BC Historical Newspapers

BC Historical Newspapers Logo

BC Historical Newspapers

The Red Flag Jul 12, 1919

Item Metadata


JSON: redflag-1.0083661.json
JSON-LD: redflag-1.0083661-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): redflag-1.0083661-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: redflag-1.0083661-rdf.json
Turtle: redflag-1.0083661-turtle.txt
N-Triples: redflag-1.0083661-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: redflag-1.0083661-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

 ' 'I.    . w
.•■-•-;■.<.. ' •    ■':■,.■■; w-r.v •-.--:. ■ ■■■:: •
' : ;.'    - ; " .   .
'       ;•    -■XL1 ' . •'< .'-'"'.
"■•       \.        '
■ ■
■ ■;;■
Driving   Force   Which   Determines   Social
Changes and tiw Forms of toe Social Structure.
A previous article in these columns dealt
.AX briefly with the question of the precise
form whieh the Social Bevolution fa .likely to take
—as being the most immediate of those two issues
over which Socialists and others dd rage so furiously together, to the great perplexity of the un-
initated. The second of then two issues—the form
snd character of that state of Society which fa
destined to succeed -Capitalism—1 shall endeavor
to deal with hen.
This question haa its root, in that timeworn,
threadbare, utterly discredited but persistent idea
that Society can and should be reorganized in accordance with some preconceived plan. For thfa
reason it should be very cautiously approached by
thc Scientific Socialist and with a proper understanding of the speculative nature of any discussion Which may arise from tt. •
It would, perhaps, be a very, excellent thing, if
it were possible, for a number of the wisest and
most virtuous men of all nations to convene and
nap out a plan of an ideal state of Society—a
society in which all these things which are objectionable to us should be conspicuous by their absence, and all those things which are considered desirable by us should be present in abundance—and
thereafter proceed to reorganise Society far ac-
cordance with that plan. Quite a number of objections might be urged against such a scheme even
if it were possible. For instance, it fa hardly likely
that we would be able to agree upon what things
wen desirable and what were not. But the main
objection to the whole thing—and quite a weighty
objection too, when one considers it—fa tiwt it
simply can not be done. The Social Process don
not work that way. The attainment of any ideals
whteh some of us—or all of us for that matter-
may hold fa strictly limited by the material conditions obtaining from time to time.
In spite of the fact that the human animal stands
at the head of all forms of. life; in spite of the
enormous advance made by all branches of scientific research; in spite of the fact that man has developed the ability to naa, ton, certain extent, the
forces of nature he fa atUJ"\but a pawn in the game,
and a mighty insignificant pawn at that.
We may try at time* to flatter ourttlvn that
what we do we do of our own 'Free Witt.' When
we do that we are like the Irish carpenter who
slipped and fell from hfa scaffold and, to cover
hfa confusion, explained that he bad come down
for some nails. 'Free Will' fas delusion. All Sociologists are agreed upon that At the best we
sre able to understand, to some extent, why we do
what we do, but we are not able to determine our
own actions mueh less the movements of Society.
We set ss we do not henure wc wfafa to buff fae-
nutt we must.
The whole argument, in the final analysis, resolve* iteelf into the difference between 'Idealism'
end 'Materialism.' Idealism elainw thst the 'idea'
te the only reality; that Idesls sre thc motive-force,
as it were, of Society; thst Society mores by striving after end working towards Idesls. Now, as a
matter of plain fact, thte theory te long store discredited. True it fa still accepted, more or lem un-
ceneetoualy, by the gnat man of unthinking poo-
]d*, but thia fa owing to the fact that they are deliberately and purpc-jely kept in igorane* of the
real fact* of the case. And they an kept in ignor-
aace for np other reason than that h serves tiw
interests of the rilling clsss that tiwy should be
ignorant of such facta. ■*»
Religion, which hue always been and still fa the
greatest bulwark of ruling elan privilege, takes its
ffaml stand on the basis of 'Idealism.' Remove thfa
prop and Religion falls of ite own dead weight. It
te many yean new store Marx and Engels formulated the Materialist   Interpretation   of   History
which drove the final nail fat the coffin of 'Idealism.' but ss the Holy Roman Church conspired to
suppress the tnchings of Copernicus, Bruno and
Galileo—teachings which the whole world has long
since acknowledged to be correct—so have all the
churches conspired with the ruling clam to suppress and ignore where they can not suppress, the
teachings of Marx and Engels—teachings which
the scientific world knows to be correct in principle and which are yet destined to sweep religion
and ruling classes into the discard together.
Materialism does not deny the existence of ideals
in the minds of men, nor does it deny that these
ideals exert considerable influence over their actions. But it does contend that ideals are but the
reflexes of the material conditions under which we
live snd tt fa the material conditions and not the
ideal, which are the real   driving   force   behind
socfal movements.
If       i.  ■'. .a
This fa one of those truths to realize which we
must look below the surface. It is not apparent
any more than it fa apparent that the earth moves
round tite sun. It is a fact that Society don some-
. times move in accordance with, or, rather, in the
direction indicated by, certain widely held ideals.
To the superficial observer this may suggest thst
these ideals constitute that force at tite behest of
which Society moves,' Anyone who has seen a
freight train 'backing up' might—if they were
ignorant of such things—imagine, because the
train moved in accordance with, and in the same
direction as tile caboose, that therefore the caboose
was pulling the train. To anyone informed on such
subjects, however, it would be quite obvious thst
the real motive force was derived from the engine
behind nnd that the movement of the caboose was
but a reflex of tiie movement communicated by the
engine to the body of the train.
So it fa with the Socisl Process. Material conditions—the engine—are the real driving force.
Ideals are but a reflex of that force. For instance;
we live, and have lived for thousands of years,
under different forms of society in which every
man's hand is against hfa neighbor. None are
free from the effects of thfa Even the members
of the ruling clan are obliged to struggle with
each other to order to maintain their position. What
is the result ? The rant widely held Ideal for thousands of years has been 'The Brotherhood of
Man;' an ideal condition where that state of affairs which has obtained for centuries, and which
fa becoming less and less tolerable, shall not exist.
As far as striving after ideals is concerned we have
been striving after that one for ages. Can any
man honestly assert that wc are any nearer to its
attainment than we were, say, nineteen-hundred
years ago!
The ideal of 'The Brotherhood of Man' tea beautiful one. It fa certainly nothing, to any man's discredit that he should hold it.' But it should be understood that wc can never attain to it or anything
approaching it, so long aa existing material conditions do net favor it. Wherefore, those who pro-
feafto aspire to and strive towards it would be better advised to devote their energtes to the endeavor to modify, as far as fa humanly possible, the
material conditions under whieh Society exists.
Our friends of the Cassock, the Cowl and the Sur-
plice, and all then who are deluded by them, might
give thfa s trtel. They must expect, however,' in
such an event, to be very quickly taken in hand by
their masters and ours and soundly spanked for
their impudence. None know better than our masters how utterly futile fa this striving after ideals,
snd none know better thin they bow much it fa to
their interests to keep us so deluded. What they
do net seem to realise, however, fa that in tite grip
of the evolutionary process tiwy are as powerless
sa;wav:'. '^"f? :;-'*  .:;:    .,•,;/' ■'"••■•' •"'■•'';'.■' '■■("'.  '""'  [■'■
The evolution of Society hss been likened to an
unhatehed chicken. There comes a time when further development within the egg fa impossible. The
shell, which at first formed a protective covering,
has served its purpose. It te no longer necessary.
in fact has become a menace, a bar to further progress. It has become reactionary. The shell must
be broken, the chick must win through to liberty—
Toanaini^m procnda^til a^tTT reached
where further development along the lines imposed
by that particular form te impossible. When that
point is reached one of two things must happen-
like the chicken, Society must break open and discard the shell whteh retards its further development—or die. The death of the Social Organism'
is a possibility of such exceeding remoteness tint
we are justified in contending thst, when that
point fa reached, Society is going to break through
ite shan. -fbat fa l^rulutten.
The typesetter is requested to leave a gap
here so thst members of the 'Citizen's League'
msy hsve time to catch their breath.
' The chicken, however, does not break out of its
shell because of any beautiful ideal it may have
formed concerning what awaits it outside. It. don
not peck away at ite hard covering because it
chooses to do so of its own 'free will,' The chicken's
beak fa soft at first, and it probably hurts it to
peck. But it does so because it must Its existing
condition has become intolerable.   --.
. And that, figuratively speaking, fa the position
in which Society finds itself today. Naturally, to
we who realize how close at hand the Social revolution is, the question of what the subsequent
Society will be like is one of absorbing interest.
Nevertheless, those of us who hsve a proper under?
standing of the principle involved will enter very
cautiously upon any discussion of tt. Assuming-—
for the sake of continuing the analogy—something
which fa highly improbable, namely, that the chicken has some conception of whst the outside world
is like, it-is quite obvious that whatever tiwt concept might be it could not coincide with reality for
the chicken lias had no experience of any world but
that within its shell. But even a chicken, under
such circumstances, would, we must admit, be
justified in assuming that, at least, once free of its
shell, it would not be subjected to those same intolerable condition, which wen hindering its development.
So it fa with us. We can not say what characteristics will mark post-capitalist society. But
we can say which will not. < We are not justified
in asserting that the future Society will be Communism, Collectivism, Individualism or any other-
ism. But we may be sure that it will not be Capitalism. We are adrift on thc sea of speculstion
When we commence to paint beautiful word-pictures of the future society. But we sre on solid
ground when we contend that, after tbe Social Bevolution is sn accomplished fact, economic dass
divisions with antagonistic interests snd alt these
Intolerable condition, to which such class diristtow
give rise will not exist.
Meanwhile, it might be n well to remember that
the Social Bevolution te not yet acecuspHshed unci
then te work to do. The future will provide far
iteelf out of the exigencies of tiw element We live
in today. C. K.
Afl 'band, are showing great determination
torn "sdf-detei-nunation'' (f) on Buaste. A despatch in thc Dafly Herald says,- "tiwt the 7th
Polish Division, whieh fa being nnt to Lods, te
commanded by Frenchmen. It fa made up of former German Poles, together with Polish, English.
French and American volunteers., The .rtfltery te
served by Austrian Poles sent from Italy." Throe
cheers for Imperislfatie Internstionalism m
•      V    - *       *• '\
.1. *■
The Editor hss asked me to write a few of my
experiences and impressions whilst in Siberia as
a memberoTthVCv E. F.MS), tlunktog they may
be of interest to readers of the RED FLAG.
I must firatEstate^ that, owing to the fact that I
wn stationed near Vladivostok during the whole
of the time I was in Siberia. I can only speak from
personal experience about that district.   What
e Impressions of
up the situation as between
The Russian peasant fa a good-natured, peace-
loving, industrious iudividual, the Doukoboure being typical specimens. The Russian autocracy retted almost entiraaj&u the CossachVafad n*w of'
an Article in the "Christian ,
Monitor," of July 4.)
LONDON, England-The present    writer   fUW
among the few—the very few—who found   himself
unable to gather enthusiasm over the setting up off
the men warlike Russians for a permanent army    the National Ipdustrial Council, which, in the opinio maintain them to power.   Production, especially    ten of the experts of Labor problems, was the gol-
writeTbout'tiwrest otthe eountiy, and -wndlttona   in the country villages and small towns, was car-   den key to the paradise ef peace wherein man la-
tiwrmlfafrom ***•"5 eeuuauntettenw^nn^ Tiw ftttwit he-    boredmid wen content confident in the hop. that
purees from officers snd men of the Bussian ionged body and soul to thw hind ownaw, Who their grievance hsd but to be ststed to be removed-
Army,Civilians, Crech-Slovaks, American and Jap- treated tlwn wita the utar^ cr^y aiid bwiuuv and that the representatives of Capital and Labor,
-j^efn''tiir1JI'fc—. *•""•* '■***** "* **• ***** ***** wl>ft wrtmt tty, a Verp well known fact. The contemptable in- sitting together on terms of equality, were thc saf-
into the interior, and from German. Austrian and feriority of the "lower" classes, fa an idea deeply est guarantee for the future welfare and hsrmon-
Hungarian prisouen of war with whom I came rooted[*,the nunda rf Altetocrate
rancH.*^ nmpan   pectelly mBumte, perhaps,   a this   ids. epwdy   dntry.
andweigh sfl stotemciite^ acted upon.   In tiw ,*^&.Mh0*tr*m*       ...   .   Although the ueenaity   for>prompt
army, one sere the peasant treated with injustice,    action was recognized af the time, and the work of
ferocious cruelty and contempt. - the joint committee was carried through with an
When, therefore, the Bolshevik doctrine of "tak-   eye on the calendar, over two months have slipped
formants, and to ntWlUaa. ecnsitteration the pre-
judiees likely to exist in their minds; and I consider that any statement made by me in the following article fa as near the truth as it is possible for
en outsider to get n to what happened, end what
te happening to Siberia.
With regard to the Expedition itself, I can only
say that it was graft front beginning to end, an
absolute waste of time, and a nun of unneecsttry
discomfort to the men. I was one of those unfortunates doomed to three weeks hell on the S. S.
Protesilaus, where even the common decencies nf
life were lacking. Packed together in the depths
of an ilWntiiated, gloomy hold, with no lavatory
or toilet accommodation except on deck, (and then
wen frozen up the latter half of tiw tourney,) it
Was little wonder that the majority of the men being very sick, the place stank like a sewer, and life
became unbearable. The weather was rougk and
one night, when one of the propellors broke, one
of the hatchways was washed away, and we wen
flooded with water, which greatly added to our
miserable condition.  The food was as bad aa tiwy
ing much" was preached, it was willing ears that
listened. The communistic method of production
wu not u new idea to them. Freedom from the
tyrrany of their oppressors was greatly to be.
Ninety-five per cent, of the votes were given to
the Bolsheviks, j Soviets were established, and a
bloodless revolution was accomplished. The land
Wan taken away from the owners and given, lb
some cases to the peasants and small holders, in
ethers to the Soviets to hold in trust for tiw peas-
ante. The toilers got the result of their toil for
their own benefit. Schools were established in
every place and all was going on smoothly and
peaceably. But this wss too good to last; the inevitable attempt of the master class to get back
their power came.
Before going on to the counter-revolution I wish
to mention the fact that all political prisoners and
prisoners of war were liberated and   given equal
thought we would tolerate, and even this had to be   rights and opportunities with tiw Russians.
fetched from the other end of the ship st the risk
of being washed overboard whilst going along the
ley decks. < I myself, stood one evening in about
one-f<:ot of water, waiting fore pail of tea, wtth
the ship bobbing like a cork, ami the wane washing over me iiwesnntiy. That was some voyage,
and none of us who were on board will forget it in
a hurry. On arrival at 'vTadteostok, the tempera-
tun wtt about W below xero, which was the coldest westher we experienced. There wm not much
enow and very little fell afterwards, the sun shining brilliantly most of the time. We were marched
to some barracka about eight miles east of Vladi,
which had been buitt by the Bussisns. They wen
cold and bare* tiw floors betafe of concrete, snd
most of tiw windows having broken pann of gtess.
As showing the gradual increase in power of the
proletariat, I will just give the wages of the soldier
after each revolution. - *
Before tiie 1905 Revolution,   48 Kopeks,    (25
cents) in 2 months.
After   the 1905 Revolution,   56 Kopeks,    (29
cents) in 1 month.
In war time then amounts wen doubled.
After Kerenski Revolution,   40 Roubles- $20-
.80), in 1 month.
After   Bolshevik     Revolution,    15   Roubles,
($7.80), per day.   This 15 Roubles being given
to all, whether soldiers or civilians.
To return to the counter-revolution, the Czech-
Slovaks, before the war, lived in Bohemia. They
refused to fight in the Austrian Army, and at the
Then wen huge heaters, but we wan not able to beginning of the war gave themnlves tip to the
hsve much fire in tiw beaters. For the first few Russians as prfaonere, offering to fight with them
weeks we had to pack water in pails a dfatsure of   against the Germans, their offer being   acrepted.
about two miles, and to niwequenn then wss a
shortage of that necessity. Bowever, on tha whole,
life wn tolerabte there. In April we wen tel*
that we should be returning to Canada either that
month or tiw next No ressott wn given, but most
af us, being only too anxioua to get back, did not
worry abouPthat. The whole exiwdition uraa ab-
esfuteiy unneaeanry. We did nothing but unlns
drflte and fatigues.
f wn amused to read in tiw 'Japan Advertiser'
sometime in Pefai-uary, a paragraph whteh, n near
aa I remember read n follows
"The pnple of Vladivostok are beginning to
wonder why it fa that n many foreign roldten
ire sflowed to retnain to the country, aattng
up food which fa n scarce, and so mueh needed
frf e*aTwfvas."-v-:
One can  read a good  deal  in that little para-
On the whole, we Canadians wen made welcome
fay tiw Russians, and: were treated with eeuruwy.
I myself soon made friends, end started to gain tiw
tnfotnwtien fur tiw purpose of obtaining a atgnmg
With the revolution in Russia, and the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk. they found tiwnwelvn amongst people who were at peace with Germany, which did
riot seem to please them. Sinn they could not go
back to Austria, they expressed s wish to go to
France to fight the Germans. Now the quickest
way to Franre would be, one would think, via
Odes*, and sfarnilln. But the Csechs asked per-
miasion to go serosa Siberia to *vmdjteeatok, ami
from thence ssM to Prance. The Bolsheviks, fur
some reason, did not sn their wsy dear to compel
them to go the shorter route snd. gave consent imposing certain restrictions ss to tbe number of
arms to be carried, whieh evidently showed that
they wen suspicious of them. It fa perfectly ptein
from subsequent events that the trans-Siberisn
trip waa instigated by toe capitalists and land ow-
nera of Busste, and was backed by the Allfas No
sooner had the Czechs got nicely spread over Siberia, than; almost sfauultaniously, tiwy started a
wholesale msssscre of the peaaante. who for-'toe
moat part wen unarmed. Some of the Cnehs
justify thte fay saying tiwt the Russians set upon
by, and the council has not yet been formed. Why
thfa delay in setting np a body of whom so much
was expected in (he way of creating the conditions
for industrial peace? Don the opposition eome
from the employers in those trades that are badly
organized and for which it was admitted by the
most powerful unions thst tiw recommendstions,
if given effect to, would do so much ?
Council Prospects Doubtful.
... It fa exceedingly doubtful if the industrial council will be established; and if it don
see the light of day, tt ia ■extremely doubfful if it
can allay tiw industrial unrest whteh appears to be
daily gathering strength.
At the annual meeting of the Transport Workers'
Federation, held «st Swansea in Whit week, Mr.
Harry Gosling, the president, said that it waa a
subject for congratulation that they had decided
to hold aloof from the industrial conference, which
was, in the opinion of their executive, simply a temporary expedient to frustrate the workers' de-
No! tiw industrial unrest fa far too deep-rooted
to be appeased by the promise of a council, upon
> which Lsbor shall be represented, to advise the
government. Labor's immediate demand fa for an
opportunity for employment with reasonable < ae-
surity for continuity. It objects to having the
stalking specter of unemployment wtth ite misery
and degradation, constantly in the background
■-■■'   %       '        "''■' -' '}y     ■-       '   '"     .      ■***-•**
them first but I could get no evidenn to support
„ thfa. Other Czechs said that some German prisoners fired on them snd set the ball rolling. On the
other hand, prisoners who wen in Urkutek at the
time, whom I questioned, stated that tt wn tiw
Csechs who fired first on thc Csmp where they
were, without any provocation whatever. Bearing
to mind the fact that the Cnehs seemed to bear an
intense hatred to the Germans, and also that tiw
trans-Siberian route wsa certainly a curious one to
take, ite seems certain that the Cnehs themselves
started the firing in order to start tiw counterrevolution. The savage barbarities committed fay
Cnehs and the Coasacks, who soon followed
into Siberia, surpass anything attributed to
the Germans, end tt fa little wonder that the Bei.
shevik. retaliated. The member, of the Sovtet.
wen shot and anyone suspected of being a Isomer
wn arrested, and after a fane of a trial before a
mflltnry trilmnal, was also shot A reign of terror
win established, nod Mood flowed ban
Bettiwviks triad to nganin an army,
msintainod a guareflla warfare ever since, all the
time rtrengtheuing themselve. and gaining power.
That tiwy wfll ultimately triumph I have net the
lent doubt i The fewetatt paaaanta an Bat to tha
eon, anri altuerigh eVmaume fay treedwry aad sma-
uittg, know that the euly wey to freedom fa through
lb ii is wlalanehissiil - of
ngnung xur ram
(To Be
) =
(Continued, from page Three)
■ X ' '-' ft ■■      $
(Continued From Last Issue.)
a %r*\    _-_Y_|..j.-_    y%am    aa> a ssai.
speeies of animals, as   » well known.
practice co-operation and even   some   de-
of division of labor.   Thfa fa particularly true
iv orders of nmnte. sueh as ante ***. lassa. in
mtlmimtjmm    tMiyliailVA   mmmmmnmtmmMmmmm    m^m% ' *l ?Mk*_ '
tten have been so long established as to up-
of their rights and privileges. Handicraft fa now
in ite flower;, the craftsman owns the simple tools
he usee and produces a complete article. Nor fa
there n yet, any distinction between artisan and
-B^amtas  Is.   ■sah.l.a.sh,,    «r
?*n ,j"""""""""""f""""' ■ ^a^T"*****?**^*': i
t •'•■
All tiua however, fa changed wtth the coming of
machine age—of capitalfam.   Up to that time tho
inheritance if one may so speak,   social division of labor had been natural and spon-
imuiediate ancestor, of man wen, no doubt, tanttus, front then on it was men end more con-
gregarious, et least to the extent of co-operation piously applied. The phenomenal development of
for mutual protection, socfal intercourse and far -':*M ««P»tolist system was the result of the technical
the procuring of food. In human society, however, division of labor along with the growth of the ma-
it would be fang before any advance was made on chine which fa its concomitant. Under the tech-
simple co-operation, for tiw reason that simple nice! division of •labor tbe worker no longer pro-
tebor does not admit of any division. In such duces a complete article. As all industrial labor
labor, for instance, lifting a   rock or. to rowing eoiwfata merely in a serin of movements, this series
those participating will all go through toe same
movements. The advantage gained consists in a
result that.could not be obtained by one man
working alone, or in e gain in speed or efficiency.
This form of organization characterizes very primitive society and fa known as "simple co-operation" or "simple associated effort."
.     Primitive Division of Labor Based on Sex.
Probably the .earliest form of true division of
labor is that based on sex. It fa obvious that the
MX function of women, childbearing and rearing'
would have economic effects. These effects ss a
matter of fact, ware much mere comprehensive,
more extensive than a consideration of modern
society would suggest. It fa probable that women
//were the first basketmakers, wesvers, potters and
even agriculturists. On the other hand, the men
Would do the fighting, hunting, building and take
charge of the flocks and herds. It fa, however, a
delusion, born of modern sentimentalfam, to aay
that primitive man chose for himself the nobler oc-
cupations au<ij compelled the woman to perform
the meaner tasks. There is every reason'to believe
that no such idea ever entered the head of savage
man and that we have a very natural and simple
can of division of labor.       ^-»
• ■..
Simple Division of Labor By Onupation Appears.
As a further development we find growing up
the division of labor By occupation. The tribe had
to have "a medicine man whose particular business
it was to hold intercourse with the spirits, to charm
away disease, to control tiw weather and so on.
From this individual have descended the whole
clan . of prints, parsons, preachers, doctors and
physicians, etc., all more or Iras parasitic in their
nature, and all bearing abundant trans of their
encestry. The advent of slavery accentuated a
division, no doubt already in existence, between
then whose pert it was to work mid then who
governed .nd administered the, affairs of society.
In tiie ruling clsss we find a gradual differentia-
'M&mTmml .£L£t!
hangerR-on.   Among the workers there gen on   s
the workers ia wetsl, subdividing into Waekamiths,
goldsmith*, armourers, workers in silver sad
bronze: tite stonecutter^ buflders snd hewers: the
workers to wood, Abe miners, farmers, vine-dressers
and heromnen. At the same time we find a localisation of industry on account of climatic or other
resaons. Then two factors, specialisation and
localization, acting in a system of private property,
now well-estebTuahed, necessitate the exchange of
oomwodhica. ^w s*w^^ classes,
the merchants, then engaged in shipping snd
transportation, the bankers and trtoney ehangcrs.
Under the guild system, the craft ttnse are very
strictly drawn, every member fa bound to his eal-
Bng, and tbe guilds are very exelusive and jealous
msy be broken up into simple operations, which
may be assigned to different workers in such a
way that no worker performs more than one of
them, and that always the same one. In watchmaking, for instance, instead of one
complete wsteh, it now requires some
in efficiently a watch factory. I understand that,
01 a well-organized factory, it take. 113 people to
make a pair of boots.
Advantagn Gained By Subdivision of Labor.
It will be well, about here, to see in what consists the gain to be derived from thfa system, what
particular advantages it possesses, especially for
capitalfam. The economists generally - set forth
then advantages as follows :—
Firstly—there fa a saving in time, the worker
performs one operation with the same tool continuously and no time fa lost passing from one
operation to another.
Serendly—there fa a gain in skill, or rather,
dexterity; the worker continuously performing
the one operation, attains, through practice, an extraordinary speed.
Thirdly—there fa a gain in adaptation—that fa
tony, that the tasks can be distributed according
to the strength and capacity of the workers. All
sorts and conditions of men, women and even children of tender age find a place at the machine. The
men of brains and ability become captains of industry, statesmen .nd Whatnot.
Fourthly—there fa the gain in the use of ma- -
chiucry made possible by the division of manufacture toto simple mechanical acta, which can be
readily performed by a machine. As a matter of
fact, the invention of machinery fa stimulated in
this way. Again, there fa economy in the two of ,
tiie tool which can be kept continuously employed.
Fifthly—there fa the fact that more or leas unskilled labor can be employed; a long term of apprenticeship being no longer required.
An toternational nVwamitj Bssod Oh Division of
We hsve, as a result of all this, sn enormous increase in the productivity of labor, ftia, however,
fa ef no advantage to the manufacturers unless the
goods can ha aoUL Haato tiw deaund for foreign
markets. This brings u. to the, highest development of tiw division of labor—tiie intenutionsl.
Aa we have already aeon certain parte of the world
are adapted for tbe produetion of particular commodities.
For climatic reasons we find that such articles
as tea, sugar and coffee are produced in India,
Cuba or Brazil- which naturally specialize in such
products. Other parts of the world contain mineral deposits and export the produce of their
mines. Natural fseflttfas for the production of
power stimulates manufacture in other countries
snd so on. AB of which Is bringing sbout worldwide co-operation snd division of labor and crest-
advent, required energy and enterprise and
live, but little else. They possessed these qu
in a supreme degree; they developed their
tineut with almost incredible rapidity and skill. In
the course of their progress, almost against their
will, tiwy have ben driven into tiw position of arbiters of the world's destiny. They may hesitate
for a time, they may be reluetant to undertake the
responiulflititt of the League of NatteaaV bnt tin
power fa unavoidably theirs. Wtth the power couwe
responaibi/ity, however, they m.y hesitate to m*
sume tt; snd from sense of responsibility to   Ion
The UniteT Statesf^r the opportuuttTof "ruL
fug the world, fa almost certain, before long, to se-
quire s taste fordoing so.  '
, The sonrces of American power, so far as can be
seen, are not merely momentary.   It is true that, at
the end of the wen America has certain   special
advantages: unimpaired wealth, few casualties hi
spite of large numbers of trained soldiers, a newly-
acquired fleet of merchant ships, and an opportunity of securing naval supremacy. But apart from
temporary advantages, there are others of a men
permanent sort, whteh seem likely to* increase rather than diminish: an invulnerable territory, the pea- :
sibility of complete economic self-sufficiency, with
a more rapidly increasing white population than any
other single State, full of all the qualities that
mote national strength. No other State can
against the   combination   of   felicitious   circumstances.   Whatever America may vigorously   desire, the world will have to accept.   So   long   aa
America is content to believe in the Liberal ideae
of 1776, so long not only Bolsheviks or Spsrtacfats,
but even conventional Socialists, can not hope   to
maintain themselves for more than   a moment in
any important country; their existence will be inconvenient to American capital,   and   therefore,
through the usual channels for educating   public
opinion, odious to the American nation.  We in the
older countries, where opportunities are fewer, and
"la carriere ouverte aux talents"   is lem all-sufficient gospel, are turning more and more towsrds
co-operation as against competition, Soeialfam   ea
against plutocracy.   A Labor Government fa likely in this country at no distant date; France and
Italy may well follow suit.   But nothing that we
can do wfll be secure or stable while America remains faithful to the creed of ruthless individual
We are thus brought back to the  point   from
which we started: the economic unity of the world;
The Labor Movement must   be international   or
. doomed to perpetual failure; it must conquer America or forego: success In Europe until acme   rary
distant future.   Which Of these will happen, I do
• not profess to know.  But I do know that a great
responsibility rests upon those who mold progressive thought in Amerfas:   the   responsibility   of
realizing the new   international   importance   of
America, and of undeiatauomg why tiw shibboleths
Of traditional Liberalism no longer satisfy Euro-
pean lovers of justice. The only right, use of power
fa to promote freedom.   The  nominal freedom of
the wsge-al.ve tea snap and a delusion, as great
a sham aa the nominal freedom which the   Peace
Treaty teevn to the German*.   Will America,, fas
her future career of power, content herself wtth
the illusory freedom thst exists matter   capitalist
domination!   Or will her missionary   spirit   once
mom, ss in the dsys of Jefferson,   urge   men on
along the way to the most complete freedom that
fa possible in the drcumstances of tiw timet  It fa
a momentous question; upon the snswer depends
tiie whale future of the human race.
ing a world market This state of things, of course,
has its limitations and disadvantages, which we
shall consider in our next
-1WTHAT fa Scientific Socialism! It fa
VV method of scientific research applied to
fauman society and its problems. It fa also the theoretical expression of the Proletarian Movement
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were its founder*. They collaborated in formulating and elab-
4 orating tt. time cardinal principles, fay tiw instrumentality of which society's
its tendencies are revealed
capitalist society explsined
■**- "*s"aw*ria*'*stto''"'---
Tl       Pi MM.
sUsssSbsssbsi ta*> - Massate^-fgsWW LamisW
.."WUTwUnwa **WfamBasa*^^ajUB**a*asssssB*s.
Du Travail on General
wmmrm^rr**** ■   *»   . -•>        ■■ '"^ -- -,.■**.*. i_i:   ■'      ^      '■ •     : *
"Oiamuii. tswea.**) FABIS, July g.-Thc functioimrira rongress, re-
Aecording to the Avnati, the Semen's Federa- ********* over 300,000 minor offjcfai* and public
tion haa^Letrf frmn tiw 10^ ********- **-*** >**«*< -***-*
and the
„   Then tinna prfawipln tf
Firat-the Mstertelfatic Connptp
progress snd    » promfae that the ship* of the Italian
\... .      ■        mm. -    .. * -. _ * M ■**_
.nssnwasm amuausjas^a n*an -i
Marine are no longer to be employed for the trans-   eoeteto itoaif
* -      +* W     «■    WUul_     .       .     SBBsUBBBstMraSBBBhs^SBBBBSBt
port Of soldiers tt Wtt msterisl against Soviet
'smmn   "i'AsBBBssaa.' asmmmasBsVesisBBm' emraan   venissuswi   iwi
 ' minTr —"*-      —- T*-1:"' 	
the Fedora, whore crews struck.   Thc Minfater has mrering fa illegal, but
..rieatatem that eftor   ememwtfng   tin  ptwmut ^*2*"«^
cargo of munition* at Gibraltsr, tiw Fedora" will urine a nteo point
be used for norm.l traffic wtth th. uiideratenduig wrong!   Tn
"     _ . . mm    ■ mm : .;:   ■-m% tl^'    ^m   .   .    mmi-'     .-    :   .
means of which we ate dlreetcd to ^	
material conditions of men's exfatonn for aajn\ £751 Z^. _-, _, emploved fnrtiwr-hs tin ttonn-   it wa. when
planation of their hfatorinl derelopnwnt and tbeir\*»* P»g W P -^toyn u   _     _        w—
"L—i   i-*-1t—♦«-! .nA iwalttlaki Hfa aanerallv. P0™ 5? WO°F
moral, intellectual and political life generally.
The -Marxian Law of Value
Second—thc Marxian theory of the Law ef Value
in the economics of the capitalist system of production and exchange.   The statement of thfa law
fa that over a period of time, commodities exchange,
^roor-Tand wITmaterial to Russia, mid that will my that if it fa wrong known then it was al-
crew will not be disembarked in a foreign conn- w.ys so.   Upon the latter theory the action of the
The Ministry asks thc captain of the port to Government endorses the   action   taken   by   the
wtth the British   s.ltewkhe far tite   fan- rioters.   Or was it tent sailing with the wind.
departure of the Fedora.  i—
The matter fa not likely to stop here. Italian La- wnwY* OFF BUuBIA BATS
r\   .  -      «     ; -..J             ..      _-_.    .  -._■.;.«-. *. ,.**********■. ****          *'*'*******m*\*x.,
faor httfeXluugbeen inn restive state,
 ,„_ .... .      	
equal value for value, end that this exchange value    8arprising, in view of the appalling food prices and
a     a   ..,',.     a ■< F   11 i.i.— •»-«-.-  t- 1— a  l— ■     ■   «_4-~
fa based on the socially necessary labor involved in
their production, measured by time.
#£   '
Revolution, and
Two months ago the Italian am-
deetered th.t Italy was in
to that of Russia before   the
haa occurred to nwke the
A strike of
Borne fast week, snd
into s general stoppage,
strike in Naples.
out in
it may develop
fa already a general
This theory involves the consequential conclusion i
that the fundamental exploitation of the working
elan takes place at the point of production and not
at the point of exchange, i.e., sale. The conclusion
fa consequential, because it determines that sound,
scientific working-class political principles are revolutionary and not reformist to the capitalist or
bourgeofa order of society.
The real exploitation of the working class takes
place at the point of production becaure the
workers' labor power fa a commodity. It fa bought
and sold on the labor market and its price fa called
—wages. As with all other commodities, it sells on
the basis of its cost of production, in its can thfa
resolves into so much food, clothing and shelter.
etc., sufficient to' keep the working class in existence n a working clem and in numbers sufficient
to meet the needs of production. The products of
one part of a day's labor will represent thc value
of n day's labor power expended, and tiw products
of tbe rest of the day are surplus values, or tiw
profits, of the capitalist class.   In other words, the
values created, over and above then reprennting
wages, are surplus values which constitute rent,
interest, and profit, accruing to the capitalist clam
na owners of the means of social produetion.   It fa
a vital consideration to the working clsss, tint because of the commodity status of their labor power,
thst they can never escape, as a class, from the eeo-     -"__. -
noraic laws of a counnodtty market ite cOmpeti-   ****** *** ******* Pewer utifi goes on,
in the past because tbe eeonoaue basis tor it w
«r fa not likely to stop bare. Italian La-     wawrat
long been in .restive state,   tt   fa not ,..._*_*_
According to a   Daily   Herald   Correspondent
Manchester definitely launched a movement on
June 22, against intervention in Bussia, and also
against military and industrial conscription fat
Great Britain. Committees lvere struck off to
handle    the   nation-wide    campaign.    "Let Man-
Havelock Wilson met short shrift far hte Ger-
man boycott scheme last month at the Swansea
Conference of the Transport Workers* Federation.
He was beaten on two votes by majorities of 213,-
000 to 67,000, and 2184100 to 7^000. ^^^^
ing the world's working clam divided.
past fa concerned, but deny its vuBdtty" for\tiw
. present-day because they hope that their class wUl
escape the fate of former raling-dssses. Scientific
Socialists, however, maintain that the principle still
holds good. In thfa opinion they are fortified fay
tiie cvamfawtiou of tiw structure of pralbut society
and into the economies ef its method of production,
not to speak of toe striking line up on socfal questions. History end the Marxian analysis of tiw
capitalist system of produetion complement and
support each other for the contention, that the clan
cheater rally the British Isles," was the slogan of
the meeting.
On Bobert Smillie rising to address the meeting,
men snd women leapt to their feet waving hats
snd handkerchiefs snd cheering wildly. Someone
hailed him as '/First President of the Republic of
England."   ,
He stigmatised British action in Russia u our
greatest crime and declared that any action was
justified in ending it
The meeting broke up with the singing of the
"Bed Flag" end it wss never so hesrtily sung before in the Free Trade Hall.
tions, ite fluctuations and uncertainties nor from
the poverty, anxieties and nrvflitin consequent
upon their economic bondage to another class, until
the wages system of exploitation to the interest of
thst class fa abolished snd the means of production
w****** ^     ^^* ^^»^»    mwrn*    ww w*w^^^™*^* w»    ^wa»w»     va* v    utm^w^m^mMmmm    w.wm*     Mr       »SSWVW«wS*
are socially owned and operated for the benefit of
The 01am Straggle
The third principle of Scientific Socialism fa the
Marxian theory Of Clam Straggles, whteh te de-
•duced from an enquiry into the history in* political
society through tt. vsrleus stages, and from an
analysis of the structure af our nreaant farm of
m*mmm*m^ wws    w^»     tisu • w***m, waws'SFw***w*    wass.    arsna      vaas*BW*wsaw ■   *wre>*Bsa    Vtts>
The Matartelbtia Oswnptton of ^^
that aU tiw gnat litetorioal atruggtea fat soetety
hare bean dan struggles, whteh at * *"
had for their nun the connteting CJ
wtt of tlv» wmtt»^*"f "tewro It abo ahowa tiwt
tiw haste of sll socisl progress fan in thc devetep-
uwnt ef soewtyn ennomie powers, and whatever
-tmUtael progren haa been uwou fan faeen n^ to fan
rictorin of tiw cten when totereste wen in faar-
saany with the econowie forces, whteh an aver
staking for full snd free exprewteu and develop-
here in tiie class-property nature of tiw means of
production, faeeaun there fa a elam Who own tin
means of tils!mm of tiw whole of society and another elan who own nothing except their pawn to
Tiw above fa but i
of the principle, of
For a fuller and
read the  following  literature.   Fan it
among your fellow workers.  Knowledge te
Tha Ctemmuntetie maaweeto, at  tite rate  ef gg
Ma.lNsWii iaf Ihn Hsnialwi failj of
(From an Article By H. N. Brailsford.)
"Peaee and Amity."
traditional treaty used to begin with tiw
ition that tiw late enemies purpose in future
to live in "peace and amity," and went on, as a
rule, as a provisional, measure, to bring into fern
again the commercial treaties existing before the
war.   This Treaty don nothing of the kind.
During the war, when a critic asked me in debate what I supposed it was about I need to answer, "I wfll tell you when we can read the Pane
Tresty." What empires fought for te what tiwy
demand at the end. Our capitalistic society has
snd ships, snd the ruin of fts
rivnt' ■   - A
inter-      Steve ef tim
$g   par   100,   nugle
Wage Worimr emfl
Single eoptes 10 cente. r ~m\
Tha Puoont BeiaiOala Ojniin, fay
A.Bong*r,   .   .   %* per 100. Smgte eepte. 10
even tne uourgeow axuueut. ox suatory eumtt tne
-truth of tiw elan struggle theory in n fern tha
eon, 401
Orders peyeme aa
,B. CL
J. ■
Journal of Newa mid  Views Devoted
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
, 401 Pander Street East, Vaneonver, B. C.
Bfitor;        . aStephwwon
E ban discovered something. Thai fa,
President Wilson has discovered it—for
us.', It fa some thing we hsve long suspected, but
the preponderenn of opinion contrariwise held our
suspicious in check.   In duty bound we bad to read
brce—Always Force
he speaks to us in terms which we and he apply to
the same physical maatfestation. notwitiistantiing
the eight centuries which divide us. King Richard,
tha^IAm^ aad Onmrjad  the seme concept
*_        m. tm-sr*— '--     ^ fat»,,«nt Omar consider it tost that  Talan
..speech, so we happened on the discovery    should suffer under "the   iron   hoof   of   h!w*Z
unTritt^^ *^i^.^
and alliances, has "lam at the heart of every ar-    The cardinals hat was red,   no one   would   denv
rangement of Europe^af every arrangement   of   tiwt, a. to ite being filthy, thnt^aa^ep^^
end of tiw great war came at teat Ba insatiable market waa eland and the readjustment of industrial and commercial operations to
the normal conditions of a peace market became
imperative. The thread of tiw economic Ufa must
be picked up again tiwt had been dropped in 1914,
but under different conditions. When the war
broke out a serious economic crisis confronted the
world. Some countries, Canada for one, wen already badly affected by tiw shock. Overproduction
the economists diagnosed the crisis.
The world market was glutted with the products
of labor,   commercial and   industrial   stagnation
had set in and unemployment wu assuming proportions, ominous to the statesmen, and desperate
to the proletariat. 'But the war came,   a hell   devised ransom, and wc were saved from we knownut'
what   And    now  we  are   in the   same predicament   again, a market   incapable   of   absorbing
all the products that the productive forces of  tite
world are capable of putting on to it.   A   limited
market means intensifyed competition.   Indeed we
have been warned by the inspired press that   we
were entering a period of the fiercest commercial
competition that the world has ever seen. And thst
if Canada was to hold her own  and her industry
Bve and thrive, tost costs of produetion must be reduced,  thst we must work longer hours snd harder and for len wages.  That fa how the wage workers are to solve the capitalist dilemma.
The workers, however, wen in no hurry to do
these things. They wen bsrely making ends meet
anyway.   During the war* although   the   rise   fat
JULY 12, 1919 .	
tin world—that proceeded the war. Restive people
have been told that fleets and armies which tiwy
had tolled to sustain meant peace, and they now
know that tiwy bad bee. llrf to; that the fleet.
and armies had been maintained   to
npon.when sister, wife ar daughter was
** J***** *** ***** kad a mighty^
■■>•    .S?8!" rf*** **™******>  ef  cur   British
  !!Sw^Sl5^CSla^ ■ ***** "Imm-lmm
■  ,      ... ———-" .—   *~r***** ***- *r«Always Force    was advocate  hid™ «n,i ,.,.—
ITM Z*m*T ™dJ*****--   Tlwy knew *-r^ ' .* Poim. HHn^
tions.   They knew that no old policy meant any- ly pronounce a cardinals hat red- but'Urban would
thing .1st but Force, Force-Always Fern." hsve hsd any no of a shoeoteker rnrten^'inttn
So then we aw; wfaenan wet        fi death mercifully mid tmm^l^m
fefflK who had dared attempt the  gronfr   secrifl^
armfas "meant*' The President fa romewhat abrupt "tojnsttee" of nttiiui tfae^te^Bunn^Z
there.  But we have been lied to, and the old policy Benedict OT, sen ^hfcg unjust. W ft n!£*
nwant"Foin,.Foreo--Alw.ysForec.''   Veryfine. hud the foree. BencicX nT ^ ^^
__ Of nurse, the new policy means   peace, justice       "Wc see then that justice as . i«i*W*r.*v.
and brotherhood.   Who ny. nf   Witeon,   ^^^^^^^^^^^4
George, Clemenceau, Orlando.   That's   very   fine thfa for a very good reason     WW if.   *^4 41
too.   But the trouble with the human animal lies ethical relation b^een^ian mttsi^i11-*' *°
Justin fa impheatory of son* scotel state,'and
ties ^'J^** ?**»«*>   #»*** *"*•*
ttes an^ependent of and   anterior   to Society.
Brtjntice *I^««^ng uftor tnaiiki^
Force.   eSae-u^^
Force,   ***jf***°**.i* fajured, not in an ethical, but fat a
-•isenn.   Suppose we start a One Big Union,
Gompers has hfa boon sUowann threaten,
^ BtrieaTt\ 8n9P^ « *"•*»•
Otewnl Strike, the Bwak.ni' Association on poor
e^nection. ahead, that fa an injustin to the widow
and orphans who own shares in those institutions.
So they whip all their  depettdent   aJSS'tt
***-** *PPQ* infawtin.   Suppon   they, by the
-m.mmi-m   ■   m-mw       favW^V* WM  '.    »•" ***\**1»
Peace, justin and' brotherhood, represent certain
states of being, of tew and of ethics. If it wen a
question of color, of distance, of weight we could
, proceed to visualize them. If the Big Four told us
that the future world policy would be Bed, or
four feet to the yard, we would know that
Force—Always Force" would be absent.
What fa justin? 1.'"*""
In justice to bfa dynasty—Czar Nicholas U,
killed and wounded 5000 workers Who were peacefully presenting to bun a petition in October, 1905.
In justice to the British Empire, Lord Cromer had
some Egyptian villagers of Denashawc, hanged
Bogged and imprisoned, for daring to resist some
U   ...   a      . .   . , . ~rlr~w    aujUBMCC.        OUO
British tourists who were shooting their pigeons,   machinery under their nntrol
In justin to American womenhood, President Wilson permits the most atrocious outrages on the
negroes of the United States, and Kolchak sends
hte Death Trains through Siberia   in   justice—to
««• wiaui   .cwui uuvu|B oiuenu    in    justice—IO
wagn bad been far oatetripped by the rise in the   justice   All this too fa very fine.   So if the Petro-
m*mm*   m*   Karl....     mmm*';—.---   *--*   *-—JL-~       mM—»<-   —
cost of living, yet wagn had become fixed and
standardized when the labor market wu more
' favorable than it te at present and organized labor
having grown in strength waa acting tt a counter
check on the depressing effect of a glutted labor
market. -^
What wen tiw capitalist interests to dot
Also, organised labor bodies, scenting danger,
wen cutting adrift from tiw International' and
wen falling over each other to get into the 0. B. U.,
grasping hold of it aa a superior weapon for - the
struggle with the capitalists.
What abo wss the "foreign" Gompers Machine,
Gideon Bobertson and all bfa hosts of old line
trades' union benefteeries to dot
What wen the big and tittle interests of tiw
bourgeoisie. who live »jp the backs of the workers
and tiw peraritie labor fakers and the honest snd
ignorant raaottonariw gannully, to not
The strike in Winnipeg waa engineered. A re-
oogrind prineipte of nDectiie **i*tmmm^mi9 **** *•*
ceded that the uassands of tiw wan wen fate, hut
they arid they had been told by the hunk, that
they would be refund teane "if tiw price* of business teeresmd."  Tan ''wnruV*' had been aant ant
The sympathetic strike eommennd, end much
howling ever since enaaad about the omhoneaty of
breaking agreements. But we hold that when it fa
a question of helping . brother in need and a cfuea-
tten of a contract with a capitalist to stay an the
grad worker—or Egyptian Fellahs, or thc Ameri
can negro, has another sense of justin, who shall
decide which fa just, which unjustf  "Force. Foree
—-Always Foree."
Ton must understand tiwt a color say, red, denotes the same to all normally constituted humans,
or bufls.   It
   ,   nfae   tbe strike
leaden at four queu M, and jail them, that Is an
injustin to the strike leaders, and to •the gnat
body of workers.
Someone fa injured physically every time justin
fa spplied.  Therefore, we have a dual justin.
Who then shall decide which fa the just and
whieh the unjust The Lord maketh hfa rain to fall
on both. That fa, providing tiwy don't Bve in
Southern Alberta during the wheat growing
msy excite widely divergent senti-   Alw^oree^^
» normal Chat is_   tha «JL~    »m    JU^*™^|U,■ *?**»_*••* ********   But the
of   another  and
mente, but the normal, that is,   toe average,  will future fa bright with the Ba*7
pronounce it red, though they may shake their tails "jorter" ^tfla m
and cars **d froth st thc mouth.  No one ever had      We WawswTlTL. .         ,     ^
to go into a court of justice, or a field of battle to „£ h!L!T     !^ ^ » ^  -~
emphasfae snd mske good hfa concept of the nlor '«Ss*Jt?llS^^ twoa*bm ****** **** *****
-_<ed, „|^   ***** te reserved for Huns and baby-
When Omar, writing in the twelfth century toll. SS unuBmna^wB^^^
u..that he  'T**.lMdWf*.**" **• «a«*^'Tone, Forn-
"O^—.*>-....    alvl. mi m    _- t». a »*wagrs rone. :■'*..
thinks that   never blows ao red
The Bon aa when nuw buried Ceuar bled;"
job, that the fonaer i. the lwlfar obligation.
Wc ere all familiar with what followed. Tha sr-
re*t of th* strike offktefa, tk* raiding fay the polin,
mil a wane* glasw sf'sstfawnsBBsrasfssm   smef T sss^Pnaa* asVpaaV lusfntnmlnsnP  WshUss
and the private riridauBm of than known to be
active fa the labor snd socialist movement *** order
to find materials to justify tiw sunt. And following on thte, the organised attempt to intimidate
then union, who hsd cast in their lot wtth the 0.
B. U. and to frighten others from joining. Also, the
blaeklfating, the firing, the refusal of employment
to all O. B V. members
Weill  the capttahn fatenste know their friends.
So shall we.  The rat* will have to eome out to thc
stoat to keep our
variety which
clear, not tB*m^_^^__
for tiw lumpy nature
Up to a weak ego the "kept" prem was raying
that it waa the "Beds" who wen tiw nun ef the
Winnipeg strike. Hew tiw Vaaeauvar "Sun," in
an editorial on Wednesday, ssys tiwt tiw steal
amonaftte for ft. The "Sun"
Afao tt can s«ve tite butter
dealing wtth working clan affairs. It cuts no tee.
We  nwwet  tiw   open  and   cousfatimt
The American Fran haa now fallen foul of "ou?
ABy" Japan, Borne old familiar phrans are be-
ing tMlfahed up for use again.  ■">
£ \ ■    .
rpilK poHtiesl unity of the world, which te the
JL avowed aim of the League of Nations, msy
or may not be schievk in the next fe* yeersf indeed, any but a very bold optimist must decline to
the view* that it wfll not But the economic unity
of the world haa been furthered by the war to a very
aurprisfag extent Conditions are, of courn, still
abnormal, but we may expect much of'whet haa
resulted In the way of international economic government to remain for a long time to eome. Certain
Powera, notably the United States and the British
Empire, control the supplies of food and raw material sufficiently to be able to decide, thoughout
the greater part of the civilized world, who
and who shall have
allowed to develop industries
to import manufactured goods. This
fa the result partly of geographical advan-
^ partly of armed force, especially at aaa.
Financial strength also plays ite part, but fa a result of geographical and military superiority rather
than an independent cause of dominion. If Qermany
had won the war, tt may be assumed that indemnities would have furriamentally altered the bal-
ancc of financial strength.
- The necessity of rationing supplies has ernted,
unavoidably, an international way of dealing with
problems of distribution. Those who control international distribution have a degree of power exceeding anything previously known in the history
of the world. Tbe growth of industrialfam to the
- century before the war led moat nation to become
dependent upon foreign ttuntrin for supplies indispensable to life or at least to prosperity. </ttaa>
tion of .foreign supplies would uwan inability to
support the actual population in health, aa it has
meant fat Germany. Consequently it fa impoaslbte
for any European nation to return to economic fa-
dependeuce except through e period of intolerable
hardship,* involving death or emigration on a large
scale. Only extreme heroism prolonged through
many years woul d enable a nntfaentai rountry to
free ttsalf from the economic domimon which has
resulted from tiw war. Thfa economic dominion
has given to the world- as regaroVmaterial tilings,
a new unity and a new central authority.
But while material unity fatt been more or lem
accidentally achieved, unity in any higher nun
haa not been even approached. The League of Nations, so far from being world-wide, fa in effect an
alliance of America, Britain and France, with
Italy * a somewhat doubtful hanger-on! Japan,
whieh fa nominally a member of the League, fa
mainly engaged to the attempt to absorb C"nfaa--
an enterprise by no means calculated to win the
affection of America. From the Parific to tiw
Bhine, the League of Nations, appears w sn enemy
or a master, not as a free union of equal democracies. The World fa thus divided into three
groups; the Western nations, the outcasts, Germany and'Buaste, and the Yellow Race*, among
whom the w%r*>p*m* sre master* snd the Chinne
unwflUugaervante It fa in sueh a worid that the
League of Nations is to make ite debut
Tha distinction of npitolfat and proletarian has
been mad* familiar by the writings of the Soeial-
teto. But thte distinction haa now- token s new
foam:  then are capitalist aad proletsorian nations.
■ Bnsate and Germany an proletarian nation*, the
former still on strike, the latter probably about to
make a sullen submission.   % tiw ennomie
(From thc New Ypifk^'Bial,*' June $*.)
relations will produce harmony between State* or
that Germany and' Bussia will be filled   with ar-
By Bcrtrand Kussell, English Publicist. dent love for top Western notion during the next
few veers.   They may be powerless in a military
sense, just as labor organizations are;   but,, like
situation, in short, fa to be as similar as possible to
tiw, individual situation of a wage-earner ih a capi-
talut community. Their reward for accepting our
terms fa1 to be that they are to have enough to eat
to support life; their punishment for rejecting
them that their numbers are to be reduced by
until they submit. (Thfa fa a alight ex-
n of our generosity. At a moment when
large numbers of German infante are dying far
lack of milk, the Peace Treaty demands the surrender by Germany of a hundred and forty thousands of milch-cows.) In industrial disputes, wc
are accustomed to subjugation of strikers by these
means.  But tt marks the growth of economic ways
labor organizations, they^may find other ways than
war by which their grievances can be forced upon
the attention of their masters. I do not wish to be
misunderstood when I apeak of "gitevsnns:»»
what I am saving fa wholly independent of the
question whether they are justified in feeling grievances. I say only that they will feel them,
that in fact their ennomie position will be ten
their defeat in  the
*^^^*m***   j"""*t"""""P"WW^""^ ***** ■    ^^**w
fa hot one likely to inau^
te a period of international amity, or to realize the dreams of then who died in France believing that our aim was to destroy militarism and as*
of thought that the methods   of   lsfaqr   disputes tablfah universal freedom,
should*, be applied in dealing with a vanquished na- -- fa economic considerations mainly that   have
tion. eans^theaaverttyof toe pttoe toims and the fan-
As to Russis, it fa a* yet impossible to know what pteeafate hostility to tiw Bolsheviks.   (Then wfcn>
will happen.   It fa conceivable that,   by sufficient think toe hostility to the Bolsheviks fa due to
determination,   Russia may succeed in   becoming atroettinun pottii^
economically self-sufficient If so, war-weariness
may compel the Allies to abandon the policy of
intervention.   But if Russia is not willing to fan
tbe hardships involved in an economic boycott, or
if the Allies can raise sufficient armies to occupy
are failing to realize how their own horror of these
atrocities has been stimulated. The Tsar's govern-
ment was guilty of many more and much worn
atrocities, but if was not to tbe interest of the
capitalist press to make our blood boil about them.)
the, centres of Bolshevik power,   it   will   become   Economic consideration of this sort are inseparable
from the capitalist system. Probably every allied
nation, as a whole, will be won. off economically
if Germany and Russia are ruined than if they are
prosperous, but many individual capitalists will
profit by the removal of competitors, and then
individuals, through the press, ban power to mold
public opinion. Moreover, under 4he existing
economic system* competition is the very air we
breathe, and men come to feel more pleasure in
outstripping a competition than in the absolute level
of their prosperity. If, by slightly impoverishing
ourselves, we can very greatly impoverish the Germans, we feel that we have achieved a valuable
result. This state of mind fa so bound up with
capitalfam that we can not hope to see it effectively removed white capitalism persists. ^ ':J
I do not despair of the world; T do not think tt
impossible that the idealistic aims which inspired
many of thore who fought fa the war may in time
he achieved. But I think a lesson fa to be learned
from President Wilson's failure, and the lesson fa
thfa: The removal of international rivalry, and the
growth of real co-operation among all eivilized
nations, is not to be attained while comnetition.
exploitation, and the ruthless   use   ot   economic
necessary for the Russians, as for the Germans, to
submit to our terms and accept whatever form of
government we may think good, for them. The
Germans were informed that we should be more
lenient if they expelled the Kafaer; probably the
Russians will soon be informed that we shall be
more lenient if they restore the Tsardom. In that
case, no doubt, they, like the Germans, may be
granted a peace of justice and mercy, not of revenge. The peace terms seem to me to combfae
justice with mercy.—The Bishop of London.) But
if they persist in Bolshevism, we may discover what
it fa the Germans have been' spared as a consequence of their adoption of democracy.
We see, in two cases of Germany and Bussia,
the two purposes for which the power of the sword
fa being used, namely (a) to extort economic advantages; (b) to impose a form of government
other than that desired by those upon whom it is
imposed. I do not wish to blame in any way the
individuals who are varrying out than two purposes. I believe that many of them are completely
blind to what fa really happening; they feel that
Germany, as the disturber of the peace, must be
rendered harmless,   and that Russia, as the   per
petrator of endless atrocities against the well-to-do,   power govern the whole machinery of production
must be forced to adopt again the "civilized" gov-   and distribution.  It fa scarcely to be expected that
ernmeht which tt enjoyed before the Bevolution,
whose mueh greater atrocities they forget because
the npitolfat press did not exploit them. Others
though they may ree snd regret the evil that, fa being done, accept it as inevitable in order to inaugurate the League of Nations; and in tiw disarmament of Germany they see the first step toward,
universal disarmament.   Many others, again, sin-
the relations between States will he immeasurably
more humane than tbe relations faetwren individuals within a State. So long as the whole organized machinery of the State fa used to defend men
who live in luxury on the labor of others, and to
obstruct thon othera fa attempts to secure s more
jfust system, the natural assumptions of men who
possess authority ran scarcely be sueh as to restrain
cerely believe that it fa the business of a statesman   them from a ruthless use of force fa their deal.new
to think only of the interests of hfa own country;
they feel thetnselve* in the position of trustees,
snd regard "sacred egoism" as their duty. For all
these reasons, it would be foolish to attach moral
blame to thon who direct the power of the Allies.
with hostile countries;   International justice   and
lasting peace are not to be secured while rspttslism
Tt fa especially fa America that belief in4 fundamental economic reeonstroctlon fa lweded. America
virions of the Peere Treaty, tt fa areured (aa far as   Like everyfaody etee, they an producte of rirenm-   has always stood for thc   ides*   which   sre   now
such thing, can be) tiwt German shall, for an indefinite time to come, be very much poorer than
inhabitants of tiw Western democracies. They an
to do sneiied work for the capitalist nations, obtaining presumably wages, but not profits. They
are to be deprived of an enormous proportion of
their ships, coal and iron, and fa every way pr«>
vented from competing with our trade. If they
nevertheless do find wsys of making money, they
aie to be deprived, of what they make
provide reparation for   tiie war.   Their   national
stances and systems. We have to understand their
action, and to form an opinion as to whether it fa
for the good of the world; but if our opinion fa advene, we must go behind the men to the system
which has produced them, and ask ourselves
whether, under that system, anything better could
be expecte#.
The capitalist system of fadustry, whatever its
merits, has not been found conducive to perfect
harm*ny between capital and labor. It fa hardly
to be expected that its extension to international
known a* "Liberal." In 1776, then ideas, as embodied in tfae 'Declaration of Independence, represented the Extreme Left, just as° much as Bolshevism does now. But even the most advanced ideas
can not be allowed to stand sHU for a century and
a'half without finding tiwmttlve* outstripped by
later corners. Liberal ideas sre admirable fa circumstances which riloVa prosperous career to sny
tolerably ria^ron person, AmericiiiS' wttb an immensely rich .ml U^mma^
Continued On Page Six.) '
,       '
tude of Allied Diplomacy Towards Bolshevist Regime
The second installment, written by William
Hard, of the experiences to Russia during theBol-
shevfat regime of CoL Raymond Robins, bead of
the American Bed Chan mission, appears to tito
Metropolitan Magazine for July.
We extract from it the following:
The Russian army was helpless .nd hopeless,
yes. But could some *upport be got from the Al-
itesf   Would tiw Allien promfae to
Bussian Soviets, instead of ratifying
(of Brest Lttovsk,) should repudiate itt
A memorandum wm written,   la it I
was addressed
longs to the
there was simply the memorandum itself. It
the Allies what they would do in nrtain circumstances.
•The Allied Diplomatic Circlm Guns Wrong Again.
But Lenin already suspected whet tiwy would
do.   So did Trotsky.
Trotsky had said to Robins one day:
"Haven't you Americana got a Russian Bail-
way Mission, of Americans, somewhere r*
■   .
<4When te itf"
"Gone to Japan?'
'•What*, it
"Eating fts
'Why don't you send it in heref"
Why, Mr. Commissioner, you know there an
many Americans—"
"Tea, they think I'm a German agent Well'
now, suppose I aiay Just assume, for argument
that I am. Ton admit I have never told you I
would do e thing and then failed to do it. My motives may be bad, but my setions go with my
promises.Is thst right!"
"Weil, then, out of some motive, which you
may assume to be had. I am willing to share the
railway system of Buaste half-and-half with thc
United States; and if you wfll bring your Bail-
way Mission into Bussia I promfae you that I wfll
give its members complete authority over half the
transportation of afl the Buaste of the Soviets."
"What do you mean—half!"
"I mean thte:
"I will accept anybody you Americans went to
name ss your railway ehtef and I will make him
Assistant Superintendent of Bumten Ways snd
Communication, and hfa orders will be orders.
Then, as well n we can, we will divide all our
available transportation facilities into two
parte. Ton will use your half to evacuate
supplies from tiw front and to earry them sway
into tha interior, so that the Germans wfll not be
able to get them. We wfll use our half, you help-
where we have a surploa to the plan, when we
ban e deficit.   Ton net"
"dearly. Ton want us Aawricans to reform
and restore your railway system for you* n tiwt
it can carry food sensssfuDy and n that you esn
feed your people and keep your Government go-
mans wfll advance. If they do, they will take all
that stuff. We esn not move tt back. We can do
small things on our railways now, but not big
things. Most of our technical railway managers
sre against us. They are against the revolution.
They sre sabotaging tiie revolution. Our railways
are headless. The whole point fa: our railways
need new heads.   Will you supply them?"
"I1J inquire.''
"But be sure yoti mske thfa dear: My motive,
whether good or bad, is entirely selfish. I get e
reorganized and effective railway system for Soviet Russia. And your motive so far aa I am
rented, fa entirely selfish, too. Ton save a
of munitions from all possibility of falling into
the hands of the Germans You gilt e benefit I
get a benefit. Mutual services, mutual benefits,
and no pretenses!   What do you aay!" ,
"111 find out'* ^
So again Bobins ran to diplomatic circles with
what he thought was good news, and again it was
received without interest. Again he heard the
wisdom of the palaces. The peasants were really
rising now. Lenin and Trotsky were really falling now. The real Bussia, tiie Bussia loving the
whip, the Bussia loving the strong man, Kaledine,
Alexeiev, somebody, was asserting itself. Up from
the Ukraine. Up from theDon... Up from, tiw
Urals. No use bothering with Lenin and Trotsky.
No use at all. .
So those gun* and those -shells remained where
they were, add so the Germans took them and
made jisc of them on the bodies of Frenchmen*
and Engl isbmen and Americans in the March
driye and in the June drive of 1918 on the Western front; and Lenin and Trotsky were still
Lenin and Trotsky came to think tint the Alii* would nerer co-operate with them for any
purpose. They nine to think the Allies would
co-operate with any sort of White government
sooner than with any sort of Red. They came to
think that the Allies were not n much interested
in saving Russia from Germany as in destroying
the Red government st Petrograd. They thought
too much, but they had much reason.
In Russia, in the territory of the old Bussia,
along its eastern frontier, there had emerged three
governments. There was one in Finland. There
was one at Petrograd. There wn one in the Ukraine. The one at Petrograd was Bed. The other
two were White. HI ail three regions there wss
a struggle between Whites and Beds. It wn the
same struggle, involving everywhere the same
fundamental.social issue.
In Finland, the French gave formal recognition
to the White government. It was » "law. and
order" government. It was fighting and killing
Trotsky's snd Lenin's Bed Guards. It was a
"good*' government. It at once-called in the
Germans and accepted German troops and turned
Finland toto e German dependency.
In the Ukraine, toe Afltes gave the White government their settee fsvor and support. Thfa gov-
also was a "goad** and a "law and
government It also waa fighting Lenin's
and Trotaky's Bed Guards. From Allied money
it received an official present of 130,000000
francs.   Four days later it called in the Germans
loyalty out of a whole
army and out of a whole
But thfa Government
power tt Hvn strung in
wss dis*elved-rdissolv*d by
American   Committee   on
ited with the
propaganda but then
Government's hitlmaat
of latent
notion of Jhe German
weak in physical
army yielded only whan Hte
fort was
order" .
In these cirei
taalrh^*     aft   sa>W ■ sa».
■wauls;; as, sn wwaa
governments and observing that the 1*1 a Milliwatt
at Petrograd waa by far the largest and by far
the most important, what did we do?
To the Government at Petrograd we refused to
give any officers for keeping goods from going
into Germany, and to the Government at Petrograd we refused to give any railway expert, far
the restoring of the railway system am} for tha
transporting of munitions sway, into the interior
and away from the Germans; but to the governments of Finland and of the Ukraine, immedately
thereafter outrigfatly pro-German, we gen diplomatic support and even military physical support
in combats with the soldiers and with the friends
of the Government at Petrograd. In the Ukraine,
seining the Ukrainian White Government officers :
appeared and munitions appeared from Allied
sources and under Allied orders.
Trotsky made this fact the peroration of fate
angriest and greatest speech—the one in tiw "fsurd
Congress of Soviets at Petrograd ia January. He
nw the Russian Soviet Government attacked
equally by the Allies and by the Germans. He
ended: "And at this very moment while tin
French Ambassador nte at Petrograd. we
French cannon, directed by French officers,
ing our comrades on the plains of Bemarabia.'
In that atmosphere Troteky conducted bfa diplomacy, and in that atnwaphen Iaanm' went to
Moscow 'to attend the Fourth All-Bussten Congress of Soviets and to debate the Pean of Brest-
Litovsk. Bobins, under orders from the American
Ambassador, went to Moscow, too. He had
seen another chapter of our diplomacy.
He had nan it consist of a stifled indoor
tradiction. He had seen it consist of staying in
Russia and of bring unfriendly to tin exfating
Bussian Government. So be had men tt eome to
the conclusion described by General William V.
Jtjhm, when military Attache of the American
Embsssy, in a letter to the American flalittttUn
General Judson said:
"All American aid to tbe Busman people te at
a standstill, while tiw German emissaries an
everywhere, working day and nsgfat in tha interests of the enemy."
Bobins clung, though, to hte teat hope.   Lenin
and Troteky had written that mnierendnm.   He
awaited, they awaited, fat Moscow, the reply
IsWsSon, from
Yea.  But I propose   to pay  you in precisely   end filled the Ukraine wtth German troops; and,
of ite own free will, not under foreign compulsion,
but purely far domestic Bad enemin, tt turned
tiw wheat fields of afl southern Buaste into German wheat fields and Odessa into a German part
The government at Petrograd, among then
three governments, was tile only one that Wtt
Bed, but it also showed another dttferenn. It was
tite' only'nine tiwt never eafled in Gal won froops
saptinst its domestic enemies and afao tin* only one
that at any time ever did Germany tite slightest
harm.   It did ft the prodigious harm described by
tha coin you meat need and went Colonel
nave you ever nen a gun map Of ear front*"
Troteky unrolled it before Mm.   It
. wm m^mwwm^mMw^m    wMmMmwmw^wwmw^wwwm  mwww   Mmr^mwmwmr^m*^   mmm^mm*        ****.
aix hundred mfln of locations of cannon snd
shells—nests of cannon, dumps ef annum, usabte
steft quantities of tt, tiw uwtertel leavings ef a
once mighty army. It showed cannon that had
. swver bean tired ranwai natr and of the latest
. type, witii theft atstiat hasune tiwm ."
"There tt ott Itea," said Troteky.   "It's of no
more use to us.   Our army doe* not fight in any
Of TBI UttlllaBI
~I [m*^^****
more foreign wars just now.   Lenin says the Ger-   General Hoffmann,   It rotted the fibre el tuiprinl   theatre, eorner Gore and HssttegevBntm. ^'^
.• ■ **
■        ■      ■ ....,■;
..«'■'     -    I    .' r&  ' < ■• ■    ••
rc Unity and Political Unity
PABIS, Tuesday.—Bela Kun has forwarded to
M./Clemenceau the following reply to tiw tetter's
second Notev-
"The Hungarian Republic of the
frankly and openly, and without hesitation, that
not only wfll tt comply wtth the demand of the Associated Powers immediately to discontinue hostilities, but thst tt ha. already in all respects complied with this demand
"We sre not the cause of the continuation of
bloodshed, but the troops of tiw Czecho-Slovak Republic, who, taking advantage of the fact tiwt at
the behest of the Allied snd Associated Powers, we
at once suspended wtt operations, took the offensive which we could only repulse by counter-
offensives wtth the object of making it hereafter
for them to continue their advance. We
-e its attac!
forward advance fat territory occupied fay them.
"In order to effect the recalling of the troops
end the evacuation of the territories without bloodshed we bavc today invited the governments snd
eommsnders-in-chief of both Crecbo-Slovakfa and
Rumania to send to our general headquarters or
aome other plsee military delegates fully empowered to lay down the formalities of evacuation in mutual agreement wfth your chief eommand. .
"We desire to point out that, natrary to*the declaration of the Allied and Associated Governments, according to which: conquest can not form
the bssfa of the frontiers of the new State*, then
fnntteta appear to ua to be drawn solely by the
right to the strongest
"It is absolutely impossible to create
ceonomie life and production wtthfai then
because it fa impossible to ensure tiw very
sfateure of the population living in tiw teirttoritt
thus limited. We hoped to be given the opportunity to prove before the Pean Conference tiw
truth of thfa assertion.
"We wish to emphatically state one point, vie
tiwt under such conditions even a system ef government n solidly foundedjtt^mr own could hardly prevent tiw struggle for exwtenre within these
frontiers from degenerating toto a war of each
man against fate neighbor Wc ask you kindly to
take tite nunnery stop, with the Goveramenta of
401 Pender St. &, Vancauyer, B. G,"
Dominion Executive Committee,
July 10,1919.
Funds sre urgently needed for the defence
of these Wen arrested in connection with the late
strike trouble, in Canada, vThe preliminary trial
is undergoing numerous' postponements, while the
police are combing the whole Dominion in an effort to discover evidence; documentary and otherwise, to be used in the trial.
The eharges against the   labor   officials    ere
'at present seditious libel snd seditious conspiracy,
though the Crown Prosecutor announces that thfa
will be subject to alterations. The Federal Government has retained six of tbe leading legal firms of
Winnipeg for the prosecution, and that action may
betaken iee that no ef pared
';lfc%a*wrto~^^ ■
W. A. Pritehard, R. B. Russet George Armstrong,
*        "   . '',    ' '    " .    '"  '.   '   '   "H* ""!': )     .      '     ..■'a'1""
The "Daily Herald," (England), gives in full the
story Of how tiie Italian Seamen's Federation have
declared a boycott of all shaps carrying munitions
for the war against Soviet Bussia. In their resolution they state:
t "All the crews of the Italian steamers are disposed to go to prison or sink-to the bottom of the
harbor with their steamers rather than allow themselves to contribute to tiw Jefeat of the Bussian
peoples revolution.
"We are convinced that such a defeat would
mean the defeat of Labor everywhere. We invite
all other Labor organizations, especially seamen.
to boycott oil steamers chartered fay international
capitalism against tiw Workers' International,
which te massing now its Bod vanguards on the
battlefields of Revolutionary Russia."
"LHumantte," May 22,1919 It ia a well-known
fact that Greek troops constituted a large part of
tiw Kntente fore^ in (Mesre|UMim the Crimea. A
Russian wireless of Hey 19 anttounees tiw refusal
of Greece to continue ia fight tgefawt Sovtet
all, tt follow*:
A. showing tiwt the dfaturbanees in Queensland
an duo to crwmmfa eaans rather man to "Red"
propaganda, wa. quote tiw foBowtog from en - • en-
change: "The stoppage of shipping fa, causing n
famine in North Queensland, and the government
be. commandeered .11 flour, at Charter. Towers."
Mine, are closed down and the products of labor
art stacked up and the wniuewuen are fall, yet tha
people an starving.
"The Gnok Admiral to upfaastspol haa assured
SssesUV    a^PfATsm#*^aBss^^as*BB^B^a^ ss>     *s.a     aeasm     eauspme ■ asssaSsiBBBLW .   Bsnarss***    sa^»*s^#*^
^Bssaplu   AfpdssBBB9mfa   am Pi   earnse.   waanaswuaulBssssariasn   {ft   flag*   Afssin^ftt^BBtM
m****jt* * Ua"s"fc^"""w*an"'1 'eu*""".^ nn*wm! ^^sassnunanein^ma^BP  sw   nowe*   ^pjs^su amasasaawssaB>
aawnwt Betehevik Bussia. Previous to hfa departure he called with other diplomatic lepreaenta-
tivn on tiw President of the Revolutionary Committee end reueated hte sssnrsnen of Greek sym-
W^*mm*a*m    waammm ■mm^a*am**m*m*mm\. . ^***ww    ^mmW******f/Q*mi***w*m . w**-     ass» ^M*m**m    ^gmmm^
pathy for Sevtet Buaam,. In their private, convcr-
strong terms the Entente
Greeks to participate in operhtioas .gainst the Bed
B. J. Johns, sre sll members of the Secialfat Party
of Canada. The funds raised,
used to cover the defence of all those
loyal support of the workers is due to these arrest ed comrades, because tt b for working in behalf of the working clsss and vowing ite needs and
aspirations that they have incurred the enmity af
the ruling dan. ,
In addition to the can of the labor officials, a
number ot foreigners have also been arrested, we
understand, Under the provisions of the recent
Act of Parliament, which tiw press reported tt
being rushed through both Houses of Parliament
in twenty minutes. Tite new Art fa s "blanket"
measure, ostensibly rimed at the advocates of
physical torn for tiw overthrow of established
authority, but designedly constructed n that very
wide and unknown nope of application sad interpretation of tt is placed within the hands of
the bureaucrats of the administration. Should the
arretrted• uwn be convicted under tt, precedents will
be established which win effect thousands of others
holding unorthodox economic and polttieal views,
and the last remnants of aid established and bitterly fought for privileges of freedom of thought
and speech will be swept «w.y. The sttempt to
penalise then men constitutes a blew at the working class movement towards a better state at
things. This blow can only be met by contesting
thoroughly the validity of the eharges in the courts
of law. Every present indication points to it that
the trial will be the most important and far-reaeh-
ing in its consequences whieh fan heretofore ef-
feeted the labor movement in Canada. *
A large sum of money will be needed. The expenses, tt fa estimated, will run into five figures.
Due to the long continued strike, union treasuries
mid the strikers individual funds are either depleted or exhausted. Also there are a large and
growing number of unemployed who wfll he unable
to contribute, ("unsequently. it fa' the more necessary that then more fortunately circumstanced
should contribute to their utmost
We, ourselves, ran only reach a few ef
in whom thte appeal would find a
tiw reuse of tiw srrested   men aad tiw
class in general, by   acquainting   other*   of
beat, and that quickly.
Send afl moneys; if possible, by cheque,
mmmm~mm\ m.mm        VWtawV -%\      VBWSjsf tt     jttW     futt/    VBS*^BB^SBjf saUlie4V      B^S4*S*W      9i% tfaSSW
British ■ Caaumbie - Agency j—Victor
Postofftee Drawer 879, Vancouver, B. C
Alfaerte Agency j—-A. Broeteh. 1208 eighth Avenue Bast. Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency j—EL Bihhmsn,
retary Trades and labor Council, Winnipeg,
* Contribution, wfll be eeknoortedged at a
date through tiw Labor and Socteltet
mmm mm^^^^^^^^^mmrmmmW^^m^^^m^mUmm^m
Secretory D. E C Socfalfat Party of Canada.


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items