British Columbia History

BC Historical News 1980

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Honorary Patron:  His Honor, The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving.
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6.
1st Vice-President:
2nd Vice-President:
Recording Secretary:
Members at large:
Past President:
Ex Officio:
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Road, Campbell River, V9W 3P3.
287-8097 (res.).
Barbara Stannard, 211-450 Stewart Avenue, Nanaimo, V9S 5E9,
654-6195, (res.).
Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0.
342-9562 (res.).
Arlene Bramhall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7.
433-7176 (res.).
Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess, Victoria, V8R 4W2.
598-5883 (res.).
Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
295-3362 (res.).
Len McCann, Vancouver Maritime Museum, 1905 Ogden Street,
736-4431 (bus.).
Frank Street, 6176 Walker Street, Burnaby, V5E 3B4.
521-4529 (res.).
Helen Akrigg, 4633 West 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6.
228-8606 (res.).
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4.
387-3621 (bus.).
Kent Haworth, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
387-6671 (bus.).
Patricia Roy, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.).
Terry Eastwood, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
387-6671 (bus.)
Cover photograph:  View of Princeton, B.C., 1902.
Provincial Archives of British Columbia photo No. 9692, BRITISH   COLUMBIA   HISTORICAL   NEWS
Vol. 13, No. 3 Spring 1980
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd.,
747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.)
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
Alexander MacLeod:  Tofino Lifesaver Debra Barr 2
An Infernal Triangle.. etc Sheila Keeble 8
President's Letter Ruth Barnett 14
News from the Branches 15
Old Routes and Trails:  Jumbo Pass...etc R.C. Harris 19
News and Notes 23
Letters 25
Book Reviews:
Chinese Pioneers. ..etc Barry Gough 26
Our Nell.. .etc Rudy Marchildon 27
Captain James Cook. . .etc John Norris 28
Painting during the Colonial Period Kathryn Bridge 29
Bibliography Frances Woodward 30
Manuscript the Scottish
Record Office Graydon Henning 31
BCHA - Annual Convention 33 -2-
Alexander MacLeod:   Tofino Lifesaver
Alexander MacLeod, whose unpublished dairy lies in the Provincial Archives
of British Columbia, served as Leading Seaman of the Tofino Lifesaving Station
from 1925 to 1930, then as Coxswain until 1951. When he arrived from Scotland
in 1912, the Lifeboat was stationed in Ucluelet and had only been in service
for two years.  It was transferred to Tofino in 1913.
The community of Tofino was first settled in 1888 by an Englishman, John
Grice, and later took the name of the inlet upon which it was situated.
A stream of settlers, predominantly of Norwegian and British descent — Jacob
Arnet, Anton Hansen, George Fraser and George Maltby, among others - soon
followed.  These pioneers of the west coast soon learned to cope with
adversity:  isolation, a dangerous coastline, and a rainfall of amazing
proportions.  Coupled with poor soil conditions, this rainfall made farming
difficult and forced the majority of settlers to turn to the ocean for their
For many decades the ocean also served as the only basis of transportation
for the inhabitants scattered along the coast; a road linking the centre
of Vancouver Island to Tofino and Ucluelet was not completed until 1959.
The water route to Port Alberni weaves through the many islands of Barkley
Sound, and is extremely hazardous in fog or in stormy weather. In addition,
the early residents of Tofino had to contend with the strong currents of
the open Pacific. By the time Alex MacLeod joined the Lifeboat crew in 1925,
there had already been many tragedies in this "Graveyard of the Pacific".
The coastline between Port Renfrew and Barkley Sound offers no safe anchorage
for boats in any weather;  it has been the site of at least forty major
shipwrecks, along with countless small craft accidents.
The wreck of the American passenger steamer Valencia in 1906, in which
more than a hundred lives were lost, made the lack of lifesaving services
in the Barkley Sound area painfully obvious. Two lighthouses had just been
completed farther north at Lennard Island and Amphritite Point; as a result
of the Valencia disaster, a third was built at Pachena Point in 1907.  A
pair of lifesaving stations was subsequently established in 1910, with one
boat moored at Bamfield and the second one at Ucluelet, until its transfer
to Tofino three years later.
George Nicholson, Vancouver Island's West Coast, 1762-1962 (Victoria: Moriss
Printing Company Limited, 1962), p. 276. Nicholson adds that the inlet was
named in 1792 by the Spanish explorers Galiano and Valdes.
Nicholson, West Coast, pp. 278-279.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 149.
R. Bruce Scott, People of the Southwest Coast of Vancouver Island (Victoria:
R. Bruce Scott, 1974), p. 58.  Another account of the Valencia disaster is
given in R. Bruce Scott, Breakers Ahead! (Victoria: R. Bruce Scott, 1970),
Chapter 13. -3-
From their inception, the Bamfield and Tofino Lifesaving Stations worked
very closely with the nearby lighthouses, carrying supplies to the lightkeepers
and checking upon their well-being. Telegraphed messages from lightkeepers
who had spotted vessels in distress were acted upon promptly by the lifeboat
nearest at hand. A year rarely passed without the need for service:
...the stout crews of these little boats never hesitated to put
to sea, day or night, and in any weather. Department of Transport records credit the saving of many lives and much valuable
shipping tonnage to their prompt action, courage and seamanship.
The original crews worked without the use of radios, radar, depth sounders
or cabins for shelter; until the substitution of gasoline engines in 1913,
they had only "sails and ten long sweeps" for power.
Alexander MacLeod was not a stranger to the sea when he moved to Tofino
in 1912. The ancestral home of the MacLeods is Scotland's Isle of Skye, set
in a mountainous region much like Vancouver Island; Alex was born on the
nearby Isle of Raasay on July 28, 1885. He followed his brothers Ewan and
Murdo to Canada's west coast at the age of twenty-seven, and helped to
build the original Tofino road; he also worked for over a year at the
Dominion Hatchery on Kennedy Lake, a few miles south of Tofino.
Alex returned to Scotland on a munitions ship in 1915, and when World
War I ended he remained at sea, sailing to South America and other
destinations. In 1925 he moved to Tofino once again, this time with a
Scottish wife and five of what would become his family of seven children.
He joined the Tofino Lifeboat crew as Leading Seaman the same year, and
became the Coxswain-in-Charge in 1930. His journal covers his twenty-one
years as Coxswain from 1930 to 1951.
From MacLeod's official diary, a great deal can be learned about the
operations of a lifesaving station.  Much of the work was routine:  tending
buoys, fixed lights and beacons;  recording daily rainfall and tide levels;
and keeping the boat, station and grounds in good condition.  The most
important duty was, of course, quick response to calls for assistance. The
Tofino Lifeboat was responsible for an area stretching from Ucluelet north
to Nootka Sound, and up to twenty-five miles out to sea; keeping a close
watch over the hundreds of fishboats and other vessels in these waters provided year-round work.  The ignorance of some of these boaters caused a
great deal of trouble for the lifesaving crew. MacLeod relates many such
May 15, 1949:  21:45 hours.  The Lifeboat received a call from the
Lighthouse stating that a boat was anchored at the entrance to
Templar Channel in a dangerous position.  The Lifeboat left her
station at 22:00 hours, proceeded to position given, and found the
USA Troller "Martel" riding at anchor, with two men on board. The
Lifeboat guided the boat to safe anchorage.
The Lifeboat was also routinely called upon to come to the aid of disabled
craft, or to stand by until a tugboat arrived at the scene: -4-
April 15, 1949:  09:50 hours. Beam Trawler "Hummingbird" in
distress fifteen miles S.W. of Lighthouse, with three men on
board.  10:00 a.m.:  the Lifeboat left her station for the
position given, and arrived at the vicinity at 12:00 noon.
Towed the disabled boat to Tofino; ?arrived back at station
at 7:30 p.m.  Net in her propeller.
Much of the work of a search and rescue station was, however, far from
routine.  In emergencies, the crew had to operate under very dangerous
Sunday, March 31, 1946:  14:45 hours.  Received a distress call
from Constable Redhead stating that a small lifeboat from a Naval
Vessel blowing up a mine drifted ashore on Wickaninnish Bay. The boat
had capsized with five men on board. One man, the gunner, lost his
life when the boat capsized, and another, Mr. Whittaker (a local
resident), was also drowned trying to rescue the men in the water.
Everything was done that was possible in the rescue, in view of the
heavy surf and shallow waters.  The Lifeboat returned to her station
at 19:30 hours.
Occasionally, MacLeod was forced to weigh the risk to his own crew during
rough weather against the safety of a disabled boat.  In the following
incident, a large boat drifting well away from the rocky coastline was
actually in less danger than was the smaller Lifeboat:
Thursday, January 27, 1947:  11:00 hours. The following
message was received from the American Coast Guard:  "The
Beam Trawler 'Recovery', sixty-foot seine boat, broken down
about fourteen miles South South East of Lennard Island
Lighthouse; request you render assistance, and report action
taken." The Lifeboat left her station at 11:30 a.m. for the
position given, with a gale wind blowing from the North West.
The Lifeboat continued for a distance of ten miles, but on
account of a heavy sea which damaged the upper structure, the
Coxswain decided for the safety of his crew to return to station,
and reported to the Coast;Guard accordingly.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 205.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 206.
Alexander MacLeod, "The Diary of Alexander MacLeod" (British Columbia Provincial Archives, Add.MSS. 196), p. 50. The Archives holds only a typed
copy of the diary, which seems to have been edited. The "Lighthouse" which
MacLeod refers to in this entry is the Lennard Island Lighthouse. All
quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this diary.
This was in fact Mr. Richard Whittington, who lived on Wickaninnish Bay at
the time, and who tried to rescue the crew from the beach.  The error in
his name may have been in transcription. -5-
As the international border was for many years only three miles off-shore,
the station often received similar calls for help from the United States
Coast Guard.
The work of the Lifeboat crew was sometimes frustrating and often
inconclusive.  False alarms were frequent:
September 19, 1948:  11:30 hours. Call from Lighthouse:
a disabled troller was drifting in Templar Channel. The
Lifeboat searched the vicinity but could not find any trace
of the boat. False alarm. The Lifeboat returned to her
station at 12:15 noon, in light winds.
And a search did not always end with a rescue:
Friday, November 5, 1948:  09:30 hours. The Lifeboat left
her station searching for a U.S.A. plane reported missing in
the Tofino vicinity with a crew of seven on board, but could not
find any trace of it.
In December, 1948, Alex MacLeod recorded this brief entry:
Searching for the body of my son Donald, feared drowned,
vicinity of Armitage Point. Six times.
Although the diary does not refer to him again, Donald's body was found
two weeks later at Armitage Point.
Alexander MacLeod was a thorough and untiring rescue worker. In
November, 1950, he began an extensive search for the body of a local man,
Reece Riley:
Friday, November 3, 1950:  13:00 hours.  Received wireless message
from Mr. Morrison, Agent, Department of Transport, Victoria, as
follows: "Captaia Reece Riley left Port Alberni on October 24
for Port Alice in the speed boat 'Maureen R' and has not reported
since. Advise the Lifeboat to proceed as far as Zeballos in search
of Captain Riley."
Captain Reece Riley was born and raised in Tofino, and later moved to
Port Alberni, where he based a water-taxi business serving the Barkley
Sound area. He also ferried deep-sea pilots between Port Alberni_and
Cape Beale, and eventually became Harbour Master at Port Alberni.
When he set out on October 24, 1950, Riley was making his last trip
in the "Maureen R" (which was named for his daughter). He had sold it to
British Columbia Forest Products, Ltd., and was delivering it to them at
Port Alice. Although MacLeod's diary states that Captain Riley was last
seen in Port Alberni, he spoke to Robert and David Barr in Tofino later the
same day.  A hard wave had broken his cabin window, soaking his matches, so
he stopped at Tofino to buy some new ones.  Because he hoped to reach Hot
Springs Cove (thirty miles away) by darkness, he was too rushed for
conversation. He knew the difficult stretch of coastline extremely well,
but the weather was stormy.  There was a strong southeasterly wind blowing,
typical in October, and daylight was disappearing, so it was very reluctantly
that Robert and David helped him cast off. -6-
When the Tofino Lifesaving Station received the message that Reece
Riley was missing, over a week had passed; the possibility of finding him
alive was not strong.  The Lifeboat crew searched, nevertheless, for
several days:
Friday, November 3, 1950:  13:00 hours.  The Lifeboat left her
station bound for Flores Island, but on account of the heavy sea
running, had to take shelter at Refuge Cove for the night.
Arrived at Refuge Cove at 4:00 p.m.
Saturday, November 4: At 8:00 a.m. the Lifeboat left Refuge
Cove, searching the shore line around Estevan Point and vicinity
against heavy seas and S.W. winds, as far as Nootka Sound and
vicinity, from hence to Zeballos. Arrived there at 3:30 p.m. and
contacted the local police and the two Fishery Inspectors, who
advised the Coxswain that the coastline north of Zeballos had
been searched by sea and air. The Coxswain decided to stay in
Zeballos for the night.
Sunday, November 5: 8:00 a.m. The Life boat left for Nootka
Sound and vicinity, from hence to Estevan Point, and continued
along the coastline to Sydney Inlet and through Miller Passage
to arrive back at her station at 7:35 p.m.
Monday, November 6:  9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her station
for Rafael Point with extra local men, and landed a party east
of the point. On account of a heavy surge, the landing was very difficult. The landing party found some wreckage of the "Maureen R" on
Rafael Point with the name painted on one piece, but could not
find any trace of Captain Riley. The Lifeboat returned to her
station at 7:25 p.m.
Tuesday, November 7:  9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her citation for
Rafael Point with Constable Drapper, David Clegg (Captain Riley's
brother-in-law) and other local parties, searching for Reece's body,
but without any results. Found the engine of the "Maureen R"
between huge boulders near the wreckage. On account of weather
conditions, the search had to be called off. The Lifeboat returned
to her station at 6:30 p.m.
Captain Riley's body was never found. The cause of the wreck of the
"Maureen R" remains a mystery.
For many years, the Lifesaving Station had obligations beyond searches
and rescues. The Lifeboat was often required to make "mercy runs", carrying
sick or injured persons from isolated places to the nearest doctor or
Friday, August2, 1946: Lifeboat proceeded to Lennard Island
Lighthouse, for Lightkeeper's wife, Mrs. Kelly, for medical
attention at Tofino Hospital.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 260. Douglas Riley still operates his father's
water taxi service in Port Alberni. -7-
Wednesday, June 29, 1949:  10:30 hours. Call from C.G.S. Estevan:
two men hurt landing annual supplies at Hesquiat, for wireless
station. The Lifeboat left her station at 10:35 a.m., but had to
return on account of engine trouble. The Lifeboat, after necessary
repairs, left her station again, and brought the two men to Tofino
Hospital. Ten hours at sea.
During MacLeod's early years as Coxswain, "the nearest doctor or hospital"
meant a hundred-mile trip to Port Alberni in an open boat; several
agonizing hours for a person in pain.
In 1950 the Tofino Lifesaving Station received a temporary new boat, 1Q
when its original Lifeboat (built in 1913) finally went out of commission.
Under the auspices of the R.C.A.F. Rescue Co-ordination Centre, new official
Lifeboats were acquired in 1951 by both the Tofino and Bamfield Stations:
They were built and launched in 1951 by Chantier Marine de St.
Laurent, Isle of Orleans, Quebec, to specifications of the latest
type of lifeboat in use by the United States Coastguard. Each 40'
■in length and powered by 110 h.p. G.M. diesel engines, they are
the last word in seaworthiness... Equipment includes a radiotelephone- 1line-throwing rocket gun, powerful searchlight and first
aid kits.
The new equipment made rescue work more efficient, but the basic operations
of the station remained the same.
Alexander MacLeod retired in 1951, after twenty-six years of service.
On his last day of work, he recorded:
This will conclude my years of service with the Dominion of
Canada, as follows:  21 years in charge of the Lifesaving
Station at Tofino, B.C., 5 years and 5 months as Leading Seaman, a
total of 26 years and 5 months.  I also worked for 16 months in
the Dominion Hatchery at Kennedy Lake, Clayoquot District. I
acted as over-seer of the Government wharf, public floats and
navigation lights since my appointment as Coxswain-in-Charge.
In conclusion, I have no recollection, or any record, that
in all these years of service the Lifeboat neglected any calls
of distress under any elements of weather...nor of any accidents as far as saving lives is concerned. I must also state
that I have had the greatest admiration for the crews that
worked under me, for their loyalty in carrying out their
required in saving lives, under whatever circumstances at sea.
He received thanks from the Department of Transport for the "honesty and
integrity" with which he performed his duties  and an Imperial Service
Award from Queen.Elizabeth II in recognition of "the meritorious service"
he had rendered.
"The old type of Lifeboat was built at Vancouver in 1913, the first Lifeboat built in Canada:  a power boat with sails and masts, 35 feet long
overhaul, 9.9 beam."  Diary, p. 50. -8-
Alex and his wife Flora contributed a great deal to the community of
Tofino. From Scotland they brought a Presbyterian culture: psalms set to
old Scottish tunes, the chanter and the bagpipes, sword-dances, oat-cakes
and ancient Gaelic stories. Upon Alex's retirement they moved to Vancouver
to be near their Presbyterian church, which originally had Gaelic-
speaking ministers, and they enjoyed eighteen years together there. Alex
died in 1969 at the age of eighty-three; his wife lived to be ninety-one.
They outlived three of their sons: Donald drowned in the winter of 1948,
Norman (Donald's twin) drowned later in a tugboat accident, and Murdo
died after an illness at the age of forty-six.
Alexander and Flora MacLeod were survived by their son Ian and three
daughters: Islay, Margaret (who still lives in Tofino), and Mary Hardy
of Mill Bay (who donated Alex's diary to the Provincial Archives.
Their grandson Stewart currently works at the Tofino Lifesaving Station,
now part of the Canadian Coast Guard. Lifesaving has become a MacLeod
family tradition.
Debra Barr has aninterest in B.C. history and archives and is
a graduate of Simon Fraser University.
"Tlicholson, West Coast, p. 204.
T.E. Morrison, District Marine Agent, Department of Transport, to
Alexander MacLeod, July 24, 1951.
Ivan de la Sere, Brigadier, Registrar of the Imperial Service Order,
to Alexander MacLeod, August 22, 1952.
Mrs. Hardy supplied a great deal of information for this paper.
An Infernal Triangle:   How Richard McBride Became Agent-General
In 1873, British Columbia created the post of Agent-General in London
to promote the development of British Columbia by advertising the province,
its resources, and products to potential British immigrants, investors and
consumers.  From time to time, the post was used to reward friends of
the government or to provide a comfortable place for politicians who had
outlived their usefulness or popularity. In 1901, the government appointed
John Herbert Turner, a former premier (1895-1898) as Agent-General at a
salary of "not less than ten thousand dollars" per annum. As Agent-General
during an era of extensive British immigration to British Columbia and
investment in her industries and public works, Turner hdd a busy career.
The Agent-General was appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council
and held office "during good behaviour" but,could be removed by the Cabinet
"on address from the Legislative Assembly."  Such a procedure made it difficult
British Columbia, Statutes, 1901, c.l. -9-
for the cabinet to create the vacancy it desired in 1915 when Sir Richard
McBride desired to resign the premiership and move to his beloved London.
Ever since the economic boom collapsed in 1912-13, the problems of the provincial government had been increasing. It seemed likely that the province
might be called upon to honour its guarantees on the Canadian Northern
Pacific Railway's bonds;  the Pacific Great Eastern Railway required seven
million dollars to complete even its minimum plans but there were rumours
of a caucus revolt against any further aid to the PGE. Indeed, the Premier
had to cancel an announcement that he would call a provincial general
election in the spring of 1915. Moreover, McBride was already suffering from
Bright's Disease, a kidney ailment. In London he could have access to the
finest medical care. Equally important, he had many influential friends
there including Winston Churchill, whom.he had met during his many visits
to the Imperial capital on provincial business. McBride had sought a
federal appointment to liaise between the Canadian and British governments
on war-related matters but Prime Minister Robert Borden had tactfully
rejected his request. The office of Agent-General, however, was also
attractive. It offered automatic ingress into London society, was fairly
undemanding, moderately lucrative, a point of some importance to McBride whose
personal finances had suffered as a consequence of the collapse of the real
estate boom.
To get McBride to London involved a complicated shuffle, a kind of
infernal triangle. Attorney-General W.J. Bowser would persuade Turner to
retire; McBride would then go to London as Agent-General; and Bowser would
succeed to the premiership. There were, however, two complications. Though
Bowser had served in McBride's cabinet since 1907, there was no love lost
between the two men.  Indeed, Bowser had led a clique which threatened to
revolt against McBride early in 1915. Nevertheless, as senior member of the
cabinet, Bowser was the heir apparent to the premiership. Perhaps McBride
was attempting to protect his own reputation and to punish Bowser by giving
the Attorney-General the sordid task of removing Turner. Bowser was
caught in a cleft-stick between his intense dislike for McBride which made
it unpalatable to arrange a comfortable sinecure for him, and his overweening
desire to be premier himself, which necessitated compliance with McBride's
scheme. Thus, the conflict between McBride and Bowser was easily overcome;
the real difficulty was in persuading Turner to retire. Though he was
eighty years old and was offered a handsome retirement allowance, Turner
was reluctant to vacate his office quietly. The surviving correspondence
from these pre-trans-Atlantic telephone days and contemporary newspaper
accounts contain nearly all the clues necessary to reconstruct this strange
Although the first surviving document dates from August, the plan
apparently began to evolve in July 1915, when McBride cabled Turner.  In a
cable on August 4, Bowser enigmatically referred to a plan detailed in McBride's
earlier cable and urged Turner to accept the offer contained therein "as any
other decision seriously hinders plans here which we deem is (sic) immediately
necessary and which depends (sic) entirely on your favourable decision."
The message ended with a threat that the terms in the original cable were -10-
"based on present conditions" and would not be so generous "if present plans
In his non-commital reply, Turner seems to have elected to play for time.
He insisted he was unsure of the plan since he had not received the
communication from McBride with the full details of the scheme, and he
complained that the last sentence of Bowser's telegram was incomprehensible.
Bowser provided a blatantly clear reading in his reply: "Bonus one thousand
pounds in addition to retiring allowance." Bowser also requested that
Turner reply as soon as he received McBride's letter of July 27. This was
an unfortunate move for the non-arrival of this mysterious letter gave
Turner valuable time for procrastination even through he was well aware of
McBride's intentions through other communications.
Turner's failure to commit himself drove an exasperated Bowser to write
on August 17:  "From cables and letters already received you must know our
offer. What do you propose to do?" But Turner stuck to his guns and
replied with a long, coded cable, containing an elaborate list of all the
correspondence he had received. He assured Bowser he was awaiting McBride's
letter in accordance with Bowser's instructions. He did admit, however, that
he thought he had been asked to consider the following terms, "$6,000 self
$2500 wife annually for our lives in addition to son retained," as well as
a $3,000 bonus which he mentioned in an addendum. Turner justified his
resistance to resignation by pointing out that he had accepted the Agent-
Generalship for life and that McBride, among others, had signed the Order-in-
Council to that effect.
Bowser jumped at this opportunity to pin Turner down to this specific
set of terms (with the palliative of a significant increase in the bonus)
and cabled back:
Will accept your terms as follows $5000 cash, $6000 annually during
your life, after your death $2500 to your wife during her life, son
retained. Undertake to secure legislation next session confirming
these terms.
In order for the plan to come to fruition, Turner would have to resign no
later than November 1. Once again, Bowser enjoined Turner to hasten his
decision as future plans entirely depended upon him.
Turner was not taken in by these unsubtle tactics. When he replied four
days later, he stressed that "the terms are not mine but the only ones I
had to consider as offered by premier and yourself." He conceded he was
inclined to accept if bonus considerably increased," but sensibly insisted
that his resignation "must be contingent on these terms being confirmed by
legislature." Despite his advanced years, Turner also contended that "to
retire from my work now is very painful to me."
Bowser, trying a new tack, expressed surprise at Turner's intransigence
and his proposal to raise the bonus. He claimed Turner's telegrams
suggested finality of terms and, as a deterrent to further procrastination,
Bowser assured Turner that he was "confident that Legislature will not
agree to additional amount but will ratify offer of August 22nd." He was
effectively making Turner an offer he could not refuse and Turner, who had
finally received McBride's letter, had presumably discovered that it
contained no new hope. Thus, on August 31, he ungraciously accepted the
deal. He again denied that the terms were of his formulation but advised
Bowser that "in view of political exigencies you name" he would resign and -11-
accept the terms offered. In order to salvage something from the wreckage,
Turner insisted his resignation could not come into effect until the end
of December. Even with this condition, Bowser, who was becoming anxious about
a possible upset in the delicate timing of the scheme, gratefully accepted
Turner's resignation.
Turner had many reasons for wanting to delay the date of his effective
resignation. He feared that a sudden end to his tenure "would have a very
bad appearance here...and affect me very injuriously."  He believed that
many people here will wonder - they will say what is the Cause?
What has he done - he is as active as ever and always at his
place - the other Agents-General all recognize me as a fixture
and treat me as their leader - So that it is imperative that it
should be known I retire with honour.
Turner's sense of social injury was scarcely mollified by the large financial
settlement and even the letter accompanying his formal resignation contained
a scrawled postscript telling Bowser and McBride to "take care to have
something done to let the public in B.C. and London know I am not disgraced
and had to leave for shady reasons."  Oddly enough, Turner does not
seem to have conceived of the idea of old age as a reason for retirement.
On a more practical level, Turner expressed concern about the provision
for ensuring the financial statement. As he pointed out to Bowser, "if I
resign November first how can I be guaranteed act referred to will be passed
and agreement Pension and Bonus carried out." It also seems that Turner had
been kept in the dark about at least half the McBride/Bowser plot for he
wondered, if "Sir Richard retires, how can you be certain of his successor
or of the Legislature in January?" Bowser, as the designated successor, could
of course be quite positive on this score and Turner would have been less
than thrilled had he realized that Bowser was hardly an impartial intermediary but a substantial beneficiary of his resignation. Turner's objections
I had quite understood that my resignation should be in your
hands but not accepted before the Legislature met - when you could be
sure. Thus Sir Richard would not retire until afterwards - as it
is now proposed it appears that I take all the risks and am unable
to do anything to secure myself.
W.J. Bowser to J.H. Turner, 5 August 1915. Copy in Provincial Archives of
British Columbia, Premier's Papers (Bowser) Box 168.  (All other references
to correspondence are from this collection.)
It is indeed. A tentative reading is "S. & Wilson will advance (now)
bonus involved."
Unfortunately, this letter and all other communications attributed to McBride
are missing. Unlike Bowser, McBride was an able exponent of realpolitik
and kept potentially damaging correspondence secret.
Turner's son acted as the Agent-General's secretary.
Turner to Bowser, 21 August 1915. Bowser's correspondence in this exchange
is missing. -12-
Turner was even more correct than he then knew in supposing himself to be
the "fall guy".
Turner was also peeved by the timing of his resignation because it
threatened to rob him of the opportunity of opening a new British Columbia
House in London. Turner had expended much effort and diplomacy in persuading
the provincial government to provide funds for a permanent British Columbia
residence, and had been finally given permission to build one in 1913.
The building, on a prime site in lower Regent Street, was nearing completion
and the move to it was planned to take place on December 22. Turner was upset
that McBride would reap the rewards of his exertions:  the prestige of opening
British Columbia House and the comfort and convenience of working in
the new extablishment. Fortunately, McBride or Bowser found a compromise.
McBride's announcement of his retirement, originally scheduled for
November 1915 was postponed to a more auspicious date, Degember 15, 1915,
McBride's forty-fifth birthday. Therefore, Turner was still Agent-General
when the new building was opened and McBride moved straight into the new
British Columbia House when he took office, January 1, 1916.
Turner's other outstanding objections to the manner of his removal were
dealt with by Bowser's promised Act "to provide for the Payment of an
Allowance to John Herbert Turner."  The preamble to the Act made it clear
that Turner was by no means in disgrace and also provided some justification
for the size of Turner's pension:
Whereas the Honourable John Herbert Turner has retired from the
public service of British Columbia after many years of service as a
member of the Legislative Assembly, Prime Minister, and Agent-General
for the Province in London, England, and it is fitting that the Legislature and the people of British Columbia acknowledge his great public
services by making the grants hereinafter provided.
The "grants" were, of course, the $5,000 bonus and "thereafter the sum of
500 dollars a month during his lifetime," or $208.34 to Mrs. Turner on her
husband's death. All the payments were to be tax free.
Inevitably, the grant was controversial and it fixed public, and
particularly opposition, attention on the mounting costs of the London
operation. The 1901 grant of $10,000 a year had been gradually increased
so that by 1916 it was $30,000 per annum of which $10,000 per year, tax free,
was Turner's salary.   (The reduction in his income alone accounts for
Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915.
Turner to Bowser, 12 October 1915.
Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915.
British Columbia, Statutes, 1916, c. 69.
Victoria Times, 6 April 1916; Victoria Colonist, 4 April 1916. -13-
Turner's anger at being removed.) When McBride became Agent-General, the
Legislature was asked to approve an annual expenditure of $35,000 for the
London office, The whole increase was to be used to augment McBride's
salary on the grounds that the cost of living in Britain had risen because
of the war and because, unlike Turner, McBride would have to pay British income tax on his earnings. Opposition members claimed McBride now earned more
than any other Agent-General in England, the Prime Minister of Canada or
Lord Jellicoe, the commander of the British Navy. Furthermore, the opposition noted the cost of the debt incurred for building British Columbia House
and the allowance to Turner should be added to the cost of the Agent-General's
office. Bowser, who appears to have become Turner's sworn enemy (no doubt
the feeling was mutual) offered little defence of the pay-off beyond
explaining that the $5,000 bonus was required to cover Turner's private
debts - a questionable and derogatory assertion as Turner never mentioned
such a reason for a bonus - and emphasizing Turner's advanced years, which
ensured that the allowance would soon be unnecessary.
The opposition in the Legislature was obviously aware of the
underhanded negotiations which had produced this expensive situation.  The
Victoria Times stated:
The taxpayers must pay this enormous salary to the man who is
largely responsible for the unfortunate condition this province
is in to-day because it was stipulated in the McBride-Bowser
bond; because it is the price of Mr. Bowser's translation to
power. Those two men put their heads together, appointed themselves to the positions to which they aspired, settled the details of salaries, pensions etc., and bound the people to pay
the bill... Altogether this province is going to have a fine
fling in good Old London Town.
Opposition members voiced similar suspicions in the Legislature. When
they asked to see the papers and correspondence relative to Turner's
resignation, Bowser claimed he had no correspondence in his possession apart
from Turner's resignation since McBride had conducted the negotiations.
The ultimate outcome of the tangled plot has many of the elements of
Greek drama with political hubris being rewarded by nemesis. Bowser served
as premier for only a few difficult months before the September 1916 general
election when the Liberals, under Harlan Carey Brewster, defeated his
administration in what the Canadian Annual Review described as perhaps "the
most complete overthrow in political history." " While McBride undoubtedly
foresaw the election results, he was apparently surprised when the new
Liberal government turned on him. After some debate, in which McBride's cynical
manipulations were bitterly attacked, the new government asked him to resign
the Agent-Generalship on the grounds that he was an unsuitable person to
represent the province abroad. McBride was by now too ill to resist; on May
20, 1917 he resigned. As the final fitting irony, the government asked Turner
Victoria Times, 4 April 1916. The Times estimated the total cost of the
London office at $100,000 per annum.
J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review, 1914, p. 780. -14-
to act as interim Agent-General for serveral months. Among his duties
were making the funeral arrangments for McBride who died in August 1917
before he could return home to British Columbia.
Sheila Keeble
Sheila Keeble is a graduate student in History at the University
of Victoria.
President's Letter
Dear Fellow-members,
In my capacity as president of the British Columbia Historical Association,
may I wish you all success in your varied and particular projects in this
New Year. Activity in local history continues to burgeon and enjoys the
additional support given by the provincial government under new legislation.
The B.C. Historical News is now well into the second year of its new
format, production of which was co-ordinated by our immediate past-president
Helen Akrigg, an experienced publisher. The News has been edited by i) .
Dr. Patricia Roy of the University of Victoria and Kent Haworth of the
Provincial Archives, and in its first year BCHA treasurer, Michael Halleran
acted as business manager. I wish to express my appreciation, on your
behalf, of the standard achieved by the News, and at the same time, to point
out to you that this has been brought about by a collaboration which has been
entirely voluntary. So, we are doubly appreciative.
Kent Haworth has resigned as co-editor of the News. He has performed
a great service in that position. Terry Eastwood of the Provincial Archives
will now edit the News with Dr. Roy.
Costs of publishing the News have escalated to the point where the annual
fee of two dollars, adequate in 1978, provides approximately one-half its
cost. Your executive has applied to the Lottery Fund for financial
assistance which would give us the time and means of stabilizing our
financial situation. An increase in fees seems inevitable.
The BCHA Council has set fees for new categories from time to time and
I recapitulate, now:  First, I must stress that each of the following provides
for only one subscription to the News, and while welcoming attendance at our
activities, allows no voting privileges.
individual member-at-large (for those unable to participate in the
activities of a member society) $5.00 per year
institutional membership (libraries, schools, etc.)  $10.00 per year
affiliate membership (for committees and groups which do not comply with full
membership in the federation of the BCHA)  $15.00 /year -15-
Our Princeton members have set the dates of May 29, 30, 31 and June 1
for the 1980 convention, details of which appear in this issue of the News.
The BCHA has a fund of $400.00 on which societies planning conventions may
draw. We shall be looking eagerly for an invitation for the 1981 annual
gathering when we meet in Princeton.
While financial considerations are my chief concern this term, I should
welcome suggestions made for the betterment of our organization.
Ruth Barnett,
News from the Branches
NANAIMO HISTORICAL SOCIETY  Every year on November 27th at 11:00 A.M.
there is a ceremony at Nanaimo to commemorate
the landing of the settlers who sailed on the Princess Royal from Brierly
Hill, England in 1854. Last November marked the 125th anniversary of the
landing of the Princess Royal. Descendants of many of the passengers
gathered at the Bastion. Mrs. Flora McGirr read the original passenger
list and descendants of those early settlers stepped forward as their family
was named. Greetings were also read from the governor of the Hudson's Bay
Company and from the mayor of Dudley, Staffordshire, England, which includes
the town of Brierly Hill. A cairn behind the Bastion marks the landing
spot of the first settlers. Inscribed on the cairn are the names of these
pioneers. A "crystal Chalice" was commissioned by an historical society in
Brierly Hill and was presented in June 1979 to commemorate the journey of'
Brierly Hill colliers to Nanaimo in 1854. To perpetuate the memory of these
settlers, their names were etched on the chalice. The Gough family first
commemorated this remembrance as an informal gathering of the pioneers and
their families. In 1953, the Nanaimo Historical Society initiated the more
formal ceremony which continues today.
BCHA - VICTORIA BRANCH The Victoria Branch of the B.C. Historical
Association closed the meetings of 1979 with
their Christmas dinner, held on December 11 at the Faculty Club of the University of Victoria. After dinner, Dr. M.H. Scargill of the University faculty
drew on his studies in the semantics (linguistics) of Canadian-English idiom
to give a sparkling address on the origins of some of our uncommon words.
He called his address "Hootch, Screech, Redeye, Forty-rod and other Canadian
Drinks". His hearers were delighted.
The new year was opened by a very interesting talk by Mr. Michael Halleran
who spoke on a pioneer of B.C.  Mr. Halleran called his address, "Thomas
Basil Humphrey:  a Cat in the Bird Cage", and, as one may imagine, it was a
pleasure for his audience. -16-
The February 28 meeting was truly different. Several members of the
Association worked on developing "A Family Capsule", a brief synopsis of
histories of local pioneer families and their descendants. The subject was
thought up by Mr. Ainslie Helmcken, City Archivist, and grandson of a noted
pioneer, Dr. J.S. Helmcken. Many members of pioneer families were present
and were later guests of the Association for coffee and cakes, and for the
chats that naturally follow the introduction of a fascinating subject.
Creston and District Historical and Museum Society    The creston
and District
Historical and Museum Society had a busy 1979, with more special meetings
than during any other year since its organization in 1971. The four
projects were in the wind prior to 1979 and at present are far from
1. Our Field Committee was involved with other groups to complete
a search for missing parts of the Dewdney Trail through our
valley. The disignation of this part of the trail is already
proving to be a tourist attraction.
2. A dam that was built in the 1930s by West Kootenay Power and
Light Company on Goat River to provide power for Creston, but now
obsolete, is considered a good area for a park. Negotiations with
Provincial officials, West Kootenay Power and Light Company, the
Chamber of Commerce and the Rod and Gun Club are progressing nicely.
3. People in our valley are being alerted to the need for and the
probability of successful negotiations for a Museum.
4. In the 1960s a private museum of artifacts, cheifly from this area
was constructed at Yahk. The property and collection have since
passed into other people's hands. The Creston and District Historical and Museum Society has now resorted to legal action to get possession
of these artifacts.
We are anticipating a year of much activity to develop these projects.
District 69 Historical Society   Although it is stm without a museum,
District 69 Historical Society is steadily
building up a collection of historical items which are donated from time to
time by residents of the Parksville-Qualicum Beach area. These artifacts
are stored in a small archives room provided by Parksville Town council and
monthly meetings are held in an adjoining meeting room.
The Society has had an active spring and summer highlighted by the visit
of the Provincial Museum Train to Qualicum Beach in August when members were
invited to operate the sales counter on the train. This proved both
enjoyable and lucrative and provided an opportunity to publicize the work
of the Society.
During the spring a small pictorial history of Parksville was produced
through the co-operation of the Provincial government and the Town council. -17-
Peggy NichoUs and Mildred Kurtz collaborated on the project assisted by
Graham and Tina Beard.
With a museum as the main objective, the Society has also considered
establishing a site for a heritage village in which to preserve several
old buildings including the Knox Heritage Church building which was saved
from demolition in 1978.
Marjorie Leffler was re-elected president at the recent annual meeting
and Mildred Kurtz was re-elected as secretary-treasurer. Graham Beard is
vice-president and museum trustees are Peggy NichoUs, Anne Moore and
Mike Miller.
Kettle River Museum Society   on June 12, 1977, Mrs. Kathleen Dewdney
cut the ribbon to open the Kettle River
Museum. In its first three seasons the Kettle River Museum Society has .
realized many of its objectives.
In 1977, Mrs. Alice Evans, the curator, with three assistants, created
the displays, accessioned all the donated articles and set up all the
necessary filing systems.
In 1978, with the aid of the Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant,
history, picture and tape files were set up, and much research done. A
Japanese garden was created in front of the Musem and donated to the
community by Mr. George Kakuno in "gratitude for his fifty years in Canada".
A 30' x 60' equipment shed was constructed on the grounds in a large area i
fenced with chain link fencing.  Frank Western Smith, a local artist,
supported by local residents and businesses, spear-headed a successful drive
to purchase the last remaining Kettle Valley Railway caboose in the area
and to move it onto tracks laid in the museum grounds.
In 1979, Mrs. Margaret Beddall took over the post of curator. Working
with four Young Canada Works students, she completely repainted the interior
and exterior of the caboose and created a railway display inside it. An
extra track, complete with speeder and hand-car, was placed in front of the
caboose and flanked by appropriate railway signs. With the help of the
Village of Midway and a further Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant,
the old 1894 school on the grounds was given a new foundation and roof.
Farm equipment was hauled in to the equipment yard and a start made on its
restoration.' A cabin donated by C. Ericson was dismantled and hauled onto
the grounds where it will be reassembled to hold a display of small farm
equipment. Verdun Casselman restored a horse-operated drag saw from the
Boltz ranch and set it up on the grounds, even composing a poem about it which
he painted on a sign which forms part of the display. An Open House was
held at the end of the season, when the caboose was formally opened and
visitors enjoyed refreshments in the meeting room where photographs by a local
man, Brian Gibbard, were displayed. -18-
Golden and District Historical Society   The Golden and District Historical  Society had had a very
active year in 1979-80. Speakers and panels have covered such varied topics
as tourism in the valley, the R.C.M.P., working for the C.P.R. prior to
1930, early Victoria Day celebrations, the proposed Canadian climb up Mount
Everest, the Swiss influence in the Selkirks and the Rockies, and memories
of one-roomed schools. We have considered such matters as the Kootenay
Diversion and the markings of Historical Sites and hiking trails. Our meetings
are never dull!
Fund raising occupied some of our time and energy. First there was a
door to door blitz canvassing money for our proposed museum expansion. This
canvass was done largely by volunteers from the local Lions Club. Next
we had a raffle of a beautiful painting which was donated by a local artist.
This netted close to a thousand dollars. Members spent'many hours selling
tickets on Fridays and Saturdays at a table in a local supermarket. Last
but not least, members compiled a cookbook of pioneer type recipes. The
sale of the cookbooks has netted $650 thus far. Our museum usually qualifies
for a donation of $200 from the Golden and District Arts Council. In 1979
we managed to acquire a small surplus above our annual expenses.
Most of the Golden Historical Society budget is applied to the
operation of our museum. Heat, light and insurance are the major expenses.
Summer staff has always been hired through one of the Youth Employment
programs, but a contribution by the Society raised the pay to a more
worthwhile level. Dues are forwarded to the B.C. Historical Association and
the B.C. Museum Association. The ongoing activities of the Society such
as accumulating histories, archival material or artifacts are all done by
volunteers and could never be measured in monetary values. Plans for 1980
include working on a revision of the 1958 publication "Golden Memories",
compiling a history starting about 1930, and restoring the Brisco log school.
There are a variety of "points of interst" in or near Golden. Some
of these could be considered historic. The Swiss village still stands on the
hillside where it was placed by the C.P.R. in 1912. The uppermost house is
still occupied by Walter Feuz, one of the original Swiss guides, but the
rest are rented. The exterior of these houses remains much as when they
were first built, but the interiors have been considerably modernized. To
the east of Golden is Yoho National Park with Wapta Falls, Emerald Lake,
Takkakaw Falls, the Spiral Tunnels and many magnificent scenes. To the
west of Golden in Glacier Park there are traces of the C.P.R. line before the
Connaught Tunnel was built. The stone bridge about the eastern portal, and
the stone pillars on Loop Creek to the west are both within sight of the Trans
Canada highway. There are many beauty spots, and hidden historical sites
close to four community.
We- look forward to meeting many of you and swapping ideas, experiences
and historical yarns.
(Ed. note:  This report is from a circular letter prepared for
distribution among historical society members in the Kootenays.) -19-
OLD ROUTES AND TRAILS:   Jumbo Pass in the Purcell Mountains
Jumbo Pass lies on one of the old routes through the 3000 metre Purcell
Mountains, between the East and West Kootenays, and more specifically between
the headwaters of the Columbia River and the north end of Kootenay Lake.
The pass crosses the 2270 metre divide between the broad valleys of
Glacier Creek to the west, and the north fork of Toby Creek to the east. Dr.
Toby was a part time prospector from Washington Territory in the early 1860s.
Two creeks were named after him, Toby No. 1 and Toby No. 2; these are now
Dutch Creek and Toby Creek, respectively.
Toby Creek joins the Columbia River at the site of David Thompson's
"Kootenae House", near the "Salmon Beds". Its valley seems to have been a
prehistoric route through the Purcells. The first recorded travellers over this
section of the mountains were Shuswap chief Peter Kinbasket and tribe who are
said to have migrated to the headwaters of the Columbia in the 1840s.
Thereafter, Kinbasket is reported not only as a frequent traveller on the trail,
but also as clearing and building parts of it. He acted as guide to Walter
Moberly in the 1860s.
Two valleys only about 10 kilometres apart bring trails from the west to
Toby Creek; Hamill Creek, via Wells (later Earl Grey) Pass, and Glacier
Creek via Jumbo Pass. Most old reports do not properly define which pass is being
described.  It is helpful to have a list of equivalent place names:
Modern Names       Old Names
Duncan Lake       Howser / Houser / Hauser Lake, or North Kootenay
Lake, or Upper Kootenay Lake
Glacier Creek      Grizzley Creek
Kootenay Lake      Flatbow Lake
Lardeau River      Ill-com-opalux valley (Turnbull)
The Sessional Papers of the B.C. Legislature give firm information on the route
which became Jumbo Pass:
1893 exploration up Toby Creek;  trail building started
1894 trail built up Toby Creek, and over the summit
1895 48 miles of trail built from the east
1896 a good cattle trail was completed along Toby Creek and its
north fork to Houser Lake, West Kootenay.
1898 the trail is shown on the Lands and Works Department map of
the East and West Kootenays.
The name derives from the Jumbo mining claim, a galena (lead/silver)
prospect, near the junction of Toby Creek with its north fork.  To the prospector,
"Jumbo" signified or invoked enormous potentialities in the claim, comparable
with such extravagancies as Bonanza and Eldorado. At times, there have been up
to a dozen Jumbo mining claims in force round the province.
This Jumbo claim was surveyed 25 October 1890, crown granted (as lot
293) on 7 June 1892 and crown granted again 22 August 1919.  It is believed
to be still in good standing.  Soon, the North Fork became known as the Jumbo
Fork of Toby Creek, then Jumbo Creek. The name was then extended to the pass,
the mountain, and the glacier.  The "Bugaboos" to the north took their name
from a mining claim in the same way. columbia
The SaWnori
PASS    A    ~A
\ ^Ato«    .••"•— "••
••••M ait.
The first official exploration of access to the head of Kootenay Lake was
made by surveyor James Turnbull in the fall of 1865. It was recorded as part
of Walter Moberly's "Columbia River Exploration", a 34 page printed report     g
accompanied by at least 3 maps, and published by the Lands and Works Department.
Turnbull, formerly part of Col. Moody's detachment of Royal Engineers, came up
by canoe from the Dewdney Trail ferry at the south end of Kootenay Lake, looking
for a waggon road route eastwards to the Columbia headwaters.
He noted 3 likely valleys; now named Hamill, Glacier and Howser creeks.
He also recorded the latitude and longitude of the start of Kinbasket*s trail
to the Columbia, which, to his disappointment, ran up the bare ridge between
Hamill and Glacier creeks, in the Indian tradition of avoiding timbered valleys.
Turnbull sent his assistant to the summit of Kinbasket's trail, and later
reported: "Kinbasket, the chief, who is nearly always encamped about the
headwaters of the Columbia, has made a horse trail from the mouth of Toby Creek,
which continues along its bottom for 2 days' journey, then he follows a foot
trail which passes over the summit traversed by Mr. Howman (Assistant), and
reaches the Kootenay Lakes in 2 days more, thus taking 4 days to complete the
journey. I have questioned a great many Indians who know this route, and they
all agree as to Toby Creek being a very large, long and low valley..."
Turnbull concludes by recommending either Glacier or Howser creeks for
further examination. It was now October 21st and the snow was getting very low
on the hills; he still had to return to the coast, via the Dewdney trail.
The Purcell divide at Jumbo Pass is a narrow north-south ridge at about
timberline, about one and a half kilometres long. The trail crosses at a
slight notch about halfway along the ridge. Mountains rise steeply at either
end. At the north end stands a small well kept ski cabin, near a tarn fed
by trickles from the slope to the north. The guest book in the cabin records
recent work on the trail;  a BCFS fire suppression crew from Lardeau cleared it
in 1977, and brushed it out again in July, 1978. They also erected a heavy wooden
sign "Jumbo Trail" where the trail leaves the Glacier Creek forestry road.
There is a good section of original trail, well benched into the sidehill,
and moss covered, about halfway up from the Glacier Creek road. Several good
sections can be found on the Jumbo Creek side, particularly across the talus
below the cliffs on the north face of Bastille Mountain.  Generally, however,
the trail has almost slipped away.
The trail and pass were last in the news in the mid 1950s when the location
of the Trans Canada Highway was being debated. The Jumbo Pass route was
promoted by the Chambers of Commerce of the East and West Kootenays, but the
federal and provincial governments adopted the Rogers Pass route of the Canadian
Pacific Railway.
The suggested Jumbo Pass route would have had a grade of less than one
and a half percent from Radium Hot Springs to Kootenay Lake, provided a
4 kilometre tunnel at about elevation 1440 metres was driven through the rock
ridge under Jumbo Pass.
This route is shown as a possible highway on the "road and transmission
route" map in the Purcell (Range) Study, prepared for the Environment and Land
Use Committee in 1974.  It would be preferable to the steep sidehill above
Toby Glacier, near the Earl Grey Pass. At present, 1980, both passes remain
much as Peter Kinbasket knew them.
R.C. Harris -22-
Notes and References:
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1893, p. 863 Public Works Report
"Explorations were also made up Bugaboo Creek and down House Creek on the
West Kootenay side with a view to obtaining a direct trail connection
between the two districts; also up Toby Creek, with the same object in view."
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1894, p. 414 Public Works- Report
"A trail was built up Toby Creek and over the Summit with a view to
establishing a connection between the steamboat navigation on Columbia
River and lakes with that on the Kootenay Lakes, and opening up a most
desirable and direct route between the East Kootenay and West Kootenay
districts. A portion of this had been build some years ago by the miners
interested on Toby Creek..."
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1895, p. 448 Public Works Report
Cost of construction, east of summit, 33 miles 1,047.77
Cost of construction, west of summit, 15 miles 1,471.74
Explored 7 miles further west, removed windfalls 211.00"
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1896, p. 532 Minister of Mines Report
"A good cattle trail was completed in 1896, from the Columbia River, along
Toby Creek and its North Fork to Kauser Lake in West Kootenay; there is
also a trail up the South Fork to the summit of the Selkirks"
Other Lands and Works Publications:
1865 Columbia River Exploration (Walter Moberly in charge)
Correspondence between Moberly and Trutch, Green, and Turnbull
Journals by Moberly, Green and Turnbull - See p. 31, 32 for Turnbull
at the head of Kootenay Lake.
Maps by Turnbull
1866 Guide Map to the Big Bend Mines on the Columbia River
shewing the Route from New Westminster
embodies the explorations of the previous Fall reference 5.
shows the full length of Kinbasket's trail, with 2 starts at the west end.
1898 Map of Southern Portion, East and West Kootenay Districts;
C.B. Martin, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Victoria, B.C.
shows trails up Hammill and Glacier Creeks, the latter goes by
"Jumbo Fork" (of Toby Creek).
Maps by others:
i i
1893 Perry's Mining Map of the Southern District, West Kootenay
First edition, Copyright 1893 by Rand, McNally Co. shows "Hudson
Bay Trail" up Grizzly (Glacier) Creek. No trail shown up Hammill Creek.
1898 Map of the Lardo-Duncan District
compiled by Harold Rolph for the Lardo-Duncan Improvement Association,
Kaslo, B.C. 1898. Locates 448 mining claims by name, shows "trail for
horses", "trail for man only". The trails up Hamill and Glacier
Creeks are "for man only". -23-
News and Notes
B.C. STUDIES CONFERENCE  The second B.C. Studies Conference will be held
at Simon Fraser University, October 30 to
November 1, 1981 and proposals for conference papers are now invited. Enquiries
should be directed to H. Johnston, Department of History, Simon Fraser
University, Burnaby, B.C., V5A 1S6; Alan Artibise, Department of History,
University of Victoria; or R.A.J. McDonald, Department of History, University
of B.C.  The deadline for submission of proposals is May 15, 1980.
CORRECTIONS Several gremlins sneaked into the article on pioneer land surveyors
in the Winter 1979 issue.
Page   Paragraph   Line
10 1 4  "teamed" should read "steamed"
2        15  after "experiences" insert "was"
23  "novel" should read ''noble"
11 4 6  "Muellen" should read "Mueller"
9  After "Lawrence' delete "a pioneer surveyor"
13      4 5  "Jo" should read "J.O." (for John Ogilvie)
15      4        17  "views" should read "viewed"
We apologise to Lt.-Col. G.S. Andrews, the author of the article.
HERITAGE CANADA Early this fall, the Heritage Canada Foundation launched an
all-out campaign to try to make Heritage Day — the third
Monday in February — a national holiday.
Few Canadians, I suspect, will quarrel with the idea of a midwinter
holiday to help battle the February "blahs".  But why Heritage day? And why
a national charitable foundation, entrusted with the preservation of our built-
up heritage, asking for a holiday?
Why, for that matter, should the average Canadian give a hoot about
Maybe I should answer the last question first:
It's simple:
Preservation is the wave of the future. And preservation is a labour-
intensive industry.
We are nearing the end of the great post-war construction boom, which
provided so many jobs. We are also seeing the bankruptcy of a philosophy, which
held that once a building was written down on the company books, after a brief
life of 30 years, it could be dispensed with and replaced by another.
We can no longer afford the luxury of that philosophy. Nor can we afford
the enormous waste of energy and manpower that it involves.
It simply doesn't make sense to destroy a building - any building: church,
warehouse, bank, railway station or private home — that is still structurally
sound. -24-
All over this country such buildings are being preserved. A church in
Toronto becomes a haberdashery shop. A bank in Ottawa becomes a restaurant.
A warehouse in Vancouver becomes part of a shopping complex. A railway
station in Kleinburg becomes a Boy Scout headquarters.
The past lives on, giving our cities an historical texture, a feeling of
continuity and, incidentally, providing new jobs for thousands of workmen.
Why a holiday?
Because the heritage movement will not come of age nor be taken seriously
until we give it an official stamp of approval.
A holiday makes people sit up and take notice.  It provides a chance for
celebration — in this case the celebration of our history.  For buildings are
living history lessons.  They tell us something about our roots. They remind
us of who we are.
On July 1 we celebrate our political past. On Heritage Day we celebrate
our build-up past — the cultural landscape that enriches our lives. And
it is especially valuable because, unlike Canada Day, it falls during the
school year when the youth of the nation can become involved.
That is why Heritage Canada wants a holiday. Our job is to act as a
catalyst to ensure that something from the past is saved. Surely we can
take one day out of the year to drive that lesson home.
Pierre Berton
Chairman of the Board
Heritage Canada
PARKS CANADA - Historic Sites< and Monuments Board Appointment
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada has a new B.C. member.
On the occasion of the 60th anniversary meeting of the Board in Ottawa, November
15th to 17th, Hon. John Fraser, environment minister announced the appointment
of Dr. Charles Humphries of Vancouver, British Columbia, as member of the Board.
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada advises the Minister on
matters of national historic and architectural significance for Parks Canada.
Since its founding, the Board has recommended the commemoration of more
than 700 persons, places and events, ranging from William Aberhart to the
Yukon Gold Discovery. Acting on the Board's advice, the Government of Canada
has established almost 60 National Historic Parks and Sites ranging from the
Fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island to the cabin where Robert
Service lived at Dawson City.
The winner of the contest in the last issue is N.T. Porter of Victoria who
identified Dr. Carrall as follows:
Dr. R.W.W. Carrall, a mainland supporter of Confederation, was appointed
by Governor Musgrave to the Executive Council in 1870 to consider the
Resolution for Union of British Columbia with Canada. Subsequent to the
passing of that motion, he was selected, along with J.W. Trutch and Dr.
Helmcken to go to Ottawa to negotiate the terms of confederation.  The
delegation did even better than thay had hoped. -25-
Subsequently, Dr. Carrall went to Ottawa as a Senator for British
Columbia and might also well be remembered as having (reportedly) said
in his haste, what no doubt many British Columbians have said or thought at
their leisure, that "all Ottawa men are intensely stupid"  (Margaret A.
Ormsby, British Columbia: A History, p. 255. Dr. Carrall is included in
a group picture facing this page).
Dear Editors:
In reviewing Ladner: Above the Sand Heads (News, Vol. 13, no. 2) I made
the statement on page 38 that "neither of the half-brothers indicates any
knowledge of the other's existence." I have been prompted to check that
statement again. Leon Ladner, though he lists neither of his half-brothers
in the index, does say on page 159, "one day ... I happened to meet my half
brother, Ellis Ladner", and goes on to tell us that Ellis lent him money to
go to Europe.
On page 32 of your last issue Gerald Savory says, "'Memories' are not to
be trusted." Alas'. I thought I remembered Edward Ladner, the older
half-brother, lending the money to Leon, much in keeping with the character
Ellis gives his brother, so did not go back to the book. I am indebted to
Garry Colchester for bringing the error to my attention and offer my
apologies to all concerned.
John E. Gibbard
Dear Editors:
Mr. R.C. Harris's excellent article on the Akamina area ("Old Trails
and Routes in B.C.") had special appeal for me, having been chief-of-party
on the Flathead Forest Survey, 1930. This job covered the whole Flathead
river watershed in Canada, including the Kishinina and Akamina tributaries.
This survey was narrated at some length in "A Traverse of East Kootenay Survey
History", B.C. Historical News, Vol. 8, no. 2, (February 1975), pp. 21 ff.
In that article I also quoted the charming account by Lieutenant Charles Wm.
Wilson, R.E., of his visit to Monument 161 (now 272) in August 1861.  In my
official report "Survey & Preliminary Management Plan of the Flathead Forest", 1930,
I recommended the establishment of Kishinena Park, some 80 square miles of
the upper Kishinena watershed, contiguous to Waterton Lake Park in Alberta
and Glacier National Park in Montana. I endorse Mr. Harris's mention of
beauty spots like Forum and Wall lakes, and his explanation of the complicated
geology caused by the over-thrust of ancient sedimentaries eastward in the
up-building of the Rocky Mountains. This accounts for hard earned dollars,
including my own, invested in oil prospecting there, lying at the bottom of
some of the deepest (dry) holes on record!
G.S. Andrews -26-
Book Reviews
ANDSINO-CANADIAN RELATIONS, by Ching Ma. Vancouver: Versatile Publishing Co.
1979. pp. xii, 112, 7 plates, bibliography.
Near the Victoria waterfront at Harling Point, Gonzales, a large
cement altar with its twin incinerators still stands though the storage vault
for exhumed and reassembled bones has disappeared.  It was a testament to the
Chinese whose remains were shipped to China until the 1930s when the
events in China halted the practice. The remains were shipped in Canadian
Pacific Empress vessels, at $16 to $18 a set, and although the number sent is
not known, the unceasing imagination of my childhood historical-site-investigation days counted in the thousands. More recently I had the occasion to
ask an aging Victorian what, in her estimation, the contribution of the
Chinese to the building of British Columbia had been. She answered,
"Invaluable!" And so it was, from the time John Meares brought the labour
of China to help exploit the resources of the trans-Pacific east. This
theme is the basis of Mr. Ma's book, though his compass extends beyond
British Columbia to Canada as a whole.
The Volume begins appropriately with the story of the first Chinese
immigrants and the Fraser River gold rush, followed by chapters on the
construction of the CPR and the Chinese contribution to Canada. A brief
account of the Chinese Exclusion movement precedes a survey of the history of
Chinese immigration to Canada <including a vignette on Canada's best case of
reverse emigration to China'—Norman Bethune), descriptions of Chinatowns and
Chinese communities, and a survey of Sino-Chinese relations, past and present.
Fully a quarter of the book's pages comprise a six part appendix.
In style and substance, this volume is stiff and stolid. If p.9 serves
as a sample, the correctness of fact is not to be relied upon. Halifax to
Vancouver is more than 4,000 kilometers; the United States grasped California
in 1846 and bought Alaska in 1867; very few British Columbians sought
annexation to the republic; and the reasons for B.C. receiving a promise of
a railway from the Dominion in 1871 are far different and more complex than
given here. I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the "Chinese material"
included here but surely opium deserves some mention and the overt and
covert activities of the Chinese Benevolent Association deserves fullsome
treatment, at least more than is given here. This is Whiggish history from
the Chinese view, a pleasant relief of course from recent contributions to
this branch of historiography. This book, important in itself, will interest
many readers (as it should because of the importance of the subject) but the
ample execution of this great theme linking Orient with Occident still awaits
the historian.
Barry M. Gough
Wilfrid Laurier University. -27-
Saskatoon: Western Producer Prairie Books, 1979. pp. 253, illus.
This book represents the first attempt at a comprehensive biography of
Nellie Letitia McClung, author, feminist, politician and social reformer who
played such a dynamic role in the history of Western Canada. As Candace Savage
notes in the Preface, the purpose of Our Nell is to bring before the reading
public a complete life history of a woman "who, not long ago, thought and
laughed and cared deeply about the world in which she lived." Thus, Ms. Savage
traces Nellie McClung's life from her birth in Grey County, Ontario in
1873 through to her death in Victoria, British Columbia in 1951. The ten
chapters in the book each deal with an important stage in Nellie's career and
can be arranged into three broad categories. The first three chronicle her
early childhood through to her marriage to Robert Wesley McClung in 1896.
Chapters four to Chapter eight detail her public career, beginning with
Nellie's early struggles as a young mother and aspiring author, and follows
her until the end of her term as a Liberal member of the Alberta Legislature in
1926. The final two chapters are devoted to the remaining twenty-five years
of this remarkable woman's life, most of which was spent in the Gordon Head
area of present-day metropolitan Victoria.
Immediately upon opening the book one is struck by the unorthodox style
of presentation that the author adoped. Calling it a "scrap book" format Ms.
Savage sets out to "combine the immediacy of Nellie's own writings with the
detachment of more distant observers." The resulting product relies heavily
upon Nellie's "own writings" and the "distant observers" turn Out to be
friends and family fondly reminiscing about an individual who played an
important role in their lives. The author has included brief essays to
connect the assorted passages in order to "offer a point of view from the
present and to keep the story on track." However, this technique, which
reminds one of what R.G* Collingwood called "scissors and paste history",
lacks the critical analysis that an historical work should contain. This,
more than anything else, represents the weakest aspect of the book.
Another serious flaw in Ms. Savage's presentation is the poor sense of
time and place that the reader is provided with. Little insight into the
broad ranging changes which were taking place in society throughout Nellie
McClung's life-time is given. This is especially the case in the section of
the book which discusses her life and activities in "the lotus land of Canada -
Victoria, British Columbia". The reader is left with a vague notion that the
woman lived in the city, that she had a garden and that she wrote books while
living there. But the focus, being trained exclusively upon Nellie, lends no
insight into what interaction with and influence upon Victoria's society she
may have had.
Although Our Nell has serious weaknesses this is not to say that the book
has no positive features. The author, who has obviously done a great deal of
research to produce this volume, has provided those interested in Nellie
McClung's career with a useable resource, but the fact remains that the
strongest parts of the book are the extensive footnotes and the bibliography
of materials both by and about Nellie that are appended to the text. These -28-
provide both the lay and professional historian with a ready guide to
documents pertaining to her career. This feature, along with the fact that
the book's publication has placed Nellie McClung once again in the public's view,
are the main strengths of this book.
It is this reviewer's hope that instead of stifling research on this
subject Our Nell will stimulate interest in one of the West's most colourful
and influential women. Candace Savage has provided us with a good read; the
task awaits someone to provide a good analysis.
Rudy G. Marchildon
Rudy Marchildon is a graduate student in history at the University
of Victoria and is interested in the history of women in the Prairie
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK AND HIS TIMES. Edited by Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston.
Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre; London: Croom Helm, 1979. pp. viii, 278,
illus., $16.95.
The conference on Captain Cook and his times held at Simon Fraser
University at the end of April 1978 was the most elaborate, exciting and
expensive historical meeting on a single theme ever held in British Columbia.
Twenty-six papers on many aspects of Cook and his times were presented by
scholars from Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, West Germany,
France and the United States. Pity, then, the editors faced with the task
of selecting from such a range a collection suitable for publication. No
doubt some papers were committed elsewhere and others were not publishable for
other reasons; and it is to be regretted that none of the papers on
navigation, only one of five on the scientific aspects, and only one of three
on anthropology could be published. Nonetheless the editors have generally
discharged their task with good judgment.
The three papers on Northwest America are among the best: Glyn William's
masterful analysis of Cook's rationale for exploring the Northwest Coast,
Christen Archer's interesting study of the influence on Spanish explorations
of Cook's discoveries, and Robin Fisher's competent and tidy piece on relations
of the explorers with the Nootka are all well-organized and meticulously
presented. Equally competent, but apparently breaking new ground in his
historico-medical diagnosis of Cook's health is Vice-Admiral Sir James Watt's
essay on "The Medical Aspects and Consequences <b'f Cook's Voyages."
The papers concerned with Cook's reputation are much more of a mixed bag.
Bernard Smith's "Cook's Posthumous Reputation" is the most extensive, but
also the most confused and confusing. Dr. Smith sets out to picture the
development of Cook's reputation as an exercise in Enlightenment apotheosis,
but his evidence, drawn from obscure eulogists in provincial academies (over-
locking the obvious example of Chateaubriand) and few classical painters of
whom only Zoffany can be regarded as a notable influence, is both insignificant
and disjointed. Alan Frost's "New Geographical Perspectives and the
Emergence of the Romantic Imagination" is largely focussed on the not very
original theme that the work of Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey was
influenced by Cook's voyages. A better organized and more professional work -29-
is Rudiger Jopien's paper: "The Artistic Bequest of Captain Cook's Voyages,"
a study of the influence of illustrations from the various accounts of
Cook's voyages on costume books. Within this rather narrow definition of
"artistic influence" this paper is a model of clear exposition. Terence
Armstrong's short paper:  "Cook's Reputation in Russia", is a simple catalogue
of the changing attitudes of Russian commentators toward Cook, from eulogy
to denigration and back to qualified admiration.
Finally there are three essays on Cook's reputation as reflected in the
careers of three of his competitors for fame: Banks, Dalrymple and George
Forster. David Mackay gives a perceptive criticism of the "scientific"
pretext for voyages which were increasingly devoted to imperial expansion and
of Banks as an imperial entrepreneur and guardian of the Cook mystique. Dr.
Howard Fry, in a tightly written and highly allusive study, lifts Dalrymple
from the level of a wildly speculative schemer, though he goes too far in
suggesting that Dalrymple's work was "of the greatest siginficance for the
planning, execution and outcome of the voyages of Captain Cook." Last, it
is unfortunate that the editors saw fit to include Michael Hoare's attack
on J.C. Beaglehole disguised as a justification of George Forster. A
forthright and well-organized critique of Cook's reputation and Beaglehole's
contribution to it based on George Forster's first hand evidence would have
had a useful place in the conference and the collection. Hoare's work
is a parochial, coyly nasty and badly-written schoolboy essay.
Attention should be drawn to the analytic introduction by the editors
and to the admirably-reproduced illustrations, which make this work both a
useful and a handsome volume.
John Norris
University of British Columbia.
Bergen Peters. Victoria: Maltwood Museum and Art Gallery, University of
Victoria, 1979, pp. 80, illus., 43.
This publication is a re-working of the author's Master of Arts thesis
and was created to accompany an exhibit at the Maltwood Museum and Gallery,
University of Victoria, June-July, 1979. The text of this monograph revolves
around thirty-six photographic reproductions of the art works of Edward Parker
Bedwell, Henry James Warre, John Clayton White, and Frederick Whymper, four
draughtsmen/artists active during the colonial period in British Columbia.
In an age prior to the popularization of photography, specific drawing skills
and courses of study were offered in military academies to train personnel in
the art of recording landscape. These draughtsmen, assigned to ships and
military units, were responsible for furnishing visual records of the environs
through which they travelled. The sketches of H.J. Warre accompanied despatches
and were important in providing details of the terrain and military outposts
visited. E.P. Bedwell's work recorded the activities of the H.M.S. Plumper
and crew as they surveyed the coastal waters. J.C. White arrived in 1859 as
a member of the Royal Engineers and later accompanied the employees of the
Collins Overland Telegraph line, while, as a member of the 1864 Vancouver
Island Exploring Expedition, F. Whymper detailed the geographical features of
the Island. -30-
These art works were intended as sources for reliable and accurate data
on the "topographical features, habitations and aspects of  contemporary
activities" of the areas visited. Ms. Peters analyzes the art from this
perspective of their historical function as documentary records. In this
respect the monograph is one of the few publications on British Columbia
which deals With art works as legitimate historical records and does so in
The text is divided into four sections dealing with the process through
which the images evolved from "reality to record".
The artist first recorded the scene in a field sketch which was later used
as the basis for one or more finished watercolour paintings. The latter
often provided the basis for an engraving or lithograph published in a
book or newspaper. Although the accuracy of detail was primarily retained
during these transformations, certain aesthetic values and contemporary art
tastes influenced the artist and engraver or lithographer. This is clearly
observed in the sketches, watercolours and lithographs of each artist. A
definite transition in style and treatment of subject matter can be noted.
At the conclusion of the study are found biographies of the artists and
catalogue listings of their known works. These contain a wealth of information
to art historians and historians alike, being the first published compilation
of such material. Hopefully it will provide inspiration to other scholars,
prompting the development of further work in this field. Importantly it
gives exposure to paintings, drawings and prints in the collections of many
archives and libraries, which are often neglected by the historian. Perhaps
they will now be viewed in a new light.
Kathryn Bridge
Provincial Archives.
ASHWORTH, Mary. The forces which shaped them. Vancouver, New Star Books,
1979. 260 p. $14.95; $6.50 pa.
BERGREN, Myrtle. Tough timber: the loggers of B.C. — their story; based on
interviews with Arne Johnson, Hjalmar Bergren, John McCuish, George Grafton,
Edna Brown and others who helped organize a wood-workers' union in British
Columbia. Vancouver, Elgin Publications, 1979. 250 p. $12.95.
BOUCHARD, Randy and Dorothy I.D. Kennedy, ed. Shuswap stories; collected
1971-1975. Vancouver, CommCept Pub., 1979. 152 p., ill, $4.35.
CAVELL, Edward. Journeys to the far west:  accounts of adventures in Western
Canada 1858 to 1885. Toronto, James Lorimer & Co., 1979. 164 p., ill.,
COLE, Jean Murray. Exile in the wilderness: the biography of Chief Factor
Archibald McDonald 1790-1853. Toronto, Burns & MacEachern, 1979. 240 p.,
ill. $19.95.
EDWARDS, Ralph. Ralph Edwards of Lonesome Lake; the complete biography of the
Crusoe of Lonesome Lake, as told to Ed. Gould. Saanichton, Hancock House,
1979. 196 p., ill. $12.95.
GLEN, J., sr. Where the rivers meet, the story of the settlement of the
Bulkley Valley. Duncan, printed by New Rapier Press, 1977. 118 p., $5-95. -31-
GROVE, Lyndon. Pacific pilgrims; foreword by Godfrey P. Gower. Vancouver, Fforbez
Publications on behalf of the Centennial Committee of the Anglican Diocese of
New Westminster, 1979.  200 p., ill., $11.15; $7.95 pa.
HANCOCK, Lyn. Vanderhoof:  the town that wouldn't wait. Nechako Valley Historical Society, 1979. ill.
HARKER, Douglas E. Saints: the story of St. George's School for Boys Vancouver.
Vancouver, Mitchell Press, 1979.  288 p., ill.  $12.50.
LADNER, T. Ellis. Above the Sand Heads; firsthand accoutns of pioneering in
the area which, in 1879, became the Municipality of Delta, British Columbia,
narrated by T. Ellis Ladner (1861-1958); prepared for publication by Edna G.
Ladner. Burnaby, 1979. 181 p., ill. $6.95.
PETERS, Helen Bergen. Painting during the colonial period in British Columbia
1845-1871; monograph from an exhibition at the Maltwood Art Museum and Gallery,
University of Victoria, June-July 1, 1979. Victoria, Maltwood Art Museum,
University of Victoria by Sono Nis Press, 1979.  80 p., ill.  $6.95.
ROSS, Leslie. Richmond: a child of the Fraser. Richmond, Historical Committee
of the Richmond Centennial Society, 1979. xii, 238, v (4) p., ill, $17.95.
SCOTT, David and Edna Hanic. East Kootenay chronicles. Langley, Stagecoach
Press, 1979.  168 p., ill. $3.95.
SHADBOLT, Doris. The art of Emily Carr. Toronto, Clarke Irwin; Vancouver,
Douglas & Mclntryre, 1979. 223 p., ill. $45.00.
STORRS, Monica. God's galloping girl:  the Peace River diaries of Monica
Storrs 1929-1931; edited by W.L. Morton.  Vancouver, University of British
Columbia Press, 1979. xlix, 307 p., ill. $22.00.
TIPPETT, Maria. Emily Carr: a biography.  Toronto, Oxford Canada, 1979.
352 p., ill. $19.50.
The following list is published by kind permission of the compiler, Graydon
Henning, The University of New England, Armidale, N.S.W., Australia.
The listings in Part B are not actually held by the Scottish Record Office
but one must go through that office to obtain access to items in the National
Register of Archives.
Davidson & Syme Collection (GD 282)
1901  Minute of the meeting relating to the swindle by John Thomas Martin
over a gold mine in British Columbia. (13/14) -32-
Board of Trade. Dissolved Company Files (B.T. 2)
1897-1901 Rattray - Hamilton British Columbia Syndicate (3717)
1898-1904 Scottish Corporation of British Columbia (3899)
1898-1904 British Columbia Pulp and Paper Mills (3763)
1898-1915 Mount Scober and British Columbia Development Company.(4206)
1899-1902 Dundee - Canadian Development Co. (4316)
1899^1906 Scottish Copper Mines Syndicate of British Columbia (4133)
1910-1937 North Vancouver Land Co., Vancouver Proprietors (7503) (12405)
1910-1941 Edinburgh-Vancouver Investment Syndicate (7543)
1911-1924 British Columbia Farms (8028)
1911-1929 Caledonia and British Columbia Mortgage Co., (8647)
1924-1926 Cariboo Dredging Co. (13061)
Church of Scotland, General Assembly Papers (CHI/2)
1864 Report by the Trustees of Queen's College; grave anxiety on
the state of the Rev. J. Nimmo*s Mission in British Columbia (244)
1865 Report by the Trustees of Queen's College;  failure of Mr.
Nimmo's Mission. Mr. Somerville sent to Victoria.  (247)
1867 Difficulties of the church in Victoria.  (253)
1868 Report of Mr. Somerville from British Columbia.  (256)
1869 British Columbia mission (259)
1870 Mission to British Columbia (262)
1875       Report on the state of the church in British Columbia (277)
Department of Agriculture and Fisheries for Scotland, Emigration Files. (A.F. 51)
1887-1896   Proposed scheme for the colonisation of crofters in British
Columbia to be financed by a loan from the British Treasury to
the state government.  (151-6)
1924-1926   Emigration and proposed settlement of Scottish fishermen in
British Columbia (172-3)
1937       Employment of British fishermen in British Columbia (186)
Marquess of Aberdeen (0055)
1890-1895   Miscellaneous papers concerning the estates of Coldstream, Vernon,
British Columbia, (p. 15)
1994       Miscellaneous papers relating to the Earl of Aberdeen: estate of
Coldstream, Vernon, B.C., Includes a plan of the Kalemalka
Ranch, Yale District, B.C. by F.H. Latimer (p. 26)
Smith MacDonald - Crawford, Greenock.  (0557)
1878-1879   Letters from John Menzies of Columbia Canada, to John Livingstone
Brodie of Brodie (0770)
1851       Letter from W.C. Grant, Oregon City, to William Brodie
describing his travels in Canada and America and his lands on
Vancouver Island,  (p.10) -33-
Scottish Office correspondence to R.W. Cochran-Patrick
1889     Objections from Alexander Begg to a Scotsman article attacking his
proposals for the establishment of fishing stations in British
Columbia and the encouragement of Scottish emigration, (p.13)
B.C. Historical Association Annual Convention - May 29 - June L 1980
Place: Princeton, B.C.
Hosts: Princeton & District Pioneer Museum Society
Centre: Library-Museum Building, Vermillion Street
Thursday, May 29th
1 P.M.
Registration desk open
Informal Reception
Library-Museum Building
Library-Museum Building
Friday, May 30th
9:00 - 11:30 A.M.
10:00 - 11:00
11:00 - 12:00
12:30 - 2:00 P.M.
2:00 - 4:00
Registration desk open Elks Hall
"The Historic Trails of the Cascade Wilderness"
Speakers: Victor Wilson and Harley Hatfield
Okanagan-Similkameen Parks Society
Okanagan Historical Society
Symposium: Our Heritage - do we do enough to preserve it?
Chairman: Mrs. Winnifred Weir, Vice-president, B.C.H.A.
"The Chinese - Forgotten miners of British Columbia"
Speaker: Bill Barlee
Lunch - all welcome ($4 per person, pay at the door)
Speaker:  to be announced.
Conducted tours (2:00 P.M. or 3:00 P.M.) to Newmont Copper
Informal reception and entertainment in the school auditorium
Saturday, May 31st
8:30 - 9:00 A.M.  Registration desk open
Register for annual meeting
Annual Meeting, president: Mrs. Ruth Barnett
9:30 - 12:30
2:00 P.M.
Field trips to Granite Creek, Old Hedley Road, History,
Dinner ($10 per person - advance registration
pay at the door)
Guest speaker: Mayor Sandra Henson of Princeton -34-
A package rate offered by the Sandman Motel, for those wishing accommodation
includes the following:
Meals:  Friday - breakfast and dinner
Saturday - breakfast and lunch
Sunday - breakfast
Rates:  2 nights, 2 meals per day - single room $ 80.00
2 nights, 2 meals per day - double room $100.00
3 nights, 2 meals per day - single room $110.00
3 nights, 2 meals per day - double room $130.00
NiDi  Persons attending the convention and wishing to stay at the Sandman
Motel must make their own bookings as soon as possible.
Please mail all Registration forms before April 30th together with covering
cheque made payable to: Princeton Pioneer Museum Society
to: Mrs. M. Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
phone 295-3362 if further information required.
Basic Registration $ 5.00  (each)
Basic Registration & field trips  $10.00  (each)
I enclose a cheque, to Princeton Pioneer Museum Society for $
I wish to attend:     Friday Lunch ($4 - pay at door)
Saturday Dinner ($10 - pay at door)
I wish to attend:
Friday A.M. Symposium
Friday P.M. Tour to Mine
Friday P.M. Reception - entertainment
Saturday A.M. Annual Meeting
Saturday P.M.  Tour
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Mrs. C. Holt, Box 284, Port Alberni
V9Y 7M7.  723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW 1A0.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R.R. #1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0.
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Ethel Derrick, 8027-17th Ave., Burnaby, V3N 1M5.
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Julie O'Sullivan, 1235 Island
Highway, Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Cariboo Historical Museum Society, Reg Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox Mountain,
R.R. 2, Williams Lake.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B.W. Dickie, Box 172, Chemainus,
VOR 1K0.  246-9510.
Cowichan Historical Society, W.J.H. Fleetwood, Riverside Road, Cowichan
Station, B.C., VOR IPO
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Mrs. Margaret Gidluck, Box 164,
Creston, VOB 1G0.  428-2838.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064.
Golden St  District Historical Society, Fred Bjarnason, Box 992, Golden, VOA 1H0.
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive,
Kimberley, VOA 1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge, V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, David Grubbe, 815 West 20th Street, North Vancouver,
V7P 2B5.
Princeton St  District Pioneer Museum, Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton,
VOX 1W0.  295-3362.
Sidney St North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road,
R.R. #3, Sidney, V8L 3P9. 656-3719.
La Societe historique franco colombienne, Anna Beaulieu, 1204 - 1560 Burnaby St.,
Vancouver, V6G 1X3.
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M.T. Jory, Box 405, Trail, V1R 4L7. 368-5602.
Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6. 685-1157.
Wells Historical Society, Sharon Brown, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere,
VOA 1K0.


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