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Western Clarion May 7, 1910

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Array hi s. is v78t
VsnoMiver, British Cskmbia, Saturday, May 7,   1910.
saiijj«i^wm»s g|j|
/HAT IS THE MATTER ?
How is it that, With all Your'Bumper Crops, You farmers
are yet Poverty Ridden }
It is spring and our mild Canadian
winter has vanished for a month or
two. Spring.when a lovlier iris changes
on the burnished dove, and a young
man's fancy is supposed to lightly turn
to love stunts. Spring, when all birds
and lower beasts seem to enjoy life up
to the notch; when the rooster with
red and fiery eye stalks about the yard
and lords it over his many wives—disgusting old polygamis't* Spring.when
the ducks, all snowy white, march out
in Indian file and dabble In the new-
formed ponds; when the old turkey
cock airs his beauty before his admiring mates. Spring, and the sun is
warm; cattle, sheep and hogs sprawl
and bask ln the warm corners ln luxuri-
oqr-idleness.
Yes, it Is spring, and what does it
mean to you, proud master of the brute
creation? Ease and Idleness, sunning
yourself in old Sol's delightful rays?
Alas, no. It means work, work, work,
heaps of work, tons of work, bags anil
bushels ot work. From now on until
the snow files again you must toll in
the fields, under the midsummer heats,
[; in tbe chill October winds. Work, for
the. first of November comes all too
soon, the glorious first of November
when the collector goeth forth and will'
take no denial. Ah, those collectors!
Why do you look so uneasy when they
call upon you? "I am so-and-so, of the
International Harvester Co. I have
called round to collect that debt you
have owed since last year." Come, pay
*fp, pay up, they cry—and why can't
yen pay? After all this prosperity, after all the grain you have raised last
we hear so much of. Come, you inde-
year; after all those beautiful harvests
pendent farmer of the golden west, do
yot| still fear the coming of collectors?
What? After all the wealth you raised
you can't pay a miserable $190 for a
binder? What has become of all your
golden grain which you garnered last
fall?  It was yours, was it not?
I fear you are as a claas, wasters and
spendthrifts, else something is very
wrong somewhere. I know that times
were hard before you started the Grain
Growers' association, but since by this
means you have raised the price of
Wheat from 15 to 80 cents you ought
not to be in debt, and you're not, are
you? Never heard of such a thing as
a. mortgage since you started the G. G.
A., have you? What? Do I hear you
complain that times are still hard? Do
I hear you cuss the harvester trust?
Vphy, we thought you had started upon
a trust-busting crusade and already
donated $400 to your campaign fund.
Four hundred dollars—stupendous!
You must have chased all the trusts in
Bight off the field by now; and still you
grunt. Ib It' because the price Of victory is to dear, after all this prosperity
and .growth, at $400. Oh, you old tightwads!
And the splendid homes you live in;
yonr stately barns and noble plow
teams; or is lt a gasoline rig? The
beautiful clothes you wear; you are so
rich now that plain overalls suit you
no longer. You go in for them ornate—
with patches. Chucked up your old T.
& B„ Shamrock and McDonald, haven't
you? Discarded your Saturday afternoon Buckeye and taken to Craven
Mixture and Villar-y-Vlllar's, haven't
you? No? Then what's the matter?
What — is — the — matter ? Oh, the
elevators mix your wheat, after it
leaves Winnipeg, do they? Too bad;
go after them, boys. Dig up another
1400 and get busy; but in the name of
common sense keep out ot politics.
Have nothing to do with Liberals, Conservatives or Socialists. If you must
vote, stick to the old parties and don't
for any sakes think of the Socialists.
If you did you might find a solution for
your trouble and that is something you
are most anxious to avoid.
But there; what am I telling you?
You are wise enough to hate the Socialists, hence don't need to be warned. I
think the splendid way you destroy the
hills advertising their meetings and
leave, obsene remarks together with
gobs of tobacco juice upon their notice
hoaros reflects great credit upon yonr
manliness and good sense. You know
the Socialists, "them atheists and lazy
fellows." But you won't have it, will
you? You will defend your property
with your life, after the manner of
Duncan Marshall, won't you?
Your property! Your grain! Your
farms! Ob, you insufferable chumps.
True, some of you have small sheets of
parchment wherein is written that
Reuben Hayseed, Esquire, is owner in
fee simple of 160 acres more or less.
But what is this to you? Suppose you
do own this paper, this title deed to
your collar. This parchment places
you on the same tooting as a large capitalist, eh? How long will it take you
to see that title deeds to property are
no good unless yoa have the power to
hold that property? J. D. or Andy
Carnegie have all the power of Law
and the armies and navies to maintain
their title deeds, but suppose your title
to 160 acres is questioned, what can
you do, pray? Take the matter to court,
will you? Apply at your master's justice hall for justice against himself.
Well, you can at least sell your farms;
•then, why do you not? You came in
with that intention years ago, yet you
ate still here. True, a few of you have
sold out and with the proceeds retired
from active service, haven't you? No?
Of course not; simply moved up country to begin again the same old game.
Will -you ever get wise?   ■ -
Your grain? When was it ever
yours? Why should It be yours? You
never produced lt. ■ Ne*ver produced a
kernel of grain In your lives. Only
those who have the power can own
what they never produced. The capitalist can own, does own; but you, a
mere slave, a mere cog in the machinery of production, never owned lt.
They mix your grain east of Winnipeg, forsooth. Look here, Mr. Grain
Grower, you are wasting your energy
trying to perform the impossible. All
you can do is to combine and overtake
if you can tbe advance in price of commodities and your splendid G. G. A, is
simply a trade union acting In the
usual manner of unions, trying to get
a higher price for your labor-power,
not grain.
Tbe theme is old and has been often
told, but here lt ls again: Today individual production is a forgotten thing.
All things are produced socially; yes,
even your grain. Where does the production of wheat begin? Will you tell
me? For I can't tell you. Before you
can start to raise grain (and mark tbe
difference between raise and produce)
all agricultural machinery must first
be made. Tbe miners, carpenters,
smiths, railroaders, painters, agents,
must do their parts. The tailor must
clothe them, the baker and cook must
feed them, the doctor must dope the
sick ones and look after the health of
the healthy. Someone must build tbe
factories ln which they work, someone
plans and builds the machinery necessary to make a binder; someone operates them. Oh, great guns, the thing
is endless! If you can't see this; if
you still think you are independent, go
out on.wild land clothed In nature's
garb and produce grain; dig the soil up
with your hands and live meanwhile
on roots or grasshoppers. You will
come to realize that you are as dependent as anyone upon society. Since
the labor of all the above mentioned ls
incorporated in wheat, where do you
come in? How much of it is yours?
No, all you can do is to add your quota
of labor as the process of production
goes on. Your labor is incorporated in
all other -commodities. You haul it to
market crystallzed in grain or meat.
At the elevator or on the track you
hand lt over to Its rightful owners,
your masters, the capitalist class.
And yet I hear you talk of profit.
Profit! Does any other wage slave get
profit? Then why, pray, should you?
The condition of your homes (?) the
state of your wives and children, the
wretched, starveling life most of you
lead, speak of profit, don't they? "Biggs
for breakfaat? Certainly not, when we
can get 15 cents a dozen in town. You
know we can't afford to eat them, Jim."
You've heard that before from
wives, I think.
your
cottonettes, your children in next to
nothing; art, music, all the finer things
of life you must go short of. Because
you are slaves, you get a slave's lot:
How break your chains? How become free? Organize upon the political field with the rest of the wage-
workers under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada. Organize and
send,your own men to parliament there
to vote as you shall direct; there to abolish once and forever the curse of the
wage system; there to deal the death
blow to poverty; there to usher in the
era of peace and fat living.
ALFRED BUDDEN.
ON  STRIKE IN THE BOUNDARY.
And your doings with the government! How readily they grant anything you like to ask. When you go
to them with a paper 40 miles long,
which humbly showeth that the undersigned slaves wish their masters would
be less harsh with them. You beg for
government elevators which you, of ail
people, shall control, arid they reply
with just the opposite. But say, how
do you intend to raise the price of your
commodity against an overstocked
market? With petitions, or With hot
air?
No-good, Grain Growers; you are too
much confused about your "rights."'
Why do you combine to force down the
price of binder-twine and formalin?;
It's not right. How can your local
merchants live if you get up to such
pranks ? Yes, and how about the rights1
of the Socialists who get up in your
meetings and try to enlighten you?
Why do you yell and stamp and groan?
It's not right "Equal rights for all,"
you know.
Again, you want government elevators for those who raise grain; Why
don't you try for government furnaces
where those who raise cord wood could,
unload their wares? It's not right for
one lot of farmers to have government
Support and another lot got nothing.
Farmers, ln every province, ln every
district of this or any other country,
you are bound up body and soul With
the rest of the producing class; their
good is your good.   When wages are
low in industrial centres you are poor- tbrombm the  entire  district.    S0
er and wages are ever sin***J»g, despite '""J a11 ln8n to at*y away from the
unionism of any kind.   You are all B<nB1'3ar^_CountT^:
slaves dominated by your masters thej'
world over, the capitalist class.  "Farmers, until yon come to understand this,
until you get down and stogy your position you must live in poverty, in a
pinching, miserable state, In slavery.
You   must   poison   yourselves   with
choice dopes of McDonald or T. & B.,
while you help to produce tbe finest
tobacco.  You must go in overalls while
your labor produces splendid clothes.
Your wives must go in linenades and
Editor Clarion:—
I have been Instructed to communicate with you, by this Local Union No.
180, W. F. M„ re the labor conditions
up in this Boundary country, and to
warn all men to keep away as there is
no* a strike on at the Greenwood
Smelter and the mines at the Mother
Lode.
The conditions that are Imposed on
these workers throughout this part of
the country are next to unbearable, and
with a minimum wage-scale of $2.50
In force, where the cost of living is
certainly twenty-five per cent, higher
than in Spokane, and ten per cent.
higher than in the town of Rossland
and Nelson, where they have a minimum wage scale of $3.00 ln force.
in these small Boundary camps, the
chances of employment are limited to
one company, and who are now exercising an autocratic control of things
«g**ed, W. E. HADDEN
^^htxtreatry T#-mO. *«*, W. F; M:
DECLINES
Comrade -Jas. Cartwright wishes to
have it known that, whereas Comox
comrades have nominated him to again
contest the riding at the next provincial elections, he Is not now open for
nomination in any riding,, preferring
to do his lighting froth the ranks.
What are You Going To Do About It ?
Bradst reefs review for December 11,
1909, shows that the average wholesale
price of 106 general commodities was
60 per cent . greater on December 1,
1909, than on July 1, 1896. It shows
also that the average price on October
1, for the three years 1907-8-9, was 35.4
per cent, greater than that for tbe
same day In the' three years 1896-7-8.
For the eight-and-one-half-year period
from June 1, 1901, to December 1,
1909, the Increase has been 23 per cent.
These averages, however, are based
on a general list of commodities, and
therefore include many articles not
purchased by workmen or workmen's
families. They Include several stores,
building materials, oils, metals, and
many miscellaneous articles used in
manufactures. In the commodities
necessary in sustaining life and comfort, the increases in price have been
much greater than the figures given
above. In general provisions the increase for the 13-year period has been
70.03 per cent.
According to the careful estimates
made by Mrs. Louise Bolard More, ln
her book on "Wage-Earners' Budgets"
(p. 247), the average expenditure of
working class families, with a yearly
income of from $750 to $1,100 in New
York City in 1904, are proportioned as
follows:
Subsistence    45 per cent.
Rent  18 per cent.
Clothing    10 per cent.
Fuel and light ... .22 per cent.
Sundries   5 per cent.
In food, therefore, which takes nearly half of the workman's Income, prices
have advanced ln thirteen years by
70.3 per cent. The advances in the
leading commodities for both the 13-
year and the eight-and-one-half-year
periods are as follows:
June i, July i,
1901 to its* to
Dec. 1, Dec 11
Potatoes  -■*?2,i i'oo'.O
Salt    —10.0
Beans     13.0
Codfish    27.2
Beef, family   36.3
Ham     38.1
Bacon  48.5
Flour   53.6
Lard     61.2
Pork, mess    62.3
Butter  78.9
Milk  81.9
Milk   81.9
Cheese    83.8
Peas     87.7
25.0
145.0
75.0
76.4
45.0
197.1
63.0
226.2
212.1
126.6
64.1
64.1
156.6
119.0
MANITOBA CAMPAIGN FUND.
Dear Comrade:
I have been getting Hell lately, because Campaign funds were not acknowledged in the Clarion. I suppose
I will have to blame the printer. The
following contributed to Campaign
Fund:
.1. Coxon (part of Jimmy's raise, 50c;
Nelson, B. C. (bellevs in dividing up
to the extent of half their possessions)
$10.00; Clapp, Zlmmer and Oliver, Nelson, B. C. (three In one), $3.00; J.
Cordy, Phoenix, B. C. (submits his
mite), $1.00; D. A. Helfner, Tolman,
Alta., yours for Socialism (and he
means It), 50c; Harry Otto, Graysvtlle,
Man. (Helps himself), $2.00; Phoenix
Llttlsh Branch (can go some), $11.75;
C. W. Anderson, Nelson, B. C. A Red,
$1.00; Ellen J.—signs yours ln revolt—
$3.00; Lome Wilkle, Windsor, Ont, as-
sessta, $1.60. Total, $33.75.
W. H. STEBBINGS
316 Good street, Winnipeg, Man.
SOUTH VANCOUVER
A meeting will be held In the Muni.
cipal Hall, Thursday, May 12, 8 p. m,
Comrade W. W. Lefeaux will speak.
A REBEL IN THE MAKING
Lessons From the Experience of a Wage Slave in Search
of the Light.
I am tempted to write this as a lesson to beginners and to those who are
impatient at the slow progress made
by some recruits.
Some six years have gone since first
I heard a Socialist speech. It filled
me with new feelings, shook up the
dry bones of Liberalism in me, and
made me wonder where I was at generally. But flrst impressions over, it
was knocked out of me completely by
the usual: "Oh, those chaps are paid
agitators.   Don't heed them."
Well, I didn't, but as' time went on,
dissatisfied with conditions on the old
sod, I made a break for liberty, and,
under the guidance of "God's chosen
people," tbe Salvation Army, made
for Canada, the land of liberty.
My first experience was a year as
farm slave, which I had been carefully
taught to consider the first essential
to success ln the new country. Quite
true, too, but it mesns the farmer's or
the Salvation Army's success, not the
emigrant's.
Being always keenly interested in
politics, I naturally watched the game
over here, and my tender mind was
duly impressed by "the great tight"
put up by Borden & Co. against the
Laurier graft—an impression that remained for some time, as I shall show.
My early memories of the Socialist
speech were still with me, however,
for a.year after landing I came across
a paper famous for Its energetic sub.-
hustling and sensational dope,, to attract the crowds. At that time tbe
Haywood case was on, and my attention and sympathies were enlisted at
once. It was and is a great paper.for
stirring up sentiment. Oh, yes, lt
makes a new chum feel like fighting
an army to pave the way to the oppressed to march to power. My newborn enthusiasm exaporated with some
month's absence from the vicinity of
the paper; and not till I made a break
once more for tbe last west, did I come
in contact with more Socialist literature.
Of course, you must understand, 1
was a Socialist at heart. Wasn't I
down on grafting?; up against tbe
Asiatic?; yes, joined tbe Antl League
and the militia of our (?) country, to
defend her shores against the brown
invader. I also worked with a fellow
about this time who "had been a Socialist for years," so he said, "lt was
bound to come." He was prominent
ln the league, too, and also, by the
way, had a grouch on Englishmen, as
It finally lost me the Job I was nursing
so well. Ever met that kind, you new
chum? Or this kind: "Yes, I believe
in Socialism. I buy Wllshire's magazine. It ls coming fast, but It wouldn't
do to let the empire fail Into the bands
of a fellow like Hawthornthwaite." I
have. In my weary search for light I
found many leaders. I've sat under
Fraser, Mac thought him great, till I
heard him say, "Workingmen who
wasted employer's time were robbing
him." And added with a sneer, "Did
you ever hear that term wage slave?
It makes me tired." Even I got sore
on tbat and quit bim.
Then I found the light! Oh, yes, S.
D. P.—Rsv. McCrea—you know the
crowd: Celebrated for their picnics,
social evenings; all the boys join because o( the fun. That was it, surely.
But, although I learned some things, I
never learned what 1 wanted to know.
Ob, yes, I saw the Western Clarion,
but then it was too dry, too much of
an economic essay sheet, not near so
interesting aa the other Socialist (?)
papers.
But I found the way in time. A
period of hunting for a boss with funds
at zero, a bitter feeling In my mind
against everything and everybody,
made me think a bit, made me look
for a reason for this enforced Idleness.
The Clarion told me what lt was,
showed me the way out; and lt can
others, too.
Don't be hard on the new comrade.
Teach him, encourage him, let him
help in the movement at anything; it
--•111 make him fee) a part of It. Don't
frown htm down If he maaes blunders;
accuse bim of being a reformer, when
he probably hasn't yet evolved to your
stage. Treat him right; he'll come as,
I did, as yon did.
The greatest compliment . T even
had paid to me was last fall. An ex.
lawyer in the cattle business got arguing with me, and after an exposition
by me of Socialism, as I saw lt, he
looked aghast and said: "Why, man,
you ain't a Socialist; you are a Revolutionist." I smiled and admitted it to
be tbe case. Don't be afraid to do so,
anybody. If you are a Socialist you
can't be anything else. The fellows
who have been ln your local some
time and consistently preach reforms
and palliatives, have joined under falsa
pretences—expel them. Better a small
membership with a sound basis than a
large body of fellows who know not
what they want.
No local ought to have these kind,
However, if it is a live one, lt will
train up its new members into fight,
Ing units. Cut out the traitors and be
a. help to our cause instead of a detriment.
£0 because -of these things, comrades, profit by other countries' lessons and be straight; the fighting b\
sharper, but sooner over.
Long live the revolution
F. S. F,
RIGHT AND WRONG
"MCA.    -~wv;' ~.
We hear a good deal about right and
wrong. It Ib said such a thing ia right,
Another thing ls wrong. Such an act
was good; another act was bad. It
might be interesting to new Clarion
readers to make a little analysis of the
conceptions of right arid wrong.
The- religionist would say a thinf
was.light which wad pleasing to God,
The only communication I have wltl*,
that mysterious individual is by means
of an did book. As this hook has the
approval of the master class and also
tells some very unlikely tales, I am a
little suspicious dt tt. Anyway It may
be, and ls, interpreted In a great many
different ways to suit the preconceived
ideas ofMlfferent people.
I have been told that my own con.
science would tell me what was right
and what was wrong. I used to have a
conscience when I was a small boy. A
Btrange thing about It was, the things
this conscience told me were right,
were tbe very things my parents and
teachers had told me were right.
What Ib right for one man is wrong
for another. What is wrong at one
time Is right at another.
The chief object of existence Is to
seek pleasure and avoid pain. ■ From
tbe standpoint of a given society, that
is right which best enables lt to do
this. Herein lies tbe explanation ot
some acts which people are Inclined to
regard as contrary to the materialist
doctrine. For instance, a man gives
his life to save a train-load of people,
He did this because he had been taught
that it was right. But note this, that
Boclety Is safest which teaches its Individual members to perform such acts
when necessary.
A big capitalist gets the advantage
of a little capitalist and spoils his title
to a piece of land. Immediately wo
hear the voice of the petty capitalists
crying, "It isn't right," and yet what
right did the little capitalist have to
It?
This community was greatly shocked
over a murder committed by a man
named Logan. This same Logan, when
a young man, was trained In the art
of killing people, by one of the European governments.
Tbere is no such thing as abstract
principles of right or justice. People's
Ideas ot right and wrong are based on
their manner of getting their living.
There Is no such thing as eternal truth.
What is true to-day was not true ten
years ago or one thousand years ago.
It is true to-day that the generally accepted standard of right Is that which
best conforms to tbe Interests of tho
capitalist claas. This will.not be true
very long In the future, "for the moral
code of the slaves, that Is right which
heat aids us In oar stragle for freedom,
MARL LONIB. TWO
THI WISTBRN  CLARION.  VANCOUVBR* BRITISH COLUMBIA.
•ATUROAY, MAY 7th, 1111.
W. Mi M
Published every Saturday by (he
Socialist Party of Canada, at the OMce
of the Western (nation, Flack Block
Basement, 165 Haattngs Street, Vancouver, B. C.
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8ATURDAY, MAY 7th, 1910.
THE CREATOR AND HIS CREATION
During the period wben profit-sharing was all the go, in theory it not in
practice, that sapient Conservative
-sheet, the Victoria Colonist, in a burst
of unexampled generosity, declared
itself in favor ot the worker receiving
the full product of his toll "and a share
■of the profits." Being but Socialists
and having but few promising poll-
tlcians among us, we are hardly prepared to go quite so far as that. When
-Labor, from whom all profits flow, succeeds in getting the full product of his
"toil he will be doing "no sae bad," and
■ anight aa well let it go at that, for he
•will then have all that is of any value.
Not a particle ot wealth exists but
-by virtue of Labor. The mountains
might be gleaming with gems and minerals, the prairies fertile to rankness,
boughs fruit-laden to breaking, and
waters teeming with finny tribes, yet
-the value of it all to man would be nil.
Labor alone cam render all these
-available to the ases of men and so
Labor only can endow them with any
value.
Labor discovers the country, explores the forests, prairies and mountains, spies out tbe fertility of the soli,
1 "prospects the mineral hoards. Labor
hews down tbe forests, delves up the
' minerals, builds the roads, the houses
and the cities, plows' and sows the
•prairies and garners the harvests of
land and sea.
Out of 'the seamed, mard, grimy hand
•ot toil wealth' arises, snd ln terms of
Labor only is lt measurable.   To measure lt ln gold or aught else is but to
' •"express wealth in terms of wealth, and
-aa explanatory  as saying  a foot ls
twelve inches aad an inch Is e, twelfth
'•of a foot.   The wealth produced ls the
' tangible expression Of the labor per-
. formed.
"pur natural wealth" partakes of the
appearance of wealth only by virtue ot
its potentialities for exploitation. It ls
' valued not for what It ia but for what
It may become when labor-power is applied to it.
But while Labor creates all value,
the laborer has ao portion in It. Between him and (he wealth he creates
stands tbe Law la Its majesty, saying:
"The resources of the earth and the
tools of Industry are the property of
'certain ones, to have and to hold, to
use and to enjoy, to sell and to bequeath, and of their heirs and assigns
forever, as registered In our Doomsday
Book.  Touch at year peril."
So the laborers, endowed with the
•one factor that can create wealth, the
power to labor, oaa create no wealth,
having nought whereto apply that pbw-'
er. He Is compelled therefore to sell
his power to labor to those who have
and hold the resources ot the earth and
■the tools of industry. No longer is he
a man except in semblance and appetites, but has become a vehicle for the
delivery of laber-power where and
.when it is required by its owners by
right of purchase.
To the product of that toll and to
any share in it he is In no way entitled.
He has sold his power to labor and all
the labor creates belongs to those who
have bought It of him. His is only the
price of his labor-power Theirs, all
their purchases! labor creates..
He can remedy Us condition only by
rewriting the Law. In deeper and ever
deeper depths of poverty, misery and
degradation he must flounder from
year to year until he baa the courage
and understanding to rewrite the Law.
Until he has ths determination to re-
Write It If ho mast rewrite it in blood.
To rewrite it that the earth and its full-,
ness ls the property of none and of all.
lossal that lt permeates all record, tradition and belief, and so all-pervading
that the greater part of It passes absolutely unnoticed, as a mere matter of
course, and only its minor protuberances attract general attention. To
which he adds tbe absurdity of glorifying modesty as a virtue, with which
each individual believes himself endowed, and the lack of which he easily
discovers ln his neighbors. Curiously
enough it is nevertheless the fashion
to pride one's self upon one's individuality, which is the chiefest manifestation of human conceit.
Mostly all mythologies agree with
the biblical account which informs us
that the universe and all lt contains
was especially made for Man; the sun
to warm him by day and the moon and
stars to give him light by night, the
earth to furnish him a foothold, tbe
birds, beasts, fishes and plants to feed
him, the scenery for him to look at.
Ever and anon some cheerful idiot wlll
arise to propound even the question:
Of what use Is the mosquitto?"
All ot which is doing pretty well for
Man, whose entire race, it ls computed,
could be assembled on the Isle of
Wight, one of the lesser British isles,
themselves comprising no very great
portion of the earth, which is an Impalpable dark atom attendant upon the
sun, one of the myriad tiny specks of
light comprising the Milky Way, which
again is an infinitesmal streak in the
Infinite. Whence it would appear that
Man's importance looms large only ln
own eyes.
After a lapse of time and with a degree of difficulty astonishing ln a creature ot his attainments, Man has at
length begun to apprehend that the
movements of the universe are governed by mechanical laws, that the
suns and planets have grown by virtue
of mechanical laws, that the processes
of nature are actuated by mechanical
laws, in short that the universe is a
mechanism.
But himself? Not at all. This miserable atomy ls the darling of the gods.
He is master of his own destiny. He
knows no law but his own free will!
Plants, he notes, are mere creatures ot
circumstance. His brother the ox and
his forebear the ass have no more than
Instinct, which in the last analysis ls
mechanical; But the "lord of creation"
Ib gifted with reason! And ponders
deeply and descants learnedly as to
where Instinct ends and reason begins,
ingenuously unaware that thereby he
does much to .demonstrate that reason
has not yet begun with him.
"I/ord of creation?" A trifle more
cyanogen in the tail of this comet and
on the 19th of May the scene would
rise on a manless universe. The extermination of the whole querulous,
cantankerous species would cause less
of a ripple in the universe than the fall
bf a gnat into the ocean. Yet listen lo
him with his "I will" do thus, when he
has no vestige of "I," and "will" exists
only in his vocabulary.
Begotten of apes. Raised to manhood
by. his own exertions? Never. By
compelling force and circumstance
through long and weary centuries.
Hard pressed to retain a foothold upon
the means of life. Driven ever more
and more to co-operate with his fellows
to secure their common sustenance.
Compelled to toll without ceasing. Relentlessly being herded onward from
goal to goal. Now being hurried toward a state that shall better serve his
material needs, yet protesting at the
feared loss of his precious, though
non-existent, individuality. A pretty
spectacle for a demigod.
THE EQOTI8T
Of all human peculiarities the one
that has come down through the ages
the least damaged In transmission ls
"the animal's oonoolt.   A vanity so col-
"THE ROBBER  RAILROADS."
According to Edward W. Harden in
The Outlook, the big railway corporations are ln an even worse predicament than an ordinary wage-earner in
those days of Increased cost of living.
He says: It ls proved by an abundance
of quite unimpeachable evidence that,
whereas the only variation worth mentioning in the general level ot railway
compensation for the last two decades
has been downward, the railways have
not only had to come to the rescue of
their own employees with repeated increases of wages, but have had to
bear, through the increased cost of
materials and supplies ot all kinds, a
large proportion of the related increase In the market price ot labor in
all the other industries.
Nor is this all. The owner of timber
lands has advanced his prices for
cross-ties, car- siding and bridge timbers out of all proportion to the higher
cost ot the labor entering into thlr production; the owner of iron ln the
ground and of every other raw material of which railways are made and
maintained has done the same." Mr.
Harden produces figures to show that
such ls the increased cost of living
that a wage increase of 17 per cent,
made to employees three years ago has
been practically Ineffective and that the
cost of materials and supplies have
gone up. "In this same period the
cost of locomotives has increased from
a maximum of about $12,000 to a maximum of about $20,000, and the cost of
freight cars, which the railways buy by
the hundreds of thousands annually,
and of which they destroy and retire
about 100,000 annually, has Increased
from an average of about $700 to $750
to well above $1000 each.   Fortunately
the higher cost of motive power and
rolling stock ls offset by tbe greater
efficiency and capacity of the latest
types of equipment, else these two
Items alone would have involved veritable disaster. Fuel, which plays so
essential a part in the production of
transportation, has not escaped the
general trend of economic conditions,
notwithstanding the constant efforts of
the railway companies to develop their
own coal supplies. In the year ended
June 30, 1908, fuel alone cost the roads
7.74 per cent, of tbelr gross earnings,
against 5.81 per cent In 1898. To put
the same thing in another way, gross
earnings Increased 94.1 per cent, ln the
ten-year period, while the cost of fuel
increased 176.3 per cent."
He concludes: "Not to multiply details, it may be said ln brief, of the
cost of new capital that the average
Interest rate on railway bonds has
shown a moderate but steady defined
upward tendency in the past ten years,
and that the opinion of the most competent judges Is that this tendency will
continue ln the Immediate future. Interest on money Imperatively required
to keep the railways abreast of the de
mands upon them must, of course, be
Included in what it costs the railways
to live. No one who gives the subject
serious study can avoid the conclusion that the railways of the United
States have been affected by the increased cost of living to quite as great
an extent as has any individual, and,
moreover, that they are subject to a
variety of influences tending to increase the current cost ot of their existence which do not affect the Individual. In another article I propose to
take up the bearing of this great aggregate increase upon the question of
freight rates, and to consider whether
the country can afford to compell the
owners of its vast transportation lines
to be longer content with a constantly
narrowing margin of profit."—Vancouver World.
•   •   •
Whence It becomes more manifest
than ever before that the railway com
panics are only ln business for the
convenience of the public and the
benefit of their employees. Coming "to
the rescue ot their employees with repeated Increases ln wages" is particularly good.
But that is not what we were going
to get at this time. We merely desire
to call the attention of those who have
a grouch about tbe "robber railroads
to the above. Tbe grouch emanates in
the first place from a tribe ot petty,
pilfering hucksters, and the wage-plug,
always silly enough for anything, is silly enough to echo it.
We have always insisted that a railroad, ln common with any other corporation or capitalist, got no more than
it was properly entitled to, and was
entitled to all lt could get. Even that,
from the above showing, does not seem
to afford very much ground for the1
"public's" perpetual wall.
Railroads, as all other corporations,
are subject to the economic laws
which govern capitalist production.
They are, so to speak, selling chunks
of the commodity transportation and
are of necessity bound to comply with
the unwritten laws regulating the exchange of commodities. They must on
the average give value for value. Why?
Simply because lt does not pay them
to do otherwise. Profit is what they
are in business for and the maximum
profit is to be reaped by a maximum
traffic at a maximum charge. In other
words, to maintain such a balance that
a greater amount of traffic at a lower
charge, or a smaller volume of traffic
at a higher, would neither of them
yield more profit. Ab all the rest of
the trafficking fraternity is doing or
attempting to do the same, things are
evened up all round and value is exchanged for value on the average, the
various fluctuations cancelling one another over masses of commodities and
periods of time.
But aa far as that goes lt is none of
the worker's business what the railroads charge, and the sooner he finds
that out, quits yowling under the
wrong tree, and moves the rusty contents of his cranium in an effort to
find out what ls his business, the better for him.
His trouble Is that he has got to
work. That's all. Just got to work.
Which means work for people who
own railroads, steamships, mines,
mills, everything in sight in fact. He
has got to work for them and he ought
to work for nobody but hlunelf, which
he can only do by getting his tribe together and owning those things among
themselves.
MORE CON8I3TENCY.
(The Italics Are Ours.)
Even an attempt on the part of a so-
called monopoly to maintain prices at
an artificial standard is met by the revival of competition or the adoption of
substitutes on the part of the consumer until the price falls again to its natural level,' the cost of production.
There are no monopolies so complete
as to have crushed out all possibility
of competition, under certain conditions, and is doubtful If there are any
commodities for which there are no
possible substitutes except labor
power. To monopolize the sale of
labor power and force Its selling price
ever higher and higher Is the Immediate mission of Industrial unionism.
—Solidarity.
"LAiOR" PARTI E«,  ETC.
Editor World,—Letters which have
appeared recently ln your columns
seem to be Inspired more from a hatred of the Socialist party than with
ihe idea of pointing out to the worker
the road to freedom. The advocates
of "labor" politics are the descendants
of those who cried "No politics ln the
unions." They could afford to use that
cry then, for we had the habit of going to the polls and there supporting
the two old parties with a constancy
worthy ot better things. Things are
ever changing, however, and hard experience is breaking us away, slowly
maybe, but nevertheless surely, from
our political superstitions. This fact
has created alarm In the ranks of the
enemy and they are now "willing" to
come to us If we will form a "labor"
party. It is time we were a little suspicious of such would-be "leaders."
You have seen the "platform" they
have conjured up. It ls a peach, a fine
schedule, I admit, to take up to a boss
and try and force him to agree to. It
ls just what we have been trying all
along to persuade the job-owners to
agree to, but—and here's the point-
but as a political platform It is worse
than useless. To get our votes every
capitalist party on earth would be
more than willing to put every "plank"
In this proposed "labor" platform In
their own platform, and then some.
Have you forgotten how they all (except the Socialists) shouted "A White
Canada" at the last Dominion elections, just because they helped thereby
to get your votes, and so they did, but
Canada Is not "white" yet by a long
shot. The same thing will happen this
"labor" platform.
Now, why should we unions form a
"labor" party? Is there not a party
already in existence which fills the
bill? Just investigate for yourself and
see. It has been said that the Socialist
party does not represent the workers
because it is not yet supported by a
majority of the working class. Such
a statement Is not an honest one, and
the person who made it will bear
watching. It might be said also that
the Trades and Labor Council of Vancouver does not represent the workers
of Vancouver because they represent a
minority of the city's wage earners.
Does tbe A. F. of L. represent the'
working class of the United States?
Further, our good advisors point to
the "labor" parties of Australia and
Great Britain. The least said about
the "labor" party In Australia the better. Mark my words, the struggle of
labor in Australia ls just commencing
and it is between the working-class
party on one side and the "labor"
party on the other. The "labor" party
of Great Britain also supports the capitalist system of production—a system
that keeps us continually on the move
to keep our wages from falling too
fast. The "cost of living" Is Increasing faster than we can ever hope to
keep up to with wage scales. It Is
education along economic lines we
want, not "labor" parties. Such education will soon show us tbat the only
reason why we have got to keep up
this continual struegle about wages ls
because we as a class do not own tbe
means of wealth production and consequently we do not own the products
which we produce, and have no control
of the fruits of our labor. It all goes
to the capitalists as owners; therefore,
if we wsnt to hang on to what we
create we must own those things
which we use to create wealth. Then
to the worker will go the full social
product of his labor, and that Is what
the Socialist party In Canada stands
for—no more, no less.
A new "labor" party, Indeed! How
would we like lt If someone started a
new Trades and Labor Council, excusing their action by saying that we did
not represent labor and that we would
never get the support of the working
class ot Vancouver, etc.? What a use-
les waste ot energy it would be. But
it would no doubt, please those who
would like us to start wrangling and
fighting each other on election day,
while they quietly once more stepped
Into power. No; let us take that platform and present it to our bosses with
our compliments; let us try and get as
much ot it as we can, backed up by
organized labor; but, on the political
field let ub one and all support the
party that is fighting labor's battles
wherever capitalism exists. Before we
do this, however, we must study the
labor question, each individual for
himself; for, as I said before, lt Is education we need right now, not "labor"
parties. In closing, I would say to the
workers of Vancouver, you are living
in British Columbia, not Australia or
England. Conditions here are not the
same as ln those'places. To get control of the government. here we must
use the means best adapted to this
country. You want to get into power
as soon as possible (we cannot stand
this "rising prices" business much longer), and the most direct way is the
quickest. Before you will elect Socialists, you must study Socialism; do your
own thinking; lay aside your prejudices if you have any. Be men. Find
out on election day how the bosses and
job-owners are voting and then vote
the other way.—A Workingman in The
Vancouver World.
Socialist Directory
fCLu
Every Ucal ef Ike asdaHst Pertr at
Simla tn a sard eadat this head
rr sHf-th.     Secretaries Sterne a***.
tl.ee ear smth.     Sacrsterles etsase
Seclalist Party of Canada. Baata
•vary alternate Moadav. D. O. Mo-
K.niis, Secretary, Box III. Vancouver.
B. C.
immam   oobvhbia   bbbtxbcxa*
Executive Committee. SMUdlst Psrty
•f Canada. Meets every alternate
Moadav. D. O. MoKssMds, Secretary.
Bex III. Vanoeuver. B. C.
AXBBBTA   1-BBYXBOUv**,   BZBO*OTITa
Ceaunlttee, Socialist Party at Canada. Meets every alternate Monday In
Labor Hall. Btfhth Ave. Bast, oa-
peette postoffloe. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
retarding the movement la ths province.
r.   Oxtoby,    Baa., Box     e-7     Cal-
Bary, Alta,
LOOAX KABA, B. O., BO. 84, 8. T. at O.
Meats flrst Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recordlns Secretary.
X.OOAX, X-ABT8BOTM BO. 18, 8. T. OB
C. Bualness meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. ln headquarters oa First Ave.
),|,,|, Williams. Sec., Ladysmlth, 8. C.
mOOAX. KOTXB. B. O., BO. 18 BjBBM
s d Sunday 7:10 p.m. ln MoGrsfor
Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley.
Secretary.
      — —. Be. as. B. T. OF C,
meats In Misers' Hall every Sunday at
7:11 p. m. B. Campbell, Becy., 7. O.
Bex 174. Rossland Finnish Braaah
meeu In Flnlaaders' Hall. Sundays at
7:11 J». m. A. Babble, Seoy.. P. O. Bex
Til Hosaland. a C.
tlve Committee.   Meats flrst and third
Tuesdays in the mouth at noX Adelaide St.
Any reader of the Clarion deririnr information about the movement In Manitoba, or who
wishes to join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebbing, Sec.
Si6 Good St.
VABXTIIIB      FBOT-OtOXAX,      BXBOTJ.
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non'a, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box  i Qlace Bay, N. S.
-LOOAX YABOOVYBB, MO. 1, B. T. OB
Canada. Bualness meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Kdgett's Store, 161 Hastings St W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box lit.
-fcOOAX T ABOOWTBB,  B. O.,   BO.   48,
Finnish.     Meets   every   seoond   and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Myntti
XOOAX -flOBOBXA, BO. 8, 8, T. OB O.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Bacl* Building, lilt Government St Business meeting every
Tuesday evening. I P.m.    Propoaanda
¥eetlngs   every    Sunday    at   Orand
heatre.     a.  Thomas,   secretary.
 bb, a. t. or a, MBBm
every   Friday evening at  t  p.m., la'
Mlaers'   Hall   Nelson.   B.   C.     c    A
Organiser; I. A. Austin, Seoy.
XOOAX BMOBBXZ, BO. S. S. T. OB O,
meets every Sunday at l:lt p.m., ta
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organiser.    H. K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
XOOAX OAXOABT, AXTA., BO. 4, B. T.
ot C.     Meetings  every   Sunday  at  I
6 m. tn tha Labor Hall, Barber Blook,
ighth Ave. B. (near postofflce).   Club
and  Reading Room,     Labor Hall, T. H
. Machin    Box 147.    Secretary,   A.   Mac*
douald, Organiser,    Box 147.
XOOAX BBXLBTtrB, AXTA., BO. 18, B.
P of C, meets every flrst and thlr*
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Tows Hall.
J. OUphant, Secretary.
XOOAX OOXBMAB. AXTA., BO. 8,
Meets every Sunday night ln ths
Miners' Hall and Opera House at t
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. 1.
Smith, Secy.
XOOAX BABAXKO. BO. 8, B. T. at 0,
meats every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 1:01 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 1:00 o'clockl
Jask Place, Rao. Secy., Box III.
XOOAX BBBBIB, B. T. at O, BOXBB
educational meetlnse In the Miners'
-Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:41. Business meeting Brat Sunday In each
month, same place at 2:14 p m.
David Pston, Secy, Sox ioi
XOOAX OBBSBWOOB BO. 8, B. V. OB
C, meets every Sunday in Miners'
Union Hall at 7:10 p.m. Business
meetlnss, 1st and Ird Sundaya of each
month.     Geo.   Heatherton,   Organiser;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
XOOAX YBBBOB, B. O, BO. 88, 8. T. OB
C, meets every second and last Friday iu
each month, t'haa. Chancy, Secretary, Box
l>7, Vernon, B. C.
XOOAX BBIBOB BUBBB*. B. O, BO.
SS, B. T. at O.—Meeta every Sunday tn
hall ln Empreae Theatre Blook at 1:00
p. m.    Angus Mclvar. Secretary.
XOOAX BOMOBTOB, AXTA- BO. 1. B.
P. of C. Headquarters 111 First St,
Bualness and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:10 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room la open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 141 Athabaaoa Ave., Seere-
tary-Treaaurer, T. Blaaett III Fourth
St., Organiser.
xooax wzbbxmo. ti.src. I „
quarters, Kerr's Hall, iio i-i Adelaide stree
opp. Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11am. Propasaaaa
meeting Sunday evening I p.m. *%ery-
body welcome. Secretary, J, w. Hilling,
17* Young St; Organiser, D. McDougall, 414
Jarvla St.
XOOAX TOBOBTO, OBT., BO. 84, B. B.
of O.—Business meetings Ind aad 4th 1
Wednesdays In the month, at ths Labor
Temple, Church St Propaganda meet
Inge every Sunday at I:II o'clock at
ths Labor Temple. Speakers' claas
every Thursday at 1:00 o'clock at Labor .
Tempe J. Stewart,  Secretary,
II Seaton St
XOOAX OTTAWA, BO. 8, 8. T. OB O.
Business meeting let Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundava at 8 p.m. la Roberts-
Allan Hall, 11 Rldeau St. A. G. Me
Collum, It Slater St, Secretary.
XOOAX  COBALT,  BO.  8,  B.  ».  OF O.
Propaganda and bualness mestlaga
every Wednesday at I p.m. la Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attes-d.
Arthur L. Botley, Seoy., Box. 411.
xooax aaaxnr, obt., bo. «,■._.
of C, meets every seoond and fourth
         Wednesday evenings,  at  I   p.m..   II
XOOAX BBTBXBTOXB, EaM.O— King St E. opposite Market Hot**.
Propaganda and' buslnese meetings at V. a. Hints, Sec, 98 West Lancaster street.
I p.m. every Sunday evening In the.
S Kb IKok. ?^£:moax oxaob bat bo. i. o*r . *u-
vtted to attend,   B. F. Oayman. Score-    Bualness    and    Propaganda    meeting
tary.   W. "W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
XOOAX "aTTOMBX, B. C, Bo, 18, 8. T. at
C, meets every Sunday ln Graham's
HaU at 10:10 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
every Thursday at ( p.m. Fn Maodeev
aid's ball. Union Street All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Olace Bay: Wm. Sutherland, Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. O.
Rosa, Financial Secretary, offlce la JX
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Unlan |
Street.
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THB WaBTlTUt CLAJBOJ, VANCOUVIR. BRITgH COLUMBIA
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
TV" Pate Is Devoted to Reports of Bxecotire Coaunittees, Locals
aad General Party Matters—Address All Coatmunicatiotis to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 888, Vancouver, B. C.
DOMINION  EXECUTIVE
Meeting held May 2, 1910.
Present Comrades Mengel (chalr-
,-aan), Karme, MacKenzie, Peterson,
Stebblngs and the Secretary.
Minutes of previous, meeting approved.
Charters granted Locals Lougheed
Mound and Horse Shoe Lake, Alberta,
and Nlpigon, Ont.
Correspondence dealt with from
Maritime, Manitoba and Alberta executives and from Comrade P. C. Young
re winding up affairs of Ontario "Executive.
From Locals Glace Bay, N. S., Berlin,
Port Arthur, Ottawa, Toronto, Cobalt
(Finnish) Guelph, Gait, Windsor and
Brantford, Ont.; Winnipeg, Man.;
North Battleford and Fennell Hall,
Sask.
From Organizers O'Brien, Gribble,
Desmond and Fillmore and from Comrades G. W. Wrigley, Toronto, Ont.;
F. G. Stroud, Egllngton, Ont.; A. P.
Chew, Winnipeg, Man.; Alt. Budden,
North Battleford, Sask.; and Frank
Blake, Edmonton, Alta.
On request of Local Glace Bay, N. S.,
the time for the party's consideration
of the action ot the Dominion Executive in abolishing the Ontario Executive was extended to May 30.
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£ H. Nlckerson, literature.     100
Clarion Maintenance Fund, B. J.
L'., $1;  Mrs. Bone. $1;  John
Plckenshovel, $5;  G.  Nickels,
therefore were the cause of the hard
times, which us slaves get all the time.
Well, Com. Davenport got through
after inviting questions and pointing
out that there waa only one organization that held out any hope for the
working class and that was a slaves'
movement for the betterment of slaves.
Will let you know how we proceed
with the class, we are expecting to
begin open air meetings next month,
so will have more news next time,
»        Your for the revolution,
A. W. BAKER.
P. S.—Possibly Grible will read this
and get a little scared about us taking part in this class, but have no fear
Wilfred, we don't mix Theology with
working class economics, the one vital
issue Is good enough for us.
$5
12.00
Total U44.4.
B. C. PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
ap-
Meettng held May 2, 1910.
Minutes   of   previous   meeting
proved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locate Ladysmlth, Nanaimo, South Wellington, Courtney, Port Moody, Vancouver, Kamloops, Sandon, Nelson,
Fernle, Michel and from Comrades
John Staples, Cloverdale; Jas. Cartwright, East Wellington; F. G. Watts,
Burquitlam, and L. E. Bartlett, Whon-
aock.
Receipts
Local South Wellington, stamps $ 5.00
Local Nelson, stamps    6-Ou
Local Michel, stamps     6.00
Local Vancouver, stamps  20.00
Local Port Moody, stamps     2.00
Local Ladysmith, stamps     5.00
Local Fernle, stamps  10.00
Local Courtenay, stamps    2.00
Local Kamloops, stamps    5.00
Local Sandon, stamps    5.00
F. G. Watts, dues 60
L. E. Bartlett, dues    3.00
J. V. Hull, constitution Bt)
John Staples, organizing fund...   3.00
Total  *«700
Warrants duly authorized for Clarion
April card, $1; Dominion Executive,
supplies, $50; postage, $3; Secretary's
April Salary, $15.
•    BRANTFORD, ONT.
Dear Mac:—
Brantford Comrades took advantage
ot an opportunity to attend a class held
in one ol the local churches on Sunday
afternoon., The object of the class was
to discuss social questions, and all
present were allowed to voice their
opinion.
Needless to say we have had all kinds
of remedies proposed of which I will
name a few, there were Single Taxers,
Reformers, Trade Unionists and some
who thought that if we could get his
Satanic Majesty out of men's hearts
all would be well.
Well, one and all have been roughly
handled by the Socialists and things
have evolved to the point wherein Com.
Davenport was asked to give a paper
and choose his own subject. The subject he took waa the "Robbery of the
Producer." In opening, he denied that
there were social questions confronting us, averring that the whole thing
was based on one social question, and
that was the capitalist ownership of
the socially necessary means of production. He then traced the robbery of
the workers to the proper culprits.
This served a double purpose, It set
the listeners thinking and also turned
the attention of the workers away from
the poor storekeeprs, who were being
accused ot robbing the workers, and
WINDSOR, ONT.
Dear Comrade:—
Enclosed find two dollars, one to be
applied to my account, and one to
assist Manitoba Comrades in their
campaign.
Things are gloomy here but hopes
are high. It seems as long as the
bruteB have a job that provides them
with a sty and a bucket of swill, they
are satisfied. If we only had a good
speaker we might be able to get along
but not the kind like one hears in
Detroit. I have attended their meetings off and on for two or three years,
and you scarcely ever hear a lecture
worth while listening to. Their state
organizer, Hoogerhyde I think his
name ls, Is the best posted man I have
heard yet. Yesterday, Rles, of "Men
and Mules' fame spoke, and such a
lecture you never heard. Labor-checkB
and government stores and all that rot,
how we are going to take over Industries, etc. No wonder the American
movement Is in such a muddle, between trades unionism, I trouble-you
trouble-you-ism, and all the other isms
you can think of but the right and
only  revolutionary  Socialism.
Thank goodness the evolutionary
process offers an excuse tor tbe twaddle but It is to be. hoped that the end
of it is fast approaching.
You will kindly mall me my account
to date and I will forward balance due.
Hoping for Manitoba's success, I remain, yours in revolt,
LORNE WILKIE,
If we consider the number of professors of this "science" who have lost
their jobs—been requested to resign, I
should Bay—because they bave proclaimed facts not ln conformity with
the interests of the ruling and possessing class, we shall at once see that
this criticism is thoroughly well justified. To cite only one instance, Professor Thorold Rogers has vacated the
chair he used to occupy, simply because he made it widely known that
the condition of the working class iu
England has grown not better, but
worsa, since the fifteenth century. Now
this is perfectly true, as has since been
demonstrated, but It is a fact that the
capitalist needs to conceal, because
likely to stir up discontent among the
wage slaves, therefore jeopardizing his
profits.
However fully we recognize the unreliability ot the current university and
high school teachings concerning this
branch of science, it is not necesssary
to impute absolute dishonesty to all Its
exponents. But this much must be
said: tbat a surprising readiness to distort tacts to fit comfortable theories-
comfortable for the capitalist class, of
course—is manifested everywhere.
Moreover, and equally surprising readiness to suppress all facts and theories,
not ln harmony with the interests of
'property," is just as common, clearly
indicating the biased character of all
such reasoning. ,
Let it not be thought, however, that
we despise these prostitute professors
unduly. It ls true we do not love them;
they are In the camp ot the enemy.
But we have a shrewd suspicion that
we, ourselves, are made of much the
same kind of clay, and could find lt in.
us to see things in quite a different light
from behind a solid rampart of capitalism. Still we are comforted with the
assurance—in spite of Walpole—that
not all men have their price.—A. Percy
Chew, In The Voice.
WHEN  IS A SCIENCE  NOT A
8CIENCE?
It ls not difficult to see why the professors of the orthodox political economy, so vehemently uphold the present
system of capitalism, lt is because
their jobs depend upon it. Let no one
hastily decide that this is too brutal a
way to phrase the thing, until he has
carefully considered lt. We will view
the matter dispassionately, permitting
our class bias to influence us as little
as possible.
Political economy has been accorded
place amongst tbe recognized
sciences. It has been called the science
of wealth production and distribution
But tbere ls one important difference
between political economy and all the
other sciences. An astronomer, we will
say, for instance, discovers an important truth concerning the movements of
the heavenly bodies. As there appears
to be no reason why he should not do
so, he at once gives his new-found
knowledge to the world. Similarly
with a chemist or a biologist. Whatever he may discover, will certainly do
no one any harm, and may do all mankind an immense amount of good.
But with our professor ot politl(*al
economy, a vastly different state of affairs prevails. His science closely and
Importantly concerns the lives of all
men living in civilized society. But lt
concerns them not all the same way
For instance, it falls within the domain
of political economy to enquire into the
causes ot poverty; to know why, amid
advancing wealth, vast masses of the
population sink ever deeper into the
abyss of mysery and despair. I say
the professors of political economy
ought to give us definite and satisfactory answerB to such problems aa this.
But they never do. Why? The reason Is that they are not professors of
economics because they want to find
out truth. Their mission in life is to
bolster and defend the economic privileges of the ruling class; and their
science ls a science only so long as the
facts and laws discovered do not prejudice the position of that wealthy
class. For Instance, the orthodox
economy does not hold with the proposition "that labor produces all
wealth," although to the lay mind, It is
self evident—because to admit this, Is
to admit also, as a necessary corrollary,
that "to the producer lt should belong.'
Everybody knows that today it belongs
to the non-producer, who, as a rule,
endows the chairs of political economy
ln the universities, and therefore, has
some sort of right to dictate the nature of the teachings expounded therefrom.
months. Her successor, Novikoff,
wrote that drilling in the Theatre
Square impeded traffic, He was thrown
into Jail tor three months without trial.
The next editor, Madame Vesnin, discussed the failure ot a life-saving society to rescue a drowning boy. She
was thrown into Jail without trial for
one month. She was fined also for
describing how the Government
strazknlkl (police) terrorized the
peaceful citizens of Perm. She was
folowed by Franzboll, who was fined
for printing a complaint of official
abuses signed by three peasants. The
peasants saved him from jail by paying the fine, and one ot them got into
trouble for this. He appealed to the
Premier to put him on trial if his complaint was false. He was sent into
exile.
"The next event was the closing of
the printing works because the Viats-
kaya Rletch described some official roguery already exposed in the Duma.
When the newspaper next appeared,
Franzboll was thrown into jail with
out trial for two months. On coming
out, he was thrown again into jail
without trial for three and a half
months. Finally, for an article signed
by one contributor last December the
Government ordered six contributors
to be thrown into jail without trial
for six months. Three escaped; one
remains ln jail. Such is the lively history of an attempt to establish in Russia a Koelnlsche Zeitung to which
even the Government will pay attention.'"—The People.
FREEDOM   OF  THE  PRESS
How Premier Stolypine Is Cultivating
it, Under Nicholas's Orders.
Stolyplne's aim ls to "rebuild the
autocracy," and paralyze the power of
the Duma and the press, says Robert
Crozler Long in 'The Fortnightly Review." His way of paralyzing the Duma is by Introducing a series of Government bills of slight Importance and
thus occupying the time which should
be spent on vital maters. Long thus
describes tbe Premier's method, which
is a species of "filibustering," not by
long speeches, but by active presing
on of trifling by-laws, when national
issues are at stake:
'While the Duma has been censured,
denied its arrogant claim to draft its
own rules of procedure, and even to
choose what journals it wll read, Its
attempts to pass emancipatory laws
have been foiled at every turn by the
Premier's genial plan of choking the
springs of serious legislation with a
heap of frivolous laws. Did Ministers only love legality as they love
legislation, Russia would be saved in
a week. During the brief session before last, the industrious Premier Introduced forty-four separate bills regulating tbe number of policemen in unknown villages. During the last session he showed even greater zeal.
While forbidden to pass laws profiling the subject, the drowsy depu-
tleb yawned over bills 'To increase the
police in the village of Spassovo,' and
'To regulate the staff ot the Greek
Orthodox Church ln Bokhara,' the old
system of governing without any laws
at all was triumphantly restored. The
third session had before It 440 govern-
ernment bills, of which not one was In
any way more Important or more enlightened, than the thousand odd projects which lay unpassed for decades
of the nlnetheenth century before tbe
somnolent Council of State. Only one
act of even second-rate importance received the Czar's consent, and this, a
measure providing for conditional release of offenders, has not been put into
force, because the Minister of Justice
quite as in days of old, has found it
necessary to submit it to a commission 'explaining' it out of existence."
"The press has really a very considerable liberty, and doubters of this are
referred to the history of the Viats-
akya Rletch. The population which
buys this voice of discontent is uncommonly peaceful, and, though composed mainly of peasants, has made a
cultural progress in the last decade
which pleases the average unsound,
unregenerate Russian, and naturally
shocks the sound. The Vlat3kaya
Rletch was founded on December 13,
1907; and for something which appeared ln its third Issue it was fined $250.
A newspaper In Vlaka cannot pay $250,
so its editor was thrown into Jail,
without trial, for three months. His
succesor, Popoff, who produced the
fourth number, for a reprint from a
St. Petersburg newspaper was thrown
into jail without trial for three months.
The fifth issue was seized. The sixth
Issue was edited by Madame Ovslan-
nlkoff, who was thrown Into jail without trial for three months. For the
twelfth Issue, a new editor, Gnevas-
heft, was thrown into Jail without
trial for three months.
"The next editor, Madame Lokhrln,
with documentary proof, exposed the
roguery of a rural chief. She was
thrown Into jail without trial for three
MADMEN AND DREAMERS
Good people, things will never go
well in England so long as goods be
not in common, and so long as there
be villeins and gentlemen. By what
are they whom we call lords greater
folk than we? On what grounds have
they deserved lt? Why do they hold
us in serfage? If we all came from
the same father and mother, of Adam
and Eve, how can they say or prove
that they are better than we, if it be
not that tbey make us gain for them
by our toil what they spend in their
pride? They are clothed ln velvet,
and warm ln their furs and their ermines, while we are covered with
rags. They have wine and spices and
fair bread; and we eat oat-cake and
straw, and water to drink. They have
leisure and fine houses; we have pain
and labour, the rain and the wind in
the fields. And yet lt is of us and of
our toll that these men hold their
state."—(John Ball, 1381).
No more conclusive proof ot the
mental bankruptcy of the opponents of
Socialism could be furnished than the
frequency with which fossilised fogies
laugh Socialism to scorn as a scheme
devised by madmen and dreamers.
In the past history of our race the
advocates of any Innovation which was
not in acordance with established customs have ever been denounced by the
Conservatives of their time as 'madmen'
and "dreamers," and the comfortable
class of predatory parasites has always
attempted by means of this cry to pre
vent the people paying any attention
to the arguments of the agitators. But
in the end their endeavors have failed
because the necessities of men have
overcome their dislike for change and
driven them to accept the new idea as
the solution of some problem by which
they were faced.
Indeed, were this not so progress in
any direction would not have taken
place, and we should be still living In
a state of brutal savagery, to- the only
thing that has made lt possible for
mankind to develop has been their
capacity for adapting themselves to
changed conditions.
Innumerable Instances of this absurd prejudice against and ridiculous
hatred of change are to be found ln the
pages of history, and doubtless In
prehistoric times the flrst of our lowbrowed ancestors who conceived the
Idea of using fire to cook his food Instead of eating lt raw was regarded
by the vererable wiseacres of his tribe
a "danger to society."
It was with a similar simian spirit
of stupidity that a professor of Pisa
University when requested by that
pioneer of scientific progress, "the
starry Galileo," to look through his
telescope at the moons of Jupiter which
he had Just discovered, refused to do
so as he was certain that there were
no moons because nothing was said
about them In the writings of the wise
men ot the past.
With all that hatred of the quest-
loner of established institutions whicli
characterizes the flunkey, the courtly
chronicler, Frolssart, referred to the
brave leader of the Peasant's Revolt,
John Ball, as "a mad priest of Kent.
Coming down to more recent times,
it was ln 1830 just after the invention
of railway engines that that staid
organ of Conservative opinion "The
Quarterly Review" asked:—"What
could be more palpably absurd than
the prospect held out, ot locomotives
travelling twice as fast as stage coaches?"
Some seventy years ago a British
scientist possessed by a blind hatred
ot innovation wrote a pamphlet ln
which he proved to his own satisfaction that lt was impossible for a steamship to cross the Atlantic, but tho poor
man was soon shown to be hopelessly
behind tho times, for a week later the
first steamship started and carried a
tew thousand copies ot his pamphlet
to the Uniteo^States.
History, in this respect at least, repeats Itself and the wise people who
are perpetually prating about the impossibility of Socialism are only examples of those who, in Lowell's
phrase, "worship the dead corpse ot
old King Custom."
Far too many of the English workers are, as yet, too timid to trust themselves and throw off the reactionary
worship of the established which their
masters have been so careful to Instil
into their minds. Consequently, when
the Socialist suggests that a nation
possessing such powers of wealth production as England could order Its affairs so that every man, woman and
child should have security of existence and a sufficiency of the good
things of lite, they reply:—"It ls a
noble Idea but lt ls lmposlble." When
the Socialist shows how easy lt would
be to abolish unemployment and remove poverty, they murmur "yes, we
admit that Socialism would be heaven,
but we do not possess wings."
Other still more fatuous, claim that
"all is for the best in the best of
possible worlds" and that no alteration in our social organization Is desirable. These workers remind us of
the character In "David Copperfleld"
who would "rather at any time be
knocked down by a man who had good
blood ln him, then be picked up by a
man who hadn't." If lt is any satisfaction to workers of this type we can
cheerfuly assure them that they are
going to get plenty of "knocking down"
in the near future and not only from
blue-blooded peers,, but also from common plutocrate plunderers.
Indeed, all the signs show that the
people will be shortly forced to choose
between starvation under capitalism
and security for all under Socialism.
Every day brings with lt a growth ln
the productive power of society and
at the same time more and more of
the people are hurled headlong into
the abyss of poverty. The continual
changes in industrial methods and
their consequences for the workers
will render it possible for even tbe
most conservative and dull-witted to
see the need for a transformation of
society.
The social conditions are ripe for a
change from private ownership of the
means of production to social ownership, the continued trade depression
demonstrates that the owners of industry can no longer control the productive forces which have been brought
into being by the brawn,and brain of
the workers. As capitalism increases
the productive power ot labor by
means of machinery and commerlcal
concentration, it concurrently decreases the purchasing power of the people
by adding to the number of unemployed and reducing wages. Hence tbe
great contradiction of modern society,
poverty produced by plenty, people
homeless ln the midst of innumerable
empty houses, Ill-fed, ill-shod, and ill-
clad ln the midst of shops and warehouses filled with goods they need.
It ls this wonderful development of
productive power which has brought
Socialism down from the clouds of
dreamland and made of lt a necessity
of tbe near future.
In past ages whenever men aimed at
a state of communal well-being, they
Invariably failed because the methods
of wealth production did not render
social-ownership possible.
In 1832, to take one Illustration,
when the Peasants' Revolt was ruthlessly crushed by the armed forces of
Richard II, the bulk of the population
was  scattered    in country   districts,
jfcere andTfoi*
By "Smith."
means of comunlcatlon were extremely
primitive, and machinery was unknown, production being carried on
with the aid of simple hand tools
which were worked Individually.
To-day, on the other hand, production has become social In its character, machines requiring the joint, collective, co-operative labor of large numbers ot men have replaced the band
tools of the middle ages; the simple
anvil, hammer and chisels ot those
days bave developed Into Iron-mills
and machinery-shops with their lathes
and Nasmyth steam-hammers, the
rough wain or wagon which could be
driven by one man has given way to
the iron railroad which requires the
collective labor of thousands of men.
In order that all may participate in
the increased wealth which the change
from the individual hand-tools ot the
past to the collective machinery of the
present has brought In its train, individual ownership by capitalists of
the machinery of production must be
abolished and collective ownership by
all the people substituted.   Only thus
can the people secure freedom from
exploitation, and we call upon all those
who  desire  to  remove  the  horrible
contrast of abject poverty and lelBured
luxury to rally round the red flag of
International   Socialism   and  help  to
realize the day when: —
"We who once were fools and dream-
era, then shall be brave and wise.
There  amidst tho world  new-bullded
shall our earthly deedB abide.
Though our names be all forgotten,
and the tale of how we died.
Life or death, then, who shall heed lt,
what we gain or what we lose?
Fair flies life amid the struggle, and
the Cause for each shall choose."
—The New World.
On May Day the Vancouver LocaL'
lined up under the guns ot the enemy'''
literally and metaphorically.   Camble
street grounds, on which the afternoon
meeting was held, ls covered by the
guns of the armory of the gallant mill*
tta, but the fact held no terrors tor tha.
assembled proletarians.   We, too, had
our guns, weapons, however, of another
kind, and the four speakers were well   j
heeled In the matter ol amunltion.
a   a   a
The same happened ail   over   tha
world and  the  developing  class-con-
sclousnes of the working class was ;
shown ln a most pronounced fashion.
Clarence V. Hoar sends along another all the way from Portland, Maine.
A short footnote makes a guess "that
there are almost aa many subscribers
in Portland aa ln Montreal." Yonr
guess is just about right, old man; there
are more. Further, lt does "beat hell"
that all the "Ignorant foreigners" are >
Socialists.
a   a   a
Four other lucky plugs In the Peg
sent through the agency of J. Smart.
a   a   a
I have heard much of blue pencils,
master printers and printer's devils in
the course of my short life, but till
within the laat few weeks have managed successfully to steer clear of them.
The pressure of events having compelled me to contribute many words
and much nonsense to the pages of the
Clarion, I expected to have at least a
modicum of Justice meted out to me.
In last week'a Issue ot the only working
man's paper ln Canada there waa published over the signature ot Smith an
article entitled "Some Definitions Not
Found ln Webster's." One of these
definitions is more than amusing, but
Smith had nought to do with lt. Editor
or printer or someone else may take the
responsibility, but not for mine. The
editor may blame the printer, the print- .
r the editor. So I take the matter Into
my own hands. The definition of money
should read aa follows:
Money—A commodity functioning aa
a universal equivalent, measure of
value, standard of price and medium
of exchange.
Followed by:
Price—The   exponent   of exchange.'
value, the monetary expression of the' ,
labor-power embodied ln a commodity.^..   1
a   a   a
John Harrington sends up three from
Coal Creek, but no Marxian analysis o"*!
money.   He can take as long aa he
likes to analyse money so be he sends',
the hard stuff In the meantime.
a   a   •
C. McM. Smith, Brooklyn, Increases
his bundle to twenty-five a week.  The I
end ln view Is to supply some of our ;
academic American friends with the
real dope.   A laudable object.
a   a   a
Geo. Nickels, Rivers Inlet, B. C,
passes ln a hatful of dollars, five In
number, for the Clarion maintenance
fund.   Any more?
a   a   a
Mrs. Clark, Nanalmo, thinks we
ought to cut out all profane and repulsive language and that the majority of
men are Inferior to women. It all depends how you look at lt. To the
churchman everything not soaked ln
the odor of sanctity ls profane, and to
the capitalist everything that alms at
his material interests Is repulsive and
must remain so. We don't tackle the
second proposition. We accept the dollar, however.
e   e e
Jaa. Thompson changes his address
from Winnipeg to Medicine Hat and
encloses three subs from wayside station. Oet them going ln Medicine Hat.
a a a
No man is good enough or honest
enough or big enough to rule over me
and I am not good enough to rule over
any other man."  So says Klngsley, and
so say I.
e   e   e
W.  H.  S.  brings  two   wage plugs
down.
a   a    a
Tbe following have singles to go on
the list: G. S. Lundlee, Tonopah, Nev.;
J. Cares, Enderby; J. Steen, South
Vancouver; I. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C;
The Unpatriotic Irishman; Gribble,
Winnipeg; J. Stewart, Toronto; Mrs.
Brlggs, Nanaimo; S. Heath, Fred Perry, W. H. Sinclair, T. Roberts, Jos.
Johnson, M. J. Prendergast, Jas. Galloway, R. Llbby, all of Vancouver.
OVKR OB VEARB*
EXPERIENCC
T**»Dt M-ni-a
Disioms
.... COPYRIOHTe Ac
Anvone eeaetsf a a»st-h ana -saeriptloo as?
(lUoMraiooruin oar oMiainn f^jlMjaer ea
tl..na«ulo«lT~.n-d«,ll-J. HASOIOOt ,-nPaisau
PatM-U taken tiruuib Moyn A ft". mo-Its
■racial MUM, without Shane, la the
Scientific flit.er.catt.
A hai-asimalT HMe*»t*4 wsaMr. k"jr"-» efr-
eBlSraoTaay wEffle tonr^l.'tmm lot
CWU, lin a for, puaUSO pc**-***. Sol4 H»
g-l j ■--' —
ftUKVSrfKW *m
THE "ARMY" IN TRADE
"The army ot friars should be absolute mendicants, keeping themselves
sternly apart from all wordly entanglements . . Within thirty years
of Francis' death in -226, the Franciscans had become one of the most powerful, wealthy and wordly corporations ln Christendom, with their "fingers
in every sink of political and social
corruption, if so be profit for tbe order
could be fished out of it . . Who
is to say that the Salvation Army in
tbe year 1920 shall not be the replica
of what the Franciscan order had be
come ln the year 1640?"—T. H. Huxley,
"Social Diseases and Worse Remedies."
A Prophecy Fulfilled.
In its haste to get rich quick "for
God," the Salvation Army has literally
fallen over Itself, thereby justifying
Huxley's forecast with ten year's to
spare.
It must be borne in mind tbat tbe
Booth trading concerns are a religious
growth; carefully to be distinguished
from those undertakings to which the
"social" scheme has given birth.
"Each territory or country," we are
told, "has its own trade department,
hut .that connected with the International headquarters . buys
and manufactures largely for oversea
territories." In the early days of the
"Army" a penny songbook and monthly magazine were published. The latter afterwards become the "War Cry."
Later on "certain articles of uniform
were required by our officers. These
being difficult to procure elsewhere, we
bad them prepared and sold them ourselves. From these modest efforts the
present trade operations—in their
large and ever-increasing proportions—
sprang." (Salvation Army Year Book,
JW7,)
We are further assured that "trad-
. log ie now a Salvation Army necessity," and that "the 'Army' must buy
and sell."
Wags-Slavery for God.
'  After this autboratatlve pronounce-
' ment, If any. doubting Thomas yet remains, he is pacified by being told
that "the entire profits are devoted to
the extension of tbe spiritual work.
Sovereigns means souls.   The trading
ts dene for God, and the aim of the
i. 'Army' ia that strict truth and righteousness   actuate   every   transaction.
Every Salvationist ought, therefore, to
11  twy all he needs or can from the Trade
I ,i.liggiartxoBnt."
r jLat (if- glance at what ls being done
"for Gc-fc"
i In addition to religious publications
and uniforms, the official list Of articles
Sold includes among others too numerous tp mention:
Women's dresses.
Men's and children's suits.
Drapery.
.   Hosiery.
tt   Boots and shoes.
,.   China and glass.
. Earthenware.
Cutlery.
Pianos and organs (hire system).
,   "Flannelette and "Non-Flam."
Sewing machines.
Furniture of all kinds.
Bicycles and mall carts.
Printing, bookbinding and stationery.
Books.
W.atcbes snd clocks.
Bags and portmanteaus.
Underwear.
Tea, coffee and cocoa.
Bread—families waited on daily.
Etc., etc.
Ths Heavenly Whiteley.
Here we bave (in this extract from
an official trade department catalogue)
proof positive that tbe "Army" thinks
it Is justified In competing with the
Ordinary tradesman ln the supply of
almost everything, by taking advantage of Its peculiar position, reputation
and Influence.
Moreover, It Is not only to "members" that the goods in which lt deals
are supplied. The circulation. of the
"War Cry" and tbe "Social Gazette" is
mainly amongst a class of folk who,
whilst perhaps ln sympathy with the
Salvation Army, are not actually members of that body. Specious advertisements In both the journals referred to,
constantly Invite tbe reader to apply
for this or that particular trade list or
catalogue. In these advertisements ail
the well-known catchpenny devices for
attracting "business" are employed,
the following ls an example—one out
of many. It speaks for Itself:
Our Christmas Gift to You
Christinas ls the season for giving
The custom has suggested our doing
something for our friends which may
add a drop to the cup of gladnesB which
we hope wlll come full to the brim to
all our customers (his Christmas time.
To make a direct gift would be Impossible, however great the desire to do bo.
We propose to do something, however,
that will, we hope, be regarded as almost, If not quite, as acceptable to
those able to participate.
FIVE USEFUL AND SERVICEABLE
ARTICLES AT HALF PRICE
A. A pair of Trousers, usual price
lis., for 6s. 6d.
or B. A Woman's Honeycomb, Jersey
Blouse, usual price 5s. 6d.,
for 2s. 9d.
or   C.   A pair   of   Men's   "Fortress"
SMaL
|i(Ci-*i^*»aX-J--.'- *W--*>
ojuuoh,
or   D.
Boots, usual price 9s. lid.,
tor 4s. 11 Wd.
A pair of Women's "Favorite"
Boots, usual price 8s. lid.,
for 4s. 5V4d.
or   E.   A Girl's   Winter   Coat,   usual
price 7b. 6d., for Ss. 9d.
HOW IT IS DONE ft
1. One of the Half-Price Articles
suplled with every order not less than
£1 ln amount, not counting the half-
price article, cash for which must be
Bent in addition. Customers may Bend
as many £1 orders as they wish. For
every such order is given the option
to purchase one of the half-price articles.
2. The goods to be selected from
our Uniform and Outfit Catalogue, or
from our Christmas Sheet of
USEFUL PRESENTS
which will be Bent Free on Application.
Under the cloak of religion then the
strongest posible appeal is made to tbe
prospective customer's love of—not
.God, but—a good bargain.
How it IS Done.
It is moreover the duty of the "field-
officer" (wage slave commanding a
religious corps) to take a lively Interest ln the trade, push it and try to increase lt as much aa possible. He
must announce the visits of Trade
Headquarters' representatives
and afford every facility
for getting into touch with his soldiers
and friends. These poor wretches are
so badly paid (18s. a week If unmarried and 27 a week if married) that
they are forced to push the sale of
goods.
For this they receive commission.
And mind you, the wages are only paid
after all the local expenses of the dorps
have been met. In case the unfortunate
officer, for some reason or other, is unable to meet tbe weekly expenses, he
gets practically no wages at all. A
pretty picture) forsooth. Enough to
make one's blood boll. The harassed
ylctim of the malpractices of Booth &
Co., forced to undersell and cut the
price of commodities which have themselves been produced by sweated labor.
And this in good "Salvationese" is
called "earning a sovereign for the
Kingdom of God"!
Booth and Boots.
Apropos of underselling, a quotation
from the "Army's" boot and shoe catalogue makes interesting reading:
'The'following argues in favor of the
low price of our boots:
The representative of a manufacturing firm remarked recently that we
were selling a certain class of their
boots ls. 9d. per pair less than they
were to be obtained at several shops
mentioned by*hlm. We were ignorant
of the prices of any of the goods sold
by the retailers mentioned .
Any idea of "cutting" the price was,
therefore, quite out of the question,
showing thst either we buy better or
are content with smaller profits."
The official apologist does not tell
us which of these two factors—the
"Army's" ability to buy better or its
being contented with smaller profits—
determines the price of boots.
Posibly a jocular remark made by
General" Booth when about to leave
tor America (Sept, 1907,) May throw
a little light on the subject.
'If you are not willing to be sweated," said he, "don't have anything to
do with the Salvation Army."
The pious old jester referred to the
"field-officers'' in the religious work,
but inasmuch as we are told that "trading is done for God," lt is quite likely—
if the truth were known—(not so easy
to come at that same truth) that the
workerB and distributors in the "Army"
trade departments are not paid such
handsome salaries as obtain in shops
and stores, where profit is tbe primary
consideration and "God" has to be content with a back seat (or shelf) for six
days in the week. These factors will
prfSbably be found to have some bearing, not only on tbe price of the
"Army's" boots, but upon its successful
competition with the ordinary labor
market.
And at this point we are brought face
to face with the crux of the whole matter.
The Cheap-Jacks of Religion.
Is the Salvation Army able to create
a new or increased demand for the
commodities it supplies through the
agency of its huge religious staff? If
It is not, then the effect of its participation in the production and distribution
of such commodities must necessarily
diminish the demand for goods which
are produced under the ordinary conditions of the market.
In proportion as the "Army" increases its production of those commodities more workers will be employed
(by the "Army") under especially bad
economic conditions, and fewer will be
the number of those employed (by the
ordinary capitalist) at ordinary wages.
The following Ib taken from the cover of a juvenile clothing catalogue Issued by the "Army," and will serve to
give some slight idea as to whether
the "Army" ls creating a new demand
or merely competing with and underselling the ordinary market:
"I am a representative of the Salvation Army Outfit department
I am glad that I belong to the Salvation
Army, as people will not only listen to
what I say, but will know they can be-
ilieve what I tell them. I am devoted
to the selling of children's clothing.
Every moment of my life, night and
day, is given up to It,   I am ln every
way up-to-date, although it ls myself
that Bays It ... I am not afraid
of the keenest competition. Compare
my prices with those of other sellers
of juvenile clotbing. I shall like it
and have no doubt about my coming
out on top
With the "Army's" launching out
into the wholesale and retail tea. and
coffee business—its incursion into
many other departments of trade—we
have, unfortunately, no space to deal
For fuller details of this interesting
subject we must commend our readers
to Mr. Manson's work.
Ths "Flannel" Fraud.
But as a final illustration of the
lengths to which this hydra-headed
monstrous fraud ls prepared to go in
its desiret to "sell," the story of the
"flannelette" is too good to be passed
over. We accordingly rescue it from
an undeserved oblivion, leaving lt to
our readers for judgment.
On September 22, 1906, a column advertisement appeared in the "Social
Gazette." This took the form of an
"Open Leter to Parents" signed by
Lieut.-Col. Simpson (the "Army's"
trade secretary). Big black capitals
were splashed all over the page directing urgent attention to the dangers incurred by little children from the use
of ordinary flannelette—"1,500 children burned to death In 1905—Save the
little ones,' etc., etc.
"Your duty then ls plain," said the
worthy Colonel, "send for the Army's
'Non-Flam,' an excellent safety flannelette . . Your duty is plain
not to use for the precious
little ones the dangerous fabric which
has been the cause of so much suffering and death."
Now the Colonel's own department
had been selling ordinary flannelette
for years before the date on which
this advertisement appeared. It is, to
Bay the least, remarkable that this
department continued to advertise it
even after the discovery and adoption
of "Non-Flam." Six months later we
And a drapery catalogue advertising—
yes—"Non-Flam," but giving preced
ence and nearly three times the space
to—flannelettes at 2%d. to 8%d. per
yard.
None of these were described
non-inflamable. People were even
urged to write for patterns of these
dangerous materials as being "of exceptional value"—"cheaper than many
leading drapers," etc.
Apparently Colonel Simpson's principles were his own and could, there-
tore, be sacrificed. The remainder of
the flannelette was Booth & Co.'s, and
could not!—Fritz, In The Socialist
Standard.
SATURDAY, MAY 7th, 1910.
BU8INES8, MY FRIEND, BU6INESS.
Gold, yellow, glittering, precious gold!
Thus much of this will make back
white; foul fair;
Wrong right; base noble; old young;
coward valiant.
.   .What this, you Gods?   Why this
will buy your priests and servants
from your side;
Pluck ptout men's pillows from below
their heads;
This  yellow  slave
Wil knit and break religions; bless the
accursed;
Make the hoar leprosy adored; place
thieves
And give them title, knee and approbation
With Senators on the bench; this is it,
That makes the wappen'd widow wed
again:
.   .   Come damned earth,
Thou common whore of mankind.
—Shakespeare.
There is something ludicrously humourous ln the spectacle of the ordinary business man denouncing Socialism as selfish. Immoral, and opposed
to the higher interests of humanity.
For of all the systems of society that
have existed (and It la well to remember, as our business man never does,
that we are by no means at the beginning of social evolution) what system has so built itself up to the utter
exclusion of all that makes for the
development of the more generous and
kindly Impulses of man as the capitalist system—the system which has produced our "business man?"
The saying—"One must not let domestic affairs interfere with business,"
or "In business there is no room for
timent" —are commonplaces, along
with many more conveying much the
same meaning. Sayings such as these
serve to express the unscrupulous and
brutal character of the reckless struggle for profits which characterizes the
capitalist system. Everything may go
In this struggle—religious creeds, family affection, friends(how old ts the
cry of "friend, remembered not") and
all that is called sacred, should- any
one of them interfere in the accumulation of profit.
Concrete evidences of this fact are
cropping up continualy . It ls not such
a long time ago— when an American
sensationalist writer, Charles Sheldon,
set the world agog with his book,
"What would Jesus Do?" in which the
conflict betwen professions of religion
and business practice were made capital of. But a few months since, there
appeared In the "Sunday Chronicle" an
obituary notice of a certain Christain
Trading Co., which had opened up business In Manor Park. Christianity ln
business maintained a struggling existence for three months and then suc
cumb eiI, frankly admitting that the
God's Competition and Profit were
Its masters. Now, quite recently, we
get another public manifestation of the
ennobling Influences of our profit
grinding system ln the statement made
by lord Allerton, presiding at the
half-yarly meeting of the shareholders
of the Great Northern Railway Company.
Thi- following excerpt is from the
"Dally News" of Saturday, February
12th: —
"At the Great Northern meeting Prebendary Webb-Peploe presented a
memorial signed by 2,629 shareholders
calling upon the company to abolish
Sunday goods' traffic and all Sunday
excursion trains. He could not help
saying tbat the excursion trains of
the Great Northern Railway were a discredit to company.
Lord Allerton, in replying, said
the company were the servants of the
public.
The Rev. Webb-Pepjoe: Servants
of the Lord.
Lord Allerton: The Rev. gentleman's Ideal is a high one, but quite
Impossible.    (Hear, hear.")
Now, whatever may be the merits or
demerits of Sunday excursion trains,
and it is not my place here to pronounce either way, beyond perhaps recording the fact that everything which
tends to limit the immediate spending capacity of the workers tends also
to reduce wages—however that may
be, the point here is that the proposition put forward by Prebendary Peploe
was admitted by the Chairman and
those shareholders who applauded him
to embody a noble ideal, while in the
same breath these gentlemen admitted
that business and high ideals cannot
go together. Thus are they openly
convicted of being the rankest hypocrites, for are not these the very people who hurl at us the charge of Immorality, selfishness, and gross materialism?
Incidentally, the very phraseology of
my noble Lord stinks of hypocrisy. Servants of the public, indeed! Yes, we
have met many of them, from Rowland
Hirst, late mayor of Mile End, to Armour & Co., canned meat manufacturers, of Chicago. We occasionally
read the advertisement columns of tbe
newspapers and are aware that public
benefactors abound . The only drawback ls that these gentlemen have a
way of ceasing their beneficial activities as soon as the dividends fall to
come in.
After all, such Incidents as these'
simply serve to express the fact that
material interests dominate. This fact
we Socialists are always striving to
press home. -It does not require an
exceptionally brillant intellect to perceive that so long as competition
reigns and every man's hand is at his
fellows throat, hypocrisy of this sort
must be a standing feature of our social lite. It is not a boastful claim
on our part when we say that Socialism alone can put,an end to lt. By the
organization of the co-operative labor
of the pepple for the satisfaction of
the general needs of these same people all reason for such equivocation
wlll.be removed, and there will no
longer be any reason tor tbe disgusting spectacle of a number of men professing a belief in the brotherhood
and mutual Interests of man, but whose
whole existence means nothing more
or less than a continuous Injury to
their fellows.
C. W. PEACHY, ln the "New World."
GIBSON'S LANDING, B. C.
Dear Comrade,—Here is $11, ten for
publishing fund and one for 100 of
Summary of Marx' Capital.
You can book us for 100 ot O'Brien's
speech ln Alberta Parliament.
Our building fund stands as follows:
Local Nelson  * 10.00
Local Michel      6.00
Local South Wellington      5.45
Com. A. Torvonen, Frisco     6.00
Com. Falcovlts, Gibson's    3.00
From basket, necktie and flower
parties at home   70.10
Total    $100.65
Yours ln revolt,
J. N. HINTSA.
CLARION FINANCIAL 8TATEMENT
May, 1910
EXPENDITURES
Printing $188.00
Mailing   H'06
Boy 15.00
Total $217.05
RECEIPTS
Subs  ' $162.75
Cards and Advertisements  44.50
Deficit      9-80
Total 1217.05
PRICK fyltT OF •UPPLII-B,
Ohartar  (with   aecasaary    sup-
•41a* to start Local)  *.*•
Membership Carls, sac*    41
Dans ■taasps, sash  M
netfom aad afoUaatfM Waah
net IM   •*
DMtota Finals*, par IM ...  -M
am ia *Otaralalaa. per IM .... M
Imam ta Italia**, net IM  J»
CssMtltaUssu, eaefc   M
tmm, IlHlBk, WW
PLATFORM
Socialist Patty of Canada
We, the Socialist Psrty of Canada, In convention assembled, affirm'
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme ot the
revolutionary working claas.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products pf labor belong to
the capitalist elsss. The capitalist Is therefore master; the worker a
slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and:
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and,
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of.tho wage'
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation ot capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the-
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.  This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with tbe object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, aa follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, aa speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
Its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll this legislation advance the Interests
of the working claas and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; If lt wlll not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands In such a manner
aa to promote the interests of tbe working class alone.
VANCOUVER HEIGHTS EXTENSION
Big lota, M by 1)4, Just at tne end of Hastings Street Bast carllne
only fifteen minutes from tram office aad four chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (132 feet wide).
PRICE $1000 UP PER LOT
Or equal to $333 for SS feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 1»
aad 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put on in tho
East End, and the others have Increased ln value, some aa much as
100 per cent In less than one year. As some of our customers well
know, lots In block 84, Hastings townsite were sold from $300 up,
one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I wlll pay $600 for any
lot in that block. Our other subdivision put "on later, has Increased
proportionately, and I feel sure that thla will do the same, as lt has
advantages that the others had not, being close to carllne and having
sidewalk from carllne to and through the property on Barnard and
Venables streets to the eastern boundary. Branch offlce on the ground
and men in charge.
T. M. BEAMISH
41 Hasting St. E.      Phone 3391, \> Vancouver,[B.C.
DENTIST
W. J. CURRY
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
ir YOU HAVE
UKRAINIAN
neighbors, send for a bundle et
"Robrtcfay, Nuod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comradea in Canada.
50 ccali a year
133 St.pa-e St.       f/laaip-g, Mas.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
-Which Stand* for a*. Liwing Wag*
Vaneeavar Leeal 367.
566
TO HOUSEKEEPERS
q If yoa would like to spend leas time ia yonr kitchen
and woodshed, aad kave mack more time for OMt-ioor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the «aest'-*« of
-feint 7**T caokMf with a Gas Range.
Tslssheaa year address to ear eCsc aad we will scad a aaa
to Miimr* year prca-isas aad give yea aa sstisssts el east at
iassslltog the gac pipes,
YaocNver Gas Company,
'■■'■• -•■";
« ..,-.. '     •   ■ •

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