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The Red Flag Jul 26, 1919

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 .*'.' .'
f^pm:s
ra^p
-'•■      -mEREDFlilC
"ssi(b*ib*bT "ss*sss*W
errnan
-1M7E publish the following, knowing it
. V V of interest to the workers fa thfa country
ss to the progress the German workers are making
towards the concepts and practices of the indmP
trial revolution, a* distinguished from the merely
political revolution, whteh haa little or nd effect on
thrir livn unless accompanied by tiw other. liberal or Conservative, Bepublican or Democrat or
Coalition, ''so shall our daya in one aad tenor run"
of economic slavery to capital.
The Ebert 'Government. Socialist so called, has
fought just as hard against the admittance of the
Councils of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants'
Councils' as an integral part of the German constitution as any but and out capitalist government,
say the Canadian, could have done. However, to
ourennrpto.— r,
. . . One of the chief reasons for the abortive
general strike in Berlin from March 3 to 8, and the
subsequent (second) Spsraefat rebellion, was the
dilly-dallying of the Government in regard to giving the council system a place fa the Constitution;
demand for which was by'this time general even
among the Majority faction. On March 3, the day
tiw strike was called, the Government publicly
promised to yield to the demand. Two days later
the Vor warts printed another pr'on unci anient o. Outlining the governmental plan for anchoring the
council system. According to thfa and subsequent
announcements, Article 34a of the Constitution
would provide for the election of "workers' councils" (Arbciterrate,) endowed with rather amplified trade union functions. These councils would
be in charge of general labor interests and welfare,
and would have consultative powers in the management of enterprises. Furthermore, the proposal
provided for "economic council*" (Wirtsehafts-
rate,) in which workers and employer* are to be represented "equally." These economic councils .re
to be charged with supervising production; tiwy
have the right to initiate legislative measures, but
otherwise they do not infringe on the sovereign
power of tiie political Parliament. The ennomie
councils of the realm elect a central economic coun-
\dl, with jurisdiction over tiie entire country. Tufa
msy be consulted in industrial questions by tiw
Legislature. The socialization of plants through
the tostrumentality of councils fa expressly refused. This plan was a long shot from the straight
Soviet system advocated fay the Independents, snd
even from the more moderate Lsbor Chamber plan
—a compromise between Soviet and political"democracy—sponsored by K.lfaki. .Naturally, the Independents were dissatisfied - and ronttouedy their,
agitation.
.All this was, no doubt* excellent sport,
but essentially nothing more; snd the four first
days passed without transacting real business.
Even tiie report of the Executive Council, submitted byLefaert, was forgotten. "Die principal item
on the programme wm finally reached at tie fifth
meeting when the two reports on "anchoring'* tiw
council system were submitted by the official "referents," one, in behalf of the Majority Socialists,
by Julius Kalfaki and Max Cohen, chairman of the
Executive Council; the other, fa behalf of tiw Independent Soetelfato, by Ernest Daumig, one of tbe
party's intellectual leaden.
The Coheh-Kaliski protect fa by fur the most da-
faerato and ambitious scheme for making the Soviet
idea an integral part of the German Constitution.
It take* up tbe suggestions of organisation laid
down in the government proposal, but carritt them
further and develop* them along both trade-fadus-
trfal and po.itira1-grogroph.cd lines. It provide*
for "economic rouncflsv'* embraring ddegstes of
workers, office employees, snd managers, to be organised fa each plant. Then councils are to super-
vtee production. Economic eoundls* fa the same
branch ef industry are linked together in district-
' province, and state eeonomk councils, the whole
edifice topped by a central economic council repre
senting the particular industry of the entire country.
the resolution, in contrast to the Government
scheme, declare*, moreover, that "-the- economic
council fa the fundamental structure of socialization" in the particular industry. Thus by an ingenious, if rather obvious, stroke, tiw Cohen-Kdfaki
proposal undertakes to solve simultaneously the
two outstanding problems of national
that of nstrnisl'tstvui or socialization,
industrial representation.
-Now for tbe political aide. All economic councils of a given geographical unit—a municipality,
for instance—elect representative* to a "chamber
of labor" of the unit; tite same fa done in the district, province, state, and finally in the entire country. Thfa central chamber of labor, elected by the
councils of tiie whole nation, becomes a Second
Chamber co-ordinated with the Parliament, or tt
the latter fa called here, tiie People *s Chamber. The
former fa representative of the producers, the latter of the consumers. The Chamber of Labor "has
legislative initiative in industrial and ennomie
questions: above all, in matters" of socialization.
The People's Chamber haa similar initiative in more
strictly political and in cultural matters. A bill
becomes law only if adopted by both chambers; but
if one Is adopted successively in three yean fay the
People's Chamber, it becomes a statute over tiw
veto of the Chamber of Labor. Both chambers have
the right to call a referendum.
Finally, the Cohen-Kaliski proposal provides for
"anchoring" the trade union system. It states that
the unions are associations of workers in a particular calling to conduct collective bargaining with
employers' associations. In any one plant the
union fa represented by the "works' council"
(Betriesrat)   The entire machinery is extended to
"as to
workers. It will be noted that the fundamental difference between this project and the plan spomwr-
ed by the Government fa that while in tiw fatter tiie
Chamber of'Labor fa connived as merely a consultative adjunct to Parliament, in the Cohen-
Kslfaki scheme the two bodies sre put on sn almost
equal footing as organs of tiw National legislative.
On the other hand, the Cohen-Kaliski proposal
differs radically from the resolution submitted at
the1 same meeting by tite Independent Socislist Daumig, who characterise&riw former as a "miserable
compromise," since ij| leave* toe instrument of
political democracy intact. At any rate, Daumig's
measure hss the virtue of extreme simplicity. It
provides for workers' eoundls to take charge of
political management, and works' councils, to
handle economic-industrial affairs. The representatives of the worker*' eoundls unite in a Con-
grew of Soviets, whteh fa the supreme political instance. It supplant, the National Assembly, and
has the right to appoint and remove tiw people's
commissioners, who take the plan of tiw Ministry.
Only workers posses* the right to vote and to participate in public affairs; the employing dam te ex-
cluded, although fattellectual worker, .re recognised en n fully esjhal' footing with the proletariat.
fa a word, Daumig *s system provides far the dictatorship of'the proletariat and the eatahlfahment of
a Sovtet republic, bat rather on the Hungarian
.than the Busrian model. /It differ, from the latter
by endowing the tatelleetual clam with full righto
wtt taken, the Cohen-Kaliski scheme wm adopted
braced the employing claw. However, when a vote
almost unanimoudy—five Democrats registering
the only votes in opposition.
The seventh and last meeting of the Congress waa
taken up by the address of Karl Kautsky, one of
the greatest of living Socfalfat scholars, on tha subject of sodalintion. The address waa read by Mrs.
Kaufaky in the absence of her husband who was ttl.
It introduced a resolution declaring that socialise-.
tion is a process indispensable for the welfare of
the proletariat, ths substitution of production fay
snd for the commonwedth instead of capitalistic
production for profit However, he declared, headlong socialization has dangers no ten than the eon-''
ttauation of capitalistic economy itself. Three fee-
tors must co-operate in a serialized state: the
workers, the consumers, and the technical scientific
experts. To disregard any of the three would be
fatal. "Socialization don not mean simply the
expropriation of capitalfam and of the great landed
proprietors, but also a reorganization of the entire
economic life. . . This ran not be achieved
in a summary way for all branches of industry, or
without preparations.   Ijt must proceed step by step,
and it will take years to carry if* out in full'* > "'.<<
■"■('"" ... •,  ;. ,,.;,■,.„ i.	
One of.the chief witnesses for the prosecution in
the preliminary trial of the labor officiala was
asked by the crown prosecutor what wtt his opinion
of the effect of the speeches, at certain labor gath-
erings, on the audience. The lawyer for the defence objected to such questions as very leading,
but was over-ruled. Evidently the opinions of
secret service men an to count aa evidence.
COUNTBY   POOB   AS   A   OHUBOB
WOBDn*BFBI. **&***** VK. JEWELS
Sir Auckland Geddes recently .said that tl
try fa as poor as a church mouse. The priee
are being realized at the sain of articles of luxury
hardly confirm this view. The diamond trade te
having unparalleled prosperity. The De Been
Diamond Company has just declared s dividend of
80 per cent, for the year, as compared with 50 pair
cent, for the previous year.
Fine jewels from various sources, all anonymous,
one day last week realized £163,114 at Christie's
sale. The outstanding, feature was s pearl rope,
composed of 315 well-matched and graduated pearl,
of the finest orient. The bidding for thfa started
at £20,000 and fell at £41,500. All the war profits
sre apparently not going into the War Loan.—"The
Labor Leader
CBe-TTEL SLAVBBY DT AMEBICA
(Continued From Page Five)
that if found slavery here when it arrived, arid accepted it a* s settled institution, not even that it fa
plainly taught in it* "sscred" books, but that it
.deliberately created a new form of slavery, snd for
hundreds of yrara invested ft with . brutalfty
greater than that whieh existed eenturie* before.
A religion whteh could tolerate tins slavery, argue
for it, and fight for it, can not by   Sny stretch cf
 reasoning be credited with rn fafluenee fa forwartl-
ditfwinirj *vrt*4kr firj^f*f*-*---Tf *•>"■»»%-***   ing emandpation.   Chrfatisntty no more *bolfabed
davery than it abolished witchcraft, the belief te
demonism, Or punishment for heresy. It was the
growing moral and social sense of mankind that
compelled Christians and Chirtetiantty to give up
•these and other things.
As s system, Christianity wa* irrevocably com-
l davery.  That modern
Cfhrfatfan* try to prove otiwrwhw, may be taken tt
the other Indepeudent speaker*. In hfa speech,
Daumig .censed tl
of betraying the revolution and the interest of tbe
proletariat, and of bring a mere.tool in tite hands
of tiw exploiting i
smmmmmmmmmffay   Dr. Psfl^l
harifa in behalf of
workers' eeuncBs put
y. eeonomte fumrtion*,
the
and
put. an embargo on political activities. Tn,the dis- only one more instance of the disintegrating effect
eusrion, the Cohen-Kdfaki plan was denounced by of new ideas and new institutions on old custom*
tbe Independent?:, mainly on the ground that it era-   and beliefs. ||"«1>:-V"';>*BBBBmsBBBBBBBBsmm -
■
1
:^2i
iofS*§
lotion of Russia
<From tiw London "Common Sense," June 14.)
' •' ■      ■ ' '
("Common Sense" is an organ of British Liberalism. Ite editor fa F. W. Hirst, late editor of -tiw
''Bconomfat") ' j
■    ■ -       '       .  . ■"'.•■■■'...
TBB attitude of most commonsense English
people about Bolshevik Russia fa one of
suspended judgment. They fori they do not know.
The etrority stories poured upon them fa the col*
of the drily pre** hsve, constantly repeated
five yean of war, first about Germans
and rinee about Russians, lost thrir power to horrify because a doubt as to thc truth of what appears in the newspapers has penetrated the simplest mind. Ordinary people are rendered sceptical
when n whole nation te described to them as dominated by a group of inhuman monsters, or w being fa the grip of a mord plague. No one can be
unite so bad as the Bolsheviks sre painted. But
how fa the ordinary newspaper reader to get at the
facts!
It fa now possible to put him in the Way of knowing some of them. Mr. Arthur Bansome was the
Daily News correspondent in Russia during tiw
early years of thc war; Ite saw the march, 1917,
Bevolution from the thrilling days of its inauguration- and through the disappointments snd disillusionment* which followed on the failure of the
Kerensky Government to secure peace and led to
ite supersession by the Lenin regime; he saw the
Bolshevik Government nt to work on the tremendous task of giving bread and peace to a starving.
and disorganized country. After some mouths' ab-
acnce in Sweden Mr. Bansome returned to Busste
fa February and March of thfa year. He has just
come back to Bngtend, fresh from thfa experience,
and publishes; sn account of whst he saw, based in
tbe main on a diary he kept at the time. Hfa book)
simply entitled "Six Weeks fa Bussia,'' contains,
we believe, more direct first-hand truth about Bus-
ate as it is today than has yet been available. Mr.
Bansome holds no brief for any party. He writes
as sn observer, not as an advocate. Then fa no
rhetoric, no flaming descriptions, no appeals, in
hfa quiet and artless narrative. * He has been there;
fan bn seen; and he puts before us what he has
seen without comment. We ban called hfa narrative artless; but it fa the artlessness of the artist
whose trained eye perceives, and whose skilled
hand can convey the atmosphere as well ss thc bare
outline of what he perceives. But what he shows
te whst he has seen; not what he would like to aaa.
Mr. Bansome has found that the Bolsheviks are
human; that life under their regime goes on, despite thc terrible pressure of grinding hunger (due
in large measure to our blockade,) in human fashion. He explains how thrir institutions an work-
fag;, thc limitations to thrir pure theory which hare
been introduced fa practice; tiw degree to which
private cutcrprin still goes on. and what life looks
ttke to the ordinary individual. He don not toll
ue this; he shows it.   And hfa page* will give   tiw
U ■s**ssuUi*s*a   *mos   **ma*m^*m   *..   SB^svsiB^BS^ii^BS*asBBB   ^awsB^aasBhssy   anaaiH   sbbbji   *^^^aai   *^ws^w
tlwan whom effnrions wen published by the For-
aign Office. Take, for faetann, fate dory of the
man who before the war owned a leather-bag fan-
■ amimk^y. spssa *m^amani^^mwam^*^mm* . pvuuem s*. bs^bbbk  amwrnmrnxmaj *  es^-*^Bssem^mamassM   *•**#.
an undo. The undo, efter tha November Bevolution, aalted together all workmen, and propond
that tiwy .mould font an arid or cooperative
eorifty aad take the factory fate their hands,
each man contributing a tfaeunnd roufaln towards tiw capital wtth which to run it. Of
course, the Workmen had not got a thousand
roufaln apteea, "undo offered to pay tt te for
them, on the understanding that tiwy would
eventually pay him back.*' This was illegal,
but the Bttic town was a long way from the
centre ef things, and tt seemed a good way
out of the difficulty. He did not expect to get
.' tt back, but he hoped in thfa way to keep control of the tannery, which he wished to deve-
j
lop. having a paternal interest in it
Things worked very well. They
committee of control. "Uncle wtt elected president, I was elected vice-president, and there
were three workmen. We era working on
thon linn to this day- They gin uncle 1500
roubles a month, me a thousand, and the book
keeper a thousand. The only difficulty fa that
that tiw men will treat uncle aa the owner, and
thfa may mean trouble if things ne niona
Uncle fa for ever telling them, 'It's your factor}', don't call me Master,' and . may reply,
'Yes, it's our factory all right, but yon are
still Master, and tiwt must be.' **
Some people imagine that under the Bolsheviks
aU forms of art has disappeared. Mr. Bansome
tells us of thc wonderful futurist paintings, in vivid
colorings, with whieh tiie hoardings are sometimes
covered, and gives a description of a visit to the
theatre snd another to the open. In Moscow, the
theatre, opera, and ballet performances are crowded nightly: French, English and Russian classics
are performed st a dozen theatres. At the opera,
the whole audience was in everyday clothes. There
were many soldiers, and men come straight from
work. "There were a good many grey snd brown
and woollen jerseys about, and people were sitting
fa overcoats of all kinds and ages, for thc theatre
was very cold.'
"Looking from fan to face
thst night, I thought then were very few people
in the theatre who bad bad anything like a good
dinner to digest. But as for their keenness, I can
imagine few audiences to whieh, from the actor's
point of view, it would be better worth while to
play. Applause, like brains, hsd come down from
the gaUertes."
Of the actual performance I have little to
say except that ragged clothes and empty stomachs seemed to make very little difference to
the orchestra. Belter, the ballerina, danced
as wdl before this audience as ever before the
bourgeofaie. Aa I turned up the collar of my
coat I reflected that the actors deserved all the
applause they got for their heroism in playing
fa such cold. Now snd then during the even-
of opera generally, perhaps because of the contrast in magnificence between the stage and
the shabby, intelligent audience. Now and
then, on the other hand, stage and audience ,
seemed one snd indivisible. For'"Samsop and
Delilah*' is itself a poem of revolution, and
gained enormously by bring played fay people
every one of whom had .seen something of the
sort in real life. Samson's stirring up of the
Israelities reminded me of many scenes in
* Petrograd fa 1917, and when, at last, he brings
the temple down fa ruins on   hfa triumphant
' enemies, I wu reminded of tiw words attributed to Trotsky:—"If we an, fa tiw end,
toned to go, we shall dam the door behind us
fa such a way thst   the   echo   shall   be felt
.   throughout tiw world."
Going home efterwards through tite anew, I
did not sn s single srmed men. Aynr ago the
streets wen deserted after tea fa the evening
except by then who, ttke myself, bad work
which took them to awetfaga and sueh things
late at night They used to be empty except
for tiw military tucket, round thrir log-fine.
Now tiny wen full of foot-uaanngen going
home from tiw theatres, utterly forgetful of the
1 fact that only twelve months before they hud
thought the streets of Moscow unsafe after
dark. There could be no auestion about tt.
The revolution fa settling down, snd people
now think of other matters than tite old question, Will tt Ittt one week or two?
Mr. Bansome had a rerfas of talks with Lenin,
whteh are extraordinarily interesting, 'gad wttfc
tiw other iiniHintenriw, aad from fate pages - one
redly get* some notion of how   the whole   thing
But what one mrinly feds is that whatever ong may think of the sorial system, the people
who en living under it, who have accepted it, ue
human brings like ourselves, and that it fa mere
wickedness "snd criminal folly to go on treating
tbem u wild beasts with whom we can not negotiate Mr. Bansome'. book will, we believe, do
much to convince everyone who reads it tiwt Mr.
Churehill'a ateanmn war te utterly te^frailili At
any rte, we commend it heartily to everyone who
wanta to form en independent
values the opportunity of making ap
mind, and who-can appreciate a candid-
and wdl done piece of literary work.
"Six Weeks fa Buariu,'*   By Arthur
Geo. Allen and Unarm, 2s. acL net.)
fate  own
SOCIALIST WAB POINTS
(From the Glasgow "Fcwward**
.'" ■ " "
I spent an idle hour gtendng through Lord
French's book, "1914," the other day, and for reward came across a passage which thc Capitalist
Press reviewers, with singular accord, have forgotten to notice:
. "The governing classes in Russia were saturated wtth disloyalty and intrigue in the most
corrupt form.. Bet for their black treachery tite
war would have ended at the latest fa the spring
of 1917.**
This is tfae gang now being subsidized wtth British money aad assisted by British troops.
t   And what becomes of the lying wheeze that Trotsky and Lenin were German agents?
• •     •    •
You remember when tbe Bailwaymen were asking for an increase in wages, and the Government
announced that the railways under Government
control during thc war had been run at a loss of
from 90.000,000 pounds to 100,000,000 pounds 1
It wss a staggerer to the raflwaymen and to the
. passengers, who thought that the war-time 50 per
cent increase in teres ought soon to be taken off.
• e •    •..   a ■;
It was a staggerer, but it was a LIB—a Government Capitalist LIE.
The bogus figures 'were secured by allowing
nothing on the income ride for Government traffic
—stores, guns, munitions, soldiers* and sailors'
transit. And as thc bulk of railway transit during
the war was on Government account, and by the
simple trick of crediting the railways with nothing
for dl the Government traffic, there was secured a
paper loss of from 90,000X100 to 100,000,000
/
Listen to the Chairman of the Scottish Railway
Stockholders' Protection Association (Mr. Andrew
Macdonald) at the first annual meeting of tiw As-
socfarioo (Glasgow Herald, 26)6(19:
"The Transport Miiafater-elect, oa the second
reading of fate BIB, quoted figure* which seemed to
show that tin railways were being run melon to
toe public of between 90,000,000 and 100,000,000
pounds per annum. 'Since that stahnsent waa made
a White Paper bad been 'named by tiw Board ef
Trade, which showed tiw net result of tiw whole
nttuatipn to be that the Ocwersuaent under their
tiw end of !91g of net ten*
At Cfaristia's teat Friday, fa tiw Drummond collection ef pictures, a drawing by Turner of Zurich,
by  ntenteen   inches,   we. odd   for tHO
price iip innate the  fav
; newer of* fee rich. \      rt ■ •.; Hi
su
p..-   ■
Era
R
Interference in American affairs by agents of
foreign governments baa attracted thc attention and
aroused the indignation of thinking people of thte
country. The last annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor held fa Atlantic City, deplored such condition, and encroachment upon the
sovereign right of thfa nation. They vehemently
protested against thc action of thc administrative
authorities, threatening deportation of political
refugees. .The executive council waa instructed to
investigate the deportation proceedings against
Hindus who sre working for the emancipation of
India from British rule.
Mr. Samuel Gompers, president, American Federation of Labor, ssys in part in a letter to the
Friends of Freedom for India, located at 7 East
Fifteenth street, New York City: "I have submitted the entire matter to the secretary of thc
United States Department of Labor and will advise you as to whst fa done in the matter. I have
strongly urged favorable action fa the matter.
In a recent speech at tbe Pan-American Labor
Conference, hdd fa New York. Mr. Gompers said:
/'The American lsbor movement fans always stood
for the right of asylum for political offenders. It fa
true of Mexican refugees, of Irish refugees," of
Polish and Russian refugees.*' He reminded the
delegates that "only a few days ago the federation
officially, protested against the deportation of Hindus to India, where they would most certainly be
■hot by the English authorities.
This timely action of Mr. Gompers and the A. F.
of L. fa greatly appreciated by all lovers of liberty
and freedom.
There are six of the Hindus held for deportation,
and many more are subject to such action.
';   *,...,,.   a     Ti. > ■ i C—   -- - -
tsntasn lntenerence.
How foreign influence fa used to violet, the old
American tradition* of granting asylum to political
refugees will be evidenced from the brief statement
that baa been presented to the secretary of the U.
S. Department of Lsbor by Mr. Gompers.
L The British Government spent $2^00,000 to
convict the Hindus fa the San Franefaeo case.
. J ■ *
2. The British brought, under guard, witnesses
from India, China, Stem imd Java to testify against
the defondsnts. In most of then cases, the witnesses bought their freedom or their live* in return
for evidenn.
3. British Secret Service men, in charge of George
Denham, came from India to assist fa tbei trid, snd
helped complete and direct the can against the
Hindus. Denham fa stiB fa thfa country, conducting his nefarious aetivtttes.
4. A British secret service man, named Nathan,
waa very active fa implicating the Hindu, and
Amariaan ritfacna. The British Consul fa New
Tork placed a requnt with tiw court
for eoptes of dl evidenn fa
& British Consul fa San Franefaeo, A. Carnegie
fa n letter offer* to supply th* United States
suthorittes wtth sufficient information
to deport the Hindu* fa esn the: information whteh
he had already furnished was insufftetent.    ..
Innl Baton Pretest      **
The Various local unions sre taking action to
atop these deportations. Street Railway Employees
No. 518, Millmen's Union No. 42, and Offtee Employees' Association No. 13,188, San Franefaeo,
have already pawed strong leariutkm. agafaat tiw
deportation of the Hindus and against the surrender of the American right of ssyhrm.
With India's Cause.
The Sons of Irish Freedom fa a State Convention
held fa Son Francisco, July 6, 1919,
animonaly the following resolution:
Whereas, the United State, of
it gained its independence from Great Britain fa
1778, extended the right of political asylum to
countless European patriot*. Who fled
wrath of tyranical guieiitemate, snd this
hss been pursued without question till thfa date;
mid,    a
Whereas, The People of India, fane tbe people of
Ireland, bare been compelled by intolerable conditions, both economic and political, to challenge the
right of Great Britain in preventing India from asserting her right to national self-government, and
. Whereas, Many of then Hindus, forced to seek
. refuge fa this country, sre now facing deportation
proceedings, which, if carried out, will result fa
their instant execution, India faring now governed
by martial law; therefore
Be tt resolved- that we, the delegates, accredited
to this convention by the Irish Societies of California, do hereby emphatically protest against the
carrying out of then deportations, end tiwt eoptes
of this resolution be forwarded to the organisations
represented here for their adoption and to the
Senators snd Congressmen for the State of California, as well a* to the San Francisco daily press.
The Friends of Freedom for India haa made an
appeal to all the unions, various organisation, and
others who desire to maintain the traditiond policy
and principle of giving shelter to thc political refugees. It fa sfaeendy hoped that the eppeal will
have hearty response from all the ettfaens of
America.
.. ".■' -.     -
Tta Whs   mm at Praam
But Isvolsky*. activities wen not confined te>
**-*  mmmmjm      «aw .-uu^nm .p^^p./^e^^^^^Bumum&   WW.
ggf   FVna*teWsp>     gamasl   tkfmPmTt   assssmmsWrnT.   a.   tmsmmmmmmsmP
****** wm   apjk   a assBVB^i   ^BisMsaa   SBwaij   v*M>uie   ea   a^ria*&aaaaa^s^
that should enlist the sympathy of every
*-***• *****i**L?fi*mi
"If; we an nelly concerned te take up the
of the Stratta, then it fa of the
The Tsar' Secret Archives
t
DIPOBTANT    REVELATIONS    Hf    RUSSIA-
PREP AEDJO FOR WAR
Special   Correspondent—London   Daily
Herald, June 29. 1919)
(From   a
-.
- At last the pre-war archive* of the Russian
Foreign Office liave begun to appear, and, to
judge from tbe extracts given below, they
promfae to furnish as astounding revelations as
the Secret Treaties themselves
The documents have appeared fa "Pravda"
under the editorship of Pokrovsky, Soviet
Commfasary of Finance, and translations have
been made in certain of the foreign Prtts. The
following extracts sre taken from the translation published fa the "Svenska Dagblad"
(Stockholm) of June 2.
*fnc **vmafag of Italy
• Pokrovsky begins fay describing the manner fa
whieh Italy wn wen over to the grand eoaahaaatioa
which Busste wss building up fa order to win Constantinople and the Stratta The Bumtea-BaKan
Convention of Bsrnoniel was concluded on October
^a***SSB w WHWffBSSS ■ ^S»    ******mu*y mmWMmm^^m     *w w**m    WMwwwwmwmmmwmmmmww****   ******      mr  ™ ■■^^^ww^
24, 1909, and the tent eteuse ef thte rune: '-Italy
and Busste bind thematlres to e mutually hnevs-
lent''attitude, the former wtth regard to Buaste's
fatererf. fa the question of tiw Straits, the letter
with regard to Italy's fatereste fa "IVfooli and Cyre-
naiea.**
Two ynr* l.ter the Tripdi war broke out As
soon n tt began, Isvoldry. the Bussian Amlmsssdor
fa Parte, wrote with regard to it: "I beg to remark that in any event we must make sure fa one
form or another of a declaration from Italy that,
now tiwt she fa carrying into execution tiw elafats
on her rid* te Tripoli touched on fa tiw agreement,
she wfftT equally fa the future keep fan word to us
highest
importance to see to it that we have .good
I-temhen^ Unfortunately, I am, fat thte n-
speet, deprived of s m
went, since all aay assiduous entreaties to be
pnpiued with funds for the Press have produced no result. I dull ,of course- do .11 that
fa fa my power, but thfa fa one of thos* question*
where public opinion fa, fur traditional resson*,
most esrily agafaat us. As an example of how
useful it is to ban money to offer the Fins,
the Tripoli affair may be quoted. I know how
Tittoni (the Italian Ambassador in Parfa) fane
worked UP the leading French paper* moat
thoroughly mid wtth tlte^i.^ open lund. *rfae
result fa now manifest to elL ff
At this time Cafllaux. a* /Premier, wtt virtue^-
fa power in France, and Isvolsky found the outlook
depressing from the point of view of hfa
But the position changed when Poincare became
President. On September 12. 1912. Isvolsky reports
a conversation with Poincare, in whieh the latter
assured hfan of France** loyalty to the Tear fa then
terms: "If a conflict with Austria should involve
Germany's armed intervention, France will at once
recognfae it tt a casus foederis, end will not lose a
minute fa fulfilling her pledges to
Tbe Winning ef
- - • ,•■-.■.
In September- 1912, during the first Balkan w.r,
the Russian Foreign Minister, Saxonov, paid fate
famous vtett to Bngtend to get tiw Be of tiw Umd*
.Saxonov'* report to the Tear fa ss follows:
"After I had confidentially informed Orey of the
contents of our naval agreement with France, mid
referred to the fact that under thfa agreement the
French fleet would take upon itself the
of our interests in the southern theatre-uf^ra)h$y
presenting the Austrian fleet from
into the Black Sea. I asked him if
dde would do tiw same service fa tiw north
keeping tiw German fleet off our coasts on the Bel-
tic   Without hesitation. Orey replied that if the
situation in question occurred. England would  do
everything to inflict tiw heaviest blow on German
•»
In the
the
which England
* arith Germany, to
interview, Orey
of tt
Wt enter by sen,
troops on the Continent.
1914 things were getting warm.
from Livadia en April 11, 1914,
"To emeu tiw Stratta I am pre-
but even by
By the spring
In a secret
the Tsar wrote:
pared to ore foree.'' That same month Sir Edward
Orey and King George wen fa Pari*, ami lavofaky
win a view   to   a
MM.
fa the
ef
»»
enayfaea
lead*, land foree.
ef a navel
ofhmg-
nd they
tans]
world fata
*w wrm mwM-   qM*mw**r
continent* tdl tiw mat af tiw tregte story.
Propaganda meeting* every Sunday evening, et
S p.m.. Empress Theatre, eorner Bon Avenue and ■
' ■
.
•BUSS ODD FOB SUCH A SxWK
mama ** —  - ^^ .^...i-a—m —.~_ »•    r v~^
Hsawd hy the . Fleuett anwss, u* Far-
E. C. 4, London, Englsnd.
Our extract ha. • Icon for us in the present day
moil. Ing dan struggle for emancipation from wage
familiar to us   aaainat   our
m^^wmm^mm^Mmm      wrm*     *■**"*■'<        ^^^^wmMmwwmwm ^™«
like ghoRt* out cf the peat. The
Bev. Dwight BBBs snd hte compatriots today had-
we see. their iis.iiital*W.ie in that earlier atiuaate
. l»a    mw-mrwrnf     **■ bj s s      w-ssTTi-u-msj  Bin msv     smb*     *        mmwtm     sssssm BBassjssasres
ago.   -lliere fa it again appears, nothing
under tiw ''Bun,** not even in the arguments
or the methods of terrorism used, meefaterid   or
^^^e      ^mrnm***     ********nmmmmmw*mmmm>    wmwm*     ^^mm^^.^mmmwm^mm^^ ^^w***^*^*^^    ^mmmmmmmm^mmmm*mmm*wmmmmm ^pw
otherwfae, to bolster up * system of   spedd   pri-
the true sad sssfssstltt God.    Bless Ood for *oefa
W«, «oe/t sp sisals, tor slavery, we Story
a
n.
13
r, or fa it merely s eo-
Russia ha* opened the
to another Ma*tss» enocfa cf human etnanefan-
.«J  <***  -mmLtmMim^*-- m-mm Am #L»
ana tnai revoiunonary r ranee waa tne nrsi
to ret the example for the rest of Europe to follow
fay bring the first to   decree tiw   freedom   of its
HMpH^W*;*^' *lm*WamBBTBTiaW a     '■ V-'k*^ ■
•     *     •
. . - When tiW picture ef sl.very as drawn by
Mrs. Harriet Beeeher Stowc wu impugned, she replied by issuing The. key to Unde Tom's Cabin, in
which she rited ril the facts upon whieh her story
wa. baaed. The Harmony Presbytery of New Caro-
ttna resolved:—
That whereas certain sundry persons in Bn*Und and
Scotland has* denounced, slavery as obnoxious to the
taws of Ood Resolved, Thst slavery    has    existed
from the days of those, aood old slaveholders and
patriarchs. Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (who sre now in
the khWCosn i»f hcavea) to th* time when ths *postle
Paul scat a runaway slave home to ..his master PhUe-
n. aad wrote a Christian and fraternal letter to this
slaveholder.... Resolved, that... .the existenee of slavery is not opposed to the will of Ood.
The Chariestown Union Presbytery resolved:—-
That W th* opinion of this Presbytery, the holding of
sieves, so tar from beln* a sin in the sight of God. is
nowhere condemned in his holy word; that it is ia ac-
sstdsacB with the example or eomlsts.1 wtth the precepts of patriarchs, apostles, sad prophets.
The Georgia Annual Conference (Methodist) resolved that*4 it fa the nun of the Georgia Annual
Conference, slavery aa it exfate in tiw United
te not a morel evil.'' At a publie nweting
of the dergy of Itickmond, it was resol-
ved ''that tiw example of our Lord Jesus Christ
and fate spostles, fa not interfering with tiw question
af risvery . . . te worthy of the imitation of dl
of the Gospel." Inane Northern Oiurehes,
that, fa 1836. the New York
Pieebytery decided tiwt no one should be elected
n deacon or an elder unless he gave a pledge tiwt
be would abetain from direuaring the subject of
In Baltimore, a aoawwhet afaiiter reoofa-
pusmd. Generally, she sane up tiw ritua-
tten fay juaanHlmB out tiwt the tttionof tiw Cfaarehes
to supprem euefa anti-efavery fttling tt
nw fifty yeon earlier. This, she says, fa
tana of tiw Preafaynvtena. "Worse hss been the
fatetory ef toe Mesnodfat Cfaunfa. The htetary of
tiw Bepttet Cfaunk sfaews tiw wane ptinripte; and
at ta tiw Bpfaeopdten Cfamwfa, n has hevw dene
.» » m .... m ■     .«.«. . .taBi   1T«M|1    mm, U—llh  **
snywang but eompty mwwr witn norm or oetna.
On thte heed Mrs Stowe   fa smite   borne out by
Whet the dergy readved onto General
faly tiwy loyaBy stood by in practice.  The Bev. Jf.
"Peek sulci i—
tf we so aiusen *aalast slavery, we
gloom ever the whets Christian Cheroh.
th* anatter tn the hands ef God.
'let nte***
Bar. James Wilson nils dsvery—
■
that
thst
cannibal Into contented, civilised,
happy domestics we' see around a*.
toto hwBBble, talthfal, and most Joyoes
of the American Tract Society may
following, written by Junes Bun-
-      :;
-
if tne pious snen who founded the Americea Tiact
oelety had been told that within forty years they would
:.■»/.
aSSehSSaOf
'a
ea the
seT***"
»ShSa
. ■ ********^9*m    wmw%.     ^^esessp     -s^sv
ef
of sambo alive hy pre-
he could not read, on the
o,.Bpr. Hist they would    be
in the Tract Society wtth    Wss
^h^aereT^ "
substontlaUon....If these excellent
tads, they would have shrunk ta hot
"Are thy servants dogs,  thst they
thins**"    Tet this is precisely the present
theltoeiety.
phlet    containing   the
"Without . ue
wn authorized to pronounce davery
Alexander Campbell, founder of the "Christfan"
sect, proclaimed the divine right of davery. The
Maine Univeradfate declined to express an opinion
on thc subject A Cfacinnati Conference (Met,
hodfat) declared itself "decidedly opposed to
modem abolitionism, and asked ite ministers to refrain from patnnisfag tiw Abolition movement."
Wilbur Ffake, President of tiw Wedeyan Univer-
dty, Middleton, Conn., was deaeribed by Garrison
tt "an abusive and malignant opponent of Abolition.'' When, fa 1845. the Northern Methodist
Church-showed signs of a better feeling, the immediate result was the secession of a number of
churches and the formation of "The Methodist
Episcopal Church, South." Fifteen ynr. later
(1860) when an attempt waa made to induce the
minister* of the Methodist Church to sign a protest against davery, out of 14,000 ministers only
241 would append thrir names to the document.
The Leeds (Bngtend) Anti-Slavery Society's report for 1860 contains a tetter written fay the Bev.
H. Mettfaon, of New York, travelling preacher to
tiw Northern Methodist Episcopal Church, fa whieh
he says: "I am fully ratfafied from figures thst we
can not ban today lem than 10,000 d.vehdders,
and 100,000 dan. fa our Northern Methodfat Epfa-
eopd Church, and the number fa increasing every
•year. And, stifl worn, our people raise, and buy•
snd nil afavea m others do, without rebuke or hindrance." Thst thfa wan no exaggeration fa shown
fay the fact that at the Metoodtet Conference held
esn   w^-nsnaomaBasr   asa*   ^aUJ-sa-asna   usmu   uassa^w   Uasv^awjaassasisp    ai*iagfcgg^s^sae*aaiasjai       ss.
I awlnthm against slavery, he was authoritatively
' informed' that not ten delegate, would support the
resolution. It waa just before this date tiwt Gar-
rteon had written fa tiw liberty Befl tiwt "in
land and Scotland especially, extraordinary
have been taken fa publie and fa private to held up
the Hwarinn Anti-Slavery Society aa unworthy of
oil countenance fa any degree, op aeeount of ite fav
fidd character.
The infidel character of Garrison's amorist** hod
already eaund fate. IiimiIbVi One man had written
him that he could not act with ''fafidels like Fanny
Wright and Abner Kuedand.*' Garrfaon, when fae
visited Beaton, found every church, chapel, and puk-
lic meeting place closed to him- ft was, ssys hte
lafagraphsiu, "left for a. society of avowed 'infidels'" to offer him thrir hall. It waa Abner
Knedsnd's society, its leader having only recently
beam fauf ihn»ndfor Msswhissy.
Ia the struggle against the Stuarta fa tiw
the bulwark of _
and the divine right, of kings was tne New Testament,   fa America, two centuries later, tiw same
documents were found useful •gainst Abolhionfats.
Certainly tiw Young Men's American Bible Association was of that opinion. afaee.B issued a ape-.
etelly annotated edition of tiw New Testament a* an
Anti-Abolitionist pamphlet. Thc General Assembly
of ffae Cumberland Presbyterian Church having
seized n debtor', goods, mid some negroes faring
«mong the effects, sold them and devoted the money
to missionary purposes Shortly before thte, .t a
meeting of the Baptist Missionary Union, one of
the zealous brethren offered to sell one of bfa slaves
for two hundred dollars, if the buyer would end
him to Africa to preach the Gospel among bfa colored brethren. No one esn question this dsvefaolding
parson's red, nor doubt tiw torching story the
slave-mfadonary would have to tell hte people. No
wonder tiw American Bifato Society dedined to fa
terfere in the question of slavery It numbered
hundreds of slaveholders among Ha published list
of member*. The falfinaiiii of than pious sieve
owners was indeed so powerful, that the weH-
known publishing firm of H.rper Brothers issued
an apology for having printed 0 work written by
8 ft   -AJMMrteWOnnwe
Haw could any af tite Churehes <
so mueh of their money es
*Wheadid the Christian Churches
i conditions?   A
elergynmn. the Bev. James Sraylie, writing fa defence of davery. put the ease in a nutshell:—
DeviL
if advertising    snd    appre-
vlew |p returning them to thetr
ef th* divine Uw. -am lithe
or holding; a slave for the sake of * sain
three-fourths
***':
ia eleven States at the Union   are   el   th*
They hold If they do not buy and sell slaves,
hesitate not te
in their power.
Even after sl.very had been officially destroyed
fa North America, at the coat of a long snd bitter
wsrvthe negro wa* still doomed to experience tiw
true nature of Christian brotherhood. 'Slavery
might Be abolished, but the odor bar and the color
prejudice, substantially unknown, as wc have seen,
to the Pagan world, remained. Laws that held
good for tiw white man do not hold good for the
black. Even when tiw law fails to discriminate,
public opinion does. An able and unquestionable
authority on tbe condition of tiw negro in the
United States, Dr. W. E. B. Du Bote, writing in
1911, thus sums up thc situation. In the Southern
States negroes can not vote, or thrir votes sre nan-
tralfaed by fraud; they tin fa the least desirable
districts and receive low wagn; they can not by
law marry whites; they can not join white ehurehn
or attend white colleges, white hotels, or place* of
publie entertainment; receive a distinct standard
of justin fa the courts, .nd en exposed to mob
tew; sre taxed for parks mid publie libraries whieh
they may net enter; ere often unable to protect
their faitnas from invasion and their savings from
excitation.  In tiw North, legal dfaabBitin do not
at hotels etc., snd te nude to fed liinwelf mi unde-
vVry much won might be anfal on the question
of Cfaristfanity snd slavery, but fa the nature of
Uaanwr **s*sssj*iPij aw *ssnis^nis*ja aasausa^a   sa^v sw nwrt*^*^BrwaswsassUBW awn sssassaaani  s*. sbssjbs*f
hwi already been said. And, truly, the can aaafast
Cbiiadankj fa plate and daaanfag . Never, esttueg
the whete of its fatetory, hn it spoken fa a steer
vein against slavery; always, es wa kaverseen, its
ta*   teeuth eentury>
They ban rited reBgfaw taaaUng fa ite
tiwy ban and ril tiw power of tiw Church** far
ite rn.mten.nre.    ivaturatiy, m a worw m wnwn
tiw 'vast majority am pnfseafaig . Cfarfatisns, be-
ucvers are to be found en the side of humanity and
But to tint the reply fa plain. Men an
before tiwy are Christian; both history and
experience point te the constant tetton of bow
many ease, the claims of "a eVnlopfag faumanHy
uisiilate. tbow of on inculcated refigteun teacsnng.
But the damning f aet aaafast Chrfatianity fa, not
(Continued on Page Eight) "
PAGE FOUB
•   l
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■ ,        .tf*mWmmm*
-r-,.r-   nrrv  r-.   .H
. THE RED I-aJhJG
.
E RID FLAG He Failed
n Ideas
A Journal of New* and Vtews Devoted to the
.••
WorkfagCtett.
Published When Circumstances snd Finances Permit
By The Socfalfat Party of Canada,      >
« 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
.■■   j„ * z
t- -
i... hi.ii v.
*>np IS a mad world if we fix our gaze on the sur-
X face appearance of things, but then fa method in the seeming madness if we search beneath
and mentally, grasp thon mysterious economic
forces whieh determine tiw great current, of his
tory.
"To understand fa to leave behind*' arid Hegel,
tite pbiloBopher. That fa true providing the materials an then with which to make the new departure. .
"An Army," said Napoleon, "moves upon ite.
stomseh," so it fa with society- Ite productive
powers must always provide the basis and tt make
possible an advance. As a matter of fact B baa el-
way, been the development of the economic powers
which has forced society forward. The growing
perfection of the moons of production lifted man
from among the brutes. And yet withal, though
man's welfare .nd progress depends On hfa productive powers being exercised to the full, we find
tiwt those powers can not be utilized to anywhere
near their fulhcapaeity today. Can not be utilized
to the full! Human labor power Hn idle asking
only that it may be put to work at the machinery
Of produetion to produce in superabundance the
thing, necessary for tin sustenance and enjoyment
of Hfe.
Of society's productive; capacity we had abundant evidenro during the war. Some twenty, thirty
millions of men Wen standing under arms, consuming and expending the products of labor at s tremendous rate on the far flung battle lines. The
floor of every ocean was being littered with sunken
cargoes Millions of laborers were withdrawn/ from
producing the necessaries of normal life to the pro-
' duction of munitions of war, and berides thfa, the
ranks of the unproductive parasites suffered little
if any diminution. Only in instances, the personel
wss changed. And still theremsining producers,
wen able to feed, clothe and shelter themselves
snd the rest of society.
Now that tiw waste of war has ceased, why ran,
not thfa great productive power of society he exer-
efawd to the toll T Thfa curtailment of productive
powers, this, to use the proper snd expressive term
, —this sabotage on society, why should it fact It fa
no'new problem. It ww with tt before the war.
Poverty of the material things of life amongst vsst
multitude, of tiw people, and fa erary city fa the
world, the unemployed and p»nper relief and tiw
breadline. It is an dd. dd problem. It is a problem whieh mete vitally effect* the lives of the people than all tiie other problem* which fan mankind, thte problem of eonneetfag the people whh
the mean, of Hfe.
■
Our ruling dam have ril the brain* in the world,
at least n we are led to believe, and tiwy are at
the helm with eB tiw economic and political power
fa their possession.  Where sre thrir economists ft)
tite press on things that do not mattert
We, of tiw working class, are told not to run nf-
wood, lay%stoue on stone. Well; fast for arguments
nke, granting that; there are minions asking fa
vain for tiw opportunity.  Come -
By their violent reactionary policies towards the
liberating movement, of Evolutionary Socialism, our ruling clan appears determined to
make history repeat itself by reproducing the violences whieh marked the attempt of the
reactionaries of Europe, in the latter half of the
eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, to suppress what might otherwise have been
a peaceful revolution. Their activities then, how-
ttcr, only resulted finally fa tiw suppressed liberating forces bunting all bonds and prohibitions
achieving their historic purpose in flaming .nd
troyfag revolts |gg
We hsve no hope- in the least, that that historic
lesson wUl have any warning for tiw ruling class
of this day, but a short account of the methods
used by the reactionaries of that former time may
be of interest to our readers now that we, ourselves.
Metternieh. first minister of Austria, from 1809
toA1848 ww the great man thon daya, the hope end
leader of European reaction and .muter fa the
art of secret treaty-making, and of political legerdemain in general »a ^
On the downfall of the greet Napoleon in 1815.
Metternieh waa from then on the meet influential
statesman in Europe. "When Napoleon fell,"
ssys the article on Metternieh fa tbe "Brittaniea,"
"then Wtt s prospect ef the fatrodncttea ef constitutional government throughout a great part of
Europe." But. "Metternieh's sdviee,
with every -gran of manner. . .* _
hard to accept by the rulers, far he simply
mended them to give up nothing tiwy had got It
waa at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (1818). that
the retrograde tendency, which was now succeeding
to the hope of 1815, first gained expression."
. A political assasrination gun the gnat atotoa-
msn an excellent pretext for oi-ganiring a crusade
against German liberty. "A enuferenn of mint-
men was held at Carlsbad. The King of Prussia
allowed hfa representatives to follow Metternieh **
lead. The resfatantann of the constitutional minor
states proved of no avail; and a series of resolutions was passed whieh made an end of the free^
dom of the, press throughout Germany, end subjected the teaching and the discipline of the TJni-
verdtin to officers of state."
Bow homelike and familiar ril that sounds to us
in Canada.
"The king of Prussia broke fate promfae of establishing a national representation, and satisfied hi*
conscience by creating certain powerless prorinria!
diets, exactly as Metternieh had recommended
Mm. (In our terminology, he ruled fay order-fa.
council.) Throughout Germany at large a system
of repression was carried against the advocates of
constitutions! right. The press wsa silenced; societies were dissolved; proneutiona became more
and more common."   (As fa Canada fa tite 20th
.).
"Whfle Metternieh
himself to be stiffing
men, thfa problem n you teU us, fays in your Province, nlve it! The diggers of ditches, tiw howett
of wood, the layers of stone on stone, thrir wine
snd their children ran enure yon, from bitter ex-
perienee, that tt te no shadow. And* n word—the
sand fa tiw gteat nnw lowl
Thon .Hystericus economic force, whieh drove
tbe world to war, ban through tiw war, revealed
to aa all the wonderful productivity of our labor.
The capitalist method of exploiting us fay wage
labor and the capitalist method of sceeunting"and
dividing up our surplus between the employer-
landlord-banker dan had hidden*from tt thfa productivity.' But now—our eyes are opening.
' We suggest u e practicd sotettou to strengthening the precarious hold of the masses of tbe people
on the means of existence, and to connect all wtth
tiie means of produetion who are wining to labor,
that they themselves ©ontrol those means of
duction and prodnre for use instead of for sate.
tf. «kft ml mmmMmm. Mm mm ia te dri™* ft v
fata men secret and violent courses, .nd eonvine-
aaasB.    ^.assus.^;*     as*w>*La    *sbsubbf*t    *****    w w* as^aess»^* a ^nej>ew^a*    *m*n     wvi *smssesvs^sT
must be sought not in the reform but in the over-
throw of gorernmente.''
Not done fa Germany, but ati over Europe, fae
"mliuwiiilsl fa instituting ri*f*"»»T measures.
The French Bevdution of 1880, however, shattered the morri fabric of hfa system of bureaueratie
•haolutfam. bat he continued to fight for tiw political order he built up until the revdutteu of 1848
when he fled, in dfagufaC. to England.
Be died fa June, 1868. a ''few more month, of
life would have enabled him to see the end of that  ■
politie.1 order which it was hfa fife work to up-
AfMOL    *     •    e '*** •      V
We take the following excerpts from .an artide
entitled "Metterniehs-Old and New," in the July
12 New York "Nation":
"He hated the Bevolution. He lavished upon it
a wedth of metaphorical denundation. It was'the
disease whieh urnst be cured.' 'the voleano which
must fae extinguished.' 'the gangrene, which must
be, burned out with a hot iron,* 'the hydra with
jaws open to swallow up the social eider.' He wss
tiw prophet of 'the reconstruction of the social order* .nd e 'durable peace based upon a fast divi-
•ion of power.* ** •
"To achieve hte win he used fate own remsrksble
powers of persusrion, ■aggntion. fatiwhtaHim Th.
svstem Be cuetod. at war with human nature, at
w*f *m***M^**mm      mmm*,    . mm<m «^^w«r^*«     WV   ; e^^Wm        ** m^***t  ■ **MWI***M*****m>     •^■W*B* ^*P        *****     ■ *
war with the human spirit, rested upon a meddlesome .nd ubiquitous police, upon ...borate esplon-
.ge. upon . vigilant censorship of new ideas, whjeh
was anplied to theatres, newsnenera books, scboris
•" mmmtm      ^lf-*-n*       Wrmm-        WWH 'a.*^H ■   ^^WV        **V T» mrm0mmwm0^mm, ^y        mW^mrWWWmMmmmt    ■ ^aF^^^ei^B^^aa^^^
books of a liberal character might not slip fa to nr-
rupt. Political science and history practically dfa-
appeared as serious studies- Spin wen .everywhere, in government offices, in places of amusement, in educational institutions. Particularly did
tins Government fear tite unirardties, because ft
feared ideas. Profeators and students wen sub- *
jeeted to hnmOisting regulations. Spies attended
lectures. The Government kept s Hst of bocks consulted by professors. Text-books were prescribed.
Ohvioudy under s system where there wss no freedom of teaching or of learning, setenn withered.
Intellectual stagnation was tiw prtee paid."
"He failed fa tiw end because, while fae could
imprison revolutionists, he could not imprison ideas.   .
mtmmmk^wm mm&^^mmm    a. m* w vaa«v*an«^awi    *mw*r    'mm ^mm^Mmwtt*'   mmrwrmM   mmmmmmw m ^wmrmmwmm.   ^^W^^^^^^ 1
He failed to understand the impalpable forces of
fate age.*'
And far our aire so shall the Metternieh. also fail,
even though the human family shaH have to win
through to e new freedom fa blood and tear*..
i.ij niij) in i ii
T
Three-fourtha of tiw negnn fa tiw United States
sre dfafrsaehfaed. Over two million negro man
nay tasn but can not veto.
,    •    •    •    •
The lwwapapers then daya read like the
tion out of bedlam.   Cheek by jowl, with
of peaee eehfaratteen, we hen nperta of the prog.
starvation blockad* of Sovtet Buaste. Ateo ear
aBy. Japan, sppmm to fae getting fat had odor.
*ffaan we have tiw ran riot, fa the facaw of liberty
and culture to the nulh, hunger riots fas Bnrupe,
ildfar rteta everywhere end strikes fa tiw
locality. Inrorreetien. en being wpprnsod fa
poBce and sddfary.
0, Peace* where an tfaouf Even thy ntebmte
earry a gun en tite hip. - .And the nlfajien sharks
justified war I They proaaised u. a apirttual i-«gcn-
erution through the blood-letting of the body politic, n their prototypn in eurgwy pronmwd a phy-
ded cue to our forefathers, geiwrations ego, in tiw
"d*raMe*"^pkjdral»cientt
It fa said, "there Is no Bend Bke a woman
scorned.'* What shall we say ef a people dfafl-
fawteiwdf Ne'titetett. before tiw dswn the dark,
and darkeat toe hour Won tt^eeake. a .- tf»a n,o„.ha mm te I - -«W-'
tbe job,
He wn of military bearing. Straightforward
wm his appearance: and frankness WW ptetund fa
the looks of hfau. So I ventured Uu the "real
work." % ■
"Don't you think," quoth I;"that it i* pretty
raw work to be fighting Russia, without even a declaration of wart"
A cold stare became evident.
Suspicion lurked twhind the glance shot at me.
Thc«;"Anyo«.«ttfaent".
I humbly submitted: "Not yet."
"Then." he brought out triumphantly, . "you
hsve not right to criticize."
"And," he continued, "I know your game;'yon
want to boost those Bolsheviks; let me tell you tiwy
are the lowest kind of trash. I've read about them,
and we can trust to Mr. Wilson to see they get what
fa coming to them."
Not so promfaing, eh?
Some job, Bo; believe me, and Fve seen some".
Well, tt I said, it was three moons ago. It took
heap big medicine, plenty sapping, mining, following up of stray scents. But the hunt, fa fascinating, and a veteran has learned much. He has acquired patience. He doesn't call hfa job-mate s
bonehead, and give it up If he has to work wtth
Scissorbillus-Americanus, and there is disharmony,
it must be removed: and surely, years of imbibing
knowledge has not been so unfruitful that arguments potent and convincing cannot be produced.
And more surely still: Probing the acreage of
discontent, with the ploughshares cf facte, must
have tended toe knowledge of psychology: if so,
what chance has the marked one! Anyway, the
house is going up, as we progress to the end of our
toeal ticket. We dug out the basement, and went
over toe dan struggle We raised the concrete
wall, and adorned it with joists and a wilderness of
scantlings.s«i! shtplsp. the while he laid sttentive
ears to a dfaqufaition on what the negro eafled"the
mysterious deception of history."
We are climbing .loft now on tbe rafters, and
perspiring fa the July sun, ss we hammer and
hofat; sad surplus vdue. unpaid labor time, com-
modity labor power, sre hecomin* familiar terms
to friendly ears at last.
Says friend job-mate, last wnk, "Go on, tril me
afl you eatt; it's meat and drink to me." And to-
day: "You wait and see, fa a year from now?
there'll fae none of these damned financiers left in
this man's land. If the European workfagman puts
Ha over you fact your Bfe we wfll, too."
Says I, "You'll do. but don't underestimate your
enemy, acquire knowledge, pan it along; make So-
ridfate, make 'em good and red, and soon we wfll
fae there."
FOB IT CAN BE DONR
JF*   5J,   Wm   '    m :
-•'.a - --a'--0:   e / B.---^-\ :■,.-.'.
stend far Tfate Bduestive Utentare
wmwm^mm   awn    aasaw   ma*mmmsnewnwu*   a*n amMassaunaui
The Communfatic Manifesto, at the rate of $8 per
_ 100.   Single eoptes 10 cents.
Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada . . fan
p.r 100.   Singte eoptes 10 orate.
Sian of tiw Farm . . $6 per 100.   Single count
10 cento.
Wage Worker and Farmer . . 06 per 100.   Single
copies 10 cents.
The Present Economic System, fay Professor W. A.
Bonger . . |fi per 100.   Single eoptes 10 cente.
Soddfam, Utopian and Scientific . . Single eoptes
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Capitalist Production, bring the first nine chapters
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IMt'.i'iWUAHi
'From "The Soetetist," Glasgow, June 12.) arfateeraey made an effort to retain the power they
were fast lodng, and when the props of feudalism
THE best indication of the collapse of a socfal    became insurmountable barriers, then   tite    crash
system is the ineptitude-and immobility of - came, and Cromwell sounded the death-knell of the
ita administering   institutions,   these   being   tbe   ffodal system, tite House of Lords receded into the
'props" by, and maintained.   When the system te  *fau*ground, and the House of Commons assumes
irst place.
, The obsolete institution* wen smashed up,   and
ten; institutions brought into bring. A Bevolution
' been acomplished. and   a system   of factory,
owner   and   factory-worker—employed   and
ployee—exploiter and exploited—was
healthy, its institutions operate with thc smoothness of a well-oiled machine, and there exfate that
harmonious response between "the socfal requirements" and thrir "mesns of fulfilment," which fa
the only true criterion of fitness.   Under* such circumstances system* progress, developing and en-
tending thrir organisation   with :tn; ari'aptabiltty those "get/' who d&     * *aurn"
whieh enables them to withstand the moat violent   and those who "earned" did not' "get"
shock* from natural caa^hu* pmviduig an anti-      -j*** ^ ^;.>j M ^ ^ t^n the
dote to Bevolution.                                                  Mftfe**^^
When a system is thoroughly   estabiiahed    not    undoing.   A socially unequal arrangement of things
was established, and waa from thst momentforedoomed to disaster. All drastic and rapid serial
changes produce germs of discontent, but where the
change fundamentally produces socfal equality,
then "ferment" is desirable, and the "germs of
discontent" become the safety valves Of the sy-
Tbfa latter plays a prominent part in affecting stem, where, if once attention be but paid to the
social changes, and its standard of fitness   with   a    item, of discontent, with suitably created   institu-
'."■:<
only do all institutions, which would act and operate healthily, bear as their hdl-ma rk, the character of the system, but there is also a corresponding change fa the ethics, morality, and general
standard of living of the people,-which constitutes
S particular culture.
..
particular system  registers the degree of healthy
vigor Of that system. r*<^
These facts are almost invariably overlooked or
lost sight of by most of those who attempt to explain industrial unrest, political discontent, or a
general social ferment—and hence the remedies
proposed are just about as dispelling as their diagnosis fa disjointed.
Insofar as there has. since the days of Primitive
Communism, never existed that "harmonious response between Socfal Requirements and their means
of fulfilment," it follows that the various socid
systems were inevitably doomed to collapse, and,
verily, "carried within their womb the seeds of
their own destruction.
Thus did the patriarchal system fade into the
realm of time, to be followed soon afterwords by
feudalism. And in so far as capitalism failed - to
profit by the misfortunes of its predecessors, sbout
the only thing it did not profit by, toe first stone
of its very foundation will prove to be the rock
upon which tt will perish. " Where there exists a
serially unequal arrangement of things, there fa
bound to also exist a simmering ferment of discontent, which wfll ank expression at every opportunity, and the more aggravated the inequality fae-.
comes, the more intense wfll be the expression.
In this respect it fa interesting to observe the
progress of the present system of capitalfam. When
fa this country they adopted the manufacture of
Wool, the effect, of thfa change were manifold. The
importance of the landed aristocracy began to
wane, and a trading or merchant dam soon came
to the front. Factories were set up, which attracted the village laborers and transformed them from
aofl sieves into wsge slaves towns grew up around
the factories, and superceded the villages. Natural
motive power wu supplsnted by artifice! motive
power, and adeem waa manufactured to take the
place of water and wind—to be followed later by
electricity.
And wfafle nope for then change* wm accorded
the nwrefaante, and obsolete inatitotknw did not bar
the way of development, ril wtt wefl; but when the
j" '"'.■"    ' ,  "' '   ■''''"■'■'■■"-"- "«■'' ' '<' ■'■'■' '/'«■' '      '<■".'—s-ft '
cover, SO cents;   doth bound. $1.00.
p
Kdcfaak, Autocrat and Tyrant.   The actual story
of Kolchak and his methods told by sn American
ontetel recently returned  from  Siberia.   With
this fa faduded, Anti-Bolsheviks and Mr. •Spargo,
by William Hard.   Taken, with apologies, from
the July 9 "New Bepublic"      $6 per 100.   10
cents per single eopy.
Postage Paid.
a
Make dlMoney Order, payable to C. Stephenson,
101 Pander Street Beet, Vancouver, B. C.
tion. built to deal with the item.*, and administer
the system, then soundness end adaptability should
result, and consequently progress of the system. As
it was, capitalism lacked this stabilizing equality;
and, wfafle in the beginning Parliament functioned
somewhat effectively as the sounding-board of the
system's health, and "practitioner" doctoring the
social ills, time developed these ills into a general
social cancer, demanding a surgical operation, snd
the "sounding-board." became Very indistinct, issuing nsught but discords. Grievances abound-
which go unremedied, accumulate, and thua accentuate, the discontent. The people demand
Moral Bights, Justice, but their cries pass unheard. The system has fallen put of proportibn,
even with tt. own culture, and the can. of Psrite-
ment aw "stopped."  v
, And ought they not to be sot Was not Parliament born to administer capitalism, and while Parliament is the maintainer of capitalism, fa not capitalism tbe edifice upon which it stands to do itf
Can thrir Parliament legislate the edifice from under its own feet without crashing to the ground tt
a consequence f AU the political, juridical, and social institutions of today take their stand upon
capitalism, administer capitalist dictum*, capitalist
law*, and maintain capitalist supremacy.
The ineptitude of Parliament fa the bankruptcy
of capitalism, and fan far as the Socialist movement is concesded, Parliament can only have an
agitational value to it.
From our system of acrid equality will spring
the suitable institutions of administration, end the
advent of Soeidism will render Parliament the
playground of the sad, and, mayhap, well-meaning
politidans, whose eyes became ap blinded with
concentration upon Mr. Speaker tiwt they were
'unable to an the trend ef thc times.
To us Parliament rentreltatt and concentrates
the strength of capitalfam morally, white the workshop concentrates H eeeewewnBy, and ta periods of
crises the populsr will of dtenntent connrgn
round the former, tearing tiw pertieular industrid
or ttrid fanws dependent upon the portieuler pro-
offered solution by Psrtfament
When the sghation te formidable, and the Psrite-
mentary reply formidable afao fa tt* power of re*
sfatanre and the summoning ef its armed *nd physical forces, might not that, tkeir strongest action,
be one day thrir weakest tactic snd tiw action
whtefa wfll fan tiw flame ef Bevolution! We admit
of ft* possibility, snd arrange our sgttattenal nope
accordingly- Apart from tfate, Parliament to an
has no ether essential virtue. * our constructive
policy te based upon eeononne freedom, and our
tactic deteimfaed fay the need, of the essential
Serial Bevolution. ABTHUB MeMASTS.
-'if-tilM
. i
>-\
■
As Preliminary to a Consideration of the
Properties and Functions
■mm
h~4is
. ■
t
•   •
■M
The production of commodities, while typical of   rather" than on territorial considerations, the laws
the capitalist system fa not peculiar ta that system    and customs applicable as between member, of the
but has existed in nme form or another during the
whole historical period and, no doubt, for ages,
anterior to thst period. What, however, distinguishes the present system from the form* of society which preceded it fa that commodity-production and exchange fa the dominant mode of the
distribution of products, wfafle fa esrlier societies
it was merely incidental to end existed riongaide of
the prevailing mode of distribution.
■ The fancy pictures drawn of primitive life fa
whieh the savage te represented as exchanging ny
a bow gnd arrows for a den and in which each
party calculates the time fae took to produce the
weapon or to capture tbe game, are not warranted
fay the facte. There te no reason to suppose that
any such idea ever entered the savage mind. In the
first Plan, the proceeds of the chase were not regarded as being the private property of the fa-
dividual and wen distributed man or less equdly
tribe were not held binding beyond thrir boundaries or in relations with strangers. For this reason all kinds of sharp practice wen deemed admissible fa trading and as the ancient traders were
not averse to a little piracy or kidnapping when occasion offered, it fa not surprising that neither the
traders themselves nor the occupation they followed were held in any Ugh repute. A consideration of the modern business man would seem to
confirm tfate view. It is, no doubt, owing to thfa
sentiment thst the word "bourgeois," innocent
enough fa iteelf, has always been considered more
or less ss a term of reproach. Thfa* I take it, fa
why the early Socialists were so fond of using ft.
Hen, then, we have the beginnings of. commodity
production. At first there is production for use
only; then the surplus, if any, fa disposed of;
finally we have goods produced for the express
purpose of exchange.   This process, however, can
among the members of the tribe according to their   not go on very far on the lines of pun barter  and
needs. > we very soon find some one commodity, segregated
On the other hand, primitive man haa an objec-   out from tbe others and performing the functions
tion to parting with anything he has made, say a
weapon or personal ornament; these being regarded as in some way part of himself, so much n,
that when he died titty wen buried with him. I
am aware that a religious explanation baa been
given of the latter act- but it fa probable   fa thfa
of a measure of value and a circulating medium. It
is important to note that time functions may be
performed fay different commodities, that is, one as
a measure of value and the other as circulating
medium. This process goes on spontaneously and
more or less unconsciously, stimulated by the very
can as fa many others, that later age* have placed   red disadvantages of the barter system.
a Spiritual interpretation upon an act having" a
much simpler explanation. However, this may fae,
it fa likely that we have here the origin of thc idea
of property and,' if 'so, a confirmation of tiw view
which bsses the right of property on production
rather than on possesrion. fa any caw the savage
has no idea of time and little if any of value and
such exchange as took place would not therefore be
based on any such consideration. There fa considerable probability fa the view that" the interchange
of products arose out of tiw practice of giving pre-
rents, which being reciprocal, a feeling grew up
that the presents should be equal in value or,
rather, equal in derirsbiiity. As a matter of fact,
we should not expect exchange of commodities to
take place to any great extent, until the right of
property was firmly established and considerable
advance bad been made in the division of labor.
We find, therefore, that barter, that fa to say.
the direct exchange of products grew up not within the primitive societies, hut on their confines. The
tribes? adf-nntained and   nlfaupp^ nafly
formed the units of anrient society end between
thon units, though generally supposed to bavc
been more or leas hostile to each other, a certain
amount of trade took pteee. A plan wn often nt
apart fa the neutral ground between the trifaal tar-
rttoritt at which the trine could meet Thte plan
it appears, wn eriled the "mark" and our word
"market" fa supposed to have tfate derivation. The
goods traded In would naturally be sueh as could
not, for geognitfateel or climatic l-enous, fae produced fa the district to wntefa they wen farougfat
We con, for instance, imagine the members af one
trifao bartering certain natural pigment* or tiw
of certain birds only found fa their terri-
The*e disadvantages are. generdly described as:
(1) Tne inconvenience arising from the lack of
coincidence in barter.
(2) The indivfaibflity of ordinary goods.
The first difficulty in barter is to find two persons whose disposable possessions mutually Suit
each others wants, for before barter can be effected a double coincidence must take plan; the
possessor of a certain commodity -must not only
find nme one willing to acquire thc object fae possesses but thst nme one must be able and willing
to give him in return precisely the object he wants.
Even should thfa take plan then fa a third improbability—that the articles wfll be of equal value.
This brings us to our second disadvantage. Many
commodities are naturally indivisible, such as a
coat or a sheep. The possessor of such a commodity must pert wtth tt as a whole, while the
articles he wants may be of much leas value individually and to be obtained from various people.
The una of nme special commodity tt a medium
of exchange don away with these difficulties and
separates the set of barter into two distinct operations, sale and purchase.
We shall next   consider the   money-oom-
modity, ite propertfas and functions.
GEGBDIE.
AUnTBIAS FBOOBAM  OF fasOOIAIJBATIOB.
(Specid to The Christian Setenn Monitor from ite
Washington News Office)
WASHINGTON, District of ("olumbia.--A statement fay the Austrian Government eennrning the
socfalixation program has been received hen. The
tory for aome spaetel atone, useful for weapons or government, tt ssys, purpose* to serialise tiw coal-
tools, only found in the district fakabtted fay some raining industry snd thc whdenle coal trade, the
other tribe. The named or wuiderfag tribn wen extraction of iron on and production of pig iron,
probably the first to develop tradingto any extent the dectrical industry, exploitation of water power,
end, later on fa fatetory we find nations, m*\ w the
Phoenidsna, who lived by tfate means and founded
cities such ss Tyre, Carthage end Cadis for this
purpose. These people, however, wfafle fa sudent
society, were not of it, so to spesk. Further, inasmuch as the snetent nations wen based on kinship
forestry and the timber trade. Then waa talk of
ttcteflsfag the chemical industry. Special mca*
sures were planned for dividing the gnat estates,
legislation to make effective there nfaenwe fane
been drawn, but no steps hsve been taken to make
tt effective. >
MiHtartete Iiisfating an the  Bumtea War
Wish of Mantes
COPENHAGEN, June 20.-Thc Central Committee of the Social Democratic Party of Finland have
issued the following appeal:~
Ffamfah mffitarfat and Imperialist circles, which
were formerly supporting themnlve* on Germany,
an now endeavoring to obtafasttaport on the ear.
resporiding circles of the Entente countries, fa
seeking to provoke a participation fay Finland fa
against Russia,
participation would   have disastrous
consequences for Finland, because under cover of
a state of war reaction would succeed in retarding
which
h
the coming of greet   democratic   reforms
would otherwise be at hand.
The Finnish Social Democracy, with the enormous majority of the people, wishes to continue fa
peace its work of civilization, but then efforts
would be prevented by the militarists, who pretend
that it is necessary for Finland to take part in tiie i
war on behalf of the Entente.
The Entente Governments have rather encouraged than discouraged then views.
We beg tbe Socialist Parties of tiw Entente council
tries to do everything possible to obtain from their
Governments an assurance that they will not insist
on any participation by Finland in military opera*
tions, and to put no pressure on Finland.
DISSOLUTION OF THE PBOLETABIAN
FAMILY
——^_-.-
• «t
'Socialists are charged with the intent to abolish
the family, but those who do destroy the family
bonds—who not only mean lo, but actually do destroy them right under our eyes—are not the Sodsl-
fats, but the Capitalists. Many a slave holder has
in former times torn husband from wife and parents from children, but the Capitalists h.ve improved Upon the abominations of slavery; they
tear the infant from the breast of ita mother' and
compel her to entrust it to strangers hands. And
yet a society in which hundreds of thousands of
such instances are of daily occurence, a society
whose upper classes promote "benevolent" institutions for the purpose of making easy the separation of the mothers from their babies, such a
society has the effrontery to accuse the Socialists
of trying to abolish the family, because they, baaing thrir opinion on the fact that the family hss
ever been one of the reflexes of the system of production, foresee that further changes in that system must aln result fat a more perfect family relationship."
KAUTSKT.
CITIBS BEOAPTUBED BT THE BO"OraBVIBX
(Special cable to The Christian   Sdence   Monitor
from ite European News Office.
LONDON, England, (Sunday.—The War Offtee
announces ineresring Bolshevist counter-attacks
against General Denikin'■ advance in south Bussia,
particularly near Bdashov, Bobrov and eonfhwest
of Kharkoff, near Valid. The Bofalwriki hen re-
captured Balaahor and Bobrov. Volunteers are,
however, successfully enlarging tkdr hold on the
western bank of the ."fiver Duteator and an fighting 40 mile, northwest of ESksterinoday.
. m
The recent serious rising of the Egyptian* aaafast
the .British rule fa arid fa be due to the nonfulfil-
ment of secret trestin nude by Sir Edward Grey
wtth leprnentstive Egyptians, guaranteeing tiw
complete independence of Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and Arabia on the condition that the Egyp-
tian Committee would use ita powerful influence to
prevent any aasfatance Iwfag given to the Turks
during tiw war. The Egyptian Committee carried
out tts part of the bargain, but the British Govern-
ment refuses to fulfil tts contract Chattel Slavery In Ante
Journal of New and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class
VOL. 1   NO. 27
-■■■
VANCOUVER B. C, SATCBDAY, JULY 26, 1919
" ftssft»|s^s**»s
FTVB CENTS
Labor Power
"Labor should not be regarded merely as a conn
modity or article of commerce."
'.'Thfa sentence fa the work of a'World Legislature' ritting at Paris; the italics are supplied by
HKn of the American Federation of Labor,
whose attention fa for the time fixed upon a word.
It appears that the American labor delegates took
with tiwm to Paris tbe positive assertion of the
Clayton Act that 'the labor of a human being fa not a
commodity or an article of commerce'; and in Parfa
the positive was exchanged for an equally emphatic
negative.   Thus the Fifteenth point"
Thus the Opening paragraphs of an article entitled, "Trades Unionism and the Control of Industry," in the New York "Dial," of July 12.
The article proceed, effectually to prove, by taking actual conditions fa America, that Clemenccau**
m fa the more correct one, and also that Mr.
WE again take the opportunity of urging dl
our readers to support thedefence of their
fellow-workers now undergoing their prelyninary
trial in Winnipeg. Not Jem than the labor official.
do the arrested foreigners also require help. Some
of them are Russians and should they be deported
they will be sent to Kolchak and to certain and horrible deaths. There fa nothing surer than tiwt, and
the authorities know it, but they will deport them
without compunction. It depends on your efforts
whether then men can be saved.
Comrade Victor Midgley. secretary-treasurer of
the British Columbia collecting agency, informs us
that contributions are coming in good from this
province and will be acknowledged from time to
time m the B.C. Federationfat, T^i.P. of C. fae.
already circularized the Cou'ri^l^lul'*fa'Vpa1tibn
to thfa another circularwill also be sent out undo,
the joint auspices of the O. B, U., the B. C. Federation of Labor^ Vancouver Trades and labor Coun-
dl, the Federated Labor Party, the S, P. of C, and
other working class bodies in Vancouver.,
time for action by the workers; any unnecessary delay wfll make the matter more serious.
"Hoping this appeal will awaken the sympathy
and rally the support of every working man and
woman in the Dominion and the U. S.,
'' Yours fa anticipation of support'
"JAMESLAW,
"Secretary Defense Committee.
Send sll moneys, if posrible, by cheque, money
order, postal note or by registered letter to the
respective treasurers of*, the following collecting
agencies:
British Columbia Agency:—Victor Midgley,
Postoffice Drawer 879, Vancouver, B. C
Alberta Agency.—A. Broatch, 1203 Eighth Avenue East, Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency :—E. BobinspU, Secretary Trades and Labor Council, Winnipeg, Man.
uuit'b  ior  "faitj
lata it ss
SUCh,'
The Clayton Act mentioned, embodies the fdlar
eiou* Gomperian formula merely to protect or-
gsrixed lafaer against the Sherman Act and its pen-
aHies against combination in restraint of trade.
But, ss tiw article prints out, "Under the protection of thfa safeguard labor fa still handled as a
eommodhy. and will continue to be so handled as
long as the American Federation of labor cherishw
it* traditiond national craft-union policy."
Tt appear, that the Wording of the formula as
token to Paris by the American labor delegates Wtt
altered after they had left for home again and
without thrir sanction. Henn. the flurry at the A-
F. of L. convention in Atlanta when attention was
first railed to the alteration
Evidently tbe old fogies in Paris knew more of
the economin of wagorlabor than the A. F. of L,
officials know or pretend they know, bnaun, a.
the formula stands amended in the, Peaee Covenant, it fa a tseit acknowledgement of tbe fad that
labor (i.e.. labor-power) fa a commodity, though
contained ta.tin? renovated formula fa a sentimental ethical appeal that it ''should not be regarded
merely" as such. The wfly elder-statetunen at
Paris knew, of course, that there fa no sentiment fa
business, but they abo knew thrir uncritical, gullible constituents. Anyway, the amendment fa a
dsp to the fan for the "laborwpower fa not a eem-
roodity" fakers.
We un tiw word "fakers" with certain reservations. Some of the upholders of that theory must
be dassed aa boneheads. The author'of the artide
fa the "Dial*' mentions it as being said, that a member of the executive council of the A. F. of L. made
k union-label speech in Busda after the Bevolution.
Ha! Ha!
The author of the artide surveys the recent developments and tendencies in the organised labor
. cement In the 0. S. A ;nd Canada; and devdops
m the
with the
We append below part of a drooler :
secretary of the Central Defence Committee in Win
Secretary D. E. C. Sodalist
or Canada.
Winnipeg, July 14,1919.
"To AH the Workers of Canada and the ITnited
States:-- f
"Greetings:
". . : No worker who fa active in the labor move,
ment or any other movement, that dares to eriti-
efae the government or the profiteers fa any longer
safe in Canada., At any time the charge of sedition may be brought against you and the power of
thfa Immigration Act brought into play. It fa up
to you as wage earner, to protest against tins infamy Tt might be your turn next. Do all in your
power to get your fellow workers to take action.
Thousands of petitions are being circulated throughout the country—see that you get them, have them
filled and sent to the Minister of Justin at Ottawa,
"Thon brothers not of British nationality are
still eonflned to jail and may be railroaded out of
the country without baring a fair jury trial unless
the workers make a most emphatic protest Thousands of dollars are needed immediately so that the
brothers who have mode the sseriflee may get tiw
best available counsel to conduct thrir trial; Send
along your donation a. soon ss possible, and get
your fellow workers to do thrir share. In this way
yon wfll not only be helping the men who stood up
for justice, but you wfll also be helping the'whole
working clam movement. The action already taken
by tbe authorities te s direct blew to every organisation that te agitating for better social, economic
and T^ollticri ecisxBticm* fa Can»d*.     Now fa the
^4^MIM—^^.WW^ I ii' i ilwfa^a^.WWW^aU^p^— i i, ' mm**mmmm
• <   '       '   "' "      ;" V   "" '   » ■'.»" »■"■-. !■    ■■  a -in
the coneludon tiwt the workers are moving hi the
direction of eliminating the commodity-status of
human labor power, by preparing to assume the re-
spondbflities of control over the means of production
ITALY
An Italian jtnwurifat, writing fa the New York
Nation," say*. "in rt^ to ItoJyi wt fad she fa
fa a worn pligbi than any other country. Whan
tfae national wealth fa mortgaged for more than
Ihree-uwitora, and the people hsve not enough re-
Hourees to extinguish or diminish the public debts,
but must pay for their interest and for the increased
expensn of the budget, no living nun would dan
to deny that sueh an economic and fadustrid ritua-
tmn bespeaks very dark days for Italy. So the
country which entered the war to break the fam>
dage. of diplomatic and financial davery of the
Central Empires, and to redeem her sons beyond
the Alps, having apparently accomplished these
uwrvdous deeds, will be strangled fa another way
fay her ruinous imperialistic policf. Whichever
ramedy the ruler* of Italy wfll resort to, it wfll be
s cajolery which tfae working classes, alert watchful, anxious to apply their radical programme, Witt
denounce aa a policy of deceit end continuous misery foi themselves snd thrir kind.
——    I m .-  ,
ATB490ITIBB
Investigation into charge, of cruelty of United
States onleere to soldier* fa prison camps are to be
investigated A horrible condition of affairs has
been revealed at a preliminary hearing before a
eemmtttee of senators, of men tortured and beaten
to s pulp wtth blackjacks. F. W. DaBfager, representative from Mariachusette, ehareeterfaed tiw
ofnenees ***ss 'horror.' that hark back to barbarism." The senator evidently never heard of lynch-
in. ben fa the land of dollar culture and dollar
diplomacy.

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