BC Historical Newspapers

BC Historical Newspapers Logo

BC Historical Newspapers

The Red Flag Feb 15, 1919

Item Metadata


JSON: redflag-1.0083521.json
JSON-LD: redflag-1.0083521-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): redflag-1.0083521-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: redflag-1.0083521-rdf.json
Turtle: redflag-1.0083521-turtle.txt
N-Triples: redflag-1.0083521-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: redflag-1.0083521-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

Array . \. .
zim r<
.■■ ■
rfWE motives which induced the peace confer- tioan would svail to wipe out.-  II the  Power, sp^t  whiA k i^^d to th. iBTiUtioii which
A  enee to invite representatives of all the Bus- allow themselves to deviate by a hair's breadth they have received.    It is to be hoped that th.
sian Governments, real or pretended, to meet at from the course which, by uneseapable inference, conference   will  allow
Princes' Islands and talk things over were nn- they have now marked out for tbemativen,tPnaV thfa courtesy.
doubtedly  various.    Whatever  they   were,   how- dm  WUson would be justified in washing his That th. prenreim^nfFriacaa' Islands should
ew, the action itself is in the  highest degree hands of the peaee conference and appealing to also be public, and that every possible
praiseworthy, and Might to have the hearty ap- the  peoples of the world against  their  govern- should be made for reporting them to the
proval   of everybody  everywhere  who  at   heart mehts. gOM without saying.    W. Mat not toff*.that
really cares for Russia and fts people and desires How are the implications which inhere in the there are special reams why th. entire record to
that justice Aall be done.    If, as press reports resolution of the pmc wmferenee to 1* realised thto ease should be open to the light   Th. facto
too action was due primarily to President in fact T   Some of the prerequisites, at least, are regarding Russu have for more than a year bom
ft is s striking testimony to the weight clear.    The delegates who are to represent the withheld from the public to?
k* and a distinct credit to his sens. Allies mid the United States to th. discussions sia is at this moment practically eut off, by de-
of  fair.—  aid  right    Howgyer  unsatisfactory at Prinees* Islands ought to be men of the highest liberate action of the Allies and th. United States,
his attitude with regard to Russia may have been character, competent by education, knowledge, and, from communication with the rest of th.
in the past, his course in this instance* calls only training to deal with the max. of facts and argu- by cable, telegraph, wireless, or post;
for commendation.    It k entirely possible, too,"* menta whieh wfll he presented, and able to judge has practically eeesed, and
that the representatives of the other Powers may mipartially th. claims of to. contending parties, tion goes on mainly in i
h««« seen to toe seggHim an opportunHy  to There should be no place for partisans, or. in-
extricate their Oovcnutaents from the dangerous competents, or men with  narrow  vision,  or re-
which some of them, par- actionarfa. of any shade. .^Ito/jpee^
toward the "
sian imbroglio.   If so. they may in due time be
grateful for the service which Mr. Wilson has
within th*
the Crar
ennn'liiMe or AnwCfeTand' '
ham been fining the press of both
lineal, wfth limine lotion, of ton Soviet Govern-
ment .r the Ttslsh. lili, or aeelahning Ifilrnoh
and hh foDoweTa as the only government worth
in Russia, or clamoring for an inter -
(to he paid for chiefly through
■) large enough to occupy Russia
from end to end, and who in the meantime hare
carrying on an impudent and insidious
paganda through so-called '
testing volubly ami wfth tears that the
|an made a dreadful mistake, declaring angrily
that ft to impossible to treat wfth assassins and
i •   I fin1    mn^sntow,8mm»    wlomw    aramm     a     rfKmmnmM^ri
an tin nan ft i erne nan ashed for would be little
short of a crime. Far all thh the public should
It fa weU that the world rhould
., in order that ft may remember, the
partisanship on
.iation on the other
the Ihtotonn "new«"
^^rw ■.. «^w^s^^s|sp^  * - ■ mm* m\
through thepress.
lighted.   If the
to stand a. th.
their intellectual eO^petom^tt teeMncal repute, if Ruasto fa to be brought one.
should nevertheless be of those in whose impartial world family of fro. peoples, It will only be be-
judgment the world could have no confidence, cause the peoples of the world, with all the facto
Further, there ought to be an hurrytog to got before them, have approved th. action of their
through and get away, nn4 no attempt to reatriat re»fsseetatiyea. It fa not the Allied and American
either the manner or ton matter of debate. It is governments, but the people Mho are asked to
dm to Bmeia that ft»> spokesmen, whatever the sustain their decisions, who have now to be dia-
character of the governments which they will i\\mv*«<L. i*d *d*m«L Th. magnitude of th.
represent, should be allowed to argue their case in decision dictates that the conference, whatever
their own way, to present all the data which they del it does or fails to do, should take the world
from mysterious deem relevant, and to be listened to with thr re- into itojjepafldenee and let all its doings be known.
Ti   'ViJiij.,'   Hi.   iW'  ', '!?t..'"'W',.'.".'"■"f-;',>-l}ffl1.. .,.'.'■..   'MfldB
From "Th. lad Heart of Russia"
[By BESSIE BEATTIE, War Correspondent of
the San Francisco Bulletin]
Before A* sacred shrine of the*lbeirich Gate a
tiny lamp burned brightly; and an occasional sol-
dier, strolling by, stopped to cross himself, and
ly to decipher the inscription that told how,
of the Almighty, the ikon
from destruction throughout > .
1 their
curse, or
the poMtiml totniami   which  they
On the other hand, the implications whim the
of the peace usanjoum hold, am
It must be nil. i il that the
tatives of the Powers, to inviting a
vim "the representatives off' Russia, propose 'to go
into the immunca, wfth entire sincerity and wfth
an open mind; that the situation wfth regard to
mSQ    a aw£   ftCUOD    10    O©   twCll    "v    ftCGOPvanUF
thnt, to the interval, ton ton. leqnirefl for
it afterward, fa not ton.
tor came sort of eoerefan of Rmeto later. So far
as the statement famed by ton peace conference
Ufa unhapmehabfa fa tbfa patot but any-
ma nminR aaaorenea to rta spent
m well as to its factor would he a monstrous par-
of jawtiee and eouftr. an open insult to
md fas people, and n stain upon ton honor
oi   \we pnw wcw^m*oiv  ana  ucu   govciumuiu
i in other ■diree-
t he raid of Napoleon.
While only a handful of people were killed in
the Bolshevik revolution in Petrograd, Moscow's
death-toll is estimated at from 750 persons to
twice that number. Probably the former figure
is more near correct
Close beside the Kremlin wall, in the holiest of
holy places the workmen snd soldiers of Moscow
dug the great trench that was to receive the
*<■*- bodies of their fallen comrades. All day
and when night came they continued
by the light of torches. The ghostly linden trees
have' stood watch over many strange scenes thim
on the edge of the Bed Square, but none stranger
than this crowd of silent men, speechlessly turn*
ing the earth through the long, chill, dark hours.
By daybreak they had finished. , aj«flj
It was the day of the proletariat All other.
stayed indoors. The streets, hut for the mourners
of the proletarian dead, were deserted. At eight
o'clock in the morning the procession started, and
all day long the people filed past—a vast end-
pe«- leas throng of them, men, women, and little children. There were no priests, no prayers. Strong
young aalafara in mud-colored coats carried the
red coffins on their shoulders, and above the heads
of the crowd the crimson banners flowed like a
nier ot oiooa.
A sobbing, singing mass of human beings, tragic
and triumphant, filled the vast square. Cavalry
troop, rode by at attention, and girls with platoks
on their heads carried great oval band-boxed
wreaths of artificial flowers. Sometimes a military band went by, playing a funeral march, and
sometimes the voices of the marchers lifted in the
deep rhythmical strains of the "Hymn of Eter
nal Memory."   Men mid women,- old and young*
.wept as they saw the coffins lowered into that
yawning trench. v vv^
If Mother Moscow wept that night nm/tom*
fell quietly, She was to ton presence of/oome-
thing big, something terrible, something magnificent—something unlike anything bar old eye. bad
ever seen before. *
There  was another day, another
other, crowd of broken-hearted men and
of comfort were more meagre, for
in advance; and
theirs was the bitterness %t defeat; but they aim
hugged the faith that the stalwart boys who lay
stretthed in their coffins hsd died defending an
ideal.    ■
Worlds of space lap- between those two groups
of mourners—they had no single thing in common
but their grief.   Their dead fay in the darkened
llrtUBJW   VA.   glXmlr   -unalllXH^m.   iW   Jr**      ■•   **•  .■m"*f
retoJo oi blaek and silver mid many mnmm tor
the repose of their souls. Thar, were no red coffins, no crimson banners, no singing multitudes
j|^il«-  s\wAVAwa   ma.au   mSimanfl*   lease
Whan it was sll over--the killing and the burying—and there wan nothing left but the joy of
victory and the rancor of defeat someone suddenly discovered that the light, before ton shrina
of the Virgin on the Iberian Gate had gon. out
AU that waa left of the sacred ikon wan on.
bullet-wounded angeL Two soldiers paaaing by
the shrine halted.
"Iiook," said on. of them.   "They said it was
holy.   I| was just another of tha-d d lie. they
have been telling on!"
Vancouver Socialists wfll be delighted to welcome Comrade Joe Knight of Edmonton, Alberta.
This' well-known organiser and speaker for the
Socialist Party of Canada wH apeak from tfaf
platform el the
ning, March 9.
Propaganda meeting Sunday evening it 9
o'clock, at the Empress, Theatre, corner Heatings
and Gore. ■
Japanese Socialists dm the Bcflsfeeviks
W. bar. received the flsDewing exceedingly interesting letter and resolution, passed by the Japanese Socialists, from the People's Informstion
Bureau, whose headquarters are at 152 Fleet St.,
London, E.C.4, and should like to tab. this opportunity to draw our readers' attention to the opportunity thfa bureau offers them to learn at
first-hand what at least fa th. Bolshevik rulers'
Ideal and intent in all that has happened in Russia atom they formed their government, mid what
fa their statement of the facts in the various happenings as against that of the capitalist pram.
"The Japanese Socialists are opposing thfa the
second Ru.Hso-Jspanese war just as they opposed
the first.   W. all remember the energetic protest
'made by the Japanese Socialists when theft gov.
eminent started the war to Korea, in 1905.   We
;.% know that this protest was met by a whole series
of unspeakably harsh persecutions by the Jap-
| gums Government During and immediately after
the war the Japanese Government was careful not
to foment discontent, but later on all Socialists
and Radical societies and groups were dispersed.
The reaction culminated to the so-called "Koto-
kussk" affair; some of.our bast Japanese comrades
were banged an* others war. sent to prison without trial or jndgmsnt Since that period there
has been no Socislist organization to Jspan, and
ih. persecution of Socialists is carried on with
even greater barbarity than under the Romanoff
regime to Rumfa. Nevertheless, Socislism has not
died out, for it is immortal. Small Socialist groups
exist in various towns, for instance, in Tokio and
The following
comrades fa ton
addressed to the Russian
ef tmTokfaand
group, are protesting
against a Japanese military intervention in Si-
eria, and have adopted the Bolshevik point of
"It fa a matter of great joy to us that the Socialists of the most reactionary country to the
world have eome forward with a clear and definite statement of their views on the important
problem of the world's revolution. We rejoice
still more at th. fact that to spite of- the lying
bourgeoisie press, the idea of Bolshevism has had
such a strong influence on the Japanese workers.
"The Japanese workers are too weak at present
to prevent the Japanese intervention to Siberia.
Hundreds of Socialist publications bar. been
burned in Japan to th. course of the fast four
years, but during the same period hundreds of
strikes have taken place. Some of them strike,
hsve been suppressed, by armed fore, and there
hsve been many killed and wounded. The Mikado's mailed flat has fallen heavily upon the
Japanese proletariat We greet our Japanese comrades and are glad to receive thfa expression of
their sympathy and goodwill.
To Our Russian Oeamam
"From the very beginning of the Russian Revolution we ham followed your fearless activities
wfth enthusiasm and admiration. Your doings
have had an enormous influence on the psychology
of our people. W. are now indignantly pretesting against the dispatch of Japanese troop, to
Siberia under any pretext, as such an ant will inevitably impede the free development of your revolution. We toe grieved thst we are too weak to
avert toe peril with whim yon are threatened by
our imperialistic government. We are unable to
help you in any way as we are persecuted by the
government. But mat assured that the Bod Flag
of the Revolution will to an distant future float
over the whole of Japan.
"We, the Socialists of Japan, having met to
Tokio, express our deep sympathy with the Russian Revolution, to whieh we do homage.
"We recognize that the Russian Revolution fa
on the one hand a political revolution of the bourgeoisie against a mediaeval absolutism, and on th. ,
other hand, a revolution of the proletariat against
present-day enpftalBmn The transformation of
the Russian Revolution into a world social revolution concerns not Russian Socialists only, but
the Socialists of the whole world. The capitalis-
tic order has in all the countries of the world
reached its highest development, and we bam now
. period of • full-blown eapftalfatfa imperialism.
Unless they wish to be deceived by the «««i«gt-»
of imperialism, the Socialists of all countries must
hold steadfastly to the international rtsndpittot.
and all th. forces of the international proletariat
must be directed against our common enemy-
international capitalism. Thus only will th.
worker, be able to fulfil theft historic mission.
The Socislists of Russia and all countries must
do their utmost to stop the war in order to help
th. workers of the belligerent countries to direct
their attacks, not against their fellow workers,
but against the ruling classes of theft own
tries. We hay. faith in the heroism if the Russian Socialists and of our comrades throughout
the world. We arc firmly convinced that the
revolutionary spirit wfll spread and permeate all
the countries.
J ■ K-
Executive Committee,      (
"Socialist Group of Tokio.
V     '
ings From the Press
■ ; .-■.
"The Soviet republic, of which Lenin and Trot-
eky are tb. leaders, is the logics' and historical
iimtmmnt and best sble to bring order in Russia,"
mid Frank Keddie, a Scotchman who for the past
three years has been in Russia and who psssed
through Seattle this week on his way-to New
York, where he will sail for his home. "The chief
trouble to Russia now fa due to the presence of
Allied soldiers, Cxeeho-Slovaks and the Cossacks.
lUOlv   IIton   tmii  cviirwict •uiv   iiuicuvci   uw* ■ mfvivmr
aaeks and Czecho-Slovaks are far worm than the
Bolsheviki.   I am greatly in sympathy with ton
Nearly three years ago Mr. Keddie went into
Bnssia as a Bad Cross worker and
-rim in Petrograd, Moscow, ton Ural
Harbin and other places in both Bussia proper
and In Siberia. The centre of his work or a good
part of the time was at Busuduk, about two daya'
journey from Moscow. Through his connection
with people prominent in affairs in Great Britain,
Mr. Keddie was enabled to gain close touch with
officials in. Russia, visited at th. homes of the
younger Tolstoys, through his knowledge of th.
Bussian language was enabled to gat much valuable first-hand faformstfaa regarding the life of
the peasants and worker., theft atom, hopes and
enee of Allied troops. No matter what the troop,
do they can never stamp out Socialism in Bussia;
they can never police Russia, for the troops will
become converted to Bolshevism. I am very hopeful of Russia if the Allied troops wfll clear out-
then could eome a temperate government—but if
they do not clear out there is a long and dreary
road ahead.
.<•,.-. fF7,j   ■ ■     *■ " *       - .
^5^|^tP**"3? 'tt* - *; *r*** tomg wnen a.
cut off all the lands of the church. There were
400,000,000 acres taken from the church in one
slice. Whan he took away the lands I was in
Moscow and saw a great procession of church dig-
lUtaries and a multitude of followers protesting
against the action. That same night there was
posted on the billboards all over the city these
of bar children were killed.'   .
"The Russians love freedom intensely. They
are idealistic, have little regard for precedent and
pity people who keep their .yes so much on wages.
Marriage fa civil. Anyone may ham any extra
ceremonies, such as that of the church, ft he
wishes. The marriage laws are quite simple, but,
proper. The expense of getting married fa reduced
to 20 or 25 cents, which fa a grand relief to the
mother of the Russian remtotiou/' who
in Seattle from Siberia faat Sunday, M>.
confirmed ton statement mad. by members of the
local Russian colony by saying that she belonged
to the old revolutionary day. and was not in stop
with preaenUday conditions.
—'—    '        *S*5   .•-.
Ftoto oyeiy pert of ear own land and from
ovary, part of Canada the cry goes up: <«Bring the
boys home." The war they engaged in fa over and
done. They must not be used as pawns for the
money and territory grabbers of Europe.
'done their w.rk; they have suffered
they are all democrats who fought to
•The Bofahevttd are
in the
trleto/' said Mr. Keddie, "The peasants am illft-
orate, but they are doing a fat of thinking and are
ton keenest pnrhfaton. to the world. The ee-op-
erathre societies of Russia are very strong and are
a source at nap. for the future, Kvvry village
governs itodt Tin peasants do not want to fight
anybody. Ha Bifahivfld am standing tor tarn-
tnranos, and I mw more drinking among tin Al-
BanMR   vC^^W|^b|  a.    w ICWI wn^arenwem   MHl  flaun^ ^e itom
"AUfad capital fa the chief reason for the
"I think ttn Bolsheviki failed warn they began
to me fame, although ft seemed necessary when
Kornfloff and Kerensky threatened to .vfat Lenin
and Trotaky. Nevertheless I am confident that
imiinbn afl th. awifltiiai that bap. tor BuasU
lie. beat to the Btfahrrfld. It is true thsy nam
confiscated land, and houses, bat not generally
for themaelves. Soaw of the lenders are living on
a mere pittance. X remnmber, tor example, that
the mry flnast nam. in Busuluk was taken over,
bat It wm converted into a borne for babies."
make an end of war and who believe in the self-
determination of peoples. They are too good to
be compelled to do the dirty work which powerful
interests want done in Europe, *
Bring them nam. from Siberia.   After aU oar
vast pretensions there, our bays am now forced to
maintain a new czar who has overthrown the
elected representatives of the people, who fa taming over to the firing squad the soldiers and
common people who refuse to fight
own kind  in his behalf, who has restored
manufacture of vodka to ram. revenue and to besot the people that he may the bettor, exploit
them.   It U at foul s mess a. the earth has brewed.
Get our boy. out of ft.
Bring them noma from Archangel
after months of "establishing democracy,"
fa no government bat Cant Miller of toe
army,   Without much ban. or relief there
bom are to danger of Wind wrath of an
people.   Got decent Americans oat of ft at
Bring the boy. bom, bam, free
angel, France, Germany, England, Ireland. They
may be vary useful to all these places to designing
and plutocrats, bat their place fa at
Let us ham no mom lying excuses. Just
bring them home-Seattle Union Record, Fab, 12, m»mm*&**i«*mmito**m*W**m+'*m<
■    •
8 ¥**s*
■-..  :
Saturday ran, u. mr
m-**i'»   '
(Mr. Young, as the British Consul, was in sole
eharge of British interests in Archangel from
December, 1917, until the military occupation
on August 2, 1918.)
DURING my eleven mere' service under the
Foreign Office in f^u ranging from the
equator to the Arctic circle, I nave seen how the
direction of foreign affairs fa the close preserve
of an exclusive class bureaucracy; and how matters vitally affecting international relations are
decided by officials, often of minor rank, who, for
the most part, have no first-hand knowledge of
the countries on whieh they are experimenting,
and who ignore, if they do not actually resent
any suggestions or advice from "outsiders" who
happen to possess such knowledge. The plea of
"State Secrecy" is used by this bureaucracy to
conceal their blunders, which often involve the
lives of thousands of the people. Our diplomatic
representation abroad fa also the exclusive preserve
of caste, the members of whieh in most eases do
not even speak the language of the country to
which they reside, and who gather their knowledge within the four wall. of*\heir Chancelleries
or to the Court or aristocratic circles whieh'they
exclusively frequent.
In my three years' service as British Consul at
, Archangel during the war, I have seen the money
of the British taxpayer squandered with the most
cynical   indifference   by   a   similar   bureaucracy
established by other departments.       -
J* ■ *    '
VM xwttfsn Government piayea a dirty, aoubie
game with the Soviet Government in Russia. First
they gave a solemn assurance, which was published
over my name in the Archangel Press, that they
lad no annexationist intentions and that they *
would not interfere in the internal affair, of
Bussia. This was accepted by myself and by
every man who read it, and who wan not concerned with th. niceties of diplomatic quibbling,
as meaning that the British Government intended
no military action against the Soviet Government.
Then they stabbed that government to the back
by forcing a landing of Allied troop, at Area-
angel under a specious pretext
So  far  from ton Soviet Government  having
vfabxtofliw ;mH|K'.ei th. British Embassy at
Petrograd, the Embassy no longer existed, as its
personnel had ignominiously fled the country some
months previously, and official representatives of
the British Admiralty and War Office were abusing
privilege—to which, in fact, they had
organize, in conjunction with Russian
utionaries, under cover of the Em-
building,  a plot to overthrow the  Soviet
de facto authorities in Archangel and elsewhere.
The British * Government having completely
failed to understand the cause and significance of
ton Russisn Revolution, and the ideals and atom
of the Soviet Government,. proceeded to suppress
any news or any expression of opinion whieh did
not coincide with their preconceived ideas, and
was therefore calculated to expose that blunder;
and, further, they proceeded to misrepresent and
blacken every action of the Soviet Government
giving either deliberately untrue or evasive replies to the few independent members of all parties
who have tried by questions in Parliament to extract toe truth, though there is, of course, always
the possibility that ministers bar. not been allowed
by their officials to know what was going on.
The PerU at Archangel
1   wn ' sssL^ttiammam;m^i -tommnaama»*w
tion of Archangel to tit. vengeance of the Bolshe-
vika. And thfa failure is due primarily to the
fact that our naive authorities grossly underestimated not only the moral force but also the military power of the Soviet Government, apparently
believing that in its stronghold at Moscow, 700
miles from Archangel, the walla of Bolshevism
would fall to the ground at the approach from the
White Sea of a few "brass-hats" and a nondescript force of a few hundred men "scraped together."
The danger*'of the moment fa that thfa disastrous
experiment whieh ha. only brought ruin and death
to th.' Bussian climes in the interior whom it was
naively intended to help, may he repeated in the
Black Sea, nearly 1,000 miles from Moscow, with
inevitably similar results.
aiauso ■ ruffirifniii^n^
1 have seen in Archangel a British general acting toward the Russian population in their own
country as despotically as any Tsar and conducting himself as scandoualy aa any of those Russian generals of the old regime who were a common subject of superior criticism On the part of
British residents to Russia. One can only conclude from thfa that the war against Prussian militarism has created a Whitehall militarism little
better than the Potsdam variety, and a British
bureaucracy perhaps less corrupt, but hardly less
incompetent than that of St. Petersburg.
I hate "Bolshevism"—a product of reaction
working upon national war-weariness and popular discontent. But I am convinced that the
policy—or absence of policy—of the British Government as regards Russia is responsible for hav-
Soviet Government to adopt cruel and inexcusable measures for its self-preserfstion, and incidentally tor placing Russia still ^tovun^tb«A
heel of Germany and for slamming the door of
Russia in our own fanes against British political
and commercial influence in that country. I be-
-rrtf '■■'   '" ' ■■'■   "  "'     '    3s
lieve that Bolshevik propaganda has had much,
to do with the sudden collapse of Germany as oar
military operations. And, I am afraid that, at
the moment the most argent problem, of domestie
reconstruction am awaiting settlement at home,
we shall fritter away our strength and deeeureao
in a vain effort to restore order in the ffhsatja '
Colossus; and that if we do this we mall sooner
or later provoke an outbreak of Bolshevism in
the United Kingdom, thus realising the aim of the
extreme Russian Bolsheviks of spreading their
ideas throughout Western Europe.
A Haw Wart
Russia cannot be invaded and conquered by a
few thousand men. The distances are enormous:
the difficulties are great; the Bolsheviks are strong
and are growing stronger. It is not a question
of "restoring order" in Murman or the Crimea,
It is a question at least of penetrating to Moscow,
That means war on a large scale—it may be year,
of war. It mean. th. sacrifice of thousand, of
lives and millions of money, with heaven know,
what purpose or result. There cannot be limited
intervention. If it continues it must be on a largo
scale—with all the consequences that implies.
There is another alternative. I believe that if
a delegation, composed not of bureaucrats or militarists but of broad-minded representatives of all
British political parties, were to meet a Soviet
delegation in a neutral country an understanding
might be swiftly reached after a few. hours' deliberation. And I believe.that that understanding might be acceptable alike to our extreme
Socialists and. to British capitalists whose coin
interests in Russia seem to be to get their money
back and to secure a field for making more.
: M. IJtvinoff is reported to be in Stockholm
offering to open negotiations. It is for British
public opinion to see that the opportunity for retrieving a ghastly blander and for removing n
stain on our national honor is not missed.
—From the "Herald," London, Eng.
The Archangel expedition, considered only as a
military enterprise, and apart from questions of
morality or political expediency, is already admitted even by its militarist sponsors to be an
emu greater fiasco than might have been anticipated. It is actually in danger of being thrown
out into the White Sea, leaving the civil popula-
LAST, May at their convention to Baltimore
the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of
America voted to establish the forty-four hour
week to the men's clothing industry. Thfa meant
that they were no longer satisfied with the straight
eight hour a day six day. in the week for'whieh
the American Federation of Labor had been contending for more than a generation. Fourteen
weeks ago their employers denied their demand.
A combined lockout snd strike followed. Last
week this contest ended in complete victory for
the workers. According to the officers of the
union, this is the first case in which the forty-
four hour week has been established as the standard throughout an American industry.
This fact in itself is sufficiently noteworthy;
but the circumstances surrounding the achievement are even more remarkable. The great majority of the men'* clothing maker, are recent
immigrants, men and women whom the older
Amerfaatt union, bam sought to exclude from the
country tor fear that they would lend themselves
to the debasement of tne "American standard of
living." This fear and toe resulting prejudice
against them immigrant workers fa to part responsible for the exclusion of the Amalgamated
Clothing Workers from affiliation with ton American Federation of Labor. The long strike for the
forty-four hour week baa been won without either
the morel or financial support of* the official organized labor movement by an "outlawed" organization of immigrant workers, who bam thus
forged into a position of leadership in the improvement of working standards. It fa not surprising, therefore, that these despised immigrants
should celebrate theft triumph as a battle won
by themselves in behalf of American workers gen
erally. The leading article fat their official journal, the Advance, rejoices that "our victory means-
legislation not only for the clothing industry but
also for the mtim Labor Movement. . ; . The official Labor Movement does not recognize our existence, our struggles or our victories. But we send
thfa message to our fellow worker, in and out
of the official Labor Movement: 'We ham organized, built, fought and won single-handed. But
we have don. all thfa not for ourselves alone, but
for the working class as a whole. Whstever your
attitude toward us map be, we know yon only an
flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood. We
ham made a glorious beginning. We hope to see
>ou follow our example."'—From The Nw-:^
public, Feb. 1, 1919.
liONDON, Feb. 6.-Tbe Ruauatt Soviet Gov-
cnimcnt, in a wireless message announcing that it
is willing to begin coriversstions with the Entente
vith the object of bringing about a cessation of
military sctivities, declares it fa willing to no-
knowledge financial obligations regarding the
credftor. of Russia of Entente nationality.
The statement was sent out from Moscow by
31. Tehitcherin, th. Russian minister of foreign
affairs. Beside, willingness to recognize the Entente creditors, the Soviet Government offers to>
.guarantee the payment of interest oh its debts by
means of stipulated quantities of raw materials.
The Bolshevik government is likewise willing,
ft declares to place concessions to mines, forests,
etc, at the disposal of citizens of the Entente, provided "the social and economic order of the Soviet
Government fa not affected by internal disorder*
connected with them concessions." —HMMW
■ ■
/pOBAY, the subject of greatest  iiiteajst and earn, the workers' hedth is
JL  importance, to our masters, fa how to increase for the purpose of
'*^;produrtion4~how to reach the maximum of wealth power.
output with.the smdlest possible expenditure in The other side peeps out fa the sentence "to
|f    wages.       I       ..'"• enable us to get the most trade." The workers of
Much has been' done during the w.r, by dilu- each country must submit to "the most economical
tion and the abolittonof-prrrifages, toward thfa produetion" in order to assure to iheir master?
gg< ;
end. hut the capitalist looks forward to the piping
times of peace, when the supply of labor-power
Mill exceed the demand, for a fuller realization
of bfa avaricious dreams.
Th. question as to how it will affect the worker, does not concern him; first becsuse he is a
capitalist and therefore only interested in profits,
and secondly because he keeps an army of unscrupulous journalists whose business ft fa to persuade the workers that whatever fa beneficial to
the Clam that own the means of wealth production, must be beneficial to society as a whole, and
therefore to the working clsss.
v.,, To prove, however, that an increase to production, side by side, with a reduced wages bill, wfll
improve conditions for the working clsss, would
Dccus    aii    lui^nmniuiv    t/mon f    iiyTviMicivooj     viiv    v\#v*a
omic quack, relying on the workers' ignorance of
nepnotoics, prmeed. to dsnmnstratc ft. One writer
who advocates shorter hours of labor as a means
most trod.." Thus they enter, into a new
of warfare against the workers of other
countries in the interests of their piasters. And
when the cpftdfats of one nation succeed fa
obtaining the "moat trade," and their workers
demand higher wsges, because the master, can
afford to pay them, them tome master, reward
them with toe ssck, and entice
other lands to fill their jobs. Wh*
worker, of the world come to,
for their master, markets or wai
The capitalist group of every
to their own prosperity as
•ncnt fa good* when they deem,
gloss over the unemployed army!
of coercion against theft workers>
there is no sentiment in business, and an unemployed army is necessary to their business. In the
past they have—except in a few rare instances,
chiefly occupational—always been blamed with a
workers of
len^.do the
they win
mi will point
that employ-
necessary to
it instrument
fay boast that
labor-power, mid out of the union comes surplus-
value to be realised to profits. To them the working clam is God-given—a claw-to work for them
while they luxuriate fa idleness.
Industry wfll only exist for man when man controls industry. Today th. worker, cannot control
industry became toe means of wealth-production
are owned by the capitalist dam, mid theft ownership is defended, through their parliament, by
armed forma.
Until toe working dam control industry, Industry will exist for th. capitalist class, as ft exists
today. And the working clam can only control
industry when they own the mean, of wealth-
production. Ownership of the mean, of weslth-
produetion fa the basis of capitalist domination;
their ownership, however, fa maintained politiedly
and until their political power fa broken, or acquired by the working class, the fatter csnnot
take possession of the means of wealth-production.
, •.■
to lr^eaaed production say. that after toe war-   jgf ^fe*^^|^^i^^
them, and we can rely on them to make the most
of their opportunities to order to coerce the workers into the economic war.
" Already7: in the mad, race for" markets we are
tdd tbab-.    .' „ ■,.. .-,(£     .,. ,
The old slack methods have given way to
something    approaching     American     hustle.
Supervidon fa more strict, rest times ham been
reduced, furnaces sre bigger and hotter, machines run faster, toohi and appliances are
hmvier and need - more strength and nerve
* for their raanipttlatioft, shops sre more noisy
and crowded, dusty and hot, materials are
-  harder to work, labor fa more fatiguing and
.. hazardous. -'.'■V;f *■>', i:':*"*
But,  like  everything paradtic,  the  capitalist  is
insatiable. The concerns in whieh his capital fa
We shall need the greatest possible output
and the most economical production, consistent
with health, to enable us to get the most trade
and re-establish our position and profitably
employ all our people.     *'
Other writer, fay even greater stress on the
last suggestion, claiming that industry is run by
the capitalists as much to give employment as to
obtain profits. Hence we find an economic quack
measuring a capitalist's usefulness to society by
the "iiinfa^jlj "hinrtn" he employe.
It fa perfectly trtte that the capitalists ot every
concern have a keen desire to employ more and
more workers, hut there is a proviso—markets
must be assured in order that the surplus-value
It would be a piquant event if the Enfant forces
were to co-operate with the German troops fa
putting down Bafahevfam fa Berlin. And ^et ft
may be th. wisest l^teed the only course, to
pursue. There fa no possible eomparW between
Germany' and Ruana,* where ttbtoty per emit
of the inhabitants can neither read nor
vrfte, and are steeped In sup^rdltion. The
vast majority of the GeTnien nation must
be oft toe mm ot 'nv^id-te^tol
all the addt males have some military training.
It ought to be possible to co-operate with the
law-abiding and sane majority of Germans in
establishing s respondble government for the German confederation. Unless this is done, the conference st Versailles will he wasting time.
ird of the
produced bj the additional workers can be realized
in profit, on the same scale. For that reama only,   mvede5toust &£, fyjjta
and only in thst sense, is the capitalist interested   ^ for ch production or go under. And
Jn giving m^^^^w^^m empfays   vmoWtm^ ^ mfyt almost daily, their shseeCf
toe worker, when bydolrig so he obtains profits, ^^jgj^iab^-tojmmiifll bylueir■ competitors,
fa timptot, when n^rnachines and methods ham \&&:limto.i^}fa employed .watt to.
enabled^ to facreare^ t»e»»loyed army until they can be "
time reducing the number of his workers, he has
never objected- on th. score thst unemployment
would be intensified. Neither has Tie hesitated to
advertise extensively among the, nations of the
earth for workers with which to flood the labor
market, fang before the wage-slaves who were
"bfa own countrymen" were absorbed. In short,
the record of the capitalist class speaks for itself.
Ever dnce the days when our peasant forefathers
employed" by other capitalists.
Capitalist governments have for year. man.
to deal wfth unemployment—they have
pretence of doing something—but the
evil has grown. One government gave us lsbor
exchanges—to find job. tor-tan unemployed, they
said—but all these institutions did was to save
the capitalist time and money in his search for
~     the workers he needed. The latest suggestion is
were driven off the land in order that timy ntight   a*'w^.gg-jgsji^. baradntod, but those
be avdlable for the fore-runners of the modem   ^jdtom ,| mmS ItrnM^btoj
capitdists in. the towns, up to the present day,
ft has been one of the chief concerns of our masters
to have a substantial margin of unemployed,; and
for two reasons. First, to keep down wages, and
second, to be. called upon fa case of a "sudden expansion fat trade.
There fa soother side to the question, however.
The cspitdfats of every bind want 'fthe greatest
poadble output the moat economical production,
and the most trade." They know that to. world
market fa limited, that within .certain perfc>>
my one year, the world's population can only
absorb . limited amount of wealth, and that goods
greater produetion. Coming from
that the worker, should be mare
thfa suggestion is a curiosity in
would result
those who pi
folly e
But the richest contribution to the whole dbv
cusrion has been m.4. by the "Committee on
Adult Education." They say:
Industry exists for man, and not man for
industry. The world seems'to ham hem carried on to §he opposite principle, 'and It wfll
be no easy task to dter It
Rich to irony fa thfa utterance when we get   e-
(Sunday, Feb. 9, Empress Theatre)
The debate between tomraon Frftchard of
Socialist Party of Canada, and L. W.
ef the "Dsfly Province," on Bolshevism, wss
last Sunday afternoon in the  Empress  theatre
before a crowded boom.
Comrade Pritchard based his argument on the
concrete achievements of Bollhevfam in Russia,
Vopen ai^nnacy," "restoration of to. land/'
education, ami tifa fact that they have remafaed
in power up tut now through toe expressed will
of the majority of the people,' being his chief
Mr. Makovski based his argument on the capitalist prem reports, which he assumed were fane,
and on tenihe's r'8ovtots et VoraVf whfeh>h.
misinterpreted. Be tried to ert.bliah an analogy
between "Soviet administration" and "German
junker autocracy," in which he miserably failed.
He could see no difference between discipline for
the benefit of capitalist exploitation
Una for the socfal good.
The debate will probably be given in 1
•week.' '
ir iii i    in
or wealth produced beyond thfa .mount wfll be   bind the camouflage of assumed innocence, for the
left on the owners' hands. Tne mm. applies to
thorn good, whom owners, for mm. reason, toll
to place them on the market at the price, rifling
there. Hence the need for the most economical
produetion, in other words, for the maximum of
labor-power in exchange for a minimum Wage
"Consistent with hedth" fa capitalist irony, be-
coumfttee know that industry is run for thdr
damp that they, as . deal, own the nature-given
materiel of the earth, that the dispossessed work-
eta of the world, owning nothing but their energy,
are forced by hunger to sell even that as a commodity. They know that the factory with its raw
materfal and machinery absorb, the commodity
A significant incident of the reception of
dent Wilson st P»ris that received little attention
in the American prom at the time, fa reported by
"Common Senas," London, fa ft. fame of Dee, SL
In spfte of the prohibition by Premier Clemenceau
of a Socialist and trades union panda to honor •
or iTestoent wuson, . onrnonatration wm organised by the Labor Federation of Mutilated Sol-
dfars. Carrying red flags and staging 'tis. International, crippled and mutilated soldiers marched
through the street, and broke through several
cordons of police and mounted munidpal guards
that tried to disperse them. The paraders, numbering several thousand, also mann hostile demonstrations before, the officers of the Action Fran*
caise and the Matin. .X
v ■ i
......, ^   _.,.,
an> • ■•
'.IV..    ■
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the
Working Class. ,  --
Published When Circumstances and Ftoances Permit
~* By The"WalfarPirty^oriCima^    ~
401 Pender Street East Vancouver, B C.
Editor , C. Stephenson
JPEB. 15, 1919
>■ -
Marx In his 18th Brumaire quotes an English
journalist as saying, "The political servant girls
of France are mopping .way the glowing lam
of revolution with old mops and they scold each
other while doing their work." This, concerning
the days of 1848 and thereabout The simile fa
applicable to Europe today, if we substitute flatter
for scold. -  •' •;
Clemenceau mouths the most commonplace
chatter .bout proverbial French politeness being
exceeded by the Allies, and experts to peace, in
' war, in procedure, in law and jaw, debate and
wrangle, harking back to toe mod flats of sneient
Egypt for precedent and practice, while the very
stones of Europe cry out for Revolution. A terrible mate of affairs everyone admits. But most
people who hay. abundance of space reserved for
circulating their ideas, in the public press, assume
that *tt is a novel one. They seek to hide former
revolu^onary activity behind «* cloud of words,
as H were, as th. Olympisn Gods were wont to
hide certain practices to which even Gods nam
not adverse, behind a rain cloud. ..  ■
True, the blankets and feathers of a Mohawk
Indian may hide the benign countenance of very
respectable fathers of the American Revolution,
but no amount of word juggling can disguise the
fact that the Boston Tea Party was the action
of a "lawless mob," in fact when the workers
of America got restless in 1881 certain college
professors found it policy to denounce the law-
lo&uUv&n    vx     tuc     iv   v  wit vrsemn^v   ^gpamavassat. -.s^mmF-.-smw   -
natter of artual fart, bto fm the haiigmg together of the colonial working dsss, would have
hung separately, if I may make a slight correction
in Franklin's famous wittfafaw ]:y^t^.
Remember, furthermore, the many glorious revolutions of England and hrenoe, where at times
the bourgeoisie were' not above starting a revolution at home, while their country was at war
abroad. The Magna Chart., in whose memory
our childish minds were bid to bend in .we, was
wrested from a sovereign by armed force, while
'that sovereign was at war with France, and was
restored or rather reaffirmed at least thirty times
bin tetttarfan ^ J     :<-■■■■
The fast Emperor of Frsnee, Napoleon III., tost
bfa crown while engaged to a war with Germany,
not by "constitutional methods" but by a "lawless
mob." Them facte certainly can not be unknown
to the frantic individuals who are assisting the
European "political servsnt girls" to mop up the
revolutionary lava; not ft fa true; with an old
mop, but with a new Ink ribbon. If by any
chance they forget the rhapsodies of theft school-
msrm, they cannot forget that "the poor fifty
million" (per Dr. Billon) "Bnansns left to th.
mercy of fawlem Bolshevism,'' must themselves
confess to eertein "fawlam practices" concerning
the flight of one Nicholas. -
Bui these were great events. I speak of past
even* now, partidpators in whieh were fortunate
to making their revolutionary activity good. They
live in the minds of theft grateful countrymen;
the them, of the poet a** the entire tatoneetonl
furniture of the
revolutions were the beojrgeofa
ones the bourgeois hell
However, them glorious events of song and
aiiVAj    -maan»    wunu^     '^'■„. *Tnw^smw    manvm    menw.^.^^ninw'
revolutimn the «mm ton sum ' UUkmMm\ the
page, of authorative historians, slave revolts
might be traaeed as far back as history can take
us. There sporadic and isolated uprisings were
repressed with the mp>t cowardly brutality anywhere recorded of humankind.' The means-used
for: the d.qgbter. were those calculated to destroy the maximum number to the minimum of
time. No considerations of mercy ever ended the
slaughter. Fear of pestilence through demy mid
putrefaction of dead bodies, too numerous for the;
living to properly dispose of, or actual apprehension for the supply of labor, were the angels
of mercy, which detained the murderous madness
of s week mid cowardly master, class, driven to-
sane by a brief exhibition of their slaves' tremendous power.  —■ t •
Omitting the great slave revolts of antiquity
we read throughout Feudalism of sectional revolts drowned in blood. Some serfs conceive the
anti-social, anarchistic, Bolshevist, unpatriotic
concept that they will no longer deep to straw
piles and eat the food of hogs. All the social
forces are used to blot such rile beastly creatures
from the earth. But no fabulous monster of the
demi-god period ever multiplied with more terrifying surety than doe. this same spirit of
revolt. Stamped out in one place, the master
has scarcely time to dean up the bloody mem than
another outbreak demands bfa attention. From
demanding conditions of existence equal to that
of swine mid getting them, the path of revolution,
along whieh mom. the "lawless mob," fad the
servile class through twenty centuries of slaughter
and slavery, to houses and clothes and grub which
belong exclusively to man. But throughout those
twenty centuries the voice of the dam grows
increasingly louder and his demands atom intelligent.
We stand at the end of the so-far
and hear echoes of the strife long past; the Jacquerie in France, the peasants of England; high
•hove the petty human suffering, we can hear toe
agonizing cry of that terrible defeat, of the fiendish acts which followed the slaughter and compelled the hobility to protest that a continuation would leave the country devoid of serfs
The wage workers of France are heard for a
few days; again the peasants of England and the
Jacques of France. Then comes toe peasants' war
of Europe, where the slaves of Bohemia establish
a new society which resists the combined might
of European chivalry. For a score of years the
ever-changing cry fa never wholly silent It
might be a scarce-heard whisper, a group of serf,
in revolt against the petty landlords; stifled ere
articulate, preserved in the whine of a bishop to
a pope; as it might be the thunder roll of the
great French Revolution, shattering the entire
social structure and monopolizing the literature
of a century. ,
But, as we near our epoch the cry assumes a
distinct identity, ft fa no longer chaotic and unintelligible, it fa not the cry of ignorance, weakly
battling against unbearable conditions of life an4
overwhelming power, of coercion. It fa the intelligent cry of a class grown rich lit experience,
powerful in knowledge, and constant to trial It
is the voice of the revolution.
Change fa the one unchanging factor in human
affsirs. The instruments of labor we ham used,
from the stone hammer to the hydraulic press;
the power we bam utilised from the strong arm to
the hydro-electric, bam sang of revolution, fan
refard us-from grovelling, panic-stricken multitudes shivering in the dark, Wfth provender for
but . day, to clear-brained socfal individuals,
with provisions, did we own them, stored away
sufficient for yesrs. A button turned, floods bar
homes with brilliant light * tarn of a wheel
provide, us with warmth. The tremendous urge
of thfa mat machine fa towards revolution, mid
ft. vofce cannot be drowned by toe etieking-of
the typewriter, however vigorously pounded.
But revolution,  own child  of   toe   machine,
se crossroad, of temfal anaamto disanllns toe
traffic. Nor has any cosmic aaseaanfa devfatd a
J'LfttleHen" wbfab, with one short blast, or one
pong, or a series of intermittent nam, wttl announce to slumbering socisl orgsnisms that the
hour of revolution has eome. We loiter at the
spot to whieh our forefathers strove mightily to
attain. The machine has to affect ton million
minds mid, then, though toe proem, may be pah*
ful, society has to strike its camp and mom forward to more suitable hunting grounds. It has
done so, many times, to tit. past. In the year,
which lie before the human family it wfll do so
many times again J. JH.
Unemployment and Alien Question
Canada, a land of boundless natural wealth, of
fertile plains for grain-growing or bone and
cattle-raising and of immense tract, of timber,
coal and mineral resources; its great rivers, lakes
and the waters of its seaboard are prolific fishing grounds, though capitalistic method. Of exploiting thfa vitally .important source of food
supply -is rapidly depleting and exhausting it
!A country, continental in size, with thousands of
miles of coast-line and splendid harbors, and
wfth all this, only a scant seven-and-a-half million* of a population.
And yet see what problem, the capitalistic
forms to which we mom provide for us.    •
Unemployment stalks through the land with all
its accompanying evils mid it fa predicted that we
are only at the beginning of a period of industrial depression, unprecedented in its nature. The
returned soldiers are back to an.overstocked labor
market and the competitive struggle for a diminishing number of jobs fa on in dl its sordiduess.
Fratricidal %ar amongst th. wage-workers fa proclaimed the only solution and the names of racial
prejudice are fanned to intensify the suiddgl
Boundless natural wealth combined with the
tremendous accomplishments ' of modern science
and invention in the mean, and technique of production at the disposal of its population. And
yet, because we must wait on the market, wdt
on profits, wait on toe dam which owns, the
elms Which doe. not own must fight like famished dog. over a bone, fight each other on the
over-crowded labor market of, save the mark,
our twentieth-century civilization, like
rion eaters of the jungle who snap and
worry each other when prey fa scarce. The irony
Of the contradictions of capitalism, the tragedy of
its vicious circles. *
What is to he done? Drive the aliens out of
industry, it fa said. To what? That may wAm
the unemployment problem for some at the ex-
rvi of others, but the problem remains in all
ugliness. And, where are the moralists who
shrilled so indignantly over other matter, but a
abort time ago. All silent, the time-servers bankrupt of courage.   This time it does not pay.
There fa no solution to the unemployment problem under mpitdfam. Unemployment and poverty sre its own children and flow from ft as
effect from mum. There am no and. to ft.
circles by the route of sectional eonfllcU amongst
the working daw. Only a working elms con-
of itself ma clam with s mission to solve,
or fator, all problems of mattolfam by
a new order of seefal ownership of
the means of wealth production and production
for use, so that not market, and profit*, bat the
needs and toe consumptive capacity of the people
shall be too aba and purpose of productive labor.
DOB)—At the General Kmpitol, Tanaavmr
aal ■.<.  »•>■
■ ■- , k •   ••    ..      •'    ■ .      ,
■        ■ ■ ■ ■-     — .   . ■■     ■. .fa.    '   .      ,	
> *• * * * •••-..
it i»i»
A Voice Out of
I Continued from Page One)
m , i   . iiiiuii   i \ pap
"JB.** ON
nificant group of adventurers, behind the backs
of whom there are foreigners t The people, or
generals f The decision is clear.
The Soviet government has found ft difficult to
bring the economic life of Russia back to normal.
The peasants have received the land, but remain
without agricultural implements, nails, and textile
good.. The workmen have obtained control over
production, but remain without bread and without
coal. Production itself has slowed down. The most
important factor in thfa situation is the isolation of
Bussia. She is practically excluded from the world
exchange. She fa now like a besieged fortress, a
fortress which the enemy wants to take, if not by
force of arms then by hunger. By what right! For
what? It is said that we have committed two sins:
first, we do not want to pay the debt to France.
Yes, in principle we do not consider ourselves responsible for the Czar's loans, bemuse part of them
were expended for the oppression of the Bussian
people. But practically we do not refuse to discuss
this matter—this is quite clear from the note of
Tehitcherin of October 26. Second, ft fa being said
that we have betrayed toe Allies. In my opinion
the Allies bare betrayed us and are new dividing
among themselves the booty whieh was promised
to us. But we do not protest against this. Proclaiming a peace without annexations and contributions, Bussia ha. renounced her participation in
the division of any booty. But having sacrificed
for toe Allies 7,000,000 of her tons, she is justified
in demanding that she be toft alone. But let us
assume for a second that we are guilty of breaking a treaty; then what about Italy who broke tit.
treaty with the Central Powers T She is being complimented on it! a
But we also have a third sin, of which people
gtiMfcg&QfeflP nmaWfau* onrland
jy not make use of ftf I understand
thfa perfectly well. Together wfth England we partitioned Persia'Mid only a short while ago we
dreamed of the partition of Austria and Turkey.
And now we are being partitioned! I understand
it all. I understand the English and French very
well, but 1 cannot understand the Americans at all.
We owe you very little; we bam no treaties with
you and never had any, and in the division of Russia you do not intend to participate. Why then do
yon keep your soldiers in Russia? The interest, of
the United States do not conflict with the interests
of Russia. Here than that, no other country is
more interested in the realization of the ideals of
the freedom of the seas and the league of nations,
which your president is faithfully upholding fa
Europe, than Russia. All our seas are not free. Our
government is most of all international. Moreover
the Interests of exchange between Russia and
America at present should be mutual. During the
war the United State, has tremendously developed
her production, and aba need, foreign market..
Russia could be one. She need, goods. She cannot
of herself increase production and stimulate industry. Yet we have plenty to pay with; our natural resources are enormous. The question of how
to utilize these resources to order to pay for your
good, may be decided upon by mutual understanding and discussion either in Washington or
to Moscow, but surely this cannot be decided by
mutual destruction to the swamp, of Archangel.
The Soviet government has attempted many a time
to begin such discussions.
Thfa argument fa usually disposed of by refer-
ring to the Bolshevik danger. First of all, the
responsibility of power has compelled the Bolsheviki to become more moderate. Second, the Soviets
and the Bolsheviki are not one and the same. The
Bolsheviki atJtopreaent time dominate the Soviets
—to a grmt'extent because of the pbtky of the
A'.Hes; Yet fearing Bolshevism, you are cultivating
it More titan that by your actions you justify ft.
ideology. As far as the philosophic side of the
question is concerned, we differ from the Bolshe-
(Below we reprint from the "Voice of Labour" a
letter written by "M." to Wm. O'Brien, Secretary ot the Irish Labor Party, and intended to
be read at the. Mansion House meeting. It fa
a noble tribute from the ablest of livinj, Irish
writers and economists of the constructive order
to the most brilliant of successful revolutionists
of all time, and fa as the voice of the most western hailing the most eastern people of Europe.]
ma no revolutfanary
tenee that the existing system of Workers' and
Soldier.' Committee could be permanent.    When
the revolution fa safe they will act as our own
rulers, who bar. wafted until victory wm secured
before they spoke of seeking the approval Of the
We do not know enough yet to praise or blame
the leaders of the revolution in respect of their
dealing with those who opposed them. But we
do know enough from dispassionate observer, to
see that heroic efforts are being made to reorganize Russia, to build up a new social order on democratic and co-operative lines. . . . These developments are not noticed in the press here, which
nition or salutation to the Russian Revolution will selects all that is sensational, whether accurate
be made. I hope the mists whieh have obscured, or rumor, and ignores the work of reconstruction,
that mighty upheaval will soon be cleared away   1 have read papers whieh in the same article do-
17 Rathgar Avenue, Dublin,
November 14, 1918.
Dear O'Brien:   I bear that a meeting has hem
arranged in Dublin at whieh some form of reeog-
and the * real character of the revolution made
known. I have no doubt that much to be regretted or deplored has taken place, but I have
come to the conclusion, partly from personal
statements made to me by people who were in
Russia during the revolution, and from confirmation of their statements, which have been made
public, that the stories of violence and bloodshed
have been greatly exaggerated. A Canadian acquaintance who wm in Russia for four years,
returning thfa rammer, told me that be bad seen
since his return minute, precise, and detailed accounts of massacres and. the destruction of buildings in Moscow. "I was there at the time,'' he
said, "and there was not a single shot fired and
the buildings were intact." Colonel MacCormick,
President of the American Society of Engineers,
Who witnessed the Revolution, wrote this spring
in a New York paper that nine-tenths of the
stories of outrages and murders were pure inventions of the old regime, and they were circulated by the German Government accepted by
AUfaiftess, and tins helped to increase the
between Russia and the Allies, which it was
the aim  of the  German  Government  to widen.
nouneed Lenin and Trotsky as paid agents of
Germany, and also commented on the disastrous
effect of their propaganda on the morals of the
German soldiers and workmen. These men could
hardly be paid by the German autocracy to undermine its influence over its own people. On the
eastern front Trotsky and Lenin, tit. men of
ideas, won against Hindenburg and Ludehdorf,
the men with guns. W. beg to suspeet that the
"Daily Mail" for once allowed truth to be printed to its columns when its correspondent in Russia wrote that, strange as it might appear to
people in England, Lento and Trotsky were men
of real intellect, and probably knew more about
international politics than Mr. Arthur Balfour.
We can see over the amok, of conflict the scaffolding of toe new Russia arising. The conflict
over its foundations will pass, hot the building
Wfll be continued, and the democracies in other
countries should see that their governments allow
the Russian people to work out their own destiny.
Even tons, who are enemies of the Revolution
ham to admit that'ninety per cent of the Russian
people arc supporters of the present government
And no League of Nations, however armed wfth
<3fen if thcse*stories were true, this could be and self-righteousness, mold hove a moral right to
in extenuation, that the autocracy kept the people
of Russia ignorant and, they could not be blamed
much if they did not act with wisdom. The Russian peasants and workmen were regarded by the
ruling classes a. little above the brute, and were
treated accordingly, and if men are treated as
brutes it fa too much to expect when aroused
they will act with gentleness. The leaders of the
Revolution had the heritage of a country desolated by war and wrecked ^economically by a
corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy. Swift action
wm necessary if worse was not to happen, and I
doubt whether any government—English, French,
or German—in a similar position, would ham
dealt more mercifully with minorities which obstructed them. It fa said the Revolution is not
democratic, that general elections were not held
overturn the social order in a country which is
supported by the people themselves. We do not
hmr of Russians rising 111 masses against the
rule of the Soviets, bat of Czecho-Slovaks, Japanese, and other foreigners deputed to punish
the Russian people for their crimes against humanity. Their crimes I believe to be twofold.
They desired to be at peace whan ton rest of the
world was at war, a very serious offence, as we
in Ireland know. They also desired to have economic democracy when the Great Power, bad got
no further than a desire to make the world safe
for pmitfaal democracy; and were/1 believe,
a little dubious about that state of society,
experiment ban proved that pure cultures
talism can be,cultivated in a political
end develop there with the rapidity of
to aim moral sanction to toe new regime.   Thfa   fa . fag of Dublin ^flV
fa . strange criticism arising, to countries like       T©um sincerely,
our own where a practical dictatorship has been JJ
established since the war began, where the roost
revolutionary changes were made without any
reference to the electorate.   When victory is sure
'    fl'^Tv'    ■:      .
viki to the matter of natural impulses. The Bolsheviki say that such impulses are only elms interests:
^e, realizing that clam interests are the most important interests of mankind, nevertheless believe
that, mankind has other interests: religious, moral,
rational and esthetic. At present thfa point of
view is being subjected to . difficult trial. There
is some ground for your accusation that tie Bolsheviki are serving the interest, of one dam only.
Bat* what .boot those who attempt to tighvn a
steel lasso around the neck ol Bussia, those who
forget that she came to thfa condition fighting
with the Alike and for the Allies—whom are them
interventionists serving! The clam interests of toe
propertied dam or the ideal of justice? fa ft
r»«11y possible that these ideals are only a myth?
—George V. Lomonossoff.
ufitmimjjn wnjuro to talk to
PARIS, Feb. JL—The Ukrainian Soviet Gov-
emment hss announced that it is willing to accept
the invitation of the Allies to tit. proposed conference of Russian factions, according to the
Temps, but it considers the date axed, February
15, too near at hand.
The government also expresses a preference for
holding the conference at Paris instead of Prince's
Islands. It fa understood, however, that the French
Government which originally transmitted the invitation through its wireless service, has since
been trying to get an agreement that hostilities
wfll cease sll over Russia and adjacent, countries,
including  Archangel,  before  the   conference   as-
Otherwise, ft fa mated, the Entente governments
will not consent to confer with the Soviet representatives. mTOnrMT............mn. it mt
fa Palestine. The alliance of the Central Powers;
that was to serve ss the means to world domination by Germany, has failed completely. Hardly
bad the robber, ended their quarrels over the
spoils—Germany and Austria for Poland, Austria,
Turkey and Bulgaria for Rumania, Germany and
Austria mid Austria mid Bulgaria for the Dob-
rudja—then Bulgaria leaves the coalition, and
concludes a separate peaee with France and' England. The German people do not wont World
domination, they do not want war, they want
peace. But already German soldiers am being
driven from the western front in order to force
Bulgaria to continue the war. The German proletariat, which has nothing to eat, whose wives
and children suffer mid languish—this proletariat
must now take the Bulgarian proletariat by the
throat and fore, ft to fight!
"Thus the ruling clique in Germany trie, to
retain power. It fed. the ground'slipping. It fa
bankrupt: bankrupt on the field of battle, bankrupt fa external and, internal policy. The hairs
of the masters are standing up in fright at the
consequences of theft criminal military adventures. A shiver mm through theft body at the
very thought of the awakening of the tortured
and deceived proletariat, at the thought of the
people's judgment**
■" The old government apprehensive of events,
feeling toe surge of proletarian awakening,
snatched at the prestige of Socialism to bolster
up its power; and invited Scheidemann ami two
other majority Socialists into the Cabinet—again
to deceive the masses. Scheidemann & Co. accepted wfth afarfty thfa counter-revolutionary task.
The Spartacus appeal continue. --c^S^i*
"At thfa very moment the government Soefal-
tsU  **»' aA^Cta^awWtf *Aito»'tnair* W iIAei to sns-
ansa*   namv   a^^^^s^v^wam^aaa^^^*a^^as   ^^a*u^a    ■•saapsijs   awa^av v *>a#a^avH   ar*^   swaaaw^
.tain the tottering power of the German bour-
geofaie. At thfa hoar of potential world revolution, toey are busy with patty bargaining attempting to secure a tow ministerial scats they
stand ready to save too rituatian for the imperia-
ihelfaa^iyp., warn dmpTy'ampm ^2^UtVd!at^ ^^"ftj!*",
^radical pbraae. whlfa^ndfag dmmytbf^   * ,* ~'.and, to proton,Mia daughter of
tornntfanjIS^^ b^tofdaJ^^
consciousness of the masses to their misery and   table to the people.
the necessity for revolution. . . . $pB       "What were the conditions under which the gov-
The German offensive collapsed, and the Allies   eminent Soci.lists consented to do lackey's ser-
aasumed the offendmj the war became mitt toaml vim!The sokmnrepUdfatim by the Cfannan govern-
Bless.  Then came thebreak in Bulgaria, where,   ment of snnexstions and indemnities! Yea, at thfa
The First Stage of ton Revolution
LBNtN was right—Russia's separate peace did
'not end the w.r or aim German Imperialism
the victory. The wsr flared up more intense and
violent than ever, and more intense became mam
agony and starvation, more intense became the
economic and political crisis, more intense became
the awakening of the masse, and the revolutionary
struggle for peaee.
In May, 1918, German Imperialism stoked all
on one desperate offensive, and fast Instead of
peace, the unparalleled butchery brought more
misery to the German proletariat The revolutionary unrest developed more acutely. Great
industrial strikes broke loose, fa spite of the union
bureaucrats' appeal to the strikers to "be calm"
—particularly in the Essen regions. The Kaiser
made a speech to the Krupp workers, warning
them of the horrible results of revolution in Russia. The soldiers were uneasy, and mutiny spread.
On August 5, German soldiers at Reval, "corrupted" by Bolshevik propaganda, disarmed themselves to show they were tired of war. The telephone wires were cut, and at meetings held the
mm. day speakers denounced war. The cry wm:
"Enough of bloodshed!. We do not want to fight
any longer!" Two hundred soldiers were wrested. At Felline, in Livonia, at the end of July,
trouble started in the garrison, which thereupon
received orders to place itself in
western front—an order never
ments sent to enforce the order
and, singing revolutionary songs,
the  railway  station,  divesting
imugnia. Upon their arrival at Meisekull
depot, they met detachments coming from Perman
and Weiasenstein on their way to the western
front After a meeting, the new soldiers divested
themselves of military faajgnfa and dispersed wfth
cries: "Enough of war! Peace and bread!"
Revolutionary Socialists in Bremen issued a pamphlet declaring that not only the fftnahjfafaMitf
majority   Socialism,   but   also   the
1*»IM taperi.,™. If .iUUry migh,
should dictate terms of peace, then lost will be the
muse of freedom and Socialism. No matter whim
guns are victorious, whether German or English,
the working clam everywhere would have to pay.
International reaction and militarism, if they are
victorious, will fasten upon the working alas.
chains ten 'times heavier titan the old,   \
"The proletariat of all countries must end the
slaughter by means of revolt The revolutionary
proletariat alone can dictate term, of peace to
the interest, of freedom and Socialism.
The hour to act has come. The English and th.
French workers may follow the German workers, i
Onward, Gorman worker, and soldiers, male and
female! Forward to the battle for freedom, for
an immediate peace and Socialism! Onward to
the brotherhood of all-peoples under the flag of
free labor! Down with the dam rule of toe bourgeoisie! All power to the proletariat! Long Urn
the international Revolution of the proletariat!"
The entrance of Scheidemann & (Jo. into the
capitalist government did not abate the revolutionary crisis: it developed more acutely. Everywhere the proletariat turned to revolutionary mass j
action. The government—"Socialist" farce of a
"reformed" Germany did not deceive the masses.
Freedom for Karl Liebknecht was demanded, and
granted by the frightened government, by a brutal
government trying to prom itself "good.'' A
great demonstration was arranged for Liebknecht
in Berlin, huge miasm welcoming him and bfa
revolutionary utterances, while they acclaimed
the Sodalist Republic and sent their fratenul
greetings to the Russian Soviets.
Upon the development of the revolutionary crisis
in Germany, the Soviet Government famed a pro-
damation to the German proletariat
help in making tileir revolutionTuml^mV lgjnf$,ttf
co-operate, if necessary, in a revolutionary war
against Anglo-French Imperialism and for ton
world revolution. Lento took the initiative, mid
said to the Soviet Executive Committee: "The
revolutionary crisis in Germany shows either n
revolution began or a revolution inevitable to the
near future. Placing Scheidemann ft Co. in the
government will simply hasten the revolutionary
explosion. W. Bad decided to have an army of
one million man by spring, but we mall now need
an army of three million."
(This Article Wfll Be Concluded Next Weak)
riding to all reports, Bolshevism was rampant;
came the break in Austria, where again Bol-
was rampant The revolutionary masses
compelled Csar Ferdinand to make a
counter-revolutionary peace to save the dynasty:
but the dynasty is no more. A new
asked for and secured an armistice.
fadttod .   .
But still Germany might have waged warier
month, mid years to come, according to- experts,
If Revolution had not broken the power of ton
government and of the imperialistic machine.
During October, the revolutionary crisis in Germany emerged definitely into action. The
fata of the Spartacus Group, representing
lutienary Socialism, Beldievfam, famed the following appeal:
"Workers, awekel Th. dreams of world domination of Gorman Immridfam bam vanished into
smoke. On heps of corpses, in seas of blood, they
wanted to establish that domination. Tarn am
theft efforts! The sword cannot forever rale the
world. In one night everything km collapsed.
The shameless traffic with the destiny of toe
peoples of the Bam has brought ft. fraft.: ft forced
the peoples of the West to unite for defease.
"Everything fa falling. On the Add of battfa
-defeat after defeat: in Flanders, th. Balkan.,
moment, when English snd French field gum arc
making effort, not to allow the German Government to secure .nnexations and indemnities!
There is still more: suffrage reform fa Prusris!
Yea, at thfa moment, when universal suffrage, because of the shameless role of the Reichstag during the war, km become an empty husk. And
these lackeys of the bourgeoisie did not even demand that the Reichstag should sit continuously.
Thus they express their readiness, fa return for
row eoniemptioie nunmurmi pomoiios, to act
in the comedy of a "reformed" Germany in order
to defend the role of the capitalists against the
action of the peoples. This fa all that "reforms"
"Our task consists precisely in this, that we
destroy thfa agreement against the proletariat
and the future of Socialism. Everything fa now
at stake. Down with Prussian reaction mid the
rata of Capitalism! Th. problem now b to secure an immedfate and permanent peace! But to
secure permanent peace thfa fa necessary: the do-
atraetfan of militarism, the rule of the people,
and a republic. The German proktorfat must be-
*v»e the master of tmaftuation. Onward, urd*r
ton flag of Soefalism! Long live the Revolution
of the faternetiond proletariat!
"We must not look forward to the victory of
on the economic, of Capitalistic Production,
being the first nine chapters of:
VOL 1 Man's Capital with the >2nd chapter oa
the atlatnrtml Toaaiarj of nislnilit .jus-ii
latfcm include., also an extract from the preface
to the   same   author's   "OHUse   at' Pootioal
naaisrua^s ^n* ssswss     as^e aaasassni^psj    vas^a    aaasnaavs sss>asavoasa
interpretation of history.
Stogie copies, paper covers, 50c.
25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 40c.
Single copies, cloth bound, $1.00 par copy.
10 copies or more, doth bound, copy, 75e.
W«> await roar orders, and wo hops tee wfll hasp
us busy, ss succoss in this venture ami mseh to
the publishers' furors effort*
Make all remtttaacos psrstli to C.
4»1 Pander Street Bast Vancouver, B. C. 1PP'%
fy j   v 1
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interesh of the Working Class
■-     ■        '
VQL,1  HO. 5
Five €etotg
The following is the concluding portion of an
• tide published in the New York MDialn-of Jan.
2: this year. The first part of the article covers
the economic condition, prevailing in Russia and
the development of the political situations there
up to the Bolsheviki taking control.
We publish this because it is the testimony of
a Russian of the "Right Social Revolutionary"
wing, which at first bitterly opposed the Bolsheviki program, but who/*l>y the logic of events,
has been led to ally himself .with them as the only
constructive political force in'Russia:
.... One way or another, fourteen months ago
the power was transferred definitely and finally to
the Soviets, with the Bolsheviki as the dominating
political power. And thus came their turn to decide the vital questions of war, state, and economic organization. The question of the war they
decided to solve immediately. They disclosed the
secret treaties showing imperialistic war aims of
the Entente, at the same time offering the Allies
a general democratic peace. The latter did not
even answer! And this fact fa of utmost importance, because it arouses serious doubt as to who
was betrayed by whom-r-whether we have betrayed
ft fa first necessary to shape Russia into a definite times and cut It once," says an old Russian
political form*~,to establish., permanent govern- proverb. And history confirms it. Of all the con-
ment and to let it decide social problems slowly;   stitutions that were ever written on our planet,
that it is beyond the strength of the Russian
people to accomplish a social and political revolution at the same time; that it is necessary to be
satisfied for the present with the political revolution alone, and to bring about the social reforms
through evolution. More than that representatives
of thfa camp insist that our people are young and
"dark"; that the time has not arrived for them
to decide their own destiny; that the people do
net know What they need, but that thev, the »pw~
sentativbs of the radicals and the Socialist Intelligentsia, do know. Therefore they are the one.
to govern the "dark" people, to educate the people
to prepare the people for self-government
The representatives of the opposition camp, on
the other hand, insfajtrthat their experiences with
the first two provisional governments and especially with the third—the Omsk government,
which fa now dormant fn the pocket of Kolehak—
is sufficient warning not to repeat mistakes. Their
deep conviction is that the Russian people are
the most flexible oneJha»_jproved to be the Constitution of the United States. Written in 1787;
with seventeen amendments, ft fa alive today. But
it must not be forgotten that it was written in
1787, eleven years .after the declaration of Independence. Why theh ask of Russia that she wrfte
her political constitution in definite form only one
year after the revolution, a revolution deeper than
that of 1776! It may be retorted that social w-
forms require just as tnueh care; that they also
cannot be decided in haste. P perfectly agree with
this, but I also understand that the Russian people
do not care to waft any longer and do not trust
the "masters." NO words are strong enough to
convince me to the contrary. To back one's arguments with Japanese bayonets and English machine guns is just as criminal, in my opinion, as '
to assassinate one's own mother. And all the outcries of the interventionists—that this is a "democratic" way of helping Russia—are mere hypocrisy.
When one and one-half years ago the monarchy
interested most of all in social reforms and de-    was overthrown in Russia, I, as well as many
mand these reforms immediately by revolutionary /others, believed that Russia could not cope wfth
the Jft x^^tenr^ann   the
Soviet government
the Allies, promis-
fronti if the Allies
lies did nq^k«ecnit
vvhn-ii ;-an hardly
i  to present
ratification to the
mjent/as far as I
to who betrayed
mlly understood a
nd derided: Upon
1 l?M5,l ^*re*M*"*
is temporary, that the German revolution
far away. Many did not believe it at that
[t. now the German revolution is an ached fact
state organization was concerned, the
veranient dd&fcd that at that time the
I in the midst of .a
ttroggl nd extern; a of the
sew  order.  Russia fa  being  built   by the  pfafn
rile, by the peasants—slowly firmly and with-
any del
be definitely said that
present Russfa is nof the fast
elation. The word "Soviet"
.bably rem;
t grew fond of it. It was also adopted
meaning attached to this
the future. However.
to serve them, and not those whi
them against their will. V
Russian masses natJwully, oi
the Russian.revomt1((!.
rtndl^by the;pea*anrv--s!owbr,::
out any definite pte
much has to be broken de*
it is beyond the pbv
accomplish  both potiti
tion. Now the fc
constructfan of a new saefal'orde
shall have been crystallised into d
can begin the political eonstructi
It can he foretold already -1 r
social conditions new political f<
quired. It may. also be predicted
French nor the Amerie.
Russian l»amnt; ft willli
RiHsian Clothes ef^new- eats
quires-time and tear.: <AM*a|ttra'
§r* we,to do J Insist that the soafal
iquidate all t)
sia among themseb
and the revolution, from her inter
l enemies f As far as I am concern
nd that fa
g a Moderate Socialist, I sincer
>usly believe that I must serve Rum:
rirt,.bann|Jiy .,- ',,   \
. ia still another point to be considered, *
tr not.fulfafcagrm with the Soviet govern-
we may doubt the possibility of realising
Suhviaat    *r* \ \
mtJHDAY, FEB. 16
frRftm. Sharp


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items