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hi s. is v78t VsnoMiver, British Cskmbia, Saturday, May 7, 1910. saiijj«i^wm»s g|j| /HAT IS THE MATTER ? How is it that, With all Your'Bumper Crops, You farmers are yet Poverty Ridden } It is spring and our mild Canadian winter has vanished for a month or two. Spring.when a lovlier iris changes on the burnished dove, and a young man's fancy is supposed to lightly turn to love stunts. Spring, when all birds and lower beasts seem to enjoy life up to the notch; when the rooster with red and fiery eye stalks about the yard and lords it over his many wives—disgusting old polygamis't* Spring.when the ducks, all snowy white, march out in Indian file and dabble In the new- formed ponds; when the old turkey cock airs his beauty before his admiring mates. Spring, and the sun is warm; cattle, sheep and hogs sprawl and bask ln the warm corners ln luxuri- oqr-idleness. Yes, it Is spring, and what does it mean to you, proud master of the brute creation? Ease and Idleness, sunning yourself in old Sol's delightful rays? Alas, no. It means work, work, work, heaps of work, tons of work, bags anil bushels ot work. From now on until the snow files again you must toll in the fields, under the midsummer heats, [; in tbe chill October winds. Work, for the. first of November comes all too soon, the glorious first of November when the collector goeth forth and will' take no denial. Ah, those collectors! Why do you look so uneasy when they call upon you? "I am so-and-so, of the International Harvester Co. I have called round to collect that debt you have owed since last year." Come, pay *fp, pay up, they cry—and why can't yen pay? After all this prosperity, after all the grain you have raised last we hear so much of. Come, you inde- year; after all those beautiful harvests pendent farmer of the golden west, do yot| still fear the coming of collectors? What? After all the wealth you raised you can't pay a miserable $190 for a binder? What has become of all your golden grain which you garnered last fall? It was yours, was it not? I fear you are as a claas, wasters and spendthrifts, else something is very wrong somewhere. I know that times were hard before you started the Grain Growers' association, but since by this means you have raised the price of Wheat from 15 to 80 cents you ought not to be in debt, and you're not, are you? Never heard of such a thing as a. mortgage since you started the G. G. A., have you? What? Do I hear you complain that times are still hard? Do I hear you cuss the harvester trust? Vphy, we thought you had started upon a trust-busting crusade and already donated $400 to your campaign fund. Four hundred dollars—stupendous! You must have chased all the trusts in Bight off the field by now; and still you grunt. Ib It' because the price Of victory is to dear, after all this prosperity and .growth, at $400. Oh, you old tightwads! And the splendid homes you live in; yonr stately barns and noble plow teams; or is lt a gasoline rig? The beautiful clothes you wear; you are so rich now that plain overalls suit you no longer. You go in for them ornate— with patches. Chucked up your old T. & B„ Shamrock and McDonald, haven't you? Discarded your Saturday afternoon Buckeye and taken to Craven Mixture and Villar-y-Vlllar's, haven't you? No? Then what's the matter? What — is — the — matter ? Oh, the elevators mix your wheat, after it leaves Winnipeg, do they? Too bad; go after them, boys. Dig up another 1400 and get busy; but in the name of common sense keep out ot politics. Have nothing to do with Liberals, Conservatives or Socialists. If you must vote, stick to the old parties and don't for any sakes think of the Socialists. If you did you might find a solution for your trouble and that is something you are most anxious to avoid. But there; what am I telling you? You are wise enough to hate the Socialists, hence don't need to be warned. I think the splendid way you destroy the hills advertising their meetings and leave, obsene remarks together with gobs of tobacco juice upon their notice hoaros reflects great credit upon yonr manliness and good sense. You know the Socialists, "them atheists and lazy fellows." But you won't have it, will you? You will defend your property with your life, after the manner of Duncan Marshall, won't you? Your property! Your grain! Your farms! Ob, you insufferable chumps. True, some of you have small sheets of parchment wherein is written that Reuben Hayseed, Esquire, is owner in fee simple of 160 acres more or less. But what is this to you? Suppose you do own this paper, this title deed to your collar. This parchment places you on the same tooting as a large capitalist, eh? How long will it take you to see that title deeds to property are no good unless yoa have the power to hold that property? J. D. or Andy Carnegie have all the power of Law and the armies and navies to maintain their title deeds, but suppose your title to 160 acres is questioned, what can you do, pray? Take the matter to court, will you? Apply at your master's justice hall for justice against himself. Well, you can at least sell your farms; •then, why do you not? You came in with that intention years ago, yet you ate still here. True, a few of you have sold out and with the proceeds retired from active service, haven't you? No? Of course not; simply moved up country to begin again the same old game. Will -you ever get wise? ■ - Your grain? When was it ever yours? Why should It be yours? You never produced lt. ■ Ne*ver produced a kernel of grain In your lives. Only those who have the power can own what they never produced. The capitalist can own, does own; but you, a mere slave, a mere cog in the machinery of production, never owned lt. They mix your grain east of Winnipeg, forsooth. Look here, Mr. Grain Grower, you are wasting your energy trying to perform the impossible. All you can do is to combine and overtake if you can tbe advance in price of commodities and your splendid G. G. A, is simply a trade union acting In the usual manner of unions, trying to get a higher price for your labor-power, not grain. Tbe theme is old and has been often told, but here lt ls again: Today individual production is a forgotten thing. All things are produced socially; yes, even your grain. Where does the production of wheat begin? Will you tell me? For I can't tell you. Before you can start to raise grain (and mark tbe difference between raise and produce) all agricultural machinery must first be made. Tbe miners, carpenters, smiths, railroaders, painters, agents, must do their parts. The tailor must clothe them, the baker and cook must feed them, the doctor must dope the sick ones and look after the health of the healthy. Someone must build tbe factories ln which they work, someone plans and builds the machinery necessary to make a binder; someone operates them. Oh, great guns, the thing is endless! If you can't see this; if you still think you are independent, go out on.wild land clothed In nature's garb and produce grain; dig the soil up with your hands and live meanwhile on roots or grasshoppers. You will come to realize that you are as dependent as anyone upon society. Since the labor of all the above mentioned ls incorporated in wheat, where do you come in? How much of it is yours? No, all you can do is to add your quota of labor as the process of production goes on. Your labor is incorporated in all other -commodities. You haul it to market crystallzed in grain or meat. At the elevator or on the track you hand lt over to Its rightful owners, your masters, the capitalist class. And yet I hear you talk of profit. Profit! Does any other wage slave get profit? Then why, pray, should you? The condition of your homes (?) the state of your wives and children, the wretched, starveling life most of you lead, speak of profit, don't they? "Biggs for breakfaat? Certainly not, when we can get 15 cents a dozen in town. You know we can't afford to eat them, Jim." You've heard that before from wives, I think. your cottonettes, your children in next to nothing; art, music, all the finer things of life you must go short of. Because you are slaves, you get a slave's lot: How break your chains? How become free? Organize upon the political field with the rest of the wage- workers under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada. Organize and send,your own men to parliament there to vote as you shall direct; there to abolish once and forever the curse of the wage system; there to deal the death blow to poverty; there to usher in the era of peace and fat living. ALFRED BUDDEN. ON STRIKE IN THE BOUNDARY. And your doings with the government! How readily they grant anything you like to ask. When you go to them with a paper 40 miles long, which humbly showeth that the undersigned slaves wish their masters would be less harsh with them. You beg for government elevators which you, of ail people, shall control, arid they reply with just the opposite. But say, how do you intend to raise the price of your commodity against an overstocked market? With petitions, or With hot air? No-good, Grain Growers; you are too much confused about your "rights."' Why do you combine to force down the price of binder-twine and formalin?; It's not right. How can your local merchants live if you get up to such pranks ? Yes, and how about the rights1 of the Socialists who get up in your meetings and try to enlighten you? Why do you yell and stamp and groan? It's not right "Equal rights for all," you know. Again, you want government elevators for those who raise grain; Why don't you try for government furnaces where those who raise cord wood could, unload their wares? It's not right for one lot of farmers to have government Support and another lot got nothing. Farmers, ln every province, ln every district of this or any other country, you are bound up body and soul With the rest of the producing class; their good is your good. When wages are low in industrial centres you are poor- tbrombm the entire district. S0 er and wages are ever sin***J»g, despite '""J a11 ln8n to at*y away from the unionism of any kind. You are all B<nB1'3ar^_CountT^: slaves dominated by your masters thej' world over, the capitalist class. "Farmers, until yon come to understand this, until you get down and stogy your position you must live in poverty, in a pinching, miserable state, In slavery. You must poison yourselves with choice dopes of McDonald or T. & B., while you help to produce tbe finest tobacco. You must go in overalls while your labor produces splendid clothes. Your wives must go in linenades and Editor Clarion:— I have been Instructed to communicate with you, by this Local Union No. 180, W. F. M„ re the labor conditions up in this Boundary country, and to warn all men to keep away as there is no* a strike on at the Greenwood Smelter and the mines at the Mother Lode. The conditions that are Imposed on these workers throughout this part of the country are next to unbearable, and with a minimum wage-scale of $2.50 In force, where the cost of living is certainly twenty-five per cent, higher than in Spokane, and ten per cent. higher than in the town of Rossland and Nelson, where they have a minimum wage scale of $3.00 ln force. in these small Boundary camps, the chances of employment are limited to one company, and who are now exercising an autocratic control of things «g**ed, W. E. HADDEN ^^htxtreatry T#-mO. *«*, W. F; M: DECLINES Comrade -Jas. Cartwright wishes to have it known that, whereas Comox comrades have nominated him to again contest the riding at the next provincial elections, he Is not now open for nomination in any riding,, preferring to do his lighting froth the ranks. What are You Going To Do About It ? Bradst reefs review for December 11, 1909, shows that the average wholesale price of 106 general commodities was 60 per cent . greater on December 1, 1909, than on July 1, 1896. It shows also that the average price on October 1, for the three years 1907-8-9, was 35.4 per cent, greater than that for tbe same day In the' three years 1896-7-8. For the eight-and-one-half-year period from June 1, 1901, to December 1, 1909, the Increase has been 23 per cent. These averages, however, are based on a general list of commodities, and therefore include many articles not purchased by workmen or workmen's families. They Include several stores, building materials, oils, metals, and many miscellaneous articles used in manufactures. In the commodities necessary in sustaining life and comfort, the increases in price have been much greater than the figures given above. In general provisions the increase for the 13-year period has been 70.03 per cent. According to the careful estimates made by Mrs. Louise Bolard More, ln her book on "Wage-Earners' Budgets" (p. 247), the average expenditure of working class families, with a yearly income of from $750 to $1,100 in New York City in 1904, are proportioned as follows: Subsistence 45 per cent. Rent 18 per cent. Clothing 10 per cent. Fuel and light ... .22 per cent. Sundries 5 per cent. In food, therefore, which takes nearly half of the workman's Income, prices have advanced ln thirteen years by 70.3 per cent. The advances in the leading commodities for both the 13- year and the eight-and-one-half-year periods are as follows: June i, July i, 1901 to its* to Dec. 1, Dec 11 Potatoes -■*?2,i i'oo'.O Salt —10.0 Beans 13.0 Codfish 27.2 Beef, family 36.3 Ham 38.1 Bacon 48.5 Flour 53.6 Lard 61.2 Pork, mess 62.3 Butter 78.9 Milk 81.9 Milk 81.9 Cheese 83.8 Peas 87.7 25.0 145.0 75.0 76.4 45.0 197.1 63.0 226.2 212.1 126.6 64.1 64.1 156.6 119.0 MANITOBA CAMPAIGN FUND. Dear Comrade: I have been getting Hell lately, because Campaign funds were not acknowledged in the Clarion. I suppose I will have to blame the printer. The following contributed to Campaign Fund: .1. Coxon (part of Jimmy's raise, 50c; Nelson, B. C. (bellevs in dividing up to the extent of half their possessions) $10.00; Clapp, Zlmmer and Oliver, Nelson, B. C. (three In one), $3.00; J. Cordy, Phoenix, B. C. (submits his mite), $1.00; D. A. Helfner, Tolman, Alta., yours for Socialism (and he means It), 50c; Harry Otto, Graysvtlle, Man. (Helps himself), $2.00; Phoenix Llttlsh Branch (can go some), $11.75; C. W. Anderson, Nelson, B. C. A Red, $1.00; Ellen J.—signs yours ln revolt— $3.00; Lome Wilkle, Windsor, Ont, as- sessta, $1.60. Total, $33.75. W. H. STEBBINGS 316 Good street, Winnipeg, Man. SOUTH VANCOUVER A meeting will be held In the Muni. cipal Hall, Thursday, May 12, 8 p. m, Comrade W. W. Lefeaux will speak. A REBEL IN THE MAKING Lessons From the Experience of a Wage Slave in Search of the Light. I am tempted to write this as a lesson to beginners and to those who are impatient at the slow progress made by some recruits. Some six years have gone since first I heard a Socialist speech. It filled me with new feelings, shook up the dry bones of Liberalism in me, and made me wonder where I was at generally. But flrst impressions over, it was knocked out of me completely by the usual: "Oh, those chaps are paid agitators. Don't heed them." Well, I didn't, but as' time went on, dissatisfied with conditions on the old sod, I made a break for liberty, and, under the guidance of "God's chosen people," tbe Salvation Army, made for Canada, the land of liberty. My first experience was a year as farm slave, which I had been carefully taught to consider the first essential to success ln the new country. Quite true, too, but it mesns the farmer's or the Salvation Army's success, not the emigrant's. Being always keenly interested in politics, I naturally watched the game over here, and my tender mind was duly impressed by "the great tight" put up by Borden & Co. against the Laurier graft—an impression that remained for some time, as I shall show. My early memories of the Socialist speech were still with me, however, for a.year after landing I came across a paper famous for Its energetic sub.- hustling and sensational dope,, to attract the crowds. At that time tbe Haywood case was on, and my attention and sympathies were enlisted at once. It was and is a great paper.for stirring up sentiment. Oh, yes, lt makes a new chum feel like fighting an army to pave the way to the oppressed to march to power. My newborn enthusiasm exaporated with some month's absence from the vicinity of the paper; and not till I made a break once more for tbe last west, did I come in contact with more Socialist literature. Of course, you must understand, 1 was a Socialist at heart. Wasn't I down on grafting?; up against tbe Asiatic?; yes, joined tbe Antl League and the militia of our (?) country, to defend her shores against the brown invader. I also worked with a fellow about this time who "had been a Socialist for years," so he said, "lt was bound to come." He was prominent ln the league, too, and also, by the way, had a grouch on Englishmen, as It finally lost me the Job I was nursing so well. Ever met that kind, you new chum? Or this kind: "Yes, I believe in Socialism. I buy Wllshire's magazine. It ls coming fast, but It wouldn't do to let the empire fail Into the bands of a fellow like Hawthornthwaite." I have. In my weary search for light I found many leaders. I've sat under Fraser, Mac thought him great, till I heard him say, "Workingmen who wasted employer's time were robbing him." And added with a sneer, "Did you ever hear that term wage slave? It makes me tired." Even I got sore on tbat and quit bim. Then I found the light! Oh, yes, S. D. P.—Rsv. McCrea—you know the crowd: Celebrated for their picnics, social evenings; all the boys join because o( the fun. That was it, surely. But, although I learned some things, I never learned what 1 wanted to know. Ob, yes, I saw the Western Clarion, but then it was too dry, too much of an economic essay sheet, not near so interesting aa the other Socialist (?) papers. But I found the way in time. A period of hunting for a boss with funds at zero, a bitter feeling In my mind against everything and everybody, made me think a bit, made me look for a reason for this enforced Idleness. The Clarion told me what lt was, showed me the way out; and lt can others, too. Don't be hard on the new comrade. Teach him, encourage him, let him help in the movement at anything; it --•111 make him fee) a part of It. Don't frown htm down If he maaes blunders; accuse bim of being a reformer, when he probably hasn't yet evolved to your stage. Treat him right; he'll come as, I did, as yon did. The greatest compliment . T even had paid to me was last fall. An ex. lawyer in the cattle business got arguing with me, and after an exposition by me of Socialism, as I saw lt, he looked aghast and said: "Why, man, you ain't a Socialist; you are a Revolutionist." I smiled and admitted it to be tbe case. Don't be afraid to do so, anybody. If you are a Socialist you can't be anything else. The fellows who have been ln your local some time and consistently preach reforms and palliatives, have joined under falsa pretences—expel them. Better a small membership with a sound basis than a large body of fellows who know not what they want. No local ought to have these kind, However, if it is a live one, lt will train up its new members into fight, Ing units. Cut out the traitors and be a. help to our cause instead of a detriment. £0 because -of these things, comrades, profit by other countries' lessons and be straight; the fighting b\ sharper, but sooner over. Long live the revolution F. S. F, RIGHT AND WRONG "MCA. -~wv;' ~. We hear a good deal about right and wrong. It Ib said such a thing ia right, Another thing ls wrong. Such an act was good; another act was bad. It might be interesting to new Clarion readers to make a little analysis of the conceptions of right arid wrong. The- religionist would say a thinf was.light which wad pleasing to God, The only communication I have wltl*, that mysterious individual is by means of an did book. As this hook has the approval of the master class and also tells some very unlikely tales, I am a little suspicious dt tt. Anyway It may be, and ls, interpreted In a great many different ways to suit the preconceived ideas ofMlfferent people. I have been told that my own con. science would tell me what was right and what was wrong. I used to have a conscience when I was a small boy. A Btrange thing about It was, the things this conscience told me were right, were tbe very things my parents and teachers had told me were right. What Ib right for one man is wrong for another. What is wrong at one time Is right at another. The chief object of existence Is to seek pleasure and avoid pain. ■ From tbe standpoint of a given society, that is right which best enables lt to do this. Herein lies tbe explanation ot some acts which people are Inclined to regard as contrary to the materialist doctrine. For instance, a man gives his life to save a train-load of people, He did this because he had been taught that it was right. But note this, that Boclety Is safest which teaches its Individual members to perform such acts when necessary. A big capitalist gets the advantage of a little capitalist and spoils his title to a piece of land. Immediately wo hear the voice of the petty capitalists crying, "It isn't right," and yet what right did the little capitalist have to It? This community was greatly shocked over a murder committed by a man named Logan. This same Logan, when a young man, was trained In the art of killing people, by one of the European governments. Tbere is no such thing as abstract principles of right or justice. People's Ideas ot right and wrong are based on their manner of getting their living. There Is no such thing as eternal truth. What is true to-day was not true ten years ago or one thousand years ago. It is true to-day that the generally accepted standard of right Is that which best conforms to tbe Interests of tho capitalist claas. This will.not be true very long In the future, "for the moral code of the slaves, that Is right which heat aids us In oar stragle for freedom, MARL LONIB. TWO THI WISTBRN CLARION. VANCOUVBR* BRITISH COLUMBIA. •ATUROAY, MAY 7th, 1111. W. Mi M Published every Saturday by (he Socialist Party of Canada, at the OMce of the Western (nation, Flack Block Basement, 165 Haattngs Street, Vancouver, B. C. BOBT omtn ABB-BBSS, BOB 888. 8*1.88 Per Tear, 80 cents (or Six Maatfcs, 85 oents tat -flu** Koatsu. Strio4s> U AAvaaoa. Bundles of S or more (wales, far a period of not less than three moat as, at the rate of one cent per oosr per Issue. Advertising rates oa at-pllca-tloo. If you receive this paper. It ts said tor. In making remittance hy oheqse, e*c- «hange must be added. Address all communications sod nuke all nosey orders payable to BB-JT OBAB ■vac, B. O. 679 Watoh tha label on your paper. If this scomber Is oa It, 8ATURDAY, MAY 7th, 1910. THE CREATOR AND HIS CREATION During the period wben profit-sharing was all the go, in theory it not in practice, that sapient Conservative -sheet, the Victoria Colonist, in a burst of unexampled generosity, declared itself in favor ot the worker receiving the full product of his toll "and a share ■of the profits." Being but Socialists and having but few promising poll- tlcians among us, we are hardly prepared to go quite so far as that. When -Labor, from whom all profits flow, succeeds in getting the full product of his "toil he will be doing "no sae bad," and ■ anight aa well let it go at that, for he •will then have all that is of any value. Not a particle ot wealth exists but -by virtue of Labor. The mountains might be gleaming with gems and minerals, the prairies fertile to rankness, boughs fruit-laden to breaking, and waters teeming with finny tribes, yet -the value of it all to man would be nil. Labor alone cam render all these -available to the ases of men and so Labor only can endow them with any value. Labor discovers the country, explores the forests, prairies and mountains, spies out tbe fertility of the soli, 1 "prospects the mineral hoards. Labor hews down tbe forests, delves up the ' minerals, builds the roads, the houses and the cities, plows' and sows the •prairies and garners the harvests of land and sea. Out of 'the seamed, mard, grimy hand •ot toil wealth' arises, snd ln terms of Labor only is lt measurable. To measure lt ln gold or aught else is but to ' •"express wealth in terms of wealth, and -aa explanatory as saying a foot ls twelve inches aad an inch Is e, twelfth '•of a foot. The wealth produced ls the ' tangible expression Of the labor per- . formed. "pur natural wealth" partakes of the appearance of wealth only by virtue ot its potentialities for exploitation. It ls ' valued not for what It ia but for what It may become when labor-power is applied to it. But while Labor creates all value, the laborer has ao portion in It. Between him and (he wealth he creates stands tbe Law la Its majesty, saying: "The resources of the earth and the tools of Industry are the property of 'certain ones, to have and to hold, to use and to enjoy, to sell and to bequeath, and of their heirs and assigns forever, as registered In our Doomsday Book. Touch at year peril." So the laborers, endowed with the •one factor that can create wealth, the power to labor, oaa create no wealth, having nought whereto apply that pbw-' er. He Is compelled therefore to sell his power to labor to those who have and hold the resources ot the earth and ■the tools of industry. No longer is he a man except in semblance and appetites, but has become a vehicle for the delivery of laber-power where and .when it is required by its owners by right of purchase. To the product of that toll and to any share in it he is In no way entitled. He has sold his power to labor and all the labor creates belongs to those who have bought It of him. His is only the price of his labor-power Theirs, all their purchases! labor creates.. He can remedy Us condition only by rewriting the Law. In deeper and ever deeper depths of poverty, misery and degradation he must flounder from year to year until he baa the courage and understanding to rewrite the Law. Until he has ths determination to re- Write It If ho mast rewrite it in blood. To rewrite it that the earth and its full-, ness ls the property of none and of all. lossal that lt permeates all record, tradition and belief, and so all-pervading that the greater part of It passes absolutely unnoticed, as a mere matter of course, and only its minor protuberances attract general attention. To which he adds tbe absurdity of glorifying modesty as a virtue, with which each individual believes himself endowed, and the lack of which he easily discovers ln his neighbors. Curiously enough it is nevertheless the fashion to pride one's self upon one's individuality, which is the chiefest manifestation of human conceit. Mostly all mythologies agree with the biblical account which informs us that the universe and all lt contains was especially made for Man; the sun to warm him by day and the moon and stars to give him light by night, the earth to furnish him a foothold, tbe birds, beasts, fishes and plants to feed him, the scenery for him to look at. Ever and anon some cheerful idiot wlll arise to propound even the question: Of what use Is the mosquitto?" All ot which is doing pretty well for Man, whose entire race, it ls computed, could be assembled on the Isle of Wight, one of the lesser British isles, themselves comprising no very great portion of the earth, which is an Impalpable dark atom attendant upon the sun, one of the myriad tiny specks of light comprising the Milky Way, which again is an infinitesmal streak in the Infinite. Whence it would appear that Man's importance looms large only ln own eyes. After a lapse of time and with a degree of difficulty astonishing ln a creature ot his attainments, Man has at length begun to apprehend that the movements of the universe are governed by mechanical laws, that the suns and planets have grown by virtue of mechanical laws, that the processes of nature are actuated by mechanical laws, in short that the universe is a mechanism. But himself? Not at all. This miserable atomy ls the darling of the gods. He is master of his own destiny. He knows no law but his own free will! Plants, he notes, are mere creatures ot circumstance. His brother the ox and his forebear the ass have no more than Instinct, which in the last analysis ls mechanical; But the "lord of creation" Ib gifted with reason! And ponders deeply and descants learnedly as to where Instinct ends and reason begins, ingenuously unaware that thereby he does much to .demonstrate that reason has not yet begun with him. "I/ord of creation?" A trifle more cyanogen in the tail of this comet and on the 19th of May the scene would rise on a manless universe. The extermination of the whole querulous, cantankerous species would cause less of a ripple in the universe than the fall bf a gnat into the ocean. Yet listen lo him with his "I will" do thus, when he has no vestige of "I," and "will" exists only in his vocabulary. Begotten of apes. Raised to manhood by. his own exertions? Never. By compelling force and circumstance through long and weary centuries. Hard pressed to retain a foothold upon the means of life. Driven ever more and more to co-operate with his fellows to secure their common sustenance. Compelled to toll without ceasing. Relentlessly being herded onward from goal to goal. Now being hurried toward a state that shall better serve his material needs, yet protesting at the feared loss of his precious, though non-existent, individuality. A pretty spectacle for a demigod. THE EQOTI8T Of all human peculiarities the one that has come down through the ages the least damaged In transmission ls "the animal's oonoolt. A vanity so col- "THE ROBBER RAILROADS." According to Edward W. Harden in The Outlook, the big railway corporations are ln an even worse predicament than an ordinary wage-earner in those days of Increased cost of living. He says: It ls proved by an abundance of quite unimpeachable evidence that, whereas the only variation worth mentioning in the general level ot railway compensation for the last two decades has been downward, the railways have not only had to come to the rescue of their own employees with repeated increases of wages, but have had to bear, through the increased cost of materials and supplies ot all kinds, a large proportion of the related increase In the market price ot labor in all the other industries. Nor is this all. The owner of timber lands has advanced his prices for cross-ties, car- siding and bridge timbers out of all proportion to the higher cost ot the labor entering into thlr production; the owner of iron ln the ground and of every other raw material of which railways are made and maintained has done the same." Mr. Harden produces figures to show that such ls the increased cost of living that a wage increase of 17 per cent, made to employees three years ago has been practically Ineffective and that the cost of materials and supplies have gone up. "In this same period the cost of locomotives has increased from a maximum of about $12,000 to a maximum of about $20,000, and the cost of freight cars, which the railways buy by the hundreds of thousands annually, and of which they destroy and retire about 100,000 annually, has Increased from an average of about $700 to $750 to well above $1000 each. Fortunately the higher cost of motive power and rolling stock ls offset by tbe greater efficiency and capacity of the latest types of equipment, else these two Items alone would have involved veritable disaster. Fuel, which plays so essential a part in the production of transportation, has not escaped the general trend of economic conditions, notwithstanding the constant efforts of the railway companies to develop their own coal supplies. In the year ended June 30, 1908, fuel alone cost the roads 7.74 per cent, of tbelr gross earnings, against 5.81 per cent In 1898. To put the same thing in another way, gross earnings Increased 94.1 per cent, ln the ten-year period, while the cost of fuel increased 176.3 per cent." He concludes: "Not to multiply details, it may be said ln brief, of the cost of new capital that the average Interest rate on railway bonds has shown a moderate but steady defined upward tendency in the past ten years, and that the opinion of the most competent judges Is that this tendency will continue ln the Immediate future. Interest on money Imperatively required to keep the railways abreast of the de mands upon them must, of course, be Included in what it costs the railways to live. No one who gives the subject serious study can avoid the conclusion that the railways of the United States have been affected by the increased cost of living to quite as great an extent as has any individual, and, moreover, that they are subject to a variety of influences tending to increase the current cost ot of their existence which do not affect the Individual. In another article I propose to take up the bearing of this great aggregate increase upon the question of freight rates, and to consider whether the country can afford to compell the owners of its vast transportation lines to be longer content with a constantly narrowing margin of profit."—Vancouver World. • • • Whence It becomes more manifest than ever before that the railway com panics are only ln business for the convenience of the public and the benefit of their employees. Coming "to the rescue ot their employees with repeated Increases ln wages" is particularly good. But that is not what we were going to get at this time. We merely desire to call the attention of those who have a grouch about tbe "robber railroads to the above. Tbe grouch emanates in the first place from a tribe ot petty, pilfering hucksters, and the wage-plug, always silly enough for anything, is silly enough to echo it. We have always insisted that a railroad, ln common with any other corporation or capitalist, got no more than it was properly entitled to, and was entitled to all lt could get. Even that, from the above showing, does not seem to afford very much ground for the1 "public's" perpetual wall. Railroads, as all other corporations, are subject to the economic laws which govern capitalist production. They are, so to speak, selling chunks of the commodity transportation and are of necessity bound to comply with the unwritten laws regulating the exchange of commodities. They must on the average give value for value. Why? Simply because lt does not pay them to do otherwise. Profit is what they are in business for and the maximum profit is to be reaped by a maximum traffic at a maximum charge. In other words, to maintain such a balance that a greater amount of traffic at a lower charge, or a smaller volume of traffic at a higher, would neither of them yield more profit. Ab all the rest of the trafficking fraternity is doing or attempting to do the same, things are evened up all round and value is exchanged for value on the average, the various fluctuations cancelling one another over masses of commodities and periods of time. But aa far as that goes lt is none of the worker's business what the railroads charge, and the sooner he finds that out, quits yowling under the wrong tree, and moves the rusty contents of his cranium in an effort to find out what ls his business, the better for him. His trouble Is that he has got to work. That's all. Just got to work. Which means work for people who own railroads, steamships, mines, mills, everything in sight in fact. He has got to work for them and he ought to work for nobody but hlunelf, which he can only do by getting his tribe together and owning those things among themselves. MORE CON8I3TENCY. (The Italics Are Ours.) Even an attempt on the part of a so- called monopoly to maintain prices at an artificial standard is met by the revival of competition or the adoption of substitutes on the part of the consumer until the price falls again to its natural level,' the cost of production. There are no monopolies so complete as to have crushed out all possibility of competition, under certain conditions, and is doubtful If there are any commodities for which there are no possible substitutes except labor power. To monopolize the sale of labor power and force Its selling price ever higher and higher Is the Immediate mission of Industrial unionism. —Solidarity. "LAiOR" PARTI E«, ETC. Editor World,—Letters which have appeared recently ln your columns seem to be Inspired more from a hatred of the Socialist party than with ihe idea of pointing out to the worker the road to freedom. The advocates of "labor" politics are the descendants of those who cried "No politics ln the unions." They could afford to use that cry then, for we had the habit of going to the polls and there supporting the two old parties with a constancy worthy ot better things. Things are ever changing, however, and hard experience is breaking us away, slowly maybe, but nevertheless surely, from our political superstitions. This fact has created alarm In the ranks of the enemy and they are now "willing" to come to us If we will form a "labor" party. It is time we were a little suspicious of such would-be "leaders." You have seen the "platform" they have conjured up. It ls a peach, a fine schedule, I admit, to take up to a boss and try and force him to agree to. It ls just what we have been trying all along to persuade the job-owners to agree to, but—and here's the point- but as a political platform It is worse than useless. To get our votes every capitalist party on earth would be more than willing to put every "plank" In this proposed "labor" platform In their own platform, and then some. Have you forgotten how they all (except the Socialists) shouted "A White Canada" at the last Dominion elections, just because they helped thereby to get your votes, and so they did, but Canada Is not "white" yet by a long shot. The same thing will happen this "labor" platform. Now, why should we unions form a "labor" party? Is there not a party already in existence which fills the bill? Just investigate for yourself and see. It has been said that the Socialist party does not represent the workers because it is not yet supported by a majority of the working class. Such a statement Is not an honest one, and the person who made it will bear watching. It might be said also that the Trades and Labor Council of Vancouver does not represent the workers of Vancouver because they represent a minority of the city's wage earners. Does tbe A. F. of L. represent the' working class of the United States? Further, our good advisors point to the "labor" parties of Australia and Great Britain. The least said about the "labor" party In Australia the better. Mark my words, the struggle of labor in Australia ls just commencing and it is between the working-class party on one side and the "labor" party on the other. The "labor" party of Great Britain also supports the capitalist system of production—a system that keeps us continually on the move to keep our wages from falling too fast. The "cost of living" Is Increasing faster than we can ever hope to keep up to with wage scales. It Is education along economic lines we want, not "labor" parties. Such education will soon show us tbat the only reason why we have got to keep up this continual struegle about wages ls because we as a class do not own tbe means of wealth production and consequently we do not own the products which we produce, and have no control of the fruits of our labor. It all goes to the capitalists as owners; therefore, if we wsnt to hang on to what we create we must own those things which we use to create wealth. Then to the worker will go the full social product of his labor, and that Is what the Socialist party In Canada stands for—no more, no less. A new "labor" party, Indeed! How would we like lt If someone started a new Trades and Labor Council, excusing their action by saying that we did not represent labor and that we would never get the support of the working class ot Vancouver, etc.? What a use- les waste ot energy it would be. But it would no doubt, please those who would like us to start wrangling and fighting each other on election day, while they quietly once more stepped Into power. No; let us take that platform and present it to our bosses with our compliments; let us try and get as much ot it as we can, backed up by organized labor; but, on the political field let ub one and all support the party that is fighting labor's battles wherever capitalism exists. Before we do this, however, we must study the labor question, each individual for himself; for, as I said before, lt Is education we need right now, not "labor" parties. In closing, I would say to the workers of Vancouver, you are living in British Columbia, not Australia or England. Conditions here are not the same as ln those'places. To get control of the government. here we must use the means best adapted to this country. You want to get into power as soon as possible (we cannot stand this "rising prices" business much longer), and the most direct way is the quickest. Before you will elect Socialists, you must study Socialism; do your own thinking; lay aside your prejudices if you have any. Be men. Find out on election day how the bosses and job-owners are voting and then vote the other way.—A Workingman in The Vancouver World. Socialist Directory fCLu Every Ucal ef Ike asdaHst Pertr at Simla tn a sard eadat this head rr sHf-th. Secretaries Sterne a***. tl.ee ear smth. Sacrsterles etsase Seclalist Party of Canada. Baata •vary alternate Moadav. D. O. Mo- K.niis, Secretary, Box III. Vancouver. B. C. immam oobvhbia bbbtxbcxa* Executive Committee. SMUdlst Psrty •f Canada. Meets every alternate Moadav. D. O. MoKssMds, Secretary. Bex III. Vanoeuver. B. C. AXBBBTA 1-BBYXBOUv**, BZBO*OTITa Ceaunlttee, Socialist Party at Canada. Meets every alternate Monday In Labor Hall. Btfhth Ave. Bast, oa- peette postoffloe. Secretary will be pleased to answer any communications retarding the movement la ths province. r. Oxtoby, Baa., Box e-7 Cal- Bary, Alta, LOOAX KABA, B. O., BO. 84, 8. T. at O. Meats flrst Sunday In every month In Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril Rosoman, Recordlns Secretary. X.OOAX, X-ABT8BOTM BO. 18, 8. T. OB C. Bualness meetings every Saturday 7 p.m. ln headquarters oa First Ave. ),|,,|, Williams. Sec., Ladysmlth, 8. C. mOOAX. KOTXB. B. O., BO. 18 BjBBM s d Sunday 7:10 p.m. ln MoGrsfor Hall (Miner's Hall), Mrs. Thornley. Secretary. — —. Be. as. B. T. OF C, meats In Misers' Hall every Sunday at 7:11 p. m. B. Campbell, Becy., 7. O. Bex 174. Rossland Finnish Braaah meeu In Flnlaaders' Hall. Sundays at 7:11 J». m. A. Babble, Seoy.. P. O. Bex Til Hosaland. a C. tlve Committee. Meats flrst and third Tuesdays in the mouth at noX Adelaide St. Any reader of the Clarion deririnr information about the movement In Manitoba, or who wishes to join the Party please communicate with the undersigned. W. H. Stebbing, Sec. Si6 Good St. VABXTIIIB FBOT-OtOXAX, BXBOTJ. tlve Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every second and fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln- non'a, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box i Qlace Bay, N. S. -LOOAX YABOOVYBB, MO. 1, B. T. OB Canada. Bualness meetings every Tuesday evening at headquarters, over Kdgett's Store, 161 Hastings St W. F. Perry, Secretary, Box lit. -fcOOAX T ABOOWTBB, B. O., BO. 48, Finnish. Meets every seoond and fourth Thursdays ln the month at 161 Hastings St. W. Secretary, Wm. Myntti XOOAX -flOBOBXA, BO. 8, 8, T. OB O. Headquarters and Reading Room, Room 1, Bacl* Building, lilt Government St Business meeting every Tuesday evening. I P.m. Propoaanda ¥eetlngs every Sunday at Orand heatre. a. Thomas, secretary. bb, a. t. or a, MBBm every Friday evening at t p.m., la' Mlaers' Hall Nelson. B. C. c A Organiser; I. A. Austin, Seoy. XOOAX BMOBBXZ, BO. S. S. T. OB O, meets every Sunday at l:lt p.m., ta Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organiser. H. K. Maclnnls, Secretary. XOOAX OAXOABT, AXTA., BO. 4, B. T. ot C. Meetings every Sunday at I 6 m. tn tha Labor Hall, Barber Blook, ighth Ave. B. (near postofflce). Club and Reading Room, Labor Hall, T. H . Machin Box 147. Secretary, A. Mac* douald, Organiser, Box 147. XOOAX BBXLBTtrB, AXTA., BO. 18, B. P of C, meets every flrst and thlr* Sunday evenings, Bellevue Tows Hall. J. OUphant, Secretary. XOOAX OOXBMAB. AXTA., BO. 8, Meets every Sunday night ln ths Miners' Hall and Opera House at t p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist speakers are Invited to call. H. 1. Smith, Secy. XOOAX BABAXKO. BO. 8, B. T. at 0, meats every alternate Sunday evening In Foresters Hall. Business meeting at 1:01 o'clock sharp. Propaganda meeting commences at 1:00 o'clockl Jask Place, Rao. Secy., Box III. XOOAX BBBBIB, B. T. at O, BOXBB educational meetlnse In the Miners' -Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle, every Sunday evening at 7:41. Business meeting Brat Sunday In each month, same place at 2:14 p m. David Pston, Secy, Sox ioi XOOAX OBBSBWOOB BO. 8, B. V. OB C, meets every Sunday in Miners' Union Hall at 7:10 p.m. Business meetlnss, 1st and Ird Sundaya of each month. Geo. Heatherton, Organiser; R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box 124. XOOAX YBBBOB, B. O, BO. 88, 8. T. OB C, meets every second and last Friday iu each month, t'haa. Chancy, Secretary, Box l>7, Vernon, B. C. XOOAX BBIBOB BUBBB*. B. O, BO. SS, B. T. at O.—Meeta every Sunday tn hall ln Empreae Theatre Blook at 1:00 p. m. Angus Mclvar. Secretary. XOOAX BOMOBTOB, AXTA- BO. 1. B. P. of C. Headquarters 111 First St, Bualness and propaganda meetings every Thursday at 7:10 p.m. sharp. Our Reading Room la open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally. F. Blake 141 Athabaaoa Ave., Seere- tary-Treaaurer, T. Blaaett III Fourth St., Organiser. xooax wzbbxmo. ti.src. I „ quarters, Kerr's Hall, iio i-i Adelaide stree opp. Roblln Hotel. Business meeting every Sunday morning 11am. Propasaaaa meeting Sunday evening I p.m. *%ery- body welcome. Secretary, J, w. Hilling, 17* Young St; Organiser, D. McDougall, 414 Jarvla St. XOOAX TOBOBTO, OBT., BO. 84, B. B. of O.—Business meetings Ind aad 4th 1 Wednesdays In the month, at ths Labor Temple, Church St Propaganda meet Inge every Sunday at I:II o'clock at ths Labor Temple. Speakers' claas every Thursday at 1:00 o'clock at Labor . Tempe J. Stewart, Secretary, II Seaton St XOOAX OTTAWA, BO. 8, 8. T. OB O. Business meeting let Sunday la month, and propaganda meetings following Sundava at 8 p.m. la Roberts- Allan Hall, 11 Rldeau St. A. G. Me Collum, It Slater St, Secretary. XOOAX COBALT, BO. 8, B. ». OF O. Propaganda and bualness mestlaga every Wednesday at I p.m. la Miners' Hall. Everybody Invited to attes-d. Arthur L. Botley, Seoy., Box. 411. xooax aaaxnr, obt., bo. «,■._. of C, meets every seoond and fourth Wednesday evenings, at I p.m.. II XOOAX BBTBXBTOXB, EaM.O— King St E. opposite Market Hot**. Propaganda and' buslnese meetings at V. a. Hints, Sec, 98 West Lancaster street. I p.m. every Sunday evening In the. S Kb IKok. ?^£:moax oxaob bat bo. i. o*r . *u- vtted to attend, B. F. Oayman. Score- Bualness and Propaganda meeting tary. W. "W. Lefeaux, Organiser. XOOAX "aTTOMBX, B. C, Bo, 18, 8. T. at C, meets every Sunday ln Graham's HaU at 10:10 a. m. Socialist speakers are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary. every Thursday at ( p.m. Fn Maodeev aid's ball. Union Street All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Olace Bay: Wm. Sutherland, Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. O. Rosa, Financial Secretary, offlce la JX N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Unlan | Street. BEST IHB.C."" '"cVG !•*.*•*■ To Canadian Socialists On account of lnoreaaed postal rates we are obliged to make the subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada II.10 a year Inatead of 11.00. We can, however, make the following special offers: For 11.00 we wlll mall three copies of the Review to one Canadian addreaa for one year. For 70 cents we wlll mall ten conies of any one Issue, For 11.00 we wlll mall the Review one year and the Chicago Dally Socialist for one year. 114 West Klnsle St., Chicago. JsOOMBABT iSttmm THE CAFETERIA S05 Camble Street The best of everything properly cooked. Chai. Molcahcy, Prop. SEAS COTTQN'S WEEKLY 60c per year Two for a dollar SPECIALLY FINE FOB PROPAGANDA WORK. Six months SBc fmmmmm st CewaaaiBaa, *»■♦. Books of all Kinds The Mistakes of Moses lit Tbe Riddle of the Universe Ik Merrie England tic God and my Neighbor, Blatchford tOt Ayesha, or ths Return of Shs, by Rider Haggard 7fc Decameron Boccaccio 71c Maria Monk 71c All books ssnt postage paid. Send for catalog. The People's Book Store 162 Cordova St. W. Wanted At the Ymir General Hospital a duly trained nurse. For par- ticultrt write W. B. McISAAC, Secy. ATEIiNTS moderati. Oar jay-sea*'s A-hrtoer sent upon reqaest Marion A Marion. Wew YorkUleBlofc, Meatxeal: and Washington. D.C, U.8A. Propaganda Meeting | Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock City Hall Vancouver B. C. SATURDAY, MAY7th, 1*11. THB WaBTlTUt CLAJBOJ, VANCOUVIR. BRITgH COLUMBIA THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA TV" Pate Is Devoted to Reports of Bxecotire Coaunittees, Locals aad General Party Matters—Address All Coatmunicatiotis to D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 888, Vancouver, B. C. DOMINION EXECUTIVE Meeting held May 2, 1910. Present Comrades Mengel (chalr- ,-aan), Karme, MacKenzie, Peterson, Stebblngs and the Secretary. Minutes of previous, meeting approved. Charters granted Locals Lougheed Mound and Horse Shoe Lake, Alberta, and Nlpigon, Ont. Correspondence dealt with from Maritime, Manitoba and Alberta executives and from Comrade P. C. Young re winding up affairs of Ontario "Executive. From Locals Glace Bay, N. S., Berlin, Port Arthur, Ottawa, Toronto, Cobalt (Finnish) Guelph, Gait, Windsor and Brantford, Ont.; Winnipeg, Man.; North Battleford and Fennell Hall, Sask. From Organizers O'Brien, Gribble, Desmond and Fillmore and from Comrades G. W. Wrigley, Toronto, Ont.; F. G. Stroud, Egllngton, Ont.; A. P. Chew, Winnipeg, Man.; Alt. Budden, North Battleford, Sask.; and Frank Blake, Edmonton, Alta. On request of Local Glace Bay, N. S., the time for the party's consideration of the action ot the Dominion Executive in abolishing the Ontario Executive was extended to May 30. Warants authorized for Clarion April card, *1.00; April deficit, **3.80; printing letterheads and dues stamps $16-00; Secretary's April salary, $15.00. Receipts Alberta Executive, supplies $26.00 B. C. Executive, supplies 50.00 Manitoba Executive, buttons.... 1.50 Local Brantford, supplies 4-TO Local Berlin, stamps 5.00 Local Guelph, supplies 25 Local Fennell Hall, supplies.... 7.00 Local North Battleford, stamps.. 3.00 Local Neplgon, charter 5.00 Publishing Fund: Glace Bay, $10; Sandon, $10; Vancouver, $10.. 30.00 £ H. Nlckerson, literature. 100 Clarion Maintenance Fund, B. J. L'., $1; Mrs. Bone. $1; John Plckenshovel, $5; G. Nickels, therefore were the cause of the hard times, which us slaves get all the time. Well, Com. Davenport got through after inviting questions and pointing out that there waa only one organization that held out any hope for the working class and that was a slaves' movement for the betterment of slaves. Will let you know how we proceed with the class, we are expecting to begin open air meetings next month, so will have more news next time, » Your for the revolution, A. W. BAKER. P. S.—Possibly Grible will read this and get a little scared about us taking part in this class, but have no fear Wilfred, we don't mix Theology with working class economics, the one vital issue Is good enough for us. $5 12.00 Total U44.4. B. C. PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE ap- Meettng held May 2, 1910. Minutes of previous meeting proved. Correspondence dealt with from Locate Ladysmlth, Nanaimo, South Wellington, Courtney, Port Moody, Vancouver, Kamloops, Sandon, Nelson, Fernle, Michel and from Comrades John Staples, Cloverdale; Jas. Cartwright, East Wellington; F. G. Watts, Burquitlam, and L. E. Bartlett, Whon- aock. Receipts Local South Wellington, stamps $ 5.00 Local Nelson, stamps 6-Ou Local Michel, stamps 6.00 Local Vancouver, stamps 20.00 Local Port Moody, stamps 2.00 Local Ladysmith, stamps 5.00 Local Fernle, stamps 10.00 Local Courtenay, stamps 2.00 Local Kamloops, stamps 5.00 Local Sandon, stamps 5.00 F. G. Watts, dues 60 L. E. Bartlett, dues 3.00 J. V. Hull, constitution Bt) John Staples, organizing fund... 3.00 Total *«700 Warrants duly authorized for Clarion April card, $1; Dominion Executive, supplies, $50; postage, $3; Secretary's April Salary, $15. • BRANTFORD, ONT. Dear Mac:— Brantford Comrades took advantage ot an opportunity to attend a class held in one ol the local churches on Sunday afternoon., The object of the class was to discuss social questions, and all present were allowed to voice their opinion. Needless to say we have had all kinds of remedies proposed of which I will name a few, there were Single Taxers, Reformers, Trade Unionists and some who thought that if we could get his Satanic Majesty out of men's hearts all would be well. Well, one and all have been roughly handled by the Socialists and things have evolved to the point wherein Com. Davenport was asked to give a paper and choose his own subject. The subject he took waa the "Robbery of the Producer." In opening, he denied that there were social questions confronting us, averring that the whole thing was based on one social question, and that was the capitalist ownership of the socially necessary means of production. He then traced the robbery of the workers to the proper culprits. This served a double purpose, It set the listeners thinking and also turned the attention of the workers away from the poor storekeeprs, who were being accused ot robbing the workers, and WINDSOR, ONT. Dear Comrade:— Enclosed find two dollars, one to be applied to my account, and one to assist Manitoba Comrades in their campaign. Things are gloomy here but hopes are high. It seems as long as the bruteB have a job that provides them with a sty and a bucket of swill, they are satisfied. If we only had a good speaker we might be able to get along but not the kind like one hears in Detroit. I have attended their meetings off and on for two or three years, and you scarcely ever hear a lecture worth while listening to. Their state organizer, Hoogerhyde I think his name ls, Is the best posted man I have heard yet. Yesterday, Rles, of "Men and Mules' fame spoke, and such a lecture you never heard. Labor-checkB and government stores and all that rot, how we are going to take over Industries, etc. No wonder the American movement Is in such a muddle, between trades unionism, I trouble-you trouble-you-ism, and all the other isms you can think of but the right and only revolutionary Socialism. Thank goodness the evolutionary process offers an excuse tor tbe twaddle but It is to be. hoped that the end of it is fast approaching. You will kindly mall me my account to date and I will forward balance due. Hoping for Manitoba's success, I remain, yours in revolt, LORNE WILKIE, If we consider the number of professors of this "science" who have lost their jobs—been requested to resign, I should Bay—because they bave proclaimed facts not ln conformity with the interests of the ruling and possessing class, we shall at once see that this criticism is thoroughly well justified. To cite only one instance, Professor Thorold Rogers has vacated the chair he used to occupy, simply because he made it widely known that the condition of the working class iu England has grown not better, but worsa, since the fifteenth century. Now this is perfectly true, as has since been demonstrated, but It is a fact that the capitalist needs to conceal, because likely to stir up discontent among the wage slaves, therefore jeopardizing his profits. However fully we recognize the unreliability ot the current university and high school teachings concerning this branch of science, it is not necesssary to impute absolute dishonesty to all Its exponents. But this much must be said: tbat a surprising readiness to distort tacts to fit comfortable theories- comfortable for the capitalist class, of course—is manifested everywhere. Moreover, and equally surprising readiness to suppress all facts and theories, not ln harmony with the interests of 'property," is just as common, clearly indicating the biased character of all such reasoning. , Let it not be thought, however, that we despise these prostitute professors unduly. It ls true we do not love them; they are In the camp ot the enemy. But we have a shrewd suspicion that we, ourselves, are made of much the same kind of clay, and could find lt in. us to see things in quite a different light from behind a solid rampart of capitalism. Still we are comforted with the assurance—in spite of Walpole—that not all men have their price.—A. Percy Chew, In The Voice. WHEN IS A SCIENCE NOT A 8CIENCE? It ls not difficult to see why the professors of the orthodox political economy, so vehemently uphold the present system of capitalism, lt is because their jobs depend upon it. Let no one hastily decide that this is too brutal a way to phrase the thing, until he has carefully considered lt. We will view the matter dispassionately, permitting our class bias to influence us as little as possible. Political economy has been accorded place amongst tbe recognized sciences. It has been called the science of wealth production and distribution But tbere ls one important difference between political economy and all the other sciences. An astronomer, we will say, for instance, discovers an important truth concerning the movements of the heavenly bodies. As there appears to be no reason why he should not do so, he at once gives his new-found knowledge to the world. Similarly with a chemist or a biologist. Whatever he may discover, will certainly do no one any harm, and may do all mankind an immense amount of good. But with our professor ot politl(*al economy, a vastly different state of affairs prevails. His science closely and Importantly concerns the lives of all men living in civilized society. But lt concerns them not all the same way For instance, it falls within the domain of political economy to enquire into the causes ot poverty; to know why, amid advancing wealth, vast masses of the population sink ever deeper into the abyss of mysery and despair. I say the professors of political economy ought to give us definite and satisfactory answerB to such problems aa this. But they never do. Why? The reason Is that they are not professors of economics because they want to find out truth. Their mission in life is to bolster and defend the economic privileges of the ruling class; and their science ls a science only so long as the facts and laws discovered do not prejudice the position of that wealthy class. For Instance, the orthodox economy does not hold with the proposition "that labor produces all wealth," although to the lay mind, It is self evident—because to admit this, Is to admit also, as a necessary corrollary, that "to the producer lt should belong.' Everybody knows that today it belongs to the non-producer, who, as a rule, endows the chairs of political economy ln the universities, and therefore, has some sort of right to dictate the nature of the teachings expounded therefrom. months. Her successor, Novikoff, wrote that drilling in the Theatre Square impeded traffic, He was thrown into Jail tor three months without trial. The next editor, Madame Vesnin, discussed the failure ot a life-saving society to rescue a drowning boy. She was thrown into Jail without trial for one month. She was fined also for describing how the Government strazknlkl (police) terrorized the peaceful citizens of Perm. She was folowed by Franzboll, who was fined for printing a complaint of official abuses signed by three peasants. The peasants saved him from jail by paying the fine, and one ot them got into trouble for this. He appealed to the Premier to put him on trial if his complaint was false. He was sent into exile. "The next event was the closing of the printing works because the Viats- kaya Rletch described some official roguery already exposed in the Duma. When the newspaper next appeared, Franzboll was thrown into jail with out trial for two months. On coming out, he was thrown again into jail without trial for three and a half months. Finally, for an article signed by one contributor last December the Government ordered six contributors to be thrown into jail without trial for six months. Three escaped; one remains ln jail. Such is the lively history of an attempt to establish in Russia a Koelnlsche Zeitung to which even the Government will pay attention.'"—The People. FREEDOM OF THE PRESS How Premier Stolypine Is Cultivating it, Under Nicholas's Orders. Stolyplne's aim ls to "rebuild the autocracy," and paralyze the power of the Duma and the press, says Robert Crozler Long in 'The Fortnightly Review." His way of paralyzing the Duma is by Introducing a series of Government bills of slight Importance and thus occupying the time which should be spent on vital maters. Long thus describes tbe Premier's method, which is a species of "filibustering," not by long speeches, but by active presing on of trifling by-laws, when national issues are at stake: 'While the Duma has been censured, denied its arrogant claim to draft its own rules of procedure, and even to choose what journals it wll read, Its attempts to pass emancipatory laws have been foiled at every turn by the Premier's genial plan of choking the springs of serious legislation with a heap of frivolous laws. Did Ministers only love legality as they love legislation, Russia would be saved in a week. During the brief session before last, the industrious Premier Introduced forty-four separate bills regulating tbe number of policemen in unknown villages. During the last session he showed even greater zeal. While forbidden to pass laws profiling the subject, the drowsy depu- tleb yawned over bills 'To increase the police in the village of Spassovo,' and 'To regulate the staff ot the Greek Orthodox Church ln Bokhara,' the old system of governing without any laws at all was triumphantly restored. The third session had before It 440 govern- ernment bills, of which not one was In any way more Important or more enlightened, than the thousand odd projects which lay unpassed for decades of the nlnetheenth century before tbe somnolent Council of State. Only one act of even second-rate importance received the Czar's consent, and this, a measure providing for conditional release of offenders, has not been put into force, because the Minister of Justice quite as in days of old, has found it necessary to submit it to a commission 'explaining' it out of existence." "The press has really a very considerable liberty, and doubters of this are referred to the history of the Viats- akya Rletch. The population which buys this voice of discontent is uncommonly peaceful, and, though composed mainly of peasants, has made a cultural progress in the last decade which pleases the average unsound, unregenerate Russian, and naturally shocks the sound. The Vlat3kaya Rletch was founded on December 13, 1907; and for something which appeared ln its third Issue it was fined $250. A newspaper In Vlaka cannot pay $250, so its editor was thrown into Jail, without trial, for three months. His succesor, Popoff, who produced the fourth number, for a reprint from a St. Petersburg newspaper was thrown into jail without trial for three months. The fifth issue was seized. The sixth Issue was edited by Madame Ovslan- nlkoff, who was thrown Into jail without trial for three months. For the twelfth Issue, a new editor, Gnevas- heft, was thrown into Jail without trial for three months. "The next editor, Madame Lokhrln, with documentary proof, exposed the roguery of a rural chief. She was thrown Into jail without trial for three MADMEN AND DREAMERS Good people, things will never go well in England so long as goods be not in common, and so long as there be villeins and gentlemen. By what are they whom we call lords greater folk than we? On what grounds have they deserved lt? Why do they hold us in serfage? If we all came from the same father and mother, of Adam and Eve, how can they say or prove that they are better than we, if it be not that tbey make us gain for them by our toil what they spend in their pride? They are clothed ln velvet, and warm ln their furs and their ermines, while we are covered with rags. They have wine and spices and fair bread; and we eat oat-cake and straw, and water to drink. They have leisure and fine houses; we have pain and labour, the rain and the wind in the fields. And yet lt is of us and of our toll that these men hold their state."—(John Ball, 1381). No more conclusive proof ot the mental bankruptcy of the opponents of Socialism could be furnished than the frequency with which fossilised fogies laugh Socialism to scorn as a scheme devised by madmen and dreamers. In the past history of our race the advocates of any Innovation which was not in acordance with established customs have ever been denounced by the Conservatives of their time as 'madmen' and "dreamers," and the comfortable class of predatory parasites has always attempted by means of this cry to pre vent the people paying any attention to the arguments of the agitators. But in the end their endeavors have failed because the necessities of men have overcome their dislike for change and driven them to accept the new idea as the solution of some problem by which they were faced. Indeed, were this not so progress in any direction would not have taken place, and we should be still living In a state of brutal savagery, to- the only thing that has made lt possible for mankind to develop has been their capacity for adapting themselves to changed conditions. Innumerable Instances of this absurd prejudice against and ridiculous hatred of change are to be found ln the pages of history, and doubtless In prehistoric times the flrst of our lowbrowed ancestors who conceived the Idea of using fire to cook his food Instead of eating lt raw was regarded by the vererable wiseacres of his tribe a "danger to society." It was with a similar simian spirit of stupidity that a professor of Pisa University when requested by that pioneer of scientific progress, "the starry Galileo," to look through his telescope at the moons of Jupiter which he had Just discovered, refused to do so as he was certain that there were no moons because nothing was said about them In the writings of the wise men ot the past. With all that hatred of the quest- loner of established institutions whicli characterizes the flunkey, the courtly chronicler, Frolssart, referred to the brave leader of the Peasant's Revolt, John Ball, as "a mad priest of Kent. Coming down to more recent times, it was ln 1830 just after the invention of railway engines that that staid organ of Conservative opinion "The Quarterly Review" asked:—"What could be more palpably absurd than the prospect held out, ot locomotives travelling twice as fast as stage coaches?" Some seventy years ago a British scientist possessed by a blind hatred ot innovation wrote a pamphlet ln which he proved to his own satisfaction that lt was impossible for a steamship to cross the Atlantic, but tho poor man was soon shown to be hopelessly behind tho times, for a week later the first steamship started and carried a tew thousand copies ot his pamphlet to the Uniteo^States. History, in this respect at least, repeats Itself and the wise people who are perpetually prating about the impossibility of Socialism are only examples of those who, in Lowell's phrase, "worship the dead corpse ot old King Custom." Far too many of the English workers are, as yet, too timid to trust themselves and throw off the reactionary worship of the established which their masters have been so careful to Instil into their minds. Consequently, when the Socialist suggests that a nation possessing such powers of wealth production as England could order Its affairs so that every man, woman and child should have security of existence and a sufficiency of the good things of lite, they reply:—"It ls a noble Idea but lt ls lmposlble." When the Socialist shows how easy lt would be to abolish unemployment and remove poverty, they murmur "yes, we admit that Socialism would be heaven, but we do not possess wings." Other still more fatuous, claim that "all is for the best in the best of possible worlds" and that no alteration in our social organization Is desirable. These workers remind us of the character In "David Copperfleld" who would "rather at any time be knocked down by a man who had good blood ln him, then be picked up by a man who hadn't." If lt is any satisfaction to workers of this type we can cheerfuly assure them that they are going to get plenty of "knocking down" in the near future and not only from blue-blooded peers,, but also from common plutocrate plunderers. Indeed, all the signs show that the people will be shortly forced to choose between starvation under capitalism and security for all under Socialism. Every day brings with lt a growth ln the productive power of society and at the same time more and more of the people are hurled headlong into the abyss of poverty. The continual changes in industrial methods and their consequences for the workers will render it possible for even tbe most conservative and dull-witted to see the need for a transformation of society. The social conditions are ripe for a change from private ownership of the means of production to social ownership, the continued trade depression demonstrates that the owners of industry can no longer control the productive forces which have been brought into being by the brawn,and brain of the workers. As capitalism increases the productive power ot labor by means of machinery and commerlcal concentration, it concurrently decreases the purchasing power of the people by adding to the number of unemployed and reducing wages. Hence tbe great contradiction of modern society, poverty produced by plenty, people homeless ln the midst of innumerable empty houses, Ill-fed, ill-shod, and ill- clad ln the midst of shops and warehouses filled with goods they need. It ls this wonderful development of productive power which has brought Socialism down from the clouds of dreamland and made of lt a necessity of tbe near future. In past ages whenever men aimed at a state of communal well-being, they Invariably failed because the methods of wealth production did not render social-ownership possible. In 1832, to take one Illustration, when the Peasants' Revolt was ruthlessly crushed by the armed forces of Richard II, the bulk of the population was scattered in country districts, jfcere andTfoi* By "Smith." means of comunlcatlon were extremely primitive, and machinery was unknown, production being carried on with the aid of simple hand tools which were worked Individually. To-day, on the other hand, production has become social In its character, machines requiring the joint, collective, co-operative labor of large numbers ot men have replaced the band tools of the middle ages; the simple anvil, hammer and chisels ot those days bave developed Into Iron-mills and machinery-shops with their lathes and Nasmyth steam-hammers, the rough wain or wagon which could be driven by one man has given way to the iron railroad which requires the collective labor of thousands of men. In order that all may participate in the increased wealth which the change from the individual hand-tools ot the past to the collective machinery of the present has brought In its train, individual ownership by capitalists of the machinery of production must be abolished and collective ownership by all the people substituted. Only thus can the people secure freedom from exploitation, and we call upon all those who desire to remove the horrible contrast of abject poverty and lelBured luxury to rally round the red flag of International Socialism and help to realize the day when: — "We who once were fools and dream- era, then shall be brave and wise. There amidst tho world new-bullded shall our earthly deedB abide. Though our names be all forgotten, and the tale of how we died. Life or death, then, who shall heed lt, what we gain or what we lose? Fair flies life amid the struggle, and the Cause for each shall choose." —The New World. On May Day the Vancouver LocaL' lined up under the guns ot the enemy''' literally and metaphorically. Camble street grounds, on which the afternoon meeting was held, ls covered by the guns of the armory of the gallant mill* tta, but the fact held no terrors tor tha. assembled proletarians. We, too, had our guns, weapons, however, of another kind, and the four speakers were well j heeled In the matter ol amunltion. a a a The same happened ail over tha world and the developing class-con- sclousnes of the working class was ; shown ln a most pronounced fashion. Clarence V. Hoar sends along another all the way from Portland, Maine. A short footnote makes a guess "that there are almost aa many subscribers in Portland aa ln Montreal." Yonr guess is just about right, old man; there are more. Further, lt does "beat hell" that all the "Ignorant foreigners" are > Socialists. a a a Four other lucky plugs In the Peg sent through the agency of J. Smart. a a a I have heard much of blue pencils, master printers and printer's devils in the course of my short life, but till within the laat few weeks have managed successfully to steer clear of them. The pressure of events having compelled me to contribute many words and much nonsense to the pages of the Clarion, I expected to have at least a modicum of Justice meted out to me. In last week'a Issue ot the only working man's paper ln Canada there waa published over the signature ot Smith an article entitled "Some Definitions Not Found ln Webster's." One of these definitions is more than amusing, but Smith had nought to do with lt. Editor or printer or someone else may take the responsibility, but not for mine. The editor may blame the printer, the print- . r the editor. So I take the matter Into my own hands. The definition of money should read aa follows: Money—A commodity functioning aa a universal equivalent, measure of value, standard of price and medium of exchange. Followed by: Price—The exponent of exchange.' value, the monetary expression of the' , labor-power embodied ln a commodity.^.. 1 a a a John Harrington sends up three from Coal Creek, but no Marxian analysis o"*! money. He can take as long aa he likes to analyse money so be he sends', the hard stuff In the meantime. a a • C. McM. Smith, Brooklyn, Increases his bundle to twenty-five a week. The I end ln view Is to supply some of our ; academic American friends with the real dope. A laudable object. a a a Geo. Nickels, Rivers Inlet, B. C, passes ln a hatful of dollars, five In number, for the Clarion maintenance fund. Any more? a a a Mrs. Clark, Nanalmo, thinks we ought to cut out all profane and repulsive language and that the majority of men are Inferior to women. It all depends how you look at lt. To the churchman everything not soaked ln the odor of sanctity ls profane, and to the capitalist everything that alms at his material interests Is repulsive and must remain so. We don't tackle the second proposition. We accept the dollar, however. e e e Jaa. Thompson changes his address from Winnipeg to Medicine Hat and encloses three subs from wayside station. Oet them going ln Medicine Hat. a a a No man is good enough or honest enough or big enough to rule over me and I am not good enough to rule over any other man." So says Klngsley, and so say I. e e e W. H. S. brings two wage plugs down. a a a Tbe following have singles to go on the list: G. S. Lundlee, Tonopah, Nev.; J. Cares, Enderby; J. Steen, South Vancouver; I. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C; The Unpatriotic Irishman; Gribble, Winnipeg; J. Stewart, Toronto; Mrs. Brlggs, Nanaimo; S. Heath, Fred Perry, W. H. Sinclair, T. Roberts, Jos. Johnson, M. J. Prendergast, Jas. Galloway, R. Llbby, all of Vancouver. OVKR OB VEARB* EXPERIENCC T**»Dt M-ni-a Disioms .... COPYRIOHTe Ac Anvone eeaetsf a a»st-h ana -saeriptloo as? (lUoMraiooruin oar oMiainn f^jlMjaer ea tl..na«ulo«lT~.n-d«,ll-J. HASOIOOt ,-nPaisau PatM-U taken tiruuib Moyn A ft". mo-Its ■racial MUM, without Shane, la the Scientific flit.er.catt. A hai-asimalT HMe*»t*4 wsaMr. k"jr"-» efr- eBlSraoTaay wEffle tonr^l.'tmm lot CWU, lin a for, puaUSO pc**-***. Sol4 H» g-l j ■--' — ftUKVSrfKW *m THE "ARMY" IN TRADE "The army ot friars should be absolute mendicants, keeping themselves sternly apart from all wordly entanglements . . Within thirty years of Francis' death in -226, the Franciscans had become one of the most powerful, wealthy and wordly corporations ln Christendom, with their "fingers in every sink of political and social corruption, if so be profit for tbe order could be fished out of it . . Who is to say that the Salvation Army in tbe year 1920 shall not be the replica of what the Franciscan order had be come ln the year 1640?"—T. H. Huxley, "Social Diseases and Worse Remedies." A Prophecy Fulfilled. In its haste to get rich quick "for God," the Salvation Army has literally fallen over Itself, thereby justifying Huxley's forecast with ten year's to spare. It must be borne in mind tbat tbe Booth trading concerns are a religious growth; carefully to be distinguished from those undertakings to which the "social" scheme has given birth. "Each territory or country," we are told, "has its own trade department, hut .that connected with the International headquarters . buys and manufactures largely for oversea territories." In the early days of the "Army" a penny songbook and monthly magazine were published. The latter afterwards become the "War Cry." Later on "certain articles of uniform were required by our officers. These being difficult to procure elsewhere, we bad them prepared and sold them ourselves. From these modest efforts the present trade operations—in their large and ever-increasing proportions— sprang." (Salvation Army Year Book, JW7,) We are further assured that "trad- . log ie now a Salvation Army necessity," and that "the 'Army' must buy and sell." Wags-Slavery for God. ' After this autboratatlve pronounce- ' ment, If any. doubting Thomas yet remains, he is pacified by being told that "the entire profits are devoted to the extension of tbe spiritual work. Sovereigns means souls. The trading ts dene for God, and the aim of the i. 'Army' ia that strict truth and righteousness actuate every transaction. Every Salvationist ought, therefore, to 11 twy all he needs or can from the Trade I ,i.liggiartxoBnt." r jLat (if- glance at what ls being done "for Gc-fc" i In addition to religious publications and uniforms, the official list Of articles Sold includes among others too numerous tp mention: Women's dresses. Men's and children's suits. Drapery. . Hosiery. tt Boots and shoes. ,. China and glass. . Earthenware. Cutlery. Pianos and organs (hire system). , "Flannelette and "Non-Flam." Sewing machines. Furniture of all kinds. Bicycles and mall carts. Printing, bookbinding and stationery. Books. W.atcbes snd clocks. Bags and portmanteaus. Underwear. Tea, coffee and cocoa. Bread—families waited on daily. Etc., etc. Ths Heavenly Whiteley. Here we bave (in this extract from an official trade department catalogue) proof positive that tbe "Army" thinks it Is justified In competing with the Ordinary tradesman ln the supply of almost everything, by taking advantage of Its peculiar position, reputation and Influence. Moreover, It Is not only to "members" that the goods in which lt deals are supplied. The circulation. of the "War Cry" and tbe "Social Gazette" is mainly amongst a class of folk who, whilst perhaps ln sympathy with the Salvation Army, are not actually members of that body. Specious advertisements In both the journals referred to, constantly Invite tbe reader to apply for this or that particular trade list or catalogue. In these advertisements ail the well-known catchpenny devices for attracting "business" are employed, the following ls an example—one out of many. It speaks for Itself: Our Christmas Gift to You Christinas ls the season for giving The custom has suggested our doing something for our friends which may add a drop to the cup of gladnesB which we hope wlll come full to the brim to all our customers (his Christmas time. To make a direct gift would be Impossible, however great the desire to do bo. We propose to do something, however, that will, we hope, be regarded as almost, If not quite, as acceptable to those able to participate. FIVE USEFUL AND SERVICEABLE ARTICLES AT HALF PRICE A. A pair of Trousers, usual price lis., for 6s. 6d. or B. A Woman's Honeycomb, Jersey Blouse, usual price 5s. 6d., for 2s. 9d. or C. A pair of Men's "Fortress" SMaL |i(Ci-*i^*»aX-J--.'- *W--*> ojuuoh, or D. Boots, usual price 9s. lid., tor 4s. 11 Wd. A pair of Women's "Favorite" Boots, usual price 8s. lid., for 4s. 5V4d. or E. A Girl's Winter Coat, usual price 7b. 6d., for Ss. 9d. HOW IT IS DONE ft 1. One of the Half-Price Articles suplled with every order not less than £1 ln amount, not counting the half- price article, cash for which must be Bent in addition. Customers may Bend as many £1 orders as they wish. For every such order is given the option to purchase one of the half-price articles. 2. The goods to be selected from our Uniform and Outfit Catalogue, or from our Christmas Sheet of USEFUL PRESENTS which will be Bent Free on Application. Under the cloak of religion then the strongest posible appeal is made to tbe prospective customer's love of—not .God, but—a good bargain. How it IS Done. It is moreover the duty of the "field- officer" (wage slave commanding a religious corps) to take a lively Interest ln the trade, push it and try to increase lt as much aa possible. He must announce the visits of Trade Headquarters' representatives and afford every facility for getting into touch with his soldiers and friends. These poor wretches are so badly paid (18s. a week If unmarried and 27 a week if married) that they are forced to push the sale of goods. For this they receive commission. And mind you, the wages are only paid after all the local expenses of the dorps have been met. In case the unfortunate officer, for some reason or other, is unable to meet tbe weekly expenses, he gets practically no wages at all. A pretty picture) forsooth. Enough to make one's blood boll. The harassed ylctim of the malpractices of Booth & Co., forced to undersell and cut the price of commodities which have themselves been produced by sweated labor. And this in good "Salvationese" is called "earning a sovereign for the Kingdom of God"! Booth and Boots. Apropos of underselling, a quotation from the "Army's" boot and shoe catalogue makes interesting reading: 'The'following argues in favor of the low price of our boots: The representative of a manufacturing firm remarked recently that we were selling a certain class of their boots ls. 9d. per pair less than they were to be obtained at several shops mentioned by*hlm. We were ignorant of the prices of any of the goods sold by the retailers mentioned . Any idea of "cutting" the price was, therefore, quite out of the question, showing thst either we buy better or are content with smaller profits." The official apologist does not tell us which of these two factors—the "Army's" ability to buy better or its being contented with smaller profits— determines the price of boots. Posibly a jocular remark made by General" Booth when about to leave tor America (Sept, 1907,) May throw a little light on the subject. 'If you are not willing to be sweated," said he, "don't have anything to do with the Salvation Army." The pious old jester referred to the "field-officers'' in the religious work, but inasmuch as we are told that "trading is done for God," lt is quite likely— if the truth were known—(not so easy to come at that same truth) that the workerB and distributors in the "Army" trade departments are not paid such handsome salaries as obtain in shops and stores, where profit is tbe primary consideration and "God" has to be content with a back seat (or shelf) for six days in the week. These factors will prfSbably be found to have some bearing, not only on tbe price of the "Army's" boots, but upon its successful competition with the ordinary labor market. And at this point we are brought face to face with the crux of the whole matter. The Cheap-Jacks of Religion. Is the Salvation Army able to create a new or increased demand for the commodities it supplies through the agency of its huge religious staff? If It is not, then the effect of its participation in the production and distribution of such commodities must necessarily diminish the demand for goods which are produced under the ordinary conditions of the market. In proportion as the "Army" increases its production of those commodities more workers will be employed (by the "Army") under especially bad economic conditions, and fewer will be the number of those employed (by the ordinary capitalist) at ordinary wages. The following Ib taken from the cover of a juvenile clothing catalogue Issued by the "Army," and will serve to give some slight idea as to whether the "Army" ls creating a new demand or merely competing with and underselling the ordinary market: "I am a representative of the Salvation Army Outfit department I am glad that I belong to the Salvation Army, as people will not only listen to what I say, but will know they can be- ilieve what I tell them. I am devoted to the selling of children's clothing. Every moment of my life, night and day, is given up to It, I am ln every way up-to-date, although it ls myself that Bays It ... I am not afraid of the keenest competition. Compare my prices with those of other sellers of juvenile clotbing. I shall like it and have no doubt about my coming out on top With the "Army's" launching out into the wholesale and retail tea. and coffee business—its incursion into many other departments of trade—we have, unfortunately, no space to deal For fuller details of this interesting subject we must commend our readers to Mr. Manson's work. Ths "Flannel" Fraud. But as a final illustration of the lengths to which this hydra-headed monstrous fraud ls prepared to go in its desiret to "sell," the story of the "flannelette" is too good to be passed over. We accordingly rescue it from an undeserved oblivion, leaving lt to our readers for judgment. On September 22, 1906, a column advertisement appeared in the "Social Gazette." This took the form of an "Open Leter to Parents" signed by Lieut.-Col. Simpson (the "Army's" trade secretary). Big black capitals were splashed all over the page directing urgent attention to the dangers incurred by little children from the use of ordinary flannelette—"1,500 children burned to death In 1905—Save the little ones,' etc., etc. "Your duty then ls plain," said the worthy Colonel, "send for the Army's 'Non-Flam,' an excellent safety flannelette . . Your duty is plain not to use for the precious little ones the dangerous fabric which has been the cause of so much suffering and death." Now the Colonel's own department had been selling ordinary flannelette for years before the date on which this advertisement appeared. It is, to Bay the least, remarkable that this department continued to advertise it even after the discovery and adoption of "Non-Flam." Six months later we And a drapery catalogue advertising— yes—"Non-Flam," but giving preced ence and nearly three times the space to—flannelettes at 2%d. to 8%d. per yard. None of these were described non-inflamable. People were even urged to write for patterns of these dangerous materials as being "of exceptional value"—"cheaper than many leading drapers," etc. Apparently Colonel Simpson's principles were his own and could, there- tore, be sacrificed. The remainder of the flannelette was Booth & Co.'s, and could not!—Fritz, In The Socialist Standard. SATURDAY, MAY 7th, 1910. BU8INES8, MY FRIEND, BU6INESS. Gold, yellow, glittering, precious gold! Thus much of this will make back white; foul fair; Wrong right; base noble; old young; coward valiant. . .What this, you Gods? Why this will buy your priests and servants from your side; Pluck ptout men's pillows from below their heads; This yellow slave Wil knit and break religions; bless the accursed; Make the hoar leprosy adored; place thieves And give them title, knee and approbation With Senators on the bench; this is it, That makes the wappen'd widow wed again: . . Come damned earth, Thou common whore of mankind. —Shakespeare. There is something ludicrously humourous ln the spectacle of the ordinary business man denouncing Socialism as selfish. Immoral, and opposed to the higher interests of humanity. For of all the systems of society that have existed (and It la well to remember, as our business man never does, that we are by no means at the beginning of social evolution) what system has so built itself up to the utter exclusion of all that makes for the development of the more generous and kindly Impulses of man as the capitalist system—the system which has produced our "business man?" The saying—"One must not let domestic affairs interfere with business," or "In business there is no room for timent" —are commonplaces, along with many more conveying much the same meaning. Sayings such as these serve to express the unscrupulous and brutal character of the reckless struggle for profits which characterizes the capitalist system. Everything may go In this struggle—religious creeds, family affection, friends(how old ts the cry of "friend, remembered not") and all that is called sacred, should- any one of them interfere in the accumulation of profit. Concrete evidences of this fact are cropping up continualy . It ls not such a long time ago— when an American sensationalist writer, Charles Sheldon, set the world agog with his book, "What would Jesus Do?" in which the conflict betwen professions of religion and business practice were made capital of. But a few months since, there appeared In the "Sunday Chronicle" an obituary notice of a certain Christain Trading Co., which had opened up business In Manor Park. Christianity ln business maintained a struggling existence for three months and then suc cumb eiI, frankly admitting that the God's Competition and Profit were Its masters. Now, quite recently, we get another public manifestation of the ennobling Influences of our profit grinding system ln the statement made by lord Allerton, presiding at the half-yarly meeting of the shareholders of the Great Northern Railway Company. Thi- following excerpt is from the "Dally News" of Saturday, February 12th: — "At the Great Northern meeting Prebendary Webb-Peploe presented a memorial signed by 2,629 shareholders calling upon the company to abolish Sunday goods' traffic and all Sunday excursion trains. He could not help saying tbat the excursion trains of the Great Northern Railway were a discredit to company. Lord Allerton, in replying, said the company were the servants of the public. The Rev. Webb-Pepjoe: Servants of the Lord. Lord Allerton: The Rev. gentleman's Ideal is a high one, but quite Impossible. (Hear, hear.") Now, whatever may be the merits or demerits of Sunday excursion trains, and it is not my place here to pronounce either way, beyond perhaps recording the fact that everything which tends to limit the immediate spending capacity of the workers tends also to reduce wages—however that may be, the point here is that the proposition put forward by Prebendary Peploe was admitted by the Chairman and those shareholders who applauded him to embody a noble ideal, while in the same breath these gentlemen admitted that business and high ideals cannot go together. Thus are they openly convicted of being the rankest hypocrites, for are not these the very people who hurl at us the charge of Immorality, selfishness, and gross materialism? Incidentally, the very phraseology of my noble Lord stinks of hypocrisy. Servants of the public, indeed! Yes, we have met many of them, from Rowland Hirst, late mayor of Mile End, to Armour & Co., canned meat manufacturers, of Chicago. We occasionally read the advertisement columns of tbe newspapers and are aware that public benefactors abound . The only drawback ls that these gentlemen have a way of ceasing their beneficial activities as soon as the dividends fall to come in. After all, such Incidents as these' simply serve to express the fact that material interests dominate. This fact we Socialists are always striving to press home. -It does not require an exceptionally brillant intellect to perceive that so long as competition reigns and every man's hand is at his fellows throat, hypocrisy of this sort must be a standing feature of our social lite. It is not a boastful claim on our part when we say that Socialism alone can put,an end to lt. By the organization of the co-operative labor of the pepple for the satisfaction of the general needs of these same people all reason for such equivocation wlll.be removed, and there will no longer be any reason tor tbe disgusting spectacle of a number of men professing a belief in the brotherhood and mutual Interests of man, but whose whole existence means nothing more or less than a continuous Injury to their fellows. C. W. PEACHY, ln the "New World." GIBSON'S LANDING, B. C. Dear Comrade,—Here is $11, ten for publishing fund and one for 100 of Summary of Marx' Capital. You can book us for 100 ot O'Brien's speech ln Alberta Parliament. Our building fund stands as follows: Local Nelson * 10.00 Local Michel 6.00 Local South Wellington 5.45 Com. A. Torvonen, Frisco 6.00 Com. Falcovlts, Gibson's 3.00 From basket, necktie and flower parties at home 70.10 Total $100.65 Yours ln revolt, J. N. HINTSA. CLARION FINANCIAL 8TATEMENT May, 1910 EXPENDITURES Printing $188.00 Mailing H'06 Boy 15.00 Total $217.05 RECEIPTS Subs ' $162.75 Cards and Advertisements 44.50 Deficit 9-80 Total 1217.05 PRICK fyltT OF •UPPLII-B, Ohartar (with aecasaary sup- •41a* to start Local) *.*• Membership Carls, sac* 41 Dans ■taasps, sash M netfom aad afoUaatfM Waah net IM •* DMtota Finals*, par IM ... -M am ia *Otaralalaa. per IM .... M Imam ta Italia**, net IM J» CssMtltaUssu, eaefc M tmm, IlHlBk, WW PLATFORM Socialist Patty of Canada We, the Socialist Psrty of Canada, In convention assembled, affirm' our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme ot the revolutionary working claas. Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong. The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products pf labor belong to the capitalist elsss. The capitalist Is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and: defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and, their control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and degredation. The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of.tho wage' system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation ot capitalist property in the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property. The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the- reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by political action. This is the class struggle. Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with tbe object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, aa follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class. 2. The democratic organization and management of industry by the workers. 3. The establishment, aa speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit. The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll this legislation advance the Interests of the working claas and aid the workers in their class struggle against capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; If lt wlll not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt. In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands In such a manner aa to promote the interests of tbe working class alone. VANCOUVER HEIGHTS EXTENSION Big lota, M by 1)4, Just at tne end of Hastings Street Bast carllne only fifteen minutes from tram office aad four chains from car terminus, fronting on Boundary Road (132 feet wide). PRICE $1000 UP PER LOT Or equal to $333 for SS feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 1» aad 24 months. This is the third subdivision I have put on in tho East End, and the others have Increased ln value, some aa much as 100 per cent In less than one year. As some of our customers well know, lots In block 84, Hastings townsite were sold from $300 up, one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I wlll pay $600 for any lot in that block. Our other subdivision put "on later, has Increased proportionately, and I feel sure that thla will do the same, as lt has advantages that the others had not, being close to carllne and having sidewalk from carllne to and through the property on Barnard and Venables streets to the eastern boundary. Branch offlce on the ground and men in charge. T. M. BEAMISH 41 Hasting St. E. Phone 3391, \> Vancouver,[B.C. DENTIST W. J. CURRY Room 501 Dominion Trust Bldg. ir YOU HAVE UKRAINIAN neighbors, send for a bundle et "Robrtcfay, Nuod" the organ of the Ukrainian comradea in Canada. 50 ccali a year 133 St.pa-e St. f/laaip-g, Mas. Demand Cigars Bearing this Label -Which Stand* for a*. Liwing Wag* Vaneeavar Leeal 367. 566 TO HOUSEKEEPERS q If yoa would like to spend leas time ia yonr kitchen and woodshed, aad kave mack more time for OMt-ioor life, recreation and pleasure, look into the «aest'-*« of -feint 7**T caokMf with a Gas Range. Tslssheaa year address to ear eCsc aad we will scad a aaa to Miimr* year prca-isas aad give yea aa sstisssts el east at iassslltog the gac pipes, YaocNver Gas Company, '■■'■• -•■"; « ..,-.. ' • ■ •
Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter.
Newspapers
Vancouver (B.C.)
English
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library
Vancouver, B.C. : The Western Socialist Publishing Co., Limited
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BC Historical Newspapers
Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives.
Western Clarion
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