@prefix ns0: . @prefix edm: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix dc: . @prefix skos: . @prefix geo: . ns0:identifierAIP "4c3e72ed-e9fb-4eca-994c-6732b28bfa02"@en ; edm:dataProvider "CONTENTdm"@en ; dcterms:issued "2016-03-31"@en, "1907-03-02"@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/wclarion/items/1.0318606/source.json"@en ; dc:format "application/pdf"@en ; skos:note """ 0-$3^ ^-d_r*"TB> 6* ,*.-*! V victoS^' j SASKATCHEWAN 1 iblisbed •ii>'tbe-tnterc$ts-oMbc •MVbrKiJS .» _.**•• BU I* _v musus Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, March 2, 1907 «£££»•. Si.00 FACTIONS IN THE SOCIALIST PARTY Evidences of the Clash Between the Revolutionary Proletariat and Its Opportunist Saviours. Some people take fright at factions. They arc alway* crying for harmony, ihey think the Socialist party is no place for division*. Is not every Sor delist a comrade, a brother, with whom we ahould have no controversy? Let us unite against the common enemy and not be wrangling among ourselves! That sounds good ami is good, unless it means that Socialists are never to have any discussions with one another, but must sit around like angels with harps all pbtying one tune. Socialists are human beings not angrl*. They arc on thc earth yet, and not in heaven. 1 n«y reach conclusions like other men, hy means ot free debate. Socialism claims to deveiop individuality and demands freedom of speech. Yet some Socialists would tiiujire.* discussion among Socialist* and reduce us all to thc dead level of the stii(>ul on thc impossible plane of the sanctiticd. Instead of bewailing factions in thc Socialist I'arty, wc sltould greet them as a smn of life and progress, *I"hcrc are no {actions among the dead. Ihey all lie on one level in a cemetery, llttt people wlio arc alive always -truggie rtith one another. It is the law of cx- i-teiicc. So let us have done with impracticable, Utopian talk about Socialist perfect iomsiii. Ilut there are two kinds of factions; (-Cliyns based "ii i»rincij*U- and factum* based on persons. Personal fac- ii'im, though they arc bound to exist more or less, cannot last long unless the t ;•• is.ms represent vmic pt incudes ilut uthcr persons arc interested in. Factions based on principle arc inevitable in any free society Thc Socialist l'afty comes the nearest oi all political parties to being a free social organisation. Free discussion, differences of opinion welcomed, not suppressed; factions i distantly forming because of such differing opinions, a grcal, open, free forum where individuals ami factions dash, argue and vote conccrmng c|tics- tkma of vital interrst to than all. such are the ciuractcnstics ot thc Socialt-t I'arty. Who would have it otherwise? Would anyone turn thc Socialist I'arty into a dogmatic ecclesiasticism, where even one is required to say, "Credo,** and always say it tn a dead language? Dot* any true Socialist want to make the Socialist I'arty into a Socialist Labor I'arty where everybody must BglM with ■ •ne man or get out oi thc orgs nl nation t Or, on the other han~, who would have our organization, instead of petrifying under one man's tyrannical orthodoxy, s|)re»d out into a jelly fish conditio" of faclionles* and tpetthtMt harmony?" Every Socialist who is also a practical, reasonable man. will rxjic-l and welcome factions based on principles. I here will lie leaders in inch factions, as there arc always leaders in any debate, men who »ce clearest and state l*c.sl lhe principles involved Hut only weak and unthinking people •wil follow such leaders as individuals The only leadership which can last in a (rte society such as the Socialist Party must be if it il to continue, is that had "ship which represents best those principles which arc essential to the interests ofrthe organization, lf any individual aspire* to be a leader in the Socialist Party, he must "make v>ooil" by proving to the majority thai Ins principle* arc those which underlie the evolutionary movement and arc therefore essential to party ptognt. Therefore no one should fear factions nor leader* of factions. Both are inevitable. What we should fear am* i>«ht is the unthinking snd submissive mind, lhe man to bc feared is thc man who takes 'my other man's word for anything We *h*ll have no leaders who can mislead. ■'hen every Socialist demands to be '■•liown." Leader* are dsngeroui only when free discussion is trowiul upon No faction which is based upon fan* •lamental principles can hc downed by downing any leader of thai faction. I he principle will finu another spokesman iind the faction another leader. Because no principle which represents the interests of a class can possibly Ih- sup Pressed. Factions and their leaders are thc mere instruments of class in 'crests. Men may come ami men may 8o, but class interests go on forever These considerations find direct ap plication iu the present conditwits of the Socialist Party in thc United States I wo great factors are contending "' that pany for supremacy. The same factions exist in the Socialist Par ty of all countries, for the simple reason that thc same economic conditions exist in all civilize) nations. These contending factions are thc Revolutionary Socialists and the Reform s Socialists, sometimes known as the "Revolutionists'' and the •Opportunists." It is folly to conceal this internal contest in thc Socialist Parties, as it is always folly to conceal or ignore any essential fact. Thc fact of factions in the Socialist Party is thc chief fact in that party as a party. We must face it and deal with it. If wc do not, the party is doomed because of its own incapacity to handle its own affairs. One faction or the other must prevail. Wc cannot have a two-headed party, much less a two-bodied party. For these two factions really stand for two different bodies in modern society, two classes in society with conflicting intrcests. That at any rate, is what the Revolutionary Socialists believe, namely, that thc wage-workers, or proletarian class, have interests of their own, distinct from and opposed to all other classes in society, and that the Socialist Party must be primari'y a pro- Ictarun organization. This does not mean that members of the other classes may not be Socialists, but that the Socialist Parly is asd must be a parly af thc proletarian class because the proletarian class is the main source of capilalist exploitation and accumulation. Thc reform faction of Socialists, on thc other hand, contend for the interests of the miijuic class in society, that is, thc small business man and the small farmer. This class is exploited by ihe trust class aud i.s fighting -fiercely to prevent such exploitation. The Reform Socialists stand lor this class in society, •mpnasize the appeal to this class and would conform Socialist Party tactics to the needs of this class of small capitalists. These arc thc two contending factions in thc Socialist Party the world over. Ihey have various spokesmen and leaders. In Germany Rebel Revolutionist and Bernstein Opportunist. In France, Gucsdc and Jaures. In Italy icm and Turati In England Hynd man and Blatchford. In America Mailly, Hanford and Wbs, Revolution, ists, and Berger, Hoehn and Mills, Opportunists. This great conflict between two factions based on principle must go on. It ought to go on. For us to suppress it or ignore it -mites disaster later. It is just as foolish as ever it was to cry, rcacc, Peace." when there is no peace. Let OS have open and fair discussion*, as free as possible from personalities. Men arc nothing except as they stand for principles Whether a man is good or lod personalis-, matters not. I he only question is. "What dot** hc stand for? On the great question. 'Wage class or Middle Class? lhe Socialist lands unequivocally where it has s'ood these seven years past, namely, for a Proletarian Party, destined to cmanci- j pate all slaves of capital—a party into '•hose rait* every person ol whatever class will lie welcome who comes to assist the wage class achieve its destiny — Seattle Socialist. * —, e —— A CHANCE TO RISE. "Here of all places in thc world, young 'men have a chance to rise, vv am earners have a chance to rise. -- Dr Jacob Gould Schurman in debate with Morris Hillquit. "There's a chance to rise for every honest worker" Said the Doctor with a condescending smirk; . . An.l it's true, for every morning , At the loud alarm clock's warning, There's "a chance to rise' and hustle off to worki But the Doctor spake more truly than he reckoned, , And that truth the Socialist can read There's1'"a chance to rise," ye workers:— . . Rise and overthrow the shirkers With your ballot and your economic might I -Tom Selby. in The Worker. SIGNS OF THE TIMES. That the repressive functions of the capitalist state will pretty soon be exercised in Canada, in a manner never before witnessed, there is every reason to believe. In spite of the continued teaching of the sophistry, that the interests of capital and labor are identical, strikes against oppressive conditions of employment continue in the same old way. , The Compulsory Investigation Act now before the oar! lament of Canada is the entering of the thin end of the wedge. This act carries with it penalties. No matter what act of tyrannical oppression may be practised by a corporation, the men dare not strike without incurring the danger of contemplating for a while the ins uie of a jail. The composition of the investigating tribunal means in the final analysis two bourgeois against one workingman. As well might a sheep look for justice from a bench of wolves as for thc workers to hope to gain anything from these arbitrators, lt is undoubtedly a move to check a strike by legal penal* tics and give the corporation an op- portunitv while the investigation is be- in? held to recruit strike-breakers in sufficient quantities to beat the men out before they start. We understand that a strike is mors than probable in the Crow's Nest district next month, and thc progress of this act ttirough parliament is to be hastened in oroer to get its repressive machinery to cope with the threatened trouble. Anyone who has been through the slave-pens of the Crow's Nest Coal Ca and witnesseu thc almost intolerable conditions of employment in that region will say there is cause for a strike in plenty. However, we have not ol late lieen much in favor of strikes; There is only one that, in our opinion, can be thoroughly effective, and this the majority of the miners of the Crow's Nest have not as yet seen fit to adopt it. However, we have littler sympathy with the dear public in the time of a strike and thc miners of the Crow's Nest arc entitled to have less* "When the capitalist press speaks of the public suffcrip- it is not the working class section they have in mind. The'/' know the workers suffer all the time in employment and out of it. They would never raise a finger of protest were thc condition of those miners ten times worse than it is now, provided they were quiet and kept working. The public to them is their own class—the bourgeois—and of them we say, in the words of the late i_ommodore Vanderbilt: "Thc public be damned.*' There is one good thing that is sure to result from the operation of this act when it is applied to a strike, ami that is it will open the eyes of thc working class as to the real nature of tlie present class state. The state as tbe impartial protector of canital and labor alike is a superstition that dies hard. Maybe before the miners of the Crow's Nest get through this threatened trouble they will have learned sufficient on this point to induce ihem to be a little more united in an ellort to capture this state in their own interest than they were at the beginning of thi; month. J. T. M. At Sydney, N. S. vv., 58 members of the crew of the Oceanic Steamship Company's steamer Conoma were arrested and given one month's imprisonment at hard labor for refusing to work with 4 non-union men who were shipped at Honolulu on the voyage out. Thev Pot *hn'-- mmiiirinr for refuting to obey "lawful comands." An exchange thinks the rights of these sailors have been infringed upon. It is not of record that slaves ever had any rights that masters were bound to respect, no matter whether those slaves were on land or sea. The jailing of them when they become unruly is merely an exercise of the right of their masters. Workers rights ? They are but a dream. Something like that enjoyed by the fellow that "hits the pipe." Free speech, the British working- man's boasted prerogative, is about to be criopleu if reports from the "tight little islanu" of England be true. At Nelson, Stonehouse and other points Socialist speakers have been arrested, fined and imprisoned. So long as working-class orators enunciated sentiments that were not dangerous to the continued rule of Liberal and Tory capitalists, free speech was encouraged, but now "a change has come over the spirit of their dream." "BYSTANDER" AND THE LAWS OF THE MARKET In Spite of Himself Capitalist Apologist Occasionally Blunders Upon a Truth. To excuse the non-production of W£S -i«." which &«*.<*»; "It is a very plain economk_l truth that labor, whether of the hand or of the brain, is a commodity, the value of which, like that of other commodities, must be ruled by the market, and cannot by legislative interference or any other agency be made higher or lower than it reallv is. Not the immediate organizer and employer of labor, but thc purchaser of the product, is the real master, nd in fixing the price which he will give for thc article practically determines lne wages of thc producer. As often as we prefer the cheaper article, thc wage of the workman is reduced. Phis, however, while it shows that interference with the rate of wages as a rule is unavailing, by no means shows that it is not both the duty and interest of thc employer to bc as liberal as possible in his dealings with those he employs, and allow them, as far as he reassonably and prudently can, to feel that they are his partners in the trade. It is by creating as far as possible such a sense of partnership that this most thorny and perilous problem of the relations between wage-earner and capitalist is to be solved, and a way of deliverance found from a state of war by which the value of all labor is bciqg reduced, while the most unsocial passions have been called into play, and the unity of the commonwealth, political as well as economical, is becoming seriously imperilled." The atiovc quotation from Bystander's column in Toronto Weekly Sun will be deemed a remarkable admission for an apologist for capitalism to make. Ile admits thc commodity nature of labor power, that intangible force which cannot bc disassociated from the laborer, and virtually makes him a commodity. Tis true, Bystander uses the term lalior when he evidently means labor pwer, and though the distinction is a vital one in the discussion of economic subjects, we will not cavil at it, hut treat it in thc sense that we understand it is meant. Once grant that the energy the laborer sells to his employer is a commodity it is then an easv matter to uncover the process by which he is robbed'of the wealth he creates. The exchange value of a day's labor power is necessarily less than the exchange value of the product of a day's labor. Were it otherwise no capitalist would have any incentive to employ a laborer. In other words, the laborer while getting in wages just what it costs to keep him working cannot by the operation of the laws of thc capitalist market get even approximately the value of the wealth he created. Bystander of course finds it convenient to ignore this fact, which ought to bc as obvious as the one that the laborer is virtually a commodity, but in insisting that you cannot upset those laws ,by "legislative interference or any other agency" he is on common ground with the Socialist, who does not occupy the inconsistent position of a reformer of the capitalist system. The reform element in the ranks of labor have always by their action demonstrated their belief in their ability to upset the laws of the market. Labor organizations have time and again gone into a strike with the market set against them, with an over-supply of their particular commodity offered for sale, and they have been taught by much hitter suffering that no matter how just their cause may appear, and how much misery they can show they have to endure, the merciless grind of those laws must go on while the economic system which conditions them continues. The legislative reformer has the same bee in his bonnet. By passing minimum wage laws he hopes to successfully arrest the downward trend. One might as well seek to prevent by legislative enactment merchants from selling butter below 40 cents a pound when they are willing; to do so, as to prevent wages from falling in an overstocked labor market by similar means. The man out of a job able to subsist on less than the legal wage will cut it secretly if need be, and he will be helped in this by the capitalist to whose interest it is to buy his labor power as cheap as he can. CAPITALIST RULE IN PHILADELPHIA Brings Forth the Same Uxorious Crop of Misery and Degradation As Dsewhero. (Continued on Page Four) Comrade Charles Sehl of Philadelphia has been nominated for mayor of that city by the Socialist Party comrades. From the following extracts from his letter of acceptance of the nomination it would appear that the nature and habits of the capitalist beast arc the same in the city of Brotherly Love as in any otner place on the footstool where this foul and disgusting creature has made its nest and spawned its infamies: ' It also seems that the Socialist meth- of of throttling the foul beast is everywhere the same. "Certainly Philadelphia is ripe for this awakening. The metropolis of the foremost industrial state of the union, with its textile, locomotive and ship buildine interests, with its enormous factory system, with its railway connections and its river front, there seems to be nothing lacking to make its million and a quarter of people the harmiest on the face of the earth. 'Tet we find it despoiled by a handful of capitalists and their political retainers, who, by means of contracts and franchises and legislation in general, loot the city's treasury of millions of dollars at a time. "We find the toil and the sweat of the armies of wage workers coined into profits for tne few capitalists, who own the land and machinery necessary to the life of the whole people. "iv e find that in the locomotive works, popularly known as the 'little hell on earth,' and upon the railroads and throughout other industrial establishments, thousands of wage workers are annually killed, and tens of thousands maimed and crippled or fall a prey to consumption and other dread diseases. '"We find that Philadelphia is not a 'city of homes,' but a city of homeless; that only about one dwelling in nine is owned free by the user, that for the rest the people—largely the wage-working class—pay rent and are subject to the will of the landlord. " «»e find that, because of poverty, in a great part of the city known as the 'slums,' workingmen and their families are* compelled to live even worse than the beasts of the field, reeking in filth, immorality and disease. "We find that there are insufficient hospitals and other institutions to take care of those either born or made helpless through the terrible pace at which the worker has to toil. "We find that the introduction of machinery, and its private ownership by the capitalist, enable him to supplant male labor by that of women and children. That as a result, the worker's family w broken up, and all are driven to compete for the subsistence wage. That the poor pay received by women, and the conditions under which they labor, especially in factory and department store, has made of prostitution a social evil, so that several grand juries have admitted their inability to remove it by threatening the unfortunate women with imprisonment. "We find that insufficient school facilities are provided by the legislators, in order to direct the child to the factory door; that as a result, Philadelphia and Pennsylvania ate among the darkest spots in child-slave America. "We find that the employment of women and children has a terrible influence on the offspring of the worker; that there is race-degeneracy and race- murder, no less than race suicide. "And while these evils are threatening the city's very life, we find the legislators ignoring them, and devoting their time to squandering the city's money on boulevards calculated merely to gratify the desire for pleasure of the idle rich class. "We find the police force used to safeguard the property rights of thc master class, and treating as criminals wage-workers who dare strike and do picket duty to improve their miserable condition. "We find the magistrates a bulwark to the same property interests, willing to exercise their power to throttle free speech, if necessary, to hinder the people in having their economic slavery discussed. That, when speakers of the Socialist Party, men and women, were torn from the public ..atform and thrust into foul, vermin-ridden cells, the magistrates, in the discharge of their duty as lackeys of the upper class, were conveniently away from home, and that these citizens, whose liberties had been outraged and for whom bail was ready, were forced to pass the night in the lockup. i "To redress these wrongs, the Socialist - artv calls upon the people—the wage-working class, the only class that performs useful work and is necessary, to society's existence—to unite into their party, the Socialist Party, to take the powers of government into their own hands and use the government to secure their common welfare. "The old parties, financed and controlled by the capitalist class, are interested in 'sanding- pat' There is nothing in the promises of their candidates, even if lived up to, that will at all improve the material condition of the wage-worker. "The Socialist Party alone is opposed to standing still. It declares that the wheels of time have not ceased turning, that the present conditions cannot remain forever, that Progress is tbe watchword of the human race. "The Socialist Party declares that the present system of master and man must go and give way to a higher system wherein all will be workers and free men. This is the Social Revolution that it is the mission of the working class to accomplish. - "The production of the things we eat and wear and need for our existence is carried on by the workers together. Production is social. But the land and machinery used in production is owned as private property by another class, the capitalist class. While production is social, ownership is private. It is this great social wrong that is at the root of all our social ills. And this wrong must be righted if society is to endure. 'The Socialist Party therefore proposes that the land and machinery used by society shall be owned and operated by society; that opportunities shall be equal, and that labor shall receive the full fruits of toil. As capitalism serves the capitalist class, so Socialism is for the direct benefit of the working class. "As quickly as the working class secures political power through the Socialist Party, steps will be taken to remove *"*»* ,*t« |s4»:** n'o'rr e-r'-***. QO***e of which are indicated above, the end always kept in view being the complete emancipation of the working class irom wage-slavery." e' UNDER "OUR FLAG." Wayland workhouse, Norfolk, England, is so crowded that some of the paupers have had to sleep in the board room, and some of them are to be boarded out to another union at 9s. per head per week. * » » » A respectable woman at Lambeth was recently charged with begging in company with her twelve-year-old daughter! She told the magistrate she was left with three children, and did not know what to do to get her rent I God save the landlord. • * » * An old woman nameu Healy died at Notting Hill on Christmas Eve, according to the medical evidence, "from heart disease an_ pneumonia, accelerated by thc cold and want of sufficient food,' and was found a month later, with a charity ticket lying by the side of her decomposed body. The "charity ticket" was saved. The rector of Corwen having refused to permit other parishes' paupers to be buried in his churchyard without extracting an exorbitant fee from the guardians, the council consequently are asking permission to borrow £ 1,000 for the institution of a public burial ground. Paupers are a nuisance even when dead. ♦ * # * Fifty or 60 unemployed of Edmonton and Tottenham on Saturday last marched to White hall to see the president of the local government board. Mr. Burns is said to have "received them very kindly and sympathetically," and "promised to look into thc matter," but gave no further pledge. He is still "looking." * • * • The capitalist press some time ago complaineu that the unemployed in one Yorkshire town did not turn out to clear snow away. On Sunday last, at Sheffielu, it was the other way about, and there is still complaint. Many unemployed turned up at the corporation depot, and because* they were not taken on for snow-clearing, smashed windows and assaulted the officials (and even one another in the confusion) with fists and sticks. As the snow did not belong to them it seems a piece of impudence on thc past of the unemployed to even express a desire to shovel it, —Justice. i *'• I tm _ ■J,^-«ir->-i--h-j_«j_M «_- wat-ax o__uo», vAwstrm, s-rmt ootwaa tAfM-AV, iO-c-,, lw, a :&9 nfi-tal HI Publlthed witty Uhatfia* ia tha intereat* of the working ehtat tlona \\ a* the OBce ol the Western Clarion, : Flack Block basement, 165 Haatfaga 1 Street, Vancouver B. C SUBSCRIPTION: $u» PER ANNUM Strictly ia Adva-co. Yearly sobscriptlon card* fat lots oi fl or ms, 1$ cents each. Bundles of S or more copies, for a period of not less than three months, at the rate of one cent per copy per issue. Advert-dof ratas <» appHcatton. If you tweaiw* this paper, te fat paid for. In making remittance hy cheque, j exchange most he sdded. Address all communications and make all j money orders payable to THB WBSTBRN CLARION *________ _ n Vancouver, B. C- Watch this label on your pa- per. If this number fat on b\\ ypm wsbeeriptlon expires the nest' 415 SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1907. ANOTHER FAMILY ROW. Not many months since amicable relations between brothers Capital and Labor were for a considerable time broken off in the Crow's Nest Pass coal district. Brother Labor took on a stubborn and sulky fit and refused to comport himself in a manner conducive to the decorum and harmony that marks a well ordered household. In recalcitrant mood he refused to do chores on the ranch, and in many ways indulged in conduct tending to bring discredit upon the family. Brother Capital, however, as the acting head of the family, displayed a most commendable degree of patience and forbearance in dealing with his rebellious relative, with tbe happy result of eventually dissipating his sulkiness and inducing him to once more assume the role of an honored and dutiful member of a most happy family. The erstwhile estranged brethren once more dwelt together in peace and harmony. The chores were again properly attended to by Brother Labor. Brother Capital, with commendable wisdom and good judgment, looked carefully after the contents of the pantry lest his oft-times erring brother should in a moment of weakness become addicted to gluttony and bring scandal an- .-grace upon the, as yet, untarnished family name. Under the influence of that "identity of interest" which every well informed' person knows exists between Brothers Capital and Labor, the dove of peace did a hovering stunt over the scene that, for a time, bade fair to become chronic But it is now reported that another family row is brewing. Rumor asserts that the oove of peace will soon be hiking adown the horizon as though chased by a hen hawk. It seems that Brother Labor is again becoming mentally bilious. He is afflicted once more with strange halucina- tions. He entertains a notion that the hours for doing chores should be shortened, which is of course ridiculous. He wants a little more meal in his porridge, which is equally ridiculous, if not more so. After the 4th of March he proposes to think twice before doing chores unless his ridiculous demands are complied with. As their "interests are identical" it may be readily seen that Brother Capital cannot consent to such reckless folly. To do so would be to deplete the family larder and to that extent detrimentally affect their common interests. Of course these frequently occurring family rows are to be deplored. They should not, however, be considered as evidence of any conflict of interest between Capital and Labor. Everybody knows their interests are identical. It has been affirmed and reaffirmed by men hoth wise snd truthful. Let none dare dispute it, do matter how it appears to work out to the contrary notwithstanding. A COMMERCIAL LESSON. The idea is prevalent among a goodly number of people that the Salvation Army is an institution which exists for the cure of souls only. Far be it from our intention to cast any doubt upon its purpose. But it may jar the sensibilities of many well intentioned people to receive from the lips of Salvation Army officers themselves indisputable evidence thet this organisation is engaged in trade and commerce evidently in obedience to the same cold and calculating material instinct that prompts the activity of any ordinary commercial enterprise. It is well known that the Army has .of .oriie time been engaged in bridging to Canada emigrants from the old country. It has not come to notice that any claim has been made that this has been in the interest of the souls of those brought over. So far as we know it is just as easy lo cure an afflicted soul in England as in Canada. If we are in error in regard to this, we hope to be corrected by those who make the curing of souls a profession and are, therefore, qualified to speak authoritatively on the matter. If, then, the bringing of these emigrants from the old country is not prompted by a desire to save them from their sins and attune their souls to the heavenly harmonies of the life to come, it would at least be some satisfaction to know what does prompt it. Thei * are persons who are prone to cast reflections upon the character or condu.** of others. Out of their diseased itr aginations they conjure forth ins'inu- tions that are oft-times base, mean ind vile. In order to fathom the purpose of bringing over emigrants from the old country, and of arriving at a complete understanding of the nature of the transaction, it is unnecessary to cast reflections or indulge in insinuations. The Army officials are themselves furnishing all the information necessary to arrive at a complete unuer- standing of the whole business. Adjutant Wakefield, of the Salvation Army, spoke at the "barracks" in Victoria on Sunday last on the Army's immigration policy. He pointed out that tbe "peculiar organization and methods of the Army" enabled it to make a careful selection of emigrants. By so dome- it avoided the "slum-dwellers" and picked out "capable artisans who. were both sober and industrious. During the past two years 20,000 had been brought over. Out of this number but 19 had been rejected as unfit to meet the requirements of whatever interest prompted their importation. If they were brought over for the purpose of saving their souls, just why the 19 were rejected and "deported" is not clear. The Adjutant declared "there was no intention on the part of the Army to glut the labor market here or elsewhere." Now a "market" and all that is connected with it is most grossly material. It is bad enough to discuss such a thing even upon a week day, but upon Sunday it is far worse. Being intensely religious, having come from that good puritan stock that very properly and effectively burned witches at the stake at Salem, Mass., we cannot but feel shocked that the Adjutant dealt with such a subject on the Sabbath. A market implies the purchase and sale of things. A market cannot be glutted except with goods. The "labor market" implies that labor is bought and sold therein. The power to labor, or labor power, is the energy stored up in the body of the laborer. To buy and sell it is to buy and sell the laborer himself as he cannot be separated from this energy except through its expenditure in tbe processes of producing wealth. It is only proaucers of and dealers in goods that can glut a market. Labor power is produced by the worker. It results from his partaking of food, etc. This labcr power must be sold in order that the laborer may obtain the price of food, etc., to maintain his existence. He is forced to sell it because he is cut off from all access to the means of production through which his labor power may be transformed into such food, etc The present system of property (capital) denies him access to the means of production upon any other terms than the sale of his labor power to the owners. This amounts practically to the sale of himself. Out of this purchase 01 labor power and the appropriation of the wealth produced througn its expenditure arises the riches and power of the capitalist class and the poverty, misery and degradation of the working class. In stating that the Army had no intention of "glutting the labor market," the Adjutant, whether he knew it or not, admitted that the Army was engaged in a purely commercial enerprise, i. e., dealing in labor. Such being the case, it must be the respective condition of the labor market in B. C. and England that is prompting the importation of these human wares. If there exists anything approaching to a scare ty of any particular commodity in a given locality the tendency in the commercial world is to bring in from other parts where the supply is more plentiful, enough to bring the conditions there to the normal level of the world's market. The interests of capital demand a plentiful supply of labor at all times and places. Conditions in the oloer and more densely populated countries are ideal from the capitalist standpoint. Labor is so plentiful as to assure its cheapness. In this Dominion labor has not yet been reduced to a level altogether satisfactorv to capital. Hence the bring- ine* in of a supply from other Countries, The Salvation Army becomes an effective piece of machinery to facilitate the process. However loud its professions of philanthropy and solicitude for souls, the fact stands out in bold re- interest of capitalist property. There is nothing to warrant the assumption that such an undertaking can in any manner improve the condition of the working class either here or hereafter. Like all other institutions that grows up along with capitalist property, the Salvation Army is purely a business enterprise. It has its root in material things. It is prompted by material interests, if not of its officers direct, then the interests of some section or class of the community whose purpose can be furthered bv its services. All pre tense of spirituality and souls is mere bluff. Uk cure of THE VALUE OF BRAINS. The Standard Oil Company has de- chred a dividend of approximately $15,- 000,000 payable on March 15. Two more similar dividends are e-cpected ROCKEFELLER'S BENEFACTIONS. The Relation of Educational Endowments to thc Price of Oil. Noting the coincidence of a raise in the price of oil and the announcement that John D. Rockefeller has contributed the sum of $35,000,000 towards the cause of education, a press writer on the Toronto News delivers himself ot many wise reflections on the subject. He evidently shares the popular delusion that when Rockefeller donates a large sum of money to endow a university he immediately proceeds to charge it up to the public by tackm- it on the price ol the oil that his company distributes. This erroneous conception is based on lack of knowledge of commodities. The trusts of which Standard Oil is a good type may be said to be in the business for the indentical reason that prompts the activities of thc smallest concern, vix, to get the maximum of profit with the minimum of expense. Standard Oil snrtually controls thc enure oil busi- iness on -lis continent. It can limit within the year. This is equal to the 15*7^-3 0jj to kecp even pace with wont- !__,_ . , 1. _,„ _„.| .i.-.i -Wil entire earnings of over 100.OOO ingmen. Every dollar of this vast sum has been produced by the wage slaves of the Standard Oil Company. It represents the volume of surplus value squeezed from their bone and flesh under the wage process. In other words, it is the tribute these slaves are compelled to pay to their masters for the privilege of being slaves. Among surface skimmers of the sirl-ft-property holding type the idea is prevalent that the Standard and similar combinations of thieves obtain their plunder at the expense of the consumers of their products. They become loud in denunciation of the exorbitant prices they are compenc- to pay for oil and other products. That the wage slaves who produce these things suffer injury never occurs to them. In fact they seldom bother their heads about matters that so clearly do not concern them. If they coum only buy the things they require cheaper they would find no difficulty in ignoring the very existence of the wage slave entirely. Whatever values have fallen into the hands of the Standard and similar concerns have been produced by the workers. Ihey received for their services merely the exchange value of their labor power as a commodity. Whatever the value produced by their labor in excess of the amount paid them in thc form of wages was taken out of their hides by their employers without money and without price. They produced this value by coining their very lives into the products. They alone were robbed of it. The sum total of capitalist exploitation and outrage is embodied in the robbery of the workers. It may be true that after having robbed their workmen of the wealth they have produced, individual capitalists, or bands of them, may fall upon and plunder each other. This does not alter the fact that the wealth they arc in this case stealing from each other was originally stolen from the working people who produced it. Labor produces all wealth that is measured in terms of exchange. As labor has neither this wealth, nor anything to show for it, it is ample proof that it has been stolen. As all of this wealth is found in the possession of the capitalists it should not be difficult to locate the thieves. John D. and his bunch "dividing up" thc $15,000,000 swag above referred to is circumstantial evidence amply strong enough to convict. It is claimed by many that the revenue of the capitalist is merely a proper reward for the use of his brains, but as it comes to him solely because of his ownership of the means of proouction, an ownership that cannot be maintained without the consent of the working class, it is plain that it comes to him not because of his brains but because of a lack of brains upon the part of the workers themselves. He who may chance to fall into possession of the means of production in sufficient hulk to ward off the encroachments of other capitalists need wear no corns on his brains trying to increase his wealth. The very absence of brains in the workers will give him a lead-pipe cinch without effort on his part. An aggregation of cacklers, the individuals composing which are afflicted in various degree with more or less chronic reform imbecility, exists in New York, known as the Consumers' League. It has been devoting iu energy to an investigation of the conditions under which the sweat-shop slaves of that citv eke out their miserable existence. Reporting upon the sweat-shops one of the cacklers says that the following prices are paid to the workers for making garments under the sweat-shop system in New York City: "Childrens flannel dresses, with three strips of insertion, aft cents a dozen; infants' dresses retailing for $S.W apiece brought in to the workers only 42 cents a day for fourteen hour's work. For making French knots and feather stitching on infants' fine dresses, the workers received 10 to IS cents a dav for fourteen to sixteen hours work." As these prices merely indicate the condition of the isbor market it would be interesting to know Just how much cackling by consumers' leagues lief that its immigration policy is a'other reform hens will be required to purely commercial undertaking to the I alter K. the demand. It can, and docs when the necessity arises to crush out a rival, cut the price of oil below the cost of production in that particular locality. But there are boundaries beyond which it cannot go in fixing the price of the commodity it sells. , We find that the price of oil rises and falls. Our Toronto News writer would ascribe the variations to John D.'s giving or withholding of donations. It ought, to be apparent to even the limited faculties of a middle-class press writer that an individual of John D. s financial genius would hardly play such a clumsy game. If he has thc power to arbitrarily fix price would he wait until he has made a donation before raising it? Would not this latter action be too much of a give away? Would he not rather maintain it all the time at the highest possible price? As a matter of fact, this is just what is done. Standard Oil like the smallest merchant charges all its traffic will bear. If the price of oil is, say, 20 cents per gallon, the experiment of raising or lowering the price one cent would determine which price would produce the largest amount of profit If the price went too high it might curtail the demand so much that it would produce less profit than it would if it were lower, ln the event of a prohibitive price the public would economize on consumption; they would also adopt other illuminants, ao that the managers of Standard Oil base their policy of price, like everyone else, with tliese considerations in tlieir mind, and thus in reality the giving or withholding 01 beneiaction. has absolutely nothing to do with the price of the commodity. The Toronto News press writer virtually acknowledges this contention when he asks the question, "Wilt the price drop when Rockefeller has gotten back his $32,000,000 donation?" He says: "Well, hardly;" indicating thereby some other cause than the benefaction as warrant for the increased price. In primitive society one can see thc principle that the exchange of commodities is based on. Our ancestors when seeking to barter one with the other the products of their respective labors instinctively adopted a method ol determining what constituted a fair swap. A savage who lay on his belly beside a stream a whole day to catch a fish with a spear would calculate to get the day's labor of another member of the tribe spent in producing a bow and arrow. He would not give more than that if he knew it. Should he discover a process such as etching fish with a net—as, indeed, he did later—and this resulted in a larger catch in one day than formerly, why then he was obliged to give more fish in exchange for the other things hc needed if no better process was discovered for producing them. Should there be a scarcity of fish even with the improved process, why immediately the ratio of exchange was altered to meet it This basing of exchange on the amount of labor time embodied in the commodity produced has continued down through the aces until now. The amount of social labor time embodied in a gallon of Standard oil, exchanges with a similar amount of labor time embodied in a certain measure of electricity and equally so with the same amount of labor time crystallized in a piece of money. When better proceses of producing commodities are adopted the ratio of exchange alters inevitably to meet them. It has been stated by many investigators, and there is little reason to doubt the accuracy of their conclusions, that trust products sell now for less money than they did when the industry was in the hands of competing firms. District Attorney ;erome of rsew York said recently: "There is no use going off half-cocked on thc subject of the trusts. The trusts have handled nothing but what they have cheapened." The reasons for this are not far to seek. The trust is essentially a labor-saving device. It can produce the same commodity with a less expenditure of labor- power than the competing firms. It has eliminated a whole horde of bookkeepers, salesmen, commercial travellers, advertising agents, etc., etc. From what source then some one asks does the Rockefeller millions spring? From the same source that the smallest manufacturer gets his profits. From the exploitation of the working class 1 The working class owning none of the machinery of wealth production is compelled to sell itself for a bare subsistence on the average. The working class sells a commodity—labor power-— which differs from all others inasmuch as its expenditure produces more exchange value than it costs to buy it ru- working class is robbed as the The seller of this commodity, and in fact this is the only robbery that occurs in the production and distribution of wealth. The difference between what is paid in wages and what the product of the workers sell for in the market, is the source of the. Rockefeller and in fact all other fortunes. The reason it is so large in Rockefeller's case lies in this fact, that the profits which were distributed formerly among a large number of labor i-inners. now flows into the coffers of one of them. Speaking genera'ty the pu"ic is not robbed at consumers. It gets .-n tho average the same amount of social labor time in its gallon of oil whether the price is twenty or thirty cento, as it gives id int piece of money it ptjn for It The regulating force of demand and supply keeps Standard oil to the cost of its production, as it does other commodities. When the demand increases the price may rise temporarily above this point, but copious supply following, the demand invariably swings tne pendulum just as far in the opposite direction. _ , But let it not be thought that Rockefeller's action in endowing universities and churches is not dictated by material interest. Two of the strongest pillars of capitalism are found there. One cannot read the utterances of university professors and pious pulpiteers without noticing that they give voice to sentiments that must be pleasing to the generous {() donors who found chairs of learning, erect handsome buildings, and supply the lubricant that oils the tongues of the spiritual guides who promise thc weary workers that haven of heavenly rest when the capitalist class have squeezed the last ounce of profit out of them. . There is another consideration. The moment capital so accumulates in thc hands of its owners that there are no further openings for its investment a financial crisis is sure to follow. A crisis is heralded by widespread unemployment, and it, in turn, means the working class rising in dangerous revolt. The large capitalists scenting this danger are spending those huge sums in university buildings, etc- to keep the wheels of industry moving so as to permit of their continued rule. But in spite of all their acknowledged capacity in expedients to postpone the inevitable the signs are not wanting that the proletariat arc getting on to the game and will eventually take such action that will forever prevent their masters from squandering the wealth created by their labor for the maintenance of hireling professors and hypocritical pulpiteers. J. T. M. _o_——_—— NOTE AND COMMENT. (By J. T. M.) The Clarion has been so used to hostile notices from contemporaries that we may lie excused if for no other reason than its rarity we publish the folio wins* friendly comment on our work taken from tbe columns of the Seattle Socialist: "The Socialist" years ago declare." British Columbia the best soil in America for Socialist propaganda. It is a land of wage workers, miners, fishermen, lumber jacks and railroad workers, a land under control of big corporations. As a "Province" of Canada, it has more "State Rights" than any American "State." There are fewer restrictions as to citizenship, and fewer "residence qualifications" for the franchise The Socialists at thc recent elections held their own and gained one, electing three straight Socialist members of tbe Provincial "Parliament" Comrade* Hawthormhwaite and Parker William* were re-elected and a fine "straight" vote cast in most places. In Victoria, one ot thc "Middle Class Socialists" accepted a nomination on the "Labor Party" ticket anu got badly left, as wage workers in B. C are not fooled into being catspaws for thc small business man's chestnuts. In the good work done by tbe Socialist I-artv in B. C, the "Western CUrioiij" of Vancouver, edited by Comrade Kingsley, has been a powerful factor, alwavs teaching the class struggle based on wage exploitation, in the most straightforward manner." Comrade Titus is, however, we think a little in error when he says this province has "fewer restrictions as to citizenship" than they have on the other side. We have an election deposit of $100 for each candidate to put up, which is forfeited unless the candidate noils at least one half as many votes as the successful nominee. In Vancouver alone it cost our Local $500 in forfeited deposits to record over MM votes for the abolition of wage-slavery. We are in sympathy with his remarks re "middle class Socialists" Tbe revolutionary nroleUriat ha* trouble with them everywhere and B. C. is no exception to the rule It is apparently fatcu that in B. C. we are to swallow the full dose of medicine our spiritual phvsicians have pre* scribed for us in the Sunday Observance law. Quebec, however, is not to have it shoved down its neck, as the following despatch will show: Montreal, Feb. 26.—Legislation is to be adopted which will exempt the province of Quebec from thc Sunday tow passed at the last session of parliament. Premier Gnutin has introduced a bill in the Quebec legislature which, in effect, will leave things as they are. — Press Dispatch. It has been the practice of the Catho- Ik church to allow their aonerents to indulge in all sorts of amusements on Sundays after they have attended mass, ihev find, no doubt, that they have greater control over their flock by this method. In spite of the strenuous dentals by our black-coated gentry that this is not a religious measure, it is evident, by the two set of rules which are to apply in different parts of the l>ominion, that at least they are susceptible of this interpretation. The working class are apparently to nave no amusement on that day but go to church and listen to a lot of hypocritical platitudes that would make w .t--,uIn "U!" **** if. he could hut near them. These mouthing pulpiteers tell u, that this is .11 for the fcnefo of the working class. We think we can remember this Lord's Day Alliance being aske. to co-operate with the labor union, to secure the -nactmenl whirt, A.'**y T.e_ wUnout »r**ify.ng _nd ^^y..y0_Ld *.■"_ t0 ot obwrve? and they turned it down. If they r«. aS* ,"_<:ere ,n •***iov only the SS^-uSte r€,iBi0U' ^-'-rt-ow nt?" w d h'\\e ,uM>°rt«d this meas- 3n oftV\\*lt° m m,nd -■*• 9*Ote- cittion of the street railway m^, 0f running Charlottetown, p. E. I., for corrtfrdiJdrl whidi flrH0owd them Mt untouched. The reason for the _«;1 of this outfit is not (tt to seek & the forking people the opportunity ,0 indulge in legttu*te pleasure-seek ini _n Sundiy and mighty few of them would go to hear a preacher. This tendenc. is, by the way. a credit to their mtelli gence. But it is hoped by this sp,*,,.! al fraternity that by the aid of coercive lecislation tbey will assist their omiii potettt god to recall his wayward creation and at the same time get ihem to cough up their nickels to support his in stitution. Tlie working elas. _re patient lot. lt remains to be seen how they will take this latest infringement on the little libert** they have left Warsaw, Feb. 18.—-aupplicatorv services for the success of the National Party against the Jews and Socialist, were held . today in the Catholic churches throughout Poland. - i>r„, Dispatch. That God is not always powerful enough to fix things up ... suit his children has been evidenced in the electoral |.„„| slide which buried all the reactionary parties and left the Radicals and Social- Ma on top of the heap, lint pert-apt God intended to rebuke the ruling rl_,8 of Poland for their lack o( f.mh „, His omnipotence, because they proceed. ed to supplement their prayers by such outrageous brutality on Hie working class as none but good Christian Cossacks could devise. While chortling over the loss of «.c.ti to the Socialist Pany in the German Reichstag, the capitalist press are »ui picinusly silent about the net v ,m by that party of 3SO.0OO votes over the vote of iwa. As Hyndman in London Justice observes: "The German Kai^r is sti- come to all the consolation he can grout of the thought that there _r- m hit empire close on three and one hall millions of men over the age of twenty- five years, ell trained in tht uu of mess; who are determined to break class rule in that country whenevei the time looks propituous It is salt to say that there are at least another million and a half disfranchised workmen below thst age with similar intention* Verily, the "Red Socialists'* received a severe check. Sammy Gompers refused to make » "useless splurge" to save the liven ol Moyer, Haywood and Pritilnine Wc hope to emulate the same "master!] m activity" when his dune* in the A I of L get on to Sammy's game. The right of the capitalist to hn plunder it often justified by hi* henchmen in pulpit and press on the ground of his "ability." A capitalist »» - portion to ht* uscfulnc*.*. Measured hy this standard, how would our modern capitalist fare? Winnipeg held a bumper Moyer May wood protest meeting m one of thr bige theatres of that city on February 1. the anniversary of the "It-dnapins" ol the officer* of the Western Feder_i*on of Miners. The meeting was held under the auspice* of the loo! branch ol the Socialist Party, the Trades an,| l_ bor Council and amliated orgam-ai Comrade L. T. English itote of Van- couver) wm the principal _peakcr atid -according to the daily pre**-, iiunk » lengthy and impressive a-drc**-. review ing the everts and causes lhal led up ti the arrests. In conclusion he moved the (ollowin- resolution, which v...- sw-nd- ed by A. W. Puttee, ex-Labor M I' for Winnipeg, and was supported by several other speakers in English 11*1 foreign languages: "We, the working people ol Winm- peg, in meeting assembled, being •"*•' ni-ant of the position in whi< l' •"' brothers, Messrs. Moyer. Ilayw- «d and Pettibone are placed, and the long ar ray of persecution* and iooignities i-cr petrated bv a brutal ruling class nn the working people in the Western States, particularly in Colorado, and which nil minated in the illegal arrest and knl- naping to another state of the chic ol-ccrs of the Western Federation ol Miners by the connivance and sanction of the state official* of Colorado, and the denial of all legal guaranty - »><"" are supposed to protect every cituen in his legal rights, denounce these outrages as a travesty on justice, and brunt >*"»• vinced of their high charctcr snd ol the unbounded esteem in which they arc held by the workers of the Western States and that they are innocent ol tw foul crime charged to them, "•«■•'** assure them of our confidence m ii»» and extend to them aid in refilling those chanres of murder, which war every sign of having been trnmi«< "P by hireling detectives of the Mine Own ers' Association for the purpose ol ne- pciving them of their liberty; and flir" ther, that we regard it as ati ■J)),,,!«* for these men to be kept in jail «"n* out bail and without trial for over.* year'although "they have sought to obtain a hearting in the courts at every 0PWdnb_'.t further resolved ihat copies of this resolution be »enl ,«<■ "« press, to the Wctern Federation 0 Miner* and to the American Federation of Labor," The resolution wa* carried nnani mously. inequality ''* mlation,» Evidencing the gross apportionment of seats to popuu«« •'V, correspondent to the New * r* , ' une states lhat in Primia V1''0'™',, street ear. «- c * _T "» '■/■ running 1 cialist votes cannot elect a single nrp ■ • suK in the m?UIk!'y' •?,d rhk"h r' *hHa only 1.000,000 Conservative voles •uiteo tn the me„ being fined and the I elect «0|. mmmm :'" r: ;1 iA«mM,Mmi,M.r l0»HIIHI«mMrl«MIMNMUIO« $ PARTY MATTERS 9 AND ANNOUNCEMENTS THE STATE AND SOCIALISM. _g-_uu(m, tA-teotngnt, BtmiB oolcto-u. These columna have been placed at tne disposal ot the Party, gecreurtee ,,( Locals arc requested to take advantage of them In. at Intervale, reporting conditions in their respective localities. Communications under this he«d should be addre-sed to the Dominion or Provincial Secretaries. Local secretaries are further requested to look to these column* for announcements from the Executive Committees. ny thla meana the business of the I'arty will be facilitated and the Dominion and Provincial secretaries relieved of a Utile Of th* Increasing burden of correspondence. TO BECR*_TABI_» OF LOCALS LIST OF SUPPLIES. Ifemberahip eaxda, each .......... .01 Application blank* (with platform) psr loo ..-.. ae The committee being a stockholder in the co-operative publishing house of Chas. Kerr k Co.. can procure literature for tbe locals st cost J. G. MORGAN, Secy Prom a Lecture Delivered by Gabriel T)*vllle, In Paris, April 26. 1895, Translated by Robert Rives La Mont. We know what the State is. The State, for us Socialists, is not any social organization whatsoever, lt is, I have said, and I believe I afterward justified the terms of this definition, thc public power of coercion created and maintained in human societies by their division into classes, and wliich, having force at its disposal, makes laws aud levies taxes. What should be the attitude of the Socialists toward the State? ..us is the question that I am now going to examine and that is easy to answer if wc bear in mind that the State, having been created by the division of society into classes, is inevitably maintained by that division. As soon as it is understood that the State is not an independent organism, having its own existence without regard to tlie interlaced economic relations of men, but is necessarily subordinate to the division of society into classes, and, in consequence, to a particular economic situation, no party Regular business meeting held- Feb. j whatever can reasonably set up. as the milt Comrade Mills in the chair, ••■.mediate goal for its efforts, the abo- M mutes of previous meeting read and I'tion *>' the State, nor the suppression improved 'ihe folio*ing -acre admit- ?• •,hc pOUtfcal power that constitutes ted to membership: •■• J.!"* State, being a consequence, can- lolm Tibb. E Tinuriiris, John Nesbit, j ***<•• disappear before the disappearance I K Fisher, Sparks Joyce and John of the social conditions of which it is Mitchell I the necessary result. jjjjjjj Since the disappearance of thc State , ' ■_ i implies the previous modification of the Rent of Oddfellows Hall •P50 j social conditions, of the economic rc- : !>• rat ure *■*• ' lations, ought tlie attack to be made "Transfer and coal ■• l-W j uirectly upon these relations? Let us Auditing Committee reported the rcvm ,0 ,he conclusions already estab- audit of the Local's book, the same be |jsnC(*. a ««»;„ economic situation being correct. 'got classes; as soon as there were in Comrades Stebbings and McKeiuic ,hr population privileged orders, the *rrc appointed commissioners of am- |atter n^dtd means to preserve tlieir 'ijvits. . j position oi vantage, to impose upon all Also agreed that all applications lor j ^jpeet for their privileges, and hence -irmbership in future must bc accoro- < ,h<, $ute was born Hence, tbe ccon- ;,_nied by name of proposer. : on,jc situation to be transformed, the Agreed by 20 to 6 that Local public* j situation which begets classes, has its Ij repudiate Walter Thomas Mills ami j.„ara*itce of perpetuity in the State. 'n*. meetings in Vancouver. j That is, in other words, it cannot be Notice oi motion by Com Mortimer j racjjca!ly affected, in a general and per 'hat the name »f Ernest Bums be | „,_-_.„! «_» «_ lono- »« itn» *-Jt_*«> «hal -iruck off thc roll of membership. VANCOUVER LOCAL, NO. 1 mancnt way, so long as the State shall defend it against the direct attacks that may tie made upon it In short, one can abolish thc State ] only alter having suppressed classes, and one cannot modify the economic ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ relations of which classes are merely T i_initne personilication, without acting first . i.0**' w I upon the Sute. lhe question formu- Adjournmenl. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mmmmmm^mmm*tmmm Receipt*. rpv>n the State because this is the only Vancouver Ix*--! No. 1. Regular *f*rj* in which it is possible to so adjust -ushltts mertiiw held Moeidai I el. _:. *« conditions and relations of persons i -in Ixhcncy in the chair Minutes'" to bring them into harmony with f previous mc-ting read ami with cor- »he economic evolution in progress and r-Ction of witinmg number of drawing ;n.m 1-9 to lo?, adopt*-. 1 he following were admitted to inctn- ix-r-ihip: . i Isaac Gowlcr. I. Low* T. McCall. V Willfamson. L S. Weeks, J G I rank - rn. E. Uurbanks, J Hudson. Hill*. Ik-ctric light fr-5*3 oddfellows' Hall ■••*-**> | I .tcrature U***.. ...... _V JJJ ,hem of the public powers, that all their Notice of motion of last wee*t that havf g vjcw u.. Uie name of Ernest Hums lie strucK **-*• --------- ■ >ii role of membership. *~>*t; IS for, thus to nuke possible the suppression of classes; not to aim at present at its abolition, because it cannot be abolished before the disappearance of classes, a disappearance that it must itself help to bring to pass. The only practical line of conduct for socialists, for workingmen, is to u*-c tlie customary expression, the conquest of political power, the conquest of the State. It is thc more and more complete control by »S .ii-ainsl. Adjournment. F. PERRY, Secretary. TO STUDENTS OF SOCIALISM m*n^^^^m****mm**MMMM^^^^^^ 'S ,0 ,n'5 ) object that all their tactics must be de- i voted. j The struggle of classes with each | other has an economic object, but the i form of this struggle must necessarily ■ Ik* political; for, between the material position to bc ameliorated and the ac- i OompUahed amelioration, there rises up like a harrier the power of thc State I which alone, wliatever class controls it, Dl illcraiMi v. ».,» . hand and will be i •'■■'*■ *"*e *"••■■ succeed in participating any address at in the making of law. History and rea- <*r- _. .,.«,_■ son agree in proving the truth of this thesis: the struggle of the "lower" classes is really eiiective only when it assumes a political character. Not to speak of the past, what do we sec, in fact, in the different countries mm : round about ns where they have, not* ', withstanding, long had, less restricted •q j than among us. the possibility of conducting the struggle on the economic j ground? In the countries still without the struggle has .60 *_»_ _ „_. «_ can give a general and mandatory char- la order to ^.tf<*l_\\_ £ ac.crV. the"res«lts of the struggle lhe e»«y sccesa to standard _»orM on ^^ ^ ,.w _n(| lt ,, onl>. *,¥ Socialism, tha committee hss *.«*nn»ist define the terms used Apologi-ls for thc present system -apparently purposely- refuse to speak oi tke terms used by Socialists in the _anir sense as they do, and thus ciiuse much eonfusion of thought. One o( the least understood terms is thc word Capital. Toole of productloa may or may not 1* capital according us to how they are used. A man owning a plot of land or a number nf tools which he uses himself for the purpose of producing wealth is not a capitalist, nor are his tools or land capital. His ownership is private ownership and thc product is the result of his own labor. When, however, his land and tools arc operated b*- other labor than his own they immediately function as capital. He would not allow his land and tools to be so used unless he received ont of it more than he paid the laborer in wages plus a sufficient amount to meet the depreciation of his plant. In short, hc must make a profit out of the labor he employs. Practically all of the means of production which now function as canital have been created out of this margin of profit extracted from the labor of thc working class. Private ownership of land and tools was one time prevalent, and was the form out of which the present capitalist or class ownership of land and tools grew. Private ownershin has been gradually replaced by capitalist ownership which is a middle stage in evolution between private and social ownership. Private ownership disappeared because it was, compared with capitalist ownership, in efficient. The gigantic factory operated by specialized labor, sub-divided in (Continued irom Page ' .ie.) When the Black Plague d. ii'taK-l the ranks of the English- lab- Kttf so much that the supply was not ... .1 to the demand, the drastic laws pf"*. izing the workers by such hon uie means as the cutting off of the. ear for accepting more than the maximum wage, were lound to be UJOpei -tree, showing -.early that then, as now. 11.' unwritten laws of the market car bur I up all the statutes set ag.mst ihem But the bourgeois economist is Both* ing if not incoasi*' • .. He »«*>**S only so much of thc t **!* ■' -«•-? nut as will suit his \\ rrposl - :mcr sno*"_l the inability of tl,, gait "*« io buck the "iron law of wnjeS," ihe luuthnv er" and "the sense >f purtnsr-hip " W accomplish this imi*o libit ask* ••*> forgets that the "puuhasc-* ihihty io buy is limited I his wage*. It » "> mockery to suggest to the W< i ei* to buy porter house steak when I -j inpPt w ill only permit of liver and - ukym Moreover, if we are to -Ho*. Hi'1 chimerical notion of raisi is i ** •■' of labor hy purchasing ingh-pi Koods to lie enunciated, wl come of this "thrift" so < Oi Ixiurgeois economists as working-class ills? N a "sense of partnership v- h ployer is to inciilcan tl reasonably and prude"! ci Son words butter no pa""*" l' Rvn* 4 *c w-re convii.'-ed *h. t Um .run. » ol tke crop* vir ' cl. ,i wite _.*icvolent and luimain,. m. winch we haw )"*t • little reas.vi u> ^oubt. vu kop\\i "hat the employer ;*. lis* -ovcrned i'i ""-is S-tton market. Ue must r*utiw* his recent trip through the rVdwUry and Kooienay districts Cuin- raoe Besi 9. Wilson obtakied iome sub- bribers for the Western Clarion. Vn- f rtinatcly he lost his valise containing list i-f nimcs id was therefore unable |i> forward to this office the infonna- lion necessary to enable us to fill the subscriptions. Two or three have Wen .t'rear-y located through kindness of Cla,ion readers. II anv reader knowing o anyone W_ i gave io Comrade Wilson a snh and haa not yet rrrc-ivr-! the paper wiH 'tifortn us ol llu (ad «c •■*•''" sir thai thc name of such person is put upon the list al once. Union Directory Wtsea Tt-ey Had | Whet. Th*y m„. ajf* .-*•-""*" UUw UnlOB In It* pro*,,- ,, iWO lo |»lat« a card uoi.cr mM i,r„| i, " _* moat-. Secretaries please autc. '"* w. International Association of Bri<___ and Structural Ironworkers Loo- No. 97, meets in Labor Hall fir.t and third Friday of the month ! t p. m. B. Jnrdliif, Ke.*i,i_|.,-], " rotary, Ho« UM. Vancouver it a Will '«*- nmended bj nied) for as to the ,-h «he null r as he WANTED At Ymir General Hospital a trained nurse, wages fiO.OO per month. Fo'- further information write to W. B. McISAAC. Secretary Ymir General Hospital P. O. Drawer 506, Ymir, B. C by the laws - f i strain every n.rvr ities as cheaply ;, competition uf Ml he falls down in i maelstroir ">t v.. ,< presses hi. ' eii. t in faithful j'*'n.. of the Mfi'.c.t'. .tei cheapest .aarket ■ est." Ir "mention, "thei*: un*-cia> pas- sio-, whi<*> onr proiessor ilcp.ecates are by evidence of the iiics it.-ble an- tagon .hich n-.n^i c ntinne so long as the economic syst ••.■ n ca «itali<*. exploitation endim.* lb.- di-eciion of this antagorurai genet-ted bj the conflict of interests I eween <*in-.'oyer and i buy 'is iQuimorl* . can to meet '.ie ot-_ unplojrcr. If he goc*> into the , _v -y. So hc sup- uc and heeps on •e i • the principle jchv "I, ' Duy in the d sell in tlie dear- ENJOY Lire BY SMOKING The TERMINUS Ckght MAD. IN VANCOUV-R employee to th. «*._«*ai t ol thc public powers ii tlii inti re ' *" the vorkcrs efficiency of its various units, inevitably ;s ,(,«■ mission i . t!.«- .o.*itif-n-;.v Pro- such manlier as to produce the highest I powers ii th- hit, r< put out of business the small concern, which, operated by the individual owner and his puny tools, could not market its product at a price low enough to meet the competition of its capitalist opponent. Private ownership is practically gone. ., uere it exists, as in the case of the .armer, it is at the mercy of the capitalist owners of elevators, railroads, etc.. and contributes as large a share of its product to the owners of capital as does the proletarian wage- worker who has only his labor-power to sell. When Socialists speak of abolishing capital they mean merely to strip the means of production of its present function, i. e., making a profit out of labor, and put in its place the garb of social property, producing wealth for use. To satisfy human needs is not the primary reason tor wealth-production at the preitnt time. It is merely an incident. Commodities are produced for sale at a profit. If there be no profit in producing certain articles which may be necessary for the well being of society, society has to get along without them. Allegations are frequently made by capitalist owners of industries, when disputing with their workmen, as to rates of wages, etc., that if they grant the demands of the men they will not make enough profit. Hence they shut down without consid ering the fact that thousands of people may die of starvation and cold because ff the lack of the commodities they deal in. Illustration of this fact was seen in the recent Lethbridge strike We may therefore define the various forms of property ownership thus: Means of production operated by their individual owners, producing wealth for their own use, or for exchange, may be termed private ownership. Capital, to us, Is means of production used for the purpose of making a profit out of labor. Social ownership is means of production, operated for the production of wealth for the use of society. *• J. T. M. In Warsaw the fortress and prisons are more overcrowded than a New York slum tenement. The Governor- General has appointed a commission to release a bunch of them as the "zeal of the authorities" in .nakiiig arrests has outrun their accommodation. THE FOOLISH HUNTER. A sportsman once, in eager quest of game, Beheld a hare, and, taking careful aim, Delayed his shot to ponder how this rare And unexpected dish he would prepare. "Now, rabbit pie's all right," quoth he, and yet There's nothing beats a savory croquette Except, perhaps, jugged hare; and yet I like But lo, the hare had beat it down the pikel "Alas," he cried with melancholy look, "I should have shot and trusted in the cook." A morel here for those who long to see The dawning of real democracy, Yet timidly hold back and hesitate O'er minor details of the coming state The pressing need, O comrades, is to ACT; First make the workers' commonwealth a fact. And lo, the petty obstacles ye fear, In Reason's light will quickly disappear. Unite, and when your servitude shall pass, Trust in the free, triumphant working class. —•Tom Selby in the Worker. . It is said that in Philadelphia men and women in all walks in life, many of them wealthy, have become possessed of the idea that suicide is all that the world holds for them. The capitalist system tmist be getting pretty rotten when even its beneficiaries are driven to self-destruction in order to escape its stench. letariat When this c'a^-s t"-?glc shall have leen foueln vil to a finish and victory rests with h,: AorWing class. for the fir.t time since the dawn of civilt." ion *ve sliaii ha" e peace within the omfiiic* of b - in s-ciety. J. T. M. iK-t there is m_c.h prf-pcrity no one can ,'-.' . The enot-n-ms expenditures of th, I Kuril-US rich testif;1 to it in un- mista's 1« terms. But whose is the prospei'io ■ Are they prosperous whose labor furnis .es ihe >vt*erewiihai for these lavish expenditures ■ Wealth do«s not fall fr.m the star- . or is it Jeft over fron '■«* -Kist. T' i« re-created day by day. _, ,-.. ... . when one man spends a thousand tnat . c doesn't create, others must create a tin ffifttwl that they cannot spend. The greater the expenditures of the idle, then lore, thc greater must be the impoven.! ment of producers. This is arithmetic and there is no gainsaying it. Prosperity for idle parasites spells a<. - *iiy for industrious workers.—The P ic. "Evr- man is ihe architect of his own fortune," so runs thc Cavorit* proverb. This proverb is an hcirloorr* .'mm thc days of small production, when the fate of every single brer i--,. inner, at worst that of his fat! 'ly _iso, depended upon his own per*' 1 qualities. Today the tate of ever, .iieinbcr ui <; ■ ipi- talist community d.j 's leas ,>nd leas upon his own indi, .i • My. .uv. nnre and more upon a . ul lii.um- stances that are wholly liey'-" ni* <-on- trol.—Karl Kautsky. CORRF' .ON J ui. 19 Inirrta- In the Westerq -non ol it was stated that .. nen tional Congress wouIl ite hud »» 'Stuttgart, Germany, on Au^ i.'t -~'.!i '.o Btst 18-7. The date sho- ust 18th to 24th, 19 ive read Aug- TBLKPHONB $49 CAPITAL CITY BAKERY G A- OKBLL, -..safer Bread and Cakes delivered to any part of the City. You am always depend upon our bread. Try it. 37 Pandora St Victoria, & C Phoenix Miners' Union, No a W. F. M. Meets every Saturday evening at moo clock in Miners hall John Mclnnis, President Walter Morrison, Secretary. Tltltttlt-rttlMIIMMMU. Tt-UtPIIUKK B77S j j HEUHY BCNN8CN ft Co . mm. _____• _ ' * ' fMVMM CIIMS I Wl 9 wfiaaPaeft W. vitrroaiA. bc. >»♦»♦<»♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ h , C. PETCR8 *"•■"■*•<■•• IU-<1 -Urmi*llr .„<) i„>i ly .to**. Muck of »U|>lr traiy _•»_. eaam •i*»»* • oa tuu.i MM Vert-to*** aam FtaHtf. M YEARS' tXPtRIENCt J. Edward Bird. A. 0. Brydon-J.ia BIRO * 6RY0M-JACK aSKRIHTERt). SOLIClTOKa. tTC. TW. 899. P.O. Box. 9*2. 834 Hart-** ht. . . Vsatoww. B.O. WUKN IN VANCOIVKU, STOP AT THE DOUGALL HOUSE ABBOTT STREET. lint Ctas- Iter. »_toet-ent Raosne. CAFE OPEN DAY AND NIGHT. Prtr-s Moderate. WANTED—At the Ymir General Hospital, a duly qualified Practitioner and oue witb a number of years experience. For particulars write to W. B. McISAAC, Secretary Ymir G. tra! Ho-vpital. P.O. Drawer f •*•;, Ymir, B.C. Traoc M«mis Distorts Corvnicurs Ac. Am*e*aewA*ee *»t*r*i *, i <*•-• • m, vtMslr >».e»i»i» mm i*i-«* !•*• *>i.«u„, »,- ***i«n*. FtMMS ttsem UW*«i- Mam, A i -.- tvn., ****** m***, wultnat Sm In Um ScieMfk American. A tapPM mtt Wm***** w»»»it l..'»«t n, tmUUvm mt may mrtmatsm V«i»«i, 1->-< > »i > ■ontSs.li. aml-r-i &******% trtwtmty. Hew tork _»WmiKiv-.Hi. ■MCB-'; Five Clarion sub. earda .3.75. 'i--i— *• ■• ATTKXTIOV. COMIIAUKM. t-lease do not inl•« • l'll-l- I IIWi sn-sMs,*M-»|«rtnM PINDOUTWHY *j***n*t w* ****•*•* ilFLES-SHOTGUNS PISTOLS AA yeur local ll»r,l«»r« •r Spmnlmg «.,m,.|» **r- tkasl imt iko «TI.UJ*. II (Ml r*_KHJt ohlolo, nr skip Alrwt, rtpr rwrclpl ol I «U 4 tawl*Inttmmpt tor lioln* *„nmttWtm% tmtalmg. Inrlndlnc < ir- «■ lam at iMUl wadlltmiut lo oar lliw. Cantata* smtateam thontln» •nunu ■Ml—, thafftwmer emtm of ■ nmrm, ***., eta. Oar altrMllvo Tra « olor UtbmgtwphwA ■•urar m_-l«l -» i>er» !•»•!««*—ia >■ Mum-, i.trntvmtta akms * tikh, co. P. O.*_«l40O7 Fall-, Hn-, t'.n.t. OO*»OOOW*«*»»0»*«00««»»O**OCCOO-> 8lw_N0 MACHINE. tt*«e»»«*»«««o««9«*oooe«90*®oo •*** _h t S **n offera to put one In a hat tor you. do not patronw h'-n. Loose labela In retail etoree st* counterr«i» The genuine Union Label la perforated <■■*-';" edges, exaotly the eame as a pottage stamp. »■•">*' terfetta are eome Umee perforated on three tot - and eome tlmee only on two. John B. Stetson (.o., of Philadelphia, la a non-union concern. JOHN A. MOIPT-T, Pre-Utont, Orange, N. 3 MARTIN LAWLOR, amty*x**ry, U Waverly PiaeA New York. CHEAP FUEL COKE COKE Is an excellent fuel for grates, hall atoves, furnaces snd cookLig atoves, making ■ clean, bright firo without amoke or dirt. PRICE S5oo PER TON. Vancouver Oat Company, Ltd. m»i hum **\\*i"""@en, "Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter."@en ; edm:hasType "Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:spatial "Vancouver (B.C.)"@en ; dcterms:identifier "The_Western_Clarion_1907_03_02"@en ; edm:isShownAt "10.14288/1.0318606"@en ; dcterms:language "English"@en ; geo:lat "49.261111"@en ; geo:long "-123.113889"@en ; edm:provider "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en ; dcterms:publisher "Vancouver, B.C. : The Western Socialist Publishing Co., Limited"@en ; dcterms:rights "Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the Digitization Centre: http://digitize.library.ubc.ca/"@en ; dcterms:isPartOf "BC Historical Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:source "Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives."@en ; dcterms:title "The Western Clarion"@en ; dcterms:type "Text"@en ; dcterms:description ""@en .