"Applied Science, Faculty of"@en . "Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Gunton, Thomas I."@en . "2010-03-26T23:39:35Z"@en . "1981"@en . "Doctor of Philosophy - PhD"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "Urban and regional planning is now accepted as a legitimate function of government. But the evolution of Canadian planning from its inception at the turn of.the century to its new-found status as an objective technical exercise has been a profoundly complex process involving\r\nquestions about the very nature of society. This thesis is an attempt to trace the development of the theory and practice of planning from its controversial beginnings at the turn of the century to its final acceptance as a necessary and desirable function of the state.\r\nAt the beginning of the century it became clear that the rapid pace of urbanization and the capitalist institutions of private property and unregulated private markets were in serious conflict. The new urban, industrial order that accompanied capital accumulation was plagued by interdependences and interactions which made the unrestricted use of property an antiquated and dangerous illusion threatening the physical health of the population, the efficiency of the urban system, and the social stability of the entire society.\r\nCanadians responded to this conflict in three distinct and somewhat\r\ncontradictory ways. One approach which was advocated by agrarian radicals was to implement reforms in Canadian society in order to revitalize\r\nrural life and reverse the undesirable trend of urbanization. The second approach, which was advocated by urban liberals, was to accept urbanization as both desirable and inexorable and to accommodate it by initiating limited reforms while still preserving the basic features of capitalism. The third response, advocated by urban radicals, was to \r\n\r\naccept urbanization as inexorable and to restructure capitalist institutions\r\nwhich were inimical to the sorts of government planning they thought was necessary to manage the new urban order.\r\nUrban and regional planning was considered as essential by all these groups. After going through several initial stages of development, a comprehensive body of planning theory which appealed to all three groups was formulated by leading Canadian planners such as Adams. This theory integrated the aesthetic concerns of city beautiful planning, the efficiency concerns of American city planning, and the equity concerns\r\nof British town planning. The theory envisaged a strong role for the state in controlling property and providing housing.\r\nBy the twenties, the consensus that had formed around this theory of planning collapsed due to a gradual amelioration of urban problems and an overt confrontation between liberals and urban and agrarian radicals.\r\nDuring the twenties a new, more conservative theory of planning developed which emphasized the protection of private property and the provision of public infrastructure to accommodate private accumulation. Planners became allied with real estate interests who were eager to use zoning and other powers of the state to their advantage.\r\nWith the collapse of the economy in the thirties, the latent ideological conflicts which had been submerged in the twenties reappeared with renewed vitality. The urban and agrarian radicals joined forces to form a socialist party dedicated to eradicating capitalism and replacing it with a planned economy. Liberals were forced to formulate a new system of both managing the crisis and preserving capitalism. Gradually\r\n\r\n\r\nthey developed a new consensus that was based on the three principles of Keynesian stabilization policies, social welfare and sectoral planning\r\nfor those areas of the economy plagued by market failures.\r\nHousing and land were defined as one of the sectors of the economy\r\naffected by market failures. Major government reports defined a new postwar system of urban and regional planning to mitigate these failures in land and housing markets. The reports were highly critical of the type of planning existing in the twenties, and proposed a new more comprehensive\r\nsystem of planning and of controls over property.\r\nThe urban liberals, however, who were the dominant group, were apprehensive about the increased role of the state envisaged in these reports. Consequently, they only partially implemented the recommended reforms. Urban and regional planning, although strengthened, was ultimately subordinated to the interests of private markets and property. It again became a passive system of regulation providing necessary services to accommodate private expansion and regulations to enhance property rights. Nonetheless, its strengthened position ensured that the worst features of development were eliminated.\r\nThe tendency of liberal planning to shift back and forth between more aggressive intervention during times of crisis and very passive intervention during times of stability has meant that, because of the long lag times between the emergence of crisis and the creation of plans and institutions capable of managing the crisis, Canadian planning has been strongest after the crisis has already subsided or when it has changed form. Consequently, the ability to plan has been highest when\r\n\r\n\r\nthe need to plan has been lowest.\r\nOne question raised by the thesis is why the more passive liberal approach to planning emerged as the dominant one.. It is argued that this is due, in large part, to Canada's unique character of economic development and class structure. Unlike countries such as Britain which developed more socialist modes of planning, urbanization in Canada was accompanied by a rapid expansion in agriculture and staple industries. Consequently, the Canadian response to development was logically divided between urban and rural concerns. Canada's industrial capitalist class and working class which were both promoting more aggressive urban planning\r\nwere too weak to have much influence. The more powerful agrarian radicals and mercantile capitalists were able to direct attention away from the emerging urban problems to rural and resource issues which directly affected them.\r\nIn the end, the urban liberals were successful in resolving the conflict between urbanization and capitalist institutions. Limited acceptance of urban and regional planning allowed for the successful management of urban problems within the framework of capitalist institutions.\r\nWhether it will continue to be successful in doing this only time will tell."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/22781?expand=metadata"@en . "THE EVOLUTION OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING IN CANADA 1900-1960 by THOMAS I . GUNTON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f W a t e r l o o , 1972 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f W a t e r l o o , 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School o f Community and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as con f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1981 ( c ) Thomas I\". Gunton, 1981 In presenting th is thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make i t f r ee ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l ica t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of 1 The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date tily A T - / j y / I ABSTRACT Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g i s now a c c e p t e d as a l e g i t i m a t e f u n c t i o n o f government. But the e v o l u t i o n o f Canadian p l a n n i n g from i t s i n c e p t i o n a t the t u r n o f . t h e c e n t u r y t o i t s new-found s t a t u s as an o b j e c t i v e t e c h n i c a l e x e r c i s e has been a p r o f o u n d l y complex p r o c e s s i n v o l -v i n g q u e s t i o n s about t h e v e r y n a t u r e o f s o c i e t y . T h i s t h e s i s i s an attempt t o t r a c e t h e development o f the t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f p l a n n i n g from i t s c o n t r o v e r s i a l b e g i n n i n g s a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y t o i t s f i n a l a c c e p t a n c e as a n e c e s s a r y and d e s i r a b l e f u n c t i o n o f the s t a t e . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the c e n t u r y i t became c l e a r t h a t the r a p i d pace o f u r b a n i z a t i o n and t h e c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and u n r e g u l a t e d p r i v a t e markets were i n s e r i o u s c o n f l i c t . The new urban, i n d u s t r i a l o r d e r t h a t accompanied c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n was p l a g u e d by i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e s and i n t e r a c t i o n s which made the u n r e s t r i c t e d use o f p r o p e r t y an a n t i q u a t e d and dangerous i l l u s i o n t h r e a t e n i n g the p h y s i c a l h e a l t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n , the e f f i c i e n c y o f the urban system, and the s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y o f the e n t i r e s o c i e t y . Canadians responded t o t h i s c o n f l i c t i n t h r e e d i s t i n c t and some-what c o n t r a d i c t o r y ways. One approach which was a d vocated by a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s was t o implement r e f o r m s i n Canadian s o c i e t y i n o r d e r t o r e v i t -a l i z e r u r a l l i f e and r e v e r s e t h e u n d e s i r a b l e t r e n d o f u r b a n i z a t i o n . The second a p p r o a c h , which was advocated by urban l i b e r a l s , was t o a c c e p t u r b a n i z a t i o n as both d e s i r a b l e and i n e x o r a b l e and t o accommodate i t by i n i t i a t i n g l i m i t e d reforms w h i l e s t i l l p r e s e r v i n g the b a s i c f e a t u r e s o f c a p i t a l i s m . The t h i r d r e s p o n s e , advocated by urban r a d i c a l s , was t o i . a c c e p t u r b a n i z a t i o n as i n e x o r a b l e and t o r e s t r u c t u r e c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i -t u t i o n s which were i n i m i c a l to the s o r t s o f government p l a n n i n g they thought was n e c e s s a r y t o manage the new urban o r d e r . Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g was c o n s i d e r e d as e s s e n t i a l by a l l t h e s e groups. A f t e r g o i n g t h r o u g h s e v e r a l i n i t i a l s t a g e s o f development, a comprehensive body o f p l a n n i n g t h e o r y which a p p e a l e d t o a l l t h r e e groups was f o r m u l a t e d by l e a d i n g Canadian p l a n n e r s such as Adams. T h i s t h e o r y i n t e g r a t e d the a e s t h e t i c c o n c e r n s o f c i t y b e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , the e f f i c i e n c y c o n c e r n s o f American c i t y p l a n n i n g , and the e q u i t y con-c e r n s o f B r i t i s h town p l a n n i n g . The t h e o r y e n v i s a g e d a s t r o n g r o l e f o r t h e s t a t e i n c o n t r o l l i n g p r o p e r t y and p r o v i d i n g h o u s i n g . By t h e t w e n t i e s , the consensus t h a t had formed around t h i s t h e o r y o f p l a n n i n g c o l l a p s e d due t o a g r a d u a l a m e l i o r a t i o n o f urban problems and an o v e r t c o n f r o n t a t i o n between l i b e r a l s and urban and a g r a r i a n r a d i -c a l s . D u r i n g the t w e n t i e s a new, more c o n s e r v a t i v e t h e o r y o f p l a n n i n g d e v e l o p e d which emphasized the p r o t e c t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and the p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o accommodate p r i v a t e a c c u m u l a t i o n . P l a n n e r s became a l l i e d w i t h r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s who were eager t o use z o n i n g and o t h e r powers o f the s t a t e t o t h e i r advantage. With the c o l l a p s e o f the economy i n the t h i r t i e s , t he l a t e n t i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t s which had been submerged i n the t w e n t i e s r e a p p e a r e d w i t h renewed v i t a l i t y . The urban and a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s j o i n e d f o r c e s t o form a s o c i a l i s t p a r t y d e d i c a t e d t o e r a d i c a t i n g c a p i t a l i s m and r e p l a c i n g i t w i t h a planned economy. L i b e r a l s were f o r c e d t o f o r m u l a t e a new system o f both managing the c r i s i s and p r e s e r v i n g c a p i t a l i s m . G r a d u a l l y i i . t h e y d e v e l o p e d a new consensus t h a t was based on the t h r e e p r i n c i p l e s o f K e y n e s i a n s t a b i l i z a t i o n p o l i c i e s , s o c i a l w e l f a r e and s e c t o r a l p l a n -n i n g f o r t h o s e a r e a s o f the economy pla g u e d by market f a i l u r e s . Housing and l a n d were d e f i n e d as one o f the s e c t o r s o f the econ-omy a f f e c t e d by market f a i l u r e s . Major government r e p o r t s d e f i n e d a new postwar system o f urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g t o m i t i g a t e t h e s e f a i l u r e s i n l a n d and h o u s i n g markets. The r e p o r t s were h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f the type o f p l a n n i n g e x i s t i n g i n t h e t w e n t i e s , and proposed a new more com-p r e h e n s i v e system o f p l a n n i n g and o f c o n t r o l s o v e r p r o p e r t y . The urban l i b e r a l s , however, who were the dominant group, were a p p r e h e n s i v e about t h e i n c r e a s e d r o l e o f t h e s t a t e e n v i s a g e d i n t h e s e r e p o r t s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e y o n l y p a r t i a l l y implemented the recommended r e f o r m s . Urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g , a l t h o u g h s t r e n g t h e n e d , was u l t i m a t e l y s u b o r d i n a t e d t o the i n t e r e s t s o f p r i v a t e markets and p r o p e r t y . I t a g a i n became a p a s s i v e system o f r e g u l a t i o n p r o v i d i n g n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s t o accommodate p r i v a t e e x p a n s i o n and r e g u l a t i o n s to enhance p r o p e r t y r i g h t s . N o n e t h e l e s s , i t s s t r e n g t h e n e d p o s i t i o n e n s u r e d t h a t the w o r s t f e a t u r e s o f development were e l i m i n a t e d . The tendency o f l i b e r a l p l a n n i n g t o s h i f t back and f o r t h between more a g g r e s s i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g times o f c r i s i s and v e r y p a s s i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g times o f s t a b i l i t y has meant t h a t , because o f the l o n g l a g times between the emergence o f c r i s i s and the c r e a t i o n o f p l a n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s c a p a b l e o f managing the c r i s i s , Canadian p l a n n i n g has been s t r o n g e s t a f t e r the c r i s i s has a l r e a d y s u b s i d e d o r when i t has changed form. C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e a b i l i t y t o p l a n has been h i g h e s t when i i i . the need t o p l a n has been l o w e s t . One q u e s t i o n r a i s e d by the t h e s i s i s why the more p a s s i v e l i b e r a l a pproach t o p l a n n i n g emerged as the dominant one.. I t i s argued t h a t t h i s i s due, i n l a r g e p a r t , t o Canada's unique c h a r a c t e r o f economic development and c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . U n l i k e c o u n t r i e s such as B r i t a i n which d e v e l o p e d more s o c i a l i s t modes o f p l a n n i n g , u r b a n i z a t i o n i n Canada was accompanied by a r a p i d e x p a n s i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e and s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the Canadian response t o development was l o g i c a l l y d i v i d e d between urban and r u r a l c o n c e r n s . Canada's i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and w o r k i n g c l a s s which were both promoting more a g g r e s s i v e . u r b a n p l a n -n i n g were too weak to have much i n f l u e n c e . The more powerful a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s and m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l i s t s were a b l e t o d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n away from t h e emerging urban problems to r u r a l and r e s o u r c e i s s u e s which d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d them. In the end, the urban l i b e r a l s were s u c c e s s f u l i n r e s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t between u r b a n i z a t i o n and c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s . L i m i t e d a c c e p t a n c e o f urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g a l l o w e d f o r the s u c c e s s f u l management o f urban problems w i t h i n the framework o f c a p i t a l i s t i n s t i -t u t i o n s . Whether i t w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be s u c c e s s f u l i n d o i n g t h i s o n l y time w i l l t e l l . i v . TABLE OF CONTENTS PART ONE: THE BACKGROUND Chapter I. The Urban C h a l l e n g e 2 C h a p t e r I I . The Urban Reform Movement, 1890-1920 33 PART TWO: THE EVOLUTION OF PLANNING C h a p t e r I I I . The Emergence o f P l a n n i n g , P a r t One: A e s t h e t i c s , E f f i c i e n c y and E q u i t y 72 Ch a p t e r IV. The Emergence o f P l a n n i n g , P a r t Two: The Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n 97 C h a p t e r V. P l a n n i n g i n the T w e n t i e s : The S e a r c h f o r L e g i t i m a c y , 140 C h a p t e r VI. C r i s i s and O p p o r t u n i t y : The Se a r c h f o r a New Consensus 203 Ch a p t e r V I I . The Postwar P l a n n i n g System 261 PART THREE: CONCLUSION C h a p t e r V I I I . The Nature o f Canadian P l a n n i n g 321 BIBLIOGRAPHY 357 v. LIST OF TABLES T a b l e Page 1. Urban P o p u l a t i o n by S e t t l e m e n t S i z e 6 2. P o p u l a t i o n o f S e l e c t e d Canadian C i t i e s 1891-1931 10 3. P o p u l a t i o n I n c r e a s e p e r Housing C o m p l e t i o n 13 4. O r i g i n o f R e s i d e n t s o f Major Canadian C i t i e s 21 v i . LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e Page 1. I n t e r c e n s u l P e r c e n t a g e Change i n P o p u l a t i o n , Urban and R u r a l , 1881 t o 1961 3 2. Canada: Net I n t e r n a t i o n a l M i g r a t i o n 1871-1971 4 3. P e r Cent P o p u l a t i o n : Urban, Canada and Major Regions, 1851-1961 7 4. Housing C o m p l e t i o n s , 1890-1950 14 5. S e l e c t e d Economic I n d i c a t o r s , 1926-1950 204 6. R e l a t i o n s h i p between P l a n n i n g A c t i v i t y and the Need f o r P l a n n i n g 337 v i i . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish t o e x p r e s s my deep a p p r e c i a t i o n t o my t h e s i s a d v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r B. Wiesman, f o r h i s encouragement and p a t i e n c e , w i t h o u t which t h i s t h e s i s would not have been done. I would a l s o l i k e t o extend my deep thanks t o P r o f e s s o r A. Smith, P r o f e s s o r H. Hightower, P r o f e s s o r K. Gerecke, P r o f e s s o r A. A r t i b i s e , P r o f e s s o r P. O b e r l a n d e r and P r o f e s s o r W. Hardwick, whose i n s i g h t s and c o n t r i b u t i o n s have made the c o m p l e t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . L a s t l y , my thanks go t o B. Hopton and N. Boyd, whose s u p p o r t and a s s i s t a n c e was i n v a l u a b l e . v i i i . 1. PART ONE: THE BACKGROUND CHAPTER I THE URBAN CHALLENGE Near the t u r n o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y Canadians p o s s e s s e d an overwhelming sense o f optimism. The Canadian west was f i l l i n g up w i t h immigrants, a t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y had been completed, and a new i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r was emerging i n the c e n t r a l r e g i o n s o f O n t a r i o J Prime M i n i s t e r W i l f r e d L a u r i e r r e f l e c t e d the mood o f the times when he t o l d an a u d i e n c e i n Ottawa i n 1904 t h a t \"we a r e proud t o c a l l o u r s e l v e s a n a t i o n , and i t i s a m a t t e r f o r p r i d e t h a t we have more p o p u l a t i o n than many o f the n a t i o n s o f Europe. Our p o p u l a t i o n a t t h i s moment can not be f a r from s i x m i l l i o n and i t i s not presumptuous t o e x p e c t by the next census i t may have reached e i g h t m i l l i o n . \" To a round o f c h e e r s L a u r i e r b o l d l y d e c l a r e d t h a t \"As the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was t h a t o f the 2 U.S., so I t h i n k the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s h a l l be f i l l e d by Canada.\" L a u r i e r ' s pronouncement was n o t w i t h o u t b a s i s . During the p e r i o d from 1896 t o 1920 the Canadian economy d i d undergo a phenomenal expan-s i o n . Wheat e x p o r t s , f o r example, i n c r e a s e d twenty t i m e s . The v a l u e o f wood and p u l p and paper e x p o r t s i n c r e a s e d n i n e t i m e s , m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t r o s e about s i x t i m e s , and t o t a l e x t e r n a l t r a d e per c a p i t a grew 3 by f o u r t i m e s . Canadian p o p u l a t i o n , meanwhile, grew by an a s t o u n d i n g s i x t y - f o u r p e r c e n t from 1901 t o 1920, compared to a growth r a t e o f twenty f o u r p e r c e n t d u r i n g t h e p r e v i o u s two decades. For the f i r s t time s i n c e c o n f e d e r a t i o n t h e number o f p e o p l e e n t e r i n g Canada exceeded t h o s e l e a v i n g . (See f i g u r e s 1 and 2) T h i s r a p i d economic and p o p u l a t i o n growth was h a v i n g a p r o f o u n d 2 FIGURE #1 I n t e r c e n s u l Percentage Change i n P o p u l a t i o n by Urban and Rural , 1881 to 1961 P e r c e n t Change 70 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 i 60 50 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 i \u00E2\u0080\u0094 Growth o f popul: a t i o n Growth,of urban p o p u l a t i o n Growth o f r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n 40 30 20 \u00E2\u0080\u0094 10 - J 1881-1891 1891-1901 1901 1911 1951 1961 ( S o u r c e : Leroy Stone, Urban Development in. Canada., TOttawa: .DBS, 1967), 28. FIGURE #2 Canada: Net International Migration, 1871-1971 (Source: Canada Manpower and Immigration, Canadian Immigration and Population Study: \u00E2\u0080\u00A2Immigration and Populations S t a t i s t i c s . Ottawa: Information Canada, 1974.) 5. impact on Canada's s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n . Indeed, Canadian h i s t o r i a n s have l o n g noted t h a t Canada's s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n has, i n l a r g e p a r t , been 4 det e r m i n e d by the n a t u r e o f i t s economic development. I n i t i a l s t a p l e s such as f i s h , f u r and tim b e r r e q u i r e d few permanent s e t t l e m e n t s . T h e r e -f o r e , Canada remained s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d and r u r a l i n n a t u r e . But the new a g r i c u l t u r a l development, u n l i k e the p r e v i o u s development, r e q u i r e d a system o f permanet urban s e t t l e m e n t s t o s u p p l y the n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s and manufactured goods. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the s t r e n g t h o f a g r i c u l t u r a l development and l i n k e d m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s was r e s u l t i n g , i n e x o r -a b l y , i n a r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n o f the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n . F or example, F i g u r e 1 demonstrates t h a t w h i l e Canada's p o p u l a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d l y from 1901 t o 1911, Canada's urban p o p u l a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g even more r a p i d l y . In f a c t , by 1921, a l m o s t one out o f e v e r y two Canadians were urban r e s i d e n t s compared t o 1891 when j u s t o v e r one i n f o u r were urban. (See F i g u r e #3). An i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f t h i s r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n was the growing \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s . In 1881 Canada had o n l y one c i t y i n the o v e r 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n c a t e g o r y ; Mon-t r e a l . But by 1921 seven Canadian c i t i e s were i n t h i s l a r g e c a t e g o r y and t he p r o p o r t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n c i t i e s l a r g e r than 100,000 i n c r e a s e d about n i n e p e r c e n t t o t w e n t y - f o u r p e r c e n t o f the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n by 1921. (See t a b l e 2 ) . Changing t e c h n o l o g y was c r e a t i n g \" a g g l o m o r a t i v e economies\"which f o r c e d f i r m s t o l o c a t e i n l a r g e r urban c e n t r e s . In f a c t , i n s p i t e o f the o v e r a l l r a p i d growth d u r i n g the 1901 t o 19.11 p e r i o d , 115 o f the. 164 c o u n t i e s i n E a s t e r n Canada l o s t p o p u l a t i o n as employment r e l o c a t e d from s m a l l e r towns t o the l a r g e r TABLE #1 Urban P o p u l a t i o n by Settlement S i z e f o r Canada, 1871-1961 Year i of C i t i e s Change from # of C i t i e s Change from P r o p o r t i o n of P r o p o r t i o n o f over 25,000 Previous Period over 100,000 Previous P e r i o d P o p u l a t i o n i n P o p u l a t i o n i n C i t i e s over 25,000 C i t i e s over 100,000 1871 6 1 10 3.3 1881 6 0 1 0 10.8 3.7 1891 7 1 2 1 14.9 8.6 1901 8 1 2 0 17.9 10.3 1911 11 3 5 3 26.2 19.2 1921 13 2 7 2 30.6 24.2 1931 14 1 8 1 36.1 29.1 1941 21 7 8 0 39.3 29.7 1951 19 -2 14. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 6 44.6 37.2 1961 29 10 17 3 52.9 44.9 (Source: T. R. Weir, \"Population Changes i n Canada: 1867-1967\", The Canadian Geographer, X I , 4, 1967, 203.) FIGURE #3 ( S o u r c e : Lero.y Stone, Urban Development i n Canada,,, (Ottawa: DBS, 1967) /' 32. 8. m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s such as T o r o n t o . ' Economic growth, and t e c h n i c a l change was a l s o r e s u l t i n g i n p r o f o u n d changes i n the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e o f c i t i e s . P r i o r to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n N o r t h American c i t i e s had had r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e l a n d use p a t t e r n s . D i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f uses such as r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l were r e l a t i v e l y mixed and t h e poor and w e a l t h y l i v e d i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o each o t h e r . Much o f t h e employment was a c t u a l l y l o c a t e d i n the r e s i -8 d e n t i a l u n i t s . But the new i n d u s t r i a l c i t y was d i f f e r e n t . Emerging s o c i a l c l a s s e s and e t h n i c groups were now b e i n g s e g r e g a t e d i n t o s e p a r a t e neighbourhoods which had d i s t i n c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Some s e c t i o n s o f the c i t y were b e i n g g i v e n o v e r t o m i d d l e c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l u s e s , o t h e r s t o commer c i a l , some t o m a n u f a c t u r i n g and s t i l l o t h e r s t o urban slums i n h a b i t e d by immigrants. S p a t i a l p a t t e r n s were c l e a r l y i n a s t a t e o f r a p i d change. II Adner Weber i n h i s famous s t u d y o f 19th c e n t u r y u r b a n i z a t i o n commented t h a t \"the most remark a b l e s o c i a l phenomena o f the p r e s e n t c en-g t u r n i s the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c i t i e s . \" A l t h o u g h t h i s p r o c e s s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n was u n i v e r s a l t h r o u g h o u t the west e r n w o r l d , i t caught Canada by s u r p r i s e . Canada had been a c t i v e l y p r o m o t i n g , t h o r o u g h -l y e x p e c t i n g and even p l e a d i n g f o r growth. But i t was thought t h a t such growth would be comprised o f farm e r s f i l l i n g up the v a s t a g r i c u l t u r a l h i n t e r l a n d s o f t h e Canadian west. There was g e n e r a l agreement w i t h t he o b s e r v a t i o n s made i n one s t u d y o f Canadian s o c i e t y t h a t \"Canada i s p r i m a r i l y , and p r o b a b l y always w i l l be an a g r i c u l t u r a l n a t i o n . \" ^ But 9. as t h e f i g u r e s i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n i l l u s t r a t e , Canada was r a p i d l y becoming an urban n a t i o n . T h i s r a p i d growth o f Canada's urban p o p u l a t i o n and the emergence o f a new group o f l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s posed a s e t o f problems t h a t were t o plague Canada f o r a l o n g time t o come. T o r o n t o , f o r example, was s u d d e n l y e x p e c t e d t o cope w i t h t h e i n f l u x o f 180,000 people over the 1901 t o 1911 decade compared t o an i n c r e a s e o f l e s s than 30,000 i n the p r e v i o u s decade. Winnipeg e x p e r i e n c e d an i n c r e a s e o f 94,000 i n the 1901-1911 decade compared t o about 17,000 i n the p r e v i o u s t e n - y e a r p e r i o d . O t h e r c i t i e s such as Edmonton, C a l g a r y , Regina and Saskatoon grew from s m a l l v i l l a g e s to medium-sized c i t i e s a l m o s t o v e r n i g h t . (See T a b l e #2) One consequence o f t h i s r a p i d growth was a s e r i o u s s h o r t a g e o f h o u s i n g . T h i s s h o r t a g e was caused by both the i n a b i l i t y o f the c o n s t r u c -t i o n i n d u s t r y t o expand o u t p u t f a s t enough t o meet the r i s i n g demand and by a s h o r t a g e o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d . T h i s s h o r t a g e o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d was r e s u l t i n g from the dynamics o f growth i t s e l f . The growing c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f employment i n the c e n t r a l areas o f the c i t y r e s u l t i n g from c h a n g i n g modes o f p r o d u c t i o n meant t h a t more workers would have t o l i v e w i t h i n an a r e a f i x e d by t h e maximum commuting d i s t a n c e from t h i s employment. T h i s growth p r e s s u r e c o u l d have been a l l e v i a t e d by d e c e n t r a l i z i n g employment t o p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n s , e x t e n d i n g urban i n f r a -s t r u c t u r e or d e v e l o p i n g new t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y c a p a b l e o f e f f i c i e n t l y moving more p e o p l e o v e r l o n g e r d i s t a n c e s . But because o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l impediments, t e c h n i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s and the c o s t o f c a p i t a l each o f t h e s e approaches t o i n c r e a s i n g the s u p p l y o f a c c e s s i b l e urban l a n d took a l o n g time t o implement and even l o n g e r time t o have the TABLE #2 P o p u l a t i o n of S e l e c t e d Canadian C i t i e s 1891 to 1931 ( f i g u r e s rounded to nearest 1000) Year Popul a t i o n Montreal ** Toronto ** Vancouver Winnipeg Ottawa Calgary Edmonton Saskatoon Regi na H a l i fax 1891 220,000 181,000 14,000 26,000 44,000 4,000 - - - 38,000 1901 328,000 210,000 29,000 42,000 60,000 4,000 4,000 - 2,000 41,000 1911 491,000* 382,000* 121 ,000 136,000 87,000 44,000 31,000 12,000 30,000 47,000 1921 691,000 522,000 163,000 179,000 108,000 63,000 59,000 26,000 34,000 58,000 1931 819,000 631,000 246,000 219,000 127,000 84,000 79,000 43,000 53,000 59,000 (Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census 1921, f o r 1931 boundaries unless otherwise noted. V o l . I , Table ) ' 12; Census 1931 , Vol. I I , Table 8. Figures are * Boundary change from previous p e r i o d . **Some of the growth f o r Montreal and Toronto during the 1901-11 p e r i o d i s due t o boundary expansions. Stone, i n Urban Development i n Canada, has c a l c u l a t e d p o p u l a t i o n f o r these and other major m e t r o p o l i t a n regions f o r the years 1901 to 1961, using i d e n t i c a l boundaries. Stone's f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e t h a t the rate of growth of Toronto and Montreal f o r the 1901-11 pe r i o d was s i m i l a r to the r a t e of growth i n d i c a t e d by the census f i g u r e s . T h e r e f o r e , most of the growth i n d i c a t e d by these census f i g u r e s was due to a c t u a l p o p u l a t i o n growth and not boundary expansion. 11. d e s i r e d e f f e c t . In the i n t e r i m t h e i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t was r i s i n g p r i c e s , 11 c o n g e s t i o n and i n c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y . From 1900 t o 1913 l a n d p r i c e s were r i s i n g a t an a l a r m i n g r a t e . In C a l g a r y , a downtown l o t s o l d f o r $150 i n 1895, $2000 i n 1905 and 12 $3000 i n 1912. In Vancouver, a downtown l o t t h a t was s e l l i n g f o r e i g h t 13 d o l l a r s p er f o o t i n 1886 was s e l l i n g f o r $4000 p e r f o o t by 1911. R e s i d e n t i a l l a n d i n T o r o n t o i n c r e a s e d from ten d o l l a r s a f o o t i n 1907 t o s e v e n t y - f i v e d o l l a r s p er f o o t i n 1 9 0 9 . ^ On a v e r a g e , i t was e s t i m a t e d 15 t h a t urban l a n d p r i c e s r o s e about s i x times between 1902 and 1914. As the subsequent c o l l a p s e i n the l a n d market i n 1913-1914 demonstrated, such a p p r e c i a t i o n o f l a n d p r i c e s was c l e a r l y a r t i f i c i a l . But w h i l e t h e p r i c e i n c r e a s e s were a r t i f i c i a l the r e s u l t s were f e l t . f o r a l o n g time a f t e r t he s p e c u l a t i o n had s u b s i d e d . For one t h i n g , the l u r e o f p r o f i t s based on o p t i m i s t i c f o r e c a s t s o f f u t u r e growth encouraged a f r e n z y o f premature l a n d s u b d i v i s i o n . The western c i t i e s were the worst o f f e n d e r s . By 1921 S a s k a t o o n , w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 26,000, had enough l a n d s u b d i v i d e d t o accommodate about 500,000 peop l e and enough s e r v i c e s a c t u a l l y i n s t a l l e d t o house about 50,000. The mayor, not s a t i s f i e d t h a t t h i s was s u f f i c i e n t , wanted the s u r v e y e d l a n d t o extend from the c u r r e n t s i x m i l e r a d i u s fromthe c i t y c e n t r e to ten m i l e s . C a l g a r y and Edmonton had enough l a n d s u b d i v i d e d t o handle o v e r one m i l l i o n p e o p l e . By 1914, C a l g a r y had r e p o s s e s s e d 26,763 s e r v i c e d l o t s because o f t a x d e f a u l t s and by t h e mid-1920 1s had a t o t a l o f 73,000 o f t h e c i t y ' s 225,000 v a c a n t b u i l d i n g l o t s i n i t s p o s s e s s i o n . 1 7 As was t h e case i n most Canadian c i t i e s , many o f t h e s e \" s e r v i c e d \" l o t s . w e r e too f a r from e x i s t i n g employment t o be o f much a s s i s t a n c e i n a l l e v i a t i n g 1 2 . the housing s h o r t a g e and the s e r v i c e s p r o v i d e d n o r m a l l y e x c l u d e d some o f the i m p o r t a n t e s s e n t i a l s such as water and sewage d i s p o s a l . The c i t i e s f u r t h e r t o the e a s t were not s p a r e d the e x c e s s . I t would have taken about one m i l l i o n p e o p l e t o f i l l up t h e s u b d i v i d e d l o t s i n suburban Winnipeg. By the 1 9 2 0 o n l y one l o t i n t h i r t e e n was b u i l t 18 on w h i l e 55 p e r c e n t o f the l o t s i n the c i t y i t s e l f were v a c a n t . In Ottawa, Thomas Adams, t h e f e d e r a l government's p l a n n i n g e x p e r t , e s t i m a t e d 19 t h a t the s u p p l y o f l o t s would handle about 1.6 m i l l i o n s o u l s . And i n 2 M o n t r e a l , p o r t i o n s o f the s u b d i v i d e d l a n d have not been used even today. The m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , t h e n , were expending what l i m i t e d c a p i t a l they had by b u i l d i n g roads i n l o c a t i o n s where t h e r e was l i t t l e demand. The a l l o c a t i o n o f s c a r c e c a p i t a l t o t h i s n e e d l e s s a c t i v i t y m e rely impeded the a b i l i t y t o p r o v i d e o t h e r n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s such as water and sewer f a c i l i t i e s i n t h e a p p r o p r i a t e l o c a t i o n s . D e s p i t e the impediment o f h i g h l a n d p r i c e s and p o o r l y a l l o c a t e d p u b l i c i n v e s t m e n t , h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n s o a r e d t o l e v e l s not e q u a l l e d a g a i n u n t i l a f t e r World War II (See F i g u r e #4). Yet even though comple-t i o n s i n the 1901-11 decade were more than double the number o f comple-t i o n s i n the p r e v i o u s decade, housing c o n s t r u c t i o n was s t i l l unable t o keep up w i t h p o p u l a t i o n growth. F i g u r e s from t h e census summarized i n T a b l e 3, r e v e a l t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n growth per h o u s i n g c o m p l e t i o n i n c r e a s e d from an average o f 3.7 p e o p l e p e r s t a r t d u r i n g the 1890's to 4.8 p e o p l e p e r s t a r t i n the 1900's. The i n c r e a s e i n the p o p u l a t i o n t o s t a r t s r a t i o was even g r e a t e r i n some p r o v i n c e s . These s h o r t a g e s when combined w i t h e x c e s s l a n d p r i c e s which the b u i l d e r had t o pass on i n terms o f h i g h e r h o u s i n g p r i c e s , were r e s p o n -21 s i b l e f o r a r i s e i n r e n t s o f 60% d u r i n g the 1901-11 decade. With TABLE #3 Population Increase per Housing Completion (1880 - 1930) Regi on 1880's 1890's 1900's 1910's 1920's 1930's Canada 4.0 3.7 4.8 4.5 3.4 3.3 N.S. 2.0 1.5 3.9 3.5 2.7 4.0 N.B. 0 2.7 7.6 3.8 2.1 4.1 Que 4.3 3.6 7.3 6.1 3.7 4.2 Ont 3.9 1.8 4.1 3.7 3.2 3.0 Man 5.0 5.4 5.7 4.7 3.2 1.6 Sask Alta [4.2 J5.1 3.9 4.1 5.8 4.4 4.8 4.0 2.7 3.0 B.C. 4.8 4.8 6.1 3.0 2.9 3.0 Total housing Completions 115,000 161,000 391,000 355,000 462,000 346,000 (Source: Census of Canada, Selected Years) FIGURE #4 Housing Completions 1890 - 1950 100,000 -i i i 1 I I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 (Source: Buckley & U r q u h a r t , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 510) 1 5 . < r e n t s r i s i n g t w i c e as f a s t as wages, workers had t o economize on hous-i n g and b u i l d e r s had t o economize on l a n d t o keep p r i c e s w i t h i n r e a s o n -22 a b l e l i m i t s . The r e s u l t was h i g h e r d e n s i t y and o v e r c r o w d i n g . In the urban c e n t r e s where growth p r e s s u r e was g r e a t e s t t h e o v e r -crowding was the most a c u t e . While Canada as a whole produced one hous-i n g u n i t f o r each 4.5 new p e o p l e i n the 19.01-11 decade, Vancouver produced one f o r 5.4, Montreal one f o r each 6.3 p e o p l e and Winnipeg one 23 f o r each 6.4. But o v e r c r o w d i n g and poor q u a l i t y h o u sing was more s e r i o u s than t h e s e average f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e . A Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research s t u d y completed i n 1918 found t h a t t h e r e was an average e i g h t p e o p l e p e r house i n one downtown d i s t r i c t i n T o r o n t o compared t o a c i t y -wide average o f f i v e p e r house, and t h e d e n s i t y was seventy-one p e o p l e per a c r e compared to the c i t y w i d e average o f twenty-one p e o p l e per 24 a c r e . Of the 1056 homes s u r v e y e d , 841 were found to be i n d e f e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n , and t h i r t y - f i v e houses had no water s u p p l y . The s t u d y noted t h a t development p r e s s u r e from the c o r e area which had b i d up l a n d p r i c e s by 3 0 0 : p e r c e n t from.1909 t o 1916 was l e a d i n g t o the r e p l a c e m e n t o f r e s i d e n t i a l d w e l l i n g s by f a c t o r y and commercial development. The r e s u l t was i n c r e a s e d crowding as t h e r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n , unable t o r e l o c a t e to the suburbs because o f the h i g h e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s , was f o r c e d i n t o a d w i n d l i n g h o u s i n g s t o c k . As the s t u d y n o t e d : A p p a r e n t l y the r e s i d e n t s , when f o r c e d by c i r c u m s t a n c e s t o v a c a t e t h e i r d w e l l i n g s do n o t always l e a v e t h e d i s t r i c t , but manage t o crowd i n t o some o t h e r d w e l l i n g s i n t he v i c i n i t y . ^ A n o t h e r s t u d y o f T o r o n t o r e p o r t e d f i n d i n g twenty-seven men i n one s i x -room house and f o u r t e e n men i n a n o t h e r three-room house a t 88 W a l t e r 16. S t r e e t . ^ A m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e r d e s c r i b e d some o f the c o n d i t i o n s i n T o r o n t o i n the f o l l o w i n g way: T here i s s c a r c e l y a v a c a n t house f i t t o l i v e i n t h a t i s not i n h a b i t e d and i n many ca s e s by numerous f a m i l i e s ; i n f a c t , r e s p e c t a b l e p e o p l e have had t o l i v e i n s t a b l e s , t e n t s , o l d c a r s , sheds ( o t h e r s i n damp c e l l a r s ) where we would not p l a c e a v a l u e d a n i m a l , l e t a l o n e a human being.27 A n o t h e r T o r o n t o r e p o r t s e v e r a l y e a r s l a t e r commented t h a t \"In t h e s e homes t h e r e i s a l a c k o f s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , one o u t d o o r c l o s e t f o r dozens o f men, women and c h i l d r e n . I t i s s i m p l y d i s g r a c e f u l . . . nausea-28 t i n g odours and s i g h t s on e v e r y hand.\" In some s e c t i o n s o f Winnipeg the h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s were e q u a l l y d e p l o r a b l e . One e x p e r t f r a n k l y a d m i t t e d t h a t \"The f i l t h , s q u a l o r and o v e r c r o w d i n g among the f o r e i g n element i s beyond our power o f d e s c r i p -28 t i o n . \" J.S. Woodsworth, the M e t h o d i s t m i n i s t e r and f i r s t l e a d e r o f the Canadian C o o p e r a t i v e F e d e r a t i o n ( C C F ) , d e s c r i b e d l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f s e v e r a l r e s i d e n t s i n the f o l l o w i n g way: Shack - one-room and a l e a n - t o . F u r n i t u r e - two beds, a bunk s t o v e , bench, two c h a i r s , t a b l e , b a r r e l o f s a u e r k r a u t . E v e r y t h i n g v e r y d i r t y . Two f a m i l i e s l i v e d h e r e . Women were d i r t y , unkempt, b a r e f o o t e d , h a l f - c l o t h e d . C h i l d r e n wore o n l y p r i n t s l i p s . Baby was i n s w a d d l i n g c l o t h e s and l y i n g i n a c r a d l e o f s a c k i n g s u s -pended from the c e i l i n g by ropes a t the c o r n e r s . ^ A c c o r d i n g t o a n o t h e r r e p o r t o v e r o n e - t h i r d o f the homes i n a down-30 town a r e a o f Winnipeg had two t o e i g h t f a m i l i e s . By 1902, o n l y one-t h i r d o f Winnipeg homes had sewer c o n n e c t i o n s and 5000 had no water s u p p l y . S i x thousand f i v e hundred o u t d o o r p r i v i e s s p o t t e d the urban 31 l a n d s c a p e . Meanwhile, homeowners c o n t i n u e d t o crowd i n b o a r d e r s i n o r d e r t o g e n e r a t e s u f f i c i e n t income t o c o v e r the h i g h l a n d c o s t . J.S. 17 . Woodsworth d e s c r i b e d s e v e r a l examples o f t h i s p r o c e s s . He s t a t e d : M, Simok. and N, Selenk endeavored t o a s c e r t a i n how many a d u l t s t h e y c o u l d crowd i n t o a g i v e n space. Selenk managed t o accommodate f o r t y ^ t h r e e occupants i n f i v e rooms where o n l y f o u r t e e n c o u l d hope t o f i n d s u f f i c i e n t atmosphere f o r h e a l t h y r e s p i r a t i o n . Simok ran h i s n e i g h b o u r c l o s e , h a v i n g t w e n t y - f o u r i n one room... Mrs. M a c h t e r l i n k i s a widow, she has r e n t e d a house i n which t h e r e a r e f i v e rooms. She has two f a m i l i e s as t e n a n t s and between f i f t e e n and twenty men b o a r d e r s . ^ The suburban shack towns l o c a t e d on the urban p e r i p h e r y were o f t e n as m i s e r a b l e as t h e downtown slums. Dr. H o d g e t t s , a h e a l t h o f f i c e r f o r the government's Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , c o n c l u d e d t h a t \" s h o u l d the m a r r i e d man l i v e i n t h e s u b u r b s , i t i s perhaps i n a shack town, the whole f a m i l y b e i n g crowded i n t o one o r two rooms i n t e n d e d t o s e r v e as a k i t c h e n annex t o the home he hopes t o b u i l d . H i s g r e a t e x p e c t a t i o n s a r e slow t o m a t e r i a l i z e and f r e q u e n t l y he, or some o t h e r s o f h i s f a m i l y 33 d i e i n t h e making o f the home, v i c t i m s o f u n s a n i t a r y h o u s i n g . \" Hodg^ e t t s d e s c r i b e d one such shack town i n the f o l l o w i n g way: T h i s c o l o n y i s crowded i n t o a l o t o f m i s e r a b l e s h a c k s , f i l t h y both o u t s i d e and i n s i d e ; no c e l l a r s , no d r a i n a g e , c l o s e t s on the s u r f a c e o f t h e ground, v i l e beyond d e s c r i p t i o n ; water from s h a l l o w w e l l s w hich were d i r t y and u n f i t f o r use, and most of.them came w i t h i n a few f e e t o f t h e c l o s e t s . ^ While i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know how a c c u r a t e l y t h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s p o r t r a y e d urban l i f e i n Canada around the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , i t i s n o n e t h e l e s s c l e a r t h a t t h e r e were s e r i o u s urban problems. And t h e s e problems were more than j u s t h u m a n i t a r i a n c o n c e r n . F o r one t h i n g , as the m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t r e s were p a s s i n g s i z e and d e n s i t y t h r e s h o l d s , the o l d methods o f s u p p l y i n g urban s e r v i c e s were r a p i d l y becoming danger-35 o u s l y o b s o l e t e . The i n c r e a s i n g d e n s i t y o f o u t d o o r p r i v i e s and o t h e r 1 8 . s o u r c e s o f r e s i d e n t i a l and i n d u s t r i a l waste ma,de d r i n k i n g water from i n d i v i d u a l w e l l s r i s k y a t best.. Meanwhile, the d i s p o s a l o f l a r g e r and l a r g e r q u a n t i t i e s o f waste i n t o t he same water b o d i e s t h a t s u p p l i e d the c i t i e s d r i n k i n g water c r e a t e d s e r i o u s h e a l t h problems. Numerous 36 e p i d e m i c s were r e p o r t e d i n a l l t h e Canadian c i t i e s . F i r e s were a l s o a growing t h r e a t . The crowding o f p o o r l y c o n s t r u e t e d b u i l d i n g s made o f h i g h l y flammable m a t e r i a l meant t h a t t he f i r e s p r e a d e a s i l y and t h e l a c k o f adequate water s u p p l i e s meant t h a t they were v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o put o u t . In 1886, Vancouver burned t o the 37 38 ground. H a l f o f C a l g a r y burned down the same y e a r . D e n s i t y and s c a l e were a l s o c r e a t i n g problems f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Longer d i s t a n c e s r e q u i r e d heavy f i x e d i n v e s t m e n t s i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and up g r a d i n g and w i d e n i n g o f r o a d s . The u n c o n t r o l l e d s u b d i v i s i o n p r o c e s s made the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem even more d i f f i c u l t . In some cases the unimagin-a t i v e g r i d p a t t e r n meant t h a t roads were o f t e n b u i l t on i m p a s s i b l e s l o p e s . In o t h e r i n s t a n c e s , roads i n two s u b d i v i s i o n s d i d n ' t even meet. The growing o b s o l e s c e n c e o f the o l d t e c h n i q u e s o f p r o v i d i n g b a s i c s e r v i c e s meant t h a t Canadians had t o not o n l y s u p p l y urban s e r v i c e s t o meet the needs o f t h e new p o p u l a t i o n but a l s o had t o s u p p l y new s e r v i c e s f o r the r e s t o f the p o p u l a t i o n whose e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s were becoming outmoded. New f i r e departments had t o be s e t up. P r i v i e s had t o be r e p l a c e d w i t h a comprehensive sewage system. Water had t o be p i p e d i n t o houses t o r e p l a c e i n d i v i d u a l w e l l s . Garbage had t o be c o l l e c t e d and d i s p o s e d o f by some c e n t r a l system. Power had t o be s u p p l i e d t o houses. The economies o f s c a l e i n p r o v i d i n g each o f thes e s e r v i c e s n e c es-s i t a t e d new l a r g e i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n c r e a s e d p u b l i c r e g u l a t i o n which 1 9 . 40 the m u n i c i p a l governments: had l i t t l e e x p e r i e n c e p r o v i d i n g , The r e s u l t was t h a t the urban c e n t r e s were s t r u g g l i n g j u s t t o keep from f a l l i n g b e h i n d , D.T, de G l a z e b r o o k , i n h i s H i s t o r y o f T o r o n t o , commented t h a t \" n o t h i n g i s more b a s i c t o the w e l l - b e i n g o f a community than a p l e n t i f u l s u p p l y o f pure water and no need o f T o r o n t o was l e s s w e l l m e t . \" ^ T o r o n t o was i n a c o n s t a n t b a t t l e t o keep e x t e n d i n g i t s w a t e r p i p e f u r t h e r o u t i n the bay t o a v o i d the sewage b u i l d - u p near s h o r e . Permeating t h i s mosaic o f urban problems was the q u e s t i o n o f s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . In 1898, Adna Weber c o n c l u d e d t h a t the urban s o c i e t y , because o f i t s g r e a t e r d i v e r s i t y , seemed t o have l e s s moral c o h e s i o n than r u r a l 42 s o c i e t y . J.S. Woodsworth, one o f Canada's l e a d i n g urban e x p e r t s a t the t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , came t o a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n . He o b s e r v e d t h a t : In the c i t i e s we have the r i c h and the poor, the c l a s s e s and the masses, w i t h a l l t h a t t h e s e d i s -t i n c t i o n s i n v o l v e . The tendency i s t h a t the w e l l - t o - d o g a t h e r i n more or l e s s e x c l u s i v e suburbs w h i l e the poor a r e s e g r e g a t e d i n slum d i s t r i c t s and between them t h e r e i s v e r y l i t t l e d i r e c t i n t e r c o u r s e . The employer may meet h i s employee a t b u s i n e s s , but t h e r e i s l i t t l e bond o f c o n n e c t i o n . . . T h i s c o n d i t i o n i s i n t e n s i f i e d and more c o m p l i c a t e d when l a r g e r numbers o f f o r e i g n e r s a r e brought i n t o c i v i l l i f e . D i f f e r -ences o f language, o f r a c e , and o f r e l i g i o n , o f t e n r u n n i n g p a r a l l e l , deepen and broaden the chasm. T h i s \"chasm\" mentioned by Woodsworth was c a u s i n g i n c r e a s i n g concern among Canadians. The P r e s i d e n t o f the T o r o n t o Board o f Trade c a u t i o n e d t h a t \"as the p o p u l a t i o n o f our c i t y becomes more dense, t h e r e i s an i n c r e a s e i n the i d l e , the v l s c o u r , the depraved the the i m p r o v i d e n t c l a s s e s , who can s c a r c e l y be p r e v e n t e d from f l o c k i n g from a l l q u a r t e r s 44 i n our m i d s t . \" The i s s u e became more a c u t e as the f l o w o f immigrants i n t o 20. i n t o Canadian c i t i e s a c c e l e r a t e d , Over a l l , from 19.01 t o 1921, Canada r e c e i v e d 800,000 n o n - B r i t i s h Immigrants, T h e i r p r o p o r t i o n o f the popu-l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d from 6.7 p e r c e n t t o 13.8 p e r c e n t o f the Canadian popu-45 l a t i o n d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , T a b l e 4 i l l u s t r a t e s t h a t t h i s t r e n d o f i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n s o f immigrant p o p u l a t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y -pronounced i n t h e major c i t i e s . But what caused even g r e a t e r c o n c e r n was t h a t t h e s e immigrants were g a t h e r i n g i n l a r g e slum a r e a s . One major s t u d y o f T o r o n t o found t h a t \" t he m a j o r i t y o f the r e s i d e n t s o f the 'ward' a r e o f f o r e i g n b i r t h 46 o r o f f o r e i g n p a r e n t a g e . \" T h i s posed major problems, a c c o r d i n g t o the r e p o r t , because f o r e i g n e r s had low s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g and moral 47 c o n d u c t , and the means o f s o c i a l i z i n g them were i n a d e q u a t e . These s o c i a l problems c r e a t e d by slum l i f e were p e r c e i v e d as a major t h r e a t t o t h e sound Canadian m i d d l e - c l a s s v a l u e s . T o r o n t o ' s H o d g e t t s , the f e d e r a l government's medical o f f i c e r , d e s c r i b e d the danger when he s a i d : The slums, l i k e t h e t e n t a c l e s o f the d e v i l f i s h , r e c e i v e s i t s p r e y w i t h i n i t s w a l l s , r e t a i n s and e n g u l f s him by i m p e r c e p t i b l e y e t r a p i d d e g r e e s . I t s d e n i z e n s s i n k i n t o apathy and d e v e l o p t h a t s t r a n g e malady o f the modern c i t y , the slum d i s e a s e . T h i s i s an i n f e c t i o n p r o d u c t i v e o f i n f e c t i o n s , a c o n t a g e n t which, as i t s p r e a d through the slum, c r e a t e s new slum d w e l l i n g s as i t p a s s e s , l e a v i n g i t s v i c t i m s s t r i c k e n w i t h i n e r t i a , s l o t h f u l n e s s , drunkenness and c r i n u n a l i t y . ^ g Some prominent Canadians e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n about the impact o f immigrants who knew T i t t l e o f Canadian v a l u e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the 49 Canadian p o l i t i c a l system, O t h e r s seemed c o n v i n c e d t h a t t he whole Canadian way o f l i f e was i n j e o p a r d y . R.B. B e n n e t t , Canada's f u t u r e TABLE #4 Origin of Residents of Major Canadian Cities City Year % Can. Born % U.K. Born % Foreign Born Montreal 1901 87% 8% 5% 1911 82% 9% 9% Toronto 1901 72% 22% 6% 1911 63% 27% 10% Winnipeg 1901 62% 19% 19% 1911 45% 30% 25% Vancouver 1901 56% 19% 26% 1911 45% 33% 23% (Source: Computed from Census of Canada, 1901 and 1911) 22 . Prime Minister, exclaimed in 1907 that \"we must not.allow our shores 50 to be overrun by Asianics and become dominated by an alien race. One thing was clear. If Canadian values were to be safe-guarded, comprehensive government action was required to assimilate the immigrant 51 population and to arrest the trend towards social chaos. More compre-hensive approaches of urban management were necessary i f Canadian c i t ies were to remain l ivable and e f f ic ien t . And these new comprehensive approaches such as permanent f i re departments, water and sewage f a c i l -i t i e s , higher quality housing, public transit and other necessary urban infrastructure a l l required new centralized institutions and public controls over private development. The \" la issez- fa i re\" approach to c i ty building which had accommodated growth prior to 1900 when Canada's development was somewhat slower and less concentrated seemed incapable of handling this new faster and fundamentally different type of urban expansion occurring at the turn*of the century. I l l Canada was clearly undergoing a fundamental transformation. George Paish, in an address before the Canadian Club in 1913, made an observation that few Canadians would disagree with. He commented that: The difference between the conditions of Canada today and what i t was when I f i r s t came to Canada in 1899 is real ly remarkable. I came to Canada from the U.S. and I arrived at the conclusion that Canada was a job-trot a f fa i r . This is not my impression today. Since 1899 Canada has entirely changed her character .^ But the new complex urban industrial society that was emerging from 1890 to 1920 posed a new set of problems.that required new and 23. more comprehensive t y p e s o f c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . In terms o f modern economics, t h e new urban s o c i e t y was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by major market imper-f e c t i o n s such as e x t e r n a l i t i e s , i n d i v i s a b i l i t i e s , market l a g s , p u b l i c 53 goods, n a t u r a l monopolies and I n e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f income. The e x i s t e n c e o f t h e s e i m p e r f e c t i o n s meant t h a t the u n r e g u l a t e d p r i v a t e market f o r c e s would no t r e s u l t i n an e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s . C h a r l e s H a s t i n g s , the T o r o n t o M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r , put the m a t t e r a b i t more b l u n t l y when he s a i d : The c o n t a m i n a t i o n o f any one c l a s s o f the p e o p l e w i l l a f f e c t the r e s t o f the s o c i a l body... None can t h i n k f o r a moment t h a t t h e s e are m a t t e r s i n which he has no p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t . While he may evade the d u t y , he can never be s u r e o f e v a d i n g the p e n a l t y o f h i s n e g l e c t . . . a common g r a v e . ^ But t h e r e was a dilemma f o r Canadian s o c i e t y . Those same l i b e r a l , c a p i t a l i s t i d e a s and i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t had been so s u c c e s s f u l i n promoting economic development were i n i m i c a l t o the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n and s t a t e r e g u l a t i o n r e q u i r e d t o manage the v e r y s o c i e t y t h a t they had c r e a t e d . Indeed, the r i g h t s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , the primacy o f the i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i v e t o the c o l l e c t i v e and t h e c a p i t a l i s t market economy were e s s e n t i a l 55 t e n e t s o f t h e l i b e r a l s o c i e t y . F o r John Locke, the \" r a i s o n d ' e t r e \" o f the modern p o l i t i c a l s t a t e was the d e f e n c e o f i n d i v i d u a l p r i v a t e p r o p e r -t y ; not i t s r e g u l a t i o n . C o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n by the s t a t e j u s t i f i e d i t s 56 r e v o l u t i o n a r y overthrow. Adam Sm i t h , the f o u n d e r o f l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l economy, viewed government as w a s t e f u l , c o r r u p t and i n e f f i c i e n t . W r i t i n g i n the 1770 1s Smith argued t h a t : The statesman who s h o u l d attempt t o d i r e c t p r i v a t e p e o p l e i n what manner th e y ought t o employ t h e i r c a p i t a l would not o n l y l o a d h i m s e l f w i t h a most u n n e c e s s a r y t e n s i o n , but assumes an a u t h o r i t y which c o u l d s a f e l y be t r u s t e d not o n l y t o no s i n g l e p e r s o n , but no c o u n c i l o r s e n a t e . 5 7 24. Smith argued t h a t the hidden hand o f the f r e e market u n r e s t r a i n e d by government r e g u l a t i o n would promote the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . The s t a t e ' s r o l e s h o u l d be l i m i t e d t o d e f e n c e , maintenance o f law and o r d e r , and the e r e c t i o n and maintenance o f \"those p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h o s e p u b l i c works though they may be i n the h i g h e s t degree advantages t o a g r e a t s o c i e t y , a r e , however, o f such a n a t u r e , t h a t the p r o f i t c o u l d never repay t h e expense t o any i n d i v i d u a l o r s m a l l number o f i n d i v i d u a l s and which t h e r e f o r e i t cannot be e x p e c t e d t h a t any i n d i v i d u a l o r s m a l l num-58 b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s s h o u l d e r e c t and m a i n t a i n . \" A l t h o u g h t h e r e has been l i v e l y debates o v e r the i n t e n s i t y and c h a r a c t e r o f Canadian i d e o l o g y , t h e r e i s g e n e r a l agreement t h a t Canada, i n l a r g e p a r t , embraced t h e s e l i b e r a l , c a p i t a l i s t i d e a l s which had been d e v e l o p e d o v e r one hundred y e a r s b e f o r e the urban r e v o l u t i o n had 59 o c c u r r e d . Such prominent Canadian t h i n k e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s as John A. MacDonald, f o r example, were opposed t o u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e because \" t h o s e who had no p r o p e r t y would come t o have the g o v e r n i n g power - the power o f imposing t h e burden on t h o s e who had p r o p e r t y . M a c k e n z i e King i n commenting on the. d e f i c i e n c i e s , of. the s o c i a l i s t view i n h i s 1918 t e x t , I n d u s t r y and Humanity, noted t h a t \" p s y c h o l o g i s t s a r e agreed t h a t o f a l l i n s t i n c t s , t h a t o f ownership i f the most d e e p l y r o o t e d . \" King m a i n t a i n e d t h a t \" p u b l i c b o d i e s a r e i n a p o s i t i o n t o more o r l e s s d i s r e g a r d c o n s i d e r -a t i o n s o f economy which p r i v a t e c o n c e r n s n e c e s s a r i l y t a k e a c c o u n t . \" Goldwin Smith, a n o t h e r l e a d i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l and l i b e r a l , s t a t e d i n 1893 t h a t \"The b e s t o f a l l governments i s t h a t which has l e a s t o c c a s i o n t o govern.\" Smith complimented Canada and the U n i t e d S t a t e s f o r t h e i r immunity t o the t r e n d o f i n c r e a s i n g government i n v o l v e m e n t i n the 2 5 . B r i t i s h economy and he a t t r i b u t e d s u c h immunity t o the f a c t t h a t N o r th 62 Americans p o s s e s s e d , o r hoped t o p o s s e s s p r o p e r t y . And a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y t h e r e was w i d e s p r e a d o p p o s i t i o n t o p e n s i o n s , minimum wages and o t h e r a s s o c i a t e d government w e l f a r e measures because t h e s e measures would j e o p a r d i z e s e l f - r e l i a n c e and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . S o c i a l w e l -f a r e was b e t t e r l e f t t o p r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s . A d m i t t e d l y , Canadians c e r t a i n l y t o l e r a t e d and even promoted some s t a t e i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e economy. But the major i n t e r v e n t i o n s such as t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h e r a i l w a y s were i n t h e p u r s u i t o f economic d e v e l o p -ment and l a r g e l y w i t h i n the framework o f Adam Smith's d e f i n i t i o n o f 64 p u b l i c works. But as M i c h a e l B l i s s has shown, the same b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s t h a t s u p p o r t e d t h i s s t a t e i n v o l v e m e n t vehemently opposed r e g u -65 l a t i o n o f p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s . Thus t h e a c t i v e s t a t e c o u l d be used t o promote growth and a c c u m u l a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y but not t o r e g u l a t e o r c o n -t r o l i t . IV C anadian s o c i e t y was c l e a r l y i n the m i d s t o f a p r o f o u n d t r a n s f o r m -a t i o n . From 1896 t o 1920 t h e c o u n t r y was e x p e r i e n c i n g remarkable growth. But t h i s m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s was accompanied by numerous problems such as slums, d i s e a s e , c o n g e s t i o n , p o v e r t y , o v e r c r o w d i n g and s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y ; problems whose s o l u t i o n r e q u i r e d the development o f new t e c h n i q u e s t h a t would s t r e t c h Canadian i n g e n u i t y and p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e s . Not o n l y d i d new s e r v i c e s have t o be p r o v i d e d t o accommodate the r a p i d l y expanding p o p u l a t i o n , but new t y p e s o f s e r v i c e s had t o be b u i l t t o r e p l a c e the now o b s o l e t e s e r v i c e s o f the e x i s t i n g p o p u l a t i o n . Yet i f t h i s t a s k was 2 6 . not enough, Canadian society faced an additional hurdle; i t had to in i t ia te these reforms under the careful scrutiny of institutions and an ideology inimical to the very government regulations necessary to cope with the new urban society. The irony was that these l iberal i n s t i -tutions and ideas gave birth, to a new urban and industrial order which they could not manage. The urban challenge was that the urban problems and conf l icts accompanying the r ise of the urban society had to be solved; but without destroying the dominant l iberal institutions and ideology which had taken root prior to the urban, industrial revolution. This was a demanding challenge indeed. 27. F o o t n o t e s 1. F o r an e x c e l l e n t summary o f t h e changes o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d s ee: Robert C r a i g Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada 1896- 1921 ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1974). 2. W i l f r e d L a u r i e r , A d d r e s s e s t o the Canadian C l u b o f Ottawa (Ottawa: J a n u a r y 18, 1904)., 154. 3. W.A. M a c k i n t o s h , \"The Economic Background- o f D o m i n i o n ^ P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s , \" Report o f t h e Royal Commission oh D o m i n i o n - P r o v i n c i a l R e l a t i o n s (Ottawa: K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , 1939), 5, Appendix I I I ( h e r e -a f t e r Economic Background); r e p r i n t e d ed. ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1964), 40. 4. See f o r example: H.A. I n n i s , E s s a ys i n Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1956); H.A. I n n i s , The Fur Trade i n Canada; an I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1956); A i t k e n and E a s t e r -brook, Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ; George Nader, C i t i e s o f Canada ( T o r o n t o ! M a c m i l l a n , 1975), V o l . I, 155-262; Len G e r t l e r and R. Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s : The Next 25 Years ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1977), 105-172. 5. I b i d . , J acob S p e l t , Urban Development i n South C e n t r a l O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1972); James G i l m o u r , S p a t i a l E v o l u t i o n o f M a n u f a c t u r i n g i n S o u t h e r n O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r -s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1972); C C . Zimmerman and G.W. Moneo, The P r a i r i e Community System (Ottawa: A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics Research C o u n c i l o f Canada, 1971); E.E.D. Day, The S p a t i a l S t r u c - t u r e o f Canadian Economic Development (Ottawa: Department o f F i n a n c e , Economic Development D i v i s i o n , Working Papers 7201, 1972); D.C. N o r t h , Economic Growth o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s , 1790- 1800 (New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1961); Stone, Urban Develop- ment; N.C. F i e l d and D.P. K e r r , G e o g r a p h i c a l A s p e c t s o f I n d u s t r i a l Growth i n the M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o Region ( T o r o n t o : Queen's P r i n t e r , 1968); J.W. Simmons, The Canadian Urban System ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1977). 6. S p e l t , Urban Development; Stone, Urban Development; G e r t l e r and Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s ; G i l m o r e , S p a t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n . '7. M a c k i n t o s h , Economic Background, 54-55. 8. P e t e r Goheen, V i c t o r i a n T o r o n t o : P a t t e r n s and P r o c e s s o f Growth ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1970); Maury K l e i n and H.A. K a n t o r , P r i s o n e r s o f P r o g r e s s : American C i t i e s 1850-1920 [New York: M a c m i l l a n , 1976); A l a n A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, A S o c i a l H i s t o r y o f Urban Growth, 1874-1914 ( M o n t r e a l : McGil1-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1975); Max F o r a n , \"Land Development P a t t e r n s i n C a l g a r y , 1884-1945,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s . , The Usable 2 8 . Urban P a s t , P l a n n i n g and P o l i t i c s i n the Modern Canadian C i t y ( T o r o n t o : Macmillan, 1979), 293.316. : 9. Adna Weber, The Growth o f C i t i e s i n the 19th C e n t u r y (New York: Ma cmi11 an, 1899), 1. 10. H.J. Morgan and L . J . Burpee, Canadian L i f e i n Town and C o u n t r y (London: 1905), 76. 11. For a more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f the impact o f urban growth on urban problems see: L i t h w i c k , Urban Canada; W i l b u r Thompson, A P r e f a c e t o Urban Economics ( B a l t i m o r e : Johns Hopkins P r e s s , 1965); John S a y w e l l , Housing\" C a n a d i a n s : Essays oh the H i s t o r y o f R e s i d e n t i a l C o n s t r u c t i o n i n Canada (Ottawa: Economic C o u n c i l o f Canada, 1975); A r t i b i s e , W innipeg; Goheen, V i c t o r i a n T o r o n t o ; K l e i n and K a n t o r , P r i s o n e r s o f P r o g r e s s ; S.T. Roweis and A . J . S c o t t , The Urban Land Q u e s t i o n ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , Department o f Urban and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g Paper No.10, 1976); Economic C o u n c i l o f Canada, \" C h a l l e n g e o f R a p i d Urban Growth,\" F o u r t h Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1966), Ch. 7. 12. W.B. F r a s e r , C a l g a r y : 1867-1967 ( T o r o n t o : H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Win-s t o n , 1967), 87. 13. M o r l e y , Vancouver, 121. 14. S a y w e l l , H o u s i n g , 128. 15. I b i d . , 128. 16. R. Rees, \"The Magic C i t y , \" 55. 17. A.G. D a l z e l l , \"Housing, The R e l a t i o n o f Housing and Town P l a n n i n g i n C i t i e s such as Vancouver,\" J o u r n a l o f the Town P l a n n i n o I n s t i t u t e o f Canada ( h e r e a f t e r ~ J T P I C ) , V o l . V I , No.3 (June 1927), 104. 17. Canadian E n g i n e e r ( h e r e a f t e r C ^ E . ) , V o l . XLVIII (May 1925), 477 and C.E., V o l . L I I (June 1927), 618. 18. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 111. 19. I b i d . , 116. 20. U r b a n i z a t i o n ( M o n t r e a l : Urban S e r v i c e s T e c h n i c a l B u l l e t i n , No. 5, 1966), i v . 21. M.C. U r q u h a r t and K.A. B u c k l e y , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s Of Canada (London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965), 303. 22. I b i d . , 84. 29. 23. Saywell, Housing, 101-102. 24. Bureau of Municipal Research, What is the Ward Going to do with Toronto? (Toronto: 19.18). 25. Ib id . , 32. 26. New York Bureau of Municipal Research, The City of Toronto, Canada: Report on Physical Survey (Toronto: 1913). 27. Walsh, \"Poverty and Overcrowding,\" Proceedings of 7th Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction held at London, Ontario, October 5-7, 1904, 48, cited in S.D. Clark, Social Development of Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1942), 400. 28. Cherokee Cook, \"The Slums in Toronto,\" Proceedings of 10th Canadian Conference of Charities and Correction held at Toronto, October 19-21, 1909, 10-12, cited in Clark, Social Development, 420. 29. J . S . Woodsworth, My Neighbour (Toronto: 1911; reprint ed . , Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 70. 30. Ar t ib ise , Winnipeg, 155. 31. Ib id . , 229-236. 32. J . S . Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates (Toronto: 1909), 217-218. 33. Charles Hodgetts, \"Unsanitary Housing,\" Commission of Conservation Annual Report, CCAR (Montreal: Lowell & Sons, 1911), 54-55. 34. Ib id . , 57. 35. For a discussion of this problem and further documentation of urban problems near the turn of the century see: Jacob Spelt and Donald Kerr, Toronto (Toronto: Coll ier-Macmillan, 1973); G.T. de Glazebrook, The Story of Toronto (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971; Peter Goheen, Victorian Toronto; Alan Ar t ib ise , Winnipeg; J . F . Cooper, Montreal, A Brief History (Montreal: McGi11-Queen's University Press, 1969); J . G . MacGregor, Edmonton, A History (Edmonton: M. Hurtig, 1967); A. Morley, Vancouver, From Mil l town to Metropolis (Vancouver: Metro Press, 1974); L. McNeil l , The Calgary Herald's Tales of the Old Town (Calgary: Calgary Herald, 1966); Thomas Adams, Rural Planning and Develop- ment (Ottawa: Commission of Conservation, 1917); Norbert McDonald, \"C.P.R. Town, The City Building Process in Vancouver,\" (paper delivered at Urban History Conference, Guelph, Ontario, May 1977); James Anderson, \"The Municipal Government Reform Movement in Western Canada,\" in A. Art ibise and G. Stel ter , eds. , The Usable Past: Planning and Pol i t ics in the Modern Canadian City (Toronto: 30. M a c m i l l a n , 1979), 73-112; M i c h a e l Doucet, \" S p e c u l a t i o n and the P h y s i c a l Development o f Mid-19th C e n t u r y H a m i l t o n , \" (paper d e l i v e r e d a t Urban H i s t o r y C o n f e r e n c e , Guelph, O n t a r i o , May 1977); Stephen Spencer, \" T o r o n t o ' s F i r s t A n n e x a t i o n A r e a : P r o p e r t y and S e r v i c e s i n the 1880's\" (paper d e l i v e r e d a t Urban H i s t o r y C o n f e r -ence, Guelph, O n t a r i o , May 1977); H e r b e r t Ames, The C i t y Below The H i l l ( M o n t r e a l : 1897; r e p r i n t e d., T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1927], 21-22; A.G. D a l z e l l , Housing i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l , 1927), 21-22; Bryce S t e w a r t , \"Housing Our Immigrant Workers,\" Papers and P r o c e e d i n g s o f the 1 s t Annual Meeting o f the Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n (Ottawa: 1913), 98-112. ~ : 36. See f o r example: A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, 207-246; G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 161-235; S p e l t and K e r r , T o r o n t o , 37-54. 37. M o r l e y , Vancouver, 87. 38. F r a s e r , C a l g a r y , 80. 39. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f c h a n g i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n uses and problems see: S p e l t and K e r r , T o r o n t o , 37-54 and 94-100; Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 72-102; G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 161-235; T o r o n t o T r a n s p o r t -a t i o n Commission, Wheels o f P r o g r e s s ( T o r o n t o : 1953); John F. Dae, The I n t e r c i t y E l e c t r i c R a i I w a y ^ I n d u s t r y i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i -v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1966). 40. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h i s p r o c e s s see items c i t e d i n F o o t n o t e 35. 41. G.P. de G l a z e b r o o k , T o r o n t o , 174. 42. Weber, Growth o f C i t i e s , 6. 43. P.A.C., Woodsworth P a p e r s , 2P, \"Some A s p e c t s o f the Immigration Prob-lem,\" i n The Young Women o f Canada, Dec. 1904, c i t e d i n Brown and Cook, Canada 1841-1921, 101. 44. P r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f T r a d e , Reports o f the P r e s i d e n t and T r e a -s u r e r o f t h e T o r o n t o Board o f Trade ( T o r o n t o : 1886), 41; c i t e d by Stephen Spencer, \" T o r o n t o ' s F i r s t A n n e x a t i o n E r a : P r o p e r t y and S e r v i c e s i n the 1880's,\" 33. 45. G e r t l e r and Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s , 53. 46. Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l R e s e a r c h , The Ward, 37. 47. I b i d . , 74-75. 48. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , \" U n s a n i t a r y Housing,\" 53. 49. S.M. W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o S t u d i e s , 1907). 31. 50. C i t e d i n Brown and Cook, Canada, 1846-1921, 68. 51. See f o r example: Woodsworth, S t r a n g e r s w i t h i n our Gates; J.T.M. Anderson, The E d u c a t i o n o f the New Canadian ( T o r o n t o T 1918); J . J . K e l s o , \" N e g l e c t e d and F r i e n d l e s s C h i l d r e n , \" Canadian Mag- a z i n e , V o l . II (June 1894), 213-216. 52. S i r George P a i s h , \"Commercial O u t l o o k o f Canada,\" A d d r e s s e s D e l i v e r e d b e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f M o n t r e a l , Dec. 2, 19T3 ( M o n t r e a l : 1914), 88. 53. F o r a good d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e market f a i l u r e s and t h e i r consequences see: H a r r y R i c h a r d s o n , Urban Economics (London: Penguin, 1971), 169-187.. 54. C h a r l e s H a s t i n g s , \"The Modern C o n c e p t i o n o f P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" Conser-v a t i o n o f L i f e ( h e r e a f t e r C o n s e r v a t i o n ) , V o l . 3, 4 ( O c t . 1917), 88. 55. H a r r y K. G i r v e t z , The E v o l u t i o n o f L i b e r a l i s m (New York: C o l l i e r , 1963). 56. John Locke, \"Two T r e a t i e s o f Government,\" 11, S.136, i n P e t e r L a s l e t t ed. (New York: C o l l i e r , 1963). 57. Adam Sm i t h , An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e Nature and Causes o f the Wealth o f N a t i o n s (1776, r e p r i n t e d ed. New York: Random House, 1939), Book I , Ch. 2. 58. I b i d . , 681. 59. See f o r example: Kenneth McRae, \"The S t r u c t u r e o f Canadian H i s t o r y , \" i n L o u i s H a r t z , ed., The Founding o f New S o c i e t i e s (New York: H a r c o u r t , 1964), 219-274; Gad H o r o w i t z , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , L i b e r a l i s m and S o c i a l i s m i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , \" Canadian J o u r n a l o f Economics and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , V o l . XXXII (May 1966), 43-172; W. C h r i s t i a n and C. Campbell, P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and I d e o l o g i e s i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1974); A l l a n Smith, \"The Myth o f t h e Self-Made Man i n E n g l i s h Canada 1850-1914,\" CHR, V o l . LIX (June 1978), 189-219. 60. John A. Macdonald, Debates i n P a r l i a m e n t on the C o n f e d e r a t i o n o f t h e B r i t i s h North American P r o v i n c e s (Quebec: 1805), c i t e d i n T.W.L. MacDermit, \"The P o l i t i c a l Ideas o f John A. Macdonald,\" CHR ( S e p t . 1933), 251. 61. Mackenzie K i n g , I n d u s t r y and Humanity ( T o r o n t o : Thomas A l l e n , 1918), 411; I b i d . , 414. 62. Goldwin S m i t h , \" S o c i a l and I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n \" i n h i s E s s a y s on oh Q u e s t i o n s o f _ t h e Day (New York: 1893), 38, c i t e d i n S m i t h , \"Myth o f the Self-Made Man,\" 210; E l i s a b e t h W a l l a c e , Goldwin 32. Smith.: V i c t o r i a n L i b e r a l ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1957), 172. 63. See f o r example: Smith, \"Myth o f the S e l f Made Man,\" 210. 64. Leo P a n i t c h , ed., The Canadian S t a t e : P o l i t i c a l Economy and P o l i t i c a l Power ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1977), 3-71; H.G.S. A i t k e n , \" D e f e n s i v e E x p a n s i o n i s m : The S t a t e and Economic Growth i n Canada,\" i n W.T. E a s t e r 6 r o o k and M. Watkins, e d s . , Approaches t o Canadian Economic H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1967), 183-223. 65. M i c h a e l B l i s s , A L i v i n g P r o f i t 1974). ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 33. CHAPTER II THE URBAN REFORM MOVEMENT, 189.0 t o 1920 Dur i n g t h e f i r s t s e v e r a l decades o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y Canadian s o c i e t y was un d e r g o i n g a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t s t r u c k a t the v e r y r o o t s o f t h e n a t i o n ' s f o u n d a t i o n s . The problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the p r o d i g i o u s r i s e o f urban c e n t r e s c h a l l e n g e d a s o c i a l o r d e r more a p p r o p r i a t e t o managing an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y than the emerging urban one. Canadians w e r e ' a l l . t o o aware t h a t something had t o be done. Businessmen were i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned about the i n a d e q u a c i e s o f urban i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and workers' h o u s i n g . The r i s i n g m i d d l e c l a s s f e a r e d t he dreaded d i s e a s e s l u r k i n g i n the depths o f the c i t y ' s c o r e . The c h u r c h e s , a p p a l l e d a t the degree o f p o v e r t y and i n e q u i t y , demanded t h a t r e m e d i a l a c t i o n be t a k e n , w h i l e l a b o u r , f o r c e d t o f e a r the b r u n t o f t h e urban i n d u s t r i a l problems, was ready t o a c t i f no one e l s e would. In f a c t , some o b s e r v e r s were c o n v i n c e d t h a t a f a i l u r e to p r o v i d e s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n s t o t h e problems o f slums, p o v e r t y , d i s e a s e and moral c o r r u p t i o n would l e a d t o r e v o l u t i o n . Canadians were not slow i n r e s p o n d i n g t o the urban c h a l l e n g e . 1 As e a r l y as the 1890's newspapers, such as the News & World i n T o r o n t o , and The S t a r and La P r e s s e i n M o n t r e a l , brought urban r e f o r m i s s u e s t o n a t i o n a l prominence by i n u n d a t i n g t he p u b l i c w i t h s e e t h i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s o f m u n i c i p a l c o r r u p t i o n and urban decay. Businessmen such as H e r b e r t Ames and Mor l e y W i c k e t t formed groups d e d i c a t e d t o \" p u t t i n g t he machine i n honest hands.\" O t h e r s formed groups such as the S i n g l e Tax A s s o c -i a t i o n and the P u b l i c Ownership League t o p r e s s u r e f o r more fundamental 34. r e f o r m s i n the o p e r a t i o n o f Canadian c i t i e s , New o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as th e T o r o n t o Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research, undertook d e t a i l e d s t u d i e s o f the urban problem. C h r i s t i a n groups such as the YMCA and S a l v a t i o n Army s t r u c k out a t the e v i l s o f c r i m e , p o v e r t y and debauchery. T h e i r l e a d was f o l l o w e d by t h e e s t a b l i s h e d churches who formed the Moral and S o c i a l Reform C o u n c i l i n an attempt t o save Canadians from the m a l i g -nancy o f urban decay. The c o m p l e x i t y o f the problems and the d i v e r s i t y o f Canadian s o c i e t y ensured t h a t the r e s p o n s e t o the urban c h a l l e n g e was f a r from homogenous. In f a c t , Canadian h i s t o r i a n Paul R u t h e r f o r d has c o n c l u d e d t h a t \"so wide has the scope o f t h e urban r e f o r m movement been t h a t some r e a d e r s may f e e l i t was merely a c o l l e c t i o n o f a s s o r t e d causes l i n k e d 2 o n l y by a g e n e r a l f o c u s on the c i t y and i t s problems.\" But a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s some t r u t h to R u t h e r f o r d ' s comment t h a t the d i v e r s i t y o f r e s p o n s e d e f i e s easy g r o u p i n g , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y t h r e e broad c a t e g o r i e s o f r e s p o n s e which emerged d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1890 t o 1920. These t h r e e r e s p o n s e s w i l l be termed a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , urban l i b e r a l -ism and urban r a d i c a l i s m . In t he e n s u i n g d i s c u s s i o n i t s h o u l d be kept i n mind t h a t the a d v o c a t e s o f each o f t h e s e t h r e e r e s p o n s e s were a v e r y l o o s e l y c o n n e c t e d group o f i n d i v i d u a l s who had many i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between themselves as w e l l as w i t h those o f the o t h e r two groups. These t h r e e groups were n o t f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d and a l t h o u g h a t times they- became a c t i v e i n c e r t a i n formal p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s and I d e n t -i f i e d w i t h c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s , c a r e s h o u l d be taken when a t t e m p t i n g t o a s s o c i a t e them w i t h any one p o l i t i c a l movement o r w i t h 3 5 . a c o n v e n t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y such as c o n s e r v a t i s m , l i b e r a l i s m o r s o c i a l i s m . II A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , one o f tire t h r e e dimensions o f the Canadian r e s p o n s e t o u r b a n i z a t i o n , was based on two fundamental p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s argued t h a t t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f the r u r a l way o f l i f e was c e n t r a l t o Canada's f u t u r e and t h e s o l u t i o n o f the urban problem. Second, a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s had an o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y ; i n d i v i d u a l i s m and t h e l a c k o f c o o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t i n the new urban o r d e r were vehemently denounced w h i l e s t r o n g c o l l e c t i v i s t p o l i c i e s such as c o o p e r a t i v e s and a c t i v e s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n were advocated as n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e management o f Canadian s o c i e t y . U n d e r l y i n g t h e a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l ism view was an a l m o s t r o m a n t i c a ttachment t o t h e r u r a l way o f l i f e , W.C. Good, a l e a d e r o f the U n i t e d Farmers o f O n t a r i o and major p u b l i c i s t o f the r u r a l c a u s e , wrote i n 1919 t h a t \" i t i s an i n e s t i m a b l e p r i v i l e g e t o see one's own c h i l d r e n , c l e a r - e y e d and h a p p y - h e a r t e d , r a c i n g j o y o u s l y o v e r the h i l l s . \" To Good, the advantages o f r u r a l l i f e were many. For example, \" a g r i c u l -t u r e has p r a c t i c a l l y a monopoly on f r e s h a i r and s u n s h i n e . \" A l s o , \" c o u n t r y l i f e i s q u i e t , w h i l e c i t y l i f e has many d i s t u r b i n g d i s t r a c t i o n s and i n t e r r u p t i o n s . \" T h e r e f o r e , \" c o u n t r y l i f e , \" a c c o r d i n g t o Good, \"encourages c o n t i n u i t y o f t hought and development o f s t r e n g t h o f 3 c h a r a c t e r . \" Andrew MacPhai/1, a n o t h e r r u r a l a d m i r e r , T o r y , and e d i t o r o f the 36. p o p u l a r U n i v e r s i t y Magazine, lamented i n 1908 t h a t \"we have r e s o l u t e l y t u r n e d our f a c e s from an a g r i c u l t u r a l and p a s t o r a l l i f e , from the s i m p l e j o y s t h a t go w i t h the o c c u p a t i o n s \" t o the i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r y and urban slum.^ To M a c P h a i l , t h i s was a s e r i o u s b r e a c h , f o r \" i t i s e t e r n a l l y t r u e t h a t the t r i b a l god and the god o f the h o u s e h o l d e x i s t i n the c o u n t r y \" and t h a t the c i t y \"was always the home o f the f a l s e 5 gods\" o f m a t e r i a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l g r e e d . A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s viewed u r b a n i z a t i o n as a dangerous t r e n d t h a t t h r e a t e n e d t h e h e a l t h o f the n a t i o n . Canada's m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s , l e a d e r s h i p c a p a b i l i t y , moral c h a r a c t e r and c i t y l i f e i t s e l f were a l l dependent on a v i b r a n t r u r a l community. W.C. Good, f o r example, o b s e r v e d , \" A l l l i f e , whether c o u n t r y o r c i t y , comes u l t i m a t e l y from t h o s e c o n n e c t e d w i t h O l d Mother E a r t h . A n d John M a c D o u g a l l , a Metho<-d i s t m i n i s t e r and a u t h o r o f a comprehensive s t u d y o f the r u r a l problem w r i t t e n i n 1913, c o n c l u d e d t h a t \"the c i t y i s the g r a v e y a r d o f p h y s i q u e , and cannot m a i n t a i n i t s e l f u n l e s s r e p l e n i s h e d . \" 7 F o r Major Dennison, a U n i t e d Empire L o y a l i s t and O n t a r i o T o r y , the f a r m e r s were t h e o n l y r e l i a b l e c l a s s i n Canada; the r o o t l e s s urban Q masses were not t o be t r u s t e d . Andrew MacPhail was even more emphatic. He c a u t i o n e d t h a t \" i f the c o u n t r y d i s t r i c t s decay, the whole o f Canada g i s bound t o decay as w e l l . \" To a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , t h e n , the cause o f Canada's problems was the u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , i t s e l f , S t a r t i n g from t h i s p r e m i s e , the s o l u t i o n seemed o b v i o u s ; urban growth would have t o be s t o p p e d by r e v i t a l i z i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e . The r e g e n e r a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e would, i n t u r n , s o o t h the b u r n i n g s o r e s o f urban decay. As one 37. r e f o r m e r , w r i t i n g i n a 1918 e d i t i o n o f the j o u r n a l C o n s e r v a t i o n o f L i f e , s u g g e s t e d : the q u e s t i o n o f b e t t e r i n g our a g r i c u l -t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s and i n c r e a s i n g our p r i m a r y p r o d u c t i o n i s i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h the problem o f r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the p r e s e n t u n h e a l t h y growth o f l a r g e towns and i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t i f we can s a t i s f a c t o r i l y s o l v e the f i r s t problem, t h e o t h e r two w i l l t o a v e r y g r e a t e x t e n t s o l v e themselves.- JQ T h i s r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e , a l o n g w i t h o t h e r p o l i c i e s promoting a r e t u r n t o the l a n d , s h o u l d , a c c o r d i n g to a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m , r e c e i v e top p r i o r i t y . G overnor^General Grey, f o r example, commented t h a t \"the most p r e s s i n g problem o f the time ... i s how the r e - e s t a b l i s h 11 the p e o p l e i n a p r o f i t a b l e and b e a u t i f u l l i f e on the l a n d . \" S i r John Wi H i son, t h e chairman o f t h e O n t a r i o Unemployment Commission and e d i t o r o f The G l o b e , even saw such an urban t o r u r a l m i g r a t i o n as the o b v i o u s s o l u t i o n t o unemployment and r e l a t e d s o c i a l problems. W r i t i n g i n a w i d e l y c i r c u l a t e d book p u b l i s h e d i n 1917, W i l l i s o n o b s e r v e d t h a t : ... thousands o f f o r e i g n e r s f l o c k e d t o c e n t r e s o f p o p u l a t i o n - a n d became p u b l i c charges o r bene-f i c i a r i e s o f p r i v a t e c h a r i t y . The c i t i e s i n which the s e e x p e r i e n c e d y e t f a r m l e s s f a r m e r s c o n g r e g a t e a r e o n l y a few hours removed from m i l l i o n s o f a c r e s o f f e r t i l e but unbroken l a n d . For t h e f u t u r e , i m m i g r a t i o n s h o u l d be so handled as t o p r e v e n t such s e p a r a t i o n o f com-plem e n t a r y assets.12 U n d e r l y i n g t h e r u r a l r o m a n t i c i s m o f a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m was the second major p r i n c i p l e ; an o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y , T h i s o r g a n i c view o f s o c i e t y was m a n i f e s t e d i n d i f f e r e n t ways. For T o r i e s s u c h as Andrew M a c P h a i l , a g r a r i a n l i f e r e f l e c t e d r e s p e c t f o r t r a d i t i o n , c h u r c h , h i e r a r c h y , f a m i l y , law and s o c i a l o r d e r ; a l l the c o n s e r v a t i v e v a l u e s 38. t h a t were b e i n g eroded by the new c o r r u p t urban s o c i e t y . ' \" ' F u r t h e r , Quebec, which was viewed by some as the most backward a r e a o f Canada, was c o n s i d e r e d by the T o r i e s as a major a s s e t , MacPhail remarked t h a t \"Canada can o n l y be saved by the C o n s e r v a t i v e s p i r i t , and t h a t s p i r i t 14 i n o r g a n i z e d form e x i s t s o n l y i n Quebec.\" The o r g a n i c v i e w o f s o c i e t y was m a n i f e s t e d i n a somewhat d i f f e r -e n t way by the o t h e r a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s who were not T o r i e s . For p e o p l e such as W.C. Good and W i l l i a m I r v i n e , t h e M e t h o d i s t p r e a c h e r and one o f the l e a d e r s o f t h e Saskatchewan G r a i n Growers A s s o c i a t i o n , the s u p e r i o r c o o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t r e f l e c t e d i n r u r a l l i f e c o u l d o n l y be s u s t a i n e d by s t r o n g c o l l e c t i v i s m p o l i c i e s d e s i g n e d t o stamp out i n d i v i d u a l greed and 15 p r o f i t making. A n o t h e r M e t h o d i s t m i n i s t e r a c t i v e i n a g r a r i a n r e f o r m put the m a t t e r q u i t e b l u n t l y i n a s u c c e s s f u l r e s o l u t i o n t h a t he g u i d e d through the M e t h o d i s t General C o n f e r e n c e o f 1918. The r e s o l u t i o n s t a t e d t h a t : the r e v e l a t i o n o f t h e s u p e r i o r e f f i c i e n c y o f r a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o o p e r a t i o n , combine w i t h the u n d e r l y i n g e t h i c s o f J e s u s , t o demand n o t h i n g l e s s than a t r a n s f e r e n c e o f the whole economic l i f e from a b a s i s o f c o m p e t i t i o n and p r o f i t s t o one o f c o o p e r a t i o n and s e r v i c e . - ^ G r a d u a l l y , t h e s e more i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t o r i e n t e d a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s p i e c e d t o g e t h e r a s p e c i f i c s t r a t e g y f o r c o p i n g w i t h r u r a l problems and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , the urban p r o b l e m , 1 7 F i r s t , t he t a r i f f which was a t o o l o f E a s t e r n c a p i t a l i s t s d e s i g n e d t o s e c u r e a s u r p l u s p r o f i t a t the expense o f t h e f a r m e r , had t o be e l i m i n a t e d . Land s p e c u l a t i o n and absentee ownership a l s o had t o be c o n t r o l l e d . W.C. Good t i e d t h e s e two i s s u e s o f the t a r i f f and l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n t o g e t h e r i n an i n s i g h t f u l 39. book e n t i t l e d P r o d u c t i o n and S u b s i d i e s i n Canada. Good's argument was based, i n l a r g e p a r t , on the a n a l y s i s c o n t a i n e d i n Henry George's book., 18 P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y . George, an American r e f o r m e r , was p e r p l e x e d by the p e r s i s t e n c e o f p o v e r t y a l o n g s i d e o f m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s . He began t o s t u d y t h i s enigma o f p o v e r t y and p r o g r e s s by examining the t h r e e f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n : l a n d , l a b o u r and c a p i t a l . C a p i t a l i s t s s e c u r e d p r o f i t s i n r e t u r n f o r p r o v i d i n g c a p i t a l and workers r e c e i v e d wages i n exchange f o r l a b o u r power. But l a n d was d i f f e r e n t : i t was a g i f t o f n a t u r e whose s u p p l y was f i x e d and whose v a l u e was determined by the a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f the s i t e and the growth o f p o p u l a t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n o f the community. George argued t h a t t h i s l a n d v a l u e , which was c r e a t e d by the community a t l a r g e , a c c r u e d as an unearned inc r e m e n t t o i n d i v i d u a l landowners. The p u z z l e o f p r o g r e s s and p o v e r t y was s o l v e d . Landowners were r e a p i n g the b e n e f i t a t the expense o f l a b o u r and c a p i t a l . The s o l u t i o n , c o n c l u d e d George, was t o p l a c e a t a x on l a n d t o c o l l e c t 100 p e r c e n t o f the unearned i n c r e m e n t . T h i s tax would r e p l a c e a l l o t h e r t a x e s , t h e r e b y i n c r e a s i n g wages and p r o f i t s . P o v e r t y would be e l i m i n a t e d and p r o d u c t i o n would f l o u r i s h as a r e s u l t o f remov-i n g the impediment o f r a p a c i o u s landowners demanding e x o r b i t a n t r e n t s and w i t h h o l d i n g l a n d from the market t o d r i v e up p r i c e s . S p a t i a l p a t t e r n s would be more e f f i c i e n t and workers and c a p i t a l i s t s , would f i n d new i n c e n t i v e a f t e r r e c e i v i n g the rewards o f t h e i r e f f o r t . And the s o c i a l c o n f l i c t between c a p i t a l and l a b o u r would be s o l v e d , Good was among the m i l l i o n s o f r e a d e r s impressed by Henry George's argument. In sympathy w i t h George, Good argued t h a t l a n d v a l u e s were c r e a t e d by the community and t h a t the l a n d r e n t was a p p r o p r i a t e d as an 40 . unearned increment by private owners. 1 3 But Good's argument contained one major al terat ion. Good concluded that farmers were the ones exploited by the private appropriation of land rent, According to Good, \"the evil of land speculation creates a class of parasites who must be supported at the public expense; and the farmers' earnings are 20 largely drawn upon to support these parasites.\" The farmer was not getting his just return because labour could not pay a just price for food because of low wages and high land pr ices, and capital was forced to rely on tar i f fs to compensate for a lowering of profits caused by landowners capturing the unearned increment. Good did not fu l ly reconcile the obvious dilemma that farmers were landowners and, conse-quently, received some land rent themselves. Good concluded that \"the f i r s t and most fundamental requirement for securing justice in d i s t r i ^ bution i s , therefore, the social appropriation of ground rent\" and that the revenue generated by the col lect ion of rent would allow for the elimination of the t a r i f f , the revitalfzati.on of rural l i f e and the 21 stamping out of rampant individualism.\" Another measure required to solve the rural problem was the nationalization of private monopolies such as the railways, telegraph, express lines and other exploitative institutions that were reaping surplus profits at the farmers' expense. Additional measures, recom-mended included income and inheritance taxes, public control over natural resources, better education, improved rural credit and the setting up of cooperatives. As G.R. MacPherson has documented in his book, Each for A l l : The Co-operative Movement in English Canada, cooperatives were an especially signif icant part of the reform movement. 41. Mr. Alphonse P e s j a r d i n s , f o u n d e r o f the Canadian C o o p e r a t i v e P a r i s h Bank. System i n Quebec, r e c e i v e d e n t h u s i a s t i c s u p p o r t f o r h i s p r o p o s a l s d e l i v e r e d a t the S o c i a l S e r v i c e Congress o f 1914. These p r o p o s a l s c a l l e d f o r an expanded system o f c o o p e r a t i v e s and other, s e l f - h e l p v e n t u r e s . D e s j a r d i n s summed up h i s i d e a s by s t a t i n g t h a t \" i n s t e a d o f the u n c h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e o f s t r u g g l e f o r l i f e l e t us have union f o r l i f e as t h e f o u n d a t i o n s t o n e o f the p r o s p e r i t y and grandeur o f our 22 a g r i c u l t u r a l c l a s s e s . \" F o r a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , a l l problems o f Canada and o f the farmer emanated from the c o r r u p t and s e l f - s e r v i n g urban c e n t r e s which were g a i n i n g c o n t r o l o f the c o u n t r y ' s a f f a i r s . Government p o l i c y , the Church, and e d u c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t i o n s were, a c c o r d i n g t o the r a d i c a l s , b i a s e d towards the urban c e n t r e . The S e c r e t a r y o f the Canadian C o u n c i l o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n i n t r o d u c i n g t he \"Farmers' P l a t f o r m \" i n 1916, wrote t h a t \" i t i s becoming more a p p a r e n t each y e a r t h a t our p a r l i a m e n t i s coming more and more under t he d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e o f w e a l t h o f i n d u s t r i a l , f i n a n c i a l and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n t e r e s t s r e p r e s e n t e d by men o f w e a l t h i n f i n a n c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s and i f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the common p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g the wage e a r n e r s , a r e t o have t h e i r v i e w p o i n t r e p r e s e n t e d i n p a r l i a m e n t , a d e m o c r a t i c system o f nom i n a t i o n and 23 e l e c t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s must be adopted.\" C l e a r l y , t h e a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s were c o n t e m p l a t i n g d i r e c t p o l i t i -c a l a c t i o n . W i l l i a m I r v i n e , i n h i s book The Farmer f n P o l i t i c s , p r o v i d e d a c o g e n t d e f e n c e o f the need f o r a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y and urged f a r m e r s on to t h i s t a s k . A g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s soon became i n f l u e n t i a l t h r o u g h t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n formal p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i t h w h i c h t h e y had common 42. ground s u c h as the U n i t e d Farmers o f O n t a r i o which won the 19.19 p r o v i n -c i a l e l e c t i o n , t he Farmers o f A l b e r t a which came t o p r o v i n c i a l power i n 1921, and the P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y , which emerged as the second l a r g e s t 24 p a r t y i n the 1921 f e d e r a l e l e c t r o n . The p o l i t i c a l s u c c e s s o f the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s e n s u r e d t h a t t h e i r d i r e c t approach t o s o l v i n g urban problems by r e v i t a l i z i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e would have a s u b s t a n t i a l impact on the n a t u r e o f urban r e f o r m . Indeed, f o r a l a r g e number o f C a n a d i a n s , the s a l v a t i o n o f the c i t y was i n the c o u n t r y . I l l Urban l i b e r a l i s m , t h e second o f the t h r e e major r e s p o n s e s t o the urban c r i s i s , was founded on two b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , urban l i b e r a l s f u l l y a c c e p t e d t h a t \"under modern c o n d i t i o n s a d e p l e t i o n o f 25 the r u r a l s e c t i o n s i s i n e v i t a b l e . \" On t h i s p o i n t , urban l i b e r a l s were i n fundamental d i s a g r e e m e n t w i t h a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s . As H e r b e r t Ames, a Montreal m a n u f a c t u r e r and prominent urban l i b e r a l r e f o r m e r commented, \"the c r y t o the towns overwhelms the c o u n t e r - c r y back t o the l a n d . \" C o n s e q u e n t l y , Ames c o n c l u d e d t h a t \" b e c a u s e the tendency i s c e r t a i n t o grow s t r o n g e r i n the y e a r s t o come ... we must be p r e p a r e d f o r l a r g e r c i t i e s i n the f u t u r e . \" F u r t h e r , t h e urban l i b e r a l s p e r c e i v e d t h i s n a t u r a l t r e n d t o urban l i v i n g and i n d u s t r i a l p r o g r e s s as d e s i r a b l e , Frank B e e r , a prominent T o r o n t o businessman, c h a s t i s e d the a g r i c u l t u r a l community f o r a r r o g a n t l y e l e v a t i n g i t s e l f t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f backbone o f the n a t i o n 27 by warning them t h a t a backbone a l o n e i s o n l y a museum e x h i b i t . \" 43. O t h e r s , such, as Mackenzie King and Byron Walker, the g e n e r a l d i r e c t o r o f the Bank o f Commerce and f o u n d e r o f the C i v i c G u i l d , a T o r o n t o urban r e f o r m o r g a n i z a t i o n , e x p r e s s e d a w i d e l y h e l d v i s i o n o f the p o t e n t i a l urban s o c i e t y as c a p t i v a t i n g as t h e r o m a n t i c v i s i o n o f the c o u n t r y s i d e a r t i c u l a t e d by the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s . In h i s 1918 book I n d u s t r y and Humanity, King bragged t h a t \" l a r g e - s c a l e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y , by r e n d e r i n g p o s s i b l e i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i o n w i t h gradual l e s s e n i n g o f human e f f o r t , has paved the way f o r t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f democracy f o r serfdom ... Never b e f o r e d i d the s p heres o f o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l e f f o r t g i v e promise o f such r a p i d and v a s t e x p a n s i o n . Walker was e q u a l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c . In an a d d r e s s t o the Canadian Club o f T o r o n t o i n 1905 he remarked t h a t : T o r o n t o i s the second l a r g e s t c i t y o f our c o u n t r y ; i t i s the l a r g e s t o f the E n g l i s h -s p e a k i n g p e o p l e ; we want t o show the E n g l i s h about what our m a t e r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n amounts t o . . . we do not always want t o remain a wooden backwoods p l a c e w i t h p r o v i n c i a l Ideas.29 In Quebec, a new wave o f French C a n a d i a n s , such as e c onomist E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , urged Francophones t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the new i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i n s t e a d o f t r y i n g t o r e t u r n to the bygone days o f the h a b i t a n t . 30 The s l o g a n \"Emparons-nous 1 ' i n d u s t r i e \" r e p l a c e d \"Emparons-nous du s o l . \" Even the M i n i s t e r o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n the f e d e r a l government a d m i t t e d d u r i n g the 1914 C o n f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g t h a t the \" c i t i e s o f the p a s t and many o f the c i t i e s o f the p r e s e n t have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the b u i l d i n g up o f the g r e a t e s t f o r c e s o f our modern age\" and \" a r e 31 r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the advance t h a t c i v i l i z a t i o n has made.\" The second major p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g the urban l i b e r a l view 44. was the commitment to preserving the dominant capi ta l is t institutions of private property, the market, a restricted role for government and the primacy of the indiv idual . After a l l , many o f the p r o m i n e n t u r b a n , l i t e r a l s were Canada's b u s i n e s s e l i t e . But u n l i k e more c o n s e r v a t i v e elements i n Canadian society, the urban l iberals did accept the need for reform. The problems of the new urban society were just too acute to be ignored. In fac t , the problems posed a direct threat to the business e l i te who pro-vided the impetus for the urban l iberal movement. The disease-plagued slums, for example, posed a direct threat to the physical health of the urban e l i t e . As Charles Hodgetts, the federal government's medical expert, pointed out, the germs did not 32 respect class differences. It was also widely believed that urban poverty encouraged social habits that challenged middle-class values. J . J . Kelso, Superintendent of the Department of Neglected Children, aroused concern when he described the dangers of the slum problem in the following manner. These slums are exceedingly dangerous to the health and morals of the ci ty because they are, to the great majority of people, inhuman and unexplored retreats. These slums should be attacked and abolished because they are the great enemy to the home which is the foundation of the state. Bad housing conditions inevi t -ably tend to drunkenness in parents; to delinquency in chi ldren; to immorality in the growing generation; to the spread of typhoid fever, diptheria, scarlet fever and the ravages of the great white plague..^ Other observers writing in Industrial Canada, the magazine of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association and in the Canadian Municipal Journal warned that the continuation of the poor urban conditions could 34 lead to a breakout of \"Bolshevism\". \"Out of slums\" edi tor ia l ized 45. I n d u s t r i a l Canada, \" s t a l k t h e s o c i a l i s t w i t h h i s r e d f l a g , the union 35 a g i t a t o r w i t h the a u c t i o n e e r ' s v o i c e and the a n a r c h i s t w i t h h i s t o r c h . \" Meanwhile, s e v e r a l prominent businessmen noted t h a t the i n a b i l i t y o f c o r r u p t m u n i c i p a l government to p r o v i d e n e c e s s a r y i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n an e f f i c i e n t manner impeded the expansion o f i n d u s t r y and imposed e x c e s -36 s i v e tax burdens. The urgency o f t h i s l a t t e r c o n c e r n e d was h e i g h t e n e d by the f a c t t h a t near the .turn o f the c e n t u r y the b u d g e t s : o f the major -c i t i e s such as T o r o n t o , M o n t r e a l , Winnipeg,; Edmonton and C a l g a r y .sometimes 37 exceeded the t o t a l p r o v i n c i a l b u d g e t s ' o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p r o v i n c e s . But urban l i b e r a l s f a c e d a dilemma. How c o u l d t h e y manage the new complex and i n t e r d e p e n d e n t urban o r d e r w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s o f i n s t i -t u t i o n s h o s t i l e to the c o l l e c t i v i s t p o l i c i e s r e q u i r e d to m i t i g a t e urban problems? The urban l i b e r a l s soon found what th e y thought was the s o l u t i o n t o the dilemma: the a p p l i c a t i o n o f s c i e n t i f i c b u s i n e s s p r i n -c i p l e s t o m u n i c i p a l management. T h i s c a l l f o r s c i e n t i f i c management o f p u b l i c a f f a i r s was wide-sp r e a d and i n t e n s e . Frank Adams, t h e Dean o f the F a c u l t y o f A p p l i e d S c i e n c e a t M c G i l l , w r i t i n g i n the h i g h l y - r e g a r d e d volume, The New Era i n Canada, s t a t e d t h a t \"Canadians must a d m i n i s t e r the n a t i o n a l domain w i t h the same i n i t i a t i v e , c a r e and a b i l i t y t h a t a g r e a t commercial c o r -p o r a t i o n c o n d u c t s i t s a f f a i r s . \" 3 8 F r a n k B e e r ' w r i t i n 9 i n t h e s a m e v o 1 \" ume, echoed Adams' recommendations when he remarked t h a t \" the s t a n d a r d s now r e g u l a t i n g p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e s h o u l d be e q u a l l y o r more r i g o r o u s l y 39 e x e r c i s e d i n the conduct o f p u b l i c a f f a i r s . \" To most Canadians, the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the p r i n c i p l e o f the new scho o l o f s c i e n t i f i c management to p u b l i c a f f a i r s was o n l y n a t u r a l . 46. The p r i n c i p l e t h a t was r e v o l u t i o n i z i n g t he p r o c e s s o f p r o d u c t i o n seemed more than c a p a b l e o f b a n i s h i n g the e v i l s o f \" i n e f f i c i e n t management\" which many o b s e r v e r s f e l t were \"perhaps t h e worst o f a l l e v i l s from 40 which c i t i e s s u f f e r . \" And as urban l i b e r a l s such as Ames p o i n t e d out as e a r l y as 1896, a c i t y i s n o t h i n g more than \"a j o i n t s t o c k e n t e r p r i s e i n which e v e r y c i t i z e n i s a s h a r e h o l d e r \" and the \"members o f c o u n c i l 41 a r e the d i r e c t o r s o f t h i s g r e a t b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e . \" The r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h i s f a c t was viewed as e s s e n t i a l t o d e a l i n g w i t h the urban problem. The D i r e c t o r o f t h e New York Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l Research s t r u c k a r e s p o n s i v e c h o r d d u r i n g h i s 1913 v i s i t t o T o r o n t o when he i n s i s t e d t h a t \" i f you r e c o g n i z e c i t y government f o r what i t i s , a , g r e a t s e r v i c e c o r p o r a t i o n , you can g e t e f f i c i e n t - s e r v i c e s ' b y ; d e a l i h g w i t h govern-42 ment problems the same as you would i n any o t h e r g r e a t c o r p o r a t i o n , \" The urban l i b e r a l s t h ought t h a t they had r e s o l v e d t h e i r dilemma. S c i e n t i f i c management p r a c t i s e d by b u s i n e s s e x p e r t s c o u l d handle the new urban problems. Sweeping s o c i a l changes were not n e c e s s a r y . The mayor o f Winnipeg r e p o r t e d t o a 1916 urban c o n f e r e n c e t h a t \" i t m a t t e r s l i t t l e about t h e system -- t h e man i s the main c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Poor men w i t h a good system w i l l n o t ensure good government, but good men may, 43 no m a t t e r what the system.\" T o r o n t o ' s b u s i n e s s community was p l e a s e d t o hear M o r l e y W i c k e t t e x p r e s s s i m i l a r s e n t i m e n t s when he r e p o r t e d t o them t h a t \" i f we want good m u n i c i p a l government we must get the r i g h t men t o take c h a r g e . A n d who were the r i g h t men? Businessmen, o f c o u r s e , f o r as John W i l l i s o n wrote i n 1917, \"as a r u l e the men most s u c c e s s f u l i n p r i v a t e a f f a i r s make the b e s t p u b l i c r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on 45 a c c o u n t o f t h e i r t r a i n i n g and b u s i n e s s e x p e r i e n c e s . 47. Urban l i b e r a l s s uggested t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f b u s i n e s s p r i n c i -p l e s t o m u n i c i p a l management and the a t t r a c t i o n o f good men to m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o u l d be e x p e d i t e d by implementing s e v e r a l r e f o r m s i n m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . One r e f o r m recommended by Goldwin Smith was to t r a n s f e r the power o f e l e c t e d c o u n c i l s to a commission comprised o f 46 e x p e r t s . Some r e f o r m e r s found t h i s u n d e m o c r a t i c measure a b i t extreme. N o n e t h e l e s s , most agreed t h a t a r e d u c t i o n i n the i n f l u e n c e o f p o l i t i c i a n s i n m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s was a...requisite f o r good government. J.O. M i l l e r wrote t h a t \" y e a r l y e l e c t i o n s , the ward system and patronage . . . are the t h r e e main e v i l s o f the p r e s e n t system.\" These p e t t y demands o f p o l i t i c s d i s c o u r a g e d men o f s u b s t a n c e from coming \"forward 47 to s e r v e the c i t y i n any o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y . \" As MorTey W i c k e t t , Can-ada's l e a d i n g e x p e r t and an a c t i v e m u n i c i p a l p o l i t i c i a n p o i n t e d o u t , the p r o s p e c t i v e r e f o r m e r \"has to f a c e a g r e a t many t h i n g s . He has t o 48 f a c e a campaign.\" What was r e q u i r e d was the \" d i v o r c e o f a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n from l e g i s l a t i o n \" which, as M i l l e r p o i n t e d o u t , was \"the fundamen-t a l p r i n c i p l e t h a t governs the conduct o f e v e r y g r e a t b u s i n e s s o r g a n i z a -49 t i o n . \" M o r l e y W i c k e t t c o n c l u d e d t h a t the s e p a r a t i o n o f powers c o u l d be b e s t a c c o m p l i s h e d by t r a n s f e r r i n g power to a s t r o n g board o f c o n t r o l comprised o f a b l e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s who would be a p p o i n t e d f o r s i x y e a r s . I t was a l s o suggested t h a t t h e average c o u n c i l member would be e l e c t e d f o r a l o n g e r p e r i o d o f time by t h e c i t y a t l a r g e i n s t e a d 6 f by wards. These councilmen would have a concern f o r the g e n e r a l p u b l i c good, as opposed to the p e t t y l o c a l needs. The c i t y ' s a d m i n i s t r a t o r s would be i n the hands o f \"a new p r o -f e s s i o n o f c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t o r s \" who p o s s e s s e d the n e c e s s a r y s k i l l s to 48. run the c i t y as a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e . And, as a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e , i t was i m p o r t a n t t h a t o n l y t he s h a r e h o l d e r s c o u l d v o t e . M o r l e y W i c k e t t c o n c l u d e d t h a t because the m u n i c i p a l i t y was \"a s p e c i e s o f j o i n t s t o c k company, o n l y those c o n t r i b u t i n g c a p i t a l \" s h o u l d be \" a l l o w e d to share i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f i t s a f f a i r s . That t h i s i s a u s e f u l c o n c e p t w i l l 50 be d e n i e d by few.\" Urban l i b e r a l s r e a l i z e d some s u c c e s s i n pus h i n g t h e s e a d m i n i s -t r a t i v e r e f o r m s . For example, Boards o f C o n t r o l were s e t up i n Toronto government i n 1896, i n Winnipeg i n 1906, Ottawa i n 1907, Montreal i n 1909, H a m i l t o n i n 1911 and London i n 1914. A l s o , p r o p e r t y q u a l i f i -c a t i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g w i d e s p r e a d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s were s u c c e s s -51 f u l l y defended. Once i n power, what s h o u l d the new reform-minded c o u n c i l do to s o l v e t he urban problem? One o f the f i r s t t a s k s recommended by the urban l i b e r a l s was t o complete a s o c i a l s u r v e y and s e t up a u n i v e r s a l system f o r r e p o r t i n g m u n i c i p a l s t a t i s t i c s . P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t John Cooper summarized the b e n e f i t s o f such an u n d e r t a k i n g i n a paper d e l i -v e r e d to the f i r s t meeting o f the Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a -t i o n i n 1914. He s a i d : -/ ^A M u n i c i p a l s u r v e y , as the term i s used i n America, i s i n t e n d e d to f u l f i l l two purpo s e s . I t i n f o r m s the heads o f departments and o t h e r o f f i c i a l s ho\"w t h e i r work compares i n e f f i c i e n c y w i t h t h a t done i n o t h e r c i t i e s . In t h i s r e s p e c t , i t i s much l i k e the l i s t o f b a t t i n g averages i n the w o r l d o f b a s e b a l l and the bowling and b a t t i n g r e c o r d s i n the world o f c r i c k e t . S e c o n d l y , i t i n f o r m s t he c i t i z e n s o f the i n n e r workings o f the m u n i c i p a l system, i n c r e a s e s t h e i r i n t e r e s t and g i v e s them a guaranteee o f i t s e f f i c i e n c y . ^ L i b e r a l r e f o r m e r s soon got t h e i r way. The S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l 49. began undertaking detailed surveys of most major c i t i e s . Toronto reformers such as Wickett successfully pressed for the setting up of the Toronto Bureau of Municipal Research, for the purposes of promoting \"ef f ic ient and economic government, to promote the adoption of s c i e n t i f i c methods of accounting and reporting of details of public business, to secure constructive publicity in matters pertaining to public a f f a i r s , and to these ends co l lec t , c l a s s i f y , analyze, correlate, interpret and 54 publish facts as to the administration of government\". Some urban l iberals seemed almost convinced that the col lect ion of s ta t is t ics would, somehow, eliminate urban problems. Herbert Ames' pioneering study of Montreal, for example, contained no actual recom-mendations and, in a lecture to a Montreal audience, he suggested that more comprehensive data than that contained in his already meticulously factual study would have been of great assistance in fingering \"upon the exact loca l i t ies where human l i f e , where the family of the indus-55 t r i a l worker is f ighting against unjust odds . But the mere col lect ion of facts and the appointment of honest experts to municipal inst i tut ions could not solve the urban problems; and the l iberal reformers knew i t . The question of implementing speci f ic p o l i -cies to control the city had to be faced. But the question of developing appropriate policy reintroduced the dilemma that the l iberals had been trying to avoid. On the one hand, the urban l iberals had a natural d is -incl ination for any major change in the role of government in urban a f fa i rs . For example, Herbert Ames, after completing his exhaustive study of urban problems in Montreal, cautioned that the government has \"no right to take chances with the people's money\" and that \"we cannot 50. interfere with the inscrutable law of supply and demand\". James Mavor, a University of Toronto political scientist, concluded that the results of public ownership of uti l i t ies was \"apt to be inefficient management 57 and excess in the number of employees\". Yet on the other hand, the shortage of housing for migrating labourers and the lack of adequate public infrastructure were impeding one of the urban liberals' primary CQ objectives: economic growth. Something would have to give way. Mayor Thomas Urquhart of Toronto suggested that \"if private enter-prise does not supply this need (housing) in the very near future, i t may be necessary for the city to consider the question of housing accommodation and seek for legislation which would enable us to utilize some of our land for the purposes of erecting housing of moderate size and at a moderate 59 rental\". The Globe, however, resisted such measures, arguing that \"there is no necessity for entangling the city in this business either by guaranteeing bonds or by constructing and renting houses for working men. Private enterprise will furnish these houses as soon as there is a commercial demand for them, gust as i t has been furnishing the high grade of apartment houses\".^ The liberals preferred solution to this impasse was what Morley Wickett called \"conservative innovation and the gradual growth of municipal legislat ion\". 6 1 More specifically, Herbert Ames suggested that the answer to the health problem could be found in \"wise sanitary laws faithfully enforced\", while the housing problem could be solved by \"philanthropy and 5 % \" . 6 2 This latter policy involved the estab= lishment of philanthropic housing associations funded by public-spirited 51. entrepreneurs willing to construct high-quality housing in return for a maximum profit of 5%. Herbert Ames described the benefits of this process in the following way: Here the philanthropist may well step in , and even at the risk of investing a few thousand at a comparatively low rate of remuneration, it is his privilege to show what can be done and by ex-perience learn how best to do i t . Every sanitary dwelling erected empties a rookery. There is a general moving up all along the line. Not only those who occupy, but a whole neighbourhood is benefitted whenever a model dwelling is built there in.g 3 In Toronto, the Canadian Manufacturing Association and the Board of Trade, along with other prominent businessmen, formed the Toronto Housing Company in 1912, and pressured the provincial government to pass legislation allowing the cities to guarantee bonds up to 85 percent of the value of the housing project in return for a maximum 6 percent rate of return. The company soon became active, constructing 242 housing units by 1930. The company made a point of emphasizing, however, that the ventures were being \"constructed upon strictly business principles\". In Hamilton, Ontario, large firms such as Westinghouse and International Harvester responded to the growing housing shortages by initiating a housing support program for their workers. The motives of the business groups were clear. Maintaining an adequate and stable labour supply and moderating wages necessitated some intervention in the urban housing market.^ As Industrial Canada pointed out, well-housed workers \"are 65 more efficient, contented and reliable\". This concern over housing brought urban liberals in conflict with land speculators, whose greedy activities were thought to be driving up land and housing prices which, in turn, necessitated payment of higher 52. wages, thereby reducing manufacturers' profits. \"If real estate men\", reasoned Industrial Canada, \"squeeze employees, the employees w i l l , in self-defence, squeeze employers for higher wages. 1 , 6 6 Consequently, some urban liberals, particularly the manufacturers, had sympathy for the ideas of Henry George of collecting urban land rent and controlling speculation. After a l l , Henry George had handed the manufacturers a cogent solution for the rising conflict between capital and labour by emphasizing that the real conflict was between capital and labour on one side versus landowners on the other. Everyone, George argued, except parasitic landowners, would benefit from the single tax. As George stated: Tax manufacturers and the effect is to check manufacturing; tax improvements and the effect is to lessen improvements; tax commerce and the effect is to prevent exchange; tax capital and the effect is to drive i t away. But the whole value of land may be taken in taxation and the only effect will be to stimulate industry, to open new opportunities to capital and to increase the production of wealth.^ Public ut i l i t ies , which were considered more crucial to urban growth, received even greatepr attention among liberals than housing. W.F. Maclean, a federal M.P., warned a group of Toronto's businessmen gathered at the Empire Club of Canada that the lack of sewers, roads and uti l i t ies \"will strangle the growth and extension of Toronto\". Maclean concluded that: If Toronto is to grow, we must control all these great essentials that are necessary for its growth. The city ought to have public ownership in regards to these things especially where i t is a matter of growth and development.6g As the public ownership experiments in major Canadian cities 5 3 . i l l us t ra te , urban l iberals were able and wi l l ing to step outside the bounds of private enterprise when this would further the cause of growth, 69 maintain s tab i l i ty and improve ef f ic iency. When these objectives were not seriously threatened, they rel ied on the preferred options of scien-t i f i c study and ad hoc regulations. In this way, the urban l iberals could further the cause of business without abandoning the dominant institutions of Canadian society. IV Urban radicalism, the third and weakest of the three responses to the urban challenge, was, to some extent, a synthesis of urban l iberalism and agrarian radicalism. Like the urban l ibe ra ls , urban radicals concluded that the emerging industrial society was the way of the future. But unlike urban l ibera ls , urban radicals believed that urban l i f e could only be properly managed i f the l iberal values of individualism, la issez- fa i re and competition gave way to the values of cooperation and equity. In this way, the urban radicals combined the collectivism of agrarian radicals with the urbanism of the urban l ibera ls . Urban radicalism received much of i ts impetus from Canada's social gospel movement and the new urban professional classes involved in public health and social welfare. Social gospellers, such as J . S . Woodsworth, the future leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation ( C . C . F . ) , firmly believed that urban industrial l i f e was the essence of Canadian society and, as such, should be the primary concern of Canadian reformers. In one of the f i r s t major books on 54. Canada's urban problems, Woodsworth o b s e r v e d t h a t \" w i t h i n a few y e a r s , h a l f o f our p o p u l a t i o n w i l l be l i v i n g i n c i t i e s and l a r g e towns. T h i s l e d him to c o n c l u d e t h a t : Whatever the l i n e s o f f u t u r e development, the impor-ta n c e o f the c i t y cannot be o v e r e s t i m a t e d . I t i s d e s t i n e d to e x e r c i s e a d o m i n a t i n g i n f l u e n c e o v e r the whole c o u n t r y . . . the c i t i e s a re the g a n g l i a o r nerve c e n t r e s o f the whole o f our s o c i a l system. They are the v e r y h e a r t o f our body p o l i t i c . From the p o l i t i c a l , the s o c i a l , the e d u c a t i o n a l , the r e l i g i o u s and the commercial s t a n d p o i n t , the c i t y i s t h e c e n t r e to which the whole n a t i o n i s t r i b u -t a r y . ^ But f o r Woodsworth and the urban r a d i c a l s , the c i t y was not s i m p l y an e v i l phenomenon t h a t Canadians were f o r c e d to a c c e p t . In s p i t e o f economic problems, the c i t y had a p o s i t i v e s i d e . In h i s book on the c i t y , Woodsworth a p p r o v i n g l y quoted Dr. Frank Mason N o r t h , S e c r e t a r y o f t h e New York C i t y E x t e n s i o n and the M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y o f the Metho-d i s t Church, when:Dr. North commented t h a t the c i t y \" i n i t s l i b r a r i e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s , i n i t s t r e a s u r e s o f a r t and o f s c i e n c e , f i n d s i t s r e s o u r c e s . . . the c i t y i s t h e t e s t and the o p p o r t u n i t y o f mind.\" Woodsworth a l s o agreed w i t h a n o t h e r urban commentator t h a t \"to the c i t y we a r e to l o o k f o r a r e b i r t h o f democracy, a democracy t h a t w i l l p o s s e s s the i n s t i n c t s o f the p a s t , a l o n g w i t h a b e l i e f i n the powers 73 o f c o o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t . \" Woodsworth and h i s c o m p a t r i o t s c o n c l u d e d t h a t the c i t y was f u n -d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the c o u n t r y and t h a t \" c i t y l i f e i s l i k e a s p i d e r ' s web--pull one t h r e a d and you p u l l e v e r y t h r e a d \" , whereas \" i n the r u r a l d i s t r i c t each f a m i l y l i v e s i t s own l i f e i n a l a r g e degree i n d e p e n d e n t l y . \" Woodsworth f e l t t h a t , because the c i t y was \"a c e r t a i n 55. type of social organism, so the physical c i t y must be considered as a whole and the various parts must be subordinated to the whole--yes, 74 that the i r highest welfare i s dependent on that of the whole.\" For Woodsworth, the c i t y ' s potential could only be realized by creating a new social order based on cooperation. Woodsworth concluded that: Surely in our laws, vested interests and property rights must give way before the rights of men and the welfare of society. And may we not expect .that our r e l i g i o n w i l l become less i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . ^ . Indeed, the very benefit of the c i t y was that the problems and complex-i t i e s would force society to change from a competitive to a cooperative basis. These c o l l e c t i v i s t sentiments continued to dominate urban radical thinking on Canada's urban problems. At the Social Service Congress, a major conference organized by the Social Service Council which was an organization set up by Canada's churches to deal with social issues, Reverend Carman, who was the General Superintendent of the Methodist Church, emphasized that society was organic and i t existence depended on an active government. And the Reverend J.W. Aitken suggested that Jesus Christ had very l i t t l e sympathy with the man whose chief object i s to make money. Aitken remarked that the \"one great enemy of the principle of cooperation i s the s p i r i t of individual competition which obtains in the business world today\" and \"breeds suspicion and some-times hatred.\" Another participant at the conference concluded that \" i f there i s any essential i n j u s t i c e in the social system i t must be removed. No amount of welfare work under the system can compensate for a l l the wrongs inherent in i t . \" James Simpson, who was a prominent 56. T o r o n t o p o l i t i c i a n and l e a d i n g s o c i a l i s t and M e t h o d i s t , suggested i n h i s a d d r e s s to the S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o u n c i l t h a t t he c h u r c h s h o u l d \" a s s i s t to change a systeriv which i s founded upon p r i v a t e s e l f i s h n e s s and g r e e d , to one i n which p u b l i c i n t e r e s t would be the c h i e f c o n c e r n . \" ^ The M e t h o d i s t Church must have agreed w i t h Simpson's c a l l f o r a new s o c i a l o r d e r , f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s a f t e r t h e S o c i a l S e r v i c e Congress t h e y passed a r e s o l u t i o n e x p l i c i t l y condemning the e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y and a d v o c a t i n g a s o c i e t y where \"the whole o f economic l i f e \" would be changed from \"a b a s i s o f c o m p e t i t i o n and p r o f i t t o one o f c o o p e r a t i o n and s e r -\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u009E77-v i c e . The urban r a d i c a l s ' major f o c u s o f a t t a c k was on the l a n d spec-u l a t o r s and the p r i v a t e u t i l i t i e s , where e v i l p r o f i t e e r i n g was a l l e g e d t o be t h e cause o f Canada's problems. O r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the S i n g l e Tax A s s o c i a t i o n and t h e A n t i - P o v e r t y S o c i e t y , which both espoused the i d e a s o f Henry George, t he P u b l i c Ownership League and the N a t i o n a l i s t A s s o c i a t i o n , which advocated p u b l i c ownership o f u t i l i t i e s , sprang up i n Canadian c i t i e s , w h i l e newspapers such as the Labour Union, the P a l l a d i a n o f Labour, t he Labour A d v o c a t e , the C i t i z e n and Cou n t r y , and the Canadian M u n i c i p a l J o u r n a l p r o v i d e d the means o f d i s s e m i n a t i n g the 7ft i d e a s t h r o u g h o u t t he p o p u l a t i o n . One p a r t i c u l a r l y e n t h u s i a s t i c s u p p o r t e r o f t h e s e i d e a s was P h i l i p Thompson, a prominent l a b o u r l e a d e r and j o u r n a l i s t . He noted t h a t w h i l e \"we have made g r e a t p r o g r e s s o f l a t e y e a r s . . . the system o f monopoly o f l a n d and c a p i t a l and c o m p e t i t i o n among workers\" has c r e a t e d l e g i o n s o f poor who a r e \"poor because t h e y have been r o b b e d . T h o m p s o n - -5 7 . considered that \"of all forms of monopoly the most oppressive and the most insidious is that of private ownership of land\". In complete sym-pathy with the ideas of Henry George, Thompson concluded that \"the land belongs of right to the whole community and that any claim on the part of an individual to more than a right of occupancy or cultivation . . . is robbery.\" \"Land,\" argued Thompson, \"ought not to be a commodity, because, like a ir and water, i t is necessary to human existence and all 80\" men have by birthright equal rights to its use. A growing number of Canadians agreed with Thompson and Henry George's notions that \"the private ownership of land has been the great-est cause of serfdom\".81 The Reverend Carman, who was the superinten-dent of the Methodist Church, applauded Henry George for his \"tremen-dous persistence in drawing attention to the evils of land monopology\". J .S . Woodsworth, in his popular text on urban problems, suggested that o r \"ultimately all land belongs to the state or the community\".' Charles Hodgetts, who was the federal government's top health expert, complained that urban growth had \"bred an army of land speculators and jerry buil-ders who are a detriment to the community and a curse to the mechanic and artisan classes,\" while J.O. Miller, who was the principal of Ridley College insisted in one of the definitive articles on urban problems that \"until we learn that the private exploitation of the unearned incre-ment is a crime against the city, we cannot be said to have mastered the f i rst principles of the conservation of the civic wealth\". Miller con-cluded that some form of public land ownership was necessary to arrest this \"robbery of the public domain\" and to ensure that the unearned 58. 84 increment accrued to those to whom \"it properly belonged.\" The public uti l i ty companies were equally v i l i f ied. J.O. Miller stated'that \"the interests of the people demand that city councils or, should seek to obtain close control of all public uti l i t ies.\" The Canadian Engineer , cautioned that \"the experience of municipalities has taught the people that whenever a monopoly has been created by a private company, the stockholders have enriched themselves at the 86 expense of the people.\"- Even more conservative politicians such as W. T. Lighthai 1, the mayor of Westmount, had lost patience with the private monopolies. The monopoly, argued Lighthall, was: \u00E2\u0080\u00A2the enemy of competition, low rates, and municpal control : its inevitable aim is to crush out all competition and attain the sole monopoly in the future . . . i f private companies can control them, the people are not free.g^ \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 For urban radicals, the solution to the private monopoly prob-lem was public ownership. For some advocates of public ownership, such as Toronto economist, A.H. Sinclair, the recommendation of pub-l ic ownership was a simply a logical conclusion derived from objec-tive technical analysis. In a comprehensive statistical analysis of other countries, Sinclair concluded that because public uti l i t ies were natural monopolies not regulated by the rigours of competition, municipal ownership of the uti l i ty was in most instances the best way QQ-of providing cheap and efficient service. Other proponents^ such as Alan Thompson and F.S. Spence, a Toronto municipal politician, while agreeing with Sinclair's analysis, put more emphasis on the ques-tion of morality and equity than Sinclair had. Thompson insisted that the profits from public uti l i t ies should accrue to the people, not the 59. private monopoly because \"the value is a public value; it is created by 89 the people, not by the operators\". F.S. Spence in summarizing al l the arguments in favour of public ownership of the Toronto Street Rail-way, concluded with the following comment: The fifth reason is a moral reason. There is a social cohesiveness in the co-operation of a community with a common objective for the common good. When the man is working for the community he is working for himself. It is thus we attain the ideal. Ours becomes a better city.gg In addition to calling for public ownership of public uti l i t ies and the collection of the unearned increment, urban radicals pressured for direct public construction of housing. The liberal solution of build-ing regulations and private philanthropy were considered inadequate. Woods worth, for example, stated that \"the issuing of regulations or the pass-91 ing of by-laws will not clear up a congested district\". This important difference between liberals and radicals on the question of housing was well illustrated in the debate over the Toronto Housing Company, the private philanthropic effort initiated in 1912 by leading Toronto manufacturers such as Frank Beer. The Toronto Labour Council rejected the whole concept of using public money to support private philanthropy. The council argued that i t would be superior to have the government use the funds to directly construct the housing instead of channelling it through a third party of businessmen who were building housing that was not only beyond the reach of the poor, but was also being constructed by non-union labour. James Simpson summarized the Toronto Housing Company attempt as \"a clear evasion of municipal responsibility\". Simpson continued by issuing the following caution: 60. Working men should always look with suspicion on co-partnership schemes called cooperation because they invariably lead them into assuming responsibi l i t ies that make them easy victims of men who l ive by exploiting them. g 2 Urban l iberal Frank Beer disagreed. According to Beer, government con-struction of housing \"may end in the loss of v i r i l i t y , in i t ia t ive and per-93 severence in the class which needs these qualit ies most\". While some urban radicals were content with these reforms, others saw them as just a step in the creation of a new society organ-ized along soc ia l i s t l ines. Phi l ip Thompson, for example, was convinced that \"the Single Tax movement is doing excellent work in breaking ground for socialism by causing people to think of the evi ls begotten by land 94 monopoly and the way to remedy them\". Organizations such as the Social Reform League, the Canadian Socia l is t Federation and the Social Democratic Party viewed major reforms such as public ownership of land and u t i l i t i e s as part of a larger transition to public ownership of a l l industry. The impact of urban radicals on urban policy is d i f f i c u l t to assess. The radicals did have some limited electoral success in muni-cipal and provincial p o l i t i c s , as well as some success in implementing reforms, such as public ownership of u t i l i t i e s , and improvement of municipal workers' wages. However, the reforms were usually only suc-cessful when they were also supported by urban l ibe ra ls , whose motiva-tions of eff iciency and economic growth were quite different from the equity and moral concerns of urban radicals. Consequently, the major reforms such as public ownership of telephone companies, hydro u t i l i t i e s 6 1 . and public transit systems, while involving qualitative change in the management of the urban industrial society, should not necessarily be interpreted as involving a real transfer of power from capi ta l is ts to 95 the public sector. As the Ontario Socia l is t League Manifesto warned, many public ownership movements are \"an attempt of the capi ta l is t class to secure government control of public u t i l i t i e s for the purpose of obtaining greater security in the exploitation of industries and not 96 for the amelioration of the conditions of the working c lass .\" \" V Canada's almost single-minded pursuit of economic development presented Canadians with the major challenge of managing a new urban industrial society under the careful scrutiny of institutions and an i d e o l o g y poorly equipped for the task. Canadian society responded to the challenge in a diverse and somewhat inconsistent fashion. Agra-rian -radicals who were appalled by the moral and physical decay wrought by urbanization, preached a return to rural l i f e as the coun-t ry 's salvation. Further, they argued that i f the return to rural l i f e was to be successful, i t would have to be based on strongncollectivist pr inciples, including state intervention and the foundation of rural cooperatives. Urban l iberals disagreed. They considered urbanization and ;; ' industrial izat ion as the path toward a bright future. Preaching a return to rural l i f e was not only a romantic dream; i t was a rejection of progress. The urban l ibera ls disagreed w i t h agrarian co l l ec t iv is ts on another point as well . The l i be ra ls , while acknowledging the severity 6 2 . of urban problems, viewed the collectivism reflected in agrarian poli-tics as unhealthy. The urban liberals argued that the solution to the urban challenge must be found within the parameters of the dominant capitalist institutions. Reforms, not a restructuring of Canadian society, were the answer. These reforms tended to be in the interests of the business classes who dominated the urban liberal movement. Government ownership, for example, was strongly advocated when it expedited expansion or reduced the price of services required by business. But the urban liberals s t i l l faced a dilemma. How could the urban problems that threatened their livelihood be solved without reducing the rights of private property and the individual? The urban liberals were reluctantly drawn into pushing for more and more fundamental reforms as the urban problems intensified and the solutions of \"scientific management\" ap-peared inadequate. But what was perceived as a dilemma by the liberals was seen as a unique opportunity by urban radicals. For radicals, the very problems and complexity of city l i fe was the force that liberated Canada from the greedy, competitive society they deplored, to a new society based on cooperative principles. The urban challenge would be met by changing these capitalist institutions and ideology that were causing the problems. But here the urban radicals also faced a dilemma. The support for funda-mental changes in Canadian society was weak. Indeed, even the urban liberals had difficulty in generating sufficient support, especially for their more progressive ideas in the areas of housing land speculation and public ut i l i t ies. 6 3 . While there was obvious conflict between these three distinct responses to Canada's urban problems, there was also a basis for a l l i -ance. Urban and agrarian radicals agreed on the need for structural change. Urban liberals and urban radicals agreed on the inevitability of urban l i fe . And while the liberals and radicals disagreed on their vision of the ultimate society and had different motives in advocating reforms, these factions did have some common ground, especially in the reforms proposed in the area of public uti l i t ies and land speculation. These potential alliances, as well as the conflicts, ensured that the response of Canadian society to urban problems would be a profoundly com-plex process. 6 4 . F o o t n o t e s 1. F o r d i s c u s s i o n o f urban r e f o r m i n Canada s e e : John C, Weaver, Shaping the Canadian C i t y : Essays on Urban P o l i t i c s and P o l i c y , 1890-1920 (Kingston:. I n s t i t u t e o f P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f Canada, 1977); A l a n A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg; Paul R u t h e r f o r d , ed., S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y , The F i r s t Phase, 1880-1920 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1970); James Anderson, \"The M u n i c i -p a l Government Reform Movement i n Western Canada,\" i n A l a n A r t i b i s e and G i l b e r t S t e l t e r , e d s ., The U s a b l e Urban P a s t ( T o r o n t o : M a c m r l l a n , 1979), 73-112; Gene Home!, \"James Simpson and the O r i g i n s ' o f S o c i a l Democracy\" ( T o r o n t o : Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , Department o f H i s t o r y , 1977). 2. Paul R u t h e r f o r d , \" I n t r o d u c t i o n , \" i n R u t h e r f o r d (ed.) S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y , x i i i . 3. W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and T a x a t i o n i n Canada, from The Farmers' S t a n d p o i n t ( T o r o n t o : J.M. Dent & Sons, 1919), XIV; W.C. Good, \"Canada's Rural Problem,\" Empire CIub Speeches, 1915-16 ( T o r o n t o : 1917), 301. 4. Andrew M a c P h a i l , \"The Dominion and the S p i r i t , \" U n i v e r s i t y Magazine, V o l . VII (Feb. 1908), 14. 5. Andrew M a c P h a i l , \"The Farmer,\" Empire C l u b Speeches, 1920 ( T o r o n t o : 1921 ), 122. 6. W.C. Good, \"Canada's Rural Problem,\" 300; see a l s o : E.C. D r u r y , \"Chairman's A d d r e s s , \" S o c i a l S e r v i c e C ongress: R e p o r t o f A d d r e s s e s ( T o r o n t o : S o c i a l S e r v i c e Council., 1914), 145-6; Gordon Waldron, \" D e p o p u l a t i o n and Impoverishment o f R u r a l Ont-a r i o , \" A d d r e s s e s B e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , 1910-11 ( T o r o n t o , 1911); John Todd, \"The S i t e o f a U n i v e r s i t y , \" U n i v e r - s i t y Magazine V o l . IX ( A p r i l 1910); John M a c D o u g a l l , Rural L i f e i n Canada: I t s Trends and Tasks ( T o r o n t o : 1913); Reverend S.F. Sharp, \"The Church and the R u r a l Problem,\" S o c i a l S e r v i c e Con- g r e s s , 166-172. 7. John M a c D o u g a l l , \"The R u r a l Problem,\" S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s . 8. C a r l B e r g e r , The Sense o f Power: S t u d i e s i n the Ideas o f Canadian I m p e r i a l ism, 1867-1914 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1970), 144-45. 9. Andrew M a c P h a i l , \" P r i n c e Edward I s i and,\" A d d r e s s e s B e f o r e the Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , 1911-12 ( T o r o n t o : 1912), 48-59. 10. George P h e l p s , \"Need f o r Government O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Land S e t t l e -ment,\" C j j n s e n ^ 4, 1 ( J a n u a r y 1918), 3. 65. 11. Grey o f Howick P a p e r s , V o l . 28, Grey to S i r W i l l i a m MacDonald, Dec. 31, 1909, c i t e d by C a r l B e r g e r , Sense o f Power, 192. 12. S i r John W i l l i s o n , \"Immigration and S e t t l e m e n t , \" i n J.O. M i l l e r (ed.) The New Era i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : J.M. Dent & Sons, 1917), 112. 13. See f o r example: M a c P h a i l , \"The Dominion and the S p i r i t ; \" Stephen L e a c o c k , \" L i t e r a t u r e and E d u c a t i o n i n America,\" U n i v e r s i t y Magazine V o l . V I I I (Feb. 1909); C a s t e l l Hopkins, \"Canadian C h a r a c t e r and L i f e \" U n i v e r s i t y Magazine V o l . V I I I ( A p r i l T909); C a r l B e r g e r , Sense o f Power. 14. M a c P h a i l , \"The C o n s e r v a t i v e , \" 422. 15. W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and Taxes i n Canada; W i l l i a m I r v i n e , The Farmer i n P o l i t i c s ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t , 1920). 16. Salem B l a n d , The New C h r i s t i a n i t y ( T o r o n t o : 1920, r e p r i n t e d ed., T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1973), 3. 17. See W.C. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and T a x a t i o n ; I r v i n e , The Farmer i n P o l i t i c s ; B1and,,_The New C h r i s t i a n i t y ; G r a i n Growers Guide, The Farmer's FQatfo)rm (Winnipeg: Canadian C o u n c i l o f A g r i -c u l t u r e ( 1 9 1 6 ) ; \" f o r a good secondary a c c o u n t see: Cook and Brown, Canada, 1896-1921, 144-162; W.L. Morton, The P r o g r e s -s i v e P a r t y i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1950). 18. Henry George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y (New York, 1879, r e p r i n t e d ed., New York: C o u n t r y L i f e P r e s s , 1954). 19. Good, P r o d u c t i o n and Ta x e s . 20. I b i d . , 53. 21. I b i d . , 89. 22. A l p h o n s e D e s j a r d i n s , \" C o o p e r a t i o n Among Farmers,\" S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 181.. 23. Canadian C o u n c i l on A g r i c u l t u r e , Farmers' P l a t f o r m 1916, c i t e d by Cook & Brown, Canada, 1896-1921 , 317. : 24. M a r t i n Robin, ed., Canadian P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s ( S c a r b o r o u g h : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , T972), 3, 204-205. ' 25. John Cormie, \"Back t o the Land,\" U n i v e r s i t y M a g a z i n e . V o l . VII ( A p r i l 1918), 200. 26. Ames, The C i t y Below the H i l l , 102. 66. 27. G. Frank Beer, \" N a t i o n a l Ideas i n I n d u s t r y , \" i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., The New Era i n Canada, 163. 28. Mackenzie K i n g , I n d u s t r y and Humanity, 105; I b i d . , 93. . 29. Byron Walker, \"A Comprehensive P l a n f o r T o r o n t o , \" Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , A d d r e s s e s , 1905-6 ( T o r o n t o : 1907), 22; see a l s o : A l a n A r t i b i s e , \" B o o s t e r i s m and the Development o f P r a i r i e C i t i e s , 1871-1913;\" A l a n A r t i b i s e , e d ., Town and C i t y : A s p e c t s o f Western Canadian Urban H i s t o r y ( R e g i n a l Canadian P l a i n s R esearch C e n t r e , 1981), 209-236. 30.. E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , L'Independence Economique du Canada F r a n c a i s (Montreal 1913); E r r o l B o u c h e t t e , Empafons-nous 1 ' i n d u s t r i e (Ottawa: 1901), 28. 31. M a r t i n B u r n 11, \"Comments,\" P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h Annual Con-f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g , T o r o n t o ( B o s t o n ; U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1915), 316. 32. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , \" U n s a n i t a r y Housing.\" 33. J . J . K e l s o , c i t e d i n H o d g e t t s , \" U n s a n i t a r y Housing,\" 51. 34. See, f o r example, \" B o l s h e v i s m and I t s Dangers,\" Canadian M u n i c i p a l J o u r n a l (CMJ) (March 1920), 76; I n d u s t r i a l Canada ( O c t . 1 9 21)P i , 35. I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149. 36. See f o r example: W.F. MacLean, \"A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o , \" i n J . C a s t e l l H o p k i n s , e d . , Empire C l u b Speeches, 1907-1908 ( T o r o n t o : B r i g g s , 1910), 82. 37. Morley W i c k e t t , \" P r e s e n t C o n d i t i o n s , \" i n Morley W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada, 149. 38. Frank Adams, \"Our N a t i o n a l H e r i t a g e , \" i n J.O. M i l l e r , e d ., The New E r a i n Canada, 97. 39. Frank Beer, \" N a t i o n a l I d e a l s i n I n d u s t r y , \" i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., New E r a i n Canada, 164. 40. J.O. M i l l e r , \"The B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , \" i n J.O. M i l l e r , ed., New Era i n Canada, 352. 41. H e r b e r t Ames, A b s t r a c t o f a C o u r s e o f Ten L e c t u r e s on M u n i c i p a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( M o n t r e a l : 1896), 7. 42. Henry B r u e r e , Minutes o f M e e t i n g , J u l y 10, 1913, c i t e d by J.C. Weaver, \"Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s , \" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , eds., Us a b l e Urban P a s t , 58. 67. 43. R.D. Waugh, \"Return o f M u n i c i p a l Government,\" i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , - C i v i c Improvement, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e o f C i v i c Improvement League o f Canada (Ottawa: 1916), 22. 44. M o r l e y W i c k e t t , \"Problems o f C i t y Government,\" i n J . C a s t e l l Hopkins, ed., Empire Club Speeches, 1907-1908, 111. 45. John W i l l i s o n , \"Town P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e a t H a m i l t o n , \" Canadian E n g i n e e r V o l . 37 (Dec. 1919), 515. 46. Globe, Nov. 17, 1902, c i t e d by John Weaver, \"The Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s . \" 47. J.O. M i l l e r , \"The B e t t e r Government o f o u r ' C i t i e s , \" 349. 48. M o r l e y W i c k e t t , \"A T o r o n t o . V i e w p o i n t , \" i n Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and P r o c e e d i n g s a t the F i r s t Annual M e e t i n g (Ottawa: J a c k s o n P r e s s , 1913), 131-32. 49. J.O. M i l l e r , \" B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , \" 350. 50. M. W i c k e t t , \"Problems o f C i t y Government,\" 116; see a l s o : M. W i c k e t t , eds., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada. 51. For a summary o f t h e s e reforms s e e : John Weaver, \"Tomorrow's M e t r o p o l i s R e v i s i s t e d : A C r i t i c a l Assessment o f Urban Reform i n Canada, 1890-1920,\" i n A l a n A r t i b i s e and G i l S t e l t e r , e d s., The Canadian C i t y : . E s s a ys i n Urban H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1977), 393-419; James Anderson, \" M u n i c i p a l Reform Movement i n Western Canada.\" 52. John Cooper, \" M u n i c i p a l Survey\" i n CPSA, Paper and P r o c e e d i n g s o f , F i r s t Annual M e e t i n g , 125; see a l s o Dr. H.L. B r i t t a i n , \" M u n i c i p a l S t a t i s t i c s and C i v i l S e r v i c e , \" i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , C i v i c Improvement, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e , 1916, 25-26; R.Ti. C o a t s , \" M u n i c i p a l and V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , \" i n Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , Urban and Rural Development i n Canada, Report o f C o n f e r e n c e Held a t Winnipeg, 1917,. 33-39. 53. Rev. W.A. R i d d e l ! , \"The V a l u e o f the S o c i a l Survey,\" i n S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 54-59. 54. T o r o n t o Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l R e s e a r c h , Minute Book, Feb. 9, 1914 to May 29, 1914, 24, c i t e d i n John Weaver, \"The Modern C i t y R e a l i z e d : T o r o n t o C i v i c A f f a i r s , \" 58. 55. Ames, C i t y BeloW the H i l l , 103. 56. I b i d . , 114. 57. James Mavor, \" M u n i c i p a l Ownership o f - P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s , \" (T904) r e p r i n t e d i n Paul R u t h e r f o r d , e d . , S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1 9 7 4 ) , 5 2 . 68. 58. For e x p r e s s i o n o f t h i s c o n c e r n see: W.F. Maclean, \"A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o ; \" \" I n d u s t r i a l Housing Schemes t h a t Pay,\" CE (August 1926), 808; \"Housing C r i s i s Demands Government,\" CE ( J u l y , 1918); John Weaver, Shaping the Canadian C i t y ; A . ~ A \" r t i b i s e , Winnipeg; Saywel1, Housing C a n a d i a n s , 137-41. 59. T o r o n t o C i t y C o u n c i l , M i n u t e s , 1905, Appendix 2, c i t e d i n S a y w e l l , Housing Canadians, 141. 60. G l o b e , Dec. 11, 1906, c i t e d i n S a y w e l l , Housing Canada, 141. 61. W i c k e t t , \" C i t y Government i n Canada 1\" i n W i c k e t t , ed., M u n i c i p a l Government i n Canada, 23. 62. Ames, C i t y Below the H i l l , 106. 63. I b i d . , 107. 64. S a y w e l l , Housing C a n a d i a n s , 137-49; f o r an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n o f the T o r o n t o Housing Company see: S h i r l e y Spragge, \"A Con-f l u e n c e o f I n t e r e s t i n g Housing Reform i n T o r o n t o , 1900-1920,\" i n A r t i b i s e & S t e l t e r , e d s . , The U s a b l e Urban P a s t , 247-268. 65. I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149. 66. See f o r example: I n d u s t r i a l Canada (May 1912), 1149; (June 1912) 1260; ( J a n . 1913), 843. 67. George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y , 414. 68. W.C. MacLean, \"A G r e a t e r T o r o n t o , \" 82. 69. See f o r . e x a m p l e : Weaver, Shapi n g the Canadian C i t y . 70. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the s o c i a l gospel movement see: R i c h a r d A l l e n , The S o c i a l P a s s i o n : R e l i g i o n and S o c i a l Reform i n Canada, 1914-20 ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1971). 71. Woodsworth, My Neighbour, 18. 72. I b i d . , 22. 73. I b i d . , 215; I b i d . , 23. 74. I b i d . , 14; I b i d . , 28. 75. I b i d . , 24; 76. Rev. A. Carman, \"Opening A d d r e s s , \" S o c i a l S e r v i c e C o n g r e s s , 3-4; Rev. J.W. A i t k i n s , \"Jesus C h r i s t and I n d u s t r y , \" SSC, 45; Rev. P r o f . G.C. Pidgeon, \"The Church and Labour i n B . C T , SSC, 52; James Simpson, \" E x t e n s i o n o f S o c i a l J u s t i c e , \" SSC, 40. 69. 77. M e t h o d i s t J o u r n a l o f P r o c e e d i n g s , 1918, c i t e d by R i c h a r d A l l e n , The S o c i a l P a s l T o n ( T o r o n t o : Univ. o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1974), 74. 78. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s see Home!, \"James Simpson.\" 79. Labour A d v o c a t , J a n u a r y 1891, c i t e d by Ramsay Cook, \"Henry George, and the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s , \" i n Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l Papers 1977, 142-158. 80. P h i l i p Thompson, P o l i t i c s o f Labour ( T o r o n t o : 1887, r e p r i n t e d ed. T o r o n t o : U n i v . o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1975), 24-25. 81. George, P r o g r e s s and P o v e r t y , 8; f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f the impact o f Henry George's i d e a s i n Canada see: Cook, \"Henry George & the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s . \" 82. A.R. Carman, \"The Gospel o f J u s t i c e , \" Canadian M e t h o d i s t Q u a r t e r l y ( J u l y 1891), 287. 83. Woodsworth, My Neighbour, 38. 84. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g , \" Commission o f Con-s e r v a t i o n , Annual R e p o r t , 1912 (Ottawa: K i n g ' s ' P r i n t e r , 1912), 132; A l a n Thompson, \"Why Houses a r e S c a r c e and Dear,\" CIE, V o l . VII ( S e p t . 1911); J.O. M i l l e r , \" B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , \" 377, 376; see a l s o H.H. S t u a r t , \" M u n i c i p a l T a x a t i o n , \" CMJ VII (Dec. 1911), 477-79; \" C i t y P l a n n i n g v s . Real E s t a t e S p e c u l a t o r s , \" CE ( S e p t . 1912). 39. 85. J.O. M i l l e r , \" B e t t e r Government o f Our C i t i e s , \" 370. 86. \" M u n i c i p a l Ownership of P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s , \" CE (Feb. 1908), 32. 87. P.A.C., Borden P a p e r s , W.D. L i g h t h a l l t o Borden, March 30, 1906, c i t e d i n Cook & Brown, Canada 1896-1921, 103. 88. A.H. S i n c l a i r , \" M u n i c i p a l Monopolies and T h e i r Management,\" i n W.J. A s h l e y , ed., T o r o n t o U n i v e r s i t y S t u d i e s i n P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e F i r s t S e r i e s , No. 11 ( T o r o n t o : Warwick & Sons, 1891). 89. A l a n Thompson, \" T a x a t i o n o f F r a n c h i s e s , \" Canadian Magazine V o l . XXIV (March 1905), 464. 90. F.S. Spence, \"Some S u g g e s t i o n s as to the T o r o n t o S t r e e t Railway Problems,\" i n Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o , A d d r e s s e s , 1908-9 ( T o r o n t o : Warwick, 1909), 40. 91 J.S. Woodsworth, \" S i g n i f i c a n c e o f Human Waste o f Modern L i f e and I t s Causes,\" P u b l i c H e a l t h J o u r n a l V o l . 5 (June 1914), 21. 92. Star,, Feb. 6, 1912, c i t e d by Gene Homel, \"James Simpson,\" 549. 70. 93. Frank Beer, \"Housing i n Canada,\" Garden C i t i e s and Town P l a n n i n g V o l . IV (November 1914), 261-62; f o r d i s c u s s i o n , o f t h i s d e b a t e on the T o r o n t o Housing Company, see Homel, \"James Simpson,\" 537-79. 94. The Labour A d v o c a t , March 17 5 1891, c i t e d by Cook, \"Henry George and the P o v e r t y o f Canadian P r o g r e s s , \" 153. 95. For a summary and a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e r e f o r m s , see: Anderson, \" M u n i c i p a l ' R e f o r m i n Western Canada;\" Weaver, Shaping the Can- a d i a n C i t y ; H.V. N e l l e s , P o l i t i c s o f Development; F o r e s t s , Mines and H y d r o - E l e c t r i c Power i n O n t a r i o ( T o r o n t o : M a c M i l l a n , 1974). 96. C i t e d by Homel, \"James Simpson.\" 71. PART TWO: THE EVOLUTION OF PLANNING 72. CHAPTER I I I THE EMERGENCE OF PLANNING, PART ONE: AESTHETICS, EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY By the t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y Canadians were a l l too aware o f the problems o f managing the emerging urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . They were a l s o becoming aware o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f m i t i g a t i n g t h e s e i n c r e a s i n g l y complex problems. Few Canadians would have d i s a g r e e d w i t h C l i f f o r d S i f t o n ' s comments made a t t h e 1914 C i t y P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e h e l d i n T o r o n t o t h a t : We have many t h e o r i e s f o r the r e d r e s s o f s o c i a l e v i l s . . . t he a d v o c a t s o f each c l a i m t h a t t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r y w i l l s e t e v e r y t h i n g r i g h t . Yet when we d i v e s t o u r s e l v e s o f the e n t h u s i a s m which p e o p l e a r e a p t t o a c q u i r e when th e y t a k e up one p a r t i c u l a r i d e a , i t takes v e r y l i t t l e s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o l e a d one t o the con-c l u s i o n t h a t w h i l e each one o f t h e s e remedies s u g g e s t e d has some m e r i t ... not one o f them would r a d i c a l l y a l t e r the law t h a t has h e r e t o -f o r e o b t a i n e d w i t h i n e x o r a b l e r e g u l a r i t y ; namely, t h a t the growth o f p o v e r t y , m i s e r y and c r i m e accompany i n d u s t r i a l and commercial e x p a n s i o n on a l a r g e s c a l e . ^ Simple s o l u t i o n s were no match f o r complex problems. P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t B r y c e S t e w a r t , f o r example, o b s e r v e d t h a t government b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , t h e urban l i b e r a l s f a v o u r e d t e c h n i q u e f o r c o m b a t t i n g urban decay, \" d i s c o u r a g e s p r o s p e c t i v e b u i l d e r s and encourages the c o n t i n u a n c e o f o l d houses, e s p e c i a l l y i f the r e s t r i c t i o n s a r e i n s u f f i c i e n t t o meet the d e s i r e d ends.\" S t e w a r t was a l s o s k e p t i c a l o f the p r o v i n c i a l h e a l t h l e g i s l a t i o n which a l l o w e d t h e a u t h o r i t i e s \" t o condemn u n s a n i t a r y h o u s i n g \" 2 but which \" o n l y c r e a t e s a f u r t h e r s c a r c i t y and i n c r e a s e s r e n t a l s . \" C l e a r l y , something q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from i s o l a t e d r eforms was r e q u i r e d . A c c o r d i n g t o S i f t o n , t h i s q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t remedy so 73. n e c e s s a r y f o r s o l v i n g the problems o f t h e new s o c i e t y was now a v a i l a b l e . \" I t i s t o be found,\" s u g g e s t e d S i f t o n , \" i n a r a t i o n a l system o f town p l a n n i n g , \" which i f p r o p e r l y a p p l i e d w i l l \" e r a d i c a t e most o f t h e s e e v i l s . \" Canadians had d i s a g r e e d on many o f the i s s u e s r e g a r d i n g r e f o r m and management o f the new s o c i e t y . But t h e y were q u i c k l y r e a c h i n g a consensus on the need f o r c o o r d i n a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n s i n the i n t e r -dependent i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y through t h e mechanism o f a p l a n . The i d e a seemed l o g i c a l , o b j e c t i v e and i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . Few c o u l d d i s a g r e e . Urban l i b e r a l s such as W.D. L i g h t h a l l , t he mayor o f Westmount, and Frank Beer, t h e T o r o n t o m a n u f a c t u r e r , a c t i v e l y promoted the c o n c e p t . A c c o r d -i n g to B e e r , \" i t w i l l be seen t h a t no remedy w i l l be found ... a p a r t from a wise p l a n n i n g o f the c i t y . \" ^ L i g h t h a l l was even more adamant. He r e p l a c e d h i s o r i g i n a l l y s c h e d u l e d speech t o the Empire C l u b o f Canada w i t h a speech d e v o t e d t o a m a t t e r \" o f v e r y g r e a t urgency.\" The m a t t e r o f g r e a t urgency was town p l a n n i n g . In h i s t a l k , L i g h t h a l l emphasized t h a t \" s a n i t a t i o n and housing have a l r e a d y been t r i e d as such and now i t i s found t h a t t h e s e attempts t o e r a d i c a t e slum e v i l s a r e handicapped 5 and l a r g e l y r e n d e r e d u s e l e s s by t h e absence o f g e n e r a l c i t y p l a n n i n g . \" Such p l a n n i n g , s u g g e s t e d L i g h t h a l l , was e s s e n t i a l f o r the p r o p e r f u n c t i o n i n g o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Urban r a d i c a l s such as Woodsworth were e q u a l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c . Woodsworth s u g g e s t e d t h a t \" c i v i c r eforms o f a l l k i n d s a r e dependent upon b e t t e r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s and t h e s e i n t u r n a r e l a r g e l y dependent upon the l a y - o u t o f the c i t y . \" C o n s e q u e n t l y , Woodsworth c o n c l u d e d t h a t \" t o o g r e a t emphasis cannot be l a i d upon the n e c e s s i t y f o r a comprehensive c i t y p l a n . \" A l s o , the i d e a o f s c i e n t i f i c p l a n n i n g was c e n t r a l t o the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s ' s o l u t i o n t o the r u r a l problem. P l a n n i n g , i t seemed, was the one t h i n g t h a t appeared c a p a b l e o f overcoming the deep i d e o l o g i c a l \u00E2\u0080\u00A274. conflicts between the agrarian radicals, the urban liberals and the urban radicals. Thus the popularity of planning was definitely growing. The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs noted that \"Municipal Conventions, Boards of Trade meetings, educational and religious bodies, leading manufacturers and clergymen, Canadian Clubs, the Commission of Conservation at Ottawa, City Councils, women's societies, labour organizations - -all discussed the idea.\" 7 Discussion was accompanied by concrete action. In 1914, the Annual Review reported that \"at this time the science of civics and the city planning idea are making great progress. Since 1909, twenty-two planning commissions had been appointed in U.S. cities and in Canada, Calgary, Winnipeg, Regina, Edmonton, Saskatoon and Lethbridge also have City Planning Commissions while Toronto and Montreal have Park Commissions.\" By 1920, most major Canadian cities had attempted to prepare some type of plan, comprehensive planning legislation had been passed in most provinces, the federal government had set up a special commission to promote planning and the Town Planning Institute of Canada, a pro-fessional organization of planners, had been formed. By any measure, the progress of planning appeared impressive. Laissez-faire liberalism seemed in retreat. II Although most Canadians agreed on the need for some type of planning, there was s t i l l uncertainty and disagreement concerning the specific form that planning ought to take. Considering the ideological and class conflicts that were being subsumed under the umbrella of 75. planning and the lack of experience with any type of explicit plan-ning, the existence of such disagreements and uncertainties was far from surprising. Consequently, planning went through several stages in its early development as Canadians struggled to formulate a set of planning principles acceptable to disparate ideological groups. The f irst stage was heavily influenced by the architects and the ideas of \"City Beautiful\". City Beautiful was a style of planning originating, in part, from the American planning efforts for the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago and the 1902 plan for the City of Washington, D . C , which was, in turn, based on the original 1791 g Washington plan prepared by the French architect, L'Enfant. The three basic ingredients of City Beautiful planning included monumental civic centres to inspire civic pride, wide boulevards appro-priately landscaped, and a system of\"linked parks designed to give the city breathing space. Daniel Burnham, who was one of the primary figures in the American movement summarized his views on planning at the 1910 London International Planning Conference, by stating that the objectives of planning must be \"order and beauty\". 1 0 Charles Robinson, another of the American promoters of city beautiful planning, saw it as a means of coping with most of the evils of urban society. According to Robinson, even the irrepressible \"slum disease\" could be exorcized by proper ap-plication of City Beautiful principles. Robinson, surmized that: It has been found that there is no better way to redeem a slum district than by cutting into it a great highway that will be f i l led with the through travel of the city's industries. Like a stream of pure water, cleansing what it touches, this . tide of traff ic, pulsating with the joyousness of the city's l i fe and t o i l , wakes the district to the larger interests and higher purpose. 76. In the 1890's, City Beautiful ideas slowly began to take hold in Canada. The Canadian Architect and Builder, which was one of the earlier journals dealing with urban issues, began advocating the need for parks to \"provide relief from the noisy confusion and worry of the city\" and for impressive city gateways, noble avenues and embellished public buildings and squares. A.T. Taylor, a prominent Montreal architect decried the haphazard growth of Canadian cities and held up Paris and Washington as examples of progressive cities where the provision of \"open spaces, radiating boulevards and noble buildings\" and planned development 12 ensured order and beauty. It was not long before a number of City Beautiful plans had been prepared for several major Canadian cit ies. In Toronto in 1897, a number of leading businessmen including Byron Walker, who was the manager of the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, H.C. Cox, President of the Canadian Life Assurance, G.A. Howell, owner of the Standard Paper Company and K.J. Dunston, manager of Bell Telephone, formed the Toronto Guild of Civic Art, an organization dedicated \"to promote and encourage civic 13 art\". With the support of the Board of Trade and the Canadian Manufacturer's Association, the Civic Guild began pressuring Toronto City Council to prepare a civic improvement plan. Lack of action on the part of council motivated the enthusiastic Guild members to go ahead and prepare a plan themselves. The plan went through several versions and 14 was finally published in its most comprehensive form in 1909. According to the Guild, the intention of the plan was \"for the improvement and beautifying of the city\", a task which the plan suggested \"divides itself into two branches, namely, the radial road project and those which have relation to the connection of our various squares and 77. parks by boulevards, driveways and parkways\". The parks system pro-posed by the Guild was given considerable emphasis. The Guild advocated \"a practically continuous chain of parks and parkways surrounding the city, linked by boulevards with the existing parks\". The park system would be comprised of a hierarchy of parks, from local playgrounds and inner city parks to the large, linear natural parks designed to pre-serve the scenic areas of the city such as ravines and waterfronts. 1 6 In promoting the plan, Byron Walker lamented the \"ugliness of Toronto\" and held up European cities which had \"everywhere beautiful parks completed and perfected\". Walker went on to state that: All who have confidence in the future of the city who are loyal to Toronto realize that we must have some such system of radial roads. 1 7 W.A. Langdon, who was one of the authors of the plan and president of the Ontario Association of Architects, emphasized that \"to let the place grow without a plan would meet no favour\", for' i t would result in ugly and haphazard development. The plan should be implemented by a \"continuous body with a continuous policy devoted entirely to this one purpose, with a certain appropriation (of funds) and able to employ expert advice\".1** In Quebec, the Association of Architects, which had for a number of years been pressuring the Montreal city government to establish a standing Art Committee to promote civic embellishment, prepared a plan for Montreal similar in principle to the Toronto effort. The Montreal plan advocated two diagonal roads and a number of grand boulevards 19 connecting Montreal parks. Other Canadian cities were characterized by even more compre-hensive efforts. In 1899, the Laurier government created the Ottawa 7 8 . Improvement Commission with the object of making Canada's capital city 20 the \"Washington of the north\". Frederick Todd, who was a Montreal landscape architect who had been an advocate of the need for systems of parks, was hired to prepare the plan. The plan, completed in 1903, reflected the standard City Beautiful concepts: a system of parks, connected by boulevards which would highlight the monumental vistas such as the Parliament Buildings. In a display of civic pride, Todd bragged that Washington and Paris, while beautiful, could not come close to matching the \"grandness or impressive scenery\" that characterized Ottawa. Todd added that i f this potential beauty was to be preserved, his plan would have to be rigidly adhered to. \"On no account,\" urged Todd, should the plan \"be subject to alterations to meet the wishes or 21 whims of self-interested parties.\" Having completed the Ottawa plan, Todd went on to Edmonton where he proposed a plan again based on the 22 now accepted principles of City Beautiful. City Beautiful planning received a major impetus with the arrival of Thomas Mawson in 1911. This must be considered one of the many small ironies in the development of Canadian planning, for Mawson was a British planner promoting what was normally considered to be the American City Beautiful planning idea at precisely the time that American 23 planners were shifting to a new set of planning concepts. Meanwhile the British planners, who had never been that enthralled with City Beautiful planning, were actively engaged in a style of planning con-cerned with public health and housing; concerns qualitatively different 24 from City Beautiful. Canada, then, somehow attracted one of the least representative British town planners to experiment on her cit ies. Just before his arrival in Canada, Mawson had summarized his 79. t h o u g h t s on p l a n n i n g i n a major book e n t i t l e d , C i v i c A r t : S t u d i e s i n 25 Town P l a n n i n g P a r k s , B o u l e v a r d s and Open Spaces. In s p i t e o f i t s B r i t i s h o r i g i n s , the book stands as one o f the most comprehensive s t a t e -ments o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l thought. In the i n t r o d u c t i o n Mawson s t a t e d t h a t : The aim o f c i v i c a r t as d i s t i n c t from p r a c t i c a l , i s to e d u c a t e , t o t r a i n the v i s i o n t o see beauty i n e v e r y l i n e drawn, i n the d e s i g n o f e v e r y s t r u c t u r e , i n e v e r y p l a n t e d t r e e and i n e v e r y s k e t c h o f greenswood l a i d d own^g Mawson's book went on to emphasize the n e c e s s i t y o f \"a c h a i n o f p a r k s , gardens and open spaces connected by b o u l e v a r d s and parkways\" and a d u l a t e d D a n i e l Burnham, the American C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r , f o r h i s e f f o r t s to impose a d i a g o n a l s t r e e t plan and to c o n s t r u c t monumental 27 b u i l d i n g s t o i n s p i r e r e s i d e n t s n*n the c i t y o f C h i c a g o . Mawson remained d e d i c a t e d t o t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s l o n g a f t e r h i s American compat-r i o t s had abandoned them. In h i s 1918 P r e s i d e n t i a l Address t o the B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e , Mawson c l a i m e d t h a t \" e v e r y t h i n g s h o u l d be s u b s e r v i e n t to one c o n t r o l l i n g f a c t o r , namely, the commercial 28 v a l u e s o f S y l v a n beauty.\" Upon h i s a r r i v a l i n Canada, Mawson began a l e c t u r e s e r i e s pro-moting h i s views on p l a n n i n g . The Canadian a u d i e n c e must have been imp r e s s e d , f o r Mawson was soon h i r e d to pr e p a r e p l a n s f o r B a n f f , Van-29 c o u v e r , Regina and C a l g a r y . The Vancouver Commission c a l l e d f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a pl a n f o r the e n t r a n c e to S t a n l e y Park. Mawson proposed a number o f p h y s i c a l e m b e l l i s h m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g a major b o u l e v a r d con-n e c t i n g the park to the c i t y and a c i v i c c e n t r e l o c a t e d somewhere a l o n g the b o u l e v a r d . The purpose o f the pla n was \" t o p r o v i d e a c o m p o s i t i o n 80. which, i n i t s arrangement and i t s d i s p o s i t i o n o f the masses, would a p p r o a c h , when completed, what i s know as the 'Grand Manner', s e c u r -i n g a t the same ti m e , g r e a t v i s t a s from many d i r e c t i o n s and e s p e c i a l l y 30 on G e o r g i a S t r e e t and the harbour.\" The f o l l o w i n g y e a r C a l g a r y had Mawson prepare a comprehensive p l a n t h a t would manage the c i t y ' s f u t u r e growth. The C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission, which had been c r e a t e d i n 1911 to o v e r s e e t he p r o c e s s o f town p l a n n i n g , s u g g e s t e d t h a t h i r i n g Mawson, one o f the most'prominent town p l a n n e r s a v a i l a b l e , would be o f s u b s t a n t i a l - p u b l i c i t y v a l u e f o r the C i t y o f C a l g a r y . In i n i t i a t i n g t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , the C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission r e q u e s t e d t h a t Mawson g i v e due c o n s i d e r a t i o n to urgent mat-t e r s i n c l u d i n g t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and housing problems, as w e l l as prob-31 lems r e l a t e d t o parks and a e s t h e t i c s . The p l a n , as e x p e c t e d , con-t a i n e d recommendations f o r wide, d i a g o n a l r o a d s , parks and a monumental c i v i c c e n t r e . But as had been r e q u e s t e d by h i s c l i e n t s , Mawson a l s o i n c l u d e d p r o p o s a l s c a l l i n g f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f workers' housing i n 32 garden suburbs. In t he same y e a r , Mawson pr e p a r e d a n o t h e r s i m i l a r p l a n f o r the 33 C i t y o f Reg i n a . A g a i n , a l t h o u g h t he pl a n was devoted l a r g e l y to the t r a d i t i o n a l C i t y B e a u t i f u l m a t t e r s , Mawson d i d g i v e some a t t e n t i o n to m a t t e r s o f housing and b u i l d i n g garden suburbs. I t appears t h a t the c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f r a p i d urban growth f o r c e d a C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r to extend h i s c o n c e r n s beyond t he narrow parameters o f the C i t y B e a u t i f u l s t y l e . Yet, d e s p i t e t h e s e attempts by Mawson t o make the p l a n r e l e -v ant to t h e p r e s s i n g problems f a c e d by Regina and C a l g a r y , both c i t i e s d i s p l a y e d l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n implementing the p l a n ' s recommendations. 81. In fact, Regina didn't even want a copy of their planning report from 34 Mawson. The init ial popularity of City Beautiful planning in Canada was probably related to the lack of alternative planning approaches at the time of growing acceptance of the concept of planning. Just as the Americans had accepted the only planning concepts with which they had some experience, Canadians were naturally attracted to a similar approach to planning advocated by the architects, who were, at the time, members of one of the few professions that had some recognized expertise in the field of city planning. This process was, no doubt, reinforced by the arrival in Canada of such a prominent international planning expert as Thomas Mawson. But the appeal of City Beautiful planning in Canada was due to several other reasons. City Beautiful planning appeared, at f i rs t , to be the perfect answer to the concerns atfr.prominent urban liberals, such as Byron Walker. It was thought that City Beautiful planning would achieve their primary objectives of urban growth and development. Walker, for example, urged his fellow Toronto businessmen to promote the Civic Guild plan \"to show the Briton abroad what our material civilization could amount to\". Walker concluded his promotional speech to the Canadian Club of Toronto by asking: Have we no national pride? . . . We do not always want to remain a wooden backwoods place with narrow provincial ideas. We aim to be cosmo-politan, to have a larger outlook. Winnipeg is a dangerous rival in the west . . . i f Canada is to be a nation and the twentieth century belongs to us, then we must do our part--and do i t w e l l . 3 5 Walker a:lso emphasized that the plan would increase \"the value 82. o f p r o p e r t y i n the o u t s i d e p l a c e s . \" I t appeared t h a t C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g c o u l d not p r o v i d e \"remedies f o r the e v i l s o f the c o n g e s t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c i t i e s , \" but would a l s o be a b l e t o do t h i s w i t h o u t 37 c h a l l e n g i n g t h e r i g h t s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . The d i s t u r b i n g c o n f l i c t between growth and p r e v a i l i n g l i b e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s seemed r e s o l v e d . In s p i t e o f t h e s e v i r t u e s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g was soon sub-j e c t e d t o a c r i t i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n . The American p l a n n e r s mounted a s p i r i t e d a t t a c k on C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g a t the 1912 N a t i o n a l C o n f e r -ence on C i t y P l a n n i n g , where A.W. Bruner who was a f o r m e r C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r a d m i t t e d t h a t \"the C i t y B e a u t i f u l f a i l e d \u00E2\u0080\u0094 f a i l e d because i t began a t t h e wrong end.\" Bruner went on t o c o n c l u d e t h a t \" s i n c e u t i l i t y and beauty go hand-in-hand, l e t us i n s i s t on u t i l i t y . S i n c e we have 38 i n mind a c o m b i n a t i o n o f s c i e n c e and a r t , l e t us emphasize s c i e n c e . \" As Canadian h i s t o r i a n W a l t e r Van Nus has shown i n h i s work on C i t y B e a u t i f u l , Canadian r e f o r m e r s a l s o began a t t a c k i n g C i t y B e a u t i f u l 39 c o n c e p t s d u r i n g the p e r i o d 1910 t o 1918. For example, C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , who was t h e f e d e r a l government's h e a l t h e x p e r t and promoter o f town p l a n n i n g , w h i l e acknowledging t h a t \"the c r e a t i o n o f c i v i c c e n t r e s , the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f e l a b o r a t e systems o f parks and p l a y g r o u n d s , and the c r e a t i o n o f c i t y b e a u t i f u l \" had some b e n e f i t , complained t h a t C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g l e f t t he c i t y c e n t r e \"a sumtown and the suburbs a p a r a d i s e f o r the s p e c u l a t o r . \" A n o t h e r p l a n n e r lamented t h a t the p u b l i c had come t o assume t h a t town p l a n n i n g \" i s o n l y concerned w i t h what i s c a l l e d by the u g l y word 1 b e a u t i f i c a t i o n ' ; t h e r e f o r e , i t i s o n l y a n o t h e r 40 scheme f o r s p e n d i n g t h e money o f c i t i z e n s . \" The members o f the C i v i c G u i l d o f T o r o n t o , the most a r d e n t Canadian promoters o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l , 41 g r a d u a l l y abandoned t h e C i t y B e a u t i f u l s t y l e . Even Mawson, h i m s e l f , 83. seemed aware o f t h e growing c r i t i c i s m o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , f o r i n h i s book on C i v i c A r t , he wrote an i n t r o d u c t i o n a l m o s t a p o l o g i z i n g f o r t h e book's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h a e s t h e t i c m a t t e r s . Mawson c o n f e s s e d t h a t : My o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n i n w r i t i n g t h i s book was t o urge t h e c l a i m s o f l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r e by t r e a t i n g a l m o s t e n t i r e l y p a r k s , gardens and b o u l e v a r d s ... I q u i c k l y r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e s e t h i n g s , though i n t e n s e l y i m p o r t a n t , were merely p a r t o f a l a r g e r whole and t h a t A r t must embrace town p l a n n i n g . ^ 2 As Van Nus has c o n v i n c i n g l y documented, C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g was soon viewed as b e i n g i n c a p a b l e o f s o l v i n g urban problems; p a r t i c u -l a r l y t h o s e r e l a t i n g t o h o u s i n g , c o n g e s t i o n and p u b l i c h e a l t h . Nor was i t c a p a b l e o f p a s s i n g t he r i g o r o u s f i n a n c i a l t e s t s imposed by the new s c i e n c e o f e f f i c i e n c y c e n t r a l t o urban l i b e r a l s . Walker, d i s c u s s i n g the T o r o n t o G u i l d ' s p l a n , a d m i t t e d t h a t \"as t o the f i n a n c i a l a s p e c t , I 43 say f r a n k l y t h a t I haven't any i d e a what the c o s t w i l l be.\" T h i s must have been a p a i n f u l s t a t e m e n t f o r a l e a d i n g businessman and banker t o make. But d e s p i t e i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g d i d succe e d i n l a y i n g some o f the f o u n d a t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e development o f Canadian p l a n n i n g . C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r s h e l p e d d i s s e m i n a t e the i d e a t h a t t he haphazard development o f c i t i e s s h o u l d be c o n s c i o u s l y r e g u l a t e d by t he i m p o s i t i o n o f a r a t i o n a l p l a n p r e p a r e d by a group o f p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t s v e r s e d i n the s c i e n c e o f p l a n n i n g who worked f o r a l a y commission t h a t e x i s t e d above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . Thomas Adams, who was the next B r i t i s h p l a n n e r t o a f f e c t Canadian p l a n n i n g and a hars h c r i t i c o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g , a d m i t t e d t h a t a s p e c t s o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g had been u s e f u l \" f o r the purpose o f d i v e r t i n g p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n t o the 44 p l a n n i n g o f y o u r c i t y and the advantages o f e x e r c i s i n g f o r e s i g h t . \" 84. C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n e r s a l s o p o p u l a r i z e d t he n o t i o n t h a t the urban problem was a problem r e l a t e d t o the p h y s i c a l arrangement o f the c i t y and t h a t t h e s t a t e had a l e g i t i m a t e r o l e t o p l a y i n p r o v i d i n g park and o t h e r p u b l i c goods. The impact o f t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s was t o be f e l t f o r a l o n g t i m e . But d e s p i t e t h e s e a c h i e v e m e n t s , C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g had not p r o v i d e d an a c c e p t a b l e answer t o Canada's p r e s s i n g problems. The s e a r c h f o r a s e t o f more a p p r o p r i a t e p l a n n i n g p r i n c i p l e s c a p a b l e o f u n i t i n g a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , urban l i b e r a l s and urban r a d i c a l s would have t o go on. I l l The t r a n s i t i o n t o an a l t e r n a t i v e s t y l e o f p l a n n i n g was o c c u r r i n g b e f o r e Mawson had even f i n i s h e d h i s C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g a c t i v i t i e s . A t t he m u n i c i p a l l e v e l s t he same p r e s s u r e s t h a t had encouraged Mawson t o extend h i s c o n c e r n beyond the \" c i t y b e a u t i f u l \" i n h i s C a l g a r y and Regina p l a n s were e n c o u r a g i n g s e v e r a l major Canadian c i t i e s t o d e v e l o p growth management s t r a t e g i e s t h a t t r a n s c e n d e d t he narrow l i m i t s o f a e s t h e t i c s . W innipeg, f o r example, p r e p a r e d an urban p o l i c y r e p o r t i n 1913 which r e f l e c t e d a c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the 45 c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g t h a t g u i d e d C i t y B e a u t i f u l . As i n the ca s e o f o t h e r Canadian c i t i e s , t h e i n i t i a l emphasis i n p l a n n i n g was the p r o -v i s i o n o f p a r k s , b o u l e v a r d s and r e l a t e d a e s t h e t i c improvements. But w i t h t he appointment o f a C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission i n 1911 by the munic-i p a l c o u n c i l , p l a n n i n g i n Winnipeg s e t o f f i n a new d i r e c t i o n . The impetus f o r the c r e a t i o n o f t h i s P l a n n i n g Commission had come from the l o c a l b u s i n e s s e l i t e who were l a r g e l y urban l i b e r a l i n o r i e n t a t i o n and 85 . a group of middle class professionals, who leaned more towards urban 46 radical sentiments. While the business elite's interest in planning was motivated by their desire to use planning to promote growth, the middle class professionals such as Pearson, a British town planner, were interested in planning as a tool for regulating urban development in the public interest. They defined the public interest in the fol -lowing way: The ideal city must be laid out as to assure for all the citizens proper light and air, recreation space, and sanitary faci l i t ies , and must in addition have such restrictive regulations and such equipment for inspection as will tend to secure for all citizens the maximum of good health. The ideal city must be as convenient as i t is possible to make i t , and this will involve the proper width and direction of main highways and subsidiary streets, adequate and properly distributed transportation faci l i t ies , etc. , and these questions must be studied with a view to the present and probably future move-ments of the people between their work and their homes and the places of recreation and would involve ultimately the planning of zones which would bring about an economic distribution of work and places of residence. In respect to all changes the aesthetic consideration must be kept in view, for the element of beauty in architecture, in the arrangement of streets, bridges, boulevards, and parks, in the proper treatment of focal points and the creation of attractive vistas, as well as in the detail of street maps and of everything else allowed upon the streets is a most important function.^ The Commission's nineteen members which included representatives from business, labour, professional organizations and government, decided that the preparation of the planning report could best be accomplished by dividing the task up into six subject areas: social aspects, in-cluding health and welfare policies, housing, transportation, waterfront 48 and docking, aesthetics, and physical aspects. 86 . In preparing their policy paper, the Planning Commission col-lected an impressive quantity of data. They undertook a survey of 2222 of Winnipeg's houses to assess housing conditions, interviewed the occu-pants of 4212 houses to obtain data on the origin and destination of household tr ips, collected comprehensive real estate values, analyzed vital statistics and the quality of public health and assembled infor-49 mation on planning activities in fifty other major cit ies. On the basis of their analysis, they concluded that Winnipeg was suffering from major urban problems, including overcrowding, lack of basic sani-tary services, traffic congestion, poor quality housing, expansion of industrial and commercial activities into residential zones and a high death rate. To deal with these problems the Commission report made a number of proposals. It was suggested that the housing problem be dealt with by having the city build garden suburbs containing \"model housing\", which would be connected to existing areas of employment by rapid tran-si t . These policies to expand housing supply would be complemented by strict enforcement of more stringent health and building bylaws to regu-late the quality of the existing housing stock. Congestion in the down-town core would be reduced by decentralizing employment to strategically located factory districts. The plan proposed that progressive labour legislation be passed to ensure a high standard of working conditions in these new factory districts as well as in all the city's industrial i. areas. Additional recommendations included the standard City Beautiful concerns such as expanding park and playground fac i l i t ies , building a boulevard around the city to connect the parks system and a civic centre project. Finally, the Commission proposed that an ongoing committee of 8 7 . citizens and experts be set up to prepare a more detailed plan for the City and that the provincial government be urged to pass \"a general Housing and Town Planning Act\" which would allow municipalities to pre-pare comprehensive plans. 6 0 The response to the Commission's plan was mixed. The Winnipeg Free Press and Winnipeg Trades and Labour Council praised the efforts of the planning committee. The City Council, however, whose support was necessary for the plan's implementation, displayed a general indif-ference to the planning effort. The members of council who were on the Planning Commission had been conspicuously absent from many of the Planning Commission meetings and had refused to provide adequate financial backing for the Commission's activities. In the end, the Council de-clined to event print the report. Some observers suggested that Council's reluctance to support the Commission was because Council represented real estate interests who were opposed to the regulation of their busi-51 ness by public planning. Undeterred, William Pearson and his professional colleagues formed the Winnipeg Housing and Town Planning Association to lobby for the implementation of the plan's recommendations. Their efforts were not completely unrewarded for, in 1914, a Greater Winnipeg Planning Commission was created to prepare a comprehensive street plan and in 1916 52 the provincial government passed town planning legislation. While most of the Planning Commission's recommendations were largely ignored, their planning report clearly had introduced some major new planning concepts. The report implied that planning must place as much emphasis on social and economic issues as on aesthetic objectives that had guided City Beautiful planning. To achieve these broad 88. o b j e c t i v e s , p l a n n i n g would have t o d e a l w i t h v i r t u a l l y a l l a s p e c t s o f urban l i f e . T h e r e would have t o be a comprehensive p h y s i c a l p l a n t h a t would c o n t r o l l o c a t i o n and c h a r a c t e r o f not o n l y C i t y B e a u t i f u l p r o j e c t s such as c i v i c c e n t r e s , parks and b o u l e v a r d s , but o f a l l p h y s i c a l d e v e l o p -ment, p u b l i c and p r i v a t e . To meejt the p l a n ' s s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s , the p h y s i c a l p l a n would have t o be complemented by a d d i t i o n a l p o l i c i e s such as l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n t o improve t h e q u a l i t y o f working l i f e . F i n a l l y , t he Commission's r e p o r t proposed a p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s t h a t would be under-taken by a permanent s t a f f o f p l a n n i n g e x p e r t s who would work i n c o n j u n c -t i o n w i t h a group o f c i t i z e n s r e p r e s e n t i n g the community i n t e r e s t . As geographer P e t e r Smith has shown, s i m i l a r changes i n the con-53 c e p t o f p l a n n i n g were o c c u r r i n g i n A l b e r t a . In November, 1912, a p r o v i n c i a l town p l a n n i n g c o n f e r e n c e was h e l d i n A l b e r t a . S e v e r a l r e s o l u t i o n s were pa s s e d , i n c l u d i n g one p r o p o s i n g government c o n s t r u c t i o n o f workmen's houses, and t h e passage o f town p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h e B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g and Housing A c t t h a t had been passed i n 1909. F o l l o w i n g t h i s c o n f e r e n c e , the c i t y o f Edmonton h i r e d a f i r m t o p r e p a r e a comprehensive p l a n f o r the c i t y ' s f u t u r e 54 development. The p l a n , l i k e the Winnipeg p l a n , extended the f o c u s o f p l a n n i n g beyond the a e s t h e t i c . While the p l a n made s p e c i f i c p r o p o s a l s r e g a r d i n g a c i v i c c e n t r e and a park system, the p l a n a l s o recommended m u n i c i p a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f w o r kers' h o u s i n g i n garden suburbs o r g a n i z e d under c o o p e r a t i v e ownership, b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s c o v e r i n g a l l p r i v a t e c o n s t r u c t i o n and \" d i s t r i c t i n g bylaws\" t h a t would r e s t r i c t c e r t a i n l a n d uses such as i n d u s t r i a l , commercial and h i g h e r d e n s i t y h o u s i n g t o c e r t a i n a r e a s o f the c i t y . And i n T o r o n t o , a major r e p o r t i n v e s t i g a t i n g slum c o n d i t i o n s recommended the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a c i t y p l a n t h a t would have as i t s major f o c u s the p r o v i s i o n o f suburban 8 9 . garden cities connected to the city's employment centres by rapid tran-55 s i t . A new set of planning principles emphasizing housing and efficiency as well as aesthetics and which advocated strong government controls on private property were gradually evolving. Concurrentiwith these new planning studies was another major planning effort based on a set of principles different from both City Beautiful planning and from the Winnipeg style of planning. This plan-ning effort occurred in Ottawa. As previously mentioned, the Ottawa Improvement Commission set up by the Laurie\" government to transform Ottawa into the \"Washington of the north\", had already completed a \"city beautiful\" plan in 1903. In a new initiative in 1913, the federal government created the Federal Planning Commission to prepare \"a compre-hensive scheme or plan, looking to the future growth and development of the cities of Ottawa and Hull\". The Commission suggested that the pre-paration of the plan should pay particular attention \"to the architectural character of future government buildings, public administration and private buildings and to adequate and convenient arrangements for vehicular and pedestrian travel . . . and to parks and connecting boule-56 vards\". Clearly, the Commission had in mind another \"city beautiful\" plan. Appropriately, they hired E.H. Bennett, who was an assistant of Daniel Burnham, the prominent American City Beautiful planner. The Commission may have got more than they expected, for Burnham's approach to planning had evidently changed. The Burnham-inspired plan for Ottawa certainly contained elements of City Beautiful planning. The report emphasized that \"we should have a beautiful federal district\" and that \"nature, indeed, offers a direct invitation to make this northern capital one of the most beautiful in 90 . the world.\" Proposals concerning parks, boulevards, and public build-ings indicated how \"to make Ottawa and Hull the City Beautiful\". 5 7 But while the plan reflected some of the standard City Beautiful themes, i t contained additional components that made it qualitatively distinct from the standard city beautiful plan. In his introductory section, E.H. Bennett, the plan's primary author, maintained that \"the two chief factors in making a city attractive are, f i rs t , the convenience of its arrangements with respect to the business, comfort and enjoyment of its inhabitants and, secondly, its general aspect in regard to dignity and beauty\".5** Aesthetic concerns, then, were now considered secondary to the concerns of efficiency. Bennett went on to suggest that: A city plan has to do primarily with the pro-portion and interrelation of each of the areas devoted to commercial, residential and re-creational acti v i t i es . r -59 With due regard to this new emphasis, the plan recommended that \"the authorities take steps to segregate industry into certain areas . . . to control and protect residential districts and to control the heights of buildings by passing the necessary building bylaws and regulations.\"^0 To guide his decisions as to what uses should go where, Bennett relied on a version of what was later to be known as the concentric zone theory. According to Bennett: The structure of a city will be found generally speaking to have a tendency to take a circular form. The centre is devoted to intense business; adjacent to the centre is concentrated a zone of tenement, warehouse and industrial development. Outside of this, and spreading out indefinitely are the residential areas. Radial arteries from these outlying areas pierce the inner rings of the mixed occupancy in each of these central sections. Outlying business centres grow up 91 . a l o n g t h e s e a r t e r i e s , t h e i r s i z e and importance dependent on t h e i r d i s t a n c e from and on the f a c i l i t i e s f o r movement i n t o the main c e n t r e ; a l s o on the e x t e n t and q u a l i t y o f the s u r r o u n -d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s . g - | To ensure t h a t t h e s e t r e n d s were m a i n t a i n e d , the p l a n proposed s p e c i f i c r e s t r i c t i o n s f o r each zone and g u i d e l i n e s f o r the n e c e s s a r y t r a n s i t i o n o f some zones t o o t h e r uses. To a c h i e v e maximum e f f i c i e n c y t he p l a n recommended t h a t t h e s e zones be c o n n e c t e d by a comprehensive s t r e e t system t h a t a l l o w e d movement a l o n g the most d i r e c t r o u t e s . B e n n e t t a l s o e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n o v e r the promotion o f i n d u s t r y . The p l a n s t a t e d t h a t i t was \" o f v i t a l importance t o Ottawa t h a t i t s i n d u s t r y s h o u l d be h e l p e d andnot h i n d e r e d . \" To a s s i s t i n d u s t r y \" i t i s r e g a r d e d as v i t a l i n the e f f e c t i v e arrangement o f the c i t y t h a t the i n d u s t r i e s s h o u l d be c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s and not s c a t t e r e d o v e r the c i t y i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y \" and t h a t \" i n o r d e r t h a t workers may pass r e a d i l y t o and from t h e scene o f t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s , c o n v e n i e n t and r a p i d t r a n s i t i s o f the f i r s t moment.\" IV Canadians had responded t o the urban c h a l l e n g e i n s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t and c o n f l i c t i n g ways. But many Ca n a d i a n s , whatever t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s , were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y a t t r a c t e d t o the i d e a o f town p l a n n i n g as a means f o r r e s o l v i n g Canada's problems. But d e s p i t e t h i s g e n e r a l consensus emerging around the c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g t h e r e were growing d i f f e r e n c e s on p r e c i s e l y what form p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e ought t o t a k e . I n i t i a l l y C i t y B e a u t i f u l p l a n n i n g w i t h i t s emphasis on p a r k s , 9 2 . c i v i c c e n t r e s and wide b o u l e v a r d s became the a c c e p t e d approach. But i t was soon d i s c r e d i t e d on the grounds t h a t i t was c o s t l y and i n c a p a b l e o f r e s o l v i n g Canada's urban problems. Two a l t e r n a t i v e approaches t o p l a n -n i n g began emerging as r e p l a c e m e n t s f o r C i t y B e a u t i f u l . One approach which was b e s t r e f l e c t e d t o the B e n n e t t p l a n f o r Ottawa emphasized the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , d i s t r i c t i n g and the f u n c t i o n i n t e r -r e l a t i o n s between a l l the c i t y ' s components. In e s s e n c e , t h i s a p p r o a c h , which was g a i n i n g prominence i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , f u n d a m e n t a l l y a l t e r e d p r e v a i l i n g N o r t h American p l a n n i n g c o n c e p t s by a d d i n g the c o n c e r n s o f 63 e f f i c i e n c y t o t h e o l d C i t y B e a u t i f u l c o n c e r n s o f a e s t h e t i c s . The second a p p r o a c h , which was g a i n i n g prominence i n B r i t a i n , added t h e t h i r d c o n c e r n o f s o c i a l w e l f a r e t o t h e c o n c e r n s o f a e s t h e t i c s 64 and e f f i c i e n c y . T h i s t h i r d o b j e c t i v e was most e x p l i c i t y m a n i f e s t e d i n t he c o n c e r n f o r h o u s i n g t h a t was e x p r e s s e d i n the Edmonton, W i n n i -peg and T o r o n t o p l a n n i n g r e p o r t s but was c o n s p i c u o u s l y a b s e n t from B e n n e t t ' s Ottawa p l a n . I t was s t i l l n ot c l e a r whether Canadian p l a n n i n g would e v o l v e towards the American approach w i t h i t s emphasis on e f f i c -i e n c y o r the B r i t i s h approach w i t h i t s emphasis on e q u i t y as w e l l as e f f i c i e n c y . 93. F o o t n o t e s 1. C l i f f o r d S i f t o n , \"Address o f Welcome t o the C i t y P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , \" P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h N a t i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g , T o r o n t o , 1914 ( B o s t o n : U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1915), 10, 2. B. S t e w a r t , \"The Housing o f Our Immigrant Worker,\" 100. 3. S i f t o n , \"Address o f Welcome,\" 12. 4. Frank B e e r , \"The Housing Q u e s t i o n and Ward C o n d i t i o n s , \" i n Bureau o f M u n i c i p a l R e s e a r c h , What i s the Ward Going t o do w i t h T o r o n t o , 69. 5. W.D. L i g h t h a l l , \" T o r o n t o and Town P l a n n i n g , \" i n J . C a s t e l l H o p k i n s , ed., Empire C l u b Speeches, 1910-11 ( T o r o n t o : B r i g g s , 1912), 232-33. 6. Woodsworth, My Neighbour, 30. 7. J . C a s t e l l H o p k i n s , Canadian Annual Review o f P u b l i c A f f a i r s , 1913, ( T o r o n t o : Annual Review P u b l i s h i n g , 1914), 722. 8. I b i d . , 721. 9. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l P l a n n i n g s e e : Mel S c o t t , Ameri-can C i t y P l a n n i n g s i n c e 1890 ( B e r k e l e y : Univ. o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1971), 1-110; f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l P l a n n i n g see: W a l t e r Van Nus, \"The Fate o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l Thought i n Canada, 1893-1930,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s . , The Canadian C i t y , 162-185; Margaret Meek, \" H i s t o r y o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l Thought i n Canada,\" ( M . A . t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1979). 10. D a n i e l Burnham, \" C i t y o f the F u t u r e under a Democratic Government,\" I n t e r n a t i o n a l Town P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e : T r a n s a c t i o n s (London, 1910), 371. 11. C h a r l e s Robinson, Modern C i v i c A r t (New York: Putnam & Sons, 1903), 121. 12. F r e d e r i c k Todd, \"Landscape A r c h i t e c t u r e , \" Canadian A r c h i t e c t and B u i l d e r (C.A.B.) V o l . 14, No.4 ( A p r i l 1901), 77-79; \"The B e a u t i -f y i n g o f C i t i e s , \" C.A.B., V o l . 15, No. 3 (March 1902), 46; A.P. T a y l o r , \"Notes on Some A s p e c t s o f the C i t y o f the F u t u r e , \" C.A.B., V o l . 7, No.10 ( O c t . 1894), 130-31. 13. C.A.B., V o l . XI, No. 3 (March 1898), 51; The members o f the G u i l d and t h e i r p o s i t i o n s were o b t a i n e d from: T o r o n t o G u i l d o f C i v i c A r t , Report on a Comprehensive P l a n f o r the S y s t e m a t i c C i v i c Improvements i n T o r o n t o ( T o r o n t o : 1909); and Henry S. Morgan, The Canadian Men and Women o f the Time ( T o r o n t o : B r i g g s , 1912). 94. 14. T o r o n t o G u i l d o f C i v i c A r t , Report on a Comprehensive P l a n , n.p. 15. I b i d , 16. I b i d . 17. Byron Walker, \"A Comprehensive P l a n f o r T o r o n t o , \" Canadian C l u b o f T o r o n t o : A d d r e s s e s , 1905-06 ( T o r o n t o : Warwick B r o s , n . d . ) , 134-35. ~~ 18. T o r o n t o G u i l d o f C i v i c A r t , Report on a Comprehensive P l a n , n.p. 19- C.A.B,, V o l . IX, No.16 (O c t . 1896), 158; V o l . X, No.6 (June 1897), 108; V o l . XIX, No. 6 (June, 1906), 88; Vol..XIX, No.12 (Dec. 1906), 179, 20. W i l f r e d E g g l e s t o n , The Queen's C h o i c e : A S t o r y o f Canada's C a p i t a l ( o t t a w a : 1961), 154; F r e d e r i c k Todd, P r e l i m i n a r y Report t o the Ottawa Improvement Commission,-(Ottawa: 1903), 8. 21. F r e d e r i c k Todd, P r e l i m i n a r y Report t o the Ottawa Improvement Com-m i s s i o n , 38. 22. F r e d e r i c k Todd, Report t o the Edmonton C i t y C o u n c i l , A p r i l 5, 1907, c i t e d by Ma r g a r e t Meek, \"A H i s t o r y o f the C i t y B e a u t i f u l Movement i n Canada 1890-1930,\" (M.A. T h e s i s , School o f Commun-i t y P l a n n i n g , U.B.C., 1979). 23. S c o t t , American C i t y P l a n n i n g , 110-83. 24. W i l l i a m Ashworth, G e n e s i s o f Modern B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g (London: R o u t l e d g e , 1954); Gordon C h e r r y , E v o l u t i o n ' o f ' B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g (London: Leonard H i l l Books, 1974). 25. Thomas H. Mawson, C i v i c A r t : S t u d i e s i n Town P l a n n i n g , P a r k s , B o u l e v a r d s and Open Spaces (London\": B a s f o r d , 1911). 26. I b i d . , 2. 27. I b i d . 28. Thomas Mawson, \" P r e s i d e n t i a l A d d r e s s : The A r t and C r a f t o f Land-scape A r c h i t e c t u r e and i t s R e l a t i o n t o Town P l a n n i n g , \" Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e J o u r n a l , V o l . 10 (1919), 33-47. 29. Hopkins, Canadian Annual Review o f P u b l i c A f f a i r s , 1913, 733. 30. Mawson, \"Vancouver, A C i t y o f O p t i m i s t s , \" Town P l a n n i n g Review (TPR), V o l . 4, 1913, 10. 31. Meek, \"A H i s t o r y o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l , \" 172-88. 95. 32. Mawson & Sons, C a l g a r y : A P r e l i m i n a r y Scheme f o r C o n t r o l l i n g the Economic Growth o f the C i t y (.Calgary: 1914); f o r an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n o f M a w s o n ' s C a l g a r y p l a n s e e: E, J o y c e Morrow, C a l g a r y Many Years Hence: The Mawson Report i n P e r s p e c t i v e ( C a l g a r y : C i t y o f C a l g a r y / U n i v . o f C a l g a r y , 1979). 33. Mawson & Sons, Regina: A P r e l i m i n a r y Report on the Development o f th e C i t y , 19T4T 34. Meek, \"A H i s t o r y o f the C i t y B e a u t i f u l , \" 195-99. 35. Walker, \"A Comprehensive P l a n f o r T o r o n t o , \" 138-39. 36. I b i d . , 137. 37. T o r o n t o G u i l d o f C i v i c A r t , Report on a Comprehensive P l a n , n.p. 38. P r o c e e d i n g s o f the F o u r t h N a t i o n a l C i t y P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , B o s t o n , 1912 ( B o s t o n : U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1913), 22. 39. Van Nus, \"The Fate o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l Thought i n Canada.\" 40. C h a r l e s H o d g e t t s , \"Housing & Town P l a n n i n g , \" Commission o f Conser-v a t i o n Annual Report (CCAR), 1912 ( M o n t r e a l : John Lowell & Sons 1913), 141; C o n s e r v a t i o r T o f L i f e , V o l . 4(3) ( J u l y 1918), 65. 41. C.N. M i t c h e l l , \"Town P l a n n i n g and C i v i c Improvement,\" Canadian E n g i n e e r (CE) 2 3 ( 2 6 ) , (1912), 911-15. 42. Mawson, C i v i c A r t , 1. 43. Walker, \"A Comprehensive P l a n f o r T o r o n t o , \" 137. 44. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , \" Canadian Club o f Vancouver, P r o c e e d -i n g s 1914-1917 (Vancouver; 1918), Dec. 5, 1914, 4. 45. \"The C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission Report,\" Winnipeg C i t y C o u n c i l Com-m u n i c a t i o n , S e r i e s I I , No. 95001, J a n u a r y 1913, M u n i c i p a l A r c h i v e s , Winnipeg ( h e r e a f t e r Winnipeg P l a n ) . 46. A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, 267-79. 47. Winnipeg P l a n , 4-5. 48. I b i d . , 2-5. 49. I b i d . , 7. 50. I b i d . , 8-15. 51. A r t i b i s e , Winnipeg, 274-79, 9 6 . 52. I b i d . , 277-79.. 53. P e t e r Smith, \"The P r i n c i p l e o f U t i l i t y and the O r i g i n s o f P l a n n i n g L e g i s l a t i o n i n A l b e r t a , 1912-1975,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s . , The Usa b l e Urban P a s t , 196-225. 54. Hopkins, Canadian Annual Review, 1912, 627; \" B e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C i t y Shown on Broad P l a n , \" Edmonton D a i l y B u l l e t i n (EDB), Nov. 16, 1912; \" C i t y ' s Growth i n R e l a t i o n t o Town P l a n , \" EDB, Nov. 25, 1912; \"How Four Main A r t e r i e s o f the C i t y S h o u l d be Improved,\" EDB, Nov. 30, 1912; \"How an E x p e r t Proposes t o Cut Diagonal S t r e e t s , \" EDB, December 13, 1912; \"How M o r e l ! Would S o l v e the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem,\" EDB, December 23, 1912; \" M u n i c i p a l Housing,\" EDB, Jan. 1!, 1913; \" I n d u s t r i e s and the Zone System,\" EDB, J a n . 277 1913; c i t e d by Meek, \"A H i s t o r y o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l , \" 237. 55. T o r o n t o , R e p o r t o f the M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e D e a l i n g w i t h the Recent I n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f Slum C o n d i t i o n s i n T o r o n t o ( T o r o n t o : T9TTT: 56. F e d e r a l P l a n Commission, Report on a General P l a n f o r the' C i t i e s o f Ottawa and Hul1 (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1915), 13 ( h e r e -a f t e r Ottawa P l a r i J . 57. I b i d . , 14; I b i d . , 20; I b i d . , 23. 58. I b i d . , 23. 59. I b i d . , 31. 60. I b i d . , 49. 61. I b i d . , 31. 62. I b i d . , 24. 63. S c o t t , American C i t y P l a n n i n g , 110-270. 64. C h e r r y , E v o l u t i o n o f B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g ; Ashworth, Ge n e s i s o f Modern Town P l a n n i n g . 97 . CHAPTER IV THE EMERGENCE OF PLANNING, PART TWO: THOMAS ADAMS AND THE COMMISSION OF CONSERVATION Canadian p l a n n i n g was o b v i o u s l y i n a s t a t e o f t r a n s i t i o n between the d i s c r e d i t e d C i t y B e a u t i f u l approach and the two new approaches emerging i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and B r i t a i n ; One o f the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n i t i a t i v e s i n f l u e n c i n g the d e c i s i o n as t o which d i r e c t i o n Canadian p l a n n i n g would go was the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the f e d e r a l government's Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n . The Commission was a re s p o n s e to the grow-i n g c o n c e r n i n North America o v e r the management o f n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . The American government a c c e p t e d the recommendations o f a 1890 n a t i o n a l c o n f e r e n c e convened t o c o n s i d e r n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e p o l i c y and e s t a b l i s h a N a t i o n a l Commission t o undertake an i n v e n t o r y o f a l l n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . 1 Aware o f the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f a c o n t i n e n t a l r e s o u r c e p o l i c y , the American p r e s i d e n t c a l l e d the North American Con-s e r v a t i o n C o n f e r e n c e , which passed a s e r i e s o f r e s o l u t i o n s c a l l i n g f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the Canadian e q u i v a l e n t t o the U.S. N a t i o n a l Com-m i s s i o n . A l t h o u g h t h e r e was some debate c o n s i d e r i n g the need f o r a new government agency t o - h a n d l e m a t t e r s a l r e a d y under s c r u t i n y o f e x i s t i n g government departments, a l l p a r t i e s f u l l y a c c e p t e d the need f o r s c i e n t i -f i c management o f Canadian r e s o u r c e s . With unanimous c o n s e n t , t he Canadian p a r i i a m e n t passed t he l e g i s l a t i o n i n 1909 t o e s t a b l i s h the 2 Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n . 9 8 . The Commission was a unique experiment in government organiza-tion. The federal government, cognizant of the fact resource policy was a joint federal/provincial matter, structured the Commission so that the federal ministers of the Interior, Agriculture and Mines and the provincial ministers responsible for natural resources would be ex officio members. An additional twenty individuals were appointed to the Commission to s i t with these eleven ex officio representatives. In recognition of the complexity of resource management, the Act stipulated that at least one university professor with expertise in resource issues must be chosen to sit among the twenty appointed members. The thirty-one members of the Commission were expected to advise government on matters \"relating to the conservation and better utilization of the natural resources of Canada, to make such inventories, collect and dis-seminate such information, conduct such investigations inside and out-side of Canada, and frame such recommendations as seen conducive to 3 the accomplishment of that end\". Clifford Sifton, who was the former Liberal Minister of the Interior, was appointed as Commission Chairman. In his inaugural address to the Commission, Sifton predicted that after years of slow development, Canada's \"time has come. Population is flowing in; de-velopment of resources is proceeding rapidly, trade is growing.\" Sifton called for the application of \"various branches of scientific thought\" by \"enlightened and educated men to rationally administer public affairs and prevent the wasteful exploitation of resources by foreign capital\". 4 For Sifton and many other Canadians rational conservation policy was not designed to prevent development. Instead, i t was thought that 99. rational policy would simply assist development by making i t more efficient. Sifton concluded that: If we attempt to stand in the way of development, our efforts will assuredly be of no avail either to stop development or to promote conservation. It will not, however, be hard to show that the best and most highly economic development and exploitation in the interests of the people can only take place by having regard to the prin-ciples of conservation^ Sifton, then typified the urban liberal's commitment to devel-opment combined with the acceptance of rational planning as a tool necessary for proper development to take place. His f i rst priority as Chairman of the Commission was to complete a scientific inventory of available resources; a task he considered essential for promoting de-velopment. Sifton's interest in town planning was motivated by the same concern for development and efficiency. In his init ial address to the Commission, he emphasized that \"the physical strength of the people is 6 ' the resource from which all others derive value\". Several years later, at the opening address to the City Planning Conference, Sifton described how this init ial interest in public health evolved into an interest in town planning when he said: We thought that while i t was vastly important to conserve our minerals and our forests and to increase the productivity of our fisheries and of our agricultural land, and generally to conserve all those natural resources from which man derives his livelihood, it was s t i l l more important that the efficiency of the human unit, the health and the happiness of the vigour of the individual, should be preserved. Therefore, we have to take some interest in the promotion of a greater degree of attention to matters pertaining to public health and in so doing we came into contact with the necessity for close, careful and systematic attention to the planning of our towns and c i t i es . 7 100. It would seem logical to assume that because the Commission was inspired by the Americans, the type of planning that the Commission would promote would be more akin to the American style of planning than the British approach. But, ironically, the Commission was instrumental in promoting the British approach to planning with its emphasis on concerns of health and housing. The Commission's f i rst activities in planning were under the direction of Charles Hodgetts, a doctor driven by the desire to eradicate disease. In his several reports to the Commission of Conservation, Hodgetts called for the establishment of town planning as a means for preventing disease and providing adequate housing for Canadians. In his f i rst report, entitled \"Unsanitary Housing\", Hodgetts maintained that: No government can justify its existence unless i t carefully considers this important question and places upon the statute book a law with ample and adequate regulations for dealing with unsanitary houses of all classes of the community and for conferring power on city, town and village municipalities whereby they may not only control, but in a measure direct, town and sub-urb planning.g Hodgetts was highly crit ical of American planning. He chas-tised the U.S. for concentrating on frivolous embellishments while ignoring the real issues of housing and health. \"It is not so much the city beautiful as the city healthy that we want for Canada,\" exc.1 aiimed Hodgetts. He urged Canadians hot \"to be led away by what civic improvement and other leagues have done in the United States\".-Hodgetts described the objectives of the town planning he was advocating as:. 1. to encourage and facilitate through cooperation in the provision of housing accommodation for town dwellers whereby they will have sufficient light, air and space. 101. 2. to ensure; the e x e r c i s e o f f o r e s i g h t i n r e s e r v i n g p l e n t y o f space f o r the development o f main t h o r -o u g h f a r e s when r e q u i r e d . 3. to take i n t o a c c o u n t e v e r y t h i n g t h a t h e l p s to make town l i f e worth l i v i n g . - | Q To a c h i e v e t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s , Hodgetts proposed t h a t Canadian p r o v i n c e s adopt town p l a n n i n g and housing l e g i s l a t i o n s i m i l a r t o the B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g and Housing A c t and c r e a t e a c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y o r g a n i z e d a l o n g the l i n e s o f the Local Government Board i n England. Hodgetts a l s o s uggested t h a t Canadians s h o u l d f o l l o w the German t e c h -n i q u e o f p r e s e r v i n g d i s t r i c t s f o r s p e c i f i c l a n d uses so as t o ensure a p r o p e r c o o r d i n a t i o n \" o f the v a r i o u s c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t s o f a modern town . . . i n such a manner t h a t they w i l l form an harmonious whole.\" As w e l l , he a d v o c a t e d the B r i t i s h approach o f c o n s t r u c t i n g c o o p e r a t i v e housing i n p l e a s a n t garden suburbs and new towns. \"The most i n t e r e s t -i n g and i l l u m i n a t i v e model f o r our new Canadian towns,\" s t a t e d H o d g e t t s , \" i s to be found i n L e t c h w o r t h Garden C i t y . \" 1 1 Hodgetts c o n c l u d e d t h a t the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the recommendations would c o n t r o l the \"army o f l a n d s p e c u l a t o r s and j e r r y b u i l d e r s who are a d e t r i m e n t t o the commun-is ' i t y and a c r i m e to .the mechanic and a r t i s a n c l a s s e s . \" Hodgetts c a r r i e d on h i s c r u s a d e f o r town p l a n n i n g beyond the o f f i c e s o f t h e Commission. Armed w i t h comprehensive s t a t i s t i c s on h e a l t h and housing and c o p i o u s n o t e s on the d e t a i l s o f p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e s i n e v e r y major Western c o u n t r y , the t i r e l e s s Hodgetts t r a v e l l e d from c i t y to c i t y p u b l i c i z i n g h i s recommendations. In f a c t , h i s e f f o r t s may have been an i m p o r t a n t i n f l u e n c e on the i n n o v a t i v e Winnipeg p l a n n i n g r e p o r t , f o r i n 1912, Hodgetts a t t e n d e d the f i r s t Canadian Town P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e 102. h e l d i n Winnipeg, and i n one o f the major speeches to the c o n f e r e n c e , he argued f o r h i s views t h a t p l a n n i n g must c o n s i d e r a l l a s p e c t s o f urban 13 l i f e , e s p e c i a l l y h e a l t h and h o u s i n g . * 1914 was a p i v o t a l y e a r f o r Canadian p l a n n i n g . The Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n had s u c c e s s f u l l y p e t i t i o n e d the American o r g a n i z e r s o f the N a t i o n a l P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e s on C i t y P l a n n i n g t o hold t h e i r c o n f e r -ence i n Canada. The c o n f e r e n c e heard speakers from Canada; England and the U n i t e d S t a t e s d e t a i l p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e i n t h e i r r e s -p e c t i v e c o u n t r i e s and was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n promoting i n t e r e s t i n the i d e a o f p l a n n i n g i n Canada. The c o n f e r e n c e , which hosted 350 d e l e g a t e s , con-c l u d e d w i t h t he passage o f a r e s o l u t i o n u r g i n g t he Commission to c r e a t e 14 a Town P l a n n i n g Branch to i n v e s t i g a t e and promote p l a n n i n g i n Canada.-A t t e n d i n g t he c o n f e r e n c e was the B r i t i s h p l a n n e r , Thomas Adams, a man who was t o have a profo u n d impact on Canadian p l a n n i n g . Adams, a S c o t , was w i d e l y c o n s i d e r e d to be the l e a d i n g member o f the B r i t i s h 15 p l a n n i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t . ' In 1900 he was a p p o i n t e d the f i r s t S e c r e -t a r y o f the Garden C i t y A s s o c i a t i o n and a few y e a r s l a t e r became the manager o f the F i r s t Garden C i t y Company, which b u i l t L e t c h w o r t h , which was the f i r s t E n g l i s h new town b u i l t a l o n g the l i n e s a d v o c a t e d by Eben-e z e r Howard and the Garden C i t y A s s o c i a t i o n . Adams c o n t i n u e d h i s i m p r e s s i v e c a r e e r by becoming t h e government o f f i c i a l c harged w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the new 1909 B r i t i s h Housing and Town P l a n n i n g A c t and becoming t h e f i r s t P r e s i d e n t o f the B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i -t u t e , formed i n 1914. The Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n had been a n x i o u s to h i r e Adams 103. for several years. Hodgetts, after meeting Adams at the 1911 National City Planning Conference in Philadelphia, was convinced that Adams was the best man available to \"grapple with the difficulties we have today.\"1' In response to a petition received in 1912, signed by such prominent Canadian institutions as the Canadian Manufacturers Association, the Canadian Public Health Association, and the Union of Canadian Munici-palit ies, as well as a host of leading individuals, the Commission of Conservation requested the Canadian Prime Minister, Robert Borden, to ask the British government to allow Adams to come to Canada to advise the Canadian government on planning matters. At f i rs t , the British gov-ernment, thinking Adams was too valuable to their planning effort, declined the offer. But after a second request by Borden, the British government gave in and Adams was hired on a three-year contract to head the newly created Town Planning Branch of the Commission.17 The Canadian government could not have found a more qualified planner. Upon Adams* departure, the influential Town Planning Review commented that \"the Dominion of Canada is to be congratulated on having succeeded in decoying Mr. Adams out of this country\". The Review's editorial went on to say \"much as we wish to help our Colonies, we can-not help feeling a certain resentment towards Canada for having robbed us of the man who is justly looked up to as the head of the profession 18 in this country\". Similar sentiments were expressed at a farewell dinner held for Adams by the Town Planning Institute, at which Adams was credited with setting up the British Town Planning Institute, in i -tiating Britian's f i rst garden city and implementing the provisions of 19 Britain's new Housing and Town Planning Act. 104. Prior to Adams arrival, Canadian planning had made substantial strides forward. But despite this progress, a comprehensive body of planning theory had s t i l l not been formulated. Adams, however, was about to f i l l this void. I I Adams typified the growing confidence in Western society that man was capable of shaping his destiny by the rational application of scientific principles. \"Our f irst duty,\" proclaimed Adams, \"is to acquire a thorough knowledge of our own conditions and to formulate and strive for the attainment of our own ideals, in our own way and 20 with the realization of our power to shape our own future. The application of scientific management involved firm government inter-vention to protect the public good against individual greed. \"The day is past,\" declared Adams, \"when substantial natural progress can be made by a people that function on the imitative grooves of precedent 2T or follow the deadly doctrine of laissez-faire.\" In hiring Adams, the Canadian government could not have found a planner that better typified British planning sentiments. For Adams, the objectives of planning were threefold: efficiency, health and 22 amenity. To achieve these objectives i t was necessary to expand the sphere of planning to include virtually all aspects of urban l i f e , especially those of health and housing. In his comments at the 1914 City Planning Conference in Toronto, Adams defined what he meant by town planning. Town planning, suggested Adams, was not the construction of garden suburbs and garden cit ies. Nor was i t the American \"city planning\", which Adams thought was limited to simply \"the control of street lines, 105, laying out of boulevards and open space, control of the skyline in buildings and other matters which are concerned with the monumental 23 side of the town rather than with the home l i f e of the people\". According to Adams, town planning was defined in the following way: Now town planning in br ie f includes the con-sideration of every aspect of c i v i c l i f e and c i v i c growth. There is nothing in the develop-ment of the ci ty which does not come under the purview of town planning properly understood. And the essence of town planning as the essence of ci ty l i f e , is the safeguarding of the health of the community and the provision of proper homes for the people. On that basis we have to build up the whole of our theory and practice on the subject.24 After several years of studying Canadian problems, Adams con-cluded that the. l imits of town planning would have to be extended even further than he had or ig inal ly envisaged. In a major report for the Commission of Conservation, he concluded that \"we need rural planning 25 as well as town planning\". To symbolize this broadening of scope, Adams suggested that the term town planning should be replaced with the term \"planning and development\". He jus t i f i ed this change in terminology in the following way: The change in terminology . . . arises from the fact that the same principles which are proving,; successful in regard to the organization of town l i f e are necessary to be applied to rural l i f e . In other words, the scope of planning and devel-opment cannot in practice be limited to urban development . . ^ g Changing the definit ion of planning or ca l l ing for the applica-tion of \"sc ient i f ic principles\" would not solve Canada's problems. If Adams and the Commission were to be successful , they would have to provide more details on what those speci f ic planning principles were. Adams responded to this challenge and slowly developed a theory of 106. planning by drawing on British and American practice and building on the indigenous progress that had already occurred in Canadian planning 27 practice. . Adams suggested that the overriding theme that distinguished planning was the scientific management of land. \"The land question,\" 28 declared Adams, \"is at the root of all social questions.\" Conse-quently, the primary purpose of \"town and country planning\" must be the proper development and use of both urban and rural land, so as to secure efficiency, convenience, health and amenity; that is town planning as i t is being thought out and worked in Britain, and i t is in that form 29* that we have adopted i t here.\" ~ Adams viewed land as Canada's most neglected yet \"greatest 30 natural resource\". To properly manage i t , the planner would have to take a comprehensive and holistic view, because all the different as-pects of land development were, in the end, interdependent. In one of his f i rst statements in Canada, Adams criticized the Toronto Harbour Plan before his Toronto audience assembled for the 1914 City Planning Conference, because the plan tried to deal with the harbour in iisolation 31 from the whole city. Nothing could be considered by itself . In a similar criticism of another planning proposal, Adams stated: Undoubtedly, however, the proper procedure in this matter, as in all matters of city develop-ment, is to take a comprehensive view of the whole problem and not to deal with it in com-ponents except in the degree that such com-ponents are linked up with a general scheme Adams, like many of his compatriots, suggested that the prepara-tion of a comprehensive plan should occur at a number of different levels: from the general regional plan down to the detailed site plan. 107. The regional plan was necessary because of the interdependence of urban and rural society. Adams remarked, for example, that: Looking at the nation as a whole we usually permit ourselves to divide i t into two parts ~ rural and urban, or from an industrial standpoint, agriculture and manufacturing. There can be no real distinction between these two classes of area or industry . . . agriculture, mining and manufacturing are not in conflict but are related parts of the great whole . . .33 As a consequence of this interdependence, Adams concluded that: It is important that study be made of regional areas as i t is only by the study of such areas that there can be a proper appreciation of the distribution of industry and of the inter-dependence of town and country. We hear much of city planning and something of country planning, but what is most wanted is the planning of the town-country which is com-prised in the region.34 , Having defined the appropriate boundaries of the study area, the planner should then take a sequence of steps comprised of a comprehensive survey, analysis, plan and implementation. The survey should be broken down into two stages. First, a general regional survey should be made to ascertain topographical information, land use capability and land use patterns. A more detailed survey of the built up areas should then be done in order to obtain information relating to the existing transportation fac i l i t ies , municipal services, land values, topography 35 ': and existing land uses. Upon completion of the comprehensive survey, the planner would then analyze the data and draw up a broad regional strategy dealing with the general regional land use pattern and a more detailed urban plan for the built up areas. Adams felt that, in drawing up the broad regional strategy, the planner should be cognizant of the fact that the problems 108. of \"overcrowding and bad sanitary conditions in the cities and towns\" and the problem \"of isolation of rural districts\" were obviously re-36 lated. While emphasizing that \"it is futile to fight against the 37 tendency of men to locate in the cit ies\", Adams maintained that \"new town settlements (garden cities) should be established where there are good facil i t ies for profitable production and distribution, where manufacturing and intensive farming should be successfully carried on and where advantage can be taken of the tendency to remove industries from 38 -crowded centres to rural districts\". Adams observed that this policy of decentralizing growth to new settlements would achieve the two im-portant objectives of revitalizing rural areas by ensuring sufficient concentrations of population to sustain a higher level of social and economic services and of relieving the congestion plaguing the larger urban centres. In Adams' words: It is by these means that the welfare of rural and urban industries can be promoted and that economic distribution of people can be secured, instead of having them crowded into large cities on the one hand or doomed to unhealthy isolation on the other hand.3\"g In a major report for the Commission, Adams suggested that the agricultural arrea of the region should be revitalized in other ways as well as government support of decentralization. Government provision of rural credit, support for cooperatives, better manpower training and the provision of better transportation and other public infrastructure 40 = were all recommended. -But while all these policies were useful, Adams emphasized that none of them would work unless the problem of land speculation was 109. eliminated. Land speculation, argued Adams, caused \"absentee landlord-ism, idleness of fertile and accessible areas, inflated land values \u00E2\u0080\u0094 representing a tax on industry \u00E2\u0080\u0094 and unhealthy living conditions. 4 1 In his major report, entitled Rural Planning and Development, Adams presented detailed evidence to support his claim. According to his report, speculators had subdivided and got government to install urban services on land that would not be needed for decades. This pre-mature subdivision of land resulted in needless expenditures of scarce public capital and withdrew good agricultural land from production long before i t should have been. \"When the land is owned by an absentee,\" 42 observed Adams, \"it is not cultivated at a l l . \" The leapfrog develop-ment pattern made the provision of services necessary to secure proper sanitary conditions diff icult \"because the buildings are too widely scattered\" and forced workers \"to travel long distances to theii? work,\" causing a \"general paralysis of the whole neighbourhood\". Adams also discovered that \"most frequently i t is the good land lying closest to the railways that is held by speculators, causing the land users to pay excessive prices or to go on the poorer land in more remote districts.\" In addition to causing improper use of land, uncontrolled speculation imposed a \"tax on industry - - whether i t be agriculture or manufacture,\" by allowing community land values to fal l \"into the pockets of men who have left the country\". \"Socially created land values,\" complained Adams, \"are inflated and exploited and monopolies in natural resources 43 are established.\" Adams proposed a number of policies to control the evils of speculation. First, there should be a proper system of land assessment 110. managed by a group of \"competent and trained valuers, who understand the principles of land valuation? and can assist the operation of the market by providing sound information on land values. \"Real estate operators,\" suggested Adams, \"are not good valuers, and their experience 44 is hurtful rather than helpful to sound judgment.\" Second, Adams recommended that land developers be required to pay for the servicing of their land. \"The time has come,\" declared Adams, \"not only for muni-cipalities in Canada to cease to be bankers for real estate operators, but for the municipalities to make i t obligatory that the local improve-ments necessary to provide certain minimum standards of sanitation and convenience of access should be provided before lots are put on the 45 market for building purposes.\" It was argued that this policy would discourage the \"forcing of land on the market before i t is ripe for ' 46 development.\" Third, Adams proposed that \"where speculation occurs, i t should be subject to a high increment tax at the time when any land is transferred \u00E2\u0080\u0094 a tax which would act as a deterrent against specula-tion and as a means of obtaining for the community as much as possible 47 of the value which is socially created\". Finally, Adams recommended that i t was crit ical that the regional plan ensure that the land is allocated to the use for which i t is best suited: fertile land to agri-culture, well-drained land for urban purposes and scenic natural areas 48 for parks. This sort of planning that attempted to adapt land use patterns to the natural features of the region would require abandon-ment of the old grid pattern of subdividing. To ensure that the recommended land use patterns were maintained, strict development controls to limit new subdivisions to designated areas on the urban periphery, and \"agricultural zones\" to protect fertile land 111. s h o u l d be s t r i c t l y e n f o r c e d . Adams a l s o recommended t h a t the government s h o u l d c o n s i d e r l e a s i n g l a n d i n s t e a d o f s e l l i n g i t to p r i v a t e b u y e r s . Adams a d m i t t e d t h a t \"while t h e r e a r e o b j e c t i o n s to the l e a s e h o l d s y s -tem, i t po s s e s s e s the g r e a t advantage o f r e s t r i c t i n g i n j u r i o u s s p e c u l a -49 t i o n and o f l e a v i n g the farmer's c a p i t a l f r e e f o r f a r m i n g o p e r a t i o n s . ' ' The n e x t s t e p i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s was t o p r e p a r e a more d e t a i l e d urban p l a n w i t h i n the parameters o f the r e g i o n a l s t r a t e g y . Iiike many o f h i s c o m p a t r i o t s , Adams viewed the c i t y as an organism comprised o f a num-ber o f i n t e r d e p e n d e n t components t h a t had to be c o o r d i n a t e d i f the system was g o i n g to f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y . A t the 1914 P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , Adams sugg e s t e d t h a t : \u00E2\u0080\u00A2A g r e a t community may be l i k e n e d to a g r e a t h o t e l . Your b o u l e v a r d s and y o u r p u b l i c p l a c e s , your parks and yo u r baths and so on are the v e s t i b u l e s and the r e c e p t i o n rooms. Your f a c t o r i e s and y o u r workshops a r e the k i t -chensand t he s c u l l e r i e s , and yo u r homes are the bedrooms where t h e peop l e s l e e p and l i v e . . . i n a g r e a t h o t e l , ] . i t i s n e c e s s a r y to have a f i n e v e s t i b u l e , a f i n e r e c e p -t i o n room, but t h e r e a l e s s e n t i a l t h i n g to make the guests c o m f o r t a b l e i s t h a t t he k i t c h e n s h a l l \" be c l e a n and prop-e r l y o r d e r e d and t h a t t h e bedrooms s h a l l be c o m f o r t a b l e . 5 0 In p r e p a r i n g the urban p l a n , the e x p e r t s h o u l d d e s i g n a t e a number o f zones to r e s e r v e l a n d f o r a p p r o p r i a t e uses and p r e v e n t i n c o m p a t i b l e l a n d uses from i n f r i n g i n g on each o t h e r . Adams recommended the use o f f i v e zones, i n c l u d i n g heavy i n d u s t r y , l i g h t i n d u s t r y , commercial, low d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l and h i g h d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l . R e g u l a t i o n s s f o r each o f these zones s h o u l d be d e v i s e d to c o n t r o l l a n d use, the h e i g h t o f b u i l d i n g s , and the d e n s i t y . Areas near r a i l w a y s and o t h e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s s h o u l d be r e s e r v e d f o r i n d u s t r i e s w h i l e r e s i d e n c e s s h o u l d be l o c a t e d i n ar e a s f r e e from n o i s e and a i r p o l l u t i o n . A t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n 112. should be drawn up to al low for e f f i c i e n t movement between these i n te r -dependent components. The roads should be c l a s s i f i e d according to main, t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s , major s t ree ts , and minor streets for residen-t i a l purposes. The width of the st reet should be adjusted to r e f l e c t t r a f f i c demand, while the locat ion of streets should be planned to avoid unnecessari ly steep grades. This l a t t e r p r inc ip ie requ i red f the replacement of the gr id pattern with a more f l ex i b l e s t reet design 51 adapted to the unique topography of the urban area. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Adams sugges-ted that the plan should provide for adequate recreat ional f a c i l i t i e s , c i v i c centres and municipal se rv ices , as well as subdivis ion controls to regulate the charac te r i s t i cs of new urban areas. F i n a l l y , the urban area should be surrounded by an agr icu l tu ra l zone which would prevent 52 premature subdiv is ion of peripheral land. -Adams urged that the urban plan should give special considera-t ion to the quest ion.of housing. In one of his many addresses to Can-adian audiences, Adams urged thaf'we have to learn how to solve the problem of housing the common man\" for \"the human factor i s the most 53 important in indust r ia l equipment.\" Adams j u s t i f i e d th is emphasis on housing for two reasons. F i r s t of a l l , good housing would increase the e f f i c iency of workers. In an address to the Canadian Club of Mon-t r e a l , Adams cautioned that the fa i l u re to provide good and reason-ably priced housing meant that the businessman \" i s not only paying more for the men, but i s los ing the advantage of gett ing that e f f i c i -ency which he could get i f they were housed in the proper cond i t ions . \" Adams concluded that \"when you look at i t from th is point of view, you see how essent ia l i t i s that you should take into account the question 113. of housing of the people at the same time that you proceed to plan any 54 great c i t y . \" Adams also fe l t that adequate housing should be pro-vided as a social r ight. \"True patriotism,\" preached Adams, \"embraces the ideal of securing amelioration of social conditions\" such as bad housing and poverty. Adams argued that \"the whole problem of housing is mixed up with the question of land and the development of land is so dependent on town planning of the right kind, that housing 56 -and planning schemes must proceed side by side.\" Consequently, he suggested that his proposals regarding proper development of new land and decentralization of employment to new towns to relieve urban con-gestion would go a long way in solving the problem. These measures, however, were not considered suf f ic ient . Additional government pro-grams, including financial support for worker housing cooperatives, government land assembly and construction, slum clearance, were a l l necessary i f the housing problem was to be solved. Private enterprise was either unwilling or unable to do the job. Co-ops were viewed with particular favour because they would maintain individual ownership and 57 i n i t i a t i v e . In undertaking slum clearance, Adams made the follow-ing plea: Please do not proceed to pull down houses when you do not have the f a c i l i t i e s for erecting houses to take their place. The common home of the common man must be a good home.53 Adams also stated that the slum rebuilding should not be impeded by having to provide high compensation to owners when expro-priating land. \"There should not be property rights m:> dwellings used for human habitation that are a menace to the health, morality 59 and well-being of the race,\" suggested Adams. Consequently, the 114 . public should be allowed to redevelop slum areas of the city without having to pay full compensation to the owners. Having completed the survey, analyzed the data and formulated the plan, the planner should then concentrate on the last stage of the process: implementation. According to Adams, that was both the most important and the most ignored element in planning. Adams was crit ical of the Ottawa plan, for example, because there was no specific scheme for implementing i t . 6 0 In fact, one of the reasons that Adams pro-posed that the term town planning be replaced with the term planning and development, was to emphasize that a proper planning process was not just the preparation of the plan, but involved both preparation and 61 implementation. In his annual report to the Commission Adams remarked that: A proper planning scheme is essentially a development scheme, not a mere plan and report as to how things might be done, but a statutory plan and scheme showing how they have to be done.g2 Adams cautioned that, while the plan must be followed, a good plan should be flexible and constantly updated. In a major speech to a Vancouver audience, Adams warned that: ' The plan must not be too rigid or attempt to deal with smaller matters of detail that cannot be accurately determined in advance. It must be elastic and capable of variation as circumstances and conditions alter. , 0 DO Adams theory of planning was similar to the approach evolving in Britain and developing in its embryonic stages in some Canadian planning efforts such as those in Winnipeg. His approach to planning combined the goals of equity with those of efficiency and required a fundamental 115. expansion of government powers particularly in areas such as the construction of workers' housing, the elimination of slums, the building of new towns to decentralize urban growth and to revitalize rural areas and in controls on land development including public land banking and taxation to collect the \"unearned increment\". This body of planning theory contained elements that appealed to agrarian radicals who were interested in revitalizing agricultural l i f e , urban liberals who wanted a more efficient urban system and urban radicals who wanted greater equity. Whether these planning principles would be implemented or not was, however, s t i l l far from clear. I l l Upon his appointment to the Commission, Adams immediately set out to promote his vision of planning. One of his f irst priorities was to get each of the provincial governments to pass legislation giving 64 governments the power to control private land. On this front, con-siderable progress had already been made before Adams arrived in Canada. In response to pressures at both the local level and from the Com-mission of Conservation, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia had passed town planning legislation in 1912 and Alberta, in 1913. New Brunswick's, Nova Scotia's and Alberta's legislation were based almost verbatim on 65 \" the 1909 British Town Planning and Housing Act. Both the Canadian and British legislation allowed local govern-ments to prepare a town planning scheme to control urban development so as to secure adequate traffic provisions, sanitary facil i t ies and open spaces and other necessary public faci l i t ies. Like the British 116. Act, the provincial legislation did not require municipalities to pre-pare town planning schemes i f they didn't desire to. Like the British Act, the provincial legislation allowed municipalities to expropriate land to put a planning scheme into effect and to remove any construction built since the scheme had come into effect and which did not comply with i t . The New Brunswick and Alberta legislation also contained a pro-vision similar to the provision in the British legislation allowing the government to collect 50 percent of any increase in land values attribu-ted to public investment as well as to pay 50 percent compensation for any decrease in land values caused by government investments. Land use controls that may have reduced land values by restricting develop-ment potential did not necessitate payment of compensation. Despite these similarities the Canadian legislation differed from the British in several ways. In accordance with the Constitutional distribution of powers, the Canadian provincial governments, not the federal government, were given complete jurisdiction over planning. In Britain, of course, all powers were vested in the central government. Also, in all three provinces, a section of the British Act (Section 54 (2)), stipulating that the local government would have to obtain senior government approval prior to initiating the preparation of a town plan, was excluded. This section of the British Act had been attacked for imposing unnecessary central government restrictions that impeded the 66 planning activities of local governments. A third and most important difference was that the Canadian legislation restricted the application of planning controls to only those areas about to be developed; existing built-up areas were outside the jurisdiction of planning powers. This 1 1 7 . d e f e c t was p r o b a b l y i n a d v e r t e n t f o r Canadian l e g i s l a t o r s who had c o p i e d the B r i t i s h l e g i s l a t i o n seemed unaware o f the m i s l e a d i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the B r i t i s h A c t . The B r i t i s h A c t c o n t a i n e d two s e c t i o n s : one d e a l i n g w i t h town p l a n n i n g which c o n t a i n e d p r o v i s i o n s f o r p l a n n i n g new suburban development and one d e a l i n g w i t h h o u s i n g which c o n t a i n e d p r o v i s i o n s f o r the p l a n n i n g o f b u i l t - u p urban a r e a s . In t a k i n g t he B r i t i s h l e g i s l a t i o n a l m o s t v e r b a t i m i t appears t h a t the Canadian l e g i s l a t o r s m i s t a k e n l y assumed t h a t t h e h o u s i n g s e c t i o n o f the B r i t i s h A c t s i m p l y d e a l t w i t h h o u s i n g . C o n s e q u e n t l y by t a k i n g o n l y the town p l a n n i n g s e c t i o n o f the B r i t i s h A c t , Canadians adopted a t r u n c a t e d v e r s i o n . T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Canadian l e g i s l a t o r s i n a d v e r t e n t l y o m i t t i n g i m p o r t a n t s e c t i o n s o f the B r i t i s h l e g i s l a t i o n i s p a r t l y s u b s t a n t i a t e d by P e t e r Smith's r e s e a r c h on the o r i g i n s o f A l b e r t a l e g i s l a t i o n which i l l u s t r a t e s how l i t t l e u n d e r s t a n d i n g Canadian l e g i s l a t o r s seemed t o have o f the l e g i s l a t i v e i n i t i a t i v e s . Nova S c o t i a ' s A c t was d i f f e r e n t from the o t h e r l e g i s l a t i o n i n s e v e r a l ways. While A l b e r t a ' s , New Brunswick's and B r i t a i n ' s l e g i s l a t i o n r e q u i r e d s e n i o r government a p p r o v a l b e f o r e a town p l a n n i n g scheme was l e g a l l y b i n d i n g , the Nova S c o t i a l e g i s l a t i o n a l l o w e d l o c a l government complete l o c a l c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r own p l a n n i n g . S e c o n d l y , Nova S c o t i a ' s l e g i s l a t i o n c o n t a i n e d a p r o v i s i o n a l l o w i n g the l o c a l government t o gua r a n t e e the debt o f p h i l a n t h r o p i c p r i v a t e housing c o r p o r a t i o n s o r t o s e t up a m u n i c i p a l housing c o r p o r a t i o n t o p r o v i d e working c l a s s accommo-d a t i o n . T h i r d l y , Nova S c o t i a ' s A c t , w h i l e a l l o w i n g t h e payment o f compensation t o owners o f l a n d whose v a l u e had d e p r e c i a t e d as a r e s u l t o f the p l a n n i n g scheme, had e x c l u d e d the p r o v i s i o n a l l o w i n g the gover n -tinent t o c o l l e c t 50 p e r c e n t o f any p l a n n i n g i n d u c e d i n c r e a s e i n the v a l u e o f l a n d . Nova S c o t i a a l s o had amended the H a l i f a x C h a r t e r t o a l l o w t h e c i t y t o p r e p a r e a town p l a n n i n g scheme f o r b u i l t up a r e a s . 118. O n t a r i o a l s o passed p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n i n 1913. T h i s l e g i s -l a t i o n , which was e n t i t l e d the C i t y and Suburbs P l a n A c t , was, however, v e r y d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r p l a n n i n g a c t s . The A c t r e s t r i c t e d p l a n n i n g t o s i m p l y the r i g h t o f government t o approve or r e j e c t s u b d i v i s i o n a p p l i c a -t i o n s f r o m ^ p r i v a t e d e v e l o p e r s . T h i s l i m i t e d r o l e f o r p l a n n i n g was f u r t h e r r e s t r i c t e d by the s t i p u l a t i o n t h a t t h i s s u b d i v i s i o n a p p r o v a l p r o c e s s be l i m i t e d t o o n l y t h o s e s u b d i v i s i o n s proposed f o r a r e a s w i t h i n f i v e m i l e s o f c i t i e s o v e r 50,000 p o p u l a t i o n . A l s o , i n 1913, O n t a r i o , a l o n g w i t h Quebec, passed s e p a r a t e housing l e g i s l a t i o n which a l l o w e d l o c a l g o v e r n -ments t o g u a r a n t e e the d e b t o f p h i l a n t h r o p i c housing a s s o c i a t i o n s . In the same y e a r , A l b e r t a passed a p i e c e o f l e g i s l a t i o n e n t i t l e d the Unearned Increment Tax. While the 5% r a t e o f tax would have shocked Henry George, the tax d i d a c c e p t Henry George's n o t i o n t h a t the community had a r i g h t to c o l l e c t community-created l a n d v a l u e s . A f t e r r e v i e w i n g the p r o g r e s s i n p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n , Hodgetts and the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n d e c i d e d t o p r e p a r e a model town p l a n -n i n g a c t i n the hope o f g e t t i n g t h o s e p r o v i n c e s w i t h l e g i s l a t i o n t o improve t h e i r A c t s and t h o s e p r o v i n c e s w i t h o u t l e g i s l a t i o n t o g e t some passed. The Commission drew up t h e i r model l e g i s l a t i o n i n 1914 and 68 p r e s e n t e d i t to the N a t i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g f o r d i s c u s s i o n . The Commission's model l e g i s l a t i o n , w h i l e s i m i l a r i n most r e s p e c t s to the e x i s t i n g A l b e r t a and New Brunswick A c t s , d i f f e r e d from the e x i s t -i n g p r o v i n c i a l a c t s i n s e v e r a l i m p o r t a n t ways. F i r s t and f o r e m o s t , the Commission's model a c t a l l o w e d f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a town p l a n n i n g scheme f o r l a n d whether i t was a l r e a d y b u i l t on or n o t . In f a c t , the d r a f t a c t s t a t e d t h a t a \" l o c a l Town P l a n n i n g Board s h a l l p r e p a r e and 69 c o n s t a n t l y keep up a comprehensive p l a n o f the whole t e r r i t o r y . \" 119. Clearly, the Commission considered the provincial acts deficient because they al l had restricted the preparation of town planning schemes to only those areas about to be developed. The Commission's draft Act also called for the establishment of a local Town Planning Board to prepare the planning schemes and a pro-vincial Town Planning Board to supervise and approve all planning pro-posals prepared by the local board. The Act stipulated that the approval of both of these boards was required before any land could be subdivided. As well, the draft legislation specifically required that both the pro-vincial and local boards shall be comprised of a group of experts including a qualified town planner, a financial expert, a doctor, an architect, an engineer and a legal expert. In defending this section, Hodgetts argued that: In this way i t is proposed to remove the important matters in connection with town planning out of the hands of our municipal councils. Speaking freely, as a Canadian, I may say after twenty-seven odd years of public experience, that I am not impressed with the achievements or the capabilities of 'town counciIs' . 7 0 The response to the Commission's proposal at the 1914 City Plan-ning Conference in Toronto was mixed. W.F. Burditt, who was Chairman of St. John's Town Planning Commission, commented that New Brunswick had already passed legislation virtually identical to the Commission's draft Act . 7 1 The New Brunswick official s t i l l seemed unable to grasp that the New Brunswick legislation had unknowingly restricted the power to plan to only those areas about to be developed. Others seemed more in-sightful. C.J. Yorath, Saskatoon's City Commissioner, complained that the draft Act did not go far enough because i t did not make the 120 . preparation of planning schemes mandatory. Yorath maintained that planning must be \"made compulsory\" for \"it has been found in Great 72 Britain that acts that are voluntary prove a failure\". Yorath also criticized the Act because i t contained no provisions for housing and 73 \"housing is a very essential part of town planning\". Others criticized the proposal for different reasons. Business-man C.N. Mitchell felt that the function of the town planning board vis a vis other government departments was not clearly defined and that i t was not clear how the increased value of land subject to the 50 74' percent betterment levy would be ascertained. A representative from Alberta thought that there would be friction between the municipal ppli-75 ticians and the local boards comprised of independent experts-. George Langley, who was the Minister of Municipal Affairs in Saskatchewan, was particularly sensitive to the political repercussions of having inde-pendent boards controlling councils, who were duly elected representa-tives of the people. \"The b i l l , \" exclaimed Langley, \"is a reversal entirely of our democratic order of things.\" He went on to warn that \"it would not be possible to take this bi l l with the proposal to create a central board to any of the provincial governments of the Dominion 76 with a hope of getting them to adopt i t \" . u In reply to these criticism, Hodgetts reiterated his belief that town councils were incapable of handling such a complex and important function, that the housing question would be dealt with in a separate piece of legislation now being prepared by the Commission, and that it was impolitic to make planning compulsory. He also defended the proposed Act's vague definition of town planning by emphasizing that the proposed legislation was intended to be vague enough so that local governments 121. could prepare whatever type of planning schemes they wanted. \"I would point out,\" he concluded, \"that the legislation is simply en-abling legis lat ion. 1 , 7 7 With Hodgetts' departure to England, Adams took over the task of preparing model town planning legislation. Like Hodgetts, Adams was crit ical of the existing provincial legislation because i t excluded provisions for planning in built up areas. He was especially crit ical of the Ontario legislation, which restricted planning to those areas within five miles of towns greater than 50,000 population. \"The Act (Ontario's),\" he suggested, \"is of comparatively small value in securing 7 8 ' the proper planning of even the few cities in which i t applies.\" Adams was in general agreement with the view of planning reflected in the Commission's proposed Act. In fact, the only major revision that Adams made to the Commission's draft Act was to add the provision that the preparation of a town planning scheme by local government was com-pulsory. Adams also made a number of minor revisions including more detailed descriptions of planning powers, a more specific formula for determining compensation and betterment payments, and explicit state-7 9 ment of the rights of government to impose zoning restrictions. Both Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan were impressed with Adams' pro-posals. In 1915, Nova Scotia passed a new Town Planning Act that was 8 0 drawn up by Adams. Saskatchewan followed suit in 1917. * Under Adams' init iat ive, the colony had outdone the mother country; Britain 81 did not pass as sophisticated town planning legislation until 1919. Progress was not as sparkling in the other provinces. In spite of Adams' efforts, Manitoba, although finally passing planning legislation in 1916, passed an act similar to the old New Brunswick Act which Adams 122 had criticized for its failure to provide for planning for built up Op areas and for its failure to make planning compulsory. Under pressure from both the Commission and municipal governments, Ontario passed a new Planning and Development Act in 1917 that extended planning to built up areas and removed some of the restrictions on the type of city allowed to do planning. Adams commented that the new Ontario Act \"is not entirely satisfactory but is in the right direction\". He speci-f ical ly criticized the Act for not providing for government powers to acquire land, to collect land rents and to control land use through zoning. Adams was more impressed with Ontario's decision to create a new Depart-ment of Municipal Affairs to promote and supervise planning the the province. Quebec and British Columbia were the source of greater dis-appointment for Adams. Neither passed planning legislation during his stay in Canada. Another area where Adams and the Commission of Conservation had some success was housing. During the debate on town planning legislation at the City Planning Conference in Toronto, Hodgetts had indicated that the Commission intended to draw up a model housing act to comple-ment the town planning legislation. Under the auspices of the Commission, Adams, who was deeply committed to the view that housing was an integral component of planning, ultimately drew up the promised housing legislation for the federal government's housing committee formed in 1918 to administer a 25 million dollar fund, set up by the federal government to handle the projected postwar housing shortage. The federal government's program had two primary objectives: to provide 85 housing and to provide employment. The Order in Council on Housing 123. summarized the government's motivation in the following way: In view of the national importance of the matter which touches vitally the health, morals, and general wellbeing of the entire community, and its relation to the welfare of returned soldiers and their families, to-gether with the fact that the carrying out of such a policy on a substantial scale by provincial governments would afford consider-able employment during the period of recon-struction and readjustment of industry following the war, the Minister recommends as follows \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 -86 Adams viewed the government's housing initiative as a unique op-portunity to cement the relationship between housing and planning. He prepared a set of regulations to ensure that the funds would only be disbursed i f the proposed housing scheme met a series of comprehensive planning standards. In the words of the report prepared by Adams for the Housing Committee: The object of the Government in making provision fon a loan of $25,000,000 at 5% to the Provincial Government for housing purposes is: a) to promote the erection of dwelling houses of modern character, to relieve congestion of population in cities and towns; b) to put within reach of all workingmen, particularly returning soldiers, the opportunity of acquiring their own home at actual cost of the building and land acquired at a fair value, thus eliminating the profits of speculation; c) to contribute to the general health and wellbeing of the community by encouraging suitable town planning and housing schemes.g7 The standards included provisions for open space, drainage, water supply, ventilation and light, construction materials, height and size require-ments and streets. The loans were restricted to philanthropic housing societies, municipal and provincial governments and owner builders earning under $3000 per year. The regulations drawn up by Adams clearly intended that the public sector, not the private builder should take the 124. initiative in developing the housing sites. The Order in Council stated that: The success of the housing movement depends upon the acquirement of suitable land at its fair value at a cost which workingmen can afford. It is essential, that statutory provision shall be made by the provinces for a cheap and speedy method of compulsory taking of the land required for housing purposes to facilitate proper planning and to secure economy in connection with housing schemes, comparatively large sites should, as a rule.be chosen so as to permit comprehensive treatment.38 By 1918, then, Adams and the Commission had made an important step towards implementing their planning principles by getting some of the provinces to pass legislation allowing local governments to control land use and land development. They had also convinced the federal government to implement a national /housing program to provide - . housing. The progress gave all those interested in promoting planning cause for optimism. IV The laying down of planning theory and the passage of legisla-tion did not guarantee that planning schemes would be formulated or implemented. The Commission and Adams were all too aware that the success of planning depended on convincing those who now had the power to plan to use i t . The Commission, which had no authority to do any-thing but provide advice, soon began a major publicity campaign designed to st ir the authorities into action. Hodgetts and his public health committee had already launched an aggressive promotional campaign before Adams had arrived in Canada. 1 2 5 . In his statement to the Commission of Conservation in 1913, Hodgetts reported that he had \"delivered public addresses on housing, town-planning, infantile mortality and the care of the feeble-minded, tuber-culosis and many other public health questions\" from \"Edmonton and 89 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Calgary in the west to Halifax in the East\". In the same year, Hodgetts made the proposal for holding a National Conference on Town 90 1 Planning. The result of his promotional efforts was the impressive 1914 City Planning Conference, which successfully gave town planning a national focus and led to the creation of the Town Planning Branch of the Commission of Conservation and the hiring of Adams. Adams praised the efforts of Hodgetts to mold public opinion to support the concept of planning. Adams, who was keenly aware that the passage of planning legislation, the formulation of planning principles and all other related activities would be futile unless sufficient public support for planning was aroused, promised to continue the en-91 ' ergetic efforts of his predecessors. Continue he did. In his f i rst two weeks in Canada, Adams had gone to Winnipeg to consult on the pre-paration of town planning legislation, to British Columbia to address two major meetings on the need for town planning and to judge a Vancouver Civic Centre plan, attended three meetings in Toronto to consider a Toronto-Hamilton transportation plan, addressed the Toronto Housing Company, went to Berlin, Ontario to advise on a plan, then to Montreal to address the Canadian Club on planning, as well as going to Washington, D.C. to give speeches to the American Civic Association, the American 92-Institute of Architects and the Federation of Women's Clubs. This was an apt display of both Adams' endurance and of the efficiency of Canada's transportation system. The next twelve months were every bit as 126. hectic. From Adams' report to the Commission, it appears that Adams had visited virtually every major town in Canada to promote the idea of 93 planning. And during his six years with the Commission, Adams had assisted in the preparation of major planning schemes in Canada, in-cluding major plans for Halifax, Saint John, Ojibway, Kipawa, Iroquois 94 Falls and Renfrew, among other cit ies. To complement his public speaking efforts, Adams published the new journal, Conservation of Life, and set up the Civic Improvement League of Canada to promote interest in planning. This latter effort was parti-cularly impressive. In November, 1915, at Adams' init iative, leading members of Canada's business el i te, including G.F. Benson, President of the Montreal Board of Trade, A.G. Parker, Manager of the Bank of Montreal, Sir John Willison, an Ontario manufacturer, Frank Beer, membersof Canada's intellectual e l i te , including Professor Adam Shortt, Dr. Frank Adams of McGill and Dr. Morley Wickett from the University of Toronto, leading \"social gospellers\" such as J.S. Woodsworth of the Canadian Welfare League and Rev. S.L. Alexander from Calgary, prominent middle class professionals such as landscape architect, F.J. Todd and Dr. H.L. Britten, director of the Bureau of Municipal Research, as well as eminent poli-ticians such as Clifford Sifton and the Honourable Sydney Fisher, Minister of Agriculture, met in Ottawa to form the Civic Improvement 95 League of Canada. Prominent urban liberals, urban radicals and agrarian radicals alii .attended this conference. Adams and the idea of planning appeared to be succeeding in bringing these conflicting groups together. The objectives of the League, as stated in the constitution, were to serve \"a general and effective public interest in al l municipal affairs with special regard to the question of town planning\". In his address to 1 2 7 . the meeting, Adams emphasized that \"all the expert advice that could be given would be more or less futile unless the people are aroused to an intelligent appreciation of the advantages of the advice that is being offered to them\". Adams maintained that \"we cannot give that guidance and enlightenment effectively by preaching; we must arouse public interest sufficiently by local organizations to cause the truth 9 6 to be sought after by the people themselves.\" The Conference agreed with Adams. With unanimous support, the participants agreed to set up a Civic Improvement League, comprised of a Dominion Council with 100 members representing all of Canada's provinces and major organizations, and local leagues in each major city to pro-mote planning. Several months later the group held its f i rst confer-ence during which papers were delivered by Adams as well as other experts 9 7 on all the facets of urban and rural planning.^ The discussion indicated that a general consensus was forming on the need for the type of planning advocated by Adams. To the delegates, planning was objective, scientific and in the public interest. Resolutions were passed urging the creation of provincial departments of municipal affairs, the passage of town planning legislation, the initiation of compre-hensive surveys and the operation of planning schemes. The more than 150 delegates representing all the major towns in Canada returned to their communities to lobby for the resolutions. In 1917, they met again in Winnipeg to discuss town planning issues. To reflect the growing consensus that planning must deal with all important matters in both rural and urban communities>%the second conference was entitled Urban 9 8 and Rural Development. Again the delegates returned to their com-munities carrying all the latest data and ideas on planning. Adams 128. had c l e a r l y c r e a t e d an e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e f o r promoting t he Commission's views. V ; Adams and t h e Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n had made remarkable p r o -g r e s s i n d e v e l o p i n g p l a n n i n g t h e o r y , p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n and p u b l i c s u p p o r t . However, Adams was f u l l y aware t h a t one more t h i n g was r e q u i r e d i f Canadian p l a n n i n g was to be s u c c e s s f u l . That t h i n g was q u a l i f i e d p l a n n e r s . Throughout h i s work, Adams had emphasized t h a t p l a n n i n g was a s c i e n t i f i c endeavour t h a t r e q u i r e d s p e c i a l e x p e r t i s e . \"The two c h i e f enemies o f pr o p e r p l a n n i n g , \" l e c t u r e d Adams, \"are the s e l f - s t y l e d p r a c t i c a l man w i t h o u t s c i e n t i f i c knowledge o r i m a g i n a t i o n who has been r u n n i n g t h i n g s so b a d l y i n the p a s t . The o t h e r i s the unbalanced e n t h u s -i a s t who p a i n t s b e a u t i f u l p i c t u r e s w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g how th e y can be 9-9 -c a r r i e d i n t o e f f e c t . \" To produce a s c i e n t i f i c p r o f e s s i o n r e q u i r e d a p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n -i z a t i o n . F r e s h from h i s e x p e r i e n c e o f s e t t i n g up the B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e , Adams d e c i d e d to c r e a t e a comparable p r o f e s s i o n a l i n s t i t u t e i n Canada, as a means o f s y m b o l i z i n g t he b i r t h o f a new and d i s t i n c t e x p e r t i s e and \"promoting e d u c a t i o n a l causes on town p l a n n i n g 100, i n U n i v e r s i t i e s . \" ' In May, 1919, a group o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s came t o -ge t h e r and formed the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada. In o r d e r to d i s p e l t h e n o t i o n t h a t anyone c o u l d be a p l a n n e r , the c r e a t o r s o f the I n s t i t u t e had devoted c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n to d e f i n i n g a s t r i n g e n t s e t o f e l i g i b i l i t y r e q u i r e m e n t s t h a t r e s t r i c t e d f u l l membership i n the I n s t i t u t e to q u a l i f i e d a r c h i t e c t s , e n g i n e e r s and l a n d s u r v e y o r s who 129. had completed a course in Town Planning and prepared a thesis on a planning-related topic or had taken a qualifying examination adminis-tered by the Institute. 1 0 1 In the f i rst issues of its new journal, The Town Planning Institute of Canada described i tself as \"an organization that would bring archi-tects, surveyors, engineers and landscape architects into definite professional relation with town planning with a view to qualifications 102 for the increased demand for town planning work\". The Institute stated that its specific priorities would be: a) to advance the study of town planning, civic design and kindred subjects, and of the arts and sciences applying to these subjects. b) to promote the scientific and artistic development of land in urban and rural districts. c) to secure the association of those interested in the study of town planning and to promote their interest.]03 \"Canada needs planning but she also needs town planners,\" declared the Institute. \"The Institute will help to promote the one and to create the other.\" Within a year of formation, the fledgling Institute boasted 104 that i t had 117 members. Canada had a new profession. VI \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 By the turn of the century Canada was facing some serious problems resulting from changing settlement patterns that threatened the very viability of the dominant order. The problems had generated the three distinct and conflicting responses of agrarian radicalism, urban liberalism and urban radicalism. But despite their differences 130 . each group maintained support for the emerging discipline of planning. To all i t seemed like the logical answer to Canada's problems. But while i t was easy to accept the concept of planning it was much more diff icult to agree on the specific form that planning ought to take. Initially some advocated what became known as City Beautiful planning with its emphasis on parks, monumental civic centres and wide boulevards. While this City Beautiful approach was attractive because i t did not challenge the rights of private property, it was soon re-jected on the grounds that i t was expensive and did l i t t le to alleviate the major urban problems such as congestion. Introduced to take its place were two alternative styles of planning. One which was based on American practice emphasized e f f i -ciency. The other which was closer to British practice emphasized social concerns as well as concerns of efficiency. Before Adams' arrival i t was not clear which direction Canadian planning would take. No sufficient planning theory had yet been laid down to adequately guide planning practice regardless of which alternative was chosen. The setting up of the Commission of Conservation and the arrival of Adams were important factors expediting the development of planning. Adams and the Commission laid down a body of planning theory, promoted the passage of planning legislation, advised on the preparation of plans, generated substantial public support for planning and helped form two very important new institutions, the Civic Improvement League to encourage public support and the Town Planning Institute of Canada to encourage professional development. It was, by any measure, an impressive set of achievements for a single decade. 131. The planning principles formulated by Adams and the Commission had clearly shifted planning towards the British approach with its emphasis on equity and its acceptance of a strong entreprenurial role for government and away from the more passive American approach re-flected in Bennett's plan for Ottawa. At the same time Adams was successful in developing a set of planning principles which would appeal to all three ideological groups. Agrarian radicals, for example, could easily support the controls over land speculation, the provision of rural credit, the scientific laying out of farms, and the provision of adequate rural infrastructure and the decentralization of growth to small rural settlements which Adams and his colleagues proposed. The urban liberals were enthusiastic about the proposals for better co-ordination between land uses and transportation facil i t ies designed to ensure a more efficient movement of goods and people. They were also supportive of a more logical planning of municipal infrastructure, and regulations that would prevent the intrusion of unwanted uses into their neighbourhoods and measures to provide cheaper workers' housing. Urban radicals were pleased with calls for public ownership of land, the public construction of housing and the elimination of slums* Sir John Willison probably best summed up this broad appeal of planning when he observed that, \"it (planning) is not a movement for a class, 105 or a section, or a city, but a movement for the whole population\". It appeared that a consensus had been reached. But lurking under the cloak of this consensus on planning were some fundamental differences. Each group s t i l l saw planning from a different perspective. The urban liberals, such as Frank Beer, saw 132, planning as a means of increasing the efficiency of movement of goods and workers. Urban socialists, such as Woodsworth and James Simpson, saw planning as a means of replacing the chaos and evils of capitalism with a rational system of providing all those in society with the basic needs such as housing. Agrarian representatives saw it as a means of coping with the problems imposed by speculators and monopolies. Adams seemed convinced that these differences could be resolved by the application of scientific principles. But the inconsistencies and shifts in emphasis in his own statements on planning revealed that i t would be far from easy to conceal potential conflicts and maintain the fragile consensus on the nature of planning a society. For example, at times Adams implied that the question of social justice 106. was central to planning. Yet on other occasions, especially when he was speaking to business audiences, Adams maintained the primary function of planning was ef f ic iency. 1 0 7 Sometimes housing and public health \u00E2\u0080\u00A2j Qg were primary planning issues, while other times Adams considered that \"the f i rst question to be considered in the planning of any kind 109 of area is the question of industry\". Often Adams would emphasize that the government must provide the initiative for development and that rights of private property must be strictly controlled and even abrogated i f the public interest was jeopardized. \"For lack of con-sciousness in the past,\" complained Adams, \"we have placed the sanctity 110 of property on a higher level than human l i fe and civic welfare.\" Consequently, Adams argued that society cannot \"hold hand to antiquated notions regarding the license to use the rights of property to the injury of mankind\".111 But Adams also felt that \"a scheme to success-fully attain the desired objectives must be so framed as to make the 133.: utmost use of individual enterprise\" and that the rights of private 112 property were sacred. At times he emphasized that the growth of cities was both inevitable and desirable and that urban problems were the dominant issues in planning. Yet he also stated that \"urgent as our urban problems are, our chief attention needs to be directed to our rural problems.\" 1 1 3 The Town Planning Institute continued Adams' attempts to main-tain a consensus on the ability of objective, scientific planning to resolve the problems of Canadian society. The definition of planning represented a laudable effort to symbolize this consensus. For the Institute, planning was understood in the following way: Town planning may be defined as the scientific and orderly disposition of land and buildings in use and development with the view to avoiding? congestion and securing economic and social efficiency, health and-well-being in urban and rural communities.] 14 Such a definition combined the interests of the agrarian radicals, the urban liberals and the urban radicals. Planners, in a brash display of optimism, hoped to rise above these fundamental conflicts. The 1920's would show whether this noble and heroic effort would be successful. 134. F o o t n o t e s 1. For events l e a d i n g up to the f o r m a t i o n o f the Commission, see C l i f f o r d S i f t o n , \"([inaugural A d d r e s s , \" C.C.A.R. , 1 9 1 0 , 4-5. 2. House o f Commons Debates, 1909, 11: 6363-79; f o r ,an e x c e l l e n t d i s -c u s s i o n o f the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n see: A l a n Armstrong, \"Thomas Adams and the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , \" P l a n Canada, V o l . 1 , No.l (1959), 14-32; 0. S a a r i n e n , \"The I n f l u e n c e o f Thomas Adams and the B r i t i s h New Towns Movement i n the P l a n n i n g o f Canadian Resource Communities,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , The Usa b l e Urban P a s t , 268-292; C. Ray Smith and David R. W i t t y , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , Resources and the Environment: The Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , Canada,\" P l a n Canada V o l . I I , No.l (1970), 55-71. 3. C.C.A.R., 1910, v i i i . 4. S i f t o n , \" I n a u g u r a l A d d r e s s , \" 26-27. 5. I b i d . , 6. 6. I b i d . , 12. 7. P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h Annual P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , T o r o n t o , 6. 8. H o d g e t t s , \" U n s a n i t a r y Housing,\" 75. 9. H o d g e t t s , \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g , \" 140; C.C.A.R.,1915, 270; Ho d g e t t s , \"Housing & Town P l a n n i n g , \" 141. 10. H o d g e t t s , \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g , \" 135-36. 11. I b i d . , 132. 12. I b i d . , 132. 13. Manitoba Free P r e s s , J u l y 16, 1912, 10. 14. P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h Annual P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , T o r o n t o , 348-49. 15. F or a comprehensive b i o g r a p h y o f Adams see David H u l c h a n s k i , Thomas Adams: A B i o g r a p h i c a l and B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l Guide, Papers on P l a n n i n g and D e s i g n , Paper No.15 ( T o r o n t o : Dept. o f Urban and Reg i o n a l P l a n n i n g , U n i v . o f T o r o n t o , 1979); see a l s o : A r m s t r o n g , \"Thomas Adams and the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n . \" 16. C.C.A.R., 1913, 11. 17. C.C.A.R., 1913, 8-12; C.C.A.R. , 1913, 3. 18. Town P l a n n i n g Review (TPR), V o l . 5 (1914-15), 248. 135 . 19. I b i d . , 243. 20. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 252. 21. Thomas Adams, \"Town and Re g i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o I n d u s t r i a l Growth i n Canada,\" J o u r n a l o f the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada ( J T P I C ) , Vol.1 (1921), 10. 22. Adams, \" E x p e r i e n c e on the E n g l i s h Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" P r o c e e d i n g s o f the S i x t h Annual P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , T o r o n t o , 148-50; Thomas Adams, \"Report o f the Development and P l a n n i n g Branch,\" CCAR, 1917, 95; Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 226-30. 23. Adams, \" E x p e r i e n c e under the E n g l i s h Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" 149. 24. I b i d . , 149. 25. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" CCAR, 1916, 120. 26. Adams, Rur a l P l a n n i n g , 220. 27. The most comprehensive statements o f Adams' t h e o r y o f p l a n n i n g a r e : Adams, Rur a l P l a n n i n g ; Adams, \"Town and Re g i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o I n d u s t r i a l Growth i n Canada;\" Thomas Adams, \"Modern C i t y P l a n n i n g : I t s Meanings and Methods,\" N a t i o n a l M u n i c i p a l Review, V o l . X I , No.6 (June 1922), 157-76, r e p r i n t e d i n Ruther-f o r d , e d ., S a v i n g the Canadian C i t y , 247-75; Thomas Adams, O u t l i n e o f Town and C i t y P l a n n i n g : A Review o f P a s t ^ E f f o r t s and Modern Aims (New York: R u s s e l l Sage F o u n d a t i o n , 1935). 28. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 7. 29. Adams, \"Report o f P l a n n i n g and Development Branch,\" 95. 30. I b i d . , 100. 31. Adams, \" E x p e r i e n c e Under the E n g l i s h Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" 45-50. 32. Adams, \"Improvement o f Slum A r e a s , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 6, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1920), 36. 33. Adams, \"Town and Re g i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o I n d u s t r i a l Growth,\" 10. 34. Adams, \"Modern C i t y P l a n n i n g : I t s Meanings and Methdds,\" 251. 35. I b i d . , 259-60; Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 242-43. 36. Adams, \"Town and Re g i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o I n d u s t r i a l Growth,\" 9, 49. 37. I b i d . , 10. 136. 38. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 244. 39. I b i d . , 172. 40. I b i d . , 142-77. 41. I b i d . , 141. 42. I b i d . , 107. 43. I b i d . , I l l ; I b i d . , 106; I b i d . , 107; I b i d . , 106; I b i d . , 102. 44. I b i d . , 115. 45. I b i d . , 117. 46. I b i d . , 124. 47. I b i d . , 114. 48. I b i d . , 230. 49. I b i d . , 204. 50. Adams, \" E x p e r i e n c e Under the E n g l i s h Town P l a n n i n g A c t \" , 150. 51. Adams, \"Modern C i t y P l a n n i n g : I t s Meanings and Methods,\" 260-62 52. I b i d . , 262-69. 53. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , \" Canadian C l u b o f Vancouver, A d d r e s s e s and P r o c e e d i n g s , 1914-1917, December 15, 1914, 6. 54. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g and the Housing Problem, w i t h S p e c i a l R e f e r e n c e to M o n t r e a l , \" Canadian C l u b o f Montreal and Pro c e e d - i n g s , 1914-15, 12. 55. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 123. 56. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o Land T a x a t i o n , \" CCAR, 1919, 115. . 57. Adams, \"Improvement o f Slum A r e a s ; \" Thomas Adams, \"Partner-Owner-s h i p B u i l d i n g S o c i e t i e s , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 5, No.4, (Oct. 1919), 69-79; Thomas Adams, \"Housing Problem and P r o d u c t i o n , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 4, No.3 ( J u l y 1918), 49-57; Thomas Adams, '\"Housing Development as a Post-War Problem i n Canada,\" N a t i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e o f S o c i a l Work, P r o c e e d i n g s , 1919, 241-46; Thomas Adams, \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g ^ CE (Nov. 1919), 435-38; Thomas Adams, \"Housing Shortage i n Canada,\" CMJ (August 1918), 236. 137. 58. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g and t h e Housing Problem.\" 59. Adams, \"Improvement o f Slum A r e a s , \" 39. 60. Adams, \"Report o f P l a n n i n g and Development Branch,\" 97. 61. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 220. 62. Adams, \"Report o f P l a n n i n g and Development Branch,\" 95. 63. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , \" 5; see a l s o Adams, \"Modern C i t y P l a n n i n g : I t s Meanings and Methods,\" 258. 64. Thomas Adams, \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" CCAR, 1915, 158-74. 65. CCAR c o n t a i n s c o p i e s o f the l e g i s l a t i o n passed i n Canadian p r o v i n c e s ; see \"Canadian Town P l a n n i n g Laws,\" CCAR, 1913, 206-222; \"Canadian Town P l a n n i n g and Housing Laws,\" CCAR, 1914, 239-58; f o r copy o f B r i t i s h A c t , see E.G. C u l p i n , ed., The P r a c t i c a l A p p l i c a t i o n o f P l a n n i n g Powers (London: King & Son, 1909), Appendix. 66. Ashworth, G e n e s i s o f Modern B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g , 191-200. 67. Smith, \"The P r i n c i p l e o f U t i l i t y and the O r i g i n s o f P l a n n i n g L e g i s l a t i o n i n A l b e r t a , \" 206-7. 68. \" D r a f t o f Proposed Canadian Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" P r o c e e d i n g s o f C i t y P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , T o r o n t o , 135-46. 69. I b i d . , 140. 70. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada and the U n i t e d S t a t e s , \" TPR, V o l . 5, 1914-15, 159. 71. I b i d . , 163. 72. I b i d . , 165- \u00E2\u0080\u00A26. 73. I b i d . , 166. 74. I b i d . , 167. 75. I b i d . , 164- 5. 76. I b i d . , 169- 70. 77. I b i d . , 170- 1. 78. I b i d . , 177- 8. 138. 79. Adams,.\"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" 165. 80. \" D r a f t Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" CCAR, 1916, 229-48. 81. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" CCAR, 1916, 124; CCAR, 1918, 201. 82. Ashworth, Genesis o f Modern B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g , 199-200. 83. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing arid P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 125. 84. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g and Housing Development,\" 200; Thomas Adams, \"The P l a n n i n g o f C i t i e s i n O n t a r i o , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 6, No.l (J a n . 1920), 1-8. 85. P r o c e e d i n g s o f C o n f e r e n c e on C i t y P l a n n i n g , T o r o n t o , 177. 86. CCAR, 1919, 123-30. 87. I b i d . , 123. 88. I b i d . , 126. 89. CCAR, 1913, 5. 90. I b i d . , 5. 91. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 117. 92. Thomas Adams, \"Housing and Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" CCAR, 1915, 167-8. 93. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 126-8. 94. I b i d . ; Adams, \"Report o f P l a n n i n g and Development Branch;\" Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g and Land Development,\" CCAR, 1918, 194-204; Thomas Adams, \"Housing, Town P l a n n i n g and M u n i c i p a l Government,\" CCAR, 1919, 95-105. 95. Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada, Report o f P r e l i m i n a r y C o n f e r e n c e , 1-2. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 96. I b i d . , 34; I b i d . , 12. 97. Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , C i v i c Improvement, Re p o r t o f C o n f e r -ence o f C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada, 1916 (Ottawa: 1916). 98. Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , Urban and Rural Development i n X a n a d a , R e p o r t o f C o n f e r e n c e h e l d a t Wi nni peg, May 28-30,1917 (Ottawa, 1917). 99. Thomas Adams, \" H a l i f a x P l a n , \" CCAR, 1919, 107. 139. 100. Adams, \"Housing, Town P l a n n i n g and M u n i c i p a l Government,\" 105. 101. See \"Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e Formed,\" GE, V o l . 36 ( F e b r u a r y 1919), 195; \"Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada, CE, V o l . 3 (May 1919), 452-3. 102. \" E d i t o r i a l , \" J T P I C , V o l . 1, No.l (Oct. 1920), 1. 103. I b i d . , 2. 104. I b i d . , 2; I b i d . , 2. 105. Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada, Report o f P r e l i m i n a r y C o n f e r e n c e , 14. 106. See f o r example Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 123; Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 2, 13; Adams, \"Town and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n R e l a t i o n t o I n d u s t r i a l Growth,\" 10. 107., See f o r example Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g ; \" Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g and Hou s i n g ; \" Adams,,\"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 118. 108. Adams,.\"Experience Under the E n g l i s h Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" 149; Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g . \" 109. Thomas Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , \" CE, V o l . 36 (Feb. 1919), 215. 110. Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g , 2. 111. Thomas Adams, \" C i v i c s and the S o c i a l Q u e s t i o n , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 2, No.3 ( A p r i l 1916), 55-6. 112. Adams, \"Town P l a n n i n g , Housing and P u b l i c H e a l t h , \" 123; Thomas Adams, \"Should Government C o n s c r i p t Land o r R e g u l a t e i t s Use,\" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 4, No.3 ( J u l y 1918), 54-61. 113. Thomas Adams, \" P l a n n i n g and the Development o f Land,\" i n Commis-s i o n o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , Urban & Rural Development i n Canada, 79. 114. J J J P C , V o l . 2 No. 2 (1923), 1. 140. CHAPTER V PLANNING IN THE TWENTIES: THE SEARCH FOR LEGITIMACY The return to peace in 1918 provided Canadian planners with a unique opportunity. On the one hand, Canadians, fully expected that the end of the war would be accompanied by a p e r i o d to rapid growth and all of its associated problems which only a concerted planning effort seemed capable of mitigating. This concern was reinforced by the awareness that the divergence of capital to the war effort had resulted in an acute shortage of domestic necessites such as housing and urban infra-structure: shortages that could cause a national crisis unless appro-priate government planning initiatives were launched. At the same time that the need for planning seemed greater than ever, the nation's acceptance of the idea of planning had reached an un-paralleled peak. The powerful Methodist Church, for example, was now calling for fundamental reforms including strong government regulations on private property. As historian Michael Bliss has argued, the church's tolerance of the battle for justice abroad pushed the church to fight for social justice at home.1 Dr. W.B. Creighton, the editor of the prestigous journal of the church drew the following conclusions: . . . the war has taught us many things and i t is teaching us that the right of conduct of business is after a l l , fundamentally, a national affair and while individualism must necessarily prevail to a certain extent, that extent is definitely limited to the point where i t conserves the national wellbeing . . . The state has the right to control all business and to wipe out of existence any business which is a damage to the state. Most of the members of the Church must have agreed with Creighton for in 141. 1918 t h e y passed r e s o l u t i o n s c a l l i n g f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a C h r i s t i a n 3 s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y t o r e p l a c e the immoral c a p i t a l i s t o r d e r . The Canadian c o u n c i l o f A g r i c u l t u r e had a l s o become more r a d i c a l . In a m a n i f e s t o e n t i t l e d the Farmers' P I a t f o r m they c a l l e d f o r n a t i o n a l -i z a t i o n o f the n a t u r a l monopolies such as t e l e p h o n e and r a i l w a y companies and the i m p o s i t i o n o f a g g r e s s i v e p u b l i c p l a n n i n g t o manage Canada's n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . 4 Meanwhile, urban l a b o u r , s t r e n g t h e n e d by the drama-5 t i c i n c r e a s e i n u n i o n s t r e n g t h , was c a l l i n g f o r broad sweeping changes. Even Canada's e l i t e seemed to a c c e p t t h e need f o r a more a c t i v e p u b l i c p l a n n i n g t o r e p l a c e the v a g a r i e s o f the p r i v a t e market. A s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s by prominent Canadians i n the book A New Era i n Canada c a l l e d f o r sweeping reforms i n c l u d i n g comprehensive town p l a n n i n g , p u b l i c owner-s h i p o f u t i l i t i e s and p u b l i c ownership o f l a n d r e q u i r e d f o r urban d e v e l -opment. In the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the book i t was s u g g e s t e d t h a t : The f i n a l triumph o f democracy c o u l d o n l y be a s s u r e d by the w i l l i n g s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o the s t a t e f o r the common good. T h a t i s the l e s s o n Canadians have t o l e a r n . i n the new e r a , a l e s s o n made e a s i e r f o r them by the h e r o i c example o f Canadian y o u t h i n war and the d e v o t i o n o f t h o s e who w i l l i n g l y gave themselves to a n o b l e c a u s e . 7 S i m i l a r s e n t i m e n t s e x h o r t i n g the need f o r more p u b l i c p l a n n i n g w e r e e x p r e s s e d by Mackenzie King i n h i s 1918 p u b l i c a t i o n I n d u s t r y and o Humanity. I t appeared t h a t the sense o f n a t i o n a l commitment and p a t r i o t i c f e r v o u r which had f u e l e d Canada's war e f f o r t s u d d e n l y e x p l o d e d i n t o b r o a d l y based c a l l s f o r w i d e s p r e a d s o c i a l and economic r e f o r m s . As Stephen Leacock wrote i n 1920: Put i n the p l a i n e s t terms we are s a y i n g t h a t the government o f e v e r y c o u n t r y ought t o '-s u p p l y work and pay t o t h e unemployed, main-1 4 2 . tenance f o r the i n f i r m e d and aged, and e d u c a t i o n and o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the c h i l d r e n . These are v a s t t a s k s . And they i n v o l v e d , o f c o u r s e , a f i n a n c i a l burden not dreamed o f b e f o r e the war. But here a g a i n the war has t a u g h t us many t h i n g s . . . the f i n a n c e of the war w i l l prove t o be a l e s s o n i n the f i n a n c e o f peace. The new burden i s here t o s t a y . g The end o f the war,, t h e n , was an a u s p i c i o u s time f o r p l a n n i n g . The need f o r p l a n n i n g was p r e s s i n g , the s u p p o r t s t r o n g , and much o f the t h e o r e t i c a l , l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l groundwork n e c e s s a r y f o r p l a n n i n g had been l a i d by Adams and o t h e r s b e f o r e the war had ended. A t f i r s t i t seemed t h a t t h e s e o p t i m i s t i c post-war e x p e c t a t i o n s h e l d py Canadian p l a n n e r s would be f u l f i l l e d . The ex p e c t e d postwar- problems which p r o -v i d e d the i n i t i a l impetus f o r s t r e n g t h e n e d p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s were c e r t a i n -l y a p p e a r i n g i n most major Canadian c i t i e s . A c u t e h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e s which had p e r s i s t e d d u r i n g the war were s e r i o u s l y a g g r a v a t e d by the d e m o b i l i z a t i o n o f 600,000 Canadian m i l i t a r y p e r s o n n e l . The r e s u l t was ov e r c r o w d i n g and a d r a m a t i c r i s e i n ho u s i n g c o s t s . 1 0 Rents, f o r example, which had a c t u a l l y d e c l i n e d from 1913 t o 1918 r o s e by an a s t o n i s h i n g 10 p e r c e n t i n 1918 and 19 p e r c e n t i n 1 9 1 9 . 1 1 A l s o , a postwar- boom i n housing and g e n e r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s t i m u l a t e d by t h e s e s t r o n g demand p r e s s u r e s p l a c e d a d d i t i o n a l s t r e s s on the urban community. Both l a b o u r and b u s i n e s s p r e s s u r e d government t o a c t . The Cana-d i a n M a n u f a c t u r e r s 1 A s s o c i a t i o n c a l l e d f o r government c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h o u s i n g . In t h e i r magazine I n d u s t r i a l Canada, Canadian m a n u f a c t u r e r s reasoned t h a t \" p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e seems unable i f not u n w i l l i n g t o s h o u l d e r the r i s k and expense o f e r e c t i n g enough houses t o f i l l t h e p r e s e n t needs ... government i t s e l f s h o u l d do something t o s o l v e t he 143 . p r o b l e m . \" \" 1 Canadian m a n u f a c t u r e r s , a l o n g with o t h e r businessmen, f e a r e d t h a t the f a i l u r e t o s o l v e the postwar h o u s i n g c r i s i s and a s s o c i a t e d 13 urban problems c o u l d l e a d t o r e v o l u t i o n and B o l s h e v i s m . These con-c e r n s were c e r t a i n l y r e i n f o r c e d by the i n c r e a s i n g m i l i t a n c y o f Canadian l a b o u r whose s t r e n g t h had been s p u r r e d by an a s t o n i s h i n g i n c r e a s e i n union membership from 143,000 i n 1915 t o 378,000 i n 1 9 1 9 . 1 4 Major p l a n n i n g i n i t i a t i v e s were q u i c k l y mounted. In O n t a r i o , the T o r o n t o Board o f T r a d e , the Canadian M a n u f a c t u r e r s A s s o c i a t i o n and the l a b o u r u n i o n s j o i n e d f o r c e s i n s u c c e s s f u l l y p e t i t i o n i n g the government to e s t a b l i s h the O n t a r i o Housing Committee i n June o f 1918. The Committee, comprised o f l e a d i n g O n t a r i o m a n u f a c t u r e r s such as John W i l l i s t o n , Frank Beer and Thomas Roden, s u b m i t t e d a r e p o r t c a l l i n g f o r d i r e c t government c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h o u s i n g , the c o n t r o l o f l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n , the c o l l e c t i o n o f the \"unearned i n c r e m e n t s \" , the s e t t i n g up o f a p r o v i n c i a l p l a n n i n g board c o m p r i s e d o f e x p e r t s who would a d v i s e and a s s i s t m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n -ments i n the p r e p a r a t i o n o f p l a n n i n g schemes, the passage o f l e g i s l a t i o n which would make the p r e p a r a t i o n o f town p l a n s compulsory, and the 15 encouragement o f new towns a l o n g the l i n e s o f L etchworth i n E n g l a n d . The r e p o r t , t h e n , was a c l e a r endorsement o f the c o n c e p t o f p u b l i c p l a n n i n g and s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n a d v o c a t e d by Adams and the Com-m i s s i o n . I t s a u t h o r s had c o n c l u d e d t h a t : The f u n c t i o n o f governments has been w i d e l y extended i n a l l e n l i g h t e n e d c o u n t r i e s d u r i n g r e c e n t y e a r s . G r a d u a l l y the s t a t e has assumed p r e r o g a t i v e s which a c e n t u r y ago would have been r e g a r d e d as s e r i o u s l y i m p i n g i n g on p e r s o n a l l i b e r t y . . . I t appears p o s s i b l e , t h e n , t o e s t a b l i s h a c l e a r c a s e f o r s t a t e i n t e r v e n -t i o n when t h e f a i l u r e o f p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e endangers p u b l i c h e a l t h and d e n i e s d e c e n t c o m f o r t t o f a m i l i e s o f c i t i z e n s . l c 144. The f e d e r a l government's i n t e r e s t was a l s o growing. In A p r i l 1919 the Dominion government s e t up a r o y a l commission t o e n q u i r e i n t o the growing u n r e s t i n the c o u n t r y . The commission came to the f o l l o w i n g c o n c l u s i o n : A n o t h e r cause o f u n r e s t which we met w i t h a t p r a c t i c a l l y e v e r y p l a c e was the s c a r c i t y o f the h ousing and the poor q u a l i t y o f some o f t h o s e which d i d e x i s t . In n o t h i n g has produc-t i o n more s i g n i f i c a n t l y f a l l e n d u r i n g the f o u r y e a r s war than i n b u i l d i n g o f d w e l l i n g houses. The e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n f o r the worker i s not o n l y the absence o f s u f f i c i e n t h o u s i n g accommo-d a t i o n but the inadequacy o f t h o s e t h a t a r e i n e x i s t e n c e . Poor s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s and i n s u f f i c i e n t rooms are the c h i e f c o m p l a i n t . High p r i c e f o r b u i l d i n g l a n d and b u i l d i n g mat-e r i a l s has made i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r the worker t o p r o v i d e h i m s e l f w i t h a home. Some means s h o u l d be adopted w i t h as l i t t l e d e l a y as p o s s i b l e t o remedy t h i s d e f e c t . ^ As a consequence o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s , the f e d e r a l government r e q u e s t e d Thomas Adams t o p r e p a r e g u i d e l i n e s f o r a $25 m i l l i o n h o u s i n g scheme which was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g a t o t a l o f 6,244 houses 18 i n 179 Canadian m u n i c i p a l i t i e s d u r i n g the y e a r s 1920-24. These housing i n i t i a t i v e s taken by the government p r o v i d e d a powerful s t i m u l u s f o r the development o f p l a n n i n g . Adams, who was d e e p l y committed t o the view t h a t h o u s i n g and p l a n n i n g were i n s e p a r a b l e , d e s i g n e d the program so as t o ensure t h a t comprehensive p l a n n i n g would 19 have t o be undertaken b e f o r e government funds were d i s p e r s e d . The O n t a r i o government's e f f o r t a l s o e x p l i c i t l y s t i p u l a t e d t h e ' c o n n e c t i o n 20 between comprehensive town p l a n n i n g and housing c o n s t r u c t i o n . These s p e c i f i c e f f o r t s , combined w i t h the g e n e r a l t h r u s t towards p l a n n i n g i n Canadian s o c i e t y , m o t i v a t e d comprehensive p l a n n i n g i n i t i a t i v e s 145. at the local level. The Saint John Town Planning Commission under the direction of the Board of Trade member W.S. Curtis, began work on its 21 regional plan in earnest. Kitchener-Waterloo, London, and Ottawa, 22 all began preparing major plans. Montreal formed the Montreal Metro-politan Commission to supervise the municipal government activities. And in Toronto, the Toronto Housing Commission was formed in 1919 to 23 analyze the city's housing and related urban problems. Meanwhile, the Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia planning acts which had made municipal plan-ning compulsory, motivated the local governments in these two provinces to begin planning. Reginaand Calgary took a renewed interest in their respective plans that had already been prepared by British planner 24 Thomas Mawson but had been virtually ignored during the war. It appeared that the consensus that had formed around the idea of planning was going to be maintained. But Canadian planners' growing prestige and optimism was to be shortlived. The fortuitous circumstances which had generated such en-thusiasm for planning quickly changed. First, the post war economic boom which had motivated governments to prepare plans in anticipation of continued rapid growth came to a sharp halt in 1921. Exports de-clined by 26 percent, housing starts by 35 percent, prices by 40 per-25 cent and unemployment rose to over 16 percent. This sharp contraction imposed a necessary fiscal conservatism on all levels of government. Under conditions of restraint, activities such as constructing workers' housing and infrastructure or preparing comprehensive plans were not viewed with great favour. Even when recovery came in 1926, the Canadian economy never reached pre-war levels. As the figures in chapter one il lustrate, expansion in the 1920's turned out to be much slower than 146. the rapid expansion from 1900 to 1911. Total population growth for the 1920's was 18 percent while urban growth was 31 percent and rural growth 7 percent. The respective growth rates for the 1901 to 1911 period were 35 percent, 62 percent and 21 percent. Canada's largest metropolitan areas, while s t i l l growing faster than the national average, experienced similar declines in growth. Montreal's growth had dropped from 49 percent in the 1901-1911 period to 36 percent in the 1920's, Toronto's from 58 percent to 31 percent, Winnipeg's from 224 percent to 29 percent and Calgary's and Edmonton's from 570 percent and 216 percent respectively to 33 percent and 34 per-cent. Meanwhile, expansion of the major metropolitan centres in the Maritimes had come to a virtual standstil l . Housing starts never came close to approaching pre-war levels. Even during the peak construction years of the 1920's starts reached only 80 percent of the level of starts recorded in the pre-war boom 27 period of 1911-1914. Yet despite lower starts, the lower rate of population growth meant that the severe housing shortages that had plagued Canada from 1900-1920 gradually eased. During the 1920's there was an average of one completion for each 3.4 new Canadians compared to one completion for each 4.8 in the 1901-1911 decade and one completion 28 for each 4.5 people in the 1911-1921 period. At the same time, the introduction of new technology such as the automobile, the expansion of mass transit and the expansion of other new infrastructure increased the quantity of developable land thereby alleviating overcrowding and the problems of disease. By the 1920's i t appeared that the urban crisis which had severely challenged Canadian society during the pre-war decade had subsided. 147. A t the same time as the c o m p u l s i o n f o r p l a n n i n g was e a s i n g , the i d e o l o g i c a l consensus t h a t had r a l l i e d around the c o n c e p t o f p l a n n i n g was b r e a k i n g a p a r t . While i t had been r e l a t i v e l y easy t o g a i n agreement on p l a n n i n g i n t h e o r y , i t was v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e t o a c h i e v e agreement i n p r a c t i c e . The f a c t t h a t the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s , the urban l i b e r a l s and urban r a d i c a l s a l l viewed p l a n n i n g o f s o c i e t y from d i f f e r e n t i d e o -l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s made such d i s a g r e e m e n t i n e v i t a b l e . By 1920 urban l a b o u r , f o r example, had become s u s p i c i o u s o f the whole i d e a o f p l a n n i n g . In a l e t t e r to the l e a d i n g p l a n n i n g c o n s u l t a n t , Noel Cauchon, Gordon P h i l l i p s , managing s e c r e t a r y o f the London Chamber o f Commerce, commented t h a t : U n f o r t u n a t e l y , some o f the l a b o u r men who a r e v e r y much i n e v i d e n c e t h e s e days seem t o t h i n k t h a t town p l a n n i n g i s a f a d o f the r i c h t o ' p r o t e c t h i s i n t e r e s t s . . . and we a r e g o i n g to have c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f i c u l t y p o p u l a r i z i n g town p l a n n i n g w i t h some o f t h e s e p e o p l e . ^ T h i s d e c r e a s i n g c o n f i d e n c e i n the a b i l i t y o f s c i e n t i f i c p l a n n i n g t o s o l v e post-war problems encouraged some o f the urban and a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s t o pursue o t h e r c o u r s e s of a c t i o n . Some r a d i c a l s , such as J.S. Woodsworth, f o r example^ took more d i r e c t measures i n c l u d i n g p a r t -i c i p a t i n g i n major s t r i k e s such as the 1919 Winnipeg g e n e r a l s t r i k e as w e l l as engaging i n formal e l e c t o r a l p o l i t i c s through v a r i o u s l a b o u r p a r t i e s . Some o f the a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s such as W i l l i a m I r v i n e and W.C. Good were even more p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e . A l o n g w i t h a number o f o t h e r a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l s t h e y engaged i n f o r m a l e l e c t o r a l p o l i t i c s by p a r t i c i -p a t i n g i n v a r i o u s a g r a r i a n o r i e n t e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s such as the P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y , which i n t h e 1921 e l e c t i o n emerged as the second l a r g e s t p a r t y i n the House o f Commons. 148. For the l i b e r a l s , s c i e n t i f i c p u b l i c p l a n n i n g q u i c k l y l o s t some of i t s appeal when i t became ob v i o u s t h a t the c o n c e p t was i n c a p a b l e o f m a i n t a i n i n g the i d e o l o g i c a l consensus and the p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y t h a t they had hoped f o r . To manage the h e i g h t e n e d p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n emerging i n the post-war p e r i o d , the g o v e r n i n g f o r c e s were c o m p e l l e d d u r i n g l i m i t e d i n s t a n c e s t o r e s o r t to more r e p r e s s i v e t e c h n i q u e s such as the 30 m i l i t a r y , s t r i k e - b r e a k i n g and a r r e s t s i f t h e y wanted t o m a i n t a i n o r d e r . The s u c c e s s o f t h e s e measures, combined w i t h the gradual d e c l i n e i n p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n , d i s c o u r a g e d l i b e r a l s from implementing some o f the more p r o g r e s s i v e reforms which a t one time had seemed d e s i r a b l e measures f o r m i t i g a t i n g urban .problems. P l a n n i n g was a l s o l o s i n g some o f i t s appeal as Canadians became i n c r e a s i n g l y aware o f the r e s t r i c t i o n s on p r o p e r t y t h a t p l a n n i n g imposed. The Canadian M a n u f a c t u r e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , which was one o f the l o b b i e s t h a t had been most s u p p o r t i v e o f p l a n n i n g , was b e g i n n i n g t o grow impat-i e n t w i t h government c o n t r o l s . They warned t h a t \" l e g i s l a t i o n has i t s f u n c t i o n , but l e g i s l a t i o n which attempts t o l i m i t o r p r e v e n t g r e a t n a t u r a l laws w i l l d e f e a t i t s own ends and i n j u r e t h o s e whom i t was 31 d e s i g n e d t o b e n e f i t . \" T h i s view was a c t i v e l y promoted by the Canadian R e c o n s t r u c t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n under the c h a i r m a n s h i p o f S i r John W i l l i s o n , an a c t i v e urban l i b e r a l . What urban l i b e r a l s seemed t o want was a 32 r e t u r n t o \"normalcy.\" II The d e c l i n e i n growth r e l a t e d problems t h a t accompanied the economic downturn combined w i t t a t h e breakdown i n the broad i d e o l o g i c a l consensus on the need f o r government'\u00E2\u0080\u00A2\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 i n t e r v e n t i o n had immediate r e p e r -149. c u s s i o n s f o r Canadian p l a n n i n g . One o f the f i r s t consequences o f t h e s e changes was the e l i m i n a t i o n o f the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n i n 1921. The Commission had been a p i v o t a l f o r c e promoting Canadian p l a n -33 mng. I t had been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o m p l e t i n g i n n o v a t i v e r e s o u r c e ;. p o l i c y a n a l y s i s i n the a r e a s o f f o r e s t r y , m i n i n g and w i l d l i f e and had completed one o f Canada's f i r s t r i v e r b a s i n s t u d i e s . I t had p r e p a r e d a broad energy p o l i c y c omprised o f s u r v e y s and a n a l y s e s o f Canadian energy s u p p l i e s . I t had a l s o h e l p e d f o r m u l a t e a comprehensive s e t o f p l a n n i n g p r i n c i p l e s , p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n and had been a v i t a l f o r c e e n c o u r a g i n g p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r the whole i d e a o f comprehensive urban and r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g . In a r e v i e w o f Canadian p l a n n i n g w r i t t e n a f t e r he had l e f t Canada Adams argued t h a t b e f o r e 1914 p l a n n i n g i n Canada was \" l o o k e d upon by many as a method o f promoting r a t h e r than c o n t r o l l i n g the e x p a n s i o n o f c i t i e s ; o f a d d i n g t o and s t a b i l i z i n g l a n d v a l u e s r a t h e r than s e c u r i n g the o b j e c t o f h e a l t h , s a f e t y and c o n v e n i e n c e . \" But, argued Adams, w i t h the i n v o l v e m e n t o f the Commission, p l a n n i n g changed from b e i n g s i m p l y a growth promoting e x e r c i s e \" f o r t h o s e i n t e r e s t e d i n the ownership o f l a n d \" to d e a l i n g w i t h the \"improvement o f s o c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l c o n d i t i o n s and of the s t a n d a r d o f h e a l t h . \" \"The p o l i c y o f the Commission,\" c o n c l u d e d Adams, \"was t o r e g u l a t e l a n d f o r t h e p u b l i c w e l f a r e , r a t h e r than f o r the 34 s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s o f t h o s e who owned i t . \" Why, t h e n , was the f e d e r a l government so keen t o a b o l i s h such an i m p o r t a n t i n s t i t u t i o n ? In the p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e b a t e s , Prime M i n i s t e r Meighen c i t e d s e v e r a l r e a s o n s . F i r s t , he a r g u e d . t h a t the Commission's a c t i v i t i e s were o v e r l a p p i n g t h o s e o f o t h e r departments. Meighen complained t h a t : 150. The Commission has gone about i n one direction or another; laying i t s hands on anything that looked a l l u r i n g , anything that could be regarded as a possible f i e l d for i t s a c t i v i t i e s . I t has invaded the province of one department of govern-ment after another, one branch after another, and necessarily i t has duplicated services where-ever i t has invaded.^ Second, Meighen asserted that the \"work of the Commission has been most expensive and one could look for nothing else in view of the irresponsible character of the Commission; there was no effective con-t r o l over the Commission's expenditures.\" F i n a l l y , Meighen suggested that because the Commission was an \"independent body\" which'bore no relationship to any Minister\" i t was not \"consistent with our system of government.\" In supporting this statement, Meighen referred to a case where the Commission had made a submission to the International Joint Commission on a proposed power development which conflicted with the o f f i c i a l Dominion government submission. \" I f one can conceive of any-thing more anomalous than that,\" surmised Meighen, \"one's conception must be very l i v e l y . \" In defending the Commission the Honourable H.F. Bel and pointed out that the costs of the Commission of about $100 ,000 per year was i n s i g n i f i c a n t , that there was l i t t l e evidence of overlap between the policy analysis done by the Commission and other departments, that the Commission was c l e a r l y responsible to the parliament in the same way as other government boards such as the Railway Commission, and that the Commission performed an invaluable service in \"stimulating the depart-ments to deal with problems and conditions affecting the e f f i c i e n t use of natural resources which formally receive l i t t l e or no serious 37 attention.\" 151. The Commission i t s e l f i s s u e d a memorandum i n i t s d e f e n c e . 0 0 I t p o i n t e d o u t t h a t i t s budget was small and, f u r t h e r , was not i n c r e a s i n g as a l l e g e d by i t s c r i t i c s . The Commission, by p r o v i d i n g a p a r t i c u l a r l y d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t o f i t s a c t i v i t i e s , c o n v i n c i n g l y demonstrated t h a t t h e a l l e g e d o v e r l a p s w i t h o t h e r departments d i d not e x i s t . \"Such d u p l i c a t i o n , \" argued the Commission, \" i s f i n a n c i a l l y i m p o s s i b l e . \" The Commission reasoned t h a t i f i t had \" d u p l i c a t e d any s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n o f the work o f t h e s e departments w i t h l e s s than 2% o f the money v o t e d t o the d e p a r t -ment f o r t h a t purpose, i t must have expended i t s funds w i t h e x c e p t i o n a l 39 economy and e f f i c i e n c y . \" B e s i d e s , argued the Commission, by p r o v i d i n g i n t e r d e p a r t m e n t a l and i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l p o l i c y a d v i c e , i t had f u l f i l l e d a more g e n e r a l c o - o r d i n a t i n g f u n c t i o n and had a g r a s p o f the l a r g e r p i c t u r e which the i n d i v i d u a l departments which were concerned p r i m a r i l y with day-to-day a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had d i f f i c u l t y p r o v i d i n g . In s h o r t , the Commission viewed i t s e l f as a s o r t o f n a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g agency whose independent s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s r o s e beyond the s p e c i a l i z e d c o n c e r n s 40 o f i n d i v i d u a l departments and the b i c k e r i n g s o f p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . The i m p r e s s i v e performance o f the Commission s u g g e s t s t h a t t h i s c l a i m was not w i t h o u t some s u b s t a n c e . T h i s debate on the b i l l t o a b o l i s h the Commission was v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l t o the debate on the b i l l t o c r e a t e i t i n 1909. Yet i n 1909, the debate c o n c l u d e d w i t h almost unanimous s u p p o r t f o r the Commission w h i l e the 1921 debate c o n c l u d e d w i t h almost unanimous r e j e c t i o n o f i t . How c o u l d arguments which h e l d no sway i n 1909 become so c o g e n t i n 1921? While i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o f u l l y a s s e s s the v a l i d i t y o f the a r g u -ments i n v o l v e d , i t i s hard t o r e s i s t the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the r e m a r k a b l e 1 52. s h i f t i n p o s i t i o n was, i n p a r t , r e l a t e d t o the p e r c e p t i o n t h a t the Com-m i s s i o n was g r a d u a l l y e v o l v i n g i n t o a system o f n a t i o n a l economic and s o c i a l p l a n n i n g which was b e g i n n i n g t o c h a l l e n g e some segments o f p r i v a t e c a p i t a l . W h ile the Commission's a g g r e s s i v e e f f o r t s to b l o c k p r i v a t e c o n t r o l o f power development, t o e l i m i n a t e l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n and t o c o n s t r u c t housing were e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y s u p p o r t e d by some i n d u s t r i a l -i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Canadian M a n u f a c t u r e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , such i n t e r -v e n t i o n s were not viewed w i t h g r e a t f a v o u r by a l l b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s . ^ 1 But whatever the reasons i n v o l v e d , the end o f the Commission was a s e r i o u s s e t b a c k t o Canadian p l a n n e r s . The Town P l a n n i n g Branch which had been so i n s t r u m e n t a l i n d e v e l o p i n g Canadian p l a n n i n g was t r a n s f e r r e d t o the Parks Branch o f the Department o f the I n t e r i o r . E x p l i c i t i n s t r u c t i o n s were g i v e n to the r e o r g a n i z e d p l a n n i n g branch to d e a l o n l y with p l a n n i n g m a t t e r s t h a t were r e l a t e d t o l a n d owned by the Canadian government. T h i s s h i f t i n the r o l e o f f e d e r a l p l a n n e r s combined w i t h the t e r m i n a t i o n o f the f e d e r a l government's h o u s i n g program i n 1923 meant t h a t the Dominion government had almost c o m p l e t e l y withdrawn from a c t i v e i n v o l v e m e n t i n Canadian town p l a n n i n g . I l l With the withdrawal o f t h e f e d e r a l government, the t a s k o f p l a n -n i n g f e l l t o t h e p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l governments. But t h e s e lower l e v e l s o f government were e i t h e r u n w i l l i n g o r unable t o s h o u l d e r t h i s a d d i t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . As a r e s u l t , Canadian p l a n n i n g w i t h e r e d . In S a i n t John, New Brunswick, the p l a n completed by W.F. B u r d i t t i n 1922 ran i n t o \"unexpected o p p o s i t i o n \" t h a t \" p r e v e n t e d the p l a n from 153. b e i n g o f f i c i a l l y r e c o g n i z e d u n t i l 1931. , ,'* c In Nova S c o t i a , H.B. P i c k -i n g s , E n g i n e e r on the H a l i f a x County Town P l a n n i n g Board, r e p o r t e d i n 1924 t h a t a l t h o u g h Nova S c o t i a ' s Town P l a n n i n g A c t had been on the books s i n c e 1915, \"no c i t y , town o r m u n i c i p a l i t y has y e t commenced t o o p e r a t e f u l l y under i t , \" even though t h e l e g i s l a t i o n s t i p u l a t e d t h a t p l a n n i n g was com-43 p u l s o r y . In Quebec, c i v i l a p p e a l s t o the p r o v i n c i a l government t o pass l e g i s l a t i o n t h a t would a l l o w l o c a l governments t o p l a n were u n s u c c e s s f u l because o f l a c k o f w i d e s p r e a d s u p p o r t . L o c a l governments i n Quebec d i d n ' t even g e t t h e r i g h t t o pass z o n i n g bylaws l e t a l o n e p r e p a r e comprehensive 44 p l a n s u n t i l 1930. The s i t u a t i o n was s i m i l a r i n Canada's wes t e r n p r o v i n c e s . In Mani-t o b a , t h e p r o v i n c i a l government w a i t e d u n t i l 1921 b e f o r e a p p o i n t i n g a Town P l a n n i n g C o n t r o l l e r t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e 1917 Town P l a n n i n g A c t . T h i s d i d n ' t seem to have much e f f e c t f o r i n 1924, W.E. Hobbs, who was the Town P l a n n i n g C o n t r o l l e r f o r the p r o v i n c e , r e p o r t e d t h a t no p l a n n i n g schemes i n t h e p r o v i n c e had been approved. In commenting on the p r e s e n t p r o g r e s s Hobbs made t h e f o l l o w i n g s t a t e m e n t : In t he p a s t I p r e d i c t e d when some o f t h e s e schemes would be completed, but I have r e s o l v e d t o do so no more, h a v i n g d e c i d e d I am not c u t out f o r a p r o p h e t . 4 5 Saskatchewan's p r o v i n c i a l government had made a c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t t o promote p l a n n i n g by s e t t i n g up a Town P l a n n i n g Branch and by r e q u i r i n g t h a t a l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had t o p r e p a r e comprehensive p l a n s by 1922. D e s p i t e t h e s e e f f o r t s , not one Saskatchewan m u n i c i p a l i t y s u b m i t t e d t he r e q u i r e d p l a n and the s e c t i o n o f the A c t making p l a n n i n g compulsory became 46 i n o p e r a t i v e . The s i t u a t i o n i n n e i g h b o u r i n g A l b e r t a was summed up by E n g i n e e r L.C. C h a r l e s w o r t h i n the f o l l o w i n g way: 154. So f a r as town p l a n n i n g i s co n c e r n e d t h e r e i s a t the p r e s e n t time n o t h i n g d o i n g . You a r e aware o f c o u r s e t h a t i n 1913 the Town P l a n n i n g A c t was passed. P r i o r t o t h a t time t h e r e had been a g r e a t d e a l o f l a n d s u b d i v i s i o n and when t h e boom f l a t t e n -ed o u t and the n a t u r a l r e a c t i o n f o l l o w e d and the war came on t h e r e was a g r e a t d e a l more s u b d i v i s i o n than was r e q u i r e d f o r p r o p e r development f o r many y e a r s t o come. In consequence, a c t i o n has been c h i e f l y c o n f i n e d t o c a n c e l l a t i o n o f p l a n s ^ Meanwhile, the l a c k o f i n t e r e s t i n p l a n n i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia d i s c o u r -aged the p r o v i n c i a l government from p a s s i n g l e g i s l a t i o n t h a t would a l l o w 48 l o c a l government t o p l a n even i f t h e y wanted t o . The s i t u a t i o n i n O n t a r i o was thought to.be more p r o m i s i n g . The p r o v i n c i a l government had j u s t completed a major r e p o r t c a l l i n g f o r s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f the p r o v i n c i a l p l a n n i n g e f f o r t , c l o s e t o tw e l v e O n t a r i o m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had r e c e n t l y s e t up Town P l a n n i n g Commissions and a new o r g a n i z a t i o n c a l l e d t h e O n t a r i o Housing and Town P l a n n i n g A s s o c i a t i o n had been formed t o p r e s s u r e t he p r o v i n c i a l government t o expand i t s p l a n n i n g 49 a c t i v i t i e s . But i n s p i t e o f t h e s e p r o m i s i n g b e g i n n i n g s , the p l a n n i n g e f f o r t i n O n t a r i o f e l l f a r below e x p e c t a t i o n s . In 1921, Ottawa p e t i t i o n e d the p r o v i n c i a l government t o pass l e g i s l a t i o n which would a l l o w the c i t y t o implement the p l a n t h a t was c u r r e n t l y b e i n g p r e p a r e d by e n g i n e e r Noel 50 Cauchon. The p r o v i n c i a l government d e c l i n e d . In 1922, the O n t a r i o Housing and Town P l a n n i n g A s s o c i a t i o n c o n f e r e n c e s u c c e s s f u l l y p r e s s u r e d the p r o v i n c i a l government t o s e t up a l e g i s l a t i v e committee t o p r e p a r e new p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n . But the proposed O n t a r i o p l a n n i n g b i l l , which was s i m i l a r t o t h e more s t r o n g e r l e g i s l a t i o n i n Saskatchewan, was dropped from c o n s i d e r a t i o n when i t was d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e r e was v i r t u a l l y no m u n i c i p a l s u p p o r t f o r i t . O n ly seven o f t h e a p p r o x i m a t e l y f o r t y m u n i c i -p a l i t i e s who were i n v i t e d t o a s p e c i a l h e a r i n g h e l d by the p r o v i n c i a l committee to s o l i c i t l o c a l government o p i n i o n on the p l a n n i n g b i l l b o t h e r e d 155. 51 t o show up and o f t h e s e seven, o n l y t h r e e were i n any way s u p p o r t i v e . U n d e t e r r e d , a new d e l e g a t i o n from K i t c h e n e r , O n t a r i o p e t i t i o n e d the p r o v i n c i a l government t o change t h e M u n i c i p a l A c t t o a l l o w l o c a l g o v e r n -ment t o pass z o n i n g bylaws. T h i s l e s s a m b i t i o u s demand was met and i n 1924 O n t a r i o m u n i c i p a l i t i e s got t n e r i g h t t o pass comprehensive z o n i n g by-laws. But by the time t h a t l o c a l governments f i n a l l y g ot the power r e q u i r e d t o implement l a n d use c o n t r o l s t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n p l a n n i n g had v i r t u a l l y d i s a p p e a r e d . In London, O n t a r i o , t h e m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l d e c l i n e d t o pay f o r the p r i n t i n g o f a p l a n n i n g s t u d y which t h e y had commisioned Thomas Adams t o p r e p a r e j u s t a few y e a r s e a r l i e r . While a d o n a t i o n from the l o c a l Cham-ber o f Commerce c o n v i n c e d the c o u n c i l t o r e v i t a l i z e the e f f o r t , the p l a n 53 was never o f f i c i a l l y adopted. In H a m i l t o n , O n t a r i o , the newly e l e c t e d mayor was so opposed t o p l a n n i n g t h a t t h e l o c a l p l a n n e r s d e c i d e d t h a t they 54 s h o u l d not even both l o b b y i n g f o r a c t i o n . Even Ottawa, the c i t y which had p e t i t i o n e d t h e government f o r p l a n n i n g powers, r e f u s e d t o implement t h e i r r e c e n t l y completed p l a n s even though the power t o do so was now 55 a v a i l a b l e . In 1924, H.L. Seymour, r e p o r t e d t h a t o n l y a dozen on O n t a r i o ' s m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had shown any i n c l i n a t i o n t o p l a n and o n l y one o f t h e s e , K i t c h e n e r - W a t e r l o o , had a c t u a l l y p r e p a r e d a comprehensive p l a n which was 56 about t o be o f f i c i a l l y a pproved. I n t e r m i n g l e d w i t h t h e s e major d i s a p p o i n t -ments were two c e l e b r a t e d achievements i n Canadian p l a n n i n g i n the immedi-a t e postwar p e r i o d . One o u t s t a n d i n g s u c c e s s was the comprehensive p l a n -n i n g o f t h e new r e s o u r c e town o f K a p u s k a s i n g i n n o r t h e r n O n t a r i o . As h i s t o r i a n O i v a S a a r i n e n has documented, t h e p l a n n i n g o f Canadian r e s o u r c e towns i n c o r p o r a t e d many o f t h e a s p e c t s o f B r i t i s h New Town i d e o l o g y such as g r e e n b e l t s , neighbourhood p l a n n i n g and c u r v i l i n e a r s t r e e t d e s i g n s . How-e v e r , i n towns such as I r o q o i s F a l l s , t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s were not r e a l i z e d 156. because o f i n a d e q u a t e p l a n n i n g c o n t r o l s . The p l a n n e r s o f K a p u s k a s i n g , which has been d e s c r i b e d by p l a n n e r I r a Robinson as the f i r s t s u c c e s s f u l attempt t o c o m p r e h e n s i v e l y p l a n a Canadian r e s o u r c e town, a v o i d e d t h i s 57 problem. In a unique arrangement, the r e s o u r c e c o r p o r a t i o n had g i v e n the f u l l r i g h t t o c o n t r o l town development t o the p r o v i n c i a l government p l a n -n e r s . The p l a n n e r s s t r o v e t o overcome t h e normal d i f f i c u l t i e s such as i n a d e q u a t e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and h o u s i n g and c h a o t i c l a n d use p a t t e r n s which had c h a r a c t e r i z e d p r e v i o u s town development. The 2,000 a c r e s i t e was c a r e -f u l l y chosen and p r o v i n c i a l funds were p r o v i d e d t o c o n s t r u c t workers' h o u s i n g , s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s and b a s i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . S u b d i v i d e d l a n d was s o l d a t the c o s t o f development, and s t r i c t z o n i n g bylaws i n c l u d i n g a g r e e n -b e l t s u r r o u n d i n g t h e town ensured t h a t the l a n d was a l l o c a t e d to the use 58 f o r which i t had been d e s i g n a t e d . The second n o t a b l e achievement o c c u r r e d i n 1924 when K i t c h e n e r and W a t e r l o o , O n t a r i o , became t h e f i r s t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n Canada t o pass a comprehensive z o n i n g bylaw. As E. B l o o m f i e l d has shown i n h i s d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f p l a n n i n g i n K i t c h e n e r - W a t e r l o o , f o r a number o f y e a r s K i t c h e n e r 59 had been v e r y a c t i v e i n p l a n n i n g . In 1912, the c i t y had h i r e d a p l a n n e r t o p r e p a r e an o v e r a l l urban p l a n . With the coming o f the war, the p l a n n i n g e f f o r t became dormant u n t i l 1917 when K i t c h e n e r a p p o i n t e d a Town P l a n n i n g Commission c h a i r e d by l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l i s t A.R. Kaufman who, a l o n g w i t h some o t h e r prominent c i t i z e n s i n c l u d i n g Mayor B r e i t h a u p t , thought t h a t K i t c h e n e r ' s a l r e a d y i m p r e s s i v e growth as s o u t h w e s t e r n O n t a r i o ' s emerging i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e c o u l d be e x p e d i t e d by the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a comprehensive p l a n d e a l i n g w i t h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , p a r k s and t h e l a y o u t o f the c i t y i n t o s e p a r a t e z o n e s . A l s o p r e s s u r e by l o c a l r e s i d e n t s opposed t o the l o c a t i o n o f an i n d u s t r y i n t h e i r neighbourhood h e l p e d c o n v i n c e c i t y c o u n c i l t o , 60 p r e p a r e a p l a n . 157. A c c o r d i n g l y , i n 1922 the Town P l a n n i n g Commission r e t a i n e d Thomas Adams to p r e p a r e the p l a n . Adams d e l e g a t e d much o f the t a s k t o h i s p l a n -n i n g a s s i s t a n t , H.L, Seymour, who proceeded t o assemble the d a t a such, as e x i s t i n g p a r k s , improvements, l a n d v a l u e s and topography. The p l a n , com-p l e t e d i n 1924, was r e f e r r e d t o by Adams as \"the most comprehensive town p l a n n i n g scheme f o r a Canadian c i t y , \" The p l a n which p r o j e c t e d a p o p u l a t i o n f o r t h e c i t y o f 60,000, i d e n t i f i e d the a p p r o p r i a t e l o c a t i o n f o r f u t u r e urban growth and s p e c i f i e d some o f the f u t u r e i n v e s t m e n t i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e r e q u i r e d t o accommodate the growth. The p l a n recommended t h e p u r c h a s e o f 159 a c r e s o f l a n d i n h i g h amenity a r e a s such as a l o n g the r i v e r system as w e l l as p r o p o s i n g a number o f improvements i n l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t o r e l i e v e c o n g e s t i o n , and s e v e r a l a e s t h e t i c improvements such as the c o n t r o l o f overhead w i r e s and the t i d y i n g up o f the approach from the t r a i n s t a t i o n t o t h e c i v i c c e n t r e . The r e p o r t a l s o recommended t h a t a r e g i o n a l p l a n be p r e p a r e d and t h a t s t r i c t s u b d i v i s i o n c o n t r o l s be imposed t o ensure t h a t the s u b d i v i s i o n d e s i g n s were a p p r o p r i a t e and t h a t they be b u i l t i n the d e s i g -n a t e d development zon e s . The most c e l e b r a t e d f e a t u r e o f the p l a n , however, was the z o n i n g bylaw which d i v i d e d t h e c i t y i n t o f i v e zones o f s i n g l e r e s i d e n t i a l , r e s i -d e n t i a l , heavy i n d u s t r i a l , l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l and b u s i n e s s . P u b l i c meetings and c o n s u l t a t i o n s were h e l d t o d e c i d e which a r e a s s h o u l d be d e s i g n a t e d f o r which use. In t h e s e p r o c e e d i n g s , r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y owners who were f e a r f u l o f i n t r u s i o n by i n c o m p a t i b l e uses i n t o t h e i r e x c l u s i v e a r e a s seemed to be most v o c i f e r o u s . A f t e r s e v e r a l major a l t e r a t i o n s , agreement was f i n a l l y r e a c h e d . But b e f o r e the C i t y c o u l d implement i t s z o n i n g p l a n , i t had t o c o n v i n c e the O n t a r i o government t o amend i t s l e g i s l a t i o n t o a l l o w z o n i n g . In O c t o b e r 1924 the p r o v i n c i a l government, a t the r e q u e s t o f a number o f m u n i c i p a l i t i e s headed by K i t c h e n e r , passed the n e c e s s a r y amend-158. merits, and t h e proposed z o n i n g p l a n became law. S e v e r a l y e a r s l a t e r , A.R. Kaufman, who was s t i l l chairman o f the K i t c h e n e r Town P l a n n i n g Commission, r e p o r t e d t o the e i g h t h annual con-v e n t i o n o f t h e Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada t h a t the K i t c h e n e r p l a n had been a s u c c e s s . A c c o r d i n g t o Kaufman, \"the b u i l d i n g i n s p e c t o r 62 was s o r r y the z o n i n g o r d i n a n c e was not passed 30 y e a r s ago.\" Mean-w h i l e , the o r i g i n a l r e l u c t a n c e on t h e p a r t o f some p o l i t i c i a n s and the p u b l i c t o pass a z o n i n g bylaw had e v a p o r a t e d . From t h e p l a n n e r s ' p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e s u c c e s s was not an u n q u a l i f i e d one. In s u b m i t t i n g t h e i r r e p o r t i n 1923, Seymour and Adams acknowledged t h a t \" w h i l e the p l a n must be e l a s t i c and c a p a b l e o f m o d i f i c a t i o n t o meet u n p e r c e i v e d changes i n c o n d i t i o n s \" the changes \" s h o u l d not be l i g h t l y made nor s h o u l d any p a r t o f t h e p l a n be changed w i t h o u t r e g a r d t o t h e e f f e c t o f t h e s e changes on a l l p a r t s . \" A c c o r d i n g t o some p l a n n e r s , t h e K i t c h e n e r a u t h o r i t i e s d i d not adhere t o t h i s a d v i c e . W h i l e e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y e n d o r s i n g t h e passage o f t h e z o n i n g bylaw, the TPICJ remarked t h a t \"a s t u d y o f the K i t c h e n e r z o n i n g bylaw r e v e a l s t h e f a c t t h a t i t has not been passed w i t h o u t compromising c o n c e s s i o n s to p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . \" And Vancouver p l a n n e r s were warned t h a t the p l a n \" w i l l be a mere s c r a p o f paper u n l e s s i t i s c a r r i e d , out i n the s p i r i t and i n t e n t i o n o f i t s c r e a t i o n and not e m a s c u l a t e d t o meet the demands o f 65 narrow-minded and s e l f i s h p e r s o n s \" as had been the case i n K i t c h e n e r . Yet whatever i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s , t h e passage o f the K i t c h e n e r Zoning Bylaw was viewed by Canadian p l a n n e r s as a landmark. 159. But despite this worthy achievement, the development of Canadian planning in the postwar - period fel l far short of expectations. A.G. Dalzell, one of Canada's leading planners, complained that Canadian plan-ning was standing s t i l l while planning in Britain and the United States was making impressive strides forward. 6 6 The Canadian Engineer lamented that while \"the ability of architects and engineers to conceive city plans together with the ability of technical experts, contractors and organizers and workers to carry the plan into execution\" had improved enormously, the willingness of politicians to implement the plans had languished. William Pearson, Manitoba's leading planning promoter, simply concluded that \"I CO sometimes think that many of us are possibly too far ahead of our time.\" For Thomas Adams, however, the problem was not that he was too far ahead of his time but that Canada was too far behind. In 1923 he left Canada for New York to become director of the mammoth New York Regional 69 Planning Project initiated by the Russell Sage Foundation. His de-parture was another serious blow to a movement that was already flounder-ing. IV The lack of progress in planning during the post war period forced Canadian planners to reassess the approach to planning that had been developed under the careful tutelage of Thomas Adams. By the beginning of the 1920's Adams had integrated the aesthetic component of city beautiful, the efficiency concerns of American city planning and the equity concerns of British town planning. He had outlined a comprehensive approach to planning, which proceeded through a sequence of stages from survey to analysis to plan and proceeded down a spatial hierarchy from the 160. g e n e r a l , r e g i o n a l p l a n t o the more d e t a i l e d urban p l a n . C e n t r a l t o Adams' p e r s p e c t i v e was the view t h a t power s h o u l d be g r a d u a l l y s h i f t e d from the p r i v a t e s e c t o r to p u b l i c p l a n n e r s who would b e g i n to ta k e on an e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l r o l e i n owning and d e v e l o p i n g l a n d , b u i l d i n g h o u s i n g and c o n s t r u c t i n g garden suburbs. I n i t i a t i v e s t h a t were undertaken by the p r i v a t e s e c t o r would be under s t r i c t p u b l i c c o n t r o l s t h a t would ensure t h a t a l l development was i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . A t f i r s t , most Canadian p l a n n e r s f u l l y a c c e p t e d t h i s comprehensive p e r s p e c t i v e . In 1918, A l f r e d B u c k l e y , the f u t u r e e d i t o r o f the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada J o u r n a l , r e i t e r a t e d Adams' s e n t i m e n t s when he demanded t h a t the p u b l i c s e c t o r i n i t i a t e a l a r g e - s c a l e h o u s i n g con-s t r u c t i o n program as p a r t o f a f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d town p l a n n i n g s y s t e m . 7 0 A.G. D a z e l l , a n o t h e r l e a d i n g p l a n n e r , e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y s u p p o r t e d Adams' c o n t e n t i o n t h a t u n c o n t r o l l e d l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n was a s e r i o u s problem t h a t had to be e l i m i n a t e d by the a p p l i c a t i o n o f s t r i c t p u b l i c c o n t r o l s . 7 1 And the new Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e J o u r n a l , i n one o f i t s f i r s t e d i t o r -i a l s on p l a n n i n g i s s u e s , a t t a c k e d l a i s s e z f a i r e town development as a system \" a t v a r i a n c e w i t h s c i e n t i f i c method\" and c a l l e d f o r a system o f p l a n n i n g t h a t would have as i t s p r i m a r y c o n c e r n t h e \"bad ho u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s and environment t h a t a f f e c t the l i v e s o f most o f the p e o p l e . \" The j o u r n a l c o n c l u d e d t h a t : ... the town p l a n n e r b e l i e v e s t h a t d e c e n t l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r the workers a r e not o n l y p o s s i b l e but a b s o l u t e l y i m p e r a t i v e i f r e v o l u t i o n and d i s a s t e r a r e t o be a v o i d e d . ^ B u t , as h i s t o r i a n W a l t e r Van Nus has c o g e n t l y documented, some Canadian p l a n n e r s were growing i n c r e a s i n g l y d o u b t f u l about the a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e s e a m b i t i o u s and 1 a u d i b l e o b j e c t i v e s d u r i n g a p e r i o d 161. o f growing c o n s e r v a t i s m . A l s o , as Van Nus a r g u e s , t h e y were h a v i n g doubts about t h e i r a b i l i t y t o c o m p r e h e n s i v e l y p l a n a c i t y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , Canadian p l a n n i n g t h e o r y began to s h i f t away from comprehensive p l a n n i n g t o a more p a s s i v e m a n a g e r i a l approach geared t o the i n t e r e s t s o f the 73 b u s i n e s s community. W.F, B u r d i t t , f o r example, wrote a l e t t e r to Adams c r i t i c i z i n g him f o r h i s v i c i o u s a t t a c k s on r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s and c a u t i o n e d Adams t o a v o i d c r e a t i n g \"an i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t between the r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s and t h o s e i n t e r e s t s which you r e p r e s e n t whereas, I would r a t h e r urge the view t h a t i n the u l t i m a t e a n a l y s i s those i n t e r e s t s a r e i n harmony.\" 7 4 A n o t h e r prominent p l a n n e r and e n g i n e e r , James Ewing, was a l s o e x p r e s s i n g s e n t i m e n t s a t v a r i a n c e w i t h Adams' view. In a r e p o r t t o the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e ' s second annual c o n v e n t i o n , Ewing argued t h a t i t was c r u c i a l t h a t town p l a n n e r s s o l i c i t p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r p l a n n i n g by e m p h a s i z i n g p l a n n i n g was above a l l a m a t t e r o f e f f i c i e n c y . In h i s r e p o r t , Ewing made the f o l l o w i n g recommendation: And so i n a t t e m p t i n g t o educate a l l p e o p l e what s o r t o f argument s h a l l we put i n o r d e r t o have t h e most t e l l i n g e f f e c t ? S h a l l we preach t o them d o c t r i n e s o f the r e g e n e r a t i o n o f mankind, and o f the u n i v e r s a l s o c i o l o g i c a l u p l i g h t ; o r s h a l l we e x t o l l t he g o s p e l o f a r t s and a l l b e a u t i f u l t h i n g s ? I r a t h e r f a n c y t h a t f o r the time b e i n g a t l e a s t we s h a l l have t o l e a v e the e t h i c s and the a r t i s t i c s e v e r e l y a l o n e and s t i c k to the p l a i n economics and t h a t when we t a l k i t w i l l be i n terms o f d o l l a r s and c e n t s which i s the l a n g u -age t h a t they b e s t u n d e r s t a n d . I t i s more b e n e f i t t i n g a new p i o n e e r c o u n t r y l i k e t h i s and moreover i t has more punch t o i t . y ^ Ewing c e r t a i n l y took h i s a d v i c e s e r i o u s l y . In a s h a r p l y worded address to M o n t r e a l ' s C i v i c Improvement League, Ewing t o l d h i s a u d i e n c e \"I want t o d i s p e l from y o u r minds the commonly p r e v a i l i n g n o t i o n t h a t town p l a n n i n g i s a w i l i d , f a n c i f u l and e x t r a v a g a n t dream, the h a i r - b r a i n e d c o n c e p t i o n o f w e l l meaning but i m p r a c t i c a l f a d d i s t s and t o i n s t i l l i n i t s 162. p l a c e the f a c t t h a t i t i s sound, p r a c t i c a l and economic, and a -good 7fi b u s i n e s s proposition.\" Other prominent planners such as Noel Cauchon, who had become the second president of the Town Planning Institute after Adams left , expressed similar views. In an address to the Southwestern Ontario Town Planning Conference Cauchon maintained that the primary function of plan-ning was \"in the final analysis, to secure the highest efficiency in the unit of manpower and consequently in production\". 7 7 Several years later in his f i rst presidential address to the Town PVanning Institute, Cauchon reiterated his sentiment by offering a new motto to his fellow planners that read: Health for efficiency: efficiency for production: production for well-being.-^ The growing conservatism in Canadian society was clearly causing a shift in planning theory away from the British approach with its con-cern for social issues as well as efficiency back to the American approach with its emphasis on efficiency alone. Planning could no longer continue to present iself as an objective activity above the ideological conflicts between agrarian radicals, urban liberals arid ur-ban radicals. Planners were being forced to more explicitly choose sides and the side they were choosing was urban liberalism. Central to this shift in planning theory towards the American liberal approach was the growing emphasis on zoning. Zoning was original-ly intended as a legal device for restricting the types of land uses allowed in each area of the city. Ironically, this concept of regulating the use of private property was gaining broader appeal during a period of growing conservatism. The reason for this was that property owners, real estate interests and mortgage companies were becoming increasingly aware that the selective use of zoning controls would protect i f not 163. increase certain property values by keeping unwanted activities and people out of desirable neighbourhoods. In New York, for example, commercial interests had pressured the government to enact zoning con-trols preventing the intrusion of garment industries into the prestigous Fifth Avenue shopping area. In San Francisco, wealthy residents pushed for the passage of zoning prohibiting the movement of Chinese laundries 79 and, hence, the Chinese into their neighbourhoods. Canadians were quickly learning similar lessons about the uti l ity of selective zoning bylaws in protecting property values. W.J. Donald, for example, who was the secretary of the Niagara Falls Chamber of Commerce, told Canadian Planners and other officials attending the Southwestern Ontario Planning conference that:' The zoning or districting of towns and cities is to my mind not only an integral part of town planning but even the fundamental basis on which all town planning must rest . . . Zoning protects and stabilizes property values, pro-tects the property owner against depreciation and refusal to raise loans; protects the money-lenders who loan on property and in general protects the valuation on which the city bases its taxes. 8 Q Besides, Donald concluded, \"zoning is one of the fundamentals of city planning which, fortunately, costs nothing except the cost of administra-81 tion\". The powerful real estate boards and local business organizations must have agreed with Donald's assessment for i t was not long before 82 they were pressuring governments to adopt zoning ordinances. Here was an opportunity to be relevant which Canadian planners could not resist. By the mid-20's i t was rare to find an article or speech made by a Canadian planner that did not contain some mention of the need and benefit 164. of zoning. Indeed, i t was not long before zoning became a measure of progress in planning. References were made to the fact that while \"two thirds of the combined population of a l l c i t ies\" in the United States were \"enjoying the benefits of zoning, only two (zoning by-laws) were 83 enforced in Canada.\" An \"unzoned city\" was declared a \"backward city\" and Canada was declared 15 years behind the U.S. in planning because of 84 i ts tardiness in adopting zoning by-laws. Noel Cauchon, President of the Town Planning Institute and the ful l - t ime planner for the City of Ottawa, was a part icularly enthusiastic supporter of zoning. In several ar t ic les on the subject, Cauchon defined zoning as the \"function of town planning which determines the relat ive disposition of structure to s i t e , detai l ing uses, areas, heights, inter-85 vals and the occupancy of structures. Although Cauchon defended the use of zoning on grounds of public health, his major appeal was to the ' property owner. In words reminiscent of businessman W.F. Donald, Cauchon maintained that \"one of the chief functions of zoning and town planning is to stabi l ize the economic values and the use and development of land, be they commercial or resident ia l .\" According to Cauchon, the imposition of zoning by-laws would impose order on the increasingly chaotic growth of Canadian c i t i e s . He observed that: Stores, factor ies, garages, invade residential d i s t r i c t s , apartment houses have sprung up amongst our most select homes... It is this stupid, wasteful jumble which zoning wil l prevent and gradually correct .g 7 Cauchon also noted that his was a popular cause by pointing out that there were \"increasing numbers of representations made to c iv ic 88 o f f i c i a ls on behalf of cit izens for restr ict ions against encroachment.\" 165. T h i s was, o f c o u r s e , o n l y l o g i c a l f o r Cauchon b l u n t l y c o n c l u d e d : 89 \" z o n i n g p r o t e c t s the p r o p e r t y owner.\" F r e s h from h i s e x p e r i e n c e from p r e p a r i n g the Ottawa z o n i n g p l a n , Cauchon wrote a comprehensive paper on z o n i n g f o r the members o f the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e . The paper c o n t a i n e d the usual j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r z o n i n g as w e l l as a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f f o u r proposed zones o f 90 home d i s t r i c t , work d i s t r i c t , i n s t i t u t i o n s and noxious uses. Each zone was f u r t h e r s u b d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s d e t e r m i n e d by the i n t e n s i t y o f the l a n d use. Home d i s t r i c t s , f o r example, were broken up i n t o low d e n s i t y , medium d e n s i t y and h i g h d e n s i t y , w h i l e work d i s t r i c t s were co m p r i s e d o f minimum i n t e n s i t y uses such as o f f i c e s , medium i n t e n s i t y uses such as warehouses and high i n t e n s i t y uses such as i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r i e s . A s e t o f m a t r i c e s measuring the degree o f com-p a t i b i l i t y between the p o t e n t i a l uses was p r o v i d e d a l o n g w i t h the r e c -ommended c o l o u r s f o r each zone. Cauchon, however, d i d not devote q u i t e as much a t t e n t i o n as t o how the p l a n n e r s h o u l d d e t e r m i n e what l a n d s h o u l d be d e s i g n a t e d f o r what use. In f a c t , h i s c o n c r e t e s u g g e s t i o n was t h a t the a l l o c a t i o n o f l a n d s h o u l d be d e c i d e d by l o c a l p r o p e r t y owners. In Cauchon's words: The p r o p e r t y owners c o l l e c t i v e l y s h o u l d , i n s o f a r as p o s s i b l e , be a l l o w e d s u b j e c t to the adequacy o f the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s , t o determine the p e r m i s -s i v e use of t h e i r r e l a t e d areas.g-j T h i s e l e v a t e d r o l e o f the l o c a l p r o p e r t y owners, w h i l e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p o l i t i c a l mood, was, n o n e t h e l e s s , a remarkable t r a n s i t i o n f o r the Canadian p l a n n i n g movement which had j u s t a few s h o r t y e a r s b e f o r e been c r i t i c a l o f t h e a b i l i t y o f owners t o d i s r e g a r d the b r o a d e r community w e l f a r e . 166. J.M. Kitchen, who had helped Cauchon prepare the a r t i c l e on'the zon-ing plan, took most of Cauchon's zoning a r t i c l e verbatim and published 92 i t in a book e n t i t l e d , What i t Means to Zone. This publication was greeted with enthusiasm by the Canadian planners. The Institute's journal e d i t o r i a l i z e d that Kitchen's book, \"cannot f a i l to impress f a i r -minded readers who have no axe to grind and are capable of looking at the subject from the point of view of pure science.\" The journal noted that the lack of suitable planning controls \"has brought, i t s nemesis in the paralysis of the real estate business i t s e l f , since order-loving people w i l l neither buy land nor erect buildings where they have no 93 security that their values w i l l not be destroyed by jumble building.\" And with some pleasure, the journal reported that \"businessmen who once opposed a l l regulation of the use of land are taking the lead in this 94 movement because they have seen that i t pays.\" Another planner, B. Evan-Perry, who was chief architect for the federal Department of Health, welcomed the support wholeheartedly. He remarked that: Due to the f a m i l i a r i t y of the realtor with the creation and maintenance of property values through privately r e s t r i c t e d areas primarily in residential areas he has been a real asset in zoning... The realtor i s highly appreciative of the great services that are being rendered this country by the c i t y planner. Realtors are pledging themselves to co-operate in every way. g 5 But while most planners seemed content with the s h i f t i n emphasis that was occurring in Canadian planning theory, some were notably d i s -pleased. One planner warned his colleagues of the impending danger of overemphasizing zoning when he stated that although zoning was an important part of planning \"the proper zoning plan cannot be prepared 1 6 7 . without regard to the comprehensive plan of the t ranspor ta t ion, s t reet and park system of the c i t y . \" The planner continued by cautioning that : While i t is important, zoning should not be carr ied out without regard to a general town planning scheme, i t i s s t i l l more urgent that i t should not be done in sect ions. C i t i e s that cannot afford to prepare a complete scheme should spend what they have ava i lab le in making a proper survey and then consequently doing work that i s part of a general scheme.gg Another planner attending the Toronto branch of the Engineering Society of Canada lamented that \" i n Canada we are leaning towards the type of American town which i s i n fe r i o r to that followed in England; in the U.S. they are disposed to consider zoning as town planning, 97 whereas i t i s only a part of that sc ience. \" Even Thomas Adams who was now in New York could not r e s i s t comment-ing on the developments in Canadian planning. In an a r t i c l e sharply c r i t i c a l of the attempt by real estate in terests to control p lanning, he summed up recent trends in Canadian planning in the fo l lowing way: There was a desire for improvement of soc ia l and economic condit ions in Canada and a s p i r i t in doing things for the publ ic good during those years (1914-1919) which unfor-tunately does not seem to have been maintained during the period of reconstruct ion since 1919. Q Q V Probably the most consistent c r i t i c of . the emerging trend to \"property oriented planning\" .and zoning was A l f r e d Buckley, the edi tor of the Journal of the Planning Inst i tu te of Canada. Buckley was c l ea r l y interested in rek ind l ing some of the emphasis on d i rec t publ ic entre-preneurship and equity which had formed such an integral part of Adams' 1 6 8 . i n i t i a l planning ef for ts . In a series of ar t ic les and speeches Buckley condemned industrial society for i ts \"fai lure to house decently their low paid wage earners, while a small group of men are amassing 99 riches beyond the dreams of avarice out of the home needs of people.\" He was part icularly c r i t i ca l of the real estate industry whom he accused of promoting \"the raw, profiteering view of land development\" which \"has wrought endless misery to mankind i f i t has put much money into the pockets of commercial buccaneers .\" 1 0 0 For Buckley, this rapacious pursuit of prof i t at the expense of basic human needs raised serious doubts about the overall desi rabi l i ty of the capi ta l is t society in which he l i ved . He concluded that: A social system that keeps the few inordinately rich and the masses of the people not only poor in money but poor in enjoyment is fundamentally a; fai l u r e . ^ ^ What was needed, argued Buckley, was \"a new philosophy of the social l i f e \" in which the \"concern for human welfare\" would form the basis of planning. He insisted that: We must have a renaissance of sociological con-cern, a new humanism that looks on the spoiled and spoil iated c i ty with the eyes of a Henry George or Ebenezer Howard or we shall make l i t t l e progress. Spec i f ica l ly , Buckley ,urged his colleagues to promote the Br i t ish idea of the garden ci ty which would form the basis for this new \"social 103 renaissance.\" The idea of garden c i t ies had i ts origins in the Utopian socialism of the Saint.Simon, Fourier and Robert Owen. Although there were some differences between these U t o p i a n s o c i a l i s t s , generally, they a l l proposed a vision of a new society based on a sense of co-oper-ation and collectivism manifested physically in the form of small 169. independent communities d e d i c a t e d t o the p u r s u i t . o f a more h u m a n i t a r i a n 104 s o c i e t y . Ebenezer Howard, a B r i t i s h c o u r t s t e n o g r a p h e r and f a t h e r o f the garden c i t y i d e a , molded the c o n c e p t s o f t h e s e e a r l i e r Utopian s o c i a l i s t s i n t o a c a p t i v a t i n g s c e n a r i o which fouod s u b s t a n t i a l s u p p o r t 105 among the B r i t i s h p l a n n i n g movement. Howard proposed t h a t the o v e r c r o w d i n g i n l a r g e c i t i e s be r e l i e v e d by d e c e n t r a l i z i n g p o p u l a t i o n t o a number o f s m a l l new communities l o c a t e d o u t s i d e o f t h e urban a g g l o m e r a t i o n . For Howard, the key t o s u c c e s s o f t h e s e communities was the p u b l i c ownership o f l a n d which would a l l o w t h e community t o c o l l e c t l a n d r e n t , an upper s i z e l i m i t t o the community o f about 30,000 t o p r e v e n t o v e r c r o w d i n g and an a g r i c u l t u r a l g r e e n b e l t s u r r o u n d i n g the community which would s u p p l y community f o o d needs, r e c r e a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s and p r e v e n t s p r a w l . Howard recommended t h a t these small communities be grouped t o g e t h e r i n t o a r e g i o n a l urban com-p l e x comprised o f about s i x small communities grouped around a l a r g e r c e n t r a l c i t y of about 60,000 p o p u l a t i o n . The components o f t h i s urban complex would a l l be c o n n e c t e d to each o t h e r by r a p i d t r a n s i t and would be s e p a r a t e d by the a g r i c u l t u r a l g r e e n b e l t s . For Howard, the p r i m a r y purpose o f the garden c i t y i d e a was: ... to e s t a b l i s h a s i t u a t i o n o f d i s t r i b u t i o n to t a k e the p-l ace o f chaos: a j u s t system o f l a n d t e n u r e f o r one r e p r e s e n t i n g the s e l f i s h -ness which we hope i s p a s s i n g away; t o found p e n s i o n s w i t h l i b e r t y f o r our aged poor now i m p r i s o n e d i n our workhouses: t o b a n i s h d e s p a i r and awaken hope i n the b r e a s t s o f th o s e who have f a l l e n ; t o s i l e n c e the h a r s h v o i c e o f anger; and t o awaken the s o f t notes o f b r o t h e r h o o d and good wi 11 - -j Qg A l t h o u g h p l a n n e r s such as Adams had a d v o c a t e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f garden c i t i e s i n Canada, no Canadian p l a n n e r had a r t i c u l a t e d the 170. need f o r garden c i t i e s w i t h the v i t a l i t y and d e t a i l e d v i s i o n t h a t B u c k l e y d i d . In a major speech t o . t h e ; I n s t i t u t e o f Town P l a n n e r s , B u c k l e y d e s c r i b e d the garden c i t y as \"the answer o f s c i e n t i f i c r e a s o n t o the u n i v e r s a l demand f o r a more c i v i l i z e d b a s i s o f urban s o c i e t y . \" He d e s c r i b e d the p r o g r e s s t h a t had been made i n c o n s t r u c t i n g the B r i t i s h garden c i t i e s o f L e tchworth and Welwyn and m a i n t a i n e d t h a t \" t h e r e i s n o t h i n g i n t h e p p s y c h o l o g y o f the Canadian p e o p l e o r i n t h e i r economic c o n d i t i o n s t o make the garden c i t y i d e a i m p o s s i b l e . \" 1 0 7 He proceeded to c r i t i c i s e h i s c o l l e a g u e s f o r not a c t i v e l y promoting the c o n c e p t and accused them o f abandoning some o f t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s i n o r d e r t o s o l i c i t s u p p o r t among the powerful r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s . In a s t a t e m e n t t h a t must have tweaked the c o n s c i e n c e o f h i s c o m p a t r i o t s , B u c k l e y s a i d : Time a f t e r time I ahve seen p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s and o t h e r s who have power to do t h i n g s , touched w i t h t h i s new humanism, then I have d i s c o v e r e d t h a t some group o f ' i n t e r e s t s , ' b i l l b o a r d p r o p r i e t o r s , l a n d d e a l e r s , o r o t h e r s have been busy and n o t h i n g was l e f t but s t o l i d , s i l e n t i n e r t i a o r p o s i t i v e i r r i t a t i o n w i t h a l l r e f o r m e r s and i n n o v a t o r s None o f t h e s e men ( i . e . Ebenezer Howard and Henry George) whom I have mentioned s t r a n g l e d h i s i d e a o f human good because i t might not.have promoted h i s own f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s o r a f f e c t e d the o u t l o o k o f h i s b u s i n e s s f r i e n d s . T h e i r dream was f o r a g r e a t e r h appiness o f the common peopl e and a t r u e r and more g e n e r a l p r o s p e r i t y . But whatever u n d e r l y i n g sympathies t h e r e may have been f o r B u c k l e y ' s p o s i t i o n , most members o f the I n s t i t u t e remained e i t h e r u n w i l l i n g or unable t o g e n e r a t e a coneern f o r e q u i t y o r r e c a p t u r e the e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l r o l e which they had r e l i n q u i s h e d t o the p r i v a t e r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s . The i n c r e a s i n g s u p p o r t f o r the s t r u g g l i n g p r o f e s s i o n t h a t emanated from the powerful r e a l e s t a t e l o b b y was j u s t too i m p o r t -a n t t o j e o p a r d i z e . 171. VI By 1926 the sharp i n c r e a s e i n e x p o r t demand had i g n i t e d the Canadian economy and s p a r k e d a boom i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t and con-s t r u c t i o n . Housing a c t i v i t y , which r o s e i n 1929 t o 70% above l e v e l s 109 r e c o r d e d i n 1924, was p a r t i c u l a r l y r o b u s t . C o n c u r r e n t w i t h t h i s economic r e c o v e r y was a r e c o v e r y o f i n t e r e s t i n p l a n n i n g . Canadian p l a n n e r s , who had been i n f e c t e d by deep d e s p a i r d u r i n g the f i r s t p a r t o f the postwar* decade, now viewed the f u t u r e w i t h a m i l d optimism. The new mood among p l a n n e r s was o f f i c i a l l y r e c o r d e d a t the 1928 Annual Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e C o n v e n t i o n where p l a n n e r s passed the f o l l o w i n g r e s o l u t i o n : The Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e views w i t h s a t i s -f a c t i o n the many s i g n s of p r o g r e s s i n Canadian town p l a n n i n g and e s p e c i a l l y the awakened sense o f the c i v i c importance o f town p l a n n i n g mani-f e s t e d among the c i v i c l e a d e r s o f Canada and the consequent i n c r e a s i n g numbers o f towns and c i t i e s now busy w i t h z o n i n g by-laws.-j-jQ T h i s s t a t e m e n t was not w i t h o u t some s u b s t a n c e . A l t h o u g h p l a n -ners were s t i l l d i s p l e a s e d w i t h the b a s i c p l a n n i n g p r o g r e s s , they c o u l d p o i n t t o c o n c r e t e e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t i n g t h a t a gradual r e c o v e r y was underway. The s t r e n g t h o f the r e c o v e r y i n c r e a s e d from e a s t t o west. In the M a r i t i m e s where economic r e c o v e r y was weakest, t h e r e was l i t t l e r e s u r g e n t i n t e r e s t i n p l a n n i n g a t a l l . 1 1 1 In Quebec, developments were a b i t more e n c o u r a g i n g . B e g i n n i n g i n 1926 a r e v i t a l i z e d M o n t r e a l C i v i c Improvement League s t r e n g t h e n e d i t s main e f f o r t s to promote p l a n n i n g . The League drew up a proposed town p l a n n i n g a c t which i t s u b m i t t e d t o the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e , funded the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a number o f p l a n n i n g s t u d i e s f o r Montreal and worked i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h c i t y 172. e n g i n e e r H.A. T e r r a u l t on the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a master p l a n . T h e i r e f f o r t s were not a l l t h a t s u c c e s s f u l . The l e g i s l a t u r e r e f u s e d t o adopt the proposed p l a n n i n g a c t and the C i t y o f Montreal never o f f i c i -a l l y adopted the master p l a n t h a t had been p r e p a r e d . In 1930, however, the e f f o r t s o f the l o c a l p l a n n e r s were p a r t i a l l y rewarded when a Town P l a n n i n g Board was s e t up w i t h i n the Montreal Dept. o f P u b l i c Works. The Board used the d a t a from the p l a n n i n g s t u d i e s t o a d v i s e the c i t y 112 on p u b l i c i n v e s t m e n t s and o t h e r urban m a t t e r s . In O n t a r i o t h e r e were a l s o some s i g n s o f p r o g r e s s . D u r i n g the l a t e 1920's the C i t y o f Ottawa was p r o v i d i n g enough annual f u n d i n g t o s u p p o r t the f i r s t permanent p l a n n i n g s t a f f i n Canada. The s t a f f , which was comprised o f two a s s i s t a n t s headed by Noel Cauchon, s u p p l i e d ongoing a d v i c e t o the c i t y on town p l a n n i n g m a t t e r s and, i n 1926, was r e q u e s t e d by the c i t y c o u n c i l to p r e p a r e a comprehensive z o n i n g by-law. While the p r o p o s e d by-law was never f u l l y implemented, the s m a l l p l a n -n i n g s t a f f , working i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a newly r e c o n s t i t u t e d F e d e r a l D i s t r i c t Commission which had a 15 y e a r budget o f $250,000, planned a number o f c a p i t a l works p r o j e c t s i n c l u d i n g a major downtown development p r o j e c t c a l l e d C o n f e d e r a t i o n Square. A l t h o u g h the p r o g r e s s i n Ottawa 113 was not up t o e x p e c t a t i o n s , a renewed i n t e r e s t was c e r t a i n l y e v i d e n t . T o r o n t o a l s o showed some s i g n s o f renewed i n t e r e s t . In 1928, the c i t y a p p o i n t e d a C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission t o p r o v i d e a d v i c e on a p r o -posed e x p a n s i o n o f some major downtown s t r e e t s . The Commission, which was comprised o f a group o f businessmen who were concerned t h a t t h e growing c o n g e s t i o n would impede commercial development o f the downtown, pr e p a r e d a 15 y e a r - $35 m i l l i o n c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t p l a n which would 173. upgrade the downtown s t r e e t system. The a u t h o r s o f the r e p o r t j u s t i f i e d t h e i r p r o p o s a l s i n the f o l l o w i n g way: The s t i m u l a t i o n t o g e n e r a l b u s i n e s s , t o the b u i l d i n g t r a d e s , i n f a c t t o every department o f c i t y l i f e , from such a program w i l l be c e r t a i n and p r o f o u n d d u r i n g the f i r s t f i f t e e n y e a r s i n which t h e work i s p r o p o s e d . t o be c a r r i e d on and upon c o m p l e t i o n . A t a s k f o r c e made up o f the heads o f c i v i c departments was s e t up t o r e v i e w the C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission's p r o p o s a l . In the r e v i e w , the t a s k f o r c e agreed w i t h the need f o r major s t r e e t improvements and acknowledged t h a t such improvements \"would p r o v i d e a permanent means f o r the f a c i l i t i e s o f t r a f f i c and a t once a f f o r d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r commercial and a e s t h e t i c development a l o n g p r o f i t a b l e l i n e s . \" The t a s k f o r c e , w h i l e n o t i n g t h a t t h e c o s t o f t h e s e p r o p o s a l s seemed \"incommen-s u r a t e w i t h the assumed b e n e f i t \" m a i n t a i n e d t h a t such normal measures o f f i n a n c i a l e v a l u a t i o n s h o u l d be s e t a s i d e i n t h i s c a s e . A c c o r d i n g t o the t a s k f o r c e : A monumental work o f the c h a r a c t e r p r o p o s e d , f r a u g h t w i t h such u n q u e s t i o n a b l e b e n e f i t t o T o r o n t o , cannot be gauged by the s t a n d a r d s o r d i n a r i l y a p p l i e d t o m u n i c i p a l v e n t u r e s o f more l o c a l i n t e r e s t but s h o u l d be approached w i t h a l a r g e r v i s i o n , f a i t h and courage c o u p l e d w i t h a d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o adopt new, perhaps novel methods o f procedure.-j-j 5 The c i t i z e n s , however, were not c o m p l e t e l y t a k e n w i t h t h i s l i n e o f r e a s o n i n g . In 1929 the C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission's p r o p o s a l was n a r r o w l y d e f e a t e d by the v o t e r s . The next y e a r a new A d v i s o r y C i t y P l a n n i n g Committee composed o f c i v i c o f f i c i a l s p r e p a r e d a n o t h e r p l a n r e m a r k a b l y s i m i l a r to the one t h a t had been d e f e a t e d . The c i t y o f f i c i a l s a l s o s e t up a permanent p l a n n i n g department headed by T r a c y 174. 116 de leMay who had been c h i e f s u r v e y o r o f the c i t y f o r a number o f y e a r s . C i v i c o f f i c i a l s , i t seemed, were b e g i n n i n g t o r e c o g n i z e the b e n e f i t s o f p l a n n i n g . In the west the r e s u r g e n c e was s t r o n g e r . In Winnipeg, where p l a n n i n g had been dormant s i n c e the war, the Board o f T r a d e , a l o n g w i t h o t h e r l e a d i n g c i t i z e n s , encouraged a new C i t y C o u n c i l e l e c t e d i n 1927 on a p l a t f o r m to r e v i v e town p l a n n i n g t o s e t up a town p l a n n i n g committee o f c o u n c i l . T h i s committee i m m e d i a t e l y began a d v i s i n g on c a p i t a l works, s t r e e t improvements and on the p r e p a r a t i o n o f a comprehensive z o n i n g by! aw. In Saskatchewan t h e r e was even more p l a n n i n g a c t i v i t y . . In 1928, the p r o v i n c i a l government passed a more s i m p l i f i e d Town P l a n n i n g A c t t o r e p l a c e the 1917 A c t . The new l e g i s l a t i o n e l i m i n a t e d s e v e r a l f e a t u r e s o f the 1917 A c t i n c l u d i n g the p r o v i s i o n f o r compulsory p l a n n i n g , the c o l l e c t i o n o f l a n d p r o f i t s t hrough a b e t t e r m e n t l e v y and the n e c e s s i t y o f p r e p a r i n g .a;': comprehensive town p l a n as a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o t h e passage o f l a n d use c o n t r o l s . A c c o r d i n g t o the Saskatchewan p r o v i n c i a l town p l a n n i n g d i r e c t o r , the new A c t would p l a c e the i n i t i a t i v e f o r p l a n n i n g a t the l o c a l l e v e l and would a l l o w m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t o \"make a s t a r t on town p l a n n i n g w i t h o u t t y i n g themselves up to a n y t h i n g a t a l l . \" . The p r o v i n c i a l d i r e c t o r a s s u r e d m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t h a t : They may go as f a r as they l i k e , from a by-law to keep a l i v e r y s t a b l e o f f main s t r e e t t o a f u l l - f l e d g e d town p l a n . The new A c t , an empower-i n g A c t , g i v e s c o n s i d e r a b l e l a t i t u d e . The mun-i c i p a l i t y can experiment u n t i l i t sees t h a t the t h i n g i s g o o d . ^ g Meanwhile, the two major c i t i e s i n Saskatchewan were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the p r e p a r a t i o n o f p l a n s . In R e g i n a , a group o f l o c a l 175 . v o l u n t e e r s under the a u s p i c e s o f the Town P l a n n i n g Board p r e p a r e d a comprehensive z o n i n g bylaw which was passed by c o u n c i l i n 1927. The bylaw, which was p r e p a r e d w i t h o u t the a i d o f a town p l a n , d i v i d e d the c i t y i n t o s i x zones i n c l u d i n g two c a t e g o r i e s o f r e s i d e n t i a l , b u s i n e s s and commercial. The z o n i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s were a r r a n g e d i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l f a s h i o n so t h a t the l e a s t r e s t r i c t i v e zone o f r e s i d e n t i a l A was a l l o w e d i n e v e r y o t h e r zone, the next l e a s t r e s t r i c t i v e zone o f r e s i d e n t i a l B was a l l o w e d i n e v e r y o t h e r zone e x c e p t r e s i d e n t i a l A and so on down t o the most r e s t r i c t e d zone o f i n d u s t r i a l B which was a l l o w e d o n l y i n i n d u s t r i a l B zones. T h i s t y p e o f z o n i n g seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t the purpose o f t h i s bylaw was t o p r o t e c t more e x c l u s i v e r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s from i n t r u s i o n s o f l e s s d e s i r a b l e u s e s . I f the purpose o f the z o n i n g had been to p r o t e c t the h e a l t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n o r t o implement a comprehensive p l a n , one would e x p e c t t h a t the z o n i n g would have been d e s i g n e d t o keep f u t u r e r e s i d e n c e s out o f noxious i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s as w e l l as to keep noxious i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s out o f e x i s t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l 119 zones. The a r c h i t e c t s o f the bylaw d i d not seem t o t h i n k so. In S a s k a t o o n , where the c i t y had a c q u i r e d t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f the l a n d s u p p l y through tax f o r f e i t s , t he p l a n n i n g e f f o r t was more compre-h e n s i v e . In 1927, t h e c i t y which was under the c o n t r o l o f the new mayor who had been e l e c t e d on a ''town p l a n n i n g p l a t f o r m \" a p p o i n t e d a Town P l a n n i n g Board which was i n s t r u c t e d to p r e p a r e a comprehensive p l a n . The Board s u b d i v i d e d the t a s k i n t o t w e l v e s u b c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d i n g , among o t h e r t o p i c s , h o u s i n g , z o n i n g , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , p a r k s , c i v i c a r t and s u b d i v i s i o n c o n t r o l . The Board was r e c o n s t i t u t e d i n 1927 under the new name o f the Town P l a n n i n g Commission which was s m a l l e r i n s i z e and 176. l e s s a m b i t i o u s i n i t s t a s k . A f t e r c o m p l e t i n g a comprehensive s u r v e y to c o l l e c t n e c e s s a r y d a t a such as e x i s t i n g l a n d use, t r a f f i c f l o w s , land v a l u e s , e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s , topography and f u t u r e growth p r o j e c -t i o n s , the Commission h i r e d T o r o n t o e n g i n e e r i n g c o n s u l t a n t A.K. B u n n e l l to p r e p a r e a comprehensive z o n i n g bylaw which was approved i n 1930. Having passed the z o n i n g bylaw the p l a n n i n g s t a f f c o n t i n u e d t h e i r work 120 on ar*. a r t e r i a l road p l a n . The p l a n n i n g f o r c e s i n A l b e r t a were a l s o s t i r r i n g . In 1929, the p r o v i n c i a l government passed what was i n t e n d e d t o be a more workable P-lanning Act to r e p l a c e the o r i g i n a l 1913 A c t which was c o n s i d e r e d too cumbersome and which had r e s t r i c t e d p l a n n i n g t o o n l y t h o s e a r e a s about to be d e v e l o p e d . The new l e g i s l a t i o n c a l l e d f o r the appointment o f a P r o v i n c i a l Town P l a n n i n g Board, a l l o w e d f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n o f o f f i c i a l p l a n s f o r a l l a r e a s whether d e v e l o p e d o r n o t , a l l o w e d f o r the passage o f z o n i n g bylaws, r e q u i r e d t h a t a l l s u b d i v i s i o n s be approved by t h e P l a n n i n g Board, a l l o w e d l o c a l governments, w i t h the a p p r o v a l o f the p r o v i n c i a l government, t o s e t up l o c a l p l a n n i n g commission as w e l l as r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g commissions f o r j o i n t p l a n n i n g a r e a s and a l s o s p e c i -f i e d an appeal procedure f o r p r o p e r t y owners d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h p l a n n i n g c o n t r o l s . The l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o e l i m i n a t e d the b e t t e r m e n t l e v y system t h a t had been imposed i n the o r i g i n a l A c t . The l e g i s l a t i o n was i n n o -v a t i v e i n the sense t h a t i t a l l o w e d l o c a l p l a n n i n g commissioners t o c o n t r o l the a r c h i t e c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r o f urban development and a l s o a l l o w e d the P r o v i n c i a l Town P l a n n i n g and Rural A d v i s o r y Board t o p r e -s e r v e n a t u r a l beauty by a c q u i r i n g p r o v i n c i a l p a r k s , and/or c o n t r o l l i n g 121 a l l developments a l o n g p r o v i n c i a l highways. 177. W i t h i n t h r e e y e a r s o f the passage o f the new l e g i s l a t i o n , the two major c i t i e s i n A l b e r t a o f Edmonton and C a l g a r y as w e l l as e i g h t e e n o t h e r p r o v i n c i a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had a p p o i n t e d town p l a n n i n g commissions, t h i r t y - o n e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were p r e p a r i n g some town p l a n n i n g s t u d i e s and 122 t h i r t e e n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had passed z o n i n g bylaws. Edmonton, f o r example, had f o r some time been p a s s i n g ad hoc z o n i n g c o n t r o l s t o p r o t e c t c e r t a i n neighbourhoods fronr.unwanted development. In 1927, Edmonton was a d v i s e d by the Vancouver Town P l a n n i n g Commission t o h i r e a group o f p l a n n i n g e x p e r t s to pr e p a r e a comprehensive master p l a n on which f u t u r e z o n i n g and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n v e s t m e n t s c o u l d be based. But the c i t y chose t o i g n o r e t h i s a d v i c e and i n s t e a d a l l o w e d the l a y people r u n n i n g the Town P l a n n i n g Commission t o p r e p a r e a comprehensive z o n i n g o r d i n a n c e w i t h o u t p r e p a r i n g a town p l a n . A Zo n i n g Bylaw was passed i n 1 9 3 0 . 1 2 3 In C a l g a r y , p r e v i o u s e f f o r t s to impose r e g u l a t i o n s p r e v e n t i n g the i n t r u s i o n o f unwanted uses i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods c u l m i n -a t e d i n ' t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f a comprehensive z o n i n g bylaw and s t r e e t p l a n i n 1929. A l t h o u g h l o c a l o p p o s i t i o n and the coming o f the d e p r e s s i o n p r e v e n t e d the im p l e m e n t a t i o n o f these p r o p o s a l s , C a l g a r y d i d pass a by-law i n 1930 which s t r e n g t h e n e d p r e v i o u s e f f o r t s t o p r o h i b i t c o n s t r u c t i o n 124 i n o u t l y i n g a r e a s too f a r beyond the urban f r i n g e . I f p l a n n e r s were g e n e r a l l y p l e a s e d w i t h the p r o g r e s s b e i n g made i n A l b e r t a and Saskatchewan, they were e u p h o r i c about developments i n B r i t i s h Columbia. F o r y e a r s , Canadian p l a n n e r s had a c c u s e d B.C. o f laggingrvbehind t he p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s i n o t h e r p r o v i n c e s . B.C. s t o o d out w i t h Quebec as the o n l y two p r o v i n c e s i n Canada t h a t had not passed 178. p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n . And Vancouver was one o f the few major c i t i e s i n Canada which had not a t l e a s t attempted t o p r e p a r e a comprehensive 125 urban p l a n d u r i n g the 1900-14 growth p e r i o d . But by the end o f the 1920's Canadian p l a n n e r s p r a i s e d Vancouver as the most p r o g r e s s i v e and i n n o v a t i v e c i t y i n Canada. I t s p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s were h e l d up as a 12g te x t b o o k example which a l l o f the c i t i e s were urged t o emulate. F o r , B r i t i s h Columbia, the 1920's was a p e r i o d o f enormous p r o s -p e r i t y . The opening o f the Panama Canal had a l l o w e d the B.C. lumber i n d u s t r y t o p e n e t r a t e e a s t e r n markets where i t had p r e v i o u s l y been u n c o m p e t i t i v e because o f p r o h i b i t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s . I t s e x p a n s i o n i n e x p o r t s t o the e a s t , combined w i t h massive i n v e s t m e n t i n m i n i n g , f u e l e d an economic boom which l a s t e d through the whole decade. As a r e s u l t , Vancouver grew a t a r a t e d u r i n g the 1920's t h a t f a r out-paced the growth o f any o t h e r major Canadian c i t y e x c e p t f o r Windsor, O n t a r i o . 1 The o p t i m i s m about Vancouver's f u t u r e g e n e r a t e d by t h i s e x p a n s i o n ^ combined w i t h a c o n c e r n w i t h the i n c r e a s i n g l y a c u t e problems a s s o c i a t e d with urban growth,aroused i n t e r e s t i n the i d e a o f p l a n n i n g . In 1921 a town p l a n n i n g committee comprised o f l o c a l prominent c i t i z e n s was formed a t the i n i t i a t i v e o f the Vancouver Board o f T r a d e . The committee immediately s e t t o work p r e p a r i n g a town p l a n n i n g b i l l which i t s u b m i t t e d to the l e g i s l a t u r e i n 1923. But a f t e r s o l i c i t i n g the views o f m u n i c i p a l p o l i t i c i a n s a c r o s s the p r o v i n c e , the p r o v i n c i a l p r e m i e r d e c i d e d t h a t t h e r e was i n s u f f i c i e n t s u p p o r t f o r the l e g i s l a t i o n to w a r r a n t i t b e i n g 123 i n t r o d u c e d i n the house. Faced w i t h t h i s s e t b a c k , the promoters o f the town p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n d e c i d e d to l a u n c h a more a g g r e s s i v e e f f o r t . Members o f the 179. newly formed Vancouver branch o f the Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada combined f o r c e s w i t h , among o t h e r s , the Vancouver Board o f T r a d e , the Real E s t a t e Exchange, the T r a d e s and Labour C o u n c i l , P r o f e s s i o n a l E n g i n e e r s o f B.C. and w i t h the newly formed subcommittee o f Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l t o a p p l y g r e a t e r p r e s s u r e on the p r o v i n c i a l government t o pass the proposed p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n . F i n a l l y , i n December 1925, 129 the p r o v i n c e conceded t o t h e s e r e q u e s t s . The passage o f the B.C. Town P l a n n i n g A c t was not c o n s i d e r e d an u n q u a l i f i e d s u c c e s s by the p l a n n i n g promoters. D u r i n g the l e g i s l a t i v e p r o c e s s , the p r o v i n c i a l government had made s e v e r a l major changes t o the o r i g i n a l b i l l . These changes which i n c l u d e d the e l i m i n a t i o n o f th e p r o v i s i o n f o r s e t t i n g up a p r o v i n c i a l town p l a n n i n g bureau t o promote and a d v i s e on p l a n n i n g and the e l i m i n a t i o n o f p r o v i s i o n s c r e a t -i n g a powerful town p l a n n i n g commission were c r i t i c i z e d by the d r a f t e r s o f t h e o r i g i n a l b i l l . The d i s a g r e e m e n t r e f l e c t e d some b a s i c d i f f e r -ences i n the t h e o r y o f p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . On the one s i d e , A.G. Smith, a prominent member o f the Vancouver branch o f T.P.I.C., e x p r e s s e d the w i d e l y h e l d view t h a t a c i t y c o u n c i l which was bogged down by e l e c t i o n s and p e t t y day-to-day a d m i n i s t r a t i o n would be unable to under-take t he i m p o r t a n t t a s k o f p r e p a r i n g a town p l a n t h a t had t o r e f l e c t the l a r g e r community i n t e r e s t . He m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h i s j o b c o u l d o n l y p r o p e r l y be handled by an independent group o f s c i e n t i f i c e x p e r t s who c o u l d r i s e above the p e t t y c o n c e r n s o f day-to-day a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and d e v e l o p o b j e c t i v e p o l i c i e s t h a t would be i n t h e broad p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . The p l a n p r e p a r e d by the commission would have t o be passed by c i t y c o u n c i l . But once the p l a n was passed, a l l f u t u r e p u b l i c i n v e s t m e n t s 180. would have t o be approved by the p l a n n i n g commission whose r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y i t would be t o judge whether the i n v e s t m e n t s were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p l a n . 1 3 0 But the p r o v i n c i a l government, s e n s i n g t h a t such a p r o p o s a l would t h r e a t e n the powers o f the e l e c t e d p o l i t i c i a n s , d e c i d e d t h a t the f u n c t i o n o f p l a n n i n g was b e t t e r l e f t under the d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f the c i t y c o u n c i l and o t h e r departments. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the Town P l a n n i n g A c t s t r i p p e d the proposed commission o f a l l r e a l powers i n c l u d i n g t h e r i g h t t o h i r e a permanent t e c h n i c a l and s u p p o r t s t a f f . The independent 131 commission was to have o n l y a d v i s o r y powers. The d i s a p p o i n t m e n t o v e r the p l a n n i n g a c t was a g g r a v a t e d by the d e c i s i o n o f the C i t y o f Vancouver t o h i r e t h e American p l a n n i n g f i r m o f Bartholomew to p r e p a r e the Vancouver p l a n i n s t e a d o f h i r i n g two prominent Canadian p l a n n e r s , H.L. Seymour and A.G. D a l z e l l , who had 132 a l s o a p p l i e d f o r the j o b . But the e x c i t e m e n t and a n t i c i p a t i o n s u r r o u n d i n g the i n i t i a t i o n o f the l a r g e s t s i n g l e p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t y e t undertaken i n Canada q u i c k l y soothed the d i s c o n t e n t . Bartholomew was q u i c k l y emerging as one o f America's most s u c c -e s s f u l p l a n n i n g c o n s u l t a n t s . B e f o r e o b t a i n i n g the Vancouver c o n t r a c t , he had been i n v o l v e d i n p r e p a r i n g p l a n s f o r a number o f major American c i t i e s i n c l u d i n g Newark, S t . L o u i s , D e t r o i t , Memphis and Washington, 133 D.C. In 1922, he summarized h i s views on p l a n n i n g i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d \"The P r i n c i p l e s of C i t y P l a n n i n g \" p u b l i s h e d i n the p o p u l a r urban a f f a i r s j o u r n a l , the American C i t y . H i s i d e a s r e f l e c t e d what had become the a l m o s t s t a n d a r d American view o f p l a n n i n g . A c c o r d i n g to Bartholomew and the \" c o n v e n t i o n a l American wisdom\" urban p l a n n i n g was 181. d e f i n e d i n the f o l l o w i n g way: C i t y p l a n n i n g i s t h a t phase o f m u n i c i p a l a c t i v i t y which a n a l y z e s the c h a r a c t e r and p r o b a b l e e x t e n t of the c i t y ' s growth; s u g g e s t s c e r t a i n recommend-a t i o n s and p r o v i d e s f o r the c o - o r d i n a t i o n o f a l l f u t u r e improvements... C i t y p l a n n i n g i s e s s e n t i a l l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h the p h y s i c a l development o f c i t i e s . I t has n o t h i n g t o do w i t h p o l i t i c s o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e pol i c i e s . - | 3 4 F o r Bartholomew and o t h e r l e a d i n g American p l a n n e r s , the purpose o f p l a n n i n g was t o f a c i l i t a t e growth by p r o v i d i n g the r e q u i r e d urban s e r v i c e s as e f f i c i e n t l y as p o s s i b l e . Bartholomew emphasized t h a t \"modern c i t i e s , l a c k i n g i n u n i t y o f d e s i g n , do not e a s i l y promote the e x p a n s i o n o f commerce, and i n d u s t r y andnhave numerous r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s o f d o u b t f u l v a l u e . \" The c o m p l e t i o n o f a comprehensive p l a n , however, w i l l g i v e \"a new impetus... to growth\" which \" f i n d s i t s r e f l e c t i o n i n 135 i n c r e a s e d l o c a l p r o p e r t y v a l u e s and g r e a t e r p u b l i c c o n v e n i e n c e . \" Bartholomew recommended t h a t the comprehensive p l a n s h o u l d be c o mprised o f s i x components. The f i r s t and most s i g n i f i c a n t component was the s t r e e t system which, wrote Bartholomew, \" i s the fundamental element o f the c i t y p l a n . \" The s t r e e t system was d i v i d e d i n t o the t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f main a r t e r i a l r o a d s , s e condary roads and minor r o a d s . The main a r t e r i a l roads proceeded out from the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t t o the o u t e r a r e a s o f the c i t y , w h i l e the s e condary roads formed a c o n c e n t r i c . p a t t e r n a t s u c c e s s i v e i n t e r v a l s from the c e n t r a l a r e a s . The minor s t r e e t s were expec t e d to accommodate l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l t r a f f i c . A f t e r c o m p l e t i n g the s t r e e t p l a n , the p l a n n e r was e x p e c t e d to p r e p a r e the r e m a i n i n g f i v e components o f the comprehensive p l a n . They i n c l u d e d a t r a n s i t p l a n , a road and water f a c i l i t i e s p l a n to 182. accommodate the needs o f i n d u s t r y , a r e c r e a t i o n p l a n t o \" h e l p s t a b i l i z e l a n d v a l u e s and hence i n c r e a s e t a x a b l e r e t u r n , \" a z o n i n g o r d i n a n c e and a c i v i c a r t p l a n to improve the a e s t h e t i c s o f the c i t y . Bartholomew emphasized t h a t the z o n i n g o r d i n a n c e s h o u l d o n l y be p r e p a r e d a f t e r the o t h e r components o f the p l a n had been completed. In p r e p a r i n g the Vancouver p l a n , Bartholomew and h i s c o n s u l t a n t s f o l l o w e d t h i s proposed o u t l i n e v e r y c l o s e l y . Indeed, one o f B a r t h o l o -mew's f i r s t a c t s was to deny r e q u e s t s from the Town P l a n n i n g Commission 137 t h a t he p r e p a r e a comprehensive z o n i n g bylaw \"as a f i r s t s t e p . \" I n s t e a d , Bartholomew proceeded through h i s proposed sequence o f s t u d i e s l e a v i n g the z o n i n g q u e s t i o n to the end. The s t r e e t and t r a n s i t system were a n a l y z e d and a s e t o f d e t a i l e d p r o p o s a l s were made, t o make Vancou-v e r ' s system more a k i n to the i d e a l r a d i a l and c o n c e n t r i c system d e s c r i b e d i n Bartholomew's a r t i c l e . The o v e r r i d i n g o b j e c t i v e o f t h e s e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o p o s a l s was to improve the a c c e s s to the c e n t r a l b u s i -ness d i s t r i c t . The next p a r t o f t h e p l a n made a number o f p r o p o s a l s f o r i m p r o v i n g t h e r a i l and p o r t f a c i l i t i e s so as t o accommodate i n d u s t r y . T h i s was f o l l o w e d by an a n a l y s i s o f t h e r e c r e a t i o n system which i n c l u d e d recommendations f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n o f o v e r 5,000 a c r e s of park l a n d r a n g i n g from s m a l l neighbourhood parks up t o r e g i o n a l parks l o c a t e d i n high amenity a r e a s . These parks were to be comple-mented by a system o f s c e n i c d r i v e s . Next came the z o n i n g s t u d y and . a c i v i c a r t s t u d y . T h i s l a t t e r p a r t o f the p l a n c o n t a i n e d p r o p o s a l s f o r a c i v i c c e n t r e t h a t \" w i l l be a c o n s t a n t s t i m u l u s t o c i v i c p r i d e \" as w e l l as o t h e r recommendations to c o n s e r v e the n a t u r a l beauty o f \"I oo Vancouver and make i t \"more p l e a s i n g t o the eye.\" 183. I t was the z o n i n g s t u d y , however, which a r o u s e d the most i n t e r e s t . Ten zones r a n g i n g from s i n g l e f a m i l y r e s i d e n t i a l up t o heavy i n d u s t r i a l were prop o s e d . Bartholomew's method o f a l l o c a t i n g l a n d t o t h e s e t e n d i f f e r e n t zones r e f l e c t e d s e v e r a l o f the dominant b i a s e s t h a t permeated North American p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e a t the time. The f i r s t b i a s was t h a t the p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n o f urban p l a n n i n g was to accommodate i n d u s t r i a l growth. Hence, Bartholomew's f i r s t a c t i n a l l o c a t i n g l a n d was t o r e s e r v e a l l t h o s e a r e a s s u i t a b l e f o r i n d u s t r y by v i r t u e o f t h e i r prox-139 i m i t y to r a i l o r water f o r i n d u s t r i a l p u r p o s e s . \" Z o n i n g , \" c o n c l u d e d 140 Bartholomew, \" w i l l encourage and f a c i l i t a t e l o c a t i o n o f new i n d u s t r y . \" Bartholomew went on t o recommend t h a t : No raw m a t e r i a l o f any s o r t s h o u l d be p e r m i t t e d t o pass eastward t o the p o r t w i t h o u t a c a r e f u l s t u d y b e i n g made as to whether i t c o u l d be p r o f i t a b l y worked up i n t o a f i n i s h e d p r o d u c t . . . ^ The p l a n a l s o recommended t h a t : A d i v e r s i t y o f i n d u s t r y s h o u l d be sought r a t h e r than a s i n g l e p r e d o m i n a t i n g type i n o r d e r t o ensure a more s t a b l e l a b o u r s u p p l y and b u s i n e s s b a l a n c e . . ' - j ^ The next u n d e r l y i n g b i a s was the p r e f e r e n c e f o r s i n g l e f a m i l y homes r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r t y p e s o f accommodation. As t h e p l a n commented: The r e t e n t i o n o f Vancouver as a c i t y o f s i n g l e -f a m i l y houses has always been c l o s e t o the h e a r t o f t h o s e engaged i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s p l a n . . . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the p l a n p r o v i d e d f o r u n u s u a l l y \" l a r g e a r e a s f o r s i n g l e -144 f a m i l y h o u s e s \" . a t the expense o f o t h e r t y p e s o f u s e s . In a l l o c a t i n g the r e m a i n i n g l a n d u s e s , Bartholomew r e l i e d on l a n d use d a t a from o t h e r North American c i t i e s and h i s p o p u l a t i o n p r o j e c t i o n f o r Vancouver.\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 F i r s t o f a l l , the p r o j e c t e d demand f o r some 184. uses such as commercial was c a l c u l a t e d by m u l t i p l y i n g the f r o n t a g e o f commercial use per c a p i t a by the p r o j e c t e d p o p u l a t i o n . Then t h o s e a r e a s most s u i t e d f o r commercial use such as the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s -t r i c t and a r e a s a l o n g the major a r t e r i a l s were zoned c o m m e r c i a l . A s v geographer John B o t t o m l e y has shown i n h i s d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f p l a n n i n g i n Vancouver, the u l t i m a t e r e s u l t o f t h i s t e c h n i q u e o f a l l o c a t i o n was a z o n i n g system which conformed v e r y c l o s e l y *o the . c o n c e n t r i c zone p a t t e r n t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e d many o f the North American c i t i e s o f the 145 p e r i o d . The c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t was the major commercial c e n t r e . S u r r o u n d i n g t h i s was the zone o f t r a n s i t i o n comprised o f mixed uses i n c l u d i n g commercial uses s p r e a d i n g o u t from the expanding c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t , h i g h d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l f o r the working c l a s s and poor, and l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l . Beyond t h i s zone was the lower d e n s i t y , h i g h e r q u a l i t y h o u s i n g o f the c i t y ; the a r e a zoned s i n g l e f a m i l y . One s u b j e c t c o n s p i c u o u s l y a v o i d e d by Bartholomew i n h i s p l a n was the whole q u e s t i o n o f p r o v i d i n g adequate h o u s i n g f o r Vancouver's p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s d e c i s i o n by Bartholomew t o omit h o u s i n g was c o n s i s -t e n t w i t h t h e v i s i o n o f p l a n n i n g e x p r e s s e d i n h i s a r t i c l e on p l a n n i n g p r i n c i p l e s . But e v i d e n t l y , several-members o f t h e Vancouver p l a n n i n g community had been i n f l u e n c e d by Adams' l e c t u r e s e x p r e s s i n g the i n t e g r a l r e l a t i o n o f housing to town p l a n n i n g . They asked Bartholomew and h i s c o n s u l t a n t s how they e x p e c t e d to d e a l w i t h the h o u s i n g i s s u e . Bartholomew responded t o t h e s e e n q u i r i e s by s t a t i n g t h a t \" w h i l e town p l a n n i n g can go f a r t o c r e a t e and m a i n t a i n d e s i r a b l e h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s , i t i s beyond i t s s c o p e . . . t o c o n c e r n i t s e l f w i t h the v e r y i m p o r t a n t 146 economic problems\" o f e n s u r i n g adequate h o u s i n g f o r the c i t i z e n s . 185. Bartholomew als.o o b s e r v e d t h a t ; Whether o r not t h e c i t y i t s e l f s h o u l d engage i n the b u i l d i n g o f homes i s a m a t t e r t h a t on t h i s c o n t i n e n t has g e n e r a l l y been d e c i d e d i n the n e g a t i v e . . . The g e n e r a l o p i n i o n seems t o be t h a t such a b u i l d i n g i s i n i t s n a t u r e a m a t t e r o f p r i v a t e r a t h e r than p u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e . A f t e r s e v e r a l y e a r s o f arduous s t u d i e s the p l a n was f i n a l l y f i n i s h e d . The c o n s u l t a n t s , who were o b v i o u s l y e l a t e d w i t h t h e i r e f f o r t , c o n c l u d e d t h a t w i t h \"the p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s volume, a more o r l e s s d e f i n i t e p l a n o f the c i t y o f Vancouver has been l a i d down f o r the next 148 30 o r 40 y e a r s . \" A t f i r s t , Vancouver's p o l i t i c i a n s d i d not e x h i b i t t h e same e n t h u s i a s m . A l t h o u g h t h e c i t y had p assed an i n t e r i m z o n i n g bylaw i n 1927 t o p r e v e n t the i n t r u s i o n o f u n d e s i r a b l e uses i n t o \" s e l e c t \" r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s , t h e y were r e l u c t a n t t o pass t h e more comprehensive z o n i n g o r d i n a n c e recommended i n the r e p o r t . But a f t e r some d i s c u s s i o n t h e i r a p p r e h e n s i o n f a d e d and on December, 1928 the z o n i n g bylaw was 149 p a s s e d . The l o c a l b u s i n e s s community as w e l l as Canadian p l a n n e r s were j u b i l a n t a t the s u c c e s s f u l c o n c l u s i o n o f the most comprehensive p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s y e t undertaken i n the c o u n t r y . P l a n n i n g , i t seemed, had f i n a l l y made i t s l o n g a n t i c i p a t e d b r e a k t h r o u g h . VII A s u c c e s s f u l p u r s u i t o f economic development d u r i n g the f i r s t t h r e e decades o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y had c l e a r l y posed some profo u n d 186. challenges to Canadian society. The conf l ic t between the la issez- fa i re remnants of the bygone agricultural days and the demands of the new urban, industrial society created a degree of stress which had to be rel ieved. But there was some basic disagreement on how this ought to be done. One option which was advocated by the agrarian radicals was to maintain and strengthen agricultural l i f e in Canada by in i t ia t ing some major reforms in the structure of Canadian society. A second option which was urged by the urban l iberals was to expedite and accommodate the process of industrial development by implementing a series of reforms within the framework of the capi ta l is t inst i tut ions. The third option which was promoted by the urban radicals was to accept urban, industrial growth as inevitable and manage i t by replacing the anarchistic, capi ta l is t institutions which were inimical to the sort of public interventions necessary to cope with industrial society. Some type of public planning was considered central to a l l three groups. This broad ideological consensus on the idea of planning combined with the exigencies of Canada's problems seemed to guarantee a rapid growth of the new d isc ip l ine . At f i r s t , Canadian planning theory was founded on the idea of City Beauti ful; parks, c iv ic centres, and wide boulevards. But this costly and ineffective approach to planning was soon challenged by the two alternatives of \"city planning\" which was emerging in the United States and \"town planning\" which was emerging in Br i ta in . \"City planning\" added the concerns of eff iciency to the aesthetic concerns of c i ty beautiful . Transportation and zoning became i ts dominant concerns. \"Town planning\" added the concerns of social welfare to the eff iciency and aesthetic concerns of American \"city planning\". Provision of adequate 1-87. housing and maintenance of public health were central to the \"town planning\" perspective. Under Adams' direction, Canadian planning which embraced the ideas of the British town planning movement with its emphasis on housing, garden cities and direct public entrepreneurship briefly succeeded in uniting the three ideologically hostile forces in Canada. But as Canada entered the 1920's, the euphoric expectations of the new Canadian planning profession were soon dashed by the harsh political and economic realities of the society in which they had to work. The postwar economic depression and the rising militancy of agrarian and urban radical-forces intensified the social conflicts in Canadian society. This growing intensity of conflict helped shatter the fragile consensus that had turned around the idea of planning. Consequently the support for the comprehensive type of planning advocated by Adams withered. Planning legislation was ignored and planning programs terminated while important institutions such as the Commission of Conservation were abolished. Adams, himself, finally decided to leave for a more receptive environment sin New York. The apprehension about planning was reinforced by a new conservatism that was sweeping across North America. In Canada, the urban liberals were withdrawing their support for the major reforms that once seemed necessary to maintain social order. Agrarian radicals lost much of their strength as their Progressive Party collapsed and merged with the Liberal Party. The support for urban radicals, weak to begin with, virtually disappeared. This new, more conservative political environment and the set-backs in planning practice had forced Canadian planners to re-evaluate the planning theory formulated by Adams. It was not long before some 188. prominent p l a n n e r s had began u r g i n g t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s t o adopt a l e s s i n t e r v e n -t i o n i s t and> ; more b u s i n e s s o r i e n t e d approach t o p l a n n i n g more a c c e p t a b l e f o r the t i m e s . T h i s new type o f p l a n n i n g , which was s i m i l a r to the approach d e v e l o p i n g i n the U.S., c o n s i s t e d o f a p p l y i n g z o n i n g c o n t r o l s t o p r e v e n t unwanted m i x i n g o f l a n d uses. In t h e o r y , t h i s American p l a n n i n g i n the 1920's was s i m p l y a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the \" c i t y p l a n n i n g \" approach which had d e v e l o p e d as a r e p l a c e m e n t f o r t h e d i s c r e d i t e d c i t y b e a u t i f u l method. In p r a c t i c e , however, t h i s c i t y p l a n n i n g a p p r o a c h was l a r g e l y r e s t r i c t e d t o the ad hoc a p p l i c a t i o n o f z o n i n g c o n t r o l s t o p r o t e c t p r o p e r t y v a l u e s by p r e v e n t i n g the i n t r u s i o n o f unwanted uses i n t o c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s o f the c i t y . In f a c t , z o n i n g soon became a l m o s t synonymous w i t h p l a n n i n g . By the l a t e 1920's, both the Canadian economy and Canadian p l a n n i n g . began t o r e c o v e r from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e d e p r e s s i o n s . The r e c o v e r y r e v e a l e d j u s t how much Canadian p l a n n i n g had changed. In r e p l a c i n g the B r i t i s h town p l a n n i n g approach w i t h American \" c i t y p l a n n i n g \" , Canadian p l a n n e r s had be-come p r o t e c t o r s as opposed t o r e g u l a t o r s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . They had i m p l i c i t l y s u b o r d i n a t e d themselves t o r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s and market t r e n d s which the more i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t and e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l t y p e o f p l a n n i n g a d v o c a t e d by Adams had sought t o c o n t r o l . In g a i n i n g w i d e r a c c e p t a n c e , Canadian p l a n -ners had t o r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r r o l e as the p r i m a r y a c t o r s d e t e r m i n i n g the p a t t e r n o f s p a t i a l development. In the words o f h i s t o r i a n Van Nus, \"... Most Canadian p l a n n e r s i n t h o s e y e a r s exchanged the goal o f an o p t i m a l l y e f f i c i e n t urban o r g a n i s m f o r t h a t o f an o p t i m a l l y p r o f i t a b l e one f o r the p r o p e r t y i n d u s t r y . 1 , 1 5 0 Some Canadian p l a n n e r s were f a r from c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h t h i s new p o s i t i o n . S e v e r a l prominent p l a n n e r s , most n o t a b l y A l f r e d B u c k l e y , urged t h e r e t u r n t o t h e more a g g r e s s i v e B r i t i s h town p l a n n i n g approach w i t h i t s emphasis on p u b l i c ownership o f l a n d , p u b l i c c o n s t r u c t i o n o f 189. housing and garden cit ies. Others complained about the conspicuous deficiencies of the new Canadian practice. A.G. Dalzell, for example, writing to his compatriot W.F. Burditt expressed extreme reservations about the state of planning in Toronto in the late 1920's. In discuss-ing the recent appointment of the Town Planning Commission, Dalzell remarked that: This has been a serious disappointment because I fear i t will have a bad effect on the town planning movement here. . . . The fault lies in the fact that the (Toronto Planning) Commission was chosen to suit certain political parties and that the main interest was real estate development and that there is no social impulse . . . . I have l i t t le faith in town planning movements which are fostered mainly by real estate interests. The ease with which the Toronto bureaucracy set aside normally accepted practices of public finance when evaluating the Planning Commission's proposals for major public investments intended to increase property values in the downtown core, suggests that Dalzell's appre-hensions were somewhat justified. In the west where the planning recovery was stronger, similar apprehensions were expressed. The TPICJ admonished Regina's planning effort for not \"aiming at something more comprehensive than a timid zoning bylaw\". Edmonton was chastised for preparing a zoning bylaw 152 before i t had completed its urban plan. Even Vancouver's highly re-garded planning effort was hampered by the close alliance of the business community to the planning process. The housing question was ignored and garden suburb proposals urged by Alfred Buckley were not seriously con-153 sidered. The zoning plan i tself was compromised. As the report noted: The west end poses some diff icult zoning problems . . . . If commercial districts are restricted in 1 9 0 . their scientific and reasonable way, they do not meet with the wishes of owners of property who have anticipated certain structures or future business streets. For this reason the frontage of Denman and Robson streets have been zoned as six story commercial districts. Canadian planning, then, had been unable to remain above the ideological conflicts that characterized Canadian society. Most plan-ners embraced urban liberal values with their emphasis on efficiency and the protection of property rights. These planners were partially successful in forging a new consensus around this more conservative style of planning. Some planners, however, such as Alfred Buckley clung to the unpopular, urban radical values with their emphasis on social change and social equity. But these inevitable debates on planning revealed that planning was far from the objective technical exercise that i t had once appeared to be. As a result, Canadians were now be-coming increasingly confused as to what planning really was as i t shifted back and forth with the political trends. A survey of public opinion on the nature of planning near the end of the 1920's revealed just how confused they were. Some prominent Canadians viewed planning as a means of eradicating slums and providing adequate housing. Others viewed it as a method of maintaining beauty. St i l l others saw planning as a tool 15' for improving efficiency and protecting property values through zoning. Such disagreement certainly did not engender great confidence among Canadians on the scientific origins of the new profession. And i f Canadians were confused about the nature of planning, they seemed even more confused about what they had accomplished during the f irst few decades of \"Canada's century\". A.K. Bunnell, a prominent consultant, was openly impressed. In reviewing recent developments, he 191. wrote: In conclusion, looking back over the past 25 years the town planners have no reason to be ashamed nor discouraged., I b o Other Canadians had a more qualified assessment. W.W. Cory, the Deputy Minister of the Department of Interior, concluded that: \"actual achieve-ment in town planning in Canada is not yet as proportionally as large as in Great Britain or the United States; but there is a very vital 157 interest in the subject throughout the Dominion\". Some prominent planners were frankly appalled at the lack of progress. In a rather de-risive evaluation of the state of planning, Canadian planner, J.A. Pounder, scoffed that: \" . . . town planning has been at the hustings and has come out bruised, battered and broken\". The TPICJ editorialized \"it is not possible to report satisfactory progress in Canadian planning . . . 159 and preserve the dignity of truth\". Perhaps the most devastating assessment came from Thomas Adams who scarcely acknowledge the existence of Canada in his new book entitled Recent Advances in Town Planning. As A .J . Dalzell wrote: Mr. Adams' services were not as fruitful as he had hoped. Evidence of this is found in a book written by a man who spent several of the best years of his l i fe in this Dominion and to the almost complete silence on his association with the work in Canada. To those who know, the silence is indeed eloquence..^ But such debates on past developments in Canadian planning were about to become a luxury. A slowdown in the economy in 1929 was the portent of a profound crisis that both Canadian society and Canadian planners were ill-prepared for. Canadian planning was about totconfront the most demanding challenge i t had yet faced. The second fragile consensus that planners had attempted to forge around the more 192. conservative American approach to planning during the twenties was about to collapse with even more vengence than the collapse of the f i r s t consensus forged by Adams. 193. Footnotes 1. M e t h o d i s t J o u r n a l o f P r o c e e d i n g s : 1918, 74; J.M. B l i s s , \"The Metho-d i s t Church i n World War One,\" CHR, V o l . XLIX, No.3 ( S e p t . 1968), 213-33. 2. W.B. C r e i g h t o n , C h r i s t i a n G u a r d i a n , A p r i l 12, 1916, c i t e d by B l i s s , \"The M e t h o d i s t Church i n World War One,\" 228. 3. I b i d . , 231. 4. Canadian C o u n c i l on A g r i c u l t u r e , Farmers P l a t f o r m . 5. Cook and Brown, Canada, C h a p t e r 6. 6. M i l l e r , New E r a i n Canada. 7. I b i d . , 6. 8. Mackenzie K i n g , I n d u s t r y and Humanity. 9. Stephen Leacock, The U n r e s o l v e d R i d d l e o f S o c i a l J u s t i c e (New York: 1920), 140-1. 10. S a y w e l l , Housing C a n a d i a n s , 150-60. 11. U r q u h a r t and B u c k l e y , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 511. 12. I n d u s t r i a l Canada ( J u l y 1918), 1. 13. See f o r example: \" B o l s c h e v i s m and i t s Dangers,\" Canadian M u n i c i p a l J o u r n a l (March 1920), 76; I n d u s t r i a l Canada ( O c t o b e r 1921), 1. 14. S t u a r t J a m i e s o n , Times o f T r o u b l e : Labour U n r e s t and I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t i n Canada, 1900-67. (Ottawa: No p u b l i s h e r , 1968). 15. O n t a r i o Housing Committee, Report o f the O n t a r i o Housing Committee ( T o r o n t o : B r i g g s , 1919). 16. I b i d . , 24. 17. Report o f the Royal Commission t o e n q u i r e i n t o I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s i n Canada, p r i n t e d i n Labour G a z e t t e ( J u l y 1919). 18. A.G. D a l z e l l , Housing i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : S o c i a l S e r v i c e s C o u n c i l , 1927), 37. 19. CCAR, 1919, 123-33. 20. O n t a r i o Housing Committee, Report. 21. S t . John Town P l a n n i n g Commission, The S t . John, New Brunswick Town P l a n n i n g Scheme, 1922 ( S t . John: N.P., 1932). 194. 22. A.E.K. B u n n e l l , \" O n t a r i o P l a n n i n g Developments,\" CE, V o l . 55, No.17, (.1928), 602. 23. \"Montreal P l a n Near C o m p l e t i o n , \" CE, V o l . 57, No.13 (1929), 426; C i t y o f T o r o n t o , Report o f Housing Commission ( T o r o n t o : N.P., 1918); Spragge, \"A C o n f l u e n c e o f I n t e r e s t s : Housing Reform i n T o r o n t o . \" 24. Meek, H i s t o r y o f C i t y B e a u t i f u l , 172-207. 25. M a c k i n t o s h , Economic Background, 71-75. 26. See F i g u r e 1, page 5. 27. U r q u h a r t and B u c k l e y , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 511. 28. See T a b l e 2, page 17, 29. \" L e t t e r from Gordon P h i l l i p s t o N. Cauchon, J u l y 13, 1929,\" Canadian I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s S e r i e s , Cauchon P a p e r s , V o l . 9, N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s , Ottawa. 30. For a summary o f t h e s e developments see: Cook and Brown, Canada 1896-1921, 294-339. 31. I n d u s t r i a l Canada ( O c t o b e r 1919), 1. 32. Cook and Brown, Canada 1896-1921, 325. 33. F o r a r e v i e w o f the Commission's work see: CCAR, 1910-1919. 34. T.A. Adams, \"A Review o f Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" CE, V o l . 46, No.26 (.1924), 651-3. 35. House o f Commons Debates (.1.921 1 , 3959. 36. I b i d . , 3959; 3959; 3960. 37. I b i d . , 3961-66; 3966. 38. \"Memorandum r e g a r d i n g S i r James Lougheed's Speech i n the Senate, F r i d a y , May 13, r e g a r d i n g the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n , \" F i l e NV 27, 115, 278, N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s , Ottawa. 39. I b i d . , p.2. 40. I b i d . , p.11-12. 41. \"Housing, Town P l a n n i n g and C i v i c Improvement i n Canada,\" C o n s e r v a -t i o n , V o l , 4, No.3 ( J u l y 1918), 72. 195 . 42. W.F. B u r d i t t , \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : New Brunswick,\" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 17-18; \" S t . John Town P l a n n i n g Scheme,\" CE, V o l . 54 (Nov, 1932), 26. 43. H.B. P i c k i n g s , \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : Nova S c o t i a , \" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 19. ^ 44. \" P l a n n i n g o f M o n t r e a l , \" T P I C J , V o l . -5, No. 6 (Dec. 1926), 21-23; \"Quebec Town P l a n n i n g Problem,\" CE, V o l . 58, No. 10 (1930), 327-28. 45. W.E. Hobbs, \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : Manitoba\", T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 15. ' 46. W.A. Begg, \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : Saskatchewan,\" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 15. 47. L.C. C h a r l e s w o r t h , \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : A l b e r t a , \" T P I C J , V o l . .3, No. 3 (June 1924), 19. 48. J.W. A l l a n , \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : B r i t i s h Columbia,\" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 19. 49. Report o f t h e O n t a r i o Housing Commission; H.L. Seymour, \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : O n t a r i o , \" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 3 (June 1924), 16; \" O n t a r i o Town P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e , \" T P I C J , V o l . 1. No. 12 (Nov. 1922), 19; \"Town P l a n n i n g L e g i s l a t i o n proposed f o r O n t a r i o , \" CE, V o l . 43, No. 19 (1922), 513-15. 50. \" O n t a r i o Town P l a n n i n g B i l l R e j e c t e d , \" T P I C J , V o l . 1, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1921), 12. 51. \" S t a t u s o f O n t a r i o Town P l a n n i n g L e g i s l a t i o n , \" CE_, V o l . 43, No. 26 (1922), 667; \"Town P l a n n i n g L e g i s l a t i o n proposed f o r O n t a r i o , \" V o l . 43, No. 19 (1922), 513-15. 52. D a i l y Record, J a n u a r y 26, 1924, 7; H.L. Seymour, \"New Town P l a n n i n g Powers i n O n t a r i o , \" CE_, V o l . 46, No. 23 (1924), 581-2. 53. I. Leonard, \" B r i e f H i s t o r y o f Town P l a n n i n g i n London, O n t a r i o , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 6 (Dec. 1928), 146-52; \"London, O n t a r i o S c r a p s i t s Zoning Bylaws,\" T P I C J , V o l . 9, No. 4 (Aug. 1930), 85-86. 54. \" L e t t e r from T.B.B. Queston t o N. Cauchon, Sept. 25, 1922,\" Canadian I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s S e r i e s , Cauchon Papers. 55. \"Ottawa Town P l a n n i n g Program,\" CE. 56. H.L. Seymour, \"Report from t he P r o v i n c e s : O n t a r i o . \" 196. 57. S a a r i n e n , \"The I n f l u e n c e o f Thomas Adams and the B r i t i s h New Towns Movement i n the P l a n n i n g o f Canadian Resource Communities;\"' I r a Robinson, New I n d u s t r i a l Towns on Canada's Resource F r o n t i e r ( C h i c a g o : U n i v . o f Ch i c a g o P r e s s , 1962), 54. 58. A.V. H a l l , \" C o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n the Lay o u t ( K a p u s k a s i n g ) \" T P I C J , V o l . 1 , No. 10 (June 1910), 5-12. 59. \" K i t c h e n e r P l a n Becomes Law,\" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 1 ( J a n . 1925), 1-2; f o r a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f p l a n n i n g i n K i t c h e n e r see: B'loomfield,\"Economy N e c e s s i t y , P o l i t i c a l R e a l i t y : Town P l a n n i n g E f f o r t s i n K i t c h e n e r -W a t e r l o o , 1912-1925,\" Urban H i s t o r y Review, V o l . IX (June 1980), 3-48. 60. H.L. Seymour, \" P l a n n i n g o f K i t c h e n e r and W a t e r l o o , O n t a r i o , \" CE_, V o l . 47, No. 2 (1924), 125-30; A.R. Kaufman, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n K i t c h e n e r A f t e r 3 Years T r i a l , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 6 (Dec. 1928), 134-7; B l o o m f i e l d , \"Economy, N e c e s s i t y , P o l i t i c a l R e a l i t y : Town P l a n n i n g E f f o r t s i n K i t c h e n e r - W a t e r l o o , \" 30, 36-39. 61. H.L. Seymour, \" P l a n n i n g o f K i t c h e n e r and W a t e r l o o ; \" A.R. Kaufman, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n K i t c h e n e r A f t e r 3 Years T r i a l ; \" H.L. Seymour, \"A P l a n f o r t h e C i t y o f K i t c h e n e r , \" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 1 (Dec. 1924), 2-8. 62. Kaufman, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n K i t c h e n e r A f t e r 3 Years T r i a l , \" 135. 63. Seymour, \" P l a n n i n g o f K i t c h e n e r and W a t e r l o o , O n t a r i o , \" 130. 64. \" K i t c h e n e r P l a n Becomes Law,\" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 1 ( J a n . 1925), 1-2. 65. \"Canadian Town P l a n n i n g Gets Underway,\" T P I C J , V o l . 5, No. 5 (Oct. 1926), 7. 66. A.G. D a l z e l l , \" I s Town P l a n n i n g too C o s t l y , \" CE, V o l . 53 (O c t . 1927), 481-2. 67. \" C o n f l i c t s i n a C i t y P l a n n i n g , \" CE, V o l . 53, No. 16 (1927), 471. 68. \" L e t t e r from W. Pearson t o N. Cauchon,\" Feb. 22, 1922, Canadian I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s S e r i e s , Cauchon Papers. 69. \"Thomas Adams Resigns P o s i t i o n on Canadian Government,\" T P I C J , V o l . 2, No. 6 (Nov. 1923), 12. 70. A. B u c k l e y , \"Housing o f the U n s k i l l e d Wage E a r n e r s , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 6, No. 1 ( J a n . 1920), 12-16. ~ 71. A.G. D a l z e l l , \"Town P l a n n i n g and Real E s t a t e , \" C o n s e r v a t i o n , V o l . 6 , No. 3 ( J u l y - S e p t . 1920), 62-67. 1 9 7 . 72. T P I C J , V o l . 3 ( A p r i l 1921), 1. 73. W a l t e r Van Nus, \"Toward the C i t y E f f i c i e n t : The Theory and P r a c t i c e o f Z o n i n g , 1919-1939,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , , ed., The U s a b l e Urban P a s t , 226-46. ' ~ 74. \" L e t t e r from W. B u r d i t t t o Thomas Adams,\" Feb. 12, 1919, Canadian I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s S e r i e s , N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s , Ottawa. 75. James Ewings, \"Ways and Means Committee,\" T P I C J , V o l . 1, No. 4 and 5 (June 1921), 6. 76. James Ewings, \" P l a i n Words from M o n t r e a l , \" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No, 4 (Aug. 1925), 12. ~ 77. N. Cauchon, \" E t h i c a l and P r a c t i c a l S i d e o f Town P l a n n i n g , \" CE (December 1919), 512. 78. N. Cauchon, \" P r e s i d e n t i a l A d d r e s s , \" T P I C J , V o l . 3,. No. 3 (June 1924), 7. 79. F o r a good a n a l y s i s o f t h e e v o l u t i o n o f z o n i n g see: S.L. T o l l , Zoned America (New York: Grossman, 1966); John D e l a f e o u s , Land Use C o n t r o l s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s (Cambridge: H a r v a r d U n i v e r -s i t y P r e s s , 1962). 80. See f o r example: P e t e r Moore, \"Zoning and Neighbourhood Change i n T o r o n t o , \" ( T o r o n t o : Ph.D t h e s i s , Univ. o f T o r o n t o , 1978). 81. W.J. Donald, \"Zoning C i t i e s f o r Tomorrow,\" CE (Dec. 1919), 510-12. 82. I b i d . , 512. 83. B. E v a n - P e r r y , \"Zoning f o r H e a l t h , \" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 3 (June 1925), 20. 84. \"Zoning o f Ottawa,\" T P I C J , V o l . 2, No. 5 ( S e p t . 1923), 1; H.L. Seymour, \"Canada, 15 Years Behind the U.S.\", T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 5 ( O c t . 1927), 183. 85. N. Cauchon, \"Memorandum on Z o n i n g , \" T P I C J , V o l . 2, No. 5 ( S e p t . 1923), 3. 86. N. Cauchon, \" Z o n i n g , i t s F i n a n c i a l V a l u e , \" CE, V o l . 2, No. 3 (May 1923), 11. ~~ 87. N. Cauchon, \" S o c i o l o g i c a l Case f o r Z o n i n g , \" CE, V o l . 50, No. 14 (1926), 464. 88. I b i d . , 464. 89. No. Cauchon, \"Economic Case f o r Z o n i n g , \" CE, V o l . 50, No. 11 (1926). 198. 9.Q. N. Cauchon, \"Memorandum on Z o n i n g . \" 91. I b i d . , 5. 92. T P I C J , V o l . 5, No. 4 (Aug. 1926)., 1. 93. I b i d . , 1. 94. T P I C J , V o l , 4, No, 4 (Aug, 1925), 1. 95. B, E v a n - P e r r y , \"Zoning f o r H e a l t h , \" 22. 9.6. \" P i e c e Meal Z o n i n g , \" ' T P I C J , V o l . 1, No. 3 ( A p r i l 1921), 10. 97. CE (Nov. 1920), 557. 98. Adams, \"Review o f Town P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" 7. 99. A. B u c k l e y , \"The Garden C i t y Idea,\" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 3 (June 1925), 4. 100. A. B u c k l e y , \"Garden C i t i e s and the S o c i a l R e n a i s s a n c e , \" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 3 (June 1927), 94. 101. A. B u c k l e y , \"Town P l a n n i n g : The S c i e n c e o f the S o c i a l Organism,\" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 1 (Feb. 1927), 43-4. 102. Buckley,\"Garden C i t i e s and the S o c i a l R e n a i s s a n c e , \" 91. 103. B u c k l e y , \"Garden C i t i e s and the S o c i a l R e n a i s s a n c e . \" 104. F or a d i s c u s s i o n on the impact o f U t o p i a n S o c i a l i s m on P l a n n i n g see Leonardo B e n e v e l o , O r i g i n s o f Modern Town P l a n n i n g (London: R o u t l e d g e , 1967). 105. Ebenezer Howard, Garden C i t i e s Tomorrow (London: 1898, r e p r i n t e d ed. London: Faber and Faber, 1965). 106. I b i d . , 150. 107. B u c k l e y , \"Garden C i t i e s and the S o c i a l R e n a i s s a n c e , \" 9; I b i d . , 91. 108. I b i d . , 91. 109. M a c k i n t o s h , Economic Background, 79. 110. \"Town P l a n n i n g I n s t i t u t e o f Canada E i g h t h Annual C o n v e n t i o n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 6 (Dec. 1928), 133. 111. \"Report o f the Town P l a n n i n g Committee,\" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 1, (Feb. 1931), 20-5. 199. 112. \" P l a n n i n g o f M o n t r e a l , \" T P I C J , V o l . 5, No, 6 (Dec. 19.26}, 21-3; \" P l a n f o r M o n t r e a l , \" TFTO, V o l , 8, No.' 4 (June 19.29). 91; \"Montreal S i t u a t i o n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 9, No, 1 (Feb. 1930), 17; \"Report o f Town P l a n n i n g Committee,\" T P I C J , V o l . '10, No, 1, (Feb. 1931), 20-5. ~ 113. \"Ottawa's Town P l a n n i n g T r i b u l a t i o n s , \" T P I C J , V o l . 5, No, 6 (Dec. -1926), 29-32; \"The New F e d e r a l D i s t r i c t Commission f o r Ottawa,\" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 3 (June 1927), 709-712; \"Ottawa P l a n n i n g , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 3 (June 1928), 83; \"Ottawa P l a n n i n g S i t u a t i o n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 8, No. 6 (Aug. 1928), 99-102. 114. Report o f the A d v i s o r y C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission ( T o r o n t o : n.p., 1928), 115. Report o f t h e C i v i c Department Heads Regarding the C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission's A d v i s o r y Report ( T o r o n t o , n.p., 1929), 7. 116. \"A H o r r i b l e Example,\" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 5 ( O c t . 1927), 101-2; \"Town P l a n n i n g Commission i n T o r o n t o , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No, 1 (Feb. 1928), 26-7; \"Toronto A p p o i n t s Town P l a n n i n g Commission,\" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 3 (June 1928), 73-4; \"Town P l a n n i n g Department f o r T o r o n t o , \" T P I C J , V o l . 9, No. 5 (Oct. 1930), 11. 117. R.H. Avent, \"Winnipeg Town P l a n n i n g S i t u a t i o n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No.6 (Dec. 1928), 140-3; \"Report o f the Town P l a n n i n g Committee.\" 118. Saskatchewan P l a n n i n g O u t l o o k , \" T P I C J , V o l . 7, No. 3 (June 1928), 65. 119. \" C i t y o f Regina has Passed Zoning Bylaw,\" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 5 (Oc t . 1927), 104-5; S. Young, \" P l a n n i n g P r o g r e s s i n Saskatchewan,\" T P I C J , V o l . 16, No. 1 (Feb. 1931), 6-9; \"Town P l a n n i n g P r o g r e s s T r T R e g i n a , \" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 2 (June 1931), 58-59. 120. S. Young, \" P l a n n i n g P r o g r e s s i n Saskatchewan;\" B.P. S c u l l , \"Town P l a n n i n g P r o g r e s s i n Sas k a t o o n , \" CE (Feb. 1932), 42-7; \"Saskatoon: Z o n i n g and the P r e l i m i n a r y Town P l a n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 5 (June 1931), 55. 121. \"New A l b e r t a Town P l a n n i n g B i l l , \" T P I C J , V o l . 8, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1930) 41; H.L. Seymour, \"Town P l a n n i n g i n A l b e r t a , \" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 1 (Feb. 1931); 9-12; H.L. Seymour, \" P r o g r e s s o f Rural and Town P l a n n i n g i n A l b e r t a , \" CE (S e p t . 1932), 11. 122. I b i d . 123. I b i d . ; E.H. D a l e , \" D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g a t Edmonton, A l b e r t a 1913-1945: Town P l a n n i n g Without a P l a n , \" P l a n , V o l . 2, No. 2 (1971), 134-47. 2 00. 124. Max F o r a n , \"Land Development P a t t e r n s i n C a l g a r y , 1884-1945,\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s ., The U s a b l e Urban P a s t , 309; \" C a l g a r y A p p o i n t s Town PI a n n l n g Commission, 1 1 T P I C J , V o l , 8, No. 5 (Dec. 1929);, 115; \"Report o f the Town P l a n n i n g Committee,\" 125. J.W. A l l a n , \"Report from the P r o v i n c e s : B r i t i s h Columbia,\" T P I C J , V o l . 2, No. 3 (June 1926), 18-19; f o r an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n ' o f Vancouver p l a n n i n g see: John B o t t o m l y , \" I d e o l o g y , P l a n n i n g and the Landscape, The B u s i n e s s Community, Urban Reform and the E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f Town P l a n n i n g i n Vancouver, B.C., 1900-1940\" (Ph.D. t h e s i s , Univ. o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978). 126. \" C i t y P l a n f o r Vancouver Now Complete,\" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 2 (June 1931), 30. 127. M a c k i n t o s h , Economic Background, 90-94, 97-99; Stone, Urban D e v e l -opment , 228. 128. A l l a n , \"Report from the P r o v i n c e s : B r i t i s h Columbia;\" \" L o c a l B r anches,\" T P I C J , V o l . 3, No. 2 (June 1924), 20; \"Report from S e c r e t a r y o f t h e Vancouver Branch,\" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 1 (J a n . 1925), 9-10. 129. \"Memorial t o t h e Mayor and C o u n c i l o f the C i t y o f Vancouver,\" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 1 ( J a n . 1925), 10-13; \" B r i t i s h Columbia Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" T P I C J , V o l . 5, No, 1 (Feb. 1920), 3-6. 130. \" B r i t i s h Columbian Town P l a n n i n g B i l l , \" T P I C J , V o l . 4, No. 6 (Dec. 1925), 9-14; \" B r i t i s h Columbia Town P l a n n i n g A c t ; \" A.G. Smith, \" B r i t i s h Columbia Town P l a n n i n g A c t , \" T P I C J , V o l . 5, No. 1 (Feb. 1926), 7-10. 131. Smith, \" B r i t i s h Columbian Town P l a n n i n g A c t . \" 132. \" C i t y P l a n f o r Vancouver Now Complete.\" 133. F o r d i s c u s s i o n o f Bartholomew see: S c o t t , American C i t y P l a n n i n g , 110-270. 134. H. Bartholomew, \" P r i n c i p l e s o f C i t y P l a n n i n g , \" American C i t y , V o l . 20, No. 5 (May 1922), 457. 135. I b i d . , 457. 136. I b i d . , 458. 137. H. Bartholomew, A P l a n f o r t h e C i t y o f Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia ( i n c l u d i n g a General P l a n o f t h e Region) (Vancouver: n.p., 1928), 211. 138. I b i d . , 211. 201. 13a.. I b i d . , 217-23. 140. I b i d . , 144. 141. I b i d . , 153. 142. I b i d . , 153, 143. I b i d . , 19. 144. I b i d . , 225. 145. \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Bottom! v ; \" I d e o l o g y , P l a n n i n g and Landscape,\" 255-275. 146. I b i d . , 223; I b i d . ; 234. 147. I b i d . , 233. 148. I b i d . , 257. 149. J.A. Walker, \"A P l a n f o r the C i t y o f Vancouver,\" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1931), 35-43; \" C i t y P l a n n i n g f o r Vancouver Complete.\" 150. Van Nus, \"Toward the C i t y E f f i c i e n t , The Theory and P r a c t i c e o f Z o n i n g , \" 243. 151. \" L e t t e r s from D a l z e l l t o B u r d i t t , Dec. 20, 1928, and Mar. 6, 1929,\" B u r d i t t P a p e r s . 152. \"Town P l a n n i n g Commission f o r Regina,\" T P I C J , V o l . 9, No. 3 (June 1930), 211; D a l e , \" D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g a t Edmonton.\" 153. B u c k l e y , \"Garden C i t i e s and the S o c i a l R e n a i s s a n c e , \" 93-4; Bo t t o m l y , \" I d e o l o g y , P l a n n i n g and the Landscape,\" C h a p t e r 5. 154. A P l a n f o r the C i t y o f Vancouver, 223. 155. \" A r r i v a l o f P u b l i c O p i n i o n , \" T P I C J , V o l . 6, No. 6 (Dec. 1927), 191-215. 156. A.K. B u n n e l l , \" O n t a r i o Town P l a n n i n g Developments,\" CE, V o l . 55, No. 17 (1928), 602. 157. W. Cory, \" P r o g r e s s i n P l a n n i n g i n Canada,\" P l a n n i n g Problems o f Towns, C i t y and Region Papers and d i s c u s s i o n o f the I n t e r -n a t i o n a l C i t y and_Regional P l a n n i n g C o n f e r e n c e i n New York, (New York: n.p., 1925), 23-6; f o r a s i m i l a r view see: \"Report o f t h e Town P l a n n i n g Committee,\" T P I C J , V o l , 10, No. 1 (Feb. 1931). 202. 158. J.A. Pounder, \"Town P l a n n i n g P r o g r e s s i n Canada,\" CE, V o l . 58, No. 12 (.1930), 433. 159.. \"Way Through i n Canadian P l a n n i n g , \" T P I C J , V o l . 10, No, 1 (Feb. 1931], 1. 160. A.G. D a l z e l l , \"Book Review: Recent Advances i n Town P l a n n i n g , \" CE.CNov. 1932)., 26. 203. CHAPTER VI CRISIS AND OPPORTUNITY: FORMULATING A NEW CONSENSUS J u s t as the r e s u r g e n c e i n Canadian p l a n n i n g was g a i n i n g momentum, the Canadian economy sunk i n t o the depths o f the g r e a t d e p r e s s i o n . Some o f the economic i n d i c a t o r s summarized i n the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e r e v e a l the s e v e r i t y o f the c o n t r a c t i o n . By 1933, Gross Domestic P r o d u c t had f a l l e n t o 70 p e r c e n t o f i t s peak l e v e l i n 1929, the \" o f f i c i a l l e v e l \" o f unemploy-ment had r i s e n t o an a s t o n i s h i n g 19 p e r c e n t and housing s t a r t s had c o l l a p -sed t o l e s s than one t h i r d t h e i r p r e v i o u s volume. 1 The P r a i r i e s , which depended more on l i m i t e d e x p o r t s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s than the r e s t o f Canada, were p a r t i c u l a r l y hard h i t by both d e c l i n i n g demand f o r e x p o r t s and by a s e v e r e d r o u g h t . In A l b e r t a , p r o v i n c i a l income i n 1933 was o n l y 38 p e r c e n t o f the l e v e l i n 1929, w h i l e Saskatchewan's income had f a l l e n 2 t o a mere 26 p e r c e n t o f i t s 1929 l e v e l . D u r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1934-1939 the e x p a n s i o n o f p u b l i c works spending and i n c r e a s e d d e f e n s e s p e n d i n g had s t i m u l a t e d a p a r t i a l r e c o v e r y i n the economy. But i t was o n l y w i t h the mass p u b l i c e x p e n d i t u r e s on arms d u r i n g World War II t h a t s u f f i c i e n t f i s c a l s t i m u l u s was a p p l i e d t o p u l l t h e economy ou t o f i t s d e s u l t o r y s t a t e . By 1939, economic o u t p u t had f i n a l l y r e t u r n e d t o t h e l e v e l i t had reached i n 1929, and by 1944, a f t e r f o u r y e a r s o f i m p r e s s i v e growth, n a t i o n a l o u t p u t was a l m o s t t h r e e times h i g h e r than i t had been a t t h e t r o u g h o f the d e p r e s s i o n . As f i g u r e 5 shows, t h e r e c o v e r y o f c o n s t r u c t i o n was not q u i t e as v i g o r o u s . Due t o the d i v e r s i o n o f r e s o u r c e s t o the p r o d u c t i o n o f arma-ments and r e l a t e d equipment d u r i n g the war, h o u s i n g s t a r t s d i d not r e a l l y r e t u r n t o and f i n a l l y exceed l e v e l s a t t a i n e d i n the 1920's u n t i l a f t e r t h e war had c o n c l u d e d . FIGURE #5 S e l e c t e d Economic I n d i c a t o r s 1926 - 1950 (Source: Buckley & U r q u h a r t , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 132, 510) 205.. The depression and war period was also accompanied by a sharp decline in population growth. Data in figure 1 show that during the 1930's the Canadian population growth of 11 percent was less than two-thirds of the level during the 1920's and only one-third of the level during the f irst decade of the century. Urban population, although continuing to grow faster than the average Canadian rate, also fell to about 60 percent of the level in the 1920's and 30 percent of the level of the 1900's. Even the growth of the largest metropolitan areas (see Table 1) was in sharp contrast to their robust performance in previous decades. The growth rate of Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver dropped to about one-third of the levels experienced during the 1920's. Winnipeg's growth, meanwhile, was virtually non-existent. For the f i rst time during the twentieth century, the average expansion of Canada's four largest metropolitan regions failed to surpass the rate of growth for the country as a whole. The immediate impact of the depression on Canadian planning was devastating. Ironically, Canadian planning had originated in response to an equally dramatic crisis in Canadian development. But the techniques and theory that had evolved to manage the previous crisis of rapid growth were obviously poorly equipped to handle the problem of limited growth. In fact, Canadian planners had, unknowingly, reduced their relevance to the problems of the 1930's, for, in their attempt to become more relevant during the 1920's, the planners had gradually shifted their explicit function to that of being passive managers guiding urban growth instead of more active entrepreneurs helping to initiate growth. Faced with mounting debt and freed from the burden of accommodating rapid growth, most Canadian municipalities logically concluded that a 2 0 6 , curtailment of their planning activities was in order. Planning staffs were 1 aid-off, consultants went out of business, and planning commissions 3 including Alberta's Provincial Town Planning Board, were abolished. Faced with diminishing employment opportunities, Canada's planners became increasingly reluctant to support their professional organization. In December 1931, Dalzell, the President of the Institute, wrote that: \"the times are diff icult and everyone is more or less bound to give closer attention to personal business than formally. This makes the working of 4 the Institute very diff icult .\" The Institute tried to call a meeting of its Executive Council to discuss dwindling support but discovered that i t 5 was impossible to secure a quorum. In 1931, Dalzell sent a questionnaire to the members of the Institute in an effort to ascertain the degree of support. The discourag-ing results, combined with the elimination of federal financial assistance to the Institute, convinced the leading members of the Institute to terminate the publication of their journal. 6 This was another serious blow for as Secretary-Treasurer, J.M. Kitchen frankly confessed, the very existence of the Institute i tself was dependent on \"the continued ex-istence of the journal\". 7 Meanwhile, the membership in the Institute, which had reached an impressive peak of 367 in 1930, had fallen to a paultry two by the 1940's.8 Canadian planners continued to hope that some turn around in their affairs was imminent. Particular optimism was held for the possi-bi l i ty of Noel Cauchon using his political influence to rally the cause of planning. In discussing their situation, Kitchen wrote to Dalzell in 1931 that \"it is just possible that his (Cauchon) influence, i f brought g to bear, may change entirely the present outlook of the situation.\" 207. But Cauchon's untimely death in 1935 quickly dashed any hopes of this happening. Canadian planners were clearly being s e v e r e l y shaken by the__ economic collapse. Such crises, however, are often double-edged. They can certainly place an unbearable stress on old institutions and ideas. But they can also present opportunities for innovative and bold init ia-tives. As the Canadian Engineer optimistically observed: The economic depression is forcing attention to many social and economic problems in community l i fe which may result in a truer city planning than there has been before. 1 Q It was not long before Canadian planners began to recognize and explore the opportunities provided by the depression. But they quickly realized that their success in doing so was contingent upon engineering another shift in planning style away from the passive techniques of urban management they had developed during the 1920's to a more entrepreneurial, interventionist approach that had been advocated by Adams. Noel Cauchon, for example, wrote several articles emphasizing that the lul l in economic activity was an ideal time to undertake major infrastructure investments to obviate congestion. 1 1 A.G. Dalzell, anotherpptjominent planner, cogently and persistently called for the promotion of a public housing construction program as a means of both reducing unemployment 12 and meeting basic shelter needs. The Canadian Engineer, meanwhile, continued to publish editorials advocating a planned public investment 13 effort. It appeared that the exigencies of the crisis faced by Canadian society would ensure that the next few years would be an exciting and vital time for Canada's planners. But while i t was clear that planning had to change its focus i t was s t i l l not clear exactly what form the new 208. p l a n n i n g would t a k e . And i f the p r e v i o u s p e r i o d s were any i n d i c a t i o n , t he f o r m a t i o n o f a new s t y l e o f p l a n n i n g would be the s u b j e c t o f a l o n g and arduous debate r e f l e c t i n g fundamental i d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . II With t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t economy, the i d e o l o g i c a l con-f l i c t s which had been l a r g e l y s u p p r e s s e d d u r i n g the t w e n t i e s emerged w i t h a vengence. One one s i d e o f t h e debate were a number o f a g r a r i a n and urban r a d i c a l s who now d e c i d e d t o j o i n f o r c e s i n t h e i r attempt t o r e s t r u c -t u r e Canadian s o c i e t y . In 1932, a group o f Canadians which i n c l u d e d a l a r g e c o n t i n g e n t s y m p a t h e t i c to a g r a r i a n and urban r a d i c a l i d e a s came t o g e t h e r i n C a l g a r y t o form a new p o l i t i c a l p a r t y c a l l e d t he C o - o p e r a t i v e / \ 14 Commonwealth F e d e r a t i o n (CCF). While t h e d i v e r s e i d e o l o g i c a l o r i g i n s o f the new p a r t y were s u r e t o cause some i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s i n the f u t u r e , the p a r t y was a b l e t o p r o j e c t a comprehensive and u n i f i e d image which was now e x p l i c i t l y s o c i a l i s t and more s y m p a t h e t i c t o comprehensive p u b l i c p l a n n i n g than i t s p r e d e c e s s o r s had been. The new p a r t y was a l s o b e t t e r o r g a n i z e d , more powerful and more p o l i t i c a l l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d than i t s p r o g e n i t o r s . These a t t r i b u t e s , combined w i t h the s e v e r i t y o f t h e economic c r i s i s , e n s u r e d t h a t t h e s e a d v o c a t e s o f s t r o n g p u b l i c p l a n n i n g would be an i m p o r t a n t f o r c e s h a p i n g the development o f Canadian s o c i e t y . F o l l o w i n g the c o n f e r e n c e c r e a t i n g t h e CCF, a second c o n v e n t i o n was h e l d i n Regina i n 1933 t o debate p o l i c y . The League f o r S o c i a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n , which had been o f f i c i a l l y formed as an independent r e s e a r c h and p o l i c y group, comprised o f members o f the CCF, drew up a proposed M a n i f e s t o which was debated by the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f the CCF i n 1933 and was then s u b m i t t e d t o the Regina c o n v e n t i o n where i t was passed as 209.' the party's official platform. The Manifesto began with a vilifying condemnation of the capi-tal ist order. According to the Manifesto:-. The present order is marked by glaring inequalities of wealth and opportunity, by chaotic waste and instability; and in an age of plenty i t condemns the great mass of the people to poverty and in-security. Power has become more and more con-centrated into the hands of a small irresponsible minority of financiers and industrialists and to their predatory interests the majority are habi-tually sacrificed. When private profit is the main stimulus to economic effort, our society oscillates between periods of feverish prosperity in which the main benefits go to speculators and profiteers and catastrophic depression in which the common man's normal state of insecurity and hardship is accentuated.,, 16 The Manifesto e x p l i c i t l y proposed, t h a t t h i s . e v i l ' a n d c h a o t i c society should be replaced by society based on rational, comprehensive planning undertaken by a group of experts working through a National Planning Commission. In the words of the Manifesto:,.-We believe that these evils can be removed only in planned and socialized economy in which our natural resources and principles means of production and distribution are owned, controlled, and operated by people. . . . The f i rst step in this direction would be the setting up of a National Planning Commission consisting of a small body of econo-mists, engineers, and statisticians assisted by an appropriate technical staff. The task of the Commission will be to plan for production, distr i -bution and exchange of all goods and services necessary for the efficient functioning of the economy.-j 7 The Manifesto went on to elaborate some specific priority areas including nationalization of the major sectors of the economy such as banks, transportation, uti l i t ies and natural resources, tax changes to achieve a more equitable distribution of wealth, the strengthening of social services through programs such as a universal medical plan and \"a program 210. o f p u b l i c s p e n d i n g on h o u s i n g and o t h e r e n t e r p r i s e s t h a t w i l l i n c r e a s e I o the r e a l w e a l t h o f Canadians\" and reduce employment. The M a n i f e s t o c o n c l u d e d w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g s t a t e m e n t : No CCF government w i l l r e s t c o n t e n t u n t i l i t has e r a d i c a t e d c a p i t a l i s m and put i n t o o p e r a t i o n the program o f s o c i a l i z e d p l a n n i n g which w i l l l e a d t o the e s t a b l i s h m e n t i n Canada o f the C o - o p e r a t i v e Commonwealth. ng F r e s h from t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e i n d r a f t i n g t h e Regina M a n i f e s t o , t h e League f o r S o c i a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n embarked on the a m b i t i o u s t a s k o f p r e -p a r i n g a d e t a i l e d statement on j u s t how t h i s new s o c i e t y would be organ-i z e d . The r e s u l t o f t h i s e f f o r t was t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f a v e r y remarkable comprehensive book e n t i t l e d S o c i a l P l a n n i n g f o r Canada. Among the r e s e a r c h e r s i n v o l v e d were two men who were a c t i v e i n the Canadian p l a n -20 n i n g p r o f e s s i o n , Leonard Marsh and Humphrey C a r v e r . The document began w i t h an i n c i s i v e a n a l y s i s o f the d e f e c t s o f the dominant o r d e r . The i n e q u a l i t i e s i n income, the i n c r e a s i n g c o n c e n t r a -t i o n o f economic power and the problems o f boom and b u s t were e x h a u s t -i v e l y documented. Having, s u r v e y e d the problems o f c a p i t a l i s m , the r e p o r t went on t o s c r u t i n i z e some o f the e x i s t i n g and proposed p o l i c i e s f o r a l l e v i a t i n g d i s t r e s s . The a u t h o r s c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e r e had been a marked growth i n government i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e Canadian economy o v e r t h e p a s t y e a r s . But a f t e r examining the major p u b l i c i n i t i a t i v e s , the s t u d y c o n c l u d e d t h a t much o f the government i n t e r v e n t i o n was merely used t o b e n e f i t and s t r e n g t h e n the p o s i t i o n o f the dominant p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t . S u b i s i d i e s t o i n d u s t r y , t a r i f f s , t he p r o v i s i o n o f p u b l i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , the generous purchase o f bankrupt e n t e r p r i s e s from d i s t r a u g h t s h a r e h o l d e r s and the s e t t i n g up o f r e g u l a t o r y boards t o impede c o m p e t i t i o n were a l l 211 . 'cited as examples of business-oriented policies. In the words of the report: s Private business has graciously allowed the government to undertake services essential to private business but in themselves unprofitable . . . . The state has had to step in to salvage bankrupt enterprise for the benefit of the private investor. 2 1 Consequently, the authors argued that the expansion of these sorts of government initiatives as advocated by some of the leading business organizations would just aggravate problems of inequity and concentration while doing l i t t le to alleviate the obvious defect of the capitalist economy. Other policies such as encouraging a return to the land also came in for criticism. In words that must have raised anguish among their rural supporters, the League stated that because agricultural was pro-bably already over-extended the \"back to the land\" scheme could not possibly be regarded as a direct and all-sufficient remedy for unemploy-22 ment. The League went on to remark that the back to the land movement 23 is fortunately not likely to get very far.\" The League, then, was shifting the new socialist movement closer to the urban radical's position. Having itemized the inherent defects of the capitalist order and discredited some of the popular remedies, the authors went on to outline what they felt was the only solution to Canada's problems. This section of the book began with a theoretical discussion of what the authors viewed as the very foundation of the new order; planning. \"The logic of planning,\" wrote the authors, \"is familiar enough.\" Planning was simply an attempt to coordinate the activities of functionally interdependent components of the society. According to the authors \"every competent housewife, every businessman, plans in some way, i.e. 212. arranges in some ordered manner how the household resources, or the personnel, the material and the capital of the business are to be dis-posed of\". The report observed that:- x In industry planning is well-recognized in the form of scientific management f i rst built up by F.W. Taylor. A Central Planning Department is set up to coordinate successive operations instead of leaving them at the discretion of individual foremen. Duplication, idle capacity and wasted effort are eliminated; harmonious integration of the entire plant is made possible.24 The planning proposed by the League was simply a logical exten-sion of these concepts prevalent in the business firm to the economy as a whole. \"Co-ordination is needed,\" argued the League, \"not only within each industry but between different industries and different 25' aspects of the economy as a whole\". The study noted that this trend towards broader planning was already well underway. Businesses were merging together to organize the planning of large sections of the Canadian economy and governments were intervening more and more to direct the country's affairs. This type of planning was insufficient however. The authors maintained that: The logic of planning does not leave us here, for our analysis up to this point as demonstrated certain other things as well: that negative regulation is not enough, that a hybrid system of laissez faire and piecemeal state control is too defective to remove the major inequalities of the present economic society, that capitalist planning must by its nature be largely planning for the cap i ta l i s t^ What distinguished the sort of planning advocated by the League from state capitalist planning was that the League's type of planning would be more comprehensive in that i t would seek to manage the economy as \"an integral whole\" and that the planning would be in the public interest. 213. The League argued that this latter objective would be achieved by placing the \"ultimate responsibility\" of planning with the elected re-presentatives of Parliament who were responsive to public opinion through the democratic process of elections. Working in conjunction with these elected representatives would be a \"National Planning Commission\" com-posed of a group of experts who would prepare the national plan. The relationship between experts and the political representatives was de-fined in the following way: The legislature would init ial ly define ends and select the final administrative authority. The technical task of working out meetings for securing those ends, however, would be deft to the Planning Commission. Parliament thus acts in the capacity of the householder choosing an architect and in-structing him as to the type of house he desires, then leaving the architect to find out how best and most effectively such a house can be built with the resources at the disposal of the client.27 The Planning Commission, then, had no legal authority above making the plan. The procedure outlined by the League was to have the Planning Commission consult with numerous organizations and people across the country in drawing up the plan. The League cautioned that \"it is im= mensely important that the plan should not be simply a neat art i f icial system created in vacua by a small group of bureaucrats and imposed by them from above on an uncooperative public\". Instead, argued the League, a plan \"must enlist the sympathy and whole hearted cooperation of those who must actually put i t into practice\". \"The plan,\" maintained the League, \"must spring from the needs and capacities of the farms and factories, the mines and lumber camps, the banks, the railroads, the stores, and workers in them, the housewives who buy their products, who are the peoples planned for.\" The League argued that an essential 214. technique for ensuring that the wishes of the population were met was to utilize the price mechanism which revealed what consumers desired and what i t cost to produce various types of goods in various ways. Having solicited the broad involvement of relevant agencies and groups in the country, the \"Planning Commission will then, with such further consulta-tion as may be necessary, formulate the complete plan\". \"On this basis,\" continued the League, \"a national planning bil l will be drafted and sub-28 mitted to the Prime Minister and Cabinet.\" Once the appropriate plan had been decided on by the Parliament, the plan had to be implemented. Central to the discussion on plan imple-mentation was the distinction between positive and negative controls. The League complained that Canada had already experimented with negative regulations such as zoning which told firms what they could not do but did l i t t le to control what they did do. Designating an area for resi-dential development, for example, mightiprevent i t from being used for any thing but residential but would do l i t t le to ensure that the desired housing was ever actually built. Besides, argued the League, these sorts of regulations were easily subverted by the private capitalist who retained the real control over the level and type of production and over investment. What was needed, argued the League, was positive control which would allow the planners to not only prevent things from happening but would allow them to ensure that the desired ends were achieved by giving them,the direct entrepreneurial powers to undertake development. As the League put i t: ' The f irst element, therefore, in the sort of planning which alone can be effective in creating a more democratic society, is the socialization of certain key functions in basic industries which are of strategic importance 215. importance in the operation of the economy as a whole.29 Having outlined the general theory of planning, the League went on to elaborate how it would be applied to specific sectors of the economy. Details of how and what industries should be nationalized, how a proposed comprehensive social welfare system would work, what policies were need to revitalize agriculture, and how fiscal and monetary policy ought to be applied were all presented. Two topics that received special attention were planning for agriculture and planning for towns. Here the League relied heavily on the work that had been done by Adams under the auspicies of the Commission of Conservation. For agriculture, the League proposed a number of plan-ning policies including public ownership of major infrastructure, marketing boards, improved rural credit, the scientific layout of farms, the elimination of land speculation and the upgrading of social infrastructure. After remarking on the \"inadequacies of community l i fe and educational services in many rural areas\", the League concluded \"there is nothing of a social and educational nature already available, in part, to city 30 dwellers which should not be equally available to the farm population.\" In the case of towns, the League argued that unrestricted urban growth resulted in a \"process of external expansion and internal decay.\" The suburban expansion on the periphery of the city was controlled by land speculators who's \"overriding desire to make quick; and profitable sales\" encouraged them to subdivide prematurely and to design subdivisions in a manner that ignored \"the ultimate needs of the community\". \"This speculation in real estate,\" maintained the League, \"had subjected us to ridiculous land costs and has given us a city plan \u00E2\u0080\u0094 or absence of a 31 plan - - of the most inconvenient, expensive and undignified kind.\" 216. The internal decay that accompanied this suburban expansion was equally deplorable. Builders abandoned the inner parts of the city for \"more profitable business among the well-to-do in the expanding suburbs.\" ' The result was the lack of investment in inner city housing which was rundown in anticipation of encroachment of commercial developments. The League described the dynamics of this process in the following way:< What is known as a slum is really a property which the landlord thinking i t can be sold at a good price to the outgrowing commercial section, does not bother to keep up in repair; the landlord is prepared to accept a low rent with a few res-ponsibilities and await the harvest. Too often, and particularly during the last few years, the expected commercial expansion fails to materialize and properties fall into worse and worse repair. The low rent attracts the poorest and most destitute groups in a community: unable to meet rents elsewhere they have to crowd into the subdivided houses under the crumbling roofs of the slum and put up with conditions which violate all the principles of lighting, ventilation, and sanitation.^ In words reminiscent of Adams, the League concluded that compre-hensive town planning was needed to manage this complex and interdependent urban community. According to the League, \"the central principle of town planning is to stabilize each section of the city for its appropriate 34 use by recognizing and anticipating normal growth\". Systematic surveys followed by analysis and plan preparation and implementation was the prescribed sequences of events. The planning process should possess both negative controls to \"halt the premature subdivision of land\" as well as positive controls such as direct public redevelopment of slum areas, public construction of housing, provision of parks and investment 35 in necessary infrastructure.\" 217. The League emphasized that when the state redeveloped slum areas in the city, it must also provide subsidized housing to meet the shelter needs of the working class who had insufficient incomes to purchase market units. The housing should be undertaken as part of a \"comprehen-sive town planning scheme\" which would provide some stability in land use patterns. Of particular merit, argued the League* was the \"neighbour-hood unit\" which was \"a community or group of dwellings which together with their local services, such as a school, recreation centre, theatre, library, and local retail stores, can be considered a self-contained 36 region\". The League suggested that the housing subsidies necessary for the poor could be partially generated by having the public housing authority provide middle-class housing and use the profits to cover the deficits on working class housing. The League concluded their discussion of planning by emphasizing that: * Town planning for the whole of the city's residents (instead of for its wealthy areas) will only become a reality i f the principles of land development are interpreted in future strictly in the public interest.^ One critical area of policy which created some difficulty for these socialist planners was the issue of land ownership. A number of Canada's early planners had explicitly advocated various types of public land ownership and leases as a means of eliminating wasteful speculation and of collecting the unearned increment. One would think the revival of more interventionist planning,view that Canada 18 was not really an urban nation. In both fact and fiction the pre-sence of the Canadian frontier, while never as captivating as the American frontier image, helped to draw concern away from the emerging urban problems and to discourage the use of government restrictions on private property rights which were viewed as the very basis of freedom in the new American society. Therefore, unlike Britain, the Canadian response to the city was logically divided between the agrarian radicals who chose to escape from it and the urban liberals and 3 4 6 . s o c i a l i s t s who viewed i t as a permanent problem t o be d e a l t w i t h but c o u l d not a g r e e on the e x t e n t o f s t a t e c o n t r o l r e q u i r e d to manage i t . The c l a s s s t r u c t u r e t h a t e v o l v e d from the s t a p l e o r i e n t e d development f u r t h e r impeded the a b i l i t y o f the new n a t i o n t o mount a comprehensive urban p l a n n i n g e f f o r t . s i m i l a r t o B r i t a i n ' s . L i k e B r i t -a i n , Canada had an emerging i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s which was swayed by the arguments by B r i t i s h p l a n n e r s such as Adams who main-t a i n e d t h a t a more e f f i c i e n t s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e would reduce j o u r n e y to work times and b e t t e r working c l a s s h o u s i n g would i n c r e a s e worker e f f i c i e n c y . Some i n d u s t r i a l i s t s were a l s o r e c e p t i v e t o the i d e a s o f Henry George who had argued the i n t e r e s t o f c a p i t a l and l a b o u r were j o i n e d i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e i n t e r e s t o f the landowner whose attempts t o e x t r a c t t h e l a n d r e n t g e n e r a t e d by economic e x p a n s i o n imposed an i m p l i c i t t a x on i n d u s t r y and l a b o u r . C o n s e q u e n t l y , i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t -a l i s t s such as H e r b e r t Ames i n M o n t r e a l , Frank Beer i n T o r o n t o , and A.R. Kaufman i n K i t c h e n e r , a c t i v e l y promoted town p l a n n i n g . Beer i n p a r t i c u l a r a d v o c a t e d a comprehensive approach t o p l a n n i n g which i n c l u d e d p u b l i c c o l l e c t i o n o f l a n d r e n t s , p u b l i c l y s u p p o r t e d c o n s t r u c -19 t i o n o f workers' h o u s i n g and the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f garden suburbs. A l o n g w i t h some o t h e r T o r o n t o m a n u f a c t u r e r s Beer a c t u a l l y attempted t o a c h i e v e some o f t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s by c r e a t i n g the T o r o n t o Housing r \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 20 Commission. But t h i s Canadian i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s which was so v i t a l to development o f comprehensive town p l a n n i n g was r e l a t i v e l y 21 weak compared t o the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s i n B r i t a i n . In f a c t , d u r i n g the f i r s t c r i t i c a l p e r i o d o f urban development from 1890 347. t o 1920 when Canada's approach t o p l a n n i n g was t a k i n g form, Canadian i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l was engaged i n a major b a t t l e f o r i t s v e r y e x i s t e n c e . As W a l l a c e Clement w r i t e s : An i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e d i d e x i s t a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y i n Canada which was independent o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s and the r u l i n g f i n a n c i a l e l i t e but i t l a c k e d the power, e s p e c i a l l y i n terms o f c a p i t a l and market a c c e s s t o s u r v i v e w i t h i n t h i s e nvironment. O n l y a few were a b l e t o independ-e n t l y s u r v i v e as v i a b l e o p e r a t i o n s . , ^ The element o f c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s t h a t was g a i n i n g s t r e n g t h d u r i n g t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d were t h o s e engaged i n f i n a n c e , m e r c h a n d i s i n g , u t i l i t i e s , r a i l w a y s , r e s o u r c e s and r e a l e s t a t e . These \" m e r c a n t i l e \" c a p i t a l i s t s d i d not have the same i n t e r e s t i n ^ p r o m o t i n g an a g g r e s s i v e system o f urban p l a n n i n g , government ownership o f l a n d , and government c o n s t r u c -t i o n o f h o u s i n g as m a n u f a c t u r e r s . I n s t e a d , m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l was p r i m a r i l y i n t e r e s t e d i n s t a p l e development and the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f 23 r e g i o n a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o t r a n s p o r t s t a p l e s . T h e r e f o r e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s some d i s p u t e on t h i s p o i n t , i t has been argued t h a t because o f t h e i r dominant p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e t o i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l , m e r c a n t i l e cap-i t a l c o u l d d i r e c t government spending away from the a c t i v i t i e s from the a c t i v i t i e s such as i n d u s t r i a l e x p a n s i o n and working c l a s s housing t o s t a p l e development. As N a y l o r w r i t e s i n h i s e x h a u s t i v e h i s t o r y o f Canadian economic development: 1 The two main s t r u c t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s o f the Canadian economy, do m i n a t i o n by commercial c a p i t a l and i t s c o l o n i a l s t a t u s as a s t a p l e - e x t r a c t i n g h i n t e r l a n d , complemented and r e i n f o r c e d each o t h e r . I n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l f o r m a t i o n was r e t a r d e d r e l a t i v e to i n v e s t -ment i n s t a p l e development and the c r e a t i o n o f the commercial i n f r a s t r u c t u r e n e c e s s a r y t o e x t r a c t and move s t a p l e s . The c h a r a c t e r and p a t t e r n s o f t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e put i n p l a c e and the bank-i n g and f i n a n c i a l i n t e r m e d i a r y s t r u c t u r e bore a l l the h a l l m a r k s o f a s t a p l e e x p o r t i n g e c o n o m y . ^ 348. Mercantilists, particularly finance ' capital, were far from uninterested in aspects of urban development. The insurance companies in particular were investing large sums *n real estate and urban infra-25 structure. And this finance capital involved in real estate clearly had interests in promoting town planning. But the type of planning promoted by groups such as Toronto's Advisory City Planning Commission and the Vancouver Town Planning Commission which were both dominated by finance and real estate was very different from the approach to pe planning advocated by industrialists such as Frank Beer. Unlike the industrialists, real estate and finance had an interest in increasing property values and housing prices and ensuring that the state did not collect the land rents which were directly and indirectly accruing to finance and real estate capital. Instead, finance capital was inter-ested in the limited use of zoning to protect prestigious neighbourhoods and the construction of public infrastructure to service new develop-ments. The profits from these new developments were often so great and the entry into the land market so easy because of the supply of un-developed land and the government's liberal land sale policies that a large capitalist class emerged which was directly engaged in land de-velopment. In Toronto, this powerful real estate lobby was successful in blocking industrial capital's efforts to promote government con-27 struction of housing. Industrial capital, weak to being with, could hardly promote a comprehensive planning effort that challenged the interests of real estate and finance capital. What power industrial capital did have was 349. better directed to defending the tari f f against western interests who wanted to see i t dismantled. For some industrial capitalists even this was too much of an effort. Frank Beer, for example, gave up his 28 manufacturing activities and became active in real estate himself. In this new role he ceased to be an: effective advocate of the compre-hensive town planning program that he had supported in the past. The weakness in manufacturing in Canada also meant that the urban working class was relatively weak. Their political power was further reduced by the presence of strong ethnic and occupational cleavages which made the development of a collective class consciousness 29 diff icult i f not impossible. Consequently, without the strong pressure for reforms emanating from Canada's urban working class, the Canadian state was less likely to implement a comprehensive set of planning measures which would have met active resistance from other powerful groups in Canada's urban centres. The pressure for reforms that>did command the attention of the Canadian state were from the west where the farmer, who had developed a strong class as well as regional consciousness, demanded changes in government policy. The sort of changes which were necessary to manage this metropolis-hinterland conflict were very different from the types of reforms required to resolve the problems of the metropolitan areas. Consequently, the reform forces in Canada, like their capitalist 30 counterparts, had a strong rural and resource orientation. Further, the interests of the agrarian radical were not fully compatible with 31 the interests of the urban socialist class. When the CCF attempted to 350; unite these two reform forces i t encountered some conflict. The petty bourgeois mentality of the agrarian elements prevented the CCF from taking an unequivocal position on public l a n d o w n e r s h i p . The l e f t , t h e n , weak to begin with, was further weakened by this division between rural and urban interests. By the time Canada had entered World War II its urban planning tradition of passive management had already been well-established. The nature of its development and class structure had meant that the country had l i t t le experience with the more active type of planning involving the public ownership of land, public construction of housing and garden cities and suburbs which formed the basis of Britain's postwar planning. Also, because Canada did not suffer from the same degree of physical destruction that Britain had during World War II, the compulsion to actively plan was not as great. Consequently, Canada logically relied on an already established tradition of liberal planning. IV The exigent conflicts between capitalist u r b a n i z a t i o n and capitalist institutions had posed a profound challenge to Canadian society. Canadians had responded to this challenge in several different ways. Some had proposed the restructuring of society based on socialist planning principles. Others sought to mitigate these conflicts within the parameters of capitalist institutions. Planning was considered essential to both groups. Socialists saw planning as the means of managing the new more equitable socialist 351. society. Liberals saw planning as the means of resolving the conflict between capitalist institutions and capitalist accumulation. As con-f l icts ebbed and flowed, the liberals were forced to entertain more and more significant reforms. Rapid urbanization at the turn of the century had forced them to accept limited controls over private property. The depression and anticipated postwar problems forced them to strengthen these controls. But the forces at work in Canadian society ensured that the support for reform was never quite strong enough to fundamentally alter the jiature of Canadian society. Yet, the impetus for public planning was strong enough to ensure that the worse features of private development would be eliminated and that Canadian cities would, conse-quently, be more livable, more equitable and more efficient than they had in the past. The liberals, it seemed, had finally solved their dilemma of how to preserve the major features of capitalism while mitigating the problems of accumulation. A new consensus that grafted elements of public planning onto capitalist institutions had been forged. Capitalism, although clearly reformed, had ultimately emerged relatively unscathed. \u00C2\u00AB But despite the emergence of. t h i s c o n sensus, t h e r e were a number o f questions that had not been fully resolved. No one yet knew what the impacts of imposing stronger regulation on private land markets would be. No one knew whether the spatial structure evolving under capital-ist institutions could function during the postwar period. These questions would again force liberals to confront their dilemma of how to preserve capitalism and manage pressing problems. But this new 352. challenge would not come until the late 1960's. For a time, liberals could relax and enjoy the stability of the new consensus. 353. F o o t n o t e s 1. Dominion P r o v i n c i a l C o n f e r e n c e on R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the Government o f Canada, 7, 2. See f o r example: Chamber, P l a n n i n g S u g g e s t i o n s , 5-11; TPB, M a s t e r P l a n ; TCPB, T h i r d Report and O f f i c i a l P l a n ~ 9 . 3. See f o r example: P e t e r Moore, \"Zoning and Neighbourhood Change i n T o r o n t o , \" (Ph.D t h e s i s , Department o f Geography, U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , 1977); Edmund H. D a l e , \"Role o f S u c c e s s i v e Town and C i t y C o u n c i l s i n The E v o l u t i o n o f Edmonton,\" (Ph.D t h e s i s , Department o f Geography, U n i v e r s i t y o f A l b e r t a , 1969); B l o o m f i e l d , \"Economy, N e c e s s i t y , P o l i t i c a l R e a l i t y : Town P l a n n i n g E f f o r t s i n K i t c h e n e r -W a t e r l o o . \" 4. See pages 243-46. 5. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f B r i t i s h p l a n n i n g see: W i l l i a m Ashworth, G e n e s i s o f Modern Town P l a n n i n g (London: R o u t l e d g e , 1974); Gordon C h e r r y , E v o l u t i o n o f B r i t i s h Town P l a n n i n g (London: Leonard H i l l , 1974); P e t e r H a l l , Urban and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g (London: P e n g u i n , 1974). 6. See C h a p t e r One. 7. See f o r example: ACR, Housing and Community P l a n n i n g , Marsh, Report on S o c i a l S e c u r i t y f o r Canada. 8. C a r v e r , Housing. 9. House o f Commons Debates, 1945, 2: 1476; i b i d . , 2015. 10. For d e s c r i p t i o n o f American l e g i s l a t i o n s e e: ACR, Housing and Community P l a n n i n g , Ch. 3. 11. F o r an a n a l y s i s o f economic, c l a s s and s p a t i a l development i n B r i t -a i n see: E.S. Hobsbaum, The P e l i c a n H i s t o r y o f B r i t a i n , V o l . 3; I n d u s t r y and Empire (London: Penguin, 1968); M a u r i c e Dobb, S t u d i e s i n t h e Development o f C a p i t a l i s m (London: R o u t l e d g e , 1963); D. M a t h i a s , The F i r s t I n d u s t r i a l N a t i o n : An Economic H i s - t o r y o f B r i t a i n 1700-1914 (London: Methuen, 1969); G.P. Jones and A.G. P o o l , A Hundred Years o f Economic Development i n B r i t - a i n , 1840-1940 (London: Duckworth, 1966); W. S m i t h , An H i s t o r i - c a l I n t r o d u c t i o n t o the Economic Geography o f G r e a t B r i t a i n (London: B e l l , 1961); W.G. H o s k i n s , The Making o f the B r i t i s h Landscape (London: Penguin, 1970). 12. F o r an e x c e l l e n t a n a l y s i s o f the r o l e o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t s i n promoting B r i t i s h town p l a n n i n g see: Joan McHardy, \" P r o f e s s i o n -a l i z a t i o n o f E n g l i s h Town P l a n n e r s , \" (Ph.D. t h e s i s , O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y , 1978), 354. 13. Ashworth, G e n e s i s o f Modern Town P l a n n i n g ; C h e r r y , E v o l u t i o n o f B r i t i s h ' T o W n P l a n n i n g ; H a l l , Urban and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g . 14. B u c k l e y and U r q u h a r t , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s o f Canada, 59. 15. Gordon W. Bertram, \"The Canadian Wheat Boom,\" Canadian J o u r n a l o f Economics, V o l . 6 (Nov. 1973], 565. 16. P e t e r H a l l , \"England 1900,\" i n H.C. Darby, ed., A New H i s t o r i c a l Geography o f Engl and (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973), 677. 17. The major s t u d y , f o r example, was: Adams, Rural P l a n n i n g . 18. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f Canadian c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l development which i l l u s t r a t e the s t r e n g t h o f non-urban i n f l u e n c e s see: C o l e H a r r i s , \"Myth o f the Land i n Canadian N a t i o n a l i s m \" i n P e t e r R u s s e l l , e d., N a t i o n a l i s m i n Canada ( T o r o n t o ; M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1960), 27-43; C a r l B e r g e r , \"True North S t r o n g and F r e e ; \" I b i d . , 3-26; S.D. C l a r k , The D e v e l o p i n g Canadian Commun- i t y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1968); M i c h a e l C r o s s , ed., The F r o n t i e r T h e s i s and the Canadas: The Debate on the Impact o f the Canadian Environment ( T o r o n t o : Copp C l a r k , 1970); M a u r i c e C a r e l e s s , \" F r o n t i e r i s m , M e t r o p o l i t a n i s m , and Canadian H i s t o r y , \" i n C. B e r g e r , ed., Approaches t o Canadian H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1967); M a r g a r e t Atwood, S u r v i v a l : A Thematic Guide t o Canadian L i t e r a t u r e ( T o r o n t o : A n s i , 1972). 19. For Beer's and o t h e r c a p i t a l i s t s ' p o s i t i o n s s e e : Bureau o f Munic-i p a l R e s e a r c h , What i s the Ward Going t o do w i t h T o r o n t o , 68; O n t a r i o Housing Committee, Report. 20. S h i r l e y Spragge, \"A C o n f l u e n c e o f I n t e r e s t s : Housing Reform i n T o r o n t o , 1900-1920\" i n A r t i b i s e and S t e l t e r , e d s . , Usable Urban P a s t , 247-68; o f t h e 11 d i r e c t o r s o f the T o r o n t o C o r p o r a t i o n s i x were i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t s , t h r e e were p r o f e s s i o n a l s and two were bankers. 21. A l t h o u g h t h e r e has been c o n s i d e r a b l e debate on the n a t u r e and e v o l u t i o n o f Canada's c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , t h e r e i s l i t t l e d i s -agreement w i t h t h e o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s engaged i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g were weak r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r \" m e r c a n t i l -i s t c a p i t a l i s t s \" engaged i n u t i l i t i e s , r a i l w a y s , r e s o u r c e s m e r c h a n d i z i n g , f i n a n c e and r e a l e s t a t e . The debate has c e n t r e d on whether the weakness o f Canadian m a n u f a c t u r i n g i s due t o the b e h a v i o u r o f m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l i s t s o r t o o t h e r f a c t o r s . Those i n t e r e s t e d i n t h i s debate s h o u l d c o n s u l t : W a l l a c e Clement, The Canadian C o r p o r a t e E l i t e : An A n a l y s i s o f Economic Power ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1 9 7 5 ) , 6 2 - 9 3 ; R.T. N a y l o r , v T h e H i s t o r y o f Canadian B u s i n e s s , 1867-1914 ( T o r o n t o : L o r i m e r , 1975); Mel 355. Watkins, \"Economic Development i n Canada,\" i n I, W a l l e r s t e i n , ed., World I n e q u a l i t y ( M o n t r e a l : B l a c k Rose, 1976), 72-96; Mel Watkins, \"The S t a p l e Theory R e v i s i t e d , \" . JCS, X I I , 5 (1977), 83-95; Tom T r a v e s , The S t a t e and E n t e r p r i s e : Canadian Manufac- t u r i n g and the F e d e r a l Government ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1979); L.R, MacDonald, \"Merchants A g a i n s t I n d u s t r y : An Idea and i t s O r i g i n s , \" Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review V o l . L V J , No.3 ( S e p t . 1975), -263-81 ; Douglas McCallum, \"Tom N a y l o r ' s A H i s - t o r y Of Canadian B u s i n e s s 1867-1914: A Comment,\" Canadian H i s t o r i -c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l P a p e r s , 1976, 249-254; M i c h a e l B l i s s , \"A Review o f Tom N a y l o r , A H i s t o r y o f Canadian B u s i n e s s , \" S o c i a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IX, No. 18 (Nov. 1976), 446-449; R.T. N a y l o r , H i s t o r y o f Canadian B u s i n e s s : A R e p l y , \" S o c i a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IX, No. 19 (May 19:77), 152-9; M i c h a e l B l i s s , \" H i s t o r y o f Canadian B u s i n e s s : Reviewer's Response;\" I b i d . , 160-3. 22. Clement, The Canadian C o r p o r a t e E l i t e , 74. 23. N a y l o r , H i s t o r y o f Canadian B u s i n e s s , 279-87. 24. I b i d . , 14-15. 25. I b i d . , 279. 26. T o r o n t o ' s A d v i s o r y C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission Chairman was H.H. W i l l i a m s , who was head o f H.H. W i l l i a m s and Company which was the l a r g e s t r e a l e s t a t e f i r m i n Canada. The V i c e - C h a i r m a n was Thomas Bradshaw who was P r e s i d e n t o f North American L i f e A s s u r -ance Company and V i c e - P r e s i d e n t o f Canadian S u r e t y Company; see B.M. Greene, e d . , Who's Who i n Canada, 1928-29 ( T o r o n t o : I n t e r n a t i o n a l P r e s s , 1930); Report o f the A d v i s o r y C i t y P l a n - n i n g Commission, 1929; Vancouver's Town P l a n n i n g Movement was dominated by r e a l e s t a t e and c o n s t r u c t i o n i n t e r e s t s ; s ee: John Weaver, \"The P r o p e r t y , I n d u s t r y and Land Use C o n t r o l s : The Vancouver E x p e r i e n c e , 1910-1945,\" P l a n Canada, V o l . 19 (1979), 211-226. 27. \" B u i l d i n g S h o u l d P r o c e e d , \" J T P I C , V o l . 6, No. 3 ( J u l y 1920), 52; \"Why T o r o n t o Housing was H e l d Up,\" J T P I C , V o l . 9, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1930); Housing Q u e s t i o n , H e a r s t P a p e r s , A r c h i v e s o f O n t a r i o , A p r i l 24, 1919, c i t e d by Spragge, \" C o n f l u e n c e o f I n t e r e s t s ,\"''259. 28. Greene, Who's Who i n Canada, 1928-29, 340, 29. Dennis F o r c e s e , Canadian C l a s s S t r u c t u r e ( T o r o n t o : M c G r a w - H i l l , 1975) , 110-131; Gad H o r o w i t z , Canadian Labour i n P o l i t i c s ( T o r o n t o : Univ. o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1968); S t u a r t Jamteson, Times o f T r o u b l e : Labour U n r e s t and I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t i n Canada, 1900-66 (Ottawa: Government o f Canada, 1968), 192-212; P e t e r W a r r i a n and G r e g o r y S. K e n l e y , eds., Essays i n Canadian Working C l a s s H i s t o r y ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1976) ; Donald A v e r y , Dangerous F o r e i g n e r s : European Immigrant 356. and Labour R a d i c a l i s m i n Canada, 1896-1932 ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t , 1975); I r v i n g A b e l l a , The Canadian Labour Movement, 1902-1960 (Ottawa: n.p., 1975); I r v i n g A b e l l a and D a v i d M i l l e r , e ds, , T h i TCanadian Worker i n the T w e n t i e t h Century ( T o r o n t o : O x f o r d Univ. P r e s s , 1978); the Canadian c l a s s was a c t i v e d u r i n g t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d 1900-1930. But much o f the o p p o s i t i o n came from t h o s e engaged i n s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y c o a l m i n i n g . 30. See f o r example: A r t h u r K. D a v i s , \"Canadian S o c i e t y and H i s t o r y as H i n t e r l a n d Versus M e t r o p o l i s , \" i n R.J. Ossenberg, Canadian S o c i e t y a n d ^ P l u r a l i s m , Change and C o n f l i c t ( S c a r b o r o u g h : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1971), 3-33; S.D. C l a r k , J.P. Grayson and L.M. Grayson, Prophecy and P r o t e s t : S o c i a l Movements i n T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y Canada, 105-130, 424-29; W.L. Morton, \" C l i o i n Canada: The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Canadian H i s t o r y , \" i n B e r g e r , ed., Approaches t o Canadian H i s t o r y , 42-49; Morton, P r o g r e s s i v e P a r t y . 31. See f o r example: James N. M c C r o r i e , \"Change and Paradox i n A g r a r i a n S o c i a l Movements: The Case o f Saskatchewan,\" i n Ossenberg, ed., Canadian S o c i e t y , 36-53; G.L. C a p l a n , \" F a i l u r e s o f Canadian S o c i a l i s m : The O n t a r i o E x p e r i e n c e , 1932-1945\" i n C l a r k e t a l . , e d s . , Prophecy and P r o t e s t , 200-202; Young, Anatomy o f a P a r t y , 14, 31-32, 48. 357. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. 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