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The Western Clarion Mar 2, 1907

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, March 2, 1907
«£££»•. Si.00
FACTIONS IN THE
SOCIALIST PARTY
Evidences of the Clash Between the
Revolutionary Proletariat and Its
Opportunist Saviours.
Some people take fright at factions.
They arc alway* crying for harmony,
ihey think the Socialist party is no
place for division*. Is not every Sor
delist a comrade, a brother, with whom
we ahould have no controversy? Let
us unite against the common enemy and
not be wrangling among ourselves!
That sounds good ami is good, unless it means that Socialists are never
to have any discussions with one another, but must sit around like angels
with  harps all pbtying one tune.
Socialists are human beings not
angrl*. They arc on thc earth yet, and
not in heaven. 1 n«y reach conclusions
like other men, hy means ot free debate. Socialism claims to deveiop individuality and demands freedom of
speech. Yet some Socialists would
tiiujire.* discussion among Socialist*
and reduce us all to thc dead level of
the stii(>ul on thc impossible plane of
the sanctiticd.
Instead of bewailing factions in thc
Socialist I'arty, wc sltould greet them
as a smn of life and progress, *I"hcrc
are no {actions among the dead. Ihey
all lie on one level in a cemetery, llttt
people wlio arc alive always -truggie
rtith one another. It is the law of cx-
i-teiicc. So let us have done with impracticable, Utopian talk about Socialist perfect iomsiii.
Ilut there are two kinds of factions;
(-Cliyns based "ii i»rincij*U- and factum* based on persons. Personal fac-
ii'im, though they arc bound to exist
more or less, cannot last long unless the t
;•• is.ms represent vmic pt incudes ilut
uthcr persons arc interested  in.
Factions based on principle arc inevitable in any free society Thc Socialist
l'afty comes the nearest oi all political parties to being a free social organisation.
Free discussion, differences of opinion welcomed, not suppressed; factions
i distantly forming because of such
differing opinions, a grcal, open, free
forum where individuals ami factions
dash, argue and vote conccrmng c|tics-
tkma of vital interrst to than all. such
are the ciuractcnstics ot thc Socialt-t
I'arty.
Who would have it otherwise? Would
anyone turn thc Socialist I'arty into a
dogmatic ecclesiasticism, where even
one is required to say, "Credo,** and
always say it tn a dead language? Dot*
any true Socialist want to make the Socialist I'arty into a Socialist Labor
I'arty where everybody must BglM with
■ •ne man or get out oi thc orgs nl nation t
Or, on the other han~, who would have
our organization, instead of petrifying
under one man's tyrannical orthodoxy,
s|)re»d out into a jelly fish conditio" of
faclionles* and tpetthtMt   harmony?"
Every Socialist who is also a practical, reasonable man. will rxjic-l and
welcome factions based on principles.
I here will lie leaders in inch factions,
as there arc always leaders in any debate, men who »ce clearest and state
l*c.sl lhe principles involved
Hut only weak and unthinking people
•wil follow such leaders as individuals
The only leadership which can last in a
(rte society such as the Socialist Party
must be if it il to continue, is that had
"ship which represents best those principles which arc essential to the interests ofrthe organization, lf any individual aspire* to be a leader in the Socialist Party, he must "make v>ooil" by
proving to the majority thai Ins principle* arc those which underlie the
evolutionary movement and arc therefore essential to party ptognt.
Therefore no one should fear factions
nor leader* of factions. Both are inevitable.
What we should fear am* i>«ht is the
unthinking snd submissive mind, lhe
man to bc feared is thc man who takes
'my other man's word for anything We
*h*ll have no leaders who can mislead.
■'hen every Socialist demands to be
'■•liown." Leader* are dsngeroui only
when free discussion is trowiul upon
No faction which is based upon fan*
•lamental principles can hc downed by
downing any leader of thai faction. I he
principle will finu another spokesman
iind the faction another leader. Because
no principle which represents the interests of a class can possibly Ih- sup
Pressed. Factions and their leaders
are thc mere instruments of class in
'crests. Men may come ami men may
8o, but class interests go on forever
These considerations find direct ap
plication iu the present conditwits of the
Socialist Party in thc United States
I wo great factors are contending "'
that pany for supremacy. The same
<w> factions exist in the Socialist Par
ty of all countries, for the simple reason
that thc same economic conditions exist in all civilize) nations.
These contending factions are thc
Revolutionary Socialists and the Reform s Socialists, sometimes known as
the "Revolutionists'' and the •Opportunists."
It is folly to conceal this internal contest in thc Socialist Parties, as it is
always folly to conceal or ignore any
essential fact. Thc fact of factions in
the Socialist Party is thc chief fact in
that party as a party. We must face it
and deal with it. If wc do not, the
party is doomed because of its own incapacity to handle its own affairs. One
faction or the other must prevail. Wc
cannot have a two-headed party, much
less a two-bodied party.
For these two factions really stand
for two different bodies in modern society, two classes in society with conflicting intrcests. That at any rate, is
what the Revolutionary Socialists believe, namely, that thc wage-workers, or
proletarian class, have interests of their
own, distinct from and opposed to all
other classes in society, and that the Socialist Party must be primari'y a pro-
Ictarun organization. This does not
mean that members of the other classes
may not be Socialists, but that the Socialist Parly is asd must be a parly af
thc proletarian class because the proletarian class is the main source of capilalist   exploitation   and  accumulation.
Thc reform faction of Socialists, on
thc other hand, contend for the interests of the miijuic class in society, that
is, thc small business man and the small
farmer. This class is exploited by ihe
trust class aud i.s fighting -fiercely to
prevent such exploitation. The Reform
Socialists stand lor this class in society,
•mpnasize the appeal to this class and
would conform Socialist Party tactics
to the needs of this class of small capitalists.
These arc thc two contending factions in thc Socialist Party the world
over. Ihey have various spokesmen
and leaders. In Germany Rebel Revolutionist and Bernstein Opportunist. In
France, Gucsdc and Jaures. In Italy
icm and Turati In England Hynd
man and Blatchford. In America
Mailly, Hanford and Wbs, Revolution,
ists, and Berger, Hoehn and Mills, Opportunists.
This great conflict between two factions based on principle must go on.
It ought to go on. For us to suppress
it or ignore it -mites disaster later. It
is just as foolish as ever it was to cry,
rcacc, Peace." when there is no peace.
Let OS have open and fair discussion*, as
free as possible from personalities. Men
arc nothing except as they stand for
principles Whether a man is good or
lod personalis-, matters not. I he only
question is. "What dot** hc stand for?
On  the great question.   'Wage class
or    Middle    Class? lhe    Socialist
lands unequivocally where it has s'ood
these seven years past, namely, for a
Proletarian Party, destined to cmanci- j
pate all slaves of capital—a party into
'•hose rait* every person ol whatever
class will lie welcome who comes to assist the wage class achieve its destiny —
Seattle Socialist. *
—, e ——
A CHANCE TO RISE.
"Here of all places in thc world,
young 'men have a chance to rise,
vv am earners have a chance to rise. --
Dr Jacob Gould Schurman in debate
with Morris Hillquit.
"There's  a   chance  to   rise   for  every
honest worker"
Said the Doctor with a condescending
smirk; .  .
An.l it's true, for every morning      ,
At the loud alarm clock's warning,
There's "a chance to rise' and hustle
off to worki
But the Doctor spake more truly than
he reckoned, ,
And that truth the Socialist can read
There's1'"a   chance   to   rise,"   ye
workers:— . .
Rise and overthrow the shirkers
With your ballot    and your economic
might I
-Tom Selby. in The Worker.
SIGNS OF THE TIMES.
That the repressive functions of the
capitalist state will pretty soon be exercised in Canada, in a manner never
before witnessed, there is every reason
to believe. In spite of the continued
teaching of the sophistry, that the interests of capital and labor are identical,
strikes against oppressive conditions of
employment continue in the same old
way. ,
The Compulsory Investigation Act
now before the oar! lament of Canada is
the entering of the thin end of the
wedge. This act carries with it penalties. No matter what act of tyrannical
oppression may be practised by a corporation, the men dare not strike without incurring the danger of contemplating for a while the ins uie of a jail. The
composition of the investigating tribunal means in the final analysis two
bourgeois against one workingman.
As well might a sheep look for justice
from a bench of wolves as for thc
workers to hope to gain anything from
these arbitrators, lt is undoubtedly a
move to check a strike by legal penal*
tics and give the corporation an op-
portunitv while the investigation is be-
in? held to recruit strike-breakers in
sufficient quantities to beat the men out
before they start.
We understand that a strike is mors
than probable in the Crow's Nest district next month, and thc progress of
this act ttirough parliament is to be
hastened in oroer to get its repressive
machinery to cope with the threatened
trouble.
Anyone who has been through the
slave-pens of the Crow's Nest Coal Ca
and witnesseu thc almost intolerable
conditions of employment in that region will say there is cause for a strike
in plenty. However, we have not ol
late lieen much in favor of strikes;
There is only one that, in our opinion,
can be thoroughly effective, and this
the majority of the miners of the
Crow's Nest have not as yet seen fit
to adopt it. However, we have littler
sympathy with the dear public in the
time of a strike and thc miners of the
Crow's Nest arc entitled to have less*
"When the capitalist press speaks of the
public suffcrip- it is not the working
class section they have in mind. The'/'
know the workers suffer all the time
in employment and out of it. They
would never raise a finger of protest
were thc condition of those miners ten
times  worse than  it  is now,  provided
they were quiet and kept working. The
public to them is their own class—the
bourgeois—and of them we say, in the
words of the late i_ommodore Vanderbilt: "Thc public be damned.*' There
is one good thing that is sure to result
from the operation of this act when it is
applied to a strike, ami that is it will
open the eyes of thc working class as
to the real nature of tlie present class
state.
The state as tbe impartial protector
of canital and labor alike is a superstition that dies hard. Maybe before the
miners of the Crow's Nest get through
this threatened trouble they will have
learned sufficient on this point to induce ihem to be a little more united in
an ellort to capture this state in their
own interest than they were at the beginning of thi; month.
J. T. M.
At Sydney, N. S. vv., 58 members of
the crew of the Oceanic Steamship
Company's steamer Conoma were arrested and given one month's imprisonment at hard labor for refusing to work
with 4 non-union men who were
shipped at Honolulu on the voyage out.
Thev Pot *hn'-- mmiiirinr for refuting to
obey "lawful comands." An exchange
thinks the rights of these sailors have
been infringed upon. It is not of record
that slaves ever had any rights that
masters were bound to respect, no
matter whether those slaves were on
land or sea. The jailing of them when
they become unruly is merely an exercise of the right of their masters. Workers rights ? They are but a dream.
Something like that enjoyed by the fellow that   "hits the pipe."
Free speech, the British working-
man's boasted prerogative, is about to
be criopleu if reports from the "tight
little islanu" of England be true. At
Nelson, Stonehouse and other points
Socialist speakers have been arrested,
fined and imprisoned. So long as working-class orators enunciated sentiments
that were not dangerous to the continued rule of Liberal and Tory capitalists, free speech was encouraged, but
now "a change has come over the spirit
of their dream."
"BYSTANDER" AND THE
LAWS OF THE MARKET
In Spite of Himself Capitalist Apologist Occasionally Blunders
Upon a Truth.
To  excuse    the non-production    of
W£S -i«." which &«*.<*»;
"It is a very plain economk_l truth
that labor, whether of the hand or of
the brain, is a commodity, the value of
which, like that of other commodities,
must be ruled by the market, and cannot by legislative interference or any
other agency be made higher or lower
than it reallv is. Not the immediate
organizer and employer of labor, but
thc purchaser of the product, is the real
master, nd in fixing the price which he
will give for thc article practically determines lne wages of thc producer. As
often as we prefer the cheaper article,
thc wage of the workman is reduced.
Phis, however, while it shows that interference with the rate of wages as a
rule is unavailing, by no means shows
that it is not both the duty and interest
of thc employer to bc as liberal as possible in his dealings with those he employs, and allow them, as far as he
reassonably and prudently can, to feel
that they are his partners in the trade.
It is by creating as far as possible such
a sense of partnership that this most
thorny and perilous problem of the relations between wage-earner and capitalist is to be solved, and a way of deliverance found from a state of war by
which the value of all labor is bciqg reduced, while the most unsocial passions
have been called into play, and the
unity of the commonwealth, political
as well as economical, is becoming seriously imperilled."
The atiovc quotation from Bystander's
column in Toronto Weekly Sun will be
deemed a remarkable admission for an
apologist for capitalism to make.
Ile admits thc commodity nature of
labor power, that intangible force which
cannot bc disassociated from the laborer, and virtually makes him a commodity. Tis true, Bystander uses the
term lalior when he evidently means
labor pwer, and though the distinction
is a vital one in the discussion of economic subjects, we will not cavil at it,
hut treat it in thc sense that we understand it is meant. Once grant that the
energy the laborer sells to his employer is a commodity it is then an easv
matter to uncover the process by which
he is robbed'of the wealth he creates.
The exchange value of a day's labor
power is necessarily less than the exchange value of the product of a day's
labor. Were it otherwise no capitalist
would have any incentive to employ a
laborer. In other words, the laborer
while getting in wages just what it costs
to keep him working cannot by the
operation of the laws of thc capitalist
market get even approximately the
value of the wealth he created.
Bystander of course finds it convenient to ignore this fact, which ought to
bc as obvious as the one that the laborer is virtually a commodity, but in
insisting that you cannot upset those
laws ,by "legislative interference or any
other agency" he is on common ground
with the Socialist, who does not occupy
the inconsistent position of a reformer
of the capitalist system.
The reform element in the ranks of
labor have always by their action demonstrated their belief in their ability to
upset the laws of the market. Labor
organizations have time and again gone
into a strike with the market set against
them, with an over-supply of their particular commodity offered for sale, and
they have been taught by much hitter
suffering that no matter how just
their cause may appear, and how much
misery they can show they have to endure, the merciless grind of those laws
must go on while the economic system
which conditions them continues.
The legislative reformer has the same
bee in his bonnet. By passing minimum wage laws he hopes to successfully arrest the downward trend. One
might as well seek to prevent by legislative enactment merchants from selling
butter below 40 cents a pound when
they are willing; to do so, as to prevent wages from falling in an overstocked labor market by similar means.
The man out of a job able to subsist on
less than the legal wage will cut it secretly if need be, and he will be helped
in this by the capitalist to whose interest it is to buy his labor power as cheap
as he can.
CAPITALIST RULE
IN PHILADELPHIA
Brings Forth the Same Uxorious Crop
of Misery and Degradation
As Dsewhero.
(Continued on Page Four)
Comrade Charles Sehl of Philadelphia has been nominated for mayor of
that city by the Socialist Party comrades. From the following extracts
from his letter of acceptance of the
nomination it would appear that the nature and habits of the capitalist beast
arc the same in the city of Brotherly
Love as in any otner place on the footstool where this foul and disgusting
creature has made its nest and spawned
its infamies:
' It also seems that the Socialist meth-
of of throttling the foul beast is everywhere the same.
"Certainly Philadelphia is ripe for
this awakening. The metropolis of the
foremost industrial state of the union,
with its textile, locomotive and ship
buildine interests, with its enormous
factory system, with its railway connections and its river front, there
seems to be nothing lacking to make
its million and a quarter of people the
harmiest on the face of the earth.
'Tet we find it despoiled by a handful of capitalists and their political retainers, who, by means of contracts and
franchises and legislation in general, loot the city's treasury of millions
of dollars at a time.
"We find the toil and the sweat of
the armies of wage workers coined into profits for tne few capitalists, who
own the land and machinery necessary
to the life of the whole people.
"iv e find that in the locomotive
works, popularly known as the 'little
hell on earth,' and upon the railroads
and throughout other industrial establishments, thousands of wage workers
are annually killed, and tens of thousands maimed and crippled or fall a
prey to consumption and other dread
diseases.
'"We find that Philadelphia is not a
'city of homes,' but a city of homeless;
that only about one dwelling in nine is
owned free by the user, that for the rest
the people—largely the wage-working
class—pay rent and are subject to the
will of the landlord.
" «»e find that, because of poverty, in
a great part of the city known as the
'slums,' workingmen and their families are* compelled to live even worse
than the beasts of the field, reeking in
filth, immorality and disease.
"We find that there are insufficient
hospitals and other institutions to take
care of those either born or made helpless through the terrible pace at which
the worker has to toil.
"We find that the introduction of machinery, and its private ownership by
the capitalist, enable him to supplant
male labor by that of women and children. That as a result, the worker's
family w broken up, and all are driven
to compete for the subsistence wage.
That the poor pay received by women,
and the conditions under which they labor, especially in factory and department store, has made of prostitution a
social evil, so that several grand juries
have admitted their inability to remove
it by threatening the unfortunate women
with imprisonment.
"We find that insufficient school
facilities are provided by the legislators, in order to direct the child to the
factory door; that as a result, Philadelphia and Pennsylvania ate among the
darkest spots in child-slave America.
"We find that the employment of women and children has a terrible influence on the offspring of the worker;
that there is race-degeneracy and race-
murder, no less than race suicide.
"And while these evils are threatening the city's very life, we find the
legislators ignoring them, and devoting
their time to squandering the city's
money on boulevards calculated merely
to gratify the desire for pleasure of the
idle rich class.
"We find the police force used to
safeguard the property rights of thc
master class, and treating as criminals
wage-workers who dare strike and do
picket duty to improve their miserable
condition.
"We find the magistrates a bulwark
to the same property interests, willing
to exercise their power to throttle free
speech, if necessary, to hinder the people in having their economic slavery
discussed. That, when speakers of the
Socialist Party, men and women, were
torn from the public ..atform and
thrust into foul, vermin-ridden cells,
the magistrates, in the discharge of
their duty as lackeys of the upper class,
were conveniently away from home,
and that these citizens, whose liberties
had been outraged and for whom bail
was ready, were forced to pass the night
in the lockup.
i "To redress these wrongs, the Socialist - artv calls upon the people—the
wage-working class, the only class that
performs useful work and is necessary,
to society's existence—to unite into
their party, the Socialist Party, to take
the powers of government into their
own hands and use the government to
secure their common welfare.
"The old parties, financed and controlled by the capitalist class, are interested in 'sanding- pat' There is
nothing in the promises of their candidates, even if lived up to, that will
at all improve the material condition
of the wage-worker.
"The Socialist Party alone is opposed
to standing still. It declares that the
wheels of time have not ceased turning, that the present conditions cannot
remain forever, that Progress is tbe
watchword of the human race.
"The Socialist Party declares that the
present system of master and man must
go and give way to a higher system
wherein all will be workers and free
men. This is the Social Revolution
that it is the mission of the working
class to accomplish. -
"The production of the things we eat
and wear and need for our existence is
carried on by the workers together.
Production is social. But the land and
machinery used in production is owned
as private property by another class,
the capitalist class. While production
is social, ownership is private. It is
this great social wrong that is at the
root of all our social ills. And this
wrong must be righted if society is to
endure.
'The Socialist Party therefore proposes that the land and machinery used
by society shall be owned and operated
by society; that opportunities shall be
equal, and that labor shall receive the
full fruits of toil. As capitalism serves
the capitalist class, so Socialism is for
the direct benefit of the working class.
"As quickly as the working class secures political power through the Socialist Party, steps will be taken to remove *"*»* ,*t« |s4»:**   n'o'rr e-r'-***. QO***e
of which are indicated above, the end
always kept in view being the complete
emancipation of the working class irom
wage-slavery."
e'
UNDER "OUR FLAG."
Wayland workhouse, Norfolk, England, is so crowded that some of the
paupers have had to sleep in the board
room, and some of them are to be
boarded out to another union at 9s. per
head per week.
* »     »     »
A respectable woman at Lambeth
was recently charged with begging in
company with her twelve-year-old
daughter! She told the magistrate she
was left with three children, and did
not know what to do to get her rent I
God save the landlord.
• *     »     *
An old woman nameu Healy died at
Notting Hill on Christmas Eve, according to the medical evidence, "from
heart disease an_ pneumonia, accelerated by thc cold and want of sufficient
food,' and was found a month later,
with a charity ticket lying by the side
of her decomposed body. The "charity
ticket" was saved.
The rector of Corwen having refused
to permit other parishes' paupers to be
buried in his churchyard without extracting an exorbitant fee from the
guardians, the council consequently are
asking permission to borrow £ 1,000
for the institution of a public burial
ground. Paupers are a nuisance even
when dead.
♦ *     #     *
Fifty or 60 unemployed of Edmonton and Tottenham on Saturday last
marched to White hall to see the president of the local government board.
Mr. Burns is said to have "received
them very kindly and sympathetically,"
and "promised to look into thc matter,"
but gave no further pledge. He is still
"looking."
* •     *     •
The capitalist press some time ago
complaineu that the unemployed in one
Yorkshire town did not turn out to
clear snow away. On Sunday last, at
Sheffielu, it was the other way about,
and there is still complaint. Many
unemployed turned up at the corporation depot, and because* they were not
taken on for snow-clearing, smashed
windows and assaulted the officials (and
even one another in the confusion)
with fists and sticks. As the snow did
not belong to them it seems a piece of
impudence on thc past of the unemployed to even express a desire to shovel it,
—Justice.
i
*'•
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_ ■J,^-«ir-><j|s,*-..- ,)-r'7iTiiS-i-s--M->-i--h-j_«j_M
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tAfM-AV, iO-c-,, lw,
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:&9 nfi-tal HI
Publlthed witty Uhatfia* ia  tha
intereat* of the working ehtat tlona
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415
SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1907.
ANOTHER FAMILY ROW.
Not many months since amicable relations between brothers Capital and Labor were for a considerable time broken off in the Crow's Nest Pass coal
district. Brother Labor took on a
stubborn and sulky fit and refused to
comport himself in a manner conducive
to the decorum and harmony that
marks a well ordered household. In
recalcitrant mood he refused to do
chores on the ranch, and in many ways
indulged in conduct tending to bring
discredit upon the family. Brother
Capital, however, as the acting head of
the family, displayed a most commendable degree of patience and forbearance
in dealing with his rebellious relative,
with tbe happy result of eventually dissipating his sulkiness and inducing him
to once more assume the role of an honored and dutiful member of a most
happy family. The erstwhile estranged
brethren once more dwelt together in
peace and harmony. The chores were
again properly attended to by Brother
Labor. Brother Capital, with commendable wisdom and good judgment,
looked carefully after the contents of
the pantry lest his oft-times erring
brother should in a moment of weakness become addicted to gluttony and
bring scandal an- .-grace upon the, as
yet, untarnished family name.
Under the influence of that "identity
of interest" which every well informed'
person knows exists between Brothers
Capital and Labor, the dove of peace
did a hovering stunt over the scene
that, for a time, bade fair to become
chronic But it is now reported that
another family row is brewing. Rumor asserts that the oove of peace will
soon be hiking adown the horizon as
though chased by a hen hawk.
It seems that Brother Labor is again
becoming mentally bilious. He is afflicted once more with strange halucina-
tions. He entertains a notion that the
hours for doing chores should be shortened, which is of course ridiculous. He
wants a little more meal in his porridge, which is equally ridiculous, if
not more so. After the 4th of March
he proposes to think twice before doing
chores unless his ridiculous demands
are complied with. As their "interests
are identical" it may be readily seen
that Brother Capital cannot consent to
such reckless folly. To do so would be
to deplete the family larder and to that
extent detrimentally affect their common interests.
Of course these frequently occurring
family rows are to be deplored. They
should not, however, be considered as
evidence of any conflict of interest between Capital and Labor. Everybody
knows their interests are identical. It
has been affirmed and reaffirmed by men
hoth wise snd truthful. Let none dare
dispute it, do matter how it appears to
work out to the contrary notwithstanding.
A COMMERCIAL LESSON.
The idea is prevalent among a goodly
number of people that the Salvation
Army is an institution which exists for
the cure of souls only. Far be it from
our intention to cast any doubt upon its
purpose. But it may jar the sensibilities of many well intentioned people to
receive from the lips of Salvation Army
officers themselves indisputable evidence
thet this organisation is engaged in
trade and commerce evidently in obedience to the same cold and calculating
material instinct that prompts the activity of any ordinary commercial enterprise.
It is well known that the Army has
.of .oriie time been engaged in bridging
to Canada emigrants from the old country. It has not come to notice that any
claim has been made that this has been
in the interest of the souls of those
brought over. So far as we know it
is just as easy lo cure an afflicted soul
in England as in Canada. If we are
in error in regard to this, we hope to
be corrected by those who make the
curing of souls a profession and are,
therefore, qualified to speak authoritatively on the matter.
If, then, the bringing of these emigrants from the old country is not
prompted by a desire to save them from
their sins and attune their souls to the
heavenly harmonies of the life to come,
it would at least be some satisfaction
to know what does prompt it. Thei *
are persons who are prone to cast reflections upon the character or condu.**
of others. Out of their diseased itr
aginations they conjure forth ins'inu-
tions that are oft-times base, mean ind
vile. In order to fathom the purpose
of bringing over emigrants from the
old country, and of arriving at a complete understanding of the nature of
the transaction, it is unnecessary to
cast reflections or indulge in insinuations. The Army officials are themselves furnishing all the information necessary to arrive at a complete unuer-
standing of the whole business.
Adjutant Wakefield, of the Salvation
Army, spoke at the "barracks" in Victoria on Sunday last on the Army's immigration policy. He pointed out that
tbe "peculiar organization and methods
of the Army" enabled it to make a
careful selection of emigrants. By so
dome- it avoided the "slum-dwellers"
and picked out "capable artisans who.
were both sober and industrious. During the past two years 20,000 had been
brought over. Out of this number but
19 had been rejected as unfit to meet
the requirements of whatever interest
prompted their importation. If they
were brought over for the purpose of
saving their souls, just why the 19 were
rejected and "deported" is not clear.
The Adjutant declared "there was no
intention on the part of the Army to
glut the labor market here or elsewhere." Now a "market" and all that
is connected with it is most grossly
material. It is bad enough to discuss
such a thing even upon a week day, but
upon Sunday it is far worse. Being
intensely religious, having come from
that good puritan stock that very properly and effectively burned witches at
the stake at Salem, Mass., we cannot
but feel shocked that the Adjutant dealt
with such a subject on the Sabbath.
A market implies the purchase and
sale of things. A market cannot be
glutted except with goods. The "labor market" implies that labor is bought
and sold therein. The power to labor,
or labor power, is the energy stored up
in the body of the laborer. To buy and
sell it is to buy and sell the laborer
himself as he cannot be separated from
this energy except through its expenditure in tbe processes of producing
wealth. It is only proaucers of and
dealers in goods that can glut a market.
Labor power is produced by the worker. It results from his partaking of
food, etc. This labcr power must be
sold in order that the laborer may obtain the price of food, etc., to maintain
his existence. He is forced to sell it
because he is cut off from all access to
the means of production through which
his labor power may be transformed into such food, etc The present system
of property (capital) denies him access
to the means of production upon any
other terms than the sale of his labor
power to the owners. This amounts
practically to the sale of himself. Out
of this purchase 01 labor power and the
appropriation of the wealth produced
througn its expenditure arises the riches
and power of the capitalist class and
the poverty, misery and degradation of
the working class.
In stating that the Army had no intention of "glutting the labor market,"
the Adjutant, whether he knew it or
not, admitted that the Army was engaged in a purely commercial enerprise,
i. e., dealing in labor. Such being the
case, it must be the respective condition
of the labor market in B. C. and England that is prompting the importation
of these human wares. If there exists
anything approaching to a scare ty of
any particular commodity in a given
locality the tendency in the commercial
world is to bring in from other parts
where the supply is more plentiful,
enough to bring the conditions there
to the normal level of the world's market.
The interests of capital demand a
plentiful supply of labor at all times and
places. Conditions in the oloer and
more densely populated countries are
ideal from the capitalist standpoint. Labor is so plentiful as to assure its cheapness. In this Dominion labor has not
yet been reduced to a level altogether
satisfactorv to capital. Hence the bring-
ine* in of a supply from other Countries,
The Salvation Army becomes an effective piece of machinery to facilitate
the process. However loud its professions of philanthropy and solicitude for
souls, the fact stands out in bold re-
interest of capitalist property. There
is nothing to warrant the assumption
that such an undertaking can in any
manner improve the condition of the
working class either here or hereafter.
Like all other institutions that grows
up along with capitalist property, the
Salvation Army is purely a business enterprise. It has its root in material
things. It is prompted by material interests, if not of its officers direct, then
the interests of some section or class of
the community whose purpose can be
furthered  bv   its   services.      All    pre
tense of spirituality and
souls is mere bluff.
Uk cure   of
THE VALUE OF BRAINS.
The Standard Oil Company has de-
chred a dividend of approximately $15,-
000,000 payable on March 15. Two
more   similar   dividends    are  e-cpected
ROCKEFELLER'S BENEFACTIONS.
The   Relation  of  Educational  Endowments to thc Price of Oil.
Noting the coincidence of a raise in
the price of oil and the announcement
that John D. Rockefeller has contributed the sum of $35,000,000 towards the
cause of education, a press writer on
the Toronto News delivers himself ot
many wise reflections on the subject.
He evidently shares the popular delusion
that when Rockefeller donates a large
sum of money to endow a university he
immediately proceeds to charge it up to
the public by tackm- it on the price ol
the oil that his company distributes.
This erroneous conception is based on
lack of knowledge of commodities. The
trusts of which Standard Oil is a good
type may be said to be in the business
for the indentical reason that prompts
the activities of thc smallest concern,
vix, to get the maximum of profit with
the minimum of expense. Standard
Oil snrtually controls thc enure oil busi-
iness on -lis continent.     It can  limit
within the year.    This is equal to the 15*7^-3 0jj to kecp even pace with
wont- !__,_   . ,      1.  _,„   _„.| .i.-.i   -Wil
entire earnings of over 100.OOO
ingmen.
Every dollar of this vast sum has
been produced by the wage slaves of
the Standard Oil Company. It represents the volume of surplus value
squeezed from their bone and flesh under the wage process. In other words,
it is the tribute these slaves are compelled to pay to their masters for the
privilege of being slaves.
Among surface skimmers of the
sirl-ft-property holding type the idea is
prevalent that the Standard and similar combinations of thieves obtain their
plunder at the expense of the consumers of their products. They become
loud in denunciation of the exorbitant
prices they are compenc- to pay for oil
and other products. That the wage
slaves who produce these things suffer
injury never occurs to them. In fact
they seldom bother their heads about
matters that so clearly do not concern
them. If they coum only buy the
things they require cheaper they would
find no difficulty in ignoring the very
existence of the wage slave entirely.
Whatever values have fallen into
the hands of the Standard and similar
concerns have been produced by the
workers. Ihey received for their services merely the exchange value of their
labor power as a commodity. Whatever
the value produced by their labor in excess of the amount paid them in thc
form of wages was taken out of their
hides by their employers without money
and without price. They produced this
value by coining their very lives into
the products. They alone were robbed
of it. The sum total of capitalist exploitation and outrage is embodied in
the robbery of the workers.
It may be true that after having
robbed their workmen of the wealth
they have produced, individual capitalists, or bands of them, may fall upon
and plunder each other. This does not
alter the fact that the wealth they arc
in this case stealing from each other
was originally stolen from the working
people who produced it.
Labor produces all wealth that is
measured in terms of exchange. As
labor has neither this wealth, nor anything to show for it, it is ample proof
that it has been stolen. As all of this
wealth is found in the possession of
the capitalists it should not be difficult to locate the thieves. John D. and
his bunch "dividing up" thc $15,000,000
swag above referred to is circumstantial
evidence amply strong enough to convict.
It is claimed by many that the revenue of the capitalist is merely a proper reward for the use of his brains, but
as it comes to him solely because of his
ownership of the means of proouction,
an ownership that cannot be maintained
without the consent of the working
class, it is plain that it comes to him
not because of his brains but because
of a lack of brains upon the part of the
workers themselves.
He who may chance to fall
into possession of the means
of production in sufficient hulk
to ward off the encroachments
of other capitalists need wear no corns
on his brains trying to increase his
wealth. The very absence of brains in
the workers will give him a lead-pipe
cinch without effort on his part.
An aggregation of cacklers, the individuals composing which are afflicted
in various degree with more or less
chronic reform imbecility, exists in
New York, known as the Consumers'
League. It has been devoting iu energy to an investigation of the conditions under which the sweat-shop
slaves of that citv eke out their miserable existence. Reporting upon the
sweat-shops one of the cacklers says
that the following prices are paid to the
workers for making garments under the
sweat-shop system in New York City:
"Childrens flannel dresses, with three
strips of insertion, aft cents a dozen;
infants' dresses retailing for $S.W
apiece brought in to the workers only
42 cents a day for fourteen hour's work.
For making French knots and feather
stitching on infants' fine dresses, the
workers received 10 to IS cents a dav
for fourteen to sixteen hours work."
As these prices merely indicate the
condition of the isbor market it would
be interesting to know Just how much
cackling by   consumers'   leagues
lief that its immigration policy is   a'other reform hens will be required to
purely commercial undertaking to the I alter K.
the demand. It can, and docs when
the necessity arises to crush out a rival,
cut the price of oil below the cost of
production in that particular locality.
But there are boundaries beyond which
it cannot go in fixing the price of the
commodity it sells. ,
We find that the price of oil rises and
falls. Our Toronto News writer would
ascribe the variations to John D.'s
giving or withholding of donations. It
ought, to be apparent to even the limited faculties of a middle-class press
writer that an individual of John D. s
financial genius would hardly play such
a clumsy game. If he has thc power to
arbitrarily fix price would he wait until he has made a donation before raising it? Would not this latter action be
too much of a give away? Would he
not rather maintain it all the time at the
highest possible price? As a matter of
fact, this is just what is done. Standard Oil like the smallest merchant
charges all its traffic will bear. If the
price of oil is, say, 20 cents per gallon,
the experiment of raising or lowering
the price one cent would determine
which price would produce the largest
amount of profit If the price went too
high it might curtail the demand so
much that it would produce less profit
than it would if it were lower, ln the
event of a prohibitive price the public
would economize on consumption; they
would also adopt other illuminants, ao
that the managers of Standard Oil base
their policy of price, like everyone else,
with tliese considerations in tlieir mind,
and thus in reality the giving or withholding 01 beneiaction. has absolutely
nothing to do with the price of the commodity.
The Toronto News press writer virtually acknowledges this contention
when he asks the question, "Wilt the
price drop when Rockefeller has gotten
back his $32,000,000 donation?" He
says: "Well, hardly;" indicating thereby some other cause than the benefaction as warrant for the increased price.
In primitive society one can see thc
principle that the exchange of commodities is based on. Our ancestors when
seeking to barter one with the other the
products of their respective labors instinctively adopted a method ol determining what constituted a fair swap. A
savage who lay on his belly beside a
stream a whole day to catch a fish with
a spear would calculate to get the day's
labor of another member of the tribe
spent in producing a bow and arrow. He
would not give more than that if he
knew it. Should he discover a process
such as etching fish with a net—as, indeed, he did later—and this resulted in
a larger catch in one day than formerly,
why then he was obliged to give more
fish in exchange for the other things hc
needed if no better process was discovered for producing them. Should there
be a scarcity of fish even with the improved process, why immediately the
ratio of exchange was altered to meet
it This basing of exchange on the
amount of labor time embodied in the
commodity produced has continued
down through the aces until now. The
amount of social labor time embodied
in a gallon of Standard oil, exchanges
with a similar amount of labor time embodied in a certain measure of electricity and equally so with the same amount
of labor time crystallized in a piece of
money. When better proceses of producing commodities are adopted the ratio of
exchange alters inevitably to meet them.
It has been stated by many investigators, and there is little reason to
doubt the accuracy of their conclusions,
that trust products sell now for less
money than they did when the industry
was in the hands of competing firms.
District Attorney ;erome of rsew York
said recently: "There is no use going
off half-cocked on thc subject of the
trusts. The trusts have handled nothing but what they have cheapened." The
reasons for this are not far to seek. The
trust is essentially a labor-saving device. It can produce the same commodity with a less expenditure of labor-
power than the competing firms. It
has eliminated a whole horde of bookkeepers, salesmen, commercial travellers,
advertising agents, etc., etc. From
what source then some one asks does
the Rockefeller millions spring? From
the same source that the smallest manufacturer gets his profits. From the
exploitation of the working class 1
The working class owning none of
the machinery of wealth production is
compelled to sell itself for a bare subsistence on the average. The working
class sells a commodity—labor power-—
which differs from all others inasmuch
as its expenditure produces more exchange value than it costs to buy it
ru-   working   class   is robbed as the
The
seller of this commodity, and in fact
this is the only robbery that occurs in
the production and distribution of
wealth. The difference between what
is paid in wages and what the product
of the workers sell for in the market, is
the source of the. Rockefeller and in
fact all other fortunes. The reason it
is so large in Rockefeller's case lies in
this fact, that the profits which were
distributed formerly among a large
number of labor i-inners. now flows
into the coffers of one of them.
Speaking genera'ty the pu"ic is not
robbed at consumers. It gets .-n tho
average the same amount of social labor
time in its gallon of oil whether the
price is twenty or thirty cento, as it
gives id int piece of money it ptjn for
It The regulating force of demand and
supply keeps Standard oil to the cost
of its production, as it does other commodities. When the demand increases
the price may rise temporarily above
this point, but copious supply following,
the demand invariably swings tne pendulum just as far in the opposite direction. _   ,
But let it not be thought that Rockefeller's action in endowing universities
and churches is not dictated by material
interest. Two of the strongest pillars
of capitalism are found there. One
cannot read the utterances of university
professors and pious pulpiteers without
noticing that they give voice to sentiments that must be pleasing to the generous {() donors who found chairs of
learning, erect handsome buildings, and
supply the lubricant that oils the
tongues of the spiritual guides who promise thc weary workers that haven of
heavenly rest when the capitalist class
have squeezed the last ounce of profit
out of them. .
There is another consideration. The
moment capital so accumulates in thc
hands of its owners that there are no
further openings for its investment a
financial crisis is sure to follow. A
crisis is heralded by widespread unemployment, and it, in turn, means the
working class rising in dangerous revolt. The large capitalists scenting
this danger are spending those huge
sums in university buildings, etc- to
keep the wheels of industry moving so
as to permit of their continued rule.
But in spite of all their acknowledged
capacity in expedients to postpone the
inevitable the signs are not wanting that
the proletariat arc getting on to the
game and will eventually take such action that will forever prevent their masters from squandering the wealth created by their labor for the maintenance
of hireling professors and hypocritical
pulpiteers.
J. T. M.
 _o_——_——
NOTE AND COMMENT.
(By J. T. M.)
The Clarion has been so used to hostile notices from contemporaries that
we may lie excused if for no other
reason than its rarity we publish the
folio wins* friendly comment on our
work taken from tbe columns of the
Seattle Socialist:
"The Socialist" years ago declare."
British Columbia the best soil in America for Socialist propaganda. It is a
land of wage workers, miners, fishermen, lumber jacks and railroad workers, a land under control of big corporations.
As a "Province" of Canada, it has
more "State Rights" than any American "State." There are fewer restrictions as to citizenship, and fewer "residence qualifications" for the franchise
The Socialists at thc recent elections
held their own and gained one, electing
three straight Socialist members of tbe
Provincial "Parliament" Comrade*
Hawthormhwaite and Parker William*
were re-elected and a fine "straight"
vote cast in most places.
In Victoria, one ot thc "Middle Class
Socialists" accepted a nomination on
the "Labor Party" ticket anu got badly
left, as wage workers in B. C are not
fooled into being catspaws for thc small
business man's chestnuts.
In the good work done by tbe Socialist I-artv in B. C, the "Western
CUrioiij" of Vancouver, edited by Comrade Kingsley, has been a powerful factor, alwavs teaching the class struggle
based on wage exploitation, in the most
straightforward manner."
Comrade Titus is, however, we think
a little in error when he says this province has "fewer restrictions as to
citizenship" than they have on the other
side. We have an election deposit of
$100 for each candidate to put up, which
is forfeited unless the candidate noils
at least one half as many votes as the
successful nominee. In Vancouver
alone it cost our Local $500 in forfeited
deposits to record over MM votes for
the abolition of wage-slavery.
We are in sympathy with his remarks re "middle class Socialists" Tbe
revolutionary nroleUriat ha* trouble
with them everywhere and B. C. is no
exception to the rule
It is apparently fatcu that in B. C.
we are to swallow the full dose of medicine our spiritual phvsicians have pre*
scribed for us in the Sunday Observance
law. Quebec, however, is not to have
it shoved down its neck, as the following despatch will show:
Montreal, Feb. 26.—Legislation is to
be adopted which will exempt the province of Quebec from thc Sunday tow
passed at the last session of parliament.
Premier Gnutin has introduced a bill
in the Quebec legislature which, in
effect, will leave things as they are. —
Press Dispatch.
It has been the practice of the Catho-
Ik church to allow their aonerents to
indulge in all sorts of amusements on
Sundays after they have attended mass,
ihev find, no doubt, that they have
greater control over their flock by this
method. In spite of the strenuous dentals by our black-coated gentry that
this is not a religious measure, it is
evident, by the two set of rules which
are to apply in different parts of the
l>ominion, that at least they are susceptible of this interpretation.
The working class are apparently to
nave no amusement on that day but
go to church and listen to a lot of
hypocritical platitudes that would make
w .t--,uIn "U!" **** if. he could hut
near them. These mouthing pulpiteers
tell u, that this is .11 for the fcnefo
of the working class. We think we
can remember this Lord's Day Alliance being aske. to co-operate with the
labor union, to secure the -nactmenl
whirt, A.'**y T.e_ wUnout »r**ify.ng
_nd ^^y..y0_Ld *.■"_ t0 ot obwrve?
and they turned   it down.     If   they
r«. aS* ,"_<:ere ,n •***iov only the
SS^-uSte r€,iBi0U' ^-'-rt-ow
nt?" w  d h'\e ,uM>°rt«d this meas-
3n oftV\*lt° m m,nd -■*• 9*Ote-
cittion of the street railway   m^, 0f
running
Charlottetown,   p. E. I., for
corrtfrdiJdrl whidi flrH0owd them Mt
untouched.   The reason for the _«;1
of this outfit is not (tt to seek &
the forking people the opportunity ,0
indulge in legttu*te pleasure-seek ini _n
Sundiy and mighty few of them would
go to hear a preacher.   This tendenc.
is, by the way. a credit to their mtelli
gence.   But it is hoped by this sp,*,,.!
al fraternity that by the aid of coercive
lecislation tbey will assist their omiii
potettt god to recall his wayward creation and at the same time get ihem to
cough up their nickels to support his in
stitution.    Tlie working    elas. _re
patient lot. lt remains to be seen how
they will take this latest infringement
on the little libert** they have left
Warsaw, Feb. 18.—-aupplicatorv services for the success of the National
Party against the Jews and Socialist,
were held . today in the Catholic
churches throughout Poland. - i>r„,
Dispatch.
That God is not always powerful
enough to fix things up ...
suit his children has been evidenced in the electoral |.„„|
slide which buried all the reactionary
parties and left the Radicals and Social-
Ma on top of the heap, lint pert-apt
God intended to rebuke the ruling rl_,8
of Poland for their lack o( f.mh „,
His omnipotence, because they proceed.
ed to supplement their prayers by such
outrageous brutality on Hie working
class as none but good Christian Cossacks could devise.
While chortling over the loss of «.c.ti
to the Socialist Pany in the German
Reichstag, the capitalist press are »ui
picinusly silent about the net v ,m by
that party of 3SO.0OO votes over the vote
of iwa.
As Hyndman in London Justice observes: "The German Kai^r is sti-
come to all the consolation he can grout of the thought that there _r- m hit
empire close on three and one hall millions of men over the age of twenty-
five years, ell trained in tht uu of
mess; who are determined to break
class rule in that country whenevei the
time looks propituous It is salt to
say that there are at least another million and a half disfranchised workmen
below thst age with similar intention*
Verily, the "Red Socialists'* received a
severe check.
Sammy Gompers refused to make »
"useless splurge" to save the liven ol
Moyer, Haywood and Pritilnine Wc
hope to emulate the same "master!] m
activity" when his dune* in the A I of
L get on to Sammy's game.
The right of the capitalist to hn
plunder it often justified by hi* henchmen in pulpit and press on the ground
of his "ability." A capitalist »» <uch
exercises no "ability." A capnalut it
an owner of mean* of production which
is used for thc purpose o< getting a profit out of labor. He may do n--thing
and yet this profit will o-mc 10 him
Sometimes our capitalist plays a dual
rote. He supervises and orgamres industrial operations When Ik doe- tin*
hc ceases to be a capitahM pro tem. He
then becomes a workingman and a* snch
is entitled to remunerai-in i'ui much
of tht. lauded "abtlity" it mrtrU the
ability to rob. The burglar who breaks
into a workingman's Ivhik and get»
away with his silver dinner <li-.*i«*v hu
dumonds and other *cwrl<». nndouta-
edly displays ability, but, if rauie'". hn
refcard tt free board in the pemientiarj
The reward of an individual m a »eil
ordered community should l«r in t-r>-
portion to ht* uscfulnc*.*. Measured hy
this standard, how would our modern
capitalist fare?
Winnipeg held a bumper Moyer May
wood protest meeting m one of thr bige
theatres of that city on February 1.
the anniversary of the "It-dnapins" ol
the officer* of the Western Feder_i*on
of Miners. The meeting was held under the auspice* of the loo! branch ol
the Socialist Party, the Trades an,| l_
bor Council and amliated orgam-ai	
Comrade L. T. English itote of Van-
couver) wm the principal _peakcr atid
-according to the daily pre**-, iiunk »
lengthy and impressive a-drc**-. review
ing the everts and causes lhal led up ti
the arrests. In conclusion he moved the
(ollowin- resolution, which v...- sw-nd-
ed by A. W. Puttee, ex-Labor M I'
for Winnipeg, and was supported by
several other speakers in English 11*1
foreign languages:
"We, the working people ol Winm-
peg, in meeting assembled, being •"*•'
ni-ant of the position   in whi< l'   •"'
brothers, Messrs. Moyer. Ilayw- «d and
Pettibone are placed, and the long ar
ray of persecution* and iooignities i-cr
petrated bv a brutal ruling class nn the
working people in the Western States,
particularly in Colorado, and which nil
minated in the illegal arrest and knl-
naping to another    state of the chic
ol-ccrs of the Western Federation ol
Miners by the connivance and sanction
of the state official* of Colorado, and
the denial of all legal guaranty - »><""
are supposed to protect every cituen in
his legal rights, denounce these outrages
as a travesty on justice, and brunt >*"»•
vinced of their high charctcr snd ol
the unbounded esteem in which they arc
held by the  workers of the  Western
States and that they are innocent ol tw
foul crime charged to them, "•«■•'**
assure them of our confidence m ii»»
and extend to them   aid   in   refilling
those chanres of murder, which   war
every sign of having been trnmi«<   "P
by hireling detectives of the Mine Own
ers' Association for the purpose ol ne-
pciving them of their liberty; and flir"
ther, that we regard it as ati ■J)),,,!«*
for these men to be kept in jail «"n*
out bail and without trial for over.*
year'although "they have sought to obtain a hearting in the courts   at every
0PWdnb_'.t further resolved ihat
copies of this resolution be »enl ,«<■ "«
press, to the Wctern Federation 0
Miner* and to the American Federation
of Labor,"
The  resolution   wa*   carried  nnani
mously.
inequality    ''*
mlation,»
Evidencing the gross
apportionment of seats to popuu«« •'V,
correspondent to the New * r* , '
une states lhat in Primia V1''0'™',,
street ear. «- c * _T "» '■/■    running 1 cialist votes cannot elect a single nrp  ■ •
suK in the m?UIk!'y' •?,d rhk"h r'   *hHa only 1.000,000 Conservative voles
•uiteo tn the me„ being fined and the I elect «0|.
mmmm :'" r:     ;1
iA«mM,Mmi,M.r
l0»HIIHI«mMrl«MIMNMUIO«
$ PARTY MATTERS
9
AND ANNOUNCEMENTS
THE  STATE  AND  SOCIALISM.
_g-_uu(m, tA-teotngnt, BtmiB oolcto-u.
These columna have been placed at
tne disposal ot the Party, gecreurtee
,,( Locals arc requested to take advantage of them In. at Intervale, reporting conditions in their respective
localities. Communications under this
he«d should be addre-sed to the Dominion or Provincial Secretaries. Local secretaries are further requested to
look to these column* for announcements from the Executive Committees.
ny thla meana the business of the
I'arty will be facilitated and the Dominion and Provincial secretaries
relieved of a Utile Of th* Increasing
burden of correspondence.
TO BECR*_TABI_» OF LOCALS
LIST OF SUPPLIES.
Ifemberahip eaxda, each ..........    .01
Application blank*   (with platform) psr loo ..-.. ae
The committee being a stockholder in   the    co-operative    publishing
house of Chas. Kerr k Co.. can procure literature for tbe locals st cost
J. G. MORGAN, Secy
Prom a Lecture Delivered by Gabriel
T)*vllle, In Paris, April 26. 1895,
Translated by Robert Rives La
Mont.
We know what the State is. The
State, for us Socialists, is not any social organization whatsoever, lt is, I
have said, and I believe I afterward
justified the terms of this definition,
thc public power of coercion created
and maintained in human societies by
their division into classes, and wliich,
having force at its disposal, makes laws
aud levies taxes. What should be the
attitude of the Socialists toward the
State? ..us is the question that I am
now going to examine and that is easy
to answer if wc bear in mind that the
State, having been created by the division of society into classes, is inevitably
maintained by that division.
As soon as it is understood that the
State is not an independent organism,
having its own existence without regard
to tlie interlaced economic relations of
men, but is necessarily subordinate to
the division of society into
classes, and, in consequence, to a particular economic situation, no party
Regular business meeting held- Feb. j whatever can reasonably set up. as the
milt Comrade Mills in the chair, ••■.mediate goal for its efforts, the abo-
M mutes of previous meeting read and I'tion *>' the State, nor the suppression
improved 'ihe folio*ing -acre admit- ?• •,hc pOUtfcal power that constitutes
ted to membership: •■•    J.!"* State, being a consequence, can-
lolm Tibb. E Tinuriiris, John Nesbit, j ***<•• disappear before the disappearance
I K Fisher, Sparks Joyce and John of the social conditions of which it is
Mitchell I the necessary result.
jjjjjjj Since the disappearance of thc State
, ' ■_     i implies the previous modification of the
Rent of Oddfellows  Hall •P50 j social conditions, of the economic rc-
:  !>• rat ure *■*• ' lations, ought  tlie attack  to  be   made
"Transfer and coal ■• l-W j uirectly upon these relations?    Let us
Auditing   Committee   reported     the   rcvm ,0 ,he conclusions already estab-
audit of the Local's book, the same be    |jsnC(*. a ««»;„ economic situation being correct. 'got classes; as soon as there were in
Comrades Stebbings   and   McKeiuic   ,hr  population    privileged  orders,  the
*rrc appointed commissioners of am-   |atter n^dtd means to preserve tlieir
'ijvits.                                           .              j position oi vantage, to impose upon all
Also agreed that all applications lor j ^jpeet for their privileges, and hence
-irmbership in future must  bc accoro- < ,h<, $ute was born     Hence, tbe ccon-
;,_nied by name of proposer.                  : on,jc situation to be transformed, the
Agreed by 20 to 6 that Local public* j situation which begets classes, has its
Ij   repudiate Walter Thomas Mills ami   j.„ara*itce  of    perpetuity  in  the  State.
'n*. meetings in Vancouver.                     j That is, in other words, it cannot   be
Notice oi motion by Com   Mortimer j racjjca!ly affected, in a general and per
'hat  the   name  »f   Ernest     Bums    be | „,_-_.„! «_»  «_ lono- »« itn» *-Jt_*«> «hal
-iruck off thc roll of membership.
VANCOUVER LOCAL, NO. 1
mancnt way, so long as the State shall
defend it against the direct attacks that
may tie made upon it
In short, one can abolish thc    State
] only  alter  having    suppressed  classes,
and  one  cannot   modify  the  economic
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ relations of which classes are  merely
T i_initne personilication, without acting first
. i.0**'     w I upon the Sute.     lhe question formu-
Adjournmenl.  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mmmmmm^mmm*tmmm
Receipt*.
<olleetion (kldfellows* Hall  ..  ..$4.50
I iterature sales for week 5.6S
!'-_* .. . -ma***Waa***\*\\\m ■ • ••
F. PERRY,
Secretary.
j lated just above is solved.    It is neces
; sary to act upon the State and not to
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ , aim at present at its abolition; to act
>rpv>n the State because this is the only
Vancouver    Ix*--!   No.   1.      Regular   *f*rj* in which it is possible to so adjust
-ushltts mertiiw held Moeidai I el.  _:.    *« conditions and relations of persons
i   -in    Ixhcncy   in  the  chair     Minutes'"   to  bring  them  into  harmony   with
f previous mc-ting read ami with cor-   »he economic evolution in progress and
r-Ction of witinmg number of drawing
;n.m  1-9 to lo?, adopt*-.
1 he following were admitted to inctn-
ix-r-ihip: .  i
Isaac Gowlcr. I. Low* T. McCall. V
Willfamson. L  S. Weeks, J   G   I rank -
rn. E. Uurbanks, J   Hudson.
Hill*.
Ik-ctric light fr-5*3
oddfellows' Hall ■••*-**> |
I .tcrature U***..  ...... _V JJJ ,hem of the public powers, that all their
Notice of motion of  last   wee*t  that havf g vjcw u..
Uie  name  of   Ernest   Hums  lie  strucK **-*•                                 ---------
■ >ii role of membership.    *~>*t; IS for,
thus to nuke possible the suppression
of classes; not to aim at present at its
abolition, because it cannot be abolished
before the disappearance of classes, a
disappearance that it must itself help
to bring to pass. The only practical
line of conduct for socialists, for workingmen, is to u*-c tlie customary expression, the conquest of political
power, the conquest of the State. It is
thc more and more complete control by
»S .ii-ainsl.
Adjournment.
F. PERRY,
Secretary.
TO STUDENTS OF SOCIALISM
m*n^^^^m****mm**MMMM^^^^^^  'S  ,0 ,n'5
) object that all their tactics must be de-
i voted.
j The struggle of classes with each
| other has an economic object, but the
i form of this struggle must necessarily
■ Ik* political;  for, between the material
position to bc ameliorated and the ac-
i OompUahed amelioration, there rises up
like a harrier the power of thc  State
I which alone, wliatever class controls it,
Dl  illcraiMi v.       ».,»    .
hand and will    be i •'■■'*■   *"*e *"••■■  succeed  in  participating
any    address    at   in the making of law.   History and rea-
<*r- _.   .,.«,_■   son agree in proving the truth of this
thesis: the struggle of the "lower"
classes is really eiiective only when it
assumes a political character.
Not to speak of the past, what do we
sec, in fact, in the different countries
mm : round about  ns where they have, not*
', withstanding,  long  had,  less  restricted
•q j than among us. the possibility of conducting  the  struggle  on  the  economic
j ground?    In the countries still without
the    struggle has
.60
*_»_ _        „_.    «_   can give a general and mandatory char-
la  order  to ^.tf<*l_\_    £   ac.crV. the"res«lts of the struggle    lhe
e»«y sccesa  to standard _»orM    on ^^ ^ ,.w   _n(| lt ,, onl>. *,¥
Socialism, tha committee hss <le*:!2«"   *,   ina ollcsi( t,„ the inditical ground
to lay in a stock of literature.    The  i*'-**"*i- *-*,,ra         *-~   ^********
following are on
• ent post-paid to
prices     quoted.      Two-cent stamps
will be accepted for sums not exceed
ing ss cents:
The Origin ol tba Family. (P.
Ktlg*IS)   a..   ...   ...   ■■■■■miMl-*M"'
The    Social    ltovolution (Karl
Knuta-y) „.. „....-»....•
The World'a Itovolutlona (Ern-
eat DnUrmana) ...  —	
1 he Socialist*,   who   thsy ar*
and what    they    etand for,
(John Spargo) • 'JJJ
1 he Kveletlon of Man (Bolach*)    .50
Modem    ••claltam    (CbM. II.
V*U) 	
Claaa    Btrugale*    in    America
(A. II. Slmona) 	
The  Communist    Manifesto,
Karl Mara   ..io cents
Socialism, Utopian  and Scientific. Marx ft En«-el8...io cents
Wage.   Labor   and   Capital,
Karl Man  «"nU
The Mission ol the Working Cla^
Cha*. Tall   ,■.-.-_■■ —      M\
Serialise tad Farmer*, A. M.
Simona S cents I
Other works procured to order
     o —
.35
.10
CORRESPONDENCE.
Sec Phoenix l_ocal.-Finnish Locals
are being organized in various localities
as brunches of the chartered Locals.
They may deal with the eommittee direct or through the parent Local. They
universal suffrage ^^^^^^^^^
lieen or is to obtain it. In the countries where universal suffrage is in op-
eraion, however imperfect the system
may be, thc masses arc soon driven, by
the results of relative successes, to apply themselves principally to returning
more and more socialists to the various elective assemblies. Undeniably,
without being a partisan of all or nothing, otic dom not obtain immediately as
much as one could wish, but by what
other process could one do better?
Much of the success on the economic
ground, indeed, is due to the aid of
socialists in office, due, in other words,
to political action.
Socialists must work for the continuation of this regular movement by
which socialist men and ideas permeate
more and more the elective bodies, and
this implies a constant propaganda among the masses. It is true that circumstances, paying no heed to our will,
may impose upon us later on another
mode of action, but that is a matter
with which wc have nothing to do at
present.   So long as such circuristancc-s
-  **.   mmm,    <iv*i:iti rn   li.t
would occupy the same position as or- [ ,,.m. „ot come to trnm social - ^
'linary branch Locals as provided for j nothing lo »™V * K, h||- „„„,;--
'n the constitution. The Dominion Ex- | cgah y. j" ;„_-,-.,,,]„- ftneH unl - the
(,nitive ia takinu stem towards having i ...i ,., Ua* or disturban us.   I l»*v«
'•nitive ia taking steps towards having i (^"'of^i-tTor di-turbau
**■-   Istform ind constitution translat-1 eXplnined my views on ttn* -;-;„-
into     Finnish.        The     names , a former lecture^     »»t fc _how.
id
Ixicnlsi i self herc.^bu^
I the secretaries of Finnish    Loca" ; sell ^J^only'prSen. usk of social-
-uld be published    in the "Socialist \ "* ^ be, to swell the rafltaof the
tarUrri flung at their partisans; a. if
one was responsible for the bad side*) of
parliamentarism, becauso, while parliamentarism exists, one nukes use of it!
As if conformity to a law or submission
to an institution involved ''.eir approbation !
It is easy to criticize parliamentarism and to criticise it justly, but criticism docs not prevent it from existing.
Modify the. machinery of parliamentarism if you can just as much as you may
be able to, and I can see no objection,
but rather the contrary. Nevertheless
it is to be feared that those who are
unwilling to deceive them .elves about
the modifications at pres. it possible,
will soon see that it would It. j-.nt as
easy to accomplish at once the substitution of thc socialist society for the
capitalist society as to secure, under the
capitalist regime, any radical chnges in
parliamentarism, ls it worth while,
then, to undertake special campaigns to
secure improvements which, h'-.vever
valuable they would be in another environment, are none ;he less at pre-Ci.t
either impracticable or of secondary
importance ?
To seek to accomplish a thorough-going reform of parliamentarism in an environment in which parliamentarism is
the governmental form of the capitalist
society is equivalent to aiming immediately and before all else at the abolition
of the State, and we have seen what
must be thought of that aspiration, lf
we take advantage of all favorable opportunities to effect all possible reforms
and improvements in the working of the
parliamentary or representative system,
we will do well, proviued that we do
not allow ourselves to be turned aside
from the real object of our endeavors,
viz., the more and more complete conquest of the political power to be used
to give effect to the economic demands
of the workers.
Those who strive to keep the workingman out oi the field of political
action do not suspect, of course, that
they are thus playing the game of the
ruling class. By shouting, "No politic- '." they are merely echoing the rallying cry tliat the bourgeoisie has always
given to the working clas's. The property qualification for the suffrage and
the absence of remuneration'for officeholders, such as members of the English
parliament, have been nothing but
means to keep the workingmen out ol
politics. These means are no longet
efficacious. Are those who call them*
selves socialists ambitions to accomplish, for the profit of the bourgeoisie,
what they, by themselves, have finally
failed to effect.
In the presence of living issues, the
socialists of to-day can no longer confine themselves to academic discussion.
Thc necessity of formulating practical,
incontrovertible conclusions forces itself upon them, so that I must enter upon the examination of certain tactics
much urged at this time in opposition to
those, the correctness of which, I believe
I have just demonstrated.
'•irech-ny* in"the"ciarion, so that the 1 ^VlisM, tCil''votcrs and officials
branch* may have au opportunity of I    The great argument. •£«)__„_„!_
communicating with one another.
^ Tint? «proach of parliamen-
To compel the capitulation of the
capitalist society and its organic protector, the State, some socialists have
recently imagined that the political
struggle was insufficient and that the recourse must be had to the "general
.Trite" Let us talk of the general
strike.
I begin by declaring that I will make
no attempt to solve the question as to
whether there ought or ought not to
bc strikes. The question cannot present
itself in this way. The strike is the in-
cvitaEle product of an economic environment based on antagonistic interests
and, even though it should wish to, socialism could not suppress the strike,
any more than it can. at once, suppress
the State or the capitalist society. The
only weapon of the working class on
the economic ground, the only means of
defense or attack which it has for the
protection of its immediate material interests, the strike is a right which the
workingmen are right in jealously
guarding. Rut if socialists should use
every effort to maintain intact this right
for the workers, for all the workers, it
is not their business to incite them to
make use of it. lt is not for them either
to provoke or inhibit strikes. It is for
those immediately interested, those who
will have to endure the consequences
of their decision, to decide, without
pressure of anv kind from the non-interested. When those whose interests
arc at stake have pronounced themselves
in favor of a strike, we ought to aid
•hem to gain every possible advantage
from thc situation in wnich they have
place- themselves. That is, generally
•.peaking, what is and what should be
tne conduct of socialists so far as concerns strikes.
Having posited this so as to forestall,
so far as possible, all false interpretations, I will add that the strike is a
weapon, the effectiveness of which we
should be careful not to exaggerate, no
matter what our point of view may be.
Under the most favorable circumstances
it may have been able to
compel some employees to yield,
it has never been able to produce the
slightest radical change in the employing system. To look at it more in detail, there have been numerous strikes,
great resistance funds have been amassed and spent, countless efforts and dollars have been expended, and what has
been the result attained? Here or there,
there have been obtaine. some ameliorations ; but even where these ameliorations have not been merely ephemeral,
the*- have not been incompatible with
the increasing prosperity of capital.
The strike is no longer a means on
the general efficacy of which one can
still cherish illusions. It haa passed
long since from theory into practice.
We have seen, in the United States and
En. land chiefly, tremendous strikes disposing of enormous resources, prepared
and carried on with an incomparable
talent for organization, and to what
have they led? In the United States
socialism is indisputably much more
liackwar- than in Europe. In England, where the strike was formerly
lauded as a panacea, tney have come to
understand its dangers and defects so
thoroughly that, on the whole, hostility
to it is becominir more and more general, and political action is growing in
favor at its expense.
The experiment has been tried, On
tin* economic ground, the struggle is too
unequal for the working class. However great its sacrifices, its self-denial
and its energy, it loses the battle more
often than it wins it, and when it docs
win it, the advantages that it reaps do
not alter the fact that the victory is
very expensive and precarious. On the
potmcal erround, on the contrary, the
laborer can not only met the capitalist
on a footing of equality, but, as the
working class is more numerous than
the bourgeoise class, it enjoys a real
advantage; so that on the political
ground it is for socialism a mere matter
of propaganda and time. Do you honestly believe that we would not be far
nearer our goal to-'day if there had been
devoted to the political struggle half,
and only half, of the efforts and money
that have been expended on strikes that
have failed?
Under these conditions, a socialist
faction wishes to generalize the strike—
a weapon good, at the most, only in
particular cases—an_ to set the general
strike before the proletariat as their
goal.
If I have made my meaning clear, by
reason of the simple fact that it is an
economic struggle, that it diverts, in
part, if not altogether, the workingman
from the political struggle which is the
true struggle for him to engage and persevere in, the general strike should be
immediately rejected by all minds conscious of the facts and their consequences, by all those who reason without prejudice and *uo not pay themselves with words."
-loreover, even though one were to
disregar- this consideration, the system
of the general strike would not bear
scrutiny. We have shown the impotence of the strike as a means of emancipation. To generalize the strike—
conceding the possibility of this—
would not reduce this impotence, bm
rather the contrary.
The difficulties, springing from an organization and resources which have
scarcely ever—as perfect and large as
they have been —been equal to the requirements, would be, by the very extent of the strike, largely increased.
The dangers springing from exasperation, always possible and actually but
too pardonable, would increase in their
turn with the g-.-.wth of the numbers
involve- in the strike. Who can" guarantee that all the strikers would preserve their calm self-restraint in the
face of the measures habitually taken
in such case by all governments and which would in this
case necessarily be aggravated
—displays of military power, provocations by the police, arrests, condemnations, brutalities and injustices of every
kind? Who can guarantee that the
blow of a stone or a club, thrown by a
striker in a very comprehensible access
of wrath would not be the signal for a
new massacre of the workers?
But even if all these dangers and
difficulties were avoided or overcome,
the nroletarian movement would inevitably be overwhelmed. The partisans
of the general strike have not, I suppose, the assurance to count on success
at the urst attempt They must necessarily, however confident they may be
in their ultimate success, face the eventuality of a check: on any ground to
say struggle implies saying possibility
of defeat. But, while, on the political
ground, a check, far from depressing
courage, tends rather to stimulate it. a
defeat on the economic ground is disastrous, ihe facts are there to prove
that a conquered strike has resulted, in
various places, in a diminution of the
number of militant proletarians.
ln a political check one's pride or
vanity is wounded; one is vexed, I will
not say at being beaten, for it may
chance in this matter for one to be very
emphatically beaten and yet satisfied,
but at the insufficiency of the result attained; one wishes for revenge and one
works for it with enthusiasm. In the
economic check, in the failure of a
strike, one is a victim of real sufferings;
there is added to the material sufferings
of the conquered striker the moral suffering of seeing his loved family and
comrades suffer bootlessly; discouraged
and disconsolate, he vows not to renew
thc conflict in order that he may never
again witness such a spectacle, and he
withdraws from the movement. This
effect would be produced far more powerfully by a check or failure of a general strike, as the attempt would have
given birth to greater hopes; this would
be a terrible blow for thc Socialist1
Party—a blow that would greatly retard its progress.
In spite of a copious outpouring of
wealth in the form of endowments of
universities, the capitalist professors in
the United States are not making good.
W. H. Mallock, a past-master in the
art of proving that capitalist exploitation is good for the worker, has been
imported from England by the National
Civic Federation to give his Yankee
cousins a few nointers along that line.
1200 Japanese laborers are now
employed at the Pueblo steel works in
Colorado. As the Japs are clannish and
will give none of their trade to the
white-skinned merchants, reserving
it for the traders of their own nationality, it is causing the white tin-horns
to bovtl most lugubriously. The loss of
1200 nice easy jobs to the Caucasian
laborers causes them to join vociferously in the chorus. Strange as it may
seem the capitalist owners of the steel
works are nutting up no howl whatever.
Sodalist Wbj
goT Every Lecal al the SodalM
Party of Canada should ran a ear*
esuler tbls bead, fl.00 par month.
Secretarle* plana* aot*.
British Columbia Provincial Ex-caUv*
Committee, Socialist Party ot Canada- Meets every alternate Tuesday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C
Of the sixteen and a quarter million
families in the United States about eight
and one half million live in rented
homes. Of the remainder about one
third live in homes that are mortgaged.
This is an excellent showing as a result of a century of the most stupendous industrial development that any
country on earth has ever experienced.
Great is the rule of capital and most
satisfying are its results. At least the
great bulk of the people seem to like it.
NOTICE.
Vancouver, B.C., Jan. 21, 1907.
Notice is hereby given that, 60
days a.ter date I intend to apply to
the Hon. Commissioner of Land* and
Work* for permission to purchase
Section 25, Township 8, Range 5,
Coast District, Buckley Valley.
 JOHN COBNYN.
Dominion Executive Committee, Socialist Party ot Canada, Meet*
every alternate Tuesday. 3. O.
Morgan, Secretary, SKI Barnard
Street, Vancouver, B. C.
(-Deal Vanconver. No. 1, A. P. of Canada. Bu-tn-a* meeting* every
Monday evening at headquarter*,
It-rles-de Block. tlS Cambie Street,
(room 1. second floor), educational meetings every Sunday at f
p. m.. in Sullivan Hall. Cordova
Strwst _rwa**-u Parry, Secretary.
Box SM. Vancouver. B. 6
l-JOTICE
Vancouver. B.C., Jan. 21, 1907.
Notice is'hereby given that, 60
days after date I intend to apply to
the Hon. Commissioner of Lands and
Works for permission to purchase
Section 5, Township 6, Range 5,
Coast District. Buckley Valley.
JAMES  ARTHUR GARDNER.
Scrvia is now inoculated with the
Socialist virus. The students at tiie
University of Sophia have become Socialists in such large numbers that the
Minister of Public Instruction has sent
in his resignation.—Ex.
o
Somewhere between $175,000 and
$.00,000 was stolen from the United
States Sub-treasury at Chicago last
week. All the money taken was in
$1,000, $5,000 and $10,000 bills. Workingmen should be extremely cautious
about accepting bills of $1,000 or over
in payment of their wages, lest they be
caught with some of this stolen money
in their possession. Socialist papers
may, however, accept them in payment
for subs, with reasonable safety, as
there is usually an ample contingent of
hungry creditors hanging around the
premises upon which they can be speedily unloaded. ,
■ o——	
A proposal has been put forth in
dear old England to establish cradle
rooms in factories and that weaving
mothers should be allowed to leave
their looms at regular intervals to feed
their children. This is the most dangerous innovation yet. No wonder a
Blackburn manufacturer stood aghast
when he heard of it. Such wicked on-1
slaughts upon the profits of capital as
would result from this loss of time in
suckling infants must be stopped, lf it
is allowed to go on there will be nothing left as a reward for capitalist brains
and the foundations of our glorious civilization will crumble away.
NOTlCfc,
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN tbat 30
ityt titer dtte 1 intend to apply to tbe Hon.
Chief Commitsion.r of Lands and Work* for
a special license to cot and carry away timber from the following described lands in
Coast District:
1. Commencing at a post planted on tbe
west side of Rivers Inlet, at tbe north end of
Schooner Pass, about a mile and a half from
Bearer Cannery; thence west 80 chains,
ihence north 80 chains, thence east 80 chains,
tbence south SO chains, to place of commencement
.. Commencing at a post planted on the
west side of No. 1, running west 80 chains,
thence north 80 chains, tbence east 80 chains,
thence south 80 chains, to point of commencement.
W. M. FEENEY.
Agent for Frank Vandall and' H. II. Fu'hr.
Vanco-rer. B. C, Feb. 7th, 1807.
Local Toronto, S. P. of C—Meets every Sunday 3 p. m. at Davis Hall,
corner Queen and Spadina Avenues. F. Dale, Secretary, 41
Henry Street. Finnish Branch
meets Sunday nights, same hall.
Jewish Branch, Sunday nights, at
185 1-2 Queen St. West.
Local Winnipeg, S. P. of C, meet*
every Sunday, in Trades Hall, at
2:30 p. m. J. Coxon, Secretary, 226
Princess St., Winnipeg, Man.
Local Nelson, S. P. of C—Meets every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Union Hall, Nelson B. C
A. W. Harrod, Organizer.
"Even if it be true that
the arrest and deportation of
Pettibone, Moyer and Haywood from
Colorado was by fraud and connivance,
in which the governors of Colorado and
Idaho were parties, this does not make
out a case of violation of the rights of
the appellants under the constitution
and laws of thc United States."—United States Supreme Court.
Quite true, the constitution and laws
of the United States were not framed to
protect the woiking class; moreover,
they have no rights that the capitalist
claas will respect.
NOTICE.
Notice is hereby given that sixty days after
dale we intend to apply to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works for special license to cut and carry away timber on tbe
following described kinds in Rupert District:
I. Commencing at the N. E. corner of section IS marked Imperial Timber and Trading
Company's Northwest corner, tbence 80 chains
South, thence 80 chains East, thence 80
chains North, tbence 80 chsins West to point
of commencement.
3. Commencing at a point one-half mile
East of the Northeast corner of section i9,
marked Southwest comer post, tbence North
160 chains, thence East 40 chains, tbence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains lo
point of commencement.
4. Commencing at the same point as No.
S marked tbe Southeast corner post, thence
North 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains
to point of commencement.
5. Commencing at a point about one-half
mile West from the Northeast corner of section .9, marked Southwest corner post, tbence
North 160 chains, thence East 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, tbence West 40
chains, to point of commencement.
S. Commencing at the same point as No.
5, marked Southeast corner post, thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains to
point of commencement.
T. Commencing at a post near the N. E.
corner of Section 23, marked tbe N. W. corner post, thence South 80 chains, thence East
80 chains, thence North 80 chains, thence
West 80 chains, to point of commencement.
S. Commencing at a point one half mile
West of the N. W. corner of section 16,
marked Southwest corner post, thence North
ISO chains, thence East 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, thence west 40 chains to
point of commencement.
10. Commencing at the same point as Na
I, marked the S. E. corner post, thence North
160 chains, tbence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, tbence East 40 chains to
point of nmmencement.
II. Commencing at tbe same point as No.
10, marked the N. W. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 chaina,
thence North 160 chains, thence West 40
chains to point of commencement.
18.   Commencing st the same point as No.
II, marked the N. E. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence Weat 40 c——ns,
thence North ISO chains, thence East 40 chains
to point of commencement. 1
IS. Commencing st the Southeast corner of
Sectoin (0, marked the N. E. corner post,
thence South 160 chains, thence West 40
chains, thence North 160 chains, thence East
40 chains to point of commencement.
14. Commencing at the same point as No.
IS, snd marked the S. E. corner, thence Nortb
160 chains, ihence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, tbence East 40 chains to
point of commencement
15. Commencing a half a mile West of the
S. K. comer of Section SO, marked the N. E.
comer post, thence South 160 chains, thence
West 40 chains, thence North 160 chains,
thence East SO chains to point of commencement.
16. Commencing at tbe same point as No.
IS. marked tbe S. r". corner post, thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, thence
South ISO chaina, thence East 40 chains to
point of commencement
lt. Commencing at the S.E. cor. of sec. 16,
marked the N. W. corner post, thence
South 80 chains, tbence East 80 chains, thence
North 80 chains, thence West 80 chains to
point of commencement.
SO, Commencing at a point one-half mile
West of the S. W. corner of Section^ .0,
marked Ibe N. W. corner post, thence _Souih
160 cbains,tbence Kast 40 chains, Ihence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains to point of
commencement
tl. Commencing at ihe same point as in
No. SO, marked the N. K. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence North 160 chains, thence East 40 chaina
to point ot commencement
tl. Commencing lit the tame point aa in
No. tl, marked the S. W. corner poat. Ihence
North 160 chains, thence East 40 chains.
Ihence South 160 chains, thence West 40
chains to point of commencement.
11. Commencing st the same point as No.
tt, marked the S. E. corner poat, thence North
160 chaina, thence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains o
point of commencement
14. Commencing at a point near the N. K.
comer of Section 31, marked the N. E. corner post thence South 80 chains, Ihence Wrst
80 cliains, thence North SO chsins, thence East
M chains ts point «( inimsncsnttnt
25. Commencing at the N. E. corner of
Section 28, market-, the S. _. corner post,
tbence West 160 chains, thence North 40
chains, thence East 160 chains, tbence South
lu chains to point of commencement
26. Commencing at a point half a mile
East of the S. W. corner of Section 27, T'p.
15, marked the S. E. corner post thence
North 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence South 100 chains, thence East 40 cl——is
to point of commencement.
17. Commencing at a post about one
mile S. of thc S. W. corner of Section
15, T'p. 14, marked the N. W. corner post,
thence S. 80 chains, thence E. 80 chains,
tbence tf. 80 chains, thence W. 80 chains, to
point of commencement
28. Commencing at the same point as No.
27, marked the N. E. corner post tbence S.
80 chains, tbence W. 80 chains, thence N. 80
chains, thence _. 80 chains, to point of commencement
SS. Commencing at a point about two
miles S. of the S. W. corner of Section SO,
marked the N. W. corner post thence S. 160
chains, tbence E. 40 chains, thence N. 100
chains, thence W. 40 chains, to point of commencement
30. Commencing at the same point as
No. 20, marked the N. East comer post, thence
S. 160 chains, thene. W. 40 chains, tbence
N. 160 chains, thence E. 40 chains, to point
of commencement
SI. Commencing at a post near, the N. W.
comer of Section 13, marked the N. W. corner post, thence South 160 chains, thence
East 40 chains, thence North 160 chains,
tbence West 40 chains, to point of commencement
32. Commencing at the same point as No.
31, marked tbe N. E. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence North 160 chaina, thence East 40
chains, to point of commencement
33. Commencing at the same point as No.
32, marked the S. W. corner post, thence
North 160 chains, tbence East 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence West 40
chains, to point of commencement
34. Commencing at the same point as No.
S3, marked the S. E. corner post tbence
Nortb 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence East 40
chains, to point of commencement
35. Commencing near the S. W. corner
of Section 22, marked the S. W. corner post,
ihence N. 80 chains, thence E. 80 chains,
thence S. 80 chains, thence W. 80 chains, to
point of commencement
36. Commencing at the same point as No.
35, marked the S. E. comer post thence
N. 160 chains, thence W. 40 chains, thence
S. 160 chains, thence E. 40 chains to point
of commencement
37. Commencing at a point about one mile
S. of the S. W. comer of Section 22. marked
the S. E. comer post thence W. 80 chains,
thence N. 80 chains, thence E. 80 chains,
tbence S. 80 chains to point of commencement
38. Commencing at tbe same point as No.
37. marked the NT W. corner post, thence S.
ISO chains, thence E. 40 chains, tbence N.
160 chains, thence W. 40 chains, to point of
commencement
SS.    Commencing at the same point as Na
38, marked the N.   E.  corner post, thence  S.
160 chains,   thence  Vi.   40  chains,   thence   N.
MS-.bains, these* -E.  I.  cl—JM to point ef—
commencement.
40. Commencing at a point near the S. W.
corner of Section 21, marked the S. E. corner post thence N. 80 chains, thence W. 80
chains, thence S. 80 chains, thence E. 80
chains, to point of commencement
41. Commencing about one mile N. from
the N. W. corner cf Section 17, marked the
S. E. corner post, thence N. 80 chains, thence
W. 80 chains, thence S. 80 chains, thence E.
80 chains, to point of commencement.
41. Commencing at a point about one mile
S. of the S. E. comer of Section 20, marked
the S. E. comer post thence W. 160 chains,
thence N. 40 chains, thence K. 160 chains,
thence S. 40 chains, to point of commencement
48. Commencing at a point about t miles
South of the S. E. comer of Section 10,
marked the S. W. comer post Ihence North
80 chains, tbence East 80 chains, tbence
South 80 chains, thence West 80 chains, to
point ot commencement
44. Commencing at the same point as No.
43, marked the N. W. corner pott, tbence S.
160 chaina, thence E. 40 chains, thence N.
160 chains, thence W. 40 chains, to point
of commencement
45. Commencing at a point about two and
a half miles S. of the S. E. corner of Section
24, marked the N, E, corner post, thenco
W. 160 chains, thence S. 40 chains, thence
F. 160 chains, tbence N. 40 chains, to point
of commencement
46. Commencing at a point near the S. W.
comer of Section 22, marked the N. W. corner post, thence S. 80 chains, thence E. SO
chains, thence N. 80 chains, thence W. SS
chains, to point of commencement
47. Commencing at a point near tbe S. W.
corner of Section 18, T'p. 13, marked the N.
W. corner post, thence South 160 chata,
Ihence East 40 chains, thence North ISO
chains, thence West 40 chains, to point of
commencement
48. Commencing st s-point near the N. W.
corn«r of Section 18, marked the 8, K. corner post, thence North 80 chains, thence West
80 chains, thence South 80 chains, thence East
80 chains, to point of commencement
Dated   at   Vancouver,   B.   C,   February   13th,
1007.
IMPERIAL  TIMBER, ft  TRADING   COMPANY, LIMITED.
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SATURDAV, K.ARCH
«««0«l»«««««»9««CH»«r«#«««H»«««M
••BYSTANDER"   AND  THE  LAW •
<.)''* THE MARKET,
ATTENTION I
x
NEWS AND VIEWS
',                                                                                       i       .-.--.. _ _           -1  i <■_ "j inn ' _ "*i * •_»___—_
 : tt. .  l~**~ T?      '**"'■ 'si: -. ___5__-_-_s=j-ai-»v-aEa-ag.'--  '■       -----
"-_3_3S=J3-J -..IIJ     II  Hi      l< I    ■     ' '    **  ________
AS WYE* OR EXPRESSED BY SOCIALISTS THROUGHOUT THE DOMINION
Bdlte- by R. l». PHTI-H-'IIBCB. tn whom all corv-spondenc. tor this department ahould be nddr-Med.
ployer, but  for the  State,  and   revolt   CAPITAL VS.   PRIVATE OWNER-
aga'inst the State is revolt against
country whose representatives vote y
salary."
THE DEATH OF SOCIALISM
IN BRITISH COLUMBIA
your
Doubling the Socialist vote in British Columbia in three and a-half years
counts for naught with the ex-divmc
who wields the editorial destiny of the
Nelson Canadian.
The following excerpt should settle
the problem confronting labor in this
Province for all time:
"Socialism, so far as British Columbia is concerried, may now be numbered
among the discarded political expediencies of the demagogic appellant for
notoriety and public favor. It has had
representation in the legislative halls
and has had a fair hearing at the hustings. The voice of the people i- against
it and it is dead."
Notwithstanding this crushing blow
the Provincial Executive Committee of
the Socialist Party is fairly deluged with
demands from the workers for the services of an organizer, literature, and
labor legislation for presentation by the
three socialist members of the House at
Victoria. - -
And, at no time in the history of the
Socialist Party has there been such interest manifested by the rank and file
throughout the entire Province as at
present.
A more determined and better organized fight for the powers of the State
will be put up by the working class
next election in British Columbia thav
ever before.
The campaign is on even now.
The mission and task of the Socialist Party is not an easy one—but it
contains within itself that something
which makes men doggedly stick to
their guns and swear anew each day to
spread the message oi industrial freedom to their fellow wage-slaves in the
mill, shop, wooas, mine, or factory.
There are positively no "back-sliders"
in the Socialist movement—once a Socialist always becoming a better one.
Such a movement must ultimately
win.
The Socialist Party has put the "Liberal" Party in British Columbia out of
business forever.
The political fight rr *he future must
be between canitalism (Coium---atism)
and Socialism.
There is no longer any room in this
Province for a party which stands sponsor for "the identity of interest" between the buyers and sellers of labor-
power.
- In view of the growing tide of socialism the world over—and the immediate
gratifying results of the local Provincial elections on February 2nd, it is so
sad to read:   "It is dead1'!
NOT SO BAD FOR A PROFESSOR.
Dr. J. G. Schurman says he can not
agree with President Roosevelt as to
the alleged threatened danger from
swollen fortunes. "The danger I see,"
said he, "comes not from swollen fortunes, but from stolen fortunes."
PRIVA1
SHU*
BE PATRIOTIC TO WHAT?
The workingmen have no country.
We cannot take from tnem what they
have not got. Since the proletariat
must first of all acquire political su-
premacy, must rise to be the leading
class bi the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, thoui'h not in the bourgeois
sense of the word.
National differences, and antagonisms betwen peoples, are daily more and
more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of
commerce, to the world-market, to uniformity in the mode of production and
in the conditions of life corresponding
thereto.   '
The supremacy of the proletariat will
cause them to vanish still faster.
United action, of the leading civilized
countries at least, is one of the first
conditions for tbe emancipation of the
proletariat.
In proportion as the exploitation of
one individual by another is put an end
to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to.
In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes,
the hostility of one nation to another
will come to an end.—Communist Manifesto, mt
< ■"■   O   '       	
READ AND RE-READ.
If you haven't read the "Communist
Manifesto" you have still something in
store. Write the secretary of the Dominion Executive for a supply. A list
of other pamphlets, issued by the Executive, will be available shortly.
   o
"GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP" IN
FRANCE.
French School Teachers Arc Forbidden
by -overnment to Organize in
"Syndicates."
A new phase of the question of the
right of public employees to organize
has arisen in France, says tl.. daily
press. The schoolmasters of several
districts have ton-'-1-associations upon the instigation of the Radical Socialists, and have Joined the general labor federation. There is no attempt to
conceal the fact that the purpose of the
organization of teachers was the propagation of the doctrines of anti-militarism and the general idea of solidarity of the interests of the working, as
against those of thc capitalist class.
The government promptly forbade
"teacher syndicates." A. Briand in
announcing the decision to the deputation, said: "Because of the nature of
your services, the state can never permit
you to act as other employee} do. You
«n not working for an ordttury em-
A PROFITABLE LITTLE TALE.
Last week's editorial allusion to the
reception given to Sam Gompers and
his "Labor's Bill of Rights" hy Uetatt
Roosevelt, Fairbanks and Cannon calls
to mind a little story written by -aadi,
the Persian philosopuer, more than mx
centuries ago. Its modern appHc_W_t)
is obvious.    Thus: ;
A man who was suffering from in
flamed eyes went to a horse doctor tor
treatment. The veterinary gave linn
some of the salye he used on animals.
The man used the salve and Jost his
eyesight. He then bromrht suit in court
to recover damages. Thc judge, after
weighing the evidence in the case,
handed down his decision as follows:
"There are no damages to be recovered;
the man. would never have gone to a
veterinary if hc had not been an ass.
Moral: Don't go to capitalist politicians for working-class legislation.  —
The Worker.
. e*—	
RULING CLASS FRENZY.
Driven to frenzy by the persistent
growth of the Socialist movement in
Germany, all the powers of the Imperial government were directed towards
heaping calumny and villification upon
o"ur comrades during the recent campaign. Our representation in the
Reichstag was considerably reduced m
consequence, although the total Socialist
vote was largely increased, lhe result,
however, had no discouraging effect upon the leaders of the German movement. Fully realizing what they are up
against, they take any temporary reverse that may occurr with the utmost
fortitude and. calmly and bravely face
the future, firm in thc faith of the ultimate triumph of the cause. In reference to the bitter campaign waged
against the Social Democracy at the* recent election, Dr. Braun speaks as follows, according to thc Literary Digest:
"The long-exploded fairy-tales about
us were revived and disseminated, every
method of calumny received the seal of
Imperial sanction, and the basest instincts of the populace were stimulated
into fury against us. In this contest of
votes the banners of our adversaries
were carried by the twin fomenters of
reaction, selfishness and groundless
panic. These influences we had hitherto too easily vanished, and had snapped
our fingers at the vile campaign methods of the Imperial coterie. We were
simple enough to believe that the
bourgeoisie were not such fools as to be
caught by this thrickery. We were, in
fact, convinced that in a day when the
most enlightened of mankind recognize
the claims of Socialism, not a single
person could be found who would look
upon us as tlie offscouring of our race,
not worthy even to bear the name of
Germans.
'The very outlawry with which wc
are visited simply welds us closer together. Our triumph over the misguided masses will never be complete, however, until we let them see over and
over again that the irresistible might
of the Socialistic idea cannot be impaired bv the vicissitudes of historic
events, throutrh which, indeed, its vitality is rather intensitied. The combination of unsparing self-criticism and the
deepest enthusiasm can alone avail us
in attaining this end. i-*t us learn the
lesson of our recent defeat, let it be a
new incentive to more energetic effort.
Every man should start out stronger
from a stroke of misfortune, and so
should we start out from election day
itself with the cry, 'Woe to the conquerors !'"
 •	
IN ENGLAND AS
IT IS IN AMERICA.
To our mind there is nothing more
loathsome than the spasmodic charity
and startled benevolence of our hypocritical slave-driving society. There is
an earthquake, or a pestilence, a shipwreck, or a famine, and straightway
everybody is eager to hand out checks,
in order to help the afflicted. Kingston,
like San Francsico, Valparaiso, and
Martinquie, has had a tremendous
shock, and its population has suffered
much in person and in property. Funds
are immediately raised • to help the
wounded and poverty-stricken survivors. The newspapers revel in the catastrophe, the public mind is exercised, thc
pockets of the well-to-do are opened.
All very nice indeed. But hundreds of
hard-working Englishmen are killed
and thousands maimed on our railways
every year; yet the House of Commons
which fully represents the sympathetic
sweating clashes, will not enioaee automatic couplings because they cost so
much more to the companies than men's
lives or limbs. Negroes in earthquakes
call for compassion and assistance
Common Englishmen dying and suffering in common circumstances are not
worth a thought. So with the steaming
sheds of Lancashire, where thc constitutions of men and women arc simply
rotted out of them by the damp heat.
Nobody dares to enact a law to stop
that. It is against capitalist interest to
do so. And so it is all round. When
will our people see through this infamous neglect at home, and demand a
complete change?—London Justice.
lf wc are to have an intelligent discussion of any rmbiect >*.«*nn»ist define
the terms used Apologi-ls for thc
present system -apparently purposely-
refuse to speak oi tke terms used by
Socialists in the _anir sense as they do,
and thus ciiuse much eonfusion of
thought. One o( the least understood
terms is thc word Capital.
Toole of productloa may or may not
1* capital according us to how they
are used. A man owning a plot of
land or a number nf tools which he
uses himself for the purpose of producing wealth is not a capitalist, nor
are his tools or land capital. His ownership is private ownership and thc
product is the result of his own labor.
When, however, his land and tools arc
operated b*- other labor than his own
they immediately function as capital.
He would not allow his land and tools
to be so used unless he received ont of
it more than he paid the laborer in
wages plus a sufficient amount to meet
the depreciation of his plant. In short,
hc must make a profit out of the labor
he employs. Practically all of the
means of production which now function as canital have been created out
of this margin of profit extracted from
the labor of thc working class. Private
ownership of land and tools was one
time prevalent, and was the form out of
which the present capitalist or class
ownership of land and tools grew. Private ownershin has been gradually replaced by capitalist ownership which is
a middle stage in evolution between
private and social ownership. Private
ownership disappeared because it was,
compared with capitalist ownership, in
efficient. The gigantic factory operated
by   specialized   labor,     sub-divided    in
(Continued irom Page ' .ie.)
When the  Black  Plague    d. ii'taK-l
the ranks of the English- lab- Kttf
so much that the supply was not ...   .1
to the demand, the drastic laws pf"*.
izing   the   workers  by   such    hon uie
means as the cutting off of the.    ear
for accepting more than the maximum
wage,   were   lound    to  be   UJOpei -tree,
showing -.early that then, as now. 11.'
unwritten laws of the market car bur I
up all the statutes set ag.mst ihem
But the bourgeois economist is Both*
ing if not incoasi*' • .. He »«*>**S
only so much of thc t **!* ■' -«•-? nut
as will suit his \ rrposl - :mcr sno*"_l
the inability of tl,, gait "*« io buck
the "iron law of wnjeS," ihe luuthnv
er" and "the sense >f purtnsr-hip " W
accomplish this imi*o libit ask* ••*>
forgets that the "puuhasc-* ihihty io
buy is limited I his wage*. It » ">
mockery to suggest to the W< i ei* to
buy porter house steak when I -j inpPt
w ill only permit of liver and - ukym
Moreover, if we are to -Ho*. Hi'1
chimerical notion of raisi is i ** •■'
of labor hy purchasing ingh-pi
Koods to lie enunciated, wl
come of this "thrift" so < Oi
Ixiurgeois economists as
working-class ills? N a
"sense of partnership v- h
ployer is to inciilcan tl
reasonably and prude"!    ci Son
words butter no pa""*" l' Rvn* 4 *c
w-re convii.'-ed *h. t Um .run. » ol tke
crop* vir ' cl. ,i wite _.*icvolent and
luimain,. m. winch we haw )"*t • little reas.vi u> ^oubt. vu kop\i "hat the
employer ;*. lis* -ovcrned i'i ""-is S-tton
market.     Ue must
r*utiw* his recent trip through the
rVdwUry and Kooienay districts Cuin-
raoe Besi 9. Wilson obtakied iome sub-
bribers for the Western Clarion. Vn-
f rtinatcly he lost his valise containing
list i-f nimcs id was therefore unable
|i> forward to this office the infonna-
lion necessary to enable us to fill the
subscriptions. Two or three have Wen
.t'rear-y located through kindness of
Cla,ion readers. II anv reader knowing
o anyone W_ i gave io Comrade Wilson
a snh and haa not yet rrrc-ivr-! the
paper wiH 'tifortn us ol llu (ad «c •■*•''"
sir thai thc name of such person is
put upon the list al once.
Union Directory
Wtsea Tt-ey Had | Whet. Th*y m„.
ajf* .-*•-""*" UUw UnlOB In It* pro*,,- ,,
iWO lo |»lat« a card uoi.cr mM i,r„|    i,   " _*
moat-.    Secretaries please autc. '"* w.
International Association of Bri<___
and Structural Ironworkers Loo-
No. 97, meets in Labor Hall fir.t
and third Friday of the month !
t p. m. B. Jnrdliif, Ke.*i,i_|.,-], "
rotary, Ho« UM. Vancouver   it   a
Will    '«*-
nmended bj
nied)  for
as   to   the
,-h   «he  null r    as  he
WANTED
At Ymir General Hospital a trained
nurse, wages fiO.OO per month.
Fo'- further information write to
W. B. McISAAC.
Secretary Ymir General Hospital
P. O. Drawer 506, Ymir, B. C
by the laws - f i
strain every n.rvr
ities as cheaply ;,
competition uf Ml
he falls down in i
maelstroir ">t v.. ,<
presses hi. ' eii. t
in faithful j'*'n..
of the Mfi'.c.t'. .tei
cheapest .aarket ■
est."
Ir "mention, "thei*: un*-cia> pas-
sio-, whi<*> onr proiessor ilcp.ecates
are by evidence of the iiics it.-ble an-
tagon .hich n-.n^i c ntinne so long
as the economic syst ••.■ n ca «itali<*. exploitation endim.* lb.- di-eciion of
this antagorurai genet-ted bj the conflict of interests I eween <*in-.'oyer and
i buy 'is iQuimorl*
. can to meet '.ie
ot-_ unplojrcr. If
he goc*> into the
, _v -y. So hc sup-
uc and heeps on
•e i • the principle
jchv "I, ' Duy in the
d  sell  in tlie  dear-
ENJOY  Lire   BY SMOKING
The
TERMINUS
Ckght
MAD.  IN VANCOUV-R
employee to th. «*._«*ai t ol thc public
powers ii tlii   inti re '    *" the   vorkcrs
efficiency of its various units, inevitably   ;s ,(,«■ mission i . t!.«-      .o.*itif-n-;.v Pro-
such manlier as to produce the highest I powers  ii th-   hit, r<
put out of business the small concern,
which, operated by the individual owner and his puny tools, could not market its product at a price low enough to
meet the competition of its capitalist
opponent. Private ownership is practically gone. ., uere it exists, as in the
case of the .armer, it is at the mercy
of the capitalist owners of elevators,
railroads, etc.. and contributes as large
a share of its product to the owners of
capital as does the proletarian wage-
worker who has only his labor-power to
sell. When Socialists speak of abolishing capital they mean merely to strip
the means of production of its present
function, i. e., making a profit out of
labor, and put in its place the garb of
social property, producing wealth for
use. To satisfy human needs is not
the primary reason tor wealth-production at the preitnt time. It is merely an
incident. Commodities are produced
for sale at a profit. If there be no
profit in producing certain articles
which may be necessary for the well
being of society, society has to get along
without them. Allegations are frequently made by capitalist owners of industries, when disputing with their
workmen, as to rates of wages, etc.,
that if they grant the demands of the
men they will not make enough profit.
Hence they shut down without consid
ering the fact that thousands of people
may die of starvation and cold because
ff the lack of the commodities they
deal in. Illustration of this fact was
seen in the recent  Lethbridge    strike
We may therefore define the various
forms of property ownership thus:
Means of production operated by their
individual owners, producing wealth for
their own use, or for exchange, may be
termed private ownership.
Capital, to us, Is means of production
used for the purpose of making a profit
out of labor.
Social ownership is means of production, operated for the production of
wealth for the use of society.
*• J. T. M.
In Warsaw the fortress and prisons
are more overcrowded than a New
York slum tenement. The Governor-
General has appointed a commission to
release a bunch of them as the "zeal of
the authorities" in .nakiiig arrests has
outrun their accommodation.
THE FOOLISH HUNTER.
A sportsman once, in eager   quest of
game,
Beheld a hare, and, taking careful aim,
Delayed his shot to ponder how this rare
And unexpected dish he would prepare.
"Now, rabbit pie's all right," quoth he,
and yet
There's nothing beats a savory croquette
Except, perhaps, jugged hare; and yet I
like	
But lo, the hare had beat it down the
pikel
"Alas," he cried with melancholy look,
"I should have shot and trusted in the
cook."
A morel here for those who long to see
The dawning of real democracy,
Yet timidly hold back and hesitate
O'er minor details of the coming state
The pressing need, O comrades, is to
ACT;
First make the workers' commonwealth
a fact.
And lo, the petty obstacles ye fear,
In Reason's light will quickly disappear.
Unite, and when your servitude   shall
pass,
Trust in the free, triumphant working
class.
—•Tom Selby in the Worker.
. It is said that in Philadelphia men
and women in all walks in life, many of
them wealthy, have become possessed
of the idea that suicide is all that the
world holds for them. The capitalist
system tmist be getting pretty rotten
when even its beneficiaries are driven
to self-destruction in order to escape its
stench.
letariat When this c'a^-s t"-?glc shall
have leen foueln vil to a finish and
victory rests with h,: AorWing class.
for the fir.t time since the dawn of
civilt." ion *ve sliaii ha" e peace within
the omfiiic* of b - in s-ciety.
J. T. M.
iK-t there is m_c.h prf-pcrity no one
can ,'-.'  .    The enot-n-ms expenditures
of th,   I  Kuril-US rich testif;1 to it in un-
mista's    1« terms.     But   whose  is the
prospei'io ■     Are they prosperous whose
labor   furnis .es   ihe   >vt*erewiihai     for
these lavish expenditures ■   Wealth do«s
not fall fr.m the star-    . or is it Jeft
over fron    '■«* -Kist.   T' i« re-created day
by day.      _,      ,-..  ... . when one man
spends a thousand tnat . c doesn't create, others must create a tin ffifttwl that
they cannot spend. The greater the expenditures of the idle, then lore, thc
greater must be the impoven.! ment of
producers. This is arithmetic and
there is no gainsaying it. Prosperity
for idle parasites spells a<. - *iiy for
industrious workers.—The P     ic.
"Evr- man is ihe architect of his
own fortune," so runs thc Cavorit* proverb. This proverb is an hcirloorr* .'mm
thc days of small production, when the
fate of every single brer i--,. inner, at
worst that of his fat! 'ly _iso, depended
upon his own per*' 1 qualities. Today the tate of ever, .iieinbcr ui <; ■ ipi-
talist community d.j 's leas ,>nd leas
upon his own indi, .i • My. .uv. nnre
and more upon    a . ul    lii.um-
stances that are wholly liey'-" ni* <-on-
trol.—Karl Kautsky.
CORRF'    .ON
J ui.   19
Inirrta-
In the Westerq      -non ol
it was stated that    ..    nen
tional Congress wouIl ite hud »» 'Stuttgart, Germany, on Au^ i.'t -~'.!i '.o Btst
18-7.    The date sho-
ust 18th to 24th, 19
ive read Aug-
TBLKPHONB $49
CAPITAL CITY BAKERY
G A- OKBLL, -..safer
Bread and Cakes delivered to any
part of the City.   You am always
depend upon our bread.    Try it.
37 Pandora St        Victoria, & C
Phoenix Miners' Union, No a
W. F. M. Meets every Saturday
evening at moo clock in Miners
hall John Mclnnis, President
Walter Morrison, Secretary.
Tltltttlt-rttlMIIMMMU.
Tt-UtPIIUKK B77S j j
HEUHY BCNN8CN ft Co
.     mm. _____• _   '     *    '
fMVMM
CIIMS
I   Wl   9 wfiaaPaeft W.
vitrroaiA. bc.
>»♦»♦<»♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ h ,
C. PETCR8   *"•■"■*•<■••
IU-<1 -U<V IMl -nd Shnrt tn ,•.",, in
•It «?!*_. Bepaittnji |>rmi*llr .„<) i„>i
ly .to**.     Muck   of »U|>lr   traiy _•»_.
eaam •i*»»* • oa tuu.i
MM Vert-to***     aam FtaHtf.
M   YEARS'
tXPtRIENCt
J. Edward Bird.    A. 0. Brydon-J.ia
BIRO * 6RY0M-JACK
aSKRIHTERt). SOLIClTOKa. tTC.
TW. 899. P.O.  Box. 9*2.
834 Hart-** ht. . . Vsatoww. B.O.
WUKN  IN  VANCOIVKU, STOP AT
THE   DOUGALL   HOUSE
ABBOTT   STREET.
lint Ctas- Iter.       »_toet-ent Raosne.
CAFE   OPEN    DAY    AND   NIGHT.
Prtr-s Moderate.
WANTED—At the Ymir General
Hospital, a duly qualified Practitioner and oue witb a number of
years experience. For particulars
write to
W. B. McISAAC,
Secretary Ymir G. tra! Ho-vpital.
P.O. Drawer f •*•;, Ymir, B.C.
Traoc M«mis
Distorts
Corvnicurs Ac.
Am*e*aewA*ee *»t*r*i *, i <*•-• •        m,
vtMslr >».e»i»i» mm i*i-«* !•*• *>i.«u„, »,-
**<fsno<w ■• e_____n'_f_i_!l_J '** f" "
li*m««ui««lr««H»«*»*'it%l MMftOM ■•■ l-t'tuu
m from UMW M«K| lor kn-oim* >*i«n*.
FtMMS ttsem UW*«i- Mam, A i -.- tvn.,
****** m***, wultnat Sm In Um
ScieMfk American.
A tapPM mtt Wm***** w»»»it l..'»«t n,
tmUUvm mt may mrtmatsm V«i»«i, 1->-< > »i >
■ontSs.li. aml-r-i &******%
trtwtmty. Hew tork
_»WmiKiv-.Hi.
■MCB-';
Five Clarion sub. earda   .3.75.
'i--i— *• ■•
ATTKXTIOV. COMIIAUKM.
t-lease do not inl<lrt*s* rommuntca-
ll-liu n-lutliiK to purty nftalrti to tilt*
puper or IU editor. Tbe nddreeeee of
the Dominion and Provincial Se-reUr-
i'-*i will be found In column S. pace 2.
Ry bddreiwlnf nil communlcntlone to
them much confin*!'.** aihI annecu—ry
work '#111 be a voided
ATENTS
I. _jj J_*iJ___l_ -._.'___.-_<
Wc eollelt tbe tn-drm- ot Msnuhaterm.
Pegtmntrt end other* who rcallae Um (drUabi 1*
i(y ot hartof thdr P-icnt tmalans tmmacled
ty l!«Ct*r*»,   r-r.lit_l_ory_.Ut-    tret.   Ctwrgrs
Moderate. Our bntwtmt'i Amvtatt sent epm
nwioeat. Marlon A Marion. Kcw York Ut* B-lg,
Mo-tlrtal^ aaJ W».h.n.-iu?i, b.C, Xt.UA*.
STEVENS
VM) UK  FOR  T.OUEIE
Vinrti-iiin-Hisof'iNki*-
W rji'U:|
It* ttmnhntt mmpn >•«
• l'll-l- I IIWi
sn-sMs,*M-»|«rtnM
PINDOUTWHY
*j***n*t w* ****•*•*
ilFLES-SHOTGUNS
PISTOLS
AA yeur local ll»r,l«»r«
•r Spmnlmg «.,m,.|» **r-
tkasl imt iko «TI.UJ*.
II  (Ml  r*_KHJt   ohlolo,  nr
skip Alrwt, rtpr
rwrclpl ol I «U
4 tawl*Inttmmpt tor lioln*
*„nmttWtm% tmtalmg. Inrlndlnc < ir- «■
lam at iMUl wadlltmiut lo oar lliw.
Cantata* smtateam thontln» •nunu
■Ml—, thafftwmer emtm of ■ nmrm,
***., eta. Oar altrMllvo Tra « olor
UtbmgtwphwA ■•urar m_-l«l -»
i>er» !•»•!««*—ia >■ Mum-,
i.trntvmtta akms * tikh, co.
P. O.*_«l40O7
Fall-, Hn-,   t'.n.t.
OO*»OOOW*«*»»0»*«00««»»O**OCCOO->
8lw_N0 MACHINE.
tt*«e»»«*»«««o««9«*oooe«90*®oo •***
_h   t
S <x v (
by buying thia
tollable, honest,
Wgb grade tt*y
ing machine.
STRONGEST GUARANTEE.
National Sewing Machine Co,
•AN rHAMCUCO. CAL.
• PASfMir ATMLV-mn. tu. *
United Hatters of North America
When you are buytn* a FUll "AT see -• {}
that the Oenulne Union _*boi is sewa'l In it.   •
a retailer has loeee labela In    hie poa*K*»«i*»> **n
offera to put one In a hat tor you. do not patronw
h'-n.   Loose   labela In retail etoree st* counterr«i»
The genuine Union   Label    la perforated <■■*-';"
edges, exaotly the eame as a pottage stamp. »■•">*'
terfetta are eome Umee perforated on three tot  -
and   eome   tlmee only on two.   John B. Stetson (.o.,
of Philadelphia, la a non-union concern.
JOHN A. MOIPT-T, Pre-Utont, Orange, N. 3
MARTIN  LAWLOR, amty*x**ry, U Waverly PiaeA
New York.
CHEAP FUEL
COKE
COKE Is an excellent fuel for grates, hall  atoves, furnaces snd
cookLig atoves, making ■ clean, bright firo without amoke or dirt.
PRICE S5oo PER TON.
Vancouver Oat Company, Ltd.
m»i hum **\*i

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