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BC Historical Books

The Washington historical quarterly. Volume XVI Washington University State Historical Society 1925

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     ^agijtngton ^tstortcal ©u^terip
Contributing <£ottors<
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle        H. B. McELRolt'Olympia
W. P. Bonney, Tacoma Edward McMahon, Seattle
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla J. Orin^^iphant, Cheney
William S. Lewis, Spokane        O. B. Sperlin, Ro|i)!g Bay
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
JSIanaging (Eottor
EDMC^'fel^^KC®
Pusincag iManager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XVjl NO. 1 JANUARY, 1925
ISSUED  QUARTERLY
Two Dollars per Tear
C.   S. KINGSTON Franz  Ferdinand In  Spokane.  1S93	
HERBERT   H.   GOWEN...The   First  Japanese  Mission   to   America..
E.   G.   AMES Port   Gamble,   Washington  .-.tfSagXS*
s   Ask   Justice.
J.   ORIN   OLIPHANT Old Fort Colville	
Documents—Diary of W7ilk«5j$n> the Northwest. ...... MkA^rs
Paciflc   Northwest   A
'News    Department..
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE  HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEAlfr$E, WASHINGTON Principal Articles in the Washington Historical Quarterly
Volumes I-X
(See issue for October, 1919)
VOLUME XI
The Voyage of the Hope	
Francis Heron, Fur Trader: Other Herons	
Death of Ei&^S.-^eTiplefield--
 William S. Lewis
^x|£ C. B. Bagley
Pioneer and Historical Societies of Washington Victor J. Farrar
Origin of Washington Geographic Names Edmond S. Meany
Reopening of the Russian-American Convention of 1824.—Victor J. Farrar
Beginning of Mission Work in Alaska William S. Holt
David Thompson's Journeys in Idaho T. C. Elliott
John Worl^purnal of a Trip from Fort Colville to Fort
Vancouver and Return in 1828— William S. Lewis and Jacob A. Meyers
Shipbuilding in the Pacific Northwest Helen D. Goodwin
Beginning of Militia in Washington George Gibbs
First Militia Companies in Eastern Washington Territory—William S. Lewis
Judge E. P. Oliphant James E. Babb
Bibliography of the Anthropology of the Puget Sound Indians	
 /. D. Leechman
VOLUME XII
Authorship of the Anonymous Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
 .. F. W. Howay
Origin of Washington ^0§raphic Names Edmond S. Meany
Joseph Lane McDonald and the Purchase of Alaska —Victor J. Farrar
Bibliography of Railroads in the Pacific Northwest Marian Cords
Facts About George Washington Junius T. Turner
Boston Traders in Hawaiian Islands, 1789-1823 S. E. Morison
Captains Gray and Kendrick: The Barrel! Letters F. W. Howay
Naming Stampede Pass W. P. Bonney
The Oregon La^&pf 1845 1 John T. Condon
VOLUME XIII
The Cowlitz Convention: Inception of Washington
Territory Edmond S. Meany
Advertising and^ne Klondike Jeannette P. Nichols
The Wreck of the St. Nicholas C. L. Andrews
Origin of Washington Geographic Names Edmond S. Meany
The Loss of the "Tonquin" F. W. Howay
The Background of thafPjirchase of Alaska Victor J. Farrar
A  Daughter of Angus  MacDonald Christina  Williams
Crossing  the  Plains Clarence B.   Bagley
Newspapers of  Washington Territory Edmond S. Meany
Finan McDonald .'. ^0-_. • J- A. Meyers
^^^y^fevelopment of Railroads in the Pacific Northwest C. J. Smith
'^n^pg^s Memory of Pioneer Days •.*#?• Van Ogle Wbt OTagfjmgton Jpigtortcal ©uarterlp
1925
VOLUME XVI
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON  IP
^asinngton ^tgtortcal d&uarterin
Contributing Cbttorfi
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle        H. B. McElroy, Olympia
W. P. Bonney, Tacoma Edward McMahon, Seattle
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla J. Orin Oliphant, Cheney
William S. Lewis, Spokane       O. B. Sperlin, Rolling Bay
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
Managing Cbitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
PtuSt'neftS jfflanager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XVI.  NO. 1 JANUARY, 1925
ISSUED  QUARTERLY
Contents!
 Franz  Ferdinand in Spokai
HERBERT   H.   GOWEN...The  First  Japanese  Missioi
E.   G.   AMES Port   Gamble,   Washington.
JOHN  HERMILT  and
LOUIS   JUDGE Wenatchee   Indians   Ask   Ji
J.   ORIN   OMPHANT Old Fort Colville	
Documents—Diary of Wilkes In the Northwest	
Pacific   Northwest   Americana	
News    Department	
to  America..
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE  HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON g>tate historical &otkty
Officers and Board of Trustees
Clarence B. Bagley, President
Judge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President
Judge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer
Judge Thomas Burke
Judge Cornelius H. Hanford
Samuel Hill
Professor  Edmond   S.   Meany,   Secretary OTasfymgton Jlfetorical (©uarterlp
FRANZ FERDINAND AT SPOKANE—1893
According to the Spokane Chronicle of September 19, 1893,
the people of the city were anticipating an interesting event that
was to take place that afternoon. The seven companies of United
States soldiers encamped near the city were getting ready to take
part in a parade and review; citizens were arranging committees
to meet the distinguished visitor who was soon to appear and to
tender him every courtesy that might add to his comfort or pleasure; Northern Pacific employees were making ready the train that
was to bear him on his way East. The ladies, in the words of
the Chronicle, "were bargaining for windows along Riverside Avenue and wondering what kind of a Prince this is who is thirty
years old, isn't married, and doesn't want to be."1
For a Prince of ancient and royal blood was to pass through
the ambitious little city that had grown up in a dozen years by the
falls of the Spokane. The Archduke, Franz Ferdinand von Oes-
terreich-Este2, heir to the imperial and royal thrones of Austria-
Hungary, was making a tour around the world. Crossing the Pacific he had landed at Vancouver and then by way of the Canadian Pacific and upper Columbia lakes would reach Northport, the
terminus of the railroad at that time. From Northport the Corbin
railroad would bring the famous tourist to Spokane on his way
to Yellowstone National Park and to Chicago where the Columbian Exposition was to be visited.
Franz Ferdinand, who was born December 18, 1863, is described in the Chronicle as "a well built, handsome young man
whose erect and shapely figure is usually clad in a military uniform." His education was briefly characterized as militaristic and
his inclinations autocratic in governmental matters, his life before the suicide of Prince Rudulf as careless and pleasure-loving
and since so changed that his haughty reserve was now resented
by the Austrian people.
Evidently the commonplace doings of princes made as good
was also  assassinated at  Sarajevo June 28,  1914.
2 The Archduke   traveled under the name  of  Count von Hohenberg.
(3) C. S. Kingston
newspaper stories in 1893 as in 1924 for this account appears of
the trip South from Northport: "It was known at various points
along the line that a special bearing a number of the scions of the
Austrian nobility would pass through today and at several stations
large crowds assembled to get a glimpse of His Highness. The
Archduke was not inclined to gratify the curiosity of the public.
"He occupied over an hour and a half in making his toilet
after the party was installed in the private car which would take
them to the Yellowstone National Park and to Chicago. When he
entered the reception room all the disagreeable evidences of travel
had disappeared. He was dressed in a dark suit elaborately decorated with emblems of his military rank. A light lunch was served,
after which His Highness chatted pleasantly with the various
members of his party. The lunch finished, he indulged himself in
a cigar from which he knocked the ashes in a flippant manner.
His bearing was dignified and his appearance dashing in the extreme."
At Loon Lake a copy of the Chronicle containing an account
of the attempt on the life of the Emperor Franz Josef was obtained. It was noted that although the other members of the party
were greatly interested the Archduke himself was seemingly indifferent.
Besides Franz Ferdinand there were six members in the party.
They brought a large amount of baggage—a circumstance that inspired the following facetious query in the editorial column of the
Chronicle: "If the archduke travels with 75 pieces of baggage now
what will he have to carry on his wedding journey?"
At this time a detachment of the United States regulars was
encamped near Spokane. On the previous day (September 18,
1893), the soldiers and the camp had been inspected by General
Carlin. On the invitation of the military authorities the officials
of the city were present and popular interest had been shown by
a large number of visitors. It was hoped that Governor McGraw
of Washington and Governor McConnell of Idaho would visit the
camp on the day following—the 19th, the day Franz Ferdinand
was to pass through the city.
The United States War Department had been informed some
weeks before of the places to be visited by the Archduke and instructions had been sent to army officers in the Northwest to receive him with the honors due his rank as representative of a Eu- Franz Ferdinand at Spokane
ropean monarch. Acting under these instructions Colonel Cook,
of the Fourth United States Infantry, sent the following telegram:
"Spokane, September 19,—To the Archduke Ferdinand of
Austria-Hungary. Three troops of cavalry and five companies of
infantry, United States troops, are encamped about two miles
from the City of Spokane. I extend to you an invitation to inspect and review this command at your pleasure. The time of
your arrival in and departure from Spokane will enable you to
visit the camp. Should you desire to inspect or review the troops,
will be pleased to have you visit the camp under escort that will
meet your train on arrival if you so desire. Please signify your
wishes.
"H. C. Cook, Lieut-Colonel Fourth Infantry."
The telegram reached the Archduke at Northport about 10
o'clock in the morning.    The reply was signed by General Count
Leo Wurmbrand, who had charge of the details of the tour:
"Northport, Washington, September 19th.—Lieut. Col. Cook:
Thanks very much but His Imperial Highness regrets very much
not to be able to accept your kind invitation of inspecting troops
and visiting camp.   Travelling in strict incognito.
General Count Wurmbrand,
"Head Chamberlain in waiting."
The refusal of Franz Ferdinand put an end to the plan to
escort him to Camp Carlin and there to tender the salute of 21
guns and to hold a review of the troops. A considerable number
of citizens gathered at the station on the arrival of the train; a
"little cheer" went up and some attempts seem to have been made
by committees to extend the usual courtesies but there were no
formal demonstrations of welcome.
The imperial party continued on its way and no further comment is found in the Chronicle but the Spokane Review in an editorial entitled "Austrian Politics" that appeared in the issue of
September 25th takes the Archduke to task: "It has become generally understood that the Austrian emperor had a wise and patriotic purpose in sending the Archduke Franz Ferdinand on a tour
of the world. It is feared however that the royal tour will fail
of its purpose. Instead of passing his time in observation and
comparison of the nations and governments of the different countries visited, the Archduke holds himself aloof and exclusive. He C. S. Kingston
1
failed to inspect the important British defenses at Esquimalt. He
positively refused to review a considerable number of United
States troops in this city. He persistently declines to put himself
in touch with the officials and people and in consequence will
learn little that will be of value when he shall be called to the
Austrian throne."
We have an opportunity to get the Archduke's point of view
in the matter because he published in Vienna in 1896 a massive
two volume work describing his world tour. The title is Tagebuch
meiner Reise um die Erde, 1892-1893. At Northport the Archduke says that they were so fortunate as to secure a Pullman
which he immediately reserved for the rest of the trip. This car
had among other advantages the merit "of securing our privacy
and preventing contact with undesirable fellow passengers." He
gives the following account of the Spokane affair and of Spokane
itself:
"When at Northport I had received a telegram from Colonel
Cook who invited me to inspect his regiment which was encamped
in the vicinity of Spokane since we had to delay two hours there.
I declined the rather peculiar invitation with thanks on account
of my travelling 'incognito' but my refusal was the cause of a
slanderous editorial3 in the Spokane evening paper which was
brought to us in our car. The article had the laconic heading
'Franz is Here', was adorned with my likeness and bristled with
malicious untruths which however failed to achieve the desired
effect which was to arouse my anger. On the contrary I thought
this journalistic gem only amusing, especially since a number of
passages of unintentionally comical effect had crept in. For instance the ill-natured reporter made fun of our rather numerous
pieces of baggage and wondered what would be the situation if I
were married; then he criticized the nonchalance with which I
shook the ashes from my cigar and similar nonsense.
"Instead of viewing the parade I utilized the time in seeing
the town of Spokane which with its monotonous buildings painted
either red or green presented no refreshing sight. The center of
a rich agricultural district, Spokane was founded in 1878 and after
a big fire was rebuilt in 1889; vestiges of the latter are still perceptible in the center of the town.    The streets displayed an un
careful reading
Unquestionably  1 Franz Ferdinand at Spokane 7
usual amount of mud* which reminded me of conditions in small
localities in Asia Minor.
"The two waterfalls which are within the precincts of the
town, the Spokane Falls, are praised as wonders of nature but are
in reality only mill dams over which the water falls from a height
of 45 meters, the power being utilized for a lighting system and
factories."5
A certain tragic interest attaches to Franz Ferdinand; in the
great world tragedy he is the actor who reads the prologue. His
death and the Austrian ultimatum that followed heralded the
Great War and the ruin both of the political system for which he
stood and of the class to which he belonged whose shortcomings
in some particulars seem to have been exemplified in the Archduke
himself.
Franz Ferdinand did not like Spokane and said so with frank
superciliousness but of this opinion Spokane neither knew nor
cared. So completely did the visit of the imperial party fade out
of the minds of the people that at the time of the Sarajevo assassination (June 28, 1914) there is no mention of his visit of twenty-
one years before, either in comment or in the biographical sketches
of the Archduke in the Chronicle and the Spokesman-Review.
C. S. Kingston. THE FIRST JAPANESE MISSION TO AMERICA
Last year (1923), while in Japan under the auspices of the
Institute of International Education, I paid a visit to Keio University, Tokyo, in order to deliver a lecture on "American Ideals."
In the course of this visit I learned, as never before, to appreciate
the work of that great pioneer of wstern education in Japan,
Yukichi Fukuzawa, who, after teaching himself English by first
learning Dutch and then English by means of a Dutch-English
Dictionary, started the educational institution out of which grew
the important University of Keio. It was a great delight to me to
discover that the present President, Dr. Ichitaro Fukuzawa, is a
son of the "Sage of Mita," and that I was also privileged to meet
the representative of a third generation of a famous family in
the President's son, Tarokichi Fukuzawa, just returned from his
graduation at an American College. The meeting was to me a
symbol of the swift transition from the past to the present with
its promise of the future. Speaking to a crowd of eager young
men, most of whom could follow a lecture in the English language,
it seemed hard to realize that just behind the hall in which I was
lecturing stood the wooden building where in 1874 the first Public
Speaking in all Japan was taught and practiced, much to the misgiving and alarm of the timid conservatism of the early years of
Meiji.
Before leaving the College I was presented by the President,
for the Library of the University of Washington, with a copy of
a very valuable book, autographed by the Fukuzawas, entitled (in
translation) : "An Illustrated Account of the First Japanese Embassy to the United States, sent in the first year of Mainen
(I860)." It is a narrative compiled out of the diaries of the envoys and liberally illustrated with pictures drawn by members of
the expedition or copied from American papers of the period, such
as Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly.  •
With the assistance of one of my students, Mr. Kimura, of
the University of Washington, the story has now been put into
English and I am hopeful that eventually Mr. Kimura may be
able to publish an English translation in its entirety. But, in the
meantime, there seems sufficient importance attachable to the first
recorded impressions of Japanese diplomats as to America and
things American to make worth while the presentation of a brief
sketch of the record.
(8) Ii
The First Japanese Mission to America 9
A few words explanatory of the occasion of the embassy,
may be pardoned in view of the very silght reference made to the
event in American history.
The year 1860 was critical in the story of reopened Japan.
The Treaty of Kanagawa, obtained from Japan by Commodore
Perry in 1854, had created a difficult domestic situation. The
chauvinists of Japan had made the signing of the treaty an opportunity for discrediting the Shogunate, and the Imperial party at
Kyoto, aided by the clans hostile to the Tokugawas, was only too
ready to resent the concessions made to the "barbarians." Moreover, the presence of foreigners in the open ports had given occasion for rather frequent brawlings in which it was clear that the
Shogun was unable wholly to control the disorderly element. Nor
were the foreigners satisfied, for Mr. Townsend Harris, the able
Amreican representative at Yokohama, was insisting upon a commercial treaty to supplement the treaty of 1854 and was pointing
to the war being waged by French and English against China as a
pressing reason for yielding to the foreign desire voluntarily and
at once.
Mr. Harris managed his part with consummate skill and had
eventually the satisfaction of procuring the signature of the Japan-*
ese rulers to the Treaty of July, 1858. There was much delay in
forwarding the treaty to the United States on account of various
political complications which concern the domestic history of Japan, but at last it was decided to send a speical embassy to Washington bearing the Treaty and the greetings of Nippon to the
American Government.
It will be remembered that the early summer of 1860 marks
a moment in American history as critical as anything to which
we may point in Japan. President Buchanan was in the last year
of his term. Secession sentiment was coming to a head in the
South. Abraham Lincoln was about to be nominated for the
Presidency amid the rejoicings of some and the misgivings of
others. Clouds were gathering around the Republic beyond which
few even pretended to be able to see. It is not surprising that under the circumstances and in view of subsequent happenings the
significance of the first Japanese Embassy failed of recognition.
Of the few writers who have made any allusion to the subject at all the most explicit is Professor Payson J. Treat and his
account is at the same time brief enough to permit quotation in
its entirety: I
10 Herbert H. Gowen
"It was about this time that, after several postponements, the
first Japanese mission to a foreign country sailed from Yokohama
on the U.S.S. Powhatan to exchange at Washington the ratified
copies of the Treaty of 1858. In command of the Japanese steamer Kanrin Maru, was Capt. Katsu, better known as Count Katsu
Awa, the organiser of the modern Japanese navy. And in the envoy's suite was Fukuzawa Yukichi, who became one of the great
leaders of New Japan, founder of the Jiji Shimpo newspaper and
of the Keiogijuku University. The mission was cordially received by President Buchanan at Washington. The ratified texts
were exchanged, and, after a tour of the Eastern States, the envoys returned to Japan with all manner of examples of American
products and manufactures. The information brought home by
the keen observers in this party must have contributed much to a
better understanding of the Western world on the part of the
Yedo administration."1
As the purpose of this paper is not to discuss the mission and
its results but rather to reflect the impressions made upon its
members the above quotation will furnish a sufficient introduction. It is to be noted, however, that two vessels are mentioned,
the U.S.S. Powhatan, a side-wheel steamer of some 2415 tons, and
the Japanese steam corvette Kanrin Maru, a training ship under
Kimura settsu no kami mori Katsu. The former ship brought the
envoys and their suite, eighty-one persons altogether, room being
provided for their accommodation by removing four guns from the
deck. The Japanese vessel came apparently for the purpose of
greeting the envoys on their arrival at San Francisco, though incidentally it brought home Capt. Brook of the wrecked ship Fen-
nimore Cooper (nicely disguised in the Japanese syllabary as
Henimocobara). The Japanese sailors were not over pleased at
having an American on board lest it might appear that they had
been indebted to the skill of the Yankee on this their first voyage
to the United States.
Even the envoys, safe under the hospitable aegis of the American eagle on the Powhatan, felt that they were engaged in an
epoch-making adventure and the second ambassador Murakami
expressed this in a "tanka" of the orthodox five lined, thirty-one
syllabled sort, as follows: The First Japanese Mis
i to America
11
"Tama no i wa
Kami to kimi toni
Makase tsutsu
Shiranu kuni nimo
Na o ya no ko san."
which may be (inadequately)  rendered:
"My life
To gods and emperor
An offering,
In an unknown land
I leave my name."
The names of the three chief envoys, whose portraits are
given in the volume, were: Shinmi Buzen no kami Masaoki, first
ambassador; Murakami Awaji no kami Norimasa, second ambassador; and Oguri Bungo no kami Tadazumi, censor. The arrival
at San Francisco on March 9 of the Powhatan with the envoys
on board was a memorable event, even as it was to the crew of
Count Katsu's Kanrin Maru. A picture of San Francisco in 1860
shows the quite undistinguished Californian metropolis of over
sixty years ago in which one may count the streets and pick out
the individual houses. But it is worth noting that Californian
hospitality showed itself warmly appreciative of the interest of the
occasion. The address of welcome presented to Kimura settsu no
kami ought to be counted to San Francisco for righteousness
whatever changes of sentiment the years might bring. It included
these words:
"Whereas, San Francisco has thus the honor of being the
first city in the United States to extend a welcome to the representatives of the Empire of Japan: be it therefore
"Resolved That we, the Board of Supervisors of the City and
County of San Francisco, in the name and in behalf of the people
of said City and County, do hereby extend .... a cordial welcome to our City, State, and Country; and in so doing, we take
pleasure in expressing the earnest wish that the amicable relations
happily existing between the Imperial Government of Japan and
the United States of America, and their people, may be perpetuated and productive of great and mutual advantages."
The Japanese were equally appreciative, though, alas, compelled to leave behind several members of the crew, whose tombs
in San Francisco are shown  in  one  of the illustrations.    They
If 12 Herbert H. Gowen
suffered too somewhat from the unaccustomed food and obtained
permission to provide and cook their own meals. All through
the experience as related runs a sense of pride. It was only seven
years since they saw their first steam-boat and only five since they
had begun to study the science of ocean navigation. To cross the
Pacific was "something to boast of to the honor of Japan."
The stay in San Francisco was short and the next move of
the envoys, still in the Pozvhatan, was to Panama, whence a train
was taken across the isthmus to Aspinwall. Here another and
larger ship was at their service, the Roanoke, with 52 guns and a
complement of 540 men. Six guns were removed to afford the
necessary accommodation and the visitors were well looked after.
"The ship was clean but inconvenient." Of the personnel mentioned Admiral McCluney was "of a dignified manner," Captain
Gardner was "an upright, humorous man," while another officer,
apparently belonging to the port, is spoken of with some amount
of gentle depreciation because of his boastful description of the
achievements of the Perry expedition (of which he had been a
member), "as if he had known about Japan so well." With subtle
irony Murakami says of this individual, "this might be the reason
for his still remaining a captain."
The Japanese boarded the Roanoke on April 24 and arrived
at Sandy Hook on May 9, but on landing the envoys proceeded
immediately to Washington at the President's request.
The arrival at the Navy Yard was the signal for great demonstrations of enthusiasm and curiosity, as is shown both by the
pictures and by the extracts from Murakami's diary. The people
crowded to the roofs to see the newcomers and so many pressed
along the way that "it seemed as if the road had disappeared."
Among them were some newspaper men hurrying here and there
as if they were writing something. Also it appears that a camera
was brought into action, a feature of public reception which the
Japanese of today have by no means overlooked.
It was indeed a noteworthy occasion. The Treaty was contained in a box placed in a kind of norimono, the Japanese equivalent of a sedan-chair. The envoys rode in decorated carriages,
each carriage drawn by four horses. There were cavalry and infantry escorts and, of course, a band. Every few yards the procession paused in order to afford the onlookers a good opportunity
to view the strangers. "It might be that the spectators were honoring us by ringing their bells. It was all like a festival at Yedo." The First Japanese Mission to Amerii
13
Arrived at the Willard Hotel, whose five stories and extensive
rooms puzzled the Japanese in their effort to reduce the measurements to "mats," they found themselves still too foreign to American ways to accept all precisely as they found it. So the chairs
were removed and their places supplied with cushions on the
floor, while the ball-room became the receptacle for the baggage.
Of this there were, it is said, eighty tons, almost a ton per head,
surely a liberal allowance. Possibly, however, we are betrayed
into some misunderstanding of Japanese weights and measures, or,
it may be, dealing with a little Oriental hyperbole. The sumptuous
feast with which the visit to Washington was inaugurated, "with
wine and meat", was the prelude to many more of the kind, all of
which are duly reocrded.
The first interview with the Secretary of State, Mr. Lewis
Cass, took place on May 16 and is described with much detail.
The envoys delivered the letter from their own Minister of Foreign Affairs and received from the Secretary the assurance that
"the President and all the people of the United States were exceedingly glad to welcome the Japanese envoys on this occasion."
Mr. Cass is described as "a tall old gentleman of over seventy,"
which was an accurate estimate. He was also to the mind of the
visitors blunt and direct, though not lacking in dignity. It was
probably the Oriental familiarity with the fastidiousness and prolixity of their own etiquette rather than any actual lack of politeness on the part of the Secretary which led Murakami to record:
"I thought it hard to avoid the thought of savagery that he (General Cass) showed no courtesy and no refinement on the occasion
of meeting foreign envoys for the first time, and offered no tea as
if meeting friends." Of course, it was a case of different races,
different manners.
The next great event was the interview with President Buchanan, which took place at the White House on the following day.
The envoys prepared to go "gloriously dressed up in full costume," with the ambassadors wearing karaginu and their long
swords, and the subordinate officials attired according to their
grade. Each ambassador was accompanied by three foot-soldiers,
a spearman, three samurai, and some domestic servants. There
was the same escort of American soldiers and a band and the same
curious and excited crowd along the road. "I felt so proud of
myself" writes Murakami, "to be able to reflect the glory of the
fatherland of the Rising Sun in a savage country abroad." 14 Herbert H. Gowen
At the White House the ambassadors were somewhat surprised
at the democratic ease with which everybody was admitted, including the retainers. The reception room was gorgeous with gay
carpets and brilliant with mirrors hung upon the walls, while on
the tables the envoys were not a little gratified to behold some of
the products of their native land in the lacquer boxes and other
curios brought back by Commodore Perry. Then Secretary Cass
appeared, a door was thrown open, and the first envoys from
distant Nippon found themselves in the presence of the Daitoryu,
the President of the great Republic of the West. It was a moving
moment, the emotions of the occasion only suffering some intrusion from the surprise of finding many ladies around the President, "old and young beautifully dressed up."
The proper salutations having been made, and the formal presentation of the pact accomplished, the envoys passed into another
room, whence they were immediately thereafter recalled for an
unofficial interview, unembarassed by etiquette. The President
shook hands with everybody and "expressed his gratitude and the
gladness of his people" for the happily established relations between the two countries.
Talking over the ceremony on their return to the hotel the
Japanese compared notes, found it funny that ladies had appeared,
"fully dressed and painted," tried to understand the method of
electing a President, concluding that it was by putting in "bids,"
after the manner of an auction, decided that it had been unnecessary to wear their full costume with the karaginu "in a country
where there was no class differentiation and no etiquette or politeness," yet consoled themselves by writing the following poem:
"Behold the savageries, glory of the Eastern land, land of the
Rising Sun,
"Forgetting myself, a citizen of the Rising Sun, I feel proud of
to-day's glorious service."
"The President," Murakami reports, "seemed about seventy
years old, with a gentle face and dignity, but, like a merchant, he
had the tight-sleeved suit and trousers of black woollen cloth,
without any ornament or sword."
They found that presents to a President were not permitted,
but could be consigned to a museum. Also that "articles could
only be personally possessed if presented to a wife."
It would be tedious io describe all the entertainments provided at Washington for the ambassadors, so I select from the The First Japanese Mission to Amerii
15
narrative a few scattered notes. The concert at the White House
I am afraid bored them and made them feel just a little homesick
and lonesome. Possibly they were still unreconciled to the music
of the "barbarians." Yet the ladies whose presence at the festivities had appeared to be of dubious propriety were most courteously attentive and (says Murakami) "they like especially our
swords." The President's niece made herself particularly agreeable.
Treaties between the two countries were officially exchanged
at Secretary Cass' office on May 22 "without any courtesy and
etiquette." The fact that a Dutch translation accompanied the
Japanese copy of the Treaty reminds us that the English language
had not yet obtained more than the tiniest entering wedge at Yedo.
The envoys received many invitations while in Washington
but objected to the late nights. So they accepted only those "likely
to result in national benefit." A ball to which they were inveigled
was interesting chiefly as a novelty, enabling them to see "the
group dance of both sexes."
Much more enthusiasm was aroused by a visit to the Navy.
Yard where the Japanese reveled in a view of "remarkable and
splendid works beyond the power of pen and tongue." The photograph of the envoys taken on this occasion, in company with the
President and a large group of American ladies and gentlemen,
reveals the fact that the dress of the Japanese envoys is hardly
more obsolete; to us today than have become the American fashions of the time.
The President gave a banquet to his guests on May 25 which
was on the grand scale, but Murakami observes: "There seemed
to be no porcelain or stained table-ware in this country." The visitors were still shy about dining with the ladies, "because of our
unfamiliarity with different manners and customs." The President asked many questions, but some of them were evidently indiscreet and so unanswerable, as, for example, those which concerned the ladies of the Imperial Court. "I answered," says the
diarist, "by beating around bushes." The finger bowls, as in other
unsophisticated dining rooms, presented difficulties even more embarrassing, and one of the envoys was barely restrained by a pull
at his sleeve from drinking therefrom. "It was very hard to restrain our laughter as we looked at one another." The President's
nieces (three of them) distinguished themselves by their attention
to the visitors. 16
Herbert H. Gowen
The last event of the stay in Washington was a trip over
every corner of the Willard Hotel, a trip which provided interest
of the most varied kind, from a sight of the engine-rooms, laundries and kitchens to a private view of the girls ironing the clothes
and using a sewing machine. "Several rooms were provided for
a bath," but the bath tubs, lined with tin, seemed small to the visitors. The provision in every room of "strings for the ringing of
bells" was both' interesting and amusing. The hotel must have
been a lively caravansery during these days, since Murakami relates that the other guests "used to swarm out to the halls to see
us whenever we happened to appear."
At last, however, the Washington stay was complete and the
envoys steamed away on the Alida for New York, where they arrived on June 16. The procession through the streets was a repetition of the Washington triumph. "Like a festival, the procession
marched slowly, stopping very often and taking a roundabout
way."
There was a military review in which two things are singled
out for special mention. First the drum major twirling his silver
topped stick, the pretty young girls carrying small casks of whiskey on their shoulders "for a stimulant in case of accident"—no
doubt tolerably frequent. The girls were gorgeously and thickly
painted "as for a festival."
With this reference to "other times and other manners" we
may bring our narrative to its conclusion. Indeed but two or
three other episodes are reported before the first Japanese envoys
left our shores for the crossing of the Atlantic and the journey
home around the Cape. The Walton Company gave each of the
party a handsome pocket watch and Mr. and Mrs. J. Gordon Bennett gave a reception for the visitors, in a suburban home so won-
drously beautiful that Murakami is once again moved to express
himself in verse.
With this poem we may conclude:
"So cool the breeze through the leafage green, .
I think I hear the cuckoo's song.
However strange the ways and deeds of men,
The summer hills at sunset are everywhere the same."
Herbert H. Gowen. 1
PORT GAMBLE, WASHINGTON*
In July, 1853, the schooner Julius Pringle dropped anchor in
Port Discovery Bay, Puget Sound. She was commanded by Capr.
W. C. Talbot, who was at the head of an expedition which had
come to Puget Sound in the interest of the firm W. C. Talbot
& Co., to select a mill site, build a mill for the manufacturing of
lumber and engage in the merchandise and lumber business.
. The firm was composed of W. C. Talbot and A. J. Pope of
San Francisco, Cal., and J. P. Keller and Charles Foster of East
Machias, Me.
Among others on the Pringle were E. S. Brown, a millwright
from Bangor, Maine, (lately of Hersey, Beau & Brown, Stillwater,
Minn., and now receiver of the Northwestern Mfg. & Con. Co.,
Stillwater, Minn.), Cyrus Walker, Skowhegan, Maine, (now manager of Puget Mill Co.), Nathaniel Harmon of East Machias,
(still a resident of Port Gamble), Hillman Harmon of East Machias, Davis Foster (2nd mate of Pringle), of East Machias,
James White of Bangor, machinist and engineer.
The cargo of the Pringle consisted of lumber, tools, supplies
and merchandise necessary for a beginning of the proposed venture.
After a hasty examination of Port Discovery Bay, it was decided to take possession of the place, and enough lumber to build
a shanty was lauded. After this, it was thought best to make up
an exploring party to go further up the Sound in search of a more
favorable location. A party was made up and started out in a sailboat and canoe under the direction of Captain Talbot. They followed the western shore of the Sound, touching at Port Town-
send, and next at Port Ludlow, where they found what has always
been known as the best mill-site on Puget Sound. But this place
was already occupied by W. P. Sayward and J. R. Thorndike,
who were hard at work building a mill. Next the party sailed up
Hood Canal as far as Hazel Point, (opposite what is now Seabeck) but no suitable place having been found, it was thought best
to cross the canal and follow the other shore back until they
reached Port Gamble, where they found a large "spit" suitable for
a mill-site, backed up by a large bay, deep water, and plenty of
(17) 18 E. G. Ames
most excellent timber handy to the water's edge. Some considerable
time was spent here, cruising timber and sounding out the channel
in and out of the Bay.
The party seems to have been pleased with the place, but
hesitated to make a final decision, partly on account of a scarcity
of fresh water for the boilers. It was finally decided to go further up the Sound, thinking they might find a still more favorable
place. At Appletree Cove, they found a mill in process of construction under the ownership of J. J. Felt. This mill was afterwards moved to Port Madison.
Port Madison, the next place visited, presented a snug little
harbor and location for a mill-site. But the bay was small, and
depth of water and timber around the bay were not in favor of a
location there. From Port Madison, the canoe returned to Port
Gamble, the sailboat proceeding farther South until it had sailed
around Vashon Island (opposite Tacoma) and no more suitable
place than Gamble having presented itself, they sailed for Gamble,
via Seattle.
Seattle, at this time, boasted of a sawmill, a few houses, and
many tents. After the return to Port Gamble a few days more
were spent in cruising and making soundings, after which they
again started out, this time to return to Port Discovery, intending
to locate there. On arrival at Discovery, they found settlers, hearing that a mill was to be built there, began to come in and locate
around the bay, and before discharging the schooner's cargo, Captain Talbot thought best to look at the timber that grew around
the bay. It did not compare favorably with that at Gamble, which
influenced him to weigh anchor and sail for Port Gamble.
Arriving at Port Gamble, they immediately set to work discharging cargo and building a shanty, for lodging house, a cookhouse and a store. These buildings were rough structures and
constructed of eastern lumber from the cargo and cedar splits.
The schooner after being discharged, went to Seattle and took a
cargo of lumber and piles to San Francisco.
Then they started in laying the foundation and to build the
mill. The timber for this purpose was hewn at the head of the
bay on land now owned by W. S. Jameson. The full crew at this
time left here by the Pringle was ten men.
On Sept. 5th, 1853, the schooner L. P. Foster, under command
of Capt. J. P. Keller, one of the partners, arrived, 154 days from
Boston, Mass.   The Foster was about 176 tons burden and loaded Port Gamble, Washington 19
decks to the water with engine, boilers, merchandise supplies, and
mill machinery and findings. Capt. Keller's wife and daughter
were with him, and were the first white women to land at this
place. The Foster bound in met the Pringle bound out, at Port
Townsend, and thus learned the location of the mill-site. After
considerable hard work the heavy cargo was unloaded and landed,
the schooner taken to the head of the bay, and the crew went into
the woods, cut a full load of piles, loaded the schooner, and she
sailed for San Francisco under the command of Captain Talbot.
Captain Keller remained at Port Gamble as resident owner. Capt.
Finley Keller was mate of the Foster and Capt. A. W. Keller,
now master of the bark James Cheston, was a sailor before the
mast of the Foster.
E. G. Ames. WENATCHEE INDIANS ASK JUSTICE
An early Indian name for the Wenatchee River was Pisquouse and that name was also used for a tribe of Indians in that
vicinity. Probably the first time the river was mapped was by
William Clark of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, who spelled it
"Wah-na-a-cha." In the journals the tribe is referred to as "Chim-
napoos." (Elliott Coues edition, pages 973 and 1255.) Five years
later, 1811, David Thompson charted the river as "Pis-kowish"
and referred to the tribe as Sinkowarsin." (Thompson's Narrative, The Champlain Society edition, page 482.) The editors of
the above sources recognize that the original observers were referring to the Wenatchee Indians and the river near their home.
On June 9, 1855, Isaac I. Stevens, Governor and Superintendent
of Indian Affairs in Washington Territory, made a treaty with
many tribes which he grouped into one "nation" under the name
of "Yakama." Two tribes so grouped were called Pisquouse and
Wenatshapan. It now seems likely that at most the Indians thus
mentioned were but bands of the tribe later known as Wenatchee.
The Handbook of American Indians, Volume II., page 932, says
winatshi is a Yakima word meaning "river issuing from a canyon"
and says that those we know as Wenatchee Indians were "probably a band of the Pisquows formerly on Wenatchee River." As
the river became better known by its present name the Indians
were called by the same name.
The famous treaty by Governor Stevens was ratified by the
Senate on March 8, 1859, and was proclaimed on April 15, 1859.
Article 10 is as follows:
"And provided, That there is also reserved and set apart from
the lands ceded by this treaty, for the use and benefit of the aforesaid confederated tribes and bands, a tract of land not exceeding
in quantity one township of six miles square, situated at the forks
of the Pisquouse or Wenatshapam River, and known as the ,'We-
natshapam Fishery,' which said reservation shall be surveyed and
marked out whenever the President may direct, and be subject to
the same provisions and restrictions as other Indian reservations."
The Wenatchee Indians feel that it was wrong to include
them in the Yakima "nation." They also feel that they should be
given the benefit of at least the "Wenatshapam Fishery" reservation.    They were advised to consult some United States officer.
(20) Venatchee Indians Ask Justice
21
In the white man's city of Wenatchee they found that R. S. Lud-
ington was a United States Commissioner. Two representatives
of the tribe laid their case before him and he helped them prepare
a letter to the "Great White Father" at Washington. John Her-
milt was one of the elders or chiefs of the Wenatchee tribe. He
could not write but "made his mark" by touching the pen over the
X and another wrote by it his name. Louis Judge was an educated Indian and frequently acted as interpreter when Indian matters were involved. Mr. Ludington says the Indians did not report to him again. He heard that Louis Judge died in a Spokane
hospital recently. Mr. Ludington saved a carbon copy of the Indians' letter and has furnished it for publication that a permanent
record may be had of the Wenatchee Indians' plea for justice.
The document is as follows:
Wenatchee, Washington,
January 3,  1910.
Honorable Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Department of the Interior,
Washington, D. C.
Sir:
We believe that the records in your office will show that in
1855, at the time that Colonel Wright was in the then Territory of
Washington, he met a band of our people under Chief Psha-
mouch; that at that time the Indians were under arms, but agreed
to lay down their arms and be at peace with the United States
Government and its people, upon being assured that they would
have unmolested and for their own a tract of land which was to
be six miles square, and later, by Colonel Archer, was increased
to eight miles square, embracing the lands then occupied by them
which were located along what is now known as the Wenatchee
River, from a point just below the present town of Cashmere and
extending up the river towards Leavenworth.
We understand that there has been a ruling by one of the
acting Indian Commissioners adverse to this claim, but we are
certain that these are the facts and that the matter was confused
and not made clear in the treaty of 1855, which was ratified by
Act of Congress on June 9th of that year, and which treaty provided for a tract of land not exceeding in quantity one township
situated at the forks of the Pisquouse or Wenatshapan River, and
known as the Wenatshapan Fishery; which reservation was to be
surveyed and marked out whenever the President may direct, sub- 1
22 John Hermilt and Louis Judge
ject to the provisions and restrictions the same as other Indian
reservations. The tract thus referred to in the treaty would have
been located below the forks of what are now the Wenatchee and
Icicle Rivers, just at or below the present town of Leavenworth,
and that treaty should have made it clear that this was for the
Pisquouse of Wenatchee Indians.
As a matter of fact, this land was lived upon and is still resided upon by members of the Pisquouse or Wenatchee tribe, and
has always been considered as their lands, and although we understand there have been claims to the contrary, they continued to use
the lands and the river as a fishery until prevented by preponderance of white settlers, who had secured lands by homestead and
from the railroads, due to the fact that the President had not
caused the reservation to be surveyed and marked off, and that
consequently the lands were treated by the General Land Office
as open to entry, and that with these grants and patents from the
Government the white settlers were enabled to prevent the Indians
from continuing to put in their weirs and other means for using
the river in the manner in which they had used it in prior years.
That the local Indians, relying upon the understanding that they
had of the treaty made with Colonel Wright, took no part nor
were they instrumental in bringing the matter to the attention of
the Department in 1892, when the Yakima agent, Lynch, under
date of July 19th made inquiry as to whether that tract had ever
been set off, having apparently discovered from the treaty that
such a tract was to be set off.
In this connection it might be well to refer to the fact that the
local Indians are not members of the Yakima nation, and have
always steadfastly refused to be classified or numbered as members of that nation; that they do not speak the Yakima language;
that they are separated from the Yakimas by a high range of
mountains, and have no dealings with them beyond an occasional
visit either from or to that tribe of Indians located in and near
EUensburg, across the mountains from the homes of the Wenatchee or Pisquouse Indians. And in this connection it might be
stated that the local Indians' name of their river and their tribe
is Pisquouse, and that the name "Wenatchee," which had been
given to the river and to them, is the name used to designate them
in the language of the EUensburg Indians. This can be explained
by the fact that EUensburg is the county seat of Kittitas County,
and that this  section  of  the  country was   formerly  in  Kittitas Wenatchee Indians Ask Justice
23
County, and that consequently most dealings that affected lands
and persons in this neighborhood were of record and carried on
from EUensburg, and that probably the early interpreters were El-
lensburg Indians, who had a smattering of the Pisquouse language.
At the time that Agent Lynch came over into this section
from Yakima to look into the question of the reservation, he did
not attempt to lay out the reservation at the forks of the river, as
is provided by the treaty, but went some thirty miles farther away,
up towards or above Lake Wenatchee, in a region where the local
Indians did not go nor did they claim any particular rights there,
and that consequently when the reservation was surveyed in that
section they did not consider it their reservation, and did not consider that they had any voice in that reservation.
Apparently their honorable position in this matter has worked
to their injury, where the Department has evidently taken the position that this reservation was in fulfillment of the 1855 treaty obligations, and by their refusal to exercise any dominion over it, the
matter was left to the Indians on the Yakima reservation, who of
course had no particular interest in it, as they never came to this
section for fishing, but went down in the neighborhood of The
Dalles, and consequently had no reason for desiring to preserve
the reservation, and were perfectly willing to sell the same and
appropriate the proceeds from the sale.
It also appears that after this reservation was surveyed and
designated, and because the majority of the Yakimas had no need
for it, they voted to sell it and when it was sold, by reason of the
fact that the council at which the matter was considered was held
in midwinter, when the trails were practically impassable and when
the distance was over a hundred miles from the homes of the local Indians, with a range of high mountains between them and
the place of the council, that the Yakimas had a large majority
present at that council and could overvote the local Indians as to
the disposal of the lands and also as to the use of the money obtained from the proceeds of the sale of the same.
As the records will show, arrangements were made at these
councils for the Yakima Indians to cede this reservation for a
consideration of $20,000 and that this $20,000 was used for building an irrigating system that benefited solely the lands in the
Yakima Indian reservation.
It now appears that arrangements are to be made to open up
the Yakima Indian reservation, and for that reason the local In- 24
John Hermilt and Louis Judge
dians deem the time opportune for again bringing this matter to
the attention of the authorities, with the request that some steps
be taken that will give to them the rights which thus far they feel
they have been denied, and to secure to them some benefits as
compensation for their compliance with the treaty, and not to permit the Yakimas to appropriate everything for themselves.
In this connection attention is called to the fact that the records show that numerous attempts have been made by the Department to have the local Indians consider themselves as a part of the
Yakima nation and to move to the Yakima reservation, and that
the local Indians have steadfastly refused to do so, as they do not
understand the Yakima language, as they and their fathers have
lived in this region and have had very little in common with the
Yakima Indians, and that those of their members who have desired to go to any other reservation have elected to go and have
been admitted to the reservation allotted to the Columbia Indians
or to the Colville reservation.
The fisheries as above referred to, as above stated, were never
used by the Yakimas, as they did their fishing in the neighborhood
of The Dalles, and that the only outside Indians that availed themselves of the Wenatchee fisheries, besides the local Indians, were
those within the immediate neighborhood and some of those from
the Big Bend country, known as the Chief Moses Indians, and the
Indians in and around Chelan and farther north, all of whom have
practically the same language.
Outside of the payment of the expenses of one or two delegations to Washington, the Government has never expended anything for the local Indians nor given them anything outside of
permitting them to take allotments under the general allotment
law and giving them some farm implements, and also permitting
some of their number to live on the Colville reservation.
It would seem that because of the good faith of the local Indians and their strict observance of the treaty, the Department
rather lost sight of them and apparently concluded that they did
not exist and that any rights they might have had descended to
the Yakima Indians; and in order that this attitude may not continue and thereby prevent the local Indians from getting what they
believe to be their rights in the matter, they now desire to call
attention to the fact that they have never received any benefits
from the sale of their fishery and reservation, and that as matters
now stand it has been appropriated wholly by those of the Yaki- Wenatchee Indians Ask Justice 25
mas residing on the Yakima reservation, and that the Yakimas are
profiting by and enjoying the benefits of the property which
should in law and equity be enjoyed, in part at least if not in
whole, by the local Indians. In other words, by the use of the
$20,000 obtained from the sale of the Wenatchee reservation in
constructing irrigating ditches for the lands on the Yakima reservation, the local Indians are prevented from gaining any benefits
therefrom, unless they are willing to desert the homes that they
and their fathers have occupied for generations and take up a residence among other Indians whose language they do not know and
whose habits they are not familiar with, and whose lands are at
such a distance and so located that to move there would be a hardship and an expense that they could not stand and should not be
required to undertake.
From their standpoint they submit that they should not be
deprived of the advantages which would accrue to them by the
treaty stipulation providing for a township to be located at the
forks of the Wenatchee River and to be known as the Wenatchee
Fisheries, where the treaty provided that the President should survey and mark the reservation, and where the treaty provided no
affirmative act upon their part other than to be peaceable. That
the failure of the President or those in authority to perform that
stipulation in the treaty should not of right be used against them,
when they had been in possession of the land, had been using Mhe
land as contemplated in the treaty, had no agent or any means of
knowing whether the President had complied with that provision
of the treaty, and especially when the steps were taken to dispose
of the reservation they had but three representativs present in a
large council, and where there was no interpreter for the Wenat-
chees, and where those that were present steadfastly refused to
accede to the sale of their reservation, and where the Government
agents considered that the price paid was fair and reasonable, because the Yakima Indians had never used the fisheries nor had
ever asked the President to survey the reservation. In other words,
the adverse ruling as made by A. C. Tonner, Acting Commissioner, under date of March 11, 1898, is apparently based almost
wholly upon the grounds that the Yakima Indians had slept upon
their rights and had not used the land in question, when his report
shows on the face of it that the councils where the matter was
considered were held in Yakima on December 18, 1893, and on
January 6, 1894, at a time of the year when there was from four 26
John Hermilt and Louis Judge
to ten feet of snow on the ground and at a point 150 miles distant
from the Wenatchee Indians, by a trail that led over a high range
of mountains. In this report it states that only four Indians of the
Wenatchee tribe attended the council. One of the undersigned, John
Hermilt, was one of the Indians that attended, and he says that
there were only two others from the Wenatchee tribe that were
with him, both of whom are now dead. This report states that
due notice was given to the Wenatchee Indians, but there is
nothing to show what that due notice was nor whether the Wenatchee Indians had time to have a council and consider the matter; and from the communications which have been addressed to
the Secretary of the Interior and the Department of Indian Affairs
since then, it would seem that the proceedings of said council were
never recognized nor acceded to as being binding upon the Wenatchee Indians.
The Acting Commissioner also apparently fglt that a wealthy
and speculatively inclined Yakima Indian named Thomas Pearne
was in effect the sole objector to the proceedings at these councils, and simply because there was objection on the part of such
a member of the Yakima tribe, it should not be permitted to prejudice the rights of the Wenatchee Indians. As a matter of fact
the Wenatchee Indians had no connection with nor did they know
anything about Thomas Pearne.
The conclusion of Acting Commissioner Tonner, to the effect
that the fishery in question was owned by the Yakima nation in
common, and not by the Wenatchee Indians, has the effect of depriving the Wenatchee Indians of all rights in and to the Wenatchee reservation or the proceeds obtained from the sale of the
same, for the reason that they have never considered themselves
a part of the Yakima Indians. The attendance of their three men
at the council was a matter of courtesy, apparently in response to
the summons of the Indian Department, and it would seem unjust
that they should be barred on that account, when they have steadfastly refused, as they did at that council and have done consistently since then, to accede to the right of the Yakima Indians or
of the Department to take lands which should by right be theirs
and sell them and use the proceeds for other Indians.
The fact that the Government has erroneously considered the
Wenatchee Indians a part of the Yakima nation, does not make
them a part of that nation; and it would seem that it was the intention of the Government to do something for the Wenatchee Wenatchee Indians Ask lustice
27
Indians, or it would not otherwise have specified in the treaty for
a Wenatchee fishery for the Yakima Indians, when the Yakima
Indians did all their fishing in the neighborhood of The Dalles.
And it is submitted that a careful study of the records will bear
out the position herein taken, and we believe should appeal to the
conscience and good judgment of the Government to persuade it
to give to the Wenatchee Indians whatever they consider their
fair rights in the matter.
In this connection, in order to facilitate a full understanding
of the matter, we hereby give a list of the papers which we now
have relative to this matter, which are as follows:
(1) A letter dated December 15, 1896, written from Vancouver Barracks by Assistant Adjutant General to William Hermilt and Louis Judge, stating that the authorities at Washington
would look to it that all parties interested in the Wenatchee reservation should obtain fair treatment.
(2) A letter or report dated March 11, 1898, bearing number "Land 74-1898" from A. C. Tonner, Acting Commissioner of
Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior referring to a report of Inspector W. G. McConnell of the Yakima Agency under
date of September 21, 1897, wherein that inspector evidently concluded that the equities were with the Wenatchee Indians from
the investigation which he made on the ground.
(3) A petition dated May 10, 1899, made by a delegation of
Wenatchee Indians to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, also a
latter dated May 10, 1899, signed by the same delegation addressed
to the Honorable Secretary of the Interior, also a letter or report
dated May 22, 1899, from Acting Commissioner A. C. Tonner to
the Secretary of the Interior in reply to said petition.
(4) A letter dated May 26, 1899, from Acting Secretary
Ryan addressed to John Hermilt and Louis Judge, enclosing a
copy of the reports above mentioned.
(5) Copy of a letter dated February 8, 1900, addressed to
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for reimbursement for the
expenses of the delegation to Washington.
Now that the Yakima reservation is to be opened it seems
to us that without injury to any one our rights can be protected
and we can be permitted to enjoy the benefits that are ours by
reason of our honorable observance of our treaty promises. 28 John Hermilt and Louis Judge
The Wenatchee Indians believe that this can be done in several ways, and without meaning to designate any particular way,
they submit that the matter could be easily adjusted.
First, by the Government reserving or taking eight miles
square of land in the Yakima reservation of fair value and of
equal value to that of the Wenatchee reservation which was sold,
and selling that in whatever manner the Government should see
fit, and having the proceeds derived from that sale turned over for
the benefit of the local Indians.
Second, to have a certain number of acres of the land allotted
to the Indians in the Yakima reservation who are profiting by the
irrigating ditch built from the money obtained from the sale of
the Wenatchee reservation and set aside for the benefit of the
Wenatchee Indians a number of acres, together with the water
right, that would equal in value the amount received by the sale
of the Wenatchee reservation.
Third, or out of the proceeds of the sale of the surplus lands
of the Yakima reservation to set aside $20,000 and the interest
thereOn from the time that the money was obtained by the sale of
the Wenatchee reservation, and to use said $20,000 and interest
for the benefit of the local Indians; or
Fourth, any other way, manner or form which can be devised
by the authorities that would be fair and that would secure to the
local Indians the rights which they feel they have not obtained
from the sale of their reservation.
Therefore, the undersigned, representing their tribe, respectfully request that this matter be considered by the Department
and that if necessary they may be heard further as to whether
they have slept upon their rights and also upon their right to the
proceeds from the sale of the reservation by any fair method that
will permit them to substantiate the statements above made by
them (especially those which may be considered as contrary to the
holdings of the Department) ; and they respectfully request that
the Department will promptly take such action as will protect them
and give them Justice, and on behalf of all the Wenatchee Indians
the above matter is respectfully submitted.
his
John X Hermilt
mark
Louis Judge. OLD FORT COLVILLE*
The year 1925 marks the hundredth anniversary of the founding of old Fort Colville, which for many years was the most important interior trading post of the Hudson's Bay Company in the
Oregon Country. In the year 1821 the North-West Company was
merged with the Hudson's Bay Company, and soon thereafter was
begun the systematic exploitation of the fur-trade in the lands
drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries. The Northwesters, in the summer of 1810, had established Spokane House
near the confluence of the Spokane and the Little Spokane Rivers.
Near this establishment Fort. Spokane was started by the partners
of John Jacob Astor in the summer of 1812. In the following
year the Astorians sold out their interests in Oregon to the Northwesters, and eight years later, by the merger heretofore mentioned,
all of these holdings came into the possession of the Hudson's Bay
Company. As the trade of the Hudson's Bay Company developed,
it was felt that some changes in the locations of trading posts
were needed. Accordingly, in 1825, Fort Vancouver was established on the north side of the Columbia River, and became the
emporium of the fur-trade in the Pacific Northwest. At about the
same time it was decided that Spokane House should be abandoned
and that a new post, to be known as Colville, should be erected
near the Kettle Falls of the Columbia River, in what is now Stevens County, Washington.
Our knowledge of the beginnings of this establishment is
gleaned from the writings of Alexander Ross,1 a former employe
of Astor who took service under the North-West Company when
•It  is
he purpose  of
this   (rticle
o  bring  together
nformatio
l  regarding
old Port
its  inception
in 1&±5  to  t
he final   abandonme
by  the  Huds
1871.     The pr
inding of
it  fur-trading
establishment,
and lt therefore
seems fltti
of   the
activities of
at this time
intended
to be a crit
rather a chr
descrip-
The dlstinctio
stablish-
n Marcus  Pis
t,  near the Kettle
Palls  of
a  Kiver,
ent town of C
Dlville,   should
be kept in  mind.
Old Por
t Colville wo
s  named
Andrew Colvil
e   (or Col vile
the Hudson's
Bay Company
The spellin
» of Colville has b
ithorities
be proper spell
ng is   "Colvi
appeared  i
t spelling;  on
have adpo
spelling.     In
n  of this ar
much inde
scholarly
e, corresponding se
ton State H
,  and to T.
C. Elliott of Wall
WaUa,
vho  edited several of
to  C   S.   Kingsto
esident  of  t
Normal   School   at   Cheney,
for   criticism!
and  helpful  suggestions,   a
o   J.   A.
Meyers of W
eyers Falls.
1 Alexan
der  Ross   came
out   to  the
Pacific  Northwest
on   the   ship   Tonquin,
Jonathan   Thorn,   as  a mem
stor party,  with t
next few ye
irs he was pr
minently identified  with  the  fu
r-trading
activities  in
the  Old
(29) 30 /• Orin Oliphant
Astoria was sold, and later became an employe of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and of John Work,2 an employe of the Hudson's
Bay Company. We are informed by Ross that on April 12, 1825,
he arrived at the mouth of the Spokane River, where he had an
interview with Sir George Simpson, governor in North America
of the Hudson's Bay Company, who was on his way across the
Rocky Mountains to Rupert's Land. Ross proceeded to the Red
River Country in company with Governor Simpson, the party consisting of Chief Factor M'Millan, Ross's son, two Indian boys, in
addition to Simpson and Ross, "together with 15 men, all embarked on board of two boats."3 From the mouth of the Spokane
the party passed on to the Kettle Falls, "distant about 82 miles,"
and of this place Ross wrote the following description :
"At this place, the site of a new establishment, to be named
'Colville,' was marked out close to the Falls.4 The situation of
Colville has been extolled by many as a delightful spot; there is a
small luxuriant vale of some acres in extent, where the fort is to
be built, under the brow of a woody height; this is so far pleasant
enough, but in every other respect the prospect on all sides is
limited. The place is secluded and gloomy; unless the unceasing
noise of the Falls in front, and a country skirted on the opposite
side of the river with barren and sterile rocks and impenetrable
forests in the rear, can compensate for the want of variety in
other respects. If so, the place may, indeed, be called delightful;
otherwise, there are very few places in this part of the country
less attractive or more wild."5
At "Columbia Lake 16th Apl. 1825" Governor Simpson addressed a letter to John Work, which was handed to Work on his
arrival at Spokane House on July 20, 1825. In this letter Governor
Simpson said:
"I have lined out the site of a new establishment at the
Kettle Falls and wish you to commence building and transporting
2T.   C.   Elliott   (H
ash.   Hist   Quart,   III,   199)   insis
hat   this   n
ame   is
properlv
spelled  "Wark," and th
s spelling appears in
David
(Quart. Ore Hist Soc,
V, 335) ; but I find
n the Journal
t by David
Dougl
* During
His Travels in North A
nerica, 1823-1827   (Lc
ndon: William
1914)
name is spelled "Work.
'    For some mention
of
Work  cons
valuable introductions a
nstallments   ol
Work  Jou
rnals  printed   in
the Wash. Hist  Quart,
/// and V.    See also
Fork In Le
Phillips,
The Journal of John W
or*:  (Cleveland:  Clark
, 1923).
3 The Fur Hunters
of the Far West, II,
159-161.
s staked out  by   Gov
1825.'
—Ranald
MacDonald, 1824-1804,
o. 103, footnote 94.
5 Ross,  The Fur H
nters of the Far West, II, 162. Old Fort Colville
31
the property from Spokane as early as possible. Mr. Birnie0 has
been directed to plant about 5 kegs of potatoes7—You will be so
good as (to) take great care of them the produce to be reserved
for seed, not eat, as next spring I expect that from 30 to 40
Bushels will be planted.—Pray let every possible exertion be used
to buy up an abundant stock of Fish and other Provisions country
produce, as no imported provisions can in future be forwarded
from the coast."8
Work, who had been put in charge of the outfit destined for
Spokane, set out from Vancouver on June 21, 1825, with a brigade
for the interior. From Fort Nez Perces he proceeded with a party
up the Snake River to the Clearwater to purchase from the Indians horses for use in the interior country. On July 18, 1825,
with six men, an Indian guide and 106 horses, he set out from the
Snake River across the Palouse Country for Spokane House. In
his journal entry for this day he speaks somewhat at length of the
proposed establishment at the Kettle Falls, declaring that his "object in accompanying the horses besides seeing them taken care
of principally is to visit Spokane, see how affairs stand there and
consult with Mr. Birnie as to the practicability of getting all the
property, etc., removed at once to the Kettle Falls so that the
whole may be there by the time the boats arrive In order
to enable us to put the above plan in execution I got Mr. Dease10
prevailed upon to supply Spokane with 11 Pack Horses which are
certainly very few considering that there are only eight at Spokane, and there is little prospect of being able to hire any from
the Indians as removing the Fort is likely to be disagreeable to
6 James
Birnie,   at this
time in c
harge
of Spokf
ne Hot
se   a
trading
establis
hment lo
junction of the
Spokane,
he Little
Spokane Rive
miles
jit cit}' of Spokane.    Spokane I
ot 1810.
Birnie  was
entered
Orego
n  in  1818.     Ht
Ined   for
Fort George
(Astoria).    Fine
lly he re
21, 1861.
aged  69   ye
7 The i
astructions of Go
in this
out,  for
Work's  Journal,
te  of
July 21
1825,
the  f
kegs   [of
potatoes]  ii
alls also
well the last
ople were
there they 1
ave been hoed tw
is*.  Hist   Quar
t, V, 97-98.
8 "Jour
nal of John  Wor
k,"   Wash
Quart,
V,  98
9 Ibid.,
p.   87.
10 John
Warren Dease,
chief tr
in charge of
Fort N
z Perces,
or Walla W
.  Ellio
h.   Hist
Quart
,  V,  87;
ournal   and Lett
*rs' of  D
Quart.
Ore.
Hist.   S
334-335.
In the Journal Kept by Dai
ing His
Travels
823-1827,
p. 161, app
"Arr
he junc
the Sp
ase,   E
the K
lis,   nin
ety miles
further up
he Columbia." 32 /• Orin Oliphant
them.11 I have also brought two men intended to be left at Spokane to assist. I also wished much that Mr. Dears12 should accompany me for the same purpose, so that he might proceed to the
Kettle Falls & remain in charge of the property with one man
H| j while the transortation of the property was going on, but Mr.
Dease would not consent to his coming "13    Work clearly
indicated that he was not pleased with the objections to his pro-
H|i|| I posal made by Mr. Dease.
H;i ! Arrived at Spokane, Work was handed the letter from Gov
ernor Simpson. The following day, so Work tells us in his
Journal, he was employed in "examining the property to be transported to the Kettle Falls and find that the whole amounts to 254
pieces including trading goods, provisions, stores & sundries. Mr.
Birnie has been actively & diligently employed during the summer,
& has almost the whole tied up and ready to be put on horseback.
Had Mr. Dears been permitted to accompany me I could have returned to Okanagan with, an Indian, and the transportation of the
property might have commenced immediately as Mr. Dears with
one man could have remained in charge of the property at Kettle
Falls. But now as the horses which I brought with me must be
returned to Okanagan and it being necessary that I should be at
that place to receive the goods and to accompany the boats up,
and no one being here to spare to take charge of the goods at the
Kettle falls, and leave enough to remain here with Mr. Birnie
and to attend to the horses on the voyage, the conveying the property must be deferred until Mr. Dease and some men can be sent
from Okanogan and the first trip will be at the Kettle Falls by the
time the boats arrive."14
ffi|.ij j Two days later, on July 23, 1825, we find Work setting out
for Fort Okanogan, and on August 4 he had reached the mouth of
the Spokane River on his return journey to Spokane House. In
his journal entry under this date he wrote that he had been occu-
11 Governor  Simpson,   in  a letter written   on April 16,   1825,
o Woi
k,  said that the
'Quart,  V,   99.
After his arrival at Spokane House,   Work,  on July 21,  1825,  wro
following in his
apprehend that no assistance will he received from them in the hors
which will very
much retard  our  business,   as  the number of horses which we hav
t  34,   will  be  a
long time conveying all  these pieces."—Ibid., p. 97.    On March 21
1826
Work,  speaking
of the  abandonment  of  Spokane  House,   says:   "The  Indians  much
t   our  going  off.
and frequently complain lhat they will  be pitiful when  the whites
leave
them. "IoW.,  p.
279.    More than twelve years elapsed after the abandonment of the
Spok
Elkanah Walker  and  Cushing Eells  established their  mission at Ts
they might labor among  these  Indians.
any post.—T.  C. Elliott, in Wash. Hist Quart, V.  footnote, p.  87
13 "Journal of John Work," Wash.  Hist.  Quart, V, 94-95. Old Fort Colville
pied in "distributing property" and "also in laying out the goods
for Rocky Mountain that are to go to Kettle falls, and some boxes
of tools for the building at Kettle Falls."16 On the following day,
August 5, he "left the guide P. L. Etang preparing to start with
the boat and cargo destined for the R Mountains, to the Kettle
Falls, where he is to remain until the 20th of next month, he has
7 men with him, who are to be employed preparing timber and, if
they have time, building a store as a beginning to the new establishment, tools are sent with him for the purpose. Intend sending
Mr. Dears16 who I expect is arrived nearly at Spokane by this
time, to Superintend the people, and L. La Bentie who is a carpenter to assist & direct in the building."17
By August 25, such had been the march of events, Work was
"apprehensive we will not be able to remove to the Kettle Falls
this fall as we are uncertain what assistance we may have to give
the Snake people."18 Nevertheless, we read that on August 29 he .
"sent off 9 men with some tools etc to the Kettle falls to assist
with the buildings," and that he intended following them "tomorrow or next day, to see how the business is going on. Getting the
store completed is the first object."19 Two days later, August 31,
the weather was "pleasant," and Work, "set out from Spokane accompanied by an Indian with 3 horses & some articles, required
for building and trade, to the Kettle falls at 8 o'clock and encamped at an old burn on a little river in the evening at 5 oclock."
At noon on the following day Work arrived at the new establishment, where he found at work the men whom he had sent from
Spokane on the 29th. But he was not pleased with the slow progress which had been made on the construtcion of buildings. Writing under date of September 1, he said:
"The men who were here before have made but very little
progress in the work. 7 men of them have been employed since
the 13th of Augt. and have only squared 4 logs 70 feet long, 4-25
feet long, 16-12 feet long & 13 joists 25 feet long. Mr. Dears
says he could not get them to go quicker, as some of them were
almost always sick."20
15 Ibid., p.
104
16 Mr.   Dea
10th Work,  who
Dears preparing
ings at that pla
\:i
18 Ibid., p.
19 Ibid.,  p.
20 Ibid., p.
113 34 /■ Orin Oliphant
Work's journal entries for September 2 and 3, while he was
at the Kettle Falls, read as follows:
"The men were at work at an early hour [September 2] and
finished squaring the logs mentioned yesterday, the pitt saw was
also put in order and a pit made to commence sawing tomorrow.
A carriage with two wheels and horse harness were also furnished
that carting the timber to the house may be begun tomorrow.
"The fort is to be situated in a little nick just above the falls on
the South side of the River. This little nick or valley, is of a
horse shoe form, about 2 miles along the River side and about 2y£
or three miles in depth surrounded by steep hills on both sides, a
ridge of hills runs along the opposite side of the River.21 The
Fort is to be situated on a sandy ridge about 600 yards from the
river side. There is not a sufficiency of wood about it to build
the store, that is now under way there the nearest wood is 1400
yards off on one side, 1500 or 1200 yards on the other, where a
little river is to be crossed.
"I took a ride along the river, through a point where there is
some fine timber. The most expeditious mode of getting the
dwelling house and other houses built will be to have the timber
squared a few miles from, the fort and rafted down the river.
There seems to be some fine timber on the opposite shore about
the same distance off.
"The potatoes look well, but the moles are destroying some of
them, the ground they occupy may be about 35 yards square.
Saturday 3 [September, 1825]
"Fine pleasant weather.
"The men were differently employed, four preparing the
frame for the store, some sawing, some squaring & one carting,
there are now fifteen men fit for duty at work I expect as they are
now properly set agoing they will get on well, and be able to have
the store so far completed that the property can be deposited in it
if we can effect a removal from Spokane this fall. This must in
a great measure depend on what assistance we can give the Snake
people."22
21 The
little   "nick"  mentioned  by  Work  is Marcus  Flat,  near  the  present  tow
T.  S. Lewis,  in Uanald MacDonald, 1824-1894,  says:  "The site of Colville
it five square miles  of land."—Page  103,  footnote 93,  Paul  Kane,   the ai
following description of  Colville  in 1847:   "Port Colville  stands  in the m
Is.    This little prairie is extremely valuable for agricultural purposes,  as 1
island of fertility,  surrounded by barren rocks,  sandy plains,  and arid  n
to  t"6 sou
th being the  nearest  land  fit  for cultivation."—Paul Kane,   Wanderings   o Old Fort Colville 35
On September 4 Work returned to Spokane House, making
the trip from the Kettle Falls in one day. This, according to
Work, "was a hard days riding." Three days later he "sent a man
& an Indian off to the Kettle Falls with a supply of tools and
articles of Trade for Mr. Dears," and on September 15 he "sent
a man and an Indian off to the Kettle Falls with some provisions
& other articles required for the Express." On the 17th he received from Vancouver, via Walla Walla, a communication from
Dr. McLaughlin directing him to "stop the buildings at Kettle
Falls till the arrival of the Express from across, because the site
pointed out for the Fort is on the South side of the River."23
On the following day Work, accompanied by Mr. Kittson, set
out from Spokane for Colville and arrived there that night.
Work's disappointment at the slow progress being made on the
construction is recorded in his Journal, under date of September
19, as follows:
"Since I have been here last very little progress has been
made in the building. Not a stick of the house is up yet nor will
the timber be in readiness for some time, I expected the frame at
least would have been up. The causes assigned for this slow progress is principally the want of a proper hand to lay out the work
for the men. L. La Bonta it appears is quite unfit for this duty,
the whole of the posts (14) were squared too small & others of a
proper size had to be taken out of the woods. — J. B. Proveau is
now laying out the work and the business is going better on. The
timber for the frame is now pretty well advanced in readiness to
put together, but only about the % of the filling up pieces are
squared. Sawing also has gone on very slowly, only about 93
boards & planks are yet cut—the saw at first was badly sharpened,
& some time was lost putting it in proper order. Some of the men
were also often sick, or pretended to be so, & unfit for work. Certainly there is little work done for the number of men & times
they were employed.
"7 men since the 10th or 12th August and
"9 more men since the 1st inst."24    [September, 1825].
Before setting out from Colville on his return journey to Spokane, Work gave directions to Dears to keep the men at work for
a few days longer in order to get the timber ready for the store
which was to be set up in the spring "if another situation does not 36 /• Orin Oliphant
be fixed upon." He also remarked that "there is no other convenient spot near the fishing at the falls on which to build a fort."
In view of the existing situation, however, it became necessary to
pass the winter at Spokane House, and within a few days after
Work's departure from the Kettle Falls the men were to be recalled from that place to put the Spokane establishment in order
for the winter.28
Accordingly, on Tuesday, September 27, an Indian was sent
from Spokane with some horses to the Kettle Falls bearing instructions to Dears to "get the potatoes put in a pit," and to protect them so that they could be used for seed the following year.
Dears was also instructed to store the timber properly, and "come
home as soon as possible with the men and all the tools."20
On Saturday, October 1, we read in Work's Journal that:
"Mr. Dears and the men under his charge arrived from Kettle
Falls with all their tools baggage etc. They were sent for in good
time as they would have been obliged to come home or have had
provisions sent to them as no more could be got there. — He took
up the potatoes and put them bye in a little house that was built
there by one of the men, the produce is only 13 kegs from six that
were sowed.27 they burried & (put) a good thickness of earth
over them that the frost may not injure them so that they may
serve for seed next year if the Indians do not steal them in the
winter. The old chief is directed to take particular care of them.
The timber &c is also left under his charge, and he promised to
take good care of it as well as the potatoes.
"It would require ten men, 8 or 10 days yet to have the store
up and ready for covering the roof. The frames are now all ready
for setting up and about the one half of the filling up pieces ready,
of the covering planks 18 feet long are ready, plank of ten feet
for doors &c and boards of two feet for the gable ends are also
ready."28 Once more Work regretfully goes over the number of
men who were employed at the Kettle Falls and adds that "had
there been an experienced hand to lay out the work for the men
much more would have been done."28
Without following closely the activities of Work during the
winter of 1825-26, we shall pass to the entry in his Journal under
date of March 21, 1826, wherein he speaks of the final abandon-
25 Ibid., p. 167.
26 Ibid., p.  168.
C. Elliott, in Wash. Hist  Quart, V, 169,  footnote.
28 "Journal of John Work,"  Wash.  Hist.   Quart, V,  169. Old Fort Colville 37
ment of Spokane House. "The Blacksmith & cook, the only two
men we have now here, employed collecting all the iron about the
place, stripping hinges off doors &c. The Indians much regret
our going off, and frequently complain that they will be pitiful
when the whites leave them."30
On April 1, 1826, an express arrived at the Forks (the confluence of the Spokane and the Columbia Rivers), .... "Messrs.
McLeod, Ermatinger & Douglas.—They brought 3 pigs & 3 young
cows for Fort Colville."31 Two days later "F Rivit, Old Philip
& old Paget & Pierre with a number of women and children & all
the horses & the young cows, were sent off to Kettle falls. They
have a quantity of seed potatoes with them & tools to commence
farming immediately."32 These persons, declares T. C. Elliott, became the first residents at Fort Colville.33
Further confirmation of the fact that by this time Spokane
House had been abandoned is found in the journal of David
Douglas, the botanist. On April 22, 1826, according to his own
narrative, Douglas arrived at the Kettle Falls, which he spoke of
as being a "new settlement, called Fort Colville, near the Kettle
Falls," ninety miles above the mouth of the Spokane.3* On May
9 Douglas set out from Kettle Falls "for the abandoned Establishment at Spokan, distant about one hundred and ten miles." His
object in making, this journey, he states, was to see Mr. Jacques
Raphael Finlay, "a Canadian Sauteur, .... who is possessed of
extensive information as to the nature of the country, its animals,
vegetable productions, etc." Douglas also took his gun to Finlay
to get it repaired, for Finlay apparently was "the only person who
could do it within a distance of eight hundred miles."36
30 Ibid.,
p. 279.
31 Ibid.,
p.   284.    Do
glas wrote in his ioun
aal that he arrived
11.—"Journa
of  David   Douglas,"
Quart.   Ore   Hist.
MacDonald,  8
son of Arcl
ibald McDonald,  says
f the beginning of
ftle industry at
Colville:  "On
its establish
ment in 1826,   [i.e.   Co
lville]  it was at o
calves  and  tl
.   From  these three
ill  the  cattle—
millions, since probably—I
terally on a 'thousand
Uaska, through-
' with valleys, of utm
the States of
1 MacDonald, pp.  103-
L04.
tart.,  V,  284.     On
5,   1826,   Work
was at Colvil
of the agricultural effor
ts there as follows
"The
barley middli
ne.    No wheat at all
talks of  Indian
oeas but indifferent.     The  kitchen
garden  stuff,   turi
ips,   ca
and so.    The
c's Journal, Ms., c
ted by
Bancroft,  Hist.
A' .W. Coast,
II,  472.
33 "Jour
ml of John 1
Vork,"  Wash. Hist.  Q\
34 Quart
Ore. Hist.  &
e Journal Kept by
Douglas During
His Travels
erica,  1823-1827,   p.   1
e   Kettle   Fa
lis:   "Arrived   at  the
ing,   thoroughly
drenched to
he skin,   and
gladly  walked  over t
small  circula
inded by  high  hills  on   all  sides,   where
the  ne
iv  establishment
8   °35Q,wrj
Ore.  Hist.
Soc, V.   338;   also Jou
rnal Kept by Dav
d Douglas During His
Travels in N
rth America,
1823-1827, pp.  169 el
seq. 38 J- Orin Oliphant
Some idea of the importance of Colville to the Hudson's Bay
Company is conveyed to us in a letter written by Joshua Pilcher,
an American fur-trader, to J. H. Eaton, secretary of war, following a visit to Colville in September, 1829.    Says Pilcher:
"This post is on the main Columbia River, about thirty miles
below the mouth of Clark's fork, and on the south side of the
river, in latitude 48° 38'. A proprietor of the company, a couple
of clerks, and about 25 men are stationary at this post. It consisted, when I saw it, of log houses for the accommodation of the
company, and for storehouses for the merchandise and furs. A
stockade was begun before I left there. Some swivels, in addition
to common firearms, were all the defenses which I saw. About
60 or 70 acres of ground were under cultivation, and the crops
were fine and abundant. Wheat, barley, oats, Indian corn, Irish
potatoes, peas and garden vegetables of every description, grow
well and were equal in the quality and in the product to any in
this country. The wheat was ground at the post on hand mills,
though a windmill was erecting, and a plentiful supply of flour
obtained. Of domestic animals there were cattle, hogs and horses;
the post being well supplied with its own bacon, butter, milk, etc.
"The situation of the post is beautiful, being at the foot of the
last range of mountains, and at the principal falls on the upper
part of the Columbia. Many spots of ground are fit for cultivation, and the climate is healthy and agreeable. This spot, as I
have said, is the principal depot for the mountain trade.30 Its
supplies of merchandise are received by way of the Columbia,
coming in ships as high up that river as fort Vancouver, and afterwards in batteaux; the distance from the sea being about 600
miles. The merchandise thus brought up to fort Colville is traded
partly at that post, and partly distributed to the Flathead post, and
another on McGilvray's river, another branch of the Columbia,
coming from the south, and falling into the main river about 25
miles above the mouth of Clark's river. The furs collected at all
these places are sent down the Columbia in batteaux to fort Vancouver, and thence shipped to England and other places. Besides
the furs obtained from these posts, others are got by trapping; for
which purpose parties have gone as far south as the Colorado, for Old Fort Colville 39
six or seven years past.37 I remained twenty days at fort Colville, received the most kind and hospitable treatment from the
gentlemen of the post; and having received from them an offer
of the protection of their annual express or packet along the line
of their posts and establishments, across the continent to lake Winnipeg I determined to accept it, and relinquished the intention of
going down the Columbia to its mouth."38
Somewhat more than three years later another American, Nathaniel J. Wyeth, paid a visit to Colville. In his Memoir to Caleb
Cushing, dated February 4, 1839, Wyeth declared that when he
"was at this post, its picketed walls were down and repairing; its
defenses appeared no other than those commonly used against Indians; a chief trader and about 15 men were then posted at this
place."39
In this decade, however, we have numerous accounts of Colville, written by missionaries and others who visited the post. Also
there are available to us some of the writings of Archibald McDonald,40 one of the men in charge of Fort Colville in this decade,
as well as the story of Ranald MacDonald, a son of Archibald,
37 "Prom
the  day
of tl
le North-West Company,   there
we
e  trapp
ng  parties
always
ilored
all   over   the   Flat-head   and
stween   Oregon  and  California.
of  Dugal
d  Mac-
tavish,  April \]
in H
B.  Co.  vs.   the V. B. Eviden
r Claims
nts,  [iv].
p.  121.
rner to  J.   H.   Eaton,   secretarj
Sees., 21st Cot
39 Memoir
39:   Hot
mental)
Report 101,  3d
e of Weyth's
risit to Colville it appears tha
t' Pr
ancts He
charge
.    Of tl
Qu,
s:   "He
o chief
trader
in 1828,  and was assigned to
Colville
In 1830.     The
Minutes
of Co
ppli
for 1831,   and
cation  was referred to Dr.  M
-Lau
Shlta,  Cl
Colville
during  1881   and
1832,   and in
given charge, f
Edmc
nton to Fort Colville, of the r
Colum-
bia   River   DIs
nance   and  Francis  Ermatinge
s.     He   le
ft   Fort
Colville In 1833 for Fo
couver and later for Nisqually
acceeded A
chlbald
MacDonald,   on
d  McDo
pas   stationed  at  Fort Colville
n  1836
to   1843   [1844?].
He   was made
trade
of the  Hudson's  Bay  Company
at Col-
ville,   in  the e
rehibald McDonald is   said  to
His
son, Benjamin MacDonald, is
still
living,
1918]   sta
vicinity of old
Fort Co
Mr.  Jacob A.  Meyers places
the Hn
Ison's
Bay Company in the vicinity
f F
rt Colvi
le at 2,000 acres,
Colville.    The
Company
also
held  six  townships  of pastur
""la
ds obta
ned from
the  In-
bald   McDonald  superintended
sawmill,  said
h ofTCa
bi?onrni>
riginally  built in 1826-29,   and
.    The original roof boards of
th?
ofcTfort
hSldin'S,
'of mm
mill.   Archibal
McDon
the Colville River) ;  this mil
'Goudie Mill'
m   S.   L
'Archibald   McDonald:   Biograt
Hist   Quart,
[X.,  96-S
7.   Th
s article is a very satlsfactor
etch of
the  career
of Mc- 40 /• Orin Oliphant
whose manuscript was published in 1823 under the editorial supervision of William S. Lewis and Naojiro Murakami.41
Archibald McDonald, in a letter dated at Colville January 25,
1837, remarked that the farm at Colville "at present is on an extensive scale." He also appeared to be somewhat elated as he
spoke of the "upwards of 5000 bushels of grain" that had been
produced—"3000 of wheat, 1000 of corn and more than 1200 of
other grain." At the same time, McDonald continued, "your three
calves are up to 55 & your 3 Grunters would have swarmed the
country if we did not make it a point to keep them down to 150."42
. The prosperity of Colville also made a strong appeal to the
Reverend Samuel Parker, who in his journeys "beyond the Rocky
Mountains" in the years 1835, '36 and '37 visited this post.43
As the Reverend Elkanah Walker, on September 1£ 1838,
first beheld Colville from the summit of a very high hill, "looking
like a city under a hill," he thought it a most pleasing sight. "It
was truly pleasing after being nearly a half year without seeing
anything that will bear to be compared with good farming, to see
fenced fields, houses and barns grouped together, with large and
numerous stacks of hay and grain, with cattle and swine feeding
on the plain in large number." He further stated that McDonald
that year estimated his wheat crop at 1,500 bushels and his potatoes at 7,000 bushels. About 20 men were at that time employed
on the farm.44
Regarding the fort itself, Mr. Walker wrote as follows:
i the Tears 1835,
:en men with Indian families,  and is well  supplied with the useful animals  and fo
"As to climate this region [Colville] has the reputation of being more rainy than
mtry  below,   but   seasons   occur  when  no  rain  falls.     In  the  summer  the  tempera!
logical register, at least none was kept at the time of the visit of our party. '
aperature in summer (July) rises to 100 degrees and falls to 12 degrees in Jann
1 February. The winter commences in November, and ends in March. They frequei
re flowers in February."—Wilkes,   U. 8.  Exploring Exped., IV,   445.
44 Letters and Diaries of Rev. Elkanah Walker and Mary R. Walker, 1838-1852,
ese letters and diaries were assembled and copied by William S. Lewis, correspond
iretary of the Eastern Washington State Historical Society. There is a copy of
nnscript in the Spokane public library. The quotations reproduced above may be fo
pp. 126-129 of the manuscript. Walker describes a dinner he had at Colville as
re:   "Had  for  dinner today   [Sept.   18,  1838]   boiled  buffalo  meat,   corned  tongue, Old Fort Colville 41
"The area of the fort is twice as large as any I have seen
this side of the Mts. It is built with sticks of timber set up, supported by braces. In and about the fort are quite a number of
dwelling houses, three or four large stables & store-houses for
grain. He is well provided with farming tools, carts and sleds, a
sleigh and a gig. In the latter he has promised to give me a ride."45
Of the establishment at Colville from 1840 to 1846, in which
latter year the Oregon Question was supposedly settled by a treaty
signed by representatives of Great Britain and the United States
on June 15, we have numerous accounts. On the 7th of April,
1841, George T. Allan arrived at Colville from Fort Vancouver.
From his journal of that trip the following description of Colville
has been extracted:
"Fort Colville is a very neat and compact little establishment,
and nothing I have yet seen in the Indian country can equal the
beauty of its situation—placed on a rising ground in the midst of
a very pretty plain, encircled by an extensive and well cultivated
farm, the fields and fences laid out with a neatness which does
credit to the taste of their projector—here and there a band of
cattle to enliven the prospect, and at a considerable distance surrounded on all sides by high mountains, covered from the base to
the summit with beautiful pines. Nor does the inside of the establishment yield in any respect to the exterior, for when seated
at table with Mr. and Mrs. McDonald48 and their family, one cannot help thinking himself once more at home enjoying a tete-a-tete
in some domestic circle."47
Sir George Simpson, who probably gazed upon Colville from
the same hill from which Elkanah Walker first beheld it, was no
less than Walker impressed by the beauty of the prospect.    He
45 Ibid.
p.  128.
46 Mr.'
aid.    See footnote 40, supra.    M
fe of the
a very high opinion of Mrs. McDo
mid.  I
Mrs. H.
K. W.  Pe
dated July 4, 1838, she said:  "When I r
tirely aloi
e.    My h
to brother Spalding's to assist him
had  the p
lvilege  of preparing and  enterta
g  Mr.
McDonald  a
Colville.     T
hey  came   by   the way  of broth
Spaldin
arly   a  w
came   here.     They left here last
11 at Wal
Ha
ind Mi
intellige
noli
d   has   so
jghtfi
ilSu1onSthe
correspondent,   also,  with myself
subject of religion than any I h
.?
I   am
Sp
qu
P.     It   wc
c^seflt*
priv
'lo doubt?
be profitable."—Twenty-First An
»«a
I Rem
ton'
' for 1893,'
Se T.  All
Co
lumbia
York Facto
ay, 1841,"
Or
egon Pioneer Assoc
for 1881
(Salem: B.   M. Waite,  1882), p
.  Alia
25,
1831.    Nea
rly ten years later he kept the
i quotatio
> given a
tracted.    On October 23,  1881,
Cathlamet,
"I have
Dreserved the following Journal ir 42 /. Orin Oliphant
wrote: "On reaching the summit of a hill, we obtained a fine view
of the pretty little valley in which Colville is situated. In a
prairie of three or four miles in length, with the Columbia River at
one end, and a small lake in the center, we descried the now novel
scene of a large farm, barns, stables, etc.; fields of wheat under
the hand of the reaper, maize, potatoes, etc., etc., and herds of
cattle grazing at will beyond the fences .... Cattle thrive well,
while the crops are abundant. The wheat, which weighs from
sixty-three to sixty-five pounds a bushel, yields twenty or thirty
returns; maize also flourishes, but does not ripen till the month of
September; potatoes, pease, oats, barley, turnips, melons, cucumbers, etc., are plentiful. A grist mill, which is driven by water,
is attached to the establishment; and the bread that we ate, was
decidedly the best that we had seen in the whole country."48
In the year 1841 Lieutenant Johnson, of the Wilkes United
States Exploring Expedition, spent three days at Colville. His detailed description of that place, even though it may involve some
repetition of conditions heretofore mentioned, is worthy of reproduction at this time.
"Fort Colville is situated on the east bank of the Columbia
River, just above the Kettle Falls. In this place ,the river, pent
up by the obstructions below, has formed a lateral channel, which
nearly encircles a level tract of land, containing about 200 acres
of rich soil. Of this peninsula, about 130 acres are in cultivation,
and bear crops, composed chiefly of wheat, barley and potatoes.
There are also raised small quantites of oats, Indian corn, and
peas, but garden vegetables have never succeeded well. Their
failure, however, is to be attributed either to bad seeds or unskillful management; for the soil, which is a rich black loam, mixed
with a portion of gravel, seems capable of producing anything.
"The whole peninsula has the appearance of having been deposited by the river, and is believed to be the only spot of that
character formed in its whole course.
"There are two entrances to the fort, from one of which a
48 Sir   George  S
1841 and 1842   (Lon
Rocky  Mountains,   a
—id., p.  148.
l^y^^slo^lfSsS
On this subject Ang
distilled and furnish
—"Angus McDonald
as McDonald  writes:   "Excellent beer and some superior wiskey
r coffee or tea until later days';  regular rations of such'were is
A Few Items of the West," in Wash. Hist. Quart, VHI, 198. Old Fort Colville 43
road leads to the flour-mill; from the other there is a path extending along the bank of the river.
"Fort Colville, like all the other posts of the Hudson Bay
Company, is surrounded by high pickets, with bastions, forming
a formidable defensive work against the Indians. Within the pickets all the dwellings and storehouses of the Company are enclosed.
"The peculiar character of the soil renders Colville superior,
for the purposes of cultivation, to any spot on the upper waters of
the Columbia	
"The cultivation of crops is here the principal object of attention, for the whole of the northern posts depend upon Colville for
supplies of provisions  V^ilM'ii
"The time of planting the spring wheat is in April; the winter grain is sown in October, and succeeds best, particularly if the
autumn should be a wet one. The crops of wheat are reaped in
August. Indian corn is not a sure or good crop; it is planted in
May and gathered in September. Potatoes, beans, and some oats,
with two thousand bushels of wheat, are raised annually at this
place.
"Of fruits they have those of the country, such as the service-berry, strawberry, wild cherry, and the hawthorn-berry.
These ripen from June till September. Imported fruit trees have
not as yet succeeded, and it is thought the spring frosts are too
frequent and severe for them.
"This post was established in 1825, at which time a bull and
two cows were introduced from Vancouver, and from these have
sprung 196 head of fine cattle. They have likewise 30 mares with
foal, and 60 grown horses. The horses are little used during the
winter, and are usually turned out to shift for themselves. Care
is, however, taken to keep them in places which are much exposed
to the sun, and in consequence least covered with snow. Though
represented as hardy animals, it is deemed prudent to get them
into good condition before the winter sets in ,to enable them to
withstand its rigours."49
Article III of the Treaty of 1846 guaranteed "the possessory
rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and of all British subjects
who may be already in the occupation of land or other property,
lawfully acquired," in the territory south of the 49th parallel of
north latitude, which line was specified by Article I of this treaty
as the future boundary line between British and American posses-
49 V. 8. Exploring Exped., IV, 443 et seq. 44
/. Orin Oliphant
sions in the Pacific Northwest. Article IV of this treaty confirmed to the Puget Sound Agricultural Company its farms and
other property on the north side of the Columbia River.50 Years
passed, however, before a final settlement was made by the United
States with these British companies, and the Hudson's Bay Company continued to occupy its establishment at Fort Colville.
At the time the foregoing treaty was made the following list
comprised, according to the records of the Hudson's Bay Company, the improvements at Colville:51
Post No. 10—Colvile
1   range  of  stores 60
1  range ditto 50
1  store,  unfinished 40
1  dwelling house 50
1  dwelling house 24
..    1 range of officers' houses 60
1 range of men's ditto 50
1  house, Indian hall 16
1 kitchen   27
1  blacksmith's shop 17
1  carpenter's shop 30
1 meat house & ice cellar 20
1 bake house & oven 15
1 poultry house 20
1  pigeon house 9
1 root house 40
Pigs' houses   60
1 stable   17
1 barn   50
2 byres,  each 65
Horse yard, six feet high, solid logs 127
Barn yard    81
Cattle yard    84
1 bastion  12
Stockades, 208 feet square, 14 feet high.
18 M. fence poles
340 acres cultivated land.
One flour mill complete, with one pair of
stones and bolting machine 30
25
feet
X
21
feet
22
feet
X
24
feet
X
18
feet
X
18
feet
X
18
feet
X
16
feet
X
16
feet
X
13
feet
X
17
feet
X
16 feet
X
15
feet
X
13
feet
X
9
feet
20 feet
X
15
feet
X
13
feet
25
feet
X
20 feet
X
87
feet
X
60
feet
X
33
feet
X
12
feet Old Fort Colville
45
Farm at the White Mud
1 dwelling house 16x16 feet
1 barn   30 x 20 feet
1   stable    20 x 15 feet
1  pig house 8 x  8 feet
2^2 M. fence poles
30 acres cultivated land.
The settlement of the Oregon Boundary Question, as has already been stated, did not bring to an immediate close the activities of the Hudson's Bay Company in the present state of Washington. Under the guaranty of "possessory rights," the representatives of this company continued to hold Colville, and for several
years after 1846 an important trade was carried on up and down
the Columbia River. The coming of the Americans in large numbers, however, particularly after the organization of Washington
Territory in 1853, brought on a series of Indian wars during the
fifties, with the result that some of the interior posts were abandoned by the Hudson's Bay Company, and the Columbia River
became less important as a highway for the fur trade. Supplies
for Colville came in time to be brought overalnd from Vancouver
Island, and the importance of Fort Vancouver declined.52
During the decade of the forties, however, Colville continued
to show an active trade. During that period, notwithstanding the
fact that Vancouver showed losses during three years, Colville
always was able to show a net gain.53 A statement of the "furs
traded at this post" during this decade shows that large numbers
52 Consult the testimony offered in the case of the H. B. Co. vs. the V. B., especially the testimony by Angus McDonald, id., [It], pp. 150 et seq., and by Alexander
Caulfield Anderson, id.,  [It], pp. 35 et seq.
Bancroft, Hist,  of Ore., 1,  38, says of Lewis  (or Lewes) :  "The fop of the Columbia
the  seyeral  northern posts  was placed  in  charge of the   district  of  McKenzie  River,   and
many  good qualities.     He had  the  misfortune  to lose  his  right   hand  by  the   accidental
the Honorable Mr. Lewes and family I shaU never forget," wrote De Smet from St. Paul's
Station, near Colville, May 29, 1846.—Chittenden and Richardson, Father De Bmet's Life
and Travels Among the North American Indians, II, 552.
53 H. B. Co. vs. the V. B. Evidence for the V. 8. Miscl., Part III, [111]. On page
192 of this volume is printed the following table, showing the net gain of the H. B. Co.
at ColTille and at Vancomrer for the years indicated herein:
YBAKS COLVIUJU VANCOrVER
Lbs.     s.     d.       Lbs.    s.     d.
1840        2194     14     6        1425     6    11
1842 2353 7 0 *1213 3 1
1843 2344 7 0 "1005 18 11
1844 2617 4 9 1372 12 5
1845 2707 2 11 *2656 8 4
1846 2712 2 5 1314 4 7 46
/. Orin Oliphant
of pelts of the following named animals were bought: badgers,
bears, beavers, foxes, lynxes, martins, minks, muskrats, land otters,
raccoons and wolves.54
A comparison of the value of furs traded at Colville with
that of the furs traded at Vancouver during this period will, according to the figures of the Hudson's Bay Company, show the
following :55
Year
Colville
Vancouver
£
s.
d.
£
s.  d.
1840
3,086
13
0
3,241
0   8
1841
3,342
2
3
3,529
15   9
1842
3,429
8
3
3,198
16   1
1843
3,351
4
2
4,207
9   3
1844
3,751
14
3
3,669
13   0
1845
3,664
12
11
2,781
2  10
1846
3,773
5
7
2,384
7   7
1847
4,480
7$$'^
10
1,906
14   4
1848
4,662
15
10
1,105
7   8
1849
3,475
8
11
645
7  10
1850
2,956
6
8
883
19   9
A statement showing the number of employes at Colville in
1846, together with a statement of their wages, is included in the
exhibits offered by the Hudson's Bay Company in the case of the
H. B. Co. vs. the United States.   This statement follows :56
Number of Employes
Wages per Annum57
 £12
  16
  17
  20
22
25
27
30
50
Thomas Lowe, a merchant of Victoria, B. C, formerly a
clerk in the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company, gave, on August 5, 1865, his recollection of Fort Colville in 1847 and during
•e were stationed at the posts mentioned ii
south of the 49th parallel) 315 employei
1 three chief traders.    The chief factors '.^ilW
Old Fort Colville
47
the years immediately following. "At this post the Hudson's Bay
Co. carried on extensive farming operations," he said, "and had a
grist mill for the manufacture of flour, with which article they
supplied the interior posts in the Districts of New Caledonia and
Thompson's River, as also Fort Nez Perces and stations in the
Snake Country. It was the center likewise of a large fur trade,
including the Flathead Country, Kootenais, and Columbia Lakes.
Large numbers of horses and cattle were raised here. It was also
at this place that all the boats required for the navigation of the
Columbia River were built. It was considered the place next in
importance to Fort Vancouver	
"Including the flour mill, I should appraise the value of all
the buildings belonging to the establishment as it stood in the
spring of 1847, at'not less than $100,000. In 1849, several important additions had been made, especially by the erection of
stockades as a further protection against the native tribes who had
recently been at war with the American Government	
"The land adjoining the fort I should estimate worth
$20,000."88
During the years 1848 to 1851 Alexander Caulfield Anderson,
a chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company, was in charge of
Fort Colville.59   On August 9, 1865, he related many things of in-
100 pounds
6
See H.   B.   Co.   vs.   the   V.   S.,   [iii
,  p.  197.
"In  the  year  1846,   and preTiously
the number of officers employed at  the different
as between fifty and sixty, and of engaged servants
ething over 500.    Besides these, the
re were numbers of Indians at the different estab-
ough the country  at the different p
sts, kept the Indians generally in good order,  and
vented   them,   as  I   have  already   mc
power,   as  the  Indians  knew,  with  this  force  at
disposal  of  the  Company,   it would
aess also, and the immense tract of country occupied
jagement   of  horses   and   boats   also
requiring  labour well  skilled- in  such  duties,   and
the  business at  all.     With this for
r  trade promptly and efficiently,  thus giving them
virtual   control  of  the  Indians  in
the treaty."—Dugald Mactavish,  in H.  B.  Co. vs.
17.  8.,   [iv],  p.  212.
58 H. B. Co. vs.  the U.  8..   [iv],
pp.   14-15.
59 Ibid.,  pp.   33  et seq.     Anderson
,  in  his  deposition,   said  that  he  was   at  Colville
t in  1832,   again   in  1840,   and  aga
n  In the spring  and in  the autumn  of  1842.    He
e was in charge of this post,  the district Included
lvile,   Okanagan,   Flatheads   and  th
Kootenais.     Colvlle   was  the  headquarters."   Re
done  with the wheat raised at  Colville  in  those
support of  the  people   attached  to
the  different establishments:   a  portion   was  sup-
■d   to   the  other  districts,   and   likev
Ise  for   the  general   purposes.of  the  Company,   in
wJI
IK
j 48 /. Orin Oliphant
terest about Colville, some of which are included in the following
extract:
"As far as I can recollect, there were about 200 [horses] attached to Colvile itself, and about 120 came there occasionally
from the different outposts. Previously to my residence there I
believe there were more, but there was a very heavy loss in the
winter of 1846, and again in the winter of 1848. The deficiencies
were made up occasionally by horses purchased from Walla
Walla	
"There were myself, chief trader, in charge, six elerks, postmasters and interpreters, and the average complement of men was
about thirty. The number of Indians employed was generally
about 10; sometimes as many as 50 were employed during the
emergencies of harvest, seed time, etc 80
"The main trade for exportation was of course in furs; there
were other trades which had local applications; I allude particularly to the trade of the Flatheads in 'par-fleches' and 'appiche-
mous'; these are buffalo skins dressed in a particular way for the
purposes of horse transport, and were indispensable to the operations of the Company, for the purpose of carrying on their transport from Okanagan to the more northerly posts. Large quantities of dried meat and tallow were also traded, required for the
provisioning of the different parties by whom the transport was
carried on. The returns from the different outposts were brought
in in the spring. The outposts then received supplies of provisions
and goods, for the purposes of the summer trade; their parties
again returned in the autumn in time to meet the full brigade from
the maritime depot; they then returned to their different posts
with the outfit for the winter trade."61
(To be continued.)
OOLieuteant   Henry   J.   Warre,
14th  Regiment,   and  Lieutenant   M.   Vavasour,   Roya
Engineers, reported on Colville in 18
45 as follows:     "The soil of the surrounding countr
rrigation  afforded  by  the  constant overflowing of th
riTer  enables  the Hudson's  Bay   Co
nually in its vicinity.    They have a
lso  about 100 head of cattle and 300 or 400  horse
Lieuts.   Warre   and   Vavasour,   Dated   26  October
1845.     Directed  to   'The  Rt.   Hon.
the   Secretary   of   State   for   the   Colonies."     Receivei
July 6, 1846": in Quart  Ore Hist.
number  of  horses,  350;  number  of
cattle.  96:  number  of hogs,   73.—Id.,  p.   60. ' In
340,  Lieut.  Vavasour wrote:  "Fort Colville Is simlla
side of the Rocky Mountains,  surrounded by a picke
[Aug.   16-19,   1845]   the pickets   we
re  nearly   all  blown  down.     It  Is   on™ the  leff ban
ground,  on  a  sandy plain  surrounded  by  sand hills
400 yards from the  river bank  at t
he head of an impassable  rapid  called the Chandler
to carry  the  boats,   baggage,   etc.,   making  what   I
usually termed  a portage.    This por
tngc  Is usually  made  on  the left  bank  but there  i
no reason why the right should not
be equally available."—Wash.  Hist  Quart, III,  146 DOCUMENTS
Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest
Introduction
The United States Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842, deserves
much more attention than it has ever received in the Pacific
Northwest. During the summer of 1841 it did much exploration
work in this region and added extensively to the world's geographical knowledge of the Puget Sound and Columbia River
areas. The squadron was in command of Lieutenant Charles
Wilkes, of the United States Navy, and for that reason the enterprise is most often referred to as the Wilkes Exploring Expedition. The Government itself is partly responsible for the latte
title. While the results were being prepared for publication, Pres
ident Buchanan (February 8, 1859), complied with a resolution o:
Congress asking for a statement of all expeditions "on account
the preparation and publication of the work known as Wilkes';
Exploring Expedition."1
The actual inception of the enterprise is clouded in the rancor of political and personal wrangles. Contemporary publications
gave J. N. Reynolds of New York credit as originator of the undertaking and expressed anger at the refusal to let him participate
in it.2 The act of Congress authorizing the expedition was passed
on May 14, 1836, in the administration of Andrew Jackson. Ten
years later, by the act of August 26, 1846, Congress directed the
Joint Committee on the Library of Congress to supervise the publication of the scientific monographs in a form similar to the Voyage of the Astrolabe published by the Government of France.3 The
scientists of the Wilkes Expedition referred favorably to conclusions reached by Charles Darwin in his explorations during the
voyage of the British ship Beagle, 1831-1836.4 Anyone who has
studied the character of Andrew Jackson will believe that he
would not relish his country's being idle while England and
France were gaining laurels by scientific explorations around the
'    1 James D. Richardson: Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol.  v..  page  587.
(49) 50 Edmond S. Meany
world. Whether or not the suggestions by Mr. Reynolds influenced him, Old Hickory would favor that enterprise launched in
the last year of his administration.
It is not necessary to dwell at length on the political wrangles
that threatened disaster in the first two years. A contemporary
publication says: "The failure of its first organization had exposed
the whole affair to ridicule, and had seriously impaired the confidence and ardor of its officers and friends."5 Lieutenant Wilkes
refers to the situation as follows: "The command of the Exploi-
ing Expedition devolved upon me, by orders from the Hon. Mah-
lon Dickerson, then Secretary of the Navy, on the 20th March,
1838. At that time, great confusion existed in its organization. It
is unnecessary, and would be out of place here, to enter into its
previous history. It is sufficient to refer to the fact, that it had
already been denounced as an entire and complete failure, and that
I was instructed to organize it anew."6
Opposition to Wilkes arose partly from that early trouble and
partly from the fact that he was only a lieutenant in rank. In
sarcasm he was referred to as "lieutenant-commodore." One of
the best reasons for his selection is revealed by a later biographer
as follows: "He was appointed to the department of charts and
instruments in 1830, and was the first in the United States to set
up fixed astronomical instruments and observe with them."7 The
opposition continued and, with other troubles arising on the long
cruise, culminated in court-martial at the end. In this he was acquitted of all charges except illegally punishing some of his crew,
for which he was reprimanded. In trying to throw off personal
feeling he wrote: " * * * it was as incumbent on me to see that
our work was not retarded by their want of zeal and knowledge,
as to shorten sail on the approach of the tempest."
This was the first expedition of the kind ever undertaken by
the United States Government. The squadron consisted of the
sloops of war Vincennes and Peacock, the ship Relief, the brig
Porpoise and the tenders Sea-Gull and Flying Fish. The officers
and men were all expected to cooperate fully in the scientific work
and all papers and diaries kept should be turned in at the end of
the cruise for the use of the Government in publishing the results.
The corps of scientists attached to the expedition consisted of
Horatio Hale, philologist; Charles Pickering and T. R. Peale, na-
5 North American Review, Vol.  61,  July,  1845,  page 55.
6 Charles Wilkes:  United States Exploring Expedition, Narrative, Vol.  I.,  page xiii.
7 Lieutenant William H. Beehler, tT.S.N., in Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography,  Vol.  VI.,   page  508. Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest 51
turalists; Joseph P. Couthouy, conchologist; James Dwight Dana,
mineralogist; William Rich, botanist; Joseph Drayton and Alfred
T. Agate, draughtsmen; J. D. Brackenridge, horticulturist. The
titles thus used are from the instructions issued on August 11,
1838, by J. K. Paulding, Secretary of the Navy. The muster rolls
of the crews show slightly different titles and add John G. Brown,
mathematical instrument maker; and John W. W. Dyes, assistant
taxidermist.
The expedition got under way from Norfolk, Virginia, on
Saturday, August 18, 1838, and cast anchor at New York on June
10, 1842. They had sailed around the world. Most of their scientific work had been done among the islands of the Southern Pacific. It was believed that they had found a great continent in the
Antarctic, but this was later proved to have been a huge ice-field.8
On May 1, 1841, the expedition entered the Strait of Juan de Fuca
and began the summer's work in the Pacific Northwest.
This is the part of the great enterprise to which the present
publication is devoted. That it was deemed important to the interests of the United States on the Pacific Coast is shown by its
prompt and confidential use. The squadron anchored in New
York harbor on June 10 and on July 1, 1842, President John Tyler
sent this message to the United States Senate:
"In pursuance of the suggestions contained in the accompanying letter from the Secretary of the Navy [Abel P. Upshur] and
of my own convictions of their propriety, I transmit to the Senate
the report made by Lieutenant Wilkes, commander of the exploring expedition, relative to Oregon Territory. Having due regard
to the negotiations now pending between this Government and the
Government of Great Britain through its special envoy, I have
thought it proper to communicate the report confidentially to the
Senate."9
That report was in manuscript form as several years elapsed
before the printed volumes of the expedition, began to appear.
There was no haste about preparing the materials for publication. '
Lieutenant Wilkes served on the United States Coast Survey,
1842-1843, during which time, on July 13, 1843, he was advanced
to the rank of Commander. In 1844 he was detailed to work on
the reports of the exploring expedition, preparing them for publication.   This continued until 1861.   During that time, or on Sep-
the South Pole  on December 14,  1911.
9 Richardson:   Messages and Papers  of the Presidents, Vol.  IV.,   page  160. 52 Edmond S. Meany
tember 14, 1855, he was advanced to the rank of Captain. Through
that span of seventeen years of his editorial work, all the published
volumes appeared but one, Volume XVII., on Botany, edited by
Asa Gray, which did not appear until 1874.
The Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, refers to the series as "Washington edition, 24 volumes, 11
atlases, 1844-1874."10 However, five of the projected monographs
were never published and probably still exist in manuscript form.
These are Volumes XVIIL, Botany, by Gray; XIX., Distribution
of Animals and Plants, by Pickering; XXI. and XXII, Ichthyology, by Agassiz; XXIV., Physics, by Wilkes. The volumes that
did appear were the first five, called Narrative, edited by Wilkes
and giving the story of the entire cruise; Volumes VI., Ethnology
and Philology, by Hale; VII., Zoophytes, by Dana; VIIL, Mammalogy and Ornithology, by Cassin; IX., Races of Men, by Pickering; X., Geology, by Dana; XI., Meteorology, by Wilkes; XII.,
Mollusca and Shells, by Gould; XIII. and XIV.,Crustacea by
Dana; XV., Botany Phanerogamia, by Gray; XVI., Botany
Cryptogamia, by Brackenridge; XVII., Botany Cryptogamia, by
Gray; XX., Herpetology, by Baird and Girard; XXIII., Hydrography, by Wilkes.
The first five volumes, the Narrative, were later reprinted,
the most frequently encountered edition being that by Lea and
Blanchard, Philadelphia, 1845. The Government's edition of the
Narrative and of the scientific monographs was limited to 100 sets.
The three leading officers of the expedition—Wilkes, Hudson and
Ringgold—each received a set. One set went to each of the following: Library of Congress, Naval Lyceum at Brooklyn, each
State and Territory of the Union, each friendly power and one
extra set each to Great Britain and France. Washington Territory was organized in 1853, while the volumes were being printed.
A set was forwarded to the new Territorial Library but, unfortunately, they were not appreciated in the early days and some
of the volumes disappeared. In later years, studies in this field of
history caused the necessity of securing photostatic reproductions
from the set in the Library of Congress. These were especially
helpful from the volume on Hydrography and the large atlas accompanying it.
The outbreak of the Civil War not only ended the editorial
work by Captain Wilkes but it probably was also the cause of pre-
10 Checklist of Public Documents, 1895,  page  176. Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest 53
venting the publication of the five unprinted volumes mentioned.
Captain Wilkes became a national hero during the Civil War. In
1861, while in command of the steamer San Jacinto he stopped the
British steamer Trent and took off the Confederate Commissioners
John Slidell and James M. Mason and carried them as prisoners
to Boston harbor. Congress passed a resolution of thanks and
northern newspapers were loud in their praise. Great Britain pro-
testd against the stopping of her steamer on the high seas. President Lincoln had already said the two prisoners were probably "a
pair of white elephants on our hands." Secretary of State Seward
caused the two prisoners to be given over to Great Britain and
offered proper excuses. To approve the act, he claimed, would be
the same as approving the "right of search" which had always
been denied by the United States Government. Captain Wilkes
was promoted to the rank of Commodore on July 16, 1862, and
had command of a squadron in the West Indies. By June 25,
1864, he was deemed of age for retirement (he was born in New
York City on April 3, 1798), and was placed upon the retired list.
On July 25, 1866, he was given the rank of Rear-Admiral on the
retired list. He could enjoy that courtesy title for the last decade
of his life.   He died in Washington, D.C., on February 8, 1877.
Mention should be made of the fact that while he was busily
at work on his manuscripts, he condensed part of his Narrative
into a book called Western America, Including California and Oregon, which was published in Philadelphia in 1849. The gold rush
to California was undoubtedly the reason for this book's appearance. One item will show the value of the little book to our
studies. Nowhere else has been found his reason for naming
Point Defiance, near the present Tacoma. On page 81 of this
book he says if it was strongly fortified it "would bid defiance to
any attack."
The Philadelphia publishers of Western America were Lea
and Blanchard, who had published the Narrative four years before. In the back of the first edition of the smaller work there is
a catalog of the firm's publications, one page of which is devoted
to the United States Exploring Expedition. They announced a
magnificent edition of the Narrative "in five magnificent imperial
octavo volumes with an atlas of large and extended maps" at
twenty-five dollars. A new and cheaper edition at two dollars a
volume was also announced and urged upon all who were forming
libraries.   There is included an excerpt from the Albany Religious 54 Edmond S. Meany
Spectator as follows: "We have no hesitation in saying that it is
destined to stand among the most enduring monuments of our national literature. Its contributions not only to every department
of science, but every department of history, are immense; and
there is not an intelligent man in the community—no matter what
may be his taste, or his occupation, but will find something here
to enlighten, to gratify, and to profit him." The firm also offered
a few copies of the five volumes and atlas at sixty dollars, calling
them "the edition printed for Congress." A further announcement
offered for ten dollars each a few copies of The Ethnology and
Philology of the United States Exploring Expedition. This was
one of the precious monographs published for Congress, which
was. also republished by Lea and Blanchard. In fine type at the
end of the page there is the announcement that the volume on
Corals by J. D. Dana, Esq., "will be shortly ready, to be followed
by the others." Dana's Corals was republished in several editions ;
Pickering's Races of Men was also republished; but the other
monographs were restricted to the 100 sets issued by Congress.
While at work on the Origin of Washington Geographic
Names, 1915-1923, the desire arose to consult, if possible, the original diary from which Lieutenant Wilkes prepared the Narrative.
Victor J. Farrar, then Research Assistant in the University of
Washington, set about to find it. After much correspondence the
original diary was located in the Hydrographic Office, United
States Navy Department, Washington, D. C. Captain F. B. Bassett, U. S. N, Hydrographer, was kind enough to assist in having
photostatic reproductions made of all those pages of the original
diary which relate to the Pacific Northwest. Those pages are to
be published as carefully and faithfully as possible. Lieutenant
Wilkes became a naval officer before the establishment of the
United States Naval Academy at Annapolis. His published Narrative is wofully redundant of commas and other punctuations,
but his manuscript diary is relatively careless of such ornamentation. If any changes, however slight, are made they will be enclosed in editorial brackets. This document is considered a fundamental one in the history of the Northwest. Its faithful reproduction will be attemped with that thought constantly in mind.
At the end of each of the original pages will be placed the
next page of the manuscript in brackets. Lieutenant Wilkes evidently started to use but one side of the leaves in his diary. Occasionally he thought of another item and wrote it by itself on the Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest 55
opposite side. All such are prefaced with [Added entry]. He
also found it necessary at times to prolong a regular entry on the
opposite page. Such cases will be indicated by [Continued on opposite page]. As the work progresses other devices may be found
necessary to insure the readers and users of the document that
they are being kept close to the oriignal manuscript.
Edmond S. Meany.
Diary of Lieutenant Wilkes
May 1841
1st May.
The first part of this 24 hrs. was full of anxiety respecting
the ship's standing from side to side in the entrance to the Straits
of Juan de Fuca in a dark, thick and rainy night with baffling and
variable winds, the land was not to be seen but at short distances
and then indistinctly, I preferred standing to & fro on time varying the length on the short or long leg. At daylight I found I
had made some progress into the straits. An Indian canoe came
alongside about 8 o'clock they spoke a little English and said they
belonged to the Classet tribe in which bay11 it was my intention
to have anchored last evg. if I had been fortunate enough to reach
it. All this day we have scarcely had any wind, water quite
smooth. At 2 P. M, I had all the boats hoisted out, and sent
ahead to tow ships for the exercise of the men. The gig I sent
to explore a near bay. Mr. Totten returned with the information
that he had not been able to obtain any soundings though close in
with the shore length of line ten fathoms The land on both sides,
is high about 1200 feet clouds hung heavy all day [illegible] and
the rain and mist continued until about 4 o'clock at which time the
Barometer showed a rise of .02 and the weather to break with a
higher breeze from the westward, heading all day for the Point of
New Dungeness, From 4 to 6 we had sunshine which we took advantage of to dry the clothees, Ends with light airs from the westward and clear moon light Bar. 29.780 [Added entry.] Two of
the Indians that boarded us this morning were dressed in red frock
coats, I suppose the livery of the H. B. C.12 time will show.
[Ms. P. 55.] 56 Edmond S. Meany
May 2d.
This day we commenced with light winds from the wd.
smooth water fine night both shores of the Straits of Juan de
Fuca in sight continued our course towards New Dungeness Pt.
with a light wind which left us at 5 A. M. when the tide swept us
back some 6 or 7 miles the light air hauling to the sd At noon
observed the Latitude 48.15 north Weather fine about 2 P. M.
the wind sprang up from the Westward and enabled me to steer
up the Straits at the rate of 7 knots. Exercised studding sails and
in consequence of studg. sails being torn badly and Lt. Budd18
persisting in exercising it whilst torn I was under the necessity
of suspending him from duty, he spoke to me afterwards in the
cabin, and I restored him to duty fully satisfied by his explanations that he did not intend the impression his conduct naturally
led and therefore restored him to duty. At 6.30 we passeed New
Dungeness Pt. in Zy2 fathoms within a % of a mile of it and
then bore away for Port Discovery14 were I anchored in 27
fathoms water the Brig in company near Vancouver's point. It
would be difficult to imagine a more perfect harbor than this
there appears but one objection to it the water is rather deep,
there never was an island that better deserved its name than that
of Protection Island At 8.30 furled all sails and gave the men
their Hammocks. There appears a few lodges of Indians in the
Port, & a strong smell of fish in the wind which is from their
quarters [Added entry.] This morning a canoe came along side
and few can imagine the degradation of these poor creatures they
appear to be but one degree removed above the Fugians. they
pretend to no decency in their clothing if a blanket alone may be
entitled to this name We bought some fish for a few fish hooks
and tobacco which they seemed eager to obtain. [Ms. P. 56.]
May 3rd.
This day we have had many natives along side selling fish
clams mussels &c. &c. They are for the most part under statue,
dirty squalid and devoid of all pretensions to beauty smeared from
head to foot with a red pigment, they seem to have had much communication with foreigners they generally wore blankets which
served their only covering,    they are much lighter than any natives
ing Master. He to transferred to'theVSntHJV FeeJeT* After this temporary "reprimand he was honored by having Bndd Inlet, now Olympia Harbor, named for him and
what is now Washington Harbor, near Dungeness, was charted as  "Budd's Harbor." Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest
57
we have seen since leaving the Fuegians. This day I made the
survey of this Harbour employing 12 boats & officers, the wind
blew fresh which prevented all the soundings from being carried
through. The weather has been variable and the wind changeable.
This habour is surrounded by Hills wooded to the waters edge.
The Barometer had risen but again stood at 30.000 from which
point it fell towards night the weather we have found chilly and
the passing showers render the air damp.
I despatched a communication off to Fort Nasqually15 requesting a Pilot and interpreter, and look for his return tomorrow
evening in company with the Steam boat of the H. E. Company
that I have understood is now there Carpenters were sent on
shore to cut some small spars for our boats. All the navies of
the world might be furnished with spars here. Officers and crew
were supplied with fish. [Added entry.] One of the natives whom
I bargained to take the letter to Fort Nasqually was quite intelligent and spoke a few words of English & made great efforts to
make us understand him, and to understand us but to little effect
farther than the transmission of this letter and what he was to receive for his services. He was a catholic and finally made the
sign of the cross, and said his short prayers.16
4. May.
Engaged draughting & plotting the work of yesterday the day
was stormy in the morning in fact it rained hard all night and prevented the survey from being fully completed. In the morning we
had no natives alongside owing to the stormy wind from the S. S.
E. after noon it moderated & many canoes came bringing fish
&c. &c. [Added entry.] Latitude of Discovery Harbour Carr's Pt.
by obsn. of 4th 48° .03' .13". North. No Longitude obtained. By
my observations of 5th Latitude was 48°. 02'. 58" N chronometric,
Long6 123°. 02'. 07.5" W. [Ms. P. 57].
5th May.
I have been employed this day in making observations for
Lat. and Long., Variation, Dip, and Intensity on the Point near
the ship which I call Carr's Pt.17 the rest of the officers of this
ship & Porpoise including her commander have been engaged completing the survey of this Harbr. The weather uncommonly fine
with a light Breeze from the Na & Wd temperature 55° in shade.
Many Indians  about us    lazy lounging & filthy  combined  with 58 Edmond S. Meany
their gutteral language is enough to disgust any one without their
fishy smell, they seem all well disposed & desrous of cultivating
our good will
Fish we have in abundance Salmon, Cod, flounders, Clams,
Crabs, oysters (small) ducks, geese, Venison. The water to be
had easily and plentifully at Carr's Point.
The number of natives resident in this Bay is quite large I
had them counted in their canoes at the time of meals & the numbers were 1S The women have a miner piece of bone stuck
through the septum of the nose about an inch long though peculiar
in its appearance it has not that disgusting appearance that I had
imagined it would have from the accounts I have read of it & appears the only clean article about their persons.  [Ms.s P. 58.]
6 May.
An extremely fine day. At 10.30 got under weigh and beat
out of Port Discovery and rounded the Point called by Vancouver
Point Wilson and went in and anchored. Roads in 10 fathoms
water sandy bottom. This is a beautiful Bay19 and has a long level
beach with a Pond of Freshwater backing it and a run into the
Bay where vessels may be supplied the Point a low sandy one
called Hudson's point20 is bold to and may be passed about a % of
a mile in 10 fathoms from our anchorage Mount Baker shows
over Hudson Point a large fleet might anchor and maneuver
here, there is a Bluff that joins the beach abreast the ships the
top of which slopes to the water and is a beautiful lawn here and
there with groups of trees and to the Na and Wa a fine copse of
pine trees upwards of 1000 acres all ready for the plough the
soil is a light sandy loam but seems exceedingly productive the
grass was several inches high & covered with flowers & wild
strawberry plants in blossoms. We anchored at 5.30 having had
very light winds The distance from our anchorage in Discovery
Port is not over 10 miles I think. At night made preparations
for the survey of it.
7 May.
At Ay2 all boats left ship for surveying duty put up signals
and observed measured a Base of 4,620 feet on a fine Beach. All
Boats returned by 9 A. M. wind set in from the Eastward. Employed on board plotting work until [Continued on opposite page]
% hour after noon when the wind hauled to the westward and I
18 He failed to enter the number in the space left for that purpose.
20 In honor of Lieutenant William L. Hudson of the Expedition. Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest
59
got under weigh Porpoise in company and stood up the Straits at
3.30 the wind came out ahead stood into a bight and came to
anchor making preparations for surveying it tomorrow morning
if the wind is ahead or calm. We have advanced almost 8 miles
to the S. E. and from where we now are lying have a view of Admiralty inlet & Hoods Canal. With weather unpleasant and wind
ahead with little cloud. Caught several new things in the dredge.
Fish & Venison alongside in plenty. Also ducks & geese. [Ms. P.
59.]
8th May.
Strong breezes this 24 hrs. boats at day light sent on surveying duty of a Bay which I call21 and in which I took shelter last
evening at 1.30 P. M. got under weigh and beat up to a small
bight Pilots Bight22 opposite to Whidby's Island (East End)
where I anchored in 15 fath. water close to the shore but being
under lee of a Point we found it a snug berth for the night, here
we were joined by Mr. Heath 1st Officer of the Steamer Capt.
McNeil23 who kindly sent him down to Pilot us up to Nasqually
Fort the principal settlement in Puget Sound belonging to the
Company H. B. In beating up today we had a strong breeze
from the S. E. and as much as we could carry our topgallant sails
to. The Porpoise was unable to keep way with us and anchored
about an hour after I did. [Added entry.] Mr. Heath mentioned
a ceremony of offering the salmon before selling or trading any by
the Indians,    inquire about it.
i honor for Jan
d on his chart he calls it Pilot Cove and says it
is opposite the
southern end of Whidby Is
land instead of "East End" as here mentioned.
23 Captain   William H
>nry McNeill,   for whom Lieutenant Wilkes later
named   McNeil
Island,   (dropping  one   "1"
Hudson's   Bay
Company steamer Beaver.
That famous craft had arrived  in northwestern w
Charles  W.   McCain   in hi
History   of   the  B.8.   "Beaver,"   page   21   says:
"Capt.   David
Home was first officer in <
pride with which the best
•ode the deck of his brave little steamer which ]
oud msUnction
of being the first steamer
:o cross the Atlantic to America,  the first to rou
nd Cape Horn,
waters of the  broad   Paciflc."     Capam  McNeill
succeeded  Cap-
tain Home in command of
the steamer late in 1836 or early in 1837.    At t
he time of the
as  undergoing repairs at Fort  Nisqually.     AU  p
heretofore have said that
the first mate  was  sent out to Wilkes  as pilot.
In  his   diary
s   the first  officer who was   sent.     Other  autho
on arriving at Fort Vanco
aver.    H.  H. Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Volume
II.,   page   657,
says that when Governor £
impson of the Hudson's Bay Company visited Fo
that  year  1841   "Hopkins
and Heath"  were  in temporary charge there.    Or
February  23,
1848,   Dr.   W.   Fraser   Tol
Company:   "On the farm I
a  occupation of Mr.  I.   T.   Heath,   there   are now
17t   NUnnatFv 60 Edmond S. Meany
The Company has a lease of 10 years of the Coaststead North
of 54° from the Russian Company.
Finished letters and dispatches for Capn. Hudson who I am
informed has arrived in the Columbia.24
9th May.
I got under weigh at daylight and found great difficulty in
getting the officers to their stations. Lt. Alden25 not having made
his appearance on the forecastle when the topsails were sheeting
home and after we had hove in 30 fathoms of cable I felt myself
obliged to make an example of him by suspending him from his
duty—and what aggravated his case more was he stood several
calls. We beat up for about 2 hours with the flood and then anchored in apple tree cove in 20 fathoms water about 4 miles to
the Sd. & Ed. of our last nights anchorage at 1 P. M. surveyed
the cove & then got under weigh and beat to windward about 7
miles more and then anchored for the night under the western
shore in 12 fathoms water sandy bottom The Point Orchard
in sight to the Sd, & Wd. [Continued on opposite page.] found
the tide to set strong to the Sd. & Wd. up the Sound. The wind
generally draws down ship and with a head wind it is a tedious
job getting up the Sound, the scenery is not unlike the North
River particularly about Poukeepsie in places and from there up.
Porpoise still in company. Trees putting out their foliage but the
great majority of the timber is pine. Today I saw some apple
trees nearly in blossom, I called the place apple tree cove.20 [Ms.
P. 60.]
10. May
This day after 9 A. M. I despatched all the Boats on surveying duties up a Small Bay27 off the point of which we had anchored last evening, the morning proving calm prevented my
getting under weigh with the tide which set flood until 8j^ o'clock
after 12 o'clock, with the men that were on board I attempted to
get under weigh but the wind proved light and I found it necessary to drop anchor again and run a tow line to the Porpoise bv
which I hove the ship sufficiently ahead to get under weigh by,
nd it is believed
The north and Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest
61
and off the lee shore when the boats returned filled away28 and
stood up the Sound with a stiff breeze which dying away about
7j^ o'clock I came to anchor within about a mile of the Narrows29
on the western shore in 17 fathoms water within about a cables
length of the shore the bank shelving off very rapidly— from there
we have a splendid view of Mount Ranier30 which is conical and
covered about 2/3 rd. of its height with snow last Evening the
weather cleared sufficiently to see it and also Mt. Baker at the
Entrance of Admiralty Inlet—The survey of the last Bay made
this morning proves it to be capacious and good water from 3
rivers or brooks that empty into it. If the weather should prove
calm in the morning I shall make a Survey of this part of the
Sound as I deem it highly important as vessels are likely to be
detained here in consequence of the difficulty in getting through
the Narrows,31 which I trust we shall pass tomorrow and reach
the Fort before night.
Ends calm and cloudy. the country is about the same altitude tho less covered with wood & the trees are more blended.
[Added entry].   Latitude
(To be continued.)
'K'JBP
ill
ill
if Tacoma. The diary capital!
:apital "N" establishes the na
a Hydrography. BOOK REVIEWS
David Thompson, the Explorer.   By Charles Norris Cochrane.
(Toronto: The Macmillan Company.    1924.    Pp. 173. Price
$1.00).
Mr. J. B. Tyrrell's Brief Narrative of the Journeys of David
Thompson, in the Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, 1887-8,
the late Dr. Elliott Coues's extracts from his journals in the New
Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, the many
journals of Thompson's voyages annotated by Mr. T. C. Elliott
and published in this Quarterly and in that of the Oregon Historical Society, and Thompson's Narrative issued by the Champlain
Society with notes by Mr. Tyrrell, Mr. Elliott, and others have
made his achievements familiar to al students of western history.
This little book, which is one of a series of "Canadian Men
of Action," is written for the general reader and as an introduction
to the more intensive study of that part of the story of the West.
No attempt at independent research has been made; it would have
been out of keeping with the purpose. Professor Cochrane frankly
admits that he has merely condensed Thompson's own account;
but he has succeeded in giving in this small compass a clear and
accurate view of the work done by "Canada'-s greatest geographer."
He has told the story in a connected and interesting manner,
touching upon the salient features in Thompson's life, and enabling
the reader, who is borne along on the easy current of the narrative,
to appreciate not only the vast extent of his explorations, but also
the sterling character of the pathfinder. A map is included, which
shows roughly the region in which Thompson spent over a quarter of a century, and enables the uninitiated reader to follow with
reasonable accuracy the explorer's numerous journeys.
A few small errors have found their way into the book. Page
106 contains three statements that can scarcely be accepted in
their entirety; in 1806 John Jacob Astor was not, as stated, exerting all his strength to build up a fur trading empire on the Pacific slope; nor was the Hudson's Bay Company then knocking at
the barrier of the Rockies; nor had Fraser then made his celebrated voyage to the sea. The author has a chapter on "The Race
to the Sea,", dealing with Thompson's journey to Astoria in 1811,
but the better opinion today is that he was proceeding quite lei-
(62) The Columbia Unveiled
63
surely. The statement on page 141 that at "each halting place"
Thompson posted a notice claiming the territory for the King is
scarcely in accordance with the fact.
The book is of convenient size and well printed.   It contains
a short bibliography but has no index.
F. W. Howay.
The Columbia Unveiled. By M. J. Lorraine. (Los Angeles:
Times-Mirror Company, 1924. Pp. 435+7. $3.50).
This book is the narrative of a rather remarkable feat performed in the summer and fall of 1921 by the author, who is a
civil engineer by profession, and who, for the pure love of adventure and scientific knowledge, navigated in a dory or skiff of
his own making the entire length of the Columbia river from
source to Astoria, which is practically its mouth. He carried his
own outfit and lived and maneuvered his boat alone except where
other assistance was positively needed for patent reasons and himself took many of the pictures with which the volume is illustrated.
His book is well printed and bound and is a distinct addition to
the literature pertaining to the Columbia river. In the information
contained it is to be preferred to another of the previous year by
Lewis R. Freeman, who made a similar journey but as a journalist with much assistance, but who traveled beside the river and
not upon it for many miles. The trip by Mr. Lorraine is, as far
as known to the writer, the first travel of a white man over the
entire length of the river recorded in the history of the river since
David Thompson accomplished his voyage of discovery in the
year 1811. Although not a writer Mr. Lorraine tells the story in
a simple manner and without too much personal reference, and
the illustrations add much to our knowledge of the river and its
tributary streams. Unfortunately the historical references and
statements are based upon insufficient or erroneous information,
and in a great many instances must be disregarded. Had this
story been tied up to that of David Thompson by use of the daily
journal kept by that wonderful man this book might have been a
real addition to the history as well as the literature of the river.
T. C. Elliott.
Paul Bunyan.   By  Esther  Shephard.     (Seattle:  The  McNeil
Press, 1924.   Pp. 235. $2.50).
It begins to look as though those who have deprecatingly in-
km
mi 64 Book Ri
sisted that these United States have encouraged the flourishing of
absolutely no folk-lore save that of dispossessed aborigines and the
descendants of slaves would have to revise their opinion. The evidence that should compel such an alteration in a rather general
belief has been multiplying with interesting rapidity of late. Within the past year there have appeared, for instance, Percy Mac-
Kaye's "A Mountain Munchausen," tales from the Kentucky
mountains, and his two plays derived from the apparently inexhaustible sources of the same section of the country. Professor
Rowland P. Grey's "Songs and Ballads of the Maine Lumberjacks," Miss Joanna Colcord's notable collection of American
sailor-songs, "Roll and Go," and J. Frank Dobie's recent "Legends
of Texas." And within the same short period magazine articles
have been published on so diverse a group of regional heroes as
Pecos Bill, Tony Beaver, and the mythical Davy Crockett. The
latest proof that the creation of legendary figures and their adventures has been steadily going in the very midst of our super-industrialized civilization, Paul Bunyan by Esther Shephard, has
just been issued from the press. It is a scholarly and artistic pro-
dutcion in which any westerner at all concerned in the recording
of western culture may well take a peculiar and commendable
local pride. Not because the book is the work of a western woman, or a study of a western folk-hero, or a by-product of a course
of training in a western university, or the offering of a western
publishing firm, though it is all of these things, but because it is a
piece of decidedly excellent craftsmanship.
Originating in an incidental bit of investigation, undertaken as
a mere appendage to the task of completng a master's thesis on
frontier literature submitted and accepted at the University of
Washington in 1921, Mrs. Shephard's interest in the subject of the
mightiest of lumberjacks and his marvelous feats has led her to
the acquisition of what, there can be little doubt, is the most complete collection of Paul Bunyan yarns extant, and to a knowledge
of their relationship and development that corresponds. From this
collection, and with this knowledge, Mrs. Shephard has chosen for
publication a selection of typical tales, so presented and of such
number as to give her reader an accurate conception of who and
what Paul Bunyan is, and of how and why he has played, and still
plays, a noteworthy part in the alleviation, by means of the diversions of humor, of the rigors of frontier existence; and she has
prefaced her work with a tactfully humble, yet adequately informative, brief introduction. Paul Bunyan
65
Previous Paul Bunyan authorities have declared that the
proper logging industry flavor is impossible of capture and retention in stories told of him between the covers of a book, owing to
the difficulties of reproducing there the special nuances of the timber workers' dialect. Readers of Mrs. Shephard's book will be
glad that she has accepted the challenge implied in such a declaration, and will feel reasonably assured that she has made good her
temerity. At any rate she has probably come as near to catching
the precise accent of the timber worker as any mere tenderfoot
maker of books is ever likely to come. Recent attempts of lumberjack authors themselves certainly have not been appreciably
more successful. Here then for the first time we have in action
on the printed page the real Paul Bunyan, "as big as life an' bigger." His story may not be quite what the writer of the publisher's "blurb" claims for it, "the one epic of the American frontier"—a statement well within a blurb writer's license, however—
but there can be no question that Paul Bunyan himself is of truly
epic proportions, and his deeds of the stuff from which primitive
epics have been made before repeatedly. More important still, he
is of the actual folk, pure homespun. And he is thoroughly
American. The exaggerated "tall" aspect of his tales show him
to be that, indubitably. Further, he is a genuine "culture-hero,"
the seemingly inevitable product of the communal needs of a group
of people differentiated from their fellows by the distinctive characteristics of their occupational environment. Like all other "culture-heroes" he was summoned into existence partly because he
served, through the attribution to him of supernatural powers, to
explain away the mysteries of wholly natural phenomena. If the
superstitious features of the stories about him were contributed
by narrators with their tongues in their cheeks, and swallowed by
auditors disclosing a conscious and painful effort to keep their
faces straight, the element of superstition that went into his making is none the less evident. The folk of today are almost as
powerfully moved by the marvels and beauties of nature as the
folk of earlier times, even though they are only moved to make
jokes about them. They are up-to-date chiefly by virtue of being
able to reserve a smile where their predecessors were unable to
repress a shudder. In so far as Paul Bunyan is the result of this
modern tendency to turn into game what cannot be altered otherwise he is all the more invaluably symptomatic of the age that
produced him.
IjJijI
IK 66 Book Reviews
Paul Bunyan has lived and could have lived only in the bob-
tailed narrative forms that have been utilized to present him. He
is much too coarse and earthy a creation to be transferred to
poetry. He is too grotesque to be embodied in any of the various
species of drama. There is nothing about him to suggest the
motif for a theme in music. Draw a picture of him, and every
vestige of the marvellous vanishes from him instantly. Even the
movies with all their resources rendering plausible the absurdly
unbelievable would utterly fail to delineate him. The cycle of
stories connected with him was evolved solely from within itself,
largely by repetition of itself. Unfortunately there are signs that
the creative process whereby this evolution was previously assured
is coming pretty definitely to a full stop. Without the disinterested zeal of the tireless collector the danger of the well-nigh
complete disappearance of this unique figure from American folklore has been growing increasingly imminent. It is a danger that
Mrs. Shephard's work happily averts for all time. She is to be
congratulated upon the service of literary preservation she has so
acceptably performed. And her readers are to be congratulated
also on the certain entertainment of a robust frontier quality
which her book provides for them.
V. L. O. Chittick.
The United States of America: Volume II. From the Civil War.
By David  Saville  Muzzey,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  History,
Columbia   University.     (New   York,   Ginn   and   Company.
803 pp., XLIV.   $3.50).
This is the second in a two-volume set designed by Dr. Muzzey to supply the need for a suitable college text in United States
history. The first volume appeared about two years ago and traced
the story of the American people in conquering a continent and
developing the political and constitutional foundations of their
national power. The first volume ended with the close of the
Civil War, and this one continues the narrative from that point to
the present time. New problems in the later period have called
for a new emphasis. Sectional cleavage between North and South
has given place to economic sectionalism between East and West.
Non-interference with business has been slowly supplanted by a
growing consciousness of the necessity for Federal control, and
the old traditional detachment from the rivalries of the Old World
became suddenly transformed when we became a World Power Brother Mack 67
charged with the administration of distant colonies of alien peoples. To present this story in the light of a continuously developing movement has been the aim of the author and in this he has
succeeded very well.
It is comparatively easy for a writer having unlimited space
to set down all the facts of an episode in chronological order.
That requires little skill. But to condense a volume into a chapter, or a chapter into a paragraph and leave out nothing of importance requires a different kind of ability and of higher order.
The salient facts must be selected from the mass, and they must
then be organized into an interesting and telling story that will
give the correct impression to the reader. Here Dr. Muzzey has
been singularly successful. There are many single sentences and
a few paragraphs in the volume which if taken by themselves
give an erroneous impression. These will no doubt be cited by the
hostile critic. But when they are read in connection with the
context the meaning is usually very clear. Here and there one
instinctively calls out for an additional paragraph or page to clear
up a discussion but it is only to realize that these additions mean
many more pages or even an additional volume. This is but another way of saying that the reviewer does not everywhere agree
with Dr. Muzzey either in the selection of his facts, or in their
presentation. But it is very evident throughout the book that the
author has been very careful in the selection of his material, that
he knows the literature of the field thoroughly and that there is
clearly manifest a strong desire to be entirely fair to both sides
in every controversy. To say that another would select for emphasis a different group of facts is no criticism of Dr. Muzzey,
and certainly no one could exceed him in the spirit of fairness.
The books shouuld find a welcome place in college courses
and the general reader will find the story stimulating and enlightening. Both may make use of the excellent bibliographies at the
end of the volumes.
Edward McMahon.
"Brother Mack,"  the Frontier Preacher.    By A.  J.  McNemEE.
(Portland, Oregon: 1924.   Pp. 80.)
Here is a little book that deserves to be classed as a "human
document" in the literature of the Northwest. It is sure to take
its place among the rare items of Northwest Americana. To a request for information as to the selling price of the book the ven- 68 Book Reviews
erable author replied: "It is a cultus potlatch, as the Indians say,
as it is not for sale. I only had three hundred copies published
and I have given them away to the preachers and to some of my
old time friends."
The author was born in Portland, Oregon, on March 5, 1848.
His people were of frontier stock and he, himself, maintained the
standard of courage so characteristic of that stalwart breed. His
story of boyhood memories, of his struggle for an education and
his travels as a young Methodist preacher is not only a narrative
of gripping interest but it teems with incidents and descriptions of
real historic value.
Mr. McNemee has correctly judged that his book will be of
greatest interest to preachers but what reader in King County
would not relish this comment on its ,history: "When I took
charge of the Squak Mission, September 18, 1885, we had in
Seattle two preachers, Rev. John N. Denison of First Church, and
Rev. L. A. Banks of the Battery Street Church. Reverend John
Flinn had White River circuit and my appointment included
nearly all the rest of King County down to the Snohomish County
line. It took me three weeks to go around this Circuit afoot, as
there were scarcely any roads, only a sled road or a pack trail and
often only a blazed trail, sometimes not even that to follow. Often
when going down the Snoqualmie River Bottoms I have followed
the bear trails in preference to crawling through the brush and
over the logs, for this country, so rich now, was then almost a
wilderness."
The last page of the book is a tabulation of sums raised for
the building or repairing of churches and parsonages. The sums
seem relatively modest in each case, but the fifteen communities
were small ones and the work involved was undoubtedly out of
all proportion to the money raised.
Mr. McNemee, in retirement, is living in a little home at'
Langley, Washington, where his book was dated August 1, 1924.
The Mountaineer. Edited by The Editorial Board.    (Seattle:
The Mountaineers, Incorporated, 1924.   Pp. 91.   Seventy-five
cents.)
Mazama.    Edited by Merle W. Manly.     (Portland: The Mazamas, 1924.    Pp. 112.   $1.00.)
For a long time it has been an annual privilege to call attention to these valuable publications in the January issues of this Chinook by the Sea
69
Quarterly. Each organization issues a monthly which at the end
of the year takes the form of'a large and beautifully illustrated
magazine. As would naturally be expected, each of these magazines carries the financial and statistical reports for the year, a
list of members and reviews of recent mountaineering books.
Heretofore, the special articles have been devoted almost entirely
to descriptions of the places visited and the mountains climbed
during the year then current.
The Mountaineer for 1924 has made a distinct departure
from the former practice. The number is dedicated "To the Members of the Third Mount Everest Expedition" and the beautiful
greeting (in facsimile) is from Lieutenant-Colonel E. F. Norton,
leader of that world-famous expedition. The leading article,
"The Himalayas as a Climbing Field" is by Colonel H. Appleton,
late of the Royal Engineers of Great Britain. Stephen T. Mather,
Director of the National Park Service, writes on "America's National Parks." Another official contribution is by Owen A. Tom-
linson, Superintendent of Mount Rainier National Park, on "Development of Our National Parks." Major E. S. Ingraham tells
the story of "The Ascent of Mount St. Elias" by the Prince, Luigi
of Savoy, Duke of the Abruzzi, of whose party in 1897 Major
Ingraham was a member. Such articles have a world-wide interest
and value. The other articles have intense interest but they are
more local in their appeal and deal largely with mountaineering
activities around Mount Rainier.
The articles in The Mazama deal largely with Mount Adams
to which the club devoted its 1924 outing. There are also articles
showing researches in the field and in literature about mountains,
glaciers and mountaineering.
The editors of each of these publications have set a high
standard of excellence for their successors to follow.
Chinook by the Sea. By Lewis R. Williams. (Ridgefield, Washington: The Author, 1924. Pp. 136. $2.00.)
Chinook is one of the best known Indian words in the Pacific
Northwest. The warm breeze that melts the snows of winter is
called "Chinook Wind"; the greatest fish of the Columbia River
is the "Chinook Salmon"; the trade language among Northwestern
Indians is the "Chinook Jargon"; and one of the most historic
settlements on the Columbia River, near its mouth is Chinook. It
is a record of the village that the author has put into book form. 70
Book Reviews
Perhaps the chapter headings will serve to show the plan of
the work: "Discovery of the Columbia River," "The Coming of
Lewis and Clark," "The Coming of the Astor Party," "The Battle
of Wappalooche," "Settlers of the 40's," "The Events of the 50's,"
"In the 60's," "Events and Happenings of the 80's," "A Review
of the 90's."
When the book appeared, the Portland Oregonian, On November 9, 1924, gave it a very favorable editorial beginning: "Local
communities—and there are many in the old Oregon country—
which are rich in historical associations will be stimulated by being
reminded that inspiring memories are not exclusively the property
of the so-called older civilizations. The annals of the Northwest
are replete with instances among which the neglected history of
Southwestern Washington furnishes a number of noteworthy examples. Hitherto ignored by historians, yet the scene of many a
memorable occurrence, the counties of Pacific, Wahkiakum, Cowlitz and Clarke constitute a field for study unrivaled, we think, by
a good many which owe an adventitious celebrity solely to the
circumstance that they have been painstakingly tilled."
The National Park Service. By Stephen T. Mather, Director.
(Washington: Government Printing Office,  1924.    Pp.  165.
Twenty-five cents.)
The eighth annual report, like its predecessors, gives the record of the travel season for the current year as well as many
suggestions for improvements. Director Mather's report on the
Mount Rainier National Park occupies pages 45 to 48. The report
of Major O. A. Tomlinson, Superintendent of the Mount Rainier
National Park occupies pages 114 to 118. He suggests a number
of needed improvements. His compilation of statistics shows that
in the travel year of 1924 the park was visited by totals of 38,351
cars and 161,473 people. Of these, 57,055 people were from Seattle and 32,474 from Tacoma. A total of 31.509 cars and 128,335
people are credited to the State of Washington.
Little Pioneers of the Fir-Tree Country. By Mabel G. Cleland.
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1924. Pp. 124. $1.50.)
Here are twelve more pioneer stories delightfully written for
children by Mrs. Cleland. Young readers in the Pacific Northwest have rejoiced over her stories for a number of years. Young
folks throughout the country will now share in that joy through
the assistance of the great firm of publishers in Boston. The Constitutions of the Northwest States
71
The Constitutions of the Northwest States.    By John D. Hicks.
(Lincoln, Nebraska: 1923.   Pp. 162.)
The printing of this double number in the "University Studies" of the University of Nebraska seems to have been delayed as
it just arrived though bearing the date, January-April, 1923. The
publication seems more delayed as the work substantially in its
present form was submitted in 1916 as a partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy at the University of Wisconsin.
The scope of the work is best revealed by the chapter headings: "The Statehood Movement," "The Departments of Government," "Education and School Lands," "Corporations other than
Municipal," "Labor and Social Legislation," "Taxation and Public
Finance," "Miscellaneous," (such as Suffrage, Local Government,
Irrigation and Water Rights), and "Admission."
The "Bibliography" includes a helpful collection of titles of
Congressional and State documents, newspapers, periodicals, books
and pamphlets.
It is clear that Doctor Hicks, in his thesis, has undertaken to
cover an immense field. Restriction toward unity is evident in the
emphasis placed on the so-called "Omnibus States"—North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana and Washington. By a clever welding of the masses of material he has made a valuable work on
those States as a group, but by omitting an index he has left it a
difficult matter to glean his conclusions about any single State.
The two most outstanding conclusions are that there was a growing distrust for public officials and that too much legislation was
injected into the constitutions. Toward the end of his study, in
summing up his conclusions he declares: "Whether the West had
swallowed the Nation or the Nation had swallowed the West
would be a difficult question to decide." He asks and seeks to answer certain questions as to what should be really expected of a
• state and then ends his study with, the following paragraph:
"The men who framed these constitutions did not consciously
admit any lack of confidence in democratic government. Direct
popular control was to their minds the paracea for all ills. Every
effort was made to place public officials in such a position that
they must respond to the desires of the people. The use of the
referendum became more common. The length of the ballot increased. The great Weakness of the system lay in this over-estimation of the capabilitiees of the people.    Changes in the laws
J 72 Book Reviews
which the constitution contained could be effected only by constitutional amendment, and although that process was usually made
easy, intelligent decisions on the part of the electorate were likely
to be difficult to obtain. The increase in the number of elective
officers added a further burden. Regardless of the question as to
who is best fitted to fill administrative and judicial offices, the fact
remains that, voting on a large number of candidates at one time,
popular interest is likely to be divided and popular judgment uncertain. Nevertheless, the trend towards direct participation by
the people in the government had not yet reached its climax. The
initiative, the more expanded use of the referendum, and the recall were yet to come. And even now, a third of a century later,
it may well be doubted if any distinct reaction has set in."
Studies in Administrative Research. By Fred C. Ayer. (Seattle:
Board of Directors, 1924. Pp. 117. Sventy-five cents.)
Professor Ayer is Director of the Seattle Public Schools Department of Research. This book is Bulletin No. 1. The subdivisions are "Time Allotment," "The Curriculum," "Upper Grade
Organization" and "Progress of Pupils." The work is of especial
value to teachers and others having responsibility in the maintenance of our system of education.
Cowboys North and South. By Will James. (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924. Pp. 217. $3.50.)
The publisher's announcement says: "Here is the cowboy's
story at its best, written by one who was brought up a cowboy and
has lived all his life as a cowboy, among cowboys, and knowing
every tradition of the cattle country." The author himself says:
"Me, never being to school and having to pick up what I know in
grammar from old magazines and saddle catalogs scattered in cow
camps would find plenty of territory for improvement in the literary range."
The language throughout the book has the same sound of
galloping hoofs and swinging ropes. Anyone who loves the West
will like these stories. The fifty-one illustrations, all by the author, comprise one of the most attractive features of the book.
Will James is certainly a clever artist. There is no question but
that this book will receive a cordial welcome among collectors and
readers of the rapidly growing cowboy literature. Other Books Received 73
The Austin Papers.- Edited by Eugene C. Barker. (Washington:
American Historical Association, 1924. Two volumes. Pp.
1824.   $1.25 per volume.)
The two volumes are parts 1 and 2 of Volume II. of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the year
1919. They comprise the fifteenth report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. The exhaustive work is of greatest interest
to Texas. Most of the manuscripts and other materials were
found in the Library of the University of Texas. They trace the
progress of the busy enterprises of Moses and Stephen F. Austin
from Virginia through Missouri and Arkansas to Texas. In his
preface, the editor says' "Moses Austin illustrated in his own career the typical aspects of the business man in the Westward
Movement; and Stephen F. Austin was, to a degree not approached by any other colonial proprietor in our history, the
founder and the indispensable guardian and director during its
early vicissitudes of a great American Commonwealth."
Other Books Received
Alvord, Clarence Walworth  and Carter, Clarence Edwin.
Trade and Politics,  1767-1769.     (Springfield:  Illinois  State
Historical Library, cl921.   Pp. 760.)
Guilday, PETER.    The Catholic Church in Virginia.    (New York:
United States Historical Society, 1924.    Pp. 159.)
Howard College.   Studies. (Birmingham, Alabama: Howard College, May, 1924.    Pp. 61.)
Jenison, Marguerite Edith.    The War-Time Organizations of
Illinois.    (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Library, 1923.
Pp. 508.)
Massachusetts Historical Library.    Proceedings, Volume 57,
1923-1924.    (Boston: The Society, 1924. Pp. 531.)
Robinson, James Harvey.    An Introduction to the History of
Western Europe.    Part 1.     (Boston: Ginn,  1924.    Pp.  530.
$2.80.) PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA
Auction Sales
No important sales of Western Americana have yet taken
place during the present auction season. At the sale held by
Charles F. Heartman, at Metuchen, New Jersey, on November
29, a considerable number of rare items of miscellaneous Americana were sold. Among these was a copy of George Wilkes'
Proposal for a National Railroad to the Pacific Ocean (N. Y.
1847). This pamphlet of 24 pages, in wrappers and with the folding map, brought the sum of $612.50.
George Wilkes' "Proposal"
Such a pamphlet as the above occupies an important place in
the bibliography of western railroad building. It is difficult nevertheless to understand how it could command a price of twenty-five
dollars a page, even from a collector of unlimited means. George
Wilkes' plan for a national railroad to the Pacific was first given
to the public in his History of Oregon (New York, Colyer, 1845).
The following year he embodied the same ideas in a memorial to
Congress and in a memorial to the Oregon Provisional Government. The text of the plan as set forth in the History of Oregon,
pages 47-62, was revised and republished in pamphlet form. A
second edition of the pamphlet was issued by the author in 1845.
It contains 23 pages. The fourth edition contains 24 pages and
was published in New York by Daniel Adee in 1847. A copy of
the latter edition is to be found in the University of Washington
Library and it is this edition apparently that was sold at the
Heartman sale. George Wilkes' History of Oregon was reprinted
in this Quarterly, where the text of the railroad plan can be found
in volume 2.
Early Literature of the Northwest Coast
In his presidential address before the Royal Society of Canada at the May meeting of 1924, Judge F. W. Howay of British
Columbia gave an admirable resume of the maritime voyages of
exploration to the Northwest Coast of America prior to 1800. His
paper will appear in Volume 18, Third Series, of the Transactions
(74) The Journal Man
75
of the Royal Society of Canada. Students will be glad to learn
that the paper has already been preprinted by the Society in a
pamphlet of thirty-one pages.
Judge Howay has given separate treatment to the Spanish,
French, American and English voyages. Into a narrative of the
various expeditions skilfully combining stories of national ambition and personal venture, the author has liberally sprinkled notes
on the chief printed and available manuscript records.   .
At the Conference of the Pacific Northwest Library Association in Victoria, B.C. on August 27, Judge Howay gave an address
on the literature of the American and English voyages to the
Northwest Coast. This address has been printed and is now
available in the Proceedings of the Pacific Northwest Library
Association for the year 1924, pages 104-122. The information of
the latter address is substantially that of the former, with the
omission of the French and Spanish voyages. Librarians and students will find enduring value in these informing and convenient
summaries.
The Journal Man
Mr. Fred Lockley of Portland continues in the Oregon Journal his column entitled "Impressions and Observations of the
Journal Man." For more than eleven years, he has maintained
this useful department. During this time he has secured and
printed interviews with several thousand pioneers of Oregon and
Washington.
Approaching the Century Mark
Holiday greetings from Major Junius Thomas Turner, of
Washington, D. C, recalls the fact that he has passed his 98th
natal day and has practiced law for 72 years. He was on Puget
Sound and took part in the Indian war of 1855. He also participated in an Indian war in Oregon, in the Mexican war and the
Civil war. His friends call him a hero of four wars. Among
other duties just now, he is teaching a boy of sixteen to become
a journalist.
1
elm
#
Vi1 76 Pacific Northwest Americana
Pacific Coast Branch
At the nineteenth annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch
of the American Historical Association, held at the University of
California on November 30 and December 1, Prof. J. A. O. Lar-
sen of the University of Washington read a paper on "Representative Government in the Panhellenic League." Prof. Frank
A. Golder, formerly of the Washington State College and now of
Stanford University, read a paper on "Pictures from Soviet
Russia," and Prof. Walter C. Barnes of the University of Oregon
read one on "Natural Law in Eighteenth Century Thought." NEWS DEPARTMENT
Historic Tablet in Olympic Hotel
The Daughters of Pioneers (prior to 1870) have placed a
beautiful bronze tablet at the main entrance of Seattle's new
Olympic Hotel.    The inscription on the tablet is as follows:
"This is the original site of the University of Washington,
AD. 1861-A.D. 1895.    Placed by the Daughters of the Pioneers."
The people of Seattle had combined their efforts to build the
great hotel. They took pride in the ceremonies that dedicated
their accomplishment. The Seattle Times of December 9 thus
announced the ceremonies attending the dedication of the historic
tablet:
"Following closely the lavish dedication of the new Olympic
Hotel Saturday evening came another event yesterday—one less
elaborate, much more limited in participants, but none the less
important from an epoch-making standpoint, especially to its sponsors, members of pioneer families whose courage and faith in the
city's future brought about this great civic achievement."
About three hundred representatives of the pioneer families
assembled for luncheon in the ornate Spanish ballroom. Mrs.
Helen Poison Gibson, President of the Daughters of Pioneers,
presided and made the introductory address touching on the importance of the occasion. With her at the speaker's table sat six
of the seven known survivors of the first University students of
1861. These were called to their feet for introduction as follows:
Mr. and Mrs. Clarence B. Bagley, Mrs. Susie Mercer Graham,
Mr. Rolland H. Denny, Mrs. Gardner Kellogg and Mrs. M. S.
Drew. At the same table were Mrs. O. C. Shorey, who kept the
first University Boarding House, Mrs. Clara McCarty Wilt, who
was the sole member of the first graduating class in 1876 and
Judge W. P. Bell, President of the Pioneer Association of Washington. These were the guests of honor of the occasion. Other
participants in the program who occupied seats at the same table
were Miss Alice Calhoun, Chairman of fthe Committee of Arrangements, Mrs. Este Avery, soloist, and her accompanist, Mrs.
George B. Lamping and Doris Lamping, daughter and granddaughter of Mr. and Mrs. Rolland H. Denny.
(77) 78 News Department
Before little Doris Lamping, great granddaughter of Arthur
A. Denny, principal donor of the land, unveiled the tablet, Prof.
Edmond S. Meany gave an address on the history of the land and
the University leading up to the building of the great hotel. He
complimented the Daughters of Pioneers on their service to the
future in thus marking a site of such historic importance.
An Honor for Vancouver
The memory of Captain George Vancouver has been honored in the place of his birth by the naming of a new road.
In this Quarterly for October, 1924, there was published a
review of Vancouver and His Great Voyage by G. H. Anderson.
In acknowledging a copy of the review the author, who is Borough
Accountant, writes from Town Hall, King's Lynn, England: "I
am pleased to say that the suggestion I made as to naming the new
road has been adopted and every day I now have the gratification
of walking through 'Vancouver Avenue'."
Two Washington Centennials .
The year 1925 should be interesting to the citizens of the
State of Washington on account of two centennials. Mr. Oliphant mentions one of them in his article on Fort Colville in this
issue. The other is Vancouver. Chief Factor John McLoughlin
moved the Columbia River headquarters of the Hudson's Bay
Company from Fort George (Astoria) to what he called Fort
Vancouver in the spring of 1825. The village, now city, of Vancouver grew up alongside the Fort. It is the oldest continuous
home of white men in the State of Washington. Its centennial
ought to be marked by some ceremony or celebration.
The Pacific Wilderness Olympiad
Fifteen cities in view of the Olympic Mountains are working
up interest in a great pageant as a tourist attraction for 1925.
It is planned to weave some pioneer history and later progress
into a story that will be successful in pageant form. The cities
as listed in the advance literature are Olympia, Hoquiam, Aberdeen, Montesano, Elma, Chehalis, Centralia, Bremerton, Shelton,
Port Angeles, Port Townsend, Port Orchard, Quilcene, Seattle,
Tacoma. Pacific Coast Historical Meeting
79
Pacific Coast Historical Meeting
The twentieth annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch of
the American Historical Association was held at Los Angeles on
November 28-29. The sessions were well attended and papers
were read by representatives from eight Universities and Colleges
located on the Coast. The address of President Cleland at the
Annual Banquet was a very informing study of American-Mexican relations which was the result of a year's investigation in
Mexico. This paper should have a wider circulation than it has
received. The officers for the coming year are, President, Wm.
A. Morris of the University of California; Vice-President, Oliver
H. Richardson of the University of Washington; Secretary-
Treasurer, Ralph H. Lutz, Stanford University. Informally the
members expressed a desire that the next meeting be held at
Seattle and the Council will keep in mind their wishes in arranging for the next meeting.
Early Days of the University of Washington
Mr. J. Orin Oliphant, while searching through the files of
Spokane's first newspaper—the Spokan Times—found two items
about the Territorial University which he transcribed. They
follow:
From the issue of September 25, 1879:
"The Territorial University at Seattle opened on the 1st inst.
Prof. Anderson has ten able instructors, who are as factors, conducting the different branches of the University: A. J. Anderson,
A.M., President—Psychology and Mathematics; Mrs. L. P. Anderson, Preceptress—Botany and French; Miss R. F. Scott, A.
B.—Latin and Greek; T. R. Wilson, A.B.—Applied Mathematics
and common English; Mrs. Emma Guttenberg—German; C. B.
Plummer—Elocution; Miss Minnie Sparling—Painting and drawing; G. W. Ward, Vocal music; C. M. Anderson—Book-keeping
and Practical Business; O. P. Anderson—Plain and Ornamental
penmanship; Miss Jennie Hancock—Telegraphy."
From the issue of December 18, 1879:
"The attention of all concerned, and this class will include
every permanent resident of the Territory, is called to the open
letter of President Anderson, on University topics, to be found below. Under the guidance and control of Mr. Anderson, our Territorial school has grown from an institution of primary learning
to one little, short of the leading institutions of learning on the 80 News Department
Coast. With each succeeding quarter there is an increase of attendance, a raising of the higher branches of study, and a progress strongly marked and exceedingly gratifying. The following
is President Anderson's letter:
" 'To the Citizens of Washington Territory:
" 'The University Fall term of 1879 closed the 3rd instant
with 125 names upon the register, showing a gain of one student
over the Fall term of 1878. Forty different classes recite daily.
Average time of recitation, forty minutes.
" 'It is expected that the apparatus and reference books provided for by an appropriation of $500 by the Legislature will be
secured in time for use during the winter term, which begins
December 1, 1879. At that time classes will be organized in Natural Philosophy, Conic Sections, Common School Bookkeeping
and Counting House Bookkeeping. January 1, 1880, pupils will
have an opportunity to begin the following studies: Algebra, Latin,
Mineralogy, Greek and Mental Philosophy. Pupils can at any
time enter classes in the common branches, music, Painting and
Drawing.
" 'The price of tuition in the higher branches is just three-
fourths of the charge at Willamette University, and is less than
at any leading college of Oregon. At the same time it is the
determination that the character of the instruction given shall not
be excelled in any institution of the North Pacific Coast.
" 'Board and room in the University Boarding house can be
had for $45 per term of thirteen weeks. Private families charge
about the same price. Some students find places to work for their
board, while others board themselves at no greater cost than two
dollars per week. Some of our most promising pupils work their
own way." Principal Articles in the Washing|p®Historical Quarterly
VOLUME XIV
The Building of ft$ Walla W^lafTand Columbia River
,    Railroad;y^y;:. .'.....W.  W. Baker-
Spokane, Portland and Seattle Railway L. C. Gilman
Newspapers of  Washington Territory "J*k.'V> Edmond '$. Meany  -
Historical^Sffvices of Thomas W. Proschrr^Wh Charles W. Smith
Origin of Washington Geographic Names.:$.\^'&?Jt;lidmond S. Meany
The Orphan Railroad and the Ram's Horn Right of Way. .G£m<Hanford
Memories of White Salmon and its Pioneers Albert J. Thompson
Introduction of Cattle into the Pacific Northwest C. S. Kingston
Captain John Mullan and the Engineers' Problem.,:~^^aSamuel F. Bemis
The Mullan Road: Its Local History and Significance T. C. Elliott
Senator Cole and the Purchase of Alaska:*&&l'k^.j$sj.%:Victor J. Farrar
Klickitat County: Indians of and Settlement by Whites jietia^M. Coon
Cape Disappointment in  History ■. i^£j$&!.',&qrbara Coit Elliott
Hall's Visit to Oregon in 1839  .Howard M. Ballou
VOLUME XV
The Tercentenary of a Great Failure . ->^^^-: H. H. Gowen
Journals of the Indian War of 1855-1856. ■"•^^^m^&'.f■ Orin Oliphant
Frederick Homer Balch'v J). ^Jfl^MtS- • Delia M.  Coon
Idaho Pioneer of 1864 XiS&-|f Mrs. James D. Agnew
Reminiscenses of Mrs. Delia B. Sheffield.. M£ William S. Lewis
The Gratfd^Coulee Henry Landes
%S?he GrandtCoulee in History Edmond S. Meany
Atanum Valley Fifty-four Years Ago Albert J. Thompson
The Benjamin Pv Cheney Academy v&S&i/. Orin Oliphant
Robert Moore in Oregon History  .y.^^.J. Orin Oliphant
Chief  Patkanim.', .^^\^\;2s\- Edmond  S. Meany
North West and Hudson's Bay Companies Aaron Newell
Secret Aid for Oregon Missions Edmond S. Meany
Oregon's Provisional' Post-Office.. j*||§&- Walter M.  Underhill
The Oregon Mint T. Elmer Strevey
Reminiscences of Joseph H- Boyd. William S. Lewis
The Washington Historical Quarterly is published by the Washington
University State Historical Society. It is issued quarterly with title page
and index in the last/number of each volume; it is also indexed in The
Magazine Subject Index and the International Index to Periodicals. The
current subscription price is $2.00 per year, or $0.75 each for single copies.
Back numbers arej;a^lable as follows:
Volumes I-X,  Complete with General   Index $40.00
(Single numbers, when available, at $1.00 each.)
Volumes XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XV, each... ; ^j^'lt^     .'?«^
(Single numbers, 75c each. )
For information in regard to subscriptions or exchange, Address
CHARLES W. SMITH, Business Manager,
Washington   Historical   Quarterly,
University Station, Seattle, Wash. Qnnouncemente
fl The diary of Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, U.
S. N., while in command of the United
States Exploring Expedition, is being reproduced from the original so far as it relates
j^-r^ftthe Pacific Northwest. It is vajua^:^
source material for the history of this region.
fi Before his departure from the University of
Washington, Victor J. Farrar edited "The
Nisqually Journal" through the month of
December, 1852. Its further publication is
suspended for the present.
ff Professor   Kingston   of   the   State   Normal
School, Cheney, has produced an inte^ffipMi
article about the Austrian prince, whose assassination caused the World War.
IT Professor Gowen's rece^.£trip to the Orient
has resulted in a timely article about Japan's
first mission to America.
fl Mr. Oliphant's study of Old Fort Colville
has peculiar significance for the centennial
year of 1925.
1 United States Commissioner R. S. Ludington has furnished a copy of the Wenatchee
Indians' plea for justice. Wot
^ajfinngton ^ifcorical <©wrte|j|
Contrftratt'ng Cottpjt^ Jj
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle        H. B. McELR^Olympia
W. P. Bonney, Tacoma Edward McMahon, Seattle
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla J. Orin Oliphant, Cheney
William S. Lewis, Spokane        O. B. Sperlin, Rolling Bay
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
iflanagtng Cbitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
charles w. smjtJi^
VOL. XVI. NO. 2
APRIL, 1925
ISSUED  QUARTERLY
Two Dollars per Tear
Contents:
J. ORIN OmPHAN^fo-feV. Old Fort  Colville   (Continued)     83
ANGUS MacDONALD..
EDMOND S. MEANT..
F.  XV. HOWAY	
mcouver's Centennial...
iptain   Simon  Metcalfe
»3s4;*W$I*ris "Eleanor"
J. ORIN OLIPHANT.. .- Thfr North-West Tribune..
VICTORIA   GAZETTE The   Beaver    	
Documents—Diary of Wilfces in the Northwest	
Book Reviews jjb&^Ji.
Paciflc   Northwest   .
News Department..
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTc^pAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON Principal Articles in the Washington Historical Quarterly
Volumes I-X
(See issue for October, 1919)
VOLUME XI
The Voyage of the Hope-
Francis Heron, Fur Trader: Other Herons William 'S. Lewis
Death of E. O. S. Scholefield - C. B. Bagley
Pioneer and Historical Societies of Washington ^.Victor J. Farrar
Origin of Washington Geographic Names Edmond S. Meany
Reopening of the Russian-American Convention of 1824——Victor J. Farrar
Beginning of Mission Work in Alaska William S. Holt
David Thompson's Journeys in Idaho T. C. Elliott
John Worl|Vf0urnal of a Trip from Fort Colville to Fort
Vancouver and Return in 1828 William S. Lewis and Jacob A. Meyers
Shipbuilding in the Pacific Northwest .Szi^Helen D. Goodwin
Beginning of Militia in Washington (M^—■—George Gibbs
First Militia Companies in Eastern Washington Territory—William S. Lewis
Judge E. P. Oliphant James E. Babb
Bibliography of the Anthropology of the Puget Sound Indians—
. /. D. Leechman
VOLUME XII
Authorship of the Anonymous Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
 ;  F. W. Howay
Origin of Washington Geographic Names Edmond S. Meany
Joseph Lane McDonald and the Purchase of Alaska Victor J. Farrar
Bibliography of Railroads in the Pacific Northwest Marian Cords
Facts About George Washington Junius T. Turner
Boston Traders in Hawaiian Islands, 1789-1823 S. E. Morison
Captains Gray and Kendrick: The Barrell Letters F. W. Howay
Naming Stampede Pass W. P. Bonney
The Oregon Laws of 1845 John T. Condon
VOLUME XIII
The Cowlitz Convention: Inception of Washington
Territory v^i< Edmond S. Meany   ,
Advertising and the Klondike Jeannette P. Nichols
The Wreck of the St. Nicholas -^&--c- L. Andrews
Origin of Washington Geographic Names. ;,r$j£&'i Edmond S. Meany
The Loss of the "Tonquin" P. W. Howay
The Background of the Purchase of Alaska Victor J. Farrar
A Daughter of Angus MacDonald'$£&^Mi$-jf. Christina Williams
Crossing the  Plainpje.'. Clarence B.  Bagley
Newspapers of Washington Territory Edmond S, Meany
Finan McDonald :.&",....^f.-isJf^A. Meyers
Early Development of Railroads in the Pacific Northwest C. J. Smith
Van Ogle's Memory of Pioneer Days '•"-^- Van Ogle Wt)t
^aafnngton ^fetortcal ©uarterlp
Contributing Cotters;
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle       H. B. McElroy, Olympia
W. P. Bonney, Tacoma Edward McMahon, Seattle
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla J. Orin Oliphant, Cheney
William S. Lewis, Spokane       O. B. Sperlin, Rolling Bay
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
iflanagtng Cbitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
Jlusinesus jfBlanager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XVI. NO. 2
APRIL, 1925
ISSUED  QUARTERLY
Two Dollars per Tear
J. ORIN OLIPHANT..
. Old Fort Colville  (Continued)     S
WILLIAM S. LEWIS..
• Information Concerning the
Establishment of Fort Colville    If
.Letter   IC
EDMOND   S. MEANT.
.Vancouver's Centennial   11
F. W. HOWAY	
Captain   Simon  Metcalfe
D. H. HANFORD	
•Members of the Seattle Bar
Who Died Young   12
Wilkes
a   IS
News Department.	
  1«
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON Wbt Wasfyin&tm WLnibtvsMp
Matt %tetotital g>otitty
Officers and Board of Trustees
Clarence B. Bagley, President
Judge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President
Judge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer
Judge Thomas Burke
Judge Cornelius H. Haneord
Samuel Hill
Proeessor  Edmond  S.  Meany,  Secretary TOagfnngton j|tetortcal Quarterly
OLD FORT COLVILLE
[Continued from Volume XVI., Page 48.]
The extent of the Company's land claim at Colville, Anderson asserted, would, if reduced to a regular square, be from five
to six miles square. The value of the arable lands in 1846 he put
at "about $25 an acre." About the fort he considered there were
1,500 acres answering to this description, and in the vicinity of
White Mud, "at least 3,000 acres." The remainder of the land he
valued at not more than $1.25 an acre.62
With respect to the cost of erecting a mill such as the Company owned, between 1848 and 1851, Anderson made an estimate
of $20,000. 8S "The cost to the Company was very large, partly
from the difficulty of getting proper mechanics, and again from
the heavy cost of transport of the necessary material by boat from
Fort Vancouver. The new mill was commenced either in the winter of 1845 or the spring of 1846 by my predecessor, Chief Factor
Lewis. °* On my arrival there in the autumn of 1848, I found the
work still incomplete, and it was only by great exertion that I
succeeded in completing it about 18 months afterwards; for besides the original impediment to which I have already alluded, the
excitement caused by the discovery of the mines in California had
arisen, and its effects extended to the very gates of Colville. Meanwhile the old mill which had been built many years previously was
kept as far as possible in repair, in order to carry on the necessary
grinding."65
64 John
Ion at Tshimakain and sought refuge at Colville. Lewis was probably succeeded by
Anderson. See supra, footnote 63. Also see Myron Eells, Life of Father Eells,
1 Letters and Diaries of Rev.  Elkanah Walker and Mary R.  Walker, 1838-52,  pp.
fl
:K
a gun." Father
ible Mr. Lewes an
:ar Colrllle,   May
note 52 of the i
(83) 84 /• Orin Oliphant
Anderson admitted that since 1847 the "Company's posts on
the upper Columbia, in New Caledonia, and Thompson's River
[had] been supplied chiefly from Fort Langley on Fraser's River,
in British Columbia." However, he would not admit that the importance of Colville for securing the surrounding trade had in any
way decreased.66
During the year 1848, when the Cayuse war was waged as .i
result of the Whitman massacre of the preceding November, the
American mission station at Tshimakain, founded by Cushing Eells
and Elkanah Walker in 1838, was abandoned, and for several
weeks protection was afforded to the families of these missionaries by the Hudson's Bay Company's employes at Colville.67
Some five years later, when Governor Stevens and his party came
through Eastern Washington, the hospitality of this post was
generously extended to them.68 Stevens speaks highly of the entertainment he received, and, judging from an account given by
Angus McDonald, who was then in charge of Fort Colville, Stevens and McClellan, who met Stevens at this place, enjoyed themselves to the uttermost.68
In a letter to Mr. Marcy, Secretary of State, dated June 21,
1854, Governor Stevens gives a description of the establishment at
Colville as it appeared in 1853.   He says:
67 Testimony of Thomas Lowe, August 5, 1865; H. B. Co. vs. the V. S., [iv], p. 15.
Also consult Eells,  Life of Father Eells,  and  Walker Diaries,  passim.
68 Of the McDonald hospitality Stevens writes: "Mr. [Angus] McDonald, the trader
in charge, gave me a most hospitable reception, and addressed a note to McClellan [later
General George B.  McClellan],  who had Just gone to his camp nearby,  informing him of
giving them the flavor of buffalo meat. I retired exhausted with the fatigues of the day.'''
—Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical
Route for a Railroad From the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, .   .  . i» 1853-55,
'others have spoken in glowing terms of the hospitality extended to them at Colville.
In October, 1859, P. M. Engel, topographical engineer with the Mullan Military Koad
Expedition, visited Colville. Writing to Lieut. John Mullan, under date of March 8, I860,
he said: "At Colville I was hospitably received by Mr. McDonald, the gentleman in
charge."—John Mullan,  Report on the Construction of A Military Road From Fort  Walla
e Rocky Moun
ains by th
Hell Gate
dellle
McLellan met
him here
rty from Puge
ns  of   extra  ration
ntleman.     McLellan   drank
but little.
The
id   of   it
nd   laid
night to si
His  las
words th
at  night
re 'Mac this
s powerful
wine.'    All
hands
had be
during
d found
ty had dls
appeared
M
jLellan  began
to  sip  the
d  we   sa
gether,   as  closely   as   spa
e   allowed.
Havii
ndergo   the   hosplt
alities   of
the   day
all hands, I
elt my gro
- inviting m
I was wel
trained
in prime
Su
ddenly  the   G
nd  m
r neck
and whit
oud father too
was at Cn
Joden,'  and
n  off the
sy place  fo
him
and  the
Governo
tie night
till  daylight."—
'Angus  McDonald:   A Few It
the  Wes
t,"  In  Wash.   Hist.
Quart.,
VIII,  196-197. Old Fort Colville 85
"Fort Colvile, upon the Columbia, above Kettle Falls, is next
in importance to Fort Vancouver, though far inferior to it in extent. It is situated on the second terrace, at some distance bade
from the river, the lower terrace being in part flooded during the
freshets. The buildings consist of a dwelling house, three or four
store-houses, and some smaller buildings, used as blacksmith shops,
etc., all of one story and constructed of squared logs. The whole
was once surrounded by a stockade, forming a square of about
70 yards on each side. This has been removed, except on the
north side, where it encloses a narrow yard containing offices. One
bastion remains. About 30 yards in the rear of this square are the
cattle yards, hay sheds, etc., enclosing a space of 40 by 60 yards,
roughly fenced in, and the sheds covered with bark. On the left
of the front are seven huts, occupied by the lower employes of the
company. They are of rude construction, and much decayed. On
the right of the square, in the rear, at a distance of a few hundred
yards, are three more buildings, used for storing produce. At this
post the barges used by the company for the navigation of the
Columbia River are built.70
"Besides the principal establishment, there is a cattle post,
about nine miles distant, on the stream laid down as the Slaun-te-
us, and a grist mill of one pair of stones, three miles off on the
same stream. The latter is in good order.71 Here formerly the
flour for the northern posts was ground from wheat raised on the
Company's farms. The mill is still used by the farmers of the
Colvile valley, and by the Spokane Indians, who bring here their
wheat from a distance of 70 miles. The farm at this point was
once pretty extensive, but only a small portion is cultivated at
present.
"Fort Colville was once the post of a chief factor, the highest
officer in charge of a station, and here the annual accounts of the
whole country were consolidated previous to transmission across
The
H
B.   C
mpa
the
Columbiai
boats  he
e  of th
native
Yello
w
Pine.'
McDon
Few Items
the West,'
Hist.  Qt
tart, VIII, 19
Consul
note
'
In
1848
had
en a  large
w mill bu
lt there,  2%  storie
s high,
McDonald,
H.  B.   Oo.
V. 8.,
[iv],
H
a,  twelve
o fifteen
I dolla
would
I
*v
*um
fthal
of
This was
aid
1865.—Id
, p.  165.
Compare
riptions
of   th
8
mill '
en
throt
igont t
bis
cle,   especially
footnote
53;   **V™'
and   Wil
| /. Orin Oliphant
the mountains.72   The present force consists only of a chief clerk,
a trader, and about 20 Canadians and Iroquois Indians.
"I estimate the value of Fort Colvile and the mill, with the I
improvements, at $25,000."73
On December 2, 1852, the Hudson's Bay Company valued
Fort Colvile, "including the farms, mill and fort," at 10,000
pounds.
Just before the outbreak of the Civil War occurred what is
known in history as the San Juan Affair, a disturbance over the
international boundary line in the Pacific Northwest which nearly
brought on an armed clash between forces of Great Britain and
the United States. This controversy arose over the meaning of a
statement in the Treaty of 1846, which provided that the boundary line between British and American possessions in the Pacific
Northwest should be run through the middle of the channel which
separates the mainland from Vancouver Island. Inasmuch as there
are two channels, Canal de Haro and Rosario Strait, the San Juan
Islands became the subject of a dispute. Years afterwards, however, like all others which had arisen between Great Britain and
the United States over the Oregon Country, was settled peaceably.7*
Meantime, however, the encroachments of American settlers
upon the lands claimed by the Hudson's Bay Company and the
Puget Sound Agricultural Company were causing losses to these
companies and producing much bad feeling between the British
and the Americans.75   In his first message to the Territorial Legis-
!  of <
inually
between Fort Vancouver and Hudson's
Vancouver in the spring, with documents
whose contracts had expired, and who \
case might be, returning in the autum
necessary  to   replace  the  hands  who  lef
munication, not only between these posts
In H. B.   Co.  vs.   the  V.   8.,   [iv],  p.   21
73 H. B.  Co. vs. the U.  8.,   [iv], p]
1854. In the Gibbs report, however, "o<
Stevens's letter to Marcy: "In former yc
to those  north of the line,  but  this rou
. . . Made Under the Direction of the
Sees., 33d  Cong., I, 420.
.  XXXIV of the Treaty of \?
required
1 books,  and also taking out all the  servant!
rom   York   Factory   with   the   young
a very important link in the chain
the Company on the west side of t)
son's Bay."—Deposition of Dugald M
s letter hi
.   McClellan,   dated   at   Olympia,   Mar
which  c
t thro
the  dispute  «
v from the upper Cc
ikins.    The beaver i
t the Unite
ing Office,
ish,   April   :
it   [Colville]
e principally
May 8, 1871, provided that
should be submitted to the
rd to be final. On October
States.—Public Treaties of
875), pp. 355 et seq.
),   1865,   in   the   H.   B.   Co. Old Fort Colville
87
lature of Washington, on February 28, 1854, Governor Stevens
called attention to the "foreign corporation situated in our midst,"
an organization "usurping a large proportion of the trade, and annually carrying off great amounts of specie from the country." He
further stated that the "vague and uncertain nature" of the limits,
of the possessions claimed by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company "must necessarily give rise to many disputes between the
Company and the settlers, and tend to retard the settlement of
many portions of the Territory."76 This question was not settled
until 1869.
The treaties negotiated by Governor Stevens with the Indians
of Washington Territory, in 1854 and 1855, did not remove from
the minds of the savages the fear that the white men would swarm
into the northwest and dispossess the Indians of their lands. Suspicions of this sort developed into almost certainty in the minds of
the Indians, when, in the summer of 1855, miners began to pass
through Eastern Washington on their way to the Colville country.
The murder of some of these miners in the Yakima valley, together with the murder of Indian Agent A. J. Bolon, was the
signal for the outbreak of the Indian war in the autumn of 1855.
Of the rush to the Colville mines during the summer of 1855, Acting Governor C. H. Mason, addressing the Territorial Legislature
of Washington on December 7, 1855, stated:
"During the past summer, rumors of discoveries of gold
fields near Fort Colville induced many enterprising and energetic
citizens of the Territory to visit that region. Many have returned
on account of the war, and the impossibility of obtaining provisions there during the winter. Although the extent of the gold
bearing district is not known, yet the fact is certain, that those
who worked the bars and prospected the country near Fort Colville found gold in sufficient quantities to pay well for working.
Wherever the more experienced miners dug, either upon the bars
or upon the hillsides, gold was found, ' and even with the rude
76 Journal
of  the
Council   of
the   Territory
of  Washi
ngton
1854
(Olymp
a:   Geo
rge
B. Goudy,  Pul
er, 1855),  p
p. 10 et seq.
Stevens's
prediction tl
» would
ers   and  the
by
shington Terri
the lands of 1
Sound Agri
cultural Comp
nally
by the
Territoi
supreme Court
in Dec
mber,  1861,
et  Bound As,
ricultur
p, 169).    The
this cs
le  for taxes
and that th
a failure
if  the
lands   in   Pier
*e   Count
company
from
its lands whic
ation.    With
o   the
the  co
held:   "That
argest   of
Gove
vital
ed th
(Treaty
June 15,   1846
recognizing
the right of t
their
the  Governme
t   to   CO
iflrm   the   ss
me,   intended
to   depriv
e   this
Terri
tory   of
the   power 88 /. Orin Oliphant
mode of working with pans, an average of $10 per day has been
made, and those who are still at the mines report profitable employment. I have no doubt that with improved machines and better preparations for working to advantage these gold mines will
prove amply remunerative to many citizens who may go there,
whenever the state of the country will permit communication between the Columbia River and Puget Sound settlements and the
gold bearing region."77
The Indian wars of 1855-56, which extended generally I
throughout Oregon and Washington Territories, had an unfortunate influence on the fur trade. The Cayuse war in 1848 had,
according to the testimony of Dugald Mactavish on April 10,
1866, seriously affected the business of the Hudson's Bay Company at the Walla Walla, or Nez Perces, post.78 From that time
up to the final abandonment of this post, at the order of Indian
Agent Nathan Olney, in 1855, Mactavish declared that the "Indians were never the same people to deal with that they had been,
and the trade was never so profitable as formerly." In 1855 and
1856 the posts at Fort Boise and Fort Hall were abandoned by
the Hudson's Bay Company, and in 1860 Fort Vancouver was
abandoned. These steps, according to Mactavish, were taken with
a very heavy loss to the Company.78
As a result of the Indian disturbances, the Columbia River
ceased to be so important to the trading operations of the Hudson's Bay Company, as a way had been found to bring supplies
overland from Victoria to the interior posts. Okanogan ceased to
be a factor in the distribution of supplies for the interior, but it
was stated by Alexander C. Anderson, on August 9, 1865, that
the importance of Colville for securing the surrounding trade in
furs had not been materially decreased, "and it has much increased in a general commercial sense since that period."80
On March 8, 1867, Dugald Mactavish, a chief factor for the I
Hudson's Bay Company, declared that he had "sent two boatloads
of goods up to Fort Colvile in the summer of 1856, from Vancouver.   But the bulk of the supplies for that year, as also for the
following ones of 1857 and 1858, were sent into Fort Colvile from
8 Deposition of Dugald N Old Fort Colmlle
89
Victoria, Vancouver Island, by the way of Fort Hope, on Frazer's
River, and from Colvile were distributed to the other posts."81
The coming of the American settlers, the Indian wars consequent upon this influx, the placing of the Indians upon reservations by the Americans—these were important factors in bringing
to a close the fur-trading epoch in the present state of Washington. The Treaty of 1846 had conferred upon the United States
government the right to extinguish by purchase the rights of the
Hudson's Bay Company and the Puget Sound Agricultural Company to their lands south of the 49th parallel; but, notwithstanding
this provision in the treaty, no definite step was taken by the
American government to remove "the foreign corporation" until
nearly ten years after Governor Stevens had delivered his first
message to the first Territorial Legislature of Washington.
According to the terms of a treaty concluded between the
United States and Great Britain on July 1, 1863, it was agreed
that commissioners should be appointed by the United States and
Great Britain to determine the sum of money which the United
States should pay for the "possessory rights" of these companies.
In the voluminous testimony which was submitted by each side
in the cases of the Hudson's Bay Company vs. the United States
and the Puget Sound Agricultural Company vs. the United States .
is contained much valuable information respecting the activities
of those companies in the present state of Washington. Only
with the testimony regarding Colville are we at this time primarily interested.
In the memorial of the Hudson's Bay Company, dated April
8, 1865, the sum of 785,350 pounds, or $3,822,036.67 is asked in
settlement of the claims of the Hudson's Bay Company to the
property south of the forty-ninth parallel. Under one heading of
the memorial appears this statement:
"The post at * Colvile, consisting of dwelling houses, servants'
houses, shops, stores, outbuildings, stables, barns, yards, stockades
and bastions, flouring mills and appurtenances, all erected by the
Company, and of the cost and value of ten thousand pounds sterling, (10,000); three hundred and fifty acres of land occupied and
used and cultivated as farm land, and about five miles square of
land occupied and used for pasturage of their cattle and horses,
of the value of five thousand pounds sterling, (5,000) ; the White
Mud farm,   (appurtenant to this post)  with a house, barn and 90
/. Orin Oliphant
stable, store and outbuildings, erected upon it by the Company, of
the cost and value of one thousand pounds sterling, (1,000); the
land used and occupied as a farm, 30 acres of extent, and of the
value of five hundred pounds sterling, (500); making together
the entire sum of sixteen thousand five hundred pounds sterling,
(16,500); equal to eighty thousand three hundred dollars
($80,300) ,"82
On June 10, 1868, a motion was made to amend this memorial, wherein was asked a total addition of 94,500 pounds, or
$459,900. Of this sum it was asked respecting the establishment
of Colville "that an addition of 9,500 pounds sterling, equal to
$46,233.34, be made to their claim for the land at Colvile and
White Mud farm."83
With the great mass of testimony brought forward in this
case we are unable within the limits of this article to deal adequately. Attention is therefore directed specifically to the report
of a commission of experts designated on July 17, 1866, by W. C.
Johnson, attorney and agent for the United States, to examine
and appraise the property owned by the Hudson's Bay Company
at Colville. These men, Jesse Applegate, Jacob L. Rinearson and
John C. Carson, were specifically instructed to examine the buildings and the improvements at Colville, White Mud farm, "some
12 miles from Fort Colville," and the grist mill and the water
power used by the Company. The report of this commission was
dated at Portland, Ore., August 8, 1866.8*
In making the survey of Colville, this report states, it was
found necessary, in order to include all of the lands that had been
in cultivation, to divide the lands into two sections. Section No. 1
of the survey included the fort buildings and about 75 acres of
land, and Section No. 2 included fields amounting to about 150
acres. On Section No. 1 were found three enclosures: "one of
about four acres between the fort and the river, another of about
11 acres below the fort, and another of about 60 acres above the
fort." The first tract was used as a kitchen garden, but only about
one-half had been planted, and the crops on it were reported to
look poor; the second tract had a "fair grain crop upon it," and
the third tract had upon the low ground "an excellent crop of
wheat, oats and potatoes." This last named tract was at that
time, by permission of the Hudson's Bay Company, occupied by
Counsel   (W
84 H.  .
f of  the  U.   S.   .   .   .   O.   Gushing
. the U. S., [i], Old Fort Colville
91
an American citizen who paid no rent. On Section No. 2 were
found three small improvements valued by the assessor of Stevens
county at "$25, $100, and $200, respectively," and about 150 acres
enclosed. Part of this was cultivated by Indians, a part by the
Hudson's Bay Company, and a part lay idle. On these two sections were found rail fences, "generally out of repair," which
were valued by the commissioners at $2,000. The land that had
been enclosed was considered "injured rather than benefited by
cultivation."85
Detailed descriptions of the buildings found at Colville, both
inside and outside the fort, are given in this report, but are too
long for reproduction here. Values placed by the American commissioners on these buildings and other improvements on the two
sections heretofore mentioned follow:
Aggregate value of building on Section No.  1, at
Fort Colville  $6,800
Value of fencing, including the tenement of
O'Sullivan         700
Value of fencing on Section No. 2, exclusive of the
tenements    1,300
Amount taxable    $6,800
Value of the same as given in to the assessor by
Chief Trader McDonald86 $6,200
Following an elaborate description of the Fort Plain, the
commissioners declared that they considered "for agricultural purposes the fee simple title to the whole Fort Plain not to exceed
$2,500, beyond or exclusive of the improvements."87
With respect to the mill of the Company, the commissioners
reported:
"About four miles south of the fort, and upon the stream
called Mill Creek, is the Hudson's Bay Company mill. It has
once been a strong building, about 30 by 40 feet [35 x 50] and 20
feet high; it has been strongly framed, and the walls made of
squared timber, grooved into posts in the usual manner. The machinery was driven by a breast wheel sixteen [seventeen] feet in
diameter with 30-inch [40-inch] buckets, and consisted of one pair
of stones, three feet [forty inches] in diameter, cut out of the
granite common to the vicinity, a bolting apparatus, but no smut
11
1
W
m 92
/. Orin Oliphant
mill. The whole structure seems to be entirely rotten, and has
not been used for some years, nor can it be until entirely rebuilt
[was run until September, 1872]. We value the mill at $500, it
has been assessed at $1500."88
White Mud farm was said to be located about 13 miles southeast of the old fort, and to consist of about 30 acres enclosed and
a few buildings of no great value. The Company ceased to cultivate it in 1860. "There is now but the ruins of one of the houses
built by the Company, and no vestige of their enclosures." In fact,
the commissioners saw "nothing of value remaining at the White
Mud farm which had been made by the Company." As for the
public lands in the Colville Valley, the commissioners were "of
opinion that .... [they] will command no more than the minimum price, exclusive of the improvements made upon them, say
$1.25 per acre."*9
Ilif^
f  this mill:  35 x   50 feet,   with  an
outside
water wheel,   17   feet
by   40
inches.
The  st
nes  were  40  inches
These  st
ccording
Meyers,   were  cut  :
ittle   Falls
vicinity.     Mr.
'  Colvil
as   1862,   t
ce  18e9
J.   A.
Meyers   has  resided
at  Meyers  Fall
the  Col
and his  opinions
thereon
are  entitled   to   weighty  co
sideration.     Thi
by   Mr.
Meyers.
'bid., p.  279.    Continuing,  the  comi
simple
title t(
y of old Fort  Colville,
j   extr:
assor's books of Stei
■ns county,  which shows
well as himself
and we are
told by o
telligent
of Mill  Ci
[ley  for
78.     In
this   same
?.   280
281,   Is
the extract alluded
o above.    It fol
racts   from  the   Roi
:y,   Washington  Territory,
for the
year 1866,  Hudson's
Bay Company j
•epresent.
ad by Angus
McDonald
Henry Lafleur (Joins the White Mud
farm, Isaacs' place
George B. Warnicut
's   (7 miles from
Old Colvile)	
1,500
.3  miles from o
Jo. Martin,  7 miles
from old Fort.
Gaspard,   8 miles f
James Lee, 1% mil
s above old For
25
John Huston  (on M
correctly  extra
cted  fro
by   me
for the
county and the year
above written. _
Lyman
C.   Richards
in
Stevens County,
W.  T."
Meyers has  called
attention  to  sev
B.   Wa
•d  to  G
Phis   n
Mr.  Me
.her says that f
ame of Gaspard there
should
Joseph Dissotell de
3aspor.    The pi
ce occupied by this
bought
by   Mr
Meyers's   mother
1873.
Other   nam
9,   Mr.   M
should
>e altered as follows
r Guah; fo:
S. Mershon, J. Merchant.
Mr
Meyers further sta
es  that  the  rep
ort  mad
e   by  Jesse
Applegate
was  ui
afair   in 90
Angus
McDonald,   a   nephew
of   Archibald   McDonald,   was   born   in
Scotlan
15, 1816.    He received a good education,   and
in  1838,   at the  age  of
In  1842  he was  promo
and   e
June   1,   1842,   s
glv
of   Colville   In   1852,
he   was   in   that   3
chi
Se
trader
Colvile from 1852 t
er   in   the   Compar
1872   [1871]   and
y.     Angus   McDonald
Sefaltt
of
lthln  the  territorial  limits   o
ited
States.
In 1871 he sold out
his interest to the
Company and removed
to Mo
1872-73,   w
here  he  engaged  in   s
ock-ralsing until  h
is   death   on February
r W.  S. Lewis to "Ai
gus McDonald: A
luart,
Vni,  188 et seq.    Th
and  Ja
his deposition   of  September
25,   1865,   H.   B.
Co.   vs.   the   U.  8.,   [ii
I.  PP
s  McDonald  declared
that  he  was  then
n   of
Br
a  ch
ef   trader  of  the  Hu
Ison's   Bay   Compai
een   ii
of  thi
s  company  since  1888.     He  further  declared:   "I   have   some
.h the  Hud
son's  Bay Company's
post  at Fort Colv
of
1839.  wint
red there, and proceeded In the spring t
o Fort Hall In  the Sn
ake  Co
—took
charge
of   Colvile   in   1852,
e   until   1857,    and   ag
i 1859, whereof I hav
e had charge ever
since."    In view of thi
I
to believe  that  Mr.
In  stating   that McDor
of Colv
llle from 1852  to 1872,   for,   continuing.
McDonald declared:   "
was
nally  in
1857  and  1858,   alt]
er,   gi
o  was   in   charge  dur
rs.     "The  buildings  at
irly all disappeared,   e
1858,   by  Mr.   Blenkins
op,   th
chi
rge
of the
fort."—Id., p.  157.
See also Bancrooft,
Hist.  N.   W.   Coast, H
711.
1
Old Fort Colville 93
Quite different from the values put upon the Colville establishment by the American commissioners were those assigned by
Angus McDonald,90 at that time in charge of Fort Colville, in his
deposition of September 25, 1865.81 It is probable that McDonald
greatly exaggerated the value of his company's holdings, but his
associations with this establishment covering a long period of years
give weight to his testimony and make it desirable to examine with
considerable care the larger part of it.   He declared:
"The present condition of the fort is much better than it was
in 1848 or in 1852, when I took charge of it, except the mill,
which is older than it was in 1848, and requires some repairs, but
is in running order. It needs new cogs for some of its wheels,
and new foundation logs for its frame. In the main I have nearly
rebuilt all the buildings inside the square of the fort since 1852;
but there was a row of engaged servants' houses outside of the
fort, which was not kept in repair, but allowed to disappear save
two old servants' houses which still remain. There is now a large
dwelling house, 50 by 23 feet, one story and a half high with two
floors; a frame house, clap-boarded and shingled, hard finished
with plaster inside, with two large quartz rock chimnies. There
is a back family house, of square timber, boarded roof, one story
high, and two floors, lined with cotton drill inside, about 22x15,
and a kitchen of the same size, shingle roof, and a large chimney
of quartz rock. There is a large store, 60 x 20 feet, more or less,
shingle roof, two floors, one story and a half high, built of squared
timber in the Canadian fashion; another store about 40 x 18 feet,
built in the same style as the first and on the other side there is i 94 /• Orin Oliphant
file of officers' houses, 60 x 18 feet, shingled, three chimnies and
two floors, one story and a half high, partly ceiled inside with
tongue and grooved boards and partly mudded and whitewashed;
also a bake house 15 x 15 feet, a poultry house, 10x12 feet, and
a pigeon house. Outside is a heavy square timber bastion, two
stories high, boarded roof with port holes, a blasksmith's shop,
about 16 x 12 feet, carpenter's shop, about 30 x 30 feet, a barn
about 60 x 30 feet, framed, boarded, and roof covered with double
cedar bark, and a cedar rail horse park, about 150 x 150 feet, and
the two old houses mentioned above, 20x20 feet, of square timber, thatched with poles and clay. The half of the stockades still
remain. There was also a root house which I have omitted to
mention.
"In 1848, at White Mud, there was a small dwelling house, a
barn, stable, a store and about 30 to 40 acres of enclosed land.
The buildings at White Mud farm have nearly all disappeared, except one built in 1858, by Mr. Blenkinsop, then in charge of the
fort, about 40 x 30 feet. The buildings were pulled down and destroyed by the settlers on the farm. I found the servant of the
man who settled there engaged in pulling down one of the buildings, and told him to desist, which he refused. I then complained
to Major Lugenbeel,92 the commander of the United States forces
in garrison near there, who said to me: 'Never mind, McDonald,
take no notice of it; it will not invalidate your claim to the
place'."93
McDonald then gave a lengthy description of the lands at Colville claimed by the Hudson's Bay Company, with which we can
not now concern ourselves. In answer to a question he stated
that when he took charge of Colville there were from 100 to 150
head of cattle there, and that generally from two to three hundred
Ntath^lnfante
y,    under   CMnmand^of   Major    [Pinkney]
e^erection of"
g'barracks  for* a "four  company "post  was
The post was occupied until the troops
9 definitely aba
ind  down the   Colville Valley  for  twenty-
.   Hist  Quart,   VIII,  194.     An  American
unity  was  at first  called   "Pinkneyville."
unty was organized on January 20,  1868.
rritorial Legisl
ture, approved January 14,  1868. changed
.  of the Ter.  of Wash., 1867-68, p.  148.
County,   hearir
g   that  the   American   troops   at   Colville
gress,  through the  Territorial Legislature,
mops was required to protect the settlers
Laws., 1871,
PP.  209-210.    See also Edmnod S.  Meany, I
Old Fort Colville 95
head of horses were kept there; but he added that at this time
(1865) there were few cattle there.
The chief grains raised at Colville, according to McDonald's
testimony, were "wheat and oats, and some barley and peas, with
a little Indian corn; but wheat was the staple grain. Hay was
made of the natural grasses growing on marshy lands that were
overflowed on the White Mud plains." With respect to prices at
Colville, McDonald continued: "The average value of good wheat
heretofore has been $2.50 per bushel at Colville, and the present
price $3 per bushel. Hay in the cock, about $9 per ton, and sold
at Fort Colvile at $25 per ton."
The mines which could be supplied from Colville, McDonald
declared, were those on the Columbia, from Priests Rapids up to
the head of the river; those on the Pend Oreille and Salmon Fork;
the Kootenais; those of Rock Creek and American Creek; those
of Similkameen and of Northern Idaho; and those of Thompson's
River and Cariboo.9*
Upon the arable lands at Colville and at White Mud McDonald placed a high value, the price being $40 an acre. Pasture
land, save where hay was Cut, he valued at $2 an acre, and the
hay land at $5 an acre. The mill, together with its site, being the
"best in the whole country," he valued at $20,000, and, as for the
buildings at Colville and at White Mud, he expressed the opinion
that, at the high prices then obtaining, it would cost from $70,000
to $120,000 to build them.95
On cross examination, McDonald stated: that the number of
men kept at Colville varied from 10 to 30, "including about 20
Indians"; that the fur trade at Colville had about doubled since
he took charge; that the trade which the post had with the miners
was not the principal activity of the establishment. As for the
grist mill, he declared that from twelve to fifteen hundred dollars
would put it in good repair. Furthermore, he asserted that from
15 to 30 cattle were always kept at Colville, and that during the
summer and working seasons from 150 to 250 horses were kept
there; that the amount of land enclosed included two tracts, one
of about 160 acres and one of about 5 or 6 acres, both cultivated.98
Direct examination being resumed, McDonald testified that
there were at Colville from 1200 to 1600 acres of land worth $40
an acre, and at White Mud farm from 4,000 to 8,000 acres of
aUrcif 96 /. Orin Oliphant
equal value, with perhaps 1400 acres, more or less, worth $5 an
acre. He declined to estimate the number of acres of pasture
land.97
Further information regarding prices at Colville in 1865 is
available in the testimony of Thomas Flett,88 a farmer living at
that time in the Colville valley. At Victoria, on September 26,
1865, in answer to questions, he gave the following statements:
"I am acquainted with the prices paid [for labor]. Carpenters $10 a day; farm hands $60 to $70 a month; hewers and
choppers $5 to $6 a day, and sometimes they could not be had at
these prices."
"The price of wheat, when I left there, was $3 per bushel,
hay in the stack generally $10 per ton, and at Colvile, Columbia
River, from $20 to $35 per ton, and lumber on Colvile Flat $50
per M."99
Flett further declared that the land at Colville yielded, on an
average, 15 bushels of wheat to the acre, and that the cost of
raising this wheat and transporting it to market was about $15 an
acre.100
On September 10, 1869, in the city of Washington, the commissioners appointed under the Treaty of 1863, John Rose for
Great Britain and Alexander S. Johnson for the United States,
made their award. In full settlement of its "possessory rights"
mentioned in the treaties of 1846 and 1863 the sum of $450,000
was awarded to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to the Puget
Sound Agricultural Company, in full settlement of its rights, was
awarded the sum of $200,000. At the time of the first payment
on these claims each of the aforementioned companies was to deed
to the United States all of these properties. What sum was considered a fair price for the holdings at Colville is not set forth in
the award.101
Fort Colville was vacated by the Hudson's Bay Company on
June 8, 1871, when Angus McDonald moved all of the goods and
property to Kamloops, B. C.    Angus McDonald claimed the old
98 Thomas Flett,  at that time
a farmer living in the Colville Vail
he was  a citizen of the United  Sta
tes,  that he was  born in  Scotland, t
eighteen years  in  the  employ of tl
e Hudson's  Bay Company,   and  that
Company   in   1S51.     Concerning   hi
experiences   at  Colville,   he   said:
from  1840 to  1851,  then went to
the Williamett