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The journal of John Work, a chief-trader of the Hudson's Bay Co. during his expedition from Vancouver… Work, John, 1792-1861 1923

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Array     Early Western Journals
Number I
«■ü i
One   thousand   copies   printed   direct
from type,  and  the type  distributed i
j  The Journal of John Work
A chief-trader pi >
during hiscfjp
to the
'-iy Co.
r ur 1raue
vVilliam b. Lewii
Paul C. Phillips
The An
- m
A f
ft  ^ ..■..■^■-•■.--"
- -..-■• .•---v.y^v. The Journal of John Work
A chief-trader of the Hudson's Bay Co.
during his expedition from Vancouver
to the Flatheads and Blackfeet of
the Pacific Northwest
edited, and with account of the Fur Trade in the
Northwest, and Life of Work
.   •   Iby
William S. Lewis
Paul C. Phillips
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland:   1923
ij.fl COPYRIGHT,   1923,   BY
The Arthur H. Clark Company
■• .
WliüUJ-l» \m
Contents |
Preface  13
The Fur Trade in the Northwest      .       .       .       . 15
Life of John Work  55
Journal of John Work  71
Appendix        .       .       . 177
Original Letters of John Work to Edward Ermatinger 183
Bibliography of the Fur Trade in the Northwest   . 185
Index  193  Illustrations
John Work Frontispiece
From an old photograph now in the Provincial Library, Victoria, British Columbia.
The Blackfoot River, near McNamara's Landing   .       . 91
From a recent photograph by the Colville Studio.
Beaverhead Rock 103
From a recent photograph.
Lewis and Clark Trail over Lemhi Pass       .       .       .       115
From an original photograph by John E. Rees, 1903.
Bluffs along the Salmon River 141
From an original photograph by John E. Rees.
Map showing Route of John Work     .       .       .       .       191  Preface
Johri Worlds Journals furnish the most extensive
records of the fur trade in the Pacific Northwest at the
time of its greatest activity. Alexander Ross and Ross
Cox described it at the time of its origin but John Work
described it when the business had reached maturity.
John Work's Journals lack the picturesque settings
that characterize the writings of his predecessors, for
with him trading and trapping were only serious matters of business. His Journals, however, illustrate the
geography of the Hudson's Bay Company's activities,
and the methods and extent of its trade.
The editors of this Journal are indebted for assistance to Mr. T. C. Elliott of Walla Walla, Washington, Mr. John E. Rees of Salmon, Idaho, Miss Jean
Bishop of Dillon, Montana, and Miss Hazel Herman
of the State University of Montana. The authorship
of the notes is indicated by initials.  k»
The Fur Trade in the Northwest
The American fur trade began with the first explorations of the North Atlantic coast.1 This beginning
was at a time when Europe was seeking new materials
for shoes, hats, and clothing. An abundance of deer
promised leather with which to make comfortable
shoes to take the place of the heavy wooden ones or to
supply those who were barefoot. The beaver and
muskrat colonies were able to furnish vast numbers of
pelts with which to provide all classes with serviceable
and handsome hats. Other fur bearing animals gave
their skins to add to the comfort and beauty of the
European's dress.
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
French and British traders pushed the fur trade back
from the Atlantic coast into the basin of the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes, along the shores of Hudson's Bay, and even to the country bordering on the
Ohio and Mississippi Rivers.2   On the Pacific coast
1 "There are in these partes most delicate and rare furres. . ." Re-
Ports of Ye Contrie Sr. Humphrey Gilbert goes to discou in Colonial Office
Records vol. i, No. 2. Copy in Canadian Archives. A Discourse of the
necessitie . . . of planting English colonies upon the North partes of
America gives an account of martens, beavers, foxes, blacke and white.
Hakluyt Collections, 89. Thomas Heriot, a follower of Raleigh's reported
in 1586: "Furres all along the sea coast there are great store of otters which
will yield good profit."   Ibid., viii, 348.
2 For accounts of the French and British fur trade in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries see Biggar (H. P.) Early Trading Companies of New
France, University of Toronto Studies in History, 1901, and Willson
(Beckles)  The Great Company, Toronto, 1899.
— v&
iy too, Bering, a Dane in the service of the Russian czars,
about the middle of the eighteenth century, gave a great
impetus to the trade in sea otters. His successors
catered to the vanity of Chinese mandarins with immense profit to themselves. So eager were traders to
secure these valuable and beautiful furs that the sea
otter long ago became practically extinct.3
In spite of the vast trade in furs the Columbia River
basin and the valley of the upper Missouri remained
untouched and almost unknown to white traders and
trappers until after the opening of the nineteenth century. The streams of these mountainous If regions
abounded in beaver.* The pelts were not so large and
heavy as those east of the mountains but they were dark
in color and rich in texture.5 Hardly less numerous
were the otters whose heavy, dark-brown furs were
prized by Russians and Chinese next to those of the sea
otter. Bears, wolves, lynx, fishers, muskrats, and foxes,
mostly of the red and cross varieties also furnished pelts
to make up the trapper's toll.
Along the eastern slope of the Rockies began the
great buffalo range of the Northwest.6 Countless
thousands of these animals furnished the Sioux, the
3 For Bering see Golder (F. A.) Russian Expansion on the Pacific, X641-
1850, Cleveland, 1914.
4 Peter Skene Ogden who was trapping and trading in the Snake River
1 country in 1825-1826 reported the discovery of "a country richer in beaver
^ than any they have ever seen."   This country was seventeen days travel
from Fort Vancouver on the Columbia. Chief factor McLoughlin to Governor Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company, Fort Vancouver, August 18,
1826.   McLeod (J.) Journals, in Canadian Archives, 69.
5 In 1826 McLoughlin wrote that the beaver from Snake River country
the past year were "as good as those east of the mountains." Ibid. In
1830 he wrote that "Columbia beaver sells higher per skin than any in
America."   Fort Vancouver, February 1, 1830, in McLeod Journals, 124.
6Trexler (H. A.) Buffalo Range of the Northwest, in Mississippi Valley THE FUR TRADE IN THE NORTHWEST
Blackfeet, the Crows, and even the tribes west of the
continental divide with food, clothing, and shelter.
Buffalo meat saved many a white trapper from starvation, and buffalo robes became the currency by which
the Indian of the plain paid for the white man's
weapons, trinkets, and liquors.
This rich fur country remained undeveloped because
abundant supplies could be obtained in more accessible
regions. Routes of exploration and of trade crossed
the continent either to the south or to the north.7 The
Columbia River was unknown until near the close of
the eighteenth century, and even after its discovery it
was long believed that the falls and rapids made it a
difficult route to the interior. The coast ranges also
appeared to offer an almost inpenetrable barrier to any
trail leading eastward.
From the east the French were slow to go far west
of the Mississippi and the Great Lakes. They early
discovered the lower Missouri and some of them
thought that it made a road almost to the Pacific.8 The
fur trader believed, however, that its upper course traversed only barren plains inhabited by savage and poverty-stricken Indians whose only food and shelter came
from the immense herds of buffalo. Since there was
as yet no market for buffalo robes he left these Indians
alone. From the western shores of Lake Superior
French explorers and traders followed the water routes
towards the Northwest through the Lake of the Woods
Historical Review, vii, No. 4, 348-362, gives an account of the size of the
buffalo herds and of their importance.
7 The Spaniards had long before the nineteenth century established regular communication between the Gulf of Mexico and California. Alexander
Mackenzie crossed the continent to die north in 1793.
8 Thwaites (R. G.) Rocky Mountain Exploration, New York, 1904, z6. i8
to Lake Winnipeg, and ultimately to the Rocky Mountains. A rich trade in furs diverted them from the
treeless plains to the southwest through which flowed
the upper Missouri.
Indian stories of a river that emptied itself into a
great salt lake where dwelt white men with beards
reached the ears of these French traders. One of them,
Pierre Gaultier, Sieur de Varannes de la Verendrye
by name, was greatly interested, and he questioned the
Indians sharply for all their information.9 He thought
first that the best road to the Pacific lay to the north and
west but in 1738 decided to try the route to the southwest. He had obtained no assistance from the French
government beyond a grant of the monopoly of the fur
trade and depended upon partners and creditors for
equipment.10 Accompanied by two sons, Francois and
Louis Joseph, with a party of about fifty Indians and
Frenchmen, he made a journey to the Mandans on the
Missouri. From there he could not go on and, after
hearing other stories of the lake with bitter water, he
returned to Fort de la Reine, a short distance west of the
present city of Winnipeg.11
In 1742 Verendrye sent his two sons on a new attempt
to find the western sea. After dreary wanderings across
the Dakota plains they saw the mountains on January
1, 1743. Perhaps their eyes gazed upon the Black
Hills of South Dakota but more likely they had gone
up the little Missouri, across southeastern Montana and
were within range of the Bighorn Mountains.12   Here
9 Ibid.   DeLand.   The Verendrye Explorations and Discoveries, in South
Dakota Historical Collections, Pierre, South Dakota, 1914, vii.
10 Ibid., 140.
11 Ibid., 286.
12 The old belief that the Verendryes saw the Rocky Mountains near the nflU
the threat of Indian war and perhaps discouraging reports of what lay beyond induced the party to return.
The Verendryes planned to renew their explorations
in the far west, hoping to open trade with the Indians,
and to establish a line of posts that would ultimately
lead to the "Sea of the West." The elder Verendrye
was granted a monopoly of the far western trade and
this aroused the jealousy of rival traders. His creditors harassed him and so many difficulties did he encounter that he could not return to the west before
death overtook him in 1749. Soon after this his sons
were deprived of his grants and an officer of the royal
army was commissioned to find the western sea. The
French and Indian War stopped all expeditions of
discovery and in 1763 New France passed into British
hands, and Louisiana came under the control of Spain.
After the overthrow of French power in America
British traders sought for themselves a monopoly of the
fur trade. They had already powerfully entrenched
themselves in the fur country. In 1670 the Hudson's
Bay Company had obtained a charter granting it a
monopoly of the fur trade in the basin of Hudson's Bay
called Rupert's Land.13 This charter provided for the
continuance of exploration in America but the company
was content with the profits arising from trade along
the shores of its empire and for a century made little
effort to extend its dominion.14 French traders con-
present Helena, Montana (Contributions to the Historical Society of Montana, Helena, Montana, 1902, i, 278) is discredited. The discovery of the
Verendrye plate near Pierre, South Dakota, proves that the party did not
come so far north as Helena. The most detailed account of the Verendrye
expeditions is in the South Dakota Historical Collections, vii.
13 Copy of this charter is in Willson (Beckles) The Great Company, Appendix.
14 "Canadian adventures have annually increased in the upland country,
I If 20
trolled the trade to the south and west, but there was
enough left to yield the company large profits.
At the close of the French and Indian Wars, English
and Scotch traders flocked to Montreal and began to
struggle for a control of the Great Lakes trade. Alexander Henry, a bold and resourceful adventurer was
one of the first to penetrate the region west of Lake
Superior.15 He was closely followed by the erratic and
hot tempered Peter Pond16 and by the shrewd brothers,
Thomas and Joseph Frobisher.17 With the end of the
old French system of monopolies French traders also
began to strike for a share of this lucrative trade and a
bitter rivalry began. Traders furnished great quantities of rum to the Indians whose activities as hunters
were thereby reduced. Prices of furs went up to unheard of heights, violence in the fur land was common,
and many merchants were ruined.18
In 1779 an agreement was formed by a number of
merchants at Montreal to pool the traffic but this agreement lasted only two years. In 1783 or 1784 a number
of Montreal merchants entered into an agreement for
much to their own emolument, and the great loss of the Company: who it
may be said, are sleeping at the edge of the sea, without spirit and without
vigour or inclination to assert that right. . . It is true, they have at this
time a few establishments in the interior country: but these are carried on in
such a languid manner, that their exertions have hitherto proved inadequate
to the purpose of supplanting their opponents." Umfreville (Edward) Present State of Hudson's Bay, London, 1790, 71. "The Hudson's Bay Company
for many years did not go beyond the shores of Hudson's Bay; but the
natives came down from all parts." Dodds (James) Hudson's Bay Company,
its Position and Prospects, London, 1866, 14.
15 Henry (Alexander) Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian
Territories 1760-1776, New York, 1809, 253«
16 Ibid., 252. Pamphlet on Origin and Progress of Northwest Company,
London, 1811, describes Pond.
17 Henry, opus citra, 253.
18 Davidson (G. C.) The Northwest Company, Berkeley, 1918, 9.
five years under the name of the Northwest Company.
All the traders were not at first included and competition continued until 1787 by which time all the important merchants of Montreal were brought into the partnership.19
The formation of the Northwest Company forced
the Hudson's Bay Company to expand westward or
lose the trade with the western Indians which had
grown up after the expulsion of the French. Both
began to push their explorations and to establish posts
farther and farther westward. Towards the end of the
eighteenth century each had traders on the upper Missouri.20 In 1804 the Northwest Company made a resolute attempt to get control of this trade. It sent out
an expedition under the command of Francois Antoine
Larocque to win over the Sioux and Crow Indians.
Larocque's party spent the winter in the Mandan villages near which Lewis and Clark also had their camp.
There he obtained few furs and in 1805 went past the
Mandans over to the Powder River, thence to the Lit-
tlehorn, the Bighorn, and finally to the Yellowstone,
striking it near Pryor's Fork. Larocque purchased
more than a hundred beaver skins and offered induce-
19 Ibid., 10-11. Roderick McKenzie, Sketch of History of the Northwest
Company, Masson Collection v. "Peter Pond who was not satisfied with the
share allotted him . . . accordingly he and another gentleman Mr. Peter
Pangman, who had a right to be a partner but for whom no provision had
been made, came to Canada with a determination to return to the country if
they could find any persons to join. . . Mr. Pangman prevailed on Mr.
Gregory and Mr. McLeod to join." Pond soon deserted to the Northwest
Company.   See also Davidson, opus citra, 47.
20 McKenzie (Charles) Journal of Second Expedition to the Mississouri,
[sic] 1805, Masson Collection, writes: "In the course of our first trip to
the Mississouri having seen several Rocky Mountain Indians we made inquiries of the state of the country regarding trade and learned that beaver
were as numerous in their rivers as buffaloes were in the plains.   Planned
III 22
ments to the Crows to begin hunting for his company.21
The United States government, however, refused to
allow this trade to continue within its borders22 and the
Northwest Company then continued its western expansion along a more northern route.
The work of carrying the British fur trade to the
Pacific was entrusted to a group of able men, the most
notable of whom were David Thompson, Alexander
Henry Jr., and Daniel W. Harmon.28 Thompson was
not really a fur trader. He was a scientist and explorer. His peculiar genius was not appreciated by the
Hudson's Bay Company and he left its employ in 1797
to enter the service of the Northwest Company. He
was entrusted with the task of marking the line of the
forty-ninth parallel to the Rocky Mountains and of reporting on the resources of the country to the north of
this line and also of the region beyond the mountains.
It appears that possibly as early as 1801 the Northwest
Company had planned to extend its trade beyond the
Rockies to the Pacific.2*
It was not until 1807 however, that Thompson actually crossed the Rockies and reached the headwaters of
the Columbia. The next spring he traded along the
Kootenai River in what is now northwestern Montana.25
to start trade. Mr. Larocque was appointed to carry out this plan. Fall
1805 reports H. B. C. traders in Missouri."
^Journal of Larocque from the Assiniboine to the Yellowstone, 1805.
Edited by L. J. Burpee in Publications of the Canadian Archives, no. 3,
Ottawa, 1910.
22 Davidson, opus citra, 82 n.
28 For Thompson and Henry see Coues (E., ed.) Manuscript Journal of
Alexander Henry . . . and of David Thompson, 3 vols., New York,
1897. Harmon (Daniel Williams) Journal of Voyages and Travels in the
Interior of North America, Andover, N. H., 1820.
24 Davidson, opus citra, 97.
25 Coues, opus citra, 707 n.
In 1809 he again crossed the mountains and built Kully-
spell House on the east shore of Lake Pend d'Oreille.
From there he moved to the southeast up Clark's Fork
of the Columbia and in November built the first Salish
House2fl near the present site of Thompson Falls, Montana. It was not long after this that he or one of his
companions built Spokane House and thus definitely
entrenched the Northwest Company in the basin of the
Columbia. After carrying his explorations down the
Columbia to below the mouth of the Snake River
Thompson claimed the whole country in the name of
Great Britain.27 In July, 1811, he reached the mouth
of the Columbia.28
Ahead of Thompson, however, at the mouth of the
Columbia was the first party of Astor's Pacific Fur
Company under the command of Duncan McDougal
and three others, all Scotchmen and formerly in the
employ of the Northwest Company. McDougal received Thompson with cordiality and equipped him
for the return journey. It was apparent to the Astor-
ians that a fight with the Northwest Company was impending. Astor had sought the cooperation of this
Company for his enterprise but his advances were rejected, and the struggle for the Columbia began.
The Pacific Fur Company was not content to sit
down at Astoria and wait for furs to come. About the
time Thompson appeared on the lower Columbia,
David Stuart started for the interior to begin trade with
the Indians. He selected a site about seven hundred
miles up the river where he built Fort Okanagan.29   In
26 Ibid., 606 n, 672 n, 674 n.
27 Davidson, opus citra, 99.
28 Cox (Ross) Adventures on the Columbia River, New York, 1832, 59.
*»Ibid., 84.
! 24
June, 1812, a second party was sent to the interior.
Donald McKenzie led an expedition into the Nez
Perce country and established a post on the Snake River.
The Northwesters had left a clerk named McMillan, a companion of Thompson's, in charge of Spokane
House and he had two other posts under his command.30
Of these Salish House about two hundred fifty miles
northeast of Spokane was under the command of Finan
McDonald. A Mr. Monteur had charge of the other
post among the Kootenais probably near Kullyspell
House about two hundred miles to the north. The
American traders built a post near Spokane House.
Cox and Farnham went to oppose McDonald among
the Flatheads and Pillet led a small party into the
Kootenai country. Both of these parties made a rich
return of beavers.
The Northwest Company found its position strengthened by the War of 1812. Those of the Pacific Fur
Company who were British subjects were unwilling to
fight their countrymen and former associates and the
threat of a British war vessel brought the surrender of
the post. The merchandise of the Pacific Fur Company was sold to the Northwest Company for a sum
much less than its value.31 The affair appears to be
tinged with an element of treachery.
With the fall of Astoria the dependent posts passed
into the hands of the British fur traders.   The Okana-
30 "He (McMillan) had two other posts detached from this: one about
two hundred and forty miles n. e. among a tribe called the Flatheads . . .
other two hundred miles north among Cootinais in whose country there are
plenty of beavers, deer, mountain sheep, and, at times, buffaloes." Ibid.,
100, 101.
31 Text of Bill of Sale in Davidson, opus citra, Appendix M, 293.
gan post was continued, the Spokane post transferred
to Spokane House, and the Nez Perce post moved to
Fort Nez PercS near Walla Walla. Most of the Astor
employes who were British subjects entered the employ
of the Northwest Company. Among them were Ross
Cox, John Read, Alexander Ross, and Duncan Mc-
A large expedition was soon after sent into the interior to continue the trade. Read led a party into the
Snake River country with which he had become acquainted while traveling overland to Astoria.32 This
party was destroyed by the Indians and the trade of that
country for a time abandoned. Cox returned to the
Flathead country where he was now to work with his
old foe McMillan at Salish House, and at once began
a lively trade.33
The Northwest Company did not depend entirely^
upon posts to sustain its trade. The Indians were inclined to be indolent, so large trapping expeditions
under chosen leaders were sent to range the country for
furs. Iroquois Indians were brought from the east in
the hope that their example would encourage the western Indians to more activity in trapping.3* The supervision of this interior trade was entrusted to Donald
McKenzie who had been a partner in the Pacific Fur
Company.35 He was unpopular with the old Northwesters but was very successful in building up the western trade.    He explored the country of the Snake
32 Cox, opus citra, 115.
33 Ibid., 117.
34 Ross (Alexander) Fur Hunters of the Far West, London, 1855, i, 74.
35 Ibid., 79.
4i .'■.''
- A  I
11 26
River and even penetrated the region later known as
Yellowstone Park.86
The Northwest Company had from the time of its
formation been the rival of the Hudson's Bay Company
who claimed a monopoly of the fur trade and was always ready to use its unlimited resources in killing off
competitors. The Northwesters claimed to be successors of the old French traders and, like their famed
predecessors, they cut heavily on the Hudson's Bay
trade. The activities of the younger company forced
the Hudson's Bay people to extend their posts westward. There was no one however with sufficient boldness to rival the explorations of Alexander Mackenzie3T
and David Thompson, but Hudson's Bay traders followed closely upon the heels of their competitors and
demanded a share of all new trade. Among them was
a Mr. Howes, who built Howes House near Flathead
Lake in 1810.38 In general, however, the Hudson's
Bay Company limited its competition to the country
east of the Rockies.39 There the fight was carried on
by violence and bloodshed, high prices for furs, and
36 "Near the same lake (east of the Three Tetons) our people found a
small rivulet of sulphurous water, bubbling out from the base of a perpendicular rock more than three hundred feet high. It was dark blue and
tasted like gunpowder. Boiling fountains, having different degrees of temperature, were very numerous, one or two were so hot as to boil meat. In
other parts, among the rocks, hot and cold springs might alternately be seen
within a hundred yards of each other, differing in their temperature." Ibid.,
i, 267.
27 Mackenzie crossed the continent to the Pacific in 1793. Mackenzie
(Alexander) Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America to the frozen and Pacific Oceans in 1789-1793, London, 1802.
38 Ross, opus citra, ii, 9. Elliott (T. C.) Columbia Fur Trade prior to
1811 in Washington Historical Society Quarterly, vi, No. x, 9-10. Great
Britain, Columbia (Coltman's Report) 1867, Part "> 92> states that Howes
House was founded in x8xo.
39 McLeod (Malcolm) Memorandum in McLeod, Journals, 44, states that
the sale of vast quantities of rum to the Indians and
with great financial loss to both sides. So serious did
the losses finally become that both parties were willing
to come to terms and in 1821 the two companies were
united under the old name Hudson's Bay Company.40
The Hudson's Bay Company made few changes in
the Columbia River trade. Dr. John McLoughlin, a
native of Canada, of mixed French and Irish descent,
and an old Northwester was made chief factor, and
given supervision of the trade of this region. He was
a man of surpassing ability. He had wonderful powers of command and was a remarkable judge of men.
His temper was violent but he was tolerant and kindly
of disposition, and showed strong friendship for Americans who came into his country.41
McLoughlin did not think the company headquarters at Fort George (Astoria) were suitable and he
founded Fort Vancouver on the north bank of the Columbia where he took up his residence. It was from
here that he despatched his brigades of trappers and
traders and it was from here that he shipped immense
cargoes of furs to Asia and Europe. McLoughlin had
under his command an array of brilliant traders, who in
their efforts to supply the demand for beaver hats,
have made so fascinating the history of the fur trade in
the Northwest. Among them were Peter Skene Ogden, James McMillan, James Douglas, and Alexander
Ross, old associates of McLoughlin in the Northwest
Company.    In addition there were Alexander R. Mc-
the Hudson's Bay Company had no trade west of the Rockies until after its
coalition with the Northwest Company in 1821.
40 Davidson, opus citra, chapter vii.
141 Fitzgerald, An Examination of the Charter and Proceedings of the
Hudson's Bay Company.   .   .   London, 1849, I3-
ill 1
iff 1
t§ii 28
Leod, James W. Dease, Archibald McDonald, Donald
Ross, Francis and Edward Ermatinger, and John
Work,42 all of whom were at some time to distinguish
Alexander Ross was intrusted with the Snake River
trade, and placed in command of a large body of traders and trappers, many of whom were Indians. He
started from Spokane and went up Clark's Fork to
Salish House. From there he went up the Flathead
River to some place south of Flathead Lake. Thence
he marched directly for Hell's Gate (Missoula, Montana) and camped where Work was to camp eight years
later.43 From here he went up the Bitter Root to
Ross's Hole and spent the winter trading with the Flat-
heads. In the spring of 1824 he traveled through the
mountains to the source of Clark's Fork near Butte,
Montana, and crossed the main ridge of the Rockies to
the headwaters of the Missouri. He returned to Salish
House in November with five thousand beaver and
many other pelts. This expedition was exceptionally
profitable to the Company.44
After this successful expedition Ross was given command of Salish House (the Flathead post) and Ogden
as chief trader, was sent to lead the brigade during the
winter of 1824-1825. Ogden was as successful as Ross
had been and reported a "country richer in beaver than
42 Hudson's Bay Company Council Minutes X825, *n McLeod, Journals,
21. Ogden and McLeod left interesting journals. Archibald McDonald
left a number of valuable letters. Copies of these are in the Canadian Archives.   Alexander Ross wrote two books regarding his experiences.
43 October 20, 1831.
44 Ross, opus citra, ii, 8-140. Ross wrote that this was "the most profitable ever brought from the Snake River in one year." Ibid., 140. See also
Governor Simpson to John McLeod, November 1, 1824, in McLeod, Journals,
any they had ever seen." 45 So promising did this field
appear that additional men were sent to help carry on
the trade, among them John Work and James W.
Dease. The latter was given charge of the Flathead
post where he remained during the winter of 1826-
1827.46 Ogden remained in general control of the
whole interior trade until 1831.47 During this time he
commanded brigades that traded in the region of Great
Salt Lake and Ogden's Hole, and even down into California, besides exploring the whole region of the headwaters of the Snake and Columbia. Ogden was succeeded in command of the Snake River brigade by
John Work, who traded in the interior as far as the
headwaters of the Missouri, to Ogden's River and the
Great Salt Lake, and also into California. He extended his travels beyond the limits of Ogden's expeditions. In 1834 ne was transferred to the trade on the
Northwest coast.48
After 1827 tne beaver trade in the Northwest began
to decrease.49 This was due in part to the heavy slaugh-
45 McLoughlin to Governor Simpson, Fort Vancouver, August 8, 1826.
Ibid., 69.
48 William Kitson to John  McLeod, Kootenai   House,  March 8,  1827.
Ibid., 93. "TfytJU't S « (ff V$1/^
47 Elliott (T. C.) Columbia Fur Trade, 23. Morice (A. G.) Northern Interior of British Columbia, Toronto, 1904, x68.
48 John Work to Edward Ermatinger, Columbia River, December 13, X834.
Papers, re British Columbia in Canadian Archives.
49 "Mr. Dease has taken the Flathead post in charge for the winter and to
his sorrow will not turn out more than one-third of its last year's return."
William Kitson to John McLeod, Kootenai House, March 8, 1827. McLeod
Journals, 93. ". . . the Indian trade at the Flatheads is declining;"
John Work to J. McLeod. Colville, March 25, X828. Ibid., no. George
Keith wrote to J. McLeod, April x6, 1829, that the Columbia trade "appears to be declining." Ibid., 119. Angus Bethume wrote to McLeod, March
30, 1830. "Columbia still going down hill, and will continue to go rapidly«
I think."   Ibid., 127. %$*        Mr
ter of beaver by Indian and white trappers but probably
more to the growing competition of the Americans.
The Americans developed the fur trade on the upper
Missouri and carried it into the Rockies largely by
individual effort and without the efficient organization
that characterized the British fur trading companies.
The trade along the Missouri began before the close of
the eighteenth century, with headquarters at St. Louis.60
The most prominent of the early St. Louis traders were
the Spaniard, Manuel Lisa, and the Frenchmen, Auguste and Pierre Chouteau. They shipped their furs
to Montreal where they were purchased by the Northwest Company. John Jacob Astor tried to open up a
trade with them as early as 1800 but without success.51
After the British were barred from American territory Manuel Lisa was the first to establish a trade on
the upper Missouri. Soon after the Lewis and Clark
expedition he led a party up the Missouri to the mouth
of the Yellowstone, thence up that river to the mouth
of the Bighorn where he established a trading post.
This post was in the heart of the Crow country and rich
50 Missouri Historical Society, Collections, iv, 9, gives an account of the
organization in 1794 of The Commercial Company for the Discovery of
Nations of the Upper Missouri. One Jacques Clamorgan appears as the
most active promoter. The Company obtained from Spain a monopoly of
the fur trade of the upper Missouri. The Auguste Chouteau, Papers, in the
Missouri Historical Library contain references to the Missouri fur trade as
early as 1795.
61 "Je regrette beaucoup de n'avoir jamais pu realizer le desire dont Je
me suis flatte il y a long temps, de visiter votre pays, pour y establir des
liaisons de Commerce. . . Ne sera-t-il pas possible pour vous d'en envoyer
tout droit de votre pays jusqu'ici? Je ne doute pas que cela ne puisse faire,
et meme ä notre avantage mutuel-dans un tel cas, il ne me seroit plus
necessaire d'aller ä Montreal dont je vous assure je serois bien rejoui: car
non seulement les frais de voyage, mais se que vous encore plus, la perte de
trois mois de temps, seraient ainsi evites." John Jacob Astor to Auguste
Chouteau, New York, January 28, 1800.   Pierre Chouteau, Collections.
in beaver. The Crows were enemies of the Blackfeet
and apparently were glad to welcome the Americans.
The Blackfeet had long traded with the British and,
apparently incited by their white friends, they began
an open hostility towards the Americans which continued for many years. Lisa soon returned to St. Louis
and his post was abandoned,52 but the trade on the upper
Missouri was not allowed to die.
Manuel Lisa was so impressed with the possibilities
of the fur trade on the upper Missouri that he decided
to form a company of the leading fur traders of St.
Louis to carry it on. He joined with Pierre and Auguste Chouteau, William Clark, and five others to
found the Missouri Fur Company which was incorporated in 1808.53 Apparently Astor sought to join
but was refused. In June of the following year Lisa
obtained from Governor Meriwether Lewis a license
giving him and his associates the exclusive right to
trade on the upper Missouri.64
The first expedition of the new company under Lisa's
command started up the Missouri in the summer of
1809. The party was large and well equipped both for
trapping and fighting the Indians. Lisa spent the winter at his old post near the mouth of the Bighorn, where
apparently a large number of beaver pelts were traded
from the Crows. The following spring two of the
partners, Pierre Menard and Andrew Henry crossed
52 This post was sometimes called Fort Manuel and sometimes Fort Lisa.
Chittenden (Hiram) History of the American Fur Trade in the Far West,
New York, 1902, i, 126.
53 Articles d? association et de societe fait et conclu par et entre Benjamen
Wilkinsen, Pierre Chouteau pere, Manul Lisa, Auguste Chouteau jeune . . .
dans les vues de traiter et chasser dans le haut du Missoury. . . Pierre
Chouteau, Collections.
54 Lisa Papers.   Envelope, i, 7, June, 1809, in Missouri Historical Library.
m 32
over the divide which separates the Yellowstone from
the Gallatin River and built a post where the three
forks of the Missouri unite. Here was a rich beaver
country and trade was lively. The Blackfoot Indians,
however, did not accept the Americans and began a
series of attacks upon them. They stole their horses,
their traps, their furs, and made it unsafe for any of
the party to venture out of the post. So dangerous did
the hostility of the Blackfeet become that Henry abandoned the post and crossed over the mountains to one
of the tributaries of the Snake River, ever since then
known as Henry's Fork.65
Misfortunes continued to follow the activities of the
Missouri Fur Company. Fire destroyed a vast store
of furs and impoverished the Company. The competition of Astor's Pacific Fur Company looked dangerous. The hostility of the Blackfeet continued to
hinder trade on the upper Missouri. The War of 1812
stopped the export of beaver and forced a sharp drop
in prices.56 The Company continually declined although it underwent several reorganizations with
Lisa's influence continually growing. One by one the
other partners dropped out and some of them formed
competing companies.
After Lisa's death in 1820 the Missouri Fur Company regained some of its former vigor.57 It established
55 Dale (H. C.) The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a
Central Route to the Pacific, Cleveland, 1918, 30-31, quotes James, Three
Years among the Indians and Mexicans, Waterloo, Illinois, 1846, 10-32.
James accompanied this expedition.
56 Cavalier, a merchant of St. Louis, wrote Auguste Chouteau from New
Orleans, March 1, 2809, ". . . nous voyons que l'ambargo, vous a em-
pech.6 de nous faire de remiter sur les quelles nous comptionne vous avez tres
bien priver que d'apres cette mesure la pelletemic Seroit sans voleuir.
Auguste Chouteau, Papers. «I1
a new post at the mouth of the Bighorn and named it
Fort Benton58 for Senator Benton the distinguished
representative of the fur trading interests in Congress.
In 1823 a large party under Jones and Immil set out
from this fort to open trade with the long hostile Blackfeet. Many packs of beaver were collected but when
the expedition seemed assured of success it was attacked
by the Blackfeet, most of the men killed and all the furs
and equipment stolen. This blow practically ended the
operations of the Missouri Fur Company in the Northwest. It continued to trade in other territories for some
years under the leadership of Joshua Pilcher, who in
1828 made one last effort to recover the trade of the far
Northwest In July of that year he left Green River
and proceeded towards the Northwest He crossed
the Beaverhead country and spent the winter on Flathead Lake. In the spring he continued his journey to
Fort Colville. From there he went east with a party
belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. He found
this company so strong in the mountains that he made
no effort to open up trade in that region, and henceforth
the Missouri Fur Company ceased to be of much significance.
Of far more importance than the Missouri Fur
Company was John Jacob Astor's American Fur
Company. This concern was chartered in 1808 and
carried on a fur trade in all parts of America.
Astor was interested in the trade of the far Northwest
and as has already been told sought to establish his
influence there by means of the Pacific Fur Company.
When this failed Astor turned his attention to the Mis-
57 Chittenden, opus citra, i, 150 n.
58 Not to be confused with the later Fort Benton on the Missouri. 1
souri River trade. He had to fight a number of St.
Louis traders, notably the Missouri Fur Company,
Stone and Company, and the powerful Chouteau interests. In 1822 the American Fur Company established a western department with headquarters at St.
Louis. Stone and Company was soon united with this
new venture and a little later the directions of this department was intrusted to Bernard Pratte, the father-
in-law of Ramsey Crooks who was one of Astor's ablest
lieutenants. Pratte soon formed a connection with
Pierre Chouteau under the name of Pratte, Chouteau
and Company. This firm managed the western department until 1838 when after the death of Bernard
Pratte and the retirement of Pierre Chouteau the management of the business passed into the hands of Pierre
Chouteau Jr., who operated under the firm name of
Pierre Chouteau Jr., and Company.59
In the meantime the American Fur Company
strengthened its hold on the upper Missouri by buying
out a small but energetic and ambitious rival the so-
called Columbia Fur Company. This occurred in
1827 and henceforth the organizations of the Columbia
Fur Company passed under the designation of the Upper Missouri outfit.
With the elimination of all rivals for the Missouri
River trade the American Fur Company began a definite program of pushing up the river. Its first step was
the construction of a fort near the junction of the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers, a post which later was
known as Fort Union. The leader of this undertaking
was Kenneth McKenzie and he soon attempted to open
59 Chittenden, opus citra, i, 127-157 gives history of Missouri Fur Company.
a trade with the Blackfeet. In the fall of 1830 he sent
an expedition to the Blackfoot country. The party
went up the Missouri to the mouth of the Marias and
then marched up that river for some distance when the
Blackfeet were encountered. This time through the
mediation of an old trader who knew them well, friendship was promised and American trade with the Blackfeet began. The next year in 1831 McKenzie sent
another party under James Kipp to establish a post
among the Blackfeet. It was in October of that year
about the time that John Work was trailing through
Lolo Pass or up the Blackfoot valley that Kipp began
the construction of Piegan Post at the mouth of the
Marias River. Kipp with a bountiful supply of alcohol carried on a prosperous trade with the Indians for
a year and then returned to Fort Union. His fort was
soon after burned by the Indians but the next year Fort
McKenzie a few miles farther up the river was built
to take its place. This place long remained the headquarters for American trade with the Blackfeet.
In the same year McKenzie established Fort Cass
at the mouth of the Bighorn as a center for trade with
the Crow Indians. Fort McKenzie and Fort Cass
dominated the Indian trade on the upper Missouri and
the Yellowstone for a decade. About 1843 Fort McKenzie was abandoned in favor of Fort Chardon at the
mouth of the Judith. This location was not favorable
however and the headquarters for the Blackfoot trade
was moved up the Missouri about eighteen miles above
the present Fort Benton and Fort Lewis erected in the
new location. This location did not prove suitable and
in 1846 Fort Lewis was moved down the river and a
new post established which in 1850 was renamed Fort
I 36
Benton in honor of the vigorous champion of the fur
trade, then United States senator from Missouri. On
the Yellowstone, Fort Cass had as tributaries Fort Van
Buren near the mouth of the Tongue River built in
1835, Fort Alexander opposite the mouth of the Rosebud built in 1839, and Fort Sarpy about twenty-five
miles below Fort Cass, built about 1843.60
The Rocky Mountain Fur Company and the companies that grew out of it constituted the most serious
threat to the supremacy of the American Fur Company
in the northwest. The founder, and for some years the
dominant figure in this concern, was William Henry
Ashley.61 He brought to his service a number of brilliant men without whose efforts and ability the success
of the new trading company would have been impossible. First of all was Andrew Henry62 of the old Missouri Fur Company. After many misfortunes he was
to fall upon a rich beaver country only to retire when
wealth was almost within sight. There was Jedediah
S. Smith63 who gained his first experience in the employ
of Ashley and who added much to the world's knowledge of western geography. Among the other distinguished members of this company were Milton and
William Sublette, Thomas Fitzpatrick, Robert Campbell, Henry Fraeb, and the famous trapper and explorer, James Bridger.64
Ashley planned to begin operations on the upper
Missouri in the territory that for more than a decade
60 See ibid., 309-395 for good sketch of the American Fur Company's operations in the west.
61 For life of Ashley, see Dale, opus citra, part ii.
62 Ibid., 63, see also supra.
63 Ibid., part iii.
64 Chittenden, opus citra, i, chapter xv.
ran ill
had been worked by the Missouri Fur Company and
smaller concerns. Instead of building posts, however,
he thought to get the beaver by sending out parties to
trap them. When the trapping season was over all the
trappers in Henry's employ and all other trappers
whether Indian or white who desired to trade with him
would gather at an appointed place known as the rendezvous.65 Thus he was imitating the policy inaugurated in the Northwest by the Northwest Company's
Snake River brigades. The Northwest Company,
however, had posts instead of the rendezvous.
Andrew Henry set out for the Yellowstone with the
first expedition in 1822, and the next spring was followed by Ashley with a second party. The hostility
of the Indians, however, caused both expeditions to end
in failure.
During the fall of 1823 Thomas Fitzpatrick discovered South Pass an easy entrance into the valley of
Green River, a region rich in beaver. Into this country in the spring of 1824 went Henry to begin a trade
that was to make many fortunes. Henry soon retired
leaving Smith, Sublette, and Etienne Provost in charge
of the expedition. Smith led his party during the
summer of 1824 across the mountains to Snake River,
and from there across to the Clark's Fork of the Columbia. Here he fell in with a band of Iroquois detached
from the brigade under command of Alexander Ross
from whom he obtained all their furs, and accompanied
them to Ross's headquarters apparently with the intention of getting some further profits.66 Ross was at the
junction of Pahsiman Creek and Salmon River in the
65 Dale, opus citra, 67.
** Ibid., 97, Ross, opus citra, ii, 127.
r s t
.'   J
4 ["jjjl
••',, 38
present state of Idaho, and from there Smith accompanied him over the divide into Ross's Hole then down
the Bitter Root to Salish House where he was to meet
Peter Skene Ogden who had been given charge of the
Snake River brigades. The next spring Smith returned to Green River probably in company with Ogden's brigade.
Another party under the command of Provost explored the interior and discovered the Great Salt Lake.
Sublette and Smith joined Provost in this neighborhood
some time during the summer of 1825 and succeeded
in getting a number of Ogden's men to desert and bring
with them a quantity of furs.67
In the summer of 1825 Ashley arrived at Green River to conduct his first great rendezvous. He had come
up the Platte River to its forks, then followed the South
Platte far into Colorado, then going northwest had
crossed the divide by Bridger's Pass.68 So successful
had been Ashley's trappers and so large had been the
trade with Indians and free trappers that after this
summer's trade Ashley was enabled to retire a rich
Ashley was succeeded by the firm of Smith, Jackson,
and Sublette. The company still had a virtual monopoly of a rich beaver country save for the occasional
visits of a Hudson's Bay Company brigade, but the new
leaders resolved to expand their business west of Great
Salt Lake and possibly to find an outlet to the Pacific.
67 T. C. Elliott states this from John Work's Journal in his Peter Skene
Ogden, Fur Trader, Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, xi, 20. See also
Dale, X07. Chittenden states the value of these furs was from seventy to
two hundred thousand dollars, i, 277.
68 Dale, opus citra, 116, 123-X33.
69 Ibid., 168 n.
Smith led the first expedition westward starting in
August, 1826. He traveled in a southwestward direction until he struck the line of the later Santa Fe Railroad which he followed into California. He found
few furs but encountered many hardships. He left
most of his men in California and returned to the rendezvous in the summer of 1827. He remained there
only a month and started back to California with a
force of nineteen men. He arrived there short of provisions and found his men in a like condition with himself. The Spaniards were suspicious and anxious to
get the Americans out of the country. Smith signed an
agreement to leave the country and was allowed to purchase supplies. He started east during the winter by
a new route and in April, 1828, found his road blocked
by high mountains.70
Smith then turned towards the northwest and after
reaching the coast followed it northward. The road
was difficult but the Indians gave no cause for alarm.
As the party approached the Willamette valley on the
thirteenth of July it met the Umpqua Indians who also
seemed friendly. The next morning, however, the Indians attacked the Americans and killed all except
Smith and two others, who escaped to Fort Vancouver.
McLoughlin at once sent an expedition to punish the
Indians and recover the stolen property. Much of it
was retaken and McLoughlin paid Smith about twenty
thousand dollars for his furs.71
70 Ibid., 237 n.
71 Chittenden, opus citra, i, 286.   "August W. Smith an American left
J  California with three hundred  and fifteen mules.   In July party
destroyed at Umpqua. Mr. McLeod sent party to retake property. Move
unpopular." Journal of John Stuart at Rocky Mountain House, July 15,
1829.   This surely refers to J. S. Smith. 40
Smith spent the winter at Fort Vancouver as the
guest of McLoughlin and the next spring went with a
Hudson's Bay brigade up the Columbia and across to
Salish House from where he returned to the rendezvous.72 He found his partners had not been successful
in their hunts. The winter had been very severe; many
men were lost, and the Indians would not furnish supplies, owing, it was suspected, to the influence of Ogden.
It appears that Smith, in return for the help he had
received from McLoughlin, had promised to abandon
the Snake River country. He accordingly induced his
partners to cross the mountains into the old beaver
country around the Yellowstone and Madison Rivers.
Here they encountered once more their old enemies the
Blackfeet, and they met also a more determined enemy
in the American Fur Company. The rendezvous of
1830 on the Wind River was the last conducted by
Smith, Sublette, and Bridger, but it brought large
After this rendezvous, Smith, Jackson, and Sublette
sold their business to a group of younger men who continued the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. The most
important members of this group were Milton Sublette,
Thomas Fitzpatrick, James Bridger, and Henry Fraeb.
These men started a vigorous trade with all the Indians
of the Rocky Mountain Northwest. The American
Fur Company was determined to share this trade and
sent parties to follow its competitors. The next two
years were full of rivalry between these two concerns.
In 1831 American Fur Company traders followed
Fraeb and Fitzpatrick who were trading in the Powder
River country.   These two latter, however, ran away
72 Dale, opus citra, 2jy, n.
from their rivals and spent the winter trading with the
Indians west of the divide. Work possibly had this
party in mind in his entry of December 16, 1831. The
American Fur Company traders continued to follow
and the Rocky Mountain traders sought to escape. The
latter traveled over the country drained by the headwaters of the Snake River and into Pierre's Hole but
the American Fur Company brigade was always by
their side. The rendezvous for 1832 was at Pierre's
Hole. Here were gathered the bands of the Rocky
Mountain Fur Company and a party of the American
Fur Company, besides a number of free trappers. Here
came also Nathaniel Wyeth from Boston and Captain
Bonneville. Among those present at this rendezvous
were doubtless some of the Americans whom John
Work mentions as invading his country.
The Rocky Mountain Fur Company was putting up
a losing battle with its great rival. It could not stand
the fierce competition and in 1834 held its last great
rendezvous. Shortly after this Fitzpatrick, Sublette,
and Bridger entered the service of the American Fur
Company which thenceforth dominated the fur trade
throughout all the Northwest east of the continental
The region now known as Montana and Idaho early
became the battle ground of the rival British and
American fur traders. The fall of Astoria and the
failure of the Pacific Fur Company merely delayed the
struggle until the Americans could creep up upon the
British by way of the Missouri or over the Oregon
Trail. Since the British had established their trade
in this country after the War of 1812, they sought only
to maintain their monopoly while the Americans were
— 42
the aggressors.    Ross states the situation with precision
as follows:
Our southern and more enterprising neighbors have not lost sight
of the advantages offered them, but continue year after year advancing with hasty strides, scouring the country and carrying off the
cream of the trade; and if we do not speedily bestir ourselves the
Yankee will reap all the advantages of our discoveries.73
The methods of competition were unscrupulous and
frequently violent. Alcohol was used in large quantities to seduce the Indian to sell his furs. Astor had
forbidden the Pacific Fur Company traders to sell or
give intoxicating drink to the Indians7* but it is doubtful if they obeyed his orders. The Northwest Company early found that the liberal use of rum was effective with the Indians and their traders used it unsparingly when there were competitors near their field.75
The Hudson's Bay Company forbade the use of alcohol
in the Indian trade but apparently there was no expectation that these orders would be obeyed. When competition arose there was no hesitancy in resorting to
alcohol to hold or win the Indians.76
73 Fur Hunters, ii, 143.
7± Ibid., i, 15.
75 John Dunn, a Hudson's Bay Company trader and hostile to the Northwest Company, declared that this Company ruined the Indian with spirits.
The Oregon Territory and the British North American Fur Trade, Philadelphia, 1845, 28. Morice, opus citra, 113, declares that the Northwest Company introduced rum into the Northwest.
76 In 1831 the Hudson's Bay Company forbade the sale of rum to the
Indians. Ibid., 114. This of course did not prevent the gift of rum. Governor Simpson testified before a committee of the House of Commons in
1857 that rum was never sold to the Indians except some on the frontier.
He admitted that use of spirits was great during the fight with the Americans. Great Britain, House of Commons, Report of Committee on Hudson's
Bay Company, 31 July, 1857, 58-61. At the same hearing John McLoughlin
testified that the Americans restricted the use of alcohol and that the Hudson's Bay Company used it excessively.   Ibid., 284.   I cannot learn whether
mi m
The United States Government from time to time
issued stringent prohibitions against the sale of rum to
the Indians. It was to check the evil of alcohol among
the Indians that it maintained the system of licenses,
and those who were caught debauching the natives
were generally deprived of their right to trade.77 In
spite of all the efforts of the government, however,
great quantities of liquor were smuggled into the Indian country.78 These free traders and even the American Fur Company justified its use on the ground that
it was used by the Hudson's Bay Company.
The fur traders all knew the demoralizing effect of
alcohol upon the Indian. Every day of drunkenness
robbed him of a day's hunt and made him less efficient
when in the woods. The use of alcohol was most extensive in the third and fourth decade of the century.
It so seriously affected the Indian trade that the fur
companies came to depend more and more upon white
trappers or upon Indians trapping under the direction
of white leaders.79
There are many instances of sharp practices recorded
in the Indian trade. In 1822 a body of Americans
induced a number of Iroquois to desert the Hudson's
or not this was Dr. John McLoughlin but the testimony appears to be in
agreement with his feeling. Great Britain, House of Commons, Report from
Select Committee on Aborigines, 1837, te^s much of use of liquor in securing
Indian trade.
77 Chittenden, opus citra, chapter iv.
78McLean, a Hudson's Bay trader, wrote: "In the course of the winter
(1822) a Yankee adventurer opened a 'grog' shop within a short distance
of the depot." When an Indian, who had been equipped by McLean, returned
in March with his hunt he began trading his furs for "grog." McLean then
seized the furs, and paid the balance due the Indian in rum. Twenty-five
Years Service in Hudson's Bay Company, London, 1849, i, 61, 62.
79 Great Britain, House of Commons, Report from Select Committee on
Hudson's Bay Company, 1857.
■ 44
Bay Company's brigade and work for them. Ross
recounts how in 1823 ne allowed a party of Iroquois to
hunt by themselves. After a time they returned "trap-
less and beaverless; naked and destitute of almost everything ; and in debt to the American trappers for having
conveyed them to the Trois Tetons." Old Pierre, their
leader, told of two months of successful trapping when
the Snakes stole everything. The Iroquois fell in with
some Americans whom they promised forty dollars
to escort them to the main party. The Americans'
story did not fully agree with Old Pierre's and Ross
learned that the former had already obtained more than
a hundred beaver skins from the Iroquois. Ross finally
came to believe his Indians had not been robbed but
while hunting had fallen in with the Americans who
succeeded in seducing them "to their side under the
pretext of giving them five dollars for every beaver skin
they might deliver at the Yellowstone River where the
Americans had a trading post, that with the view of
profit by this contemplated speculation, they had left
their furs en cache with those of the American party
where they had been hunting, and had come back, not
with the intention of remaining with us, but rather . . .
to get what they could from us, and then to seduce their
comrades to desert in a body with their furs to the
The Hudson's Bay people showed no higher standards of conduct than did the Americans. In a letter
written in 1839 is an account of an effort to capture a
80 Ross, Fur Hunters, ii, 129. This was Jedediah Smith, the most devout
and religious of all the fur traders. Dale, opus citra, 96, puts a somewhat
better light on Smith's actions. 'IM
British subject who was trading for the Americans
among "our Piegans."81
McLoughlin found the most effective way of meeting American competition was by cutting the price of
merchandise and paying a high price for furs. He
claimed, however, that even after radically changing
prices he could still make a fair profit, while the Americans were sure to lose.82 McLoughlin, however, sometimes became quite indignant at the efforts of the Americans. Referring probably to Nathaniel Wyeth or
Captain Bonneville, he wrote in 1833; "But it is galling
to think that a bankrupt Yankee unacquainted with the
business should have been able to oblige us to pay so
Bonneville soon gave up the fur trade and returned
to the army. Wyeth who built Fort Hall in 1832 found
himself fighting a powerful and relentless monopoly.
McLoughlin not only cut prices so as to deprive Wyeth
of all chance of profit, but he built a post just west of
Fort Hall and notified all the Indians that if they traded with the Americans he would not trade with them.
As a result Wyeth was soon compelled to sell out to the
Hudson's Bay Company8* and return to Boston.
81 John Rowand Edmonton, January 5, 1839, in Letters of Donald Ross,
in Canadian Archives.
82 "I broke up the American party in the Snake country and I did this
simply by underselling them and showing them we could afford to sell the
trappers at European servants' prices and give them ten per made beaver
and clear handsomely by them." McLoughlin, Fort Vancouver, February
x, 1830, in McLeod, Journals, 123.
83 Fort Vancouver, March 1, X833, ibid., 173.
84 Dunn says that Wyeth "tried a fur trading speculation and failed, from
want of skill, or capital, or liberality of dealing. The company purchased
this post from him on liberal terms, almost a gratuity."   Opus citra, 222.
1 46
In the Flathead country vigorous measures were
adopted to overcome American aggressiveness. John
Work in 1826 hurried three boats loaded with merchandise up the river to the Flatheads when he heard that
Americans were approaching. Some time before this
Dease had recommended that Kootenai Post be abandoned. The American peril, however, led him to reconsider this plan and he urged that both the post and
the Flathead post be strengthened.85 This recommendation was followed although the Flathead post was
moved farther east to ward off the Americans.86 A few
years later it was moved again to Post Creek near the
site of the present St. Ignatius, Montana, and named
Fort Connah. Construction was started by McArthur
and completed by Angus McDonald in 1847.87 This
was the last Hudson's Bay post to be constructed within
the present limits of the United States.
In 1833 tne American Fur Company and the Hudson's Bay Company made an agreement defining the
limits of each one's activities.88 The next year when the
Rocky Mountain Fur Company came to an end there
was a prospect for peace in the fur country. American
adventurers, however, still made invasions of the lands
west of the mountains and forced a liberal treatment of
Indian and white trappers.*
85 October 15, 1826, ibid., 73.
86 John Work to Edward Ermatinger.   Flatheads, March 19, 1830.
87 Bancroft (H. H.) Works, xxviii {Northwest Coast ii), 74. See also,
Angus McDonald, A Few Items of the West, 1889.
88 R. Crooks writes, June 26, 1837, that he was considering renewal of
this agreement made March 21, 1833. American Fur Company, Letters, no.
5, in New York Historical Library.
89 «The trade . . . is on a more liberal scale than in early days in the
Columbia, especially in the upper country both with Indians and freemen, in
consequence of the number of new adventures now pouring in upon us from THE FUR TRADE IN THE NORTHWEST
Although the Hudson's Bay Company was able to
drive out American fur traders from the Columbia
basin it was to fall before a new American invasion.
Missionaries came to convert the Indians and they were
followed by large numbers of settlers who proposed to
occupy the land.90 Their efforts led to destruction of
the game and furthered the decline of the fur trade.
The treaty of 1846 put an end to the Hudson's Bay
Company's control of the fur trade of the Northwest.
The beaver of the Northwest were of good quality91
and the supply was large. The number of pelts grew
steadily until in 1837 it amounted to twenty-six thousand
seven hundred and thirty-five. The total importations
of beaver from all the Hudson's Bay Company domains
in 1834 was fifty-seven thousand three hundred and
ninety-three pelts of which about twenty-one thousand
came from the Columbia River country.92 After 1837
the Hudson's Bay Company's supply of beaver from
the Columbia declined until in 1845 it amounted to
seventeen thousand two hundred and ninety pelts and
in 1848 to only twelve thousand seven hundred and fif-
the American side of the mountains."   Archibald McDonald to McLoughlin.
Colville, January 25, X837, McLeod, Journals, 191.
so "Xhe traversing of the continent (from Missouri River to Columbia) is
now becoming more safe and familiar to our ear every day. I have now St.
Louis cows and horses at Colville-two or three American clergymen with
their families, and household goods came across last season. . . We must
now absolutely make a bold stand on the frontiers." Archibald McDonald
to J. McLeod, Colville, January 25, 1837.   Ibid., X91.
91 "From the northwest coast there is imported into Boston every year a
considerable collection of furs. The beaver from there is generally dark,
une pelted, and good seasoned, at present worth in this market an average of
about twenty shillings per pound." American Fur Company, Catalogue.
General Observations as to the Present Value and Prospects for Furs, Lon*
don, December 21, 1837.
92 C. M. Lampson to R. Crooks. London, May 13, 1837. American Fur
Company Letters.
1 11
ty-six pelts.93 The trade east of the Rockies cannot be
stated so definitely but in general it followed the rise
and decline of the trade in the Columbia basin. This
decline in production was accompanied by a decreased
demand for beaver. Silk hats and hats of nutria had
succeeded beaver in public favor.
The price of beaver generally advanced from the beginning of the century until about 1840. In 1800
beaver were sold at St. Louis at one dollar a pound,
amounting to about one dollar and twenty-five cents for
a pelt. In 1809 the price had increased to two dollars
a pound,94 and rose quickly to four dollars, but due to
the War of 1812 soon dropped to two dollars and fifty
cents where it stayed till 1815.95 Thereafter it rose
steadily until in 1834 Kenneth McKenzie paid more
than four dollars at Fort Union96 which was considerably below the St. Louis price. After 1840 the price
declined until in 1848 the Hudson's Bay Company paid
only one dollar at Fort Vancouver for a large skin.97
The market rapidly recovered however, and in 1850
was about a dollar and fifty cents at Fort Vancouver,
and in 1851 was two dollars and fifty cents. There was
hope that the old prices would come back but the great
demand for beaver was forever gone.98
The Hudson's Bay Company obtained other important furs from the Northwest.    In 1835 i* obtained thir-
1845 and 1848.
93 American Fur Company, Memorandum.
94 Auguste Chouteau Collections.
95 Ibid., Chittenden, opus citra, i, 145 n.
96 Pierre Chouteau Collections.
97 James Douglas to F. Tolmie, May 14, 1848. Fort Nisqually Letter
Book, 52.
98 "The price of beaver is gradually on the rise and maintains itself as
formerly in the market as almost to inspire hopes of a return of better times."
James Douglas to F. Tolmie, April 21, 1851. Papers re British Columbia in
Canadian Archives.
Küü m
ty thousand muskrats, six thousand five hundred martens, two thousand five hundred otters, two thousand
five hundred mink, besides bear, fishers, lynx, and silver, cross, and red foxes.99
The trade in buffalo robes was limited to the country
east of the mountains and was slow to develop. Europe did not care for them and the demand in America
had to be created. The papers of the American Fur
Company contain many discussions of the way to create
a market. The Americans developed a demand for
them as overcoats and as robes for sleighs and carriages,
and after 1825 the market was fairly steady at the price
of about four dollars and fifty cents for each first class
robe.100 I 'I
It is difficult to determine the actual number of buffalo robes that were brought to market from the upper
Missouri. In 1839 Pierre Chouteau estimated that
Fort Union had collected twenty-four thousand and the
Sioux posts thirty-two thousand robes.101 This, however, left unaccounted for a large number gathered
from independent sources. In 1839, moreover, the
trade in buffalo robes had been declining for a period
of ten years.    Probably this decline was due to the fact
"American Fur Company, Memorandum, 1835.
100 Chittenden, opus citra, ii, 817. The American Fur Company's price
list from 1820 to 1840 gives about the same price each year for buffalo robes.
101 American Fur Company Letters. July 18, X839. G[eorge] E.[hning-
er] to Ramsey Crooks. Fort Clark, a small post in the Mandan country,
furnished one hundred and eighty-eight packs of ten robes per pack in
1833. Alexander Kennedy, Journal of Occurrences at Fort Clark in Pierre
Chouteau, Collections. The American Fur Company estimated that in 184X
there were sold twenty-six thousand six hundred and eighty-one buffalo
robes and six thousand eight hundred and eleven calves at a total price
of one hundred and twenty-nine thousand dollars. General Abstract of
Sales of Buffalo Robes, 1841. James Hall, a statistical writer, stated that
there were shipped through New Orleans thirteen thousand four hundred
and twelve packs of buffalo robes in 1827, nineteen thousand nine hundred
\    i So
that during the thirties furs were not in high favor
among the "society" people.
In the fur country the only currency was the beaver
pelt. All other pelts and all merchandise was valued
in terms of beaver. In spite of the variations in the
supply of furs the ratio of beaver to other skins remained practically fixed because of the prejudice of
the Indian against change. For this reason the price
of furs in terms of beaver in the Indian country was
quite different from the price at the great fur markets.102
The net profits from the fur trade varied greatly
with the ability and luck of the trader and with the
condition of the market. Before 1800 the Hudson's
Bay Company often made a profit of sixty per cent.
This was before competition seriously affected the
trade. During the fight with the Northwest Company
there were often no dividends. After 1821 the company regularly paid üvc per cent with an annual bonus
and eighty-seven packs in 1828, thirteen thousand two hundred and ten packs
in 1829, three thousand sixty-one packs in 1830 and two thousand five hundred and fifty-four packs in 1831. Statistics of the West at the Close of the
Year 1836, Cincinnati, 1836, 207. After the first quarter of the century
woolen coats and robes began to supplant the buffalo. The price remained
about the same but the number put on the market decreased.
102 In 1850 a gun costing originally two shillings would sell for twenty
beaver worth thirty-two pounds and ten shillings, or sixty marten worth
forty-six pounds and ten shillings, or twenty otter worth twenty pounds.
Coltman's Report, 20.
108 Great Britain, Colonial Office. Return to Address of Parliament,
May 20, 1842. A defence of the Hudson's Bay Company. "Up to this
period H. B. C. had no cause to complain of interference with inland
trade. . . But rights of territory and trade invaded by rival traders at
this time caused feuds, loss of life, destruction of property, breach of peace,
etc., which were injurious to natives because they brought unrestricted use
of liquor, so that Indians', between 1800 and 1821, dividends for first eight
years were only four per cent, during next six years no dividend, for last
of six to ten per cent until 1841,103 making an average
return of about twelve per cent.1*4
McLoughlin estimated that the Columbia department cleared nearly thirty-two thousand pounds sterling in 1828 and 1829 at a ^me when American competition was keen.105 By 1833 the Columbia trade was
declining and the profits were only twenty thousand
pounds. One writer states that a quantity of furs purchased at Vancouver for six hundred and sixty pounds
sold in London for five thousand four hundred and five
pounds.106 The expense of trade and transportation
would greatly reduce the net profits. Ogden's expedition of 1828-1829 returned a profit of three thousand
pounds, and the Snake River brigade of 1826 cleared
one hundred per cent.107
McLoughlin stated that the Northwest Company
in 1814 cleared seventy-five thousand pounds, and that
this was its most profitable year.108 Lord Selkirk, who
was hostile to this company, stated that its annual gross
returns amounted to one hundred fifty thousand pounds.
He estimated the cost of the goods sent into the fur
country as ten thousand pounds and wages at ninety
thousand pounds. Wages, however, were paid in
goods at a great advance over the first cost and as the
eight years only four per cent. Since then half yearly dividends of five
per cent with bonus of ten per cent from 1828 to 1832 and since that bonus
of six per cent until last year none was paid."
104 Great Britain, House of Commons, Report of Committee on Hudson's
Bay Company,  1857.   326.
105 Letter of February 1, 1830.   McLeod, Journals.
106 Mayne (R. C.) Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island,
London, 1826, 185.
107 McLoughlin to Governor Simpson.   Fort Vancouver, August 8, 1826
in McLeod, Journals.
108 Letter of February 1, 1830, in McLeod, Journals. 52
employees transported the goods into the interior without additional pay the advance was all profit. An extreme example was rum that cost twenty-five cents a
quart and sold for eight dollars in the interior.109 This
estimate of profit would not be far different from Mc-
Among the American traders profits and losses were
often greater than with the British companies. This
was due to the lack of capital, to inferior organization,
and to a greater willingness to take a chance. In 1822
a keel boat belonging to the Rocky Mountain Fur Company sank with all its merchandise worth ten thousand
dollars which was half the company's resources.110 During the five years following, however, General Ashley
sold in St. Louis five hundred packs of beaver worth
more than a quarter of a million dollars.111 His profits
were large for he paid for furs with sugar at a dollar a
pound, gunpowder at a dollar and thirty cents, rum
diluted with a large quantity of water at thirteen dollars and fifty cents per gallon, and other goods at proportionate prices.112 So large were the profits that
within five years Ashley rose from poverty to wealth.
Most of the books of Astor's American Fur Company
have been destroyed,113 but we know his fortune was acquired in the fur trade.    Ramsey Crooks who succeed-
109 Selkirk, A Sketch of the British Fur Trade in North America: with
Observations relative to the Northwest Company of Montreal, London, 18x6,
36-41, cited by Davidson, 235.
110 Chittenden, opus citra, i, 263.
111 Ibid., 281.
112 Ibid., chapter i. See also letter of W. H. Ashley to Bernard Pratte
and Company. October 14, 1826, in Pierre Chouteau, Collections which
gives complete list of prices.
118 Only a few volumes of Astor's Journals and Ledgers have escaped
destruction.   They are in the Canadian Archives.
ed him became wealthy but lost much of his fortune in
the hard years following 1837. The early fortunes of
St. Louis were all made in the fur trade. Bernard
Pratte, Robert Campbell, Elizabeth Ashley, Bernard
Berthold, Louis Clamorgan, Pierre and Auguste Chouteau, and a number of other Chouteaus, the Sarpys, the
Valles, the Papiers, and W. G. and G. W. Ewing,
were the richest citizens of St. Louis in the middle of
the nineteenth century,11* and their names make a roll
call of prominent fur traders.
Those who failed in the fur trade have largely been
forgotten. Only a few who afterwards retrieved their
failures or distinguished themselves in other ways have
left a name. Jim Bridger and Jedediah Smith are remembered as great explorers, and there are many others
of their kind whose names shine with only less luster.
The successful fur trader was characterized by hardiness and daring combined with a relentless disregard
of Indians and competitors.115 He obstructed with all
his powers the settlement of the Northwest in order to
preserve his business. In spite of his unconventional
moral standards and his hard cruelty there is a romantic
interest in him and his exploits that grows as the last of
his kind are passing away.
P. C. P.
114 St. Louis Intelligencer, September 20, 1851.
115 The Reverend Beaver, an Episcopalian missionary to the Northwest,
wrote: "God knows that I speak the conviction of my mind: and may he
forgive me if I speak unadvisedly, when I state my belief, that the life of
an Indian was never yet by a trapper put in competition with a beaver
skin." McLeod, Journals, 136. Mr. Beaver did not get along well with
McLoughlin, but his testimony is in accord with the spirit of the fur hunters.
 L     .1,1, :,-;!
■ J^\
5| Life of John Work
John Work, whose journal is here for the first time
published, was a clerk and chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company; a native of the north of Ireland
and of Scotch-Irish descent. The original name was
Wark, but the subject of this sketch changed it to Work.
He entered the employ of the Hudson's Bay Company
in 1814, serving east of the mountains for eight years;
principally at York Factory and other posts in the
northern part of Hudson's Bay. His name appears as
numbers 421, 327, and 264 respectively, on the lists of
employees of the Hudson's Bay Company in North
America for the years 1821-2, 1822-3, and J823-4.
He left York Factory on Hudson's Bay on July 18,
1823, with the brigade under charge of Chief Trader,
Peter Skene Ogden, for Fort George.110 From 1823 to
1832 he was variously stationed at Fort George (Astoria) Spokane House, Fort Colville, Fort Vancouver,
and other posts. During these years much of his time
was spent on trading and trapping expeditions where
he underwent privations and perils similar to those
related in the Journal here published.
Work's journal of the trip from York Factory to
Fort George (July 18, 1823, to November 17, 1824)
shows his powers of observation.    He describes with
116 Journals of John Work (9). Trading expedition under C. F. Ogden
from near Oxford House to Columbia and Fort George, July 18, X823-November X7, 1824. Copy in Canadian Archives, Ottawa. These journals are
contained in thirteen folios in cartons labeled H. B. C.-p. c. P.
Ogden did not become a chief factor until 1834.-w. s. l. 56
intelligence the whole country through which he traveled. His journey led him by Spokane House from
which post he and Finan McDonald started on August
30, 1824, with a party of thirteen men to trade with the
Flathead Indians. This was Work's first venture into
the Flathead country. He found the natives friendly
and carried on a profitable trade with them. Upon
his return to Spokane he continued his journey and
arrived at Fort George in the fall.   On November
18, 1824, the day after his arrival at Fort George, Work
started "to the northward ... to discover entrance to Fraser's River."
The next year, on June 21, 1825, he started out as a
member of the Interior Brigade under the command of
John McLeod,117 from Fort Vancouver, to trade with
the Flatheads and other tribes in the valley of Clark's
Fork. The trade seems to have been brisk although
Work complained that it was not as large as the year
before. On December 22, Work reported that there
were sent to Spokane eleven hundred thirty-eight beaver, thirteen hundred eighty-five rats besides a number
of elk, deer, marten, mink, and other furs.    On March
19, 1826, he reported the departure of sixty-two horses
loaded with furs and sundries, and on April 18, he,
with Francis Ermatinger and Finan McDonald, started with a boat load of furs for Okanagan.
In July, 1826, Work started with another expedition
under the command of William Connelly, who had the
year before been made chief factor,118 to trade in the
117 Trading Expedition made by the Interior Brigade from Fort Vancouver under command of McLeod, June 21, x825-June 12, X826.-P. c. p.
118 Statement of commissioned officers H. B. C.   .   .   Copy in Canadian
Archives.   M. 865. - p. c. p.
valley of Clark's Fork.119 Douglas, the botanist, accompanied the expedition in search of plants and
seeds.120 On July 17, a party composed of Archibald
Macdonald, James Douglas, F. Annance, David Douglas, and Work accompanied by an interpreter and
twenty-eight men started to the Nez Perces to trade for
horses. On their return from this expedition the party
set out for the trade with the Flatheads. Soon after
this, Work wrote that the Flatheads "had seen a party of
Americans during the summer" and that these Americans were "loaded with trading goods, and that they
were going to build in the fall on the upper waters of
the Missouri." This report of American competition
seems to have been exaggerated, for a few days later
Work learned from some Nez Perces "that the Indians
are at the Horse Plains [Plains, Montana] and that a
lodge of Americans are with them." He was also informed that the Americans had only tobacco to trade.
The Nez Perces, he learned, were camped a little
farther to the east at Camas. At this time Work met
some of the Flathead chiefs who were soon to be seekers
of the Christian religion, notably Gros Pied, and Grand
The Americans used every effort to win over the
Flatheads. They invited the chiefs to visit their great
chief, Ashley, who they said was just across the mountains with a vast quantity of supplies. They also reported that their countrymen were sending five ship
loads of goods to the Columbia.121
119 Trading expedition for interior under command of Connelly, July 5,
X826, 12.   Copy in Canadian Archives.-P. c. p.
120 David Douglas, Journal   .   .   .   1823-1827, London, 1914, 64.-p. c. p.
121 Evidently Rocky Mountain Fur Company traders.-P. c. p.
cm f l CT      W
It is not certain how many furs the Americans got,
but the Hudson's Bay party obtained only two hundred
sixty-seven beaver and a few muskrats from the Flat-
heads. From the Kootenais, however, who had not
traded with the Americans, they traded three hundred
ninety-two beaver and five hundred rats besides other
After this Flathead expedition of 1826, Work's Jour*
nals deal mostly with activities along the Columbia122
until the spring of 1831 when he became a chief trader
and succeeded Ogden in charge of the Snake River
brigade.123 On April 21 of that year he started up the
Snake River and across country to the valley of the
Great Salt Lake. Two years before Peter Skene Ogden had hunted this region with good success. Work
had high hopes of many beaver but was disappointed.
The Blackfoot Indians bothered him a great deal and
after many misfortunes Work turned north to John
Day's River in Idaho and then back to the Nez Perces.
On this expedition he traveled more than a thousand
miles.12* I'
From this expedition Work returned to Fort Nez
Perce [Walla Walla] on July 19, 1831, and one month
later on August 18, he started on the great trading and
trapping expedition to the Flathead and Blackfoot Indians which is published in this volume.
Work returned to Fort Vancouver on July 27, 1832,
and less than a month after this strenuous trip, on Au-
122 Work's Journals describe an Expedition from Fort Colville to Okana-
gan, May 20-Aug. 18, X828, 14.-P. c. P.
123 Washington Historical Society Quarterly, i, 263. -w. s. l.
"li* Hunting and Trading Expedition down Snake River. . . to Utah
and Return to Ne» Perces, April 21-July 19, 183X. Oregon Historical Society
Quarterly, xiii, 363-371; xiv, 280-3x4.
» i
gust 17, he set out on an expedition to "Bonaventura
Valley" via Ogden's River, accompanied by J. T. Larocque.125 This expedition promised well but Work
soon found that a Hudson's Bay Company's brigade
that had been sent along the coast had turned towards
the interior and obtained several hundred beaver, that
should have gone to his party. He also found that a
party of Americans under a man named Young had
carried on a large trade with the Indians. When he
reached California Work found the Indians hostile, influenced as he supposed by the Spaniards. His party
was overcome by sickness and was unsuccessful in the
search for beaver. The Russians would sell no supplies and hindered the party in every way possible.
Work, discouraged, returned to Vancouver April 2,
1833. The next day he set out on an expedition down
the Snake River which occupied the whole summer.126
This expedition suffered much from fever and thieving
Indians.    Very few pelts were obtained.
The next year Work led a party for a six weeks hunt
to the Umpqua country, south of Vancouver. His trading on this trip was also not very successful.127
From 1834-1835, Work was in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's coast shipping, with headquarters
at Vancouver. On December 11, 1834, ne Ier* Vancouver by steamer to trade along the Northwest coast.128
The Russians prevented him from establishing a post,
125 Hunting Expedition to Bonaventura Valley by Way of Ogden's River,
August 17, 1832-April 2, 1833.-p. c. p.
126 Hunting Expedition down Snake River, April  3-October  31,  X833.-
P. C. P.
127 Trading and Hunting trip to the southward from Fort Vancouver,
May 22-July 10, 1834.-p. c« p«
128 Expedition to Northwest Coast, December 11, 1834-June 25, 1835.-
P. c. P.
il 8
H' 6o
and he found the Indians demanding an exorbitant
price for jtheir furs. He believed they were holding
back, waiting for American traders. Work paid a
high price rather than run the risk of allowing competitors to get the pelts and he thereby hoped to discourage any further competition. These Indians would
even refuse seven blankets with rum, molasses, and rice
for one sea otter. In March, 1835, Captain Allen of
the American ship Europa arrived with a fine assortment of goods and the bidding became quite serious and
prices went up enormously. Work complained of the
American methods of trade which he was compelled
to imitate. In spite of his difficulties Work had obtained about three thousand beaver, two thousand martens, eight hundred mink, two hundred sea otter and
many other varieties of fur.
From 1835 to 1849 Work was in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's business at Fort Simpson. It was
not, however, until 1846 that he was promoted to the office of chief factor. He had long felt that he was treated
unfairly,129 and regarded this as only a tardy recognition
of his services.
While in the Columbia River district John Work
was assigned to superintend the erection of new Fort
Colville on the site selected by Governor Simpson, and
planted there one of the first farms west of the mountains. In 1849, with James Douglas and a Mr. Ross,
he surveyed and mapped some four thousand acres at
the Cowlitz Prairie settlement, in what is now the state
of Washington.
In 1850 he formed, with Peter Skene Ogden and
James (afterwards Sir James) Douglas, the Board of
129 See letter to Edward Ermatinger, Appendix. - p. c. p. LIFE OF JOHN WORK
Managers of the Columbia department of the Hudson's
Bay Company. He was a member of the first government and legislative council of Vancouver Island
from 1857 up to the time of his death, and became one
of the first farmers in the Victoria district. The John
Work mentioned as being at Fort Vancouver in i860,
when the Hudson's Bay Company withdrew from that
post was a nephew. John Work died in the employ of
the Hudson's Bay Company at Victoria, British Columbia, December 23, 1861, at the age of seventy. He
was buried from the old fort yard near the present post
office building at Victoria.
John Work has been described as a man of very
strong physique, of great endurance, and of a very practical mind. His strict integrity, which inspired confidence and commanded respect, was associated with a
most kindly disposition which won all hearts. He was
very well thought of among all the Hudson's Bay Company officials in the Columbia River district,130 and
held the respect and gratitude of David Douglas, the
great botanist whom he often assisted in collecting
plants and seeds.131 A contemporary characterized him
as a "tender hearted, generous Irishman who often
amused his associates by his murder of the French
lso "Our friend Work succeeds me in the Snake country, I accompanied
him as far as Nez Perces and gave him a fair starting - surely this man
deserves a more substantial reward than he now enjoys; it is an unpleasant
situation he fills, I wish him every success but it is all a lottery." Letter,
Peter Skene Ogden to John McLeod, March xo, 183x. Washington Historical Society Quarterly, i, 263.-w. s. L.
131 David Douglas, Journal, speaks of the "many good offices" he had
from Work, 65. He mentions that Work "sent me a few seeds from the
interior last November, and furnished me with some valuable information
about the plants and mountain sheep in this neighborhood [mouth of Spokane
River]" x6x: "my old friend Mr. John Work," 180.-p. c. p.
iff T ammmmm^m
tongue." Mr. A. C. Anderson in a brief biography
emphasized his kindly disposition. The Victoria
Colonist said of him: "Nothing pleased him more
than to be surrounded by children, by whom he was
especially beloved. His end was a fitting close of a life
of integrity and benevolence."132
John Work's wife was Susette Legace, a Spokane half-
breed girl, a niece of old Charles Legace, by whom he
had five daughters and one son. One of these daughters married Dr. William Fräser Tolmie of Fort Nis-
qually; another married the late Edward Huggins of
Nisqually and Tacoma, Washington; another married
Chief Trader Roderick Finlayson; and a fourth married Mr. James A. Grahame, afterwards Chief Commissioner of the Hudson's Bay Company.
The district visited by Work on the expedition of
1831-1832, that of the Blackfoot and Snake River Indians, was extremely dangerous.133 Hunting and trapping was carried on under continued surveillance from
hostile Indians who were constantly stealing traps,
horses, and attacking isolated trappers, and even making assaults on the main party. Horses had to be carefully herded, and a guard constantly maintained to prevent their capture by Indian raiders. Under these conditions the party of necessity had to assume something
of the character of a military body in enemy country.
Although the number of men in the expedition leaving Fort Vancouver is omitted in the Journal, from
details elsewhere given, it is apparent that the party
132 Bancroft, The Northwest Coast, ii, 464.-w. s. L.
las «j escaped with my scalp last year. I doubt much whether I shall be
so fortunate this trip." Letter of John Work, September 6, 1831. Appendix.
The Crows and Blackfeet were particularly hostile to all whites at this
time, both British and American. - w. s. l. i
consisted of thirty-five or forty men; eight or ten to a
boat. Most-of these men were veterans in the Company's employ and many of them had already served
on one or more previous expeditions to the Snake River
country. Indians and perhaps a few white trappers
were probably added to the party at Fort Nez Perce.
So far as the editors can ascertain, the names of the
party, augmented at Fort Nez Perce, were as follows:
Barssonette, L.
Birnie, P.
Blonte, A., trapper, probably A. Plante; deserted October 24,
Boisvert, Louis (also S. Boisverte, also Boisant, Bairvent, Bais-
vent), trapper.134
Bte (Baptiste), J. J., trapper.185
Burdod, trapper; also Budard.    He and his family with him.
Carney; also Curry, possibly same as Champagne.
Champagne; also Chamfrouge, Chamfronge, possibly Carney.
Cloutier; also J. Claudin, Clantin, I. Clouture; J. Clantin in
Bancroft MS.   Trapper killed by Blackfeet October 31, 1831.
Cook, R.
. Coving, J., trapper.
Desland, J., wounded November 24.
Dubruille, Bt., a member of Work's 1830-1831 expedition.
Dumais, A., the same as A. Dumerais of the 1830-1831 expedition.
Trapper drowned in Snake River, July 19, 1832.
Faul, J., also spelled Paul.
Favel, A., trapper.
Finlay, Abraham, trapper.
Finlay, M., trapper; deserted October 24, 1831.
Finlay, O., deserted October 24, 1831.
184 An old Hudson's Bay Company employee whose name appears as number 336 on the lists for 1823-4. Probably identical with Louis Boivers, a
settler of French Prairie, Oregon, who opposed the Provisional Government
organization at Champoeg, May 2, 1843. -w. s. l.
186 Possibly J. Bt'e Belleau, a voyageur, who arrived on the Tonquin in
1811; see Franchere's Narrative, 31; his name appears as numbers 1562
and 450 in the lists of 1821-3 and 1822-3.-w. s. l.
1 64
Gadipre, Bt., a trapper.
Gaudefoux Bt. (also as Gadif).
Grosbin, C.
Grell, P.
Houle, A., a trapper who started with Work but became ill and
was left behind at Fort Walla Walla, September 9, 1831.
Kanota, L. variously spelled Kanata, Kanola, Kanotti, etc, in
copies of Work's Journals; an old Hudson's Bay Company employee, frequently accompanying Mr. Work on his trapping
La Busche, variously spelled Le Buche, La Bruh, La Brash, La
Buche, La Bunte, Le Brute, Le Burte, etc.   A guide.188
Lefort, M. (M. Lefat).
186 A. Finlay, O. Finlay, and M. Finlay were sons or descendants of old
Jacco Raphael Finlay, an old Northwest and Hudson's Bay Company employee, operating as an independent fur trader and trapper in the Kootenai
and Flathead Indian country, 1806-9, and a half-breed son of James Finlay,
a Northwesterner. Jacco married east of the mountains and most of his
children were born in the vicinity of Edmonton. He was possibly the
founder of Spokane House in the summer of x8xo, and died there on May 20,
1828. His name is preserved in Jacco, or Jocko Creek, Missoula County,
Montana. David Douglas in his Journal, 63, 169, gives the better French
spelling of Jacques, and this is found on Wilkes map of 1843.-P. c. P. Jacco
Finlay and his sons were reputed to be the best woodsmen, trappers, and
hunters in the Northwest. Compare his single kill of three buffalo with the
hunting results of the entire party in the days immediately preceding and
following. M. Plante, O. Finlay, and M. Finlay were with John Work
in 1830, Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, xiii, 369, and in 1831; ibid.,
xlv, 284-299.-w. s. L.
Francois Finlay or Benetsee, who discovered gold in Montana, was a
three-quarter breed of this family. Gold Creek was first named "Benetsee
Creek" after him, and was given its present name by the members of the
government railroad survey under .Governor Stevens. Bancroft's History of
Washington, Idaho, and Montana, 6x1.-w. s. L. See also Mississippi Valley
Historical Review, iv, 87 ff. - P. c. P.
187 Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, xiii, 366.-w. s. l. Kanota was
a Hawaiian. The early fur traders to the Northwest coast often went by
sea around Cape Horn to the Sandwich Islands. There they frequently enlisted natives for the expedition to the Oregon country.-p. c. p.
las This old chief is mentioned in Mr. Work's earlier Journal of December,
1825; see Washington Historical Society Quarterly, v, xio, 186-9; vi, 40. He
is not to be confounded with La Bonte, the Astorian of Irving's Astoria,
xxxvii, who was a member of Work's earlier expeditions. - w. s. l.
Letandre, E., also spelled Letude, Latude, Litude, Letaude, Le-
teude, Lateudre, etc. Trapper killed by Blackfeet, October 31,
1831. '   §
Longtin, A., trapper.
Lorange, J. S., also J. Laurin and J. Lausin, trapper.
Masson, A., Mapir in Bancroft MS.
Norty, boy sick and left behind September 8.
Old Indian Charley, who accompanied Mr. Work on previous
expeditions to the Flathead country, 1825-6.189
Paus, G.; also G. Paris.
Payette, Francis.140
Pinet; also Pichette.
Plante, C, trapper, half-breed, deserted October 24, 1831.
Plante, M., half-breed trapper. Name is variously spelled Plant
and Plant!141
Plante's, M., brother-in-law, a youth of 16 years. Poisoned by
hemlock, March 21, 1832.
Quintal, Laurent; also spelled Quintall in Bancroft MS.1*2
Rayburn, J. possibly same as J. Reyhn, a trapper.
is» Washington Historical Society Quarterly, v, 98, X04-5,  17X; vi, 31,
33-5. -W. S. Im!
140 Payette was a responsible employee, whose name appears as numbers
X230, X02X, and 738 in the Hudson's Bay Company's lists for the years 1821-4.
He was originally a Northwesterner, and in the Snake River with Mr.
McKenzie in 18x8. He ranked as an interpreter and was stationed with
the Kootenais in 1830, and was later promoted to postmaster at £7$ per
annum and stationed at Forts Hall and Boise in 1839-41; and as postmaster
and clerk in the Snake River expedition, Forts Hall and Borssie, 1842 and
1843. His name is preserved in the state of Idaho in the town of Payette,
Payette River, and Payette Lake. - w. s. l.
141 Plante was a trapper with John Work on the Snake River expedition
of 1830. Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, xiii, 369, and in the expedition of 1830-1; deserted October 24, X831, rejoined the party January 20,
1832. Ibid., xiv, 290. He was drowned in the Snake River, July 19, 1832.-
w. s. L.
142 Numbered 1274 m Hudson's Bay Company's list for 1821-2, 1060 for
1822-3, and 87° f°r 1823-4. He was with Alexander Ross on the Snake
River expedition of 1824, who refers to bim as "the sly dog Laurent . . .
a more headstrong, discordant, ill-designing set of rascals than form this 66
Raymond, Wm., trapper, no. 329 in the Hudson's Bay Company's
list of 1821-22 and 254 in list of 1822-23; mortally wounded
January 10, 1832, died March 14, 1832.
Rodin, a trapper.
Rondeau, C, Charles Rondeau, numbers 1305 and 1090 on the
lists of employees of the Hudson's Bay Company for 1821-2 and
1822-3. He settled at French Prairie and voted against the
Americans, May 2, 1843.
Rondeau, L., trapper, number 1293 on the Hudson's Bay Company's list for 1821-2 and 1070 for 1822-3; taken sick and left
at Fort Walla Walla September 9, 1831, rejoined the party
January 20, 1832.
Ross, Gilbert.
Satakays, P.
Silbert; possibly same as Gilbert Ross above.
Smith, T., trapper.
Soteaux, trapper; lost July 8, 1832, still missing July 16. Probably died in the mountains.143
Toupe, J.
A Flathead Indian, mortally wounded November 24, 1831.
Walla Walla Indian, mortally wounded by Blackfeet, January
30, 1832, died February 2.
John Work's "little Walla Walla housekeeper;" wounded by the
Blackfeet, January 30, 1832.
In addition to those whose names are given or who
are otherwise described there were a number of Indian
and half-breed women and children, squaws and children of the Indian hunters and the white traders and
trappers. Work was accompanied by his three small
daughters who were probably cared for by his Walla
Walla housekeeper.
The Snake River brigades were devoted primarily
camp God never permitted together in the fur trade."   Oregon Historical
Society Quarterly, xiv, 376.-w. s. L.
148 Work says in his Journal of a Hunting Expedition to Bonaventura
Valley by Way of Ogden's River, August 17, x832-April 2, 1833:-on August
22, 1832, "Hear that Soteaux whom we lost July 8 murdered by the Snakes."
m i.'J
to the search for beaver. Each expedition had among
its personnel some traders, clerks, and store keepers
who looked after the trading goods such as guns, powder, balls, blankets, knives, axes, mirrors, and other articles which the Indian prized and for which he was
willing to exchange the results of his hunting and trapping.
The hunters and trappers were more numerous than
the traders, and a party of trappers was usually composed of Indians, French Canadians, and mixed breeds.
When a good beaver stream was found the party
camped until the supply of beaver was exhausted.
Work's expedition of 1831-1832, however, found few
good beaver streams and was almost constantly on the
move. In most cases when the camp was not moved
each day the failure to move was due to bad weather or
danger from the Indians.
It is typical of the conditions of the fur trade that
while Mr. Work, at the close of his Journal, makes a
careful statement and accounting of the horses lost during the expedition, no mention whatever is made of the
casualties among his men. During the course of his
narrative, however, he noted the killing of eight different men. Annual drafts of fresh men were necessary to keep up these constant losses from sickness, accident, and violent death among the employees in the
Indian country.
John Work spelled better than many of his contemporaries. There is, however, a considerable variation
in his spelling of names, particularly in his spelling of
French or Indian names.    Most of his party probably
On September 21 he wrote, "Any Indian found with Soteaux's property to be
punished instantly." - P. c. P.
ijU 68
did not know how to spell and Work was not intimately
enough acquainted with the French and Indian
tongues to spell the names accurately from merely
hearing them pronounced. John Work's Journals were
written nearly a hundred years ago and in places the
ink is faded until the words can hardly be deciphered.
This may also account for some of the variations in
Work's daughter, Mrs. W. F. Tolmie, and her children of Victoria, British Columbia, seem to have fallen
heir to many of his papers. A number of his journals
are now in the Provincial Library at Victoria, British
Columbia, and they have been frequently cited by Hubert Howe Bancroft, the historian. Relative to their
historical value Mr. Bancroft writes: "To none of
the Hudson's Bay Company officers is posterity more
indebted than to John Work whose journals of various
expeditions, nowhere else recorded, fill a gap in history."
Portions of John Work's Journals 1825 and 1826,
edited by Mr. T. C. Elliott, have heretofore appeared
in the Washington Historical Society Quarterly, iii,
198-228; v, 83-115,258-287; vi, 26-49. Another journal
covering a trip from Fort Colville to Vancouver and
return (1828) recently appeared in the Washington
Historical Society Quarterly, xi, 104-114. Extracts
from Work's Journals of the Oregon and Snake River
Expedition of 1830-1831, also edited by Mr. T. C.
Elliott, have appeared in the Oregon Historical Society
Quarterly, xiii, 363-371; xiv, 280-314. A summary of
this Journal appears in Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast, ii, 516-519. The journal of his trip southward (1834) mentioned in Bancroft's History of the
Northwest Coast, ii, 526-9, will shortly appear in the
Oregon Historical Society Quarterly with the editorial
notes of Mr. Lesie M. Scott.
The original of the Journal of the expedition of 1831-
1832 is now in the Provincial Library at Victoria, British Columbia. An abstract of it was made for Hubert
Howe Bancroft. Mr. R. E. Gosnell of the Provincial
Library at Victoria made a copy for the Canadian Archives in 1908. At about the same time he prepared
a copy for Professor E. S. Meany of the University of
Washington. This copy is used for the text printed in
this volume. The well known accuracy of Mr. Gos-
nell's work makes it unnecessary for the editors to make
any further explanation regarding the faithfulness of
the copy herein printed.
The editors have taken the liberty of making some
changes in the spelling of the original manuscript, such
as Satd.y, Sund.y and Mond.y, Work followed no uniform method of spelling, so the editors thought it best
to give the full spelling of the days of the week. ■s
aM ■5W
The Journal of John Work
Thursday, August 18, 1831. Left Vancouver
and joined the Snake Expedition148 men at the [lower]
sawmill, where they were sent a few days ago to drink
the regale.146 Some of the men being in liquor I deferred starting till tomorrow. The party consists of
]14T men in four boats. Four of the men, M.
Plante, L. Quintal, A. Masson, and I. Clouture,148 are
sick with the fever.149 They are very ill, but it is expected they will get better on experiencing a change of
climate above the cascades [The Doctor furnished me
144 Vancouver. Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River, the headquarters
of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Northwest. - w. s. L.
145 Snake Expedition. It was the custom of the Hudson's Bay Company
to send expeditions into the Snake River country to trade with the Indians
and to trap. The expedition of 1831 planned a more extensive trip than
usual across the present state of Idaho and into western Montana. Professor
C. J. Brosnan, of the University of Idaho, has made a study of the Snake
River brigades and the results of his labors will probably soon be published. — p. c. P.
146 Regales. By long established custom, the men, mostly French-Canadian half-breeds, were supplied with liquor and given a few days vacation
prior to their departure on one of these expeditions. To avoid any disturbance of the people at the Fort the men were required to camp for these regales at some distance from the Fort. The lower mill was about four miles
from the trading post. This second saw mill must have been erected some
time prior to this date.-w. s. L,
147 Four boats would ordinarily hold not more than forty men. In the
course of his narrative Work refers to sixty different people. These include, besides the French and Scotch trappers and traders, a number of
Indians, men, women, and children.
148 por information regarding the men of Work's party see pages 61-65.
149 Malaria fever and ague such as afflicted the first settlers in the Mississippi River valley, doubtlessly spread by the mosquitoes in the spring.   The **=*=
with a small quantity of medicine for them].150 In the
evening two more of the men, A. Houle and W. Ray-
mure, were taken ill, but I suppose it to be the effect of
Friday, August 19. Proceeded up the river to
above the steep rocks,151 when we put ashore in the
evening for the night. The sick men, if anything,
worse.   It is the fever the two taken ill yesterday have.
Saturday, July [August] 20. Embarked at an early hour but soon had to put ashore on account of a
strong head wind, which did not abate till the afternoon, and then some of the sick were so ill that we
could not proceed. Two more of the men, Bt. Gaudi-
foux and Louis Kanota, taken ill. Some of the others
are very ill and one or two of them are getting better.
Sunday, August 21. Continued our route up the
river to the cascades, and carried the cargoes part of
the way across the portage.152 Some of the sick men
very ill and some of them a little better.
Monday, August 22. Carried the cargoes across the
portage by midday, and proceeded up the river with
a sail wind.   The sick men continued the same,
ague first appeared on the Pacific Coast in 1830. Lee and Frost, Ten Years
in Oregon, New York, 1844, 108.
"An intermittent fever was raging at Vancouver when I left, this scourge
was carrying off the few wretched natives who escaped last year, it had
also attacked several of the people about the establishment. My people did
not escape it, several of them were taken ill, and some of them remained so
badly that I am obliged to leave them here as they are not able to proceed,
this I much regret as my numbers at first were too weak." Letter, John Work,
Sept. 6, 1831.   Ibid., 263.-w. s. L.
150 Bancroft MS. The doctor must have turned back at the mill for he receives no further mention in the Journal. - p. c. p.
*« Locally called "Cape Horn."-T. C. Elliott.
152 This portage was on the north side of the Columbia River where the
first portage railroad was built about thirty years later. - t. c. s.
\ wwimimi
Tuesday, August 23. The weather too stormy to
admit of our marching, so that we did not stir all day.
Some of the sick men very ill, Quintal, M. Plante, Ray-
mure, and A. Houle are becoming very weak. I much
regret that they came away from Vancouver, it is impossible to attend them as they ought to be on the
voyage, and what little medicine I had will soon be
done. I am sorry I did not send them back from the
cascades, but I was still in hopes they would get better,
moreover, I could not send them back without some
healthy men with them (as I could not risk them alone)
and that would weaken my party too much.
Wednesday, August 24. Continued up the river
with a strong sail wind to the Dalles, and with the assistance of Indians carried the goods to the sand half
way across the portage.158 The sick people continue
the same, the worst ones weakening again.154
Thursday, August 25. Had the goods carried
across the portage early in the morning, but it was past
midday before the boats were got up to the head of the
party [portage].155 We then proceeded to the little
Dalles, where we had also to make a portage,156 and
with the assistance of Indians had the baggage all across
in the evening. Another of the men, L. Rondeau, was
taken ill with the fever yesterday, and today is very bad.
The others still continue ill, and are becoming very
i5s This portage was on the south side of the Columbia where the Dalles-
Celilo Canal has since been built. It was around Five Mile Rapids, or the
Lower Dalles.-t. c. e.
154 "The worst ones weakening again." Bancroft MS. reads. "The wind
was weakening again."   This makes better sense.-P. c. P.
165 Bancroft MS. reads "portage" in place of "party." - p. c. P.
156 This portage was also on the south side of the river and around the
upper Dalles or Nine Mile Rapids.-T. c. e.
Hi 74
.»       /
weak, except Gadifoux and Kanota, who are getting
Friday, August 26. Proceeded to the Chutes,15T
and had the baggage and boats (with the help of Indians) across the portage by noon. Some time was lost
gumming the boats, when we proceeded up the river
with a strong sail wind, it blew so fresh that we had to
put ashore for an hour. We reached opposite Mr.
Day's River158 where we encamped in the evening.
Another of the men, Osie, taken sick with the fever.
So many of the men falling ill is a serious affair. The
only thing we can do is to push on as expeditiously as
Saturday, August 27. Continued on up the river
with a sail wind to below Big Island,159 where we encamped. Another man, Bt. Dubruille took ill with the
fever. A. Houle had got a little better and had begun
to work a little against my advice, and is again fallen
back worse than he was at first.
SUNDAY, August 28. We had a sail wind which
carried us to near Utalle160 River, where we encamped
late in the evening.   The sick men continuing the same.
Monday, August 29.   Warm, calm weather.
Continued our route and encamped a little below the
157 The "Chutes" were the Celilo Falls. The portage here was usually
on the north side of the river, -t. c. e.
158 In Bancroft MS. "Jeays"-The John Day's River of Oregon-so
named for John Day-the Kentucky trapper with the Astor party who died
in 1819 from the hardships he encountered in the mountains of Idaho. A
small creek in Idaho and one in Wyoming also bear his name. Oregon
Historical Society Quarterly, xiv, 380; xvii, 375. He was highly esteemed
by his associates. - w. s. l.
159 Big Island, often called Long Island by the fur traders and early
settlers, is now called Blalock's Island for the late Dr. Blalock of pioneer
railroad fame, one of the early settlers of Walla Walla, Washington. - t. c. e.
160 Utalle - Umatilla rapids, below mouth of river of that name. -t. c. e. All
the original manuscript journal
fort.161 Having no wind this was a hard day's work
on the people. The heat was hard on the sick people,
some of them who had got a little better relapsed again.
It was lucky the weather was grown really cool, had it
been warm it would likely have caused the death of
some of our sick men.
Tuesday^ August 30. Had a little breeze of wind
[in the morning] 162 and reached the fort to breakfast,
and found Mr. McGillivray163 and people all well.
Some men who were sent from Vancouver to Colville164
with letters and for some supplies of horses and horse
agents passed here on the [ ] inst, and have not yet
returned, it is probable they are detained till the Colville people return from the F[lat]head summer
trade.165 |
lei port Nez Perce {or Walla Walla] at the mouth rof the Walla Walla
River which had been established in x8i8 by Donald MacKenzie and Alexander Ross. - w. s. l.
162 Bancroft MS.
163 Simon McGillivray, clerk in charge of the fort, was a son of William,
an old Northwesterner. Simon McGillivray served with the Canadian
chasseurs in the War of 1812 and was present at the capture of Mackinac.
In 18x3 he entered the employ of the Northwest Company, arriving in the
Columbia River district with the fall brigade and wintering at Fort Okanogan, 1813-4. See Cox's Columbia River, i, 238, 130-131. On the union of the
two companies in 1821 he became a chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company. His name appears as nos. 42, 28, and 27 respectively on the lists of employees of the company for the years 1821-2, 1822-3, and 1823-4. IQ a letter
by J. E. Harriott, dated Fort Vancouver, February 25, 1831, appearing in
Washington Historical Society Quarterly, i, 260, 261, we find: "Mr. Simon
McGillivray reached this on the 6th Jan[uar]y and after regaling himself a
few days at this place took his departure for Walla Walla to replace Mr.
Barnston." By minutes of council for X831 he was assigned to the New
Caledonia department for 1832. -w. s. l.
164 Fort Colville on the upper Columbia some distance below the mouth
of Clark's Fork. This fort was a sort of clearing house for the trade with
the Indians to the east. See Appendix for Work's account of his prospects. -
P. C. P.
165 The Flathead summer trade was an important asset to the Northwest
Company and was continued by the Hudson's Bay Company after it ab-
1 76
! ■'' <
Wednesday, August 31.   Stormy weather.
We require one hundred and twenty horses to equip
our party, and there are only about eighty here, so that
we still want about forty horses. Whether that number
will be obtained from Colville166 I cannot say. Some
of the sick men very ill, M. Plante was nearly dying.
Some of them who had got a little better have relapsed
Thursday, September 1. Very little doing. The
sick continue the same, some of them becoming very
FRIDAY, September 2. Some of the sick men a little
better, others of them very ill. Late in the evening
the men arrived from Colville with all the supplies
required except horses, of which they have brought only
twenty-four, and these so lean that they will be of little
or no service to us this year. One was left sick by the
SATURDAY, September 3.   Employed giving out the
people supplies and provisions and other things.   Our
sick men getting a very little better.
m Sunday,   September 4.   Employed  as yesterday.
The sick men continuing much the same.
Monday, September 5.   A number of the horses
sorbed the Northwest Company in x82X. David Thompson apparently realized the potential importance of this trade when he stopped in the Kootenai
country in x8oo. On the east side of Lake Pend d'Oreille he built "Kullys-
pel" House and on Clark's Fork above the site of Thompson Falls, Montana,
he built Saleesh House. Coues, Journals of Alexander Henry and of David
Thompson, ii, 606 n.
The term Flathead probably refers to the various tribes of the Salishan
family that inhabited the basin of Clark's Fork of the Columbia River.-
p. c. P.
166 port Colville was near enough the Nez Perces to carry on a trade in
horses with that tribe of horsemen. - p. c. p.
strayed and could not be found which deterred me from
giving them to the people as intended.
Tuesday, September 6. It was so late in the day
before the horses were found that I could not deliver
them today either.
Wednesday, September 7. It was near noon when
some of the horses who had strayed again were collected, after which we were busily employed delivering them to the people, and a difficult job it is as there
are not enough of horses, and a number of what are, are
of such an inferior quality that little or no work can be
expected to be done with them, those received from
Colville, in particular, are not only very lean but the
great number of them young, unbroken horses.
Thursday, September 8. Gave out the remainder
of the horses to the people, and part of them moved off,
the others remain till tomorrow. Some of the men
are badly equipped with horses, they number [ and
that is all. There being no Indians about the place
worth meeting none can be got to trade at present.
Some of our sick men whom I thought would have to
remain here have determined to accompany us, viz:
J. B, Dubruille, A. Masson, S. Quintall, and M. Plante,
they will not be persuaded to remain, and I much fear
they are inadequate (though a little better) for the
journey, and will most likely die on the way. I have
represented the imprudence of risking themselves and
the consequence likely to result from it. Two of the
sick men, L. Riendeau and A. Houle, are unable to
even attempt the journey, and remain, the boy Norty
is also unable to go, he must remain, he was taken ill
a few days ago and is in a violent fever, though he has
no fits.
i|2l IP!
I #1
Friday, September 9. Some of the people came
back for some stray horses, and did not go away as it
was late when they found them.
Saturday, September 10. Employed today writing letters.
Sunday, September 11. Left Fort Nez Perces, and
at the end of five hours march, about twenty-live miles
N. E. came up with the people on a fork of W. W.
River.167   Two of the horses lost, one belonging to J.
M7Walla Walla River: Camping on Mill Creek, somewhere between
the present stations of Whitman and College Place. Eighteen miles ne:-
From Mill Creek, the distances or the directions given by Mr. Work for his
journeys September 12-16 inclusive, must be altered to bring him out near
the mouth of the Salmon River, which is considerable to the south of Fort
Nez Perce. Local magnetic variances, amounting to even twenty or twenty-
five degrees east, are occasionally encountered in the Columbia River district,
and may explain this discrepancy; hence the editors here disregard Mr.
Work's directions and are guided by his distances only. We assume that instead of taking the well-traveled Nez Perce trail towards the mouth of the
Clearwater, he proceeded east across the northern edge of the Blue Mountains
by another Indian trail shown on Lieutenant Symons' maps of the department of the Columbia, camping on the 12 of September on Russell's Creek.
Compare herewith Peter Skene Ogden's route September, 1828, ibid., xi, 381;
and John Work's route August, 1839, ibid., xiii, 364-5.
This route from the Walla Walla River to the Snake River was a well
known Nez Perce trail, and the latter portion of Work's route was practically
that taken by Joseph's band and the Nez Perces from the Imnaha and vicinity of Asotin in June, 1877, when they gathered and crossed the Snake River
above the mouth of the Salmon; marched up that stream and crossing it at
Craig's Ferry (Ford) camped at the rendezvous on Rocky Canyon Creek,
east of the Salmon, prior to the battle of White Bird. - w. s. l.
Mr. T. C. Elliott of Walla Walla, the well known authority on the
Hudson's Bay Company regime in the Columbia River district is of the firm
opinion that a different and northern route was taken by the Work party
and he has submitted the following:
"September 11-26. From Fort Nez Perce at the mouth of the Walla Walla
River on the Columbia, Mr. Work and his party followed the regular
Indian trail used by Lewis and Clark expedition when going eastward in
1806, across the hills to the Touchet River and their camp on the evening
of the 12th seems to have been at the present site of Dayton, Columbia
County, Wash., where Patit Creek   (from petite  or small creek),  which
m nt> 1
Faul and one belonging to P. Satakays. Two others
were left below two days ago, which could not come on.
Monday, September 12. Continued our route five
hours, eighteen miles N. E. to another small river, want
of water was the cause of making such a long [short]168
day's journey.
TUESDAY,,September 13. Overcast but very warm
Continued our journey six hours, twenty-two miles E.
to another small river,169 there was no water to encamp
sooner. Many of the horses fatigued. [Two of the
sick men again taken very ill; had some severe fits today].170 Some of the Indians visited us in the evening
and changed horses with the people.
Wednesday, September 14.   Cloudy, cold weather.
Proceeded on our journey two and one-half hours,
carries very little water in September, enters the Touchet River. From there
the party left the Lewis and Clark party's route and followed the upper
Indian trail nearer the mountains across Garfield County by what is now
Columbia Center and Peola to the Snake River (Nez Perce river he calls it)
a few miles below the mouth of the Clearwater (he calls it the Salmon).
Crossing the river the party proceeded up on the north bank of the Clearwater, perhaps crossing to the south side further up, to where the North
Fork comes in on the 24th, and then to the trail leading over the hills to
Weippe prairie on the 26th. His Camas Plain is the Weippe. From there
the road to the Hot Springs is the Lolo Trail with deviations; evidently they
got off the trail just as the Lewis and Clark party did when coming across
in the fall of 1805. This was a route not usually followed by the Hudson's
Bay Company traders in going to the Snake and Missouri River country
and was strange to Mr. Work."
If this is the case Work's party journeyed up the Clearwater instead of
the Salmon River, crossing the north fork of the Clearwater on September
24, and proceeded up the south fork for two days when he left the river
to go to Camas Plains near Weippe, Idaho. From this point Mr. J. £. Rees
traces the route to Lolo Pass.-p. c. p.
168 Should be "short" as in Bancroft MS.
169 Camping on the upper Wenaha in the vicinity of Willow and Owl
Creeks.-w. s. l.
170 Bancroft MS.
■II 8o
eight miles E. to another small river.171 We were induced to stop earlier than usual on account of the country being burnt and dreading that we could not get
grass farther on. Some more Indians visited us and
traded a few horses with the people.
Thursday, September 15.    Sultry, warm weather.
Marched seven and one-half hours, twenty-five miles
N. E. to N. P. River.172 The country along the way was
burnt and no grass for the horses, which induced us to
make such a long day's march, even where we were
encamped the country has been overrun by fire, and
very little grass left for the horses, hungry and fatigued
as they are.   Two of the sick men are very ill.
Friday, September 16. Moved five or six miles up
the river, and crossed it a little below the fork of Snake
River and Salmon River.173 We got two canoes174 from
the Indians, yet it was near night when the baggage was
all across. Some Indians encamped with us. Some
horses bought from them, but the people are such fools
that they outbid each other and gave double the price
they ought for a horse.
Saturday, September 17. Marched two and one-
half hours, eight miles, up the river175 to above the
forks where we encamped to allow our horses to feed a
little as they have had very little these last two nights.
Several Indians joined us in the evening.
171 Camping on the 14th, near the junction of the Wenaha with the Grande
Rounde Rivef.-w. s. l.
172To Nez Perce or Snake River; the day's march has been down the
Grande Rounde and crossing this stream. The camp was made on the banks
of the Snake River some distance about south of the mouth of the Grande
Rounde.-w. s. l.
173 Mr. Elliott thinks Work should have written "Clearwater."
174 Bancroft MS. reads "candes" or beaver.
175 That is, up on north bank of the Salmon River to near Wapshilla
Creek. — w. s. l.   Mr. Elliott thinks this should be Clearwater. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
Sunday, September 18. There being excellent
grazing here for the horses we did not move camp in
order to allow them to feed. Some more Indians
joined us. They had a religious dance. Some horses
were traded from them, and others exchanged. One
of them made a present of one, and received a present
to the value in return.
Monday, September 19. Marched four hours,
twelve miles E. N. E. up the river,176 the road in places
stony, but otherwise good.
Tuesday, September 20. Continued our route up
the river three hours, ten miles E. N. E. The road the
same as yesterday, some stony spots. We encamped in
the evening near the chief Sowities lodge. Some rain
in the evening.
Wednesday, September 21. Heavy rain in the
night and forepart of the day, fine weather afternoon.
The unfavorable weather deterred us from moving
camp in the morning. Afterwards we did not start on
account of the illness of one of Satrouxs little daughters, who is dying. The chief Sauwashen made us a
present of a moose for the people to eat.
THURSDAY, September 22.    Fine weather.
Continued our route three hours, ten miles E. N. up
the river. A good deal of the road very stony, and bad
for the horses feet. We were recommended by some
of the Indians to take the road on the opposite side of
the river as there were less stones. They advised us to
keep to the N. side as it was shorter and leveller. There
is all along good grazing for the horses.
Friday, September 23. Stormy, raw, cold weather
in the morning, fine afterwards.
176 Camping on north bank of Salmon east of the big bend south of Deep
Creek.-w. s. l.   Mr. Elliott thinks this should be Clearwater.
M 82
Proceeded three and three-fourths hours, eleven
miles E. N. E. up the river. The country here becomes
more hilly, and the hills approaching close to the river
on both sides. Our road the most of the day along the
brow of the hill, and was good except a short piece
which was stony in the morning.
SATURDAY, September 24. Cold in the morning, but
fine weather afterwards.
Continued our journey one and one-half hours, five
miles up the river to a fork177 which falls in from the
northward, where we encamped with some Indians as
it would have been too long to go to another good encampment.   There is plenty of grass for the horses.
SUNDAY, September 25. Continued our journey
up the river to where the road leaves the river to strike
into the country to Camass Plain.178 The country hilly
and partially wooded.
Monday, September 26. Fine weather, but cooler
in the morning.
Quitted the river and proceeded across the country
five hours, twenty miles E.N.E. to Camass Plains.179
The road through a woody country, very hilly in the
morning but pretty level afterwards. Found some Indians here.    It is a great place for collecting camass.
Tuesday, September 27.    Sharp frost in the night,
177 North fork of Clearwater. - T. c. E.
178 Along the Lolo Trail. - p. c. p.
179 These are the North Camas Plains in what is now called the "Camas
Prairie country" between the Salmon and Clearwater. There are many
"camas" plains or prairies in Idaho, the most important being the "Big
Camas Prairie," and the "Little Camas Prairie" in Elmore County, Idaho,
along the east branch of the Malade or Big Wood River. There is also a
"Little Camas Prairie" on the south side of the Boise River in Elmore County,
Idaho.-w. s. l.
Mr. Elliott and Mr. Rees believe this should be north of the Clearwater
near Weippe.-p. c .p.
and cooler in the morning, fine weather during the day.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed before taking the summits. Some horses were
traded from the Indians, and some exchanged. It is
very difficult to effect any bargains with them.
Wednesday, September 28. Sharp frost in the
night, fine weather afterwards.
Proceeded on our journey five and one-half hours,
eighteen miles n.N.e. to a little plain,180 the greater
part of the way through very thick woods and difficult
road though well frequented.
Thursday, September 29. Frost in the morning,
fine weather afterwards.
Did not raise camp owing to one of Satraux children,
a little girl, who has been some time ailing dying this
Friday, September 30. Fog and frost in the morning, fine weather afterwards. Proceeded on our journey eight hours, twenty-four miles N.N.E. through continual thick woods and up several steep hills,181 and
encamped in a valley, where there is very little grass
for the horses, and very little water.
Friday, September 30. Began to rain a little before
daylight, and rained all day. In the evening a great
deal of thunder with very heavy rain and hail.
Raised camp and moved one and one-half hours, four
miles N. N. E. to a little valley182 where there is a little
grass for the horses. The country here has been burnt
and is pretty bare of wood.
180 Near Weippe camping probably some place to north and east of Pierce
City. - j. e. r.
181 Along Lolo Trail. - j. e. r.
182Musselshell Creek.-J. e. r. fm
Saturday, October 1. Began to snow in the night,
and snowed all day.
The bad weather deterred us from raising camp.
M. Plante lost a colt yesterday.
SUNDAY, October 2. Some snow in the morning.
Cold weather, the snow thawing. Continued our journey eight and one-half hours, twenty-four miles N.N.
N. E. over very steep hills and through thick wood, and
encamped later in the evening in a deep valley183 with
little or no grass and nothing but brambles and briars
for our horses to feed upon. We let them loose in the
night and expect we will be able to find them in the
morning as they cannot travel in the [heat?]. Our
Indian guide returned for us this morning, we have
now fallen on the great road.184 There is a better place
for encamping on the hill behind us, but we did not
know it. Two horses gave up on the way. The snow
on the hills is about nine inches deep. Both people
and horses much fatigued, and completely drenched
on arrival at camp. The soft melting snow falling off
the trees wet everything.
Monday, October 3. Fair weather till towards
evening when it began to snow.
Continued our journey four and one-half hours, N.
N.E., seventeen miles over steep hills, through thick
woods, and encamped later in the evening in a hill the
side of which was clear of woods, and where we had
the satisfaction of finding a good deal of grass for our
horses, though it was covered with snow.185 By daylight all hands were seeking the horses, the most of
188 Deep Saddle on Weitas Creek.-j. e. r.
184Lolo Trail.-P. c. p.
them were found sooner than expected [some] of them
could not be found during the day though the people
went in search of them till late, but the one trusted to
the other, and I think did not seek effectually for them.
Tuesday, October 4. Snowed thick nearly all day,
the snow melting a little.
Did not raise camp on account of the bad weather,
and to allow the people to seek the stray horses, they
were off in quest of them all day, three of them were
found.    There are still missing seven.    .    .
Wednesday, October 5. Snowing most part of the
day, the snow melting as it falls.
Continued our route five hours, fifteen miles N.N.E.
through thick woods and over some hills, one very
steep, and encamped later in a small swamp with scarcely any grass, and that little covered with snow,186 so that
the poor, starving horses could not get at it. Owing to
the soft snow falling and the bad weather the people
and horses much fatigued.   A dismal encampment.
THURSDAY, October 6.    Snowed the most of the day.
It was late before the horses were found, and some
of them not till the evening. We, nevertheless, raised
camp and marched four and one-half hours, twelve
miles N. N. E. over a hilly country thickly wooded, and
encamped in the evening on the side of a hill clear of
woods, and very little snow with a little grass, and herbage scattered thickly over it.187 Our poor horses will
be able to feed a little. A few lodges of the people
remained behind to seek the stray horses. . . A
horse, belonging to G. Paus, died at the encampment.
Some more horses gave up on the way.
186 Indian Grave Camp.-j. e.
187 Indian Post Office. - j. E. R.
R. 86
Friday, October 7. Snowed thick, and cold weather
the most of the day.
Proceeded on our journey five and one-half hours,
fifteen miles, and encamped where there is a little feeding for the horses on the declivity of a hill where
there is a little snow and pretty clear of wood. The
people who remained behind came up with the camp.
They found all the horses that were astray yesterday,
but two cannot be found today. Two of the men, J.
Louis and J. Rayburn who went back to a station of the
first in quest of the stray horses, but saw nothing of
them. The snow on the mountains there is nearly six
feet deep,, it was with difficulty they could keep the
track. We have not yet had the snow a foot deep. The
road today lay over hills, one of them very steep, and
the road embarrassed with fallen wood.
Saturday, October 8.    Fair weather.
Continued our journey five and one-half hours, fifteen miles over a succession of hills and down a very
steep bank to the river188 which we left on the [25]
September. Here we stopped for the night though we
are among the woods, and scarcely any grass for the
horses, but we apprehend several of the horses would
not be able to get to a little station ahead, but we do not
know how far.    Here we have no snow.    .    .
SUNDAY, October 9. Rained in the night and forepart of the day.
Raised camp, and marched two and one-half hours,
eight miles up a steep, long hill to a small creek189 with
some swampy clear ground on its banks where there is
a good deal of good grass for the horses, of which they
188 Middle fork of the Clearwater. - P. c. p.
1,89Pack Creek, across the Bitter Root Divide.-j. E. R. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
are in much need. Some of the people remained behind to allow the horses to feed and repose. They said
they found a little grass among the hills.
Monday, October 10. Rained and a little snow fell
in the night and forepart of the day.
The bad weather deterred us from raising camp,
moreover, our horses are in much need of feeding. This
is a good place. Some of the people who were behind
came up, some remain behind still.
Tuesday, October 11.   Very heavy rain all day.
On account of the bad weather we did not raise camp.
Though the horses have a good feeding this continual
rain is much against them, and a great many of them
are very lean.
Wednesday, October 12. Continual rain and sleet
in the night and all day.
Did not raise camp. The rest of the people who remained behind came up, they are completely drenched.
Thursday, October 13. Overcast, fair weather forepart of the day, rain in the evening.
Raised camp and proceeded three and one-half hours,
eleven miles N. to a small plain at hot spring on Saloas
River.190 The road today not hilly but very much embarrassed with fallen wood, and fatiguing on the horses.
Three gave up by the way, and three were lost at the
190 Le Louis in Bancroft MS. Lolo Hot Springs. From October 2 to
October 13. Work's journal states he marched about one hundred miles to
Lolo Pass. The line of march was probably along the Lolo Trail and varied
from southeast to northeast. October 13 Work states he was thirteen miles
south of Lolo Pass. During this march Work's party probably crossed the
headwaters of the Clearwater, the South Fork, Selway Fork, Middle Fork to
Lolo Pass. Local tradition has it that the name Lolo, for many years spelled
Lou Lou, is an Indian pronunciation of Lawrence-the name of a trapper
and trader who lived during the fifties on this creek. Judge Franklin
Woody, a pioneer of western Montana, and Duncan MacDonald, a half-
r 'A IV
encampment and could not be found, and one lost in the
wood. The people who are ahead killed fourteen
Friday, October 14. Light rain in the morning, it
then faired a little, but the rain soon came on again and
continued all day.
Raised camp and marched five and one-half hours,
fifteen miles N. to a little fork which falls in from the
westward.191 The road very hilly and slippery and
miry, and exceedingly fatiguing both on the horses and
people. Some of the horses gave up on the way owing
to the bad road and the bad weather. This was a most
harrassing day both on the men and horses. Some of
the people were out hunting, but without success.
There are a few chiveraux192 about this plain. Pich-
ette killed a bear.
breed, the son of an old Hudson's Bay Company trader and now tribal judge
of the Salish or Flathead Indian tribe, both declared this is the true origin
of the word.   See Wheeler, Trail of Lewis and Clark, ii, 78.-p. c. p.
A more plausible explanation is that the present name of the creek and
mountain pass, "Lolo," is a corruption of the French name Le Louis given
the stream and pass by the fur traders in honor of Meriwether Lewis.-
W. S. L.
Jacob A. Meyers states that this word is the Chinook for the verb pack
or carry, and that "Lolo" Pass simply means "pack" pass.
Frederick J. Long, Dictionary of Chinook Jargon.   Lo-Lo=to carry, 9.
Gill, John, Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, Portland, 1909, 14.
Shaw, George C.    The Chinook Jargon and How to Use It, Seattle, 1909,
Phillip, W. S.    The Chinook Book, Seattle, 1913, 108.
Gibbs, George S. A Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon or Trade Language of Oregon, Washington, 1863, 34.
Hibben, T. Lr Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon or Indian Trade Language of the Northwest Coast, Victoria, B.C., 1899, 25«
Hale, Horatio. An International Idiom, a Manual of the Oregon Trade
Language or Chinook Jargon, London, 1890, 54.
191 Really northeast down Lolo Creek to Grave Creek on the Lewis and
Clark trail.-P. c. p.
^92 Cheviraux = deer.
Saturday, October 15.   Overcast, showery weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
repose a little and feed after the hard day's work yesterday, they are much fatigued. Those that were left
behind yesterday were brought up to the camp this
morning. Several of the people out hunting. Satoux
killed two deer, Gadif one, T. Smith two and Charlie
one sheep.
Sunday, October 16.   Clear, fine, sunny weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed as there is pretty good grass here, and as we must
soon begin night guard. It was, moreover, necessary
to dry out things, they are nearly rotten. Some of the
horses which were left behind were brought up. A
part of the people raised camp and moved a short encampment farther on. Some of the people are out
Monday, October 17.    Cloudy, showery weather.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, nine miles
E. N. E.193 to a nice plain where there is a good feeding
for the horses. The men ahead killed beaver and one
elk and [sic] two beaver.
Tuesday, October 18. Cloudy, showery in the afternoon.
Continued our journey six hours, E. N. E. twelve miles
down the river to Bitter Root River,194 the road good.
Here we commenced night guard on our horses. Some
of the people were hunting, but with little success.
193 Down Lolo Creek to the neighborhood of Woodman.— P. c. p.
194 Bitter Root River was so called from the "Spettellum" (Flathead Indian word for the "bitter root" or Lewisa rediviva), an important article of
Indian food growing in profusion through the Bitter Root valley.— w. s. l.
From here Work followed the trail of Lewis on his return down the Bitter
Root, up Clark's Fork, and the Blackfoot River, -p. c. p.
1 !
Wednesday, October 19. Rained in the night and
all day.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed, since there is fine grass. Three elk and a moose
were killed.
Thursday, October 20. Fair weather in the morning, but heavy rain afterward.
Marched one and one-half hours, seven miles E. N. E.
across a fine plain to the river at the entrance of Hell's
Gates.195 - I § §
Friday, October 21. Snowed the most of the day.
The snow melts as it falls.
Raised camp and proceeded up the river N. N. E. two
hours, eight miles to the fork of Blackfoot River.196
Saturday, October 22. Overcast in the morning,
thick snow all day afterward.
Proceeded up the Blackfoot River four and one-half
hours, fifteen miles N.N. E. and encamped in the
woods.197 The road hilly, and in places stony, thick
woods all the way, very little grass for the horses at
Sunday, October 23.   Overcast, mild weather.
Proceeded two hours, eight miles E. across the river
and a point of woods to Camass Plain,198 a fine feeding
195 Hell's Gate:-Porte d'enfer of the French fur traders, just east of
Missoula, Montana. A defile through the dividing ridges of the mountains,
noted as being the great war road by which the Piegan and Blackfoot Indians often visited the west side of the Rockies, and the pass by which the
Flatheads and other tribes crossed over to the Missouri side in quest of
buffalo, and the scene of many a bloody contest between these hostile nations.
It was the usual and only well known place to the whites for passing the
mountains in this vicinity. See Ross, Fur Hunters, ii, 12-13.— w. s. L.
Clark's Fork of the Columbia flows through this defile.-P. c. p.
196 That is mouth of the Blackfoot River.-w. s. L.
197 Near McNamara's Landing.-H. F. Herman.
198 Near Potomac-h. f. h.   There is a Camas Plain at this place-p. c. p. gl
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place for the horses. The road good. The hail which
fell yesterday nearly all melted. Late in the evening
P. Finlay and an Indian arrived from the Flathead
camp which they left yesterday on Bitter Root River.
From these people we learn that a large party of Americans are hunting in the grounds which we are going to,
that they have hunted during the summer several
branches of the Missouri which we intended to visit,
besides some other forks.199 A large party are also wintering on Salvos [Salmon] River.200 Three or four
beaver were killed.
Monday, October 24. Raw, cold weather, snow
showers, sharp frost in the night.
Moved camp and marched two and one-half hours,
eight miles N. E. through woods to a plain,201 the road
good, good feeding for the horses. One elk, a beaver
and a bear were killed. The people who arrived yesterday returned. Four of our people, A. Finlay, M.
Finlay, M. Plante, and A. Plante,202 quit the party and
returned with them, contrary to my wish. These men
are half Indians, and so whimsical that they cannot be
relied more upon than Indians. Leaving me thus and
weakening the party in a dangerous country is rascally
conduct, they had promised to remain with the party
two years. They are too lazy to keep watch. Beaver
were taken.
TUESDAY, October 25. Frost in the night, raw, cold
weather and much snow in the middle of the day.
Raised camp and marched two hours, seven miles N.
199 See The Fur Trade in the Northwest for account of American fur
trade in this region.
»"Bancroft MS. reads "Salmon."
801 Near Sunset Hill.-H. f. h.
202 See p. 64.
i 94
across the river to a small fork208 at a good feeding
place for the horses. The people out with their traps,
six beaver taken. Payette killed a black-tailed deer
and Smith two bears.
Wednesday, October 26. Overcast weather, some
light snow.
Did not raise camp in order to make lodge poles, all
hands busily employed providing themselves with ones.
Some of the men who slept out last night arrived, one,
old Bairvent, is still behind. Beaver taken. Kanota
killed an elk.
Thursday, October 27.   Snowed all day.
The unfavorable weather deterred us from raising
camp. Two beaver were taken. The snow melted
early as it fell.   No news yet of Baisvent.   .   .
Friday, October 28. Snowed all day, snow melted
nearly as soon as it fell.
Raised camp, and proceeded up the river three and
one-half hours, twelve miles E.s. E.20* We missed the
road, and passed through a bad part of the woods. Sent
a party of men in quest of Bainvent. They found him
where his traps were set, he was lost, and so bewildered
that he did not know where to go. The old F. H. chief,
LaBent, accompanied by his son, a boy, arrived late in
the evening in order to accompany us. He left his
people yesterday. Eighteen beaver were taken. Some
of the people were in quest of elk, only one was killed
by Sotraux.
Saturday, October 29. Stormy, cold weather, hail
and snow showers.
20s Mouth of Clearwater. - H. F. h.
204 Should be e. n. e. Camping on Cottonwood Creek. - h. f. h. See note 167
regarding Work's compass directions. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
Moved one hour, four miles E. s. E. up the river to a
fork which falls in from the northward.205 Twelve
beaver and two otter were taken. Some of the hunters
were out and killed two elk. Some marks of the Americans were seen. The Indians had hunted the little
forks up this far, and probably all above this is hunted
by Americans, so that nothing is left for us.
Sunday, October 30.   Overcast, cold weather.
Proceeded one and one-half hours, six miles E. S. E.
across a point to another fork of the river which falls
in from the N. E.,206 and here, as well as in the other two
forks there has been a good many beaver, but recently
hunted by the Americans. Some beaver still remain,
but they are shy and difficult to take. This fork passes
through a mountain at no great distance, the head of it
beyond the mountain which is in a plain country, is
said to be rich in beaver, but it is in the Blackfoot country and very dangerous, and at this late season frozen,
so that it could not be traded. The small streams are
all getting frozen up. The people proceeded up the
fork with the traps to near the [. . .] lies through a
narrow valley thickly wooded with steep hills on each
side. No marks of Blackfeet are to be seen, but an old
guide, LaBruh [La Buche] warned the people to be
particularly on their guard as that was their road and
their country not far off.   Thirteen beaver were taken.
Monday, October 31.   Cloudy, fine weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the people time
to try what success there might be with the traps, which
they set yesterday.    The men are off in different direc-
205 Monteur Creek. -H. f. h. Named after Nicholas Monteur, a Northwest Company clerk, associated with David Thompson and one of the first
white men in the Kootenai River district of Montana.-w. s. l.
206 A small creek near Ovando. - h. f. h.
ft 96
tions visiting the traps and hunting. Before noon
Champagne, Masson and C. Riendeau arrived with the
news that some of their traps had been stolen by the
Blackfeet and that they suspected J. Cloutier was killed
as three shots were fired (we heard the shots here) very
shortly after he passed them, two other men A. Letandre and Curry who were still farther up the river, it is
feared were also killed. Our cannon was fired twice
to apprise our men who were out of the enemy's approach,207 and a party accompanied by old La Buche
and Soteau, were immediately sent off but on entering
the valley they heard some of our people firing at ducks
below the camp, and imagining that perhaps it was the
enemy approaching the camp in that direction returned
with one of the men (Carney) who had from his swiftness outrun the savages and barely escaped with his life,
he relates that he and Letandre were both visiting a
trap, had left their horses on the bank and set their arms
beside them, when they heard the shots fired at Clou-
tier, when one proposed to the other to be off, but were
instantly fired upon by five or six of the savages from
the bank, poor Letandre was wounded but they missed
Cfarney] who crossed the river and escaped to the
mountains, both were taken so suddenly that they had
not time or wanted presence of mind to fly to their arms.
C[arney] thinks he saw only six Indians. A party of
fifteen men accompanied by Payette, La Buche and
Soteau, immediately went off to visit the place and
found Cloutier and Letandre both dead, the former
207 Bancroft MS. here inserts:
J. Clantin 6 traps stolen 4 remaining
J. Covine 3 do. do. & 1 do.
F. Letande 3 |       I
C. Rondeau x do. do. - P. c. P.
il w\
stripped of his clothes, neither of them were scalped or
mangled, except that wolves or Indian dogs had devoured one of Cloutier's thighs, he seems to have been
killed instantly, both of hi9 arms were broken below
the shoulders and the balls passed through his breast,
the savages were so near that from the size and appearance of the wounds the wadding as well as the balls
appear to have entered his body. Letandre seems not
to have died so soon, he received two balls one passed
through his left breast near his heart, and one through
his back and belly, besides a knife was dashed into his
head at the root of his nose, probably to dispatch him.
They did not take his waistcoat or shirt. The party is
not supposed to have been more than ten or twelve men
in all, after committing the murder they seem to have
made a most precipitate retreat as they threw away two
robes, a pair of leggins, several cords, and two of the
traps which they had stolen. They have, however, got
three horses, three guns, and horse bags, and ammunition of two men, and traps from Cloutier, Letandre,
Carney, Cloutier's traps were all on his horse as he had
not set any. Champagne [Carney?] apprised Cloutier
that his traps had been stolen and advised him to take
care of himself, he replied yes take care of yourselves
and pushed on without stopping and was in a few minutes afterwards killed. The party are supposed to
have come from below, they had dogs with them.
Tuesday, November i.   Cold, stormy weather.
Did not raise camp on account of it being All Saint's
Day which is a great festival with the [Fr.] Canadians.
Buried the remains of our unfortunates who came to
such an untimely end yesterday by the hands of the
inhuman, murderous Blackfeet.
\ \. ) mitt
Wednesday [November] 2.   Cloudy, fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded three and one-half hours,
fourteen miles E. s. E. across a point to another fork and
up it to near the upper end of a narrow defile, through
which this fork here runs,208 which is partially wooded.
The people visited their traps, twenty-one beaver were
taken. Beaver have been numerous here some time
ago, but it has recently been hunted by the Americans,
there are still some bear [beaver] here, but they are
very shy and difficult to take. The swamps and small
rivulets where beaver are to be found are freezing up
so that the beaver cannot be taken. Kanota's horse was
shot by his Indian last night.
Thursday [November] 3.   Raw, cold weather.
Marched two and one-fourth hours, nine miles E. s. E.
up the river and across a point to a small swamp where
we encamped, here this fork issues from the mountain
from the northward.209 The people visited the river
but no chance of taking any beaver, it has been so recently hunted by the Americans.
Friday [November] 4. Raw, cold weather, some
hail showers in the morning.
Marched three and one-fourth hours, fourteen miles
E. s. E. to the Little Blackfoot River, where we encamped
on a small point surrounded by hills.210 Some of the
people set a few traps. Some buffalo bulls were observed on the hills, a party of the people went after them
and killed two. The meat is very indifferent, but nevertheless acceptable as provisions are very scarce with
208 Tjp Nevada Creek to mouth of Cottonwood Creek, near the present
town of Helmville. - h. f. h.
209 Back to Nevada Creek, -h. f. h.
210 Near the present Avon.
Saturday [November] 5.   Overcast, cold weather.
Marched three hours, twelve miles S. S. E. down the
river and across a point to [Flint?] River,211 where we
encamped, here is good feeding for the horses. A bull
was killed but notwithstanding the people had little to
eat; none of the meat was taken.
Sunday .[November] 6. Cloudy, blowing, fresh,
some rain in the evening.
Marched two and one-half hours, eight miles S. S. W.
up the river212 and some of the people set a few traps,
little signs of beaver. The Americans hunted here in the
summer. The people were out hunting but very little
success. They thought two days ago that bulls would
be found everywhere, but they are disappointed.
Monday [November] 7. Cloudy, fine, mild weather.
Marched one and one-half hours, six miles S.S.W.
up the river, and camped on a fork which falls in from
the westward,218 here there is excellent feeding for the
horses. The people set their traps-one beaver taken.
This river was formerly rich, but being frequently
hunted both by the whites and the Indians, beaver now
are very scarce in it. The people were out hunting but
only a bull and a sheep were killed. Provisions are becoming scarce with us.
211 Bancroft MS. reads "Flint." The party could not have arrived at
Flint Creek from the Little Blackfoot in so short a time. Probably Deer
Lodge River, a local name for a part of Clark's Fork as indicated by Work's
later travels. — p. c. p.
According to Angus McDonald the first gold found in Montana was discovered near Flint Creek in 1850. See McDonald's A Few Items of the
West.   In Washington Historical Society Quarterly, viii, 188-229. - w. s. L.
The first real discovery of gold was on Gold Creek about twenty miles
east. - p. c. p.
212 Should be 8. s. e. to near Deer Lodge. - P. c. P.
213 Probably Dempsey Creek. - p. c. P. IOO
Tuesday [November] 8. Overcast, foggy, cold
weather, rained heavy the forepart of the night and
afterwards snowed, near half a foot of snow fell.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the people to try
what success they might have with their traps, and that
they might endeavor to kill some bulls for food. Several of the people went out hunting.
Wednesday [November] 9. Cloudy, cold weather.
Marched two and one-fourth hours, eight miles S.S.
E. up the river to the hot spring.21* The road good
through a fine plain. The men visited their traps
which had been in the water two nights, twenty-one
beaver were taken. Notwithstanding, that this quarter has been recently hunted both by the Indians and
Americans, there are still some beaver, but having been
so lately hunted they are very shy, moreover the dams
and small forks are freezing up so that they cannot be
taken. Several of the people were in the mountains
hunting sheep, and killed five.
THURSDAY [November] 10. Raw, cold weather,
froze keen in the night.
Marched two hours, eight miles S. S. E. up the river,
here we had to leave it and cross a small hill215 to the
waters of the Missouri.216 Several of the people out
hunting. Numbers of bulls were seen ahead. No
beaver taken in the traps which were set yesterday, they
were frozen up.
Friday [November] 11.   Raw, cold weather.
Marched S.S.E. four hours, fifteen miles S.S.E. to a
21*Warm Springs, Montana.— p. c P.
216 Up Clark's Fork and Silver Bow Creek to near Stuart, Montana.
Crossed over Deer Lodge Pass, now used by the Oregon Short Line.-Jean
218 One of the small creeks tributary to the Big Hole River. - P. c. P. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
small branch of the Missouri.211 This was a fatiguing
day both to horses and people, but there was no place
to camp nearer. Several bulls were seen, the people
killed some of them, it was difficult to deter them from
rising them, though it may raise them and be the means
of raising the buffalo ahead.
Saturday [November] 12. Weather milder than
these days past.
Marched three hours, eleven miles S.S.E. to the river
of the Grand Toux218 where it receives the small river
on which we were encamped last night. Some herds of
bulls were seen feeding on the hills on both sides of the
road, the people prevented from going after them and
they remained undisturbed. From the appearance of the
tracks the bulls which were raised yesterday have gone
on ahead and taken some cows that were near this place
with them. From a hill numbers of buffalo were seen
in the plain ahead of us.
Sunday [November] 13. Cloudy, mild weather.
It was very cold last night, and the river was driving
full of ice this morning, and the small streams are nearly all frozen over.
Marched ten miles, three hours S. E. across a range of
hills and down the river on which we were encamped
yesterday,219 and stopped at the plain where the buffalo
were seen yesterday, but the grand band were all gone,
there are however a number of bulls remaining and
217 Head of Divide Creek. - j. b.
218 Bancroft MS. reads "Grand Horse." Big Hole, or Wisdom River. -
P. c. P. Called by the French Canadian trappers Le Grand Trou, meaning
"big hole," from which the valley and the river took its name.-w. s. L.
219 Ten miles across hills to mouth of Camp Creek on the Big Hole River
near Melrose. At the present time the road crosses these hills to avoid a
canyon of the Big Hole. This river opens out into a "plain" at Melrose.-
J. B.
\m I02
some cows among them, whom the people went after
and killed eight or ten of them, but the most of them
were very lean.
Monday [November] 14.    Cloudy, cold weather.
Marched one and one-half hours, five miles S.E.
down the river, and encamped to allow the horses to
feed where there is some grass, left by the buffalo.
About this part of the river there were formerly a good
many beaver and our guide says there are a few yet but
on account of the coldness and the sides of the river being frozen, they cannot be taken now. Shortly after
we encamped, Soteau who had gone to the hills, brought
a large herd of buffalo close by the camp. Several of
the people immediately went after them and killed
eight or ten of them.
Tuesday [November] 15. Overcast, cold, stormy
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed of which they are in very great need, for some time
past the grass has been both scarce and indifferent, and
the horses having to be confined at night without eating, they are becoming very poor.
Wednesday [November] 16. Weather as yesterday.
Proceeded on our journey two and one-half hours,
eight miles S.S.E. to a small creek220 which falls into
the river which we left this morning. No buffalo to
be seen on the road, but some of the men who went to
the hills saw plenty ahead.
THURSDAY [November] 17. Froze keen in the
night; overcast, cold weather during the day.
220 Five miles below Melrose to a tributary called Birch Creek. From
Birch Creek the party could see a large part of the Beaverhead valley where
there were "plenty" of buffalo.-j. B.
i  F» *
■■ \m
Moved camp and marched three and one-half hours,
nine miles S. S. E. over sandy hills to an extensive plain
on the Missouri where we encamped a little above the
Beaverhead,221 here the plains on both sides of the river
are covered with large herds of buffalo, the most of the
people went after them and killed twenty-four cows;
some of them very fat The river here is frozen, a
small channel on which we are encamped is frozen
over, and though the ground is low there is some snow
along the river.
Friday [November] 18. Overcast, cold weather,
stormy towards evening.
Did not raise camp in order to allow our horses to
feed, there is good grass here, and to afford the people
time to kill more meat and dry it. Several of the people were out hunting and killed fifteen buffalo. Some
of the men saw three Indians on horseback which they
supposed to be Blackfeet, it was too late when the peo-
221 Nine miles s. s. E. must be s. s. w. Beaverhead:-Beaverhead Rock on
the Beaverhead River, below Dillon, an Indian name, used by Lewis and
Clark.-p. c. p. "August 10, Saturday, 1805. We proceeded on passed a
remarkable clift point on the star'd side about one hundred and fifty feet
high, this clift the Indians call the Beaver's head, opposite at three hundred
yards is a low clift of fifty feet which is a spur of the mountain on the
star'd about four miles." Thwaites, [ed.] Original Journals of Lewis &
Clark, ii, 328.
"Near Lovell's, in Beaverhead valley, and in full view of the stage road,
is Beaverhead Rock. It is this quaint landmark which gives river, valley, and county their name; and as there is very good likeness of it in
these pages, readers will unite in saying that the title is appropriately
bestowed. The rock rises three hundred feet above the river, and is
so near the perpendicular that a plummet suspended from its summit would
drop into the edge of the deep eddy which washes its southern base.
A short walk up the canyon, bursting from the cliffs by the roadside, is a
cluster of warm springs. They throw off a strong stream of water, and,
dropping from a ledge some twenty-five feet above the road, form the pretty
little Twin Falls, which Montana-bound people admire so much." Strahorn
(Robert E.), To the Rockies and Beyond, Omaha, 1879, *78.
WW £ 7   '•"•
pie arrived from the buffalo hunt to send to examine
the tracks and to ascertain the number of the party.
We are here just in the road of the Blackfeet.
Saturday [November] 19. Blew a storm from the
southward, though the weather is cold the snow thawed
a little. . m
Did not raise camp, some of the people went after
buffalo but with little success, the stormy weather was
unfavorable for hunting. Our guide Buche, and some
men went to examine the Indian tracks which were seen
yesterday, they compute the party to consist of twenty
or twenty-three men, they have three horses with them
and are going down the river, they passed on the opposite side in the night.
Sunday [November] 20.   Cold, stormy weather.
Proceeded up the river two and three-fourths hours,
ten miles S. and crossed the river.222 No buffalo to be
seen at our first station, but near our first encampment
there are several herds, the people went after them and
killed several. Tracks of Blackfeet are here in the
Monday [November] 21.   Cloudy, cold weather.
Did not raise camp as we have good feeding for the
horses and there are buffalo close by. There is little
necessity for our hurrying on as the danger from the
Blackfeet is the same wherever we can go. F. Payette
is very ill, and unable to sit on a horse. The people
went a-hunting and killed several buffalo.
Tuesday [November] 22. Cloudy, cold weather
but milder than these days past.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed and that the people might have time to dry their
222 Up Beaverhead River to near Dillon. - p. c. p. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
meat. Some of the people went after buffalo and
killed only five.
Wednesday [November] 23. Stormy weather,
snowing and drifting forepart of the day.
The unfavorable weather deterred us from raising
camp as we intended. No buffalo to be seen in our
Thursday [November] 24. Cloudy, cold weather
some light snow and blowing towards evening.
During the second watch about six o'clock last night
a party of Blackfeet approached the camp and fired
upon the men who were guarding the horses about fifty
yards from the lodges, at the same time raising a hideous war yell to frighten the horses which it did and
they ran off but were fortunately soon stopped and
brought back chiefly by the activity of Champagne who
was one of the men on watch. In the meantime the
Indians continued firing upon the lodges and on our
people who turned about to the plains to meet them.
Our cannon was fired in the direction some of them
were supposed to be in, they ceased firing immediately
and made off. Not knowing the strength of the party
and the party being occupied securing the horses they
were not pursued. Unfortunately J. Desland, one of
the men on guard, was dangerously if not mortally
wounded by the first fire from the savages, the ball
entered his left breast and came out under his left arm,
one of the ribs and part of the breast bone supposed to
be broken, he was one of the men on guard nearest the
bushes where the villians concealed themselves, he is
very ill today and too weak to be moved which deterred
us from raising camp. On visiting their tracks this
morning the party is supposed not to have exceeded Mi
): ;|#
twenty men. It is to be regretted it was not daylight
as probably few of the daring scoundrels would have
escaped. They threw away several cords and other
things in their hurry to be off, one of the cords is a
strand of a tarred [tanned?] boat line.
Friday [November] 25.    Cloudy, mild weather.
The wounded men being too ill to be moved we did
not move camp. We have still good grass here for the
horses, but having them up at night this cold weather
and being fourteen or fifteen hours without eating is
very hard upon them, yet we can't do otherwise as we
know not when a band of Blackfeet may set upon us.
No buffalo to be seen.
Saturday [November] 26.    Stormy, cold weather.
Moved camp and marched three hours S.S.W., ten
miles up the river and encamped on a small plain; here
the rocks approach close to the river on both sides.222
It is not a good situation but we could not find grass in
a better. A small band of buffalo were seen, and one
or two of them were killed. The wounded man was
carried on men's shoulders on a bed constructed on
poles, where he lay pretty easy.
Sunday [November] 27.    Cloudy, cold weather.
Proceeded up the river two hours, seven miles S. S.W.
and encamped in a good situation for defence. No
buffalo except a chance bull to be seen. The most part
of yesterday and today's journey there is a little more
snow on the ground than below.
Monday [November] 28.    Cold weather.
Did not raise camp on account of the wounded man,
he requires a little repose. No buffalo except a chance
bull to be seen.
228 Near Barratt's.-P. C p.
Tuesday [November] 29. Cloudy, milder weather, than these days past.
Proceeded up the river two and one-half hours, seven miles S. S. W. to the fork of the river.224 Here the main
river falls from the eastward and the horse plain fork
comes from the S. S. w. We have no wood here but
willows, so that notwithstanding the cold weather we
cannot keep large fires. Large herds of buffalo were
found feeding here, the people immediately went in
pursuit of them and killed upwards of twenty. The
wounded man complains of being ill.
Wednesday [November] 30. Stormy, cold weather,
some hail showers in the evening.
Did not raise camp principally on account of the
wounded man, and to allow the people to dry the meat
which was killed yesterday. We have good feeding
here for the horses. The people went after buffalo, but
the dogs had raised them and they could not be come up
with.    Hardly one is now to be seen.
THURSDAY, December 1.    Stormy, cold weather.
Proceeded three hours, ten miles s. S. W. up the river
and encamped in a tuft of willows, where we had no
wood but some small willows and wormwood to warm
us.226 We have good feeding for the horses, in a fine
valley. There is no snow on the ground but the river
is frozen over. The people went in pursuit of buffalo
of which there [are] large bands all around us, and
killed a few, our horses are very lean, and few of them
able to catch the buffalo now.
224 Forks of Beaverhead formed by Horse Prairie Creek and Red Rock
Creek near Armstead, Montana. Horse Prairie Creek was known to the fur
traders by that name.— P. C. P.
226 Up Horse Prairie Creek to Shoshone Cove named by Lewis and
Clark.-j. e.r. ill ?IJ
Friday [December] 2.   Again stormy weather.
Did not raise camp. The people hunting buffalo
and killed a few.
Saturday [December] 3. Stormy and very cold all
day. V.
Did not raise camp. Notwithstanding the coldness
of the weather, some of the people went after buffalo,
but with little success. Our old guide La Buche accompanied by F. Payette, Longtim, Pichette, Quintall
and Carney, went up the river on discovery, and observed two Blackfoot Indians passing with four horses,
they immediately pursued them, but were not able to
come up with them, they have pressed them so hard
that they abandoned two of the horses, which our people brought to camp, one of them is known as a Nez
Perce horse. Soteau observed another party of Blackfeet with seven horses passing along the mountains some
distance from the camp, had he given notice in time,
they might have been pursued and killed or at least the
horses taken from them. These horses are all supposed to have been stolen from the Nez Perce and
F[lat]heads at Salmon River.
Sunday [December] 4. Cloudy, cold weather.
Fell about three inches of snow in the night.
Several of the people went in quest of buffalo, but
killed very few.
Monday [December] 5.    Stormy, cold weather.
Did not raise camp. Some of the people hunting
buffalo, but few were killed. All hands employed
themselves cutting grass to give the horses in the night
while tied up, which is great service to them.
Tuesday [December] 6. Cloudy weather, some
light snow.
Did not raise camp.   The people hunting buffalo.
Wednesday [December] 7.   Weather as yesterday.
Some of the people in pursuit of buffalo, but with
little success. The most of our runners are so weak
that they cannot come up with the buffalo. The
ground is so slippery that the horses are afraid.
Thursday [December] 8. Mild weather in the
morning but became stormy and very cold afterwards.
Raised camp and moved up the river three hours,
nine miles S.W. to a steep rock called "Cumcarny"
[Cumcarney]226-previous to reaching the encampment, a large herd of buffalo were observed close to,
and the people went after them but killed only two.
J. Desland, the wounded man, insisted on going on
horseback alone, it is to be feared it will injure him.
He is recovering very slowly, and is becoming so peevish tempered that the people who attend him can scarcely bear him. Two Blackfeet with four horses passed
Friday [December] 9.    Cold, cloudy weather.
Did not raise camp on account of Souteau supposing
to have seen some Blackfeet passing with a band of
horses, and the people went after them but it turned
out that the old man was mistaken.
Saturday [December] 10. Cloudy, still, cold
Proceeded two and one-half hours, seven miles S.W.
up the middle fork227 of the river to near the mountain,
226 This is a Shoshone Indian name, pronounced Coon-carny, and means
"campfire," so named on August x6, 1805, because Captain Lewis and Indians
built camp to cook breakfast.   It is at the narrows, near Brenner. - j. e. r.
227 Bloody Dick Creek, named for Dick Greene, an Englishman with
whom it was always, "bloody this and bloody that."-j. e. r. 112
and encamped at a hummock of woods at a good place
for defence.
Sunday [December] n. Cloudy, cold weather, a
bitter cold night.
Early in the morning some Blackfeet were observed
ascending the hill opposite our camp; a party of the
people immediately went in pursuit of them and they
fled and took shelter among thick willows and underwood on the south fork of the river. Our people commenced an attack upon them and continued their fire
till late in the evening, when they gave up the attack
deeming it too great a risk to go into the wood after
them. They conjecture that there were eight or ten
Indians, they had eight horses with them which they
stole in the night from F[lat]heads on Salmon River.
Our people killed three of the horses, and they suppose
that two or three of the Indians are badly wounded if
not killed, at first they returned a brisk fire on our
people, but soon stopped, and lay quiet in their holes,
it is probable they had little ammunition. They at first
talked with our people, and told them that the F[lat]-
heads were close too, and that the Americans had a fort
on the Missouri about the forks.228 They said they did
not care to fight with us and enquired why we fired
upon them.
Monday [December] 12. Some snow in the night,
and light snow and sleet during the day. Some of the
young men visited the place where the Blackfeet took
refuge yesterday. From the appearance of the tracks
and blood on the snow they think two at least of the
228 Fort Union at mouth of Yellowstone. - J. e. r. See The Fur Trade in
the Northwest, pp. 30 to 47, for account of American activities.
Indians were killed or very badly wounded, they had
concealed themselves in old beaver dams.
TUESDAY [December] 13. A very stormy night with
some light snow; light snow during the day.
Some Blackfeet passed with horses, but from the
snow and drift, how many could not be ascertained.
Two men with two horses passed in the morning, some
of them left a mare which our people found; it is
known to belong to the F[lat]heads.
Wednesday [December] 14. Very cold and stormy
in the night. Moderate in the morning but stormy and
very cold afterwards.
Raised camp and proceeded two hours, seven miles
S.W. across a point and then up a small fork229 to near
the height of land on the way to Salmon 23° River, where
we encamped to be more out of the way of Blackfeet,
and be enabled to let our horses feed a little. The
snow here is more than a foot deep, and in places drifted to two or three feet deep. A herd of some hundreds
of elk were feeding a little to the one side of our camp;
some of the people went in pursuit and killed three of
them, they are very lean. For the first time since the
Blackfeet attacked us we did not tie up our horses.
THURSDAY [December] 15. Stormy and very cold
towards midday but mild towards evening.
Raised camp and marched two and three-fourths
hours, eight miles S.W. over the height of land and
down a small fork of Salmon River.231 The snow on
the height of land more than two feet deep.   The road
229 Up Trail Creek. - j. e. r.
230 Salmon River should be Lemhi. - j. e. r.
281 Over Lemhi Pass down Agency Creek to Lemhi River near Tendoy,
Idaho.-j. e. r. ■;'i ;i
most of the day along the side of a slanting hill was
slippery and very hard and fatiguing on the horses.
Friday [December] 16. Overcast, milder weather
these three days past.
Continued our route two and one-half hours, eight
miles S.W. down the creek and across a point to Salmon
River. The road, the forepart of the day the same as
yesterday but the snow diminished as we descended the
river where there is very little. Here we came up with
a camp-thirty-eight lodges, F[lat]head Indians, who
are ascending the river. They inform us that a large
party of Americans are encamped at the fork below,232
that the Nez Perces with some more Americans have
gone up another fork of Salmon River.233 There is no
buffalo below here, and the people both whites and Indians have been short of food for sometime. Here we
expect to find buffalo a little farther up the river. A
large herd of elk were seen in the mountain near our
232 xhe height of land at the sources of the Missouri, the Colorado and the
Clark (Pend d'Oreille) and Lewis (Snake) branches of the Columbia was a
paradise for the early fur hunters. Manuel Lisa and Andrew Henry of the
Missouri Fur Company had been active in this region and Henry had erected
a small establishment consisting of several log huts, and known as Henry's
post or fort, on Henry's Fork, one of the sources of the Snake River, in
January, 1810, a year before the Astor overland party under Mr. Hunt
traversed the same section (1810-1811) having as guides Robinson, Renzer,
and Hobach, three of Henry's former employees at Henry's post. Sublette,
Smith, and Co. had invaded the region in the twenties and many employees
of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, American Fur Company, and many
independent traders and trappers were now scattered through the region.
Their presence led to the establishment of the great "'American rendezvous"
of the trappers of this district. Alexander Ross in 1824, eight years before our
author's present writing, complains of the Americans in this region.-w. s. l.
The Americans were apparently camped at the junction of the Salmon and
Lemhi Rivers.   See page 37.
233 North Fork of the Salmon, as the Nez Perce trail went that way.-
J. e. r.
If Lewis and Clark Trail over Lemhi Pass
John Work's party passed  over this trail  on  December  15,  1831.
The trail was remarkable for its steepness, but was much used by
hunters and traders during the fur trading period.
1 j I
7 7.H
camp this morning. The F[lat] heads killed two
Blackfeet horse thieves a few days ago.
SATURDAY [December] 17.   Overcast, mild weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow our horses to
feed and repose a little.
SUNDAY [December] 18. Cloudy but rather cold
Did not raise camp. Though some of our people
are short of food.   The Indians are also short of food.
Monday [December] 19. Sharp frost in the night,
mild weather during the day.
Raised camp and proceeded two and one-half
hours, eight miles S. E. up the river in company with the
Indians, and encamped on a fine feeding place for the
Tuesday [December] 20. Foggy with keen frost
in the night and forepart of the day.
Did not raise camp, in order to allow our horses to
feed. The most of the Indians moved on ahead, they
are starving, it being some time since they saw any
WEDNESDAY [December] 21. Weather as yesterday.
Moved up the river two hours, seven miles S. E. to
where the Indians are encamped,286 a good feeding
place for the horses. A party of seven American trappers arrived from their camp at the forks below in the
Thursday [December] 22. Snowed a little in the
night, overcast mild weather during the day.
Did not raise camp. The people traded fifteen
beaver from the Americans who went off.
224 Near mouth of Hayden Creek. - j. b. r.
236 To Mill Creek. - j. b. r.
-11 tili!
m m
Friday, December 23.    Stormy, cold weather.
Did not raise camp on account of one of the Indians
being in a dying state.
Saturday [December] 24.    Stormy, cold weather*
Moved up the river two and one-half hours, seven
miles S. E., and put ashore for the night.236 The Indians killed a few bulls of which they are in much need
as they are starving.
Sunday [December] 25.   Stormy, cold weather.
Being Christmas Day we did not raise camp. Owing to our not having fallen in with buffalo lately many
of the people fared but indifferently having only dry
meat, and several of them not much of that.
MONDAY [December] 26. The weather milder
than these days past.
Moved camp, and proceeded two hours, seven miles
E.237 to a little fork issuing from the mountains, some
buffalo were observed in the morning a good way
ahead, several of the Indians and some of our people
went in pursuit. They were all bulls. Several of
them were killed, our people killed seven of them.
SUNDAY [Tuesday] [December] 27. Mild, soft
Did not raise camp. Some of the Indians went in
pursuit of buffalo, and killed a few bulls. Some buffalo supposed to be cows were seen passing over the
height of land towards this way in the evening.
Wednesday [December] 28.   Mild weather. :
Did not raise camp. A herd of buffalo were observed in the morning, the Indians and several of our
236Eight Mile Creek.-j. e. r.
237Timber Creek, near Leadore, Idaho.-j. e. r.
people went in pursuit and killed a great many of them.
Our people killed seven.
Thursday [December] 29.   Soft, mild weather.
Raised camp and moved two hours, seven miles S.E.
along the foot of the mountains to another small
creek.238 There were some buffalo near but were
raised and went off back. Late in the evening the Indians thought they saw two Blackfeet about the camp.
FRIDAY [December] 30.    Mild, soft weather.
A few buffalo were to be seen in the morning but
they were too far off to go after them; a few Indians
went, but killed very few. Some more were seen approaching towards evening. A party of twelve Americans passed in the morning on the way to buffalo. They
appeared to be very hungry but did not stop, or they
would have received [been asked] to eat from [by]
our people, indeed it was not known that they were so
short of food till they were gone.
SATURDAY [December] 31.    Fine, mild weather.
Nearly all the people with the Indians were out
hunting buffalo, and were successful all having killed
[ ?].    Our people killed [ ?].
Sunday [January] 1, 1832.    Fine, mild weather.
This being Sunday, and New Years Day neither our
people nor the Indians went in pursuit of buffalo tho'
large herds were to be seen far off. The men and some
of the principal Indians were treated with a dram and
some cakes in the morning, and a small quantity of rum
had been brought from the fort for the occasion. One
of the Americans who passed on Friday returned yesterday evening.
238Eighteen Mile Creek.-j. e. r. I20
MONDAY [January] 2. Stormy the after part of the
day but not cold.
Raised camp and moved five miles down the river289
to find better feeding for our horses, and here it is little
better than where we left. Our horses are becoming
lean since we came so close to the mountains as the grass
tho' of a good quality so thin that they cannot fill their
bellies during the day, and don't eat at all during the
night. It is apprehended that were we camped on the
river in the middle of the valley where there is plenty
of long grass, and where our horses would be much
better off, that the smoke of the camp would drive off
the buffalo to such a distance that we could not get
them. So that we must endeavor to kill some provisions, and then feed our horses. Several of the people
as well as the Indians went in pursuit of buffalo but
the cattle being raised while the hunters were still at
too great a distance, and the weather being unfavorable
very few were killed, either by the whites or by the
Indians and the horses fatigued to little purpose tho'
they are from their poverty ill able to bear it. Some
of the people saw a camp of Nez Perces who came
across the mountains from another fork of Salmon
River.240 I 1   M
Tuesday [January] 3.    Some light snow.
Some of the people went in pursuit of buffalo. Four
chiefs of the Nez Perces paid us a visit. Their camp
of twenty-five to thirty lodges is in the opposite side of
the valley,
Wednesday [January] 4. Raw, cold weather part
of the day.
289 Canyon Creek. - j. B. R.
240 Over the Lemhi range by the Eight Mile Trail from Pahsimaroi, a
Shoshone word meaning "a lone cedar on the bank of a stream." - j. e. r.
Raised camp and proceeded two hours, seven miles
N. to a little way in a cut in the mountains to Cum-
varny.241 The tracks of a horse and a mule supposed to
have been stolen from the Americans by the Blackfeet
passed through the defile. Some of the young Indians
went in pursuit, and would have come up with them
had the chief not directed them not to pass a certain
place lest they would raise the buffalo.
Thursday [January] 5. Some light snow in the
morning; fine weather afterwards.
Proceeded three hours, eleven miles N. up the defile
and across the height of land to a small fork of the
Missouri.242 Here there is excellent feeding for the
horses, and very little snow, tho' in the mountains it
was more than two feet deep in places.
Friday [January] 6.   Mild, soft weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed, of which they are in much want.
Saturday [January] 7. Light snow the forepart
of the day which deterred us from raising camp. The
horses have much need of feeding.
Sunday [January] 8. Raw, cold weather after part
of the day.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, ten miles
N. down the river, here there is good feeding for the
horses. Not a buffalo to be seen, though there are the
marks of their having been very numerous here not
long since. One of my best pack horses was completely disabled by cutting his foot severely with an axe.
Monday [January] 9. Cloudy, stormy weather,
snow in the morning.
241 Bannack Pass, through which the Gilmore and Pittsburgh railway
passes. - p. c. p.
242 Headwaters of Horse Prairie Creek. - P. c P. 122
Continued our journey two and one-half hours, seven
miles N. N. E. down the river to below our encampment
of the 8 December.243 No buffalo except a few bulls
to be seen though they have been very numerous along
here not long since. Some young men were ahead on
discovery, and report that they saw some buffalo, and
also a party of Blackfeet towards the mountains.
TUESDAY [January] 10. Cold weather in the night
and morning and mild afterwards.
Proceeded down the river to the Rock244 where we
arrived about noon after two and one-half hours march,
seven miles. Here some of the young men who were
ahead of the camp met a party of twenty or twenty-five
Blackfeet. A fire was immediately opened on both
sides, two of the F[lat] heads were wounded, one in the
breast and one in the thumb. On some more of our
party coming up, the Blackfeet fled into a thicket of
willows; when our people surrounded them, and kept
up a heavy firing upon them from every side till night,
but as is supposed not with much effect as they acknowledge only two or three being wounded. The
part of the willows where they are, was occupied by a
party of F[lat]heads last season, who similarly situated, made a number of huts to hide in. The Indians
propose keeping a strict watch all night, and keeping
them from escaping so that the attack may be renewed
in the morning. Here we had an opportunity of seeing the Indian mode of fighting.
Wednesday [January] n. Very cold in the night
and morning.
The Indians neglected their watch, and the Black-
242 Cumcarny, rather Cooncarny.
24* Xo Shoshone Cove.-j. e. r.
feet escaped towards morning. From the tracks three
of them are supposed to be killed or badly wounded.
On examining the place where they were it is a wonder
some of them were not killed, the willows were completely lashed with the balls. It is to be regretted the
Indians did not keep better watch as it would not have
been difficult to have stormed the place, and killed the
whole of them. They had some conversation with a
woman of their own nation who is with us, and told her
that the Americans have a fort at the falls of the Missouri;245 that the Blackfeet have provided themselves
with a great quantity of arms and ammunition, and are
assembling in great force to come, and attack the
F[lat] heads in the Spring.
Raised camp, and proceeded down the river two
hours, six miles to below our camp at the fork.246 Not
a buffalo to be seen though great numbers were here
yesterday but were raised by the firing yesterday.
THURSDAY [January] 12.    Stormy, cold weather.
Raised camp, and proceeded up the main fork two
and one-half hours, eight miles. Our object is to find
buffalo.247 Some bulls were seen, and the Indians report that some cows were seen ahead. We are encamped in a clump of poplar, but very indifferent feeding for the horses. The buffalo have eaten up what
little grass [there] was, short way farther down the
river there is good grass.
FRIDAY [January] 13. |Blew a storm in the night
and all day.
Did not raise camp.    The unfavorable weather de-
245 Fort Piegan at mouth of Marias River. - j. e. r.
2*6 To mouth of Red Rock Creek, near Armstead. - P. c. P.
247 Up Red Rock Creek to near Redrock, Montana. - j. e. r. 124
terred the people from going after buffalo. Some bulls
were killed.
Saturday [January] 14.   Stormy and very cold.
Did not raise camp. Some Indians unknown to the
chiefs raised the buffalo which are ahead, which will
probably be the cause of our returning down the river
Sunday [January] 15.    Still stormy, cold weather.
Raised camp and moved down the river to near the
fork.248 No buffalo to be seen, all hands, whites and
Indians are short of food.
Monday [January] 16. Cloudy weather milder
these days past.
Raised camp and proceeded down the river two and
one-half hours, seven miles to near our encampment of
the [26]. Not a buffalo to be seen, but the people were
out hunting in the mountains, and both whites and Indians killed several sheep which is a most seasonable
supply as several of the people are short of food.
TUESDAY [January] 17.    Cloudy, cold weather.
Continued our route down the river, four and one-
half hours, fifteen miles to near our encampment of the
twentieth of November.249 There are buffalo along the
mountains on both sides of the river but at a considerable distance. Some were also seen a short way down
the river not so far off.
Wednesday [January] 18.   Cloudy, cold weather.
Continued our route down the river two hours, six
miles.250 Immediately on encamping all hands went in
pursuit of buffalo, and returned in the evening loaded
248 Fork of Red Rock and Horse Prairie Creeks. — p. c. P.
249Near Dillon, Montana.-p. c P.
280 Down to the Beaverhead below Dillon. — p. c. p.
with meat, which is very acceptable. Buffalo are very
numerous here; they are pushing this way, and supposed to be driven by the Pd Oreilles or Blackfeet.
Our people killed thirty-seven.
Thursday [January] 19.   Mild weather.
Did not raise camp, the most of the people both Indians and ^whites were hunting buffalo, and killed a
great number. Our people killed thirty-three. A
young man arrived from Pd Oreille251 camp in the
evening; it is three short days' journey distant.
Friday [January] 20.   Raw, cold weather.
All hands again in pursuit of buffalo. Our people
killed twenty-seven. In the evening L. Randeau and
M. Plante arrived from the Pd Oreille camp,252 and
brought our letters from the Fort.253
Saturday [January] 21.   Cloudy, cold weather.
But few of the people went in pursuit of buffalo as
they were too far off. A party of five Americans arrived at our camp from Salmon River, the most of them
afoot. The Blackfeet have stolen several of their
SUNDAY [January] 22.    Fine, mild weather.
This being Sunday we did not raise camp. Some
lodges of Indians went ahead.
Monday [January] 23. Rained in the night, stormy
cold weather.
Raised camp and marched three hours, ten miles N.
25i The Pend d'Oreille camp.  Evidently in the Bitter Root valley. - p. c. p.
252 Randeau had been left sick at Walla Walla, September 9. M. Plante
had deserted on October 24.-p. c. p.
258 Probably Flathead House the post on the north bank of Clark's Fork,
Sanders County, Montana, near site of present Northern Pacific Railroad
station of Eddy. David Thompson's original Salish House (1809) was
some ten miles down river (3. w.) David Thompson, Narrative, 375, 4x8.
Ross Cox, Columbia River, i, 231. -w. s. l.
•>■. f I2Ö
N.W. to the little river254 where we encamped on the
[?]. The Indians who were encamped here are a little below us. Buffalo were very numerous here a few
days ago; now they are all driven off to the mountains.
TUESDAY [January] 24.   Very cold weather.
Did not raise camp. Some buffalo in the mountains
but none near.
Wednesday [January] 25. Cloudy weather, some
snow during the day.
Did not raise camp. Last night the Blackfeet stole
eleven horses from the Indians, six from the Americans
who are with us, including four of old Charley's, a colt
belonging to Toupe which was left out of the guard,
and killed a poor mare which was also left out. They
left a gun, a robe, etc., when they took the Indians'
THURSDAY [January] 26.    Fine weather.
The Blackfeet again visited us last night, and stole
three horses, belonging to our people, all very lean, one
of them fell in the river crossing, and was drowned.
They also stole another horse from the Indians and one
from the Americans.
FRIDAY [January] 27.    Mild weather, light snow.
Did not raise camp, and some of the people killed a
few buffalo. The Americans went off. These two
days several lodges of Indians left us, and went to the
Pd Oreille camp.    Finished some letters to send below.
SATURDAY [January] 28.    Cloudy, mild weather.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, ten miles
S.S.W. to a small fork near the mountains.255 A herd
of buffalo were driven down from the hills, and sev-
264 Probably Birch Creek. - p. c. P.
25«Probably up Birch Creek.-p. c. p.
j	 If
eral of them killed by the people and the Indians. Several of the Indians left us, and went to join the Pd
Oreille camp. Only twelve or fifteen lodges remain
with us now.
Sunday [January] 29. Cloudy, rather cold weather.
Did not raise camp, on account of one of the women
being brought to bed and another being sick. No buffalo to be seen near.
Monday [January] 30. Cloudy, mild, but rather
cold weather.
At break of day this morning we were attacked by a
party of at least three hundred Blackfeet, they continued the battle to noon when they retired, and were
pursued by a party of our people but were too numerous to be attacked successfully, and after some sharp
firing were allowed to retire [we retired]. They commenced the attack in the morning by a war yell and a
discharge of guns, and were promptly met by part of
our people and the Indians who returned the fire with
effect which made them retire a little, and take positions in the woods and on the hills overlooking the
camp. Some of them were wounded and several killed
at the offset. Two of our men W. Raymond and Bt.
Gadipre were wounded, one of our Indians was killed
and two wounded. A brisk fire was kept up on both
sides to noon, at one time they had surrounded our
camp, but kept at a considerable distance. Our cannon
burst the third discharge, one of the killed was scalped
by our people, he is supposed to be a chief from the
efforts they made to recover his body, four or five others
were killed, and several wounded, but they succeeded
in carrying them off.    Our loss is a F[lat]head killed
IB w^
' *vA
and three wounded, two whites, W. Raymond wounded
dangerously, Bt. Gadipre severely but not dangerously,
and my little W[alla] W[alla] I[n]d[ian] house-keeper dangerously wounded, S. Kanato slightly wounded
in the foot, and myself slightly in the arm. The
F[lat]heads have six and us five horses killed and several wounded. Nearly the whole of them were armed
with guns, and well supplied with ammunition, as they
were enabled to keep up a brisk and continued fire upon
us for upwards of five hours. The old chief256 had two
horses killed under him. They were however repulsed.
Tuesday [January] 31.    Snowed most of the day.
Did not raise camp owing to our wounded people
and the bad weather. The Blackfeet after leaving us
yesterday, fell in with four lodges of F[lat]heads coming from the Pd Oreille camp to join us. They abandoned the baggage, and escaped with the horses, the
Blackfeet [burnt] the property. They had some conversation at a distance, the party were chiefly Blood
Indians and Big Bellies, the one who was killed at our
camp was the chief, he wished the [Piegans]25r to accompany him on this expedition, but the chief refused
and said he wished to come and make peace with the
F[lat]heads in the summer, the other replied that he
would go with his own party, and wholly destroy the
whites and F[lat]heads, and that they would find only
the bones to make peace with. He has been disappointed, and his own carcass remains on the ground.
Wednesday [February] 1. Snowed the most of the
250 The old Flathead chief, La Bunte.
267 Bancroft MS. Piegans. - P. c. P.
Did not raise camp, owing to the F[lat]heads going
for their friends who were pillaged by the B [lack]feet
yesterday. Some of the B [lack]feet stole six of our
people's horses last night which were allowed to pass
the guard by the negligence of the men who were on
watch. These two days some of the B[lack]feet's dogs
have been taken with bundles of shoes, and other articles tied upon them,258 there was some ammunition also.
THURSDAY [February] 2.    Snowed part of the day.
Did not raise camp, waiting for the few F[lat]heads
who have not yet come up. The W[alla] W[alla] Indian who was wounded died last night. He suffered
dreadfully for a few hours previous to his decease. The
poor fellow received the ball in the side, and it took a
direction towards the backbone.
Friday [February] 3.    Cloudy, cold weather.
The Indians for whom we were waiting arrived in
the night. Raised camp and proceeded down the little
river two hours, six miles S. E., and encamped at a good
feeding place for the horses.259 It was our intention to
cut across the mountains to Cumcarny, which is the
shortest road, but there is too much snow, and we took
our old road. Our wounded people suffer much in
removal, such a misfortune situated as we are renders
us wretched indeed.
Saturday [February] 4. Very cold in the night,
some light snow during the day.
Did not raise camp. Some of the people went after
buffalo, and killed two.   The Indians also killed a few.
SUNDAY [February] 5.    Snowed part of the day.
Did not raise camp.   Our horses are feeding pretty
258 Dogs were frequently made beasts of burden by the Indians.
262 Down Birch Creek. - p. c. P.
well here, they are in much need of it, as from the
severe cold weather for some time back they are falling
off very much.
Monday [February] 6. Snowed in the morning,
fine weather afterwards.
Moved camp, and marched two and one-half hours,
seven miles S. E. to the main river a little above our
camp of the twenty-fourth November.2*0 Some herds
of buffalo were seen along the mountains, the Indians
and some of the people went in pursuit of them but
with little success, as it was too late in the day.
Tuesday [February] 7. Some snow in the morning, fine weather afterwards.
Did not raise camp. Four Indians started in the
night to bring a large herd of buffalo from the mountains down to the level ground, and brought them part
of the way, but the people from the camp advanced too
soon, and they returned to the mountain, very few were
killed, indeed the horses both the Ind[ians] and ours
are living so bare that few of them can catch the buffalo.    Our people killed a cow and two bulls.
Wednesday [February] 8. Very cold in the night,
and severe squall of wind and snow past noon.
Raised camp and proceeded up the river to above an
encampment of the [26 November?]. Not a buffalo
to be seen today, tho' there were several herds yesterday
along the mountains.
Thursday [February] 9. Stormy but not cold
weather, snowed a good deal in the night.
Continued our route up the river to near the fork.
Here we expected to find buffalo, but saw none.
260To Beaverhead River near Dillon, Montana.-p. c. P.
281 Red Rock and Horse Prairie Creeks.-P. c. P. if
Friday [February] 10. Overcast weather, snow
thawing a little.
Did not raise camp in order to allow a little repose to
a wounded man. Our horses are also in much need of
feeding and resting a little. Some of them gave up on
the road yesterday. Some of the Indians were up the
river on discovery, and report that there are a good
many buffalo, but they are a good way off.
Saturday [February] 11.   Stormy, raw weather.
Raised camp, and proceeded two hours, seven miles
up the river262 to near our encampment of the [Jan.
10]. All hands out in pursuit of buffalo. Our people
killed nine. Several of the horses were not able to
come with them, and several came home lame, it was
bad ground where they ran them. The buffalo were
on their way descending the river. Had we remained
a day longer below, it would have been of advantage
as the buffalo would have passed, and gone on ahead
our road they are now driven back up the river.
Sunday [February] 12. Very cold in the night, and
cold stormy weather with some snow during the day.
Did not raise camp. Here we have good feeding
for the horses but fuel is scarce.
Monday [February] 13. Bitter cold weather in the
night, and during the day.
Did not raise camp.
Tuesday [February] 14. Very cold weather, did
not raise camp. This intense cold weather is very hard
upon our horses.
Wednesday [February] 15. Bitter cold weather in
the night and all day.
Did not raise camp.    The poor horses ran in among
262By Horse Prairie Creek to Shoshone Cove.-j. e. r.
m 132
the bushes, and would not venture out even to feed.
One was dead in the morning, and two died during the
Thursday [February] 16. Weather milder than
these days past.
Did not raise camp. Our poor horses fed little today.
FRIDAY [February] 17. Some snow and blowing in
the morning, fine weather afterwards.
Did not raise camp. Our horses fed well today.
Some of the people went in quest of buffalo, and killed
three. There are considerable numbers in the hills
hard bye, but the snow in the ravines is very deep, and
difficult to cross with horses.
SATURDAY [February] 18. Thick fog in the morning, fine weather afterwards.
Did not raise camp. It was arraigned in the morning with the Indians that all hands were to go and surround the buffalo, but the greater part of the Indians
afterwards raised camp, and went on a piece ahead.
Several of the people went in quest of buffalo but with
little success.
SUNDAY [February] 19. Foggy in the morning,
clear, cold weather afterwards.
Raised camp and proceeded on to where the Indians
are encamped where we stopped, as had we gone farther we might have raised the buffalo, and it would have
been too late to run them.
Monday [February] 20. Very cold in the night
and all day.
The cold deterred us from raising camp. The poor
horses are freezing.
Tuesday [February] 21. Snowing, blowing, drifting, and very cold all day.
■ - ■
— lalJ
Did not raise camp, we are like to freeze with cold.
Wednesday [February] 22. Clear, very cold
Raised camp and proceeded up the river to a little
above our.encampment of 1 December.263 There are
plenty of buffalo above too but it is too late to go in
quest of them today. Good feeding for the horses but
wood is scarce.
THURSDAY [February] 23. A most freezing, bitter
cold night, the weather became overcast, and was pretty mild during the day.
All hands whites and Indians went in pursuit of buffalo, and killed several. The horses are so lean and
feeble that few of them can easily catch a buffalo. Our
people killed seven.
Friday [February] 24. Cloudy, rather mild weather.
Did not raise camp. No buffalo are to be seen now.
Some of the young men went to drive an immense number of them that are not far off this way.
Saturday [February] 25.    Cold, raw weather.
The most of the young men who went to bring the
buffalo returned, without going the length of them.
Sunday [February] 26. Weather milder than these
days past.
Large herds of buffalo were seen coming over the
hills towards our camp towards evening but the noise
at the camp over the river turned them back. A. Finlay arrived in the evening, he stopped out last night,
and killed three buffalo.
Monday [February] 27. Fine weather, the snow
thawed a good deal on the low ground.
■ '
2«3 Bancroft MS. reads "10." 1^^^^
1 fa fc
H   USH         ■ fr"'
Several of the men and Indians went after buffalo.
The most of our people returned late at night. They
killed four buffalo. The Indians, slept out, to push
the buffalo this way.
Tuesday [February] 28. Fine mild weather, the
snow on the low ground wasting fast.
A herd of buffalo was observed close to the camp
early in the morning, and all hands went in pursuit of
them by sunrise, our people killed six, and the Indians
several, a number of horses were not able to come up
with them. Some of our people who slept out last
night returned; they killed six buffalo-the Indians
also returned.
Wednesday [February] 29. Some light snow in
the morning. Fine mild weather the snow thawing
afterwards. Some of the people went in quest of buffalo but with little success.
Thursday [March] 1. Blowing pretty fresh, the
snow thawing.
Raised camp and made up the river to near an encampment of the [?]. Large herds of buffalo were
feeding not far from the camp, all hands went in pursuit of them, and killed several. Our people killed
Friday [March] 2.    Fine weather, snow thawing.
Did not raise camp. Some of the people went in
pursuit of buffalo, and killed five.
Saturday [March] 3.   Weather as yesterday.
Did not raise camp. Five young men left for Salmon River. Some of our people went in pursuit of
buffalo, and killed three.
Sunday [March] 4. Overcast fine weather, snow
Did not raise camp. No buffalo to be seen near.
The young men who started for Salmon River yesterday returned, they say there is too much snow in the
Monday [March] 5.   Mild weather.
Raised camp and moved up the river to near our encampment of [?]. The snow melting a good deal.
Some of the buffalo were seen. Some of the people
went after them, but there was too much snow, and they
could not come up with them.
Tuesday [March] 6. Fine weather, snow thawing
fast in the low ground.
A herd of buffalo were observed descending the
mountains. Several of the people went in pursuit of
them, but the snow was so deep that very few of them
could be killed; people killed only three bulls.
Wednesday [March] 7.   Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded up the river264 to near
our encampment of [Jan. 27]. There still appears a
good deal of snow on the mountain but there are three
or four roads of buffalo, so that we expect to find a track
THURSDAY [March] 8. Cloudy, raw weather, the
snow thawed fast in the middle of the day.
Did not raise camp in order to let our weak horses
rest before taking the mountain. Numbers of them are
very weak, and are giving up short as the encampment
Friday [March] 9. Stormy but thawing part of the
Raised camp and crossed the height of land265 to
264 Up Horse Prairie Creek. - p. c. P.
265Bannack Pass.   Usually mispelled Bannock.-j. e. r.
k] 1
•     If!
1   '
1. j m
near our encampment of 4 Jan[uar]y. Found a good
deal of snow at the north side of the hill; it was very
hard and fatiguing on the first horses. Afterwards we
found a well beaten buffalo road. The horses were
much fatigued, and some of them with difficulty
reached the encampment. This was a hard day on our
poor wounded man.
Saturday [March] 10. A violent storm of snow
in the forepart of the night; fine weather during the
Raised camp and proceeded to Salmon River a little
above the poplar fork.266 Here there is good feeding
for the horses, and no snow except what fell last night.
Some herds of buffalo were observed towards the
height of land, and all hands went in pursuit of them,
several of the horses were not able to catch them as they
fled into the snow which is very hard. Our people
killed only five. The Indians saw some marks of
Blackfeet in the mountains yesterday.
Sunday [March] 11. Snowed all night, about nine
inches deep of snow fell, raw cold weather during the
day.    Some of the people went after buffalo today.
Monday [March] 12. Fine weather, snow thawed
a little in the middle of the day.
The people were again in quest of buffalo but with
little success, the most of the horses are now too weak.
Our men killed four.
Tuesday [March] 13. Raw weather in the morning, snow thawed a little in the middle of the day.
All hands were in pursuit of buffalo, but scarcely a
26« Pork: Texas and Timber Creek, which last is studded with cottonwood
trees belonging to the populus genus. - j. e. r.
— Ill
horse either of ours or the Indians could come up with
them.    Our people killed only two.
Wednesday [March] 14. Raw, cold weather, snow
thawed very little.
Many of the people were in quest of buffalo today,
only one herd was seen in the mountains. It is supposed they are driven across the height of land. Three
Indians arrived from the N[ez] P[erce] camp at the
fork of the river.267 The Americans are off some time
ago. No buffalo below. William Raymond, our unfortunate man who was wounded on the 30 Jan[uar]y, died
this afternoon. He was reduced to a mere skeleton; he
had taken scarcely any nourishment since he was
wounded.   The wound was mortified.
Thursday [March] 15. Cold weather, thawing a
little in the middle of the day.
Did not raise camp. A herd of buffalo passed in the
evening, one of them was killed. Some others were
seen coming from the mountains. It is supposed they
were disturbed by Blackfeet.
Friday [March] 16.   Cloudy, thawing.
Raised camp and proceeded a few miles down the
river to below poplar fork, and encamped at a good
feeding place for the horses.
Saturday [March] 17.   Cloudy, soft weather.
Did not raise camp. Last night a party of Blackfeet
horse thieves had the audacity to come into the camp,
notwithstanding the moon was so clear that it was nearly as clear as day, and stole four of the Indians' horses
that were tied at the lodges, two from each end of the
camp, they also took the poor horse belonging to our
267 At Salmon City. - j. e. r.
people that had been turned out of the guard to feed.
One belonging to R. Cook [one] to P. B[irnie], and
one L. Riendeau. Two young men of the Indians
pursued them, and came up with them that were behind
the rest, whom they attacked and killed after a sharp
battle, and brought the scalps to the camp about nine
o'clock in the morning. One of them was wounded in
the arm by an arrow. They have found our people's
miserable horses, but they were so knocked up that they
could not bring them on, moreover they heard the war
cry of some more of the Blackfeet in the hills, and did
not deem it prudent to delay. They consider the party
of Blackfeet altogether to consist of fifty to sixty men;
they had two lodges in the defile.
SUNDAY [March] 18. Fair weather in the morning,
but became stormy with snow and sleet afterwards.
Raised camp and proceeded ten miles down the river,268 and encamped at a fine feeding place for the
horses. It was very unpleasant marching, but the bad
weather did not set in till we were getting under way.
Monday [March] 19.    Fair weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed. All the Indians but two lodges went on ahead.
Three Indians arrived from the Pd. Oreille.
Tuesday [March] 20.    Fine weather.
Continued our route ten miles down the river to
below the lower defile to Cumcarny.269 No buffalo to
be seen, a large herd of elk were observed on the mountains. Some of the people went in pursuit of them but
without success.
Wednesday [March] 21.   Fine weather.
2«8 Lemhi Pass. - j. E. R.
269 Agency Creek.   Defile of Cum Carney = Lemhi Pass. - P. C P. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
Continued our journey down the river to a little
above the grand camp of the N[ez] P[erce] F[lat]-
head Indians.270 In the afternoon after encamping, a
youth M. Plante's brother-in-law aged sixteen or seventeen years, ate hemlock root in a mistake; was poisoned,
and died in a short time. When he was found he was
too far gone for any remedy to be applied. A child of
J. S. Loranger's, six weeks old271 who has been sick for
some time, also died.
Thursday [March] 22.    Fine weather.
Moved a few miles down the river to near the Indian
camp, and in a short time were visited by most of the
Indians. Our object in coming was to obtain information relative to the route we mean to pursue.
Friday [March] 23. Cold, stormy weather, some
light snow showers.
Did not raise camp [sic].    Did not raise camp.
Saturday [March] 24.   Raw, cold weather.
Raised camp and cut across the [part?] nine miles to
the principal fork near the rocks,272 and encamped at a
good feeding place for the horses. Several of the Indians accompanied us. We are glad to get away from
them for the Nez Perces are really an annoyance.
Sunday [March] 25. Did not raise camp. Four
men are preparing to descend the river in a canoe to
hunt this evening to the fort,273 it is expected they will
make a good hunt.    Several more Indians visited us.
270 A joint winter camp of the Nez Perce and Flathead Indians at the
Lewis and Clark fish weirs on Lemhi River.-j. e. r.
271 Six weeks old, born during the expedition; pregnant Indian and half-
breed women often accompanied their husbands on such expeditions. - w. s. L.
272 Salmon River at commencement of the gorge six miles south of Salmon
City.-j. e. r.
272 Fort Walla Walla. - p. c. P.
/ l<
Monday [March] 26.   Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded eight miles up the
river.27* Four men, L. Boisdnt, A. Dumaris, M.
Plante, and J. Laurin left in a small skin canoe to
descend the river, and hunt their way down. It is expected they will make a good hunt as this part of the
river is not known to have ever been hunted by whites.
Lewis and Clark passed down this in canoes.275
Tuesday [March] 27.    Showery weather.
Proceeded up the river ten miles.276 Some N[ez]
P[erce] Ind[ians] joined us yesterday evening.
Wednesday [March] 28. Heavy rain the most of
the day.
Proceeded seven miles up the river. There are
plenty of sheep on the mountains. The river is rising
fast these two days.
Thursday [March] 29.   Showery weather.
Continued our journey ten miles up the river. The
road very hilly and fatiguing for the horses. Great
numbers of sheep on the hills. The people killed several of them.
Friday [March] 30.   Raw, cold weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
repose and feed.
Saturday [March] 31.   Raw, cold weather.
Raised camp and moved up the river eight miles to
274 Up Salmon River.-p. c. P.
275 In August, 1805, the Lewis and Clark party traversed much the same
ground as Work from the forks west of Gallatin up the Jefferson to what
they termed "Shoshone Cove" and across the divide by "Lewis and Clark
pass"— Lemhi Pass —to the Salmon; thence across to the Bitter Root and
down to the vicinity of Missoula and Lolo Pass. See Original Lewis &
Clark Journals, Thwaites ed., vol. 2, and Atlas, map 30, plates i, ii, and iii. -
w. 8.L.
278Up Salmon River to near Poison Creek.-j. e. r. er
2. o
a °
w S.
S* *<
fD <
sa P
p-j os
^ CT
►O ft
S  5
B  a
H— •
■5m il
Mi" Wl
McKay's defile.2TT Plenty of sheep on the hills. No
buffalo to be seen.
SUNDAY [April] 1. Cold weather, a heavy hail
shower in the afternoon.    Did not raise camp.
Monday [April] 2.   Fine weather, but cold.
Did not raise camp. The people out in different directions hunting, some sheep were killed. Some buffalo were seen, but none killed.
Tuesday [April] 3.   Fine weather.
Moved up the river seven miles. Here we have
good feeding for the horses; the hills close to the river
and low ground have been clear of snow for a length
of time, and vegetation is considerable advanced; the
young grass is a good length. The hills a little farther
from the river are still covered with snow, and along
the shores of the river the ice remains a considerable
thickness. Several of the people out with their traps.
But little signs of beaver.
Wednesday [April] 4.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. Two men A. Finlay, J. Favel
were off since yesterday morning examining a small
river where it was expected some beaver would be
found, but there are none. Some more of the men were
off visiting some of the small forks but without success.
A. Longtin took one beaver.
Thursday [April] 5.    Fine, warm weather.
Moved up the river ten miles, and encamped at the
277 So named from Charles McKay, a son, by an Indian mother, of Alexander McKay of the Astor party who met a tragic end on the destruction of
the Tonquin. Charles McKay had accompanied Mr. Ogden to this neighborhood  in   1825-6.   Washington   Historical  Society  Quarterly,  v.   189-191.-
Mr. Rees differs on this point and explains it as follows: So called because Thomas McKay wintered on this stream in 1827. Now called the
Pahsimaroi. - p. c P.
il 144
hot spring.278 The men visited several traps which
they had set, but found nothing. All hands went in
pursuit of buffalo, and killed eight; they are very lean.
Friday [April] 6. Fine weather, but cold in the
night and mornings-the snow still lies deep in the
mountains, and it is not long since it went off the low
ground; there are large banks of ice along the shores
of the river. Here we intended to take into the mountains to the plain where we expected to find some beaver, but cannot on account of the snow so that we must
go around.
Did not raise camp, in order to allow the horses to
feed, tho the grass is but indifferent
Saturday [April] 7.   Fine weather.
Continued our route fifteen miles up a little fork,
and encamped at what is called the fountain.279 The
people went after buffalo, and killed nine; they are
mostly very lean.
Sunday [April] 8.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
rest, and feed a little after the long day's march they
made yesterday. The grass here is very indifferent as
the snow has but shortly gone off the ground, and the
swamp is still frozen. There appears a good deal of
snow in the height of land ahead of us. The people
went in pursuit of buffalo, and killed four.
rv MONDAY [April] 9.    Rather cold weather.
Proceeded across the height of land to the fountain
in Goddin's defile.280   There is a good deal of snow on
278 East aide of Salmon River near Challis. — j. e. r.
279 Swamp,   called  Thousand   Springs.   See   Oregon   Historical   Society
Quarterly, xiii, 369.-w. 8. L.
220 Big Lost River in Thousand Spring valley. - j. e. r.   The Goodin's
River of Alexander Ross, Fur Hunters, ii, 124-5.   Discovered by Thyery THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
the height of land, and the snow has not been long off
the ground here; a few buffalo were to be seen at a distance.
TUESDAY [April] 10.    Raw, cold weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the horses to
feed and repose.   The grass is but indifferent.
WEDNESDAY [April] 11. Snowed in the night and
forepart of the day.
The unfavorable weather deterred us from raising
camp. It was our intention to have struck across the
mountains to the head of Sukly [Sickly] 281 River but
there is too much snow on the mountains so that we will
be obliged to go by other road.
Thursday [April] 12. Rather cold, but fine weather.
(Henry) Godin in 1820, whose name appears as numbers 843, 677, and 576
respectively on the lists of employees of the Hudson's Bay Company in North
America for the years 1821-1824, one of the many Iroquois Indians introduced into the Rocky Mountain district by the Northwesterners and Hudson's
Bay Company traders. J. B. Godin of the line appears in the Northwest
Company list of 1804 as a voyageur at Rivere du Sauteux, Masson, Des
Bourgeois, i, 411. Thyery Godin was with Alexander Ross' Snake River
expedition in 2824. He afterwards deserted on May 24, 1825, with the
Canadians and entered the employ of Sublette, and was later murdered on
the river which took his name, which he had discovered in 1820. Washington Historical Society Quarterly, xiv, 381. Godin's River rises in Custer
County, Idaho, and, breaking through the mountains to the south opposite
the east branch of the Malades (or Little Wood River), by a defile or canyon called "Godin's defile," turns to the northeast and in forty miles is lost
by sinking in the lava flows of eastern Idaho. The river is now known
as the Big Lost River. In Washington Irving's Captain Bonneville, chapters
xv and xvi, mention is made of the Godin's River and defile, and in chapter
vi, of Antoine Godin, his son, mentioned as an employee of Sublette near
Pierre's Hole. For further reference to Godin see: Victor, River of the
West (1870), 129-130; Townsend's Narrative (1839), 114.— w.8.l.
281 Sickly River:-Probably over Ryan Pass to North Fork. Sickly River,
now known as the Malade or Big Wood River; named the River aux
Malades by Alexander Ross in 1824 on account of thirty-seven of his party
being there made violently ill from eating "white" beaver, unfit for food
hi 146
Raised camp and proceeded down the river282 [ ? ]
miles. There were some buffalo here but they have
fled down the river. Some of the people set a few traps.
Friday [April] 13.   Fine weather.
Continued our route down the river ] miles.
Some of the people who went ahead raised the buffalo
here, and they have fled farther down the river. Pich-
ette took two beaver.   The people killed three bulls.
Saturday [April] 14.   Fine weather.
Continued our journey down the river nine miles.
The most of the people set their traps. There are
some signs of beaver.   The buffalo are still ahead.
Sunday [April] 15.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. Fifteen beaver and one otter
were taken. There are plenty of buffalo a short way
ahead.   The people set some more traps.
Monday [April] 16.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. Twelve beaver were taken; the
people set some more traps.
Tuesday [April] 17.   Fine weather.
Moved camp a few miles down the river to find better feeding for tjie horses. The people moved down
the river with the traps. Fifteen beaver were taken.
Some of the people who went farther down the river
saw some tracks of Blackfeet not very old.
Wednesday [April] 18. Rained in the night, fine
weather during the day.
Raised camp and moved three and one-half hours,
eleven miles down the river. We had intended to
strike across the mountains from our last station but
from feeding on poisonous plants.   See Ross, Fur Hunters of the Far West,
ii, 82-3, 115.-w. S. L.
282 Down Lost River. - H. f. h. 1
there is too much snow, and it would be too long to wait
till it be practicable. The people out with their traps;
six beaver taken. The people raised a large herd of
buffalo, and killed fourteen of them.
Thursday [April] 19.   Fine warm weather.
Did not raise camp in order to allow the people time
to dry the meat that was killed yesterday, and to let
the horses feed. The people out with their traps; one
beaver taken. Set fire to the plain, and the smoke will
probably drive off all the buffalo.
Friday [April] 20.   Fine weather. 0,
Moved down the river three hours, ten miles E. No
buffalo to be seen, the fire yesterday has driven them
all off. The people out with their traps, but little or
no appearance of beaver. Some tracks of Blackfeet
not very old to be seen.
Saturday [April] 21.   Fine weather.
Marched three and three-fourths hours, twelve miles
S. S. E., and encamped at a fine feeding place for the
horses.   Five men went ahead to hunt a little fork.283
SUNDAY [April] 22.    Fine weather.
Did not raise camp.
Monday [April] 23. Stormy weather in the afternoon.
Raised camp and proceeded three and one-half hours,
twelve miles S.S.E. Road rocky. We intended to
strike across the mountains284 at our last station, but
there appeared too much snow, and we have to go
round. Some Blackfoot Indians were prowling about
our camp last night. A short way from the camp this
morning the tracks of twenty-five or thirty men were
223 Mouth of Antelope Creek. - j. e. r.
284 Lost River Mountains. - h. f. h.
i i
mm—un "Wf**-
seen. They struck down into the rocks. Five Blackfeet were descried immediately afterwards, and pursued but the ground was so stony that they could not
be overtaken. They threw away their clothes in their
haste. They are a war party returning from the
Tuesday [April] 24. Stormy weather, heavy showers of rain.
Continued our route four and one-half hours, sixteen
miles S. S. E. along the foot of the mountains285 to river
a Bastin.286 The road in places stony. The men who
left on the 21 returned with twenty beaver. Two of
them, Gadipre and Rodin, were kept in a hill part of
the day yesterday and all night by some Blackfeet. A
Blackfoot descended from the hills in the evening, and
attempted to steal a horse but was discovered, unfortunately the horse keeper had not his gun with him or
he might have killed him.
Wednesday [April] 25. Overcast, very heavy rain
in the greater part of the day.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, nine miles S.
to a little river. I All hands proceeded up the river
with the traps. There are some signs of beaver but the
water is very high so that it is difficult to discover where
they are.
Thursday [April] 26. Very heavy rain in the
night, some light showers during the day.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps,
and set more.    Five beaver were taken.
Friday [April] 27.   Cloudy, stormy weather.
Did not raise camp.   The people went to visit their
285 Along the foot of the Lost River Mountains. - P. c. p.
28« Stream made by high water. - j. e. r. 1
traps, but one of the men, Toupe, saw the children of
the camp playing, and mistook them for Blackfeet, and
went off full speed after their men, and stated that the
camp was attacked, and all our horses taken. This
made the people return before they had visited their
traps.   Twenty-nine beaver were taken.
Saturday [April] 28.   Stormy, cloudy weather.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps,
and reset several of them. Fourteen beaver were taken.
The people not having put the traps in order yesterday
was the cause of so few beaver being taken.
SUNDAY [April] 29. Cloudy, stormy weather, some
light showers.
Did not raise camp. Twenty-six beaver taken. The
men took up their traps, they thought they were too far
off. Had they left them down another night they
would have caught some more beaver. A band of buffalo were seen on the hills in the evening they were
marching fast, and were probably raised by Blackfoot
Monday [April] 30. Cloudy, showery weather,
blowing fresh.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, ten miles
S. S.W. to the Grand Masky.287 Several of the men
proceeded ahead, and set the traps in Sulky [Sickly]
River; others examined the Masky, but saw so little
signs of beaver that they did not set the traps.
Tuesday [May] 1. Stormy weather, hail and rain
showers in the morning.
Raised camp and proceeded three hours, ten miles
S.S.W. to Sulky [Sickly] River.288   The most of the
287 South branch Antelope Creek. - j. e. r.
288 East Fork Little Wood River. - h. f. h. JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK
men proceeded, some up and some down the river, and
set their traps. The appearance of a good many beaver.
The traps set yesterday only produced eleven. The
river has been lately very high, but the water has fallen
Wednesday [May] 2. Stormy weather, showers of
hail and rain.
Did not raise camp. The people out with their traps.
Thirty-six beaver taken.
Thursday [May] 3.   Stormy, showery weather.
Did not raise camp. The people visiting their traps,
and setting more. Twenty-five beaver taken. L.
Quintalle saw four Blackfeet ascending a hill attempting to approach him as he was setting his traps in a
small fork. They are supposed to be part of a gang
that are lurking in the mountains, seeking an opportunity to kill and steal. The tracks of some Snakes289
are seen about the river near our camp, but none of
them venture near us.
Friday [May] 4.    Still stormy, showery weather.
Did not raise camp. The people out at their traps.
Twenty-four beaver and two otter taken. No tracks
of the enemy to be seen, the men keep a good lookout
as they are afraid of being murdered while visiting
their traps. The river is thickly wooded, thicketty
and difficult to approach.    F. Payette killed two bulls.
Saturday [May] 5. Stormy and violent shower of
rain and hail.
The people visited and reset their traps. Nineteen
beaver and one otter taken. No tracks of the enemy to
be seen. The men are becoming less afraid. It is
supposed the party in the mountains are but a few in
289 Shoshone Indians. - j. e. r. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
number probably remaining with some sick or wounded companions.
SUNDAY [May] 6. Heavy rain and hail in the night,
stormy, showery during the day.
Did not raise camp. The people are out at their
traps. Thirty beaver taken. No tracks of Blackfeet
to be seen.
Monday [May] 7.    Stormy, cold weather.
Moved two miles up the river290 in order to find better feeding for the horses. The men visited their traps.
Seventeen beaver and one otter taken.
Tuesday [May] 8. Heavy rain the greater part of
the day.
I intended to raise camp and proceed up the river
but was deterred by the bad weather. The men out at
their traps. Twelve beaver taken. A party of Nez
Perces, nine men and two women with thirty to forty
horses, arrived in the evening from their own lands on
their way to join some of their people at Salmon River.
Two of our men, G. Plante and C. Riendeau, were coming from their traps, and saw these people who they
mistook for a party of Blackfeet, and were so frightened that they did not attend to the calls and friendly
signals of the Indians but fled full speed to the camp,
and related that the Blackfeet had killed all our people
who were up the river with their traps, and had pursued
themselves for their lives. All hands were now busily
employed tying the horses when the Indians arrived
and undeceived us.
Wednesday [May] 9.   Cold, showery weather.
Did not raise camp.    Owing to the quantity of snow
290 Little Wood River.   Work's plans apparently were to go to the sources
of the Wood River, then across to the east fork of the Salmon. - p. c. p.
ilfp 1 ;l
which still appears on the mountains, it is apprehended
we would not be able to pass, and if we could pass that
the small creeks could not yet be hunted; we have therefore deferred crossing the mountains for the present,
but intend to proceed a little to the southward where
we will find good feeding for our horses, and expect to
get a few beaver. Perhaps we may find another road
by Read's River to cross the mountains. The head of
Read's River291 is not known to have ever been trapped
by whites, and is said to be rich in beaver. The people visited their traps. Forty beaver and one otter
taken. The most of the people up the river took up
their traps.
Thursday [May] 10.   Cloudy, cold weather.
291 Read's River:-South fork of the Boise. This was a very good
beaver stream. It was so named after John Read, a clerk in the Pacific
(Astor) Fur Company, who came overland in 1811, and who accompanied
Alexander MacKenzie on his Snake River expedition of 1812-3. After the
failure of the Astor enterprise he was sent out from Astoria to the mountain
passes in the Snake River country in the fall of 1813. Here his entire party
was murdered and their goods plundered by the Ban-at-tee Indians in the
late fall of 1813. Ban-at-tee was meant for the Bannocks. They were
really mountain Snakes, or Tuknoika, or Sheep Eaters. See Ross Cox,
Columbia River, i, 252-7; Franchere's Narrative (1820) 214-16; Ross, Oregon
Settlers, 276-280; Irving, Astoria (1836) ii, 254-6. These Ban-at-tee Indians were a branch of the Snake Indians, known as the "Robber of Mountain" Snakes. See Ross, Fur Hunters, i, 249-250, 257. At p. 278, Oregon
Settlers, Ross dubs them the "Dog-rib" tribe. The stream is referred to by
Ross as Reid's River, ibid., 91, 98. It is now known as the Boise River.
Both MacKenzie and Read had built houses in the vicinity in 1812-3, Ross,
Oregon Settlers, 278.
Boise River is called Roussie River in Minutes of Council of 1835. The
name Boise is variously spelled in early journals and the Hudson's Bay Company fort at the mouth of the river appears as Fort Boisse, Fort Boissi, and
Fort Borssie in the Minutes of Council for 1839, 1840, and 1843. It is said
that the stream was given its present name by members of Captain Bonneville's expedition from the exclamations of the Canadian-French members —
uLes bois, les boisl Voyes les bois\" — on account of the luxuriant growth
of poplars along the stream-a welcome sight to the men who had struggled
through dusty miles of sage brush country. - w. s. L.
Did not raise camp; waiting for four men who had
their traps too far off to bring yesterday. Six beaver
taken.   There are a good many buffalo up the river.
FRIDAY [May] 11.   Cloudy, cold weather.
Raised camp and proceeded two and one-half hours,
eight miles S. S. W. across a point to a small creek.292
Some of the people ahead with their traps. Four
beaver taken.
Saturday [May] 12. Continued our route three
hours, ten miles S. S. W. to another small creek.293 The
people visited the traps and setting more. Ten beaver
taken. There are a few beaver, but they are shy, and
difficult to take. The hunters who were ahead of the
camp started eight buffalo which they pursued, but
were only able to kill an old bull. In the evening some
bulls were observed descending from the mountains,
they were immediately pursued and three of them were
killed. They were very lean which is rather surprising as there has been fine grass about this plain [place?]
for a length of time.
Sunday [May] 13.   Fine, warm weather.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps
and set more.    Eighteen beaver and |      ] otter taken.
MONDAY [May] 14.    Fine, warm weather.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps.
Seventeen beaver taken.
TUESDAY [May] 15.    Fine, warm weather.
Raised camp and proceeded three and one-half hours,
twelve miles. The people visited their traps. Twenty-nine beaver and three otters taken. The most of the
people who were behind took up their traps.
292 Near Bellevue on Big Wood River. - j. e. r.
293 Camas Creek. - j. e. r.
#11 n
Wednesday [May] 16.    Stormy weather.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps,
and several were out setting more. Twelve beaver
taken.    Some of the people went ahead.
Thursday [May] 17.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. The people took up their traps,
as we mean to raise camp and proceed across the mountains to Read's River tomorrow. Eleven beaver and
one otter taken, some elk and a black tail deer were
killed. «P
Friday [May] 18.   Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded four hours, fourteen
miles N. N. w. across the mountains, and encamped on
a small fork which falls into Read's River.294 The road
for a mountain pretty good, but in places there were
banks of snow and thick woods which were difficult to
pass. From the height of land, the mountains towards
the head of Read's River appear still deeply covered
with snow, and the country altogether appears very
mountainous. All hands out with the traps. Three
beaver taken.
Saturday [May] 19. Fine weather, cold in the
Continued our route two hours, seven miles W. N. w.
to one of the principal forks of Read's River which
here runs from NN. E.295 We crossed another fork of a
smaller size which falls in from the N. E.296 There is
another large fork farther down which falls in from
the N.W.29T Part of the way today the road was very
bad, very stony lying through thick woods.   The coun-
29*Up Willow Creek*, across the mountains to Trail Creek.-j. e. r.
295 Little Smoky.   Should be s. s. E. - j. e. r,
296 Big Smoky. - j. e. r.
297 South fork Boise River. - j. e. r. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
try is very mountainous, in places thickly wooded, and
in places destitute of timber. All hands visited the
traps. Thirty-six beaver taken besides nineteen
brought by seven men who have been absent a few
nights down the river. The people complain that
beaver are very scarce, for a new country which this
may be considered to be. The trappers under Mr.
Ross298 [were here] eight years ago but descended the
river immediately, and did not stop to set traps, no other
whites are known to have ever passed this way. The
Indians frequently represent the head of this river as
being very rich in beaver. Our object is to get to them,
but from the appearance of the country we will probably have much difficulty. The Indians from whom
some information might be obtained are so much afraid
that they cannot be prevailed on to approach the camp.
One of the men found four of them in the rocks yesterday, but they would not come to the camp. There were
some others seen, but they fled on approach of the people. The men are directed to use every means to dispell their apprehensions.
Sunday [May] 20.   Thunder, showery weather.
The water in the river rising. Did not raise camp.
Some of the people towards the mountains are desiring
to find a road to pass. F. Payette found five Snake
Indians in the mountains, two of whom he prevailed
upon to accompany him to the camp.    From these we
298 Alexander Ross, a clerk of the original Pacific (Astor) Fur Company
who entered the employ of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies, and
the author of Adventures of the First Settlers on the Columbia River, and
Fur Hunters of the Far West, both dealing with the early fur trading enterprises in the Columbia River basin. His trading venture into the Snake
River country and western Montana in 1824 *s related in volume ii of the
latter book on pp. 87. See also Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, xiv,
no. 4.-w. s. l. JOURNAL OF JOHN WORK
learned that the only pass in the mountains is by the
fork to the westward. That on the other side of the
mountain there is an extensive track of plain country
well-stocked with beaver. The fork on which we are
encamped takes its waters in the mountains not far from
here, where it is formed by sundry branches. Nine
beaver taken.
Monday [May] 21.    Cloudy, fair weather.
Did not raise camp, in order to allow the people time
to take up their traps. Nine beaver taken. The two
Snakes who were brought to the camp yesterday were
kindly treated, and received little presents, with which
they were much pleased. They returned today accompanied by two more men and three women. These also
received little presents. The account they give of the
road and beaver accords with that given yesterday.
They promise to accompany us, and point out the
passes in the mountains. We had an alarm of Blackfeet but it turns out to be nothing.
Tuesday [May] 22.   Cloudy, fine weather.
Raised camp and marched one and one-half hours,
five miles W. across a point of hills to the western
fork299 where we encamped to await the Indians who
promised to join us here.
Wednesday [May] 23.   Stormy, rather cold weath-
Did not raise camp. The Indians not coming to join
us as they promised I took two of the young men, and
went to find them, but they had fled. On returning
from where they had been encamped one of the young
men took another road, and found two of them but
could not prevail upon them to accompany him, and
299 South fork of Boise near junction of Big Smoky. - J. E. R. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
he did not like to use force. I ascended a high peak
of the mountain to the northward to ascertain the appearance of the country behind. All in that direction
appears a continuation of rugged mountains covered
with snow.300 A little to the westward the country appears lower, and not covered with snow. There appear
two springs in the mountain, at the head of the river.
Two men, Kanota and C. Plante, ascended a high peak
to the westward, the country behind appeared pretty
bare but still a considerable depth of snow on it. Some
of the men went up towards the head of the river801
with their traps; they found some beaver lodges but
they are still frozen up. In this fork and the one behind the current is so strong and the banks and bed of
the river so stony and gravelly that the beaver are unable to make proper dams, and lay up a sufficiency of
provisions for the winter. They are obliged to cut
holes through the ice and snow three-fourths feet thick
to cut wood to feed on in the winter. Some of those
taken had the skin nearly worn off their feet, and the
fur partly worn off their backs, and were so lean from
the want and misery they had undergone, that there was
scarcely a particle of flesh on their bones. Probably,
in severe seasons the most of them die from want, hence
beaver never have been numerous here nor are they
likely to increase.
THURSDAY [May] 24. Fine weather. |
Did not raise camp. Four men, A. Finlay, G. Paris,
C. Plante, and F. Champagne, started in the morning
to seek a defile to cross the mountains by, and ascertain
what sort of a country is ahead them.   They are to re-
■soo Sawtooth Mountains. — J. e. r.
201 At Ross Fork. - j. e. r.
ft i58
turn tomorrow. Sent after the Indians today again in
order to bring one of them to the camp to point out the
road, let him be willing or not, but they had fled from
where they were yesterday, and it could not be ascertained where they had gone.
Friday [May] 25. Showery after part of the day,
and heavy thunder in the evening.
The men who went off yesterday returned, and report
that they found a passable road across the mountains but
there is still a good deal of snow. On the opposite side
there is a pretty extensive valley with a number of small
rivers issuing from the mountains, which reunite and
form a pretty large stream in the plain below.302 They
set their traps last night, and caught each two beaver.
Saturday [May] 26.   Cloudy, cold weather.
Proceeded up the river two and one-half hours, seven miles N. N. W.303 to the entrance of the defile, the road
rugged and hilly and mostly through thickets of woods,
the river is too high to cross or we would find a good
road on the opposite bank.
Sunday [May] 27. Heavy rain in the after part
of the day.
Started a little after daylight in the morning, and
crossed the mountain five and one-half hours, sixteen
miles N. N. E. In ascending the road part of the way
very stony and nearly covered up with fallen wood.
The snow on the height of land and both sides of it
compose about the two-thirds of the days journey, on
descending we found part of the way very woody and
miry.30*   From the badness of the road and the slipper-
202Salmon River.—p. c. P.
80s South fork Boise River. - j. e. r.
so* up Vienna and down Smiley Creeks. - j. e. r. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
iness of the snow, and horses sinking in it frequently,
this was a fatiguing day both on horses and men. The
valley appears of considerable extent, the hills on both
sides of it partially clothed with pine, the plain below
is clear of wood, along the banks of the river small
stunted willows which are of too small a size to promise
many beaver. All hands were out setting their traps.
From traces observed it appears the Americans with
some F[lat]head Indians passed this way last summer.
A Nez Perces woman who is now with us was along
with them. They did not find many beaver. Thus we
find the country which we expected to find new and
rich is neither, and does not answer the account given
of it by the Indians.
MONDAY [May] 28. Heavy rain in the night, showery cold weather during the day. Did not raise camp.
All hands visited their traps, and some more were set.
Thirty-three beaver taken.
Tuesday [May] 29. Near a foot deep of snow fell
during the night, but the most of it disappeared during
the day.
Did not raise camp. The people visited their traps.
Sixteen beaver and one otter taken.
WEDNESDAY [May] 30.    Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. The people out at their traps.
Seventeen beaver taken.
Thursday [May] 31.   Raw cold weather.
Raised camp, and proceeded four hours, fifteen miles
N. N. W. down the river.305 Four beaver and one otter
taken. The road good, a fine plain along the river,
hills partially wooded on both sides.
Friday [June] 1.   Fine weather.
205 Down Salmon River.-P. c. P.
y i6o
Continued our route down the river two hours, seven
miles W. We now know where we are. It is on the
head of the Salmon River. Mr. Ross returned from
here nine years ago, and descended the river.306 Some
of the hunters went a day or two journey farther on.
Saturday [June] 2.    Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded two and three-fourths
hours, ten miles W. up another fork.307 The valley
swampy. The river apparently well adapted for beaver yet there is no appearance of any ever having been
in it. The hills on both sides wooded with fir. The
principal river runs to the north. Twelve men went
ahead to a fork which had some beaver in it when Mr.
Ross passed here, they are to return tomorrow.
SUNDAY [June] 3. Fine weather forenoon, a violent
thunder storm, with a squall of wind and heavy rain
Did not raise camp, waiting for the men who went
ahead yesterday. They returned. The Americans
hunted the fork they went to visit last year. A party
of Snakes consisting of three men and three women
came to our camp, and traded some leather with the
people. These are not so frightened as the last ones
we saw, they have encamped along side of us, but we
are able to obtain no satisfactory information from them
either as to whether any beaver are to be found, or the
passes where the mountains can be crossed.
Monday [June] 4.    Cloudy, fine weather.
Raise camp and proceeded two hours, seven miles
306 Alexander Ross's party, in 1824, came into the Salmon River valley
here from the Big Wood River, passing near Galena and descended the
Salmon River on return home.-J. e. R.
307 Up Meadow Creek. - j. e. r.
w. N.W. to along a swamp defile across a little height
of land to a small creek which runs to the northward.308
The country has an excellent appearance for beaver but
there are none, the little willows are too small. The
people out hunting killed some cariboo. Bear tracks
are numerous, some which have been killed, as well as
cariboo ate very lean. A chance track of elk is to be
seen. The snow has but recently gone off the ground,
it is boggy, and the grass is just beginning to spring up.
Tuesday [June] 5.    Fine weather.
Continued our route four and one-half hours, fifteen
miles W.N.W. along a narrow defile and over a mountain not very high, to Charles Fork.309 The road
through thick woods, some banks of snow to pass and
in places the ground swampy and boggy. The snow
has but very recently gone off the ground, the ground
is not yet dry.   The grass very short.
Wednesday [June] 6.    Fine weather.
Continued our journey three and one-half hours, ten
miles W. N. w. Crossed two forks of the river which is
very high310-lost some of our things. The road very
bad the most of the way through thick woods and very
boggy. Where we are camped on a little plain the
grass is barely beginning to spring up. Two beaver
taken. The Indians who promised to accompany us
remained behind. Some of the men, ahead on discovery, fell on a river on the opposite side of the mountain
which runs to the southward.
Thursday [June] 7.    Fine weather.
308 Down Trail Creek to south fork of Payette River. - j. e. r.
309 Down south fork of Payette River; thence across hills to Warm Springs
Creek. - j. E. R.
310 Fivemile and Clear Creeks.-J. E. R. IÖ2
Continued our journey three hours, nine miles W.
along a swamp311 and down a steep hill to a river which
runs to the southward, it is a fork of Payette's River.312
The road through thick woods, and very bad. Very
little grass for the horses. There have been beaver
here some years ago but there are now few or none.
Went to the mountains on discovery, great deal of snow.
Four beaver taken.
Friday [June] 8.   Fine weather.
Continued our journey down the river three hours,
eight miles S. Road swampy, through thick woods, fallen timber. Eleven beaver taken. Found a little plain
pretty good feeding for the horses.
Saturday [June] 9. Cloudy, very heavy rain towards evening.
Proceeded down the river one and one-half hours,
four miles, and encamped on a little fork with swampy
banks313 pretty clear of wood in order to find better
feeding for the horses. Four men, A. Finlay, Bt. Gad-
ipre, C. Plante, and F. Champagne, crossed the mountain to the westward to another fork31* to discover a
road. They found one which will be passable. Two
beaver taken. The people out with their traps. Beaver formerly have been numerous, but at present there
are very few. This is a fork of Read's River.315 Some
of our people ascended this fork a few years ago, one
of the men, L. Riendeau, knows the place.
Sunday [June] 10. Very heavy rain in the night,
foggy showery weather during the day.
an De ad wood Swamp. — j. E. R.
212 De ad wood River. — j. e. r.
212 Ninemile Creek. — j. e. r.
214 Lightning Creek. - j. e. r.
31« Middle fork Payette River. - j. e. r.
The unfavorable weather deterred us from raising
camp, the trees and bushes were so charged with wet
that our baggage would have been completely drenched
passing through them.
MONDAY "June] 11. Very heavy rain in the night
and forepart of the day.
As yestexday the bad weather deterred us from raising camp. Several of the people out hunting but without success except Kanota who killed an elk. Animals
are very scarce here at present, probably owing to the
snow having so lately gone off the ground. From the
appearance of the old tracks, elk and deer were very
numerous here in the fall.
Tuesday [June] 12. Very heavy rain and in the
mountain snow and sleet all day.
The weather faired a little in the morning and we
raised camp, and marched four and one-half hours,
twelve miles W. across the mountain to another small
fork.316 The road very bad on a succession of steep
hills thickly wooded which with the bad weather rendered this a most harassing and fatiguing day both on
people and horses. Vegetation is much farther advanced here than on the other side of the mountain.
The men who came here three days ago set their traps.
Soteau took four large beaver.
Wednesday [June] 13. A perfect pour of rain in
the night and forepart of the day.
The bad weather deterred us from raising camp,
being delayed this way is much against us as provisions
are getting scarce with the people and no beaver.
THURSDAY [June] 14. A pour of rain and sleet in
the night and all day.
216 Fork of Ninemile Creek. - j. e. r. ill
» S(
The bad weather again deterred us from raising
camp, fortunately our horses have pretty good feeding.
Some of the people out hunting but with little success.
Animals are very scarce.
Friday [June] 15.    Showery during the day.
Raised camp and proceeded down the river and on
a range of hills to below where it falls into another
large fork, seven hours, twenty-one miles south.317 The
road very bad, through thick woods and over a number
of steep hills and deep gullies-where we encamped
the woods are becoming clear and the country much
better in appearance. Fine feeding for our horses.
The river here is pretty large.
SATURDAY [June] 16. A violent storm of thunder
and very heavy rain in the night. Showery during the
day, heavy rain afterwards.
Proceeded down the river two hours, eight miles S.
S.W. to the fork.318 Here a large river falls in from
the eastward. Some of the men who are ahead represent the road along the river as very bad, and a large
fork which falls in from the S. W. rolling down between
steep banks so rapidly and deep that our camp would
not be able to pass it We have therefore determined
to return on our road, and cross the mountains to the
westward near our last camp. Several of the people
out hunting, but only a cheveau killed, the country has
a fine appearance for animals but they are very scarce.
Some of the people set a few traps for beaver.
Sunday [June] 17.   Fair weather.
Crossed the mountains ten hours, twenty-eight miles
W. N. w. to a plain.319   We missed the road, and had a
21T To middle fork Payette.
318 Mouth of middle fork Payette.
»• Big flat at head of Willow Creek. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
most harassing days journey on a succession of steep
rugged hills and thick woods, and fallen timber. Some
of the horses much jaded. Some of the people out
hunting, but with little success.   Two beaver taken.
MONDAY [June] 18.    Fair weather.
Continued our route two and one-half hours, eight
miles S. across a plain and a wooded hill, to a large
river,320 which we had to cross on rafts which employed
us the remainder of the day. Some of the people are
not yet across. This river here runs from w. to E.
Some traps were set.
Tuesday [June] 19. A great deal of thunder and
excessive heavy rain in the night. Showery during the
The remainder of the people crossed early in the
morning, when we proceeded on our journey three and
one-half hours, twelve miles S.S.W. on a pretty high
mountain but with a good road, and along a narrow,
swampy plain. Here we found the Snake Indians321
with their wives they tell us we are now near the plain.
One of the men, Toupe, was obliged to kill a horse to
eat, and several others will soon be obliged to do the
same, being so long in the mountains and finding no
beaver, the people have eaten up all their provisions.
Three beaver taken.
Wednesday [June] 20. A pour of rain in the night
and all day.
The bad weather deterred us from raising camp.
THURSDAY [June] 21. Excessive heavy rain in the
night and rain and snow all day.
We could not stir today either.    M. Lefort killed a
820 Big Willow Creek below forks.
821Wihinast Indians.-j. e. r.
H 166
horse to eat. Provisions are becoming very scarce.
The Snake chief paid us a visit.
Friday [June] 22.    Showery weather.
Raised camp and proceeded across a part of mountain woody, and down several hills to a fork of Payette's River322 two and one-half hours, eight miles S.
S.W. The Snakes are encamped some distance below
us, they came to the camp and traded a few roots, and
exchanged several horses with the people.
Saturday [June] 23.   Fine weather.
Continued our journey four and one-half hours, fifteen miles W. N. W. up the river and across a mountain
clear of woods to a fork of the Waser River.323 The
mountain steep, the road in places stony, and from the
late rain the horses in many places sink very much.
Sunday [June] 24.    Fine weather.
Continued our route down the fork two and one-half
hours, eight miles. We were induced to camp early
at the request of a Snake chief who met us, to wait for
his people to trade, they encamped on Waser River at
some distance.
Monday [June] 25.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp. A number of Snake Indians
arrived accompanied by three of the chiefs, and passed
the most of the day with us, and traded some forty
222 Little Willow Creek. Payette's River named after Francis Payette.
Called by Alexander Ross, Payette or Middle River. Fur Hunters, ii, 98.-
w. s. L.
323 Cave Creek, a fork of the Weiser of today. Variously spelled in early
days:-The Wuser River of Alexander Ross, Fur Hunters, ii, 98-9, and of
Arrowsmeth's maps, and of Charles Wilkes' map of 1841. Wager, Wayers,
and Wager's River of Ogden's Journal of 1827, Oregon Historical Society
Quarterly, xi, 362, ibid., xiii, 366. The Wage River in Colonel Albert's
map of 1835, also spelled Wagner's River. Presumed to have been named
for a Jacob Wayer or Wager, a Northwestern trapper with McKenzie, who
first trapped there in 1818. -w. s. L. THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL
beaver, some dry salmon, and changed several horses.
Tuesday [June] 26. t§Warm weather.
Raised camp and proceeded six hours, twenty miles
S. S. E.3?* The road very stony, and hilly. We are induced to take this road as being the shortest to the big
WEDNESDAY [June] 27.    Fine weather.
Continued our journey five and one-half hours, eighteen miles S. S. W. to the Snake River about midway
between Payette's and Waser Rivers. The road hilly
but not so stony as yesterday. The people were set to
work immediately and made a skin canoe, to cross the
river, but it is not yet dry. The river is very high, and
from the steepness of the banks it is difficult to find a
good landing place to cross the horses. Some of the
people went to a barrier of Waser River, and traded a
few salmon. They are very acceptable in our present
scarcity of food.
THURSDAY [June] 28.    Stormy part of the day.
It was some time in the morning before the canoe was
dry and fit for service, it was kept busily employed all
day afterwards, yet not more than half the people are
across. At the same time the horses were crossed, and
much difficulty we had getting them into the water at
different times, about twenty are still to cross, all the
efforts of the people could not get them driven into the
water though assisted by Snake Indians. Some of the
people went to the Snake camp in the morning, and
traded some and a few dried salmon. Several of the
Indians came to the camp, and traded a few beaver and
some other articles.
Friday [June] 29.   Weather as yesterday.
324 Should be 8. s. w. down Weiser River.
ft i68
a a
All this day was occupied crossing the baggage.
Some of the people are yet to cross. The remainder of
the horses were got across except one of the company's
mules which was drowned in the traverse.
SATURDAY [June] 30.    Fine weather.
The rest of the people got across in the morning, the
Budard's [Burdolis] family were crossing the last voyage when the canoe swamped, six people who were in it
with difficulty gained the shore, not withstanding the
assistance of some of our people, some of the property
was recovered but a good deal lost. Sent off eight men,
C. Plante as head of the party, F. Champagne, J. Du-
bruill, L. Quintall, C. Riendeau, A. Masson, P. Grell,
and J. Reyhn, to hunt up the river Mathon.325 The
head of the river Sylvank,326 and six forks of the river
chutes.327 They have twenty-four days to reach the
fort. Raised camp and proceeded down the river, two
and one-half hours march, eight miles.
SUNDAY [July] 1. Excessive heavy rain in the night
and forepart of the day.
It was midday before we could raise camp, when we
continued our route down the river and across a point
325 xhe Malheur River in Oregon. "The Unfortunate River" of Ogden's
Journal, 1826, Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, x, 354. Mr. George H.
Himes, secretary of the Oregon Historical Society, who camped at what is
now Vale, Oregon, in August, 1853, recalls an old French trapper stating
that the river was named "Malheur" on account of some early "misfortune,"
"loss of goods cached away," or "bad water" encountered by the first trappers along the stream. - w. s. L.
326 Sylvie flows into the Deschutes. The intention was to have Plante's
party trap up the Malheur River and cross over to the waters of Crooked
River (which flows into the Deschutes) for further trapping and then proceed directly to Fort Nez Perce in the Columbia.-t. c. e.
327 That is, the party proceeded down Snake River along the west bank to
the well known place named Olds Ferry and then crossed over the hills to
Burnt River at Huntington, Oregon. This was the regular route of the
Oregon Trail in later years.-T. c. E.
■ w*m
to Burnt River328 three and three-fourths hours, fourteen miles.
Monday [July] 2. Showery weather in the night
and morning.
Proceeded up the river three and one-half hours,
twelve miles. Some Indians were encamped at our
last station from whom we traded a few beaver.
Tuesday [July] 3.    Stormy, cold, showery weather.
Continued our route up the river to the forks.329
Wednesday [July] 4.    Raw, cold weather.
Raised camp and proceeded W. S. W. five hours, sixteen miles over a range of rugged hills, and again fell
upon the river.330 Eight men, A. Finlay, L. Kanota,
P. Birnie, C. Grosbin, A. Langtin, T. [. . .], J.
Toupe, the cook, and some of the families proceeded to
hunt on the way to the fort.
Thursday [July] 5.   Fine weather. 6
Continued our route up the river three and one-half
hours, ten miles W.S.W.    Several traps were set yes-
328 Burnt River of Oregon. So called on account of the burnt appearance
of the lava formation along the stream. George H. Himes, who walked
through the river bottom in August, 1853, with bleeding feet caused by
stubbing his toes against the sharp lava rock, is authority for the statement
that the stream took its name from the burnt appearance of the lava formations along the water course. Powder River:-This stream derived its name
from the powdery, sandy soil along its course, often alluded to by persons-
Indians and others-as "polally il lihee" - literally, powdered soil, powdered
ground.   Our authority is Mr. George H. Himes. - w. s. l.
Polally = gunpowder = black sand. Illihee = soil, ground or country.
Chinook. — t. c.e.
329 Followed up Burnt River directly along the Oregon Trail to where
Durkee, Oregon, now stands. Here the immigrant road later turned up a
creek and ridge to the north but the Indian trail kept westward across the
hills to fall upon Burnt River again.-t. c. e.
330 Here the regular Indian trail turned north to the Powder River valley
and Grande Ronde and Walla Walla. Mr. Work's party continued up Burnt
River, intending to trap the various forks of John Day's River on their
way to Fort Nez Perce.-t. c. e.
terday. Eight beaver taken today, and several more
traps set. The river has been not long since hunted by
the Indians, beaver are scarce, and what few are very
Friday [July] 6.   Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded up the river W. S. W.
eleven miles, three and three-fourths hours. The people out with their traps.    One beaver taken.
Saturday [July] 7.   Fine weather.
Did not raise camp on account of Payette having to
examine the road across the mountain to Day's River.331
One beaver and one otter taken, the hunters out and
killed three blacktail deer, there are a few animals
along the mountain. Gilbert's horse missing, not known
whether stolen or strayed.
Sunday [July] 8.    Fine weather.
Raised camp and proceeded five hours, fifteen miles
W. S. W.332 across the mountain to a small plain on a
small stream which we suppose falls into the southern
fork of Day's River. We kept farther to the north
than the usual road in order to avoid a steep mountain
which is difficult to pass. The road through thick
woods and in places hilly and through woods but not
very thick. One of the men, Soteaux, went to take up
his traps in the morning, and has not yet arrived at the
camp. It is conjectured he has gone ahead, and fallen
upon the river which is supposed to be close too and set
his traps, or perhaps has killed some elk or deer, and
331 John Day's River of Oregon. Day was robbed here by the Indians
in 1811.-W. s. l.
232 It is impossible to follow closely the road traveled among the streams
and mountains of the three forks of John Day's River July 7-17. Their
guide had evidently been with Peter Skene Ogden's party in the winter of
1825-6; see Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 10. -T. c. E. m
was too late to come to the camp.   J. Desland, and L.
Riendeau each killed a horse to eat.
MONDAY [July] 9. Showery, very heavy rain in the
Raised camp and proceeded down the little fork
which is now become pretty large three and three-
fourths hours, eleven miles W. S. W. The road through
woods and occcasional little plains, in places stony and
bad upon the horses' feet. Payette, who is our guide
suspects we have fallen upon the head of the north
branch of the river. It was winter and eight years
ago when he passed, and cannot remember clearly the
road. We found a family of mountain Snakes, three
men and their wives and six children, and had a few
fresh salmon from them and two beaver. They spear
the salmon along the river. Some of the men out with
the traps. There has been a chance of beaver but the
Indians have traps and have been taking them. The
people can give us no information, we cannot understand them. No news of Soteaux yet, he probably has
fallen on the south fork, and may perhaps be waiting
for us.
Tuesday [July] 10. Showery weather, very heavy
rain in the morning.
Owing to the bad weather it was near noon when we
raised camp and proceeded down the river three and
one-half hours, ten miles W. The river becoming larger as we advanced, but no beaver, tho' in some places it
appears well adapted for them. The road through
woods and small plains and pretty good though hilly
and stony in places. Passed three more families of
Indians, only the women and children were in the huts,
•i{ 172
the men were off hunting. The people traded a few
roots from them.    Soteaux has not yet come up.
Wednesday [July] 11.    Showery weather.
Did not raise camp. We are becoming alarmed for
the safety of Soteaux. He has time if he remained to
hunt or missed the road to have found it, and come up
with us now. Sent four men, J. Faul, Gilbert Ross,
W. Gadipre, and Pinet, to seek him. They returned
late in the evening, without having seen anything of
him. They went to our camp of the evening of the 8.
One of them struck across to within sight of another
fork which we suppose to be the south branch.
THURSDAY [July] 12.    Showery weather.
Did not raise camp. Sent off the men, Faul, Pearce,
and Smith, to seek after Soteaux. They are ordered
to go on to where he was first missing, to search diligently, and see if they can find any mark of him. They
are furnished with good horses, and will have plenty
of time to come up with us.
FRIDAY [July] 13. Showery, very heavy rain with
thunder in the afternoon.
Raised camp and proceeded down the river one and
one-half hours, five miles W.S.W., and then struck
across the foot of the mountains two and one-half hours,
S. W., eight miles. The road along the river stony and
hilly. Along the mountain the road hilly but not many
Saturday [July] 14. Showery during the day, very
heavy rain in the morning.
The bad weather deterred from raising camp till
near noon, proceeded and marched four hours W., five
miles to a smaller river, here we found the river so Fnf
stony and hilly that we had again to ascend the hill,
the road the most of the way very stony. The men who
started on the twelfth came up with the camp, their
horses completely knocked up. They had no intelligence of Soteaux nor could they even follow his tracks.
Owing to the recent heavy rain they could with difficulty follow the track of the camp over stony ground.
Sunday [July] 15. Heavy rain in the night and
Raised camp and struck out from the river, and
marched two and one-half hours, eight miles S.W. and
again fell upon the river which we descended two
hours, seven miles S. to our road of last year which
strikes across the mountains where we encamped, some
of the men set a few traps. Several of our horses became lame by the stoniness of the road.
MONDAY [July] 16. Fine warm weather, rain in
the night.
Did not raise camp, in order to send five men to the
southern fork, where the Snakes have a Wear, to see
if they could get any information of Soteaux. They
returned in the afternoon; they found the Wear a day's
journey nearer than it was last year. No intelligence
whatever of Soteaux. Two of the Indians came to the
camp in the evening. They are taking no salmon now.
Pichette caught two beaver.
Tuesday [July] 17. Very heavy rain, with thunder
in the afternoon.
Raised camp and proceeded six and one-half hours,
twenty miles across the mountains. The road in places
very stony and bad on the horses' feet.
Wednesday [July] 18.   Fine weather.
IS 174
Continued our route out of the woods and down a
little river333 in the plain four and one-half hours, fifteen miles, the road part of the way stony.
Thursday [July] 19.   Fine weather.
Came ahead of the camp with a few men and after
twelve hours hard riding reached the fort. Where we
found Mr. Parker [Pambrum].334 The men who left
me on the 1 inst. Butte River have arrived. They
got no beaver. Plante has also arrived, but his party
are yet behind. They also got no beaver worth while,
they turned back from the head of river Malheur, and
did not pass the distance they even decided. They
were afraid of not having time, and became discouraged not finding beaver. The report we have among
the Snakes regarding our men who descended Salmon
River being drowned, unfortunately turns out to be too
true, M. Plante and A. Dumois were drowned. L.
Biassonette and I. J. B[apis] + [e] were walking ashore
their turn, and escaped and reached the fort quite naked.
323 Via Pilot Rock, Oregon, and to the Umatilla River below Pendleton,
and from there to Fort Nez Perce by way of Helix and Vansycle.-T. c. e.
334 Bancroft MS. reads Pambrin [Pambrum] who is evidently the person
meant, as Mr. Parker did not start on his trip until 1835. Mr. Pierre
Crysologue Pambrum, a clerk and chief trader whose name appears as numbers 1178, 977, and 193 on the lists for the years 1821-4. He was a French-
Canadian and held a commission in the Canadian forces during the War
of 1812 and afterwards joined the Northwest Company. After the coalition
with the Hudson's Bay Company he came west of the mountains. He was
stationed at Stuart's Lake in 1825; at the Babines in 1830; and came to the
Columbia River district in 1831, in which year he was re-engaged as a clerk
at £100 a year. He was stationed at Fort Nez Perce, or Walla Walla in
1831, succeeding Archibald McKinley, and continued there until his death.
He became a chief trader in 1840 and is frequently mentioned by the members of the Whitman Mission, established in his neighborhood. He was
fatally injured, May ix, 1841, by being thrown from a horse which he was
riding with a cord, Indian fashion. The cord came out of the horse's mouth,
and caused the accident. He was attended by Dr. Marcus Whitman at his
death bed.   He was buried at Fort Vancouver. - w. s. l.
Everything they had being in the canoe was lost. The
unfortunate accident happened when they were just getting out of the bad road. How it happened the survivors could not tell as they did not see it, but found
the paddles. The canoe it seems was too small to carry
all their baggage and themselves, and they walked
along their turn about. They had been descending the
river more than thirty days and notwithstanding the
account we had heard of beaver they found none. Some
Nez Perces Indians whom they fell in with after the
misfortune, treated the survivors with the utmost kindness.
Friday [July] 20.   Fine weather.
Some more of Plante's party arrived.
Saturday [July] 21.    Fine weather.
F. Payette and the people whom I left behind two
days ago arrived.
Sunday [July] 22.   Fine weather.     •§
Employed, settling accounts of the people's horses,
traps, etc., storing bye their baggage.
Monday [July] 23.   Fine weather.
Employed as yesterday and had the boats cleaned out
ready for gumming.
Tuesday [July] 24.   Fine weather.
Finished gumming the boats, and prepared everything to start for Vancouver tomorrow.
WEDNESDAY [July] 25. Embarked early in the
morning thirty men and their boats for Vancouver, and
encamped in the evening near Day's River.
Thursday [July] 26.   Fine weather.
Continued our course early in the morning passed
the Chutes and the Dalles portage, and proceeded a few
■i il 176
miles down the river and put ashore for supper and
men to drive all night.
Friday [July] 27. Drove all night and reached the
cascades early in the morning, and arrived at Vancouver in the afternoon.
Horses 1832
Started from W. W. with
Traded during the voyage
Lost in the Nez Perces Mountains
Gave up or died on the way in do.
Stolen by Blackfeet during the voyage
Killed do. during the voyage
Died during the winter
Gave up or lost etc.
Exchanged two for one
Sold I
Killed to eat
Returned with
Not account[ed] for
.1        I I 329
Killed during the voyage three hundred and nine buffalo.
mw    t- "1W
Letter from John Work to John McLeod
[Kootenay Fort Nez Perce-Columbia
Riv. Dist.335 Country] Fort Nez Perces
September 6, 1831.
Dear Sir: It is with much pleasure I have to acknowledge the receipt of your kind favor of 30 July
1830, which was handed me on my arrival from Snake
country about a month and a half ago. I was sorry to
hear of your ill health, but hope that ere now your
visit to the civilised world has completely recovered
you. Indeed we had the pleasure to hear from Captain
Kipling that you were well before the Ganymede sailed
from London. I envy you the pleasures you have enjoyed of civilised life, which I have so long deprived
myself of. I fear the seclusion of our Indian life with
its want of comfort or anything like enjoyment will be
very irksome to you.
My last campaign in the Snake country was not so
successful as I had anticipated, the returns and profits
were nevertheless pretty fair considering the exhausted
state of the country and the great severity and unusual
length of the winter, which was greatly against our
trapping operations. Moreover we met some parties
of Americans who had hunted over portions of the
country through which we meant to pass. I escaped
with my scalp last year.   I much doubt whether I
835 Not in Work's handwriting. i78
shall be so fortunate this trip, I am now just starting
for the borders of the Blackfoot and F[lat]head lands,
a much more dangerous part of the country than
wh[ich] we passed last year, my party is too weak for
the undertaking, but from the sickness prevailing at
Vancouver no more men could be spared but as this
is the only quarter now where there is a likelihood of
making anything we must try. The country to the
southward is ruined so much that little or nothing is to
be done in it-an intermittent fever was raging at Vancouver wh [en] I left. This scourge was carrying off the
few wretched natives who had escaped it last year, it
had also attacked several of the people about the establishment. My people did not escape it. Several of
them were taken ill, and some of them remain so badly
that I am obliged to leave them here, as they are not
able to proceed, this I much regret as my numbers at
first were too weak.
Before this reaches you, you will have had all the
Columbia news, I need therefore not trouble you on
this subject.
Wishing you my every manner of happiness, I remain my dear sir, Yours sincerely and truly,
1 John Work338
John McLeod Esqr.
336 Original in Canadian Archives. Letter from John Work to Edward Ermatinger
Fort Vancouver, 5 August 1832
My DEAR Edwd. On arrival from the Snake country a few days ago I was much gratified by the receipt
of your two most welcome, highly esteemed, and interesting letters dated 4 August and 8 December 1830.
It gives me particular pleasure to hear that you were
hearty and well and had at last fairly got under way in
business with good reason to entertain hopes of succeeding well. You will no doubt my friend meet with
some difficulties, and experiences, some vexing and untoward occurrences at the commencement, let me entreat you not to allow these to discourage you, persevere
and there is no doubt prudence and assiduity will
eventually command success. Heaven's grant that the
time may soon come that your success may equal your
most sanguine expectations. I am happy in being able
to inform you that I enjoy good health, and am yet
blessed with the possession of my scalp which is rather
more than I had reason to expect. This last my friend
has been a severe years duty on me, all my perseverence
and fortitude were scarcely sufficient to bear up against
the danger, misery, and consequent anxiety to which I
was exposed. My difficulties commenced at the very
offset, on leaving this place the fever attacked the people and they fell off so fast that every boat was like an
hospital, and I really thought at one time that I would
not be able to reach N[ez] Perces however at last I got
. ™
■  K   X
that length, where I left a few of the sickest of the men
and proceeded on my route, and after unusual difficulties in crossing the mountains by a new road we arrived
on the borders of the Blackfoot country, these barbarians immediately fell upon us and allowed us no respite
but kept continually hanging round us. We had different battles with them which I regret were attended
with bloodshed on sundry occasions but six men and an
Indian killed, and some more wounded. On the thirtieth January we had a hard battle with a powerful
party of them, on this occasion I received a slight
wound in the arm. Several of the scoundrels fell also.
They were so numerous I was able to make no hunt. I
have not had the pleasure of seeing Frank [Ermating-
er], but had a letter from him, he had left N[ez]
Perces a few days before I arrived, he tells me he did
not agree well with Mr. Hern [Francis Herron, chief
trader] at Colville last winter, and he had a serious
dispute with Mr. Black during the summer. He has
given me very little news from my old quarters Colville. There is a great change here since you left.
You would be astonished to see the quantity of ground
under cultivation and the immense crops which they
have, the season has been favourable. The vessels are
employed to the northward under Mr. Ogden [Peter
Skene Ogden, Chief Factor] who is procuring a few
beaver skins at most exorbitant price, there is a very
strong opposition. Mr. [Duncan] Finlayson, now a
C. F. came in here last fall, he is now off on a voyage
to the islands so I have not had the pleasure of seeing
him. It appears our worthy chief the Dr. [John McLoughlin] leaves us in the spring, which I much regret.    He continues  as  assiduous  as   ever to  every
branch of the business. There is an increased bustle
about the place. I am going to start with my ragmuffin
freeman to the southward towards the Spanish settlements with what success I cannot say. I am tired of
the cursed country, Ned, and becoming more dissatisfied every day with the measures in it; things don't go
fair, I don't think I shall remain long, my plan is to
hide myself in some out of the way corner, and drag
out the remainder of my days as quietly as possible.
Susette is well, we have now got three little girls, they
accompanied me these last two years, but I leave them
behind this one, the misery is too great. I shall be very
lonely without them, but the cursed trip exposes them
to too much hardship. I, last year, wrote to a brother
that I have at a place called Monkton in New Brunswick, directing him to look out and perhaps enter into
business at the same time offering him what I could
spare of the needful, and if prospects are fair I would
go and join him. What think you of the plan? You
will most likely see our friend [John] Todd, he has
gone out last spring to visit the civilised world. Persevere, my friend and may God prosper you, Adieu:
Your ever affectionate friend
John Work
Mr. Edwd. Ermatinger.
P.S. Inform me how you are getting on, what prospects a person like me would have, in different branches, particularly farming, and what capital would suffice
in a middling and high scale, and the society, manner
of living, and other particulars, in your quarter.
837 Original in Provincial Library, Victoria, B. C, Canada.
Pi nsai Original Letters of John Work to
Edward Ermatinger
Colville, January 2, 1828.
Colville, March 28, 1829.
Flat Heads, March 19, 1830.
Fort Vancouver, August 5, 1832.
Fort Vancouver, February 24, 1834.
Columbia River, December 13, 1834.
Columbia River, January 1, 1836.
Fort Simpson, N.W. Coast, February 15,1837.
N. West Coast, America, February 10, 1838.
Fort Simpson, September 10, 1838.
Steamer Beunee, October 24, 1839.
Fort Colville, March 5, 1841.
Fort Simpson, October 11, 1841.
Fort Simpson, February 15, 1841.
Fort Colville, March 30, 1842.
Fort Simpson, February 6, 1844.
Vancouver, November 14, 1846.
Nisqualley, January 10, 1846.
Fort Vancouver, November 23, 1847.
Fort Victoria, November 9, 1848.
Fort Victoria, December 10, 1849.
Fort Victoria, March 14, 1853.
Victoria, Vancouver Island, August 8, 1856.  A Bibliography of the Fur Trade in
the Northwest
American Fur Company.
i.    Blotter, April i, 1817, to May 13, Montreal: June 15 to
October 6, 1819, Michilimackinac.
2. Journal, April 1, 1817, to September 20, 1834.
3. Journal, Northern Michilimackinac April 19, 1827, Septem
ber 15, 1832.
4. Invoices Outward, C, Northern, 1830-1834.
5. Ledger, April 1, 1817-September 20, 1834.
6. Ledger, Northern, 1827-1834.
These six volumes are now in the Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario,
and are apparently all that remain of the papers of the American Fur
Company under the administration of John Jacob Astor.
American Fur Company, Papers from 1834-1848.
This is practically a complete collection of the papers of the American
Fur Company under the administration of Ramsey Crooks. They are
now in boxes in the New York Historical Library.
Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe.    History of  the  Northwest  Coast.
(San Francisco, 1886).    2 volumes in Works, volumes xxvii and
Bancroft, Hubert Howe.  History of Washington, Idaho, and
Montana (San Francisco, 1890).    In Works, volume xxxi.
Biggar, H. P.    Early Fur Trading Companies of New France.    In
University of Toronto, Studies in History, 1901.
Chittenden,  Hiram  Martin.   American  Fur Trade  of  Far
West (New York, 1902).    3 volumes.
The standard history of the American fur trading companies operating
east of the Rocky Mountains.   It contains a vast amount of detail and is
almost documentary in character.
Chouteau, Auguste.    Collections, in Missouri Historical Society,
St. Louis.
Chouteau, Pierre.    Collections, in Missouri Historical Society,
St. Louis.
The Chouteau papers contain a vast quantity of material concerning the
fur trade.
If* 111 186
Coman, Katharine. Economic Beginnings of the Far West
( New York, 1912 ).    2 volumes.
Coues, Elliott. (Editor). Manuscript Journals of Alexander
Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Company and of David
Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the same company, 1799-1814. (New Light on the Early History of the
Northwest, New York, 1897).    3 volumes.
Cox, Ross. Adventures on Columbia River, including narrative of
residence of six years on eastern side of Rocky Mountains (New
York, 1832).
Dale, Harrison Clifford.   Ashley-Smith Explorations and the
Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific (Cleveland, 1918).
Particularly valuable for the operations of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company.
Davidson,  Gordon  Charles.   Northwest  Company   (Berkeley,
1918).    In   University   of   California  Publications  in  History,
volume vii.
The standard account of the Northwest Fur Company.
DeLand, Charles E. The Verendrye Explorations and Discoveries.   In South Dakota Historical Collections, volume vii.
Dodds, James. The Hudson Bay Company, Its position and prospects, Substance of address delivered to shareholders, 1866 (London, 1866).
Douglas, David. Journal kept by David Douglas during his travels in North America, 1823-1827 (London, 1914). Published under the directions of the Royal Horticultural Society.
Drips, Andrew.    Papers.    In Missouri Historical Society.
Dugas, George. The Canadian West: Its discovery by the Sieur
de La Verendrye, its development by the fur trading companies
down to the year 1822 (Montreal, 1905). Translated from the
Dunn, John. The Oregon Territory and British North American Fur Trade (Philadelphia, 1845).
Elliott, T. C. David Thompson, Pathfinder, and the Columbia
River, (Kettle Falls, Washington, 1911).
Elliott, T. C. The Fur Trade in the Columbia River Basin prior
to 1811.    In Washington Historical Society Quarterly, 1915.
Elliott, T. C. Peter Skene Ogden, Fur Trader. In Oregon
Historical Society Quarterly, volume xi. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fitzgerald, James Edward. Examination of Charter and Proceedings of Hudson's Bay Company with reference to grant of
Vancouver's Island (London, 1849).
Contains many interesting  letters   and  statistics  otherwise   unavailable.
Hostile to the Hudson's Bay Company.
Franchere, Gabriel. Narrative of Voyage to Northwest Coast
of America, 1811-12-13-14, or the first American settlement on
the Pacific (New York, 1854).
Reprinted in Thwaites, Early Western Travels (Cleveland, 1904), volume
Gebhard, Elizabeth L. Life and Adventures of John Jacob
Astor (Hudson, N. Y., 1915).
Golder, F. Russian Expansion on the Pacific, 1641-1850. Account of the earliest and later expeditions made by Russians along
the Pacific coast of Asia and North America (Cleveland, 1914).
Great Britain: Colonial Office I: volume i, no. 2. Reports
of Ye Contrie Sr. Humfrey Gilbert goes to discou. Copy in Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario.
Great Britain: House of Commons. Report from the Select
Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements) with the minutes
of evidence. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed
26 June, 1837.
Great Britain: House of Commons. Report from the Select
Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, together with the proceedings of the Committee, Ordered Printed by the House of Commons 31 July, and August, 1857.
Great Britain: Colonial Office. Return to an Address of the
Honourable The House of Commons dated 26 May, 1842: for
copy of the Existing Charter or Grant by the Crown to the Hudson's Bay Company: together with Copies or Extracts of the Correspondence which took place at the last Renewal of the Charter
between the Government and the Company, or of individuals on
behalf of the Company: also the Dates of all former Charters or
Grants to that Company. London, Ordered by House of Commons to be printed, 8 August, 1842.
Hall, James. Statistics of the West at close of year 1836 (Cincinnati, 1836).
Harmon, Daniel Williams. Voyages of a Partner in the Northwest Company, 1800-05 (Andover, 1820).
M fl
Henry, Alexander.   Travels and Adventures in Canada and the
-   Indian Territories, 1760 and 1776 (New York, 1809).
Holman, Frederick V. Dr. John McLoughlin, the Father of
Oregon (Cleveland, 1907).
Hudson's Bay Company. Statement of Commissioned Officers.
In Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario, M 865.
James, Thomas. Three years among Indians and Mexicans, by
General Thomas James of Monroe County, Illinois: edited by
Walter B. Douglas (St. Louis, Missouri Historical Society, 1916).
Larocque, J. P. Journal of Larocque from the Assiniboine to the
Yellowstone, 1805 (Ottawa, 1910). Edited by L. J. Burpee in
Report of the Canadian Archives Commission.
Laut, Agnes Christina. Conquest of the Great Northwest (New
York, 1918).
Lisa, Manuel, Letter Book, in Missouri Historical Society.
Mackenzie, Alexander. Voyages from Montreal through the
continent of North America to Frozen and Pacific Oceans, 1789-
93. With account of rise, progress, and present state of fur trade
of that country (London, 1801). Reprint 2 volumes (New
York, 1912).
McKenzie, Charles. Journal of a Second Expedition to the Mississouri [sic]  1805 m Masson Collection.
McLean, John. Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the
Hudson's Bay Territory (London, 1849).
McLeod, John. Journals. In Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario.
Masson, Louis, F. R. Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-
Ouest (Quebec, 1889-1890).    2 volumes.
Morice, Adrien Gabriel. History of Northern Interior of British Columbia (Toronto, 1904).
Origin and Progress of the Northwest Company, London, 1811.
Masson Collection V.
Ogden, Peter Skene. Traits of American Indian Life and Character.    By a Fur Trader (London, 1853).
Papers re British Columbia. Copies in Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Canada.
Ross, Alexander. Adventures of First Settlers in Oregon or Columbia River (London, 1849). Reprint in Thwaites, Early Western Travels (Cleveland, 1904).   Volume vii.
Ross, Alexander. The Fur Hunters of the Far West (London,
1855).   2 volumes.
Schäfer, Joseph. History of the Pacific Northwest (New York,
Selkirk, Earl of. Sketch of British Fur Trade in North America
with observations relative to Northwest Company of Montreal
(London, 1816).
Simpson, Sir George. Letters, 1841-1843. In American Historical Review (New York, 1908).   Volume xiv.
Simpson, Sir George. Overland Journey Round the World, during years 1841 and 1842 (Philadelphia, 1847).    2 volumes.
Skinner, Constance Lindsay.   Adventures of Oregon.    In Yale
Chronicles of America (New Haven, 1920).    xxii.
A well written but superficial narrative.
Sublette, William L.    Papers in Missouri Historical Society.
Four envelopes containing the papers between 1830-1850.
Thompson, David. Narratives of his explorations in Western
America, 1784-1812. Edited by J. B. Tyrell (Toronto, 1916).
Publications of Champlain Society, volume xii.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold. Early Rocky Mountain Explorations
(New York, 1904).
Trexler, Harrison A. Buffalo Range of the Northwest. In
Mississippi Valley Historical Review.   Volume vii, no. 4.
Umfreville, Edward. The Present State of Hudson's Bay containing a full description of that settlement . . . and likewise of the fur trade, with hints for its improvement . . .
(London, 1790).
Willson, Beckles. The Great Company: being a history of the
honourable company of merchants - adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay (Toronto, 1899).
Work, John. Journals. Originals in Provincial Library, Victoria, British Columbia. Copies contained in thirteen folios in
Cartons labeled H. B. C. British Columbia and Vancouver, 1823-
1839, in Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Ontario.    Cartons labeled
"Received from Mr. Gosnell, Archivist.    Victoria, B. C, November 20, 1908.
There are also some copies in Bancroft Collections.   These  are not so
accurate as Mr. Gosnell's copies.
Wyeth, John B. Oregon or a Short History of a long journey
from the Atlantic to regions of the Pacific by land in Thwaites
Early Western Travels (Cleveland, 1905).    Volume xxi.
Wyeth, Nathaniel. The Correspondence and Journals of, 1831-6.
A record of two expeditions for the occupation of the Oregon
country (ed. T. G. Young). In Sources of the History of Oregon (Eugene, Oregon, 1899).    Volume i, parts 3-6.   ^^^^^^^^                 ^f i|!
'*■   40 1
#3^ 19
■' 12 1    ■
1 1
;    1
i 1
■ : f
1  1
Aborigines, Report from Select
Committee on: 43, footnote
Agency Creek: 113, footnote, 138,
Alexander, Fort: 36
Allen, Captain: trades with Indians,
American Fur Company: 36, 43, 52,
114, footnote', founded, 33; western
department established, 34; in Yellowstone, 40; agreement with Hudson's Bay Company, 46, also footnote', letters of, 46; catalogue of,
47, footnote; memorandum of, 48,
footnote, 49, also footnote; rivals
of Rocky Mountain Fur Company,
American Fur Traders: 93, 95, 98,
99, 100, 112, 114, 117, 119, 123,
125, 126, 137, 159, 160, 177; westward expansion of, 41; profits of,
52; seek to win Flathead trade,
57; obtain Flathead furs, 58
Anderson, A. C: 62
Annance, F: 57
Antelope Creek: 147, footnote, 149,
Armstead, Mont: 109, footnote
Ashley, Elizabeth: 53
Ashley, William Henry: 36, 37; first
rendezvous of, on Green River, 38;
profits of, 52, also footnote
Astor, John Jacob: 23, 30, 52; letter
to Pierre Chouteau, 30, footnote',
letter to A. Chouteau, 30, footnote;
seeks to join Missouri Fur Company, 31; founds American Fur
Company, 33; forbids sale of rum
to Indians, 42
Astoria: 23, 24, 25, 41, 152, footnote;
see also George, Fort
Babines: 174, footnote
Bairvent-Baisvent-Boisdant:  94,  140
Bald Mountain: 84, footnote
Ban-at-tee Indians: see Bannock Indians
Bancroft, Hubert Howe: 62, footnote, 69; quoted, 68; abstract of
Work's Journals, 69; History of
Washington, Idaho, and Montana,
64, footnote; Works, 46, footnote;
Manuscripts, 46, footnote, 72, footnote, 73, footnote, 74, footnote, 75,
footnote, 79, footnote, 80, footnote,
87, footnote, 93, footnote, 96, footnote, 99, footnote, 101, footnote,
128, footnote, 133, footnote, 174,
Bannack Pass: 121, footnote, 135,
Bannock Indians: 152, footnote
Bapiste, I. J: 174
Barnston, Mr: 75, footnote
Barsonette, L: 63
Bastin: 148
Beaver, Reverend: missionary to
Northwest, 53, footnote
Beaver: 15, x6, also footnote, 21,
footnote, 59, 60; trade in Northwest declines, 29; trade in Yellowstone valley, 31, 32; trade in
Northwest, 47, also footnote; pelts,
price of, 48, also footnote, 50;
amount sent by Work to Spokane,
56; number obtained from Flat-
heads and Kootenais by Work, 58
t 196
Beaverhead River: 105, footnote, 106,
footnote, 109, footnote, 130
Beaverhead  Rock:  picture   of,  103;
description of, 105, also footnote;
mentioned, 122
Benetsee Creek: 64, footnote
Benton, Senator Thomas: 33, 36
Benton, Fort, on Yellowstone River:
33, footnote
Benton,   Fort,   on   Missouri   River:
built, 35
Bering, Vitus: 16, footnote
Berthold, Bernard: 53
Bethume, Angus: 29, footnote
Biassonette, L: 174
Big Hole River: 100, footnote, 101,
Big Island: 74, also footnote
Big Camas Prairie: 82, footnote
Big Lost River: 144, footnote, 145,
Big Smoky River: 154, footnote, 156,
Big Wood River: 82, footnote, 145,
footnote,   153,  footnote,   160  footnote
Big Willow Creek: 165, footnote
Biggar, H. P: Early Trading Companies of Neva France, cited,  15,
Bighorn Mountains: 18
Bighorn River: 21, 30, 33
Birch Creek: 102, footnote, 126, footnote, 129, footnote
Birnie, P: 63, 138, 169
Bishop, Jean: 13, 100, footnote
Bitter Root Divide: 86, footnote
Bitter Root River: 38, 89, also footnote,  93,   140
Bitter Root Valley: 125, footnote
Black Hills: 18
Blackfoot Country: 178, 180
Blackfoot Indians: 17, 31, 40, 58, 62,
also footnote, 90, footnote, 91, 95,
96, 97, 105, 106, 107, 108, no, in,
113,   117,   119,   121,   122,   123,   125,
126, 127, 128, 129, 136, 137, 138,
141, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151,
156, 176, 180; attack Three Forks,
32, 180; and American Fur Company, 35; annoy Work, 58; attack
fur traders, 33; kill Cloutier, 63;
kill Letandre, 65
Blackfoot River: 89, footnote, 90,
footnote, 91, illustration
Blalock, Dr.  : 74, footnote
Blalock's Island: 74, footnote
Blonte, A: 63
Blood Indians: 128
Bloody Dick Creek: in
Boise, Fort: 65, footnote, 152, footnote
Boise River: 82, footnote, 145, footnote, 152, 154, footnote, 156, footnote, 158, footnote
Boisvert, Louis: 63
Bonaventura Valley: 59
Bonneville, Captain : 41, 45, 152,
Borssie, Fort: 65, footnote
Bridger, James: 36, 40, 41, 53
Bridger Pass: 38
British Columbia: Papers re, 29,
footnote, 48, footnote
British Columbia Provincial Library:
68, 69, 181
Brosnan, C. J: 71, footnote
Buche: 106
Budard: see Burdod
Buffalo: 21, footnote, 49, footnote,
50, footnote; range in northwest,
16; robes, 17, 49, footnote
Burdod: 63, 168
Burnt River: 168, footnote, 169, footnote
Burpee, L. J: 22, footnote
Butte, Mont: 28
Butte River: 174 INDEX
California: 17, 29, 39, 59
Camas Creek: 153, footnote
Camas   Prairie:   79,   footnote,    82,
footnote, 90
Camass Plain: 81, 90, also footnote
Campbell, Robert: 36, 53
Canyon Creek: 120, footnote
Cape Horn: 64, footnote, 72, footnote
Carney: 63, 96, 97, no
Cass, Fort: built, 35, 36
Cavalier: letter to A. Chouteau, 32,
Celilo Falls: 72, footnote, 74, footnote
Challis: 144, footnote
Champagne, F: 63, 96, 97, 107, 157,
162, 168
Chardon, Fort: built, 35
Charles Fork: 161
Charlie, Old Indian: 65, 89, 126
Chinook: 88, footnote
Chittenden,   Hiram:  History  of  the
Fur Trade in the Far West, cited,
31, footnote,  34, footnote,  36,  38,
footnote, 39, footnote, 43, footnote,
49, footnote, 52, footnote
Chiveraux: 88
Chouteau, Auguste: 30, also footnote,
48, footnote, 53; and Missouri Fur
Company, 31
Chouteau, Pierre: 30,  also footnote,
53; Collections of, 48, footnote, 49,
footnote,   52;   and   Missouri   Fur
Company, 31
Chouteau, Pierre Jr. and Co: 34
Chutes, The: 74, also footnote, 175
Clamorgan, Jacques: 30, footnote
Clamorgan, Louis: 53
Clantin, J: 96, footnote
Clark, William:  and  Missouri  Fur
Company, 31
Clark, Fort: 49, footnote
Clark River: 114, footnote
Clark's Fork: 23, 28, 37, 56, 57, 75,
footnote, 76, footnote, 89, footnote,
90, also footnote, 99, footnote, 100,
footnote, 125, footnote
Clear Creek: 161, footnote
Clearwater River: 78, footnote,  79,
footnote, 80, footnote, 82, footnote,
86, footnote, 87, footnote, 94, footnote
Clouture, I. (also J.): 71, 96, 97
Colorado: 38
Colorado River: 114, footnote
Colville,  Fort:  33, 47, footnote,  55,
60, 68, 75, also footnote, 76,  also
footnote, 77,   180;  new Fort Colville constructed by John Work, 60
Columbia Center, Wash: 79, footnote
Columbia Fur Company: 34
Columbia Fur Trade: 29, footnote,
Columbia River: 16, also footnote,
17, 22, 23, 29, 37, 40, 47, also
footnote, 48, 57, 58, 60, 71, footnote, 72, footnote, 73, footnote, 75,
footnote, 76, footnote, 78, footnote,
114, footnote
Connah, Fort: last Hudson's Bay
Post erected in U. S., 46
Connelly, William: on expedition
with Work, 56; trader along
Clark's Fork, 57
Cook, R: 63, 138
Cottonwood Creek: 94, footnote, 98,
Coues, E: 22, footnote; Journals of
Alexander Henry and David
Thompson, 76, footnote
Covine, J: 63, 96, footnote
Cowlitz Prairie: 60
Cox, Ross: Adventures on the Columbia River, cited, 13, 23, footnote, 24, footnote, 25, footnote, 26,
footnote, 75, footnote, 125, footnote, 152, footnote; in Flathead
country,   24;    enters   employ   of
) - 198
Northwest Company, 24; at Salish
House, 25
Craig's Ferry: 78, footnote
Crooked River: 168, footnote
Crooks, Ramsey: 52; letters of, 46,
footnote, 47, footnote, 49, footnote;
fortune of, 53
Crow Country: 30
Crow Indians: 17, 21, 22, 62, footnote; enemies of Blackfeet, 31
Cumcarney: in, 121, 122, footnote,
129,  138
Curry: 96
Custer County, Idaho: 145, footnote
Dakotas: 18
Dale, H. C: Ashley-Smith Explorations, cited, 32, footnote, 36, footnote, 37, footnote, 38, footnote, 40,
footnote, 44, footnote
Dalles: 73, 175
Dalles-Celilo Canal: 73, footnote
Dalles Portage: 175
Davidson,   G.   C:   The   Northwest
Company,  cited,  20, footnote,  22,
footnote, 23, footnote, 24, footnote,
27, footnote
Day, John: 74, footnote
Day's River: 74, 169, footnote,  170,
also footnote,  175;  see  also John
Day's River
Dayton, Wash: 78, footnote
Deadwood River: 162, footnote
Deadwood Swamp: 162, footnote
Dease, James W: 28, 46; commands
at Salish House, 29, also footnote
Deep Creek: 81, footnote
Deep Saddle: 84, footnote
Deer Lodge Pass: 100, footnote
Deer Lodge River: 99, footnote
Deland, Charles E: The Verendrye
Explorations, cited, 18, footnote
Dempsey Creek: 99, footnote
Deschutes River: 168, footnote
Desland, J: 63, 107, in, 171
Dillon, Mont: 105, footnote, 106,
footnote, 124, footnote, 130, footnote
Divide Creek: 101, footnote"
Dodds, James: The Hudson's Bay
Company, cited, 20, footnote
Douglas, David, botanist: 57, 60, 64,
footnote; Journal, cited, 57, also
footnote; friend of J. Work, 61,
also footnote
Douglas, Sir James: 27, 57; letter to
F. Tolmie, 48, footnote; member
board of managers Columbia department Hudson's Bay Co., 61; on
expedition with Work, 56
Dubruill, J: 168
Dubruille, Bt: 63, 74, 77
Dumais, A: 63, 140, 174
Dunn, John: The Oregon Territory
and . . . Fur Trade, cited, 42,
footnote, 45, footnote
Durkee, Oregon: 169, footnote
Eddy, Mont: 125, footnote
Edmonton, John R: 45, footnote
Ehminger, George: 49, footnote
Eight   Mile   Creek:   118,   footnote;
trail, 120, footnote
Eighteen Mile Creek: 119, footnote
Elliott, T. C: 13, 26, 38, footnote, 68,
80, footnote, 82, footnote; Columbia Fur Trade, cited, 29, footnote;
views regarding Work's route, 78,
Elmore County, Idaho: 82, footnote
Ermatinger,   Edward:  28,  29,  footnote, 46, 56, 60, footnote, 179, 181
Ermatinger, Francis: 28, 56, 180
Ewing, G. W: 53
Ewing, W. G: 53
Farnham, Thomas J: in Flathead
country, 24
Faul, J: 79, 63, 172
Favel, A: 63
Favel, J: 143
Finlay,  Abraham:  63,   64,  footnote,
93, x33, *43, 157, 162, 169
Finlay, Francois: 64, footnote
Finlay, Jacco Raphael: 64, footnote
Finlay, M: 63, 64, footnote, 93
Finlay, O: 63, 64, footnote
Finlay, P: 93
Finlay son, Duncan: 180
Finlayson, Roderick, son-in-law of
J. Work: 62
Fitzgerald, J. E: Examination of
Charter . . . of Hudson's Bay
Company, cited, 27, footnote, 271,
Fitzpatrick, Thomas: 36, 40, 41; discovers South Pass, 37
Five Mile Rapids: 73, footnote
Fivemile Creek: 161, footnote
Flathead Country: trade in, 46
Flathead Indians: 24, 28, 56, 58, 64,
footnote, 76, footnote, 88, footnote,
91, no, 112-114, 117, 122, 123, 127-
I29, 139, footnote, 141, 159; trade
with Hudson's Bay Company, 57;
trade with Americans, 57, 128
Flathead Lake: 26, 28, 33
Flathead Post: 29, footnote, 46, footnote; moved, 46, 125, footnote
Flathead River: 28
Flathead trade: 75, also footnote
Flint Creek: 99, footnote
Foxes: 16; trade in, 49
Fraeb, Henry: 36, 40
Franchere, Narrative: cited, 152,
Fraser's River: 56
French and Indian War: stopped expeditions of discovery, 19, 20
French Prairie: 66
Frobisher, Thomas and Joseph: enter western fur trade, 20
Fur trade: beginnings of, 15; on Up
per Missouri, 30; character of, 43
44, 46, 53, footnote; French anc
British rivalry for, 20; profits of,
co. Hü decline of. <i: dangers
-Dritisn rivalry ror, 20; pronis or,
50, 52; decline of, 51; dangers of,
Gadif: 89
Gadipre, Bt: 64, 127, 128, 148, 162,
Gadipre, W: 172
Galena: 160, footnote
Gallatin River: 32
Gaudefoux, Bt: 64, 72, 74
George, Fort: 27, 55, 56
Gilbert: 170
Gilmore & Pittsburgh Railway: 121,
Godin, Antoine: 145, footnote
Godin, Henry: 145, footnote
Godin, J. B: 145, footnote
Godin, Thyery: 145, footnote
Godins Defile: 144, 145, footnote
Godin's River: 145, footnote
Gold Creek: 64, footnote, 99, footnote
Golder, F. A: 16, footnote
Gosnell, R. E: transcripts of, 69
Grahame,  James  A,   son-in-law   of
Work: 62
Grand Masky: 149
Grande Rounde River: 80, footnote,
169, footnote
Grand Toux: 101
Grand Visage, Chief: 57
Grave Creek: 88, footnote
Great Britain:  19,  50, footnote,  51,
footnote; Reports on use of liquor,
43, footnote
Great Lakes: 17, 20
Great Salt Lake: 29, 58; discovered,
38 §
Green River: 33, 38; beaver plentiful, 37; first rendezvous at, 38
Greene, Dick: in, footnote
if rm
Gregory, Mr: 21, footnote
Grell, P: 64, 168
Grosbin, C: 64, 169
Gros Pied, Chief: 57
Gulf of Mexico: 17
Hakluyt Collections: 15, footnote
Hall, Fort: 65, footnote; built by
Wyeth, 45
Hall, James: 49, footnote
Harmon, Daniel W: Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior
of North America, cited, 22, footnote
Harriott, J. E: 75, footnote
Hayden Creek: 117, footnote
Hell Gate Canyon: 28, 90, also footnote
Helmville: 98, footnote
Henry, Alexander: enters fur trade,
20, footnote, 32; Manuscript Journal of Alexander Henry . . .
and of David Thompson, cited,
22, footnote
Henry, Andrew: 36, footnote, 114,
footnote; Yellowstone Expedition
of, 37; in Green River Valley, 37;
at Three Forks, 31
Henry's Fork: 32, 114, footnote
Henry's Post: 114, footnote
Heriot, Thomas: account of furs, 15,
Herman, Hazel: 13, 90, footnote
Herron, Francis, chief trader at Colville:  180
Himes, George H: 168, footnote, 169,
Hobach: 114, footnote
Horse Plains: 57
Horse Prairie Creek: xo6, footnote,
10g, footnote, 121, footnote, 124,
footnote, 130, footnote, 131, footnote, 135, footnote
Houle, A: 64, 72, 73, 74, 77
Howes House: 26, also footnote
Hudson's Bay Company: 13, 15, 16,
footnote, 22, 33, 38, 44, 55, 59, 60,
61, 64, footnote, 65, footnote, 66,
68, 71, footnote, 75, footnote, 78,
footnote, 79, 145, footnote, 152,
footnote, 155, footnote, 174, footnote; charter, 19; position and
prospects of, 20, footnote; Present
state of, 20, footnote; competition
of Northwest Co., 21, 26, 27; absorbs Northwest Co0 27; Examination of Charter and Proceedings
of, 27, footnote; council minutes of,
28, footnote; forbids sale of rum
to Indians, 42; Report of committee on, 42, footnote, 43, footnote,
51, footnote; agreement to American Fur Company, 46; ends activities in Columbia Basin, 47; profits
of, 50, also footnote, 51; furs obtained from Flatheads and Koote-
nais, 58; profit made, 50, 51;
methods of fur trading, 44; buy
out Wyeth, 45; prices paid for
pelts, 48; obtain beaver intended
for Work, 59
Huggins,    Edward,    son-in-law    of
Work: 62
Hunt, W. P: 114
Huntington, Oregon: 168, footnote
Idaho: 38, 41, 58, 65, footnote, 71,
footnote, 74, footnote, 82, footnote,
145, footnote
Idaho University: 71, footnote
Indians: see under various tribes
Indian Grave Camp: 85, footnote
Indian Post Office: 85, footnote
Interior Brigade: 56, also footnote
Iroquois Indians: 25, 37;  desert to
Americans,   44;   desert   Hudson's
Bay Company, 43
h   / V   I
Irving, Washington: Astoria, cited,
142, footnotes
Jacco Creek: 64, footnote
Jeays: see John Day's River
Jocko Creek: 64, footnote
John Day's River: 58, 74, also footnote, 170; see also Day's River
Jones and Immil expedition destroyed by Blackfeet: 33
Judith River: 35
Kanota, Louis (also S.): 64, also
footnote, 72, 74, 94, 98, 128, 157,
162, 163, 169
Keith, George: 29, footnote
Kennedy, Alexander: Journal of Occurences at Fort Clark, 49, footnote
Kipling, Captain: 177
Kipp, James: builds Piegan Post, 35
Kitson, Wm: 29, footnote
Kootenai House: 29, footnote, 46
Kootenai Indians: 24, 58, 64, footnote, 65, footnote; trade of, 58
Kootenai River: 22, 95, footnote, 177
Kullyspel House: 23, 24, 46, 76,
La Bent, Chief: 94-96, 106, no, 128,
La Bonte, Chief: 64, footnote
La Bruh: see La Bent, Chief
LaBusche: 64
Lake of the Woods: 17
Lake Pend d'Oreille: 23, 76, footnote
Lake Superior: 17, 20
Lake Winnipeg: 18
Lampson, C. M: letter to Crooks, 47,
Langtin, A: 169
Larocque, Francis Antoine: expedition to Yellowstone, 21; Journal,
from the Assiniboines to the Yel
lowstone 1805, 22, footnote; accompanies Work to Bonaventura valley,  59
Laurin, J: 140
Leadore, Idaho: 118, footnote
Lee and Frost, Ten Years in Oregon: cited, 72, footnote
Leforte, M: 65, 165
Legace, Charles: 62
Legace, Susette, wife of John Work:
Le Grand Trou: 101, footnote
Le Louis (Lolo): 87, footnote, 88,
Lemhi Mountains: 120, footnote
Lemhi Pass: 113, footnote, 115, 138,
footnote, 140, footnote, 139, footnote
Lemhi River: 113, footnote, 114, footnote, 139, footnote
Letandre, A: 96, 97
Letrandre, E: 65
Letrande, F: 96, footnote
Lewis, Fort: 35
Lewis, Meriwether: 31, 88, footnote,
89, footnote, in, footnote
Lewis and Clark: 78, footnote, 79,
footnote, 105, footnote, 109, footnote, 140; Journals, 140, footnote;
Expedition, 21, 30
Lewis and Clark Pass: 140, footnote
Lewis and Clark's Trail: 88, footnote, 115
Lewis River: 114, footnote
Lightning Creek: 162, footnote
Liquor: used to seduce Indians, 35,
42; profit made on, 52; sale prohibited by U. S., 43
Lisa, Fort: 30, 31, footnote
Lisa, Manuel: 30, 114, footnote; and
Missouri Fur Company, 31; leads
second expedition up the Missouri,
31; controls Missouri Fur Company, 32; papers of, 31, footnote
It W
Little Blackfoot River: 98, 99, footnote
Little Camas Prairie: 82, footnote
Little Smoky River: 154, footnote
Little Willow Creek: 166, footnote
Little Wood River: 145, footnote, 149,
footnote,  151, footnote
Littlehorn River: 21
Lolo Creek: 88, footnote, 89, footnote
Lolo Pass: 35, 79, footnote, 87, footnote, 140, footnote
Lolo Hot Springs: 87, footnote
Lolo Trail: 79, footnote, 82, footnote, 83, footnote, 84, footnote, 87,
London, England: prices of fur in, 51
Long Island: 74, footnote
Longtin, A: 65, no, 143
Loranger (Lorange), J. S: 65, 139
Lost River:  146, footnote
Lost River Mountains: 147, footnote,
148, footnote
Louis, J: 86
Lower Dalles, The: 73, footnote
MacDonald,   Angus,   Sr:   99,   footnote; completes Fort Connah, 46,
also footnote
MacDonald, Angus, Jr: A fevj Items
of the West, cited, 46, footnote, 99,
McDonald, Archibald: 28, 57; letter
to Dr. McLoughlin, 47, footnote;
letter to J. McLeod, 47, footnote
MacDonald,  Duncan:  87, footnote
McDonald, Finan: 24, 56
McDougal, Duncan: 23, 25
McGillivray, Simon: 75, also footnote
McGillivray, William: 75, footnote
McKay, Alexander: 143, footnote
McKay, Charles: 143, footnote
McKay, Thomas: 143, footnote
McKay's Defile: 143
MacKenzie, Alexander: 17, footnote,
26, 152, footnote; Voyages from
Montreal through the Continent of
North America to the frozen and
Pacific Oceans in I78q-i%>3, 26,
McKenzie, Charles: 21, footnote
McKenzie, Donald: 75, footnote; on
Snake River, 24; joins Northwest
Company, 25
McKenzie, Fort: built, 35
McKenzie, Kenneth: 48; opens trade
with Blackfeet, 35
McKenzie, Roderick: Northwest Com-'
pany, cited, 21, footnote
McKinley,  Archibald:  174, footnote
McLean, Twenty-five years service
in Hudson's Bay Company. 43,
McLeod, Alexander R: 28
McLeod, John: 16, footnote, 21, foot'
note, 29, footnote; Journals, 16,
footnote, 28, footnote, 45, footnote,
47» footnote, 51, footnote, 53, footnote, 61, footnote, 177, 178; commands Interior Brigade, 56
McLeod, Malcolm: 26, footnote
McLoughlin, John: 16, footnote, 29,
footnote, 40, 47, footnote, 51, footnote, 53, footnote; character of,
27; chief factor ot Hudson's Bay
Company, 27; aids Smith, 39; to
Committee of House of Commons,
42, footnote; testimony of, 43,
footnote; drives out American
competition, 45, footnote; method
of trade, 45; estimates of profits
of Hudson's Bay Company, 51
McMillan, James: 25; in charge of
Spokane House, 24; in employ of
Hudson's Bay Company, 27
McNamaras  Landing:  90,  footnote,
.Madison River: 40 INDEX
Malade River: 82, footnote, 145,
Malheur River (Mathon River): 168,
footnote, 174
Manuel, Fort: 31, footnote
Mandan Indians: 18, 21
Marias River: 35, 123, footnote
Martens: trade in Northwest, 49, 56,
Masson, A: 21, footnote, 65, 71, 77,
96, 168
Mathon River: 168; see also Malheur River
Mayne, R. C: Four years in British
Columbia and Vancouver Island,
cited, 51, footnote
Meadow Creek: 160, footnote
Meany, E. S: 69
Melrose: 101, footnote, 102, footnote
Menard, Pierre: 31
Mill Creek: 78, footnote, 117, footnote
Mink: 56, 60; number taken by Hudson's Bay Company, 49
Mississippi River: 15,  17
Mississippi Valley Historical Review: 64, footnote
Missoula, Mont: 28, 140, footnote
Missouri Fur Co: 36, 37; expeditions
attacked by Blackfeet, 33; incor-
ported, 31; impoverished, 32
Missouri River: 16,  17,  18, 21,  28,
29, 30, m 32, 34, 35, 41, 47, footnote, 49, 57, 93, 101, 105, 112, 114,
footnote,  121,  123
Montana: 18, 19, footnote, 22, 23,
41, 64, footnote, 71, footnote, 76,
footnote, 95, footnote, 99, footnote,
155, footnote
Monteur Creek: 95, footnote
Monteur, Nicholas: 24, 95, footnote
Morice, A. J: 42
Montreal, Canada: 20, furs shipped
to, 30
Muskrats: 16, 58; amount sent by
Work to Spokane, 56; number taken by Hudson's Bay Company, 49
Musselshell Creek: 83, footnote
Nevada Creek: 98, footnote
New France: 19
New Orleans, La: 49, footnote
Nez Perce, Fort: 25, 58, 63, 75, footnote,   78,  footnote,   168,  footnote,
169, footnote, 174, footnote, 177,
179, 180
Nez Perce Indians: 57, 61, footnote,
76, footnote, 78, footnote, no, 114,
120,  137,  139,  also footnote,  140,
141, 151, 159, 175
Nez Perce River: 80, also footnote
Nine Mile Rapids: 73, footnote
Ninemile Creek:  162, footnote,  163,
Nisqually, Fort: 62
North Camas Plains: 82, footnote
Northwest Fur Company: 21, 22, 23,
25, 26, 27, 30, 37, 50, 64, footnote,
75, footnote, 76, footnote, 145, footnote, 155, footnote, 174, footnote;
forced Hudson's Bay Company to
expand westward, 21; established
on Columbia River, 23; buys merchandise   from  Pacific  Fur  Company, 24; finds position strengthened, 24; rum used by, 42; profits
made by, 51
Norty:  65,  77
Ogden  Hole: 29
Ogden, Peter Skene: 27, 38, 40, 55,
58, 60, 78, footnote, 143, footnote,
170, footnote; reports rich beaver
country, 16, footnote; chief trader
for Hudson's Bay Company, 28;
expeditions of, 29; Snake River
expedition, 51; chief trader, 55;
returns from  Snake River trade,
1 .,; - ■.
58, 180; Journal of 1827, 166, footnote; letter to John McLeod, 61,
Ogden's River: 29, 59
Ohio River: 15
Okanagan, Fort: 23, 24, 56, 75, footnote
Olds Ferry: 168, footnote
Oregon: 64, footnote
Oregon Historical Society Quarterly:
*8> 58, footnote, 64, footnote, 65,
footnote, 66, footnote, 69, 74, footnote, 144, footnote, .155, footnote,
170, footnote
Oregon Short Line Railroad: 100,
Oregon Territory and the British
North American Fur Trade: cited,
42, footnote
Oregon Trail: 41, 168, footnote
Osie: 65, 74
Otters: 60; numerous on upper Missouri, 16; taken by Hudson's Bay
Company, 49
Ovahdo: 95, footnote
Owl Creek: 79, footnote
Pacific Fur Company: 23, 33, 41;
surrenders to Northwest Company,
24, 32, 155, footnote
Pack  Creek: 86, footnote
Pahsiman Creek: 37
Pahsimaroi: 120, footnote, 143, footnote
Pambrum, P. C: 174, footnote
Pangman, Mr: 21, footnote
Papier Family: 53
Paris, G: 65, 85, 157
Parker [Pambrum]: 174
Patit Creek: 78, footnote
Paus, G: 65, 85
Payette, Idaho: 6.5, footnote
Payette,  Francis:  65,  also footnote,
94, 96, 106, no, 150, 155, 166, 175,
footnote, 170, 171
Payette River: 65, footnote, 161,
footnote, 162, also footnote, 166,
footnote, 164, footnote, 167
Pearee: 65, 172
Pend d'Oreille Indians: 125, also
footnote, 126, 127, 128, 138
Peola, Wash: 79, footnote
Pichette: 88, no, 146, 173
Piegan, Fort: 123, footnote; constructed, 35
Pierre, Chief: leader of Iroquois, 44
Pierre's Hole: 41
Pilcher, Joshua: in the Northwest, 33
Pillet: leads fur traders, 24
Pilot Rock, Oregon: 174, footnote
Pinet: 65,  172
Plains, Montana: 57
Plante, A: 93
Plante, C: 65, 157, 162, 168
Plante, G: 151
Plante, M: 64, 65, also footnote, 71,
73, 76, 77, 83, 84, 93, 125, also
footnote, 139, 140, 174, 175
Platte River: 38
Poison Creek: 140, footnote
Pond, Peter, fur trader: 20, 21, footnote
Portage, 72, 73
Post Creek: 46
Powder River: 21; trade along, 40,
169, footnote
Pratte, Bernard: 53; head of Western Department American Fur
Company, 34
Pratte, Bernard and Co: 52, footnote
Pratte, Chouteau and Company: 34
Provost, Etienne: 37; discovers Great
Salt Lake, 38
Pryor's Fork: 21
Quintal, L: 65, 71, 73, also footnote
77, no, 150, 168
Randeau: see Riendeau
Rayburn, J: 65, 86
Raymond (Raymun), William: 66,
72, 73, 127, 128, 137
Read, John: killed in Snake River
country, 25, 152, footnote
Reads River: 145, footnote, 152, 154,
Red Rock Creek: 109, footnote, 123,
footnote, 124, footnote, 130, footnote
Redrock, Mont: 123, footnote
Rees, John E: 13, 79, footnote, 82,
footnote, 143, footnote
Regale: 71, also footnote
Reine, Fort de la: 18
Rendezvous, The: 37, 114, footnote
Renzer: 114, footnote
Reyhn, J: 168
Riendeau (Rondeau), C: 66, 96, also
footnote, 148, 151, 168
Riendeau (Rondeau), L: 66, 73, 77,
125, also footnote, 138, 162, 168,
Robinson: 114, footnote
Rocky Canyon Creek: 78, footnote
Rocky Mountain Fur Company: 36,
40, 41, 46, 57, footnote, 114, footnote; losses of, 52; holds last rendezvous, 41
Rocky Mountains: 18, 22
Rodin: trapper with Work, 66, 148
Rondeau: see Riendeau
Rosebud  River:  36
Ross, Alexander: 13, 26, 37, 37, 42,
44, footnote, 65, footnote, 75, footnote, 114, footnote, 144, footnote,
145, footnote, 155, also footnote,
160, also footnote, 166, footnote; in
employ of Northwest Company, 25;
intrusted with Snake River trade,
28; in command at Salish House,
28; criticizes Indians, 44; Fur
Hunters   of   the   Far   West,   25,
footnote, 90, footnote, 146, footnote
Ross, Donald: 28
Ross Fork: 157, footnote
Ross, Gilbert: 66, 172
Ross's Hole: 28, 38
Roussie River: 152, footnote
Rupert's Land: 19
Russell's  Creek: 78, footnote
Russians: sell no supplies to Work,
Ryan Pass: 145, footnote
St. Ignatius, Mont: 46
St. Lawrence River: 15
St Louis, Mo: 30, 53; beaver pelts
sold at, 52; price of furs at, 48
St. Louis, Mo., Intelligencer: 53, footnote
.Salish Indians: 88, footnote
Salish House: 23, 24, 25, 38, 40, 76,
footnote,  125, footnote
Salmon River: 37, 78, footnote, 79,
footnote, 80, also footnote, 81, footnote, 82, footnote, no, 112, 113,
also footnote, 114, also footnote,
120, 125, 134, 135, 136, 137, footnote, 139, footnote, 140, footnote,
141, 144, footnote, 151, also footnote, 158, footnote, 159, footnote,
160, also footnote, 174
Saloas River: 87
Salvos River: 93
Sandwich Islands: 64, footnote
Santa Fe Railroad: 39
Sarpy Family: 53
Sarpy, Fort: 36
Satakays, P: 66, 79
Satoux: see Soteau
Satroux: see Soteau
Sauwashen, Chief: 81
Sawtooth Mountains: 157, footnote
Scott, Lesie M: 69
Selkirk, Lord: 52, footnote; estimates
profit of Northwest Company, 51 20Ö
Sheep Eaters: 152, footnote
Shoshone Cove: 109, footnote, 122,
footnote, 131, footnote, 140, footnote
Shoshone Indians: 141, 150, footnote
Sickly River: 145, also footnote, 149
Sickness in Work's party: 71, 72, 73,
74, 75, 76, 80, 177, 179
Silbert: 66
Silver Bow Creek: 100, footnote
Simpson, Governor George: 16, footnote, 28, footnote, 29, footnote, 42,
51, footnote
Simpson, Fort: 60
Sioux   Indians:   16,  21;   number   of
buffalo robes collected by, 49
Smiley Creek: 158, footnote
Smith, Jedediah S: 33,  36, 39,  also
footnote,  53;   leads  expedition  to
northwest, 37; gets Ogden's men to
desert, 38; mentioned, 39, footnote;
leads   expedition   to   Pacific,   39;
abandons Snake River country, 40,
44, footnote
Smith, T: 66, 89, 94, 172
Smith, Jackson, and Sublette: 38
Snake  Expedition: 71,  also footnote
Snake Indians: 62, 66, footnote, 150,
155,  156,  160,  165,  166,  167,  171,
x73, 174; steal from Iroquois, 44
Snake River: 23, 25, 28, 29, 32, 37,
4i,   58,   59,   63,   65,  footnote,   71,
footnote, 78, footnote, 79, footnote,
80, also footnote, 114, footnote, 167,
168, footnote
Snake River Brigades: 37, 38, 58, 71,
footnote;   commanded   by   Work,
29;   profits made  by,  51;   organization  of,   66,   71,   also footnote,
152, footnote
Soteaux (Satoux): 66, also footnote,
67, footnote, 81, 83, 89, 94, 96, 102,
no, in, 163, 170, 171, 172, 173
South Dakota: 18
South Dakota Historical Collections:
18, footnote, 19, footnote
South Pa^sjL discovered, 37
Sowities,  Chief:  81
Spaniards: 17; opposed to* Americans, 39; influence Indians, 59
Spokane: 28, 56
Spokane House: 25, 55, 56, 64, footnote ; founded, 23; under command of McMillan, 24
Spokane River: 61, footnote
Statistics of the West at the close of
the year 1836: 50, footnote
Stevens, Gov.  : 64, footnote
Stone and Company: 34
Strahorn: To the Rockies and Beyond, cited, 105, footnote
Stuart, David: builds Fort Okanagan, 23
Stuart, John: Journal at Rocky Mountain House, cited, 39, footnote
Stuart Lake:  174, footnote
Stuart, Mont: 100, footnote
Sublette, Milton: 36, 41; in Rocky
Mountain Fur Company, 40; and
Sublette, William, 36
Sublette, William: 36, 38, 145, footnote
Sublette, Smith & Company: 114,
Sukly River: see Sickly River
Sunset  Hill: 93, footnote
Sylvank River:  168,  also footnote
Symons, Lieut  : 78, footnote
Tacoma, Wash: 62
Tendoy, Idaho: 113, footnote
Texas Creek: 136, footnote
Thompson, David: 26, 76, footnote,
95, footnote, 125, footnote; explorations of, 22; builds Salish House,
23; reaches mouth of Columbia, 23
Thompson Falls: 23, 76, footnote
Thousand Springs: 144, footnote
Three Forks, Post: 32
Three Tetons: 26
Thwaites, R G: 17, footnote; Original Journals of Lewis and Clark,
cited, 17, footnote, 105, footnote;
Rocky Mountain Explorations, cited, 17, footnote
Timber Creek: 118, footnote, 136,
Todd, John: 181
Tolmie, F: 48, footnote
Tolmie, William Fräser, son-in-law
of Work: 62
Tolmie, Mrs. William Fräser: 68
Tongue River: 36
Touchet River: 78, footnote, 79, footnote
Toupe, J: 66, 126, 149, 165, 169
Trexler, H. A: Buffalo Range of the
Northwest,  cited,   16,  footnote
Trail Creek: 113, footnote, 154, footnote, 161, footnote
Travels and Adventures in Canada
and the Indian Territories, cited,
20, footnote
Treaty of 1846: 47
Trois Tetons: 44
Umatilla Rapids: 74, footnote
Umatilla    (Utalle)   River:   14,   74,
footnote, 174, footnote
Umfreville, Edward: 20, footnote
Umpqua   Indians:   destroy   Smith's
party, 39
Umpqua Indian Country: 59
Union, Fort: 35, 48, 49; constructed,
34, 112, footnote
United States: forbids sale of rum
to   Indians,   43;   licenses   Indian
trade, 43
Upper Dalles, ,The: 73, footnote
Utalle River: see Umatilla River
Valle Family: 53
Van Buren, Fort: 36
Vancouver: 59,. 68, 71, 73, 75, 175,
177, 178
Vancouver, Fort: 16, footnote, 45,
footnote, 51, 55, 56, 58, 61, 62,
75, footnote, 158, footnote; founded, 27-39, 71, *74» footnote; Smith
spends winter at, 40; price of furs
at, 48
Vancouver Island: 61
Verendrye, Francis and Louis: discover the Rocky Mountains, 18; deprived of western grantSj 19
Verendrye, Pierre Gaultier de la:
journey to Mandans, 18; gains
monopoly of western trade, 19;
death of, 19
Verendrye plate: 19, footnote
Victor: River of the West, 145, footnote
Victoria, B. C: John Work died at,
Victoria Colonist: quoted, 62
Wager, Jacob: see Way er, Jacob
Walla Walla, Wash: 25, 74, footnote,
125, footnote; see also Nez Perce,
Walla Walla, Fort: 139, footnote,
174, footnote
Walla Walla River: 75, footnote, 78,
also footnote
Walla Walla housekeeper: 66, 128,
Wapshilla Creek: 80, footnote
War of 1812: 24, 32, 41, 75, footnote, 174, footnote; causes value
of pelts to decrease, 48
Warm Springs Creek: 100, footnote,
161, footnote
Waser River: see Weiser River
Washington: 60
Washington Historical Society Quarterly: 58, footnote, 61, footnote, 64,
I m
footnote, 65, footnote, 68, 75, footnote, 99, footnote, 143, footnote,
145, footnote
Wayer, Jacob: 166, footnote
Weippe, Idaho: 79, footnote, 82, footnote, 83, footnote
Weippe Prairie: 79, footnote
Weiser River: 166, also footnote, 167,
also footnote
Weitas Creek: 84, footnote
Wenaha River: 79, footnote, 80, footnote
Wheeler, Olin D: Trail of Lewis and
Clark, cited, 88, footnote
Whitman, Marcus: 174, footnote
Whitman Mission: 174, footnote
Wihinast Indians: 165, footnote
Willamette Valley: 39
Willow Creek: 79, footnote, 154, footnote, 164, footnote
Willson, Beckles: The Great Company, cited, 15, footnote, 19, footnote
Wind River: 40
Wisdom River: 101, footnote
Winnipeg: 18
Woody, Franklin: 87, footnote
Work, John: 13, 29, 41, 46, 62, also
footnote, 64, footnote, 65, also footnote, 69, 71, footnote, 72, footnote,
75, footnote, 78, footnote, 79, footnote, 80, footnote, Si, footnote, 87,
footnote, 89, footnote, 94, footnote,
99, footnote, 115, 140, footnote, 154,
footnote, 157, 169, footnote; sent to
Flathead country, 29; succeeds Ogden, 29; Journal, 38, footnote, 55,
66, 67; letters to E. Ermatinger, 46,
footnote, 177; life of, 55 ff; trader
for Hudson's Bay Company, 55;
trading expedition under C. F. Ogden to Columbia and Fort George,
55, footnote; powers of observation, 56; trade with Flathead In
dians, 56; expedition to Fraser's
River, 56; trading expedition made
by the Interior Brigade from Fort
Vancouver under command of McLeod, 56, footnote; trading expedition for Interior under command
of Connelly, 57, footnote; becomes
chief trader, 58; expedition to
Great Salt Lake, 58; hunting and
trading expedition down Snake
River to Utah, 58, footnote; expedition to Northwest Coast, 59,
footnote; expedition up Umpqua
valley, 59; trades on northwest
coast, 59; expedition to Bonaventura valley by way of Ogden's
River, 59, also footnote, 66, footnote; hunting expedition down
Snake River, 59, footnote; trading
and hunting trip to the southward
from FortVancouver, 59, footnote;
in charge of Fort Simpson, 60;
builds New Fort Colville, 60; becomes chief factor, 60; surveys
Cowlitz Prairie, 60; member
board of managers of Columbia
department of Hudson's Bay Company, 61; member legislative council of Vancouver Island, 61; Vancouver Island, 61; death of, 61;
description of, 61; daughters of,
66; spelling of, 67, 68; letter to
John McLeod, 175; last campaign
in Snake country not successful,
177; profits, 177; party suffered
scourge of fever, 178; returns from
Snake country, 179; expedition to
Blackfoot country, 180; did not see
Frank Ermatinger, 180; tired of
cursed country, 181
Work, John Jr: nephew of John
Work, 61
Wood River: 151, footnote
Wyoming: 74, footnote
U;X,  w,
Tin'  1
m l~3


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