@prefix ns0: . @prefix edm: . @prefix dcterms: . @prefix dc: . @prefix skos: . @prefix geo: . ns0:identifierAIP "208a63af-aefe-4669-9af1-0aff93935dc6"@en ; edm:dataProvider "CONTENTdm"@en ; dcterms:isPartOf "BC Historical Newspapers"@en ; dcterms:issued "2015-11-26"@en, "1919-02-15"@en ; edm:aggregatedCHO "https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/redflag/items/1.0083521/source.json"@en ; dc:format "application/pdf"@en ; skos:note """ . \\. . * zim r< .■■ ■ i rfWE motives which induced the peace confer- tioan would svail to wipe out.- II the Power, sp^t whiA k i^^d to th. iBTiUtioii which A enee to invite representatives of all the Bus- allow themselves to deviate by a hair's breadth they have received. It is to be hoped that th. sian Governments, real or pretended, to meet at from the course which, by uneseapable inference, conference will allow Princes' Islands and talk things over were nn- they have now marked out for tbemativen,tPnaV thfa courtesy. doubtedly various. Whatever they were, how- dm WUson would be justified in washing his That th. prenreim^nfFriacaa' Islands should ew, the action itself is in the highest degree hands of the peaee conference and appealing to also be public, and that every possible praiseworthy, and Might to have the hearty ap- the peoples of the world against their govern- should be made for reporting them to the proval of everybody everywhere who at heart mehts. gOM without saying. W. Mat not toff*.that really cares for Russia and fts people and desires How are the implications which inhere in the there are special reams why th. entire record to that justice Aall be done. If, as press reports resolution of the pmc wmferenee to 1* realised thto ease should be open to the light Th. facto too action was due primarily to President in fact T Some of the prerequisites, at least, are regarding Russu have for more than a year bom ft is s striking testimony to the weight clear. The delegates who are to represent the withheld from the public to? k* and a distinct credit to his sens. Allies mid the United States to th. discussions sia is at this moment practically eut off, by de- of fair.— aid right Howgyer unsatisfactory at Prinees* Islands ought to be men of the highest liberate action of the Allies and th. United States, his attitude with regard to Russia may have been character, competent by education, knowledge, and, from communication with the rest of th. in the past, his course in this instance* calls only training to deal with the max. of facts and argu- by cable, telegraph, wireless, or post; for commendation. It k entirely possible, too,"* menta whieh wfll he presented, and able to judge has practically eeesed, and that the representatives of the other Powers may mipartially th. claims of to. contending parties, tion goes on mainly in i h««« seen to toe seggHim an opportunHy to There should be no place for partisans, or. in- extricate their Oovcnutaents from the dangerous competents, or men with narrow vision, or re- which some of them, par- actionarfa. of any shade. .^Ito/jpee^ toward the " sian imbroglio. If so. they may in due time be grateful for the service which Mr. Wilson has within th* the Crar ennn'liiMe or AnwCfeTand' ' with ham been fining the press of both lineal, wfth limine lotion, of ton Soviet Govern- ment .r the Ttslsh. lili, or aeelahning Ifilrnoh and hh foDoweTa as the only government worth in Russia, or clamoring for an inter - (to he paid for chiefly through ■) large enough to occupy Russia from end to end, and who in the meantime hare carrying on an impudent and insidious paganda through so-called ' testing volubly ami wfth tears that the |an made a dreadful mistake, declaring angrily that ft to impossible to treat wfth assassins and i • I fin1 mn^sntow,8mm» wlomw aramm a rfKmmnmM^ri an tin nan ft i erne nan ashed for would be little short of a crime. Far all thh the public should It fa weU that the world rhould ., in order that ft may remember, the partisanship on .iation on the other the Ihtotonn "new«" ^^rw ■.. «^w^s^^s|sp^ * - ■ mm* m\\ through thepress. lighted. If the to stand a. th. their intellectual eO^petom^tt teeMncal repute, if Ruasto fa to be brought one. should nevertheless be of those in whose impartial world family of fro. peoples, It will only be be- judgment the world could have no confidence, cause the peoples of the world, with all the facto Further, there ought to be an hurrytog to got before them, have approved th. action of their through and get away, nn4 no attempt to reatriat re»fsseetatiyea. It fa not the Allied and American either the manner or ton matter of debate. It is governments, but the people Mho are asked to dm to Bmeia that ft»> spokesmen, whatever the sustain their decisions, who have now to be dia- character of the governments which they will i\\\\mv*«-l}ffl1.. .,.'.'■.. 'MfldB THE RED FUHmBAL AT M080OW-An Extract From "Th. lad Heart of Russia" [By BESSIE BEATTIE, War Correspondent of the San Francisco Bulletin] Before A* sacred shrine of the*lbeirich Gate a tiny lamp burned brightly; and an occasional sol- dier, strolling by, stopped to cross himself, and ly to decipher the inscription that told how, of the Almighty, the ikon from destruction throughout > . 1 their 1 curse, or the poMtiml totniami which they katby On the other hand, the implications whim the of the peace usanjoum hold, am It must be nil. i il that the tatives of the Powers, to inviting a vim "the representatives off' Russia, propose 'to go into the immunca, wfth entire sincerity and wfth an open mind; that the situation wfth regard to mSQ a aw£ ftCUOD 10 O© twCll "v ftCGOPvanUF thnt, to the interval, ton ton. leqnirefl for it afterward, fa not ton. tor came sort of eoerefan of Rmeto later. So far as the statement famed by ton peace conference Ufa unhapmehabfa fa tbfa patot but any- ma nminR aaaorenea to rta spent m well as to its factor would he a monstrous par- of jawtiee and eouftr. an open insult to md fas people, and n stain upon ton honor oi \\we pnw wcw^m*oiv ana ucu govciumuiu i in other ■diree- t he raid of Napoleon. While only a handful of people were killed in the Bolshevik revolution in Petrograd, Moscow's death-toll is estimated at from 750 persons to twice that number. Probably the former figure is more near correct Close beside the Kremlin wall, in the holiest of holy places the workmen snd soldiers of Moscow dug the great trench that was to receive the *<■*- bodies of their fallen comrades. All day and when night came they continued by the light of torches. The ghostly linden trees have' stood watch over many strange scenes thim on the edge of the Bed Square, but none stranger than this crowd of silent men, speechlessly turn* ing the earth through the long, chill, dark hours. By daybreak they had finished. , aj«flj It was the day of the proletariat All other. stayed indoors. The streets, hut for the mourners of the proletarian dead, were deserted. At eight o'clock in the morning the procession started, and all day long the people filed past—a vast end- pe«- leas throng of them, men, women, and little children. There were no priests, no prayers. Strong young aalafara in mud-colored coats carried the red coffins on their shoulders, and above the heads of the crowd the crimson banners flowed like a nier ot oiooa. A sobbing, singing mass of human beings, tragic and triumphant, filled the vast square. Cavalry troop, rode by at attention, and girls with platoks on their heads carried great oval band-boxed wreaths of artificial flowers. Sometimes a military band went by, playing a funeral march, and sometimes the voices of the marchers lifted in the deep rhythmical strains of the "Hymn of Eter nal Memory." Men mid women,- old and young* .wept as they saw the coffins lowered into that yawning trench. v vv^ If Mother Moscow wept that night nm/tom* fell quietly, She was to ton presence of/oome- thing big, something terrible, something magnificent—something unlike anything bar old eye. bad ever seen before. * There was another day, another other, crowd of broken-hearted men and of comfort were more meagre, for in advance; and theirs was the bitterness %t defeat; but they aim hugged the faith that the stalwart boys who lay stretthed in their coffins hsd died defending an ideal. ■ Worlds of space lap- between those two groups of mourners—they had no single thing in common but their grief. Their dead fay in the darkened llrtUBJW VA. glXmlr -unalllXH^m. iW Jr** ■• **• .■m"*f retoJo oi blaek and silver mid many mnmm tor the repose of their souls. Thar, were no red coffins, no crimson banners, no singing multitudes j|^il«- s\\wAVAwa ma.au mSimanfl* lease Whan it was sll over--the killing and the burying—and there wan nothing left but the joy of victory and the rancor of defeat someone suddenly discovered that the light, before ton shrina of the Virgin on the Iberian Gate had gon. out AU that waa left of the sacred ikon wan on. bullet-wounded angeL Two soldiers paaaing by the shrine halted. "Iiook," said on. of them. "They said it was holy. I| was just another of tha-d d lie. they have been telling on!" COMRADE JOB 1MIOHT OF HWMgstOfl Vancouver Socialists wfll be delighted to welcome Comrade Joe Knight of Edmonton, Alberta. This' well-known organiser and speaker for the Socialist Party of Canada wH apeak from tfaf platform el the ning, March 9. Propaganda meeting Sunday evening it 9 o'clock, at the Empress, Theatre, corner Heatings and Gore. ■ V THE BED PAG Japanese Socialists dm the Bcflsfeeviks W. bar. received the flsDewing exceedingly interesting letter and resolution, passed by the Japanese Socialists, from the People's Informstion Bureau, whose headquarters are at 152 Fleet St., London, E.C.4, and should like to tab. this opportunity to draw our readers' attention to the opportunity thfa bureau offers them to learn at first-hand what at least fa th. Bolshevik rulers' Ideal and intent in all that has happened in Russia atom they formed their government, mid what fa their statement of the facts in the various happenings as against that of the capitalist pram. "The Japanese Socialists are opposing thfa the second Ru.Hso-Jspanese war just as they opposed the first. W. all remember the energetic protest 'made by the Japanese Socialists when theft gov. eminent started the war to Korea, in 1905. We ;.% know that this protest was met by a whole series of unspeakably harsh persecutions by the Jap- | gums Government During and immediately after the war the Japanese Government was careful not to foment discontent, but later on all Socialists and Radical societies and groups were dispersed. The reaction culminated to the so-called "Koto- kussk" affair; some of.our bast Japanese comrades were banged an* others war. sent to prison without trial or jndgmsnt Since that period there has been no Socislist organization to Jspan, and ih. persecution of Socialists is carried on with even greater barbarity than under the Romanoff regime to Rumfa. Nevertheless, Socislism has not died out, for it is immortal. Small Socialist groups exist in various towns, for instance, in Tokio and »» The following comrades fa ton Tnlrnham* addressed to the Russian ef tmTokfaand group, are protesting against a Japanese military intervention in Si- eria, and have adopted the Bolshevik point of view: "It fa a matter of great joy to us that the Socialists of the most reactionary country to the world have eome forward with a clear and definite statement of their views on the important problem of the world's revolution. We rejoice still more at th. fact that to spite of- the lying bourgeoisie press, the idea of Bolshevism has had such a strong influence on the Japanese workers. "The Japanese workers are too weak at present to prevent the Japanese intervention to Siberia. Hundreds of Socialist publications bar. been burned in Japan to th. course of the fast four years, but during the same period hundreds of strikes have taken place. Some of them strike, hsve been suppressed, by armed fore, and there hsve been many killed and wounded. The Mikado's mailed flat has fallen heavily upon the Japanese proletariat We greet our Japanese comrades and are glad to receive thfa expression of their sympathy and goodwill. To Our Russian Oeamam "From the very beginning of the Russian Revolution we ham followed your fearless activities wfth enthusiasm and admiration. Your doings have had an enormous influence on the psychology of our people. W. are now indignantly pretesting against the dispatch of Japanese troop, to Siberia under any pretext, as such an ant will inevitably impede the free development of your revolution. We toe grieved thst we are too weak to avert toe peril with whim yon are threatened by our imperialistic government. We are unable to help you in any way as we are persecuted by the government. But mat assured that the Bod Flag of the Revolution will to an distant future float over the whole of Japan. "We, the Socialists of Japan, having met to Tokio, express our deep sympathy with the Russian Revolution, to whieh we do homage. "We recognize that the Russian Revolution fa on the one hand a political revolution of the bourgeoisie against a mediaeval absolutism, and on th. , other hand, a revolution of the proletariat against present-day enpftalBmn The transformation of the Russian Revolution into a world social revolution concerns not Russian Socialists only, but the Socialists of the whole world. The capitalis- tic order has in all the countries of the world reached its highest development, and we bam now . period of • full-blown eapftalfatfa imperialism. Unless they wish to be deceived by the «««i«gt-» of imperialism, the Socialists of all countries must hold steadfastly to the international rtsndpittot. and all th. forces of the international proletariat must be directed against our common enemy- international capitalism. Thus only will th. worker, be able to fulfil theft historic mission. The Socislists of Russia and all countries must do their utmost to stop the war in order to help th. workers of the belligerent countries to direct their attacks, not against their fellow workers, but against the ruling classes of theft own tries. We hay. faith in the heroism if the Russian Socialists and of our comrades throughout the world. We arc firmly convinced that the revolutionary spirit wfll spread and permeate all the countries. 1 2» J ■ K- ' << Executive Committee, ( "Socialist Group of Tokio. V ' ings From the Press ■ ; .-■. • "The Soviet republic, of which Lenin and Trot- eky are tb. leaders, is the logics' and historical iimtmmnt and best sble to bring order in Russia," mid Frank Keddie, a Scotchman who for the past three years has been in Russia and who psssed through Seattle this week on his way-to New York, where he will sail for his home. "The chief trouble to Russia now fa due to the presence of Allied soldiers, Cxeeho-Slovaks and the Cossacks. lUOlv IIton tmii cviirwict •uiv iiuicuvci uw* ■ mfvivmr aaeks and Czecho-Slovaks are far worm than the Bolsheviki. I am greatly in sympathy with ton Nearly three years ago Mr. Keddie went into Bnssia as a Bad Cross worker and -rim in Petrograd, Moscow, ton Ural Harbin and other places in both Bussia proper and In Siberia. The centre of his work or a good part of the time was at Busuduk, about two daya' journey from Moscow. Through his connection with people prominent in affairs in Great Britain, Mr. Keddie was enabled to gain close touch with officials in. Russia, visited at th. homes of the younger Tolstoys, through his knowledge of th. Bussian language was enabled to gat much valuable first-hand faformstfaa regarding the life of the peasants and worker., theft atom, hopes and enee of Allied troops. No matter what the troop, do they can never stamp out Socialism in Bussia; they can never police Russia, for the troops will become converted to Bolshevism. I am very hopeful of Russia if the Allied troops wfll clear out- then could eome a temperate government—but if they do not clear out there is a long and dreary road ahead. .<•,.-. fF7,j ■ ■ *■ " * - . ^5^|^tP**"3? 'tt* - *; *r*** tomg wnen a. cut off all the lands of the church. There were 400,000,000 acres taken from the church in one slice. Whan he took away the lands I was in Moscow and saw a great procession of church dig- lUtaries and a multitude of followers protesting against the action. That same night there was posted on the billboards all over the city these of bar children were killed.' . "The Russians love freedom intensely. They are idealistic, have little regard for precedent and pity people who keep their .yes so much on wages. Marriage fa civil. Anyone may ham any extra ceremonies, such as that of the church, ft he wishes. The marriage laws are quite simple, but, proper. The expense of getting married fa reduced to 20 or 25 cents, which fa a grand relief to the mother of the Russian remtotiou/' who in Seattle from Siberia faat Sunday, M>. confirmed ton statement mad. by members of the local Russian colony by saying that she belonged to the old revolutionary day. and was not in stop with preaenUday conditions. —'— ' *S*5 .•-. Ftoto oyeiy pert of ear own land and from ovary, part of Canada the cry goes up: <«Bring the boys home." The war they engaged in fa over and done. They must not be used as pawns for the money and territory grabbers of Europe. 'done their w.rk; they have suffered they are all democrats who fought to •The Bofahevttd are in the dfa- trleto/' said Mr. Keddie, "The peasants am illft- orate, but they are doing a fat of thinking and are ton keenest pnrhfaton. to the world. The ee-op- erathre societies of Russia are very strong and are a source at nap. for the future, Kvvry village governs itodt Tin peasants do not want to fight anybody. Ha Bifahivfld am standing tor tarn- tnranos, and I mw more drinking among tin Al- BanMR vC^^W|^b| a. w ICWI wn^arenwem MHl flaun^ ^e itom "AUfad capital fa the chief reason for the "I think ttn Bolsheviki failed warn they began to me fame, although ft seemed necessary when Kornfloff and Kerensky threatened to .vfat Lenin and Trotaky. Nevertheless I am confident that imiinbn afl th. awifltiiai that bap. tor BuasU lie. beat to the Btfahrrfld. It is true thsy nam confiscated land, and houses, bat not generally for themaelves. Soaw of the lenders are living on a mere pittance. X remnmber, tor example, that the mry flnast nam. in Busuluk was taken over, bat It wm converted into a borne for babies." «*, make an end of war and who believe in the self- determination of peoples. They are too good to be compelled to do the dirty work which powerful interests want done in Europe, * Bring them nam. from Siberia. After aU oar vast pretensions there, our bays am now forced to maintain a new czar who has overthrown the elected representatives of the people, who fa taming over to the firing squad the soldiers and common people who refuse to fight own kind in his behalf, who has restored manufacture of vodka to ram. revenue and to besot the people that he may the bettor, exploit them. It U at foul s mess a. the earth has brewed. Get our boy. out of ft. Bring them noma from Archangel after months of "establishing democracy," fa no government bat Cant Miller of toe army, Without much ban. or relief there bom are to danger of Wind wrath of an people. Got decent Americans oat of ft at Bring the boy. bom, bam, free angel, France, Germany, England, Ireland. They may be vary useful to all these places to designing and plutocrats, bat their place fa at Let us ham no mom lying excuses. Just bring them home-Seattle Union Record, Fab, 12, m»mm*&**i«*mmito**m*W**m+'*m< 8. 1' ■ • : ' 8 ¥**s* .-*' PAGE SIX THE RED FLAG ■-.. : Saturday ran, u. mr m-**i'» ' (Mr. Young, as the British Consul, was in sole eharge of British interests in Archangel from December, 1917, until the military occupation on August 2, 1918.) DURING my eleven mere' service under the Foreign Office in f^u ranging from the equator to the Arctic circle, I nave seen how the direction of foreign affairs fa the close preserve of an exclusive class bureaucracy; and how matters vitally affecting international relations are decided by officials, often of minor rank, who, for the most part, have no first-hand knowledge of the countries on whieh they are experimenting, and who ignore, if they do not actually resent any suggestions or advice from "outsiders" who happen to possess such knowledge. The plea of "State Secrecy" is used by this bureaucracy to conceal their blunders, which often involve the lives of thousands of the people. Our diplomatic representation abroad fa also the exclusive preserve of caste, the members of whieh in most eases do not even speak the language of the country to which they reside, and who gather their knowledge within the four wall. of*\\heir Chancelleries or to the Court or aristocratic circles whieh'they exclusively frequent. In my three years' service as British Consul at , Archangel during the war, I have seen the money of the British taxpayer squandered with the most cynical indifference by a similar bureaucracy established by other departments. - J* ■ * ' VM xwttfsn Government piayea a dirty, aoubie game with the Soviet Government in Russia. First they gave a solemn assurance, which was published over my name in the Archangel Press, that they lad no annexationist intentions and that they * would not interfere in the internal affair, of Bussia. This was accepted by myself and by every man who read it, and who wan not concerned with th. niceties of diplomatic quibbling, as meaning that the British Government intended no military action against the Soviet Government. Then they stabbed that government to the back by forcing a landing of Allied troop, at Area- angel under a specious pretext So far from ton Soviet Government having vfabxtofliw ;mH|K'.ei th. British Embassy at Petrograd, the Embassy no longer existed, as its personnel had ignominiously fled the country some months previously, and official representatives of the British Admiralty and War Office were abusing privilege—to which, in fact, they had organize, in conjunction with Russian utionaries, under cover of the Em- building, a plot to overthrow the Soviet de facto authorities in Archangel and elsewhere. The British * Government having completely failed to understand the cause and significance of ton Russisn Revolution, and the ideals and atom of the Soviet Government,. proceeded to suppress any news or any expression of opinion whieh did not coincide with their preconceived ideas, and was therefore calculated to expose that blunder; and, further, they proceeded to misrepresent and blacken every action of the Soviet Government giving either deliberately untrue or evasive replies to the few independent members of all parties who have tried by questions in Parliament to extract toe truth, though there is, of course, always the possibility that ministers bar. not been allowed by their officials to know what was going on. The PerU at Archangel 1 wn ' sssL^ttiammam;m^i -tommnaama»*w By DOUGLAS YOUNG tion of Archangel to tit. vengeance of the Bolshe- vika. And thfa failure is due primarily to the fact that our naive authorities grossly underestimated not only the moral force but also the military power of the Soviet Government, apparently believing that in its stronghold at Moscow, 700 miles from Archangel, the walla of Bolshevism would fall to the ground at the approach from the White Sea of a few "brass-hats" and a nondescript force of a few hundred men "scraped together." The danger*'of the moment fa that thfa disastrous experiment whieh ha. only brought ruin and death to th.' Bussian climes in the interior whom it was naively intended to help, may he repeated in the Black Sea, nearly 1,000 miles from Moscow, with inevitably similar results. aiauso ■ ruffirifniii^n^ 1 have seen in Archangel a British general acting toward the Russian population in their own country as despotically as any Tsar and conducting himself as scandoualy aa any of those Russian generals of the old regime who were a common subject of superior criticism On the part of British residents to Russia. One can only conclude from thfa that the war against Prussian militarism has created a Whitehall militarism little better than the Potsdam variety, and a British bureaucracy perhaps less corrupt, but hardly less incompetent than that of St. Petersburg. I hate "Bolshevism"—a product of reaction working upon national war-weariness and popular discontent. But I am convinced that the policy—or absence of policy—of the British Government as regards Russia is responsible for hav- Soviet Government to adopt cruel and inexcusable measures for its self-preserfstion, and incidentally tor placing Russia still ^tovun^tb«A heel of Germany and for slamming the door of Russia in our own fanes against British political and commercial influence in that country. I be- -rrtf '■■' '" ' ■■'■ " "' ' 3s lieve that Bolshevik propaganda has had much, to do with the sudden collapse of Germany as oar military operations. And, I am afraid that, at the moment the most argent problem, of domestie reconstruction am awaiting settlement at home, we shall fritter away our strength and deeeureao in a vain effort to restore order in the ffhsatja ' Colossus; and that if we do this we mall sooner or later provoke an outbreak of Bolshevism in the United Kingdom, thus realising the aim of the extreme Russian Bolsheviks of spreading their ideas throughout Western Europe. A Haw Wart Russia cannot be invaded and conquered by a few thousand men. The distances are enormous: the difficulties are great; the Bolsheviks are strong and are growing stronger. It is not a question of "restoring order" in Murman or the Crimea, It is a question at least of penetrating to Moscow, That means war on a large scale—it may be year, of war. It mean. th. sacrifice of thousand, of lives and millions of money, with heaven know, what purpose or result. There cannot be limited intervention. If it continues it must be on a largo scale—with all the consequences that implies. There is another alternative. I believe that if a delegation, composed not of bureaucrats or militarists but of broad-minded representatives of all British political parties, were to meet a Soviet delegation in a neutral country an understanding might be swiftly reached after a few. hours' deliberation. And I believe.that that understanding might be acceptable alike to our extreme Socialists and. to British capitalists whose coin interests in Russia seem to be to get their money back and to secure a field for making more. : M. IJtvinoff is reported to be in Stockholm offering to open negotiations. It is for British public opinion to see that the opportunity for retrieving a ghastly blander and for removing n stain on our national honor is not missed. —From the "Herald," London, Eng. The Archangel expedition, considered only as a military enterprise, and apart from questions of morality or political expediency, is already admitted even by its militarist sponsors to be an emu greater fiasco than might have been anticipated. It is actually in danger of being thrown out into the White Sea, leaving the civil popula- THE FORTY-POUR HOUR WEEK LAST, May at their convention to Baltimore the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America voted to establish the forty-four hour week to the men's clothing industry. Thfa meant that they were no longer satisfied with the straight eight hour a day six day. in the week for'whieh the American Federation of Labor had been contending for more than a generation. Fourteen weeks ago their employers denied their demand. A combined lockout snd strike followed. Last week this contest ended in complete victory for the workers. According to the officers of the union, this is the first case in which the forty- four hour week has been established as the standard throughout an American industry. This fact in itself is sufficiently noteworthy; but the circumstances surrounding the achievement are even more remarkable. The great majority of the men'* clothing maker, are recent immigrants, men and women whom the older Amerfaatt union, bam sought to exclude from the country tor fear that they would lend themselves to the debasement of tne "American standard of living." This fear and toe resulting prejudice against them immigrant workers fa to part responsible for the exclusion of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers from affiliation with ton American Federation of Labor. The long strike for the forty-four hour week baa been won without either the morel or financial support of* the official organized labor movement by an "outlawed" organization of immigrant workers, who bam thus forged into a position of leadership in the improvement of working standards. It fa not surprising, therefore, that these despised immigrants should celebrate theft triumph as a battle won by themselves in behalf of American workers gen erally. The leading article fat their official journal, the Advance, rejoices that "our victory means- legislation not only for the clothing industry but also for the mtim Labor Movement. . ; . The official Labor Movement does not recognize our existence, our struggles or our victories. But we send thfa message to our fellow worker, in and out of the official Labor Movement: 'We ham organized, built, fought and won single-handed. But we have don. all thfa not for ourselves alone, but for the working class as a whole. Whstever your attitude toward us map be, we know yon only an flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood. We ham made a glorious beginning. We hope to see >ou follow our example."'—From The Nw-:^ public, Feb. 1, 1919. AGREE TO TALK-WILL OBLIGATIONS liONDON, Feb. 6.-Tbe Ruauatt Soviet Gov- cnimcnt, in a wireless message announcing that it is willing to begin coriversstions with the Entente vith the object of bringing about a cessation of military sctivities, declares it fa willing to no- knowledge financial obligations regarding the credftor. of Russia of Entente nationality. The statement was sent out from Moscow by 31. Tehitcherin, th. Russian minister of foreign affairs. Beside, willingness to recognize the Entente creditors, the Soviet Government offers to> .guarantee the payment of interest oh its debts by means of stipulated quantities of raw materials. The Bolshevik government is likewise willing, ft declares to place concessions to mines, forests, etc, at the disposal of citizens of the Entente, provided "the social and economic order of the Soviet Government fa not affected by internal disorder* connected with them concessions." —HMMW ■ ■ Br /pOBAY, the subject of greatest iiiteajst and earn, the workers' hedth is JL importance, to our masters, fa how to increase for the purpose of '*^;produrtion4~how to reach the maximum of wealth power. output with.the smdlest possible expenditure in The other side peeps out fa the sentence "to |f wages. I ..'"• enable us to get the most trade." The workers of Much has been' done during the w.r, by dilu- each country must submit to "the most economical tion and the abolittonof-prrrifages, toward thfa produetion" in order to assure to iheir master? If P m gg< ; mk- I, end. hut the capitalist looks forward to the piping times of peace, when the supply of labor-power Mill exceed the demand, for a fuller realization of bfa avaricious dreams. Th. question as to how it will affect the worker, does not concern him; first becsuse he is a capitalist and therefore only interested in profits, and secondly because he keeps an army of unscrupulous journalists whose business ft fa to persuade the workers that whatever fa beneficial to the Clam that own the means of wealth production, must be beneficial to society as a whole, and therefore to the working clsss. v.,, To prove, however, that an increase to production, side by side, with a reduced wages bill, wfll improve conditions for the working clsss, would Dccus aii lui^nmniuiv t/mon f iiyTviMicivooj viiv v\\#v*a omic quack, relying on the workers' ignorance of nepnotoics, prmeed. to dsnmnstratc ft. One writer who advocates shorter hours of labor as a means "the form most trod.." Thus they enter, into a new of warfare against the workers of other countries in the interests of their piasters. And when the cpftdfats of one nation succeed fa obtaining the "moat trade," and their workers demand higher wsges, because the master, can afford to pay them, them tome master, reward them with toe ssck, and entice other lands to fill their jobs. Wh* worker, of the world come to, for their master, markets or wai The capitalist group of every to their own prosperity as •ncnt fa good* when they deem, gloss over the unemployed army! of coercion against theft workers> there is no sentiment in business, and an unemployed army is necessary to their business. In the past they have—except in a few rare instances, chiefly occupational—always been blamed with a workers of len^.do the they win mi will point that employ- necessary to it instrument fay boast that labor-power, mid out of the union comes surplus- value to be realised to profits. To them the working clam is God-given—a claw-to work for them while they luxuriate fa idleness. Industry wfll only exist for man when man controls industry. Today th. worker, cannot control industry became toe means of wealth-production are owned by the capitalist dam, mid theft ownership is defended, through their parliament, by armed forma. Until toe working dam control industry, Industry will exist for th. capitalist class, as ft exists today. And the working clam can only control industry when they own the mean, of wealth- production. Ownership of the mean, of weslth- produetion fa the basis of capitalist domination; their ownership, however, fa maintained politiedly and until their political power fa broken, or acquired by the working class, the fatter csnnot take possession of the means of wealth-production. £*»*ja , •.■ Bv- ■Be-?:,' to lr^eaaed production say. that after toe war- jgf ^fe*^^|^^i^^ them, and we can rely on them to make the most of their opportunities to order to coerce the workers into the economic war. " Already7: in the mad, race for" markets we are tdd tbab-. .' „ ■,.. .-,(£ .,. , The old slack methods have given way to something approaching American hustle. Supervidon fa more strict, rest times ham been reduced, furnaces sre bigger and hotter, machines run faster, toohi and appliances are hmvier and need - more strength and nerve * for their raanipttlatioft, shops sre more noisy and crowded, dusty and hot, materials are - harder to work, labor fa more fatiguing and .. hazardous. -'.'■V;f *■>', i:':*"* But, like everything paradtic, the capitalist is insatiable. The concerns in whieh his capital fa We shall need the greatest possible output and the most economical production, consistent with health, to enable us to get the most trade and re-establish our position and profitably employ all our people. *' Other writer, fay even greater stress on the last suggestion, claiming that industry is run by the capitalists as much to give employment as to obtain profits. Hence we find an economic quack measuring a capitalist's usefulness to society by the "iiinfa^jlj "hinrtn" he employe. It fa perfectly trtte that the capitalists ot every concern have a keen desire to employ more and more workers, hut there is a proviso—markets must be assured in order that the surplus-value SATURDAY REVIEW, JAM. 11 It would be a piquant event if the Enfant forces were to co-operate with the German troops fa putting down Bafahevfam fa Berlin. And ^et ft may be th. wisest l^teed the only course, to pursue. There fa no possible eomparW between Germany' and Ruana,* where ttbtoty per emit of the inhabitants can neither read nor vrfte, and are steeped In sup^rdltion. The vast majority of the GeTnien nation must be oft toe mm ot 'nv^id-te^tol all the addt males have some military training. It ought to be possible to co-operate with the law-abiding and sane majority of Germans in establishing s respondble government for the German confederation. Unless this is done, the conference st Versailles will he wasting time. ird of the Makovdd produced bj the additional workers can be realized in profit, on the same scale. For that reama only, mvede5toust &£, fyjjta and only in thst sense, is the capitalist interested ^ for ch production or go under. And Jn giving m^^^^w^^m empfays vmoWtm^ ^ mfyt almost daily, their shseeCf toe worker, when bydolrig so he obtains profits, ^^jgj^iab^-tojmmiifll bylueir■ competitors, fa timptot, when n^rnachines and methods ham \\&&:limto.i^}fa employed .watt to. enabled^ to facreare^ t»e»»loyed army until they can be " time reducing the number of his workers, he has never objected- on th. score thst unemployment would be intensified. Neither has Tie hesitated to advertise extensively among the, nations of the earth for workers with which to flood the labor market, fang before the wage-slaves who were "bfa own countrymen" were absorbed. In short, the record of the capitalist class speaks for itself. Ever dnce the days when our peasant forefathers employed" by other capitalists. Capitalist governments have for year. man. to deal wfth unemployment—they have pretence of doing something—but the evil has grown. One government gave us lsbor exchanges—to find job. tor-tan unemployed, they said—but all these institutions did was to save the capitalist time and money in his search for ~ the workers he needed. The latest suggestion is were driven off the land in order that timy ntight a*'w^.gg-jgsji^. baradntod, but those be avdlable for the fore-runners of the modem ^jdtom ,| mmS ItrnM^btoj capitdists in. the towns, up to the present day, ft has been one of the chief concerns of our masters to have a substantial margin of unemployed,; and for two reasons. First, to keep down wages, and second, to be. called upon fa case of a "sudden expansion fat trade. There fa soother side to the question, however. The cspitdfats of every bind want 'fthe greatest poadble output the moat economical production, and the most trade." They know that to. world market fa limited, that within .certain perfc>> my one year, the world's population can only absorb . limited amount of wealth, and that goods greater produetion. Coming from that the worker, should be mare thfa suggestion is a curiosity in would result those who pi folly e logic. But the richest contribution to the whole dbv cusrion has been m.4. by the "Committee on Adult Education." They say: Industry exists for man, and not man for industry. The world seems'to ham hem carried on to §he opposite principle, 'and It wfll be no easy task to dter It Rich to irony fa thfa utterance when we get e- PMTOHitTtaTaEOVtP DEBATE (Sunday, Feb. 9, Empress Theatre) The debate between tomraon Frftchard of Socialist Party of Canada, and L. W. ef the "Dsfly Province," on Bolshevism, wss last Sunday afternoon in the Empress theatre before a crowded boom. Comrade Pritchard based his argument on the concrete achievements of Bollhevfam in Russia, Vopen ai^nnacy," "restoration of to. land/' education, ami tifa fact that they have remafaed in power up tut now through toe expressed will of the majority of the people,' being his chief Mr. Makovski based his argument on the capitalist prem reports, which he assumed were fane, and on tenihe's r'8ovtots et VoraVf whfeh>h. misinterpreted. Be tried to ert.bliah an analogy between "Soviet administration" and "German junker autocracy," in which he miserably failed. He could see no difference between discipline for the benefit of capitalist exploitation Una for the socfal good. The debate will probably be given in 1 •week.' ' ir iii i in '■;fi or wealth produced beyond thfa .mount wfll be bind the camouflage of assumed innocence, for the left on the owners' hands. Tne mm. applies to thorn good, whom owners, for mm. reason, toll to place them on the market at the price, rifling there. Hence the need for the most economical produetion, in other words, for the maximum of labor-power in exchange for a minimum Wage "Consistent with hedth" fa capitalist irony, be- coumfttee know that industry is run for thdr damp that they, as . deal, own the nature-given materiel of the earth, that the dispossessed work- eta of the world, owning nothing but their energy, are forced by hunger to sell even that as a commodity. They know that the factory with its raw materfal and machinery absorb, the commodity A significant incident of the reception of dent Wilson st P»ris that received little attention in the American prom at the time, fa reported by "Common Senas," London, fa ft. fame of Dee, SL In spfte of the prohibition by Premier Clemenceau of a Socialist and trades union panda to honor • or iTestoent wuson, . onrnonatration wm organised by the Labor Federation of Mutilated Sol- dfars. Carrying red flags and staging 'tis. International, crippled and mutilated soldiers marched through the street, and broke through several cordons of police and mounted munidpal guards that tried to disperse them. The paraders, numbering several thousand, also mann hostile demonstrations before, the officers of the Action Fran* caise and the Matin. .X ■ v ■ i 1, ......, ^ _.,., W'i' an> • ■• I &: ?£> PAGE TOUR '.IV.. ■ THE RED FLAG =mt A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Working Class. , -- Published When Circumstances and Ftoances Permit ~* By The"WalfarPirty^oriCima^ ~ » 401 Pender Street East Vancouver, B C. Editor , C. Stephenson SATURDAY- JPEB. 15, 1919 >■ - Revolutions Marx In his 18th Brumaire quotes an English journalist as saying, "The political servant girls of France are mopping .way the glowing lam of revolution with old mops and they scold each other while doing their work." This, concerning the days of 1848 and thereabout The simile fa applicable to Europe today, if we substitute flatter for scold. - •' •; Clemenceau mouths the most commonplace chatter .bout proverbial French politeness being exceeded by the Allies, and experts to peace, in ' war, in procedure, in law and jaw, debate and wrangle, harking back to toe mod flats of sneient Egypt for precedent and practice, while the very stones of Europe cry out for Revolution. A terrible mate of affairs everyone admits. But most people who hay. abundance of space reserved for circulating their ideas, in the public press, assume that *tt is a novel one. They seek to hide former revolu^onary activity behind «* cloud of words, as H were, as th. Olympisn Gods were wont to hide certain practices to which even Gods nam not adverse, behind a rain cloud. .. ■ True, the blankets and feathers of a Mohawk Indian may hide the benign countenance of very respectable fathers of the American Revolution, but no amount of word juggling can disguise the fact that the Boston Tea Party was the action of a "lawless mob," in fact when the workers of America got restless in 1881 certain college professors found it policy to denounce the law- lo&uUv&n vx tuc iv v wit vrsemn^v ^gpamavassat. -.s^mmF-.-smw - natter of artual fart, bto fm the haiigmg together of the colonial working dsss, would have hung separately, if I may make a slight correction in Franklin's famous wittfafaw ]:y^t^. Remember, furthermore, the many glorious revolutions of England and hrenoe, where at times the bourgeoisie were' not above starting a revolution at home, while their country was at war abroad. The Magna Chart., in whose memory our childish minds were bid to bend in .we, was wrested from a sovereign by armed force, while 'that sovereign was at war with France, and was restored or rather reaffirmed at least thirty times bin tetttarfan ^ J :<-■■■■ The fast Emperor of Frsnee, Napoleon III., tost bfa crown while engaged to a war with Germany, not by "constitutional methods" but by a "lawless mob." Them facte certainly can not be unknown to the frantic individuals who are assisting the European "political servsnt girls" to mop up the revolutionary lava; not ft fa true; with an old mop, but with a new Ink ribbon. If by any chance they forget the rhapsodies of theft school- msrm, they cannot forget that "the poor fifty million" (per Dr. Billon) "Bnansns left to th. mercy of fawlem Bolshevism,'' must themselves confess to eertein "fawlam practices" concerning the flight of one Nicholas. - Bui these were great events. I speak of past even* now, partidpators in whieh were fortunate to making their revolutionary activity good. They live in the minds of theft grateful countrymen; the them, of the poet a** the entire tatoneetonl furniture of the revolutions were the beojrgeofa ones the bourgeois hell However, them glorious events of song and ?.(i aiiVAj -maan» wunu^ '^'■„. *Tnw^smw manvm menw.^.^^ninw' revolutimn the «mm ton sum ' UUkmMm\\ the page, of authorative historians, slave revolts might be traaeed as far back as history can take us. There sporadic and isolated uprisings were repressed with the mp>t cowardly brutality anywhere recorded of humankind.' The means-used for: the d.qgbter. were those calculated to destroy the maximum number to the minimum of time. No considerations of mercy ever ended the slaughter. Fear of pestilence through demy mid putrefaction of dead bodies, too numerous for the; living to properly dispose of, or actual apprehension for the supply of labor, were the angels of mercy, which detained the murderous madness of s week mid cowardly master, class, driven to- sane by a brief exhibition of their slaves' tremendous power. —■ t • Omitting the great slave revolts of antiquity we read throughout Feudalism of sectional revolts drowned in blood. Some serfs conceive the anti-social, anarchistic, Bolshevist, unpatriotic concept that they will no longer deep to straw piles and eat the food of hogs. All the social forces are used to blot such rile beastly creatures from the earth. But no fabulous monster of the demi-god period ever multiplied with more terrifying surety than doe. this same spirit of revolt. Stamped out in one place, the master has scarcely time to dean up the bloody mem than another outbreak demands bfa attention. From demanding conditions of existence equal to that of swine mid getting them, the path of revolution, along whieh mom. the "lawless mob," fad the servile class through twenty centuries of slaughter and slavery, to houses and clothes and grub which belong exclusively to man. But throughout those twenty centuries the voice of the dam grows increasingly louder and his demands atom intelligent. We stand at the end of the so-far and hear echoes of the strife long past; the Jacquerie in France, the peasants of England; high •hove the petty human suffering, we can hear toe agonizing cry of that terrible defeat, of the fiendish acts which followed the slaughter and compelled the hobility to protest that a continuation would leave the country devoid of serfs The wage workers of France are heard for a few days; again the peasants of England and the Jacques of France. Then comes toe peasants' war of Europe, where the slaves of Bohemia establish a new society which resists the combined might of European chivalry. For a score of years the ever-changing cry fa never wholly silent It might be a scarce-heard whisper, a group of serf, in revolt against the petty landlords; stifled ere articulate, preserved in the whine of a bishop to a pope; as it might be the thunder roll of the great French Revolution, shattering the entire social structure and monopolizing the literature of a century. , But, as we near our epoch the cry assumes a distinct identity, ft fa no longer chaotic and unintelligible, it fa not the cry of ignorance, weakly battling against unbearable conditions of life an4 overwhelming power, of coercion. It fa the intelligent cry of a class grown rich lit experience, powerful in knowledge, and constant to trial It is the voice of the revolution. Change fa the one unchanging factor in human affsirs. The instruments of labor we ham used, from the stone hammer to the hydraulic press; the power we bam utilised from the strong arm to the hydro-electric, bam sang of revolution, fan refard us-from grovelling, panic-stricken multitudes shivering in the dark, Wfth provender for but . day, to clear-brained socfal individuals, with provisions, did we own them, stored away sufficient for yesrs. A button turned, floods bar homes with brilliant light * tarn of a wheel provide, us with warmth. The tremendous urge of thfa mat machine fa towards revolution, mid ft. vofce cannot be drowned by toe etieking-of the typewriter, however vigorously pounded. But revolution, own child of toe machine, se crossroad, of temfal anaamto disanllns toe traffic. Nor has any cosmic aaseaanfa devfatd a J'LfttleHen" wbfab, with one short blast, or one pong, or a series of intermittent nam, wttl announce to slumbering socisl orgsnisms that the hour of revolution has eome. We loiter at the spot to whieh our forefathers strove mightily to attain. The machine has to affect ton million minds mid, then, though toe proem, may be pah* ful, society has to strike its camp and mom forward to more suitable hunting grounds. It has done so, many times, to tit. past. In the year, which lie before the human family it wfll do so many times again J. JH. MM Unemployment and Alien Question Canada, a land of boundless natural wealth, of fertile plains for grain-growing or bone and cattle-raising and of immense tract, of timber, coal and mineral resources; its great rivers, lakes and the waters of its seaboard are prolific fishing grounds, though capitalistic method. Of exploiting thfa vitally .important source of food supply -is rapidly depleting and exhausting it !A country, continental in size, with thousands of miles of coast-line and splendid harbors, and wfth all this, only a scant seven-and-a-half million* of a population. And yet see what problem, the capitalistic forms to which we mom provide for us. • Unemployment stalks through the land with all its accompanying evils mid it fa predicted that we are only at the beginning of a period of industrial depression, unprecedented in its nature. The returned soldiers are back to an.overstocked labor market and the competitive struggle for a diminishing number of jobs fa on in dl its sordiduess. Fratricidal %ar amongst th. wage-workers fa proclaimed the only solution and the names of racial prejudice are fanned to intensify the suiddgl strife. Boundless natural wealth combined with the tremendous accomplishments ' of modern science and invention in the mean, and technique of production at the disposal of its population. And yet, because we must wait on the market, wdt on profits, wait on toe dam which owns, the elms Which doe. not own must fight like famished dog. over a bone, fight each other on the over-crowded labor market of, save the mark, our twentieth-century civilization, like rion eaters of the jungle who snap and worry each other when prey fa scarce. The irony Of the contradictions of capitalism, the tragedy of its vicious circles. * What is to he done? Drive the aliens out of industry, it fa said. To what? That may wAm the unemployment problem for some at the ex- rvi of others, but the problem remains in all ugliness. And, where are the moralists who shrilled so indignantly over other matter, but a abort time ago. All silent, the time-servers bankrupt of courage. This time it does not pay. There fa no solution to the unemployment problem under mpitdfam. Unemployment and poverty sre its own children and flow from ft as effect from mum. There am no and. to ft. circles by the route of sectional eonfllcU amongst the working daw. Only a working elms con- of itself ma clam with s mission to solve, or fator, all problems of mattolfam by a new order of seefal ownership of the means of wealth production and production for use, so that not market, and profit*, bat the needs and toe consumptive capacity of the people shall be too aba and purpose of productive labor. J I a««mmVmm«m«Bmmmmmmm«mmmmmmmml DOB)—At the General Kmpitol, Tanaavmr aal ■.<. »•>■ ■ ■- , k • •• .. •' ■ . , ■ ■ ■ ■ ■- — . . ■■ ■. .fa. ' . , SATURDAY. > *• * * * •••-.. it i»i» = V* A Voice Out of ! I Continued from Page One) m , i . iiiiuii i \\ pap "JB.** ON ■ THE BED FLAG == i nificant group of adventurers, behind the backs of whom there are foreigners t The people, or generals f The decision is clear. The Soviet government has found ft difficult to bring the economic life of Russia back to normal. The peasants have received the land, but remain without agricultural implements, nails, and textile good.. The workmen have obtained control over production, but remain without bread and without coal. Production itself has slowed down. The most important factor in thfa situation is the isolation of Bussia. She is practically excluded from the world exchange. She fa now like a besieged fortress, a fortress which the enemy wants to take, if not by force of arms then by hunger. By what right! For what? It is said that we have committed two sins: first, we do not want to pay the debt to France. Yes, in principle we do not consider ourselves responsible for the Czar's loans, bemuse part of them were expended for the oppression of the Bussian people. But practically we do not refuse to discuss this matter—this is quite clear from the note of Tehitcherin of October 26. Second, ft fa being said that we have betrayed toe Allies. In my opinion the Allies bare betrayed us and are new dividing among themselves the booty whieh was promised to us. But we do not protest against this. Proclaiming a peace without annexations and contributions, Bussia ha. renounced her participation in the division of any booty. But having sacrificed for toe Allies 7,000,000 of her tons, she is justified in demanding that she be toft alone. But let us assume for a second that we are guilty of breaking a treaty; then what about Italy who broke tit. treaty with the Central Powers T She is being complimented on it! a But we also have a third sin, of which people gtiMfcg&QfeflP nmaWfau* onrland jy not make use of ftf I understand thfa perfectly well. Together wfth England we partitioned Persia'Mid only a short while ago we dreamed of the partition of Austria and Turkey. And now we are being partitioned! I understand it all. I understand the English and French very well, but 1 cannot understand the Americans at all. We owe you very little; we bam no treaties with you and never had any, and in the division of Russia you do not intend to participate. Why then do yon keep your soldiers in Russia? The interest, of the United States do not conflict with the interests of Russia. Here than that, no other country is more interested in the realization of the ideals of the freedom of the seas and the league of nations, which your president is faithfully upholding fa Europe, than Russia. All our seas are not free. Our government is most of all international. Moreover the Interests of exchange between Russia and America at present should be mutual. During the war the United State, has tremendously developed her production, and aba need, foreign market.. Russia could be one. She need, goods. She cannot of herself increase production and stimulate industry. Yet we have plenty to pay with; our natural resources are enormous. The question of how to utilize these resources to order to pay for your good, may be decided upon by mutual understanding and discussion either in Washington or to Moscow, but surely this cannot be decided by mutual destruction to the swamp, of Archangel. The Soviet government has attempted many a time to begin such discussions. Thfa argument fa usually disposed of by refer- ring to the Bolshevik danger. First of all, the responsibility of power has compelled the Bolsheviki to become more moderate. Second, the Soviets and the Bolsheviki are not one and the same. The Bolsheviki atJtopreaent time dominate the Soviets —to a grmt'extent because of the pbtky of the A'.Hes; Yet fearing Bolshevism, you are cultivating it More titan that by your actions you justify ft. ideology. As far as the philosophic side of the question is concerned, we differ from the Bolshe- (Below we reprint from the "Voice of Labour" a letter written by "M." to Wm. O'Brien, Secretary ot the Irish Labor Party, and intended to be read at the. Mansion House meeting. It fa a noble tribute from the ablest of livinj, Irish writers and economists of the constructive order to the most brilliant of successful revolutionists of all time, and fa as the voice of the most western hailing the most eastern people of Europe.] ma no revolutfanary tenee that the existing system of Workers' and Soldier.' Committee could be permanent. When the revolution fa safe they will act as our own rulers, who bar. wafted until victory wm secured before they spoke of seeking the approval Of the country. We do not know enough yet to praise or blame the leaders of the revolution in respect of their dealing with those who opposed them. But we do know enough from dispassionate observer, to see that heroic efforts are being made to reorganize Russia, to build up a new social order on democratic and co-operative lines. . . . These developments are not noticed in the press here, which nition or salutation to the Russian Revolution will selects all that is sensational, whether accurate be made. I hope the mists whieh have obscured, or rumor, and ignores the work of reconstruction, that mighty upheaval will soon be cleared away 1 have read papers whieh in the same article do- 17 Rathgar Avenue, Dublin, November 14, 1918. Dear O'Brien: I bear that a meeting has hem arranged in Dublin at whieh some form of reeog- t and the * real character of the revolution made known. I have no doubt that much to be regretted or deplored has taken place, but I have come to the conclusion, partly from personal statements made to me by people who were in Russia during the revolution, and from confirmation of their statements, which have been made public, that the stories of violence and bloodshed have been greatly exaggerated. A Canadian acquaintance who wm in Russia for four years, returning thfa rammer, told me that be bad seen since his return minute, precise, and detailed accounts of massacres and. the destruction of buildings in Moscow. "I was there at the time,'' he said, "and there was not a single shot fired and the buildings were intact." Colonel MacCormick, President of the American Society of Engineers, Who witnessed the Revolution, wrote this spring in a New York paper that nine-tenths of the stories of outrages and murders were pure inventions of the old regime, and they were circulated by the German Government accepted by AUfaiftess, and tins helped to increase the between Russia and the Allies, which it was the aim of the German Government to widen. nouneed Lenin and Trotsky as paid agents of Germany, and also commented on the disastrous effect of their propaganda on the morals of the German soldiers and workmen. These men could hardly be paid by the German autocracy to undermine its influence over its own people. On the eastern front Trotsky and Lenin, tit. men of ideas, won against Hindenburg and Ludehdorf, the men with guns. W. beg to suspeet that the "Daily Mail" for once allowed truth to be printed to its columns when its correspondent in Russia wrote that, strange as it might appear to people in England, Lento and Trotsky were men of real intellect, and probably knew more about international politics than Mr. Arthur Balfour. We can see over the amok, of conflict the scaffolding of toe new Russia arising. The conflict over its foundations will pass, hot the building Wfll be continued, and the democracies in other countries should see that their governments allow the Russian people to work out their own destiny. Even tons, who are enemies of the Revolution ham to admit that'ninety per cent of the Russian people arc supporters of the present government And no League of Nations, however armed wfth m r <3fen if thcse*stories were true, this could be and self-righteousness, mold hove a moral right to in extenuation, that the autocracy kept the people of Russia ignorant and, they could not be blamed much if they did not act with wisdom. The Russian peasants and workmen were regarded by the ruling classes a. little above the brute, and were treated accordingly, and if men are treated as brutes it fa too much to expect when aroused they will act with gentleness. The leaders of the Revolution had the heritage of a country desolated by war and wrecked ^economically by a corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy. Swift action wm necessary if worse was not to happen, and I doubt whether any government—English, French, or German—in a similar position, would ham dealt more mercifully with minorities which obstructed them. It fa said the Revolution is not democratic, that general elections were not held overturn the social order in a country which is supported by the people themselves. We do not hmr of Russians rising 111 masses against the rule of the Soviets, bat of Czecho-Slovaks, Japanese, and other foreigners deputed to punish the Russian people for their crimes against humanity. Their crimes I believe to be twofold. They desired to be at peace whan ton rest of the world was at war, a very serious offence, as we in Ireland know. They also desired to have economic democracy when the Great Power, bad got no further than a desire to make the world safe for pmitfaal democracy; and were/1 believe, a little dubious about that state of society, experiment ban proved that pure cultures talism can be,cultivated in a political end develop there with the rapidity of "<*C to aim moral sanction to toe new regime. Thfa fa . fag of Dublin ^flV fa . strange criticism arising, to countries like T©um sincerely, our own where a practical dictatorship has been JJ established since the war began, where the roost revolutionary changes were made without any reference to the electorate. When victory is sure GEO. W. RUSSELL. ' fl'^Tv' ■: . viki to the matter of natural impulses. The Bolsheviki say that such impulses are only elms interests: ^e, realizing that clam interests are the most important interests of mankind, nevertheless believe that, mankind has other interests: religious, moral, rational and esthetic. At present thfa point of view is being subjected to . difficult trial. There is some ground for your accusation that tie Bolsheviki are serving the interest, of one dam only. Bat* what .boot those who attempt to tighvn a steel lasso around the neck ol Bussia, those who forget that she came to thfa condition fighting with the Alike and for the Allies—whom are them interventionists serving! The clam interests of toe propertied dam or the ideal of justice? fa ft r»«11y possible that these ideals are only a myth? —George V. Lomonossoff. ufitmimjjn wnjuro to talk to PARIS, Feb. JL—The Ukrainian Soviet Gov- emment hss announced that it is willing to accept the invitation of the Allies to tit. proposed conference of Russian factions, according to the Temps, but it considers the date axed, February 15, too near at hand. The government also expresses a preference for holding the conference at Paris instead of Prince's Islands. It fa understood, however, that the French Government which originally transmitted the invitation through its wireless service, has since been trying to get an agreement that hostilities wfll cease sll over Russia and adjacent, countries, including Archangel, before the conference as- Otherwise, ft fa mated, the Entente governments will not consent to confer with the Soviet representatives. mTOnrMT............mn. it mt ion !,%■ - fa Palestine. The alliance of the Central Powers; that was to serve ss the means to world domination by Germany, has failed completely. Hardly bad the robber, ended their quarrels over the spoils—Germany and Austria for Poland, Austria, Turkey and Bulgaria for Rumania, Germany and Austria mid Austria mid Bulgaria for the Dob- rudja—then Bulgaria leaves the coalition, and concludes a separate peaee with France and' England. The German people do not wont World domination, they do not want war, they want peace. But already German soldiers am being driven from the western front in order to force Bulgaria to continue the war. The German proletariat, which has nothing to eat, whose wives and children suffer mid languish—this proletariat must now take the Bulgarian proletariat by the throat and fore, ft to fight! "Thus the ruling clique in Germany trie, to retain power. It fed. the ground'slipping. It fa bankrupt: bankrupt on the field of battle, bankrupt fa external and, internal policy. The hairs of the masters are standing up in fright at the consequences of theft criminal military adventures. A shiver mm through theft body at the very thought of the awakening of the tortured and deceived proletariat, at the thought of the people's judgment** ■" The old government apprehensive of events, feeling toe surge of proletarian awakening, snatched at the prestige of Socialism to bolster up its power; and invited Scheidemann ami two other majority Socialists into the Cabinet—again to deceive the masses. Scheidemann & Co. accepted wfth afarfty thfa counter-revolutionary task. The Spartacus appeal continue. --c^S^i* "At thfa very moment the government Soefal- tsU **»' aA^Cta^awWtf *Aito»'tnair* W iIAei to sns- ansa* namv a^^^^s^v^wam^aaa^^^*a^^as ^^a*u^a ■•saapsijs awa^av v *>a#a^avH ar*^ swaaaw^ .tain the tottering power of the German bour- geofaie. At thfa hoar of potential world revolution, toey are busy with patty bargaining attempting to secure a tow ministerial scats they stand ready to save too rituatian for the imperia- ihelfaa^iyp., warn dmpTy'ampm ^2^UtVd!at^ ^^"ftj!*", ^radical pbraae. whlfa^ndfag dmmytbf^ * ,* ~'.and, to proton,Mia daughter of tornntfanjIS^^ b^tofdaJ^^ consciousness of the masses to their misery and table to the people. the necessity for revolution. . . . $pB "What were the conditions under which the gov- The German offensive collapsed, and the Allies eminent Soci.lists consented to do lackey's ser- aasumed the offendmj the war became mitt toaml vim!The sokmnrepUdfatim by the Cfannan govern- Bless. Then came thebreak in Bulgaria, where, ment of snnexstions and indemnities! Yea, at thfa The First Stage of ton Revolution LBNtN was right—Russia's separate peace did 'not end the w.r or aim German Imperialism the victory. The wsr flared up more intense and violent than ever, and more intense became mam agony and starvation, more intense became the economic and political crisis, more intense became the awakening of the masse, and the revolutionary struggle for peaee. In May, 1918, German Imperialism stoked all on one desperate offensive, and fast Instead of peace, the unparalleled butchery brought more misery to the German proletariat The revolutionary unrest developed more acutely. Great industrial strikes broke loose, fa spite of the union bureaucrats' appeal to the strikers to "be calm" —particularly in the Essen regions. The Kaiser made a speech to the Krupp workers, warning them of the horrible results of revolution in Russia. The soldiers were uneasy, and mutiny spread. On August 5, German soldiers at Reval, "corrupted" by Bolshevik propaganda, disarmed themselves to show they were tired of war. The telephone wires were cut, and at meetings held the mm. day speakers denounced war. The cry wm: "Enough of bloodshed!. We do not want to fight any longer!" Two hundred soldiers were wrested. At Felline, in Livonia, at the end of July, trouble started in the garrison, which thereupon received orders to place itself in western front—an order never ments sent to enforce the order and, singing revolutionary songs, the railway station, divesting imugnia. Upon their arrival at Meisekull depot, they met detachments coming from Perman and Weiasenstein on their way to the western front After a meeting, the new soldiers divested themselves of military faajgnfa and dispersed wfth cries: "Enough of war! Peace and bread!" Revolutionary Socialists in Bremen issued a pamphlet declaring that not only the fftnahjfafaMitf majority Socialism, but also the 1*»IM taperi.,™. If .iUUry migh, should dictate terms of peace, then lost will be the muse of freedom and Socialism. No matter whim guns are victorious, whether German or English, the working clam everywhere would have to pay. International reaction and militarism, if they are victorious, will fasten upon the working alas. chains ten 'times heavier titan the old, \\ "The proletariat of all countries must end the slaughter by means of revolt The revolutionary proletariat alone can dictate term, of peace to the interest, of freedom and Socialism. The hour to act has come. The English and th. French workers may follow the German workers, i Onward, Gorman worker, and soldiers, male and female! Forward to the battle for freedom, for an immediate peace and Socialism! Onward to the brotherhood of all-peoples under the flag of free labor! Down with the dam rule of toe bourgeoisie! All power to the proletariat! Long Urn the international Revolution of the proletariat!" The entrance of Scheidemann & (Jo. into the capitalist government did not abate the revolutionary crisis: it developed more acutely. Everywhere the proletariat turned to revolutionary mass j action. The government—"Socialist" farce of a "reformed" Germany did not deceive the masses. Freedom for Karl Liebknecht was demanded, and granted by the frightened government, by a brutal government trying to prom itself "good.'' A great demonstration was arranged for Liebknecht in Berlin, huge miasm welcoming him and bfa revolutionary utterances, while they acclaimed the Sodalist Republic and sent their fratenul greetings to the Russian Soviets. Upon the development of the revolutionary crisis in Germany, the Soviet Government famed a pro- damation to the German proletariat help in making tileir revolutionTuml^mV lgjnf$,ttf co-operate, if necessary, in a revolutionary war against Anglo-French Imperialism and for ton world revolution. Lento took the initiative, mid said to the Soviet Executive Committee: "The revolutionary crisis in Germany shows either n revolution began or a revolution inevitable to the near future. Placing Scheidemann ft Co. in the government will simply hasten the revolutionary explosion. W. Bad decided to have an army of one million man by spring, but we mall now need an army of three million." (This Article Wfll Be Concluded Next Weak) I riding to all reports, Bolshevism was rampant; came the break in Austria, where again Bol- was rampant The revolutionary masses compelled Csar Ferdinand to make a counter-revolutionary peace to save the dynasty: but the dynasty is no more. A new asked for and secured an armistice. fadttod . . But still Germany might have waged warier month, mid years to come, according to- experts, If Revolution had not broken the power of ton government and of the imperialistic machine. During October, the revolutionary crisis in Germany emerged definitely into action. The fata of the Spartacus Group, representing lutienary Socialism, Beldievfam, famed the following appeal: "Workers, awekel Th. dreams of world domination of Gorman Immridfam bam vanished into smoke. On heps of corpses, in seas of blood, they wanted to establish that domination. Tarn am theft efforts! The sword cannot forever rale the world. In one night everything km collapsed. The shameless traffic with the destiny of toe peoples of the Bam has brought ft. fraft.: ft forced the peoples of the West to unite for defease. "Everything fa falling. On the Add of battfa -defeat after defeat: in Flanders, th. Balkan., moment, when English snd French field gum arc making effort, not to allow the German Government to secure .nnexations and indemnities! There is still more: suffrage reform fa Prusris! Yea, at thfa moment, when universal suffrage, because of the shameless role of the Reichstag during the war, km become an empty husk. And these lackeys of the bourgeoisie did not even demand that the Reichstag should sit continuously. Thus they express their readiness, fa return for row eoniemptioie nunmurmi pomoiios, to act in the comedy of a "reformed" Germany in order to defend the role of the capitalists against the action of the peoples. This fa all that "reforms" "Our task consists precisely in this, that we destroy thfa agreement against the proletariat and the future of Socialism. Everything fa now at stake. Down with Prussian reaction mid the rata of Capitalism! Th. problem now b to secure an immedfate and permanent peace! But to secure permanent peace thfa fa necessary: the do- atraetfan of militarism, the rule of the people, and a republic. The German proktorfat must be- *v»e the master of tmaftuation. Onward, urd*r ton flag of Soefalism! Long live the Revolution of the faternetiond proletariat! "We must not look forward to the victory of EADY A HANDY TEXT BOOK » on the economic, of Capitalistic Production, being the first nine chapters of: VOL 1 Man's Capital with the >2nd chapter oa the atlatnrtml Toaaiarj of nislnilit .jus-ii latfcm include., also an extract from the preface to the same author's "OHUse at' Pootioal naaisrua^s ^n* ssswss as^e aaasassni^psj vas^a aaasnaavs sss>asavoasa interpretation of history. satoto. Stogie copies, paper covers, 50c. 25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 40c. Single copies, cloth bound, $1.00 par copy. 10 copies or more, doth bound, copy, 75e. W«> await roar orders, and wo hops tee wfll hasp us busy, ss succoss in this venture ami mseh to the publishers' furors effort* Make all remtttaacos psrstli to C. 4»1 Pander Street Bast Vancouver, B. C. 1PP'% w fy j v 1 £>6 A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interesh of the Working Class . 3=35= ■- ■ ' VQL,1 HO. 5 VANCOUVER B. C, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY15, Wd Five €etotg EPS . The following is the concluding portion of an • tide published in the New York MDialn-of Jan. 2: this year. The first part of the article covers the economic condition, prevailing in Russia and the development of the political situations there up to the Bolsheviki taking control. We publish this because it is the testimony of a Russian of the "Right Social Revolutionary" wing, which at first bitterly opposed the Bolsheviki program, but who/*l>y the logic of events, has been led to ally himself .with them as the only constructive political force in'Russia: .... One way or another, fourteen months ago the power was transferred definitely and finally to the Soviets, with the Bolsheviki as the dominating political power. And thus came their turn to decide the vital questions of war, state, and economic organization. The question of the war they decided to solve immediately. They disclosed the secret treaties showing imperialistic war aims of the Entente, at the same time offering the Allies a general democratic peace. The latter did not even answer! And this fact fa of utmost importance, because it arouses serious doubt as to who was betrayed by whom-r-whether we have betrayed ft fa first necessary to shape Russia into a definite times and cut It once," says an old Russian political form*~,to establish., permanent govern- proverb. And history confirms it. Of all the con- ment and to let it decide social problems slowly; stitutions that were ever written on our planet, that it is beyond the strength of the Russian people to accomplish a social and political revolution at the same time; that it is necessary to be satisfied for the present with the political revolution alone, and to bring about the social reforms through evolution. More than that representatives of thfa camp insist that our people are young and "dark"; that the time has not arrived for them to decide their own destiny; that the people do net know What they need, but that thev, the »pw~ sentativbs of the radicals and the Socialist Intelligentsia, do know. Therefore they are the one. to govern the "dark" people, to educate the people to prepare the people for self-government The representatives of the opposition camp, on the other hand, insfajtrthat their experiences with the first two provisional governments and especially with the third—the Omsk government, which fa now dormant fn the pocket of Kolehak— is sufficient warning not to repeat mistakes. Their deep conviction is that the Russian people are the most flexible oneJha»_jproved to be the Constitution of the United States. Written in 1787; with seventeen amendments, ft fa alive today. But it must not be forgotten that it was written in 1787, eleven years .after the declaration of Independence. Why theh ask of Russia that she wrfte her political constitution in definite form only one year after the revolution, a revolution deeper than that of 1776! It may be retorted that social w- forms require just as tnueh care; that they also cannot be decided in haste. P perfectly agree with this, but I also understand that the Russian people do not care to waft any longer and do not trust the "masters." NO words are strong enough to convince me to the contrary. To back one's arguments with Japanese bayonets and English machine guns is just as criminal, in my opinion, as ' to assassinate one's own mother. And all the outcries of the interventionists—that this is a "democratic" way of helping Russia—are mere hypocrisy. When one and one-half years ago the monarchy interested most of all in social reforms and de- was overthrown in Russia, I, as well as many mand these reforms immediately by revolutionary /others, believed that Russia could not cope wfth the Jft x^^tenr^ann the ■ Soviet government the Allies, promis- fronti if the Allies lies did nq^k«ecnit vvhn-ii ;-an hardly i to present ratification to the mjent/as far as I to who betrayed mlly understood a nd derided: Upon 1 l?M5,l ^*re*M*"* ratifimtioi(o*j»e is temporary, that the German revolution far away. Many did not believe it at that [t. now the German revolution is an ached fact state organization was concerned, the veranient dd&fcd that at that time the I in the midst of .a ttroggl nd extern; a of the sew order. Russia fa being built by the pfafn rile, by the peasants—slowly firmly and with- any del be definitely said that present Russfa is nof the fast elation. The word "Soviet" .bably rem; t grew fond of it. It was also adopted meaning attached to this the future. However. to serve them, and not those whi them against their will. V Russian masses natJwully, oi the Russian.revomt1((!. rtndl^by the;pea*anrv--s!owbr,:: out any definite pte much has to be broken de* it is beyond the pbv accomplish both potiti tion. Now the fc constructfan of a new saefal'orde shall have been crystallised into d can begin the political eonstructi It can he foretold already -1 r social conditions new political f< quired. It may. also be predicted French nor the Amerie. Russian l»amnt; ft willli RiHsian Clothes ef^new- eats quires-time and tear.: usly believe that I must serve Rum: rirt,.bann|Jiy .,- ',, \\ . ia still another point to be considered, * tr not.fulfafcagrm with the Soviet govern- we may doubt the possibility of realising i Suhviaat *r* \\ \\ Out .HAD: PRO! stchgb mtJHDAY, FEB. 16 frRftm. 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