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Western Clarion Aug 1, 1921

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 S .t
WESTERN CLARION
Jearaalaf
OOBBBBT
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
BOOMOMIOB
PHILOSOPHY
848
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER* B. C, AUGUST 1, 1921
FIVE CENTS
DISARMAMENT
\ ING propaganda has revamped an old toy—
disarmatneat    And probably it will serve its
good" purpose  ot turning away our atten
bn from thc iliingf that matter, to the thing*, ol no
-count    It 's   s'icr- a Dice "brotherly" sentiment
Hoffers greet political openings h makes no dif-
rroce tht! -tmilar efforts have already failed : that
conferences,    international   tribunals    am!
iaroef ol Nations have played with it, and deserter lovelier    and more protable— excitements
I, forget -<» easily,
tni il%s< Lloyd George has taken the mem-
rioos honchnack on his knee, and talked to it of
ittsh friendahip for America.   Which abowa the
[-wing <>i the wind.    Neither is America slow to
laic. Romewhat raucously, on the  great ideals of
ui," while the "great men" of the flowery king
i arc fervent in similar expressions     Brutus, of
ht0, il an honorable man. but—
Meanwhile, Japan has a not insignificant   naval
pfrtimnc, which goes steadily on toward* com-
ttton     Nmcrica yearns for a two-power standard
jd ha* an appropriation hill for half a billion dol-
r< lc->>   jxirk barrel.") Britain if. apparently more
native tn naval commitments, not because -die is
'progressive*" than the others, but because the
ience of war seems to indicate new weapons and
">rc deadly devices of injury.    Research work in
tnct\,   poison gas and   disease   germs,   goes
[ghtihj ,.--, wjth silent but sinister purpose.    And
ii*- not without meaning that reduction of arma-
fntt a|>;0n-s hss to armies than to navies. Rather
■strange nwd to disarmament.    What is its pros-
rt ui -ticcess?
[1'fhind armaments is trade, l«argc and extensive
in-.iar^ armaments and vice-versa. Prior to
['•* the race for huge armaments lay between Brit
ain ami Germany, because between Britain and Germany lay the race for the world market. Germany
disposed of, Britain emerges as a dominant power.
But, oi necessity, fact- to face with new competition
for the selfsame world market. Hence dominance
implies domination, force, and resistance to force
I'he world market being limited, the expansion of
one power involves the limitation of the others: the
business of trade, being paramount and supreme,
necessitates the force to safe-guard the routes leading to the market: the monopoly of the world mar-
k.. being tht inexorable necessity oi capital, compels the rivalry for armaments. The economic con-
Bequencea of the last struggle demand two irreconcilable necessities—on the one hand a vast extension of commerce; on the other, a limitation of im-
portations. The consequences of such a situation
must be keen competition and potent forces of defence. Given the society of capital, its -nhcring antagonisms develop all its complex of phenonmena.
Thus the forces of monopoly, imperialistic and
progressive in character, struggling in competition,
are compelled by and for trade expansion into the
lethal race for armaments. They cannot stop, or
go hack ; that means failure and defeat. They must
go iatally forward; fatally, because success involves
rhc destruction oT their civilisation.
On the other hand, there is a more numerous but
less powerful section of society, individualistic and
reactionary in character, whose interests, in contradiction to the broad issues of the future, are entirely centred In the narrow Held of the passing moment, and therefore insured only by the continuance of the vanishing conditions of individual business (small production i. Like Lot's wife they yearn
for the times irrevocably behind them—and, looking
backward, are doomed. They cannot see that the
forces of progress are   identical with the forces of
social development: that the two things are two aspects of unity: that society can only rise to new
heights on the strong wings of its unfolding potentialities In a word, they see the changes going on
within society, but not the evolution of society itself. And because they do not understand this
evolution those changes are an unfathomable mystery. Caught between the millstones of armament
burdens and monopolistic competition: with their
eyes fixed on the ideals of Puritan Philistinism: not
knowing what is happening, they are being forced
by capitalist expropriation out of petty trading and
individualism, into the broad and swirling current of
proletarian communism.
This section favors armament reductions, and international arbitration, not for love of humanity
(although true to the native hypocrisy of trade, it
preaches this), but because its existence is threatened by intolerable taxation and aggressive monopolies. The imperialist, on the contrary, knowing the
impossibility of arbitration, conscious of secret
treaties, invested in the exploitation of the future,
fearfully alive to the challenge of new rivalries.
plays with disarmament, guages it as a weapon in
thc armoury di diplomatic duplicity, but wisely
presses forward with th*jc**mta"ist. necessity oiijre-
paredness*
Surely while capital lasts there can be no disarmament. Capital is commerce and commerce
is exploitation. And because it is exploitation, because its own development intensifies its antagonisms, an ever-increasing force becomes a necessity for its maintenance. Armaments are the tools
af capitalist business, for forcing the gates of the
world market, and war is nothing more than business (by proxy) in armour plate. Hence, while business exists so must armaments and their burdens
continue.    There is no middle way. R.
A Review of Capitalism in 1921
Great Britain.
OT within a decade   has there been a more
portentous gathering assembled in   London,
1 Lngland, than that of the recent conference of
lieu of States within the British  Empire.     The
|r*> vital question    discussed at this   caucus was
next theatre for future demonstrations oi Brit-
naval powef' the transfer of naval forces from
laatk to Pacific waters.
■■""•* is rather significant, amounting. a*- it does,
■ i>ank confession that British trade in Europe
■ "gone to the dogs,'" and that a new market must
"I"1'1''1 »p, in order that the trading class of this
Pantry may dispose of their commodities.   Where
N this market bcT    Asia, as   has been   stated
f°rr than once in these columns, is the only potcn-
fie,r- for an extremelv limited number of capital-
r,s to d
iscovcr profits in.
\nd the presence of the    "grey dogs of war" in
One waters means Britain will be a competitor
[•*••« Japan and the United States for this source
future income.   These three competitors, armed
the teeth, will soon confer in Washington. D. C-,
lt° what tools   should be used in  robbing their
Ktims.   The Canadian representative at the Lon-
[n Confcrence is opposed to any demonstration of
P British navy in thc Pacific, as it would devel-
P ho*ti|e feeling between the   United States   and
froat Britain in trade rivalry.
The amount of American capital invested in Canada during the past few years is greater than British, and with all such ■investments" grows the desire for political control of the country the money
is invested in. Wall Street. \Tew York, is the financial mart for Canadian loans, and Meighen speaks
for Wall Street.
However, thc wheels of industry are not turned
with words; a market ior British industries must
be found that profits may accrue to British merchants ; the forces of the State, not being ornaments,
will be employed in thc way that will best serve the
interests of the propertied class. And if it is necessary to have an election in order to find an executive body that will coincide with British interests! then an election may take place soon.
Europe.
Upper Silesia'is still a bone of contention for the
ruling classes of Germany. Poland, France and
Britain to worry over.
lt is a country a little smaller than Belgium in
area, prodigiously rich in natural resources which
have been developed by the Krupps and Stinnes of
Germany. At one time, according to some authorities, eight centuries ago it was a part of Poland.
When "self-determination" became popular Polish
capitalists invoked all the existing ancient historical
titles to this territory, while the Germans plea for
the rights o>' listing ownership, aided and abetted
Ivy .French and British inter.:Vs. who sa-v ;n this
country under a change of ownership, a bar ana a
means to further economic expansion.
Burnet Hershey, American journalist, writing in
the "New York Times Current History," in an interview with Korfanty. reports as follows:
"My campagn (Korfanty said) called for an
effective counter-propaganda against the powerful publicity methods of Wilhelmstrass. My
fellow-countrymen needed much education concerning the movement for a plebiscite.    I enlisted the interests of the church, religion being the most powerful factor in the lives of the
average Polish worker  and peasant.   It  has
been my  most potent auxiliary.      Next I organized the labor forces.    Remember that the
Poles here make up the toiling class, and that
appeal to class consciousness could not  help
but yield results."
This labor-fakir,   -working   in  the   interests of
French and Polish   capitalists,   concludes   his remarks in these words :
"France is our ally and will always be ready
to hack our efforts against the Germans-"
The divergent interests of France and Britain developed through the war and, further widened by
the terms of reparations, the spoils of war, may end
in breaking the entente between these two countries.
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
WESTER N      C L A R I O N'
Materialist Conception of History
LESSON 18.
THE disbanding of the army and the stoppage
of munition production after the Napoleonic
war.-, made unemployment acute with all its
attending consequences of misery and poverty
When the Highlanders oi Scotland returned from
the Napoleonic wars they found their people evicted from the land. The Napoleonic wars made sheep
runs temporarily more profitable, and when the
game laws were enacted deer and sporting rights
became more profitable, deer forests were substituted for sheep farms. We have controversiali>ts
of today attempting to show there were no evictions
on account of deer forests. It was no fault of the
landlords that there were not. Evictions took place
lor the object that was at the time most profitable
during the Napoleonic wars. The atrocities were
perpetrated by the landlords in burning down the
natives' houses, confiscating their cattle and smashing their furniture. Between 1811 and 1820 there
were evicted 15.000 inhabitants. Alex. McKenzie.
in hi-i book the "Highland Clearances," tells us although the sons of these highland people were Britain's best soldiers, that their mild nature and religious training prevented resort to that determined
resistance and revenge which has repeatedly set
bound to the rapacious landlords of Scotland. The
professed ministers of the church glossed over the
foulest deeds by ascribing them to Providence as a
punishment for their sins. The people ot Glengarry,
County of Ontario, are the descendants of these
evicted highlanders who were driven into ships
against their wil! and dumped upon Canadian
shores, hundreds of them dying from starvation on
board the vessels that brought them. The depression of business after the Napoleonic wars brought
down prices just as we are witnessing today after
the Great War Foodstuffs fell so low, the farmers
and landlord class became alarmed and enacted the
Corn Law of 1815 to keep up the price of corn ami
wheat. They prohibited the importation of foreign
corn under 80 shillings a quarter; consequently with
the bad harvest of 1816, it caused a famine. Riots
broke out. The agricultural workers, colliers and
eLuddibes rose in violence and smashed machinery
believing that the machine was the cause of their
misery.
A paper called the "Weekly Register," printed in
the interests of the workers, teaching political action, resulted in political meetings being held all
over the country. These meetings became so threatening that the government suspended the Habeas
Corpus Act, and a Manchester meeting on August
46th, 1819, at Peter's Field attended by 50,000 to
60,000 men, women and children was charged ruthlessly by the military, many being killed and
wounded. The following year, 1820, the revolutionary weavers of Glasgow, Scotland, who were en-
encouraged by police spies to take up arms, were
suppressed in the usual bloody fashion- Their leaders, Wilson, Baird, and Hardie, were hanged at
Stirling. England's greatness was accomplished
during this period when her workers were in the
most degraded conditions. When the continent was
almost laid waste during the Napoleonic wars;
England's geographical position left her unmolested, and she utilized the full economic strength of her
■industrial revolution. With the smelting of iron
with coal, the blast furnace and the new spinning
machinery, England enjoyed the exclusive monopoly of foreign trade and was the workshop of the
world.
The worst period of labor in England was the 40
years between 1782—1821, the period in which manufacturers accumulated fortunes rapidly, and agricultural rent doubled. The workers were forbidden
to combine and were imprisoned on any pretense,
while the Tory landholders passed 1,481 acts of parliament from 1792 to 1816, to enclose thc common
lands. The conditions of the workers were so bad
that Lord Byron said in 1812: "I have traversed the
seat of war in the Peninsula; I have seen some of
FOR   BEGINNERS
the uiosi oppressed provinces of Turkey ; but never
have 1 beheld such squalid wretchedness as I have
seen in the heart of this Christian country."
The veer 1824 brought prosperous times, and an
increase in trade union activities, but with bad trade
in 182S they fell to piece-, even although the laws
against combinations had been repealed in 1824. All
resistance OO the part of the workers to prevent the
fall in wages was of no avail, and their organizations perished in the attempt to maintain their wages The distress was so great, the government was
forced lo lower the corn tariff The economic depression of 182t» caused a great emigration to the
colonies and created political agitation. The growing power and wealth of the industrial capttalt>t*-
was expressing Itself and using the workers a* tools
to accomplish its own ends.
The result of this agitation was the Reform Bill
of 1832 with its re-distribution of seats Small It-or
OUghs, 56 m number, with 111 tone hundred and
eleven) -eat-, were given up and 30 others were
given one member instead of two These 143 seats
were given*to counties and growing towns Here
again wa see a reflection of economic condition expressed tn political representation. Loria express
es himself on this question very clearly- he taya;
"Slaverj and serfdom both tended to exclude the
owning classes from productive labor and to 000-
centratt themselves in public life, whereas any system of representation would have shut out a large
majority of proprietors from thc exercise of political power. I'nder such circumstance-, representative government was logically imposible The con
ditiona Ware altered with the introduction of thc
wag! aysttna, when the wage system began to re-
enlist the energies of the proprietors in matters of
industrial enterprise and accumulation. H*»ncc.
England being the first iu the new economic condi
tions, wa* also the first to have representative government. The conditions inherent in wage ccon
only rendered it imposible for a large majority of
.the capitalists to take active part in the work of legislation and. accordingly, compelled them to delegate their *>olitical power to another class, but let
me add, this class is an unproductive (la** and detracts in DO way from the interests of the capitalist
class, because the representatives chosen are. cithar
already upon thc property class or are made dependent from the fact that they owe their election to thc
capitalist class. Their choice of unproductive laborers, are generally doctors, lawyers and professors.
and their like, who, living on the fruits oi property
are not at all inclined to deny the principles of their
existence.
It is for this reason that the parliaments of the
world today are composed largely of this clement.
Englan i had a large landlord class regularly returned; this was due to the fact that thc acquisition of
rent requires no asiduous attention like profits, and
consequently opens up a broader field of political
activity. Since 1880. however, the number of unproductive laborers in the British parliament has increased In France and Italy they constitute an
overwhelming majority. And in America this class
practically makes up thc whole of Congress It could
not be otherwise, because economic development
tends to alter the quantitative revenue relations between profits and rents. When the rent from land
predominated, thc landowning dass exercised political power, and their political power is limited to
rents. The capitalist power is not limited to profit
but to capital, and we sec how capital accumulation
is continually increasing."
The introduction of agricultural implements is
causing the percentage of population to increaae in
the cities. The city percentage in the United States
was 3.35 in 1790; and 29.20 in 1890. In England it
was 67.9 in 1881; and 78.1 in 1911.
Therefore, looking at the increasing migration to
the cities with the shifting economic power, it becomes clear to understand thc change of electoral
centres from thc country to the cities, increasing the
political representation of the industrial centres, and
ihe unproductive laborers becoming renreaeW"-*'•
of the new economic ruling class.
As proof of the above analysis, the I   fi i *
grata is composed of 298 lawyers, as VmrmtitM
21 farmers or 12 merchants.   The first Uni*r-»!
l:*--"! had 30 lawyers, and there wereewveahns
ers, so you see unproductive laborers have ""rat,
increased. »
The English House of Lords w.,s the extxe***)*
of the landhobhng class, and tin* rising capita**
Cltsa was able to enter its jH.litical lOVertigaityL
putciu-iug estates from the t/tsaala of the ***Z
and small landholders who, unable to bu\ the net
agricultural machinery were forced tossai!tbearltal
because they could not compete with their mort *»
nutate neighbors Scotland had not made proritji
for tha*. as she had not got past the pastoral ial
agricaltural stage, previous to the union with E*
land she had only one house ot parliament Ai
long as the landed uttcrest arta dominant in England the ILiuse oi Lords only tolerated the Hoe*
of Commons, but as soon a- profits got ihe *••*-*-•
hand, the Lords became reduced to a tkcoa&o
chamber in the political system An lulun «
cream vendor can DCCOtne Lord Hockey I**,kev ifi*
has the wherewithal to till the i-ar'.v iunil. an-: •:-.
ibis decorated chamber.
The -assiug of the Franchise Bill ol 18A" I lad
satisfy the workers, and between th** diaappoiatnsl
and hard times there arose the Chart,«t —.-
I hiring this tunc *1R.U> thr IV.r Ltn vuptsta1
instituting thc workhouse to trv to decree* m\
amount of spongers who lived by their wits oo tk
system of poor relief of Queen Buasbeth'l rap
which was used to keep wages low, th* •hflerraaz
a low wage being fhadc up by a payment beam
rjQOf relief fund The historian sa>> it W»4St>
cess in reducing thr numlter of peepers at th-un*.
but with all the increased wealth pfcetuta,
through steam driven machinery, the misery ol at
poor was intensified, farm laborer*, could t*j
buy barley or rye bread, while meat except alitne
salt pork never came within their home- Tba
wa* the economic pressure behind the Q**
movement, which advocated ah retains, lst"
tWOi (11 Yearly parliaments; (2 one Ban *
vote, are not upon the statute booka of Hntaioj*
The ruling class were SO hysterical thai -•*?**
ported six laixuers of Dorsetshire fot * P8*^
innocent act.   TnoTold.Rogers says they 0*W
doned. but their pardon was WOCStled
in  consideration of  thc vested   interests to
the Svdney Government sold them at <-•<* j*J
a bead. The Chartist movement, like «*^Jj
lost its numbers and thc prosperity of 1 - ■"
it. People cared little for the Chart**' "W'J
got work and food. Following tail PWJfJJ
had th.* Anti-Corn Law enacted a* -- "*". J
bad harvest in England and potatoe urninc i
land The greatest advocate wai Bright, a
manufacturer, and Cobden. I cotton print nunu^
Hirer. They told the workers that their B**0 ' »
a result of the high   price of bread    cats*   J
• i- i and brew w
Corn   Law.    When it was repealed ana »    ~
came cheaper,   wages fell 10 per cent j
trade and protection stunt is of no i'*-P01 ^
the worker.   It is a struggle between two >'
of the ruling class. .
(Lesson 18 to be continued next issu*
MANIFESTO
- sf ths -
I00IAU1T FA1TY OF 0****
(Fifth Idition)
Far copy l0 **
Far So eopiea *
Feet Paid v\ E S T E R N      C L A R I O N
PAGE THREE
CONCERNING VALUE
PHE CONCEPT OF VALUE: ITS HISTORICAL
DEVELOPMENT.
BY GEORDIE.
[-In the -("l*1 production which men carry on thay antar Into
Lfln-tf rtlatiooti   that  mm  Indispensable and  Independent of
\ Jr »H1   *t*ma* rHatlon* of production correspond   to a de-
:''      „Uj.^ l(f (li-val(>i>rn«n( of thrtr mat- rial power* of produc
Tmt *****   total of tMM relations  ot production <-on«ti-
\r* !>!'• NOttnlC  structure of  aoclaty—1'.«  r.-*i   foundation.
U whirl- ri*e '<*K'*.l atd political superstructure* an* to whtch
biiMpqml  a>-"»n«*   f*>nna of    social   consciousness,' —llari,
ll-.'-r.>.l'.i'"on to tha   •Critique."
•****Xi prpdttt** of labor la. U» all Mat-** of »o-lety. a iim
,. ,. ( is hi only at a rt-ennlt* historical epoch In a *o< l«*-
liA • a*,-ulfl-pnH*at that such product iMOOta****! a «uminodlt).
Itii »t ti" ******** whan Hi** labor spent on the production of
-*SSfsl -trtnl« be-com*** a^pr-isM-ad aa on- of th* objective
knaJ Oat or 0**t article, U% ma its  value."
"CapUal.'" *****   1. P**:* "I    K«*rr ed
rati dl**ttO*" Of a   product into a useful thing and a value
Ibt-t-acM*  |.r»<t.cally   important, only   whan eictauige   ha* a<
|.   ,...,• - ,. h r:i e-»leu»»t»n that useful article* am produce-* for
-prpuee of l-eli-ft escbangod. and their cliaractfr a* valiif-a
In*-   •-«•"•' ••'' ■" mt taker- Into account t«" forehand  dunn** pro-
-jen      lanital.'  vol.  l. pair* II.
EXCHANGE may be defined a-- a   process in
which, by mutual consent, one person trans-
I [era goods to another and receives in return
[some equivalent or what, in the opinion of thc parties to the exchange, constitutes an equivalent.
It is important to note that the act takes place by
[mutual consent    and  that the word MpersonM  may
stand fo* 1 primitive commune, a natural   person,
r a legal corporation*.
There i*> evidence to show that mankind thnuigh-
ml the historical period, and even in prehistoric
(times, has practised exchange, probably at first in
•    form "t reciprocal gifts, later as baiter and fm-
[ttly in thc complex manner in which it takes place
today.   The act of exchange is not, therefore, peculiar to capitalism      It .is. however, typical of that
lystem or rather. I should say. essential to that system    In former Mates of society the art of exchange
wss sonuthtng    accidental, even    when    habitual,
•"•mething mil side of the   ordinary, normal way ol
(Baking a living of those peoples. Oo the other hand
(he cajntalisi system   cannot be thought of   apart
tram exchange—front sale and purchase; the whole
r-opulation is   engaged in buying and selling;   the
Ahnlc soda! product  is produced for sale, and the
'**•.!<'!<• social income—wages, rent, interest and pro-
tit   is distributed    through the   mechanism of cx-
ehang*     In this progression  which is    sometimes
called progress We have, therefore, a historical pro-
res* in which the self-sustaining   unit, whether in-
h\i«iual or community, becomes dependent; production Ior use gives   way to production   ior sale ami
tHis attain to production for profit, in which the product of labor becomes a    commodity    and its use-
value becbtnet of secondary   importance to its exchange value .and this again is obscured by the price
form,
Certain social conditions determine this change.
Yhott must have been such a development of the
division oi labor or, at least, of the division of occupations that the producers can no longer supply
Itch own wants A condition arises such as someone v.ry neatly puts it. that no one can produce
What he uses or use what he produces.
•his, however, is not enough, inasmuch as div-
,s>on of labor may exist without exchange of pro-
facta as in the family of patriarchal or classical
"met, in the primitive community or in the baron-
W manor, In these the members of the tribe or
■**%, the slaves and the serfs produced the wealth
of those societies which was distributed among their
""■•nihcrs according to the status they held without
tn<' intervention of purchase and sale.
m* addition, therefore, to the division of lahor it
18 "Pessary that thc producers be independent of
(acn other except, of course, in respect of such con-
,racts as they may freely enter into. The producer must possess the right of property not only in his
P«raon but in his product. That is to say, he has
Jh« right to use his time and labor to produce cer-
fain goods aud to dispose of them. Further, that
J,R r-Rln to dispose of them is generally recognized.
In sr-ort, he possesses thc rights of life, liberty, pro-
Pcrty and contract.   These, again, are legal rights.
and arc only valid  where then: is a stale, or other
authority, strong enough to guarantee them.
By the way. it is probably worth while to notice
that, from a legal point of view, what is transferred
in the act of exchange is the right of property in the
object sold. Wealth his sometimes been defined as
consisting of goods which may be owned, that is,
which may become objects of property rights. For
instance, if I receive a gift or purchase some article
1 not only possest the thing but I own it, seeing that
my possession i- socially recognized. On the other
hand, if 1 should steal some object, I have possession of it and may enjoy its use but I do not own it.
Sot onlv. however, must these conditions be pre-
seni bui thc production and exchange of commodities must have become general, must have become
an integral part of the life process of society before
the formulation of the concept of value becomes
possible.    Marx, speaking of this point, says:
'The secret   of the   expression    of   value,
namely, that all kinds of labor are   equal and
equivalent, because,   and  so far as they   are
human labor in general, cannot be deciphered,
until the notion of human equality ha§ already
acquired the fixity of a popular prejudice. This,
however, is possible only in a society in which
the }^reat  mass of the   produce of labor takes
the form of commodities, in which, consequent-
lv.  the dominant   relation between   man and
man. i- that of    owners    of   commodities"—
"Capital, vol. 1. page 69.
\ow these considerations unmistakably   point to
what baa been called the "era of handicraft" as being the   historical ep<x~h." during whicii the concept
of value gradually to-'k form and was finally fixed
as the law oi value.    This period has been so happily described by Veblen that I have no conpunction
about introducing here a rather lengthy quotation:
in a passably successful fashion the peoples
Of Christendom   made th>   transition   from a
frankly predatory and servile establishment, in
the  Dark Ages, to a settled,   quasi-peaceable
situation   resting on   fairly  secure   property
rights, chiefly in land, by the close of the Middle Ages.    This transition was accompanied by
a growth of handicraft, itinerant   merchandising and industrial towns, so massive as toout-
live and displace the feudal system under whose
tutelage it took its   rise, and of so marked   a
technological character as to have passed into
history as the era of handicraft." Technologically, this era i- marked by an ever-advancing
growth of craftsmanship: until it passes over
into the regime of the machine industry when
its technology had finally outgrown those limitations of handicraft and petty trade that gave
h its character as a distinct phase of economic
history. In it* beginning the handicraft system
was made up of impecunious craftsmen, working in severalty and working for a livelihood.
and the rules of the craft-guilds that presently
took shape and exercised control were drawn
on that principle.-'-Veblen. "The Instinct  of
Workmanship." p. 231.
We started out with the assumption that man's
material conditions determined his consciousness:
that 'anv  givdn phase of collective life induced corresponding habits of thought."    We observe, then,
that in the handicraft stage of   industry the   tools
-,s. .1 were primitive and simple, that the raw materials were such as lay   close to hand, and that   the
degree of skill and training required in the various
occupations would be fairly uniform.      For these
reasons the basis of exchange could only be a matter
of the quantity of labor-time required in the production Of the respective commodities,   of their labor
Again, the conditions of production and the labor
expenditure involved were familiar to all the parties
to the exchange. The whole process from start to
finish not onlv of his own product but that of his
fellow townsman was a matter of common knowledge to every citizen. No one would, therefore,
part with an article which absorbed so much of his
own time for one which he knew had required less
of anothers, particularly so, as in the earlier times
at least, he would be perfectly able to make the
thing himself.
There is the further consideration that production
• vas for a livelihood, that is, while production was
for exchange, it was not necessarily for a profit, so
that the latter had not to be accounted ior For this
reason the cost of production and value would coincide and, as a matter of fact, were not distinguished
from each other.
It was under conditions such as those just described that thc labor theory of value gradually took
shape. It was first clearly stated by Sir William
l'etty about thc year 1662 in a much quoted passage
which may be found in a footnote to page 104 of
"Capital." He was followed by others (see pages
46 and 59 of "Capital"), and the theory was adopted as as integral part of their system by the classical economists Smith and Ricardo. It finally appears as the law of value in the system of Marx and
Is stated by him in the following words;
"We see then that that which determines the
magnitude of the   value of any   article is the
amount of labor socially necessary, or the labor
time socially necessary for its production. . .
The value of a commodity,    therefore,   varies
directly as the quantity, and inversely as the
pioductiveness, of the labor incorporated in it."
—"Capital," vol. 1, pages 46-47.
Here we shall leave the   labor theory of   value
while   we   proceed to   consider another important
concept—thc law ot" supply and demand.
By the way. I have not offered any proof of the
lahor theory of value. It is sufficient for my present purpose if I point out the existence of such a
concept and indicate the historical conditions from
which it emerged. Come to think of it, this is about
the only proof of which such theories are susceptible: namely, that they should agree with the facts
at their given time and place.
Another thing, 1 am perfectly aware that the economic stages in social development never exist in a
pure state, and that they overlap both in time and
space. This fact does not affect the arguments put
forward in this article or in the next to appear.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of
Canada
Wc. the Socialist Party of Canada affirm cur alleg-
lanoe to, and support of th* principles and programme
ot tho revolutionary  working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all
wealth. The present economic system is based upon
capitalist ownorship of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master; the
worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession
ot the reins of government all the powers of the State
will be used to protect and'defend Its property rights in
the means of wealth production and its control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-
swelling stream of protlts, and to the worker, an sver-
increaslng measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself
free from capitaliat exploitation by the abolition of the
wage system, under which tbis exploitation, at the point
of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in tha
means of wealth production Into socially controlled economic forces.
The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a
struggle for political supremacy. This is the Ctaas
Struggle.
Therefore we call upon all workers to organize under
the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the
object of conquering the political powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1—The transformation, as rapidly ae possible,
of capitalist property In the moans of
wealth production (natural resources, factor-
torte*. mills, railroaas, atc.)% Into collective
means of production.
2—-The organisation and management of industry
by the working class.
3—The establishment, as speedily as possible, of
production for use instead of production for
prortt. PAGE FOUR
WESTERN      CLARION
Western Clarion
A Jswmal sf
aast OurrsBt XvfjDtB.
Psblisasd twies a monta by the Socialist  Party of
Canada 441 Psadtr Street Kast, Vaaeoarsr, B. 0.
Psoas Hif slaad  BSU
Kntered at O. P. O. as a new.-* paver.
Editor Ewaa MaeLaod
~~~ ™        8ubacription:
Canada, 20 iaauaa   -H-00
Foreign,  16 iasues    $100
s-moy.lt tail somber is oa jour addrsss label jam*
KB Q t-ass-mptton   sxpirss   witk   naat   Usse.    Baaew
0 ■ ^ prsmptty.
VANCOUVER, B. C. AUGUST 1. 1921
HERE AND NOW.
In the days of the war the matter ot sub-hunting
gave cause for anxiety to all concerned, and all concerned exhibited interest in proportion to their anxiety, without much regard for the skip stop plan.
That  sub   hunting campaign, being a newshead-
liner, had reference to the submarine, and its similarity to our search for "Clarion" subs, begins and
•ends with the difficulty of "catching up."
We are campaigning for "Clarion" subs., and -.so
won't be happy till we get them. Results from our
prayers in these past few issues have not startled u>
otherwise than by their unfruitfulness. These
skeletonic figures here below indicate the difficulty
of catching up in the subscription chase. Come all
ye faithful- Join in the chase. And note this all
ye unfaithful. The prasent "Clarion** iaaua number
"ia 848. Look at the address label on yours; if it is
849 your sub. expires next issue. Now let our slim
finances stagger into view.
Following, $1 each: H. E. Noakes, G. Rossland,
F. W Warder, H. Wilmer. K. Smith. VV. Christie,
C. Neil, J. Ransome, A. C. Roga, M. Goudie, y. Asp-
den, J. H. Burrough, W. Wicks, A. B. Shaaf, J.
Weiss, C. Kilby, R. Emery, O. Erickson. A Raw-
den, Sid Earp, Geo. Paton, Jack Shepherd.
G. Segel, $2; A. M. Neelands, 50c; A. S. Wells.
$2; G. H. Brown, $2; Albert Renn. $2; A. T. Row-
ell, $2; T. A. Ewan,$2
Total subs, caught up with from 13th to 26th July,
inclusive,—$34.50.
 :o:	
THE MOSCOW CONGRESS
The Third Congress of the Third International
opened in Moscow on June 23rd. Radek, speaking
for the credentials committee reported present 291
voting delegates, 219 consulting delegates and about
100 guests representing 48 countries.
The Russian Telegraph Agency (Vienna) says
(June 26th):
"The numerical strength of the parties is not the
leading motive in the allotment of votes. The political conditions of the land, the level of revolution
ary firmness of its proletariat as well as the import-
rnce of the land in the general development of the
international revolution is taken into account. The
credentials commission divided all present tnto five
groups. Germany, France, Italy, Russia, Czccko-
Slovakia and the Young Communist International
each received 40 votes, England, America, Poland,
the Ukraine, Norway, Jugo-Slavia, Bulgaria each received 30 votes. Spain, Finland, Roumania, Lett-
land, Holland, Belgium, Lithuania, Switzerland,
and Austria received 20 votes. The remaining lands
received either 10 or 5 votes.
The voting will take place according to lands and
not according to person."
It will be remembered that the Italian Socialist
Party was represented at the second congress (August, 1920) of the Third International by Seratti, and
that following upon the adoption of the 21 points
(first presented as 18 points) the Italian Party split
over the rigidity of the clauses demanding the expulsion of the reform element from their ranks,
Iwhile both sides to the split demanded inclusion
within the Third International. The group represented by Seratti was refused affiliation by the E.
C ami that decision was appealed to the present
congress. For the basis of appeal from thc Executive Committees decisions. *e the "Statutes" of the
Third International.
On the attitude of the Congress to thc appeal
from the Italian Socialist Party |represented at this
Congress bj l.azzari) we have the following, reported by "Rosta Wein" 1st   July:
"After a number of shorter speeches on
the international situation the Congress adopted a resolution which stated that the Congress
accepts the reports of the activity of the
Executive Committee with satisfaction and considers its policy as correct. The congress is
agreed that the 21 conditions drawn up by
the second congress should be carried out in all lands
The efforts of she Executive Committee to create
great Communist mass parties waa approved. The
congress is in complete agreement with the decision
of the Executive concerning the Italian Socialist
Tarty ami proposes to the Italian Socialist Party
that the\ shall immediately exclude thc reformists
from Ihe ranks a-* otherwise the Italian Socialist
Part\ cannot be on to the Communist International.
in ca>e that the Italian Socialists accept the pro
posals of i'*< congress the Kxecutive Committee il
to take steps ior the formation of United Italian
section of the Communist   International "
The action ui Ztnovief (chairman of the Third
International i in insisting uj>on the expulsion of
Longuet at the time of the congress of the French
Socialist Part) on his refusal t«* accept the 21 points
was approved by the Congress. So too the E. Cs
policy in approving the March insurrection m t»cr-
many was considered correct by thc Congress < >ur
information is as follows isame source?
"Going over to the question of the German Com*
munist Labor Party the Congress considered thc attitude of the Executive here as also correct. In
case that this party did not unite in the near iuture
with thc United Communist Party of Germany the
Kxecutive Committee was authorized to exclude
them from the Communist International, and to decline to recognize them even as a sympathetic
party." * - -
Speeches have been delivered by Lenin and Trotsky at this Congress, but otherwise than brief references their text has not come to hand. Fifty-
three countries were invited to send delegates to the
Congress. *
Thc First International was established (London)
in 1864. and was first known as the International
Association of Workers. It dissolved after the
Franco-German war. Its statutes, in thc light of present events are interesting and may as well be reproduced here:
"That tbe emancipation of tbe working class must
be carried out by the working class itself.
"That the struggle for cmanciation of the working class does not imply a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and equal
obligations and the abolition of all class domination
"That the economic subjection of thc workers to
the monopolists of the means of production, the
sources of life, is the cause of servitude in all its
forms, the cause of all social misery, mental degradation and i>olitica! dependence.
"That, consequently, the economic emancipation
of the working class is the great aim to which every
jH)litical movement must be subordinated.
"That all endeavors directed to this great aim
have hitherto failed because of the lack of solidarity
between the various branches of industry in each
country and because of the absence of a fraternal
bond of unity between the working classes of the different countries.
"That the emancipation of labor is neither a local
nor a national problem, but one of a social character
embracing every civilized country, and thc solution
of which depends on the theoretical and practical cooperation of the most progressive countries.
"That the present revival of thc workers' movement in the industrial countries of Europe, while
awakening new hopes, contains a solemn warning
against a relapse into old errors, and calls for an
immediate union of the hitherto disconnected movement."
Ihe Second International was form
18». Common report has it that it ,1,?, (hri»
since It has held n,, conferences -*!„" , ,n ^
a Socialist point of view it woul.i ac-e-a \'?  Fro*
uell bound ami paralysed long before thlL 4?
have numbered their adherents by ths „ i. •
have educated them not at all."   ' "ll0n M
The Third International   held its first   Co
vm
(Moscow)  March. P>1<>.    [*, NCCont| «
held July-August.  1«'20.
now in  session. «»i
has no| at the moment of writing arrived
a"'» toe third CW-Jl
now,,,  session. „r rather, news ()f 1N   JjM
 ,— :o;
ALBERTA ELECTIONS
The official count of the returns front thr V^
elections j, not at hand at this moment of**Z
Comrade Frank Williams. ,hr p4rlv cattd**-*!
Calgary, a* Ear aa ts know,, polled lotnethiar fc
1900 votes, and Mrs Mdlard ,„ |.-,,monlon ^
Upwards  Of 800     We have received c-,;„- -. ..;' .^
election leaflets and manifestos, aad these kek0
thing in able ami plam statement of our JVtv-.:■••
form and  principles
I 'ur candidates have not lUCCCeddd in gaininget-
trance to the   \lbcrta  legislature     Good *
been done ,„ the campaign and our   point ,,    \
has been introduced among wider circles of Rorktn
lO that extent is our success measured BsCCUai
would have meant a further and wider "^i Ol
«ork goes ever OO and every experience fjaudk
efforts 10 widen our propaganda fichi too*** fc
people oi our class helps to stimulate iatcmiaal
bring] fresh enthusiasm to our task
*»
o
4 CORRECTION
V reierencc to Bruno in Comrade Harrinpoei
article in our last issue. "Ourselves aad PlHa>
ment," was meant to apply to (iahlco.
A "pied" line in the -ante article (third *0W*\)
rerulered two sentences unreadable The st riatH
read, "Thi-* control is supposed to be vested Of**'
liamrm. and for all practical purpose! is, bat Sal]
when parliament conforms to the historic ecotiocx
Death and moral standards of the nation Thf rational flag, passing through the nation's slumj IV
bf received with transport* of delight
- :o:
CLARION MAINTENANCE  FUND
J. Emery <|>cr W R [/), -1; John Bccknua
50c . C Neil. 51; J. J Mackenzie. $1; V C W
$2. Jas Carson, $i - C. II. Christian-ten. * *j
Winks (per J. H B). $.1.50; Local (l.ftmh. Nal
Winnipeg, per F W. K., $10; Local Wimbomr f*
I). MacPherson. $5.
Above, C. ML R contributions irom 13th to*"
July, inclusive—$30.
:o:-
FROM CALGARY
beM
An ; musing incident  occurred at a meeuflf,
in supiM»rt of the Socialis't candidate i,,r ***'•*
I >-* -f is»
Comrade Cassidy was addressing the auatew
several comrades were detailed to  patrol t,,f ■
walk of the* vacant lot where the   meebttg
progress.    Comrade   Lew in, who was auioni:
who were to request people to keep off the 0
and stand on the vacant lot, after giving afflfD"-aj.
**to a bystander, requested him t<> keep ""I'^plj
walk   ;.s ihe meeting would be Stopped* ' l*^
obstructed pedestrian traffic.    The hysiaiider
he was not obstructing thc traffic, ami "wv*. t -j-*
requested.    It was found out   a-ftcrwanis t a
man admonished by Comrade L«win was none
than Chief Ritchie of the Calgary Police.
At another Open air    meeting the   following
logue was heard :
"Who's speaking?"
"A Socialist I"
"Gee, and he's wearing a shirt an*
collar
!''
A. HOLM
NOSH**15'
4
"S\As -
djcr* WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE FIVE
Dictatorship of the Dead
Batto***'
Sole. —This artU-ls appeared In "The Plebs,"   May.
(,, *,ttr<i and faat •lata*in«nt of  theory   it ia \ikoly u
faJT >'
)t„   ,|is-.iite
but   It** author  <T.  A.  Jackson),     in    an
te. says It  waa "prurnpt-*-d by.readlnK ot    (1)
1r..ri„luct<>r>  not
'"   . v„nJ(i.m Ot Hlnn  Vta**,' by  It   M.   Henry,   and  (2>   An
'   ,   History  ot Ireland." by 1). A. Chart*. (Dublin. Talbot
KQonoiii I*   * ■   *
it,   and   '•*.    respe-ctivefly,."    It  will   »erv#- here, a* an
JJSrasUBS rtodl ** lr»*h ldeo»o«-y.
MAX is horn not only into a physical environment  but also into a mental one.    Around
him in his earliest years are not ont) walls
ami trees ami roofs and   stones—things of use   and
things of nature—but his   kinsfolk, thc   lights and
hadows in their eyes, the tones of their voices, and
the tahs they tell to beguile his tedium and instruct
his youth
From them he learns to fear all the things that
the) fear; and to desire that which they have come
to think desirable, From them he derives his idea
of llu- shames which are too shameful for a man to
bear, and of thc honors which are all but out of
mortal reach. If his ways arc cast not in the jumble
anil seurrj ol a crowded town but in the isolation
oi a rural settlement separated by stretches of field
or bog, moor or hillside from other and similar
boa estead clusters—-to towns a day's march distant
and the populous places of the earth still further
iway beyond the "vacant spaces of the sea"—he will
absorb into the texture of his emotions the gossip
tod legend Ol the countryside When that gossip is
of political rather than of personal ambitions, and
tho legends those of the patriot strivings of heroic
forbears w ho had every virtue but success, and when
the sombre splendour ui their story is supplemental by bitter remembrance of agonies incidental to
their --trite and cumulative with their woes, it will
be little wonder if the Passion of the Past grows into
a haunting prepossession pressing every energy of
youth into the channel of a righteous revolutionary
;eal Once engendered, this high and holy zeal—
though change of scene may modulate it, idealizing
a biting pain into an abiding melancholy, and tinging "he horrors and angers of strife and defeat with
the tascination of tragic romance—once engendered,
this impulse will endure with little feeding even to
the thir«l ami fourth generation. Given abundance
ol us appropriate food and it will glow like a concealed fire except when it rages like a tempest.
The young men who are now actually or in sentiment the rank-and-file of the Army of the Irish Republic are the sons of victims of the rack-renting absentee landlords and their striking arm— an eviction
party, with battering-ram. crowbar, pick, and armed
escort equipped with Uniform and Authority from
an alien Government. Their imagination will have
been fed in their youth with tales of the Land
League; of the gaol, the packed jury, thc proclaimed
meeting, the baton-charge and of the fusilade of
Mitchelstown when the constabulary, under express
orders from Mr. Secretary Balfour, "did not hesitate to shoot"
And the fathers, from whose lips they have learned
these things—along with the legends of the fitful
romance of the Fenian Brotherhood—were, in their
'urn. themselves sons of famine-stricken, fever-tortured, charity-4nsultcd survivors from the horrors
°- 'he Hlack Forty-Seven, across which had gleam-
*i for a moment like marsh fires over a bog. thc
glow of Young Ireland.
These survivors, too. were sons and grandsons of
th<- dragooned and half-hanged, lashed and picketed
victims of the property-mad Protestant conquerors
<>f 1798. And, yet again, these "men of W (who
"rose in dark and evil days") were the torn and tortured outcome of a protracted process of persecution
which, originating far back in the tangled treachery
of feudal marauding has for persistence no equal
**d for brute folly and black malice no rival in all
we Crimea that have hitherto defiled the earth.
An acute consciousness of Nationality — and it
t-i'vartcd. goaded, and irritated into a chronic inflammation— possesses or pervades, in consequence,
th<- whole mental ami moral being of Irish men and
women, to whatever class they may belong. A nat-
Ura' self-satisfaction supplementing and extending
th<- healthy persona! pride of the average man or
woman constitutes, in an unconquered country, the #
norma! and not unpleasing patriotism of a small nation. In over-grown Plutocratic Empires this "patriotism" becomes, under State manipulation, a blatant and sycophantic vulgarity which replaces both
dignity and decency for the socially enslaved and
mentally-debased petty-bourgeois and slum proletarian mobs that such Empires perforce beget.
These pleasures, alike of an enlarged family pride
and of the intoxicating bombast of Jingoism, are
denied to a subject nation. Its members can win
public dignity and rewards at the hands of the pow-
ers-that-be only by a cynical surrender of all the illusions that make such honors, normally, acceptable.
Among their fellows they can win esteem only by-
cither a crude reiteration of inherited wrongs (a
mechancia! insistence on the villany of the conqueror and the sorrows of the conquered which soon
grows into a baneful political hypochondria— the
whine ol the beggar—the wail of the broken slave)
or, alternatively, by embarking upon a course of revolutionary adventure whose success will risk a repetition of the very horrors it was designed to
avenge.
To blame Irishmen for being rebels and revolutionaries is. therefore, to condemn them for their
chief title to honor—to stigmatize them for choosing
the road of dignified danger rather than thai of
slavish safety. To expect Irishmen—who by virtue
nf circumstance and tradition are exalted as far
above normal "patriotism" as the Jingo is debased
below it—to desert their inherited ideal in favor of
jHilitical propositions whose sole recommendation
is that the> are safe, sane, and reasonable is to abuse
patience and outrage humnn decency. Even class
struggles in Ireland must wear a National uniform.
When conscious of weakness and debilitated by
despair, the general mass of Irishmen have tolerated,
and only just tolerated, a parliamentary struggle for
a local legislature. And even then they have tolerated it partly as a means of rousing the enthusiasm
whicii would make possible a struggle for the real
thing. "Home Rule.'' beloved of English Liberalism, was. in Irish eyes, at best a beginning. At worst
it was a treacherous surrender. When the Irish people became convinced that Redmond and his party
were, at the price of Home Rule, willing to accept
the inclusion of Ireland in the British Empire as a
final and concluded fact, the Irish people repudiated Redmond and his party with contempt and loathing.
The process of elementary* education today consists in great measure of the selection of the mental
environment calculated to fix in the young the emotions and prejudices deemed desirable and salutary
by their ruling ciders. The art of government,
whether it employs sermons, newspapers, proclamations, pageants or parliamentary speeches, consists
in little else. It is, therefore, not surprising that
the proximate roots of the more recent rebellions in
Ireland are to be found in a struggle to free the
minds of Irishmen, young and old. from the effects
of the system of education as by law established in
Ireland. At about the same time that Keir Hardie
was setting up an Independent Labor Party in England a small company of scholarly enthusiasts in
Ireland were founding a society to strike at the roots
of the process of Anglicization (conducted by the
public elementary schools) which threatened to obliterate, by its official English language, literature,
history, and teaching, all the essentials of inherited
Irish feeling.
The Gaelic League set itself, by the revival of the
practice of writing and speaking the native language
of Ireland, to undo all this—to nullify the invading
influence that (for example) excluded even Scott's
lines on "my native land"—"breathes there a man,"
etc—from the school-books because of their dangerous tendency. It challenged the worth of a Parliamentary Nationalism that made a show of resisting
the enemy at Westminster while simultaneously surrendering to its agents the mind of every child in
Ireland. It demanded of the Revolutionary Party
what was likely to be the worth of Irish Independence if the men who gained it had Englished brains?
Or how they hoped to win it   until the men   who
strove to bring it to being fought, not for external
rewards, but in obedience to the compelling impulsion of their cultivated Irish consciousness—fought
because they felt themselves wholly and utterly
parts of a distinctively Irish World?
By making Irish speaking and writing a point of
honor among Irish men the Gaelic League built up
a movement for an independent Irish Education—a
culture purged from every taint of alien bias and
suppression. They created a body of positive Irish
opinion totally distinct from the mere anti-Englishism which had boggled at the form while it swallowed the substance of defeat and conquest. It was, as
Patrick Pearse acclaimed it, "the most revolutionary
force that ever came into Ireland." For in keeping
clear of "English" bias and going for their inspiration to native Irish literature they were not merely
taking the line of greatest psychological impulse,
they were, albeit unwittingly, in going for their inspiration to the legendary love of the Gael, throwing back from the ideology of the dominant bourgeois order to that of a time when the memory and
culture of tribal communism was still fresh and living. They turned their backs on Samuel Smiles and
his progeny, and by way of the love of the cabin fireside and the legends of the thatched houses adventured into the shining glory of the gods and heroes
of pre-historic Ireland.
Even to an alien who knows Ireland only as a
mark on the map, and its mythology through the re-
•tracting medium of a translation; even to dwellers
in towns who can conceive hill side and bog, heath,
hazel and rowan, the salmon's leap and the blackbird's song, only as vague guesses built up from the
materials of picture-palace and railed-in park; even
to the proletarian rebel who yearns to make an end
of all the Dead and Damnable Past, this wonderful
Gaelic Mythology comes as a revelation of a fresher
and a brighter world. It was. rightly handled, a
torce. calculated not merely to weld into.one all.the
Fellowship of the Gael, but to give it the tone and
the temper necessary for a high and heroic endeavour. '
The economic and social consequences of English
rule helped to smooth the path for the Irish Revival. The 18th century policy which struggled to prevent Irish domiciled commerce and industry from
competing on anything like equal terms with those
of England perforce had kept the more distinctly
Irish population fastened down to agrarian life The
industrial revolution (which made England for the
nonce the workshop of the world) and its consequences have emphasized this; and since the Land
Acts (1878-1903) the agrarian population has become one of smallish farmers and peasantry who by
various devices were gaining a homely prosperity
from the rise of the demand for, and the price of,
foodstuffs in the English and West European markets. Co-operative Agriculture and Dairy-farming,
thc Home-Industries Movement, Sinn Fein (in its
earlier forms) and the Gaelic League were all expressions of this economic readjustment and the
permutations of the traditional ideologies induced
by this agrarian revival. And the rise of a Labor
Movementj too. dating at it does from James Connolly's return to Ireland in 18%, points to the greater
consolidation of a proletariat which is its inevitable
counterpart. Connolly noted and formed his policy
in the light of the fact that the Irish National tradition had been preserved by and was most vital in
the peasantry, the proletariat and the rural semi-
proletariat.
There is no room here to speak of the why and the
wherefore of Easter Week, or of what has happened
since. We can if we are fools enough dismiss the
question by supposing the Irish to be inflamed with
a madly irrational hatred of England and the English. To that John Mitchell as long ago as 1848 gave
reply. His hatred, as Patrick Pearse shows, was "not
of English men and English women but of the English thing that called itself a Government in Ireland,
of the English Empire, of English commercialism
supported by English militarism, a thing wholly evil
(Continued on page 8) PAGE SIX
,      W ES TERN      CL A P. I ON
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
THE Third International is a deliberate and
opeu attempt to organize the most advanced
section of the working class to overthrow
world capitalism. To accomplish this end, they
have so far, laid down twenty-one points, to govern its membership. Anyone or section, violating
these or any one of these points are liable to expulsion.
The S P. of C. is avowedly an educational sec-
iety, not an organization to overthrow even its own
bourgeoisie. Now the position to me is this: Is it
worth while to align ourselves with the Third International, accept the twenty-one points, change
our S. P. of C. policy, and make a conscious effort
to free ourselves from wage slavery? My answer is
unreservedly YES. To maintain the almost fatalistic attitude in which we have allowed ourselves to
Hnger in complacency, that (when the slaves are
educated and conditions ripe, they will take action)
means lo evolve into a religious sect. But to overthrow capitalism, an organized, conscious effort
will be required.
All class societies are constituted on force. The
transition period will be a class society. Our
strength is relative to our ability to weaken thc
other's defense. How can we weaken his defense,
how shall we organize this force? Truly not in
twenty-four hours. The Third International says,
to use the folowing tactics:—
(a) Kick out of the party all traitors, opportunists and patriots.    (Agreed).
(b) Get executive control of labor unions, etc. This
will undoubtedly cause conflicts and bitter struggles
but can we dodge them ? Is it not necesary that wc
lash the Gompers. Hendersons, Thomas's, etc., or bc
lashed by them? It is much better for the Socialists to represent the organized workers in their daily
struggles with the boss, than to be a member of
parliament, not despising the latter. It is this daily
sword-to-sword test in its stages of development by
which the Socialist will more rapidly gain thc confidence and support of the toilers. These tactics
have been used bv individual Socialists, confidence
MR DOOLEY ON CAPITAL AND LABOR
has been placed in them and good work has been al-
complishcd. A wider circle of confidence could bc
secured, greater influence could bc wielded in the
union movement if an organized plan of action was
laid out by the party members.
(c) Propaganda in the army. This too has been
done by individuals, and more efficiency would result from an organized plan.
(d, To organize secretin ami illegal!) alongside
of legal organizations The necessity oi this can
not he denied, considering world-wide conditions
*(I do not mean the Toronto secret outfit, who by
the wax, have no connection with the Third International^*) nor yet hare I in mind the cheerful
idiot who sneaks up to your side and slips a leaflet
into \otir hand, calling for an armed insurrection 1
Something larger ami more effective than rat-hole
conspiracies is surely intended by thc master minds
that carried the Russian revolution through all its
trials and vicissitudes. How denitely thev State
Have no officials in the pert} who have not always
rang true and who have devoted years to the revolutionary movement" This-to me. is significant;
boat did Clara Zetkin get to the French Socialist
convention? How did John Reed cross and rccrois
the .\tlantic. how are a dozen and more things being done?
(e» To assist all liberation movements. This requires no arguments in its favor when we consider
its relation to the other points, i.e..control of unions,
world-wide organizations to disrupt, weaken and
conquer imperialistic states, army propaganda and
secret organizations
Colonies, provided they are submissive, are a
source of strength to imperial powers, otherwise
they would not have them. To be forced to relinquish a colony, weakens them. Let u* suppose that
India aspires to a national independence. The Third
International demands the following tactics: 1st—
That the communist*! of India fight for independence
as a means only towards slave emancipation. To
oust British bayonets, because it is tbis glittering
itaeli that keeps them enslaved.      Some may  here
remark, lh.it it is the ignorance of the Indian
es* these I ayrnld refer to Kuaaia, Tiirletatao rlT
gia. etc. The first step towards freedom from «"
plotution of the Indian workers, is to get ridoi'i
Bntish army. Second, that the Communist.. 0; F '
land agitate for the withdrawal of British tltfau
such meaiisj WOttld judge, as mass meeting*, faJ?
-trations, working on popular sentiment strikes iwJ
•trior practical means It is plain to he Men tha* the
Communists of India Wooid haw a mud. Set*-*
chance of success if British bavonei- *.-,,,, ^^
It niav also occur that the balance ol torce nettled to juell the Indian liberation movement „• aoaa
would so weaken the British forces in Indu hatj
resolution may be possible. Now of course tha am*.
cess of such an event depends un the «-:r<npth oj
the Communist movenienl; but the leccesi or ■*■'..
ure is quite a different thing to laying tha: bkr-
ation movements are not our concern
Man understanding natural force-, has ham<$j*<j
them and utilized them We who under-'anc social forces can do likewise. Oil times it ha* beSSft
jh ated that you can not have socialism • i ai s-x-
iah*t*. which may be true, but it i- equal!} rue that
\oh can have a "'Dictator-dup of the rYoletariaf
"or Communist C.overnmeni." without a Sooalsl
majority in a given country.
The  Third  International ha*    designed  the ant
toots t«» use again-* World Capitalism.   Let assta!
•Hir-ehr- of them     Shmild  thev require aiuatKr.
thru let us be one of the mechanics'
I I-. MAGUIRI
(*) Editor* note—This itatemeoi mo) pea*it
looks The latest from the Commun--t- ef UK
eastern part of Canada is "The Omnium** 'aat
11921), official organ of the Ooasmnaast fcrlj ol
Canada | section oi the Communist InteresboSSl).
Vol 1, No I, This did not come from Torortc ]t
•s nol our bu«une«i. to say where it did COSH BOB
IVrhap* Comrade Maguire ha* good rea*MM k'&
«tati ment The*e are not. hoawsrer, advances1*?/
him
Next Issue: Article in reply to W. A P   by 0
Mangel
It was different whin 1 was a yonng man, Hin-
nissay. In thim days, Capital and Labor was frind-
ly, or Labor was. Capital was like a father to
Labor: givin* it its board an' lodgin's. Nayther in-
therfered with th' other. Capital wint on capitalis-
in' an' Labor wint on laborin'.
In thim golden days a wurrukin' man was an
honest artisan That's what he was proud to be
called. Th' week before iliction he had his pitcher
in th' funny papers. He wore a square pa-aper cap
an' leather apron, an' he had his ar'rm around Cap-
ital—a rosy, binovlint ol' guy with a plug hat an'
eyeglass.   They was gcin' to th' polls.
Capital an' Labor walked ar'rm in ar'rm instead
iv' havin both hands free as at prisint. Capital was
contint to be Capital, an' Labor was used to bein'
Labor. Capital came ar'round an' felt th' ar'rm iv
Labor wanst in awhile, and ifery year Mrs. Capital
called on Mrs. Labor an' congratulated her on her
score
Th' pride iv ivry artisan was to wur-rk as long at
his task as th' boss cud afford to pay th' gas bill.
In return tt his fidelity he got a turkey every year.
At Christmas time, Capital gathered his happy
fam'ly ar'round him, an' in th' prisince iv th* ladies
iv th' neighborhood, give thim a short oration. "Me
brave la-ads," says he, "'we've had a good year.
(Cheers.) I have made a millyon dollars. (Sensation). I attribute this to me superior skill, aided by
ye'er arnest   efforts at th'   bench an'   at'th' forge.
(Sobs.> Ye have done so well that we won't need
so many iv ye as we did. (Lang an' continyous
cheerin'.) Those iv us who can do two men's
wur-rk will remain, an' if possible do four. Our other faithful sarvints," he says, "can come back in the
spring," he says, "if alive," he says.
An" th' bold artisans tossed their pa-per caps in
th' air an' give three cheers f'r Capital. They wur-
ruked till ol* age crept on thim an' thin retired to
live on th* wish-bones an' kind wur-rds they had ac-
cumvlated
:o:
EXTRACT FROM "ABENDPOST/ ROCH
ESTER. N. Y. | German X-anguafe)
(Translated by O. J. Mangel)
In your edition of thc 20th July, 1930, one of your
correspondents, under thc heading of "Proletarian
Education," highly commends thc "Western Clarion," which is published fortnightly in Vancouver,
B. C, and points out as specially noteworthy a series of articles entitled "Economic Causes of War,"
and that the "Western Clarion" is available in the
"Rochester  Labor Lyceum.''
Your corresondent closes his letter by saying:"!
considered the articles "Economic Causes of War"
of such importance that I requested they bc published in pamphlet form."
The above mentioned article was translated by
O. J. Mengel in thc "Western Clarion' dated 2nd
August, 1920.
"We now have these pamphlets for sale, entitled
"Economic Causes of War." We have also received several pamphlets and leaflets from England and
Scotland giving information about European, and
especially German and Russian conditions that are
very noteworthy.
Barney Field, literature agent, Proletarian Party,
Labor Lyceum, 580 St. Paul Street, Rochester, N.Y
FIRST DIRECT SHIPMENT OF RELIEF SUPPLIES FROM NEW YORK TO PETROGlVAD
The Soviet Russia Medical Relief Comnv.*i*' U
made arrangements through its shipping agertus
Product* Kxchange Corporation, to makr «hipmfr-i
ior tbe first time directly from New York :<• Y0*
gTad
The following steamers are scheduled to leave sm
!*u*h Terminal.    Brooklyn, \   Y      -    ■%***
tnd of July;  s.s.   Sarlander, Align-? 5thj * * ()'w
Jar!. August 15.
These -learners arc flying the    Norwefisa *•
ami are the first to commence direct comn•f.cul *
tcrct-urj-c between the    I'nited State* and   0
Russia.
Now   that    the blockade   has been   COtDpIeW
broken, so far as the    shipping ts   OJOCeroeo,'
necessary to make up for the harm and Minenngs
caused to the people of Soviet    Russia during t t
long years of wars and invasions.   The >ovie
sia Medical Relief Committee urgently W***^.
donation of funds so   that these   shrprnentJ  >
bring substantial relief to the long tortured P0?
of Soviet Russia. *,
These relief supplies will  be distributed throng
the Peoples' Commissariat of Public Health        ^
Besides the funds thc committee will b< Ka
accept tor   shipment medical   suppH« an{1  "^.
ments, dry and condensed milk, fats, sugar-
U] good condition and other articles oi rein
Address all donations, gifts, etc.. to the
Soviet Russia Medical Relief Coma*
110 West 40th St. New *ror*
:o:- W-E STERN     CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
Book Review
,,-r-HE NEW PSYCHOLOGY AND ITS RELATION TO LIFE: By A. G. Tansley. Pp. 283.
New York. Dodd Mead and Co.
IN order to pass an opinion in the   interests of
tlior. I have read the book from cover to cover,
Clarion" readers,   and in fairness   to its au-
a bandy volume and well printed.
it seems, unfortunately, Tansley has practically
i*mored method altogether. I don't think his work
can be called a "New Psychology." Ik- might have
followed the old discarded metaphysical mode of
Kasoaingi which met death when science demon*
s:rated thc principle of the conservation of energy
ind left no*room for spirit and matter apart from it,
but which K>mc dogmatic theologians still pursue.
I don't accuse Tansley of it; he is above it He
might bsve pursued the so-called scientific method
o; induction and deduction, of formal logic, method
of observation, classification, experimentation and
interpretation. His book is not untrammelled with
metaphysical presentation, but it is not intolerable
rea diflg Tansley does not go into the painstaking
work Involved in the subject; his attempt in this direction is lacking.
The only scientific method that guarantees accur-
ac-. and unfailing soundness in result* with respect
to finding of principles and laws, "the dialectics" or
the dialectic method, application whereof in the
field of economics, politics, sociology and philosophy b) Marx and Kngels yielded them such stu-
pendous discoveries of laws of social phenomena, as
tbe Socialist and other schools well know, is not attended to tn the above work. Rut Tansley honestly
makes no claim to a system of s\ stcmatic enquiry in
psychology. The following quotation from his book
is -elf explanatory:
The aim is to present a picture vaguely,
sketched in some parts, almost blank in others,
but it is hoped not too much out of drawing"
(Page 151.
With all the want of a system, very interesting
tenures of the psychological problem have been de-
.    iped in places.
"The difficulty that is experienced in unravelling thc intricate skein of mental structure and disposition is due to two causes. (I)
First and most important, the fact that we have
no adequate equipment for thc task because
our prcceptious. our consciousness, our reason
have been developed ior quite other purposes
to enable us to maintain oursel\es in the
world we live in. and not to help us to penetrate the secrets of our own minds. (2) The
fact that there are parts of our mind of which
we will not, or in some cases cannot, recognize the existence, because they conflict with
other parts which wc have come to regard as
having a prior claim to recognition." (page
260.)
Thia is all too true. Bergson. Morton Prince. II.
W. Carr, Janet, Freud. Jung, etc.. in their psycho-
pa 'hological investigations have formulated enough
•lata to confirm thc above that they are demonstrable facts.
Respectable psychologists may find now that their
hooks on psychology, i.e.. their text books otherwise standard works built on facts, thoroughly systematic, with a fair degree of qualitative and quantitative determination whicii secured psychology a
place in the galaxy of exact sciences, have to be revised, embodying these characteristics of the unconscious, to maintain thc repuation of a psychological science.
Tansley, in chap. 14. pp. 141-153 elaborates this
quotation under thc heading of "Psychical Segregation and Displacement." The main idea is that
in the functioning of human minds at the urge of an
abnormally developed interest( or libido) an undue
amount of mental energy is commandeered, and
sometimes mental content splits up into parts which
unconsciously and in conflict with each other function independently in the same organism, and if no
balance was restored all abnormalities like hysteria,
melancholia, etc, play havoc to the life of the person.
This is a fair account of the phenomena, and
Prince Morton in his valuable work "The Unconscious," has firmly established the truth of the principle by psychoanalysing a number of cases. But
psychology, to be of value as a science, needs "dialectics'' applied to it.
The psychic segregation and displacement, to
*-l>eak in Tansley's terminology, necessarily and inseparably involves the problem—"the psychic integration and equilibrium." In other words, synthetically, the problem is about the process of the organization of mind with respect to its functions,
structure, form and content, with a view to its unity.
Tansley could have added to the value of his
work if a systematic enquiry were made and general-
iations drawn on thc unity of the mind process. On
the subject of instinct, emphasis made by Tansley
i- mainly on sex. herd and ego, by devoting a chapter to each, while others have been given just a
courtesy. Opening sentence of chapter 16 reads as
follows:
"It is a fundamental tenet of the New Psychology that all actions and connations leading
to them are motived by and gain energy from
instinctive sources."
Ibis tenet of his so-called New Psychology is only
a half-truth, if not altogether perverse, in as much
as the characteristics of instincts, applied and related to the life activities of an organism are not
fully placed in their bearings of human society. Instincts have a genesis, a pedigree, a periodicity of
life, as much as a pig. Instincts are products of
life activity and arc generated around some innate
tendencies like seeking of satisfaction, etc., which
are prior to instincts and are connoted to life. Instinct and the principle of intelligence are allied and
coexistent in life phenomena.
In present day society, instinct of workmanship,
or "construction" as the author calls it, abnormally
fill the mental content of the working class. Any-
kind of work or a job for wages, enough to maintain their life, motivate their actions and the con-
nations leading to them. On the other hand, acquisition and predatory instincts abnormally occupy
the mentality of the master class. Any kind of
^aiii- profits, exploitation, seizure— motivate their
actions and the connations leading to such actions.
But innate tendencies inherent in life are seeking
a balance: intelligence is pressed into its functions,
modifying the incongruities and unhealthy functioning of instincts so as to restore the conservation of
the life of the human species; in other words ,to reconstruct the social order, looked forward to by the
proletarian class, although primarily in their own
interests, but in reality by abolishing classes in the
interests of human society.
There are very interesting and pregnant thoughts
as well as expressions in Tansley's work on the gen-
i-r-.il -questions of psychology, bringing out a good
perspective in places. There is an unique presentation of the sex problem. The book no doubt would
repay the perusal. One who is not a psychologist
would do better, however, by acquainting himself
with the principles of psychology from a text book
like one by Professor McDougall, Pillsbury or Tich-
ner. and thus, after getting the essential groundwork and a system of the human mind, if he reads
Tansley's New Psychology he will by introspection
in his mind identify the contents of both, as in ones
own mind alone is found the ground and means of
directly corroborating psychological truths. The
whole problem of psychology, expressed in dialectic
terms, is contained in the following sentence by H.
\V. Carr in "The Problem of Truth," p. 15. "Consciousness and life are, in this respect, one and the
same. Consciousness as the unity of knowing and
acting is a becoming." H. RAHIM.
 :o:	
THE PAR EASTERN REPUBLIC
While the Japanese Crown Prince tours the capitals of Europe, and Russian Monarchists hold a
conference at Reichenall, in Bavaria, a Tsarist flag
flies over Vladivostok, and details come in of Japanese plans to establish in Siberia a chain of buffer
States between Soviet Russia and that future Japanese, colony—China.
The commencement of that chain must be the Far
Eastern Republic, which from its capital at Chita,
has been endeavoring to secure order at home and
peace abroad. The first of these irreproachable objects would entail the dispersion of the remnants of
th? Tsarist troops scattered over the vast distances
of Eastern Siberia. Yet more delicate a task would
be the securing of the withdrawal of Japanese forces
which are occupying the seaboard northwards from
Vladivostok, "to maintain order and protect Japanese subjects." But the negotiations with Japan have
made no progress. If they had no more positive
aims the Japanese would stay to keep the Americans
out.
The Republic of the Far East is not Bolshevik.
It has a Constituent Assembly elected in March on
a basis of universal suffrage, in which the peasant
party outnumbers the Communists twice over. YVJjat
more uatural than that it should seek the blessing
of our Government? Its Foreign Minister telegraphed, accordingly, to the British Foreign Office demanding recognition.
It made a similar request to the Chinese Government, and friendly relations are in the course of es-
establish-meni- To the annoyance of Japan, it ceded
Kamtschatka to Soviet Russia, receiving in return a
loan of five milliards of roubles, to be repaid in goods
within fiveyears*
Our ally is interested in fisheries in Kamtschatka.
Its Press protested against the cession to Russia,
and threatened seizure of the territory by force.
Semenov, the Tsarist "Commander in Chief of the
army of the Far East," was recently in Tokio, discussing with the Japanese Government the measures
to be taken against the Far Eastern Republic.
At the end of May an anti-Bolshevik revolution
was carried through at Vladivostok; the Japanese
were more than benevolent spectators, and are policing the town. With the co-operattion of Semenov the Japanese have gained the mastery of the
Russian Amur territory. The Chita Government is
caught between the Tsarist Ungern on its West,
and Semenov and his (and our) Allies on the East.
The Russian counter-revolution is well on the way
to re-establishing a base for new operations. There
is talk of transporting the Wrangel remnants to
Vladivostok.
A Reval telegram states that the Soviet forces are
being concentrated to face the Siberian threat, and
adds it may be only for picturesqueness, that Trotsky is proceeding to the Eastern ''front."
Meanwhile, it is an awkward circumstance that
the Vladivostok revolution, however much it may
have been engineered by Tsarists—and it was en-
enthusiastically welcomed by the Tsarists in session at Reichenhall—was not carried through by
the population from any desire for the blessings of
Tsardom. Relations between the provisional Government and Semenov are thus not easy to establish. A telegram from Chita published in " Human -
ite" describes the position a week ago. General -
Semenov inspires so little confidence in the population that on his arrival at Vladivostok the reactionary Government—which no doubt only wishes that
it could openly join forces with him-—was compelled to issue a statement that the General's visit was
a chance one, and that he would shortly be leaving
the town.
The British journals in Pekin are demanding a
clear statement of Japan's attitude to the Vladivostok adventure. The Pekin representative of the Far
Eastern Republic has sent to the American Ambassador a Note protesting against the Japanese support of the White Guards, and asking tne American
Government to demand that Japan shall evacnate
the territory of the Far Eastern Republic.—Labor
Leader.
/ rAGB EIGHT
W E5TIRN     C I A V. I 0 M
Literature Price List
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Woman   Under Social 1MB   I Be-bel >    I2.1&
End  of the World <MoOabe I    IS.1I
Conditions of the Wot kin*- Cla**s in  England in   1M4
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A. B. C of Evolution  i MoOabe'   . . W-l*
Economic   Determinism     .Parcel     fl-Tl
Socialism   and   Modern Science (Ferrii    H*M
rhyslcaJ Basis of Mind and Morals  I Fitch)    phtt
Landmarks of Scientific Socialism (KngcJa)    •' *5
Industrial   History   of  England   (H.   DeOibbms* I1'*
The   Students'*«   Marx   lAvHIng'    H-"
Evolution   of the  Idea Of C.od   o.lrant   Allen)    $11**
Parainism and Race Prog-n*M illaycraft*    M.H
Evolution  of   Property   .LafarRiie.    •* '**
Poverty of   Philosophy   < Marx |    ShtS
Crltiyue of   Political   Economy   tMarx*    H.TI
Revolution and OOOOta rRtvolution  I Marx »         *: !
Philosophical Essays • Dietzgen >  	
History  of   Paris Commune   < Llssagaray)    	
Ancient   Society 'L H Morgan)    IS.1I
IntroduOtion to Sociology   < Arthur M.   Lewis)    Il.TI
Capitalist  Production  .First  Nine and   .Und Chapters
"Capital."   vol.   1, Marx I    mXM
Savage Survivals   (Moore»     •      I ' ■<<>
Vital   Problems   in   Social   Evolution   .Lewis*   	
Science and   Revolution    (Cntermam    	
The Militar*   Proletariat   < Lewis)   	
Evolution.  Social  and   Organic    I Lewis*   	
The Social   Revolution   I Kautsky >   	
Class Struggle I Kautsky t  	
Puritanism    < Meily)      	
The Worlds  Revolutions  I Pntermani    9*
Ethics  and   History   > Kautsky*      i*0
Life  and Dearth  t Dr.  E. Teichmann >    0
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Germs of Mind in   Plants IR. H. France)   	
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SO
.st
!*0
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A REVIEW OF CAPITALISM IN 1921
(Continued t'roin page 1 I
Prance, by aiding the Polish capitalists in Upper
Silesia may >ub-*e«|uently control or lorw I trade
alliance in the coal ami iron industries of Upper Silesia; then Britiah coal sserchanta could say "^ood-
bye*' to customera in Europe This irom Major
< ittley- a nephew oi Lloyd George, apaaking to Her-
she) t" Beuthen:
■ No matter boa propaganda, whether Polish or Prencb, tries to endou tin- Upper Siles-
ian with a preponderance «•! pro-Polish sentiment, the facta .»*- 0*. Britisli ste them ami
.mil surely wa ean't ae accused oi partiahtv—
art (lecidctlly contraf)  to what Korian'y and
General I.*  Rood (general ia   comrnaad   t»i
French trt*op*- m tana tone) lu\- beau continual! diaserninating.     Upper Silesia j* nn in
dnatrisl corntnnnit) tir-t ol all    w ithont the
-timulus oi capital and    technical brains    tht
.  toring COtntnttntt) of this province might a*
\«.tll decide to emigrate elsewhere    German)
haa aupplied these requisites.M
The plebiscite which \sa- to settle the qocetson ot
ownership waa taken in March 21, 1921, "amid
scenes of violence and disorder,, of tense excitement
and intimidation. . .in some places the crack v>i
the rifle and the bark of the machine gun punctuated the balloting." The number ot votes >t fo* the
Germans wa- 716,000and f->r the Poles 4,**,000.
Despite thi> constitutional method of settling
tht matter French support is still given to the
Poles, British to the Germans ami the bloody I tnj
still goes on.
Minus this highly developed country, German enterprise has made. Hersluy suic>. it might % il
Germany's ruin. The Germans will not relinquish t;
without a struggle A clash of Germans and Pole*
involving, as it  does,   differences between    Franc**
France a*
800.000 man under arms; the Chamber of Depot   >
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Two  Essays   on  History   <C.  Stephenson and   C.   Deville    Uc
The Criminal Court  Judge, and The Odd Trick   (K. B. Bax 5c
The Nature and Uses of Sabotage «Prof. T. Vehlen>    bc
Communist   Manifesto    10c
Wage-Labor and   Capital    l*c
The Present Economic System   t Prof. W. A. Bongeri     ...10c
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The  State and Revolution  (Lenin)    35c
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Christianism and   Communism  <TJi«-**:p W   M   Brown)'..25c
Le**}i AVlng Communism,  An Infantile Disorder • Lenin)
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Wage-Labor and Capital  25 copies $2.00
Present   Economic System     25 copies $1.50
Socialism. Utopian and  Scientific         2&ooples   $3.2",
Slave of the Farm  js copies   $1.50
Manifesto of 8. P. of C 25 eopiea $2.00
Evolution of Man      25 cop,^ ,3-5
Causes of Belief in God    25 eopiea   $2.00
Value.   Price and Profit     26 copies $3.25
Economic   Causes of War      10   copies $2.00
Christian I am and Communism     5 copies $10*
an Prices lactose Peetaga.
Make all moneys payable to E. McLeod, 401 Pender Street
East. Vancouver, B. C.    Add   discount on   chebues.
All above literature can be obtained at the same prices post
paid, from—J. Sanderson, Box 1762.   Winnipeg, Man.
BV**maKrnOa* pobm.
WMTMLM 0L41I0V
A Journal of Hiatory, Beoaomiea, PhUoeephj and    jamin Gitlow, owner and publisher of the Revolu
ary Age, a paper devoted to thc international corn-
francs, and in the passage of the hill If, Guisthat ,
Minister oi Marine, said: "They are necessary not
only for security but as a matter of dignity snd
pride.**
International jokes are so scarce that one should
Ih placed in the archives of proletarian literature.
Poland has called to the colors her I'M*'. '20 and
'21 classes, and the only comment I can offer is that
of old Touchstone: "It's a mad world, master!"
Democracy! Dis-annam-ntsH   Oh, la. la.
K  K
 :o:	
C. M. O'BRIEN CASE TO BE TRIED
Now that the Appellate Division of the Supreme
Court First Department, has ruled that "it was
entirel) competent for the Legislature to make it a
crime to advocate within this state thc overthrow
of the government of the United States or of this
or any other state by any means or method, other
than constitutional means or methods," the Monroe
county district-attorney's office is ready to proceed
with the trial of Charles McNamara (> Hrien, leader
ol the Proletarian party in Rochester, who was arrested in a raid on the Labor Lyceum in January.
1920. followed by a hearing of the Lusk Committee
in this city.
O'Brien was indicted by the Grand Jury for criminal anarchy, but the district-attorney's office has
lelayed the trial proceedings until the case of Ben-
Current Events.
Official Orgs* of the t*Md*UisS Party af
Issued twiee-a-mosth, at 401 Pender Street Bast;
Vancouver, B. a   Phone- High. 2S8S.
: SO lasnss for Ons Dollar (Foreiga, If issaas).
Make all moasys psyaels ta B. MseLsod.
"rVr. ■». ■--.» -*  —
.eadasad aefewfta
its-
munist struggle, could bc decided, since it was held
that the cases were somewhat similar.
District Attorney William F. Love announced
that he would prosecute thc indictment of thc case
of the people against Charles McNamara O'Brien,
charged with criminal anarchy under the laws of
New York. Word was received by Mr. Love that
the Appellate Division, first department, had decided that the statute under which O'Brien was indicted was legal, and that the Legislature acted fully
within its powers. The case will go before a County
Court jury-
MORAL    JON'T WIN A WAR MEDAL!
Toronto   \v',y2(,    tka •*Hobe* '-Htllfiaha,fcfc
lowing in tls   k,»s column--
■\Var medals issued to Canadian Vetera**-. i,,rth
great  *   \t are  already beginning n, tj11(1 ,,u.)r
" to th   pawnshops ami also int.. t|„  (lan .    ,   *[
le. tors ami si..i  *,  which sirpph collsctori -n .
imbera
.•t one downtown slot, there art •-. i„ .,,„
era! dt-tu-guished conduct aaiaala, a ttwssacroi saj.
itar> rnedals, M"iis Mars, M-t.,r> aiedak, ^„rri|
aer/ict ui-s-daU and other,     Bvea   aai   ino,hrr,
medal   Idnd a place
' as rcseraa  v*.h.. reeaived hia aaedali est i.>n«
a^u eoiiMNtmg of tka nnhtatv und.il. \h> .j,.l(fv
aa I |   neral seuue in.dals. ptOtaptl)   toot th-
a     ••< and recaivad seven dofiara j,,t thrm
iu i \h*a\ ntuiiH Cases the in, dais |Un, bstSJ idd
becataaa 'be owner v-a- in SCtnal wain and had no-
ih;n« else >■( \alne to d»sjH.»r .,i     |t- %tn ,rw Clsf}
have rmjoali pawitasj bean taoVemed and awatoj
thtm .ifcvc been gold ootrigkl In pbc< .,! reania
irtg iu n«- pf saeastoa «>i th** men .sh,. W(,n th- n iht)
will He nin   tbe property «»i coUcctora
o
DICTATORSHIP OF THE DEAD
(Continued from pais-. ;
peruaps the most evil thin)* that thrrr r.,- 4<
Wen m \hr world " What would b* a «ia>< sigV.
rlscwhere   must in Ireland perforce be a    NaticcA,'
h/cf Ireland, radiating  and    leaufging   ifjairw*
Dnbfin Castlr. extends Ike Dictatorship oi the Dssi
."•Iway-i thc «}Uestton. pmed anew bv each ds*f*| SSp-
lien'iUJfS, an*es clamortng f«>r an answer—<»n whost
«>td are you? Do you take aides with "h. Black
lnd*lanaf— or with their vntim*' Are jros imp-red bj Bobert Kmmctt' or bv iho-ve >*ho hang'!
hun Hy James C'onnolly * or b*- th..-,. wh<» '■hoi
him t
For the Dead, clustering thickei and faster, deal
ever in the land On Irish i-, | . re the wordi they
coiner?, v.* Insh hearts are tfu emotions the) csfes-
deed, and 111 Irish souls the fire* that they lastM
\nd am tic ;hc Dominion of the Dead endures, aad
today'* woe and yesterdays leciiacc kecpi Ire**
and livin*,, the woe and sacrifice nt J00 rebrl rears,
.d! th^'. [*i ,'teland will call ahh' to her aom and her
daughters md those wlio sharr MMTOU with them
"Or wl '»se snK e? CboOf    ft Mi ,^•',, "]-n"-
>e will se       '"
v^nt munis m
and
Chaistianism
Anal *ed and contrasted from th- Marsits
anr1. Darvtnian (xiints of view. By \\ ilham
Mtrntfiinery Brown. D.I) The wnter. a Bishop
of the Epncopal Church, smites wpernsturSr
ism in religion and capitalism in politics.
Comments: "One of the most extraordinary
*tnd annihilating books I have ever read      '
will shake the country."   "I call it a sermon
The text is astounding:- Banish the K'K-Vn,Ij1(
the sky and capitalism from the esrth.      '
came like a meteor   across a dark sky >nd >-
held me tight.'   "Bishop Brown is the reincarnation of Thomas   Paine and his book il 'nc
modern Age <A Reason."   "It will do a wonderful wo.k in this the greatest crisis in al  nn
tory."   "A remaikable book by a remarkaDif
man ol intense interest to nil."
Published in October, 1920.   Fiftieth thousand now ready, 233 pages. 2$ cenis or stx coital $1; postpaid (Canada 3 copies for $1.)
Send M. O. (United States rate).
The Bradford-Brown Educational Co.. l«*c-
Publishers, 102 South Union Street. (■-•■on'
Ohio or from
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
401 Pender Btreet E., Vsncouver. 3 *~
"'I

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