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BC Historical Newspapers
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.*'.' .' f^pm:s ra^p -'•■ -mEREDFlilC "ssi(b*ib*bT "ss*sss*W errnan -1M7E publish the following, knowing it . V V of interest to the workers fa thfa country ss to the progress the German workers are making towards the concepts and practices of the indmP trial revolution, a* distinguished from the merely political revolution, whteh haa little or nd effect on thrir livn unless accompanied by tiw other. liberal or Conservative, Bepublican or Democrat or Coalition, ''so shall our daya in one aad tenor run" of economic slavery to capital. The Ebert 'Government. Socialist so called, has fought just as hard against the admittance of the Councils of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Councils' as an integral part of the German constitution as any but and out capitalist government, say the Canadian, could have done. However, to ourennrpto.— r, . . . One of the chief reasons for the abortive general strike in Berlin from March 3 to 8, and the subsequent (second) Spsraefat rebellion, was the dilly-dallying of the Government in regard to giving the council system a place fa the Constitution; demand for which was by'this time general even among the Majority faction. On March 3, the day tiw strike was called, the Government publicly promised to yield to the demand. Two days later the Vor warts printed another pr'on unci anient o. Outlining the governmental plan for anchoring the council system. According to thfa and subsequent announcements, Article 34a of the Constitution would provide for the election of "workers' councils" (Arbciterrate,) endowed with rather amplified trade union functions. These councils would be in charge of general labor interests and welfare, and would have consultative powers in the management of enterprises. Furthermore, the proposal provided for "economic council*" (Wirtsehafts- rate,) in which workers and employer* are to be represented "equally." These economic councils .re to be charged with supervising production; tiwy have the right to initiate legislative measures, but otherwise they do not infringe on the sovereign power of tiie political Parliament. The ennomie councils of the realm elect a central economic coun- \dl, with jurisdiction over tiie entire country. Tufa msy be consulted in industrial questions by tiw Legislature. The socialization of plants through the tostrumentality of councils fa expressly refused. This plan was a long shot from the straight Soviet system advocated fay the Independents, snd even from the more moderate Lsbor Chamber plan —a compromise between Soviet and political"democracy—sponsored by K.lfaki. .Naturally, the Independents were dissatisfied - and ronttouedy their, agitation. .All this was, no doubt* excellent sport, but essentially nothing more; snd the four first days passed without transacting real business. Even tiie report of the Executive Council, submitted byLefaert, was forgotten. "Die principal item on the programme wm finally reached at tie fifth meeting when the two reports on "anchoring'* tiw council system were submitted by the official "referents," one, in behalf of the Majority Socialists, by Julius Kalfaki and Max Cohen, chairman of the Executive Council; the other, fa behalf of tiw Independent Soetelfato, by Ernest Daumig, one of tbe party's intellectual leaden. The Coheh-Kaliski protect fa by fur the most da- faerato and ambitious scheme for making the Soviet idea an integral part of the German Constitution. It take* up tbe suggestions of organisation laid down in the government proposal, but carritt them further and develop* them along both trade-fadus- trfal and po.itira1-grogroph.cd lines. It provide* for "economic rouncflsv'* embraring ddegstes of workers, office employees, snd managers, to be organised fa each plant. Then councils are to super- vtee production. Economic eoundls* fa the same branch ef industry are linked together in district- ' province, and state eeonomk councils, the whole edifice topped by a central economic council repre senting the particular industry of the entire country. the resolution, in contrast to the Government scheme, declare*, moreover, that "-the- economic council fa the fundamental structure of socialization" in the particular industry. Thus by an ingenious, if rather obvious, stroke, tiw Cohen-Kdfaki proposal undertakes to solve simultaneously the two outstanding problems of national that of nstrnisl'tstvui or socialization, industrial representation. -Now for tbe political aide. All economic councils of a given geographical unit—a municipality, for instance—elect representative* to a "chamber of labor" of the unit; tite same fa done in the district, province, state, and finally in the entire country. Thfa central chamber of labor, elected by the councils of tiie whole nation, becomes a Second Chamber co-ordinated with the Parliament, or tt the latter fa called here, tiie People *s Chamber. The former fa representative of the producers, the latter of the consumers. The Chamber of Labor "has legislative initiative in industrial and ennomie questions: above all, in matters" of socialization. The People's Chamber haa similar initiative in more strictly political and in cultural matters. A bill becomes law only if adopted by both chambers; but if one Is adopted successively in three yean fay the People's Chamber, it becomes a statute over tiw veto of the Chamber of Labor. Both chambers have the right to call a referendum. Finally, the Cohen-Kaliski proposal provides for "anchoring" the trade union system. It states that the unions are associations of workers in a particular calling to conduct collective bargaining with employers' associations. In any one plant the union fa represented by the "works' council" (Betriesrat) The entire machinery is extended to "as to workers. It will be noted that the fundamental difference between this project and the plan spomwr- ed by the Government fa that while in tiw fatter tiie Chamber of'Labor fa connived as merely a consultative adjunct to Parliament, in the Cohen- Kslfaki scheme the two bodies sre put on sn almost equal footing as organs of tiw National legislative. On the other hand, the Cohen-Kaliski proposal differs radically from the resolution submitted at the1 same meeting by tite Independent Socislist Daumig, who characterise&riw former as a "miserable compromise," since ij| leave* toe instrument of political democracy intact. At any rate, Daumig's measure hss the virtue of extreme simplicity. It provides for workers' eoundls to take charge of political management, and works' councils, to handle economic-industrial affairs. The representatives of the worker*' eoundls unite in a Con- grew of Soviets, whteh fa the supreme political instance. It supplant, the National Assembly, and has the right to appoint and remove tiw people's commissioners, who take the plan of tiw Ministry. Only workers posses* the right to vote and to participate in public affairs; the employing dam te ex- cluded, although fattellectual worker, .re recognised en n fully esjhal' footing with the proletariat. fa a word, Daumig *s system provides far the dictatorship of'the proletariat and the eatahlfahment of a Sovtet republic, bat rather on the Hungarian .than the Busrian model. /It differ, from the latter by endowing the tatelleetual clam with full righto wtt taken, the Cohen-Kaliski scheme wm adopted braced the employing claw. However, when a vote almost unanimoudy—five Democrats registering the only votes in opposition. The seventh and last meeting of the Congress waa taken up by the address of Karl Kautsky, one of the greatest of living Socfalfat scholars, on tha subject of sodalintion. The address waa read by Mrs. Kaufaky in the absence of her husband who was ttl. It introduced a resolution declaring that socialise-. tion is a process indispensable for the welfare of the proletariat, ths substitution of production fay snd for the commonwedth instead of capitalistic production for profit However, he declared, headlong socialization has dangers no ten than the eon-'' ttauation of capitalistic economy itself. Three fee- tors must co-operate in a serialized state: the workers, the consumers, and the technical scientific experts. To disregard any of the three would be fatal. "Socialization don not mean simply the expropriation of capitalfam and of the great landed proprietors, but also a reorganization of the entire economic life. . . This ran not be achieved in a summary way for all branches of industry, or without preparations. Ijt must proceed step by step, and it will take years to carry if* out in full'* > "'.<< ■"■('"" ... •, ;. ,,.;,■,.„ i. One of.the chief witnesses for the prosecution in the preliminary trial of the labor officiala was asked by the crown prosecutor what wtt his opinion of the effect of the speeches, at certain labor gath- erings, on the audience. The lawyer for the defence objected to such questions as very leading, but was over-ruled. Evidently the opinions of secret service men an to count aa evidence. COUNTBY POOB AS A OHUBOB WOBDn*BFBI. **&***** VK. JEWELS Sir Auckland Geddes recently .said that tl try fa as poor as a church mouse. The priee are being realized at the sain of articles of luxury hardly confirm this view. The diamond trade te having unparalleled prosperity. The De Been Diamond Company has just declared s dividend of 80 per cent, for the year, as compared with 50 pair cent, for the previous year. Fine jewels from various sources, all anonymous, one day last week realized £163,114 at Christie's sale. The outstanding, feature was s pearl rope, composed of 315 well-matched and graduated pearl, of the finest orient. The bidding for thfa started at £20,000 and fell at £41,500. All the war profits sre apparently not going into the War Loan.—"The Labor Leader CBe-TTEL SLAVBBY DT AMEBICA (Continued From Page Five) that if found slavery here when it arrived, arid accepted it a* s settled institution, not even that it fa plainly taught in it* "sscred" books, but that it .deliberately created a new form of slavery, snd for hundreds of yrara invested ft with . brutalfty greater than that whieh existed eenturie* before. A religion whteh could tolerate tins slavery, argue for it, and fight for it, can not by Sny stretch cf reasoning be credited with rn fafluenee fa forwartl- ditfwinirj *vrt*4kr firj^f*f*-*---Tf *•>"■»»%-*** ing emandpation. Chrfatisntty no more *bolfabed davery than it abolished witchcraft, the belief te demonism, Or punishment for heresy. It was the growing moral and social sense of mankind that compelled Christians and Chirtetiantty to give up •these and other things. As s system, Christianity wa* irrevocably com- l davery. That modern Cfhrfatfan* try to prove otiwrwhw, may be taken tt the other Indepeudent speaker*. In hfa speech, Daumig .censed tl of betraying the revolution and the interest of tbe proletariat, and of bring a mere.tool in tite hands of tiw exploiting i smmmmmmmmmffay Dr. Psfl^l harifa in behalf of workers' eeuncBs put y. eeonomte fumrtion*, the and put. an embargo on political activities. Tn,the dis- only one more instance of the disintegrating effect eusrion, the Cohen-Kdfaki plan was denounced by of new ideas and new institutions on old custom* tbe Independent?:, mainly on the ground that it era- and beliefs. ||"«1>:-V"';>*BBBBmsBBBBBBBBsmm - ■ 1 :^2i iofS*§ lotion of Russia <From tiw London "Common Sense," June 14.) ' •' ■ ■ ' ' ("Common Sense" is an organ of British Liberalism. Ite editor fa F. W. Hirst, late editor of -tiw ''Bconomfat") ' j ■ ■ - ' . . ■"'.•■■■'... TBB attitude of most commonsense English people about Bolshevik Russia fa one of suspended judgment. They fori they do not know. The etrority stories poured upon them fa the col* of the drily pre** hsve, constantly repeated five yean of war, first about Germans and rinee about Russians, lost thrir power to horrify because a doubt as to thc truth of what appears in the newspapers has penetrated the simplest mind. Ordinary people are rendered sceptical when n whole nation te described to them as dominated by a group of inhuman monsters, or w being fa the grip of a mord plague. No one can be unite so bad as the Bolsheviks sre painted. But how fa the ordinary newspaper reader to get at the facts! It fa now possible to put him in the Way of knowing some of them. Mr. Arthur Bansome was the Daily News correspondent in Russia during tiw early years of thc war; Ite saw the march, 1917, Bevolution from the thrilling days of its inauguration- and through the disappointments snd disillusionment* which followed on the failure of the Kerensky Government to secure peace and led to ite supersession by the Lenin regime; he saw the Bolshevik Government nt to work on the tremendous task of giving bread and peace to a starving. and disorganized country. After some mouths' ab- acnce in Sweden Mr. Bansome returned to Busste fa February and March of thfa year. He has just come back to Bngtend, fresh from thfa experience, and publishes; sn account of whst he saw, based in tbe main on a diary he kept at the time. Hfa book) simply entitled "Six Weeks fa Bussia,'' contains, we believe, more direct first-hand truth about Bus- ate as it is today than has yet been available. Mr. Bansome holds no brief for any party. He writes as sn observer, not as an advocate. Then fa no rhetoric, no flaming descriptions, no appeals, in hfa quiet and artless narrative. * He has been there; fan bn seen; and he puts before us what he has seen without comment. We ban called hfa narrative artless; but it fa the artlessness of the artist whose trained eye perceives, and whose skilled hand can convey the atmosphere as well ss thc bare outline of what he perceives. But what he shows te whst he has seen; not what he would like to aaa. Mr. Bansome has found that the Bolsheviks are human; that life under their regime goes on, despite thc terrible pressure of grinding hunger (due in large measure to our blockade,) in human fashion. He explains how thrir institutions an work- fag;, thc limitations to thrir pure theory which hare been introduced fa practice; tiw degree to which private cutcrprin still goes on. and what life looks ttke to the ordinary individual. He don not toll ue this; he shows it. And hfa page* will give tiw U ■s**ssuUi*s*a *mos **ma*m^*m *.. SB^svsiB^BS^ii^BS*asBBB ^awsB^aasBhssy anaaiH sbbbji *^^^aai *^ws^w tlwan whom effnrions wen published by the For- aign Office. Take, for faetann, fate dory of the man who before the war owned a leather-bag fan- ■ amimk^y. spssa *m^amani^^mwam^*^mm* . pvuuem s*. bs^bbbk amwrnmrnxmaj * es^-*^Bssem^mamassM *•**#. an undo. The undo, efter tha November Bevolution, aalted together all workmen, and propond that tiwy .mould font an arid or cooperative eorifty aad take the factory fate their hands, each man contributing a tfaeunnd roufaln towards tiw capital wtth which to run it. Of course, the Workmen had not got a thousand roufaln apteea, "undo offered to pay tt te for them, on the understanding that tiwy would eventually pay him back.*' This was illegal, but the Bttic town was a long way from the centre ef things, and tt seemed a good way out of the difficulty. He did not expect to get .' tt back, but he hoped in thfa way to keep control of the tannery, which he wished to deve- j lop. having a paternal interest in it Things worked very well. They committee of control. "Uncle wtt elected president, I was elected vice-president, and there were three workmen. We era working on thon linn to this day- They gin uncle 1500 roubles a month, me a thousand, and the book keeper a thousand. The only difficulty fa that that tiw men will treat uncle aa the owner, and thfa may mean trouble if things ne niona Uncle fa for ever telling them, 'It's your factor}', don't call me Master,' and . may reply, 'Yes, it's our factory all right, but yon are still Master, and tiwt must be.' ** Some people imagine that under the Bolsheviks aU forms of art has disappeared. Mr. Bansome tells us of thc wonderful futurist paintings, in vivid colorings, with whieh tiie hoardings are sometimes covered, and gives a description of a visit to the theatre snd another to the open. In Moscow, the theatre, opera, and ballet performances are crowded nightly: French, English and Russian classics are performed st a dozen theatres. At the opera, the whole audience was in everyday clothes. There were many soldiers, and men come straight from work. "There were a good many grey snd brown and woollen jerseys about, and people were sitting fa overcoats of all kinds and ages, for thc theatre was very cold.' "Looking from fan to face thst night, I thought then were very few people in the theatre who bad bad anything like a good dinner to digest. But as for their keenness, I can imagine few audiences to whieh, from the actor's point of view, it would be better worth while to play. Applause, like brains, hsd come down from the gaUertes." Of the actual performance I have little to say except that ragged clothes and empty stomachs seemed to make very little difference to the orchestra. Belter, the ballerina, danced as wdl before this audience as ever before the bourgeofaie. Aa I turned up the collar of my coat I reflected that the actors deserved all the applause they got for their heroism in playing fa such cold. Now snd then during the even- of opera generally, perhaps because of the contrast in magnificence between the stage and the shabby, intelligent audience. Now and then, on the other hand, stage and audience , seemed one snd indivisible. For'"Samsop and Delilah*' is itself a poem of revolution, and gained enormously by bring played fay people every one of whom had .seen something of the sort in real life. Samson's stirring up of the Israelities reminded me of many scenes in * Petrograd fa 1917, and when, at last, he brings the temple down fa ruins on hfa triumphant ' enemies, I wu reminded of tiw words attributed to Trotsky:—"If we an, fa tiw end, toned to go, we shall dam the door behind us fa such a way thst the echo shall be felt . throughout tiw world." Going home efterwards through tite anew, I did not sn s single srmed men. Aynr ago the streets wen deserted after tea fa the evening except by then who, ttke myself, bad work which took them to awetfaga and sueh things late at night They used to be empty except for tiw military tucket, round thrir log-fine. Now tiny wen full of foot-uaanngen going home from tiw theatres, utterly forgetful of the 1 fact that only twelve months before they hud thought the streets of Moscow unsafe after dark. There could be no auestion about tt. The revolution fa settling down, snd people now think of other matters than tite old question, Will tt Ittt one week or two? Mr. Bansome had a rerfas of talks with Lenin, whteh are extraordinarily interesting, 'gad wttfc tiw other iiniHintenriw, aad from fate pages - one redly get* some notion of how the whole thing But what one mrinly feds is that whatever ong may think of the sorial system, the people who en living under it, who have accepted it, ue human brings like ourselves, and that it fa mere wickedness "snd criminal folly to go on treating tbem u wild beasts with whom we can not negotiate Mr. Bansome'. book will, we believe, do much to convince everyone who reads it tiwt Mr. Churehill'a ateanmn war te utterly te^frailili At any rte, we commend it heartily to everyone who wanta to form en independent values the opportunity of making ap mind, and who-can appreciate a candid- and wdl done piece of literary work. "Six Weeks fa Buariu,'* By Arthur Geo. Allen and Unarm, 2s. acL net.) fate own SOCIALIST WAB POINTS (From the Glasgow "Fcwward** .'" ■ " " I spent an idle hour gtendng through Lord French's book, "1914," the other day, and for reward came across a passage which thc Capitalist Press reviewers, with singular accord, have forgotten to notice: . "The governing classes in Russia were saturated wtth disloyalty and intrigue in the most corrupt form.. Bet for their black treachery tite war would have ended at the latest fa the spring of 1917.** This is tfae gang now being subsidized wtth British money aad assisted by British troops. t And what becomes of the lying wheeze that Trotsky and Lenin were German agents? • • • • You remember when tbe Bailwaymen were asking for an increase in wages, and the Government announced that the railways under Government control during thc war had been run at a loss of from 90.000,000 pounds to 100,000,000 pounds 1 It wss a staggerer to the raflwaymen and to the . passengers, who thought that the war-time 50 per cent increase in teres ought soon to be taken off. • e • •.. a ■; It was a staggerer, but it was a LIB—a Government Capitalist LIE. The bogus figures 'were secured by allowing nothing on the income ride for Government traffic —stores, guns, munitions, soldiers* and sailors' transit. And as thc bulk of railway transit during the war was on Government account, and by the simple trick of crediting the railways with nothing for dl the Government traffic, there was secured a paper loss of from 90,000X100 to 100,000,000 / Listen to the Chairman of the Scottish Railway Stockholders' Protection Association (Mr. Andrew Macdonald) at the first annual meeting of tiw As- socfarioo (Glasgow Herald, 26)6(19: "The Transport Miiafater-elect, oa the second reading of fate BIB, quoted figure* which seemed to show that tin railways were being run melon to toe public of between 90,000,000 and 100,000,000 pounds per annum. 'Since that stahnsent waa made a White Paper bad been 'named by tiw Board ef Trade, which showed tiw net result of tiw whole nttuatipn to be that the Ocwersuaent under their tiw end of !91g of net ten* At Cfaristia's teat Friday, fa tiw Drummond collection ef pictures, a drawing by Turner of Zurich, by ntenteen inches, we. odd for tHO price iip innate the fav ; newer of* fee rich. \ rt ■ •.; Hi su p..- ■ Era R Interference in American affairs by agents of foreign governments baa attracted thc attention and aroused the indignation of thinking people of thte country. The last annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor held fa Atlantic City, deplored such condition, and encroachment upon the sovereign right of thfa nation. They vehemently protested against thc action of thc administrative authorities, threatening deportation of political refugees. .The executive council waa instructed to investigate the deportation proceedings against Hindus who sre working for the emancipation of India from British rule. Mr. Samuel Gompers, president, American Federation of Labor, ssys in part in a letter to the Friends of Freedom for India, located at 7 East Fifteenth street, New York City: "I have submitted the entire matter to the secretary of thc United States Department of Labor and will advise you as to whst fa done in the matter. I have strongly urged favorable action fa the matter. In a recent speech at tbe Pan-American Labor Conference, hdd fa New York. Mr. Gompers said: /'The American lsbor movement fans always stood for the right of asylum for political offenders. It fa true of Mexican refugees, of Irish refugees," of Polish and Russian refugees.*' He reminded the delegates that "only a few days ago the federation officially, protested against the deportation of Hindus to India, where they would most certainly be ■hot by the English authorities. This timely action of Mr. Gompers and the A. F. of L. fa greatly appreciated by all lovers of liberty and freedom. There are six of the Hindus held for deportation, and many more are subject to such action. '; *,...,,. a Ti. > ■ i C— -- - - tsntasn lntenerence. How foreign influence fa used to violet, the old American tradition* of granting asylum to political refugees will be evidenced from the brief statement that baa been presented to the secretary of the U. S. Department of Lsbor by Mr. Gompers. L The British Government spent $2^00,000 to convict the Hindus fa the San Franefaeo case. . J ■ * 2. The British brought, under guard, witnesses from India, China, Stem imd Java to testify against the defondsnts. In most of then cases, the witnesses bought their freedom or their live* in return for evidenn. 3. British Secret Service men, in charge of George Denham, came from India to assist fa tbei trid, snd helped complete and direct the can against the Hindus. Denham fa stiB fa thfa country, conducting his nefarious aetivtttes. 4. A British secret service man, named Nathan, waa very active fa implicating the Hindu, and Amariaan ritfacna. The British Consul fa New Tork placed a requnt with tiw court for eoptes of dl evidenn fa & British Consul fa San Franefaeo, A. Carnegie fa n letter offer* to supply th* United States suthorittes wtth sufficient information to deport the Hindu* fa esn the: information whteh he had already furnished was insufftetent. .. Innl Baton Pretest ** The Various local unions sre taking action to atop these deportations. Street Railway Employees No. 518, Millmen's Union No. 42, and Offtee Employees' Association No. 13,188, San Franefaeo, have already pawed strong leariutkm. agafaat tiw deportation of the Hindus and against the surrender of the American right of ssyhrm. With India's Cause. The Sons of Irish Freedom fa a State Convention held fa Son Francisco, July 6, 1919, animonaly the following resolution: Whereas, the United State, of it gained its independence from Great Britain fa 1778, extended the right of political asylum to countless European patriot*. Who fled wrath of tyranical guieiitemate, snd this hss been pursued without question till thfa date; mid, a Whereas, The People of India, fane tbe people of Ireland, bare been compelled by intolerable conditions, both economic and political, to challenge the right of Great Britain in preventing India from asserting her right to national self-government, and . Whereas, Many of then Hindus, forced to seek . refuge fa this country, sre now facing deportation proceedings, which, if carried out, will result fa their instant execution, India faring now governed by martial law; therefore Be tt resolved- that we, the delegates, accredited to this convention by the Irish Societies of California, do hereby emphatically protest against the carrying out of then deportations, end tiwt eoptes of this resolution be forwarded to the organisations represented here for their adoption and to the Senators snd Congressmen for the State of California, as well a* to the San Francisco daily press. The Friends of Freedom for India haa made an appeal to all the unions, various organisation, and others who desire to maintain the traditiond policy and principle of giving shelter to thc political refugees. It fa sfaeendy hoped that the eppeal will have hearty response from all the ettfaens of America. .. ".■' -. - Tta Whs mm at Praam But Isvolsky*. activities wen not confined te> **-* mmmmjm «aw .-uu^nm .p^^p./^e^^^^^Bumum& WW. ggf FVna*teWsp> gamasl tkfmPmTt assssmmsWrnT. a. tmsmmmmmmsmP ****** wm apjk a assBVB^i ^BisMsaa SBwaij v*M>uie ea a^ria*&aaaaa^s^ that should enlist the sympathy of every *-***• *****i**L?fi*mi "If; we an nelly concerned te take up the of the Stratta, then it fa of the The Tsar' Secret Archives t DIPOBTANT REVELATIONS Hf RUSSIA- PREP AEDJO FOR WAR Special Correspondent—London Daily Herald, June 29. 1919) (From a -. - At last the pre-war archive* of the Russian Foreign Office liave begun to appear, and, to judge from tbe extracts given below, they promfae to furnish as astounding revelations as the Secret Treaties themselves The documents have appeared fa "Pravda" under the editorship of Pokrovsky, Soviet Commfasary of Finance, and translations have been made in certain of the foreign Prtts. The following extracts sre taken from the translation published fa the "Svenska Dagblad" (Stockholm) of June 2. *fnc **vmafag of Italy • Pokrovsky begins fay describing the manner fa whieh Italy wn wen over to the grand eoaahaaatioa which Busste wss building up fa order to win Constantinople and the Stratta The Bumtea-BaKan Convention of Bsrnoniel was concluded on October ^a***SSB w WHWffBSSS ■ ^S» ******mu*y mmWMmm^^m *w w**m WMwwwwmwmmmwmmmmww**** ****** mr ™ ■■^^^ww^ 24, 1909, and the tent eteuse ef thte rune: '-Italy and Busste bind thematlres to e mutually hnevs- lent''attitude, the former wtth regard to Buaste's fatererf. fa the question of tiw Straits, the letter with regard to Italy's fatereste fa "IVfooli and Cyre- naiea.** Two ynr* l.ter the Tripdi war broke out As soon n tt began, Isvoldry. the Bussian Amlmsssdor fa Parte, wrote with regard to it: "I beg to remark that in any event we must make sure fa one form or another of a declaration from Italy that, now tiwt she fa carrying into execution tiw elafats on her rid* te Tripoli touched on fa tiw agreement, she wfftT equally fa the future keep fan word to us highest importance to see to it that we have .good I-temhen^ Unfortunately, I am, fat thte n- speet, deprived of s m went, since all aay assiduous entreaties to be pnpiued with funds for the Press have produced no result. I dull ,of course- do .11 that fa fa my power, but thfa fa one of thos* question* where public opinion fa, fur traditional resson*, most esrily agafaat us. As an example of how useful it is to ban money to offer the Fins, the Tripoli affair may be quoted. I know how Tittoni (the Italian Ambassador in Parfa) fane worked UP the leading French paper* moat thoroughly mid wtth tlte^i.^ open lund. *rfae result fa now manifest to elL ff At this time Cafllaux. a* /Premier, wtt virtue^- fa power in France, and Isvolsky found the outlook depressing from the point of view of hfa But the position changed when Poincare became President. On September 12. 1912. Isvolsky reports a conversation with Poincare, in whieh the latter assured hfan of France** loyalty to the Tear fa then terms: "If a conflict with Austria should involve Germany's armed intervention, France will at once recognfae it tt a casus foederis, end will not lose a minute fa fulfilling her pledges to Tbe Winning ef - - • ,•■-.■. In September- 1912, during the first Balkan w.r, the Russian Foreign Minister, Saxonov, paid fate famous vtett to Bngtend to get tiw Be of tiw Umd* .Saxonov'* report to the Tear fa ss follows: "After I had confidentially informed Orey of the contents of our naval agreement with France, mid referred to the fact that under thfa agreement the French fleet would take upon itself the of our interests in the southern theatre-uf^ra)h$y presenting the Austrian fleet from into the Black Sea. I asked him if dde would do tiw same service fa tiw north keeping tiw German fleet off our coasts on the Bel- tic Without hesitation. Orey replied that if the situation in question occurred. England would do everything to inflict tiw heaviest blow on German •» In the the which England * arith Germany, to interview, Orey of tt Wt enter by sen, troops on the Continent. 1914 things were getting warm. from Livadia en April 11, 1914, "To emeu tiw Stratta I am pre- but even by By the spring In a secret the Tsar wrote: pared to ore foree.'' That same month Sir Edward Orey and King George wen fa Pari*, ami lavofaky win a view to a MM. fa the ef »» enayfaea lead*, land foree. ef a navel ofhmg- nd they tans] world fata *w wrm mwM- qM*mw**r continent* tdl tiw mat af tiw tregte story. Propaganda meeting* every Sunday evening, et S p.m.. Empress Theatre, eorner Bon Avenue and ■ ' ■ . •BUSS ODD FOB SUCH A SxWK mama ** — - ^^ .^...i-a—m —.~_ »• r v~^ Hsawd hy the . Fleuett anwss, u* Far- E. C. 4, London, Englsnd. Our extract ha. • Icon for us in the present day moil. Ing dan struggle for emancipation from wage familiar to us aaainat our m^^wmm^mm^Mmm wrm* *■**"*■'< ^^^^wmMmwwmwm ^™« like ghoRt* out cf the peat. The Bev. Dwight BBBs snd hte compatriots today had- we see. their iis.iiital*W.ie in that earlier atiuaate . l»a mw-mrwrnf **■ bj s s w-ssTTi-u-msj Bin msv smb* * mmwtm sssssm BBassjssasres ago. -lliere fa it again appears, nothing under tiw ''Bun,** not even in the arguments or the methods of terrorism used, meefaterid or ^^^e ^mrnm*** ********nmmmmmw*mmmm> wmwm* ^^mm^^.^mmmwm^mm^^ ^^w***^*^*^^ ^mmmmmmmm^mmmm*mmm*wmmmmm ^pw otherwfae, to bolster up * system of spedd pri- the true sad sssfssstltt God. Bless Ood for *oefa W«, «oe/t sp sisals, tor slavery, we Story a n. 13 r, or fa it merely s eo- Russia ha* opened the to another Ma*tss» enocfa cf human etnanefan- .«J <*** -mmLtmMim^*-- m-mm Am #L» ana tnai revoiunonary r ranee waa tne nrsi to ret the example for the rest of Europe to follow fay bring the first to decree tiw freedom of its HMpH^W*;*^' *lm*WamBBTBTiaW a '■ V-'k*^ ■ • * • . . - When tiW picture ef sl.very as drawn by Mrs. Harriet Beeeher Stowc wu impugned, she replied by issuing The. key to Unde Tom's Cabin, in which she rited ril the facts upon whieh her story wa. baaed. The Harmony Presbytery of New Caro- ttna resolved:— That whereas certain sundry persons in Bn*Und and Scotland has* denounced, slavery as obnoxious to the taws of Ood Resolved, Thst slavery has existed from the days of those, aood old slaveholders and patriarchs. Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (who sre now in the khWCosn i»f hcavea) to th* time when ths *postle Paul scat a runaway slave home to ..his master PhUe- n. aad wrote a Christian and fraternal letter to this slaveholder.... Resolved, that... .the existenee of slavery is not opposed to the will of Ood. The Chariestown Union Presbytery resolved:—- That W th* opinion of this Presbytery, the holding of sieves, so tar from beln* a sin in the sight of God. is nowhere condemned in his holy word; that it is ia ac- sstdsacB with the example or eomlsts.1 wtth the precepts of patriarchs, apostles, sad prophets. The Georgia Annual Conference (Methodist) resolved that*4 it fa the nun of the Georgia Annual Conference, slavery aa it exfate in tiw United te not a morel evil.'' At a publie nweting of the dergy of Itickmond, it was resol- ved ''that tiw example of our Lord Jesus Christ and fate spostles, fa not interfering with tiw question af risvery . . . te worthy of the imitation of dl of the Gospel." Inane Northern Oiurehes, that, fa 1836. the New York Pieebytery decided tiwt no one should be elected n deacon or an elder unless he gave a pledge tiwt be would abetain from direuaring the subject of In Baltimore, a aoawwhet afaiiter reoofa- pusmd. Generally, she sane up tiw ritua- tten fay juaanHlmB out tiwt the tttionof tiw Cfaarehes to supprem euefa anti-efavery fttling tt nw fifty yeon earlier. This, she says, fa tana of tiw Preafaynvtena. "Worse hss been the fatetory ef toe Mesnodfat Cfaunfa. The htetary of tiw Bepttet Cfaunk sfaews tiw wane ptinripte; and at ta tiw Bpfaeopdten Cfamwfa, n has hevw dene .» » m .... m ■ .«.«. . .taBi 1T«M|1 mm, U—llh ** snywang but eompty mwwr witn norm or oetna. On thte heed Mrs Stowe fa smite borne out by Whet the dergy readved onto General faly tiwy loyaBy stood by in practice. The Bev. Jf. "Peek sulci i— tf we so aiusen *aalast slavery, we gloom ever the whets Christian Cheroh. th* anatter tn the hands ef God. 'let nte*** Bar. James Wilson nils dsvery— ■ that thst cannibal Into contented, civilised, happy domestics we' see around a*. toto hwBBble, talthfal, and most Joyoes of the American Tract Society may following, written by Junes Bun- - :; - if tne pious snen who founded the Americea Tiact oelety had been told that within forty years they would :.■»/. aSSehSSaOf 'a ea the seT***" »ShSa . ■ ********^9*m wmw%. ^^esessp -s^sv ef of sambo alive hy pre- he could not read, on the o,.Bpr. Hist they would be in the Tract Society wtth Wss ^h^aereT^ " substontlaUon....If these excellent tads, they would have shrunk ta hot "Are thy servants dogs, thst they thins**" Tet this is precisely the present theltoeiety. phlet containing the "Without . ue wn authorized to pronounce davery Alexander Campbell, founder of the "Christfan" sect, proclaimed the divine right of davery. The Maine Univeradfate declined to express an opinion on thc subject A Cfacinnati Conference (Met, hodfat) declared itself "decidedly opposed to modem abolitionism, and asked ite ministers to refrain from patnnisfag tiw Abolition movement." Wilbur Ffake, President of tiw Wedeyan Univer- dty, Middleton, Conn., was deaeribed by Garrison tt "an abusive and malignant opponent of Abolition.'' When, fa 1845. the Northern Methodist Church-showed signs of a better feeling, the immediate result was the secession of a number of churches and the formation of "The Methodist Episcopal Church, South." Fifteen ynr. later (1860) when an attempt waa made to induce the minister* of the Methodist Church to sign a protest against davery, out of 14,000 ministers only 241 would append thrir names to the document. The Leeds (Bngtend) Anti-Slavery Society's report for 1860 contains a tetter written fay the Bev. H. Mettfaon, of New York, travelling preacher to tiw Northern Methodist Episcopal Church, fa whieh he says: "I am fully ratfafied from figures thst we can not ban today lem than 10,000 d.vehdders, and 100,000 dan. fa our Northern Methodfat Epfa- eopd Church, and the number fa increasing every •year. And, stifl worn, our people raise, and buy• snd nil afavea m others do, without rebuke or hindrance." Thst thfa wan no exaggeration fa shown fay the fact that at the Metoodtet Conference held esn w^-nsnaomaBasr asa* ^aUJ-sa-asna usmu uassa^w Uasv^awjaassasisp ai*iagfcgg^s^sae*aaiasjai ss. I awlnthm against slavery, he was authoritatively ' informed' that not ten delegate, would support the resolution. It waa just before this date tiwt Gar- rteon had written fa tiw liberty Befl tiwt "in land and Scotland especially, extraordinary have been taken fa publie and fa private to held up the Hwarinn Anti-Slavery Society aa unworthy of oil countenance fa any degree, op aeeount of ite fav fidd character. The infidel character of Garrison's amorist** hod already eaund fate. IiimiIbVi One man had written him that he could not act with ''fafidels like Fanny Wright and Abner Kuedand.*' Garrfaon, when fae visited Beaton, found every church, chapel, and puk- lic meeting place closed to him- ft was, ssys hte lafagraphsiu, "left for a. society of avowed 'infidels'" to offer him thrir hall. It waa Abner Knedsnd's society, its leader having only recently beam fauf ihn»ndfor Msswhissy. Ia the struggle against the Stuarta fa tiw the bulwark of _ and the divine right, of kings was tne New Testament, fa America, two centuries later, tiw same documents were found useful •gainst Abolhionfats. Certainly tiw Young Men's American Bible Association was of that opinion. afaee.B issued a ape-. etelly annotated edition of tiw New Testament a* an Anti-Abolitionist pamphlet. Thc General Assembly of ffae Cumberland Presbyterian Church having seized n debtor', goods, mid some negroes faring «mong the effects, sold them and devoted the money to missionary purposes Shortly before thte, .t a meeting of the Baptist Missionary Union, one of the zealous brethren offered to sell one of bfa slaves for two hundred dollars, if the buyer would end him to Africa to preach the Gospel among bfa colored brethren. No one esn question this dsvefaolding parson's red, nor doubt tiw torching story the slave-mfadonary would have to tell hte people. No wonder tiw American Bifato Society dedined to fa terfere in the question of slavery It numbered hundreds of slaveholders among Ha published list of member*. The falfinaiiii of than pious sieve owners was indeed so powerful, that the weH- known publishing firm of H.rper Brothers issued an apology for having printed 0 work written by 8 ft -AJMMrteWOnnwe Haw could any af tite Churehes < so mueh of their money es *Wheadid the Christian Churches i conditions? A elergynmn. the Bev. James Sraylie, writing fa defence of davery. put the ease in a nutshell:— DeviL if advertising snd appre- vlew |p returning them to thetr ef th* divine Uw. -am lithe or holding; a slave for the sake of * sain three-fourths ***': ia eleven States at the Union are el th* They hold If they do not buy and sell slaves, hesitate not te in their power. Even after sl.very had been officially destroyed fa North America, at the coat of a long snd bitter wsrvthe negro wa* still doomed to experience tiw true nature of Christian brotherhood. 'Slavery might Be abolished, but the odor bar and the color prejudice, substantially unknown, as wc have seen, to the Pagan world, remained. Laws that held good for tiw white man do not hold good for the black. Even when tiw law fails to discriminate, public opinion does. An able and unquestionable authority on tbe condition of tiw negro in the United States, Dr. W. E. B. Du Bote, writing in 1911, thus sums up thc situation. In the Southern States negroes can not vote, or thrir votes sre nan- tralfaed by fraud; they tin fa the least desirable districts and receive low wagn; they can not by law marry whites; they can not join white ehurehn or attend white colleges, white hotels, or place* of publie entertainment; receive a distinct standard of justin fa the courts, .nd en exposed to mob tew; sre taxed for parks mid publie libraries whieh they may net enter; ere often unable to protect their faitnas from invasion and their savings from excitation. In tiw North, legal dfaabBitin do not at hotels etc., snd te nude to fed liinwelf mi unde- vVry much won might be anfal on the question of Cfaristfanity snd slavery, but fa the nature of Uaanwr **s*sssj*iPij aw *ssnis^nis*ja aasausa^a sa^v sw nwrt*^*^BrwaswsassUBW awn sssassaaani s*. sbssjbs*f hwi already been said. And, truly, the can aaafast Cbiiadankj fa plate and daaanfag . Never, esttueg the whete of its fatetory, hn it spoken fa a steer vein against slavery; always, es wa kaverseen, its ta* teeuth eentury> They ban rited reBgfaw taaaUng fa ite tiwy ban and ril tiw power of tiw Church** far ite rn.mten.nre. ivaturatiy, m a worw m wnwn tiw 'vast majority am pnfseafaig . Cfarfatisns, be- ucvers are to be found en the side of humanity and But to tint the reply fa plain. Men an before tiwy are Christian; both history and experience point te the constant tetton of bow many ease, the claims of "a eVnlopfag faumanHy uisiilate. tbow of on inculcated refigteun teacsnng. But the damning f aet aaafast Chrfatianity fa, not (Continued on Page Eight) " PAGE FOUB • l '\ ■ , .tf*mWmmm* -r-,.r- nrrv r-. .H . THE RED I-aJhJG . E RID FLAG He Failed n Ideas A Journal of New* and Vtews Devoted to the .•• WorkfagCtett. Published When Circumstances snd Finances Permit By The Socfalfat Party of Canada, > « 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C. .■■ j„ * z t- - i... hi.ii v. *>np IS a mad world if we fix our gaze on the sur- X face appearance of things, but then fa method in the seeming madness if we search beneath and mentally, grasp thon mysterious economic forces whieh determine tiw great current, of his tory. "To understand fa to leave behind*' arid Hegel, tite pbiloBopher. That fa true providing the materials an then with which to make the new departure. . "An Army," said Napoleon, "moves upon ite. stomseh," so it fa with society- Ite productive powers must always provide the basis and tt make possible an advance. As a matter of fact B baa el- way, been the development of the economic powers which has forced society forward. The growing perfection of the moons of production lifted man from among the brutes. And yet withal, though man's welfare .nd progress depends On hfa productive powers being exercised to the full, we find tiwt those powers can not be utilized to anywhere near their fulhcapaeity today. Can not be utilized to the full! Human labor power Hn idle asking only that it may be put to work at the machinery Of produetion to produce in superabundance the thing, necessary for tin sustenance and enjoyment of Hfe. Of society's productive; capacity we had abundant evidenro during the war. Some twenty, thirty millions of men Wen standing under arms, consuming and expending the products of labor at s tremendous rate on the far flung battle lines. The floor of every ocean was being littered with sunken cargoes Millions of laborers were withdrawn/ from producing the necessaries of normal life to the pro- ' duction of munitions of war, and berides thfa, the ranks of the unproductive parasites suffered little if any diminution. Only in instances, the personel wss changed. And still theremsining producers, wen able to feed, clothe and shelter themselves snd the rest of society. Now that tiw waste of war has ceased, why ran, not thfa great productive power of society he exer- efawd to the toll T Thfa curtailment of productive powers, this, to use the proper snd expressive term , —this sabotage on society, why should it fact It fa no'new problem. It ww with tt before the war. Poverty of the material things of life amongst vsst multitude, of tiw people, and fa erary city fa the world, the unemployed and p»nper relief and tiw breadline. It is an dd. dd problem. It is a problem whieh mete vitally effect* the lives of the people than all tiie other problem* which fan mankind, thte problem of eonneetfag the people whh the mean, of Hfe. ■ Our ruling dam have ril the brain* in the world, at least n we are led to believe, and tiwy are at the helm with eB tiw economic and political power fa their possession. Where sre thrir economists ft) tite press on things that do not mattert We, of tiw working class, are told not to run nf- wood, lay%stoue on stone. Well; fast for arguments nke, granting that; there are minions asking fa vain for tiw opportunity. Come - By their violent reactionary policies towards the liberating movement, of Evolutionary Socialism, our ruling clan appears determined to make history repeat itself by reproducing the violences whieh marked the attempt of the reactionaries of Europe, in the latter half of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, to suppress what might otherwise have been a peaceful revolution. Their activities then, how- ttcr, only resulted finally fa tiw suppressed liberating forces bunting all bonds and prohibitions achieving their historic purpose in flaming .nd troyfag revolts |gg We hsve no hope- in the least, that that historic lesson wUl have any warning for tiw ruling class of this day, but a short account of the methods used by the reactionaries of that former time may be of interest to our readers now that we, ourselves. Metternieh. first minister of Austria, from 1809 toA1848 ww the great man thon daya, the hope end leader of European reaction and .muter fa the art of secret treaty-making, and of political legerdemain in general »a ^ On the downfall of the greet Napoleon in 1815. Metternieh waa from then on the meet influential statesman in Europe. "When Napoleon fell," ssys the article on Metternieh fa tbe "Brittaniea," "then Wtt s prospect ef the fatrodncttea ef constitutional government throughout a great part of Europe." But. "Metternieh's sdviee, with every -gran of manner. . .* _ hard to accept by the rulers, far he simply mended them to give up nothing tiwy had got It waa at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (1818). that the retrograde tendency, which was now succeeding to the hope of 1815, first gained expression." . A political assasrination gun the gnat atotoa- msn an excellent pretext for oi-ganiring a crusade against German liberty. "A enuferenn of mint- men was held at Carlsbad. The King of Prussia allowed hfa representatives to follow Metternieh ** lead. The resfatantann of the constitutional minor states proved of no avail; and a series of resolutions was passed whieh made an end of the free^ dom of the, press throughout Germany, end subjected the teaching and the discipline of the TJni- verdtin to officers of state." Bow homelike and familiar ril that sounds to us in Canada. "The king of Prussia broke fate promfae of establishing a national representation, and satisfied hi* conscience by creating certain powerless prorinria! diets, exactly as Metternieh had recommended Mm. (In our terminology, he ruled fay order-fa. council.) Throughout Germany at large a system of repression was carried against the advocates of constitutions! right. The press wsa silenced; societies were dissolved; proneutiona became more and more common." (As fa Canada fa tite 20th .). "Whfle Metternieh himself to be stiffing men, thfa problem n you teU us, fays in your Province, nlve it! The diggers of ditches, tiw howett of wood, the layers of stone on stone, thrir wine snd their children ran enure yon, from bitter ex- perienee, that tt te no shadow. And* n word—the sand fa tiw gteat nnw lowl Thon .Hystericus economic force, whieh drove tbe world to war, ban through tiw war, revealed to aa all the wonderful productivity of our labor. The capitalist method of exploiting us fay wage labor and the capitalist method of sceeunting"and dividing up our surplus between the employer- landlord-banker dan had hidden*from tt thfa productivity.' But now—our eyes are opening. ' We suggest u e practicd sotettou to strengthening the precarious hold of the masses of tbe people on the means of existence, and to connect all wtth tiie means of produetion who are wining to labor, that they themselves ©ontrol those means of duction and prodnre for use instead of for sate. tf. «kft ml mmmMmm. Mm mm ia te dri™* ft v fata men secret and violent courses, .nd eonvine- aaasB. ^.assus.^;* as*w>*La *sbsubbf*t ***** w w* as^aess»^* a ^nej>ew^a* *m*n wvi *smssesvs^sT must be sought not in the reform but in the over- throw of gorernmente.'' Not done fa Germany, but ati over Europe, fae "mliuwiiilsl fa instituting ri*f*"»»T measures. The French Bevdution of 1880, however, shattered the morri fabric of hfa system of bureaueratie •haolutfam. bat he continued to fight for tiw political order he built up until the revdutteu of 1848 when he fled, in dfagufaC. to England. Be died fa June, 1868. a ''few more month, of life would have enabled him to see the end of that ■ politie.1 order which it was hfa fife work to up- AfMOL * • e '*** • V We take the following excerpts from .an artide entitled "Metterniehs-Old and New," in the July 12 New York "Nation": "He hated the Bevolution. He lavished upon it a wedth of metaphorical denundation. It was'the disease whieh urnst be cured.' 'the voleano which must fae extinguished.' 'the gangrene, which must be, burned out with a hot iron,* 'the hydra with jaws open to swallow up the social eider.' He wss tiw prophet of 'the reconstruction of the social order* .nd e 'durable peace based upon a fast divi- •ion of power.* ** • "To achieve hte win he used fate own remsrksble powers of persusrion, ■aggntion. fatiwhtaHim Th. svstem Be cuetod. at war with human nature, at w*f *m***M^**mm mmm*, . mm<m «^^w«r^*« WV ; e^^Wm ** m^***t ■ **MWI***M*****m> •^■W*B* ^*P ***** ■ * war with the human spirit, rested upon a meddlesome .nd ubiquitous police, upon ...borate esplon- .ge. upon . vigilant censorship of new ideas, whjeh was anplied to theatres, newsnenera books, scboris •" mmmtm ^lf-*-n* Wrmm- WWH 'a.*^H ■ ^^WV **V T» mrm0mmwm0^mm, ^y mW^mrWWWmMmmmt ■ ^aF^^^ei^B^^aa^^^ books of a liberal character might not slip fa to nr- rupt. Political science and history practically dfa- appeared as serious studies- Spin wen .everywhere, in government offices, in places of amusement, in educational institutions. Particularly did tins Government fear tite unirardties, because ft feared ideas. Profeators and students wen sub- * jeeted to hnmOisting regulations. Spies attended lectures. The Government kept s Hst of bocks consulted by professors. Text-books were prescribed. Ohvioudy under s system where there wss no freedom of teaching or of learning, setenn withered. Intellectual stagnation was tiw prtee paid." "He failed fa tiw end because, while fae could imprison revolutionists, he could not imprison ideas. . mtmmmk^wm mm&^^mmm a. m* w vaa«v*an«^awi *mw*r 'mm ^mm^Mmwtt*' mmrwrmM mmmmmmw m ^wmrmmwmm. ^^W^^^^^^ 1 He failed to understand the impalpable forces of fate age.*' And far our aire so shall the Metternieh. also fail, even though the human family shaH have to win through to e new freedom fa blood and tear*.. i.ij niij) in i ii T Three-fourtha of tiw negnn fa tiw United States sre dfafrsaehfaed. Over two million negro man nay tasn but can not veto. , • • • • The lwwapapers then daya read like the tion out of bedlam. Cheek by jowl, with of peaee eehfaratteen, we hen nperta of the prog. starvation blockad* of Sovtet Buaste. Ateo ear aBy. Japan, sppmm to fae getting fat had odor. *ffaan we have tiw ran riot, fa the facaw of liberty and culture to the nulh, hunger riots fas Bnrupe, ildfar rteta everywhere end strikes fa tiw locality. Inrorreetien. en being wpprnsod fa poBce and sddfary. 0, Peace* where an tfaouf Even thy ntebmte earry a gun en tite hip. - .And the nlfajien sharks justified war I They proaaised u. a apirttual i-«gcn- erution through the blood-letting of the body politic, n their prototypn in eurgwy pronmwd a phy- ded cue to our forefathers, geiwrations ego, in tiw "d*raMe*"^pkjdral»cientt It fa said, "there Is no Bend Bke a woman scorned.'* What shall we say ef a people dfafl- fawteiwdf Ne'titetett. before tiw dswn the dark, and darkeat toe hour Won tt^eeake. a .- tf»a n,o„.ha mm te I - -«W-' tbe job, He wn of military bearing. Straightforward wm his appearance: and frankness WW ptetund fa the looks of hfau. So I ventured Uu the "real work." % ■ "Don't you think," quoth I;"that it i* pretty raw work to be fighting Russia, without even a declaration of wart" A cold stare became evident. Suspicion lurked twhind the glance shot at me. Thc«;"Anyo«.«ttfaent". I humbly submitted: "Not yet." "Then." he brought out triumphantly, . "you hsve not right to criticize." "And," he continued, "I know your game;'yon want to boost those Bolsheviks; let me tell you tiwy are the lowest kind of trash. I've read about them, and we can trust to Mr. Wilson to see they get what fa coming to them." Not so promfaing, eh? Some job, Bo; believe me, and Fve seen some". Well, tt I said, it was three moons ago. It took heap big medicine, plenty sapping, mining, following up of stray scents. But the hunt, fa fascinating, and a veteran has learned much. He has acquired patience. He doesn't call hfa job-mate s bonehead, and give it up If he has to work wtth Scissorbillus-Americanus, and there is disharmony, it must be removed: and surely, years of imbibing knowledge has not been so unfruitful that arguments potent and convincing cannot be produced. And more surely still: Probing the acreage of discontent, with the ploughshares cf facte, must have tended toe knowledge of psychology: if so, what chance has the marked one! Anyway, the house is going up, as we progress to the end of our toeal ticket. We dug out the basement, and went over toe dan struggle We raised the concrete wall, and adorned it with joists and a wilderness of scantlings.s«i! shtplsp. the while he laid sttentive ears to a dfaqufaition on what the negro eafled"the mysterious deception of history." We are climbing .loft now on tbe rafters, and perspiring fa the July sun, ss we hammer and hofat; sad surplus vdue. unpaid labor time, com- modity labor power, sre hecomin* familiar terms to friendly ears at last. Says friend job-mate, last wnk, "Go on, tril me afl you eatt; it's meat and drink to me." And to- day: "You wait and see, fa a year from now? there'll fae none of these damned financiers left in this man's land. If the European workfagman puts Ha over you fact your Bfe we wfll, too." Says I, "You'll do. but don't underestimate your enemy, acquire knowledge, pan it along; make So- ridfate, make 'em good and red, and soon we wfll fae there." FOB IT CAN BE DONR JF* 5J, Wm ' m : -•'.a - --a'--0: e / B.---^-\ :■,.-.'. stend far Tfate Bduestive Utentare wmwm^mm awn aasaw ma*mmmsnewnwu* a*n amMassaunaui The Communfatic Manifesto, at the rate of $8 per _ 100. Single eoptes 10 cents. Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada . . fan p.r 100. Singte eoptes 10 orate. Sian of tiw Farm . . $6 per 100. Single count 10 cento. Wage Worker and Farmer . . 06 per 100. Single copies 10 cents. The Present Economic System, fay Professor W. A. Bonger . . |fi per 100. Single eoptes 10 cente. Soddfam, Utopian and Scientific . . Single eoptes 15 cents. Wholesale price later. Wage Labor and Capital . $8 per 100. Single copies 10 cente. Capitalist Production, bring the first nine chapters v of Vol. I. Marx's Capital ... .Single copies, paper IMt'.i'iWUAHi 'From "The Soetetist," Glasgow, June 12.) arfateeraey made an effort to retain the power they were fast lodng, and when the props of feudalism THE best indication of the collapse of a socfal became insurmountable barriers, then tite crash system is the ineptitude-and immobility of - came, and Cromwell sounded the death-knell of the ita administering institutions, these being tbe ffodal system, tite House of Lords receded into the 'props" by, and maintained. When the system te *fau*ground, and the House of Commons assumes irst place. , The obsolete institution* wen smashed up, and ten; institutions brought into bring. A Bevolution ' been acomplished. and a system of factory, owner and factory-worker—employed and ployee—exploiter and exploited—was healthy, its institutions operate with thc smoothness of a well-oiled machine, and there exfate that harmonious response between "the socfal requirements" and thrir "mesns of fulfilment," which fa the only true criterion of fitness. Under* such circumstances system* progress, developing and en- tending thrir organisation with :tn; ari'aptabiltty those "get/' who d& * *aurn" whieh enables them to withstand the moat violent and those who "earned" did not' "get" shock* from natural caa^hu* pmviduig an anti- -j*** ^ ^;.>j M ^ ^ t^n the dote to Bevolution. Mftfe**^^ When a system is thoroughly estabiiahed not undoing. A socially unequal arrangement of things was established, and waa from thst momentforedoomed to disaster. All drastic and rapid serial changes produce germs of discontent, but where the change fundamentally produces socfal equality, then "ferment" is desirable, and the "germs of discontent" become the safety valves Of the sy- Tbfa latter plays a prominent part in affecting stem, where, if once attention be but paid to the social changes, and its standard of fitness with a item, of discontent, with suitably created institu- '."■:< only do all institutions, which would act and operate healthily, bear as their hdl-ma rk, the character of the system, but there is also a corresponding change fa the ethics, morality, and general standard of living of the people,-which constitutes S particular culture. .. particular system registers the degree of healthy vigor Of that system. r*<^ These facts are almost invariably overlooked or lost sight of by most of those who attempt to explain industrial unrest, political discontent, or a general social ferment—and hence the remedies proposed are just about as dispelling as their diagnosis fa disjointed. Insofar as there has. since the days of Primitive Communism, never existed that "harmonious response between Socfal Requirements and their means of fulfilment," it follows that the various socid systems were inevitably doomed to collapse, and, verily, "carried within their womb the seeds of their own destruction. Thus did the patriarchal system fade into the realm of time, to be followed soon afterwords by feudalism. And in so far as capitalism failed - to profit by the misfortunes of its predecessors, sbout the only thing it did not profit by, toe first stone of its very foundation will prove to be the rock upon which tt will perish. " Where there exists a serially unequal arrangement of things, there fa bound to also exist a simmering ferment of discontent, which wfll ank expression at every opportunity, and the more aggravated the inequality fae-. comes, the more intense wfll be the expression. In this respect it fa interesting to observe the progress of the present system of capitalfam. When fa this country they adopted the manufacture of Wool, the effect, of thfa change were manifold. The importance of the landed aristocracy began to wane, and a trading or merchant dam soon came to the front. Factories were set up, which attracted the village laborers and transformed them from aofl sieves into wsge slaves towns grew up around the factories, and superceded the villages. Natural motive power wu supplsnted by artifice! motive power, and adeem waa manufactured to take the place of water and wind—to be followed later by electricity. And wfafle nope for then change* wm accorded the nwrefaante, and obsolete inatitotknw did not bar the way of development, ril wtt wefl; but when the j" '"'.■" ' , "' ' ■''''"■'■'■■"-"- "«■'' ' '<' ■'■'■' '/'«■' ' '<■".'—s-ft ' cover, SO cents; doth bound. $1.00. p Kdcfaak, Autocrat and Tyrant. The actual story of Kolchak and his methods told by sn American ontetel recently returned from Siberia. With this fa faduded, Anti-Bolsheviks and Mr. •Spargo, by William Hard. Taken, with apologies, from the July 9 "New Bepublic" $6 per 100. 10 cents per single eopy. Postage Paid. a Make dlMoney Order, payable to C. Stephenson, 101 Pander Street Beet, Vancouver, B. C. tion. built to deal with the item.*, and administer the system, then soundness end adaptability should result, and consequently progress of the system. As it was, capitalism lacked this stabilizing equality; and, wfafle in the beginning Parliament functioned somewhat effectively as the sounding-board of the system's health, and "practitioner" doctoring the social ills, time developed these ills into a general social cancer, demanding a surgical operation, snd the "sounding-board." became Very indistinct, issuing nsught but discords. Grievances abound- which go unremedied, accumulate, and thua accentuate, the discontent. The people demand Moral Bights, Justice, but their cries pass unheard. The system has fallen put of proportibn, even with tt. own culture, and the can. of Psrite- ment aw "stopped." v , And ought they not to be sot Was not Parliament born to administer capitalism, and while Parliament is the maintainer of capitalism, fa not capitalism tbe edifice upon which it stands to do itf Can thrir Parliament legislate the edifice from under its own feet without crashing to the ground tt a consequence f AU the political, juridical, and social institutions of today take their stand upon capitalism, administer capitalist dictum*, capitalist law*, and maintain capitalist supremacy. The ineptitude of Parliament fa the bankruptcy of capitalism, and fan far as the Socialist movement is concesded, Parliament can only have an agitational value to it. From our system of acrid equality will spring the suitable institutions of administration, end the advent of Soeidism will render Parliament the playground of the sad, and, mayhap, well-meaning politidans, whose eyes became ap blinded with concentration upon Mr. Speaker tiwt they were 'unable to an the trend ef thc times. To us Parliament rentreltatt and concentrates the strength of capitalfam morally, white the workshop concentrates H eeeewewnBy, and ta periods of crises the populsr will of dtenntent connrgn round the former, tearing tiw pertieular industrid or ttrid fanws dependent upon the portieuler pro- offered solution by Psrtfament When the sghation te formidable, and the Psrite- mentary reply formidable afao fa tt* power of re* sfatanre and the summoning ef its armed *nd physical forces, might not that, tkeir strongest action, be one day thrir weakest tactic snd tiw action whtefa wfll fan tiw flame ef Bevolution! We admit of ft* possibility, snd arrange our sgttattenal nope accordingly- Apart from tfate, Parliament to an has no ether essential virtue. * our constructive policy te based upon eeononne freedom, and our tactic deteimfaed fay the need, of the essential Serial Bevolution. ABTHUB MeMASTS. -'if-tilM . i >-\ ■ As Preliminary to a Consideration of the Properties and Functions ■mm h~4is . ■ t • • ■M The production of commodities, while typical of rather" than on territorial considerations, the laws the capitalist system fa not peculiar ta that system and customs applicable as between member, of the but has existed in nme form or another during the whole historical period and, no doubt, for ages, anterior to thst period. What, however, distinguishes the present system from the form* of society which preceded it fa that commodity-production and exchange fa the dominant mode of the distribution of products, wfafle fa esrlier societies it was merely incidental to end existed riongaide of the prevailing mode of distribution. ■ The fancy pictures drawn of primitive life fa whieh the savage te represented as exchanging ny a bow gnd arrows for a den and in which each party calculates the time fae took to produce the weapon or to capture tbe game, are not warranted fay the facte. There te no reason to suppose that any such idea ever entered the savage mind. In the first Plan, the proceeds of the chase were not regarded as being the private property of the fa- dividual and wen distributed man or less equdly tribe were not held binding beyond thrir boundaries or in relations with strangers. For this reason all kinds of sharp practice wen deemed admissible fa trading and as the ancient traders were not averse to a little piracy or kidnapping when occasion offered, it fa not surprising that neither the traders themselves nor the occupation they followed were held in any Ugh repute. A consideration of the modern business man would seem to confirm tfate view. It is, no doubt, owing to thfa sentiment thst the word "bourgeois," innocent enough fa iteelf, has always been considered more or less ss a term of reproach. Thfa* I take it, fa why the early Socialists were so fond of using ft. Hen, then, we have the beginnings of. commodity production. At first there is production for use only; then the surplus, if any, fa disposed of; finally we have goods produced for the express purpose of exchange. This process, however, can among the members of the tribe according to their not go on very far on the lines of pun barter and needs. > we very soon find some one commodity, segregated On the other hand, primitive man haa an objec- out from tbe others and performing the functions tion to parting with anything he has made, say a weapon or personal ornament; these being regarded as in some way part of himself, so much n, that when he died titty wen buried with him. I am aware that a religious explanation baa been given of the latter act- but it fa probable fa thfa of a measure of value and a circulating medium. It is important to note that time functions may be performed fay different commodities, that is, one as a measure of value and the other as circulating medium. This process goes on spontaneously and more or less unconsciously, stimulated by the very can as fa many others, that later age* have placed red disadvantages of the barter system. a Spiritual interpretation upon an act having" a much simpler explanation. However, this may fae, it fa likely that we have here the origin of thc idea of property and,' if 'so, a confirmation of tiw view which bsses the right of property on production rather than on possesrion. fa any caw the savage has no idea of time and little if any of value and such exchange as took place would not therefore be based on any such consideration. There fa considerable probability fa the view that" the interchange of products arose out of tiw practice of giving pre- rents, which being reciprocal, a feeling grew up that the presents should be equal in value or, rather, equal in derirsbiiity. As a matter of fact, we should not expect exchange of commodities to take place to any great extent, until the right of property was firmly established and considerable advance bad been made in the division of labor. We find, therefore, that barter, that fa to say. the direct exchange of products grew up not within the primitive societies, hut on their confines. The tribes? adf-nntained and nlfaupp^ nafly formed the units of anrient society end between thon units, though generally supposed to bavc been more or leas hostile to each other, a certain amount of trade took pteee. A plan wn often nt apart fa the neutral ground between the trifaal tar- rttoritt at which the trine could meet Thte plan it appears, wn eriled the "mark" and our word "market" fa supposed to have tfate derivation. The goods traded In would naturally be sueh as could not, for geognitfateel or climatic l-enous, fae produced fa the district to wntefa they wen farougfat We con, for instance, imagine the members af one trifao bartering certain natural pigment* or tiw of certain birds only found fa their terri- The*e disadvantages are. generdly described as: (1) Tne inconvenience arising from the lack of coincidence in barter. (2) The indivfaibflity of ordinary goods. The first difficulty in barter is to find two persons whose disposable possessions mutually Suit each others wants, for before barter can be effected a double coincidence must take plan; the possessor of a certain commodity -must not only find nme one willing to acquire thc object fae possesses but thst nme one must be able and willing to give him in return precisely the object he wants. Even should thfa take plan then fa a third improbability—that the articles wfll be of equal value. This brings us to our second disadvantage. Many commodities are naturally indivisible, such as a coat or a sheep. The possessor of such a commodity must pert wtth tt as a whole, while the articles he wants may be of much leas value individually and to be obtained from various people. The una of nme special commodity tt a medium of exchange don away with these difficulties and separates the set of barter into two distinct operations, sale and purchase. We shall next consider the money-oom- modity, ite propertfas and functions. GEGBDIE. AUnTBIAS FBOOBAM OF fasOOIAIJBATIOB. (Specid to The Christian Setenn Monitor from ite Washington News Office) WASHINGTON, District of ("olumbia.--A statement fay the Austrian Government eennrning the socfalixation program has been received hen. The tory for aome spaetel atone, useful for weapons or government, tt ssys, purpose* to serialise tiw coal- tools, only found in the district fakabtted fay some raining industry snd thc whdenle coal trade, the other tribe. The named or wuiderfag tribn wen extraction of iron on and production of pig iron, probably the first to develop tradingto any extent the dectrical industry, exploitation of water power, end, later on fa fatetory we find nations, m*\ w the Phoenidsna, who lived by tfate means and founded cities such ss Tyre, Carthage end Cadis for this purpose. These people, however, wfafle fa sudent society, were not of it, so to spesk. Further, inasmuch as the snetent nations wen based on kinship forestry and the timber trade. Then waa talk of ttcteflsfag the chemical industry. Special mca* sures were planned for dividing the gnat estates, legislation to make effective there nfaenwe fane been drawn, but no steps hsve been taken to make tt effective. > MiHtartete Iiisfating an the Bumtea War Wish of Mantes COPENHAGEN, June 20.-Thc Central Committee of the Social Democratic Party of Finland have issued the following appeal:~ Ffamfah mffitarfat and Imperialist circles, which were formerly supporting themnlve* on Germany, an now endeavoring to obtafasttaport on the ear. resporiding circles of the Entente countries, fa seeking to provoke a participation fay Finland fa against Russia, participation would have disastrous consequences for Finland, because under cover of a state of war reaction would succeed in retarding which h the coming of greet democratic reforms would otherwise be at hand. The Finnish Social Democracy, with the enormous majority of the people, wishes to continue fa peace its work of civilization, but then efforts would be prevented by the militarists, who pretend that it is necessary for Finland to take part in tiie i war on behalf of the Entente. The Entente Governments have rather encouraged than discouraged then views. We beg tbe Socialist Parties of tiw Entente council tries to do everything possible to obtain from their Governments an assurance that they will not insist on any participation by Finland in military opera* tions, and to put no pressure on Finland. DISSOLUTION OF THE PBOLETABIAN FAMILY ——^_-.- • «t 'Socialists are charged with the intent to abolish the family, but those who do destroy the family bonds—who not only mean lo, but actually do destroy them right under our eyes—are not the Sodsl- fats, but the Capitalists. Many a slave holder has in former times torn husband from wife and parents from children, but the Capitalists h.ve improved Upon the abominations of slavery; they tear the infant from the breast of ita mother' and compel her to entrust it to strangers hands. And yet a society in which hundreds of thousands of such instances are of daily occurence, a society whose upper classes promote "benevolent" institutions for the purpose of making easy the separation of the mothers from their babies, such a society has the effrontery to accuse the Socialists of trying to abolish the family, because they, baaing thrir opinion on the fact that the family hss ever been one of the reflexes of the system of production, foresee that further changes in that system must aln result fat a more perfect family relationship." KAUTSKT. CITIBS BEOAPTUBED BT THE BO"OraBVIBX (Special cable to The Christian Sdence Monitor from ite European News Office. LONDON, England, (Sunday.—The War Offtee announces ineresring Bolshevist counter-attacks against General Denikin'■ advance in south Bussia, particularly near Bdashov, Bobrov and eonfhwest of Kharkoff, near Valid. The Bofalwriki hen re- captured Balaahor and Bobrov. Volunteers are, however, successfully enlarging tkdr hold on the western bank of the ."fiver Duteator and an fighting 40 mile, northwest of ESksterinoday. . m The recent serious rising of the Egyptian* aaafast the .British rule fa arid fa be due to the nonfulfil- ment of secret trestin nude by Sir Edward Grey wtth leprnentstive Egyptians, guaranteeing tiw complete independence of Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and Arabia on the condition that the Egyp- tian Committee would use ita powerful influence to prevent any aasfatance Iwfag given to the Turks during tiw war. The Egyptian Committee carried out tts part of the bargain, but the British Govern- ment refuses to fulfil tts contract Chattel Slavery In Ante Journal of New and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class VOL. 1 NO. 27 -■■■ VANCOUVER B. C, SATCBDAY, JULY 26, 1919 " ftssft»|s^s**»s FTVB CENTS Labor Power "Labor should not be regarded merely as a conn modity or article of commerce." '.'Thfa sentence fa the work of a'World Legislature' ritting at Paris; the italics are supplied by HKn of the American Federation of Labor, whose attention fa for the time fixed upon a word. It appears that the American labor delegates took with tiwm to Paris tbe positive assertion of the Clayton Act that 'the labor of a human being fa not a commodity or an article of commerce'; and in Parfa the positive was exchanged for an equally emphatic negative. Thus the Fifteenth point" Thus the Opening paragraphs of an article entitled, "Trades Unionism and the Control of Industry," in the New York "Dial," of July 12. The article proceed, effectually to prove, by taking actual conditions fa America, that Clemenccau** m fa the more correct one, and also that Mr. WE again take the opportunity of urging dl our readers to support thedefence of their fellow-workers now undergoing their prelyninary trial in Winnipeg. Not Jem than the labor official. do the arrested foreigners also require help. Some of them are Russians and should they be deported they will be sent to Kolchak and to certain and horrible deaths. There fa nothing surer than tiwt, and the authorities know it, but they will deport them without compunction. It depends on your efforts whether then men can be saved. Comrade Victor Midgley. secretary-treasurer of the British Columbia collecting agency, informs us that contributions are coming in good from this province and will be acknowledged from time to time m the B.C. Federationfat, T^i.P. of C. fae. already circularized the Cou'ri^l^lul'*fa'Vpa1tibn to thfa another circularwill also be sent out undo, the joint auspices of the O. B, U., the B. C. Federation of Labor^ Vancouver Trades and labor Coun- dl, the Federated Labor Party, the S, P. of C, and other working class bodies in Vancouver., time for action by the workers; any unnecessary delay wfll make the matter more serious. "Hoping this appeal will awaken the sympathy and rally the support of every working man and woman in the Dominion and the U. S., '' Yours fa anticipation of support' "JAMESLAW, "Secretary Defense Committee. Send sll moneys, if posrible, by cheque, money order, postal note or by registered letter to the respective treasurers of*, the following collecting agencies: British Columbia Agency:—Victor Midgley, Postoffice Drawer 879, Vancouver, B. C Alberta Agency.—A. Broatch, 1203 Eighth Avenue East, Calgary, Alta. Central Collection Agency :—E. BobinspU, Secretary Trades and Labor Council, Winnipeg, Man. uuit'b ior "faitj lata it ss SUCh,' The Clayton Act mentioned, embodies the fdlar eiou* Gomperian formula merely to protect or- gsrixed lafaer against the Sherman Act and its pen- aHies against combination in restraint of trade. But, ss tiw article prints out, "Under the protection of thfa safeguard labor fa still handled as a eommodhy. and will continue to be so handled as long as the American Federation of labor cherishw it* traditiond national craft-union policy." Tt appear, that the Wording of the formula as token to Paris by the American labor delegates Wtt altered after they had left for home again and without thrir sanction. Henn. the flurry at the A- F. of L. convention in Atlanta when attention was first railed to the alteration Evidently tbe old fogies in Paris knew more of the economin of wagorlabor than the A. F. of L, officials know or pretend they know, bnaun, a. the formula stands amended in the, Peaee Covenant, it fa a tseit acknowledgement of tbe fad that labor (i.e.. labor-power) fa a commodity, though contained ta.tin? renovated formula fa a sentimental ethical appeal that it ''should not be regarded merely" as such. The wfly elder-statetunen at Paris knew, of course, that there fa no sentiment fa business, but they abo knew thrir uncritical, gullible constituents. Anyway, the amendment fa a dsp to the fan for the "laborwpower fa not a eem- roodity" fakers. We un tiw word "fakers" with certain reservations. Some of the upholders of that theory must be dassed aa boneheads. The author'of the artide fa the "Dial*' mentions it as being said, that a member of the executive council of the A. F. of L. made k union-label speech in Busda after the Bevolution. Ha! Ha! The author of the artide surveys the recent developments and tendencies in the organised labor . cement In the 0. S. A ;nd Canada; and devdops m the with the We append below part of a drooler : secretary of the Central Defence Committee in Win Secretary D. E. C. Sodalist or Canada. Winnipeg, July 14,1919. "To AH the Workers of Canada and the ITnited States:-- f "Greetings: ". . : No worker who fa active in the labor move, ment or any other movement, that dares to eriti- efae the government or the profiteers fa any longer safe in Canada., At any time the charge of sedition may be brought against you and the power of thfa Immigration Act brought into play. It fa up to you as wage earner, to protest against tins infamy Tt might be your turn next. Do all in your power to get your fellow workers to take action. Thousands of petitions are being circulated throughout the country—see that you get them, have them filled and sent to the Minister of Justin at Ottawa, "Thon brothers not of British nationality are still eonflned to jail and may be railroaded out of the country without baring a fair jury trial unless the workers make a most emphatic protest Thousands of dollars are needed immediately so that the brothers who have mode the sseriflee may get tiw best available counsel to conduct thrir trial; Send along your donation a. soon ss possible, and get your fellow workers to do thrir share. In this way yon wfll not only be helping the men who stood up for justice, but you wfll also be helping the'whole working clam movement. The action already taken by tbe authorities te s direct blew to every organisation that te agitating for better social, economic and T^ollticri ecisxBticm* fa Can»d*. Now fa the ^4^MIM—^^.WW^ I ii' i ilwfa^a^.WWW^aU^p^— i i, ' mm**mmmm • < ' ' "' " ;" V "" ' » ■'.»" »■"■-. !■ ■■ a -in the coneludon tiwt the workers are moving hi the direction of eliminating the commodity-status of human labor power, by preparing to assume the re- spondbflities of control over the means of production ITALY An Italian jtnwurifat, writing fa the New York Nation," say*. "in rt^ to ItoJyi wt fad she fa fa a worn pligbi than any other country. Whan tfae national wealth fa mortgaged for more than Ihree-uwitora, and the people hsve not enough re- Hourees to extinguish or diminish the public debts, but must pay for their interest and for the increased expensn of the budget, no living nun would dan to deny that sueh an economic and fadustrid ritua- tmn bespeaks very dark days for Italy. So the country which entered the war to break the fam> dage. of diplomatic and financial davery of the Central Empires, and to redeem her sons beyond the Alps, having apparently accomplished these uwrvdous deeds, will be strangled fa another way fay her ruinous imperialistic policf. Whichever ramedy the ruler* of Italy wfll resort to, it wfll be s cajolery which tfae working classes, alert watchful, anxious to apply their radical programme, Witt denounce aa a policy of deceit end continuous misery foi themselves snd thrir kind. —— I m .- , ATB490ITIBB Investigation into charge, of cruelty of United States onleere to soldier* fa prison camps are to be investigated A horrible condition of affairs has been revealed at a preliminary hearing before a eemmtttee of senators, of men tortured and beaten to s pulp wtth blackjacks. F. W. DaBfager, representative from Mariachusette, ehareeterfaed tiw ofnenees ***ss 'horror.' that hark back to barbarism." The senator evidently never heard of lynch- in. ben fa the land of dollar culture and dollar diplomacy.
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The Red Flag
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