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The evolution of urban and regional planning in Canada: 1900-1960 Gunton, Thomas I. 1981

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THE EVOLUTION OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING IN CANADA 1900-1960 by THOMAS I . GUNTON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f W a t e r l o o , 1972 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f W a t e r l o o , 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School o f Community and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as con f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1981 ( c ) Thomas I". Gunton, 1981 In presenting th is thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make i t f r ee ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l ica t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of 1 The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date tily A T - / j y / I ABSTRACT Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g i s now a c c e p t e d as a l e g i t i m a t e f u n c t i o n o f government. But the e v o l u t i o n o f Canadian p l a n n i n g from i t s i n c e p t i o n a t the t u r n o f . t h e c e n t u r y t o i t s new-found s t a t u s as an o b j e c t i v e t e c h n i c a l e x e r c i s e has been a p r o f o u n d l y complex p r o c e s s i n v o l -v i n g q u e s t i o n s about t h e v e r y n a t u r e o f s o c i e t y . T h i s t h e s i s i s an attempt t o t r a c e t h e development o f the t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f p l a n n i n g from i t s c o n t r o v e r s i a l b e g i n n i n g s a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y t o i t s f i n a l a c c e p t a n c e as a n e c e s s a r y and d e s i r a b l e f u n c t i o n o f the s t a t e . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the c e n t u r y i t became c l e a r t h a t the r a p i d pace o f u r b a n i z a t i o n and t h e c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and u n r e g u l a t e d p r i v a t e markets were i n s e r i o u s c o n f l i c t . The new urban, i n d u s t r i a l o r d e r t h a t accompanied c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n was p l a g u e d by i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e s and i n t e r a c t i o n s which made the u n r e s t r i c t e d use o f p r o p e r t y an a n t i q u a t e d and dangerous i l l u s i o n t h r e a t e n i n g the p h y s i c a l h e a l t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n , the e f f i c i e n c y o f the urban system, and the s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y o f the e n t i r e s o c i e t y . Canadians responded t o t h i s c o n f l i c t i n t h r e e d i s t i n c t and some-what c o n t r a d i c t o r y ways. One approach which was a d vocated by a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s was t o implement r e f o r m s i n Canadian s o c i e t y i n o r d e r t o r e v i t -a l i z e r u r a l l i f e and r e v e r s e t h e u n d e s i r a b l e t r e n d o f u r b a n i z a t i o n . The second a p p r o a c h , which was advocated by urban l i b e r a l s , was t o a c c e p t u r b a n i z a t i o n as both d e s i r a b l e and i n e x o r a b l e and t o accommodate i t by i n i t i a t i n g l i m i t e d reforms w h i l e s t i l l p r e s e r v i n g the b a s i c f e a t u r e s o f c a p i t a l i s m . The t h i r d r e s p o n s e , advocated by urban r a d i c a l s , was t o i . a c c e p t u r b a n i z a t i o n as i n e x o r a b l e and t o r e s t r u c t u r e c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i -t u t i o n s which were i n i m i c a l to the s o r t s o f government p l a n n i n g they thought was n e c e s s a r y t o manage the new urban o r d e r . Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g was c o n s i d e r e d as e s s e n t i a l by a l l t h e s e groups. A f t e r g o i n g t h r o u g h s e v e r a l i n i t i a l s t a g e s o f development, a comprehensive body o f p l a n n i n g t h e o r y which a p p e a l e d t o a l l t h r e e groups was f o r m u l a t e d by l e a d i n g Canadian p l a n n e r s such as Adams. T h i s t h e o r y i n t e g r a t e d the a e s t h e t i c c o n c e r n s o f c i t y b e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , the e f f i c i e n c y c o n c e r n s o f American c i t y p l a n n i n g , and the e q u i t y con-c e r n s o f B r i t i s h town p l a n n i n g . The t h e o r y e n v i s a g e d a s t r o n g r o l e f o r t h e s t a t e i n c o n t r o l l i n g p r o p e r t y and p r o v i d i n g h o u s i n g . By t h e t w e n t i e s , the consensus t h a t had formed around t h i s t h e o r y o f p l a n n i n g c o l l a p s e d due t o a g r a d u a l a m e l i o r a t i o n o f urban problems and an o v e r t c o n f r o n t a t i o n between l i b e r a l s and urban and a g r a r i a n r a d i -c a l s . D u r i n g the t w e n t i e s a new, more c o n s e r v a t i v e t h e o r y o f p l a n n i n g d e v e l o p e d which emphasized the p r o t e c t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and the p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o accommodate p r i v a t e a c c u m u l a t i o n . P l a n n e r s became a l l i e d w i t h r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s who were eager t o use z o n i n g and o t h e r powers o f the s t a t e t o t h e i r advantage. With the c o l l a p s e o f the economy i n the t h i r t i e s , t he l a t e n t i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t s which had been submerged i n the t w e n t i e s r e a p p e a r e d w i t h renewed v i t a l i t y . The urban and a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s j o i n e d f o r c e s t o form a s o c i a l i s t p a r t y d e d i c a t e d t o e r a d i c a t i n g c a p i t a l i s m and r e p l a c i n g i t w i t h a planned economy. L i b e r a l s were f o r c e d t o f o r m u l a t e a new system o f both managing the c r i s i s and p r e s e r v i n g c a p i t a l i s m . G r a d u a l l y i i . t h e y d e v e l o p e d a new consensus t h a t was based on the t h r e e p r i n c i p l e s o f K e y n e s i a n s t a b i l i z a t i o n p o l i c i e s , s o c i a l w e l f a r e and s e c t o r a l p l a n -n i n g f o r t h o s e a r e a s o f the economy pla g u e d by market f a i l u r e s . Housing and l a n d were d e f i n e d as one o f the s e c t o r s o f the econ-omy a f f e c t e d by market f a i l u r e s . Major government r e p o r t s d e f i n e d a new postwar system o f urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g t o m i t i g a t e t h e s e f a i l u r e s i n l a n d and h o u s i n g markets. The r e p o r t s were h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f the type o f p l a n n i n g e x i s t i n g i n t h e t w e n t i e s , and proposed a new more com-p r e h e n s i v e system o f p l a n n i n g and o f c o n t r o l s o v e r p r o p e r t y . The urban l i b e r a l s , however, who were the dominant group, were a p p r e h e n s i v e about t h e i n c r e a s e d r o l e o f t h e s t a t e e n v i s a g e d i n t h e s e r e p o r t s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e y o n l y p a r t i a l l y implemented the recommended r e f o r m s . Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g , a l t h o u g h s t r e n g t h e n e d , was u l t i m a t e l y s u b o r d i n a t e d t o the i n t e r e s t s o f p r i v a t e markets and p r o p e r t y . I t a g a i n became a p a s s i v e system o f r e g u l a t i o n p r o v i d i n g n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s t o accommodate p r i v a t e e x p a n s i o n and r e g u l a t i o n s to enhance p r o p e r t y r i g h t s . N o n e t h e l e s s , i t s s t r e n g t h e n e d p o s i t i o n e n s u r e d t h a t the w o r s t f e a t u r e s o f development were e l i m i n a t e d . The tendency o f l i b e r a l p l a n n i n g t o s h i f t back and f o r t h between more a g g r e s s i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g times o f c r i s i s and v e r y p a s s i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g times o f s t a b i l i t y has meant t h a t , because o f the l o n g l a g times between the emergence o f c r i s i s and the c r e a t i o n o f p l a n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s c a p a b l e o f managing the c r i s i s , Canadian p l a n n i n g has been s t r o n g e s t a f t e r the c r i s i s has a l r e a d y s u b s i d e d o r when i t has changed form. C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e a b i l i t y t o p l a n has been h i g h e s t when i i i . the need t o p l a n has been l o w e s t . One q u e s t i o n r a i s e d by the t h e s i s i s why the more p a s s i v e l i b e r a l a pproach t o p l a n n i n g emerged as the dominant one.. I t i s argued t h a t t h i s i s due, i n l a r g e p a r t , t o Canada's unique c h a r a c t e r o f economic development and c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . U n l i k e c o u n t r i e s such as B r i t a i n which d e v e l o p e d more s o c i a l i s t modes o f p l a n n i n g , u r b a n i z a t i o n i n Canada was accompanied by a r a p i d e x p a n s i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e and s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the Canadian response t o development was l o g i c a l l y d i v i d e d between urban and r u r a l c o n c e r n s . Canada's i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and w o r k i n g c l a s s which were both promoting more a g g r e s s i v e . u r b a n p l a n -n i n g were too weak to have much i n f l u e n c e . The more powerful a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s and m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l i s t s were a b l e t o d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n away from t h e emerging urban problems to r u r a l and r e s o u r c e i s s u e s which d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d them. In the end, the urban l i b e r a l s were s u c c e s s f u l i n r e s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t between u r b a n i z a t i o n and c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s . L i m i t e d a c c e p t a n c e o f urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g a l l o w e d f o r the s u c c e s s f u l management o f urban problems w i t h i n the framework o f c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i -t u t i o n s . Whether i t w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be s u c c e s s f u l i n d o i n g t h i s o n l y time w i l l t e l l . i v . TABLE OF CONTENTS PART ONE: THE BACKGROUND Chapter I. The Urban C h a l l e n g e 2 C h a p t e r I I . The Urban Reform Movement, 1890-1920 33 PART TWO: THE EVOLUTION OF PLANNING C h a p t e r I I I . The Emergence o f P l a n n i n g , P a r t One: A e s t h e t i c s , E f f i c i e n c y and E q u i t y 72 Ch a p t e r IV. The Emergence o f P l a n n i n g , P a r t Two: The Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n 97 C h a p t e r V. P l a n n i n g i n the T w e n t i e s : The S e a r c h f o r L e g i t i m a c y , 140 C h a p t e r VI. C r i s i s and O p p o r t u n i t y : The Se a r c h f o r a New Consensus 203 Ch a p t e r V I I . The Postwar P l a n n i n g System 261 PART THREE: CONCLUSION C h a p t e r V I I I . The Nature o f Canadian P l a n n i n g 321 BIBLIOGRAPHY 357 v. LIST OF TABLES T a b l e Page 1. Urban P o p u l a t i o n by S e t t l e m e n t S i z e 6 2. P o p u l a t i o n o f S e l e c t e d Canadian C i t i e s 1891-1931 10 3. P o p u l a t i o n I n c r e a s e p e r Housing C o m p l e t i o n 13 4. O r i g i n o f R e s i d e n t s o f Major Canadian C i t i e s 21 v i . LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e Page 1. I n t e r c e n s u l P e r c e n t a g e Change i n P o p u l a t i o n , Urban and R u r a l , 1881 t o 1961 3 2. Canada: Net I n t e r n a t i o n a l M i g r a t i o n 1871-1971 4 3. P e r Cent P o p u l a t i o n : Urban, Canada and Major Regions, 1851-1961 7 4. Housing C o m p l e t i o n s , 1890-1950 14 5. S e l e c t e d Economic I n d i c a t o r s , 1926-1950 204 6. R e l a t i o n s h i p between P l a n n i n g A c t i v i t y and the Need f o r P l a n n i n g 337 v i i . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish t o e x p r e s s my deep a p p r e c i a t i o n t o my t h e s i s a d v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r B. Wiesman, f o r h i s encouragement and p a t i e n c e , w i t h o u t which t h i s t h e s i s would not have been done. I would a l s o l i k e t o extend my deep thanks t o P r o f e s s o r A. Smith, P r o f e s s o r H. Hightower, P r o f e s s o r K. Gerecke, P r o f e s s o r A. A r t i b i s e , P r o f e s s o r P. O b e r l a n d e r and P r o f e s s o r W. Hardwick, whose i n s i g h t s and c o n t r i b u t i o n s have made the c o m p l e t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . L a s t l y , my thanks go t o B. Hopton and N. Boyd, whose s u p p o r t and a s s i s t a n c e was i n v a l u a b l e . v i i i . 1. PART ONE: THE BACKGROUND CHAPTER I THE URBAN CHALLENGE Near the t u r n o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y Canadians p o s s e s s e d an overwhelming sense o f optimism. The Canadian west was f i l l i n g up w i t h immigrants, a t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y had been completed, and a new i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r was emerging i n the c e n t r a l r e g i o n s o f O n t a r i o J Prime M i n i s t e r W i l f r e d L a u r i e r r e f l e c t e d the mood o f the times when he t o l d an a u d i e n c e i n Ottawa i n 1904 t h a t "we a r e proud t o c a l l o u r s e l v e s a n a t i o n , and i t i s a m a t t e r f o r p r i d e t h a t we have more p o p u l a t i o n than many o f the n a t i o n s o f Europe. Our p o p u l a t i o n a t t h i s moment can not be f a r from s i x m i l l i o n and i t i s not presumptuous t o e x p e c t by the next census i t may have reached e i g h t m i l l i o n . " To a round o f c h e e r s L a u r i e r b o l d l y d e c l a r e d t h a t "As the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was t h a t o f the 2 U.S., so I t h i n k the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s h a l l be f i l l e d by Canada." L a u r i e r ' s pronouncement was n o t w i t h o u t b a s i s . During the p e r i o d from 1896 t o 1920 the Canadian economy d i d undergo a phenomenal expan-s i o n . Wheat e x p o r t s , f o r example, i n c r e a s e d twenty t i m e s . The v a l u e o f wood and p u l p and paper e x p o r t s i n c r e a s e d n i n e t i m e s , m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t r o s e about s i x t i m e s , and t o t a l e x t e r n a l t r a d e per c a p i t a grew 3 by f o u r t i m e s . Canadian p o p u l a t i o n , meanwhile, grew by an a s t o u n d i n g s i x t y - f o u r p e r c e n t from 1901 t o 1920, compared to a growth r a t e o f twenty f o u r p e r c e n t d u r i n g t h e p r e v i o u s two decades. For the f i r s t time s i n c e c o n f e d e r a t i o n t h e number o f p e o p l e e n t e r i n g Canada exceeded t h o s e l e a v i n g . (See f i g u r e s 1 and 2) T h i s r a p i d economic and p o p u l a t i o n growth was h a v i n g a p r o f o u n d 2 FIGURE #1 I n t e r c e n s u l Percentage Change i n P o p u l a t i o n by Urban and Rural , 1881 to 1961 P e r c e n t Change 70 — i 60 50 — i — Growth o f popul: a t i o n Growth,of urban p o p u l a t i o n Growth o f r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n 40 30 20 — 10 - J 1881-1891 1891-1901 1901 1911 1951 1961 ( S o u r c e : Leroy Stone, Urban Development in. Canada., TOttawa: .DBS, 1967), 28. FIGURE #2 Canada: Net International Migration, 1871-1971 (Source: Canada Manpower and Immigration, Canadian Immigration and Population Study: •Immigration and Populations S t a t i s t i c s . Ottawa: Information Canada, 1974.) 5. impact on Canada's s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n . Indeed, Canadian h i s t o r i a n s have l o n g noted t h a t Canada's s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n has, i n l a r g e p a r t , been 4 det e r m i n e d by the n a t u r e o f i t s economic development. I n i t i a l s t a p l e s such as f i s h , f u r and tim b e r r e q u i r e d few permanent s e t t l e m e n t s . T h e r e -f o r e , Canada remained s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d and r u r a l i n n a t u r e . But the new a g r i c u l t u r a l development, u n l i k e the p r e v i o u s development, r e q u i r e d a system o f permanet urban s e t t l e m e n t s t o s u p p l y the n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s and manufactured goods. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the s t r e n g t h o f a g r i c u l t u r a l development and l i n k e d m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s was r e s u l t i n g , i n e x o r -a b l y , i n a r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n o f the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n . F or example, F i g u r e 1 demonstrates t h a t w h i l e Canada's p o p u l a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d l y from 1901 t o 1911, Canada's urban p o p u l a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g even more r a p i d l y . In f a c t , by 1921, a l m o s t one out o f e v e r y two Canadians were urban r e s i d e n t s compared t o 1891 when j u s t o v e r one i n f o u r were urban. (See F i g u r e #3). An i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f t h i s r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n was the growing • c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s . In 1881 Canada had o n l y one c i t y i n the o v e r 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n c a t e g o r y ; Mon-t r e a l . But by 1921 seven Canadian c i t i e s were i n t h i s l a r g e c a t e g o r y and t he p r o p o r t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n c i t i e s l a r g e r than 100,000 i n c r e a s e d about n i n e p e r c e n t t o t w e n t y - f o u r p e r c e n t o f the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n by 1921. (See t a b l e 2 ) . Changing t e c h n o l o g y was c r e a t i n g " a g g l o m o r a t i v e economies"which f o r c e d f i r m s t o l o c a t e i n l a r g e r urban c e n t r e s . In f a c t , i n s p i t e o f the o v e r a l l r a p i d growth d u r i n g the 1901 t o 19.11 p e r i o d , 115 o f the. 164 c o u n t i e s i n E a s t e r n Canada l o s t p o p u l a t i o n as employment r e l o c a t e d from s m a l l e r towns t o the l a r g e r TABLE #1 Urban P o p u l a t i o n by Settlement S i z e f o r Canada, 1871-1961 Year i of C i t i e s Change from # of C i t i e s Change from P r o p o r t i o n of P r o p o r t i o n o f over 25,000 Previous Period over 100,000 Previous P e r i o d P o p u l a t i o n i n P o p u l a t i o n i n C i t i e s over 25,000 C i t i e s over 100,000 1871 6 1 10 3.3 1881 6 0 1 0 10.8 3.7 1891 7 1 2 1 14.9 8.6 1901 8 1 2 0 17.9 10.3 1911 11 3 5 3 26.2 19.2 1921 13 2 7 2 30.6 24.2 1931 14 1 8 1 36.1 29.1 1941 21 7 8 0 39.3 29.7 1951 19 -2 14. • 6 44.6 37.2 1961 29 10 17 3 52.9 44.9 (Source: T. R. Weir, "Population Changes i n Canada: 1867-1967", The Canadian Geographer, X I , 4, 1967, 203.) FIGURE #3 ( S o u r c e : Lero.y Stone, Urban Development i n Canada,,, (Ottawa: DBS, 1967) /' 32. 8. m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s such as T o r o n t o . ' Economic growth, and t e c h n i c a l change was a l s o r e s u l t i n g i n p r o f o u n d changes i n the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e o f c i t i e s . P r i o r to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n N o r t h American c i t i e s had had r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e l a n d use p a t t e r n s . D i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f uses such as r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l were r e l a t i v e l y mixed and t h e poor and w e a l t h y l i v e d i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o each o t h e r . Much o f t h e employment was a c t u a l l y l o c a t e d i n the r e s i -8 d e n t i a l u n i t s . But the new i n d u s t r i a l c i t y was d i f f e r e n t . Emerging s o c i a l c l a s s e s and e t h n i c groups were now b e i n g s e g r e g a t e d i n t o s e p a r a t e neighbourhoods which had d i s t i n c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Some s e c t i o n s o f the c i t y were b e i n g g i v e n o v e r t o m i d d l e c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l u s e s , o t h e r s t o commer c i a l , some t o m a n u f a c t u r i n g and s t i l l o t h e r s t o urban slums i n h a b i t e d by immigrants. S p a t i a l p a t t e r n s were c l e a r l y i n a s t a t e o f r a p i d change. II Adner Weber i n h i s famous s t u d y o f 19th c e n t u r y u r b a n i z a t i o n commented t h a t "the most remark a b l e s o c i a l phenomena o f the p r e s e n t c en-g t u r n i s the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c i t i e s . " A l t h o u g h t h i s p r o c e s s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n was u n i v e r s a l t h r o u g h o u t the west e r n w o r l d , i t caught Canada by s u r p r i s e . Canada had been a c t i v e l y p r o m o t i n g , t h o r o u g h -l y e x p e c t i n g and even p l e a d i n g f o r growth. But i t was thought t h a t such growth would be comprised o f farm e r s f i l l i n g up the v a s t a g r i c u l t u r a l h i n t e r l a n d s o f t h e Canadian west. There was g e n e r a l agreement w i t h t he o b s e r v a t i o n s made i n one s t u d y o f Canadian s o c i e t y t h a t "Canada i s p r i m a r i l y , and p r o b a b l y always w i l l be an a g r i c u l t u r a l n a t i o n . " ^ But 9. as t h e f i g u r e s i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n i l l u s t r a t e , Canada was r a p i d l y becoming an urban n a t i o n . T h i s r a p i d growth o f Canada's urban p o p u l a t i o n and the emergence o f a new group o f l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s posed a s e t o f problems t h a t were t o plague Canada f o r a l o n g time t o come. T o r o n t o , f o r example, was s u d d e n l y e x p e c t e d t o cope w i t h t h e i n f l u x o f 180,000 people over the 1901 t o 1911 decade compared t o an i n c r e a s e o f l e s s than 30,000 i n the p r e v i o u s decade. Winnipeg e x p e r i e n c e d an i n c r e a s e o f 94,000 i n the 1901-1911 decade compared t o about 17,000 i n the p r e v i o u s t e n - y e a r p e r i o d . O t h e r c i t i e s such as Edmonton, C a l g a r y , Regina and Saskatoon grew from s m a l l v i l l a g e s to medium-sized c i t i e s a l m o s t o v e r n i g h t . (See T a b l e #2) One consequence o f t h i s r a p i d growth was a s e r i o u s s h o r t a g e o f h o u s i n g . T h i s s h o r t a g e was caused by both the i n a b i l i t y o f the c o n s t r u c -t i o n i n d u s t r y t o expand o u t p u t f a s t enough t o meet the r i s i n g demand and by a s h o r t a g e o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d . T h i s s h o r t a g e o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d was r e s u l t i n g from the dynamics o f growth i t s e l f . The growing c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f employment i n the c e n t r a l areas o f the c i t y r e s u l t i n g from c h a n g i n g modes o f p r o d u c t i o n meant t h a t more workers would have t o l i v e w i t h i n an a r e a f i x e d by t h e maximum commuting d i s t a n c e from t h i s employment. T h i s growth p r e s s u r e c o u l d have been a l l e v i a t e d by d e c e n t r a l i z i n g employment t o p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n s , e x t e n d i n g urban i n f r a -s t r u c t u r e or d e v e l o p i n g new t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y c a p a b l e o f e f f i c i e n t l y moving more p e o p l e o v e r l o n g e r d i s t a n c e s . But because o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l impediments, t e c h n i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s and the c o s t o f c a p i t a l each o f t h e s e approaches t o i n c r e a s i n g the s u p p l y o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d took a l o n g time t o implement and even l o n g e r time t o have the TABLE #2 P o p u l a t i o n of S e l e c t e d Canadian C i t i e s 1891 to 1931 ( f i g u r e s rounded to nearest 1000) Year Popul a t i o n Montreal ** Toronto ** Vancouver Winnipeg Ottawa Calgary Edmonton Saskatoon Regi na H a l i fax 1891 220,000 181,000 14,000 26,000 44,000 4,000 - - - 38,000 1901 328,000 210,000 29,000 42,000 60,000 4,000 4,000 - 2,000 41,000 1911 491,000* 382,000* 121 ,000 136,000 87,000 44,000 31,000 12,000 30,000 47,000 1921 691,000 522,000 163,000 179,000 108,000 63,000 59,000 26,000 34,000 58,000 1931 819,000 631,000 246,000 219,000 127,000 84,000 79,000 43,000 53,000 59,000 (Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census 1921, f o r 1931 boundaries unless otherwise noted. V o l . I , Table ) ' 12; Census 1931 , Vol. I I , Table 8. Figures are * Boundary change from previous p e r i o d . **Some of the growth f o r Montreal and Toronto during the 1901-11 p e r i o d i s due t o boundary expansions. Stone, i n Urban Development i n Canada, has c a l c u l a t e d p o p u l a t i o n f o r these and other major m e t r o p o l i t a n regions f o r the years 1901 to 1961, using i d e n t i c a l boundaries. Stone's f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e t h a t the rate of growth of Toronto and Montreal f o r the 1901-11 pe r i o d was s i m i l a r to the r a t e of growth i n d i c a t e d by the census f i g u r e s . T h e r e f o r e , most of the growth i n d i c a t e d by these census f i g u r e s was due to a c t u a l p o p u l a t i o n growth and not boundary expansion. 11. d e s i r e d e f f e c t . In the i n t e r i m t h e i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t was r i s i n g p r i c e s , 11 c o n g e s t i o n and i n c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y . From 1900 t o 1913 l a n d p r i c e s were r i s i n g a t an a l a r m i n g r a t e . In C a l g a r y , a downtown l o t s o l d f o r $150 i n 1895, $2000 i n 1905 and 12 $3000 i n 1912. In Vancouver, a downtown l o t t h a t was s e l l i n g f o r e i g h t 13 d o l l a r s p er f o o t i n 1886 was s e l l i n g f o r $4000 p e r f o o t by 1911. R e s i d e n t i a l l a n d i n T o r o n t o i n c r e a s e d from ten d o l l a r s a f o o t i n 1907 t o s e v e n t y - f i v e d o l l a r s p er f o o t i n 1 9 0 9 . ^ On a v e r a g e , i t was e s t i m a t e d 15 t h a t urban l a n d p r i c e s r o s e about s i x times between 1902 and 1914. As the subsequent c o l l a p s e i n the l a n d market i n 1913-1914 demonstrated, such a p p r e c i a t i o n o f l a n d p r i c e s was c l e a r l y a r t i f i c i a l . But w h i l e t h e p r i c e i n c r e a s e s were a r t i f i c i a l the r e s u l t s were f e l t . f o r a l o n g time a f t e r t he s p e c u l a t i o n had s u b s i d e d . For one t h i n g , the l u r e o f p r o f i t s based on o p t i m i s t i c f o r e c a s t s o f f u t u r e growth encouraged a f r e n z y o f premature l a n d s u b d i v i s i o n . The western c i t i e s were the worst o f f e n d e r s . By 1921 S a s k a t o o n , w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 26,000, had enough l a n d s u b d i v i d e d t o accommodate about 500,000 peop l e and enough s e r v i c e s a c t u a l l y i n s t a l l e d t o house about 50,000. The mayor, not s a t i s f i e d t h a t t h i s was s u f f i c i e n t , wanted the s u r v e y e d l a n d t o extend from the c u r r e n t s i x m i l e r a d i u s fromthe c i t y c e n t r e to ten m i l e s . C a l g a r y and Edmonton had enough l a n d s u b d i v i d e d t o handle o v e r one m i l l i o n p e o p l e . By 1914, C a l g a r y had r e p o s s e s s e d 26,763 s e r v i c e d l o t s because o f t a x d e f a u l t s and by t h e mid-1920 1s had a t o t a l o f 73,000 o f t h e c i t y ' s 225,000 v a c a n t b u i l d i n g l o t s i n i t s p o s s e s s i o n . 1 7 As was t h e case i n most Canadian c i t i e s , many o f t h e s e " s e r v i c e d " l o t s . w e r e too f a r from e x i s t i n g employment t o be o f much a s s i s t a n c e i n a l l e v i a t i n g 1 2 . the housing s h o r t a g e and the s e r v i c e s p r o v i d e d n o r m a l l y e x c l u d e d some o f the i m p o r t a n t e s s e n t i a l s such as water and sewage d i s p o s a l . The c i t i e s f u r t h e r t o the e a s t were not s p a r e d the e x c e s s . I t would have taken about one m i l l i o n p e o p l e t o f i l l up t h e s u b d i v i d e d l o t s i n suburban Winnipeg. By the 1 9 2 0 o n l y one l o t i n t h i r t e e n was b u i l t 18 on w h i l e 55 p e r c e n t o f the l o t s i n the c i t y i t s e l f were v a c a n t . In Ottawa, Thomas Adams, t h e f e d e r a l government's p l a n n i n g e x p e r t , e s t i m a t e d 19 t h a t the s u p p l y o f l o t s would handle about 1.6 m i l l i o n s o u l s . And i n 2 M o n t r e a l , p o r t i o n s o f the s u b d i v i d e d l a n d have not been used even today. The m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , t h e n , were expending what l i m i t e d c a p i t a l they had by b u i l d i n g roads i n l o c a t i o n s where t h e r e was l i t t l e demand. The a l l o c a t i o n o f s c a r c e c a p i t a l t o t h i s n e e d l e s s a c t i v i t y m e rely impeded the a b i l i t y t o p r o v i d e o t h e r n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s such as water and sewer f a c i l i t i e s i n t h e a p p r o p r i a t e l o c a t i o n s . D e s p i t e the impediment o f h i g h l a n d p r i c e s and p o o r l y a l l o c a t e d p u b l i c i n v e s t m e n t , h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n s o a r e d t o l e v e l s not e q u a l l e d a g a i n u n t i l a f t e r World War II (See F i g u r e #4). Yet even though comple-t i o n s i n the 1901-11 decade were more than double the number o f comple-t i o n s i n the p r e v i o u s decade, housing c o n s t r u c t i o n was s t i l l unable t o keep up w i t h p o p u l a t i o n growth. F i g u r e s from t h e census summarized i n T a b l e 3, r e v e a l t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n growth per h o u s i n g c o m p l e t i o n i n c r e a s e d from an average o f 3.7 p e o p l e p e r s t a r t d u r i n g the 1890's to 4.8 p e o p l e p e r s t a r t i n the 1900's. The i n c r e a s e i n the p o p u l a t i o n t o s t a r t s r a t i o was even g r e a t e r i n some p r o v i n c e s . These s h o r t a g e s when combined w i t h e x c e s s l a n d p r i c e s which the b u i l d e r had t o pass on i n terms o f h i g h e r h o u s i n g p r i c e s , were r e s p o n -21 s i b l e f o r a r i s e i n r e n t s o f 60% d u r i n g the 1901-11 decade. With TABLE #3 Population Increase per Housing Completion (1880 - 1930) Regi on 1880's 1890's 1900's 1910's 1920's 1930's Canada 4.0 3.7 4.8 4.5 3.4 3.3 N.S. 2.0 1.5 3.9 3.5 2.7 4.0 N.B. 0 2.7 7.6 3.8 2.1 4.1 Que 4.3 3.6 7.3 6.1 3.7 4.2 Ont 3.9 1.8 4.1 3.7 3.2 3.0 Man 5.0 5.4 5.7 4.7 3.2 1.6 Sask Alta [4.2 J5.1 3.9 4.1 5.8 4.4 4.8 4.0 2.7 3.0 B.C. 4.8 4.8 6.1 3.0 2.9 3.0 Total housing Completions 115,000 161,000 391,000 355,000 462,000 346,000 (Source: Census of Canada, Selected Years) FIGURE #4 Housing Completions 1890 - 1950 100,000 -i i i 1 I I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 (Source: Buckley & U r q u h a r t , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 510) 1 5 . < r e n t s r i s i n g t w i c e as f a s t as wages, workers had t o economize on hous-i n g and b u i l d e r s had t o economize on l a n d t o keep p r i c e s w i t h i n r e a s o n -22 a b l e l i m i t s . The r e s u l t was h i g h e r d e n s i t y and o v e r c r o w d i n g . In the urban c e n t r e s where growth p r e s s u r e was g r e a t e s t t h e o v e r -crowding was the most a c u t e . While Canada as a whole produced one hous-i n g u n i t f o r each 4.5 new p e o p l e i n the 19.01-11 decade, Vancouver produced one f o r 5.4, Montreal one f o r each 6.3 p e o p l e and Winnipeg one 23 f o r each 6.4. But o v e r c r o w d i n g and poor q u a l i t y h o u sing was more s e r i o u s than t h e s e average f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e . A Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research s t u d y completed i n 1918 found t h a t t h e r e was an average e i g h t p e o p l e p e r house i n one downtown d i s t r i c t i n T o r o n t o compared t o a c i t y -wide average o f f i v e p e r house, and t h e d e n s i t y was seventy-one p e o p l e per a c r e compared to the c i t y w i d e average o f twenty-one p e o p l e per 24 a c r e . Of the 1056 homes s u r v e y e d , 841 were found to be i n d e f e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n , and t h i r t y - f i v e houses had no water s u p p l y . The s t u d y noted t h a t development p r e s s u r e from the c o r e area which had b i d up l a n d p r i c e s by 3 0 0 : p e r c e n t from.1909 t o 1916 was l e a d i n g t o the r e p l a c e m e n t o f r e s i d e n t i a l d w e l l i n g s by f a c t o r y and commercial development. The r e s u l t was i n c r e a s e d crowding as t h e r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n , unable t o r e l o c a t e to the suburbs because o f the h i g h e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s , was f o r c e d i n t o a d w i n d l i n g h o u s i n g s t o c k . As the s t u d y n o t e d : A p p a r e n t l y the r e s i d e n t s , when f o r c e d by c i r c u m s t a n c e s t o v a c a t e t h e i r d w e l l i n g s do n o t always l e a v e t h e d i s t r i c t , but manage t o crowd i n t o some o t h e r d w e l l i n g s i n t he v i c i n i t y . ^ A n o t h e r s t u d y o f T o r o n t o r e p o r t e d f i n d i n g twenty-seven men i n one s i x -room house and f o u r t e e n men i n a n o t h e r three-room house a t 88 W a l t e r 16. S t r e e t . ^ A m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e r d e s c r i b e d some o f the c o n d i t i o n s i n T o r o n t o i n the f o l l o w i n g way: T here i s s c a r c e l y a v a c a n t house f i t t o l i v e i n t h a t i s not i n h a b i t e d and i n many ca s e s by numerous f a m i l i e s ; i n f a c t , r e s p e c t a b l e p e o p l e have had t o l i v e i n s t a b l e s , t e n t s , o l d c a r s , sheds ( o t h e r s i n damp c e l l a r s ) where we would not p l a c e a v a l u e d a n i m a l , l e t a l o n e a human being.27 A n o t h e r T o r o n t o r e p o r t s e v e r a l y e a r s l a t e r commented t h a t "In t h e s e homes t h e r e i s a l a c k o f s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , one o u t d o o r c l o s e t f o r dozens o f men, women and c h i l d r e n . I t i s s i m p l y d i s g r a c e f u l . . . nausea-28 t i n g odours and s i g h t s on e v e r y hand." In some s e c t i o n s o f Winnipeg the h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s were e q u a l l y d e p l o r a b l e . One e x p e r t f r a n k l y a d m i t t e d t h a t "The f i l t h , s q u a l o r and o v e r c r o w d i n g among the f o r e i g n element i s beyond our power o f d e s c r i p -28 t i o n . " J.S. Woodsworth, the M e t h o d i s t m i n i s t e r and f i r s t l e a d e r o f the Canadian C o o p e r a t i v e F e d e r a t i o n ( C C F ) , d e s c r i b e d l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f s e v e r a l r e s i d e n t s i n the f o l l o w i n g way: Shack - one-room and a l e a n - t o . F u r n i t u r e - two beds, a bunk s t o v e , bench, two c h a i r s , t a b l e , b a r r e l o f s a u e r k r a u t . E v e r y t h i n g v e r y d i r t y . Two f a m i l i e s l i v e d h e r e . Women were d i r t y , unkempt, b a r e f o o t e d , h a l f - c l o t h e d . C h i l d r e n wore o n l y p r i n t s l i p s . Baby was i n s w a d d l i n g c l o t h e s and l y i n g i n a c r a d l e o f s a c k i n g s u s -pended from the c e i l i n g by ropes a t the c o r n e r s . ^ A c c o r d i n g t o a n o t h e r r e p o r t o v e r o n e - t h i r d o f the homes i n a down-30 town a r e a o f Winnipeg had two t o e i g h t f a m i l i e s . By 1902, o n l y one-t h i r d o f Winnipeg homes had sewer c o n n e c t i o n s and 5000 had no water s u p p l y . S i x thousand f i v e hundred o u t d o o r p r i v i e s s p o t t e d the urban 31 l a n d s c a p e . Meanwhile, homeowners c o n t i n u e d t o crowd i n b o a r d e r s i n o r d e r t o g e n e r a t e s u f f i c i e n t income t o c o v e r the h i g h l a n d c o s t . J.S. 17 . Woodsworth d e s c r i b e d s e v e r a l examples o f t h i s p r o c e s s . He s t a t e d : M, Simok. and N, Selenk endeavored t o a s c e r t a i n how many a d u l t s t h e y c o u l d crowd i n t o a g i v e n space. Selenk managed t o accommodate f o r t y ^ t h r e e occupants i n f i v e rooms where o n l y f o u r t e e n c o u l d hope t o f i n d s u f f i c i e n t atmosphere f o r h e a l t h y r e s p i r a t i o n . Simok ran h i s n e i g h b o u r c l o s e , h a v i n g t w e n t y - f o u r i n one room... Mrs. M a c h t e r l i n k i s a widow, she has r e n t e d a house i n which t h e r e a r e f i v e rooms. She has two f a m i l i e s as t e n a n t s and between f i f t e e n and twenty men b o a r d e r s . ^ The suburban shack towns l o c a t e d on the urban p e r i p h e r y were o f t e n as m i s e r a b l e as t h e downtown slums. Dr. H o d g e t t s , a h e a l t h o f f i c e r f o r the government's Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , c o n c l u d e d t h a t " s h o u l d the m a r r i e d man l i v e i n t h e s u b u r b s , i t i s perhaps i n a shack town, the whole f a m i l y b e i n g crowded i n t o one o r two rooms i n t e n d e d t o s e r v e as a k i t c h e n annex t o the home he hopes t o b u i l d . H i s g r e a t e x p e c t a t i o n s a r e slow t o m a t e r i a l i z e and f r e q u e n t l y he, or some o t h e r s o f h i s f a m i l y 33 d i e i n t h e making o f the home, v i c t i m s o f u n s a n i t a r y h o u s i n g . " Hodg^ e t t s d e s c r i b e d one such shack town i n the f o l l o w i n g way: T h i s c o l o n y i s crowded i n t o a l o t o f m i s e r a b l e s h a c k s , f i l t h y both o u t s i d e and i n s i d e ; no c e l l a r s , no d r a i n a g e , c l o s e t s on the s u r f a c e o f t h e ground, v i l e beyond d e s c r i p t i o n ; water from s h a l l o w w e l l s w hich were d i r t y and u n f i t f o r use, and most of.them came w i t h i n a few f e e t o f t h e c l o s e t s . ^ While i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know how a c c u r a t e l y t h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s p o r t r a y e d urban l i f e i n Canada around the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , i t i s n o n e t h e l e s s c l e a r t h a t t h e r e were s e r i o u s urban problems. And t h e s e problems were more than j u s t h u m a n i t a r i a n c o n c e r n . F o r one t h i n g , as the m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s were p a s s i n g s i z e and d e n s i t y t h r e s h o l d s , the o l d methods o f s u p p l y i n g urban s e r v i c e s were r a p i d l y becoming danger-35 o u s l y o b s o l e t e . The i n c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y o f o u t d o o r p r i v i e s and o t h e r 1 8 . s o u r c e s o f r e s i d e n t i a l and i n d u s t r i a l waste ma,de d r i n k i n g water from i n d i v i d u a l w e l l s r i s k y a t best.. Meanwhile, the d i s p o s a l o f l a r g e r and l a r g e r q u a n t i t i e s o f waste i n t o t he same water b o d i e s t h a t s u p p l i e d the c i t i e s d r i n k i n g water c r e a t e d s e r i o u s h e a l t h problems. Numerous 36 e p i d e m i c s were r e p o r t e d i n a l l t h e Canadian c i t i e s . F i r e s were a l s o a growing t h r e a t . The crowding o f p o o r l y c o n s t r u e t e d b u i l d i n g s made o f h i g h l y flammable m a t e r i a l meant t h a t t he f i r e s p r e a d e a s i l y and t h e l a c k o f adequate water s u p p l i e s meant t h a t they were v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o put o u t . In 1886, Vancouver burned t o the 37 38 ground. H a l f o f C a l g a r y burned down the same y e a r . D e n s i t y and s c a l e were a l s o c r e a t i n g problems f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Longer d i s t a n c e s r e q u i r e d heavy f i x e d i n v e s t m e n t s i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and up g r a d i n g and w i d e n i n g o f r o a d s . The u n c o n t r o l l e d s u b d i v i s i o n p r o c e s s made the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem even more d i f f i c u l t . In some cases the unimagin-a t i v e g r i d p a t t e r n meant t h a t roads were o f t e n b u i l t on i m p a s s i b l e s l o p e s . In o t h e r i n s t a n c e s , roads i n two s u b d i v i s i o n s d i d n ' t even meet. The growing o b s o l e s c e n c e o f the o l d t e c h n i q u e s o f p r o v i d i n g b a s i c s e r v i c e s meant t h a t Canadians had t o not o n l y s u p p l y urban s e r v i c e s t o meet the needs o f t h e new p o p u l a t i o n but a l s o had t o s u p p l y new s e r v i c e s f o r the r e s t o f the p o p u l a t i o n whose e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s were becoming outmoded. New f i r e departments had t o be s e t up. P r i v i e s had t o be r e p l a c e d w i t h a comprehensive sewage system. Water had t o be p i p e d i n t o houses t o r e p l a c e i n d i v i d u a l w e l l s . Garbage had t o be c o l l e c t e d and d i s p o s e d o f by some c e n t r a l system. Power had t o be s u p p l i e d t o houses. The economies o f s c a l e i n p r o v i d i n g each o f thes e s e r v i c e s n e c es-s i t a t e d new l a r g e i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n c r e a s e d p u b l i c r e g u l a t i o n which 1 9 . 40 the m u n i c i p a l governments: had l i t t l e e x p e r i e n c e p r o v i d i n g , The r e s u l t was t h a t the urban c e n t r e s were s t r u g g l i n g j u s t t o keep from f a l l i n g b e h i n d , D.T, de G l a z e b r o o k , i n h i s H i s t o r y o f T o r o n t o , commented t h a t " n o t h i n g i s more b a s i c t o the w e l l - b e i n g o f a community than a p l e n t i f u l s u p p l y o f pure water and no need o f T o r o n t o was l e s s w e l l m e t . " ^ T o r o n t o was i n a c o n s t a n t b a t t l e t o keep e x t e n d i n g i t s w a t e r p i p e f u r t h e r o u t i n the bay t o a v o i d the sewage b u i l d - u p near s h o r e . Permeating t h i s mosaic o f urban problems was the q u e s t i o n o f s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . In 1898, Adna Weber c o n c l u d e d t h a t the urban s o c i e t y , because o f i t s g r e a t e r d i v e r s i t y , seemed t o have l e s s moral c o h e s i o n than r u r a l 42 s o c i e t y . J.S. Woodsworth, one o f Canada's l e a d i n g urban e x p e r t s a t the t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , came t o a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n . He o b s e r v e d t h a t : In the c i t i e s we have the r i c h and the poor, the c l a s s e s and the masses, w i t h a l l t h a t t h e s e d i s -t i n c t i o n s i n v o l v e . The tendency i s t h a t the w e l l - t o - d o g a t h e r i n more or l e s s e x c l u s i v e suburbs w h i l e the poor a r e s e g r e g a t e d i n slum d i s t r i c t s and between them t h e r e i s v e r y l i t t l e d i r e c t i n t e r c o u r s e . The employer may meet h i s employee a t b u s i n e s s , but t h e r e i s l i t t l e bond o f c o n n e c t i o n . . . T h i s c o n d i t i o n i s i n t e n s i f i e d and more c o m p l i c a t e d when l a r g e r numbers o f f o r e i g n e r s a r e brought i n t o c i v i l l i f e . D i f f e r -ences o f language, o f r a c e , and o f r e l i g i o n , o f t e n r u n n i n g p a r a l l e l , deepen and broaden the chasm. T h i s "chasm" mentioned by Woodsworth was c a u s i n g i n c r e a s i n g concern among Canadians. The P r e s i d e n t o f the T o r o n t o Board o f Trade c a u t i o n e d t h a t "as the p o p u l a t i o n o f our c i t y becomes more dense, t h e r e i s an i n c r e a s e i n the i d l e , the v l s c o u r , the depraved the the i m p r o v i d e n t c l a s s e s , who can s c a r c e l y be p r e v e n t e d from f l o c k i n g from a l l q u a r t e r s 44 i n our m i d s t . " The i s s u e became more a c u t e as the f l o w o f immigrants i n t o 20. i n t o Canadian c i t i e s a c c e l e r a t e d , Over a l l , from 19.01 t o 1921, Canada r e c e i v e d 800,000 n o n - B r i t i s h Immigrants, T h e i r p r o p o r t i o n o f the popu-l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d from 6.7 p e r c e n t t o 13.8 p e r c e n t o f the Canadian popu-45 l a t i o n d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , T a b l e 4 i l l u s t r a t e s t h a t t h i s t r e n d o f i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n s o f immigrant p o p u l a t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y -pronounced i n t h e major c i t i e s . But what caused even g r e a t e r c o n c e r n was t h a t t h e s e immigrants were g a t h e r i n g i n l a r g e slum a r e a s . One major s t u d y o f T o r o n t o found t h a t " t he m a j o r i t y o f the r e s i d e n t s o f the 'ward' a r e o f f o r e i g n b i r t h 46 o r o f f o r e i g n p a r e n t a g e . " T h i s posed major problems, a c c o r d i n g t o the r e p o r t , because f o r e i g n e r s had low s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g and moral 47 c o n d u c t , and the means o f s o c i a l i z i n g them were i n a d e q u a t e . These s o c i a l problems c r e a t e d by slum l i f e were p e r c e i v e d as a major t h r e a t t o t h e sound Canadian m i d d l e - c l a s s v a l u e s . T o r o n t o ' s H o d g e t t s , the f e d e r a l government's medical o f f i c e r , d e s c r i b e d the danger when he s a i d : The slums, l i k e t h e t e n t a c l e s o f the d e v i l f i s h , r e c e i v e s i t s p r e y w i t h i n i t s w a l l s , r e t a i n s and e n g u l f s him by i m p e r c e p t i b l e y e t r a p i d d e g r e e s . I t s d e n i z e n s s i n k i n t o apathy and d e v e l o p t h a t s t r a n g e malady o f the modern c i t y , the slum d i s e a s e . T h i s i s an i n f e c t i o n p r o d u c t i v e o f i n f e c t i o n s , a c o n t a g e n t which, as i t s p r e a d through the slum, c r e a t e s new slum d w e l l i n g s as i t p a s s e s , l e a v i n g i t s v i c t i m s s t r i c k e n w i t h i n e r t i a , s l o t h f u l n e s s , drunkenness and c r i n u n a l i t y . ^ g Some prominent Canadians e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n about the impact o f immigrants who knew T i t t l e o f Canadian v a l u e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the 49 Canadian p o l i t i c a l system, O t h e r s seemed c o n v i n c e d t h a t t he whole Canadian way o f l i f e was i n j e o p a r d y . R.B. B e n n e t t , Canada's f u t u r e TABLE #4 Origin of Residents of Major Canadian Cities City Year % Can. Born % U.K. Born % Foreign Born Montreal 1901 87% 8% 5% 1911 82% 9% 9% Toronto 1901 72% 22% 6% 1911 63% 27% 10% Winnipeg 1901 62% 19% 19% 1911 45% 30% 25% Vancouver 1901 56% 19% 26% 1911 45% 33% 23% (Source: Computed from Census of Canada, 1901 and 1911) 22 . Prime Minister, exclaimed in 1907 that "we must not.allow our shores 50 to be overrun by Asianics and become dominated by an alien race. One thing was clear. If Canadian values were to be safe-guarded, comprehensive government action was required to assimilate the immigrant 51 population and to arrest the trend towards social chaos. More compre-hensive approaches of urban management were necessary i f Canadian c i t ies were to remain l ivable and e f f ic ien t . And these new comprehensive approaches such as permanent f i re departments, water and sewage f a c i l -i t i e s , higher quality housing, public transit and other necessary urban infrastructure a l l required new centralized institutions and public controls over private development. The " la issez- fa i re" approach to c i ty building which had accommodated growth prior to 1900 when Canada's development was somewhat slower and less concentrated seemed incapable of handling this new faster and fundamentally different type of urban expansion occurring at the turn*of the century. I l l Canada was clearly undergoing a fundamental transformation. George Paish, in an address before the Canadian Club in 1913, made an observation that few Canadians would disagree with. He commented that: The difference between the conditions of Canada today and what i t was when I f i r s t came to Canada in 1899 is real ly remarkable. I came to Canada from the U.S. and I arrived at the conclusion that Canada was a job-trot a f fa i r . This is not my impression today. Since 1899 Canada has entirely changed her character .^ But the new complex urban industrial society that was emerging from 1890 to 1920 posed a new set of problems.that required new and 23. more comprehensive t y p e s o f c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . In terms o f modern economics, t h e new urban s o c i e t y was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by major market imper-f e c t i o n s such as e x t e r n a l i t i e s , i n d i v i s a b i l i t i e s , market l a g s , p u b l i c 53 goods, n a t u r a l monopolies and I n e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f income. The e x i s t e n c e o f t h e s e i m p e r f e c t i o n s meant t h a t the u n r e g u l a t e d p r i v a t e market f o r c e s would no t r e s u l t i n an e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s . C h a r l e s H a s t i n g s , the T o r o n t o M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r , put the m a t t e r a b i t more b l u n t l y when he s a i d : The c o n t a m i n a t i o n o f any one c l a s s o f the p e o p l e w i l l a f f e c t the r e s t o f the s o c i a l body... None can t h i n k f o r a moment t h a t t h e s e are m a t t e r s i n which he has no p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t . While he may evade the d u t y , he can never be s u r e o f e v a d i n g the p e n a l t y o f h i s n e g l e c t . . . a common g r a v e . ^ But t h e r e was a dilemma f o r Canadian s o c i e t y . Those same l i b e r a l , c a p i t a l i s t i d e a s and i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t had been so s u c c e s s f u l i n promoting economic development were i n i m i c a l t o the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n and s t a t e r e g u l a t i o n r e q u i r e d t o manage the v e r y s o c i e t y t h a t they had c r e a t e d . Indeed, the r i g h t s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , the primacy o f the i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i v e t o the c o l l e c t i v e and t h e c a p i t a l i s t market economy were e s s e n t i a l 55 t e n e t s o f t h e l i b e r a l s o c i e t y . F o r John Locke, the " r a i s o n d ' e t r e " o f the modern p o l i t i c a l s t a t e was the d e f e n c e o f i n d i v i d u a l p r i v a t e p r o p e r -t y ; not i t s r e g u l a t i o n . C o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n by the s t a t e j u s t i f i e d i t s 56 r e v o l u t i o n a r y overthrow. Adam Sm i t h , the f o u n d e r o f l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l economy, viewed government as w a s t e f u l , c o r r u p t and i n e f f i c i e n t . W r i t i n g i n the 1770 1s Smith argued t h a t : The statesman who s h o u l d attempt t o d i r e c t p r i v a t e p e o p l e i n what manner th e y ought t o employ t h e i r c a p i t a l would not o n l y l o a d h i m s e l f w i t h a most u n n e c e s s a r y t e n s i o n , but assumes an a u t h o r i t y which c o u l d s a f e l y be t r u s t e d not o n l y t o no s i n g l e p e r s o n , but no c o u n c i l o r s e n a t e . 5 7 24. Smith argued t h a t the hidden hand o f the f r e e market u n r e s t r a i n e d by government r e g u l a t i o n would promote the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . The s t a t e ' s r o l e s h o u l d be l i m i t e d t o d e f e n c e , maintenance o f law and o r d e r , and the e r e c t i o n and maintenance o f "those p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h o s e p u b l i c works though they may be i n the h i g h e s t degree advantages t o a g r e a t s o c i e t y , a r e , however, o f such a n a t u r e , t h a t the p r o f i t c o u l d never repay t h e expense t o any i n d i v i d u a l o r s m a l l number o f i n d i v i d u a l s and which t h e r e f o r e i t cannot be e x p e c t e d t h a t any i n d i v i d u a l o r s m a l l num-58 b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s s h o u l d e r e c t and m a i n t a i n . " A l t h o u g h t h e r e has been l i v e l y debates o v e r the i n t e n s i t y and c h a r a c t e r o f Canadian i d e o l o g y , t h e r e i s g e n e r a l agreement t h a t Canada, i n l a r g e p a r t , embraced t h e s e l i b e r a l , c a p i t a l i s t i d e a l s which had been d e v e l o p e d o v e r one hundred y e a r s b e f o r e the urban r e v o l u t i o n had 59 o c c u r r e d . Such prominent Canadian t h i n k e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s as John A. MacDonald, f o r example, were opposed t o u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e because " t h o s e who had no p r o p e r t y would come t o have the g o v e r n i n g power - the power o f imposing t h e burden on t h o s e who had p r o p e r t y . M a c k e n z i e King i n commenting on the. d e f i c i e n c i e s , of. the s o c i a l i s t view i n h i s 1918 t e x t , I n d u s t r y and Humanity, noted t h a t " p s y c h o l o g i s t s a r e agreed t h a t o f a l l i n s t i n c t s , t h a t o f ownership i f the most d e e p l y r o o t e d . " King m a i n t a i n e d t h a t " p u b l i c b o d i e s a r e i n a p o s i t i o n t o more o r l e s s d i s r e g a r d c o n s i d e r -a t i o n s o f economy which p r i v a t e c o n c e r n s n e c e s s a r i l y t a k e a c c o u n t . " Goldwin Smith, a n o t h e r l e a d i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l and l i b e r a l , s t a t e d i n 1893 t h a t "The b e s t o f a l l governments i s t h a t which has l e a s t o c c a s i o n t o govern." Smith complimented Canada and the U n i t e d S t a t e s f o r t h e i r immunity t o the t r e n d o f i n c r e a s i n g government i n v o l v e m e n t i n the 2 5 . B r i t i s h economy and he a t t r i b u t e d s u c h immunity t o the f a c t t h a t N o r th 62 Americans p o s s e s s e d , o r hoped t o p o s s e s s p r o p e r t y . And a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y t h e r e was w i d e s p r e a d o p p o s i t i o n t o p e n s i o n s , minimum wages and o t h e r a s s o c i a t e d government w e l f a r e measures because t h e s e measures would j e o p a r d i z e s e l f - r e l i a n c e and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . S o c i a l w e l -f a r e was b e t t e r l e f t t o p r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s . A d m i t t e d l y , Canadians c e r t a i n l y t o l e r a t e d and even promoted some s t a t e i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e economy. But the major i n t e r v e n t i o n s such as t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h e r a i l w a y s were i n t h e p u r s u i t o f economic d e v e l o p -ment and l a r g e l y w i t h i n the framework o f Adam Smith's d e f i n i t i o n o f 64 p u b l i c works. But as M i c h a e l B l i s s has shown, the same b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s t h a t s u p p o r t e d t h i s s t a t e i n v o l v e m e n t vehemently opposed r e g u -65 l a t i o n o f p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s . Thus t h e a c t i v e s t a t e c o u l d be used t o promote growth and a c c u m u l a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y but not t o r e g u l a t e o r c o n -t r o l i t . IV C anadian s o c i e t y was c l e a r l y i n the m i d s t o f a p r o f o u n d t r a n s f o r m -a t i o n . From 1896 t o 1920 t h e c o u n t r y was e x p e r i e n c i n g remarkable growth. But t h i s m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s was accompanied by numerous problems such as slums, d i s e a s e , c o n g e s t i o n , p o v e r t y , o v e r c r o w d i n g and s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y ; problems whose s o l u t i o n r e q u i r e d the development o f new t e c h n i q u e s t h a t would s t r e t c h Canadian i n g e n u i t y and p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e s . Not o n l y d i d new s e r v i c e s have t o be p r o v i d e d t o accommodate the r a p i d l y expanding p o p u l a t i o n , but new t y p e s o f s e r v i c e s had t o be b u i l t t o r e p l a c e the now o b s o l e t e s e r v i c e s o f the e x i s t i n g p o p u l a t i o n . Yet i f t h i s t a s k was 2 6 . not enough, Canadian society faced an additional hurdle; i t had to in i t ia te these reforms under the careful scrutiny of institutions and an ideology inimical to the very government regulations necessary to cope with the new urban society. The irony was that these l iberal i n s t i -tutions and ideas gave birth, to a new urban and industrial order which they could not manage. The urban challenge was that the urban problems and conf l icts accompanying the r ise of the urban society had to be solved; but without destroying the dominant l iberal institutions and ideology which had taken root prior to the urban, industrial revolution. This was a demanding challenge indeed. 27. F o o t n o t e s 1. F o r an e x c e l l e n t summary o f t h e changes o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d s ee: Robert C r a i g Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada 1896- 1921 ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1974). 2. W i l f r e d L a u r i e r , A d d r e s s e s t o the Canadian C l u b o f Ottawa (Ottawa: J a n u a r y 18, 1904)., 154. 3. W.A. M a c k i n t o s h , "The Economic Background- o f D o m i n i o n ^ P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s , " Report o f t h e Royal Commission oh D o m i n i o n - P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1939), 5, Appendix I I I ( h e r e -a f t e r Economic Background); r e p r i n t e d ed. ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1964), 40. 4. See f o r example: H.A. I n n i s , E s s a ys i n Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1956); H.A. I n n i s , The  Fur Trade i n Canada; an I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1956); A i t k e n and E a s t e r -brook, Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ; George Nader, C i t i e s o f Canada ( T o r o n t o ! M a c m i l l a n , 1975), V o l . I, 155-262; Len G e r t l e r and R. Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s : The Next 25 Years ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1977), 105-172. 5. I b i d . , J acob S p e l t , Urban Development i n South C e n t r a l O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1972); James G i l m o u r , S p a t i a l  E v o l u t i o n o f M a n u f a c t u r i n g i n S o u t h e r n O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r -s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1972); C C . Zimmerman and G.W. Moneo, The P r a i r i e Community System (Ottawa: A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics Research C o u n c i l o f Canada, 1971); E.E.D. Day, The S p a t i a l S t r u c - t u r e o f Canadian Economic Development (Ottawa: Department o f F i n a n c e , Economic Development D i v i s i o n , Working Papers 7201, 1972); D.C. N o r t h , Economic Growth o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s , 1790- 1800 (New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1961); Stone, Urban Develop- ment; N.C. F i e l d and D.P. K e r r , G e o g r a p h i c a l A s p e c t s o f I n d u s t r i a l  Growth i n the M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o Region ( T o r o n t o : Queen's P r i n t e r , 1968); J.W. Simmons, The Canadian Urban System ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1977). 6. S p e l t , Urban Development; Stone, Urban Development; G e r t l e r and Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s ; G i l m o r e , S p a t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n . '7. M a c k i n t o s h , Economic Background, 54-55. 8. P e t e r Goheen, V i c t o r i a n T o r o n t o : P a t t e r n s and P r o c e s s o f Growth ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1970); Maury K l e i n and H.A. K a n t o r , P r i s o n e r s o f P r o g r e s s : American C i t i e s 1850-1920 [New York: M a c m i l l a n , 1976); A l a n A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, A S o c i a l H i s t o r y o f Urban Growth, 1874-1914 ( M o n t r e a l : McGil1-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975); Max F o r a n , "Land Development P a t t e r n s i n C a l g a r y , 1884-1945," i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s . , The Usable 2 8 . Urban P a s t , P l a n n i n g and P o l i t i c s i n the Modern Canadian C i t y ( T o r o n t o : Macmillan, 1979), 293.316. : 9. Adna Weber, The Growth o f C i t i e s i n the 19th C e n t u r y (New York: Ma cmi11 an, 1899), 1. 10. H.J. Morgan and L . J . Burpee, Canadian L i f e i n Town and C o u n t r y (London: 1905), 76. 11. For a more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the impact o f urban growth on urban problems see: L i t h w i c k , Urban Canada; W i l b u r Thompson, A P r e f a c e t o Urban Economics ( B a l t i m o r e : Johns Hopkins P r e s s , 1965); John S a y w e l l , Housing" C a n a d i a n s : Essays oh the H i s t o r y  o f R e s i d e n t i a l C o n s t r u c t i o n i n Canada (Ottawa: Economic C o u n c i l o f Canada, 1975); A r t i b i s e , W innipeg; Goheen, V i c t o r i a n T o r o n t o ; K l e i n and K a n t o r , P r i s o n e r s o f P r o g r e s s ; S.T. Roweis and A . J . S c o t t , The Urban Land Q u e s t i o n ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , Department o f Urban and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g Paper No.10, 1976); Economic C o u n c i l o f Canada, " C h a l l e n g e o f R a p i d Urban Growth," F o u r t h Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1966), Ch. 7. 12. W.B. F r a s e r , C a l g a r y : 1867-1967 ( T o r o n t o : H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Win-s t o n , 1967), 87. 13. M o r l e y , Vancouver, 121. 14. S a y w e l l , H o u s i n g , 128. 15. I b i d . , 128. 16. R. Rees, "The Magic C i t y , " 55. 17. A.G. D a l z e l l , "Housing, The R e l a t i o n o f Housing and Town P l a n n i n g i n C i t i e s such as Vancouver," J o u r n a l o f the Town P l a n n i n o I n s t i t u t e o f Canada ( h e r e a f t e r ~ J T P I C ) , V o l . V I , No.3 (June 1927), 104. 17. Canadian E n g i n e e r ( h e r e a f t e r C ^ E . ) , V o l . XLVIII (May 1925), 477 and C.E., V o l . L I I (June 1927), 618. 18. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 111. 19. I b i d . , 116. 20. U r b a n i z a t i o n ( M o n t r e a l : Urban S e r v i c e s T e c h n i c a l B u l l e t i n , No. 5, 1966), i v . 21. M.C. U r q u h a r t and K.A. B u c k l e y , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s Of Canada (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965), 303. 22. I b i d . , 84. 29. 23. Saywell, Housing, 101-102. 24. Bureau of Municipal Research, What is the Ward Going to do with Toronto? (Toronto: 19.18). 25. Ib id . , 32. 26. New York Bureau of Municipal Research, The City of Toronto, Canada: Report on Physical Survey (Toronto: 1913). 27. Walsh, "Poverty and Overcrowding," Proceedings of 7th Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction held at London, Ontario, October 5-7, 1904, 48, cited in S.D. Clark, Social Development  of Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1942), 400. 28. Cherokee Cook, "The Slums in Toronto," Proceedings of 10th Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction held at Toronto, October 19-21, 1909, 10-12, cited in Clark, Social Development, 420. 29. J . S . Woodsworth, My Neighbour (Toronto: 1911; reprint ed . , Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 70. 30. Ar t ib ise , Winnipeg, 155. 31. Ib id . , 229-236. 32. J . S . Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates (Toronto: 1909), 217-218. 33. Charles Hodgetts, "Unsanitary Housing," Commission of Conservation Annual Report, CCAR (Montreal: Lowell & Sons, 1911), 54-55. 34. Ib id . , 57. 35. For a discussion of this problem and further documentation of urban problems near the turn of the century see: Jacob Spelt and Donald Kerr, Toronto (Toronto: Coll ier-Macmillan, 1973); G.T. de Glazebrook, The Story of Toronto (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971; Peter Goheen, Victorian Toronto; Alan Ar t ib ise , Winnipeg; J . F . Cooper, Montreal, A Brief History (Montreal: McGi11-Queen's University Press, 1969); J . G . MacGregor, Edmonton, A History (Edmonton: M. Hurtig, 1967); A. Morley, Vancouver, From Mil l town to Metropolis (Vancouver: Metro Press, 1974); L. McNeil l , The Calgary Herald's Tales of the Old Town (Calgary: Calgary Herald, 1966); Thomas Adams, Rural Planning and Develop- ment (Ottawa: Commission of Conservation, 1917); Norbert McDonald, "C.P.R. Town, The City Building Process in Vancouver," (paper delivered at Urban History Conference, Guelph, Ontario, May 1977); James Anderson, "The Municipal Government Reform Movement in Western Canada," in A. Art ibise and G. Stel ter , eds. , The Usable Past: Planning and Pol i t ics in the Modern Canadian City (Toronto: 30. M a c m i l l a n , 1979), 73-112; M i c h a e l Doucet, " S p e c u l a t i o n and the P h y s i c a l Development o f Mid-19th C e n t u r y H a m i l t o n , " (paper d e l i v e r e d a t Urban H i s t o r y C o n f e r e n c e , Guelph, O n t a r i o , May 1977); Stephen Spencer, " T o r o n t o ' s F i r s t A n n e x a t i o n A r e a : P r o p e r t y and S e r v i c e s i n the 1880's" (paper d e l i v e r e d a t Urban H i s t o r y C o n f e r -ence, Guelph, O n t a r i o , May 1977); H e r b e r t Ames, The C i t y Below  The H i l l ( M o n t r e a l : 1897; r e p r i n t e d., T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1927], 21-22; A.G. D a l z e l l , Housing i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l , 1927), 21-22; Bryce S t e w a r t , "Housing Our Immigrant Workers," Papers and P r o c e e d i n g s o f the  1 s t Annual Meeting o f the Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n (Ottawa: 1913), 98-112. ~ : 36. See f o r example: A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, 207-246; G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 161-235; S p e l t and K e r r , T o r o n t o , 37-54. 37. M o r l e y , Vancouver, 87. 38. F r a s e r , C a l g a r y , 80. 39. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f c h a n g i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n uses and problems see: S p e l t and K e r r , T o r o n t o , 37-54 and 94-100; Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 72-102; G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 161-235; T o r o n t o T r a n s p o r t -a t i o n Commission, Wheels o f P r o g r e s s ( T o r o n t o : 1953); John F. Dae, The I n t e r c i t y E l e c t r i c R a i I w a y ^ I n d u s t r y i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i -v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1966). 40. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h i s p r o c e s s see items c i t e d i n F o o t n o t e 35. 41. G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 174. 42. Weber, Growth o f C i t i e s , 6. 43. P.A.C., Woodsworth P a p e r s , 2P, "Some A s p e c t s o f the Immigration Prob-lem," i n The Young Women o f Canada, Dec. 1904, c i t e d i n Brown and Cook, Canada 1841-1921, 101. 44. P r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f T r a d e , Reports o f the P r e s i d e n t and T r e a -s u r e r o f t h e T o r o n t o Board o f Trade ( T o r o n t o : 1886), 41; c i t e d by Stephen Spencer, " T o r o n t o ' s F i r s t A n n e x a t i o n E r a : P r o p e r t y and S e r v i c e s i n the 1880's," 33. 45. G e r t l e r and Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s , 53. 46. Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l R e s e a r c h , The Ward, 37. 47. I b i d . , 74-75. 48. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , " U n s a n i t a r y Housing," 53. 49. S.M. W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o S t u d i e s , 1907). 31. 50. C i t e d i n Brown and Cook, Canada, 1846-1921, 68. 51. See f o r example: Woodsworth, S t r a n g e r s w i t h i n our Gates; J.T.M. Anderson, The E d u c a t i o n o f the New Canadian ( T o r o n t o T 1918); J . J . K e l s o , " N e g l e c t e d and F r i e n d l e s s C h i l d r e n , " Canadian Mag- a z i n e , V o l . II (June 1894), 213-216. 52. S i r George P a i s h , "Commercial O u t l o o k o f Canada," A d d r e s s e s D e l i v e r e d b e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f M o n t r e a l , Dec. 2, 19T3 ( M o n t r e a l : 1914), 88. 53. F o r a good d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e market f a i l u r e s and t h e i r consequences see: H a r r y R i c h a r d s o n , Urban Economics (London: Penguin, 1971), 169-187.. 54. C h a r l e s H a s t i n g s , "The Modern C o n c e p t i o n o f P u b l i c H e a l t h , " Conser-v a t i o n o f L i f e ( h e r e a f t e r C o n s e r v a t i o n ) , V o l . 3, 4 ( O c t . 1917), 88. 55. H a r r y K. G i r v e t z , The E v o l u t i o n o f L i b e r a l i s m (New York: C o l l i e r , 1963). 56. John Locke, "Two T r e a t i e s o f Government," 11, S.136, i n P e t e r L a s l e t t ed. (New York: C o l l i e r , 1963). 57. Adam Sm i t h , An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e Nature and Causes o f the Wealth o f N a t i o n s (1776, r e p r i n t e d ed. New York: Random House, 1939), Book I , Ch. 2. 58. I b i d . , 681. 59. See f o r example: Kenneth McRae, "The S t r u c t u r e o f Canadian H i s t o r y , " i n L o u i s H a r t z , ed., The Founding o f New S o c i e t i e s (New York: H a r c o u r t , 1964), 219-274; Gad H o r o w i t z , " C o n s e r v a t i o n , L i b e r a l i s m and S o c i a l i s m i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f  Economics and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , V o l . XXXII (May 1966), 43-172; W. C h r i s t i a n and C. Campbell, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and I d e o l o g i e s  i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1974); A l l a n Smith, "The Myth o f t h e Self-Made Man i n E n g l i s h Canada 1850-1914," CHR, V o l . LIX (June 1978), 189-219. 60. John A. Macdonald, Debates i n P a r l i a m e n t on the C o n f e d e r a t i o n o f t h e B r i t i s h North American P r o v i n c e s (Quebec: 1805), c i t e d i n T.W.L. MacDermit, "The P o l i t i c a l Ideas o f John A. Macdonald," CHR ( S e p t . 1933), 251. 61. Mackenzie K i n g , I n d u s t r y and Humanity ( T o r o n t o : Thomas A l l e n , 1918), 411; I b i d . , 414. 62. Goldwin S m i t h , " S o c i a l and I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n " i n h i s E s s a y s on oh Q u e s t i o n s o f _ t h e Day (New York: 1893), 38, c i t e d i n S m i t h , "Myth o f the Self-Made Man," 210; E l i s a b e t h W a l l a c e , Goldwin 32. Smith.: V i c t o r i a n L i b e r a l ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1957), 172. 63. See f o r example: Smith, "Myth o f the S e l f Made Man," 210. 64. Leo P a n i t c h , ed., The Canadian S t a t e : P o l i t i c a l Economy and P o l i t i c a l Power ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1977), 3-71; H.G.S. A i t k e n , " D e f e n s i v e E x p a n s i o n i s m : The S t a t e and Economic Growth i n Canada," i n W.T. E a s t e r 6 r o o k and M. Watkins, e d s . , Approaches t o  Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1967), 183-223. 65. M i c h a e l B l i s s , A L i v i n g P r o f i t 1974). ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 33. CHAPTER II THE URBAN REFORM MOVEMENT, 189.0 t o 1920 Dur i n g t h e f i r s t s e v e r a l decades o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y Canadian s o c i e t y was un d e r g o i n g a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t s t r u c k a t the v e r y r o o t s o f t h e n a t i o n ' s f o u n d a t i o n s . The problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the p r o d i g i o u s r i s e o f urban c e n t r e s c h a l l e n g e d a s o c i a l o r d e r more a p p r o p r i a t e t o managing an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y than the emerging urban one. Canadians w e r e ' a l l . t o o aware t h a t something had t o be done. Businessmen were i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned about the i n a d e q u a c i e s o f urban i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and workers' h o u s i n g . The r i s i n g m i d d l e c l a s s f e a r e d t he dreaded d i s e a s e s l u r k i n g i n the depths o f the c i t y ' s c o r e . The c h u r c h e s , a p p a l l e d a t the degree o f p o v e r t y and i n e q u i t y , demanded t h a t r e m e d i a l a c t i o n be t a k e n , w h i l e l a b o u r , f o r c e d t o f e a r the b r u n t o f t h e urban i n d u s t r i a l problems, was ready t o a c t i f no one e l s e would. In f a c t , some o b s e r v e r s were c o n v i n c e d t h a t a f a i l u r e to p r o v i d e s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n s t o t h e problems o f slums, p o v e r t y , d i s e a s e and moral c o r r u p t i o n would l e a d t o r e v o l u t i o n . Canadians were not slow i n r e s p o n d i n g t o the urban c h a l l e n g e . 1 As e a r l y as the 1890's newspapers, such as the News & World i n T o r o n t o , and The S t a r and La P r e s s e i n M o n t r e a l , brought urban r e f o r m i s s u e s t o n a t i o n a l prominence by i n u n d a t i n g t he p u b l i c w i t h s e e t h i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s o f m u n i c i p a l c o r r u p t i o n and urban decay. Businessmen such as H e r b e r t Ames and Mor l e y W i c k e t t formed groups d e d i c a t e d t o " p u t t i n g t he machine i n honest hands." O t h e r s formed groups such as the S i n g l e Tax A s s o c -i a t i o n and the P u b l i c Ownership League t o p r e s s u r e f o r more fundamental 34. r e f o r m s i n the o p e r a t i o n o f Canadian c i t i e s , New o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as th e T o r o n t o Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research, undertook d e t a i l e d s t u d i e s o f the urban problem. C h r i s t i a n groups such as the YMCA and S a l v a t i o n Army s t r u c k out a t the e v i l s o f c r i m e , p o v e r t y and debauchery. T h e i r l e a d was f o l l o w e d by t h e e s t a b l i s h e d churches who formed the Moral and S o c i a l Reform C o u n c i l i n an attempt t o save Canadians from the m a l i g -nancy o f urban decay. The c o m p l e x i t y o f the problems and the d i v e r s i t y o f Canadian s o c i e t y ensured t h a t the r e s p o n s e t o the urban c h a l l e n g e was f a r from homogenous. In f a c t , Canadian h i s t o r i a n Paul R u t h e r f o r d has c o n c l u d e d t h a t "so wide has the scope o f t h e urban r e f o r m movement been t h a t some r e a d e r s may f e e l i t was merely a c o l l e c t i o n o f a s s o r t e d causes l i n k e d 2 o n l y by a g e n e r a l f o c u s on the c i t y and i t s problems." But a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s some t r u t h to R u t h e r f o r d ' s comment t h a t the d i v e r s i t y o f r e s p o n s e d e f i e s easy g r o u p i n g , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y t h r e e broad c a t e g o r i e s o f r e s p o n s e which emerged d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1890 t o 1920. These t h r e e r e s p o n s e s w i l l be termed a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , urban l i b e r a l -ism and urban r a d i c a l i s m . In t he e n s u i n g d i s c u s s i o n i t s h o u l d be kept i n mind t h a t the a d v o c a t e s o f each o f t h e s e t h r e e r e s p o n s e s were a v e r y l o o s e l y c o n n e c t e d group o f i n d i v i d u a l s who had many i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between themselves as w e l l as w i t h those o f the o t h e r two groups. These t h r e e groups were n o t f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d and a l t h o u g h a t times they- became a c t i v e i n c e r t a i n formal p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s and I d e n t -i f i e d w i t h c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s , c a r e s h o u l d be taken when a t t e m p t i n g t o a s s o c i a t e them w i t h any one p o l i t i c a l movement o r w i t h 3 5 . a c o n v e n t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y such as c o n s e r v a t i s m , l i b e r a l i s m o r s o c i a l i s m . II A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , one o f tire t h r e e dimensions o f the Canadian r e s p o n s e t o u r b a n i z a t i o n , was based on two fundamental p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s argued t h a t t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f the r u r a l way o f l i f e was c e n t r a l t o Canada's f u t u r e and t h e s o l u t i o n o f the urban problem. Second, a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s had an o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y ; i n d i v i d u a l i s m and t h e l a c k o f c o o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t i n the new urban o r d e r were vehemently denounced w h i l e s t r o n g c o l l e c t i v i s t p o l i c i e s such as c o o p e r a t i v e s and a c t i v e s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n were advocated as n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e management o f Canadian s o c i e t y . U n d e r l y i n g t h e a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l ism view was an a l m o s t r o m a n t i c a ttachment t o t h e r u r a l way o f l i f e , W.C. Good, a l e a d e r o f the U n i t e d Farmers o f O n t a r i o and major p u b l i c i s t o f the r u r a l c a u s e , wrote i n 1919 t h a t " i t i s an i n e s t i m a b l e p r i v i l e g e t o see one's own c h i l d r e n , c l e a r - e y e d and h a p p y - h e a r t e d , r a c i n g j o y o u s l y o v e r the h i l l s . " To Good, the advantages o f r u r a l l i f e were many. For example, " a g r i c u l -t u r e has p r a c t i c a l l y a monopoly on f r e s h a i r and s u n s h i n e . " A l s o , " c o u n t r y l i f e i s q u i e t , w h i l e c i t y l i f e has many d i s t u r b i n g d i s t r a c t i o n s and i n t e r r u p t i o n s . " T h e r e f o r e , " c o u n t r y l i f e , " a c c o r d i n g t o Good, "encourages c o n t i n u i t y o f t hought and development o f s t r e n g t h o f 3 c h a r a c t e r . " Andrew MacPhai/1, a n o t h e r r u r a l a d m i r e r , T o r y , and e d i t o r o f the 36. p o p u l a r U n i v e r s i t y Magazine, lamented i n 1908 t h a t "we have r e s o l u t e l y t u r n e d our f a c e s from an a g r i c u l t u r a l and p a s t o r a l l i f e , from the s i m p l e j o y s t h a t go w i t h the o c c u p a t i o n s " t o the i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r y and urban slum.^ To M a c P h a i l , t h i s was a s e r i o u s b r e a c h , f o r " i t i s e t e r n a l l y t r u e t h a t the t r i b a l god and the god o f the h o u s e h o l d e x i s t i n the c o u n t r y " and t h a t the c i t y "was always the home o f the f a l s e 5 gods" o f m a t e r i a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l g r e e d . A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s viewed u r b a n i z a t i o n as a dangerous t r e n d t h a t t h r e a t e n e d t h e h e a l t h o f the n a t i o n . Canada's m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s , l e a d e r s h i p c a p a b i l i t y , moral c h a r a c t e r and c i t y l i f e i t s e l f were a l l dependent on a v i b r a n t r u r a l community. W.C. Good, f o r example, o b s e r v e d , " A l l l i f e , whether c o u n t r y o r c i t y , comes u l t i m a t e l y from t h o s e c o n n e c t e d w i t h O l d Mother E a r t h . A n d John M a c D o u g a l l , a Metho<-d i s t m i n i s t e r and a u t h o r o f a comprehensive s t u d y o f the r u r a l problem w r i t t e n i n 1913, c o n c l u d e d t h a t "the c i t y i s the g r a v e y a r d o f p h y s i q u e , and cannot m a i n t a i n i t s e l f u n l e s s r e p l e n i s h e d . " 7 F o r Major Dennison, a U n i t e d Empire L o y a l i s t and O n t a r i o T o r y , the f a r m e r s were t h e o n l y r e l i a b l e c l a s s i n Canada; the r o o t l e s s urban Q masses were not t o be t r u s t e d . Andrew MacPhail was even more emphatic. He c a u t i o n e d t h a t " i f the c o u n t r y d i s t r i c t s decay, the whole o f Canada g i s bound t o decay as w e l l . " To a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , t h e n , the cause o f Canada's problems was the u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , i t s e l f , S t a r t i n g from t h i s p r e m i s e , the s o l u t i o n seemed o b v i o u s ; urban growth would have t o be s t o p p e d by r e v i t a l i z i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e . The r e g e n e r a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e would, i n t u r n , s o o t h the b u r n i n g s o r e s o f urban decay. As one 37. r e f o r m e r , w r i t i n g i n a 1918 e d i t i o n o f the j o u r n a l C o n s e r v a t i o n o f L i f e , s u g g e s t e d : the q u e s t i o n o f b e t t e r i n g our a g r i c u l -t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s and i n c r e a s i n g our p r i m a r y p r o d u c t i o n i s i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h the problem o f r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the p r e s e n t u n h e a l t h y growth o f l a r g e towns and i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t i f we can s a t i s f a c t o r i l y s o l v e the f i r s t problem, t h e o t h e r two w i l l t o a v e r y g r e a t e x t e n t s o l v e themselves.- JQ T h i s r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e , a l o n g w i t h o t h e r p o l i c i e s promoting a r e t u r n t o the l a n d , s h o u l d , a c c o r d i n g to a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , r e c e i v e top p r i o r i t y . G overnor^General Grey, f o r example, commented t h a t "the most p r e s s i n g problem o f the time ... i s how the r e - e s t a b l i s h 11 the p e o p l e i n a p r o f i t a b l e and b e a u t i f u l l i f e on the l a n d . " S i r John Wi H i son, t h e chairman o f t h e O n t a r i o Unemployment Commission and e d i t o r o f The G l o b e , even saw such an urban t o r u r a l m i g r a t i o n as the o b v i o u s s o l u t i o n t o unemployment and r e l a t e d s o c i a l problems. W r i t i n g i n a w i d e l y c i r c u l a t e d book p u b l i s h e d i n 1917, W i l l i s o n o b s e r v e d t h a t : ... thousands o f f o r e i g n e r s f l o c k e d t o c e n t r e s o f p o p u l a t i o n - a n d became p u b l i c charges o r bene-f i c i a r i e s o f p r i v a t e c h a r i t y . The c i t i e s i n which the s e e x p e r i e n c e d y e t f a r m l e s s f a r m e r s c o n g r e g a t e a r e o n l y a few hours removed from m i l l i o n s o f a c r e s o f f e r t i l e but unbroken l a n d . For t h e f u t u r e , i m m i g r a t i o n s h o u l d be so handled as t o p r e v e n t such s e p a r a t i o n o f com-plem e n t a r y assets.12 U n d e r l y i n g t h e r u r a l r o m a n t i c i s m o f a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m was the second major p r i n c i p l e ; an o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y , T h i s o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y was m a n i f e s t e d i n d i f f e r e n t ways. For T o r i e s s u c h as Andrew M a c P h a i l , a g r a r i a n l i f e r e f l e c t e d r e s p e c t f o r t r a d i t i o n , c h u r c h , h i e r a r c h y , f a m i l y , law and s o c i a l o r d e r ; a l l the c o n s e r v a t i v e v a l u e s 38. t h a t were b e i n g eroded by the new c o r r u p t urban s o c i e t y . ' " ' F u r t h e r , Quebec, which was viewed by some as the most backward a r e a o f Canada, was c o n s i d e r e d by the T o r i e s as a major a s s e t , MacPhail remarked t h a t "Canada can o n l y be saved by the C o n s e r v a t i v e s p i r i t , and t h a t s p i r i t 14 i n o r g a n i z e d form e x i s t s o n l y i n Quebec." The o r g a n i c v i e w o f s o c i e t y was m a n i f e s t e d i n a somewhat d i f f e r -e n t way by the o t h e r a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s who were not T o r i e s . For p e o p l e such as W.C. Good and W i l l i a m I r v i n e , t h e M e t h o d i s t p r e a c h e r and one o f the l e a d e r s o f t h e Saskatchewan G r a i n Growers A s s o c i a t i o n , the s u p e r i o r c o o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t r e f l e c t e d i n r u r a l l i f e c o u l d o n l y be s u s t a i n e d by s t r o n g c o l l e c t i v i s m p o l i c i e s d e s i g n e d t o stamp out i n d i v i d u a l greed and 15 p r o f i t making. A n o t h e r M e t h o d i s t m i n i s t e r a c t i v e i n a g r a r i a n r e f o r m put the m a t t e r q u i t e b l u n t l y i n a s u c c e s s f u l r e s o l u t i o n t h a t he g u i d e d through the M e t h o d i s t General C o n f e r e n c e o f 1918. The r e s o l u t i o n s t a t e d t h a t : the r e v e l a t i o n o f t h e s u p e r i o r e f f i c i e n c y o f r a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o o p e r a t i o n , combine w i t h the u n d e r l y i n g e t h i c s o f J e s u s , t o demand n o t h i n g l e s s than a t r a n s f e r e n c e o f the whole economic l i f e from a b a s i s o f c o m p e t i t i o n and p r o f i t s t o one o f c o o p e r a t i o n and s e r v i c e . - ^ G r a d u a l l y , t h e s e more i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t o r i e n t e d a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s p i e c e d t o g e t h e r a s p e c i f i c s t r a t e g y f o r c o p i n g w i t h r u r a l problems and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , the urban p r o b l e m , 1 7 F i r s t , t he t a r i f f which was a t o o l o f E a s t e r n c a p i t a l i s t s d e s i g n e d t o s e c u r e a s u r p l u s p r o f i t a t the expense o f t h e f a r m e r , had t o be e l i m i n a t e d . Land s p e c u l a t i o n and absentee ownership a l s o had t o be c o n t r o l l e d . W.C. Good t i e d t h e s e two i s s u e s o f the t a r i f f and l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n t o g e t h e r i n an i n s i g h t f u l 39. book e n t i t l e d P r o d u c t i o n and S u b s i d i e s i n Canada. Good's argument was based, i n l a r g e p a r t , on the a n a l y s i s c o n t a i n e d i n Henry George's book., 18 P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y . George, an American r e f o r m e r , was p e r p l e x e d by the p e r s i s t e n c e o f p o v e r t y a l o n g s i d e o f m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s . He began t o s t u d y t h i s enigma o f p o v e r t y and p r o g r e s s by examining the t h r e e f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n : l a n d , l a b o u r and c a p i t a l . C a p i t a l i s t s s e c u r e d p r o f i t s i n r e t u r n f o r p r o v i d i n g c a p i t a l and workers r e c e i v e d wages i n exchange f o r l a b o u r power. But l a n d was d i f f e r e n t : i t was a g i f t o f n a t u r e whose s u p p l y was f i x e d and whose v a l u e was determined by the a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f the s i t e and the growth o f p o p u l a t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n o f the community. George argued t h a t t h i s l a n d v a l u e , which was c r e a t e d by the community a t l a r g e , a c c r u e d as an unearned inc r e m e n t t o i n d i v i d u a l landowners. The p u z z l e o f p r o g r e s s and p o v e r t y was s o l v e d . Landowners were r e a p i n g the b e n e f i t a t the expense o f l a b o u r and c a p i t a l . The s o l u t i o n , c o n c l u d e d George, was t o p l a c e a t a x on l a n d t o c o l l e c t 100 p e r c e n t o f the unearned i n c r e m e n t . T h i s tax would r e p l a c e a l l o t h e r t a x e s , t h e r e b y i n c r e a s i n g wages and p r o f i t s . P o v e r t y would be e l i m i n a t e d and p r o d u c t i o n would f l o u r i s h as a r e s u l t o f remov-i n g the impediment o f r a p a c i o u s landowners demanding e x o r b i t a n t r e n t s and w i t h h o l d i n g l a n d from the market t o d r i v e up p r i c e s . S p a t i a l p a t t e r n s would be more e f f i c i e n t and workers and c a p i t a l i s t s , would f i n d new i n c e n t i v e a f t e r r e c e i v i n g the rewards o f t h e i r e f f o r t . And the s o c i a l c o n f l i c t between c a p i t a l and l a b o u r would be s o l v e d , Good was among the m i l l i o n s o f r e a d e r s impressed by Henry George's argument. In sympathy w i t h George, Good argued t h a t l a n d v a l u e s were c r e a t e d by the community and t h a t the l a n d r e n t was a p p r o p r i a t e d as an 40 . unearned increment by private owners. 1 3 But Good's argument contained one major al terat ion. Good concluded that farmers were the ones exploited by the private appropriation of land rent, According to Good, "the evil of land speculation creates a class of parasites who must be supported at the public expense; and the farmers' earnings are 20 largely drawn upon to support these parasites." The farmer was not getting his just return because labour could not pay a just price for food because of low wages and high land pr ices, and capital was forced to rely on tar i f fs to compensate for a lowering of profits caused by landowners capturing the unearned increment. Good did not fu l ly reconcile the obvious dilemma that farmers were landowners and, conse-quently, received some land rent themselves. Good concluded that "the f i r s t and most fundamental requirement for securing justice in d i s t r i ^ bution i s , therefore, the social appropriation of ground rent" and that the revenue generated by the col lect ion of rent would allow for the elimination of the t a r i f f , the revitalfzati.on of rural l i f e and the 21 stamping out of rampant individualism." Another measure required to solve the rural problem was the nationalization of private monopolies such as the railways, telegraph, express lines and other exploitative institutions that were reaping surplus profits at the farmers' expense. Additional measures, recom-mended included income and inheritance taxes, public control over natural resources, better education, improved rural credit and the setting up of cooperatives. As G.R. MacPherson has documented in his book, Each for A l l : The Co-operative Movement in English Canada, cooperatives were an especially signif icant part of the reform movement. 41. Mr. Alphonse P e s j a r d i n s , f o u n d e r o f the Canadian C o o p e r a t i v e P a r i s h Bank. System i n Quebec, r e c e i v e d e n t h u s i a s t i c s u p p o r t f o r h i s p r o p o s a l s d e l i v e r e d a t the S o c i a l S e r v i c e Congress o f 1914. These p r o p o s a l s c a l l e d f o r an expanded system o f c o o p e r a t i v e s and other, s e l f - h e l p v e n t u r e s . D e s j a r d i n s summed up h i s i d e a s by s t a t i n g t h a t " i n s t e a d o f the u n c h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e o f s t r u g g l e f o r l i f e l e t us have union f o r l i f e as t h e f o u n d a t i o n s t o n e o f the p r o s p e r i t y and grandeur o f our 22 a g r i c u l t u r a l c l a s s e s . " F o r a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , a l l problems o f Canada and o f the farmer emanated from the c o r r u p t and s e l f - s e r v i n g urban c e n t r e s which were g a i n i n g c o n t r o l o f the c o u n t r y ' s a f f a i r s . Government p o l i c y , the Church, and e d u c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t i o n s were, a c c o r d i n g t o the r a d i c a l s , b i a s e d towards the urban c e n t r e . The S e c r e t a r y o f the Canadian C o u n c i l o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n i n t r o d u c i n g t he "Farmers' P l a t f o r m " i n 1916, wrote t h a t " i t i s becoming more a p p a r e n t each y e a r t h a t our p a r l i a m e n t i s coming more and more under t he d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e o f w e a l t h o f i n d u s t r i a l , f i n a n c i a l and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n t e r e s t s r e p r e s e n t e d by men o f w e a l t h i n f i n a n c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s and i f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the common p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g the wage e a r n e r s , a r e t o have t h e i r v i e w p o i n t r e p r e s e n t e d i n p a r l i a m e n t , a d e m o c r a t i c system o f nom i n a t i o n and 23 e l e c t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s must be adopted." C l e a r l y , t h e a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s were c o n t e m p l a t i n g d i r e c t p o l i t i -c a l a c t i o n . W i l l i a m I r v i n e , i n h i s book The Farmer f n P o l i t i c s , p r o v i d e d a c o g e n t d e f e n c e o f the need f o r a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y and urged f a r m e r s on to t h i s t a s k . A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s soon became i n f l u e n t i a l t h r o u g h t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n formal p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i t h w h i c h t h e y had common 42. ground s u c h as the U n i t e d Farmers o f O n t a r i o which won the 19.19 p r o v i n -c i a l e l e c t i o n , t he Farmers o f A l b e r t a which came t o p r o v i n c i a l power i n 1921, and the P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y , which emerged as the second l a r g e s t 24 p a r t y i n the 1921 f e d e r a l e l e c t r o n . The p o l i t i c a l s u c c e s s o f the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s e n s u r e d t h a t t h e i r d i r e c t approach t o s o l v i n g urban problems by r e v i t a l i z i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e would have a s u b s t a n t i a l impact on the n a t u r e o f urban r e f o r m . Indeed, f o r a l a r g e number o f C a n a d i a n s , the s a l v a t i o n o f the c i t y was i n the c o u n t r y . I l l Urban l i b e r a l i s m , t h e second o f the t h r e e major r e s p o n s e s t o the urban c r i s i s , was founded on two b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , urban l i b e r a l s f u l l y a c c e p t e d t h a t "under modern c o n d i t i o n s a d e p l e t i o n o f 25 the r u r a l s e c t i o n s i s i n e v i t a b l e . " On t h i s p o i n t , urban l i b e r a l s were i n fundamental d i s a g r e e m e n t w i t h a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s . As H e r b e r t Ames, a Montreal m a n u f a c t u r e r and prominent urban l i b e r a l r e f o r m e r commented, "the c r y t o the towns overwhelms the c o u n t e r - c r y back t o the l a n d . " C o n s e q u e n t l y , Ames c o n c l u d e d t h a t " b e c a u s e the tendency i s c e r t a i n t o grow s t r o n g e r i n the y e a r s t o come ... we must be p r e p a r e d f o r l a r g e r c i t i e s i n the f u t u r e . " F u r t h e r , t h e urban l i b e r a l s p e r c e i v e d t h i s n a t u r a l t r e n d t o urban l i v i n g and i n d u s t r i a l p r o g r e s s as d e s i r a b l e , Frank B e e r , a prominent T o r o n t o businessman, c h a s t i s e d the a g r i c u l t u r a l community f o r a r r o g a n t l y e l e v a t i n g i t s e l f t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f backbone o f the n a t i o n 27 by warning them t h a t a backbone a l o n e i s o n l y a museum e x h i b i t . " 43. O t h e r s , such, as Mackenzie King and Byron Walker, the g e n e r a l d i r e c t o r o f the Bank o f Commerce and f o u n d e r o f the C i v i c G u i l d , a T o r o n t o urban r e f o r m o r g a n i z a t i o n , e x p r e s s e d a w i d e l y h e l d v i s i o n o f the p o t e n t i a l urban s o c i e t y as c a p t i v a t i n g as t h e r o m a n t i c v i s i o n o f the c o u n t r y s i d e a r t i c u l a t e d by the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s . In h i s 1918 book I n d u s t r y and Humanity, King bragged t h a t " l a r g e - s c a l e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y , by r e n d e r i n g p o s s i b l e i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i o n w i t h gradual l e s s e n i n g o f human e f f o r t , has paved the way f o r t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f democracy f o r serfdom ... Never b e f o r e d i d the s p heres o f o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l e f f o r t g i v e promise o f such r a p i d and v a s t e x p a n s i o n . Walker was e q u a l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c . In an a d d r e s s t o the Canadian Club o f T o r o n t o i n 1905 he remarked t h a t : T o r o n t o i s the second l a r g e s t c i t y o f our c o u n t r y ; i t i s the l a r g e s t o f the E n g l i s h -s p e a k i n g p e o p l e ; we want t o show the E n g l i s h about what our m a t e r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n amounts t o . . . we do not always want t o remain a wooden backwoods p l a c e w i t h p r o v i n c i a l Ideas.29 In Quebec, a new wave o f French C a n a d i a n s , such as e c onomist E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , urged Francophones t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the new i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i n s t e a d o f t r y i n g t o r e t u r n to the bygone days o f the h a b i t a n t . 30 The s l o g a n "Emparons-nous 1 ' i n d u s t r i e " r e p l a c e d "Emparons-nous du s o l . " Even the M i n i s t e r o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n the f e d e r a l government a d m i t t e d d u r i n g the 1914 C o n f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g t h a t the " c i t i e s o f the p a s t and many o f the c i t i e s o f the p r e s e n t have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the b u i l d i n g up o f the g r e a t e s t f o r c e s o f our modern age" and " a r e 31 r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the advance t h a t c i v i l i z a t i o n has made." The second major p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g the urban l i b e r a l view 44. was the commitment to preserving the dominant capi ta l is t institutions of private property, the market, a restricted role for government and the primacy of the indiv idual . After a l l , many o f the p r o m i n e n t u r b a n , l i t e r a l s were Canada's b u s i n e s s e l i t e . But u n l i k e more c o n s e r v a t i v e elements i n Canadian society, the urban l iberals did accept the need for reform. The problems of the new urban society were just too acute to be ignored. In fac t , the problems posed a direct threat to the business e l i te who pro-vided the impetus for the urban l iberal movement. The disease-plagued slums, for example, posed a direct threat to the physical health of the urban e l i t e . As Charles Hodgetts, the federal government's medical expert, pointed out, the germs did not 32 respect class differences. It was also widely believed that urban poverty encouraged social habits that challenged middle-class values. J . J . Kelso, Superintendent of the Department of Neglected Children, aroused concern when he described the dangers of the slum problem in the following manner. These slums are exceedingly dangerous to the health and morals of the ci ty because they are, to the great majority of people, inhuman and unexplored retreats. These slums should be attacked and abolished because they are the great enemy to the home which is the foundation of the state. Bad housing conditions inevi t -ably tend to drunkenness in parents; to delinquency in chi ldren; to immorality in the growing generation; to the spread of typhoid fever, diptheria, scarlet fever and the ravages of the great white plague..^ Other observers writing in Industrial Canada, the magazine of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association and in the Canadian Municipal Journal warned that the continuation of the poor urban conditions could 34 lead to a breakout of "Bolshevism". "Out of slums" edi tor ia l ized 45. I n d u s t r i a l Canada, " s t a l k t h e s o c i a l i s t w i t h h i s r e d f l a g , the union 35 a g i t a t o r w i t h the a u c t i o n e e r ' s v o i c e and the a n a r c h i s t w i t h h i s t o r c h . " Meanwhile, s e v e r a l prominent businessmen noted t h a t the i n a b i l i t y o f c o r r u p t m u n i c i p a l government to p r o v i d e n e c e s s a r y i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n an e f f i c i e n t manner impeded the expansion o f i n d u s t r y and imposed e x c e s -36 s i v e tax burdens. The urgency o f t h i s l a t t e r c o n c e r n e d was h e i g h t e n e d by the f a c t t h a t near the .turn o f the c e n t u r y the b u d g e t s : o f the major -c i t i e s such as T o r o n t o , M o n t r e a l , Winnipeg,; Edmonton and C a l g a r y .sometimes 37 exceeded the t o t a l p r o v i n c i a l b u d g e t s ' o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p r o v i n c e s . But urban l i b e r a l s f a c e d a dilemma. How c o u l d t h e y manage the new complex and i n t e r d e p e n d e n t urban o r d e r w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s o f i n s t i -t u t i o n s h o s t i l e to the c o l l e c t i v i s t p o l i c i e s r e q u i r e d to m i t i g a t e urban problems? The urban l i b e r a l s soon found what th e y thought was the s o l u t i o n t o the dilemma: the a p p l i c a t i o n o f s c i e n t i f i c b u s i n e s s p r i n -c i p l e s t o m u n i c i p a l management. T h i s c a l l f o r s c i e n t i f i c management o f p u b l i c a f f a i r s was wide-sp r e a d and i n t e n s e . Frank Adams, t h e Dean o f the F a c u l t y o f A p p l i e d S c i e n c e a t M c G i l l , w r i t i n g i n the h i g h l y - r e g a r d e d volume, The New Era  i n Canada, s t a t e d t h a t "Canadians must a d m i n i s t e r the n a t i o n a l domain w i t h the same i n i t i a t i v e , c a r e and a b i l i t y t h a t a g r e a t commercial c o r -p o r a t i o n c o n d u c t s i t s a f f a i r s . " 3 8 F r a n k B e e r ' w r i t i n 9 i n t h e s a m e v o 1 " ume, echoed Adams' recommendations when he remarked t h a t " the s t a n d a r d s now r e g u l a t i n g p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e s h o u l d be e q u a l l y o r more r i g o r o u s l y 39 e x e r c i s e d i n the conduct o f p u b l i c a f f a i r s . " To most Canadians, the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the p r i n c i p l e o f the new scho o l o f s c i e n t i f i c management to p u b l i c a f f a i r s was o n l y n a t u r a l . 46. The p r i n c i p l e t h a t was r e v o l u t i o n i z i n g t he p r o c e s s o f p r o d u c t i o n seemed more than c a p a b l e o f b a n i s h i n g the e v i l s o f " i n e f f i c i e n t management" which many o b s e r v e r s f e l t were "perhaps t h e worst o f a l l e v i l s from 40 which c i t i e s s u f f e r . " And as urban l i b e r a l s such as Ames p o i n t e d out as e a r l y as 1896, a c i t y i s n o t h i n g more than "a j o i n t s t o c k e n t e r p r i s e i n which e v e r y c i t i z e n i s a s h a r e h o l d e r " and the "members o f c o u n c i l 41 a r e the d i r e c t o r s o f t h i s g r e a t b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e . " The r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h i s f a c t was viewed as e s s e n t i a l t o d e a l i n g w i t h the urban problem. The D i r e c t o r o f t h e New York Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research s t r u c k a r e s p o n s i v e c h o r d d u r i n g h i s 1913 v i s i t t o T o r o n t o when he i n s i s t e d t h a t " i f you r e c o g n i z e c i t y government f o r what i t i s , a , g r e a t s e r v i c e c o r p o r a t i o n , you can g e t e f f i c i e n t - s e r v i c e s ' b y ; d e a l i h g w i t h govern-42 ment problems the same as you would i n any o t h e r g r e a t c o r p o r a t i o n , " The urban l i b e r a l s t h ought t h a t they had r e s o l v e d t h e i r dilemma. S c i e n t i f i c management p r a c t i s e d by b u s i n e s s e x p e r t s c o u l d handle the new urban problems. Sweeping s o c i a l changes were not n e c e s s a r y . The mayor o f Winnipeg r e p o r t e d t o a 1916 urban c o n f e r e n c e t h a t " i t m a t t e r s l i t t l e about t h e system -- t h e man i s the main c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Poor men w i t h a good system w i l l n o t ensure good government, but good men may, 43 no m a t t e r what the system." T o r o n t o ' s b u s i n e s s community was p l e a s e d t o hear M o r l e y W i c k e t t e x p r e s s s i m i l a r s e n t i m e n t s when he r e p o r t e d t o them t h a t " i f we want good m u n i c i p a l government we must get the r i g h t men t o take c h a r g e . A n d who were the r i g h t men? Businessmen, o f c o u r s e , f o r as John W i l l i s o n wrote i n 1917, "as a r u l e the men most s u c c e s s f u l i n p r i v a t e a f f a i r s make the b e s t p u b l i c r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on 45 a c c o u n t o f t h e i r t r a i n i n g and b u s i n e s s e x p e r i e n c e s . 47. Urban l i b e r a l s s uggested t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f b u s i n e s s p r i n c i -p l e s t o m u n i c i p a l management and the a t t r a c t i o n o f good men to m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o u l d be e x p e d i t e d by implementing s e v e r a l r e f o r m s i n m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . One r e f o r m recommended by Goldwin Smith was to t r a n s f e r the power o f e l e c t e d c o u n c i l s to a commission comprised o f 46 e x p e r t s . Some r e f o r m e r s found t h i s u n d e m o c r a t i c measure a b i t extreme. N o n e t h e l e s s , most agreed t h a t a r e d u c t i o n i n the i n f l u e n c e o f p o l i t i c i a n s i n m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s was a...requisite f o r good government. J.O. M i l l e r wrote t h a t " y e a r l y e l e c t i o n s , the ward system and patronage . . . are the t h r e e main e v i l s o f the p r e s e n t system." These p e t t y demands o f p o l i t i c s d i s c o u r a g e d men o f s u b s t a n c e from coming "forward 47 to s e r v e the c i t y i n any o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y . " As MorTey W i c k e t t , Can-ada's l e a d i n g e x p e r t and an a c t i v e m u n i c i p a l p o l i t i c i a n p o i n t e d o u t , the p r o s p e c t i v e r e f o r m e r "has to f a c e a g r e a t many t h i n g s . He has t o 48 f a c e a campaign." What was r e q u i r e d was the " d i v o r c e o f a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n from l e g i s l a t i o n " which, as M i l l e r p o i n t e d o u t , was "the fundamen-t a l p r i n c i p l e t h a t governs the conduct o f e v e r y g r e a t b u s i n e s s o r g a n i z a -49 t i o n . " M o r l e y W i c k e t t c o n c l u d e d t h a t the s e p a r a t i o n o f powers c o u l d be b e s t a c c o m p l i s h e d by t r a n s f e r r i n g power to a s t r o n g board o f c o n t r o l comprised o f a b l e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s who would be a p p o i n t e d f o r s i x y e a r s . I t was a l s o suggested t h a t t h e average c o u n c i l member would be e l e c t e d f o r a l o n g e r p e r i o d o f time by t h e c i t y a t l a r g e i n s t e a d 6 f by wards. These councilmen would have a concern f o r the g e n e r a l p u b l i c good, as opposed to the p e t t y l o c a l needs. The c i t y ' s a d m i n i s t r a t o r s would be i n the hands o f "a new p r o -f e s s i o n o f c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t o r s " who p o s s e s s e d the n e c e s s a r y s k i l l s to 48. run the c i t y as a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e . And, as a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e , i t was i m p o r t a n t t h a t o n l y t he s h a r e h o l d e r s c o u l d v o t e . M o r l e y W i c k e t t c o n c l u d e d t h a t because the m u n i c i p a l i t y was "a s p e c i e s o f j o i n t s t o c k company, o n l y those c o n t r i b u t i n g c a p i t a l " s h o u l d be " a l l o w e d to share i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f i t s a f f a i r s . That t h i s i s a u s e f u l c o n c e p t w i l l 50 be d e n i e d by few." Urban l i b e r a l s r e a l i z e d some s u c c e s s i n pus h i n g t h e s e a d m i n i s -t r a t i v e r e f o r m s . For example, Boards o f C o n t r o l were s e t up i n Toronto government i n 1896, i n Winnipeg i n 1906, Ottawa i n 1907, Montreal i n 1909, H a m i l t o n i n 1911 and London i n 1914. A l s o , p r o p e r t y q u a l i f i -c a t i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g w i d e s p r e a d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s were s u c c e s s -51 f u l l y defended. Once i n power, what s h o u l d the new reform-minded c o u n c i l do to s o l v e t he urban problem? One o f the f i r s t t a s k s recommended by the urban l i b e r a l s was t o complete a s o c i a l s u r v e y and s e t up a u n i v e r s a l system f o r r e p o r t i n g m u n i c i p a l s t a t i s t i c s . P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t John Cooper summarized the b e n e f i t s o f such an u n d e r t a k i n g i n a paper d e l i -v e r e d to the f i r s t meeting o f the Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a -t i o n i n 1914. He s a i d : -/ ^A M u n i c i p a l s u r v e y , as the term i s used i n America, i s i n t e n d e d to f u l f i l l two purpo s e s . I t i n f o r m s the heads o f departments and o t h e r o f f i c i a l s ho"w t h e i r work compares i n e f f i c i e n c y w i t h t h a t done i n o t h e r c i t i e s . In t h i s r e s p e c t , i t i s much l i k e the l i s t o f b a t t i n g averages i n the w o r l d o f b a s e b a l l and the bowling and b a t t i n g r e c o r d s i n the world o f c r i c k e t . S e c o n d l y , i t i n f o r m s t he c i t i z e n s o f the i n n e r workings o f the m u n i c i p a l system, i n c r e a s e s t h e i r i n t e r e s t and g i v e s them a guaranteee o f i t s e f f i c i e n c y . ^ L i b e r a l r e f o r m e r s soon got t h e i r way. The S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l 49. began undertaking detailed surveys of most major c i t i e s . Toronto reformers such as Wickett successfully pressed for the setting up of the Toronto Bureau of Municipal Research, for the purposes of promoting "ef f ic ient and economic government, to promote the adoption of s c i e n t i f i c methods of accounting and reporting of details of public business, to secure constructive publicity in matters pertaining to public a f f a i r s , and to these ends co l lec t , c l a s s i f y , analyze, correlate, interpret and 54 publish facts as to the administration of government". Some urban l iberals seemed almost convinced that the col lect ion of s ta t is t ics would, somehow, eliminate urban problems. Herbert Ames' pioneering study of Montreal, for example, contained no actual recom-mendations and, in a lecture to a Montreal audience, he suggested that more comprehensive data than that contained in his already meticulously factual study would have been of great assistance in fingering "upon the exact loca l i t ies where human l i f e , where the family of the indus-55 t r i a l worker is f ighting against unjust odds . But the mere col lect ion of facts and the appointment of honest experts to municipal inst i tut ions could not solve the urban problems; and the l iberal reformers knew i t . The question of implementing speci f ic p o l i -cies to control the city had to be faced. But the question of developing appropriate policy reintroduced the dilemma that the l iberals had been trying to avoid. On the one hand, the urban l iberals had a natural d is -incl ination for any major change in the role of government in urban a f fa i rs . For example, Herbert Ames, after completing his exhaustive study of urban problems in Montreal, cautioned that the government has "no right to take chances with the people's money" and that "we cannot 50. interfere with the inscrutable law of supply and demand". James Mavor, a University of Toronto political scientist, concluded that the results of public ownership of uti l i t ies was "apt to be inefficient management 57 and excess in the number of employees". Yet on the other hand, the shortage of housing for migrating labourers and the lack of adequate public infrastructure were impeding one of the urban liberals' primary CQ objectives: economic growth. Something would have to give way. Mayor Thomas Urquhart of Toronto suggested that "if private enter-prise does not supply this need (housing) in the very near future, i t may be necessary for the city to consider the question of housing accommodation and seek for legislation which would enable us to utilize some of our land for the purposes of erecting housing of moderate size and at a moderate 59 rental". The Globe, however, resisted such measures, arguing that "there is no necessity for entangling the city in this business either by guaranteeing bonds or by constructing and renting houses for working men. Private enterprise will furnish these houses as soon as there is a commercial demand for them, gust as i t has been furnishing the high grade of apartment houses".^ The liberals preferred solution to this impasse was what Morley Wickett called "conservative innovation and the gradual growth of municipal legislat ion". 6 1 More specifically, Herbert Ames suggested that the answer to the health problem could be found in "wise sanitary laws faithfully enforced", while the housing problem could be solved by "philanthropy and 5 % " . 6 2 This latter policy involved the estab= lishment of philanthropic housing associations funded by public-spirited 51. entrepreneurs willing to construct high-quality housing in return for a maximum profit of 5%. Herbert Ames described the benefits of this process in the following way: Here the philanthropist may well step in , and even at the risk of investing a few thousand at a comparatively low rate of remuneration, it is his privilege to show what can be done and by ex-perience learn how best to do i t . Every sanitary dwelling erected empties a rookery. There is a general moving up all along the line. Not only those who occupy, but a whole neighbourhood is benefitted whenever a model dwelling is built there in.g 3 In Toronto, the Canadian Manufacturing Association and the Board of Trade, along with other prominent businessmen, formed the Toronto Housing Company in 1912, and pressured the provincial government to pass legislation allowing the cities to guarantee bonds up to 85 percent of the value of the housing project in return for a maximum 6 percent rate of return. The company soon became active, constructing 242 housing units by 1930. The company made a point of emphasizing, however, that the ventures were being "constructed upon strictly business principles". In Hamilton, Ontario, large firms such as Westinghouse and International Harvester responded to the growing housing shortages by initiating a housing support program for their workers. The motives of the business groups were clear. Maintaining an adequate and stable labour supply and moderating wages necessitated some intervention in the urban housing market.^ As Industrial Canada pointed out, well-housed workers "are 65 more efficient, contented and reliable". This concern over housing brought urban liberals in conflict with land speculators, whose greedy activities were thought to be driving up land and housing prices which, in turn, necessitated payment of higher 52. wages, thereby reducing manufacturers' profits. "If real estate men", reasoned Industrial Canada, "squeeze employees, the employees w i l l , in self-defence, squeeze employers for higher wages. 1 , 6 6 Consequently, some urban liberals, particularly the manufacturers, had sympathy for the ideas of Henry George of collecting urban land rent and controlling speculation. After a l l , Henry George had handed the manufacturers a cogent solution for the rising conflict between capital and labour by emphasizing that the real conflict was between capital and labour on one side versus landowners on the other. Everyone, George argued, except parasitic landowners, would benefit from the single tax. As George stated: Tax manufacturers and the effect is to check manufacturing; tax improvements and the effect is to lessen improvements; tax commerce and the effect is to prevent exchange; tax capital and the effect is to drive i t away. But the whole value of land may be taken in taxation and the only effect will be to stimulate industry, to open new opportunities to capital and to increase the production of wealth.^ Public ut i l i t ies , which were considered more crucial to urban growth, received even greatepr attention among liberals than housing. W.F. Maclean, a federal M.P., warned a group of Toronto's businessmen gathered at the Empire Club of Canada that the lack of sewers, roads and uti l i t ies "will strangle the growth and extension of Toronto". Maclean concluded that: If Toronto is to grow, we must control all these great essentials that are necessary for its growth. The city ought to have public ownership in regards to these things especially where i t is a matter of growth and development.6g As the public ownership experiments in major Canadian cities 5 3 . i l l us t ra te , urban l iberals were able and wi l l ing to step outside the bounds of private enterprise when this would further the cause of growth, 69 maintain s tab i l i ty and improve ef f ic iency. When these objectives were not seriously threatened, they rel ied on the preferred options of scien-t i f i c study and ad hoc regulations. In this way, the urban l iberals could further the cause of business without abandoning the dominant institutions of Canadian society. IV Urban radicalism, the third and weakest of the three responses to the urban challenge, was, to some extent, a synthesis of urban l iberalism and agrarian radicalism. Like the urban l ibe ra ls , urban radicals concluded that the emerging industrial society was the way of the future. But unlike urban l ibera ls , urban radicals believed that urban l i f e could only be properly managed i f the l iberal values of individualism, la issez- fa i re and competition gave way to the values of cooperation and equity. In this way, the urban radicals combined the collectivism of agrarian radicals with the urbanism of the urban l ibera ls . Urban radicalism received much of i ts impetus from Canada's social gospel movement and the new urban professional classes involved in public health and social welfare. Social gospellers, such as J . S . Woodsworth, the future leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation ( C . C . F . ) , firmly believed that urban industrial l i f e was the essence of Canadian society and, as such, should be the primary concern of Canadian reformers. In one of the f i r s t major books on 54. Canada's urban problems, Woodsworth o b s e r v e d t h a t " w i t h i n a few y e a r s , h a l f o f our p o p u l a t i o n w i l l be l i v i n g i n c i t i e s and l a r g e towns. T h i s l e d him to c o n c l u d e t h a t : Whatever the l i n e s o f f u t u r e development, the impor-ta n c e o f the c i t y cannot be o v e r e s t i m a t e d . I t i s d e s t i n e d to e x e r c i s e a d o m i n a t i n g i n f l u e n c e o v e r the whole c o u n t r y . . . the c i t i e s a re the g a n g l i a o r nerve c e n t r e s o f the whole o f our s o c i a l system. They are the v e r y h e a r t o f our body p o l i t i c . From the p o l i t i c a l , the s o c i a l , the e d u c a t i o n a l , the r e l i g i o u s and the commercial s t a n d p o i n t , the c i t y i s t h e c e n t r e to which the whole n a t i o n i s t r i b u -t a r y . ^ But f o r Woodsworth and the urban r a d i c a l s , the c i t y was not s i m p l y an e v i l phenomenon t h a t Canadians were f o r c e d to a c c e p t . In s p i t e o f economic problems, the c i t y had a p o s i t i v e s i d e . In h i s book on the c i t y , Woodsworth a p p r o v i n g l y quoted Dr. Frank Mason N o r t h , S e c r e t a r y o f t h e New York C i t y E x t e n s i o n and the M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y o f the Metho-d i s t Church, when:Dr. North commented t h a t the c i t y " i n i t s l i b r a r i e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s , i n i t s t r e a s u r e s o f a r t and o f s c i e n c e , f i n d s i t s r e s o u r c e s . . . the c i t y i s t h e t e s t and the o p p o r t u n i t y o f mind." Woodsworth a l s o agreed w i t h a n o t h e r urban commentator t h a t "to the c i t y we a r e to l o o k f o r a r e b i r t h o f democracy, a democracy t h a t w i l l p o s s e s s the i n s t i n c t s o f the p a s t , a l o n g w i t h a b e l i e f i n the powers 73 o f c o o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t . " Woodsworth and h i s c o m p a t r i o t s c o n c l u d e d t h a t the c i t y was f u n -d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the c o u n t r y and t h a t " c i t y l i f e i s l i k e a s p i d e r ' s web--pull one t h r e a d and you p u l l e v e r y t h r e a d " , whereas " i n the r u r a l d i s t r i c t each f a m i l y l i v e s i t s own l i f e i n a l a r g e degree i n d e p e n d e n t l y . " Woodsworth f e l t t h a t , because the c i t y was "a c e r t a i n 55. type of social organism, so the physical c i t y must be considered as a whole and the various parts must be subordinated to the whole--yes, 74 that the i r highest welfare i s dependent on that of the whole." For Woodsworth, the c i t y ' s potential could only be realized by creating a new social order based on cooperation. Woodsworth concluded that: Surely in our laws, vested interests and property rights must give way before the rights of men and the welfare of society. And may we not expect .that our r e l i g i o n w i l l become less i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . ^ . Indeed, the very benefit of the c i t y was that the problems and complex-i t i e s would force society to change from a competitive to a cooperative basis. These c o l l e c t i v i s t sentiments continued to dominate urban radical thinking on Canada's urban problems. At the Social Service Congress, a major conference organized by the Social Service Council which was an organization set up by Canada's churches to deal with social issues, Reverend Carman, who was the General Superintendent of the Methodist Church, emphasized that society was organic and i t existence depended on an active government. And the Reverend J.W. Aitken suggested that Jesus Christ had very l i t t l e sympathy with the man whose chief object i s to make money. Aitken remarked that the "one great enemy of the principle of cooperation i s the s p i r i t of individual competition which obtains in the business world today" and "breeds suspicion and some-times hatred." Another participant at the conference concluded that " i f there i s any essential i n j u s t i c e in the social system i t must be removed. No amount of welfare work under the system can compensate for a l l the wrongs inherent in i t . " James Simpson, who was a prominent 56. T o r o n t o p o l i t i c i a n and l e a d i n g s o c i a l i s t and M e t h o d i s t , suggested i n h i s a d d r e s s to the S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l t h a t t he c h u r c h s h o u l d " a s s i s t to change a systeriv which i s founded upon p r i v a t e s e l f i s h n e s s and g r e e d , to one i n which p u b l i c i n t e r e s t would be the c h i e f c o n c e r n . " ^ The M e t h o d i s t Church must have agreed w i t h Simpson's c a l l f o r a new s o c i a l o r d e r , f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s a f t e r t h e S o c i a l S e r v i c e Congress t h e y passed a r e s o l u t i o n e x p l i c i t l y condemning the e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y and a d v o c a t i n g a s o c i e t y where "the whole o f economic l i f e " would be changed from "a b a s i s o f c o m p e t i t i o n and p r o f i t t o one o f c o o p e r a t i o n and s e r -• „77-v i c e . The urban r a d i c a l s ' major f o c u s o f a t t a c k was on the l a n d spec-u l a t o r s and the p r i v a t e u t i l i t i e s , where e v i l p r o f i t e e r i n g was a l l e g e d t o be t h e cause o f Canada's problems. O r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the S i n g l e Tax A s s o c i a t i o n and t h e A n t i - P o v e r t y S o c i e t y , which both espoused the i d e a s o f Henry George, t he P u b l i c Ownership League and the N a t i o n a l i s t A s s o c i a t i o n , which advocated p u b l i c ownership o f u t i l i t i e s , sprang up i n Canadian c i t i e s , w h i l e newspapers such as the Labour Union, the P a l l a d i a n o f Labour, t he Labour A d v o c a t e , the C i t i z e n and Cou n t r y , and the Canadian M u n i c i p a l J o u r n a l p r o v i d e d the means o f d i s s e m i n a t i n g the 7ft i d e a s t h r o u g h o u t t he p o p u l a t i o n . One p a r t i c u l a r l y e n t h u s i a s t i c s u p p o r t e r o f t h e s e i d e a s was P h i l i p Thompson, a prominent l a b o u r l e a d e r and j o u r n a l i s t . He noted t h a t w h i l e "we have made g r e a t p r o g r e s s o f l a t e y e a r s . . . the system o f monopoly o f l a n d and c a p i t a l and c o m p e t i t i o n among workers" has c r e a t e d l e g i o n s o f poor who a r e "poor because t h e y have been r o b b e d . T h o m p s o n - -5 7 . considered that "of all forms of monopoly the most oppressive and the most insidious is that of private ownership of land". In complete sym-pathy with the ideas of Henry George, Thompson concluded that "the land belongs of right to the whole community and that any claim on the part of an individual to more than a right of occupancy or cultivation . . . is robbery." "Land," argued Thompson, "ought not to be a commodity, because, like a ir and water, i t is necessary to human existence and all 80" men have by birthright equal rights to its use. A growing number of Canadians agreed with Thompson and Henry George's notions that "the private ownership of land has been the great-est cause of serfdom".81 The Reverend Carman, who was the superinten-dent of the Methodist Church, applauded Henry George for his "tremen-dous persistence in drawing attention to the evils of land monopology". J .S . Woodsworth, in his popular text on urban problems, suggested that o r "ultimately all land belongs to the state or the community".' Charles Hodgetts, who was the federal government's top health expert, complained that urban growth had "bred an army of land speculators and jerry buil-ders who are a detriment to the community and a curse to the mechanic and artisan classes," while J.O. Miller, who was the principal of Ridley College insisted in one of the definitive articles on urban problems that "until we learn that the private exploitation of the unearned incre-ment is a crime against the city, we cannot be said to have mastered the f i rst principles of the conservation of the civic wealth". Miller con-cluded that some form of public land ownership was necessary to arrest this "robbery of the public domain" and to ensure that the unearned 58. 84 increment accrued to those to whom "it properly belonged." The public uti l i ty companies were equally v i l i f ied. J.O. Miller stated'that "the interests of the people demand that city councils or, should seek to obtain close control of all public uti l i t ies." The Canadian Engineer , cautioned that "the experience of municipalities has taught the people that whenever a monopoly has been created by a private company, the stockholders have enriched themselves at the 86 expense of the people."- Even more conservative politicians such as W. T. Lighthai 1, the mayor of Westmount, had lost patience with the private monopolies. The monopoly, argued Lighthall, was: •the enemy of competition, low rates, and municpal control : its inevitable aim is to crush out all competition and attain the sole monopoly in the future . . . i f private companies can control them, the people are not free.g^ • For urban radicals, the solution to the private monopoly prob-lem was public ownership. For some advocates of public ownership, such as Toronto economist, A.H. Sinclair, the recommendation of pub-l ic ownership was a simply a logical conclusion derived from objec-tive technical analysis. In a comprehensive statistical analysis of other countries, Sinclair concluded that because public uti l i t ies were natural monopolies not regulated by the rigours of competition, municipal ownership of the uti l i ty was in most instances the best way QQ-of providing cheap and efficient service. Other proponents^ such as Alan Thompson and F.S. Spence, a Toronto municipal politician, while agreeing with Sinclair's analysis, put more emphasis on the ques-tion of morality and equity than Sinclair had. Thompson insisted that the profits from public uti l i t ies should accrue to the people, not the 59. private monopoly because "the value is a public value; it is created by 89 the people, not by the operators". F.S. Spence in summarizing al l the arguments in favour of public ownership of the Toronto Street Rail-way, concluded with the following comment: The fifth reason is a moral reason. There is a social cohesiveness in the co-operation of a community with a common objective for the common good. When the man is working for the community he is working for himself. It is thus we attain the ideal. Ours becomes a better city.gg In addition to calling for public ownership of public uti l i t ies and the collection of the unearned increment, urban radicals pressured for direct public construction of housing. The liberal solution of build-ing regulations and private philanthropy were considered inadequate. Woods worth, for example, stated that "the issuing of regulations or the pass-91 ing of by-laws will not clear up a congested district". This important difference between liberals and radicals on the question of housing was well illustrated in the debate over the Toronto Housing Company, the private philanthropic effort initiated in 1912 by leading Toronto manufacturers such as Frank Beer. The Toronto Labour Council rejected the whole concept of using public money to support private philanthropy. The council argued that i t would be superior to have the government use the funds to directly construct the housing instead of channelling it through a third party of businessmen who were building housing that was not only beyond the reach of the poor, but was also being constructed by non-union labour. James Simpson summarized the Toronto Housing Company attempt as "a clear evasion of municipal responsibility". Simpson continued by issuing the following caution: 60. Working men should always look with suspicion on co-partnership schemes called cooperation because they invariably lead them into assuming responsibi l i t ies that make them easy victims of men who l ive by exploiting them. g 2 Urban l iberal Frank Beer disagreed. According to Beer, government con-struction of housing "may end in the loss of v i r i l i t y , in i t ia t ive and per-93 severence in the class which needs these qualit ies most". While some urban radicals were content with these reforms, others saw them as just a step in the creation of a new society organ-ized along soc ia l i s t l ines. Phi l ip Thompson, for example, was convinced that "the Single Tax movement is doing excellent work in breaking ground for socialism by causing people to think of the evi ls begotten by land 94 monopoly and the way to remedy them". Organizations such as the Social Reform League, the Canadian Socia l is t Federation and the Social Democratic Party viewed major reforms such as public ownership of land and u t i l i t i e s as part of a larger transition to public ownership of a l l industry. The impact of urban radicals on urban policy is d i f f i c u l t to assess. The radicals did have some limited electoral success in muni-cipal and provincial p o l i t i c s , as well as some success in implementing reforms, such as public ownership of u t i l i t i e s , and improvement of municipal workers' wages. However, the reforms were usually only suc-cessful when they were also supported by urban l ibe ra ls , whose motiva-tions of eff iciency and economic growth were quite different from the equity and moral concerns of urban radicals. Consequently, the major reforms such as public ownership of telephone companies, hydro u t i l i t i e s 6 1 . and public transit systems, while involving qualitative change in the management of the urban industrial society, should not necessarily be interpreted as involving a real transfer of power from capi ta l is ts to 95 the public sector. As the Ontario Socia l is t League Manifesto warned, many public ownership movements are "an attempt of the capi ta l is t class to secure government control of public u t i l i t i e s for the purpose of obtaining greater security in the exploitation of industries and not 96 for the amelioration of the conditions of the working c lass ." " V Canada's almost single-minded pursuit of economic development presented Canadians with the major challenge of managing a new urban industrial society under the careful scrutiny of institutions and an i d e o l o g y poorly equipped for the task. Canadian society responded to the challenge in a diverse and somewhat inconsistent fashion. Agra-rian -radicals who were appalled by the moral and physical decay wrought by urbanization, preached a return to rural l i f e as the coun-t ry 's salvation. Further, they argued that i f the return to rural l i f e was to be successful, i t would have to be based on strongncollectivist pr inciples, including state intervention and the foundation of rural cooperatives. Urban l iberals disagreed. They considered urbanization and ;; ' industrial izat ion as the path toward a bright future. Preaching a return to rural l i f e was not only a romantic dream; i t was a rejection of progress. The urban l ibera ls disagreed w i t h agrarian co l l ec t iv is ts on another point as well . The l i be ra ls , while acknowledging the severity 6 2 . of urban problems, viewed the collectivism reflected in agrarian poli-tics as unhealthy. The urban liberals argued that the solution to the urban challenge must be found within the parameters of the dominant capitalist institutions. Reforms, not a restructuring of Canadian society, were the answer. These reforms tended to be in the interests of the business classes who dominated the urban liberal movement. Government ownership, for example, was strongly advocated when it expedited expansion or reduced the price of services required by business. But the urban liberals s t i l l faced a dilemma. How could the urban problems that threatened their livelihood be solved without reducing the rights of private property and the individual? The urban liberals were reluctantly drawn into pushing for more and more fundamental reforms as the urban problems intensified and the solutions of "scientific management" ap-peared inadequate. But what was perceived as a dilemma by the liberals was seen as a unique opportunity by urban radicals. For radicals, the very problems and complexity of city l i fe was the force that liberated Canada from the greedy, competitive society they deplored, to a new society based on cooperative principles. The urban challenge would be met by changing these capitalist institutions and ideology that were causing the problems. But here the urban radicals also faced a dilemma. The support for funda-mental changes in Canadian society was weak. Indeed, even the urban liberals had difficulty in generating sufficient support, especially for their more progressive ideas in the areas of housing land speculation and public ut i l i t ies. 6 3 . While there was obvious conflict between these three distinct responses to Canada's urban problems, there was also a basis for a l l i -ance. Urban and agrarian radicals agreed on the need for structural change. Urban liberals and urban radicals agreed on the inevitability of urban l i fe . And while the liberals and radicals disagreed on their vision of the ultimate society and had different motives in advocating reforms, these factions did have some common ground, especially in the reforms proposed in the area of public uti l i t ies and land speculation. These potential alliances, as well as the conflicts, ensured that the response of Canadian society to urban problems would be a profoundly com-plex process. 6 4 . F o o t n o t e s 1. F o r d i s c u s s i o n o f urban r e f o r m i n Canada s e e : John C, Weaver, Shaping the Canadian C i t y : Essays on Urban P o l i t i c s and P o l i c y , 1890-1920 (Kingston:. I n s t i t u t e o f P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f Canada, 1977); A l a n A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg; Paul R u t h e r f o r d , ed., S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y , The F i r s t Phase, 1880-1920 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1970); James Anderson, "The M u n i c i -p a l Government Reform Movement i n Western Canada," i n A l a n A r t i b i s e and G i l b e r t S t e l t e r , e d s ., The U s a b l e Urban P a s t ( T o r o n t o : M a c m r l l a n , 1979), 73-112; Gene Home!, "James Simpson and the O r i g i n s ' o f S o c i a l Democracy" ( T o r o n t o : Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , Department o f H i s t o r y , 1977). 2. Paul R u t h e r f o r d , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n R u t h e r f o r d (ed.) S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y , x i i i . 3. W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and T a x a t i o n i n Canada, from The Farmers' S t a n d p o i n t ( T o r o n t o : J.M. Dent & Sons, 1919), XIV; W.C. Good, "Canada's Rural Problem," Empire CIub Speeches, 1915-16 ( T o r o n t o : 1917), 301. 4. Andrew M a c P h a i l , "The Dominion and the S p i r i t , " U n i v e r s i t y Magazine, V o l . VII (Feb. 1908), 14. 5. Andrew M a c P h a i l , "The Farmer," Empire C l u b Speeches, 1920 ( T o r o n t o : 1921 ), 122. 6. W.C. Good, "Canada's Rural Problem," 300; see a l s o : E.C. D r u r y , "Chairman's A d d r e s s , " S o c i a l S e r v i c e C ongress: R e p o r t o f  A d d r e s s e s ( T o r o n t o : S o c i a l S e r v i c e Council., 1914), 145-6; Gordon Waldron, " D e p o p u l a t i o n and Impoverishment o f R u r a l Ont-a r i o , " A d d r e s s e s B e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , 1910-11 ( T o r o n t o , 1911); John Todd, "The S i t e o f a U n i v e r s i t y , " U n i v e r - s i t y Magazine V o l . IX ( A p r i l 1910); John M a c D o u g a l l , Rural L i f e  i n Canada: I t s Trends and Tasks ( T o r o n t o : 1913); Reverend S.F. Sharp, "The Church and the R u r a l Problem," S o c i a l S e r v i c e Con- g r e s s , 166-172. 7. John M a c D o u g a l l , "The R u r a l Problem," S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s . 8. C a r l B e r g e r , The Sense o f Power: S t u d i e s i n the Ideas o f Canadian I m p e r i a l ism, 1867-1914 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1970), 144-45. 9. Andrew M a c P h a i l , " P r i n c e Edward I s i and," A d d r e s s e s B e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , 1911-12 ( T o r o n t o : 1912), 48-59. 10. George P h e l p s , "Need f o r Government O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Land S e t t l e -ment," C j j n s e n ^ 4, 1 ( J a n u a r y 1918), 3. 65. 11. Grey o f Howick P a p e r s , V o l . 28, Grey to S i r W i l l i a m MacDonald, Dec. 31, 1909, c i t e d by C a r l B e r g e r , Sense o f Power, 192. 12. S i r John W i l l i s o n , "Immigration and S e t t l e m e n t , " i n J.O. M i l l e r (ed.) The New Era i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : J.M. Dent & Sons, 1917), 112. 13. See f o r example: M a c P h a i l , "The Dominion and the S p i r i t ; " Stephen L e a c o c k , " L i t e r a t u r e and E d u c a t i o n i n America," U n i v e r s i t y  Magazine V o l . V I I I (Feb. 1909); C a s t e l l Hopkins, "Canadian C h a r a c t e r and L i f e " U n i v e r s i t y Magazine V o l . V I I I ( A p r i l T909); C a r l B e r g e r , Sense o f Power. 14. M a c P h a i l , "The C o n s e r v a t i v e , " 422. 15. W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and Taxes i n Canada; W i l l i a m I r v i n e , The Farmer i n P o l i t i c s ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1920). 16. Salem B l a n d , The New C h r i s t i a n i t y ( T o r o n t o : 1920, r e p r i n t e d ed., T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1973), 3. 17. See W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and T a x a t i o n ; I r v i n e , The Farmer i n P o l i t i c s ; B1and,,_The New C h r i s t i a n i t y ; G r a i n Growers Guide, The Farmer's FQatfo)rm (Winnipeg: Canadian C o u n c i l o f A g r i -c u l t u r e ( 1 9 1 6 ) ; " f o r a good secondary a c c o u n t see: Cook and Brown, Canada, 1896-1921, 144-162; W.L. Morton, The P r o g r e s -s i v e P a r t y i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1950). 18. Henry George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y (New York, 1879, r e p r i n t e d ed., New York: C o u n t r y L i f e P r e s s , 1954). 19. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and Ta x e s . 20. I b i d . , 53. 21. I b i d . , 89. 22. A l p h o n s e D e s j a r d i n s , " C o o p e r a t i o n Among Farmers," S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 181.. 23. Canadian C o u n c i l on A g r i c u l t u r e , Farmers' P l a t f o r m 1916, c i t e d by Cook & Brown, Canada, 1896-1921 , 317. : 24. M a r t i n Robin, ed., Canadian P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s ( S c a r b o r o u g h : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , T972), 3, 204-205. ' 25. John Cormie, "Back t o the Land," U n i v e r s i t y M a g a z i n e . V o l . VII ( A p r i l 1918), 200. 26. Ames, The C i t y Below the H i l l , 102. 66. 27. G. Frank Beer, " N a t i o n a l Ideas i n I n d u s t r y , " i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., The New Era i n Canada, 163. 28. Mackenzie K i n g , I n d u s t r y and Humanity, 105; I b i d . , 93. . 29. Byron Walker, "A Comprehensive P l a n f o r T o r o n t o , " Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , A d d r e s s e s , 1905-6 ( T o r o n t o : 1907), 22; see a l s o : A l a n A r t i b i s e , " B o o s t e r i s m and the Development o f P r a i r i e C i t i e s , 1871-1913;" A l a n A r t i b i s e , e d ., Town and C i t y : A s p e c t s  o f Western Canadian Urban H i s t o r y ( R e g i n a l Canadian P l a i n s R esearch C e n t r e , 1981), 209-236. 30.. E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , L'Independence Economique du Canada F r a n c a i s (Montreal 1913); E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , Empafons-nous 1 ' i n d u s t r i e (Ottawa: 1901), 28. 31. M a r t i n B u r n 11, "Comments," P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h Annual Con-f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g , T o r o n t o ( B o s t o n ; U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1915), 316. 32. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , " U n s a n i t a r y Housing." 33. J . J . K e l s o , c i t e d i n H o d g e t t s , " U n s a n i t a r y Housing," 51. 34. See, f o r example, " B o l s h e v i s m and I t s Dangers," Canadian M u n i c i p a l J o u r n a l (CMJ) (March 1920), 76; I n d u s t r i a l Canada ( O c t . 1 9 21)P i , 35. I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149. 36. See f o r example: W.F. MacLean, "A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o , " i n J . C a s t e l l H o p k i n s , e d . , Empire C l u b Speeches, 1907-1908 ( T o r o n t o : B r i g g s , 1910), 82. 37. Morley W i c k e t t , " P r e s e n t C o n d i t i o n s , " i n Morley W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada, 149. 38. Frank Adams, "Our N a t i o n a l H e r i t a g e , " i n J.O. M i l l e r , e d ., The New E r a i n Canada, 97. 39. Frank Beer, " N a t i o n a l I d e a l s i n I n d u s t r y , " i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., New E r a i n Canada, 164. 40. J.O. M i l l e r , "The B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , " i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., New Era i n Canada, 352. 41. H e r b e r t Ames, A b s t r a c t o f a C o u r s e o f Ten L e c t u r e s on M u n i c i p a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( M o n t r e a l : 1896), 7. 42. Henry B r u e r e , Minutes o f M e e t i n g , J u l y 10, 1913, c i t e d by J.C. Weaver, "Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s , " i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , eds., Us a b l e Urban P a s t , 58. 67. 43. R.D. Waugh, "Return o f M u n i c i p a l Government," i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , - C i v i c Improvement, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e o f C i v i c  Improvement League o f Canada (Ottawa: 1916), 22. 44. M o r l e y W i c k e t t , "Problems o f C i t y Government," i n J . C a s t e l l Hopkins, ed., Empire Club Speeches, 1907-1908, 111. 45. John W i l l i s o n , "Town P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e a t H a m i l t o n , " Canadian E n g i n e e r V o l . 37 (Dec. 1919), 515. 46. Globe, Nov. 17, 1902, c i t e d by John Weaver, "The Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s . " 47. J.O. M i l l e r , "The B e t t e r Government o f o u r ' C i t i e s , " 349. 48. M o r l e y W i c k e t t , "A T o r o n t o . V i e w p o i n t , " i n Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and P r o c e e d i n g s a t the F i r s t Annual  M e e t i n g (Ottawa: J a c k s o n P r e s s , 1913), 131-32. 49. J.O. M i l l e r , " B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , " 350. 50. M. W i c k e t t , "Problems o f C i t y Government," 116; see a l s o : M. W i c k e t t , eds., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada. 51. For a summary o f t h e s e reforms s e e : John Weaver, "Tomorrow's M e t r o p o l i s R e v i s i s t e d : A C r i t i c a l Assessment o f Urban Reform i n Canada, 1890-1920," i n A l a n A r t i b i s e and G i l S t e l t e r , e d s., The Canadian C i t y : . E s s a ys i n Urban H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1977), 393-419; James Anderson, " M u n i c i p a l Reform Movement i n Western Canada." 52. John Cooper, " M u n i c i p a l Survey" i n CPSA, Paper and P r o c e e d i n g s o f , F i r s t Annual M e e t i n g , 125; see a l s o Dr. H.L. B r i t t a i n , " M u n i c i p a l S t a t i s t i c s and C i v i l S e r v i c e , " i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , C i v i c Improvement, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e , 1916, 25-26; R.Ti. C o a t s , " M u n i c i p a l and V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , " i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , Urban and Rural Development i n Canada, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e Held a t Winnipeg, 1917,. 33-39. 53. Rev. W.A. R i d d e l ! , "The V a l u e o f the S o c i a l Survey," i n S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 54-59. 54. T o r o n t o Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l R e s e a r c h , Minute Book, Feb. 9, 1914 to May 29, 1914, 24, c i t e d i n John Weaver, "The Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s , " 58. 55. Ames, C i t y BeloW the H i l l , 103. 56. I b i d . , 114. 57. James Mavor, " M u n i c i p a l Ownership o f - P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s , " (T904) r e p r i n t e d i n Paul R u t h e r f o r d , e d . , S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1 9 7 4 ) , 5 2 . 68. 58. For e x p r e s s i o n o f t h i s c o n c e r n see: W.F. Maclean, "A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o ; " " I n d u s t r i a l Housing Schemes t h a t Pay," CE (August 1926), 808; "Housing C r i s i s Demands Government," CE ( J u l y , 1918); John Weaver, Shaping the Canadian C i t y ; A . ~ A " r t i b i s e , Winnipeg; Saywel1, Housing C a n a d i a n s , 137-41. 59. T o r o n t o C i t y C o u n c i l , M i n u t e s , 1905, Appendix 2, c i t e d i n S a y w e l l , Housing Canadians, 141. 60. G l o b e , Dec. 11, 1906, c i t e d i n S a y w e l l , Housing Canada, 141. 61. W i c k e t t , " C i t y Government i n Canada 1" i n W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada, 23. 62. Ames, C i t y Below the H i l l , 106. 63. I b i d . , 107. 64. S a y w e l l , Housing C a n a d i a n s , 137-49; f o r an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n o f the T o r o n t o Housing Company see: S h i r l e y Spragge, "A Con-f l u e n c e o f I n t e r e s t i n g Housing Reform i n T o r o n t o , 1900-1920," i n A r t i b i s e & S t e l t e r , e d s . , The U s a b l e Urban P a s t , 247-268. 65. I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149. 66. See f o r example: I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149; (June 1912) 1260; ( J a n . 1913), 843. 67. George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y , 414. 68. W.C. MacLean, "A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o , " 82. 69. See f o r . e x a m p l e : Weaver, Shapi n g the Canadian C i t y . 70. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the s o c i a l gospel movement see: R i c h a r d A l l e n , The S o c i a l P a s s i o n : R e l i g i o n and S o c i a l Reform i n Canada, 1914-20 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1971). 71. Woodsworth, My Neighbour, 18. 72. I b i d . , 22. 73. I b i d . , 215; I b i d . , 23. 74. I b i d . , 14; I b i d . , 28. 75. I b i d . , 24; 76. Rev. A. Carman, "Opening A d d r e s s , " S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 3-4; Rev. J.W. A i t k i n s , "Jesus C h r i s t and I n d u s t r y , " SSC, 45; Rev. P r o f . G.C. Pidgeon, "The Church and Labour i n B . C T , SSC, 52; James Simpson, " E x t e n s i o n o f S o c i a l J u s t i c e , " SSC, 40. 69. 77. M e t h o d i s t J o u r n a l o f P r o c e e d i n g s , 1918, c i t e d by R i c h a r d A l l e n , The S o c i a l P a s l T o n ( T o r o n t o : Univ. o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1974), 74. 78. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s see Home!, "James Simpson." 79. Labour A d v o c a t , J a n u a r y 1891, c i t e d by Ramsay Cook, "Henry George, and the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s , " i n Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l Papers 1977, 142-158. 80. P h i l i p Thompson, P o l i t i c s o f Labour ( T o r o n t o : 1887, r e p r i n t e d ed. T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1975), 24-25. 81. George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y , 8; f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f the impact o f Henry George's i d e a s i n Canada see: Cook, "Henry George & the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s . " 82. A.R. Carman, "The Gospel o f J u s t i c e , " Canadian M e t h o d i s t Q u a r t e r l y ( J u l y 1891), 287. 83. Woodsworth, My Neighbour, 38. 84. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , "Housing and Town P l a n n i n g , " Commission o f Con-s e r v a t i o n , Annual R e p o r t , 1912 (Ottawa: K i n g ' s ' P r i n t e r , 1912), 132; A l a n Thompson, "Why Houses a r e S c a r c e and Dear," CIE, V o l . VII ( S e p t . 1911); J.O. M i l l e r , " B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , " 377, 376; see a l s o H.H. S t u a r t , " M u n i c i p a l T a x a t i o n , " CMJ VII (Dec. 1911), 477-79; " C i t y P l a n n i n g v s . Real E s t a t e S p e c u l a t o r s , " CE ( S e p t . 1912). 39. 85. J.O. M i l l e r , " B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , " 370. 86. " M u n i c i p a l Ownership of P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s , " CE (Feb. 1908), 32. 87. P.A.C., Borden P a p e r s , W.D. L i g h t h a l l t o Borden, March 30, 1906, c i t e d i n Cook & Brown, Canada 1896-1921, 103. 88. A.H. S i n c l a i r , " M u n i c i p a l Monopolies and T h e i r Management," i n W.J. A s h l e y , ed., T o r o n t o U n i v e r s i t y S t u d i e s i n P o l i t i c a l  S c i e n c e F i r s t S e r i e s , No. 11 ( T o r o n t o : Warwick & Sons, 1891). 89. A l a n Thompson, " T a x a t i o n o f F r a n c h i s e s , " Canadian Magazine V o l . XXIV (March 1905), 464. 90. F.S. Spence, "Some S u g g e s t i o n s as to the T o r o n t o S t r e e t Railway Problems," i n Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , A d d r e s s e s , 1908-9 ( T o r o n t o : Warwick, 1909), 40. 91 J.S. Woodsworth, " S i g n i f i c a n c e o f Human Waste o f Modern L i f e and I t s Causes," P u b l i c H e a l t h J o u r n a l V o l . 5 (June 1914), 21. 92. Star,, Feb. 6, 1912, c i t e d by Gene Homel, "James Simpson," 549. 70. 93. Frank Beer, "Housing i n Canada," Garden C i t i e s and Town P l a n n i n g V o l . IV (November 1914), 261-62; f o r d i s c u s s i o n , o f t h i s d e b a t e on the T o r o n t o Housing Company, see Homel, "James Simpson," 537-79. 94. The Labour A d v o c a t , March 17 5 1891, c i t e d by Cook, "Henry George and the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s , " 153. 95. For a summary and a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e r e f o r m s , see: Anderson, " M u n i c i p a l ' R e f o r m i n Western Canada;" Weaver, Shaping the Can- a d i a n C i t y ; H.V. N e l l e s , P o l i t i c s o f Development; F o r e s t s ,  Mines and H y d r o - E l e c t r i c Power i n O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : M a c M i l l a n , 1974). 96. C i t e d by Homel, "James Simpson." 71. PART TWO: THE EVOLUTION OF PLANNING 72. CHAPTER I I I THE EMERGENCE OF PLANNING, PART ONE: AESTHETICS, EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY By the t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y Canadians were a l l too aware o f the problems o f managing the emerging urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . They were a l s o becoming aware o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f m i t i g a t i n g t h e s e i n c r e a s i n g l y complex problems. Few Canadians would have d i s a g r e e d w i t h C l i f f o r d S i f t o n ' s comments made a t t h e 1914 C i t y P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e h e l d i n T o r o n t o t h a t : We have many t h e o r i e s f o r the r e d r e s s o f s o c i a l e v i l s . . . t he a d v o c a t s o f each c l a i m t h a t t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r y w i l l s e t e v e r y t h i n g r i g h t . Yet when we d i v e s t o u r s e l v e s o f the e n t h u s i a s m which p e o p l e a r e a p t t o a c q u i r e when th e y t a k e up one p a r t i c u l a r i d e a , i t takes v e r y l i t t l e s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o l e a d one t o the con-c l u s i o n t h a t w h i l e each one o f t h e s e remedies s u g g e s t e d has some m e r i t ... not one o f them would r a d i c a l l y a l t e r the law t h a t has h e r e t o -f o r e o b t a i n e d w i t h i n e x o r a b l e r e g u l a r i t y ; namely, t h a t the growth o f p o v e r t y , m i s e r y and c r i m e accompany i n d u s t r i a l and commercial e x p a n s i o n on a l a r g e s c a l e . ^ Simple s o l u t i o n s were no match f o r complex problems. P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t B r y c e S t e w a r t , f o r example, o b s e r v e d t h a t government b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , t h e urban l i b e r a l s f a v o u r e d t e c h n i q u e f o r c o m b a t t i n g urban decay, " d i s c o u r a g e s p r o s p e c t i v e b u i l d e r s and encourages the c o n t i n u a n c e o f o l d houses, e s p e c i a l l y i f the r e s t r i c t i o n s a r e i n s u f f i c i e n t t o meet the d e s i r e d ends." S t e w a r t was a l s o s k e p t i c a l o f the p r o v i n c i a l h e a l t h l e g i s l a t i o n which a l l o w e d t h e a u t h o r i t i e s " t o condemn u n s a n i t a r y h o u s i n g " 2 but which " o n l y c r e a t e s a f u r t h e r s c a r c i t y and i n c r e a s e s r e n t a l s . " C l e a r l y , something q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from i s o l a t e d r eforms was r e q u i r e d . A c c o r d i n g t o S i f t o n , t h i s q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t remedy so 73. n e c e s s a r y f o r s o l v i n g the problems o f t h e new s o c i e t y was now a v a i l a b l e . " I t i s t o be found," s u g g e s t e d S i f t o n , " i n a r a t i o n a l system o f town p l a n n i n g , " which i f p r o p e r l y a p p l i e d w i l l " e r a d i c a t e most o f t h e s e e v i l s . " Canadians had d i s a g r e e d on many o f the i s s u e s r e g a r d i n g r e f o r m and management o f the new s o c i e t y . But t h e y were q u i c k l y r e a c h i n g a consensus on the need f o r c o o r d i n a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n s i n the i n t e r -dependent i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y through t h e mechanism o f a p l a n . The i d e a seemed l o g i c a l , o b j e c t i v e and i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . Few c o u l d d i s a g r e e . Urban l i b e r a l s such as W.D. L i g h t h a l l , t he mayor o f Westmount, and Frank Beer, t h e T o r o n t o m a n u f a c t u r e r , a c t i v e l y promoted the c o n c e p t . A c c o r d -i n g to B e e r , " i t w i l l be seen t h a t no remedy w i l l be found ... a p a r t from a wise p l a n n i n g o f the c i t y . " ^ L i g h t h a l l was even more adamant. He r e p l a c e d h i s o r i g i n a l l y s c h e d u l e d speech t o the Empire C l u b o f Canada w i t h a speech d e v o t e d t o a m a t t e r " o f v e r y g r e a t urgency." The m a t t e r o f g r e a t urgency was town p l a n n i n g . In h i s t a l k , L i g h t h a l l emphasized t h a t " s a n i t a t i o n and housing have a l r e a d y been t r i e d as such and now i t i s found t h a t t h e s e attempts t o e r a d i c a t e slum e v i l s a r e handicapped 5 and l a r g e l y r e n d e r e d u s e l e s s by t h e absence o f g e n e r a l c i t y p l a n n i n g . " Such p l a n n i n g , s u g g e s t e d L i g h t h a l l , was e s s e n t i a l f o r the p r o p e r f u n c t i o n i n g o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Urban r a d i c a l s such as Woodsworth were e q u a l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c . Woodsworth s u g g e s t e d t h a t " c i v i c r eforms o f a l l k i n d s a r e dependent upon b e t t e r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s and t h e s e i n t u r n a r e l a r g e l y dependent upon the l a y - o u t o f the c i t y . " C o n s e q u e n t l y , Woodsworth c o n c l u d e d t h a t " t o o g r e a t emphasis cannot be l a i d upon the n e c e s s i t y f o r a comprehensive c i t y p l a n . " A l s o , the i d e a o f s c i e n t i f i c p l a n n i n g was c e n t r a l t o the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s ' s o l u t i o n t o the r u r a l problem. P l a n n i n g , i t seemed, was the one t h i n g t h a t appeared c a p a b l e o f overcoming the deep i d e o l o g i c a l •74. conflicts between the agrarian radicals, the urban liberals and the urban radicals. Thus the popularity of planning was definitely growing. The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs noted that "Municipal Conventions, Boards of Trade meetings, educational and religious bodies, leading manufacturers and clergymen, Canadian Clubs, the Commission of Conservation at Ottawa, City Councils, women's societies, labour organizations - -all discussed the idea." 7 Discussion was accompanied by concrete action. In 1914, the Annual Review reported that "at this time the science of civics and the city planning idea are making great progress. Since 1909, twenty-two planning commissions had been appointed in U.S. cities and in Canada, Calgary, Winnipeg, Regina, Edmonton, Saskatoon and Lethbridge also have City Planning Commissions while Toronto and Montreal have Park Commissions." By 1920, most major Canadian cities had attempted to prepare some type of plan, comprehensive planning legislation had been passed in most provinces, the federal government had set up a special commission to promote planning and the Town Planning Institute of Canada, a pro-fessional organization of planners, had been formed. By any measure, the progress of planning appeared impressive. Laissez-faire liberalism seemed in retreat. II Although most Canadians agreed on the need for some type of planning, there was s t i l l uncertainty and disagreement concerning the specific form that planning ought to take. Considering the ideological and class conflicts that were being subsumed under the umbrella of 75. planning and the lack of experience with any type of explicit plan-ning, the existence of such disagreements and uncertainties was far from surprising. Consequently, planning went through several stages in its early development as Canadians struggled to formulate a set of planning principles acceptable to disparate ideological groups. The f irst stage was heavily influenced by the architects and the ideas of "City Beautiful". City Beautiful was a style of planning originating, in part, from the American planning efforts for the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago and the 1902 plan for the City of Washington, D . C , which was, in turn, based on the original 1791 g Washington plan prepared by the French architect, L'Enfant. The three basic ingredients of City Beautiful planning included monumental civic centres to inspire civic pride, wide boulevards appro-priately landscaped, and a system of"linked parks designed to give the city breathing space. Daniel Burnham, who was one of the primary figures in the American movement summarized his views on planning at the 1910 London International Planning Conference, by stating that the objectives of planning must be "order and beauty". 1 0 Charles Robinson, another of the American promoters of city beautiful planning, saw it as a means of coping with most of the evils of urban society. According to Robinson, even the irrepressible "slum disease" could be exorcized by proper ap-plication of City Beautiful principles. Robinson, surmized that: It has been found that there is no better way to redeem a slum district than by cutting into it a great highway that will be f i l led with the through travel of the city's industries. Like a stream of pure water, cleansing what it touches, this . tide of traff ic, pulsating with the joyousness of the city's l i fe and t o i l , wakes the district to the larger interests and higher purpose. 76. In the 1890's, City Beautiful ideas slowly began to take hold in Canada. The Canadian Architect and Builder, which was one of the earlier journals dealing with urban issues, began advocating the need for parks to "provide relief from the noisy confusion and worry of the city" and for impressive city gateways, noble avenues and embellished public buildings and squares. A.T. Taylor, a prominent Montreal architect decried the haphazard growth of Canadian cities and held up Paris and Washington as examples of progressive cities where the provision of "open spaces, radiating boulevards and noble buildings" and planned development 12 ensured order and beauty. It was not long before a number of City Beautiful plans had been prepared for several major Canadian cit ies. In Toronto in 1897, a number of leading businessmen including Byron Walker, who was the manager of the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, H.C. Cox, President of the Canadian Life Assurance, G.A. Howell, owner of the Standard Paper Company and K.J. Dunston, manager of Bell Telephone, formed the Toronto Guild of Civic Art, an organization dedicated "to promote and encourage civic 13 art". With the support of the Board of Trade and the Canadian Manufacturer's Association, the Civic Guild began pressuring Toronto City Council to prepare a civic improvement plan. Lack of action on the part of council motivated the enthusiastic Guild members to go ahead and prepare a plan themselves. The plan went through several versions and 14 was finally published in its most comprehensive form in 1909. According to the Guild, the intention of the plan was "for the improvement and beautifying of the city", a task which the plan suggested "divides itself into two branches, namely, the radial road project and those which have relation to the connection of our various squares and 77. parks by boulevards, driveways and parkways". The parks system pro-posed by the Guild was given considerable emphasis. The Guild advocated "a practically continuous chain of parks and parkways surrounding the city, linked by boulevards with the existing parks". The park system would be comprised of a hierarchy of parks, from local playgrounds and inner city parks to the large, linear natural parks designed to pre-serve the scenic areas of the city such as ravines and waterfronts. 1 6 In promoting the plan, Byron Walker lamented the "ugliness of Toronto" and held up European cities which had "everywhere beautiful parks completed and perfected". Walker went on to state that: All who have confidence in the future of the city who are loyal to Toronto realize that we must have some such system of radial roads. 1 7 W.A. Langdon, who was one of the authors of the plan and president of the Ontario Association of Architects, emphasized that "to let the place grow without a plan would meet no favour", for' i t would result in ugly and haphazard development. The plan should be implemented by a "continuous body with a continuous policy devoted entirely to this one purpose, with a certain appropriation (of funds) and able to employ expert advice".1** In Quebec, the Association of Architects, which had for a number of years been pressuring the Montreal city government to establish a standing Art Committee to promote civic embellishment, prepared a plan for Montreal similar in principle to the Toronto effort. The Montreal plan advocated two diagonal roads and a number of grand boulevards 19 connecting Montreal parks. Other Canadian cities were characterized by even more compre-hensive efforts. In 1899, the Laurier government created the Ottawa 7 8 . Improvement Commission with the object of making Canada's capital city 20 the "Washington of the north". Frederick Todd, who was a Montreal landscape architect who had been an advocate of the need for systems of parks, was hired to prepare the plan. The plan, completed in 1903, reflected the standard City Beautiful concepts: a system of parks, connected by boulevards which would highlight the monumental vistas such as the Parliament Buildings. In a display of civic pride, Todd bragged that Washington and Paris, while beautiful, could not come close to matching the "grandness or impressive scenery" that characterized Ottawa. Todd added that i f this potential beauty was to be preserved, his plan would have to be rigidly adhered to. "On no account," urged Todd, should the plan "be subject to alterations to meet the wishes or 21 whims of self-interested parties." Having completed the Ottawa plan, Todd went on to Edmonton where he proposed a plan again based on the 22 now accepted principles of City Beautiful. City Beautiful planning received a major impetus with the arrival of Thomas Mawson in 1911. This must be considered one of the many small ironies in the development of Canadian planning, for Mawson was a British planner promoting what was normally considered to be the American City Beautiful planning idea at precisely the time that American 23 planners were shifting to a new set of planning concepts. Meanwhile the British planners, who had never been that enthralled with City Beautiful planning, were actively engaged in a style of planning con-cerned with public health and housing; concerns qualitatively different 24 from City Beautiful. Canada, then, somehow attracted one of the least representative British town planners to experiment on her cit ies. Just before his arrival in Canada, Mawson had summarized his 79. t h o u g h t s on p l a n n i n g i n a major book e n t i t l e d , C i v i c A r t : S t u d i e s i n 25 Town P l a n n i n g P a r k s , B o u l e v a r d s and Open Spaces. In s p i t e o f i t s B r i t i s h o r i g i n s , the book stands as one o f the most comprehensive s t a t e -ments o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l thought. In the i n t r o d u c t i o n Mawson s t a t e d t h a t : The aim o f c i v i c a r t as d i s t i n c t from p r a c t i c a l , i s to e d u c a t e , t o t r a i n the v i s i o n t o see beauty i n e v e r y l i n e drawn, i n the d e s i g n o f e v e r y s t r u c t u r e , i n e v e r y p l a n t e d t r e e and i n e v e r y s k e t c h o f greenswood l a i d d own^g Mawson's book went on to emphasize the n e c e s s i t y o f "a c h a i n o f p a r k s , gardens and open spaces connected by b o u l e v a r d s and parkways" and a d u l a t e d D a n i e l Burnham, the American C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r , f o r h i s e f f o r t s to impose a d i a g o n a l s t r e e t plan and to c o n s t r u c t monumental 27 b u i l d i n g s t o i n s p i r e r e s i d e n t s n*n the c i t y o f C h i c a g o . Mawson remained d e d i c a t e d t o t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s l o n g a f t e r h i s American compat-r i o t s had abandoned them. In h i s 1918 P r e s i d e n t i a l Address t o the B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e , Mawson c l a i m e d t h a t " e v e r y t h i n g s h o u l d be s u b s e r v i e n t to one c o n t r o l l i n g f a c t o r , namely, the commercial 28 v a l u e s o f S y l v a n beauty." Upon h i s a r r i v a l i n Canada, Mawson began a l e c t u r e s e r i e s pro-moting h i s views on p l a n n i n g . The Canadian a u d i e n c e must have been imp r e s s e d , f o r Mawson was soon h i r e d to pr e p a r e p l a n s f o r B a n f f , Van-29 c o u v e r , Regina and C a l g a r y . The Vancouver Commission c a l l e d f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a pl a n f o r the e n t r a n c e to S t a n l e y Park. Mawson proposed a number o f p h y s i c a l e m b e l l i s h m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g a major b o u l e v a r d con-n e c t i n g the park to the c i t y and a c i v i c c e n t r e l o c a t e d somewhere a l o n g the b o u l e v a r d . The purpose o f the pla n was " t o p r o v i d e a c o m p o s i t i o n 80. which, i n i t s arrangement and i t s d i s p o s i t i o n o f the masses, would a p p r o a c h , when completed, what i s know as the 'Grand Manner', s e c u r -i n g a t the same ti m e , g r e a t v i s t a s from many d i r e c t i o n s and e s p e c i a l l y 30 on G e o r g i a S t r e e t and the harbour." The f o l l o w i n g y e a r C a l g a r y had Mawson prepare a comprehensive p l a n t h a t would manage the c i t y ' s f u t u r e growth. The C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission, which had been c r e a t e d i n 1911 to o v e r s e e t he p r o c e s s o f town p l a n n i n g , s u g g e s t e d t h a t h i r i n g Mawson, one o f the most'prominent town p l a n n e r s a v a i l a b l e , would be o f s u b s t a n t i a l - p u b l i c i t y v a l u e f o r the C i t y o f C a l g a r y . In i n i t i a t i n g t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , the C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission r e q u e s t e d t h a t Mawson g i v e due c o n s i d e r a t i o n to urgent mat-t e r s i n c l u d i n g t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and housing problems, as w e l l as prob-31 lems r e l a t e d t o parks and a e s t h e t i c s . The p l a n , as e x p e c t e d , con-t a i n e d recommendations f o r wide, d i a g o n a l r o a d s , parks and a monumental c i v i c c e n t r e . But as had been r e q u e s t e d by h i s c l i e n t s , Mawson a l s o i n c l u d e d p r o p o s a l s c a l l i n g f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f workers' housing i n 32 garden suburbs. In t he same y e a r , Mawson pr e p a r e d a n o t h e r s i m i l a r p l a n f o r the 33 C i t y o f Reg i n a . A g a i n , a l t h o u g h t he pl a n was devoted l a r g e l y to the t r a d i t i o n a l C i t y B e a u t i f u l m a t t e r s , Mawson d i d g i v e some a t t e n t i o n to m a t t e r s o f housing and b u i l d i n g garden suburbs. I t appears t h a t the c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f r a p i d urban growth f o r c e d a C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r to extend h i s c o n c e r n s beyond t he narrow parameters o f the C i t y B e a u t i f u l s t y l e . Yet, d e s p i t e t h e s e attempts by Mawson t o make the p l a n r e l e -v ant to t h e p r e s s i n g problems f a c e d by Regina and C a l g a r y , both c i t i e s d i s p l a y e d l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n implementing the p l a n ' s recommendations. 81. In fact, Regina didn't even want a copy of their planning report from 34 Mawson. The init ial popularity of City Beautiful planning in Canada was probably related to the lack of alternative planning approaches at the time of growing acceptance of the concept of planning. Just as the Americans had accepted the only planning concepts with which they had some experience, Canadians were naturally attracted to a similar approach to planning advocated by the architects, who were, at the time, members of one of the few professions that had some recognized expertise in the field of city planning. This process was, no doubt, reinforced by the arrival in Canada of such a prominent international planning expert as Thomas Mawson. But the appeal of City Beautiful planning in Canada was due to several other reasons. City Beautiful planning appeared, at f i rs t , to be the perfect answer to the concerns atfr.prominent urban liberals, such as Byron Walker. It was thought that City Beautiful planning would achieve their primary objectives of urban growth and development. Walker, for example, urged his fellow Toronto businessmen to promote the Civic Guild plan "to show the Briton abroad what our material civilization could amount to". Walker concluded his promotional speech to the Canadian Club of Toronto by asking: Have we no national pride? . . . We do not always want to remain a wooden backwoods place with narrow provincial ideas. We aim to be cosmo-politan, to have a larger outlook. Winnipeg is a dangerous rival in the west . . . i f Canada is to be a nation and the twentieth century belongs to us, then we must do our part--and do i t w e l l . 3 5 Walker a:lso emphasized that the plan would increase "the value 82. o f p r o p e r t y i n the o u t s i d e p l a c e s . " I t appeared t h a t C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g c o u l d not p r o v i d e "remedies f o r the e v i l s o f the c o n g e s t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c i t i e s , " but would a l s o be a b l e t o do t h i s w i t h o u t 37 c h a l l e n g i n g t h e r i g h t s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . The d i s t u r b i n g c o n f l i c t between growth and p r e v a i l i n g l i b e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s seemed r e s o l v e d . In s p i t e o f t h e s e v i r t u e s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g was soon sub-j e c t e d t o a c r i t i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n . The American p l a n n e r s mounted a s p i r i t e d a t t a c k on C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g a t the 1912 N a t i o n a l C o n f e r -ence on C i t y P l a n n i n g , where A.W. Bruner who was a f o r m e r C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r a d m i t t e d t h a t "the C i t y B e a u t i f u l f a i l e d — f a i l e d because i t began a t t h e wrong end." Bruner went on t o c o n c l u d e t h a t " s i n c e u t i l i t y and beauty go hand-in-hand, l e t us i n s i s t on u t i l i t y . S i n c e we have 38 i n mind a c o m b i n a t i o n o f s c i e n c e and a r t , l e t us emphasize s c i e n c e . " As Canadian h i s t o r i a n W a l t e r Van Nus has shown i n h i s work on C i t y B e a u t i f u l , Canadian r e f o r m e r s a l s o began a t t a c k i n g C i t y B e a u t i f u l 39 c o n c e p t s d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1910 t o 1918. For example, C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , who was t h e f e d e r a l government's h e a l t h e x p e r t and promoter o f town p l a n n i n g , w h i l e acknowledging t h a t "the c r e a t i o n o f c i v i c c e n t r e s , the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f e l a b o r a t e systems o f parks and p l a y g r o u n d s , and the c r e a t i o n o f c i t y b e a u t i f u l " had some b e n e f i t , complained t h a t C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g l e f t t he c i t y c e n t r e "a sumtown and the suburbs a p a r a d i s e f o r the s p e c u l a t o r . " A n o t h e r p l a n n e r lamented t h a t the p u b l i c had come t o assume t h a t town p l a n n i n g " i s o n l y concerned w i t h what i s c a l l e d by the u g l y word 1 b e a u t i f i c a t i o n ' ; t h e r e f o r e , i t i s o n l y a n o t h e r 40 scheme f o r s p e n d i n g t h e money o f c i t i z e n s . " The members o f the C i v i c G u i l d o f T o r o n t o , the most a r d e n t Canadian promoters o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l , 41 g r a d u a l l y abandoned t h e C i t y B e a u t i f u l s t y l e . Even Mawson, h i m s e l f , 83. seemed aware o f t h e growing c r i t i c i s m o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , f o r i n h i s book on C i v i c A r t , he wrote an i n t r o d u c t i o n a l m o s t a p o l o g i z i n g f o r t h e book's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h a e s t h e t i c m a t t e r s . Mawson c o n f e s s e d t h a t : My o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n i n w r i t i n g t h i s book was t o urge t h e c l a i m s o f l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r e by t r e a t i n g a l m o s t e n t i r e l y p a r k s , gardens and b o u l e v a r d s ... I q u i c k l y r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e s e t h i n g s , though i n t e n s e l y i m p o r t a n t , were merely p a r t o f a l a r g e r whole and t h a t A r t must embrace town p l a n n i n g . ^ 2 As Van Nus has c o n v i n c i n g l y documented, C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g was soon viewed as b e i n g i n c a p a b l e o f s o l v i n g urban problems; p a r t i c u -l a r l y t h o s e r e l a t i n g t o h o u s i n g , c o n g e s t i o n and p u b l i c h e a l t h . Nor was i t c a p a b l e o f p a s s i n g t he r i g o r o u s f i n a n c i a l t e s t s imposed by the new s c i e n c e o f e f f i c i e n c y c e n t r a l t o urban l i b e r a l s . Walker, d i s c u s s i n g the T o r o n t o G u i l d ' s p l a n , a d m i t t e d t h a t "as t o the f i n a n c i a l a s p e c t , I 43 say f r a n k l y t h a t I haven't any i d e a what the c o s t w i l l be." T h i s must have been a p a i n f u l s t a t e m e n t f o r a l e a d i n g businessman and banker t o make. But d e s p i t e i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g d i d succe e d i n l a y i n g some o f the f o u n d a t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e development o f Canadian p l a n n i n g . C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r s h e l p e d d i s s e m i n a t e the i d e a t h a t t he haphazard development o f c i t i e s s h o u l d be c o n s c i o u s l y r e g u l a t e d by t he i m p o s i t i o n o f a r a t i o n a l p l a n p r e p a r e d by a group o f p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t s v e r s e d i n the s c i e n c e o f p l a n n i n g who worked f o r a l a y commission t h a t e x i s t e d above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . Thomas Adams, who was the next B r i t i s h p l a n n e r t o a f f e c t Canadian p l a n n i n g and a hars h c r i t i c o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , a d m i t t e d t h a t a s p e c t s o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g had been u s e f u l " f o r the purpose o f d i v e r t i n g p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n t o the 44 p l a n n i n g o f y o u r c i t y and the advantages o f e x e r c i s i n g f o r e s i g h t . " 84. C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r s a l s o p o p u l a r i z e d t he n o t i o n t h a t the urban problem was a problem r e l a t e d t o the p h y s i c a l arrangement o f the c i t y and t h a t t h e s t a t e had a l e g i t i m a t e r o l e t o p l a y i n p r o v i d i n g park and o t h e r p u b l i c goods. The impact o f t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s was t o be f e l t f o r a l o n g t i m e . But d e s p i t e t h e s e a c h i e v e m e n t s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g had not p r o v i d e d an a c c e p t a b l e answer t o Canada's p r e s s i n g problems. The s e a r c h f o r a s e t o f more a p p r o p r i a t e p l a n n i n g p r i n c i p l e s c a p a b l e o f u n i t i n g a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , urban l i b e r a l s and urban r a d i c a l s would have t o go on. I l l The t r a n s i t i o n t o an a l t e r n a t i v e s t y l e o f p l a n n i n g was o c c u r r i n g b e f o r e Mawson had even f i n i s h e d h i s C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g a c t i v i t i e s . A t t he m u n i c i p a l l e v e l s t he same p r e s s u r e s t h a t had encouraged Mawson t o extend h i s c o n c e r n beyond the " c i t y b e a u t i f u l " i n h i s C a l g a r y and Regina p l a n s were e n c o u r a g i n g s e v e r a l major Canadian c i t i e s t o d e v e l o p growth management s t r a t e g i e s t h a t t r a n s c e n d e d t he narrow l i m i t s o f a e s t h e t i c s . W innipeg, f o r example, p r e p a r e d an urban p o l i c y r e p o r t i n 1913 which r e f l e c t e d a c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the 45 c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g t h a t g u i d e d C i t y B e a u t i f u l . As i n the ca s e o f o t h e r Canadian c i t i e s , t h e i n i t i a l emphasis i n p l a n n i n g was the p r o -v i s i o n o f p a r k s , b o u l e v a r d s and r e l a t e d a e s t h e t i c improvements. But w i t h t he appointment o f a C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission i n 1911 by the munic-i p a l c o u n c i l , p l a n n i n g i n Winnipeg s e t o f f i n a new d i r e c t i o n . The impetus f o r the c r e a t i o n o f t h i s P l a n n i n g Commission had come from the l o c a l b u s i n e s s e l i t e who were l a r g e l y urban l i b e r a l i n o r i e n t a t i o n and 85 . a group of middle class professionals, who leaned more towards urban 46 radical sentiments. While the business elite's interest in planning was motivated by their desire to use planning to promote growth, the middle class professionals such as Pearson, a British town planner, were interested in planning as a tool for regulating urban development in the public interest. They defined the public interest in the fol -lowing way: The ideal city must be laid out as to assure for all the citizens proper light and air, recreation space, and sanitary faci l i t ies , and must in addition have such restrictive regulations and such equipment for inspection as will tend to secure for all citizens the maximum of good health. The ideal city must be as convenient as i t is possible to make i t , and this will involve the proper width and direction of main highways and subsidiary streets, adequate and properly distributed transportation faci l i t ies , etc. , and these questions must be studied with a view to the present and probably future move-ments of the people between their work and their homes and the places of recreation and would involve ultimately the planning of zones which would bring about an economic distribution of work and places of residence. In respect to all changes the aesthetic consideration must be kept in view, for the element of beauty in architecture, in the arrangement of streets, bridges, boulevards, and parks, in the proper treatment of focal points and the creation of attractive vistas, as well as in the detail of street maps and of everything else allowed upon the streets is a most important function.^ The Commission's nineteen members which included representatives from business, labour, professional organizations and government, decided that the prep