B.C. HISTORICAL JVEWS %- -=*> \ s VOLUME 13, NO.3 THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION Honorary Patron: His Honor, The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, Henry P. Bell-Irving. Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6. Officers President 1st Vice-President: 2nd Vice-President: Secretary; Treasurer: Recording Secretary: Members at large: Past President: Ex Officio: Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Road, Campbell River, V9W 3P3. 287-8097 (res.). Barbara Stannard, 211-450 Stewart Avenue, Nanaimo, V9S 5E9, 654-6195, (res.). Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0. 342-9562 (res.). Arlene Bramhall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7. 433-7176 (res.). Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess, Victoria, V8R 4W2. 598-5883 (res.). Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0. 295-3362 (res.). Len McCann, Vancouver Maritime Museum, 1905 Ogden Street, Vancouver. 736-4431 (bus.). Frank Street, 6176 Walker Street, Burnaby, V5E 3B4. 521-4529 (res.). Helen Akrigg, 4633 West 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6. 228-8606 (res.). John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4. 387-3621 (bus.). Kent Haworth, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News. 387-6671 (bus.). Patricia Roy, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News. 477-6911, local 4793 (bus.). Terry Eastwood, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News. 387-6671 (bus.) Cover photograph: View of Princeton, B.C., 1902. Provincial Archives of British Columbia photo No. 9692, BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS Vol. 13, No. 3 Spring 1980 Second-class mail registration number 4447. Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3. (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd., 747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.) The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary. TABLE OF CONTENTS Alexander MacLeod: Tofino Lifesaver Debra Barr 2 An Infernal Triangle.. etc Sheila Keeble 8 President's Letter Ruth Barnett 14 News from the Branches 15 Old Routes and Trails: Jumbo Pass...etc R.C. Harris 19 News and Notes 23 Letters 25 Book Reviews: Chinese Pioneers. ..etc Barry Gough 26 Our Nell.. .etc Rudy Marchildon 27 Captain James Cook. . .etc John Norris 28 Painting during the Colonial Period Kathryn Bridge 29 Bibliography Frances Woodward 30 Manuscript Sources...in the Scottish Record Office Graydon Henning 31 BCHA - Annual Convention 33 -2- Alexander MacLeod: Tofino Lifesaver Alexander MacLeod, whose unpublished dairy lies in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia, served as Leading Seaman of the Tofino Lifesaving Station from 1925 to 1930, then as Coxswain until 1951. When he arrived from Scotland in 1912, the Lifeboat was stationed in Ucluelet and had only been in service for two years. It was transferred to Tofino in 1913. The community of Tofino was first settled in 1888 by an Englishman, John Grice, and later took the name of the inlet upon which it was situated. A stream of settlers, predominantly of Norwegian and British descent — Jacob Arnet, Anton Hansen, George Fraser and George Maltby, among others - soon followed. These pioneers of the west coast soon learned to cope with adversity: isolation, a dangerous coastline, and a rainfall of amazing proportions. Coupled with poor soil conditions, this rainfall made farming difficult and forced the majority of settlers to turn to the ocean for their living. For many decades the ocean also served as the only basis of transportation for the inhabitants scattered along the coast; a road linking the centre of Vancouver Island to Tofino and Ucluelet was not completed until 1959. The water route to Port Alberni weaves through the many islands of Barkley Sound, and is extremely hazardous in fog or in stormy weather. In addition, the early residents of Tofino had to contend with the strong currents of the open Pacific. By the time Alex MacLeod joined the Lifeboat crew in 1925, there had already been many tragedies in this "Graveyard of the Pacific". The coastline between Port Renfrew and Barkley Sound offers no safe anchorage for boats in any weather; it has been the site of at least forty major shipwrecks, along with countless small craft accidents. The wreck of the American passenger steamer Valencia in 1906, in which more than a hundred lives were lost, made the lack of lifesaving services in the Barkley Sound area painfully obvious. Two lighthouses had just been completed farther north at Lennard Island and Amphritite Point; as a result of the Valencia disaster, a third was built at Pachena Point in 1907. A pair of lifesaving stations was subsequently established in 1910, with one boat moored at Bamfield and the second one at Ucluelet, until its transfer to Tofino three years later. George Nicholson, Vancouver Island's West Coast, 1762-1962 (Victoria: Moriss Printing Company Limited, 1962), p. 276. Nicholson adds that the inlet was named in 1792 by the Spanish explorers Galiano and Valdes. 2 Nicholson, West Coast, pp. 278-279. 3 Nicholson, West Coast, p. 149. 4 R. Bruce Scott, People of the Southwest Coast of Vancouver Island (Victoria: R. Bruce Scott, 1974), p. 58. Another account of the Valencia disaster is given in R. Bruce Scott, Breakers Ahead! (Victoria: R. Bruce Scott, 1970), Chapter 13. -3- From their inception, the Bamfield and Tofino Lifesaving Stations worked very closely with the nearby lighthouses, carrying supplies to the lightkeepers and checking upon their well-being. Telegraphed messages from lightkeepers who had spotted vessels in distress were acted upon promptly by the lifeboat nearest at hand. A year rarely passed without the need for service: ...the stout crews of these little boats never hesitated to put to sea, day or night, and in any weather. Department of Transport records credit the saving of many lives and much valuable shipping tonnage to their prompt action, courage and seamanship. The original crews worked without the use of radios, radar, depth sounders or cabins for shelter; until the substitution of gasoline engines in 1913, they had only "sails and ten long sweeps" for power. Alexander MacLeod was not a stranger to the sea when he moved to Tofino in 1912. The ancestral home of the MacLeods is Scotland's Isle of Skye, set in a mountainous region much like Vancouver Island; Alex was born on the nearby Isle of Raasay on July 28, 1885. He followed his brothers Ewan and Murdo to Canada's west coast at the age of twenty-seven, and helped to build the original Tofino road; he also worked for over a year at the Dominion Hatchery on Kennedy Lake, a few miles south of Tofino. Alex returned to Scotland on a munitions ship in 1915, and when World War I ended he remained at sea, sailing to South America and other destinations. In 1925 he moved to Tofino once again, this time with a Scottish wife and five of what would become his family of seven children. He joined the Tofino Lifeboat crew as Leading Seaman the same year, and became the Coxswain-in-Charge in 1930. His journal covers his twenty-one years as Coxswain from 1930 to 1951. From MacLeod's official diary, a great deal can be learned about the operations of a lifesaving station. Much of the work was routine: tending buoys, fixed lights and beacons; recording daily rainfall and tide levels; and keeping the boat, station and grounds in good condition. The most important duty was, of course, quick response to calls for assistance. The Tofino Lifeboat was responsible for an area stretching from Ucluelet north to Nootka Sound, and up to twenty-five miles out to sea; keeping a close watch over the hundreds of fishboats and other vessels in these waters provided year-round work. The ignorance of some of these boaters caused a great deal of trouble for the lifesaving crew. MacLeod relates many such instances: May 15, 1949: 21:45 hours. The Lifeboat received a call from the Lighthouse stating that a boat was anchored at the entrance to Templar Channel in a dangerous position. The Lifeboat left her station at 22:00 hours, proceeded to position given, and found the USA Troller "Martel" riding at anchor, with two men on board. The Lifeboat guided the boat to safe anchorage. The Lifeboat was also routinely called upon to come to the aid of disabled craft, or to stand by until a tugboat arrived at the scene: -4- April 15, 1949: 09:50 hours. Beam Trawler "Hummingbird" in distress fifteen miles S.W. of Lighthouse, with three men on board. 10:00 a.m.: the Lifeboat left her station for the position given, and arrived at the vicinity at 12:00 noon. Towed the disabled boat to Tofino; ?arrived back at station at 7:30 p.m. Net in her propeller. Much of the work of a search and rescue station was, however, far from routine. In emergencies, the crew had to operate under very dangerous conditions: Sunday, March 31, 1946: 14:45 hours. Received a distress call from Constable Redhead stating that a small lifeboat from a Naval Vessel blowing up a mine drifted ashore on Wickaninnish Bay. The boat had capsized with five men on board. One man, the gunner, lost his life when the boat capsized, and another, Mr. Whittaker (a local resident), was also drowned trying to rescue the men in the water. Everything was done that was possible in the rescue, in view of the heavy surf and shallow waters. The Lifeboat returned to her station at 19:30 hours. Occasionally, MacLeod was forced to weigh the risk to his own crew during rough weather against the safety of a disabled boat. In the following incident, a large boat drifting well away from the rocky coastline was actually in less danger than was the smaller Lifeboat: Thursday, January 27, 1947: 11:00 hours. The following message was received from the American Coast Guard: "The Beam Trawler 'Recovery', sixty-foot seine boat, broken down about fourteen miles South South East of Lennard Island Lighthouse; request you render assistance, and report action taken." The Lifeboat left her station at 11:30 a.m. for the position given, with a gale wind blowing from the North West. The Lifeboat continued for a distance of ten miles, but on account of a heavy sea which damaged the upper structure, the Coxswain decided for the safety of his crew to return to station, and reported to the Coast;Guard accordingly. Nicholson, West Coast, p. 205. Nicholson, West Coast, p. 206. Alexander MacLeod, "The Diary of Alexander MacLeod" (British Columbia Provincial Archives, Add.MSS. 196), p. 50. The Archives holds only a typed copy of the diary, which seems to have been edited. The "Lighthouse" which MacLeod refers to in this entry is the Lennard Island Lighthouse. All quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this diary. g This was in fact Mr. Richard Whittington, who lived on Wickaninnish Bay at the time, and who tried to rescue the crew from the beach. The error in his name may have been in transcription. -5- As the international border was for many years only three miles off-shore, the station often received similar calls for help from the United States Coast Guard. The work of the Lifeboat crew was sometimes frustrating and often inconclusive. False alarms were frequent: September 19, 1948: 11:30 hours. Call from Lighthouse: a disabled troller was drifting in Templar Channel. The Lifeboat searched the vicinity but could not find any trace of the boat. False alarm. The Lifeboat returned to her station at 12:15 noon, in light winds. And a search did not always end with a rescue: Friday, November 5, 1948: 09:30 hours. The Lifeboat left her station searching for a U.S.A. plane reported missing in the Tofino vicinity with a crew of seven on board, but could not find any trace of it. In December, 1948, Alex MacLeod recorded this brief entry: Searching for the body of my son Donald, feared drowned, vicinity of Armitage Point. Six times. Although the diary does not refer to him again, Donald's body was found two weeks later at Armitage Point. Alexander MacLeod was a thorough and untiring rescue worker. In November, 1950, he began an extensive search for the body of a local man, Reece Riley: Friday, November 3, 1950: 13:00 hours. Received wireless message from Mr. Morrison, Agent, Department of Transport, Victoria, as follows: "Captaia Reece Riley left Port Alberni on October 24 for Port Alice in the speed boat 'Maureen R' and has not reported since. Advise the Lifeboat to proceed as far as Zeballos in search of Captain Riley." Captain Reece Riley was born and raised in Tofino, and later moved to Port Alberni, where he based a water-taxi business serving the Barkley Sound area. He also ferried deep-sea pilots between Port Alberni_and Cape Beale, and eventually became Harbour Master at Port Alberni. When he set out on October 24, 1950, Riley was making his last trip in the "Maureen R" (which was named for his daughter). He had sold it to British Columbia Forest Products, Ltd., and was delivering it to them at Port Alice. Although MacLeod's diary states that Captain Riley was last seen in Port Alberni, he spoke to Robert and David Barr in Tofino later the same day. A hard wave had broken his cabin window, soaking his matches, so he stopped at Tofino to buy some new ones. Because he hoped to reach Hot Springs Cove (thirty miles away) by darkness, he was too rushed for conversation. He knew the difficult stretch of coastline extremely well, but the weather was stormy. There was a strong southeasterly wind blowing, typical in October, and daylight was disappearing, so it was very reluctantly that Robert and David helped him cast off. -6- When the Tofino Lifesaving Station received the message that Reece Riley was missing, over a week had passed; the possibility of finding him alive was not strong. The Lifeboat crew searched, nevertheless, for several days: Friday, November 3, 1950: 13:00 hours. The Lifeboat left her station bound for Flores Island, but on account of the heavy sea running, had to take shelter at Refuge Cove for the night. Arrived at Refuge Cove at 4:00 p.m. Saturday, November 4: At 8:00 a.m. the Lifeboat left Refuge Cove, searching the shore line around Estevan Point and vicinity against heavy seas and S.W. winds, as far as Nootka Sound and vicinity, from hence to Zeballos. Arrived there at 3:30 p.m. and contacted the local police and the two Fishery Inspectors, who advised the Coxswain that the coastline north of Zeballos had been searched by sea and air. The Coxswain decided to stay in Zeballos for the night. Sunday, November 5: 8:00 a.m. The Life boat left for Nootka Sound and vicinity, from hence to Estevan Point, and continued along the coastline to Sydney Inlet and through Miller Passage to arrive back at her station at 7:35 p.m. Monday, November 6: 9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her station for Rafael Point with extra local men, and landed a party east of the point. On account of a heavy surge, the landing was very difficult. The landing party found some wreckage of the "Maureen R" on Rafael Point with the name painted on one piece, but could not find any trace of Captain Riley. The Lifeboat returned to her station at 7:25 p.m. Tuesday, November 7: 9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her citation for Rafael Point with Constable Drapper, David Clegg (Captain Riley's brother-in-law) and other local parties, searching for Reece's body, but without any results. Found the engine of the "Maureen R" between huge boulders near the wreckage. On account of weather conditions, the search had to be called off. The Lifeboat returned to her station at 6:30 p.m. Captain Riley's body was never found. The cause of the wreck of the "Maureen R" remains a mystery. For many years, the Lifesaving Station had obligations beyond searches and rescues. The Lifeboat was often required to make "mercy runs", carrying sick or injured persons from isolated places to the nearest doctor or hospital. Friday, August2, 1946: Lifeboat proceeded to Lennard Island Lighthouse, for Lightkeeper's wife, Mrs. Kelly, for medical attention at Tofino Hospital. Nicholson, West Coast, p. 260. Douglas Riley still operates his father's water taxi service in Port Alberni. -7- And: Wednesday, June 29, 1949: 10:30 hours. Call from C.G.S. Estevan: two men hurt landing annual supplies at Hesquiat, for wireless station. The Lifeboat left her station at 10:35 a.m., but had to return on account of engine trouble. The Lifeboat, after necessary repairs, left her station again, and brought the two men to Tofino Hospital. Ten hours at sea. During MacLeod's early years as Coxswain, "the nearest doctor or hospital" meant a hundred-mile trip to Port Alberni in an open boat; several agonizing hours for a person in pain. In 1950 the Tofino Lifesaving Station received a temporary new boat, 1Q when its original Lifeboat (built in 1913) finally went out of commission. Under the auspices of the R.C.A.F. Rescue Co-ordination Centre, new official Lifeboats were acquired in 1951 by both the Tofino and Bamfield Stations: They were built and launched in 1951 by Chantier Marine de St. Laurent, Isle of Orleans, Quebec, to specifications of the latest type of lifeboat in use by the United States Coastguard. Each 40' ■in length and powered by 110 h.p. G.M. diesel engines, they are the last word in seaworthiness... Equipment includes a radiotelephone- 1line-throwing rocket gun, powerful searchlight and first aid kits. The new equipment made rescue work more efficient, but the basic operations of the station remained the same. Alexander MacLeod retired in 1951, after twenty-six years of service. On his last day of work, he recorded: This will conclude my years of service with the Dominion of Canada, as follows: 21 years in charge of the Lifesaving Station at Tofino, B.C., 5 years and 5 months as Leading Seaman, a total of 26 years and 5 months. I also worked for 16 months in the Dominion Hatchery at Kennedy Lake, Clayoquot District. I acted as over-seer of the Government wharf, public floats and navigation lights since my appointment as Coxswain-in-Charge. In conclusion, I have no recollection, or any record, that in all these years of service the Lifeboat neglected any calls of distress under any elements of weather...nor of any accidents as far as saving lives is concerned. I must also state that I have had the greatest admiration for the crews that worked under me, for their loyalty in carrying out their duties...as required in saving lives, under whatever circumstances at sea. He received thanks from the Department of Transport for the "honesty and integrity" with which he performed his duties and an Imperial Service Award from Queen.Elizabeth II in recognition of "the meritorious service" he had rendered. "The old type of Lifeboat was built at Vancouver in 1913, the first Lifeboat built in Canada: a power boat with sails and masts, 35 feet long overhaul, 9.9 beam." Diary, p. 50. -8- Alex and his wife Flora contributed a great deal to the community of Tofino. From Scotland they brought a Presbyterian culture: psalms set to old Scottish tunes, the chanter and the bagpipes, sword-dances, oat-cakes and ancient Gaelic stories. Upon Alex's retirement they moved to Vancouver to be near their Presbyterian church, which originally had Gaelic- speaking ministers, and they enjoyed eighteen years together there. Alex died in 1969 at the age of eighty-three; his wife lived to be ninety-one. They outlived three of their sons: Donald drowned in the winter of 1948, Norman (Donald's twin) drowned later in a tugboat accident, and Murdo died after an illness at the age of forty-six. Alexander and Flora MacLeod were survived by their son Ian and three daughters: Islay, Margaret (who still lives in Tofino), and Mary Hardy of Mill Bay (who donated Alex's diary to the Provincial Archives. Their grandson Stewart currently works at the Tofino Lifesaving Station, now part of the Canadian Coast Guard. Lifesaving has become a MacLeod family tradition. Debra Barr has aninterest in B.C. history and archives and is a graduate of Simon Fraser University. "Tlicholson, West Coast, p. 204. 12 T.E. Morrison, District Marine Agent, Department of Transport, to Alexander MacLeod, July 24, 1951. 13 Ivan de la Sere, Brigadier, Registrar of the Imperial Service Order, to Alexander MacLeod, August 22, 1952. Mrs. Hardy supplied a great deal of information for this paper. An Infernal Triangle: How Richard McBride Became Agent-General In 1873, British Columbia created the post of Agent-General in London to promote the development of British Columbia by advertising the province, its resources, and products to potential British immigrants, investors and consumers. From time to time, the post was used to reward friends of the government or to provide a comfortable place for politicians who had outlived their usefulness or popularity. In 1901, the government appointed John Herbert Turner, a former premier (1895-1898) as Agent-General at a salary of "not less than ten thousand dollars" per annum. As Agent-General during an era of extensive British immigration to British Columbia and investment in her industries and public works, Turner hdd a busy career. The Agent-General was appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council and held office "during good behaviour" but,could be removed by the Cabinet "on address from the Legislative Assembly." Such a procedure made it difficult British Columbia, Statutes, 1901, c.l. -9- for the cabinet to create the vacancy it desired in 1915 when Sir Richard McBride desired to resign the premiership and move to his beloved London. Ever since the economic boom collapsed in 1912-13, the problems of the provincial government had been increasing. It seemed likely that the province might be called upon to honour its guarantees on the Canadian Northern Pacific Railway's bonds; the Pacific Great Eastern Railway required seven million dollars to complete even its minimum plans but there were rumours of a caucus revolt against any further aid to the PGE. Indeed, the Premier had to cancel an announcement that he would call a provincial general election in the spring of 1915. Moreover, McBride was already suffering from Bright's Disease, a kidney ailment. In London he could have access to the finest medical care. Equally important, he had many influential friends there including Winston Churchill, whom.he had met during his many visits to the Imperial capital on provincial business. McBride had sought a federal appointment to liaise between the Canadian and British governments on war-related matters but Prime Minister Robert Borden had tactfully rejected his request. The office of Agent-General, however, was also attractive. It offered automatic ingress into London society, was fairly undemanding, moderately lucrative, a point of some importance to McBride whose personal finances had suffered as a consequence of the collapse of the real estate boom. To get McBride to London involved a complicated shuffle, a kind of infernal triangle. Attorney-General W.J. Bowser would persuade Turner to retire; McBride would then go to London as Agent-General; and Bowser would succeed to the premiership. There were, however, two complications. Though Bowser had served in McBride's cabinet since 1907, there was no love lost between the two men. Indeed, Bowser had led a clique which threatened to revolt against McBride early in 1915. Nevertheless, as senior member of the cabinet, Bowser was the heir apparent to the premiership. Perhaps McBride was attempting to protect his own reputation and to punish Bowser by giving the Attorney-General the sordid task of removing Turner. Bowser was caught in a cleft-stick between his intense dislike for McBride which made it unpalatable to arrange a comfortable sinecure for him, and his overweening desire to be premier himself, which necessitated compliance with McBride's scheme. Thus, the conflict between McBride and Bowser was easily overcome; the real difficulty was in persuading Turner to retire. Though he was eighty years old and was offered a handsome retirement allowance, Turner was reluctant to vacate his office quietly. The surviving correspondence from these pre-trans-Atlantic telephone days and contemporary newspaper accounts contain nearly all the clues necessary to reconstruct this strange affair. Although the first surviving document dates from August, the plan apparently began to evolve in July 1915, when McBride cabled Turner. In a cable on August 4, Bowser enigmatically referred to a plan detailed in McBride's earlier cable and urged Turner to accept the offer contained therein "as any other decision seriously hinders plans here which we deem is (sic) immediately necessary and which depends (sic) entirely on your favourable decision." The message ended with a threat that the terms in the original cable were -10- "based on present conditions" and would not be so generous "if present plans miscarry." In his non-commital reply, Turner seems to have elected to play for time. He insisted he was unsure of the plan since he had not received the communication from McBride with the full details of the scheme, and he complained that the last sentence of Bowser's telegram was incomprehensible. Bowser provided a blatantly clear reading in his reply: "Bonus one thousand pounds in addition to retiring allowance." Bowser also requested that Turner reply as soon as he received McBride's letter of July 27. This was an unfortunate move for the non-arrival of this mysterious letter gave Turner valuable time for procrastination even through he was well aware of McBride's intentions through other communications. Turner's failure to commit himself drove an exasperated Bowser to write on August 17: "From cables and letters already received you must know our offer. What do you propose to do?" But Turner stuck to his guns and replied with a long, coded cable, containing an elaborate list of all the correspondence he had received. He assured Bowser he was awaiting McBride's letter in accordance with Bowser's instructions. He did admit, however, that he thought he had been asked to consider the following terms, "$6,000 self $2500 wife annually for our lives in addition to son retained," as well as a $3,000 bonus which he mentioned in an addendum. Turner justified his resistance to resignation by pointing out that he had accepted the Agent- Generalship for life and that McBride, among others, had signed the Order-in- Council to that effect. Bowser jumped at this opportunity to pin Turner down to this specific set of terms (with the palliative of a significant increase in the bonus) and cabled back: Will accept your terms as follows $5000 cash, $6000 annually during your life, after your death $2500 to your wife during her life, son retained. Undertake to secure legislation next session confirming these terms. In order for the plan to come to fruition, Turner would have to resign no later than November 1. Once again, Bowser enjoined Turner to hasten his decision as future plans entirely depended upon him. Turner was not taken in by these unsubtle tactics. When he replied four days later, he stressed that "the terms are not mine but the only ones I had to consider as offered by premier and yourself." He conceded he was inclined to accept if bonus considerably increased," but sensibly insisted that his resignation "must be contingent on these terms being confirmed by legislature." Despite his advanced years, Turner also contended that "to retire from my work now is very painful to me." Bowser, trying a new tack, expressed surprise at Turner's intransigence and his proposal to raise the bonus. He claimed Turner's telegrams suggested finality of terms and, as a deterrent to further procrastination, Bowser assured Turner that he was "confident that Legislature will not agree to additional amount but will ratify offer of August 22nd." He was effectively making Turner an offer he could not refuse and Turner, who had finally received McBride's letter, had presumably discovered that it contained no new hope. Thus, on August 31, he ungraciously accepted the deal. He again denied that the terms were of his formulation but advised Bowser that "in view of political exigencies you name" he would resign and -11- accept the terms offered. In order to salvage something from the wreckage, Turner insisted his resignation could not come into effect until the end of December. Even with this condition, Bowser, who was becoming anxious about a possible upset in the delicate timing of the scheme, gratefully accepted Turner's resignation. Turner had many reasons for wanting to delay the date of his effective resignation. He feared that a sudden end to his tenure "would have a very bad appearance here...and affect me very injuriously." He believed that many people here will wonder - they will say what is the Cause? What has he done - he is as active as ever and always at his place - the other Agents-General all recognize me as a fixture and treat me as their leader - So that it is imperative that it should be known I retire with honour. Turner's sense of social injury was scarcely mollified by the large financial settlement and even the letter accompanying his formal resignation contained a scrawled postscript telling Bowser and McBride to "take care to have something done to let the public in B.C. and London know I am not disgraced and had to leave for shady reasons." Oddly enough, Turner does not seem to have conceived of the idea of old age as a reason for retirement. On a more practical level, Turner expressed concern about the provision for ensuring the financial statement. As he pointed out to Bowser, "if I resign November first how can I be guaranteed act referred to will be passed and agreement Pension and Bonus carried out." It also seems that Turner had been kept in the dark about at least half the McBride/Bowser plot for he wondered, if "Sir Richard retires, how can you be certain of his successor or of the Legislature in January?" Bowser, as the designated successor, could of course be quite positive on this score and Turner would have been less than thrilled had he realized that Bowser was hardly an impartial intermediary but a substantial beneficiary of his resignation. Turner's objections continued: I had quite understood that my resignation should be in your hands but not accepted before the Legislature met - when you could be sure. Thus Sir Richard would not retire until afterwards - as it is now proposed it appears that I take all the risks and am unable to do anything to secure myself. 2 W.J. Bowser to J.H. Turner, 5 August 1915. Copy in Provincial Archives of British Columbia, Premier's Papers (Bowser) Box 168. (All other references to correspondence are from this collection.) 3 It is indeed. A tentative reading is "S. & Wilson will advance (now) bonus involved." 4 Unfortunately, this letter and all other communications attributed to McBride are missing. Unlike Bowser, McBride was an able exponent of realpolitik and kept potentially damaging correspondence secret. Turner's son acted as the Agent-General's secretary. Turner to Bowser, 21 August 1915. Bowser's correspondence in this exchange is missing. -12- Turner was even more correct than he then knew in supposing himself to be the "fall guy". Turner was also peeved by the timing of his resignation because it threatened to rob him of the opportunity of opening a new British Columbia House in London. Turner had expended much effort and diplomacy in persuading the provincial government to provide funds for a permanent British Columbia residence, and had been finally given permission to build one in 1913. The building, on a prime site in lower Regent Street, was nearing completion and the move to it was planned to take place on December 22. Turner was upset that McBride would reap the rewards of his exertions: the prestige of opening British Columbia House and the comfort and convenience of working in the new extablishment. Fortunately, McBride or Bowser found a compromise. McBride's announcement of his retirement, originally scheduled for November 1915 was postponed to a more auspicious date, Degember 15, 1915, McBride's forty-fifth birthday. Therefore, Turner was still Agent-General when the new building was opened and McBride moved straight into the new British Columbia House when he took office, January 1, 1916. Turner's other outstanding objections to the manner of his removal were dealt with by Bowser's promised Act "to provide for the Payment of an Allowance to John Herbert Turner." The preamble to the Act made it clear that Turner was by no means in disgrace and also provided some justification for the size of Turner's pension: Whereas the Honourable John Herbert Turner has retired from the public service of British Columbia after many years of service as a member of the Legislative Assembly, Prime Minister, and Agent-General for the Province in London, England, and it is fitting that the Legislature and the people of British Columbia acknowledge his great public services by making the grants hereinafter provided. The "grants" were, of course, the $5,000 bonus and "thereafter the sum of 500 dollars a month during his lifetime," or $208.34 to Mrs. Turner on her husband's death. All the payments were to be tax free. Inevitably, the grant was controversial and it fixed public, and particularly opposition, attention on the mounting costs of the London operation. The 1901 grant of $10,000 a year had been gradually increased so that by 1916 it was $30,000 per annum of which $10,000 per year, tax free, was Turner's salary. (The reduction in his income alone accounts for Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915. g Turner to Bowser, 12 October 1915. 9 Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915. British Columbia, Statutes, 1916, c. 69. Victoria Times, 6 April 1916; Victoria Colonist, 4 April 1916. -13- Turner's anger at being removed.) When McBride became Agent-General, the Legislature was asked to approve an annual expenditure of $35,000 for the London office, The whole increase was to be used to augment McBride's salary on the grounds that the cost of living in Britain had risen because of the war and because, unlike Turner, McBride would have to pay British income tax on his earnings. Opposition members claimed McBride now earned more than any other Agent-General in England, the Prime Minister of Canada or Lord Jellicoe, the commander of the British Navy. Furthermore, the opposition noted the cost of the debt incurred for building British Columbia House and the allowance to Turner should be added to the cost of the Agent-General's office. Bowser, who appears to have become Turner's sworn enemy (no doubt the feeling was mutual) offered little defence of the pay-off beyond explaining that the $5,000 bonus was required to cover Turner's private debts - a questionable and derogatory assertion as Turner never mentioned such a reason for a bonus - and emphasizing Turner's advanced years, which ensured that the allowance would soon be unnecessary. The opposition in the Legislature was obviously aware of the underhanded negotiations which had produced this expensive situation. The Victoria Times stated: The taxpayers must pay this enormous salary to the man who is largely responsible for the unfortunate condition this province is in to-day because it was stipulated in the McBride-Bowser bond; because it is the price of Mr. Bowser's translation to power. Those two men put their heads together, appointed themselves to the positions to which they aspired, settled the details of salaries, pensions etc., and bound the people to pay the bill... Altogether this province is going to have a fine fling in good Old London Town. Opposition members voiced similar suspicions in the Legislature. When they asked to see the papers and correspondence relative to Turner's resignation, Bowser claimed he had no correspondence in his possession apart from Turner's resignation since McBride had conducted the negotiations. The ultimate outcome of the tangled plot has many of the elements of Greek drama with political hubris being rewarded by nemesis. Bowser served as premier for only a few difficult months before the September 1916 general election when the Liberals, under Harlan Carey Brewster, defeated his administration in what the Canadian Annual Review described as perhaps "the most complete overthrow in political history." " While McBride undoubtedly foresaw the election results, he was apparently surprised when the new Liberal government turned on him. After some debate, in which McBride's cynical manipulations were bitterly attacked, the new government asked him to resign the Agent-Generalship on the grounds that he was an unsuitable person to represent the province abroad. McBride was by now too ill to resist; on May 20, 1917 he resigned. As the final fitting irony, the government asked Turner 12 Victoria Times, 4 April 1916. The Times estimated the total cost of the London office at $100,000 per annum. 13 J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review, 1914, p. 780. -14- to act as interim Agent-General for serveral months. Among his duties were making the funeral arrangments for McBride who died in August 1917 before he could return home to British Columbia. Sheila Keeble Sheila Keeble is a graduate student in History at the University of Victoria. President's Letter Dear Fellow-members, In my capacity as president of the British Columbia Historical Association, may I wish you all success in your varied and particular projects in this New Year. Activity in local history continues to burgeon and enjoys the additional support given by the provincial government under new legislation. The B.C. Historical News is now well into the second year of its new format, production of which was co-ordinated by our immediate past-president Helen Akrigg, an experienced publisher. The News has been edited by i) . Dr. Patricia Roy of the University of Victoria and Kent Haworth of the Provincial Archives, and in its first year BCHA treasurer, Michael Halleran acted as business manager. I wish to express my appreciation, on your behalf, of the standard achieved by the News, and at the same time, to point out to you that this has been brought about by a collaboration which has been entirely voluntary. So, we are doubly appreciative. Kent Haworth has resigned as co-editor of the News. He has performed a great service in that position. Terry Eastwood of the Provincial Archives will now edit the News with Dr. Roy. Costs of publishing the News have escalated to the point where the annual fee of two dollars, adequate in 1978, provides approximately one-half its cost. Your executive has applied to the Lottery Fund for financial assistance which would give us the time and means of stabilizing our financial situation. An increase in fees seems inevitable. The BCHA Council has set fees for new categories from time to time and I recapitulate, now: First, I must stress that each of the following provides for only one subscription to the News, and while welcoming attendance at our activities, allows no voting privileges. individual member-at-large (for those unable to participate in the activities of a member society) $5.00 per year institutional membership (libraries, schools, etc.) $10.00 per year affiliate membership (for committees and groups which do not comply with full membership in the federation of the BCHA) $15.00 /year -15- Our Princeton members have set the dates of May 29, 30, 31 and June 1 for the 1980 convention, details of which appear in this issue of the News. The BCHA has a fund of $400.00 on which societies planning conventions may draw. We shall be looking eagerly for an invitation for the 1981 annual gathering when we meet in Princeton. While financial considerations are my chief concern this term, I should welcome suggestions made for the betterment of our organization. Sincerely, Ruth Barnett, President. News from the Branches NANAIMO HISTORICAL SOCIETY Every year on November 27th at 11:00 A.M. there is a ceremony at Nanaimo to commemorate the landing of the settlers who sailed on the Princess Royal from Brierly Hill, England in 1854. Last November marked the 125th anniversary of the landing of the Princess Royal. Descendants of many of the passengers gathered at the Bastion. Mrs. Flora McGirr read the original passenger list and descendants of those early settlers stepped forward as their family was named. Greetings were also read from the governor of the Hudson's Bay Company and from the mayor of Dudley, Staffordshire, England, which includes the town of Brierly Hill. A cairn behind the Bastion marks the landing spot of the first settlers. Inscribed on the cairn are the names of these pioneers. A "crystal Chalice" was commissioned by an historical society in Brierly Hill and was presented in June 1979 to commemorate the journey of' Brierly Hill colliers to Nanaimo in 1854. To perpetuate the memory of these settlers, their names were etched on the chalice. The Gough family first commemorated this remembrance as an informal gathering of the pioneers and their families. In 1953, the Nanaimo Historical Society initiated the more formal ceremony which continues today. BCHA - VICTORIA BRANCH The Victoria Branch of the B.C. Historical Association closed the meetings of 1979 with their Christmas dinner, held on December 11 at the Faculty Club of the University of Victoria. After dinner, Dr. M.H. Scargill of the University faculty drew on his studies in the semantics (linguistics) of Canadian-English idiom to give a sparkling address on the origins of some of our uncommon words. He called his address "Hootch, Screech, Redeye, Forty-rod and other Canadian Drinks". His hearers were delighted. The new year was opened by a very interesting talk by Mr. Michael Halleran who spoke on a pioneer of B.C. Mr. Halleran called his address, "Thomas Basil Humphrey: a Cat in the Bird Cage", and, as one may imagine, it was a pleasure for his audience. -16- The February 28 meeting was truly different. Several members of the Association worked on developing "A Family Capsule", a brief synopsis of histories of local pioneer families and their descendants. The subject was thought up by Mr. Ainslie Helmcken, City Archivist, and grandson of a noted pioneer, Dr. J.S. Helmcken. Many members of pioneer families were present and were later guests of the Association for coffee and cakes, and for the chats that naturally follow the introduction of a fascinating subject. Creston and District Historical and Museum Society The creston and District Historical and Museum Society had a busy 1979, with more special meetings than during any other year since its organization in 1971. The four projects were in the wind prior to 1979 and at present are far from completion: 1. Our Field Committee was involved with other groups to complete a search for missing parts of the Dewdney Trail through our valley. The disignation of this part of the trail is already proving to be a tourist attraction. 2. A dam that was built in the 1930s by West Kootenay Power and Light Company on Goat River to provide power for Creston, but now obsolete, is considered a good area for a park. Negotiations with Provincial officials, West Kootenay Power and Light Company, the Chamber of Commerce and the Rod and Gun Club are progressing nicely. 3. People in our valley are being alerted to the need for and the probability of successful negotiations for a Museum. 4. In the 1960s a private museum of artifacts, cheifly from this area was constructed at Yahk. The property and collection have since passed into other people's hands. The Creston and District Historical and Museum Society has now resorted to legal action to get possession of these artifacts. We are anticipating a year of much activity to develop these projects. District 69 Historical Society Although it is stm without a museum, District 69 Historical Society is steadily building up a collection of historical items which are donated from time to time by residents of the Parksville-Qualicum Beach area. These artifacts are stored in a small archives room provided by Parksville Town council and monthly meetings are held in an adjoining meeting room. The Society has had an active spring and summer highlighted by the visit of the Provincial Museum Train to Qualicum Beach in August when members were invited to operate the sales counter on the train. This proved both enjoyable and lucrative and provided an opportunity to publicize the work of the Society. During the spring a small pictorial history of Parksville was produced through the co-operation of the Provincial government and the Town council. -17- Peggy NichoUs and Mildred Kurtz collaborated on the project assisted by Graham and Tina Beard. With a museum as the main objective, the Society has also considered establishing a site for a heritage village in which to preserve several old buildings including the Knox Heritage Church building which was saved from demolition in 1978. Marjorie Leffler was re-elected president at the recent annual meeting and Mildred Kurtz was re-elected as secretary-treasurer. Graham Beard is vice-president and museum trustees are Peggy NichoUs, Anne Moore and Mike Miller. Kettle River Museum Society on June 12, 1977, Mrs. Kathleen Dewdney cut the ribbon to open the Kettle River Museum. In its first three seasons the Kettle River Museum Society has . realized many of its objectives. In 1977, Mrs. Alice Evans, the curator, with three assistants, created the displays, accessioned all the donated articles and set up all the necessary filing systems. In 1978, with the aid of the Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant, history, picture and tape files were set up, and much research done. A Japanese garden was created in front of the Musem and donated to the community by Mr. George Kakuno in "gratitude for his fifty years in Canada". A 30' x 60' equipment shed was constructed on the grounds in a large area i fenced with chain link fencing. Frank Western Smith, a local artist, supported by local residents and businesses, spear-headed a successful drive to purchase the last remaining Kettle Valley Railway caboose in the area and to move it onto tracks laid in the museum grounds. In 1979, Mrs. Margaret Beddall took over the post of curator. Working with four Young Canada Works students, she completely repainted the interior and exterior of the caboose and created a railway display inside it. An extra track, complete with speeder and hand-car, was placed in front of the caboose and flanked by appropriate railway signs. With the help of the Village of Midway and a further Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant, the old 1894 school on the grounds was given a new foundation and roof. Farm equipment was hauled in to the equipment yard and a start made on its restoration.' A cabin donated by C. Ericson was dismantled and hauled onto the grounds where it will be reassembled to hold a display of small farm equipment. Verdun Casselman restored a horse-operated drag saw from the Boltz ranch and set it up on the grounds, even composing a poem about it which he painted on a sign which forms part of the display. An Open House was held at the end of the season, when the caboose was formally opened and visitors enjoyed refreshments in the meeting room where photographs by a local man, Brian Gibbard, were displayed. -18- Golden and District Historical Society The Golden and District Historical Society had had a very active year in 1979-80. Speakers and panels have covered such varied topics as tourism in the valley, the R.C.M.P., working for the C.P.R. prior to 1930, early Victoria Day celebrations, the proposed Canadian climb up Mount Everest, the Swiss influence in the Selkirks and the Rockies, and memories of one-roomed schools. We have considered such matters as the Kootenay Diversion and the markings of Historical Sites and hiking trails. Our meetings are never dull! Fund raising occupied some of our time and energy. First there was a door to door blitz canvassing money for our proposed museum expansion. This canvass was done largely by volunteers from the local Lions Club. Next we had a raffle of a beautiful painting which was donated by a local artist. This netted close to a thousand dollars. Members spent'many hours selling tickets on Fridays and Saturdays at a table in a local supermarket. Last but not least, members compiled a cookbook of pioneer type recipes. The sale of the cookbooks has netted $650 thus far. Our museum usually qualifies for a donation of $200 from the Golden and District Arts Council. In 1979 we managed to acquire a small surplus above our annual expenses. Most of the Golden Historical Society budget is applied to the operation of our museum. Heat, light and insurance are the major expenses. Summer staff has always been hired through one of the Youth Employment programs, but a contribution by the Society raised the pay to a more worthwhile level. Dues are forwarded to the B.C. Historical Association and the B.C. Museum Association. The ongoing activities of the Society such as accumulating histories, archival material or artifacts are all done by volunteers and could never be measured in monetary values. Plans for 1980 include working on a revision of the 1958 publication "Golden Memories", compiling a history starting about 1930, and restoring the Brisco log school. There are a variety of "points of interst" in or near Golden. Some of these could be considered historic. The Swiss village still stands on the hillside where it was placed by the C.P.R. in 1912. The uppermost house is still occupied by Walter Feuz, one of the original Swiss guides, but the rest are rented. The exterior of these houses remains much as when they were first built, but the interiors have been considerably modernized. To the east of Golden is Yoho National Park with Wapta Falls, Emerald Lake, Takkakaw Falls, the Spiral Tunnels and many magnificent scenes. To the west of Golden in Glacier Park there are traces of the C.P.R. line before the Connaught Tunnel was built. The stone bridge about the eastern portal, and the stone pillars on Loop Creek to the west are both within sight of the Trans Canada highway. There are many beauty spots, and hidden historical sites close to four community. We- look forward to meeting many of you and swapping ideas, experiences and historical yarns. (Ed. note: This report is from a circular letter prepared for distribution among historical society members in the Kootenays.) -19- OLD ROUTES AND TRAILS: Jumbo Pass in the Purcell Mountains Jumbo Pass lies on one of the old routes through the 3000 metre Purcell Mountains, between the East and West Kootenays, and more specifically between the headwaters of the Columbia River and the north end of Kootenay Lake. The pass crosses the 2270 metre divide between the broad valleys of Glacier Creek to the west, and the north fork of Toby Creek to the east. Dr. Toby was a part time prospector from Washington Territory in the early 1860s. Two creeks were named after him, Toby No. 1 and Toby No. 2; these are now Dutch Creek and Toby Creek, respectively. Toby Creek joins the Columbia River at the site of David Thompson's "Kootenae House", near the "Salmon Beds". Its valley seems to have been a prehistoric route through the Purcells. The first recorded travellers over this section of the mountains were Shuswap chief Peter Kinbasket and tribe who are said to have migrated to the headwaters of the Columbia in the 1840s. Thereafter, Kinbasket is reported not only as a frequent traveller on the trail, but also as clearing and building parts of it. He acted as guide to Walter Moberly in the 1860s. Two valleys only about 10 kilometres apart bring trails from the west to Toby Creek; Hamill Creek, via Wells (later Earl Grey) Pass, and Glacier Creek via Jumbo Pass. Most old reports do not properly define which pass is being described. It is helpful to have a list of equivalent place names: Modern Names Old Names Duncan Lake Howser / Houser / Hauser Lake, or North Kootenay Lake, or Upper Kootenay Lake Glacier Creek Grizzley Creek Kootenay Lake Flatbow Lake Lardeau River Ill-com-opalux valley (Turnbull) The Sessional Papers of the B.C. Legislature give firm information on the route which became Jumbo Pass: 1893 exploration up Toby Creek; trail building started 2 1894 trail built up Toby Creek, and over the summit 3 1895 48 miles of trail built from the east 1896 a good cattle trail was completed along Toby Creek and its north fork to Houser Lake, West Kootenay. 1898 the trail is shown on the Lands and Works Department map of the East and West Kootenays. The name derives from the Jumbo mining claim, a galena (lead/silver) prospect, near the junction of Toby Creek with its north fork. To the prospector, "Jumbo" signified or invoked enormous potentialities in the claim, comparable with such extravagancies as Bonanza and Eldorado. At times, there have been up to a dozen Jumbo mining claims in force round the province. This Jumbo claim was surveyed 25 October 1890, crown granted (as lot 293) on 7 June 1892 and crown granted again 22 August 1919. It is believed to be still in good standing. Soon, the North Fork became known as the Jumbo Fork of Toby Creek, then Jumbo Creek. The name was then extended to the pass, the mountain, and the glacier. The "Bugaboos" to the north took their name from a mining claim in the same way. columbia River The SaWnori | LARDEAU RIVER & ^WINDERMERE LAKE KOOTENA^ LAKE JUMBO PASS A ~A fc/f EARL GREy PA5S \ TUMB0PAS5 £ PURCELL MTNS K'DUNCAN LAKE AMD THE LARDEAU 0 £CF5SIGN Ja\^mbotrl Av, TUMBO PASS DETAIL MAP \ ^Ato« .••"•— "•• VV?0./PA5S ••••M ait. 370,R ^ BA5TILLE MOUNTAIN •WINDERMife, NND HEADWATERS OF COLUMBIA R -21- The first official exploration of access to the head of Kootenay Lake was made by surveyor James Turnbull in the fall of 1865. It was recorded as part of Walter Moberly's "Columbia River Exploration", a 34 page printed report g accompanied by at least 3 maps, and published by the Lands and Works Department. Turnbull, formerly part of Col. Moody's detachment of Royal Engineers, came up by canoe from the Dewdney Trail ferry at the south end of Kootenay Lake, looking for a waggon road route eastwards to the Columbia headwaters. He noted 3 likely valleys; now named Hamill, Glacier and Howser creeks. He also recorded the latitude and longitude of the start of Kinbasket*s trail to the Columbia, which, to his disappointment, ran up the bare ridge between Hamill and Glacier creeks, in the Indian tradition of avoiding timbered valleys. Turnbull sent his assistant to the summit of Kinbasket's trail, and later reported: "Kinbasket, the chief, who is nearly always encamped about the headwaters of the Columbia, has made a horse trail from the mouth of Toby Creek, which continues along its bottom for 2 days' journey, then he follows a foot trail which passes over the summit traversed by Mr. Howman (Assistant), and reaches the Kootenay Lakes in 2 days more, thus taking 4 days to complete the journey. I have questioned a great many Indians who know this route, and they all agree as to Toby Creek being a very large, long and low valley..." Turnbull concludes by recommending either Glacier or Howser creeks for further examination. It was now October 21st and the snow was getting very low on the hills; he still had to return to the coast, via the Dewdney trail. The Purcell divide at Jumbo Pass is a narrow north-south ridge at about timberline, about one and a half kilometres long. The trail crosses at a slight notch about halfway along the ridge. Mountains rise steeply at either end. At the north end stands a small well kept ski cabin, near a tarn fed by trickles from the slope to the north. The guest book in the cabin records recent work on the trail; a BCFS fire suppression crew from Lardeau cleared it in 1977, and brushed it out again in July, 1978. They also erected a heavy wooden sign "Jumbo Trail" where the trail leaves the Glacier Creek forestry road. There is a good section of original trail, well benched into the sidehill, and moss covered, about halfway up from the Glacier Creek road. Several good sections can be found on the Jumbo Creek side, particularly across the talus below the cliffs on the north face of Bastille Mountain. Generally, however, the trail has almost slipped away. The trail and pass were last in the news in the mid 1950s when the location of the Trans Canada Highway was being debated. The Jumbo Pass route was promoted by the Chambers of Commerce of the East and West Kootenays, but the federal and provincial governments adopted the Rogers Pass route of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The suggested Jumbo Pass route would have had a grade of less than one and a half percent from Radium Hot Springs to Kootenay Lake, provided a 4 kilometre tunnel at about elevation 1440 metres was driven through the rock ridge under Jumbo Pass. This route is shown as a possible highway on the "road and transmission route" map in the Purcell (Range) Study, prepared for the Environment and Land Use Committee in 1974. It would be preferable to the steep sidehill above Toby Glacier, near the Earl Grey Pass. At present, 1980, both passes remain much as Peter Kinbasket knew them. R.C. Harris -22- Notes and References: B.C. Sessional Papers, 1893, p. 863 Public Works Report "Explorations were also made up Bugaboo Creek and down House Creek on the West Kootenay side with a view to obtaining a direct trail connection between the two districts; also up Toby Creek, with the same object in view." 2 4 5 8 B.C. Sessional Papers, 1894, p. 414 Public Works- Report "A trail was built up Toby Creek and over the Summit with a view to establishing a connection between the steamboat navigation on Columbia River and lakes with that on the Kootenay Lakes, and opening up a most desirable and direct route between the East Kootenay and West Kootenay districts. A portion of this had been build some years ago by the miners interested on Toby Creek..." B.C. Sessional Papers, 1895, p. 448 Public Works Report "TOBY CREEK TRAIL FROM COLUMBIA RIVER TO KOOTENAY LAKE $2,730.51 Cost of construction, east of summit, 33 miles 1,047.77 Cost of construction, west of summit, 15 miles 1,471.74 Explored 7 miles further west, removed windfalls 211.00" B.C. Sessional Papers, 1896, p. 532 Minister of Mines Report "A good cattle trail was completed in 1896, from the Columbia River, along Toby Creek and its North Fork to Kauser Lake in West Kootenay; there is also a trail up the South Fork to the summit of the Selkirks" Other Lands and Works Publications: 1865 Columbia River Exploration (Walter Moberly in charge) Correspondence between Moberly and Trutch, Green, and Turnbull Journals by Moberly, Green and Turnbull - See p. 31, 32 for Turnbull at the head of Kootenay Lake. Maps by Turnbull 1866 Guide Map to the Big Bend Mines on the Columbia River shewing the Route from New Westminster embodies the explorations of the previous Fall reference 5. shows the full length of Kinbasket's trail, with 2 starts at the west end. 1898 Map of Southern Portion, East and West Kootenay Districts; C.B. Martin, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Victoria, B.C. shows trails up Hammill and Glacier Creeks, the latter goes by "Jumbo Fork" (of Toby Creek). Maps by others: i i 1893 Perry's Mining Map of the Southern District, West Kootenay First edition, Copyright 1893 by Rand, McNally Co. shows "Hudson Bay Trail" up Grizzly (Glacier) Creek. No trail shown up Hammill Creek. 1898 Map of the Lardo-Duncan District compiled by Harold Rolph for the Lardo-Duncan Improvement Association, Kaslo, B.C. 1898. Locates 448 mining claims by name, shows "trail for horses", "trail for man only". The trails up Hamill and Glacier Creeks are "for man only". -23- News and Notes B.C. STUDIES CONFERENCE The second B.C. Studies Conference will be held at Simon Fraser University, October 30 to November 1, 1981 and proposals for conference papers are now invited. Enquiries should be directed to H. Johnston, Department of History, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B.C., V5A 1S6; Alan Artibise, Department of History, University of Victoria; or R.A.J. McDonald, Department of History, University of B.C. The deadline for submission of proposals is May 15, 1980. CORRECTIONS Several gremlins sneaked into the article on pioneer land surveyors in the Winter 1979 issue. Page Paragraph Line 10 1 4 "teamed" should read "steamed" 2 15 after "experiences" insert "was" 23 "novel" should read ''noble" 11 4 6 "Muellen" should read "Mueller" 9 After "Lawrence' delete "a pioneer surveyor" 13 4 5 "Jo" should read "J.O." (for John Ogilvie) 15 4 17 "views" should read "viewed" We apologise to Lt.-Col. G.S. Andrews, the author of the article. Eds. HERITAGE CANADA Early this fall, the Heritage Canada Foundation launched an all-out campaign to try to make Heritage Day — the third Monday in February — a national holiday. Few Canadians, I suspect, will quarrel with the idea of a midwinter holiday to help battle the February "blahs". But why Heritage day? And why a national charitable foundation, entrusted with the preservation of our built- up heritage, asking for a holiday? Why, for that matter, should the average Canadian give a hoot about heritage? Maybe I should answer the last question first: It's simple: Preservation is the wave of the future. And preservation is a labour- intensive industry. We are nearing the end of the great post-war construction boom, which provided so many jobs. We are also seeing the bankruptcy of a philosophy, which held that once a building was written down on the company books, after a brief life of 30 years, it could be dispensed with and replaced by another. We can no longer afford the luxury of that philosophy. Nor can we afford the enormous waste of energy and manpower that it involves. It simply doesn't make sense to destroy a building - any building: church, warehouse, bank, railway station or private home — that is still structurally sound. -24- All over this country such buildings are being preserved. A church in Toronto becomes a haberdashery shop. A bank in Ottawa becomes a restaurant. A warehouse in Vancouver becomes part of a shopping complex. A railway station in Kleinburg becomes a Boy Scout headquarters. The past lives on, giving our cities an historical texture, a feeling of continuity and, incidentally, providing new jobs for thousands of workmen. Why a holiday? Because the heritage movement will not come of age nor be taken seriously until we give it an official stamp of approval. A holiday makes people sit up and take notice. It provides a chance for celebration — in this case the celebration of our history. For buildings are living history lessons. They tell us something about our roots. They remind us of who we are. On July 1 we celebrate our political past. On Heritage Day we celebrate our build-up past — the cultural landscape that enriches our lives. And it is especially valuable because, unlike Canada Day, it falls during the school year when the youth of the nation can become involved. That is why Heritage Canada wants a holiday. Our job is to act as a catalyst to ensure that something from the past is saved. Surely we can take one day out of the year to drive that lesson home. Pierre Berton Chairman of the Board Heritage Canada PARKS CANADA - Historic Sites< and Monuments Board Appointment The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada has a new B.C. member. On the occasion of the 60th anniversary meeting of the Board in Ottawa, November 15th to 17th, Hon. John Fraser, environment minister announced the appointment of Dr. Charles Humphries of Vancouver, British Columbia, as member of the Board. The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada advises the Minister on matters of national historic and architectural significance for Parks Canada. Since its founding, the Board has recommended the commemoration of more than 700 persons, places and events, ranging from William Aberhart to the Yukon Gold Discovery. Acting on the Board's advice, the Government of Canada has established almost 60 National Historic Parks and Sites ranging from the Fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island to the cabin where Robert Service lived at Dawson City. CONTEST WINNER i■■ I i The winner of the contest in the last issue is N.T. Porter of Victoria who identified Dr. Carrall as follows: Dr. R.W.W. Carrall, a mainland supporter of Confederation, was appointed by Governor Musgrave to the Executive Council in 1870 to consider the Resolution for Union of British Columbia with Canada. Subsequent to the passing of that motion, he was selected, along with J.W. Trutch and Dr. Helmcken to go to Ottawa to negotiate the terms of confederation. The delegation did even better than thay had hoped. -25- Subsequently, Dr. Carrall went to Ottawa as a Senator for British Columbia and might also well be remembered as having (reportedly) said in his haste, what no doubt many British Columbians have said or thought at their leisure, that "all Ottawa men are intensely stupid" (Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History, p. 255. Dr. Carrall is included in a group picture facing this page). Letters Dear Editors: In reviewing Ladner: Above the Sand Heads (News, Vol. 13, no. 2) I made the statement on page 38 that "neither of the half-brothers indicates any knowledge of the other's existence." I have been prompted to check that statement again. Leon Ladner, though he lists neither of his half-brothers in the index, does say on page 159, "one day ... I happened to meet my half brother, Ellis Ladner", and goes on to tell us that Ellis lent him money to go to Europe. On page 32 of your last issue Gerald Savory says, "'Memories' are not to be trusted." Alas'. I thought I remembered Edward Ladner, the older half-brother, lending the money to Leon, much in keeping with the character Ellis gives his brother, so did not go back to the book. I am indebted to Garry Colchester for bringing the error to my attention and offer my apologies to all concerned. Sincerely, John E. Gibbard Dear Editors: Mr. R.C. Harris's excellent article on the Akamina area ("Old Trails and Routes in B.C.") had special appeal for me, having been chief-of-party on the Flathead Forest Survey, 1930. This job covered the whole Flathead river watershed in Canada, including the Kishinina and Akamina tributaries. This survey was narrated at some length in "A Traverse of East Kootenay Survey History", B.C. Historical News, Vol. 8, no. 2, (February 1975), pp. 21 ff. In that article I also quoted the charming account by Lieutenant Charles Wm. Wilson, R.E., of his visit to Monument 161 (now 272) in August 1861. In my official report "Survey & Preliminary Management Plan of the Flathead Forest", 1930, I recommended the establishment of Kishinena Park, some 80 square miles of the upper Kishinena watershed, contiguous to Waterton Lake Park in Alberta and Glacier National Park in Montana. I endorse Mr. Harris's mention of beauty spots like Forum and Wall lakes, and his explanation of the complicated geology caused by the over-thrust of ancient sedimentaries eastward in the up-building of the Rocky Mountains. This accounts for hard earned dollars, including my own, invested in oil prospecting there, lying at the bottom of some of the deepest (dry) holes on record! Sincerely, G.S. Andrews -26- Book Reviews CHINESE PIONEERS: MATERIALS CONCERNING THE IMMIGRATION OF CHINESE TO CANADA ANDSINO-CANADIAN RELATIONS, by Ching Ma. Vancouver: Versatile Publishing Co. 1979. pp. xii, 112, 7 plates, bibliography. Near the Victoria waterfront at Harling Point, Gonzales, a large cement altar with its twin incinerators still stands though the storage vault for exhumed and reassembled bones has disappeared. It was a testament to the Chinese whose remains were shipped to China until the 1930s when the events in China halted the practice. The remains were shipped in Canadian Pacific Empress vessels, at $16 to $18 a set, and although the number sent is not known, the unceasing imagination of my childhood historical-site-investigation days counted in the thousands. More recently I had the occasion to ask an aging Victorian what, in her estimation, the contribution of the Chinese to the building of British Columbia had been. She answered, "Invaluable!" And so it was, from the time John Meares brought the labour of China to help exploit the resources of the trans-Pacific east. This theme is the basis of Mr. Ma's book, though his compass extends beyond British Columbia to Canada as a whole. The Volume begins appropriately with the story of the first Chinese immigrants and the Fraser River gold rush, followed by chapters on the construction of the CPR and the Chinese contribution to Canada. A brief account of the Chinese Exclusion movement precedes a survey of the history of Chinese immigration to Canada