' 'I. . w Ef ■ .•■-•-;■.<.. ' • ■':■,.■■; w-r.v •-.--:. ■ ■■■:: • ' : ;.' - ; " . . ' ;• -■XL1 ' . •'< .'-'"'. "■• \. ' ! ■: . \im * PAGE EIGHT p ^—— ■ ■ -_■.-••; ■ ' ■ ■ FLAG i ■ ■;;■ Materia Driving Force Which Determines Social Changes and tiw Forms of toe Social Structure. A previous article in these columns dealt .AX briefly with the question of the precise form whieh the Social Bevolution fa .likely to take —as being the most immediate of those two issues over which Socialists and others dd rage so furiously together, to the great perplexity of the un- initated. The second of then two issues—the form snd character of that state of Society which fa destined to succeed -Capitalism—1 shall endeavor to deal with hen. This question haa its root, in that timeworn, threadbare, utterly discredited but persistent idea that Society can and should be reorganized in accordance with some preconceived plan. For thfa reason it should be very cautiously approached by thc Scientific Socialist and with a proper understanding of the speculative nature of any discussion Which may arise from tt. • It would, perhaps, be a very, excellent thing, if it were possible, for a number of the wisest and most virtuous men of all nations to convene and nap out a plan of an ideal state of Society—a society in which all these things which are objectionable to us should be conspicuous by their absence, and all those things which are considered desirable by us should be present in abundance—and thereafter proceed to reorganise Society far ac- cordance with that plan. Quite a number of objections might be urged against such a scheme even if it were possible. For instance, it fa hardly likely that we would be able to agree upon what things wen desirable and what were not. But the main objection to the whole thing—and quite a weighty objection too, when one considers it—fa tiwt it simply can not be done. The Social Process don not work that way. The attainment of any ideals whteh some of us—or all of us for that matter- may hold fa strictly limited by the material conditions obtaining from time to time. In spite of the fact that the human animal stands at the head of all forms of. life; in spite of the enormous advance made by all branches of scientific research; in spite of the fact that man has developed the ability to naa, ton, certain extent, the forces of nature he fa atUJ"\but a pawn in the game, and a mighty insignificant pawn at that. We may try at time* to flatter ourttlvn that what we do we do of our own 'Free Witt.' When we do that we are like the Irish carpenter who slipped and fell from hfa scaffold and, to cover hfa confusion, explained that he bad come down for some nails. 'Free Will' fas delusion. All Sociologists are agreed upon that At the best we sre able to understand, to some extent, why we do what we do, but we are not able to determine our own actions mueh less the movements of Society. We set ss we do not henure wc wfafa to buff fae- nutt we must. The whole argument, in the final analysis, resolve* iteelf into the difference between 'Idealism' end 'Materialism.' Idealism elainw thst the 'idea' te the only reality; that Idesls sre thc motive-force, as it were, of Society; thst Society mores by striving after end working towards Idesls. Now, as a matter of plain fact, thte theory te long store discredited. True it fa still accepted, more or lem un- ceneetoualy, by the gnat man of unthinking poo- ]d*, but thia fa owing to the fact that they are deliberately and purpc-jely kept in igorane* of the real fact* of the case. And they an kept in ignor- aace for np other reason than that h serves tiw interests of the rilling clsss that tiwy should be ignorant of such facta. ■*» Religion, which hue always been and still fa the greatest bulwark of ruling elan privilege, takes its ffaml stand on the basis of 'Idealism.' Remove thfa prop and Religion falls of ite own dead weight. It te many yean new store Marx and Engels formulated the Materialist Interpretation of History which drove the final nail fat the coffin of 'Idealism.' but ss the Holy Roman Church conspired to suppress the tnchings of Copernicus, Bruno and Galileo—teachings which the whole world has long since acknowledged to be correct—so have all the churches conspired with the ruling clam to suppress and ignore where they can not suppress, the teachings of Marx and Engels—teachings which the scientific world knows to be correct in principle and which are yet destined to sweep religion and ruling classes into the discard together. Materialism does not deny the existence of ideals in the minds of men, nor does it deny that these ideals exert considerable influence over their actions. But it does contend that ideals are but the reflexes of the material conditions under which we live snd tt fa the material conditions and not the ideal, which are the real driving force behind . socfal movements. If i. ■'. .a This fa one of those truths to realize which we must look below the surface. It is not apparent any more than it fa apparent that the earth moves round tite sun. It is a fact that Society don some- . times move in accordance with, or, rather, in the direction indicated by, certain widely held ideals. To the superficial observer this may suggest thst these ideals constitute that force at tite behest of which Society moves,' Anyone who has seen a freight train 'backing up' might—if they were ignorant of such things—imagine, because the train moved in accordance with, and in the same direction as tile caboose, that therefore the caboose was pulling the train. To anyone informed on such subjects, however, it would be quite obvious thst the real motive force was derived from the engine behind nnd that the movement of the caboose was but a reflex of tiie movement communicated by the engine to the body of the train. So it fa with the Socisl Process. Material conditions—the engine—are the real driving force. Ideals are but a reflex of that force. For instance; we live, and have lived for thousands of years, under different forms of society in which every man's hand is against hfa neighbor. None are free from the effects of thfa Even the members of the ruling clan are obliged to struggle with each other to order to maintain their position. What is the result ? The rant widely held Ideal for thousands of years has been 'The Brotherhood of Man;' an ideal condition where that state of affairs which has obtained for centuries, and which fa becoming less and less tolerable, shall not exist. As far as striving after ideals is concerned we have been striving after that one for ages. Can any man honestly assert that wc are any nearer to its attainment than we were, say, nineteen-hundred years ago! The ideal of 'The Brotherhood of Man' tea beautiful one. It fa certainly nothing, to any man's discredit that he should hold it.' But it should be understood that wc can never attain to it or anything approaching it, so long aa existing material conditions do net favor it. Wherefore, those who pro- feafto aspire to and strive towards it would be better advised to devote their energtes to the endeavor to modify, as far as fa humanly possible, the material conditions under whieh Society exists. Our friends of the Cassock, the Cowl and the Sur- plice, and all then who are deluded by them, might give thfa s trtel. They must expect, however,' in such an event, to be very quickly taken in hand by their masters and ours and soundly spanked for their impudence. None know better than our masters how utterly futile fa this striving after ideals, snd none know better thin they bow much it fa to their interests to keep us so deluded. What they do net seem to realise, however, fa that in tite grip of the evolutionary process tiwy are as powerless sa;wav:'. '^"f? :;-'* .:;: .,•,;/' ■'"••■•' •"'■•'';'.■' '■■("'. '""' [■'■ The evolution of Society hss been likened to an unhatehed chicken. There comes a time when further development within the egg fa impossible. The PIP shell, which at first formed a protective covering, has served its purpose. It te no longer necessary. in fact has become a menace, a bar to further progress. It has become reactionary. The shell must be broken, the chick must win through to liberty— Toanaini^m procnda^til a^tTT reached where further development along the lines imposed by that particular form te impossible. When that point is reached one of two things must happen- like the chicken, Society must break open and discard the shell whteh retards its further development—or die. The death of the Social Organism' is a possibility of such exceeding remoteness tint we are justified in contending thst, when that point fa reached, Society is going to break through ite shan. -fbat fa l^rulutten. The typesetter is requested to leave a gap here so thst members of the 'Citizen's League' msy hsve time to catch their breath. ■ ' ' The chicken, however, does not break out of its shell because of any beautiful ideal it may have formed concerning what awaits it outside. It. don not peck away at ite hard covering because it chooses to do so of its own 'free will,' The chicken's beak fa soft at first, and it probably hurts it to peck. But it does so because it must Its existing condition has become intolerable. --. . And that, figuratively speaking, fa the position in which Society finds itself today. Naturally, to we who realize how close at hand the Social revolution is, the question of what the subsequent Society will be like is one of absorbing interest. Nevertheless, those of us who hsve a proper under? standing of the principle involved will enter very cautiously upon any discussion of tt. Assuming-— for the sake of continuing the analogy—something which fa highly improbable, namely, that the chicken has some conception of whst the outside world is like, it-is quite obvious that whatever tiwt concept might be it could not coincide with reality for the chicken lias had no experience of any world but that within its shell. But even a chicken, under such circumstances, would, we must admit, be justified in assuming that, at least, once free of its shell, it would not be subjected to those same intolerable condition, which wen hindering its development. So it fa with us. We can not say what characteristics will mark post-capitalist society. But we can say which will not. < We are not justified in asserting that the future Society will be Communism, Collectivism, Individualism or any other- ism. But we may be sure that it will not be Capitalism. We are adrift on thc sea of speculstion When we commence to paint beautiful word-pictures of the future society. But we sre on solid ground when we contend that, after tbe Social Bevolution is sn accomplished fact, economic dass divisions with antagonistic interests snd alt these Intolerable condition, to which such class diristtow give rise will not exist. Meanwhile, it might be n well to remember that the Social Bevolution te not yet acecuspHshed unci then te work to do. The future will provide far iteelf out of the exigencies of tiw element We live in today. C. K. A MABTLABOTJAOED LBOIOtf. Afl 'band, are showing great determination torn "sdf-detei-nunation'' (f) on Buaste. A despatch in thc Dafly Herald says,- "tiwt the 7th Polish Division, whieh fa being nnt to Lods, te commanded by Frenchmen. It fa made up of former German Poles, together with Polish, English. French and American volunteers., The .rtfltery te served by Austrian Poles sent from Italy." Throe cheers for Imperislfatie Internstionalism m • V - * *• '\ •. .1. *■ • The Editor hss asked me to write a few of my experiences and impressions whilst in Siberia as a memberoTthVCv E. F.MS), tlunktog they may be of interest to readers of the RED FLAG. I must firatEstate^ that, owing to the fact that I wn stationed near Vladivostok during the whole of the time I was in Siberia. I can only speak from personal experience about that district. What e Impressions of up the situation as between counter-revolution. The Russian peasant fa a good-natured, peace- loving, industrious iudividual, the Doukoboure being typical specimens. The Russian autocracy retted almost entiraaj&u the CossachVafad n*w of' an Article in the "Christian , Monitor," of July 4.) LONDON, England-The present writer fUW among the few—the very few—who found himself unable to gather enthusiasm over the setting up off the men warlike Russians for a permanent army the National Ipdustrial Council, which, in the opinio maintain them to power. Production, especially ten of the experts of Labor problems, was the gol- writeTbout'tiwrest otthe eountiy, and -wndlttona in the country villages and small towns, was car- den key to the paradise ef peace wherein man la- tiwrmlfafrom ***•"5 eeuuauntettenw^nn^ Tiw ftttwit he- boredmid wen content confident in the hop. that purees from officers snd men of the Bussian ionged body and soul to thw hind ownaw, Who their grievance hsd but to be ststed to be removed- Army,Civilians, Crech-Slovaks, American and Jap- treated tlwn wita the utar^ cr^y aiid bwiuuv and that the representatives of Capital and Labor, -j^efn''tiir1JI'fc—. *•""•* '■***** "* **• ***** ***** wl>ft wrtmt tty, a Verp well known fact. The contemptable in- sitting together on terms of equality, were thc saf- into the interior, and from German. Austrian and feriority of the "lower" classes, fa an idea deeply est guarantee for the future welfare and hsrmon- Hungarian prisouen of war with whom I came rooted[*,the nunda rf Altetocrate rancH.*^ nmpan pectelly mBumte, perhaps, a this ids. epwdy dntry. andweigh sfl stotemciite^ acted upon. In tiw ,*^&.Mh0*tr*m* ... . Although the ueenaity for>prompt army, one sere the peasant treated with injustice, action was recognized af the time, and the work of ferocious cruelty and contempt. - the joint committee was carried through with an When, therefore, the Bolshevik doctrine of "tak- eye on the calendar, over two months have slipped $ formants, and to ntWlUaa. ecnsitteration the pre- judiees likely to exist in their minds; and I consider that any statement made by me in the following article fa as near the truth as it is possible for en outsider to get n to what happened, end what te happening to Siberia. With regard to the Expedition itself, I can only say that it was graft front beginning to end, an absolute waste of time, and a nun of unneecsttry discomfort to the men. I was one of those unfortunates doomed to three weeks hell on the S. S. Protesilaus, where even the common decencies nf life were lacking. Packed together in the depths of an ilWntiiated, gloomy hold, with no lavatory or toilet accommodation except on deck, (and then wen frozen up the latter half of tiw tourney,) it Was little wonder that the majority of the men being very sick, the place stank like a sewer, and life became unbearable. The weather was rougk and one night, when one of the propellors broke, one of the hatchways was washed away, and we wen flooded with water, which greatly added to our miserable condition. The food was as bad aa tiwy ing much" was preached, it was willing ears that listened. The communistic method of production wu not u new idea to them. Freedom from the tyrrany of their oppressors was greatly to be. wished. Ninety-five per cent, of the votes were given to the Bolsheviks, j Soviets were established, and a bloodless revolution was accomplished. The land Wan taken away from the owners and given, lb some cases to the peasants and small holders, in ethers to the Soviets to hold in trust for tiw peas- ante. The toilers got the result of their toil for their own benefit. Schools were established in every place and all was going on smoothly and peaceably. But this wss too good to last; the inevitable attempt of the master class to get back their power came. Before going on to the counter-revolution I wish to mention the fact that all political prisoners and prisoners of war were liberated and given equal thought we would tolerate, and even this had to be rights and opportunities with tiw Russians. fetched from the other end of the ship st the risk of being washed overboard whilst going along the ley decks. < I myself, stood one evening in about one-f<:ot of water, waiting fore pail of tea, wtth the ship bobbing like a cork, ami the wane washing over me iiwesnntiy. That was some voyage, and none of us who were on board will forget it in a hurry. On arrival at 'vTadteostok, the tempera- tun wtt about W below xero, which was the coldest westher we experienced. There wm not much enow and very little fell afterwards, the sun shining brilliantly most of the time. We were marched to some barracka about eight miles east of Vladi, which had been buitt by the Bussisns. They wen cold and bare* tiw floors betafe of concrete, snd most of tiw windows having broken pann of gtess. As showing the gradual increase in power of the proletariat, I will just give the wages of the soldier after each revolution. - * Before tiie 1905 Revolution, 48 Kopeks, (25 cents) in 2 months. After the 1905 Revolution, 56 Kopeks, (29 cents) in 1 month. In war time then amounts wen doubled. After Kerenski Revolution, 40 Roubles- $20- .80), in 1 month. After Bolshevik Revolution, 15 Roubles, ($7.80), per day. This 15 Roubles being given to all, whether soldiers or civilians. To return to the counter-revolution, the Czech- Slovaks, before the war, lived in Bohemia. They refused to fight in the Austrian Army, and at the Then wen huge heaters, but we wan not able to beginning of the war gave themnlves tip to the hsve much fire in tiw beaters. For the first few Russians as prfaonere, offering to fight with them weeks we had to pack water in pails a dfatsure of against the Germans, their offer being acrepted. about two miles, and to niwequenn then wss a shortage of that necessity. Bowever, on tha whole, life wn tolerabte there. In April we wen tel* that we should be returning to Canada either that month or tiw next No ressott wn given, but most af us, being only too anxioua to get back, did not worry abouPthat. The whole exiwdition uraa ab- esfuteiy unneaeanry. We did nothing but unlns drflte and fatigues. f wn amused to read in tiw 'Japan Advertiser' sometime in Pefai-uary, a paragraph whteh, n near aa I remember read n follows "The pnple of Vladivostok are beginning to wonder why it fa that n many foreign roldten ire sflowed to retnain to the country, aattng up food which fa n scarce, and so mueh needed frf e*aTwfvas."-v-: One can read a good deal in that little para- u^W">. On the whole, we Canadians wen made welcome fay tiw Russians, and: were treated with eeuruwy. I myself soon made friends, end started to gain tiw tnfotnwtien fur tiw purpose of obtaining a atgnmg With the revolution in Russia, and the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. they found tiwnwelvn amongst people who were at peace with Germany, which did riot seem to please them. Sinn they could not go back to Austria, they expressed s wish to go to France to fight the Germans. Now the quickest way to Franre would be, one would think, via Odes*, and sfarnilln. But the Csechs asked per- miasion to go serosa Siberia to *vmdjteeatok, ami from thence ssM to Prance. The Bolsheviks, fur some reason, did not sn their wsy dear to compel them to go the shorter route snd. gave consent imposing certain restrictions ss to tbe number of arms to be carried, whieh evidently showed that they wen suspicious of them. It fa perfectly ptein from subsequent events that the trans-Siberisn trip waa instigated by toe capitalists and land ow- nera of Busste, and was backed by the Allfas No sooner had the Czechs got nicely spread over Siberia, than; almost sfauultaniously, tiwy started a wholesale msssscre of the peaaante. who for-'toe moat part wen unarmed. Some of the Cnehs justify thte fay saying tiwt the Russians set upon by, and the council has not yet been formed. Why thfa delay in setting np a body of whom so much was expected in (he way of creating the conditions for industrial peace? Don the opposition eome from the employers in those trades that are badly organized and for which it was admitted by the most powerful unions thst tiw recommendstions, if given effect to, would do so much ? Council Prospects Doubtful. ... It fa exceedingly doubtful if the industrial council will be established; and if it don see the light of day, tt ia ■extremely doubfful if it can allay tiw industrial unrest whteh appears to be daily gathering strength. At the annual meeting of the Transport Workers' Federation, held «st Swansea in Whit week, Mr. Harry Gosling, the president, said that it waa a subject for congratulation that they had decided to hold aloof from the industrial conference, which was, in the opinion of their executive, simply a temporary expedient to frustrate the workers' de- mands. No! tiw industrial unrest fa far too deep-rooted to be appeased by the promise of a council, upon > which Lsbor shall be represented, to advise the government. Labor's immediate demand fa for an opportunity for employment with reasonable < ae- surity for continuity. It objects to having the stalking specter of unemployment wtth ite misery and degradation, constantly in the background ■-■■' % ' "''■' -' '}y ■- ' '" . ■***-•** them first but I could get no evidenn to support „ thfa. Other Czechs said that some German prisoners fired on them snd set the ball rolling. On the other hand, prisoners who wen in Urkutek at the time, whom I questioned, stated that tt wn tiw Csechs who fired first on thc Csmp where they were, without any provocation whatever. Bearing to mind the fact that the Cnehs seemed to bear an intense hatred to the Germans, and also that tiw trans-Siberian route wsa certainly a curious one to take, ite seems certain that the Cnehs themselves started the firing in order to start tiw counterrevolution. The savage barbarities committed fay Cnehs and the Coasacks, who soon followed into Siberia, surpass anything attributed to the Germans, end tt fa little wonder that the Bei. shevik. retaliated. The member, of the Sovtet. wen shot and anyone suspected of being a Isomer wn arrested, and after a fane of a trial before a mflltnry trilmnal, was also shot A reign of terror win established, nod Mood flowed ban Bettiwviks triad to nganin an army, msintainod a guareflla warfare ever since, all the time rtrengtheuing themselve. and gaining power. That tiwy wfll ultimately triumph I have net the lent doubt i The fewetatt paaaanta an Bat to tha eon, anri altuerigh eVmaume fay treedwry aad sma- uittg, know that the euly wey to freedom fa through lb ii is wlalanehissiil - of ngnung xur ram (To Be ) = ECONOMIC UNITY AND POLITICAL DIVISION (Continued, from page Three) •**. ITS ntFLUENCE ON THE STBUOOLB FOJt a^DBTEBCE V HATHBB AND IN SOCIETY •^V ■ X ' '-' ft ■■ $ (Continued From Last Issue.) *U a %r*\ _-_Y_|..j.-_ y%am aa> a ssai. speeies of animals, as » well known. practice co-operation and even some de- of division of labor. Thfa fa particularly true iv orders of nmnte. sueh as ante ***. lassa. in mtlmimtjmm tMiyliailVA mmmmmnmtmmMmmmm m^m% ' *l ?Mk*_ ' tten have been so long established as to up- - of their rights and privileges. Handicraft fa now in ite flower;, the craftsman owns the simple tools he usee and produces a complete article. Nor fa there n yet, any distinction between artisan and -B^amtas Is. ■sah.l.a.sh,, «r ?*n ,j"""""""""""f""""' ■ ^a^T"*****?**^*': i t •'•■ ; All tiua however, fa changed wtth the coming of machine age—of capitalfam. Up to that time tho inheritance if one may so speak, social division of labor had been natural and spon- imuiediate ancestor, of man wen, no doubt, tanttus, front then on it was men end more con- gregarious, et least to the extent of co-operation piously applied. The phenomenal development of for mutual protection, socfal intercourse and far -':*M ««P»tolist system was the result of the technical the procuring of food. In human society, however, division of labor along with the growth of the ma- it would be fang before any advance was made on chine which fa its concomitant. Under the tech- simple co-operation, for tiw reason that simple nice! division of •labor tbe worker no longer pro- tebor does not admit of any division. In such duces a complete article. As all industrial labor labor, for instance, lifting a rock or. to rowing eoiwfata merely in a serin of movements, this series those participating will all go through toe same movements. The advantage gained consists in a result that.could not be obtained by one man working alone, or in e gain in speed or efficiency. This form of organization characterizes very primitive society and fa known as "simple co-operation" or "simple associated effort." . Primitive Division of Labor Based on Sex. Probably the .earliest form of true division of labor is that based on sex. It fa obvious that the MX function of women, childbearing and rearing' would have economic effects. These effects ss a matter of fact, ware much mere comprehensive, more extensive than a consideration of modern society would suggest. It fa probable that women //were the first basketmakers, wesvers, potters and even agriculturists. On the other hand, the men Would do the fighting, hunting, building and take charge of the flocks and herds. It fa, however, a delusion, born of modern sentimentalfam, to aay that primitive man chose for himself the nobler oc- cupations au - Massate^-fgsWW LamisW .."WUTwUnwa **WfamBasa*^^ajUB**a*asssssB*s. Du Travail on General ! ■ wmmrm^rr**** ■ *» . -•> ■■ '"^ -- -,.■**.*. i_i: ■' ^ '■ • : * "Oiamuii. tswea.**) FABIS, July g.-Thc functioimrira rongress, re- Aecording to the Avnati, the Semen's Federa- ********* over 300,000 minor offjcfai* and public tion haa^Letrf frmn tiw 10^ ********- **-*** >**«*< -***-* and the af „ Then tinna prfawipln tf Firat-the Mstertelfatic Connptp progress snd » promfae that the ship* of the Italian \... . ■ mm. - .. * -. _ * M ■**_ .nssnwasm amuausjas^a n*an -i Marine are no longer to be employed for the trans- eoeteto itoaif * - +* W «■ WUul_ . . SBBsUBBBstMraSBBBhs^SBBBBSBt port Of soldiers tt Wtt msterisl against Soviet 'smmn "i'AsBBBssaa.' asmmmasBsVesisBBm' emraan venissuswi iwi ' minTr —"*- —- T*-1:"' the Fedora, whore crews struck. Thc Minfater has mrering fa illegal, but ..rieatatem that eftor ememwtfng tin ptwmut ^*2*"«^ cargo of munition* at Gibraltsr, tiw Fedora" will urine a nteo point be used for norm.l traffic wtth th. uiideratenduig wrong! Tn " _ . . mm ■ mm : .;: ■-m% tl^' ^m . . mmi-' .- : . means of which we ate dlreetcd to ^ material conditions of men's exfatonn for aajn\ £751 Z^. _-, _, emploved fnrtiwr-hs tin ttonn- it wa. when planation of their hfatorinl derelopnwnt and tbeir\*»* P»g W P -^toyn u _ _ w— "L—i i-*-1t—♦«-! .nA iwalttlaki Hfa aanerallv. P0™ 5? WO°F \i;»S. moral, intellectual and political life generally. The -Marxian Law of Value Second—thc Marxian theory of the Law ef Value in the economics of the capitalist system of production and exchange. The statement of thfa law fa that over a period of time, commodities exchange, ^roor-Tand wITmaterial to Russia, mid that will my that if it fa wrong known then it was al- crew will not be disembarked in a foreign conn- w.ys so. Upon the latter theory the action of the The Ministry asks thc captain of the port to Government endorses the action taken by the wtth the British s.ltewkhe far tite fan- rioters. Or was it tent sailing with the wind. departure of the Fedora. i— The matter fa not likely to stop here. Italian La- wnwY* OFF BUuBIA BATS r\ . - « ; -..J .. _-_. . -._■.;.«-. *. ,.**********■. **** *'*'*******m*\*x., faor httfeXluugbeen inn restive state, ,„_ .... . equal value for value, end that this exchange value 8arprising, in view of the appalling food prices and a a ..,',. a ■< F 11 i.i.— •»-«-.- t- 1— a l— ■ ■ «_4-~ . fa based on the socially necessary labor involved in their production, measured by time. i•'■ • #£ ' Revolution, and Two months ago the Italian am- deetered th.t Italy was in to that of Russia before the haa occurred to nwke the A strike of Borne fast week, snd into s general stoppage, strike in Naples. out in it may develop fa already a general This theory involves the consequential conclusion i that the fundamental exploitation of the working elan takes place at the point of production and not at the point of exchange, i.e., sale. The conclusion fa consequential, because it determines that sound, scientific working-class political principles are revolutionary and not reformist to the capitalist or bourgeofa order of society. The real exploitation of the working class takes place at the point of production becaure the workers' labor power fa a commodity. It fa bought and sold on the labor market and its price fa called —wages. As with all other commodities, it sells on the basis of its cost of production, in its can thfa resolves into so much food, clothing and shelter. etc., sufficient to' keep the working class in existence n a working clem and in numbers sufficient to meet the needs of production. The products of one part of a day's labor will represent thc value of n day's labor power expended, and tiw products of tbe rest of the day are surplus values, or tiw profits, of the capitalist class. In other words, the values created, over and above then reprennting wages, are surplus values which constitute rent, interest, and profit, accruing to the capitalist clam na owners of the means of social produetion. It fa a vital consideration to the working clsss, tint because of the commodity status of their labor power, thst they can never escape, as a class, from the eeo- -"__. - noraic laws of a counnodtty market ite cOmpeti- ****** *** ******* Pewer utifi goes on, in the past because tbe eeonoaue basis tor it w «r fa not likely to stop bare. Italian La- wawrat long been in .restive state, tt fa not ,..._*_*_ According to a Daily Herald Correspondent Manchester definitely launched a movement on June 22, against intervention in Bussia, and also against military and industrial conscription fat Great Britain. Committees lvere struck off to handle the nation-wide campaign. "Let Man- A HATE PEDDLES Havelock Wilson met short shrift far hte Ger- man boycott scheme last month at the Swansea Conference of the Transport Workers* Federation. He was beaten on two votes by majorities of 213,- 000 to 67,000, and 2184100 to 7^000. ^^^^ ing the world's working clam divided. A past fa concerned, but deny its vuBdtty" for\tiw . present-day because they hope that their class wUl escape the fate of former raling-dssses. Scientific Socialists, however, maintain that the principle still holds good. In thfa opinion they are fortified fay tiie cvamfawtiou of tiw structure of pralbut society and into the economies ef its method of production, not to speak of toe striking line up on socfal questions. History end the Marxian analysis of tiw capitalist system of produetion complement and support each other for the contention, that the clan cheater rally the British Isles," was the slogan of the meeting. On Bobert Smillie rising to address the meeting, men snd women leapt to their feet waving hats snd handkerchiefs snd cheering wildly. Someone hailed him as '/First President of the Republic of England." , He stigmatised British action in Russia u our greatest crime and declared that any action was justified in ending it The meeting broke up with the singing of the "Bed Flag" end it wss never so hesrtily sung before in the Free Trade Hall. WHAT IT WAS ALL ABOUT. > tions, ite fluctuations and uncertainties nor from the poverty, anxieties and nrvflitin consequent upon their economic bondage to another class, until the wages system of exploitation to the interest of thst class fa abolished snd the means of production w****** ^ ^^* ^^»^» mwrn* ww w*w^^^™*^* w» ^wa»w» va* v utm^w^m^mMmmm w.wm* Mr »SSWVW«wS* are socially owned and operated for the benefit of all. The 01am Straggle The third principle of Scientific Socialism fa the Marxian theory Of Clam Straggles, whteh te de- •duced from an enquiry into the history in* political society through tt. vsrleus stages, and from an analysis of the structure af our nreaant farm of m*mmm*m^ wws w^» tisu • w***m, waws'SFw***w* wass. arsna vaas*BW*wsaw ■ *wre>*Bsa Vtts> The Matartelbtia Oswnptton of ^^ that aU tiw gnat litetorioal atruggtea fat soetety hare bean dan struggles, whteh at * *" had for their nun the connteting CJ wtt of tlv» wmtt»^*"f "tewro It abo ahowa tiwt tiw haste of sll socisl progress fan in thc devetep- uwnt ef soewtyn ennomie powers, and whatever -tmUtael progren haa been uwou fan faeen n^ to fan rictorin of tiw cten when totereste wen in faar- saany with the econowie forces, whteh an aver staking for full snd free exprewteu and develop- here in tiie class-property nature of tiw means of production, faeeaun there fa a elam Who own tin means of tils!mm of tiw whole of society and another elan who own nothing except their pawn to lsbor. Tiw above fa but i of the principle, of For a fuller and read the following literature. Fan it among your fellow workers. Knowledge te SEND FOB Tha Ctemmuntetie maaweeto, at tite rate ef gg Ma.lNsWii iaf Ihn Hsnialwi failj of (From an Article By H. N. Brailsford.) "Peaee and Amity." traditional treaty used to begin with tiw ition that tiw late enemies purpose in future to live in "peace and amity," and went on, as a rule, as a provisional, measure, to bring into fern again the commercial treaties existing before the war. This Treaty don nothing of the kind. During the war, when a critic asked me in debate what I supposed it was about I need to answer, "I wfll tell you when we can read the Pane Tresty." What empires fought for te what tiwy demand at the end. Our capitalistic society has snd ships, snd the ruin of fts rivnt' ■ - A inter- Steve ef tim $g par 100, nugle Wage Worimr emfl Single eoptes 10 cente. r ~m\ Tha Puoont BeiaiOala Ojniin, fay A.Bong*r, . . %* per 100. Smgte eepte. 10 1* SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA PmOPaVOAJTOA MBlaVQB r, JDLT IS Paid. even tne uourgeow axuueut. ox suatory eumtt tne -truth of tiw elan struggle theory in n fern tha Make eon, 401 Orders peyeme aa ■ ,B. CL J. ■ THE RED FLAG Journal of Newa mid Views Devoted :'■■ ■ Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit By The Socialist Party of Canada, , 401 Pander Street East, Vaneonver, B. C. Bfitor; . aStephwwon E ban discovered something. Thai fa, President Wilson has discovered it—for us.', It fa some thing we hsve long suspected, but the preponderenn of opinion contrariwise held our suspicious in check. In duty bound we bad to read brce—Always Force — SA^TOAY. he speaks to us in terms which we and he apply to the same physical maatfestation. notwitiistantiing the eight centuries which divide us. King Richard, tha^IAm^ aad Onmrjad the seme concept *_ m. tm-sr*— '-- ^ fat»,,«nt Omar consider it tost that Talan ..speech, so we happened on the discovery should suffer under "the iron hoof of h!w*Z unTritt^^ *^i^.^ and alliances, has "lam at the heart of every ar- The cardinals hat was red, no one would denv rangement of Europe^af every arrangement of tiwt, a. to ite being filthy, thnt^aa^ep^^ T ■ ah " end of tiw great war came at teat Ba insatiable market waa eland and the readjustment of industrial and commercial operations to the normal conditions of a peace market became imperative. The thread of tiw economic Ufa must be picked up again tiwt had been dropped in 1914, but under different conditions. When the war broke out a serious economic crisis confronted the world. Some countries, Canada for one, wen already badly affected by tiw shock. Overproduction the economists diagnosed the crisis. The world market was glutted with the products of labor, commercial and industrial stagnation had set in and unemployment wu assuming proportions, ominous to the statesmen, and desperate to the proletariat. 'But the war came, a hell devised ransom, and wc were saved from we knownut' what And now we are in the same predicament again, a market incapable of absorbing all the products that the productive forces of tite world are capable of putting on to it. A limited market means intensifyed competition. Indeed we have been warned by the inspired press that we were entering a period of the fiercest commercial competition that the world has ever seen. And thst if Canada was to hold her own and her industry Bve and thrive, tost costs of produetion must be reduced, thst we must work longer hours snd harder and for len wages. That fa how the wage workers are to solve the capitalist dilemma. The workers, however, wen in no hurry to do these things. They wen bsrely making ends meet anyway. During the war* although the rise fat JULY 12, 1919 . tin world—that proceeded the war. Restive people have been told that fleets and armies which tiwy had tolled to sustain meant peace, and they now know that tiwy bad bee. llrf to; that the fleet. and armies had been maintained to npon.when sister, wife ar daughter was ** J***** *** ***** kad a mighty^ ■■>• .S?8!" rf*** **™******> ef cur British !!Sw^Sl5^CSla^ ■ ***** "Imm-lmm ■ , ... ———-" .— *~r***** ***- *r«Always Force was advocate hid™ «n,i ,.,.— ITM Z*m*T ™dJ*****-- Tlwy knew *-r^ ' .* Poim. HHn^ tions. They knew that no old policy meant any- ly pronounce a cardinals hat red- but'Urban would thing .1st but Force, Force-Always Fern." hsve hsd any no of a shoeoteker rnrten^'inttn So then we aw; wfaenan wet fi death mercifully mid tmm^l^m fefflK who had dared attempt the gronfr secrifl^ armfas "meant*' The President fa romewhat abrupt "tojnsttee" of nttiiui tfae^te^Bunn^Z there. But we have been lied to, and the old policy Benedict OT, sen ^hfcg unjust. W ft n!£* nwant"Foin,.Foreo--Alw.ysForec.'' Veryfine. hud the foree. BencicX nT ^ ^^ __ Of nurse, the new policy means peace, justice "Wc see then that justice as . i«i*W*r.*v. and brotherhood. Who ny. nf Witeon, ^^^^^^^^^^^4 George, Clemenceau, Orlando. That's very fine thfa for a very good reason WW if. *^4 41 too. But the trouble with the human animal lies ethical relation b^een^ian mttsi^i11-*' *° toaemtetitotionali^^ Justin fa impheatory of son* scotel state,'and ties ^'J^** ?**»«*> #»*** *"*•* ttes an^ependent of and anterior to Society. Brtjntice *I^««^ng uftor tnaiiki^ Force. eSae-u^^ Force, ***jf***°**.i* fajured, not in an ethical, but fat a -•isenn. Suppose we start a One Big Union, Gompers has hfa boon sUowann threaten, ^ BtrieaTt\ 8n9P^ « *"•*»• Otewnl Strike, the Bwak.ni' Association on poor e^nection. ahead, that fa an injustin to the widow and orphans who own shares in those institutions. So they whip all their depettdent aJSS'tt ***-** *PPQ* infawtin. Suppon they, by the -m.mmi-m ■ m-mw favW^V* WM '. »•" ***\**1» Peace, justin and' brotherhood, represent certain states of being, of tew and of ethics. If it wen a question of color, of distance, of weight we could , proceed to visualize them. If the Big Four told us that the future world policy would be Bed, or four feet to the yard, we would know that Force—Always Force" would be absent. What fa justin? 1.'"*"" In justice to bfa dynasty—Czar Nicholas U, killed and wounded 5000 workers Who were peacefully presenting to bun a petition in October, 1905. In justice to the British Empire, Lord Cromer had some Egyptian villagers of Denashawc, hanged Bogged and imprisoned, for daring to resist some U ... a . . . , . ~rlr~w aujUBMCC. OUO British tourists who were shooting their pigeons, machinery under their nntrol In justin to American womenhood, President Wilson permits the most atrocious outrages on the negroes of the United States, and Kolchak sends hte Death Trains through Siberia in justice—to ««• wiaui .cwui uuvu|B oiuenu in justice—IO wagn bad been far oatetripped by the rise in the justice All this too fa very fine. So if the Petro- m*mm* m* Karl.... mmm*';—.--- *--* *-—JL-~ mM—»<- — cost of living, yet wagn had become fixed and standardized when the labor market wu more ' favorable than it te at present and organized labor having grown in strength waa acting tt a counter check on the depressing effect of a glutted labor market. -^ What wen tiw capitalist interests to dot Also, organised labor bodies, scenting danger, wen cutting adrift from tiw International' and wen falling over each other to get into the 0. B. U., grasping hold of it aa a superior weapon for - the struggle with the capitalists. What abo wss the "foreign" Gompers Machine, Gideon Bobertson and all bfa hosts of old line trades' union benefteeries to dot What wen the big and tittle interests of tiw bourgeoisie. who live »jp the backs of the workers and tiw peraritie labor fakers and the honest snd ignorant raaottonariw gannully, to not The strike in Winnipeg waa engineered. A re- oogrind prineipte of nDectiie **i*tmmm^mi9 **** *•* ceded that the uassands of tiw wan wen fate, hut they arid they had been told by the hunk, that they would be refund teane "if tiw price* of business teeresmd." Tan ''wnruV*' had been aant ant The sympathetic strike eommennd, end much howling ever since enaaad about the omhoneaty of breaking agreements. But we hold that when it fa a question of helping . brother in need and a cfuea- tten of a contract with a capitalist to stay an the grad worker—or Egyptian Fellahs, or thc Ameri can negro, has another sense of justin, who shall decide which fa just, which unjustf "Force. Foree —-Always Foree." Ton must understand tiwt a color say, red, denotes the same to all normally constituted humans, or bufls. It , nfae tbe strike leaden at four queu M, and jail them, that Is an injustin to the strike leaders, and to •the gnat body of workers. Someone fa injured physically every time justin fa spplied. Therefore, we have a dual justin. Who then shall decide which fa the just and whieh the unjust The Lord maketh hfa rain to fall on both. That fa, providing tiwy don't Bve in Southern Alberta during the wheat growing msy excite widely divergent senti- Alw^oree^^ » normal Chat is_ tha «JL~ »m JU^*™^|U,■ *?**»_*••* ******** But the of another and mente, but the normal, that is, toe average, will future fa bright with the Ba*7 pronounce it red, though they may shake their tails "jorter" ^tfla m and cars **d froth st thc mouth. No one ever had We WawswTlTL. . , ^ to go into a court of justice, or a field of battle to „£ h!L!T !^ ^ » ^ -~ emphasfae snd mske good hfa concept of the nlor '«Ss*Jt?llS^^ twoa*bm ****** **** ***** -_-.... alvl. mi m _- t». a »*wagrs rone. :■'*.. thinks that never blows ao red The Bon aa when nuw buried Ceuar bled;" job, that the fonaer i. the lwlfar obligation. Wc ere all familiar with what followed. Tha sr- re*t of th* strike offktefa, tk* raiding fay the polin, mil a wane* glasw sf'sstfawnsBBsrasfssm smef T sss^Pnaa* asVpaaV lusfntnmlnsnP WshUss and the private riridauBm of than known to be active fa the labor snd socialist movement *** order to find materials to justify tiw sunt. And following on thte, the organised attempt to intimidate then union, who hsd cast in their lot wtth the 0. B. U. and to frighten others from joining. Also, the blaeklfating, the firing, the refusal of employment to all O. B V. members Weill the capttahn fatenste know their friends. So shall we. The rat* will have to eome out to thc stoat to keep our variety which ■ clear, not tB*m^_^^__ for tiw lumpy nature at Up to a weak ego the "kept" prem was raying that it waa the "Beds" who wen tiw nun ef the Winnipeg strike. Hew tiw Vaaeauvar "Sun," in an editorial on Wednesday, ssys tiwt tiw steal amonaftte for ft. The "Sun" Afao tt can s«ve tite butter dealing wtth working clan affairs. It cuts no tee. We nwwet tiw open and cousfatimt The American Fran haa now fallen foul of "ou? ABy" Japan, Borne old familiar phrans are be- ing tMlfahed up for use again. ■"> £ \ ■ . i w. rpilK poHtiesl unity of the world, which te the JL avowed aim of the League of Nations, msy or may not be schievk in the next fe* yeersf indeed, any but a very bold optimist must decline to the view* that it wfll not But the economic unity of the world haa been furthered by the war to a very aurprisfag extent Conditions are, of courn, still abnormal, but we may expect much of'whet haa resulted In the way of international economic government to remain for a long time to eome. Certain Powera, notably the United States and the British Empire, control the supplies of food and raw material sufficiently to be able to decide, thoughout the greater part of the civilized world, who and who shall have allowed to develop industries to import manufactured goods. This fa the result partly of geographical advan- ^ partly of armed force, especially at aaa. Financial strength also plays ite part, but fa a result of geographical and military superiority rather than an independent cause of dominion. If Qermany had won the war, tt may be assumed that indemnities would have furriamentally altered the bal- ancc of financial strength. - The necessity of rationing supplies has ernted, unavoidably, an international way of dealing with problems of distribution. Those who control international distribution have a degree of power exceeding anything previously known in the history of the world. Tbe growth of industrialfam to the - century before the war led moat nation to become dependent upon foreign ttuntrin for supplies indispensable to life or at least to prosperity. tion of .foreign supplies would uwan inability to support the actual population in health, aa it has meant fat Germany. Consequently it fa impoaslbte for any European nation to return to economic fa- dependeuce except through e period of intolerable hardship,* involving death or emigration on a large scale. Only extreme heroism prolonged through many years woul d enable a nntfaentai rountry to free ttsalf from the economic domimon which has resulted from tiw war. Thfa economic dominion has given to the world- as regaroVmaterial tilings, a new unity and a new central authority. But while material unity fatt been more or lem accidentally achieved, unity in any higher nun haa not been even approached. The League of Nations, so far from being world-wide, fa in effect an alliance of America, Britain and France, with Italy * a somewhat doubtful hanger-on! Japan, whieh fa nominally a member of the League, fa mainly engaged to the attempt to absorb C"nfaa-- an enterprise by no means calculated to win the affection of America. From the Parific to tiw Bhine, the League of Nations, appears w sn enemy or a master, not as a free union of equal democracies. The World fa thus divided into three groups; the Western nations, the outcasts, Germany and'Buaste, and the Yellow Race*, among whom the w%r*>p*m* sre master* snd the Chinne unwflUugaervante It fa in sueh a worid that the League of Nations is to make ite debut Tha distinction of npitolfat and proletarian has been mad* familiar by the writings of the Soeial- teto. But thte distinction haa now- token s new foam: then are capitalist aad proletsorian nations. ■ Bnsate and Germany an proletarian nation*, the former still on strike, the latter probably about to make a sullen submission. % tiw ennomie (From thc New Ypifk^'Bial,*' June $*.) relations will produce harmony between State* or that Germany and' Bussia will be filled with ar- By Bcrtrand Kussell, English Publicist. dent love for top Western notion during the next few veers. They may be powerless in a military sense, just as labor organizations are; but,, like situation, in short, fa to be as similar as possible to tiw, individual situation of a wage-earner ih a capi- talut community. Their reward for accepting our terms fa1 to be that they are to have enough to eat to support life; their punishment for rejecting them that their numbers are to be reduced by until they submit. (Thfa fa a alight ex- n of our generosity. At a moment when large numbers of German infante are dying far lack of milk, the Peace Treaty demands the surrender by Germany of a hundred and forty thousands of milch-cows.) In industrial disputes, wc are accustomed to subjugation of strikers by these means. But tt marks the growth of economic ways labor organizations, they^may find other ways than war by which their grievances can be forced upon the attention of their masters. I do not wish to be misunderstood when I apeak of "gitevsnns:»» what I am saving fa wholly independent of the question whether they are justified in feeling grievances. I say only that they will feel them, that in fact their ennomie position will be ten their defeat in the *^^^*m*** j"""*t"""""P"WW^""^ ***** ■ ^^**w fa hot one likely to inau^ te a period of international amity, or to realize the dreams of then who died in France believing that our aim was to destroy militarism and as* of thought that the methods of lsfaqr disputes tablfah universal freedom, should*, be applied in dealing with a vanquished na- -- fa economic considerations mainly that have tion. eans^theaaverttyof toe pttoe toims and the fan- As to Russis, it fa a* yet impossible to know what pteeafate hostility to tiw Bolsheviks. (Then wfcn> will happen. It fa conceivable that, by sufficient think toe hostility to the Bolsheviks fa due to determination, Russia may succeed in becoming atroettinun pottii^ economically self-sufficient If so, war-weariness may compel the Allies to abandon the policy of intervention. But if Russia is not willing to fan tbe hardships involved in an economic boycott, or if the Allies can raise sufficient armies to occupy are failing to realize how their own horror of these atrocities has been stimulated. The Tsar's govern- ment was guilty of many more and much worn atrocities, but if was not to tbe interest of the capitalist press to make our blood boil about them.) the, centres of Bolshevik power, it will become Economic consideration of this sort are inseparable from the capitalist system. Probably every allied nation, as a whole, will be won. off economically if Germany and Russia are ruined than if they are prosperous, but many individual capitalists will profit by the removal of competitors, and then individuals, through the press, ban power to mold public opinion. Moreover, under 4he existing economic system* competition is the very air we breathe, and men come to feel more pleasure in outstripping a competition than in the absolute level of their prosperity. If, by slightly impoverishing ourselves, we can very greatly impoverish the Germans, we feel that we have achieved a valuable result. This state of mind fa so bound up with capitalfam that we can not hope to see it effectively removed white capitalism persists. ^ ':J I do not despair of the world; T do not think tt impossible that the idealistic aims which inspired many of thore who fought fa the war may in time he achieved. But I think a lesson fa to be learned from President Wilson's failure, and the lesson fa thfa: The removal of international rivalry, and the growth of real co-operation among all eivilized nations, is not to be attained while comnetition. exploitation, and the ruthless use ot economic necessary for the Russians, as for the Germans, to submit to our terms and accept whatever form of government we may think good, for them. The Germans were informed that we should be more lenient if they expelled the Kafaer; probably the Russians will soon be informed that we shall be more lenient if they restore the Tsardom. In that case, no doubt, they, like the Germans, may be granted a peace of justice and mercy, not of revenge. The peace terms seem to me to combfae justice with mercy.—The Bishop of London.) But if they persist in Bolshevism, we may discover what it fa the Germans have been' spared as a consequence of their adoption of democracy. We see, in two cases of Germany and Bussia, the two purposes for which the power of the sword fa being used, namely (a) to extort economic advantages; (b) to impose a form of government other than that desired by those upon whom it is imposed. I do not wish to blame in any way the individuals who are varrying out than two purposes. I believe that many of them are completely blind to what fa really happening; they feel that Germany, as the disturber of the peace, must be rendered harmless, and that Russia, as the per petrator of endless atrocities against the well-to-do, power govern the whole machinery of production must be forced to adopt again the "civilized" gov- and distribution. It fa scarcely to be expected that ernmeht which tt enjoyed before the Bevolution, whose mueh greater atrocities they forget because the npitolfat press did not exploit them. Others though they may ree snd regret the evil that, fa being done, accept it as inevitable in order to inaugurate the League of Nations; and in tiw disarmament of Germany they see the first step toward, universal disarmament. Many others, again, sin- the relations between States will he immeasurably more humane than tbe relations faetwren individuals within a State. So long as the whole organized machinery of the State fa used to defend men who live in luxury on the labor of others, and to obstruct thon othera fa attempts to secure s more jfust system, the natural assumptions of men who possess authority ran scarcely be sueh as to restrain cerely believe that it fa the business of a statesman them from a ruthless use of force fa their deal.new y to think only of the interests of hfa own country; they feel thetnselve* in the position of trustees, snd regard "sacred egoism" as their duty. For all these reasons, it would be foolish to attach moral blame to thon who direct the power of the Allies. with hostile countries; International justice and lasting peace are not to be secured while rspttslism Tt fa especially fa America that belief in4 fundamental economic reeonstroctlon fa lweded. America virions of the Peere Treaty, tt fa areured (aa far as Like everyfaody etee, they an producte of rirenm- has always stood for thc ides* which sre now such thing, can be) tiwt German shall, for an indefinite time to come, be very much poorer than inhabitants of tiw Western democracies. They an to do sneiied work for the capitalist nations, obtaining presumably wages, but not profits. They are to be deprived of an enormous proportion of their ships, coal and iron, and fa every way pr«> vented from competing with our trade. If they nevertheless do find wsys of making money, they aie to be deprived, of what they make provide reparation for tiie war. Their national stances and systems. We have to understand their action, and to form an opinion as to whether it fa for the good of the world; but if our opinion fa advene, we must go behind the men to the system which has produced them, and ask ourselves whether, under that system, anything better could be expecte#. The capitalist system of fadustry, whatever its merits, has not been found conducive to perfect harm*ny between capital and labor. It fa hardly to be expected that its extension to international known a* "Liberal." In 1776, then ideas, as embodied in tfae 'Declaration of Independence, represented the Extreme Left, just as° much as Bolshevism does now. But even the most advanced ideas can not be allowed to stand sHU for a century and a'half without finding tiwmttlve* outstripped by later corners. Liberal ideas sre admirable fa circumstances which riloVa prosperous career to sny tolerably ria^ron person, AmericiiiS' wttb an immensely rich .ml U^mma^ Continued On Page Six.) ' • • rwo .. , ' |v^%'A^'^';^/ . . ===== THEREDFl^AG tude of Allied Diplomacy Towards Bolshevist Regime m The second installment, written by William Hard, of the experiences to Russia during theBol- shevfat regime of CoL Raymond Robins, bead of the American Bed Chan mission, appears to tito Metropolitan Magazine for July. We extract from it the following: The Russian army was helpless .nd hopeless, yes. But could some *upport be got from the Al- itesf Would tiw Allien promfae to Bussian Soviets, instead of ratifying (of Brest Lttovsk,) should repudiate itt A memorandum wm written, la it I was addressed longs to the revolutionary there was simply the memorandum itself. It the Allies what they would do in nrtain circumstances. •The Allied Diplomatic Circlm Guns Wrong Again. But Lenin already suspected whet tiwy would do. So did Trotsky. Trotsky had said to Robins one day: "Haven't you Americana got a Russian Bail- way Mission, of Americans, somewhere r* "Cfertahily." ■ ■ . ./" <4When te itf" "Nagasaki." "Gone to Japan?' "'Tn" '•What*, it "Eating fts 'Why don't you send it in heref" Why, Mr. Commissioner, you know there an many Americans—" "Tea, they think I'm a German agent Well' now, suppose I aiay Just assume, for argument that I am. Ton admit I have never told you I would do e thing and then failed to do it. My motives may be bad, but my setions go with my promises.Is thst right!" "Yn" "Weil, then, out of some motive, which you may assume to be had. I am willing to share the railway system of Buaste half-and-half with thc United States; and if you wfll bring your Bail- way Mission into Bussia I promfae you that I wfll give its members complete authority over half the transportation of afl the Buaste of the Soviets." "What do you mean—half!" "I mean thte: "I will accept anybody you Americans went to name ss your railway ehtef and I will make him Assistant Superintendent of Bumten Ways snd Communication, and hfa orders will be orders. Then, as well n we can, we will divide all our available transportation facilities into two parte. Ton will use your half to evacuate supplies from tiw front and to earry them sway into tha interior, so that the Germans wfll not be able to get them. We wfll use our half, you help- where we have a surploa to the plan, when we ban e deficit. Ton net" "dearly. Ton want us Aawricans to reform and restore your railway system for you* n tiwt it can carry food sensssfuDy and n that you esn feed your people and keep your Government go- mans wfll advance. If they do, they will take all that stuff. We esn not move tt back. We can do small things on our railways now, but not big things. Most of our technical railway managers sre against us. They are against the revolution. They sre sabotaging tiie revolution. Our railways are headless. The whole point fa: our railways need new heads. Will you supply them?" "I1J inquire.'' "But be sure yoti mske thfa dear: My motive, whether good or bad, is entirely selfish. I get e reorganized and effective railway system for Soviet Russia. And your motive so far aa I am rented, fa entirely selfish, too. Ton save a of munitions from all possibility of falling into the hands of the Germans You gilt e benefit I get a benefit. Mutual services, mutual benefits, and no pretenses! What do you aay!" , "111 find out'* ^ So again Bobins ran to diplomatic circles with what he thought was good news, and again it was received without interest. Again he heard the wisdom of the palaces. The peasants were really rising now. Lenin and Trotsky were really falling now. The real Bussia, tiie Bussia loving the whip, the Bussia loving the strong man, Kaledine, Alexeiev, somebody, was asserting itself. Up from the Ukraine. Up from theDon... Up from, tiw Urals. No use bothering with Lenin and Trotsky. No use at all. . So those gun* and those -shells remained where they were, add so the Germans took them and made jisc of them on the bodies of Frenchmen* and Engl isbmen and Americans in the March driye and in the June drive of 1918 on the Western front; and Lenin and Trotsky were still standing. Lenin and Trotsky came to think tint the Alii* would nerer co-operate with them for any purpose. They nine to think the Allies would co-operate with any sort of White government sooner than with any sort of Red. They came to think that the Allies were not n much interested in saving Russia from Germany as in destroying the Red government st Petrograd. They thought too much, but they had much reason. In Russia, in the territory of the old Bussia, along its eastern frontier, there had emerged three governments. There was one in Finland. There was one at Petrograd. There wn one in the Ukraine. The one at Petrograd was Bed. The other two were White. HI ail three regions there wss a struggle between Whites and Beds. It wn the same struggle, involving everywhere the same fundamental.social issue. In Finland, the French gave formal recognition to the White government. It was » "law. and order" government. It was fighting and killing Trotsky's snd Lenin's Bed Guards. It was a "good*' government. It at once-called in the Germans and accepted German troops and turned Finland toto e German dependency. In the Ukraine, toe Afltes gave the White government their settee fsvor and support. Thfa gov- also was a "goad** and a "law and government It also waa fighting Lenin's and Trotaky's Bed Guards. From Allied money it received an official present of 130,000000 francs. Four days later it called in the Germans loyalty out of a whole army and out of a whole population. But thfa Government power tt Hvn strung in wss dis*elved-rdissolv*d by American Committee on ited with the propaganda but then Government's hitlmaat nevertheless: <« of latent notion of Jhe German weak in physical Ite PubBe army yielded only whan Hte fort was »» order" . In these cirei ... taalrh^* aft sa>W ■ sa». ■wauls;; as, sn wwaa governments and observing that the 1*1 a Milliwatt at Petrograd waa by far the largest and by far the most important, what did we do? To the Government at Petrograd we refused to give any officers for keeping goods from going into Germany, and to the Government at Petrograd we refused to give any railway expert, far the restoring of the railway system am} for tha transporting of munitions sway, into the interior and away from the Germans; but to the governments of Finland and of the Ukraine, immedately thereafter outrigfatly pro-German, we gen diplomatic support and even military physical support in combats with the soldiers and with the friends of the Government at Petrograd. In the Ukraine, seining the Ukrainian White Government officers : appeared and munitions appeared from Allied sources and under Allied orders. Trotsky made this fact the peroration of fate angriest and greatest speech—the one in tiw "fsurd Congress of Soviets at Petrograd ia January. He nw the Russian Soviet Government attacked equally by the Allies and by the Germans. He ended: "And at this very moment while tin French Ambassador nte at Petrograd. we French cannon, directed by French officers, ing our comrades on the plains of Bemarabia.' In that atmosphere Troteky conducted bfa diplomacy, and in that atnwaphen Iaanm' went to Moscow 'to attend the Fourth All-Bussten Congress of Soviets and to debate the Pean of Brest- Litovsk. Bobins, under orders from the American Ambassador, went to Moscow, too. He had seen another chapter of our diplomacy. He had nan it consist of a stifled indoor tradiction. He had seen it consist of staying in Russia and of bring unfriendly to tin exfating Bussian Government. So be had men tt eome to the conclusion described by General William V. Jtjhm, when military Attache of the American Embsssy, in a letter to the American flalittttUn General Judson said: "All American aid to tbe Busman people te at a standstill, while tiw German emissaries an everywhere, working day and nsgfat in tha interests of the enemy." Bobins clung, though, to hte teat hope. Lenin and Troteky had written that mnierendnm. He awaited, they awaited, fat Moscow, the reply IsWsSon, from »» ef Yea. But I propose to pay you in precisely end filled the Ukraine wtth German troops; and, of ite own free will, not under foreign compulsion, but purely far domestic Bad enemin, tt turned tiw wheat fields of afl southern Buaste into German wheat fields and Odessa into a German part The government at Petrograd, among then three governments, was tile only one that Wtt Bed, but it also showed another dttferenn. It was tite' only'nine tiwt never eafled in Gal won froops saptinst its domestic enemies and afao tin* only one that at any time ever did Germany tite slightest harm. It did ft the prodigious harm described by tha coin you meat need and went Colonel nave you ever nen a gun map Of ear front*" Troteky unrolled it before Mm. It . wm m^mwwm^mMw^m wMmMmwmw^wwmw^wwwm mwww Mmr^mwmwmr^m*^ mmm^mm* ****. aix hundred mfln of locations of cannon snd shells—nests of cannon, dumps ef annum, usabte steft quantities of tt, tiw uwtertel leavings ef a once mighty army. It showed cannon that had . swver bean tired ranwai natr and of the latest . type, witii theft atstiat hasune tiwm ." "There tt ott Itea," said Troteky. "It's of no more use to us. Our army doe* not fight in any Of TBI UttlllaBI ~I [m*^^**** nf it f* more foreign wars just now. Lenin says the Ger- General Hoffmann, It rotted the fibre el tuiprinl theatre, eorner Gore and HssttegevBntm. ^'^ .• ■ ** , ■ ■ ■ ■ ....,■; ' ■ ..«'■' - I .' r& ' < ■• ■ •• I""1 ' rc Unity and Political Unity PASSING IT DP TO OLD- FASHIONED DIPLOMACY KUN TO THE ALLIES PABIS, Tuesday.—Bela Kun has forwarded to M./Clemenceau the following reply to tiw tetter's second Notev- "The Hungarian Republic of the frankly and openly, and without hesitation, that not only wfll tt comply wtth the demand of the Associated Powers immediately to discontinue hostilities, but thst tt ha. already in all respects complied with this demand "We sre not the cause of the continuation of bloodshed, but the troops of tiw Czecho-Slovak Republic, who, taking advantage of the fact tiwt at the behest of the Allied snd Associated Powers, we at once suspended wtt operations, took the offensive which we could only repulse by counter- offensives wtth the object of making it hereafter for them to continue their advance. We -e its attac! forward advance fat territory occupied fay them. "In order to effect the recalling of the troops end the evacuation of the territories without bloodshed we bavc today invited the governments snd eommsnders-in-chief of both Crecbo-Slovakfa and Rumania to send to our general headquarters or aome other plsee military delegates fully empowered to lay down the formalities of evacuation in mutual agreement wfth your chief eommand. . "We desire to point out that, natrary to*the declaration of the Allied and Associated Governments, according to which: conquest can not form the bssfa of the frontiers of the new State*, then fnntteta appear to ua to be drawn solely by the right to the strongest "It is absolutely impossible to create ceonomie life and production wtthfai then because it fa impossible to ensure tiw very sfateure of the population living in tiw teirttoritt thus limited. We hoped to be given the opportunity to prove before the Pean Conference tiw truth of thfa assertion. "We wish to emphatically state one point, vie tiwt under such conditions even a system ef government n solidly foundedjtt^mr own could hardly prevent tiw struggle for exwtenre within these frontiers from degenerating toto a war of each man against fate neighbor Wc ask you kindly to take tite nunnery stop, with the Goveramenta of "BBLAKDN MM ABfTsULLL Comrades SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA 401 Pender St. &, Vancauyer, B. G," Dominion Executive Committee, July 10,1919. Funds sre urgently needed for the defence of these Wen arrested in connection with the late strike trouble, in Canada, vThe preliminary trial is undergoing numerous' postponements, while the police are combing the whole Dominion in an effort to discover evidence; documentary and otherwise, to be used in the trial. The eharges against the labor officials ere 'at present seditious libel snd seditious conspiracy, though the Crown Prosecutor announces that thfa will be subject to alterations. The Federal Government has retained six of tbe leading legal firms of Winnipeg for the prosecution, and that action may betaken iee that no ef pared ';lfc%a*wrto~^^ ■ W. A. Pritehard, R. B. Russet George Armstrong, * " . '', ' ' " . '" '. ' ' "H* ""!': ) . ' ..■'a'1"" ITAIIAH ABAMBB ataTD BUSSIA The "Daily Herald," (England), gives in full the story Of how tiie Italian Seamen's Federation have declared a boycott of all shaps carrying munitions for the war against Soviet Bussia. In their resolution they state: t "All the crews of the Italian steamers are disposed to go to prison or sink-to the bottom of the harbor with their steamers rather than allow themselves to contribute to tiw Jefeat of the Bussian peoples revolution. "We are convinced that such a defeat would mean the defeat of Labor everywhere. We invite all other Labor organizations, especially seamen. to boycott oil steamers chartered fay international capitalism against tiw Workers' International, which te massing now its Bod vanguards on the battlefields of Revolutionary Russia." GBBBGB REFTJ8BS TO FIGHT AOAHfBT 80VHST "LHumantte," May 22,1919 It ia a well-known fact that Greek troops constituted a large part of tiw Kntente fore^ in (Mesre|UMim the Crimea. A Russian wireless of Hey 19 anttounees tiw refusal of Greece to continue ia fight tgefawt Sovtet all, tt follow*: A. showing tiwt the dfaturbanees in Queensland an duo to crwmmfa eaans rather man to "Red" propaganda, wa. quote tiw foBowtog from en - • en- change: "The stoppage of shipping fa, causing n famine in North Queensland, and the government be. commandeered .11 flour, at Charter. Towers." Mine, are closed down and the products of labor art stacked up and the wniuewuen are fall, yet tha people an starving. "The Gnok Admiral to upfaastspol haa assured SssesUV a^PfATsm#*^aBss^^as*BB^B^a^ ss> *s.a aeasm eauspme ■ asssaSsiBBBLW . Bsnarss*** sa^»*s^#*^ ^Bssaplu AfpdssBBB9mfa am Pi earnse. waanaswuaulBssssariasn {ft flag* Afssin^ftt^BBtM m****jt* * Ua"s"fc^"""w*an"'1 'eu*""".^ nn*wm! ^^sassnunanein^ma^BP sw nowe* ^pjs^su amasasaawssaB> aawnwt Betehevik Bussia. Previous to hfa departure he called with other diplomatic lepreaenta- tivn on tiw President of the Revolutionary Committee end reueated hte sssnrsnen of Greek sym- W^*mm*a*m waammm ■mm^a*am**m*m*mm\. . ^***ww ^mmW******f/Q*mi***w*m . w**- ass» ^M*m**m ^gmmm^ pathy for Sevtet Buaam,. In their private, convcr- strong terms the Entente Greeks to participate in operhtioas .gainst the Bed Army.** B. J. Johns, sre sll members of the Secialfat Party of Canada. The funds raised, used to cover the defence of all those loyal support of the workers is due to these arrest ed comrades, because tt b for working in behalf of the working clsss and vowing ite needs and aspirations that they have incurred the enmity af the ruling dan. , In addition to the can of the labor officials, a number ot foreigners have also been arrested, we understand, Under the provisions of the recent Act of Parliament, which tiw press reported tt being rushed through both Houses of Parliament in twenty minutes. Tite new Art fa s "blanket" measure, ostensibly rimed at the advocates of physical torn for tiw overthrow of established authority, but designedly constructed n that very wide and unknown nope of application sad interpretation of tt is placed within the hands of the bureaucrats of the administration. Should the arretrted• uwn be convicted under tt, precedents will be established which win effect thousands of others holding unorthodox economic and polttieal views, and the last remnants of aid established and bitterly fought for privileges of freedom of thought and speech will be swept «w.y. The sttempt to penalise then men constitutes a blew at the working class movement towards a better state at things. This blow can only be met by contesting thoroughly the validity of the eharges in the courts of law. Every present indication points to it that the trial will be the most important and far-reaeh- ing in its consequences whieh fan heretofore ef- feeted the labor movement in Canada. * A large sum of money will be needed. The expenses, tt fa estimated, will run into five figures. Due to the long continued strike, union treasuries mid the strikers individual funds are either depleted or exhausted. Also there are a large and growing number of unemployed who wfll he unable to contribute, ("unsequently. it fa' the more necessary that then more fortunately circumstanced should contribute to their utmost We, ourselves, ran only reach a few ef in whom thte appeal would find a tiw reuse of tiw srrested men aad tiw class in general, by acquainting other* of beat, and that quickly. Send afl moneys; if possible, by cheque, mmmm~mm\ m.mm VWtawV -%\ VBWSjsf tt jttW futt/ VBS*^BB^SBjf saUlie4V B^S4*S*W 9i% tfaSSW ^^^ISSB, British ■ Caaumbie - Agency j—Victor Postofftee Drawer 879, Vancouver, B. C Alfaerte Agency j—-A. Broeteh. 1208 eighth Avenue Bast. Calgary, Alta. Central Collection Agency j—EL Bihhmsn, retary Trades and labor Council, Winnipeg, * Contribution, wfll be eeknoortedged at a date through tiw Labor and Socteltet mmm mm^^^^^^^^^mmrmmmW^^m^^^m^mUmm^m C. STEPHENSON. Secretory D. E C Socfalfat Party of Canada.