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Plant taxonomic systems and ethnobotany of three contemporary Indian groups of the Pacific Northwest… Turner, Nancy Jean 1973

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PLANT TAXONOMIC SYSTEMS AND ETHNOBOTANY OF THREE CONTEMPORARY INDIAN GROUPS OF THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST (HAIDA, BELLA COOLA, AND LILLOOET)  by . Nancy Jean Turner B.Sc., University of Victoria, 1969  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 'FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  in the Department of Botany  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  The University of British Columbia September, 1973  In presenting this thesis In partial fulfilment of the requirements  for  an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  pfiJANY  -  -  The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  •September 14, 1973  - i ABSTRACT Plant names in three Pacific Northwest Indian languages — Haida (Skidegate and Masset dialects), Bella Coola, and Lillooet (Fraser River "dialect") — were analyzed semantically and taxonomically.  A  computerized sorting system was developed to handle pertinent information associated with these names and their corresponding plant types. At the present time, each language contains an average of about 150 generic-level plant names, over 50% of which correspond in a oneto-one fashion with botanical species.  Some of the names have no mean-  ing other than as plant names, but most are analyzable into smaller units of meaning, reflecting traditional beliefs, utilization, innate characteristics of the plants, or their resemblance to some substance, object, or other plant.  Some of the generic terms are obviously bor-  rowed from other languages, and a number of taxa can be found in each language which originally applied to indigenous species and have been expanded in recent times to include cultivated or imported counterparts. Each language contains a few general "life-form" plant names, a number of intermediate taxa — usually unnamed, and in Haida. and Lillooet, a few specific-level terms. None of the groups has an allinclusive word for "plant".  There are also several specialized gen-  eric-level terms in each language, and many general names for parts of plants. Cultural significance of plants correlates positively with the degree of specificity of names applied to them, with the number of  specialized terms associated with them, and with the lexical retention of their names in diverging dialects.  Linguistic origin, floristic  diversity, cultural traits, inter-group contact, and especially the recent acculturation of native peoples into "white" society, are believed to be major factors influencing the character of phytotaxonomic systems of the three study groups. Maps of the study areas are provided, and appendixes are included listing all plant names used in the study, their botanical correspondence, and the utilization and cultural significance of the plants involved .  - ill CONTENTS  Page ABSTRACT  1  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  ix  INTRODUCTORY QUOTATION  xi  PREFACE  xii  PLATES  xiv  INTRODUCTION  1  BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY  7  The Haida Indians  7  The Bella Coola Indians  12  The Lillooet Indians  16  METHODOLOGY  22  Ethnoscience and Componential Analysis  22  Ethnoscience with Respect to the Present Research Program  26  Research Procedures Used in the Study  35  a) Literature research  35  b) Field vegetation surveys  36  c) Consultation with native informants  38  d) Synthesis of data  43  RESULTS  61  Phytotaxa of the Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet Indians  61  a) Unique beginner  62  b) Major life-form categories  68  i) Haida life-form categories  72  ii) Bella Coola life-form categories  78  Hi) Lillooet life-form categories  83  - iv c) Intermediate categories  88  d) Generic categories  102  e) Specific and varietal categories  136  Non-taxonomic Botanical Terminology  147  Synonymy in Nomenclatural Systems  149  Cultural Dimensions of Folk Taxonomic Systems  155  DISCUSSION  171  Historical Development of Folk Phytotaxonomic Systems  171  External Factors Influencing Ethnophytotaxonomies  185  Modern Botanical Taxonomy versus Folk Taxonomic Systems  189  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  201  GLOSSARY  208  BIBLIOGRAPHY  211  Appendix 1. Native People Contributing Information to the Study,  219  Appendix 2. Practical Orthographic Symbols for the Haida Language (Masset and Skidegate dialects).  229  Appendix 3. Practical Orthographic Symbols for the Bella Coola Language.  233  Appendix 4. Practical Orthographic Symbols for Fraser River Lillooet (Upper Lillooet dialect).  235  Appendix 5. An Alphabetical Listing of Folk Segregates for Plants in Skidegate Haida.  237  Appendix 6. An Alphabetical Listing of Folk Segregates for Plants in Masset Haida.  3ig  Appendix 7. An Alphabetical Listing of Folk Segregates for Plants in Bella Coola.  420  Appendix 8, An Alphabetical Listing of Folk Segregates for Plants in Fraser River Lillooet.  497  Appendix 9. General Botanical Terminology in the Skidegate Dialect of Haida.  552  -  V  -  Appendix 10. General Botanical Terminology in the Masset Dialect of Haida.  553  Appendix 11. General Botanical Terminology in the Bella Goola Language.  554  Appendix 12. General Botanical Terminology in the Fraser River Dialect of Lillooet.  556  Appendix 13. Index of Common Names of Plant Species Included in the Study.  558  - vi TABLES  Table 1. Card design for information directly related to folk segregates for plants.  45  Table 2. Card design for information relating to botanical taxa delimited by the folk segregates.  50  Table 3. Card design for information related to the utilization of plants by Pacific Northwest Indians.  53  Table 4. Keys to codes used in computor sorting system.  57  Table 5. Examples of plant names in Haida containing the lifeform markers, xil, lhk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M), and tlaas or lhk'amaal 12 (M).  69  Table 6. Haida life-form categories.  79  Table 7. Bella Coola life-form categories.  84  Table 8. Fraser River Lillooet life-form categories.  89  Table 9. Some examples of intermediate taxonomic categories for plants in Haida.  93  Table 10. Some examples of intermediate taxonomic categories for plants in Bella Coola.  96  Table 11. Some examples of intermediate taxonomic categories for plants in Fraser River Lillooet.  99  Table 12. Degree of correspondence of Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet plant segregates with botanical species.  104  Table 13. Selected examples of the five species correspondence categories delimited in Table 12.  105  Table 14. Examples of plant taxa originally involving indigenous species, and expanded in historic times to include imported or cultivated counterparts.  109  Table 15. Examples of generic plant names known to have been borrowed from other languages.  112  Table 16. Some examples of unique generic plant names and segments of names.  116  Table 17. Examples of generic plant terms originating in postcontact times.  121  - vii Table 18. Examples of generic plant names originating from mythology and traditional beliefs;  Table 19. Examples of plants named synonymously with objects and materials manufactured from them.  Table 20. Examples of plants named after innate species characteristics.  124 126  127  Table 21. Examples of plants named after substances or objects they resemble. Table 22. Examples of plants named after other plants.  131 133  Table 23. Examples of plants having generic names which are "types" 135 for broader taxonomic categories. Table 24. A summary of the nomenelatural criteria applied to plant segregates in Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet.  137  Table 25. Nomenelatural criteria for Hanunoo plants, as denoted by Conklin (1954).  138  Table 26. Examples of named specific plant taxa in Haida and Lillooet.  140  Table 27. Examples of specific taxa which are psychologically valid, but which are not recognized nomenclaturally.  142  Table 28. Examples of specialized "non-taxonomic" botanical terminology in Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet.  150  Table 29. Examples of synonymous generic plant names in Haida,. Bella Coola, and Lillooet.  153  Table 30. Cultural status of plants in relation to their nomenelatural recognition in Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet.  158  Table 31. Lexical retention and cultural significance of plants in the Skidegate and Masset dialects of Haida.  Table 32. Examples of Skidegate and Masset Haida plant names which are: I. identical, II. cognates, and III. linguistically unrelated.  161  164  - viii FIGURES Figure 1. Map of British Columbia Indian groups, linguistic subdivisions.  Figure 2. Territory of the Haida Indians in British Columbia (Queen Charlotte Islands). Figure 3. Territory of the Bella Coola Indians, showing the vicinity of the permanent village sites. Figure 4. Territory of the Lillooet Indians, showing linguistic divisions. Figure 5. Diagrammatic representation of a taxonomic hierarchy. Figure 6. A diagrammatic scheme of universal phytotaxonomic category types based on conclusions of Berlin (1971) and Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove (1971). Figure 7. Diagrammatic representation of Haida life-form categories. Figure 8. Diagrammatic representation of Bella Coola life-form categories. Figure 9. Diagrammatic representation of Fraser River Lillooet life-form categories. Figure 10. Suggested historical derivation of the specific segregate, 'Haida-apples' for Pyrus fusca (wild crabapple). Figure 11. A graphic portrayal of linguistic divergence of plant names in Skidegate and Masset Haida, showing the relationship between lexical retention and cultural significance. Figure 12. Graph showing the relationship between the number of linguistically discrete generic-level terms applied to a plant species and cultural significance in Masset and Skidegate Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet, Figure 13. The domains and their chiefs in Okanagan Salish mythology.  - Ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  ::  I have been fortunate in having as my graduate adviser Dr. Roy L. Taylor, Director of the Botanical Garden, University of British Columbia. His continuing interest, support, and advise from the beginning of my graduate program to the preparation of this thesis is sincerely appreciated.  I would also like to thank the members of my graduate  advising committee — Drs. W. Schofield, R. Foreman, and G. Hughes, of the Department of Botany, University of British Columbia, and Professor W. Duff of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology —  for their  suggestions and comments on the research project and editorial criticisms of this thesis. Dr. J. Maze, Department of Botany, and my father, Dr. J. Chapman, also spent considerable time and effort in discussing my research findings with me and providing editorial criticism. This research would not have been possible without assistance from the following specialists: Robert Levine (linguist, Department of Anthropology, Columbia University, New York); Dr. Aert Kuipers, Henk Nater, and Jan van Eijk (Department of Linguistics, University of Leiden, Holland); Randy Bouchard and his research assistant, Dorothy Kennedy (B.C. Indian Language Project, Victoria, B.C.); and Stephen Borden (programmer-analyst, Department of Botany, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.). I am indebted to all of the native people who contributed their time and knowledge to the study —  especially George Young of Skidegate,  Mrs. Florence Davidson of Masset, Mrs. Margaret Siwallace of Bella Coola, David Moody (late) of Bella Coola, and Sam Mitchell of Fountain (Lillooet).  My husband, Robert Turner, accompanied me on all of the field expeditions., He assisted me in collecting plants, photography, and tape recording, and drew the maps appearing in this thesis. He has provided limitless moral suppore throughout the duration of this project. Most of the field research was funded from a National Research Council of Canada Grant (A5705) to Dr. Taylor. My graduate program was made possible through a series of National Research Council Postgraduate Scholarships, from July 1970 through October 1973.  - xi -  "...I am convinced that a likely place to begin one's search for semantic universals which may reflect man's socio-technological development is precisely in the area of man's classification of his natural universe. Hence, I personally consider semantic studies of such domains as ethnobotany, ethnozoology, ethnogeography, and the like as representing important research priorities. Here, for once, is a plausible and theoretically significant reason for becoming involved in urgent ethnographic work among vanishing peoples whose appreciation of the natural world comes close to that of man in earliest times." (Berlin 1969).  •«  - xii . PREFACE Plant classification of aboriginal groups is not well known, and with each passing decade, a significant loss of information occurs. The following study includes the only known attempt to document native terminological systems for plants in the Pacific Northwest.* Other ethnobotanical studies have been carried out in this region (Steedman 1929; Gunther 1945; Smith 1928; Turner 1972a, 1972b; Turner and Bell 1971, 1973), but these have not included investigations of plant taxonomic systems as an integral part of the project. The present study was begun in the summer of 1970.  Initially, only  the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands were included in the program. After two summers of field work with Skidegate and Masset Haida, it was decided to expand the study to include first a riverinlet group, the Bella Coola, and secondly an interior group, the Fraser River Lillooet, in order^to add a cultural and vegetational comparative dimension to the program.  Field work with these two groups was carried  out during the summer and fall of 1972, and in the spring of 1973. General research procedures involved interviewing older members of the native communities, either indoorss employing fresh or dried plant specimens as subject material, or where possible in actual field situations, using living plants.  *  Information on uses of these plants, beliefs  This term, although variable in meaning, is the most appropriate word in the context of the present study. Here, it is defined as the region from northern Oregon to northern British Columbia, and from the Pacific coast east to the Rocky Mountains.  - xiii associated with them, names applied to them, and any ideas about their relationships with other plants, animals, or objects were recorded. Initially an attempt was made to apply componential analysis* techniques of ethnoscience to determine underlying structures of plant taxonomic systems. This method proved to be impractical in terms of the available time of the informants, variability of responses, nonavailability of phonological and syntactical information on the languages, and the obvious influence of English folk categories on native thought. Because of these factors, it was felt that the structure and meaning of the native plant names themselves, together with the defined conditions of their application and appropriate comments and observaations obtained from general informal conversations, would give insights into both aboriginal and post-contact classification systems more effectively and efficiently than would componential analysis. The results and ideas presented in this thesis are hopefully only the beginning of a comprehensive description of the ethnobotany and phytotaxonomy of the Indians of British Columbia. As more information from different language groups and vegetational zones in the Province is collected and analyzed, the data listed here will probably take on new meaning and significance. Meanwhile, they will contribute an additional and significant  element to the knowledge of cultures and man's  relationship to vegetation in the Pacific Northwest. *  In view of the interdisciplinary nature of the study, a selected glossary of specialized terminology is provided at the end.  - xiv -  PLATES  Plates I & II. Florence Davidson of Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, gathering red cedar bark (Thuja plicata) for weaving (summer 1971 see Appendix 1). Plate III. Ganoderma, one of several types of bracket fungi called 'pilot-biscuit's grandmother' in Skidegate Haida and 'rottenwood biscuit' in Masset Haida (see Table 17), Plate IV. Sam Mitchell of Fountain (Lillooet) collecting the edible stalks of "Indian rhubarb" or cow parsnip (Heracleum lanatum) (spring 1973). Plate V. Mature plant of Heracleum lanatum. Plate VI. Heracleum stalks, showing male (flowering stalks) and female (leaf stalks) types, as distinguished by Fraser River Lillooet Indians (see Table 28). Both kinds are edible, but are prepared in different ways. Plate VII. Five varieties of Saskatoon berries (Amelanchier alnifolia) as distinguished by Fraser River Lillooet Indians (see Table 26). Top left of picture: "white" variety - spekpek. Top right - "red" variety - swelhkwa7-u7sa7. Center: "rotten" variety - nek'nakw'ukw'sa7. Bottom left: "sweet" variety - stl'exelus. Bottom right "real Saskatoons" - stsekwm-ul. The photo was taken in June 1973. Plate VIII. The "red" variety of Amelanchier alnifolia (see Plate VII), just before the berries are ripe. When fully ripe, they are dark blue, but they are sweet and juicy even when red.  Plate II  - xvi -  Plate III  - xvii -  Plate IV  Plate II  - xix -  Plate VIII  INTRODUCTION The intellectual capacity of humans for classifying natural objects and even abstract concepts is widely recognized (Tyler 1969).  Even in  so-called "primitive" societies, in which technology and subsistence are at a comparatively unsophisticated level, the rich diversity of the environment is described in detail by the nomenclatural and classification systems within the culture.  Levi-Strauss (1966) has devoted an entire  book, The Savage Mind, to the proposition that "savage" societies throughout the world not only have detailed systems of ordering objects and phenomena in their environments, by that these systems, far from being haphazard, are well organized and completely logical when studied on their own premises and in their cultural contexts.  Interest in aboriginal taxonomic systems has grown rapidly over the last two decades, and numerous documented descriptions of native classification systems have appeared (cf. Berlin, Breedlove, and Laughlin 1970; Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1966; Bright and Bright 1965; Bulmer 1967; Conklin 1954; Diamond 1965;.Frake 1961; Goss 1967; Price 1967). Many such studies have included the classification and nomenclature of local floras by aboriginal peoples.  Plants provide a concrete, discrete,  and virtually universal semantic domain, and for this reason, are exceptionally useful subjects for cognitive studies. The accumulation of research data pertaining to individual folk taxonomic systems for plants has inspired the development of a number of generalizations applicable to all ethnophytotaxonomies, and in some cases, to all folk taxonomies.  These include a list proposed by Raven,  Berlin, and Breedlove (1971) of general characteristics common to folk taxonomic systems, Conklin's (1966) discussion of the differences between folk taxa and the taxonomic groups of biological systematics, and Berlin's (1971) series of speculations concerning the growth and development of ethnobotanical nomenclature and classification systems. None of the data involved in the formulation of these generalizations has originated from the cultures of the Pacific Northwest region. Indeed, the ethnophytotaxonomic studies considered have been largely from tropical or sub-tropical areas in cultures having agricultural economies, such as the Tzeltal-speaking Mayans of southern Mexico (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1968), the Hanunoo of the Philippines (Conklin 1954), and the Huichol of northern Jalisco, Mexico (Price 1967). Even the temperate cultures considered —  the Ojibwa (Black 1967), Navajo  (Wyman and Harris 1941), Hopi (Whiting 1966), and various Californian tribes (Bright and Bright 1965) are almost all of southern temperate distribution, and most have an economy based at least partially on agriculture. The present study considers the plant taxonomic systems of three Pacific Northwest Indian groups, all aboriginally non-agricultural.  The  first, Haida, is an insular group of the northern Pacific coast (Figure 1). The second, Bella Coola, is a river-inlet group of the central British Columbian coast (Figure 1), and the third, Fraser River Lillooet, is a river-oriented culture of the Interior Plateau (Figure 1). The Haida language is apparently of Na-dene stock, while Bella Coola and Lillooet are Salishan languages, and are thus distantly related.  Each group is  distinct from the others historically, culturally, and vegetationally.  Figure 1. Map of British Columbia Indian groups, linguistic subdivisions (after Duff 1964).  3a  Hopefully the data presented here on plant taxonomic systems of these groups will contribute a new dimension to the general study of cognitive systems, particularly as they relate to ethnophytotaxonomies, One advantage of research in ethnophytotaxonomic systems of the Pacific Northwest is that the flora in this region is well studied (cf. Henry 1915; Hitchcock et al. 1955 - 1969; Calder and Taylor 1968). The comparison of folk taxa with current botanical taxonomic categories is greatly facilitated in areas that have thoroughly described floras. Modern phytotaxa, when well known, can be utilized as a "translation medium" for comparison of two or more folk taxonomic systems. The present phylogenetic system, as the most universal of all nomenelatural and classification systems for plants, and the most completely documented and regulated, serves as the only available standard against which various folk taxonomies can be described and contrasted. A disadvantage to the study of ethnophytotaxonomies in the Pacific Northwest is the recent rapid loss of language and cultural information amongst native peoples, a direct result of their acculturation into western society. None.of the Indian people involved in the study was completely monolingual, although all of them learned English only as a second language in school.  Interviews for this project were conducted  in English, sometimes with the help of another member of the family as a partial interpreter. The high degree of acculturation of the study groups was one of the main factors involved in the lack of success in applying componential analysis procedures in the program.  Formal semantic methodology,  including componential analysis techniques, have been successfully applied in many of the more rigorous studies of folk taxonomic systems (Tyler 1969) , but attempts to use them in the present study proved impractical and produced inconclusive results, at least partially because of a pronounced but immeasurable influence of "white" cognitive systems on native thought. As a result, a more informal type of interviewing was adopted.  The results of these interviews were combined  with an analysis of the content and conditions of application of the aboriginal plant terms themselves.  From all indications, these terms,  as basic lexical components of a language, seem less subject to variation over time than cultural ideas and opinions about inter-relationships between plants (cf. Bright and Bright 1965). In the Pacific Northwest, as in other regions, it is essential to consider ethnobotanical information on the uses and roles of plants in a society as both influencing and reflecting classification of plants. Thus, collecting data on the cultural importance of plants has been an integral part of the present study.  Ethnobotanical data are significant  in their own right as resource materials for many different fields of study (cf. Schultes 1960; Turner and Bell 1971), and for purposes of this project, the ethnobotanical information accumulated for each of the three groups has been organized for publication as a discrete unit. Sorting and summarizing the immense variety of data relating to aboriginal plant names, botanical taxa, and cultural information about plants was accomplished in this project by means of a computer. The coding system and the sorting program used were designed specifically to handle these data and similar types of data for other Pacific North-  west groups. To my knowledge, this particular approach to the analysis of aboriginal plant names and ethnobotanical data for the purpose of discerning and summarizing folk taxonomic relationships has not been attempted elsewhere.  It has a number of advantages, and may prove  useful on a wider scale.  BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY In this section, pertinent information on the history, culture, language, geography, and vegetation of the three study groups is presented.  The Haida Indians The Haida formerly occupied about 20* permanent villages around the coast of the Queen Charlotte Islands and the Prince of Wales Island group in Alaska (see Figure 2). ** Their aboriginal population is estimated at 7,000 to 10,000 (Jenness 1934). By 1915 the Haida population on the Queen Charlottes had been reduced to under 600 individuals (Duff 1964).  Those from the southern half of the Islands had assembled  at the village of Skidegate, and are now recognized as the speakership of the Skidegate dialect. *** People from the northern villages had congregated at Masset, and now comprise the speakership of the Masset dialect. As of 1970, the Haida (excluding the Kaigani people of Alaska) numbered 1367: 1015 at Masset, and 352 at Skidegate (Department of Indian *  Estimates of the number of village sites run as high as 39 (Harrison 1895), but for any given time, the figure of 20 is probably more realistic.  ** According to available information, the migration of Haida people to Alaska was relatively recent, having taken place about A.D. 1750 (Swanton 1911). The Kaigani dialect, spoken by Alaskan Haida, is very similar to the Masset dialect. The Kaigani Haida are not considered in the present study. *** The Skidegate dialect, even today, is apparently a partially artificial grouping, since different Haida speakers at Skidegate display major phonological and grammatical differences in their speech (Robert Levine Columbia University, New York, personal communication). For purposes of this study, the Skidegate people will be considered a dialectic unit  Figure 2. Territory of the Haida Indians in British Columbia (Queen Charlotte Islands).  8a  HAIDA INDIAN TERRITORY  (QUEEN C H A R L O T T E  10  20  Is.)  30 «0,  •d^o g'o ^ =wm  'Ml. Km  -  Affairs and Northern Development 1970). The linguistic affiliations of the Haida are not well understood. Like the Tlingit  Indians of Alaska and the Athapaskan peoples of the  northern interior of British Columbia and Alaska, their language is suggested to be an isolate of the Na-dene phylum of languages (Driver 1961). Similarly, the territorial origins of the Haida are not known. Archaeological studies indicate that the Queen Charlotte Islands have been occupied for at least 8,000 years, presumably by at least some of the ancestors of the present day Haida population (Fladmark 1970), It has been suggested that the first people travelled to the Queen Charlottes during the Pleistocene, at the time of a glacial maximum, over an exposed section of sea floor. * Fladmark (1970) points out that a drop of only 250 feet in sea level would connect the Charlottes to the off-shore islands and mainland of Alaska. Heusser (1960) suggested this route to explain the presence of caribou  on the Queen Charlotte Islands.  The Haida Indians belong to the northern province of the Northwest Coast Cultural Area.  This sub-unit also includes the Tlingit and  Tsimshian cultures, and marginally those of the northern divisions of the Kwakiutl (Drucker 1955) (see Figure 1). These groups are characterized by a number of cultural traits, including a matrilineal social organization, with exogamous moieties, forming the basis of crest *  Archaeological evidence suggests that at this time, the technology for construction of ocean-going canoes had not yet been developed (Fladmark 1973, public lecture on "The Prehistory of the Queen Charlotte Islandc11  - 10 -  ownership, inheritance, life-cycle rituals, and social functions. The Haida, and to a lesser extent, the other groups in the northern subunit, are widely known for their outstanding sculptural and graphic artforms, based on stylistic representations of natural objects. Drucker (1955) lists other features characterizing the northern sub-unit. The Haida people were coast dwellers.  Their economy centered  around the ocean, beaches, river-mouths, and lowland forests of the Queen Charlottes.  They rarely ventured into the mountainous interior  of the Islands or into the extensive muskegs of Graham Island, except to hunt waterfowl or pick berries.  Their villages were situated in the  wet subzone of the Coastal Western Hemlock Biogeoclimatic Zone (Krajina 1970), which extends throughout the lower elevations of the Islands. Through seasonal migrations and inter-village contacts, the Haida encountered a variety of plant community types within this zone. Most notable are: marine and intertidal algal communities, maritime communities (including shingle and sand beaches, rocks and cliffs, and salt marshes), bog and swamp communities, fresh water aquatic communities, and forest communities (including sand-dune forest, meadow forest, and closed forest) (described in Calder and Taylor 1968). Several upland forest and montane communities also occur on the Islands (see Calder and Taylor 1968), but because of their lack of contact with upland areas, the Haida people were generally unfamiliar with montane flora. Even before before the coming of the white man, the Haida apparently had frequent contact with other Indian groups. They crossed over to  -  11  -  the mainland every spring to obtain eulachon grease from the Nass River Tsimshian, in exchange for canoes, carved chests, sea-otter skins, dried herring eggs on kelp, and dried Porphyra.* They also traded with the Tlingit for Chilkat blankets, copper, mountain-goat horn, and mountain-sheep horn (Drucker 1950).  In post-contact times, these  trading expeditions increased in frequency, and potatoes, turnips, and other garden vegetables were added to the list of items traded by the Haida. The dominant tree species of the lowland forests of the Queen Charlottes are all conifers: Tsuga heterophylla (western hemlock), Picea sitchensis (Sitka spruce), and Thuja plicata (western red cedar). All of these attain considerable stature in mature forests, and all were important economic species to the Haida.  In the upland forests, of  the Mountain Hemlock Biogeoclimatic Zone (Krajina 1970), Tsuga mertensiana (mountian hemlock) becomes increasingly prevalent (Calder and Taylor 1968). Pinus contorta (lodgepole pine) and Chamaecyparis nootka— tensis (yellow cedar) are dominant species of the lowland muskegs, and Taxus brevifolia (western yew) occurs sporadically in the forested areas. Alnus rubra (red alder) is the only abundant deciduous tree on the Islands.  It commonly grows in burned or disturbed sites, and has  undoubtedly increased in frequency since the advent of logging. Pyrus fusca (wild crabapple) and Alnus crispa ssp. sinuata (Sitka alder) also occur in many areas.  *  An index of common names of plants mentioned in this thesis is included at the end.  -  12  -  A number of tree species are conspicuously absent from the Queen Charlotte flora. These include Pseudotsuga menziesii (Douglas fir), Abies amabills (amabilis fir), A., grandis (grand fir) , A. laslbcarpa (subalpine fir), Pinus monticola (white pine), Populus trichocarpa (black cottonwood), P. tremuloides (trembling aspen), Betula papyrifera (paper birch), Acer macrophyllum (broad-leaved maple), A. glabrum (Rocky Mountain maple), Prunus emarginata (bitter cherry), and Rhamnus purshiana (cascara). Most of these species do occur in the territory of the Bella Coola Indians, and form a major differentiating feature between the types of vegetation encountered by these two groups.  The Bella Coola Indians The Bella Coola people once lived in numerous scattered villages along the Bella Coola, Kimsquit, and Kwatna Rivers, and the upper reaches of Dean and Burke Channels (see Figure 3). Mcllwraith (1948) lists about 20 villages in this area which were occupied around the time of Mackenzie.'s journey to the coast in 1793. Various other sites are known to have been occupied at the same period at least on a temporary basis (Hobler 1970). The most concentrated aboriginal population was apparently in the Bella Coola Valley (Hobler 1970). In pre-contact times, the Bella Coola population probably exceeded 3,000 individuals, but by 1929, this figure had declined to 250, mostly due to disease epidemics (Mcllwraith 1948; Duff 1964). As of 1970, there were 597 people in this group, occupying a single village, Bella Coola, near the mouth of the Bella Coola River (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development 1970).  .  Figure 3. Territory of the Bella Coola Indians, showing the vicinity of the permanent village sites. (The actual range of the Bella Coola extended over a significantly wider area.)  13a  -  14  -  The Bella Coola are an Isolated enclave of Salish speakers in a Kwakiutl speaking region (see Figure 1).  Their exact affiliations with  other Salishan groups are still unknown (see Jorgensen 1969). They may have originally migrated northward  along the coast from the lower  mainland of British Columbia, or across the Coast Mountains from the Interior Plateau. Alternately, they may have at one time had a continuous distribution with other Salish groups, having been subsequently isolated by the intrusion of the Kwakiutl and Carrier peoples. The length of time the Bella Coola have occupied the area is also unknown.  C-^ datings at one archaeological excavation site indicate the  presence of humans in the area about 9,000 B.P.  (P.M. Hobler, archae-  ologist, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, B.C., personal communication) , but the Bella Coola probably did not arrive until considerably later. Archaeological work in the Bella Coola area is continuing, and ultimately a more complete chronology of human habitation will be established. The Bella Coola are a uni-dialectic group, although people from Kimsquit and probably from other outlying areas as well, show slight differences in their speech compared to those from Bella Coola (Henk Nater, linguist, University of Leiden, Leiden, Holland, personal communication) . The Salishan origin of the Bella Coola is reflected in part by their amorphous, informal social organization.  Generally, however,  Bella Coola cultural traits, particularly their material culture and mythology, show a remarkable similarity to those of the neighbouring  -  15  -  Kwakiutl peoples, indicating a high degree of social interchange and cultural "borrowing".  Thus, the Bella Coola are included in the middle,  or Wakashan-speaking province of the Northwest Coast Cultural Area (Drucker 1955). The resources of the local rivers and inlets were crucial to the subsistence of the Bella Coola people, but their resource base was broader than a local one. Within the year, they travelled over a wide territorial and elevational range hunting mountain-goat and other mammals, gathering berries, cedar bark, and various other plant products, and trading with adjacent Indian groups, including the Northern and Southern Kwakiutl on the coast, and the Carrier and/or Chilcotin * peoples of the interior (Mcllwraith 1948; Margaret Siwallace, Bella Coola, B.C., personal communication). As with the Haida, the Bella Coola village sites are situated in the Coastal Western Hemlock Biogeoclimatic Zone (Krajina 1970), but their travels brought them in contact with a number of other vegetation zones, including the Mountain Hemlock Zone, the Engelmann Spruce Subalpine Fir Zone, and the Caribou Aspen - Lodgepole Pine - Douglas-fir Zone (described in Krajina 1970).  In terms of subsistence, the most  important community types to the Bella Coola were the well vegetated estuarine flats, such as those at Bella Coola, and the various types * Morice (1925) states that the references of other ethnographers, such as Harlan Smith, to contacts between the Bella Coola and Carrier peoples were mistaken, and that actually the Chilcotin people, not the Carrier, were involved in contacts with the coast. Mcllwraith (1948) and Goldman (1941), on the other hand, cite many instances of interaction between Carrier and Bella Coola peoples.  of forest communities.  These have not been studied floristically or  ecologically in any detail.  The peat bog or muskeg community, so pre-  valent on the Queen Charlottes, is almost entirely lacking from the Bella Coola area; some of the most common plants of this community, such as Kalmla polifolia and Vaecinium oxycoccus, are unknown to the Bella Coola people, at least at the present time. Common tree species of the Bella Coola area are: Tsuga heterophylla (western hemlock) , T_. mertensiana (mountain hemlock), Ficea sitchensis (Sitka spruce), Thuja plicata (western red cedar), Pseudotsuga menziesii (Douglas fir), Abies amabilis (amabilis fir), Chamaecyparis nootkatensls (yellow cedar), Pinus contorta (lodgepole pine), Alnus rubra (red alder), A. crispa ssp. sinuata (Sitka alder), Populus trlchocarpa (black cottonwood), Acer glabrum (Rocky Mountian maple), and Pyrus fusca (wild crabapple).  Other species, less frequent, but nevertheless present are:  Taxus brevifolia (western yew), Abies lasiocarpa (subalpine fir), Picea engelmannii (Engelmann spruce), Populus tremuloides (trembling aspen), and Prunus emarginata (bitter cherry). Notably absent from the Bella Coola flora are: Abies grandls (grand fir), Pinus monticola (white pine), Cornus nuttallii (Pacific flowering dogwood), Arbutus menziesii (Pacific madrone), and Acer macrophyllum (broad-leaved maple), whose ranges do not extend as far north as Bella Coola. The Lillooet Indians Lillooet peoples are categorized into two dialectic groups: Lower Lillooet and Upper Lillooet.  These are differentiated not only  -  17  -  linguistically, but culturally, geographically, and ecologically. They are further divided into four smaller divisions, or "bands"*  (Teit  1906). The Lower Lillooet group includes the Lillooet River band, formerly occupying eight villages at Douglas and along the Lower Lillooet River, and the Pemberton band, formerly occupying five villages at Lillooet Lake and Pemberton Meadows (Mount Currie) (see Figure 4). Lower Lillooet people are presently concentrated at the villages of Douglas, Skookum Ghuck, Samahquam, and Mount Currie.** The Upper Lillooet group consists of the Lake band, formerly occupying six villages around Anderson and Seton Lakes, and the Fraser River band, formerly occupying six villages along the Fraser River from just below the present town of Lillooet to below the mouth of Pavilion Creek (Figure 4). Present Upper Lillooet settlements** include Anderson Lake, Seton Lake, Cayoose Creek, Lillooet, Bridge River, and Fountain. The present study involves only the Fraser River band of Upper Lillooet; the major informant is from Fountain. Early estimates suggest that Lillooet peoples may have numbered 4,000 in precontact days (Teit 1906). By 1903, this number had been reduced by smallpox epidemics and famines to just over 1,100 ~  about 500 in the  Lower Lillooet group and about 650 in Upper Lillooet (Teit 1906).  In 1970,  the Lillooet people numbered 2,494: 1,321 Lower Lillooet and 1,173 Upper Lillooet (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development 1970), *  Teit's (1906) use of the term "band" is more general than the present day concept of "band" as a single Indian village unit.  ** These are "bands" in the modern context.  -  18  -  Figure 4, Territory of the Lillooet Indians, showing linguistic divisions.  18a  -  19  -  The Lillooet language is related to the Thompson, Shuswap, and Okanagan languages of British Columbia. All of these are classified in the interior division of the Salish language family (Driver 1961), as seen in Figure 1. Recent archaeological research in the LyttonLillooet area has given some insights into the pre-history of this region (Sanger 1969). After Pleistocene glaciation, the first people to enter the Lillooet area, as early as 9,000 B.P., were migrants from the area now included in the State of Washington.  Their identifiable traits are known as the  Lochnore complex, and are characterized by leaf-shaped projectile points, macroblades, edge-battered cobbles, and an absence of microblades (Sanger 1969). About 7,000 years ago, these people were apparently displaced by another group from the central interior of British Columbia. The new occupation, termed the Nesikep Tradition, is characterized by a more advanced stone-chipping technology with microblades. The Nesikep Tradition passed through a number of distinct periods, and can be viewed as ultimately evolving into the Interior Salish cultures of the historic period (Sanger 1969; Stryd and Hills 1972)„ The cultural features of the Fraser River Lillooet are similar to those of other Interior Salish groups. Together, these groups form a rather loosely defined unit known as the Plateau Culture Area, named after the Columbia plateaus (Driver 1961). General features of this unit include: a loosely structured social organization, without emphasis on rank or class; the use of semi-subterranean winter dwellings, called pithouses, for extended family groups; and a hunting-gathering economy, with emphasis on fishing anadromous salmon.  - 20 -  The Plateau cultures, particularly in the peripheral groups, show many cultural traits of adjacent culture areas (Driver 1961). The Lower Lillooet, for example, are actually culturally transitional between the Northwest Coast and Plateau Culture Areas.  The Fraser River  Lillooet are a definite unit of the Plateau Culture Area, both culturally and geographically, but even this group had indirect access to coastal cultures through frequent trade contacts with the Lower Lillooet. This latter group used to make annual journeys to the Fraser River area in late summer, to exchange goods such as dentalia and other shells, cedar bark, wood of yew, vine maple, and yellow cedar, hazelnuts, dried huckleberries, goat-hair blankets, and fish oil, for interior products, such as Indian hemp (Apocynum spp.), Salix exigua bark twine, Erythronlum grandiflorum bulbs, dried Saskatoon berries, soapberries, and choke cherries, dried meat, fat, and animal skins (Teit 1906). Three Biogeoclimatic Zones are distinguished in the Fraser River Lillooet territory: the Ponderosa Pine - Bunchgrass Zone of lower elevations (below about 2,000 feet); the Interior Douglas-fir Zone of middle elevations (approximately 2,000 to 4,500 feet); and the Engelmann Spruce - Subalpine Fir Zone of elevations above about 4,500 feet (Krajina 1970). The permanent winter dwellings of the Fraser River Lillooet were usually located in the Ponderosa Pine - Bunchgrass Zone. The topography of the Fraser River Lillooet territory is extremely variable.  Stryd and Hills (1972) divide the area into three major  physiographic units: the rocky canyon floor of the Fraser River, frequented for salmon fishing; the sloping terraces above the River, where most of the winter pithouse dwelling sites and modern settlements are  - 21 -  located; and the hills and mountains above the river valley, the usual sites of hunting and root-gathering activities. Numerous plant communities occur within these biogeoclimatic zones and physiographic units, each modified by soil texture, slope, exposure, and available moisture.  In terms of the Fraser River Lillooet economy,  the most important communities were those of the high mountain slopes and valleys, where large quantities of "Indian potatoes" (Glaytonia lanceolata and Erythronium grandiflorum) were dug annually, and the dry river terraces, where several types of berries (such as Amelanchier alnifolia, Crataegus douglasii, and Prunus virginiana) and "roots" (e.g. Balsamorrhiza sagittata) were gathered. Common tree species in the vicinity of the Lillooet-Fountain area are: Pinus ponderosa (ponderosa pine), P^. contorta (lodgepole pine), Pseudotsuga menziesii var. glauca (interior Douglas fir), Populus tremuloldes (trembling aspen), jP. trichocarpa (black cottonwood), Betula papyrifera (paper birch), and Acer glabrum (Rocky Mountain maple). At higher elevations, Chamaecyparis nootkatensis (yellow cedar), Abies lasiocarpa (subalpine fir), Picea engelmannii (Engelmann spruce), Picea glauca (white spruce), Pinus albicaulis (white-bark pine), Alnus crispa ssp. slnuata (Sitka alder), and A. incana (mountain alder) are found. A number of coastal trees occur in the mountains to the west of Lillooet, and are recognized by the Fraser River Lillooet.  These include Pinus  monticola (white pine), Thuj a pllcata (western red cedar), Taxus brevifolia (western yew), Alnus rubra (red alder), Acer macrophyllum (broadleaved maple), Prunus emarginata (bitter cherry), Pyrus fusca (wild crabapple), and Rhamnus purshiana (cascara).  - 22 -  METHODOLOGY  '  The methodology applied in the present study was influenced and directed by methods used by other researchers in the description of folk taxonomic systems.  The standard type of methodology associated with  cognitive studies is outlined and discussed in the first part of this section. Following this is a discussion of the methodology in the context of the present project.  Finally, the procedures ultimately  adopted in the study are outlined in detail.  Ethnoscience and Componential Analysis Many descriptions of folk taxonomic systems have been "...nonsystematic, incomplete, and anecdotal" (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1966). In recent years, however, there has been a trend towards increased formalization in the collection and analysis of ethnosemantic data. A new ethnographic school has developed in the past two decades, variously known as ethnoscience, ethnosemantics, or cognitive anthropology,* whose basic tenets include the systematic collection and formal analysis of cognitive and semantic terminology.. The central method within the field of ethnoscience Is known as componential analysis.**  This method was first described in relation  to cognitive systems by Goodenough (1956) in the periodical Language (v. 32, no. 1). Also appearing in the. same number of Language was a paper *  Other synonyms for these terms include: ethnographic semantics, linguistic ethnography, and folk science (Eglin 1972; Berlin 1968; Werner 1967).  ** This term is frequently regarded as another synonym of ethnoscience (Werner 1967; Berlin 1969), but I feel that Eglin's (1972) description of it as a method rather than a discipline is more appropriate.  -  23  -  by Lounsbury (1956) in which componential analysis was applied to the study of a kinship system.  Since that time, adherents of the ethno-  scientific school have produced as ever-growing body of semantic and folk taxonomic studies, based on componential analysis and other formal methods of analysis. The goals of ethnoscience and componential analysis are commendable.  "The problem is to define the taxonomic system itself — that  is, to explicate the rules by which users of the terms group various social and genealogical characteristics into concepts" (Wallace 1962), or, more generally, to discover "how people construe their world of experience from the way they talk about it" Frake 1962). Ethnoscientific procedures can be detailed as follows: 1) an inventory is made of terminology within a given semantic domain; 2) information is assembled on each linguistic form as a semantic class of objects; 3) when possible, the classificatory dimensions imposed upon the field by native linguistic usage are isolated; 4) through a series of culturally appropriate questions,- semantic distinctions (components) are established which apportion the terms into sets and sub-sets, such that every item in the domain is distinguished from every other item by at least one component, and is at the same time related to every other item by inclusion at some level in a broader taxonomic category; and 5) a classification is erected based on the successive-inclusion and exclusion of each defined item within the domain (Lounsbury 1963; Burling 1964; Berlin 1968). The procedures outlined are accomplished through interviews with preferably a large number of native speakers.  In order that there be  no cultural bias or misunderstandings on the part of the ethnographer, the interviews should be conducted entirely in the language of the  -  24  -  native informant (Conklin 1962; Werner 1967), and care should be taken not to bias the informant's responses by allusions to other taxonomic systems familiar to the researcher.  In terms of ethnophytotaxonomic  research, this means that the interviewer must make a special effort not to imply equivalence between folk phytotaxa and botanical taxa, even when it is convenient to do so. To obtain an authentic description of a classification system in another culture, one must never incorporate assumptions or implications about the nature of the system into the elicitation process.  Thus, to  ask a question, "What kind of a tree is that (x)?" without first establishing the informant's definition of 'tree' and his assurance that x is a kind of tree, would immediately render the informant's response invalid. Metzger and Williams (1966), Price (1967), and Frake (1964) describe a program of elicitation based on successive or linked questions and responses which, at least theoretically, eliminates bias introduced by the questioning process.  Ideally, this program allows the interviewer  to begin with any given item or segregate within a domain and position it vertically and horizontally within the taxonomic hierarchy of the domain. Thus, beginning with a described lexeme, x, in a hypothetical classification system (see Figure 5), one can progress downwards through X  Figure 5. Diagrammatic representation of a taxonomic hierarchy.  -  25  -  the taxonomic hierarchy by asking, "What kinds of x are there?" Given answers x^, x2, x 3 ••»xn»  ea  ch differentiated from the other by at least  one character, one can proceed through a similar line of questioning to discover the various sub-categories of x, (namely x, and x„,). When 1 la lb the lower taxa have been explored and described to their limits, one can return to the first item, x, and define the more general taxa of the system by asking, "What is x a kind of?" Given answer X, one can then expand the system horizontally to include y and z by the question, "What other kinds of X are there?" Theoretically, this type of progressive elicitation can be applied in exploring and describing any taxonomic system. The above example is simplified to an extreme.  In practise, folk taxonomic systems are more  complex, irregular, and indefinite than the example implies (Conklin 1962).  Checking the validity of the derived taxonomic structure can be  accomplished by repeating the construction of the hierarchy from several different starting points, thus providing cross-referencing for each item. The system can also be tested by formulating questions which are indicated to be inappropriate by the nature of the derived hierarchy. For example, in the hierarchy illustrated above, one could ask, "Is y a kind of x?" or "Is z a kind of y^?" Positive responses to these questions would obviously demonstrate some irregularity in the system as it is constructed. Numerous cognitive systems in many different cultures have been investigated using ethnoscience techniques.  The most thoroughly ex-  plored domain is that of kinship (cf. Lounsbury 1964; Conklin 1964; Wallace and Atkins 1960; Romney and D'Andrade 1964), where even "Yankee"  - 26 -  terminology has been subjected to analysis as a test case (Goodenough 1965). Other terminological systems which have been described include: numeral classifiers (Berlin 1968) ; firewood (Metzger and Williams 1966); terms of personal reference (Metzger and Williams 1962); curers (Metzger and Williams 1963a); weddings (Metzger and Williams 1963b); agriculture, betel chewing, pottery, verbal play, colour, water (see Con'klin 1962 for references); law (Black and Metzger 1965); spiritualist church language (Zaretsky 1969); and medicine (Werner 1967). Particularly relevant to the present study are the ethnoscientific descriptions of ethnobiotaxonomies (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1966; Black 1967; Bulmer 1967, 1970; Bulmer and Tyler 1968; Conklin 1954; Diamond 1965; Bright and Bright 1965).  Ethnoscience with Respect to the Present Research Program Superficially, ethnoscience and componential analysis appear to provide an ideal theoretical and methodological framework for investigating and describing the ethnophytotaxonomies of the Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet Indians. However, attempts to apply ethnomethodology to the study of cognitive systems for plants in these groups were generally unsuccessful in producing meaningful or conclusive results. Formal analysis was ultimately abandoned as a technique, although certain procedures of the described methodology were retained.  The reasons for  this are discussed in the following paragraphs. Even proponents of ethnoscience are aware of a number of methodological and theoretical limitations of the discipline.  One serious  problem is that componential analysis, even when properly conducted,  -  27  -  does not automatically yield a single "true analysis" or description of a semantic system.  Instead, there is a "virtually infinite number  of ways a lexical set can be componentially divided" (Colby 1966; see also Wallace and Atkins 1960; Burling 1964; Goodenough 1965). In other words, several different models of semantic structure of a terminological system can be established, each of which can accurately account for the lexical items within the system. Even the original researchers in componential analysis admit that "... the criteria by which one chooses one model over another, however, remain to be determined" (Goodenough 1965). Thus, the "psychological validity" of systems derived by componential analysis is subject to question.  At least some ethnoscience  critics have charged that any single analysis offered as the taxonomic system of a given domain in a culture is necessarily based on the arbitrary exclusion of large bodies of relevant data, and cannot in any way be taken as a complete or conclusive statement (Schneider 1969; Burling 1964; Eglin 1972).  From my own experiences in attempting to  apply formal analysis to discern ethnophytotaxonomies, I found it difficult to obtain consistent responses among several different informants, or even from individual informants from one day to the next. For example, to each of the six Haida informants (four at Skidegate, two at Masset), I showed a needled branch of the botanical species Picea sitchensis, and asked, "What is this?" The answer was always given, "kaayt" in Skidegate (S), or "kiiyt" in Masset (M). A conversation would  -  28  -  follow, in which kaayt * would be described in more detail, and comments on its size and abundance on the Queen Charlotte Islands would be made. The unvarying answer to the question, "How many kinds of kaayt are there?" was always, "There is only one kind — point, however, agreement ceased.  that's it." At this  Several of the informants volunteered  the information that the word kaayt meant "tree" in English, so I attempted to determine how closely the taxon corresponded to our own folk taxon, "tree".  I asked in turn about each of the terms I had al-  ready elicited for "trees", including k'aang (Tsuga spp.**), ts'alh (Pinus contorta) , ts'uu (Thuja plicate) , s_gaalhaan (Chamaecyparis nootkatensis), Ihgilt (Taxus brevifolia). kal (Alnus spp.), and k'Snlhel (Pyrus fusca), "Is this a kind of kaayt?" Those who did not give the English translation of kaayt as "tree" gave a negative response for each of the terms listed.  Those who did translate kaayt as "tree",  although they had just said that there was only one kind of kaayt (whose features, when described, corresponded to those of the botanical species, Picea sitchensis), gave affirmative answers for the first one, the first two, the first four, or the first five terms,.all of which are "coniferous" species.  In some cases, the sixth term, kal (primarily  Alnus rubra), was included in the concept of "tree".  One informant  agreed that k'anlhel "must be" a kind of kaayt, but when asked later, disagreed. All informants were ambivalent about including kal as a kind  *  For the rest of this discussion, Skidegate names only are used, although Masset people were also involved in the study.  ** As far as I have been able to determine, the equilibration of Haida terms with these botanical taxa is an accurate estimate of their semantic range.  -  29  -  of kaayt, sometimes agreeing to it, and sometimes not. When the question was again asked, "what are the kinds of kaayt?", regardless of the answers to the questions about the other terms, each informant would emphatically and sometimes impatiently state, "There is only one kind of kaayt!" This process was repeated several times with each person, and when the opportunity arose, I would ask the same thing when outside, pointing out the various kinds of "trees". which were seemingly contradictory.  I would again receive answers  I concluded that the term kaayt is  at some stage of semantic evolution between a "generic" term and a "life-form" term (see Berlin 1971). The same degree of response variability was obtained in many other discussions about other types of plants including specimens of lichens, ferns, and marine algae. Jones (1971) found a similar situation when working with twelve informants on the English folk classification of evergreen trees. Burling (1964) implied the same degree of variation for English folk phytotaxa in general. Price (1967) was completely unsuccessful .in applying this elicitation technique to Huichol phytotaxonomy. The problem of response variation is compounded in a transitional culture such as Haida, where virtually all speakers are bilingual. It is impossible to discern the extent to which ideas of the Haida about the inter-relationships between plants have been influenced by English folk categories.  For example, if the Haida term kaayt is transitional  between a generic and a life-form label, it is probable that there is a strong tendency now to equate its life-form status with that of "tree", whether or not it was evolving towards an equivalence with "tree" before white contact.  -  30  -  Some investigators have maintained that rigorous componential analysis, by its very definition, does not allow comparison of cognitive systems between two or more cultures, since as soon as the semantic elements of a given culture are translated into terms of another culture, they lose their discrete and essential nature.  This situation  is comparable to one in chemistry, where a compound being subjected to analysis changes its structure as a result of the conditions imposed by the analytic process.  Only the strictest of interpretations of compon-  ential analysis yields such, a barrier to cross-cultural studies; indeed, some of the classic componential analyses (Lounsbury 1956; Goodenough 1956) rely heavily on cross-cultural kinship descriptions (Colby 1966). Nevertheless, the conflict between "anthropologists who stress rigorous descriptive ethnography Cof a particular culture —  i.e., 'ethnoscience1 1  and anthropologists who emphasize comparative studies" has been considered as a very real concern (introductory remarks, Colby 1966). Closely related to this conflict is an argument centered on the basic goal of componential analysis —  to seek.out "what is inside  people". The so-called "inside men", the staunch supporters of componential analysis, believe that the only meaningful and accurate description of a native's universe is that attained by investigating the very thought processes of the natives themselves.  The "outside men",  on the other hand, believe that, "It is not necessary that the dimensions or principles of the anthropologist's model be expressed by informants in a direct fashion or even that of their model's as given verbally or by other means, have some correspondence in their principles or dimensions with those of the analyst... If his concern is the accurate  -  31  -  and economical description of native behavior, or, further, of human behavior, selection of some particular native model and its translation may indeed be undesirable" (Hammel 1966).  In fact, Hammel (1966)  suggests that "...a good analysis by and 'inside' man and a good analysis by an 'outside' man are likely to be equivalent and only redundantly different, if not identical." These two questions —  the degree of inter-cultural comparison  allowed by componential analysis, and the necessity or even desirability for an "inside view" of taxonomic perception — have been important considerations in the methodological approach of this study.  They are  both theoretical questions, and have been debated at length in semantic literature (cf. Colby 1966; Tyler 1969), but from a practical view, in terms of the present study, a less structured analysis allowing some means of inter-group comparison was felt to be desirable. An incidental criticism of componential analysis Is that it does not account for unlabelled folk segregates or "covert" categories, which were originally suggested to be as significant in native*thought as the normally recognized monolexemically labelled folk taxa within a given semantic domain (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1968). This criticism can also be directed at the methodological approach adopted in the present study, since it is directly involved with terminological systems. However, Berlin himself, in a later paper (1970), implied that covert categories, by the very fact of being unlabelled, cannot be considered to be as culturally important as labelled taxa, and are in fact highly variable and of short duration in folk taxonomies. A consideration which to my knowledge has not been discussed in  -  32  -  ethnoscience literature, is the practical matter of the time and effort componential analysis requires from the informants.  This was a parti-  cularly critical problem in the present study. All academic research is necessarily limited by time and available resources.  In studies  such as this one, where consultation with informants plays a major role, the number of available informants and the time and energy they are able to contribute to the study is of primary concern. Particularly in the case of the Haida, but also in Pacific Northwest groups generally, the only informants capable of answering the questions about plants and plant terminology required for this type of study are members of the oldest generation. These people were cooperative and enthusiastic, but were always extremely busy with affairs involving their friends and families, and interviewing time was usually "squeezed in" whenever they had a few hours of free time. Even during these periods, there were constant interruptions, which made elicitation difficult. Also, being elderly, they became tired easily, and I had to be careful to allow frequent breaks and not to let the sessions continue beyond about two hours.  ~  All of the informants were willing to answer questions relating to the names and uses of plants and any other information they could think of concerning the plants, and with few exceptions, they stressed accuracy above all other factors.* Additionally, since they were bilingual, they were able to give glosses for aboriginal botanical terms fairly readily, * Many told me at one time or another, "I don't want to say that because it might be the wrong thing, and everyone will think I am crazy." It was a point of honour and reputation to tell nothing but what was known to be true.  -  33  -  and with a high degree of accuracy, as I could discern by crosschecking with different people. Thus, I was successful in obtaining native terms for different kinds of plants, in defining the extent and conditions of their actual application, in approximating their meanings by obtaining English equivalents, and in determining the cultural importance of different kinds of plants. However, all of my attempts to apply the formal questioning procedures of componential analysis were met with impatience and irritation on the part of the informants.  Xt was not a question of  lack of interest or capability, or of unwillingness to cooperate, but rather, I believe, of a true inability to provide definite answers to the questions, namely because such definite answers do not exist, at least within the present cognitive system for plants. This apparent vagueness of semantic distinctions for plant taxa will be discussed in a later section of the paper, but essentially, it has resulted firstly in the response variation described earlier, and secondly, in the unwillingness of the informants to be "pinned down" by specific questions relating to the inter-relationship of plant categories. It is probable that some of the difficulties in elicitation I encountered in attempting to use componential analysis in describing Haida phytotaxonomy would have been eliminated if I had conducted the study in the Haida language, but this was impractical in view of the  -  34  -  scope of the study, the lack of knowledge of Haida linguistics,* and my own lack of linguistic experience.  Furthermore, since I was working  directly with bilingual informants and actual communication with them was not a problem, I felt that the advantages of learning the language were substantially outweighed by the technical difficulties involved. A more serious problem, resulting from the bilingualism of the Haida, was the already mentioned probable alteration of original Haida taxonomic categories by English folk taxonomic concepts. The extent of such interference could never be determined fully, and componential analysis, rather than indicating and crystallizing past semantic ideas about plants, served only to emphasize the complexities of the present phytotaxonomic system. I finally concluded that if it were possible to describe original Haida phytotaxonomy under present conditions, an approach other than componential analysis should be attempted.  Further, I reasoned that  the actual Haida plant names, still virtually unchanged after 70 years of rapid acculturation,** would provide the only valid key to the Haida * In 1972, Robert Levine, a doctoral student from Columbia University, New York, began an extensive study of Haida grammar, but at the time of this research, no linguists were actively involved with the Haida language in British Columbia. Two linguists, Dr. Joseph Kess, University of Victoria, and Dr. G. Bursill-Hall, Simon Fraser University, had done past field work in Haida and were helpful in making their tapes available to me, and in offering advice on Haida phonetics. Another linguist, Dr. Michael Krauss, of the University of Alaska, is engaged in studies of the Kaigani dialect of Haida, and has offered some help in transcribing tapes. Salishan linguist, Randy Bouchard, and especially Robert Levine have recently given me a great deal of assistance recording Haida phonetics. ** I was able to determine the stability of Haida plant names by checking them with terms recorded at the turn of the century by Newcombe (1897 1906) and Swanton (1905a, 1908).  - 35 phytotaxonomic system. From this point, my investigations were directed towards the isolation and description of features of Indian plant terminology which might indicate both nomenclatural practices and direct or indirect grouping of plants into taxonomic categories.  The specific  procedures involved in these investigations are outlined in the following section.  Research Procedures Used in the Study For each of the three study groups — Haida, Bella Coola, and Fraser River Lillooet — research procedures can be subdivided into the following general categories: literature research and collection of background information; field vegetation surveys; consultation with native informants; and synthesis of research data. a) Literature research  The accumulation of background information pertinent to the study has been a continuing process.  It has involved a review of literature on  ethnoscience and componential analysis, as discussed in the previous section, and of ethnological and vegetational literature relevant to each of the three groups.  Ethnological materials were reviewed for the most  part before field work had commenced.  They allowed many insights into  the cultures of these groups and in some cases provided a preliminary discussion of some of the problems I would encounter in attempting to describe plant taxonomic systems. For example, the complexity of Bella Coola phytotaxonomy is suggested in the following statement by Mcllwraith (1948):  - 36 "In regard to plants, a difficulty lies in the fact that Bella Coola nomenclature is not always strictly botanical, Two or more distinct ferns, for example, may be grouped together on account of their similar use as food, and one name applied to them indiscriminately. Conversely, different terms are sometimes given to various parts of the same tree, the roots, the bark, the leaves, etc." Of particular value were the works of Swanton (1905a & b, 1908, 1911) and Newcombe (unpublished notes, 1897 - 1906) for Haida, Mcllwraith (1948) and Smith (1928)* for Bella Coola, and Teit (1906) for Lillooet. Botanical references include the floras of Calder and Taylor (1968), Hitchcock et al. (1955 - 1969), and to a lesser extent, Henry (1915). These were consulted throughout the study.  Unfortunately, none of these  covers the Bella Coola region, and as a result, some of the plants from Bella Coola were particularly difficult to identify botanically. One paper, "Speculations of the Growth of Ethnobotanical Nomenclature" (Berlin 1971), proved to be exceptionally useful in the later stages of this research, by providing a directional focus for describing and explaining some of the observed characteristics and trends in the terminological systems studied. Other papers by Berlin,- Breedlove, and Raven (1966, 1968, no date), Berlin, Breedlove, and Laughlin (1970), and Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove (1971) have also been helpful in this regard. b) Field vegetation surveys At each of the three locations included in the study, an effort was  A number of Smith's manuscripts (Smith 1920-22a, b, c, d, & e) are available at the National Archives of Canada in Ottawa, and would undoubtedly have proven useful, but were not known to me until the summer of 1973.  - 37 made to compile an inventory of the flora encountered in the area, particularly those species noted by the Indian people themselves to be of some significance.  In Bella Coola and Lillooet most of the in-  ventories were carried out during field expeditions with informants, while on the Queen Charlottes, vegetational survey work was accomplished during the course of the first summer of field work. Whenever possible, herbarium specimens of these plants were prepared, although I was limited both in time and collecting materials. Drying the plant specimens  proved to be the most serious problem,  both on the Queen Charlottes and at Bella Coola.  On cool, wet days,  the presses were set on an oil stove, and most plants dried within two days, but during hot spells, this method produced intolerably high temperatures in our living quarters, and had to be abandoned. Space limitations permitted us only a few hundred sheets of pressing cardboard, so that the combination of poor drying facilities and lack of cardboard placed severe restrictions on our collections. Photographs of plants were also taken on many occasions during the field work. Some of the plants described by the informants could not be located in the field, and their identification could only be approximated from descriptions.  In some cases, these descriptions were detailed, allow-  ing an almost positive botanical designation, while in other cases, usually when a type of plant had not been encountered directly by the informant, the descriptions were too vague to allow even remote speculation about its botanical characteristics.  I had to emphasize to myself constantly the necessity of not  - 38 harbouring preconceptions about the botanical status of aboriginal plant segregates.  In this regard, having a botanical background was a  distinct disadvantage, since it was extremely difficult not to immediately perceive native categories in terms of botanical species. However, since every growing plant or plant specimen referred to in the study was botanically identifiable as a species or even subspecies, plant species names could be used without bias as labels for the types of plants involved in the study. The semantic range of a particular Indian plant taxon could then be defined in terms of the range of botanical species and subspecies shown by all plant specimens designated by a single folk segregate.  Not surprisingly, in a majority of  cases, the folk segregates did in fact show a one-to-one correspondence with botanical species (see RESULTS).  As mentioned earlier, botanical  species also provide a "translation medium" for describing the semantic ranges of folk segregates in different Indian languages.  Thus, famil-  iarity with modern nomenclature and classification of plant species, while detrimental in maintaining a completely unbiased perspective in folk taxonomic studies, is useful in labelling and cataloguing folk segregates, and is also essential in comparative semantic studies.  c) Consultation with native informants Interviewing has been the most enjoyable, and also the most challenging part of this project. A list of the native people consulted in the study is given in Appendix 1. As mentioned earlier, the informants are all elderly members of the Indian communities and all are bilingual to some extent. Most of the interviews took place at the informants' homes. They continued over several to many sessions, depending on the  - 39 extent of the informant's knowledge about plants.  In each group, two  or three people provided a major part of the information, although others contributed significant details. Whenever possible, the informants were taken on field trips to areas surrounding the villages, in order to observe plants in their natural habitats. At Lillooet, for example, all of the preliminary interviewing was done in the field. More commonly, fresh plant specimens would be collected on the morning before an interview, and in the afternoon each plant would be discussed with the informant to learn details of its Indian name, its relationship to other plants, seasonal variation, growth features, habitat, and cultural significance.  Care was taken not to refer to the  English common names of the plants unless they were already known by the informant.  Collections of fresh plants were supplemented with her-  barium specimens, or even photographs, of plants not readily available. Verifying the Indian plant names and information was accomplished by asking the informant about the same plant in a later session or through discussions with other informants.  The first technique was especially  effective in the Haida study, where I was able to repeat the interviewing process over two consecutive years.  I did find a few inconsistencies  from one year to the next, but for the most part, the data collected over the two years were remarkably consistent. Historical records of plant names and terms previously collected by other field workers were also useful in corroborating my own data. In many cases, the plants under discussion had not been seen or talked about by the informants for a long time —  sometimes for as long  - 40 as 50 years. Under these circumstances, the names and characteristics of the plants did not always come readily to mind.  Often, additional  details about a plant would be remembered after several sessions of talking and thinking about plants, or after consultations with friends or relatives. Sometimes, a plant was recognized only after some previously elicited details about it were furnished, such as its name or use. This was done only as a last resort, when it was obvious that the informant would not remember anything without assistance. At times, an informant would specifically ask what another informant had said about a plant. When told, he would often volunteer supplementary information.  I do not  feel that providing this kind of stimulus produces biased or false results, since each informant was sincere in his attempts to tell only "the truth".  Information volunteered by myself or others resulted in a  negative or non-committal response as often as a confirmation. Realistically, the "suggestion" technique provided a significant amount of data to which I would not otherwise have had access. All of the informants were pleased at being able to refresh their memories on "Indian plants", and all made very positive comments about having this information recorded and written down.* The informants Were  *  For each of the groups where I have done field work, I have provided the informants and the local Band Councils with copies of the information I obtained on the names and uses of plants, organized in a popularized format, and accompanied by tapes of the plant names pronounced by the informants. These have been greatly appreciated, and, as I have heard indirectly, are a source of considerable pride to the people who originally provided the information.  - 41 given an hourly payment of about $2.50,* but in no case was monetary gain a primary motivation for providing information. Each of the Indian languages in the study has a unique inventory of consonants, vowels, and phonetic sequences. Many of the sounds in these languages do not occur in English speech. Accurate transcriptions of the plant names would have been impossible without the help and advice of several linguists presently involved in field work in these areas. They include: Robert Levine, doctoral student at Columbia University, New York, who is currently working on the Skidegate dialect of Haida: Dr. Aert Kuipers, Professor of Linguistics at the University of Leiden, Holland, a Salish language specialist; two of Dr. Kuipers' students, Henk Nater and Jan van Eijk, working on Bella Coola and the Fraser River "dialect" of Lillooet respectively; and Randy Bouchard, of the B.C. Indian Language Project, Victoria, B.C., who has provided general assistance throughout this project, particularly with the Salishan languages. During the course of their own field work, these linguists were able to transcribe all of the plant names directly from the native informants, either in conjunction with my elicitation sessions, or independently. Each of them spent considerable time and energy on my behalf, not only in the original transcription process, but also in subsequent checking and revision of the plant names. Undoubtedly, further corrections and additions *-This was more or less standard payment for field work in linguistics and anthropology in the Pacific Northwest, although there has been a recent trend towards higher rates. Some field workers pay over $5.00 per hour at present.  - 42 to the plant names will be necessary over the course of the next few years, but I feel confident in presenting the data as linguistically accurate and complete within the practical time limits of this study. The orthographies used for writing Indian plant names in this study have been adopted from a series of practical writing systems developed and described by Randy Bouchard with the assistance of a number of native language specialists (cf. Bouchard 1970, 1971, 1972). Practical orthographies are currently being used by native peoples in several Salish groups for recording their own languages.  In the case  of Haida, a number of modifications to the system originally described by Bouchard have been made, with advice from Robert Levine (cf. Levine 1973). Descriptive keys to the pronunciation of the orthographic symbols in Haida, Bella Coola, and Fraser River Lillooet are given in Appendixes 2, 3, and 4 respectively. Tape recording, while not a substitute for actual speech, proved valuable in the study, both as a note-taking device during elicitation sessions, and in providing a permanent record of the plant names in the three languages.  In the latter capacity, tapes are useful for checking  or confirming linguistic transcriptions, but in most instances, absolute final decisions on phonetic designations can be made only in the field. In the present study, a Uher 4400 stereo recorder was used. Copies of all of the tapes made in conjunction with the study have been filed with the B.C. Indian Language Project, sponsered by Randy Bouchard, and with the National Museum of Canada in Ottawa. A number of informants were distinctly apprehensive of the tape recorder, and some of the Haida  - 43 people requested that I not use it.  In these cases, I asked other  informants to repeat any new or unique names given by these people in order to have a complete taped record of the plant names.  d) Synthesis of data The cognitive data resulting from the elicitation process take two forms: unstructured statements and opinions about relationships between plants, derived from informal conversations; and, a series of actual native names applied to different kinds of plants. The first type of information is generally variable and incomplete.  It was con-  sidered in formulating and influencing ultimate conclusions about folk categories in the three groups, but was too irregular to be regarded as anything other than supplementary information.  The series of plant names,  on the other hand, show constancy and stability, and in the context of other types of related data, can be construed as a discrete set of verifiable information, to which quantitative sorting techniques can be applied, and from which trends and generalities can be realized. These names formed the major resource data in this study. Various factors must be considered in conjunction with the Indian plant names, including details of their source and terms of application; their origin, when known; and their semantic range. Also relevant are data on the habitats, distributions, and botanical status of the kinds of plants referred to by the folk segregates, and information com. >.rning the cultural significance of these plants. Consideration of these parameters, within the context of three unique cultural and linguistic groups (one of which is further divided into two  - 44 dialectic units) requires the multi-dimensional sorting of a vast quantity of diverse data. To meet this requirement, a coding system was designed for computerized sorting of the various details associated with the folk segregates. Three separate sets of standard Fortran data cards were employed to accommodate these details.  The first set includes the folk segregates  themselves and information relating directly to them, such as language and dialect, descriptive characteristics of the terms, assumed origin, and botanical equivalence (see Table 1). The second set contains information relating to the various botanical taxa delimited by the folk segregates (see Table 2). The third set includes information on the cultural significance of the plants in each of the linguistic groups (see Table 3)i  Keys to the various codes in the system are provided in  Table 4. The card layouts, coding systems, and sorting program were designed so that additions and alterations can be made at any time, as new information becomes available.  This means that the comparative base for this  type of study can be expanded to include as many different linguistic and dialectic groups in the Pacific Northwest as can be adequately described botanically.  - 45 Table 1. Card design for information directly related to folk segregates for plants.  Field Column number number  Description of information  1  1  CARD SET LABEL - All cards in this set are labelled "A" in this column.  2  2-3  3  4  4  5- 7  PLANT SEGREGATE NUMBER (right-adjusted) - This number is unique for each different term applied to a part of a specific plant, a plant taxon, or a group of taxa within a given language and dialect.  5  8-43  FOLK SEGREGATE - The native terms for different kinds of plants are written in a modified practical orthography (see Appendixes 2, 3, and 4). Underlining is indicated in the computor printout by a slash following a letter (e.g., k = k/), and accent marks are printed as an asterisk *. English glosses for the terms are also given when known.  44  CONTINUING INFORMATION - When the folk segregate and its English gloss is too long to fit the alloted number of columns in one card, a "CM is placed here, and a second card is used to continue the information. In this case, the first four fields are repeated on the second card, as identification.  6  45  PART OF PLANT REFERRED TO BY SEGREGATE - Specifies application of the term, either for a specific part of a plant (e.g., fruit, bark, or cambium) or for a specific growth stage or state (e.g., immature or prepared for use). (See Table 4 for specific codes used.)  7  46-47  REFERENCE SOURCE - Each different source of folk plant segregates is indicated by a unique code (see Table 4).  8  48-67  DESCRIPTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLANT SEGREGATES (20 subfields).  LANGUAGE - Each different language group in the study is given a separate code (see Table 4). DIALECT - When more than one dialect is represented in a language, letter codes are used when necessary to refer to a specific dialect (see Table 4).  - 46 -  Field Column number number  Description of information  8a  48  Uniqueness - Terms which have no meaning other,than as plant segregates, or terms including segments which have no meaning (according to native informants) are indicated by a "1" placed in this column.  8b  49  Generic term polysemous with or partially inclusive of a term of broad taxonomic standing (e.g. plant, berry, tree, or grass) - indicated by a code (see Table 4).  8c  50  Compound lexeme with a specifying modifier (e.g. 'Haidaapples', 'real-saskatoons') - indicated by a "1" placed in this column.  8d  51  Sex differentiation indicated - If sexual status is specified or implied in a folk segregate, an M (male) F (female), or N (neuter) is placed in this column.  8e  52  Colour - If specified or implied in a segregate, an appropriate symbol is given (see Table 4).  8f  53  Texture - If a term indicates or implies texture (e.g. 'soft', 'rough', 'sticky'), a "1" is placed in this column.  8  §  54  Shape or growth form - If a segregate indicates or implies the shape or growth form of a plant (e.g. 'climbing-plant', 'bunched-up*, 'strings-along'), a "1" is placed in this column.  8h  55  Taste, smell, touch, or sound - If a plant term refers to any of these factors (e.g. 'sweet-berry', 'smellsnice', 'burning'), a "1" is placed in this column,  8i  56  Reference to anatomical feature (e.g. 'rain's-navel', 'goose-tongue', or 'man-foot') - indicated by a "1" in this column.  8  J  57  Comparison of plant to some substance or object (other than to an anatomical feature) (e.g. 'crow's-lace', 'tree-biscuit', 'Raven's-canoe') - indicated by a "1" in this column.  8k  58  Other quality of plant indicated by name - If the term includes some other descriptive feature not covered in Fields 8e to 8j (e.g. location within a plant: 'inside'; or state of plant: prepared'), a "1" is placed in this column.  - 47 Field Column number number  Description of information  81  59  Plant name includes reference to habitat — appropriate code is placed in this column (see Table 4).  8m  60  Plant name includes reference to use - An "H" indicates use by humans (e.g. 'bow-tree', 'rope-plant'), and an "A" indicates use by an animal (e.g. 'Raven'scanoe', 'grizzly's-highbush-cranberries').  8n  61  Term indicates some action or process associated with the plant (e.g. 'bustling'. 'hold-in-the-mouth', 'buying') - A "1" is placed in this column.  8o  62  Name indicates some human attribute of plant - An "R" denotes use of a kinship term (e.g. 'pilot-biscuit'sgrandmother', 'tobacco-mother'), and an "H" indicates some other human attributes (e.g. 'child', 'thief').  8p  63  Name indicates association of plant with an animal appropriate code is placed in this column (see Table 4).  8q  64  Name indicates association of plant with a supernatural being (e.g. 'hermaphrodite-plant', 'ground-ghost') - A "1" is placed in this column.  8r  65  Name Indicates association of plant with a natural phenomenon or astronomical feature (e.g. 'rain-leaves', 'forest-cumulus-cloud') - A "1" is placed in this column.  8s  66  Name includes segregate for a plant - An "S" indicates inclusion of another segregate applied to the same kind of plant (e.g. in Haida, Ihk'iit-lhk'aayii 'lhk'iit-branches' contains lhk'iit, the term applied to the entire plants or stems of the same kind of plant). A "D" indicates inclusion in a term of a segregate referring to a related, but recognizably different kind of plant (e.g. in Haida, the term 'lhk'iitbaby' for a plant related to lhk'iit, but smaller). A "U" indicates inclusion in a term of a segregate referring to a perceptually unrelated (or not closely related) kind of plant (e.g^ 'village-skunk-cabbage' in Haida, for Plantago major).  - 48 Field Column number number  Description of information  A T indicates inclusion in a term of a segregate referring to a perceptually higher taxonomic order than the plant named (e.g.'red-rain-leaves', for a particular kind of 'rain-leaves' in Haida). 8t  67  Meaning of a term or term segment unknown or not understood - A "1" is placed in this column.  9  68-69  ASSUMED LANGUAGE OF ORIGIN OF PLANT TERM - This field is necessary to indicate borrowing of terms from other languages. In many cases, more information is needed to determine the origin of terms than is available at present. In cases of dialectic borrowing, the dialect code is given in column 69. Language and dialect codes are the same as those used in fields 2 and 3 of this card set.  10  70  11  71-79  BOTANICAL EQUIVALENTS OF FOLK SEGREGATES (3 subfields).  11a  71-74  First species reference number - When folk segregates approximate a botanical species or a discrete larger taxon, the unique number of the taxon is given in this subfield (see Table 2). If the semantic range of the folk taxon covers more than one botanical species, the first (or major) species number is given here.  lib  75-78  Second species reference number - When more than one botanical species or discrete larger taxon is covered by the semantic range of a folk segregate, the unique number of the second species is given in this subfield.  DATE OF ORIGIN OF TERM, WHEN KNOWN - An "M" is used for terms whose origin is specifically explained in mythology. An "A" refers to terms whose origin is assumed to be aboriginal (pre-white contact). An "R" refers to terms whose origin is indicated to be recent (post-contact), such as names for introduced plants, or terms derived from English, French, or Chinook jargon. A "C" indicates those few terms which were known to be "coined" or "made up" by an informant .  - 49 Field Column number number  Description of information  11c  79  Indication of three or more species included under a single folk segregate - A "1" is used to indicate a single additional species covered by a folk taxon. An "F" indicates a few (3 or less) additional species covered. An "S" indicates several (4 to 10) additional species included, and an "M" indicates many (over 10) additional species referred to by a single folk segregate (as in the word for 'moss' in a three language groups). It is possible, in the case of general terms, to have a symbol in this subfield, without having specified a second botanical taxon in field lib.  12  80  DEGREE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF FOLK SEGREGATES TO BOTANICAL CATEGORIES - A "0" indicates that the folk segregate refers to a fraction of a botanical species. A "1" indicates a one-to-one correspondence with a botanical species. A "2" indicates a folk segregate which applies to two or more closely related species which are difficult to distinguish botanically (e.g. Porphyra spp., Salix spp.). A "3" indicates a segregate applying to two or more distinctly different, but related plant species (e.g. "moss", "grass", "thallose lichens"). A "4" indicates a segregate referring to two or more botanically unrelated (at the family level for angiosperms) plant species (e.g. Campanula rotundifolia and Aquilegia formosa). Finally, an "I" refers to a folk segregate originally applied to a native plant, but expanded in post-contact times to include an imported or cultivated counterpart (e.g. wild and garden "strawberries").  - 50 Table 2. Card design for information relating to the botanical taxa delimited by the folk segregates. Field Column number number 1  Description of information CARD SET LABEL - All cards in this set are labelled "B" in this column.  2- 5  BOTANICAL TAXON NUMBER (right-adjusted) - This number is unique for each plant species or discrete higher taxon included in the semantic range of any folk segregate (listed in card set "A").  6-42  SCIENTIFIC NAME OF PLANT SPECIES OR HIGHER TAXON - The scientific names used are standardized with those of Hitchcock et al. (1955 - 1969) or Calder and Taylor (1968).  43-56  RANGE OF PLANT SPECIES OR HIGHER TAXON IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (According to Biogeoclimatic Zones, after Krajina, 1970) - This section must remain incomplete until further information is available. A "D" indicates dominance of a plant in any site within the zone, while a "1" indicates presence of the plant within the zone. An "R" indicates that the plant is extremely rare. The range categories are as follows:  43  Alpine Tundra Biogeoclimatic Zone (BGC Zone)  44  Mountain Hemlock BGC Zone  45  Engelmann Spruce - Subalpine Fir BGC Zone  46  Boreal White and Black Spruce BGC Zone  47  Sub-boreal Spruce BGC Zone  48  Caribou Aspen - Lodgepole Pine - Douglas-fir BGC Zone  49  Interior Western Hemlock BGC Zone  50  Interior Douglas-fir BGC Zone  51  Ponderosa Pine - Bunchgrass BGC Zone  52  Coastal Douglas-fir BGC Zone  - 51 Field Column number number  Description of information  53  Coastal Western Hemlock BGC Zone  54  Queen Charlotte Islands (not a BGC Zone, but a discrete geographical and floristic unit which is distinguished for convenience.)  55  Cultivated or imported (does not occur in a wild state within the Province.)  56 57-58 59-70  Weed (non-native wild plant) Undesignated HABITAT OF PLANT SPECIES OR HIGHER TAXON - A "1M indicates presence of the plant in a habitat (a general guicfe only). Habitat types are as follows:  59  Epiphytic (on trees or other plants)  60  Marine  61  Beach and sand dunes  62  Fresh water swamps and lakes  63  Bog, muskeg  64  Alluvial terraces, deltas, flood plains, and salt marshes  65  Deciduous forest  66  Coniferous forest  67  Subalpine - alpine meadows  68  Rock or talus  69  Dryland sage or grassland  70  Disturbed areas — meadows, burns, clearings  71  Undesignated  - 52 Field Column number number  Description of information  6  72-76  FAMILY NAME OR BROAD TAXONOMIC GROUPING (Families given for vascular plants, phyla for non-vascular plants and fungi) - Usually the first five letters of the family name are used (e.g. Rosaceae is given as ROSAC), unless a conflict occurs between family names with the same abbreviation. In this case, some other abbreviation is adopted for one of the families.  7  77-80  REFERENCE TO COMMON NAME - If a species or larger taxon has a colloquial name, a unique number is listed here. The common names can then be given in a separate listing, and in the future, if desired, printouts of the information can be made using common plant names along with botanical names. This listing was not utilized for this project.  Table 3. Card design for information related to the utilization of plants by Pacific Northwest Indians. Field Column number number  Description of information CARD SET LABEL - All cards in this set are labelled in this column.  2- 5  BOTANICAL TAXON REFERENCE NUMBER - This is the unique number of the plant species or higher taxon to which the information on utilization and aboriginal beliefs refers. For folk segregates which include more than one botanical species, each species involved is listed separately in this card set.  6- 7  LANGUAGE CODE - Since uses of plants and beliefs about them can be specific to any linguistic or cultural groups, each kind of plant is listed separately for each Indian group in which it was utilized, and the language of that group is indicated in this field (see Table 4 for key to language codes)»  8  9-21  9  DIALECT CODE - If the use of a plant is restricted to a particular dialectic group within a language group, the dialect is indicated here (see Table 4 for dialect codes). USE AS FOOD (OR ORAL STIMULATION) - When known, or specified, seasonal codes are given (see Table 4). Otherwise, a "1" is placed in the appropriate column (s) . Categories are as follows: Undesignated  10  Underground parts (roots, rhizomes, bulbs) eaten  11  Fruits eaten (mostly berries)  12  Seeds or nuts eaten  13  Cambium or sap eaten  14  "Greens" or above-ground stems eaten (including mushrooms)  15  Flavouring for food, or for tobacco  16  Chewing or smoking  - 54 Field Column number number  Description of information  17  Used as beverage  18  Used in collection of herring spawn  19  Food preserved for winter use  20  Food of a particular animal (either in fact or in belief only)  21  Considered inedible or poisonous (to eat or to handle)  22-29  USE IN TECHNOLOGY - When known or specified, seasonal codes are given (see Table 4). Otherwise a "1" is placed in the appropriate column(s). Categories are as follows:  22  Wood (for carving or manufacture)  23  Fuel or tinder (when specified by informant)  24  Dye, decoration, cosmetic, tattooing  25  Fiber or fibrous tissue used  26  Lining steaming pits or drying racks, covering berries or floors, generating steam for cooking or woodmoulding, and similar uses  27  Bedding, stuffing (pillows, etc.), bandaging, towelling  28  Unmodified implements or containers  29  Cement, binding substance  30-58  MEDICINAL USE - A "1" is placed in the appropriate column^). Categories are as follows:  30  Removing warts  31  Poultice (for burns, sunburn, wounds, infections)  32  Blistering agent  33  Casts, splints, poultice coverings  34  Cauterizing  - 55 Field Column number number 7  Description of information  35  Antiseptic or deodorant  36  Headaches  37  Toothaches  38  Eye medicine (sties, infections)  39  Colds, sore throats, whooping cough, flu, fevers  40  Lung ailments (pneumonia, bronchitis, tuberculosis)  41  Heart troubles  42  Ulcers and stomach troubles  43  Laxative  44  Diarrhoea medicine  45  Emetic  46  Bladder or urinary ailments  47  Childbirth or female disorders  48  Venereal diseases  49  Unspecified internal complaints (e.g. cancer)  50  Rheumatism, arthritis, muscular disorders, paralysis  51  Used in steam-bath, or sweat-house  52  General tonic  53  Pain killer, anaesthetic  54  Contraceptive, abortive  55  Goitres, mineral deficiencies  56  Medicine of a particular animal  57  Medicine, unspecified  58  Antidote for poisoning  - 56 Field Column number number  Description of information  59-60  Undesignated  61-70  ROLE OF PLANTS IN RELIGION, MYTHOLOGY, TRADITION - A "1" is placed in the appropriate column(s). Categories are as follows:  61  Ceremonial purifier, for obtaining supernatural power  62  Used for beating or washing in purification ritual  63  Involved in some other ceremony or ritual  64  Good luck or protective charm  65  Involved in some taboo or superstition  66  Role in myths as a "humanized" figure or dramatis personae  67  Supernatural or magical role in myths (non-human)  68  Natural role in myths  69  Crest, totem, or dance symbol  70  Love charm  9  71-72  10  73  OTHER USES (e.g. recreation) - Codes given in Table 4, IMPORTED (not used locally or aboriginally)  - 57 Table 4. Keys to codes used in computor sorting 'system* I. Indian languages and dialects - Many of these codes are not used in the present study, but are included in anticipation of eventual expansion of the system. These codes are used in card set "A" (fields 2 and 3, 7, and 9) and in card set "C" (fields 3 and 4). Code  Language/Dialect  Code  Language/Dialect  HA S M  HAIDA Skidegate dialect Masset dialect  LI F P  LILLOOET Fraser River (Upper LI) Pemberton (Lower LI)  TS C G N  TSIMSHIAN Coast Tsimshian Gitlcsan Niska  SH S N  SHUSWAP Southern Shuswap Northern Shuswap  KW S B H  KWAKIUTL Southern Kwakiutl Bella Bella (Heiltsuk) Haisla  KO  KOOTENAY  CN  CHILCOTIN  CA  CARRIER  NO S N  NOOTKA Southern Nootka Northern Nootka  SK  SEKANI  TA  TAHLTAN  KA  KASKA  BC  BELLA COOLA  SL  SLAVE  CS  COAST SALISH (general)  BE  BEAVER  CO  COMOX  TL  TLINGIT (Alaska)  SE  SECHELT  EN  ENGLISH  SQ  SQUAMISH  FR  FRENCH  HM  HALKOMELEM  CH  CHINOOK JARGON  SS  STRAITS SALISH  BO  IS  INTERIOR SALISH (general)  Borrowed word, but source not known  TH  THOMPSON  OK  OKANAGAN  *  Each of these code systems can be expanded at a future date to allow for incorporation of new information.  -ss"A" ii. Part or state of plant referred to by folk segregate (card set "A field 6). Code  Description  Code  Description  A  abnormal growth of some kind  0  old or dead individual  B  bark  P  C  cambium  whole plant (including fruiting fungi)  D  dried or prepared material  R  root, underground part  F  fruit, flower, cone, seed, or floats of algae  S  stem, stipe, sprouts  T  thorns, slivers, spines  G  gum, pitch  Y  young plant  L  leaves  1  branch  N  numerous individuals, plural form  III. Reference sources for folk plant segregates (card set "A", field 7) Code  Reference source  HA  my own field work with contemporary Haida informants  LI  my own field work with contemporary Lillooet informants  BC  my own field work with contemporary Bella Coola informants  2  Newcombe, C.F. (unpublished notes, 1897 - 1906)  3  Swanton, J.R. (any publication listed in Bibliography)  4  Steedman, E. (1929)  5  Boas, F. (any publication listed in Bibliography)  6  Curtis (1916)  7  Dawson (1880)  8  Mcllwraith (1948)  - 59 IV. Broad taxonomic plant segregates incorporated in generic segregates (card set "A", field 8b) Code  Gloss of term  Code  Gloss of term  B  berry, fruit, or nut  R  root  E  evergreen boughs  T  tree  F  fern  w  wood, stick  G  gum, pitch  1  branches  L  leaves  2  grass  M  moss  3  flower  P  plant  4  bark  V. Colours referred to in folk plant segregates (card set "A", field 8e) Code  Colour  Code  Colour  B  blue  Y  yellow, or yellow/green  G  green  D  dark-coloured  L  light-coloured, blond  W  white  R  red  VI. Habitat types referred to in folk plant segregates (card set "A", field 8) Code  Habitat  Code  Habitat  B  beach  S  substrate (rock, ground, etc.)  F  forest  V  village  M  muskeg  W  water  0  ocean  T  P  epiphytic on a plant  time of growth (not a habitat, but appropriate here)  - 60 VII. Animals referred to in folk plant segregates (card set "A", field 8p) Code  Animal  Code  Animal  B  bird (other than Raven)  M  mammal  A  amphibian or reptile  R  Raven  F  fish  S  I  insect  shellfish, marine invertebrates  VIII. Seasons for collection of plants for food and in technology (card set "C", fields 5 and 6) Code  Season  E  early spring  S  late spring and early summer  F  late summer and fall  W  winter  IX. "Other uses" not covered in fields 5 to 8 in card set "C" (card set "C", field 9) Code  Use  C  children's games or toys  G  games  F  fertilizer  H  hair tonic  P  perfume  S  soap  - 61 RESULTS  Phytotaxa of the Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet Indians The various folk plant segregates of Skidegate Haida, Masset Haida, Bella Coola, and Fraser River Lillooet are listed alphabetically in Appendixes 5, 6, 7, and 8 respectively.  Their English glosses, botan-  ical counterparts, economic uses, and cultural roles are also noted. As can be seen from the data, folk segregates are applicable at varying levels of botanical specificity, from very general, such as the terms for "moss" or "grass", to highly specific, such as the Lillooet names for different kinds of Saskatoon berries (Amelanchier alnifolia). Some general terms for morphological features of plants are given for each of the four groups in Appendixes 9, 10, 11, and 12. Berlin (1971) and Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove (1971) have delineated the varying levels of specificity shown by folk phytotaxa into six major types of categories, which are, according to their research, found in the lexicons of all languages.  These categories are labelled  in hierarchical sequence from the most general to the mos.t specific, as follows: 1) unique beginner - the highest level in a given domain, including all other categories. In the case of phytotaxonomies, this is the taxonomic category implied by the term "plant". 2) major life-form - Only a few abstract general taxa, such as "tree", "vine", and "herb" are included at this level. They cover the majority of lesser ranked taxa in the system, although some important generics are not included in life-form taxa (cf. Bulmer 1967). 3) intermediate - Taxa at this level, called "covert categories" (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1968), are rather ephemeral and ambiguous in definition. They are more specific than life-form taxa and more general than generic taxa, but show varying degrees of specificity within this range. When they do exist, they are not usually labelled linguistically.  - 62 4) generic - The greatest number of taxa are included at this level within any ethnobiotaxonomy — usually about 500 (Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove 1971). They are linguistically recognized as the usual "names" of different kinds of plants. They correspond generally to our English folk taxonomic concepts of "oak", "columbine", "apple", and "squash".* 5) specific - a less common type of category than generic. Specific taxa characteristically exist as sets of a few members within a given generic (e.g. "red oak", "white oak"). 6) varietal - this level is recognized only occasionally in folk phytotaxonomies, usually for plant types of critical cultural importance, such as cultivated plants (e.g. peppers, beans, corn). A diagrammatic scheme of these taxon types is presented in Figure 6. A number of generalizations concerning their origin and development have been suggested by Berlin (1971) and will be discussed later.  Since they are  considered to be universal, it is convenient to present the terminological data collected in this study in relation to them. a) Unique beginner No monolexemic term corresponding to "plant" exists in any of the three language groups in the study, although "plant" as a concept was obviously valid to the informants.  They showed no hesitancy or lack of compre-  hension when I told them I wanted to find out names and uses of "plants", and they would often immediately provide unsolicited information about particular "plants" which were important to them.  In almost all cases, their  concept of "plant", as inferred from their responses, coincided with the English folk concept of "plant", if not the scientific concept.**  *  Other researchers (e.g. Price 1967) often refer to this taxonomic level as "specific" rather than "generic", and employ the term, "generic", for more general (i.e. major life-form taxa).  ** The actual scientific definition of "plant" is still subject to debate (cf. Whittaker 1969).  - 63 -  unique beginner (U)  major life-form (L)  intermediate  (I)  generic (G)  S  S S  V V V  S S  S  S S  V V V V  specific (S)  varietal (V)  Figure 6. A diagrammatic scheme of universal phytotaxonomic category types based on conclusions of Berlin (1971) and Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove (1971).  - 64 In one instance, I tried to determine the present semantic limits of "plant" by asking George Young of Skidegate (see Appendix 1) about a number of natural objects he professed never to have seen before. His conclusions, assumed to be based solely on his own criteria for distinguishing a "plant" from a "non-plant", were as follows:  "plants" -  specimens of lichens* (Icmadophila ericetorium, Caloplaca sp., Candelariella sp., Hypogymnia enteromorpha, Pilophorus acicularis, Cladonia ? amaurocraea), marine algae (Codium fragile, C. setchellli, Laurencia spectabills), and a feathery bryozoan; "non-plants" - a lichen (Graphls scripta), a whitish fungal mycelium mat beneath the bark of a spruce log, and an encrusting bryozoan; intermediates - a lichen (Placopsis gelida), and some egg cases of a whelk (Thais lamellosus). One might assume the "plant" concept to have been acquired by Pacific Northwest Indian groups only in post-contact times, in conjunction with the adoption of the English language.  Certainly, European  contact must have resulted in substantial re-structuring and expansion of the native semantic domains for vegetation; the introduction of new materials and knowledge would be expected to have such an effect. However, in the languages of the three study groups, a number of terms and morphemes are known which imply the aboriginal existence of broad semantic categories approximately equivalent to the English taxon, "vascular plants", by their most conservative interpretation, or to "plants" generally if a more flexible interpretation is allowed.  *  The lichens were identified by Dr. I.M. Brodo, lichenologist at the National Museum of Natural History, Ottawa, Canada.  - 65 In Bella Coola and Lillooet, as well as in many other Salishan languages (Turner and Bell  1971; Turner 1973), the suffixes, -lhp  and -az respectively, when added to various native terms for fruits or other structures of specific kinds of plants, refer to the "plant", "bush", or "tree" in its entirety. Thus, in Bella Coola, the term for wild and garden strawberries (Fragaria spp.) is kwululuuxwu, while the term referring to the strawberry plant is kwululuuxmi-lhp (Turner 1973).  Similarly, the name for  Prunus emarginata bark is plhtkkn, while the name for the entire tree is plhtkn-lhp.*  In other cases, the stem (i.e., the term without the -lhp  suffix) does not refer to a particular plant structure, and lacks meaning as a botanical entity without the "plant" suffix Ccf. Achillea millefolium - its'yaaxw-lhp 'flicker-plant'; Abies spp. - k'-lhp (stem has no apparent meaning to the informants)!]. A total of 47 percent of Bella Coola plant names in this study** contained the suffix, -lhp, either manditorily or optionally. The majority of plant names to which the suffix could not be applied (according to the informants) were botanically referable to algae, fungi, lichens, bryophytes, grasses, or species whose underground parts were *  The formation of the term for a plant is not always as simple as adding the "plant" suffix to a pre-existing word* In Bella Coola, the addition of -lhp is often accompanied by complete or partial reduplication of the original word Ecf. Pyrus fusca fruit - p'x, tree - ixp'ix-lhp; Dryopteris filix-mas rootstock - skw'alm, plant skw'alkw'alm-lhp (Turner 1973; see also Newman 1969)3.  ** In cases where two or more related names exist for the same plant, or different parts of the same plant, only one is included in the total.  - 66 eaten (see Appendix 7). A parallel situation is seen in the Lillooet language, with the "plant" suffix, —az.  Fruit—bearing plants are commonly named after the  fruit Ccf. strawberries - skw'elap, strawberry plant - (s)kw'elap-az; Shepherdia canadensis berries - sxmisum, bush - xwusum-azH.  In other  cases, the stem itself has no botanical application; the term has meaning as a plant name only when the suffix, -az, is attached Ccf. Holodiscus discolor bush - pats7-az (<patsa7 'digging stick'); Oplopanax horridus k'atl~az (stem has no apparent meaning)]. The Lillooet language contains a significant number of plant names borrowed from other Salishan languages, such as Shuswap and Thompson (in the case of the Fraser River Lillooet). The "plant" suffix in these languages, varying from -lhp, to -lhep, to -alhp, was often retained when the word was transferred to Lillooet. A total of 52 percent of all Lillooet plant names in this study contained the "plant" suffix, -az, or the borrowed "plant" suffix, -lhp, -lhep, or -alhp. Most of the plant names to which these suffixes could not be applied were botanically referable to fungi, lichens, bryophytes, or species whose underground parts were eaten (see Appendix 8). These "plant" suffixes in Bella Coola and Lillooet demonstrate the aboriginal existence of a definite category for at least "vascular plants". Application of these suffixes can be regarded as defining the minimal limits of the original semantic unit; it is probable that the semantic range for the category "plant", was more extensive in both groups, if other terminological data are considered.  For example, in Bella Coola,  - 67 the "verb", pus 'to grow', when nominalized by adding the initial "s" — s-pus — means 'leaf'. The verb itself applies to children and young animals as well as to plants, but the origin of 'leaf from 'to grow' implies a semantic category of "things that grow" which corresponds with "plant" in a broad sense. In the Haida language, a different, though comparable situation exists., There is no single inclusive lexical segment applicable to the names of different types of plants, as there are in Bella Coola and Lillooet.  Instead, almost all botanically recognized species are nomen-  claturally referable to one of several partially overlapping life-form categories, which together, as a semantic continuum, represent the domain of "plant". Three of the major categories are those represented by the terms: xil* [approximated as 'leaf/leaves', 'medicine', or 'herbaceous plant(s)'l Ihk'aayii (S) or lhk'aay M C'plant(s)', 'bush(es)', leafy branch(es), 'defoliated branch(es)', or 'stems of clustered berries'^; and Ihk'amaal 12 (M) or tlaas** C'evergreen bough(s)'l. These terms will be discussed in greater detail in the next section. Like the suffixes, -Ihp and -az, they are applied mandatorily or optionally in the naming of plants. They are mutually exclusive, in that they do not normally occur together in a single plant name,*** although in some cases, they can be used inter-  *  Terms common to Skidegate and Masset are unmarked.  Skidegate words are  indicated by an (S), Masset words by an (M). The numbers following (M) terms (see Appendix 2).tlaas and Ihk'amaal 12 are ** Only tlaasindicate is used pitch in (S), while in (M), used with equal frequency and appear to be synonymous. *** One exception is xil-k'unlhelh-lhlc'aay (M) 'yellow-leaves-branches', for Ranunculus acris.  - 68 changeably.  Some examples of their use are given in Table 5.  In all, approximately 42 percent of the Skidegate plant names, and 65 percent of the Masset plant names in this study were assigned linguistically to one of these three categories. No types of fungi or bryophytes were included, but every other major botanical group, including algae, lichens, pteridophytes, gymnosperms, and angiosperms (except Poaceae and Cyperaceae), were represented in at least one of the categories.  b) Major life-form categories In this study, major life-form categories, as defined, by Berlin (1971), and Raven, Berlin, and Breedlove (1971), are interpreted broadly as "major plant classes" (cf. Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven, no date), and hence include economically inspired taxa, such as "berries" and "edible roots" as well as conventional growth-form taxa, such as "trees", "grasses", and "herbs". Major life-form taxa are often both economic and physiognomic units, as in the case of the Haida xil category, since xil means both 'leaf' and 'medicine'. The life-form categories described here are not necessarily definitive or exclusive.  Certain ambiguities and discrepancies exist  in the allocation of types of "plants" to the different categories. Some plants are not directly referable to any one major taxon, while others are referable to more than one category, depending on the context of the discussion or the opinion of an individual informant. A similar situation exists in English folk taxonomy, where, for example, a tomato can be classed as either a fruit or a vegetable, and Acer  - 69 Table 5. Examples of plant names in Haida containing the life-form markers, xil, lhk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M), and tlaas or lhk'amaal 12 (M). These terms, by their combined wide—ranging application to many types of plants, can be said to confirm the psychological validity of a domain for plants in the Haida language. I. Names containing xil 'leaf/medicine' Dial. Plant name  English gloss*  Botanical designation  S  chaagaan-xillaay  'deep-ocean-leaves'  Corallina spp., Constantinea subulifera  S  yaanaang-xiljjaa  'fog-leaves'  Equisetum spp., Lycopodium spp., Achillea millefolium (plants)  S  tlelj*aa-xilj|aa  'earth-leaves'  Rubus pedatus, Linnaea borealis (plants)  S  xilaa-gaaydlelging  'floating-leaves'  Nuphar luteum ssp. polysepalum (leaves, flowers, rhizomes)  M  saagwaal-xil 22-1  '.saagwaal-leaves1  leaves (plant) of fineleaved ferns (e.g. Athyrium filix-femina)  M  stleguu-xilaay 11-22  'land-otter leaves'  Apargidium boreale (plant)  M  ts'iik'ep-xil 21-2  'ts'iik'ep-leaves'  Cornus unalaschensis (plant)  M  sgaan-xiilaa 2-12  'killer-whale leaves' unidentified herb (growing beneath Rubus spectabilis)  II. Names containing lhk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M) 'deciduous branch' Dial. Plant name  *  English gloss  Botanical designation  S  lhk'iit-lhk'aayii  'lhk'iit-branches'  Heracleum lanatum (plant)  S  kal-lhk'aayii  'kal-branches'  Alnus rubra (tree, branch)  As given by the native informants.  - 70 Dial. Plant name S  lhaayaa-lhk' aayii  S  _gaalj?uun-lhk' aayii  English gloss f  Botanical designation  lhaay&£l-branches'  Viburnum edule (bush)  M  'currant-branches' » k'unlhe-lhk' aay 21—2 'rose—branches  M  sk'ixlhe-lhk'aay 21-2 'salal-branches'  Gaultheria shallon (plant)  M'  hegwetl'iit-lhk'aay  'soapberry-branches'  Shepherdia canadensis (bush)  'dog-salmon-eggbranches'  Vaccinium vitis-idaea (plant)  112-2 •  M  sk'egechaay-lhk'aay ,112-2  III. Names containing Ihk'amaal (M) or tlaas Dial. Plant name  Ribes bracteosum (bush) Rosa spp. (bush)  'evergreen bough'  English gloss  Botanical Designation  sj[aalhaan-tlaas  's^aalhaan-boughs!  Chamaecyparis nootkatensis (boughs)  kaayt-tlaas  'kaayt-boughs'  Picea sitchensis (boughs)  S  k'aang-tlaas  'k'aang-boughs!  Tsuga heterophylla (boughs)  M  ts'uu-tlaas 2-1 ts'uu-lhk'ameleey  'ts'uu-boughs'  Thuja plicata (boughs)  'ts'elhel-boughs'  Pinus contorta (boughs)  2-111  M  ts'elhel-tlaas 11-2 ts'elhel-lhk'ameleey 11-222  M  1  k allaa-lhk'ameleey 22-211  'muskeg-boughs'  Juniperus communis (plant)  circinatum  (vine maple) can be considered either a shrub or a tree,  depending on the viewpoint of the classifier.  Furthermore, the categories do not necessarily have equivalent status, such as implied by the model in Figure 6.  Some of them are  actually overlapping paradigmatic subsets of others.  An appropriate  example in English is the taxon "fruit", which can itself be considered a life-form category of "plant", but is composed of members of several other life-form categories, including "trees", "shrubs", and "herbs". The "berry" category of Bella Coola and Lillooet, and especially of Haida, is a similarly composite life—form category.  Despite these indeterminacies, life-form categories definitely do exist in the cognitive systems of the study groups and are definable in general terms, if not in specifics.  Some of these are actually named  (e.g. 'tree' in Bella Coola and Lillooet; 'berry' in Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet; 'flower' in Bella Coola and Lillooet; and 'grass' in Haida, Bella Coola, and Lillooet).  In these c a s e s a n y member of the  category can be called "a kind of ('tree', 'berry', 'flower', 'grass')".  Other life-form categories are not actually labelled, but instead are implied by differential application of terminology for certain parts or structures of various plants.  For example, the Haida category of  "plants having deciduous branches", indicated by application of the term lhk'aayii (S) or lhk'aay (M) to the name of a plant, is not named, but is a real category nonetheless.  Price (1967) has documented a  number of life-form categories of this type in Huichol.  - 72 Still other life-form categories — inconclusive —  perhaps the most nebulous and  are unnamed and defined.only by conversational associa-  tions or by English terminology for which there is no native equivalent. For example, in both Haida and Bella Coola, there is a definite association between different types of marine algae, delineated by the English term "seaweed", but in neither case is there any indication of an aboriginal term applicable to all seaweeds or even to a majority of them. It is impossible to determine whether an aboriginal life-form  category  for "seaweeds" actually existed before white contact, or whether the concept of "seaweed" was acquired only recently.  Intuitively, one would  expect that seaweeds were always considered as a discrete category, at least in maritime cultures such as Haida, but no proof or even suggestive linguistic evidence for this premise exists at present.  Unnamed life-form categories differ little from intermediate categories, as defined on page 61.  For purposes of this study, the  distinction is made that an unnamed life-form category encompasses a group of commonly associated plants which are not generally included in any other life-form category, while intermediate categories are subgroups of life-form categories, and as such are at a lower hierarchical level.  i) Haida life-form  categories  Three major life-form categories in the Haida language have already been mentioned, namely those defined by the terms xil, lhk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M), and Ihlc'amaal (M) or tlaas.  These categories can be termed:  "herbaceous plants (other than grasses)"; "branching shrubs and deciduous trees (also some herbaceous species)"; and "coniferous trees".  - 73 These categories are not strictly definable.  The terms xil and  Ihk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M) can be applied interchangeably to some plant names, with only slight alterations in meaning.  For example, Alnus  rubra, because it is used medicinally and because it has leaves, can be called kal-xil (S), but the preferred name is kal-lhk'aayii.  In  Masset, the terms, saa|aan-xil 22-1 and saa |aan-lhk'aay 22-1 for Maiarithemum dilatatum, are virtual synonyms.  Theoretically, all different kinds of leaves and everything used for medicine by the Haida, even white beach agates and "periwinkles" (Littorina spp.), are called xil, and could be said to belong to a xil category.  However, when xil is applied to plant names, it delimits a  particular group of plants, almost all of which fit the description of leafy herbs, not necessarily used medicinally.  Lhk'aayii (S) / lhk'aay (M) was translated as 'branch', and was offered as the Haida equivalent of "branch" by all of the Haida informants.  Further questioning invariably established its meaning as 'decid-  uous branch'.  Nevertheless, a number of non-branching herbaceous forms,  such as Maianthemum dilatatum  and Carex macrocephalum Cxaalhk'ets'e-  lhk.'aay 221-2 (M) 'porcupine-branches' D, are nomenclatural members of the lhk'aay category.  The lhk'amaal / tlaas category corresponds generally with the apparent semantic range of the term kaayt (S) / kiiyt (M), which specifically refers to Picea sitchensis, but which in its broadest sense can be translated as 'evergreen tree', although the life-form category also includes two low evergreen shrubs: Juniperus communis and Empetrum nigrum  - 74 in Masset.  Juniperus is actually the "type" for the lhk'amaal category,  since it is commonly called k'alla-lhk'ameleey 22-211 'muskeg-boughs', or simply lhk'amaal 'bough' in the Masset dialect.  It does not grow at  Skidegate, and is not known by Skidegate speakers at the present time. A fourth major semantic category in Haida is that of "berries". The term for 'berry', £aan (S) / gaan (M), is actually an element in many of the generic names of types of "berries" Ccf. sk'aw-gaan (S) 'thorn-berry' (Rubus spectabilis); j*aan-xawlaa (S) 'sweet-berry' (Amelanchier alnifolia); taan-gaan-naa 2-1-1 (M) 'black-bear's-berries' (Streptopus amplexifolius)D, although many other "berries" do not contain this term Ccf. 7aas (S) (Shepherdia canadensis); daah (S) 'buying' (Vaccinium oxycoccus); sk'aagii-chaay (S) 'dog-salmon-eggs' (Vaccinium vitis-idaea); lhdaan (Vaccinium alaskaense and V. ovalifolium) X.  The category for "berries" is indicated, both for aboriginal times (since it recognized terminologically and nomenclaturally) and for the present Haida cognitive system. In the latter case,-its semantic range may have been altered from the original meaning to better conform with that of the English "berry".  "Berries" as a life-form category is non-exclusive in terms of the types of "plants" which are included in it.  In a sense, it is a sub-  group of the "shrubs and deciduous trees" category, but it also overlaps terminologically and semantically into the "herbs" category, and even into the "coniferous trees" category, with Juniperus and Empetrum (see Figure 7).  Strictly speaking, the "berry" designation in Haida refers only to  berries and berry-like objects (such as the succulent leaves of Sedum  - 75 divergens  —  saat-£aan-£aa in Skidegate), but actually, it is often  applied to the entire plant, much in the same way as "blackberry" or "elderberry" may be applied in English to the plants bearing these fruits. —  Often, when the informant was asked about a type of berry plant  even without its berries —  he would first give only the "abbreviated"  version of the name (i.e., the name for the berries), and would use the "proper" name (for the branch or whole plant) only when I repeated his first answer in a questioning voice.  Two typical conversations about  berry plants are as follows:. 1. "What is this called?" (a branch of Rubus spectabilis without berries) George Young (Skidegate) - "That's sk'aw-gaan." "Sk'aw-gaan?" Young - "Yes, sk'aw-^aan — berries are sk'aw-gaan."  sk'aw-_gaan-lhk'aayii." (pause) "The  2. "What is this?" (a non-fruiting plant of Streptopus amplexifolius) Florence Davidson (Masset) - "Taan-gaan-naa." "Taan-gaan-naa?" Mrs. Davidson - "Taan-gaan-naa-xil."  -  In all, about 10 percent of Skidegate plant names and 7 percent of Masset plant names are included linguistically in the "berry" category. Many others are semantic members.  A life-form category of similar status to "berries", but not as well defined is that of "edible roots and underground parts" (hereafter simply "roots").  There is no special name or exclusive term for members  of this category, but invariably edible "roots" are considered jointly  - 76 or successionally in discussions by Haida informants.  A question about  Potentilla paciflca, for example, would be answered and followed up immediately by unsolicited information about Trifolium wormskjoldii, Fritillaria camtschatcensisLuplnus spp., Pteridium aquilirium, Polystichum munitum, and Dryopteris filix-mas.  The above-ground parts of  these plants are included variously in the xil or Ihk'aayii (S) / Ihk'aay (M) categories, or are considered as independent units, but the underground parts form a definite association of another dimension.  Another life-form category is that of "grasses and grass-like plants" (hereafter simply "grasses"), called k'an.  Elymus mollis can  be considered the generic "type" for this category, since most informants, when first asked what k'an is, would say, "It's that tall stuff down on the beach" (namely Elymus).  When shown other kinds of grasses  and sedges, however, they say, "That's k'an too." many different botanical species — Cyperaceae, and Juncaceae — generic names.  This taxon includes  namely the various members of Poaceae,  but only a few of these are recognized with  Most of the generic names which were used were simply  descriptive modifiers of the 'grass' term, such as 'tall-grass', 'wideleaved-grass', 'fine-grass', and 'round-grass', and these were used inconsistently by different informants.  An apparent post-contact extension of the semantic range of k'an is indicated by the term, 2£aaydaa-lc'ln-gaa (S) 'Haida-grass', which was applied by Maude Moody to many types of weeds and wild flowers (e.g. Hypochaeris radicata, Corallorhiza maculata, Tanacetum huronense, and Cakile edentula).  This term was used interchangeably with the anglicized  expression, xaaydaa-flawers_gaa (S) 'Haida-flowers'.  Neither term was  - 77 employed to any extent by other Haida informants.  This type of cate-  gory can be referred to as an "empty" taxon, since it contains few or no named subtaxa, although it:includes' a large number of members. Another "empty" life-form category is that of "mosses" —  k'inxaan  (S) / k'innaan 22 (M) . This taxon includes all species of Musci and all of the Jungermanniales in the Hepaticae, as far as I could determine. In the Skidegate dialect, none of the different types of mosses was generically named, although George Young told me such names used to exist but had been forgotten.  In the Masset dialect, only Sphagnum  was consistently recognized with a generic name — k'allaa-k'innaaneey 22-112 'muskeg-moss'.  Several other types were named by Emma Matthews,  but the names were not corroborated by Florence Davidson. The status of the Haida category for different types of "seaweeds" has already been discussed. At present, macroscopic marine algae and vascular plants are all categorized as "seaweeds", but, with one possible exception* no Haida term or lexical segment exists which corresponds even remotely to this English folk segregate.  At least one  kind of "seaweed", chaagaan-xixlaay, is included nomenclaturally in the xil category, but most types are independent of any other major category. An unexpected feature of Haida phytotaxonomy is an apparent lack of folk segregates at any taxonomic level for types of fungi, with the *  Becky Pearson of Skidegate, when asked about the meaning of the term, t al, which is normally applied to Fucus, stressed that it referred to only one kind of "seaweed" (namely, Fucus), but that if someone found any kind of "seaweed" on the beach which he did not recognize, he would say, "T'al 7uu 7iijil." ("It's t'al.") or "T'al gwaa 7is."' ("Is it t'al?"). (Interrogative tone is not used in Haida.)  - 78 exception of various members of Polyporaceae (see Appendixes 5 and 6). All of the informants were familiar with the English terms, "mushroom" and "toadstool", and recognized several different types I asked about, but they knew of no Haida terms for these. The various Haida life-form categories discussed are listed in Table 6, and portrayed diagrammatically in Figure 7. As can be seen, they are not always mutually exclusive, and do not include all of the types of "plants" for which Haida generic names are designated,  ii)  Bella Coola life-form  categories  Most Bella Coola life-form categories for plants are delimited nomenclaturally.  These Include: "trees" (stn 'tree, log, or pole');  "berries (and berry plants)" (skaluts 'berry'; a-skaluts-aak 'berrybearing branch or bush'); "flowers" (sxiximuuts 'flower of any kind'); "grasses and grass-like plants" (slaws); "ground mosses (and lichens)" (ipts); mosses (and lichens) on trees" (ipts—aak 'limb—moss *)• and "mushrooms" (snu-kakayt-iikw, <kayt 'hat'). The last five categories ("flowers", "grasses", "ground-mosses", "tree-mosses", and "mushrooms") are "empty"; they each contain many recognizably different members, but few or none of these possess generic names. The Bella Coola 'tree' (stn) has a broader semantic range than the English "tree", since it includes logs* poles, and standing snags. It might be better translated as 'tall or long wooden structures'.  As  would be expected, it includes both coniferous and deciduous species. However, a sub-category of "needled trees" is indicated by application of the term, kwals, to the boughs or needles of Tsuga heterophylla,  - 79 Table 6. Haida life-form categories.  rt E  R -O rJH 0 H w O 1 M a) a) t i tJ •Hrt >-J o  ro I * jj I i10 H^ H fis; W 111 M-H <u co n) co r rr C3» T 3i+iJ i 4J i Mi •H O 0) H !>i d-4J fl , HoH HcraHf l-Hv ^rt X Ti OT O W QJr^. M -H > pi VO • «. 4JCJ H " H H ffltJ O I ? & 3 "3d m a^ m "aH . ja m a -h h ct). . .  I 3 co . +J0ft 3 g w-a -S(H H Q )> • O'OH S o & n.> : . .<?-h  fl n^ )1^ a1) a- 3 V rH MOH O S ro -H CrDH $ CO . a .J ' & n « 5a.m .w w  "herbaceous plants"  48 generic-level terms in S, 45 in M (overlaps with next category)  over 60 species in each dialect.  Nuphar luteum ssp. polysepalum, Moneses uniflora, Campanula rotundifolia  "deciduous trees and shrubby plants"  about 50 generic-level 65-70 species terms in each dialect in each dia(overlaps with prelect vious category; includes 'berry' group)  Rubus spectabilis, Heracleum lanatum, Alnus rubra  evergreen 11 generic-level terms trees (and in S, 15 in M (1 is shrubs)"; ,cf. also a general term) also kaayt (S)/ kiiyt (M) 'tree'  about 8 species Picea sitchensis, in each diaJuniperus communis, lect Thuja plicata  'berries'  33 generic-level terms in S, 31 in M (overlaps with first and second categories)  over 40 species in each dialect  'roots (and underground parts)"  12 generic-level terms in S, 9 in M  about 12 spec- Trifolium wormskies in each joldii, Polystichum dialect munitum, Solanum tuberosum  'grasses (and grass-like plants)'  1 general term, 7 gen- many species eric-level terms in S, involved 13 in M, but all are (over 25) poorly defined  Vaccinium spp„, Gaultheria shallon, Viburnum edule  Elymus mollis, Triglochin maritimum, Scirpus microcarpus  Single quotation marks signify a direct English translation of a Haida term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English, or of English origin. Note that generic names are counted only once, but semantic overlap with other categories is mentioned where it occurs.  80 -  eo 0 01 M •H 0 4-1 O 1 60 OJ <U M-l U •rl i-a  0I0Ico T) a) C -rl •H T3_ > rH td i-H >> -H -Ho O •£H M (U aj co 1) H "i •CHO ( H Q) p a 4J  CO •H (U 4-J O ) cfl a p. C O 6 •H aj !<! m > O H o rOH p< i-i t> P. a) ti <3 •H fid)  4-1 a rt CU r-i: T) Pu tH O o C •H CO <U CO r-H OJ P< -H CJ sd < u i ft w CO  "Haida flowers"  1 general term (Skide- many species Hypochaeris radigate only) - consider- (a rather cata, Coralloable overlap with xil nebulous cat- rhiza spp., Viola category egory) spp.  'mosses'  1 general term (6 gen- many species Eurhynchium oreganum, eric-level terms in (over 20 in Sphagnum spp., Masset) each dialect) Hylocomium splenens  "seaweeds"  16 generic-level terms in S, 15 in M (some overlap with xil category)  over 20 species in each dialect  uncategorized types*  1 generic-level term  many species Fomes spp., Cladonia in each dialect spp., all mushroom species  *  in S, 4 in M  Nereocystis luetkeana, Halosaccion glandiforme, Fucus spp.  About 10 terms in Skidegate and 8 terms in Masset, recorded by C.F. Newcombe, were not included for lack of classificatory evidence.  - 81 Figure 7. Diagrammatic representation of Haida life-form categories.*  ^ N / "seaweeds \ (many species, I about 16 gener^ ically named)  \  /"roots'^v / (about 12 X generically \  - '/ 'xil plants' (herbaceous plants - about 60 generically named species, and many unnamed)  / "Haida i flowers" « (many spe-x y cies) \  \  /  gras (many about ically named) (many species, 5 generically named in M)  Numbers are averaged from Skidegate and Masset dialects. Dotted lines indicate categories for which no particular Haida term exists, or whose aboriginal existence in Haida is doubtful. Single quotation marks signify a direct English translation of a Haida term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English.  Abies spp., Picea sitchensis, Taxus brevifolia, Pseudotsuga menziesii, and Pinus contorta, and of "scaled evergreen trees" by use of the term, ts'ap'ax for the boughs'-of Chamaecyparis nootkatensis and Thuja plicata. There is no term, other than s-pus 'leaf, applying to deciduous trees as a group, and there is no term, other than a general word and suffix for 'branch' to distinguish bushes or shrubs from other types of "plants", although the English term "bush" is commonly used at present. Unlike the Haida 'berry' —  _gaan (S) / gaan (M), the Bella Coola  'berry' (skaluts) is not incorporated into the names of different kinds of "berries".  Only one species, Vaccinium membranaceum, the generic  "type" of "berry", is called skaluts. Some more nebulous life-form categories are implied by conversational associations and differential application of terminology. The first of these —  "edible or useful roots and underground parts" (here-  after, "roots") — is at least partially recognized linguistically, by use of the suffix -nk (literally 'foot'), to refer to the "roots" of certain plants (e.g., Lysichitum americanum top - ukw'uk', roots ukw'uk'-nk; Pteridium aquilinum plants - saxsakwm-lhp, rhizomes saxsakwm-lhp-nk).  However, not all of the plants included by associa-  tion in the "root" category have names to which this suffix is applicable. As in Haida, the "root" plants are usually discussed as a group Potentilla pacifica, Trifolium wormskjoldii, Lupinus nootkatensis, Allium cernuum, and the other "roots" mentioned for Haida. No "herbaceous plant" category comparable to the Haida xil taxon  - 83 exists in Bella Coola. However, the "tops" of some "root" plants are delineated by the suffix -iixw (? -iixw), much In the same way as the leaves of carrots in English are called "carrot-tops" (e.g., Allium spp. bulbs - tl'xwtsn, leaves - tl'xwtsn-iixw; Veratrum eschscholtzii tops - ptitsk'-lh-iixw; Trifolium spp. tops - t'xwsusus-iixw; Potentilla ' pacifica tops - uk'k'al-iixw). In Bella Coola, as in Haida, there is no general term for the concept of "seaweed", although various types of marine algae are recognized with generic names. There is no term for "garden or cultivated plants", but volunteer plants, which grow without being planted, are called spuus-timut (<pus 'to grow').  Some other broad, but casual categories, such as "ferns"  and "green vegetables" could probably be considered as life-form categories in Bella Coola, but are discussed as intermediate categories. The various life-form categories of Bella Coola are enumerated in Table 7 and presented diagrammatically in Figure 8.  Hi)  Lillooet  life-form  categories  Lillooet life-form categories appear to be generally similar to those of Bella Coola.  There are named taxa for "trees" (segap),  "berries (and berry bushes)" (skw'el, <kw'el 'ripe, cooked'; bushes kw'el-az; and7usa7), "flowers" (sp'ak'em, <pak' 'white, light-coloured'), "grasses (hay)" (slekem); "mosses" (pa7sem); and possibly "mushrooms", since the term smetl'eka7, for a type of edible mushroom, is apparently also applicable to mushrooms generally, at least in some contexts.  - 84 Table 7. Bella Coola life-form categories.' 4-1  h • C tH -rl •rl 13 CD CO ._ US'M -i 6 V §> S'ir5t" S ^ °  ° L.^? i < ££ a ^§ W Owl H ^ '-O>H-N ,2 -H h o o m » D O U > rH  I U§  13 -Pi 3 4-1 O 0  w  dJ tH o '  > S a, o n > £ S a -Sfjafl  dl CO -H1 3 & 1 TlH 5 1 W W  'trees' "with leaves"  16 generic-level terms  about 15 species  Populus tremuloides, Rhamnus purshiana, Prunus emarginata  'scaled'  2 generic level terms, 4 general  2 species  Thuja plicata, Chamaecyparis nootkatensis  'needled'  11 generic-level terms, 8 species 1 general  Pseudotsuga menziesii, Tsuga heterophylla, Picea sitchensis  'berries'  40 generic-level terms, about 39 spec(1 also general) ies  Gaultheria shallons Rubus spectabilis, Maianthemum dilatatum  'flowers'  3 generic-level terms, many (over 1 general 20) species  Pyrola asarifolia, Aquilegia formosa, Corallorhiza spp.  'grasses (and grass-like plants)'  1 general term (2 gen- many (over eric-level terms 25) species overlapping with other categories)  Carex lyngbyei, Dactylis glomerata, Juncus effusus  'mosses' (on ground)  1 generic-level term, 1 general  Rhytidiopsis robusta, Plagiomnium insigne, Polytrichum juniperinum  "evergreen"  *  many (over 20) species  Single quotation marks signify a direct English glo ss of a Bella Coola term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English or of English origin.  - 85 i i to en .I0 (3 tH •H  w D a •CH fi o o 0 16 a) a ) UH •U) iH Cfl .tJ a  •H T3  W CO 0  ' H H H fi o H cu a) Cd W 4-1 o 3 CU •H Q) to T <D > •0S ra • • a-) ••o • h •H M O O S3 3 U U > .  I ^  to  C3 dJ •rH 0) O 4J. d) cd a. 5 co tj •rl <11 •*i m > O O rH M O P, >-l >  6 <u a C -H  4-J c 13 td a)  rH  P. 3  rH o o a •H CO a; C O rH QJ p* •H eti aia c X P* 05 w  'tree-mosses'  2 generic-level terms, many (over 1 general 15) species  Isothecium stoloniferum, Lobaria pulmonaria, Alectoria sarmentosa  'mushrooms' and "fungi"  2 general terms  many (over 20) species  Agaricus spp., Lycoperdon spp., Polyporus officinalis  "roots" (underground parts)  19 generic-level terms  about 18 species  Pteridium aquilinum, Trifolium wormskjoldii, Cicuta douglasii  "seaweeds"  6 generic-level terms many (over (one also general) 15) species  Fucus spp., Macrocystis integrifolia, Porphyra spp.  other "plants"  42 generic-level terms  Equisetum telmateia, Holodiscus discolor, Urtica dioica  46 named species , plus many others  - 86 Figure 8. Diagrammatic representation of Bella Coola life-form categories.*  Dotted lines indicate categories for which no particular Bella Coola term exists, or whose aboriginal existence in Bella Coola is doubtful. Single quotation marks signify a direct English translation of a Bella Coola term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English.  - 87 The "flower" and "mosses" categories are "empty, but "grasses" and "mushrooms" each have several named components. Agropyron spicatum (bunchgrass) is the generic "type" for "grasses", since it is called slekem-ul 'real-grass/hay'. Another named category, similar to the "Haida flowers" taxon in Haida, is that of "weeds", swa7pulmexw (literally 'ground-hair'), which includes various introduced and native herbs not recognized with generic names. As in Bella Coola, a sub-category of "trees", namely "trees with needles", is suggested by the differential use of the term k'ama7 'needles' for Pseudotsuga menziesii and other conifer needles. Pseudotsuga is the generic "type" for the "tree" category in Lillooet, being called segap-ul 'real-tree'.  It is also a type for "tree" in the Yurok  and Smith River languages of California (Bright and Bright 1965). One Lillooet term for 'berry', skw'el, is derived from the "verb" 'to ripen', and has no generic "type". However, the other term (usually a suffix), -usa7 (sometimes in a reduplicated form), is a component of several names of members of this life-form class (e.g. Rubus leucodermis berries - tsats7-usa7 'black-berries'; Amelanchier alnifolia berries, "rotten" variety - nek'nakw'-ukw'sa7 'rotten-berries').  In fact,  Vaccinium membranaceum, the generic "type" for "berry" in Bella Coola, is called 7usa7 in the Lillooet language. An unnamed "edible root and underground parts" category also exists, and includes many members, especially in Liliaceae.  The generic names of  most of these do not include the -az "plant" suffix; rather the name  - 88 applies specifically to the root or underground part of the plant and generally to the entire plant (e.g., Calochortus macrocarpus bulb and plant - mekw7— u7sa7 'round-thing-held-in-the-mouth'; Erythronium grandiflorum bulb and plant - sk'amts; Lomatium macrocarpum root and f plant - kw ekw'ila).  In English, a similar naming system exists for  many "root" plants, such as carrot, onion, potato, and turnip. , Lillooet life-form categories are enumerated in Table 8, and presented diagrammatically in Figure 9. c) Intermediate categories In each of the three study groups, there are many intermediate plant categories — more general than generic taxa, and more specific than life-form taxa. These are informal associations, and many are not linguistically recognized, except by English terminology. Thus, their existence in aboriginal times usually cannot be substantiated, although intermediate categories undoubtedly did exist in pre-contact days.  Some, involving introduced or imported plants and English term-  inology, are obviously of post-contact origin. Most of the intermediate taxa in this study were derived from conversational associations of the informants, or from common nomenclatural designations. As already mentioned, the unnamed categories discussed as life-form taxa in the previous section, such as "edible roots" and "seaweeds", could be considered as intermediate categories, but were included as life-form categories because of their apparent high taxonomic level. The intermediate categories themselves are not all of equivalent taxonomic status. They can occur at any taxonomic level within the  - 89 Table 8. Fraser River Lillooet life-form categories.*  co a s 0 1-1 14H O 0 01) t Q>) MH 4J T-) cti hJ O 'trees' "with leaves"  IO +J T3 MI 4-1 00 C C3 iH Q) QJ <L> <U •H -Oo > co o ) o >-.roH rOH n Vi tH <4H > P n o •H a -HrH n) M O iH rH OJ iH Q)' 03 (0 M 4-1 Q . CO dJ >J r•H M a) 4-1 -r! CO a u 4J ^ pi  I 0 p C O <IJ CJ • H <u G 4-1 a) ft cd c o td •SH c u * m r>H o o O n p. M ft cu•£H  4-1 C 'd n) <u rH Td P.rH3 HH O O iCH CO CL) CO rH CU Pu iH e n) oa) * P< W CO  1 general term 15 generic-level terms about 13 species  Acer glabrum, Populus trichocarpa, Prunus emarginata  19 generic-level terms about 15 specCone also general) ies  Pseudotsuga menziesii, Pinus albicaulis, Juniperus scopulorum  'berries'  31 generic-level terms over 33 specCone also general) ies  Vaccinium spp., Actaea rubra, Lonicera involucrata  'flowers'  many (over 1 general term (in20) speciescludes 1 or 2 generics) (overlaps with 'weeds')  Penstemon fruticosus, Lilium columbianum, Gaillardia aristida  'grasses (and grass-like plants)'  3 general terms, 4 gen- many (over eric-level terms 2.0) species  Agropyron spicatum, Elymus cinereus, Distichlis spicata  'mosses'  1 general term  evergreens'  *  several (about 15) species  Selaginella wallacei, Polytrichum piliferum, Funaria hygrometrica  Single quotation marks signify a direct English translation of a Lillooet term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English or of English origin.  iI  CO  0 J-i 1 00 QJ flj 4H 4-1 •h ca .-J o >4H O  M CO +J T3 C T) 0) OJ •iH T) ' O > rH O i-H > . I-H O H H > O r—I -H CJ <1) vHo co .Q 4-1 0  & co cu n 3 -H !-i a)  S  3 O 4-1  CO  cu •H c u CJ 4-1 a) a) ft e CO T)<u iH X <4H o o o Jj > cu n <ftJ CU^Q•Ha  a u  nS CU rH T3 ftrH 3  m o o a •H CO <u CO rH <11  ft iH a cd o<u X ft W co  "mushrooms and fungi"  5 generic-level terms many (over (one possibly more 20) species general)  Polyporus spp., Agaricus spp., Clavaria spp.  'weeds'  1 general term (over- many (over laps with 'flowers' 20) species and "plants")  Asclepias speciosus, Sisymbrium altissimum, Tanacetum vulgare  "roots (and un- 15 generic-level terms about 15 specderground parts, ies including poisonous types)  Calochortus macrocarpus , Erythronium grandiflorum, Lomatium macrocarpum  other "plants"  Elaeagnus commutata, Artemisia tridentata, Rhus radicans  42 generic-level terms  over 46 species  - 91 Figure 9. Diagrammatic form categories.*  representation of Fraser River Lillooet life-  * Dotted lines indicate categories for which no particular Lillooet term exists, or whose aboriginal existence is doubtful. Single quotation marks signify a direct English translation of a Lillooet term; double quotes represent expressions found only in English.  - 92 limits of the category type, they can involve any number of generic taxa, from two to many, and they can result in several different types of associations between plants.  Some, such as the Haida and Bella Coola  "ferns" and "umbelliferous plants", originate from obvious structural similarities between plants.  Others are derived from similar utili-  zation (e.g. Haida and Bella Coola "green vegetables" and "strong medicines") . Some intermediate relationships result from habitat similarities (e.g. Haida "muskeg plants", Lillooet "tree lichens"), while others appear to have been derived mainly from English categories being superimposed on native categories, and are named accordingly (e.g. Lillooet "onions", "sage", "pines"). Hence, a single type of plant can be included in more than one intermediate category, depending on the desired context. Furthermore, an intermediate category can include two or more sub-categories which are also intermediate. It would be impossible to enumerate all intermediate taxa for each group, since the number is potentially limitless; casual associations between plants are made at many different levels, using many different criteria. The categories range in extent from those of short duration, recognized by only a few individuals, to those of longer standing, generally recognized throughout the society. New categories are constantly being initiated, especially with the introduction or superimposition of the taxonomic categories of another language, such as English. At the same time, other categories are forgotten as their necessity for existence is eliminated through cultural change. In Tables 9, 10, and 11, some notable examples of intermediate categories, ranging from general to specific, are provided for Haida,  Table 9. Some examples of intermediate taxonomic categories for plants in Haida. Dial. S, M  Designated category name  Examples of plant species included in category  "green vegetables" (ga- Heracleum lanatum, Stachys cooleyae, Epilobium angustifolium, Rubus parthered in spring; viflorus, R. spectabilis, Rumex oceaten raw with sugar cidentalis, lhk'uuxaay (S, indet.) and grease)  Linguistic recognition Native lang. English no inclusive term  "greens", "vegetables"  S, M  "ferns"  Polystichum munitum, Blechnum spieant, ts'aagwel (S) Polypodium glycyrrhiza, Athyrium (M terms are filix-femina, Dryopteris spp., Ptermore specific) idium aquilinum, Gymnocarpium dryopteris, Adiantum pedatum, Botrychium multifidum (leaves)  "ferns"  M  "fine-leaved ferns"  Pteridium, Athyrium, Dryopteris, Gymnocarpium, Adiantum, Botrychium, Tanacetum huronense (leaves)  saagwaal 22 (M)  no corresponding term  M  "coarse-leaved ferns"  Polystichum, Blechnum, Polypodium, Achillea millefolium (leaves)  ts'aagwaal 22 (M)  no corresponding term  S, M  "thorny or spiney plants" (used as protection against witchcraft)  Ribes lacustre, Oplopanax horridus, Picea sitchensis, Rosa nutlcana, R. gymnocarpa, Crataegus douglasii  no inclusive term  no inclusive term  "fresh-water aquatic plants"  Callitriche heterophylla, Potamogeton spp., Fontinalis spp., "any green thing in the water"  _gandel-xil_gaa 'water-leaves'  "hydrophytes"  Dial.  Designated category name  Examples of plant species included in category  Linguistic recognition Native lang. English  M  "muskeg plants"  Eriophorum spp., Juncus effusus, Fauria crista-gallii, Juniperus communis  k'allaa - 22' muslceg' (included in the generic names of these plants)  "bog plants"  S, M  "plants which are strong medicines"