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British Columbia Historical News 2000

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 British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume 33, No. 2
Spring 2000
ISSN 1195-8294
Charles William Jefferys (1869-1951) David Thompson Taking an Observation. National Archives of Canada (C-073573)
Measuring the altitude of the sun using a sextant and an artificial horizon. This drawing from Charles Jefferys shows David Thompson, but,
given more trees and no horses, it could equally well be a drawing of
Fraser's clerk, John Stuart. Artificial horizons came in two styles. One
was a tray of liquid, usually mercury (quicksilver) or water, often sheltered from the wind with an A-frame of glass. The other was a "parallel"
glass plate or a mirror, adjusted to be horizontal using a spirit level. The
position ofthe true horizon, which can not be seen except at sea, is
exactly halfway between the sun in the sky and its reflection in the
artificial horizon. Unfortunately for the surveyors, artificial horizons
made good "collectors' items" for the Natives.
Nick Doe: "Simon Fraser's Latitudes, 1808." Page 2—5
Where did Fraser sleep?
Walhachin's soldiers
The Kootenay's finest fruit
Who needs archives!
Landlubbers' ship
Malaspina Hotel
Norman Lee's mother-in-law British Columbia Historical News
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Visit our website: .htm British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume 33, No. 2
Spring 2000
ISSN 1195-8294
2 Simon Fraser's Latitudes, 1808:
Where was the Chief's village?
by Nick Doe
6 Victoria Interlude: a troubled time in the lives of
Nessie and Norman Lee
by Donald F. Harris
15 Big Little Cherry
by Ron Welwood
19 A Walhachin Index
by Keith R. Wood
24 The Blunt End ofthe Discovery
byfohn E. Roberts
28 Book Reviews
34 Archives & Archivists
by Gary A. Mitchell, CRM
35 Tokens: J.N. Killas & Co. of Premier, BC
by Ron Greene
36 Reports: Nanaimo's Malaspina Murals
by Phyllis Reeve
38 News and Notes
40 Federation News - Port Alberni Conference
Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past.
W. Kaye Lamb, 1937
Remember that I wondered last
summer if postage stamps were
ever issued relating to BC history?
Georgie Sutherland of Sidney kindly
compiled for us a list of about thirty
stamps, relating to this province,
covering art, artists and a few other
people, artifacts, buildings, locations,
rivers, ships. Some "heritage" but
litde British Columbia history.
New stamps are issued frequendy and
thirty-odd BC stamps issued in half a
century is not a great number. In that
timespan not more than half a dozen
stamps honouring events and
persons from British Columbia's
history were issued—five in the
1970s. Three ofthe six historical
stamps commemorate the centenaries
of BC's entry into confederation, the
city ofVancouver, and the founding
ofthe province. The three others
commemorate Alexander Mackenzie,
David Thompson, and Captain Cook.
Given this track record it is not
surprising that efforts to convince
Ottawa to commemorate your
favourite person or event in the
history of BC with a stamp have not
been successful. Canada Post is clearly
not interested in our past.
Lest we forget—On Remembrance
Day we commemorate those who fell
in the terrible wars of our time,
starting with the Great War 1914-
1918.The result of Keith Wood's
exemplary research on those who left
Walhachin to serve in the Great War
is a reminder that most ofthe soldiers
we commemorate today have
become "unknown soldiers." Perhaps
we could do something about that in
the communities where we live.
the editor
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 2000 Simon Fraser's Latitudes, 1808
Where was the Chief's village?
by Nick Doe
Nick Doe lives on
Gabriola Island. His
interests include
archaeo-astronomy in
the Alexander Thorn
tradition, old tide
tables, 18th-century
navigation and
surveying techniques,
history ofthe BC coast.
Nick enjoys using
mathematics to tease
out historical details
from numerical data
overlooked by earlier
researchers. He's also
very kind to animals.
I want to thank Tomas
Bartroli of Floresta,
Spain, and Barbara
Rogers ofVancouver,
BC, for generating my
interest in Simon
Fraser's voyage.
It was Barbara Rogers
who astutely pointed
out to me that, hitherto,
historians appear to
have neglected the
astronomical observations of John Stuart
recorded in Fraser's
1 Both Simon Fraser's journal and the surviving fragment of notes are printed in
full in Tlie Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser 1806-
1808, edited by W. Kaye
Lamb, McMillan Company,
Canada 1960.
In the summer of 1808, Simon Fraser, fur
trader and employee ofthe NorthWest Company based in Montreal, travelled with
twenty-three companions from Fort George (later
Prince George) to the mouth ofthe Fraser River
and back. So far as is known, this was the first
time that people of mainly European extraction
had visited the Greater Vancouver area since the
visits of the Spanish and British royal navies in
Unfortunately, the only record we have of
Fraser's epic journey is a narrative summary of
his journal composed from field notes some time
after the journey was over. All that is left ofthe
original notes, which contained details of the
courses followed and the distances travelled, is a
transcript covering the ten days from 30 May to
10 June 1808.1 Although at least one ofthe two
expedition's clerks,John Stuart (Stewart),also kept
navigational and other notes, almost all of these
too have now been lost.2 All that we have of
Stuart's work is a few scattered details contained
in Fraser's surviving notes and journal, and what
second-hand evidence can be gleaned from David
Thompson's "Map of the Northwest Territory
ofthe Province of Canada," completed in 1814.
Thompson for sure must have had access to
Stuart's notes for Stuart's name appears in the
map's tide inscription, and, so far as is known, no
other European-led expedition visited the lower
Fraser River before December 1824.
Unfortunately, as Tomas BartroU has noted in
his recendy published review ofthe Fraser expedition,3 Fraser's descriptions of some ofthe events
are tantalizingly bereft of detail. One such omission is evidence that would enable us to identify
with certainty the site ofthe Native village where
the party overnighted July 1-2,1808, somewhere
between Mission and Barnston Island. Fraser describes a large plank house 640-ft. long, carvings
of beasts and birds, several tombs, and the custom
of the inhabitants of using white paint as a cosmetic.4
I have recendy taken another look at Fraser's
journal and Thompson's map to see what can be
learned about the site of what Fraser himself called
"the Chief's village".
The first thing of interest was a note in Fraser's
journal to the effect that Mr. Stuart had a meridian altitude O.L.L. 127°13' while staying at the
village; that is, Stuart had measured, with his what-
I-will-call-a sextant,5 the height ofthe sun above
the horizon at noon.6 This information is sufficient for us to calculate the latitude of the village, a fact that appears to have been ignored by
previous commentators on Fraser's expedition.
Determinations of latitudes in the late-18th and
early-19th century were commonly good to one
or two miles. Because the lower Fraser River flows
generally in an east-west direction, determinations
of latitude in this area are not usually sufficient
to fix locations unequivocally; however, they are
far from being useless. They are sufficient, for
example, to distinguish between say Matsqui at
49°06.5' N, and Haney, which at 49°12.8' N is
seven miles farther north.7
Before we can reduce Stuart's altitude to latitude, we have to see what can be learned from
the surviving data about the calibration of Stuart's
sextant. Sextants are precision instruments, and
always come with a small residual error, known
as the index error, and this has to be accounted
for in any very precise calculation of latitude.
Looking through Fraser's journal, I found a
total of six meridian altitude measurements, some,
very fortunately, at locations that can be fairly
precisely located from Fraser's descriptive narrative. In order to have the highest possible degree
of confidence in the determination of the latitude of the Chief's village, I analyzed all six of
these observations. The results are as follows.
The first observation was made on 28 May.8
After their usual early start at dawn, the party
travelled from Fort George down through the
Fort George Canyon, where, after "running down
several considerable rapids", they stopped for
breakfast at 11 o'clock. Stuart then made his first
observation which is recorded as meridian altitude O.L.L. 115°09'45" by artificial horizon; error ofthe sextant 7'30"+.9 By my reckoning, the
corresponding latitude is 53°38.5' NJust below
the community of Stoner.10This is a good result.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -VOL.33 No.2 We cannot be sure exacdy where they were, but
they were certainly below the Fort George Canyon, and they had adequate time, given the strong
current, to cover the 30 miles of rapids-free river
from Stoner to the West Road River, which they
reached at 4 o'clock that afternoon.11
The second observation was made on 9 June
when the expedition had, by their own admission rather recklessly, just run through the rapids
at French Bar Canyon (Le Rapide Couvert).The
observation is recorded as "merfidian] alt[itude]
O.L.L. 112°58'30" by artificial] hor[izo]n."
Somewhere down the Une there has been a simple typographical error, because Stuart undoubtedly meant 122°58'30".The corresponding latitude is 51°10.7' N, which is at Big Bar Creek,
about two miles below French Bar Canyon, and
only about a mile south of exacdy where Fraser
says they were.12 We can be especiaUy confident
of this location, a fine sandy beach (greve) on the
east side of the river, because a surviving fragment of Fraser's field notes gives the compass
courses taken through the French Bar Canyon.13
The third observation was made on 16 June.
At noon, Stuart had a "Merfidian] Altfitude].
O.L.L. 124°59'Artificial] Horiz[on]."The corresponding latitude is 50°34.4' N, ten miles
downstream of LiUooet which Fraser had left on
foot the previous day.14 This position is exacdy
according to Fraser's narrative.
The next observation, the fourth, is the only
one ofthe six to present a problem. Fraser records
that on 24 June, Stuart had a meridian altitude of
126°57'. This corresponds to a latitude of
49°38.2' N, which, by my reckoning, is as much
as twenty-five (statute) miles south of where they
really were (approximately 50° N).15 Maybe this
was wishful thinking on Stuart's part, for Fraser
was, as Lamb notes, now approaching the most
difficult and dangerous part of the Fraser Canyon at HeU's Gate. Stuart's position, if correct,
would have put them comfortably past the worst,
three miles below Spuzzum. I have looked very
diligendy to see what mistake might have been
made, assuming that Stuart actuaUy set the sextant correctly, and the best I could come up with,
other than there being a typographical error, is
that Stuart inadvertendy forgot to add 40' to his
reading.16 An observation of 126° 17' would have
put them at 49°58.2' N close to the Nahadatch
River which is about where they were at noon
that day.17 This is however, I hasten to add, conjecture.
2 So far as I know, there is no evidence that the second clerk, Jules Quesnel, also kept a
journal, although it would not be surprising if it were discovered that he had. In any event,
all trace of it has been lost.
3Tomas Bartroli, Genesis ofVancouver City-Explorations of its site 1191,1792 & 1808. (Vancouver:
Marco Polo Books, 1997).
4 Lamb, ppl02-104. Although recorded use of white paint is rare in British Columbia,
Aboriginal people in other parts ofthe world use it in ceremonial dances to ward off evil
spirits, in imitation of a skeleton.
5 Conventionally sextants are capable of measuring angles up to 120°, though their scales
are frequently extended to 125°. Fraser himself calls the instrument Stuart used a sextant,
(Lamb p 62), yet, on July 1, Stuart measured an angle greater than 127°. I really do not know
how he did this, but the most likely explanation is that his instrument had a back-horizon
mirror rotated 90°, which would have changed the scale from 0-120° to 60-180°. That
Stuart had such an instrument is possible, as David Thompson, who also worked for the
North West Company, had a sextant made by Peter Dollond of London, and Dollond is
known to have experimented with rotated back-horizon mirrors. See Philosophical Transactions ofthe Royal Society, Vol. LXII.pp 95-122,1772.The other possibility is that Stuart
had a quintant with a range of 0-144°, but I have found no evidence that these were used
in the first decade ofthe 19th century.
6 The letter printed as "O" is a symbol for the sun, usually handwritten with a dot in the
middle. L.L. stands for "lower limb", not as Lamb says, "lower left". Navigational tables
always print the position ofthe sun as measured at the centre of its disk; however, unfortunately, the sun does not come marked with a black dot at its centre, so the navigator must
measure the height of either the upper or lower limb (edge) and subtract or add the semi-
diameter of the sun's disk respectively. Note that Stuart's measurement is actually that of
twice the height ofthe sun.This is because he was using an artificial horizon and measuring
the angle between the sun as seen in the sky and its reflection in the artificial horizon.
7 Locations are taken from Canada 1:50 000 topographical maps 92 G/l "Mission", and 92
G/2 "New Westminster."
8 Actually recorded by Fraser as May 22, but this is identified by Lamb as most probably
being a mistake. The astronomical data discussed in this paper shows that Lamb was right.
' Initially I did not know whether the "+" sign indicated that the error was positive, or the
correction to be applied was positive. Clearing several ofthe observations both ways quickly
showed that Stuart intended the "error" to be added.
10 The calculation is as follows. Add index correction 115°17'15"; divide by 2 to get 57°38'38";
correct for refraction 57°38'00"; correct for LL 57°53'48"; zenith distance 32°06'12"; add
sun's declination 53°38'28". Canada 1:50 000 topographical map 93 G/10 "Red Rock."
" At this early point in the journey, the group were still using the four birch bark canoes
[canots du norcf).These were paddled at an average rate of five to six miles an hour on still and
calm water, faster of course downstream.
12 The calculation is as follows.Add index correction 123°06'00"; divide by 2 to get 61°33'00";
correct for refraction 61°32'27"; correct for LL 61°48'13"; zenith distance 28°11'47"; add
sun's declination 51°10'41". Canada 1:50 000 topographical map 92 O/l "Big Bar Creek."
13 Lamb, p 157.The compass course at the lower end, S 30 E (169° true) 1 [mile], ends at
latitude 51° 11.6' N Fraser's subsequent estimate of distance travelled to Big Bar Creek is, as
is often the case with him, a little on the high side (Lamb, pp 33-34).
14 The calculation is as follows.Add index correction 124°06'30"; divide by 2 to get 62°33'15";
correct for refraction 62°32'44"; correct for LL 62°48'30"; zenith distance 27°11'30"; add
sun's declination 50°34'25". Canada 1:50 000 topographical map 92 1/2 "Lillooet."
"The calculation is as follows.Add index correction 127°04'30"; divide by 2 to get 63°32'15";
correct for refraction 63°31'45"; correct for LL 63°47'30"; zenith distance 26°12'30"; add
sun's declination 49°38'09". Canada 1:50 000 topographical maps 92 H/13 "Scuzzy Mountain", and 92 H/14 "Boston Bar."
16Nineteenth-century sextants, and modern ones too, commonly have three components to
their readings. The number of degrees, plus a coarse-scale reading of 0', 20', or 40', plus a
fine-scale vernier reading in the range 0-20'. Using a swivelled back-horizon mirror,
126°57' would have been read originally as 180° - 126°57' = 53° + 00' + 03'. If Stuart had
forgotten to add the coarse-scale reading, the correct reading might have been 53° + 40' +
03* = 53°43', and the correct angle would then have been 180° - 53°43' = 126°17'.
17 Briefly, the evidence for the location is that they were below the rapids at Kanaka Bar
(June 24); and they were "a considerable distance" of rapids-free river and, on the way back,
several hours walking distance above the Scuzzy Rapids below Boston Bar (June 25 and
July 11).The rapids-free section must have included, if not comprised, the 10-mile stretch
of river between Ainslie Creek and Scuzzy Rapids.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 2000 18 The original is held by
the Toronto Public Library.
19 The calculation is as follows.Add index correction
127°09'30"; divide by 2 to
get 63°34'45"; correct for
refraction 63°34'15"; correct
for LL 63°50'00"; zenith distance 26°10'0"; add sun's
declination 49°20'24".
Canada 1:50 000 topographical maps 92 H/5
"Harrison Lake", and 92 H/
6 "Hope."
-"Bartroli's book, Plate 21.
For a discussion ofthe technique see Doe, NA.,"Some
Anomalies in a Spanish
Chart ofVancouver Island
1791", Lighthousejowma/ of
the Canadian Hydrographic
Association, 56, Fall 1997. See
also remarks on p 292 of
Stewart, W.M., "David
Thompson's Surveys in the
North-West", Canadian Historical Review, XVII, 3, Sept.
21 Canada 1:50 000 topographical map 92 H/4
"Chilliwack". My arbitrary
"check-point" was 930530.
22 According to this theory,
the "islands" would include
Croft, Greenwood, and
Bristol Islands. Perhaps the
island where Fraser was entertained that afternoon was
near, or part of, the present-
day Aywawwis Indian Reserve (Iwowes).
23 The time that Fraser left
the overnight camp was
blank in the initial writing
ofthe manuscript, although
someone has later inserted
7 o'clock. This time is not
printed in Lamb's edition. I
suspect that the inserted
time is wrong. Fraser had to
negotiate the purchase of
canoes and hints at a delay
in his text. My guess is that
he left between 9 and 10
o'clock that morning.
11 The calculation is as follows.Add index correction
127°20'30"; divide by 2 to
get 63°40'15"; correct for
refraction 63°39'45"; correct
for LL 63°55'30"; zenith distance 26°04'30"; add sun's
declination 49°10'56."
The fifth observation too initiaUy caused me
some problems, until I discovered that Lamb has
probably made what for him is a very rare error
in transcribing the journal manuscript.18 On 30
June, Stuart observed a meridian altitude O.L.L.
127°02' (Lamb has 127°23') which translates to a
latitude of 49°20.4' N.,9The location corresponds
exacdy to the Ohamil Indian Reserve IRI
(Shxw'whamel) on the southeast bank ofthe river.
A substantial viUage at this site is shown in the
1859 sketch "Upper Part of the Fraser River-
From Langley to Yale" by Lieutenant Mayne
R.N., Captain Richards, and Judge Begbie. It is
also interesting to note that one of the very few
Indian viUages marked on Thompson's 1814 map
is also on the southeast bank of this stretch ofthe
river, although, as near as one can teU, several rrules
further downstream.
Here again we can be fairly sure of the actual
location. Fraser notes that the site was a camp of
"400 souls," nine miles above a point where the
river expands into a lake.Thompson's map clearly
indicates the "lake," presumably formed by extensive flooding, along with an unidentifiable river
mentioned by Fraser. By using a computer to
scale Thompson's map independendy in the latitude and longitude directions until it fits a modern map,20 it is possible to show that this was probably a mile or so downstream of Sea Bird Island
near Agassiz, where indeed the river finally
emerges from the confines ofthe Coast and Cascade Mountains into the central Fraser VaUey.21
This is not the only evidence that Stuart's latitude determination might be right. Some have
suggested that it was at Ruby Creek the party
overnighted 29-30 June 1808, but I disagree.
Fraser left Hope at 4 o'clock having been entertained by the Native people for "a couple of
hours". He reached the overnight camp of "170
souls", a place where the river was very wide
(two males he says) with islands, possibly near the
present-day Hope Airfield,22 only one hour later.
To have reached Ruby Creek that evening, the
speed ofthe canoes would have had to have been
more than double their average speed between
Yale and Hope. I think it more Ukely that it took
the party another hour or so the next morning
to reach the vicinity of Ruby Creek and the
present-day Ohamil Reserve.23
The sixth and final observation was made at
the Chief's viUage on 1 July when Stuart had a
meridian altitude O.L.L. 127°13'. The corresponding latitude is 49°10.9' N.24
The Indian Reserves and archaeological sites
in this area are shown in Table 1. Distances are
rrules north (+) or south (-) of latitude 49°10.9' N.
The speUing of Native names may not always
reflect official speUings.
Mr. Stuart was in my view a very skiUed and
competent observer, as evidenced by the four of
the five previous observations that were "right
on the money". I think therefore that there is no
reason for not accepting this last latitude determination at face value, and to anticipate that any
error might be ±1.5 rrules, and certainly not more
than ±2.5 nules. This would firmly rule out in
my mind the possibfiity that the Chief's viUage
was at Matsqui, or anywhere else further upstream
than say SUverdale.
Although this is the end of this paper, it is by
no means the end ofthe story. Further clues as to
the location of the Chief's viUage are contained
in the tidal observations of Fraser and, in 1824,
Francois-Noel Annance; and in the timetable of
events, particularly on 2 July 1808. '<5=»'
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33  No. 2 Previous page Figure 1 and below Table 1
The horizontal lines in the figure indicate Stuart's latitude measurement at the Chief's village, and the likely error margin of ±1.5 miles. Error is due to
instrument inaccuracy and uncertainties generated by atmospheric refraction. No significance should be attached to the position of sites within the ±1.5
mile error band; similarly, sites outside this band, although unlikely, are not absolutely excluded by Stuart's measurement. All sites are listed, but probably
only three or four in the list are good candidates. Native usage of sites was drastically changed by devastating smallpox epidemics in 1782-1783 and
possibly again in 1801-1802, which left many sites with no survivors. Other changes are associated with the foundation of Fort Langley in 1827 and
its relocation in 1839; and the post-1864 reduction and elimination of many Indian Reserves.
Pitt River-west xwti'tas (?)
(too far west to be shown on map)
Pitt River-east kll'ekwas (?)
(not shown) pipkwatsan (?)
Barnston Island IR3 Qelesihp (?)
Katzie IRI q'eyst'i
Katzie IR2
Port Hammond
Kanaka Creek
shxwleqwen'e (?)
Snalomelh (?)
tsilhxwey'en (?)
McMillan Island IR6     squalets
(and, prior to 1932, Brae Island)
Langley IR5
Whonnock IRI
Nathan Creek
Langley IR2-4
Sxwoyeqs (?)
Matsqui Main IR2 mathekwi
Old fishing-site on the west bank ofthe Pitt where it joins the Fraser below Mary
HiU, now destroyed. Early HBC records (1827-1830) refer to a Kwanden vUlage on
the Pitt (Quoide), but its exact location is uncertain. This archaeological-site is an
unlikely candidate because it is seasonally flooded and it is over three miles north of
Stuart's latitude.
Two smaU sites, both too far north, one at the mouth ofthe Pitt, and one
between the Pitt and Katzie IRI. I know nothing about their
archaeology, history, nature, or precise location.
Fishing-site on south side of Barnston Island. It is unlikely Fraser would have
taken the Parsons Channel to get to it.
North side of river, level with the eastern tip of Barnston Island. Although
this viUage-site is old, its present importance is probably due to the influx of
people in the latter half of the 19th century from Port Hammond a mile or
so to the east, and from traditional Katzie territory along the Pitt River. A
good candidate nevertheless.
Mouth ofYorkson Creek on south side of river. Now a Katzie village, but
described in early HBC records as an important Nanaimo summer camp.The
HBC descriptions ofthe village do not match Fraser's. A good candidate
Site now occupied by the Interior Cedar MiU. Old viUage-site, once
extensive, with burial grounds. People moved from here to Katzie IRI. Once
accessible from the Pitt via Katzie Slough and so possibly the Kwanden
vUlage in HBC records. Perhaps the best candidate of aU.
Old viUage-site which has now been destroyed. Probably depopulated by
smaUpox. The site is also more than two miles too far north. A possible
candidate though.
Site ofthe first Fort Langley founded in 1827. No mention of a vUlage in
early HBC records. Probably unoccupied in Fraser's time. An unlikely site.
Shown in the early HBC maps as Berry Creek. No mention of anyone Uving
there when the HBC people arrived. Probably unoccupied in Fraser's time.
An unlikely site.
On McMillan Island across from the HBC fort. Either founded, or gready
increased in size, as a result ofthe construction ofthe second Fort Langley in
the spring of 1839.The McMillan expedition was here in 1824 and makes no
mention of any vUlage. An unlikely site.
On the north shore. Not mentioned in early HBC records. Probably only of
any size after the foundation ofthe second Fort Langley. Early HBC records
refer to a Kwanden vUlage "a few miles" upstream ofthe old fort at Derby,
but where this vUlage was exacdy is not known.
On the north shore and formerly much larger than it is today. Not
mentioned in early HBC records. Probably stiU too unoccupied in Fraser's
time to be a good candidate.
Across the river from Whonnock IRI .Very small and without IR status since
the 1860s. Nothing else known. A very unlikely site.
Sites on the Stave River. These seem unlikely because Fraser does not
mention a river, and he would have had to divert into it to reach the sites.
McMiUan's expedition visited a lodge in a bay at the confluence ofthe Stave
and Fraser Rivers in 1824, but it had only 22 inhabitants.
About five mUes too far south of Stuart's latitude and therefore a very
unlikely site.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 2000 Victoria Interlude:
a troubled time in the lives of Nessie and Norman Lee
By Donald F. Harris
The studies of Donald F. Harris—he had a first-class degree in History from Cambridge—were interrupted by the war and service in
the RAF. His good fortune gave him a posting in Comox for advanced training, flying long distances over our then partly still un-sur-
veyed province. In 1947 He emigrated to Canada and proudly took up citizenship. He lived in Ontario where he taught history for
thirty years before returning to England. After retiring in 1988 he was persuaded to work for a PhD, promoting on a thesis on emigration to Canada in a 1998. During his research for his PhD thesis Donald Harris found in Shrewsbury, England a large packet of
letters by Mrs. Nash, written to a son in England during a visit to BC between 1912 and 1914. She stayed most of that time with her
daughter, Nessie, and her legendary son-in-law, Norman Lee from the Chilcotin. In 1993 Dr. Harris deposited copies of his edited
version ofthe letters in the BC Archives and he is more than willing to contribute what he knows about the Lees "to anyone who
would write the book that cries out to be written."We are grateful to the BC Heritage Trust who referred Dr. Harris to BC Historical
'Letters from British Columbia, C, Shropshire
Records & Research Centre, Shrewsbury (SRR)
2The name Henry, borne by
several ofthe Lees, was derived from two ancestors:
Philip Henry (d.1696) and
his son Matthew, noted biblical scholars. See Dictionary
of National Biography; Sarah
Lawrence, Tlie Descendants of
Philip Henry, M.A. (London
& Leamington,1844)
(SRR); Matthew Henry
Lee (Ed.)—Norman's father—The Diaries and Letters of Philip Henry (London, 1887) (SRR).
! Lee Family Papers, SRR
2794/46; Shropshire newspapers and census returns,
and other local sources.
Late in January 1913, Mrs. Agnes Nash, from
the English market town of Whitchurch,
in Shropshire, arrived at St.John on board
the Canadian Pacific Empress of Ireland. She was
to visit four children of her first marriage who
had emigrated to western Canada, three of them
to British Columbia. The first-class passage, during which Mrs. Nash, sitting at the Captain's table, never missed a meal, had been paid for by
Norman Lee, the already famous "Old Lee" of
the Chilcotin, husband of her daughter Nessie.
During her twenty-two months in Canada she
wrote almost weekly to her bachelor son, Hugh,
aWhitchurch solicitor with whom she had Uved
since the death of her second husband. She was a
woman of determined stamina and lively mind,
and her letters contain shrewd, but never malicious, comments on what she observed.The principal aim of this article is to show how Mrs. Nash
saw the circumstances of Norman and Nessie Lee
during an atypical, and in some respects unfortunate, period of their fives.1
She had been born Agnes Lillian Tulloch in
1849, daughter of a Scottish army officer who
had transferred to the Customs Service. Her family were what the British would have termed
gendefolk.An uncle was Principal of St. Andrew's
University, and a first cousin was Principal of
Aberdeen University and a Chaplain to the
Queen in Scodand.
At seventeen Agnes Tulloch married William
Henry Lee, a land agent living at Oak Bank,
Iscoyd, in the Welsh county of Flintshire, some
four miles from Whitchurch.2 There were many
Lees in the area, most of them, including the fam
ily into which Agnes married, people of substance.
The house, Oak Bank (now called Whitewell
Lodge), was set in a small estate of forty-four acres.
The 1871 census showed four servants living
there. A land agent, who was often trained as a
solicitor, was responsible for the management of
one or more large rural estates. He would have
to have a thorough knowledge of land law and
agricultural practice, but he would not be in
charge ofthe day-to-day farm operations. Agnes's
husband was a partner with an older cousin in a
prosperous agency.
In 1881, her husband decided to set up his
own agency, and moved to the village of Ash,
very near Whitchurch. No reason for the break
has been discovered, but there cannot have been
serious disagreement, since his cousin was prepared to recommend the new agency to potential clients. However, WiUiam did not have time
to build a large practice. He died in 1888, aged
forty-five, leaving a large family in straitened circumstances. Soon afterwards Agnes and those of
her children who had not already left home
moved to Whitchurch, into a house which would
have been far more acceptable then than its
present condition suggests, but nevertheless a sad
decline from Oak Bank. Her second marriage to
Frederic Nash of Stafford brought her no lasting
financial improvement. However, as her letters
show, Agnes was a woman who made the best of
things. One of her daughters, in a letter to Hugh,
wrote of their mother as "The old darling, so
good and generous on so Utde."3
Her sons had to make their own way in life.
Only Hugh seemed motivated towards a profes-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 Photo by Donald F.Harris, 1991
sional career. From their
father's work they would
aU be famiUar with various types of farming, and
they had been brought
up to enjoy outdoor pursuits; but they had no direct experience of farm
work and insufficient
capital to make much of
a start as tenant farmers
in England, where,
moreover, it was a time
of agricultural depression, particularly for arable farming. The colonies would offer them
opportunity.They chose Canada probably because
they had relatives or friends already out there who
recommended its attractions and might help them
get established.4
WiUiam Henry TuUoch Lee was the first of
Agnes's sons to emigrate. He followed a
Whitchurch friend to Boissevain, Manitoba, in
1892. He had Utde success growing wheat, and,
with a wife and four chUdren to support, put
himself through veterinary training in Toronto
and Chicago. He returned to Manitoba, and developed a successful practice in the Minto area.
Tom, the youngest, was the next to go, c. 1896,
foUowing his brother to Boissevain. He soon
moved further west, to the District of Assiniboine,
and served briefly in the Royal North West
Mounted PoUce. Perhaps because he had
heard of opportunities from his cousin,
Norman Lee, he hit up the Cariboo TraU,
and went to work in a store at 150 MUe
House. When his mother arrived in 1913,
he was preparing to open a store at Alexis
Creek, in partnership with Alec
McCuUoch. At that time, aged thirty-five,
he was stiU unmarried.
After service in the Royal Navy, the eldest son, Alfred Wood Lee, emigrated to the
Chilcotin in 1900, his wife and daughter
following the next year. He may have
worked on his cousin Norman's ranch at
HanceviUe; he may have had a smaU property of his own. However, not long before
a second daughter was born in 1907, their
log cabin burned down, and Alfred began
working for the provincial government.
When his mother visited him he was at
Nicola, where, among other duties, he was
deputy-registrar of the Yale County Court.
Nessie (she had been christened Agnes) was
the last of the family to emigrate. In December
1902, at Whitchurch, she married Norman Lee.
Norman was the second son of the late Canon
Matthew Henry Lee, who had been Vicar of
Hanmer, Flintshire, not seven miles from
Whitchurch. Norman's career included an attempt to drive two hundred cattle from
HanceviUe to the Klondike during the gold rush.
It had made him something of a legend in British Columbia and has been amply recorded by
local historians.5 How Norman and Nessie came
to be married is not clear. Their famUies would
have been in close touch: their fathers were first
Left: Oak Bank, now
called Whitewell Lodge,
some four miles from
Whitchurch. When the
Lees lived there, none of
the extensive addition in
lighter brick (here enhanced) had been made.
Theirs was the part to the
left, in the rather Italianate
style, including the ground-
floor living room with the
climbing plant around the
window. The Lees had
obviously lived in comfort
and some style.
4 They would know of their
cousins, Norman and
Penrose Lee, in British Columbia. They would also
know of the career of
Frederick Godsal,son ofthe
owner of Iscoyd Park (a client ofthe Lee land-agency
partnership). He went to
Canada in 1882 with
£2,000, and soon became a
successful rancher in the
Fort McLeod district of Alberta. He wrote long letters
to his father which he asked
to be circulated among
friends and relatives. Iscoyd
Park MSS, Clwyd County
Record Office, Hawarden.
5 E.g., G.R.Elliott (Ed.), Vie
Journal of Norman Lee, 1898
(Vancouver, 1959), and
J.W.Grant, "Norman Lee,
Chilcotin Pioneer", in
G.McEwan, Sodbuslers (publication details not known).
Photo by Donald F. Harris
Left: 9 Bronlow Street,
Whitchurch, where Mrs.
Lee (later Mrs. Nash) went
when she was first
widowed. The complex was
newly built when she
moved there, and the area
by no means run down,
but it was a come-down
from Oak Bank.
7 Right: Lee Ranch,
HanceviUe, 1929.
Courtesy BC Archives - H-4041
'' From the foreword by
Eileen Laurie to G.R.Elliot
(Ed.), Klondike Cattle Drive,
tlie Journal of Norman Lee
(Vancouver, 1960).
cousins. Norman was ten years older than Nessie:
she was only ten when he emigrated in 1882. It
is known that Norman made a visit home in 1891,
but there is no record of another. They cannot
have known much of each other before their marriage, but, through testing times, it proved to be a
strong partnership.They saUed for Canada shordy
after the wedding, arriving at Halifax in January
1903. They stayed for a whUe with WiUiam and
his famUy at Boissevain; from there Norman went
on ahead to make arrangements for a team and
sleigh to take them from Ashcroft—a CPR stop—
to HanceviUe. Nessie later recorded her memories of that seven-day journey, and her first impressions of her new home.
"There was a house of logs in the midst of a
wilderness, with a trading post just across the road.
This was my home in the New World. Having
come straight from an EngUsh drawing room, I
was soon very homesick, especiaUy when Norman talked pidgin-English to the Chinese cook
and various dialects with the Indians. But I never
let him know I was unhappy in the home he had
provided for me. Riding was one of my greatest
joys, and I often rode out to the old Indian cemetery nearby. There I'd sit on the rail fence and
cry my heart out. Had there been cars or planes
at that time I probably wouldn't be writing this!
But now I wouldn't change my Ufe for anything
in the world. GraduaUy I setded into my new Ufe
and learned how to deal with its many problems.
Norman Lee was a wonderful husband, whose
knowledge ofthe country and never-fading sense
of humour soon changed me from a hot-house
flower into a sturdy pioneer wife."6
It is unhkely that Nessie was ever a "hot-house
flower." A newspaper account of her wedding
stated that".. .her good work in the Church Sunday School and her amiability and kindness to
aU, has gained the respect of aU classes ofthe community." It is not surprising, therefore, that the
sacred edifice was crowded by the numerous relatives of the two famUies and the townspeople
Mrs. Nash had brought a grand-daughter,
Kittie, out with her. When they arrived at
HanceviUe, Norman and Nessie had recently
completed arrangements for the sale of the Beaver Ranch and the store, but they were not sure
what to do next. One idea was that Kittie should
exercise her right to pre-empt land, on which
Norman would buUd a house and raise the 200
catde which he stiU owned. "The man who has
bought this place bought 300 head @ £11 each
but didn't want any more This is an odd Ufe
but has its attractions, and I can quite see Norman could never be happy in any other country,
though this place is too much for him now." He
was 51.
Norman wasted no time taking up land across
the river in Kittie's name, he having already
claimed aU the land to which he was entided. He
"staked it and put a notice in her name on a tree.
... I think this means Kittie wiU have to be in
this country for two years." Norman and Nessie
were now planning to buUd a house there in
which they would spend the summer, living in
Victoria during the winter, "if they do not alter
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33  No. 2 Courtesy BC Archives - B-9455
their minds again" (7 March). However, a week
later Mrs. Nash reported that the land claimed in
Kittie's name had already been taken by someone else, so Norman and Nessie had to change
their plans again. 4 April: Norman was having
liver attacks, and was irritable. "He is now sorry
he has sold this place, but wiU not decide anywhere to go. Nessie has a bad time with him
11 April: "I drove yesterday
a pair of horses in a buggy to a
ranche [sic] to buy some beef.
Agnes [Alfred's oldest daughter] went with me. We got 74
lbs which we hope wiU last tiU
we leave here in about three
weeks' time. The snow has
gone but there is not a blade
of green grass to be seen, aU
dry, scorched up stuff and the
roads aU dry mud so the dust is
awful. StiU, the country is beautiful with the fir trees and
river." Norman's brother
Penrose ("Young Lee"), who
had two ranches in the Chilcotin, had come for
a short visit. "He is nice looking and clever, but
doesn't take much pride in his clothes, in fact he
is a very rough diamond, but I Uke him much."
Mrs. Nash had previously observed that "This
is a place where people are continuaUy coming
and going and beds always have to be ready." On
18 AprU she wrote, "The house is fuU tonight to
overflowing. Agnes had to go up to the Hances
at the Post Office to sleep. Mr. Temple, the man
who bought this place and who is such a bounder
is here with a Mr. Marryat who is to help in the
store. Mr. Marryat knows the Rector of Malpas
[the parish in which Oak Bank was then situated], he is a gendeman but Temple has no pretensions to being one."
Mrs. Nash saw no reason to change her opinion of Temple, who was from England. On 19
May she reported that he had stiU not paid the
first instalment on his purchase. "I don't Uke Mr.
Temple, cannot trust him." Norman and Nessie
had to postpone their plans for a long hoUday in
California, and Mrs. Nash worried about their
health. "Nessie has gone to nothing, thin as BeUe
[Kittie's mother], worried and worn out, but
working with Marryat stocktaking at the store."
Norman, despite toothache and influenza, was
helping Temple rebrand the catde.
Later in May, Mrs. Nash and Agnes, Alfred's
daughter, stayed with Penrose at his Chilancoe
River Ranch: "He is aU alone, has not even a
China man [sic] and was so longing for me to go
and stay with him but was afraid I would not Uke
being without a servant of any kind, however as
I teU him if he wUl get the breakfast ready Agnes
and I can cook anything else and I should Uke to
see his house, he leads a lonely
Ufe." On the day she arrived she
"made a curry and open tart
for dinner." The next day, she
wrote, "Penrose is away aU today branding horses. Agnes and
I have had a huge wash, then I
cooked a brace of willow
grouse and made a pudding for
dinner. This house has just a
kitchen and a sitting and dining room combined, with two
bedrooms leading out of it, and
is very comfortable. It is a lovely
place, the river just in front and
such lovely pine woods all
around, absolutely isolated." 29
May: "I have been busy doing up lots of things,
curtains &c for this house."
After leaving Penrose, Mrs. Nash stayed awhUe
with Tom, in his newly-built house at Alexis
Creek. Then she went to Nicola for a long stay
with Alfred and Amy, taking Agnes back to her
parents.The journey cost $40,"but Norman pays
everything. He is very kind to me." At Nicola
she must have been a tremendous help to the
fanuly. 27 June: "I have been here a fortnight but
have not been out ofthe house. I have been busy
helping Amy with the children's summer clothes,
teaching Agnes, doing a litde in the garden, and
there has been no time to go out." She worried
that her son was working too hard: as weU as
having a government job he was busy improving
the house and working on a tract of land he
owned. "Amy has no servant so her work never
seems done, and I can see Alf worries continuaUy
how he can make ends meet. I am spending $15
a month on the house whUe I am here. I just buy
things I see they want when I'm in Nicola so
that Alf may not think I am giving him a board,
he is so glad to have me here." 15 August: "Amy
is going away for a week, she is just worn out and
I can see to things whUst she has a hoUday away
from the children." (There were three besides
Centre: Nessie Lee, Mrs.
Nash's daughter, wife of
Norman Lee. Her forceful
personality shines through
in this detail of a family
photo shown on page 13.
Short family tree
Mathew Henry Lee +
Louisa Warden
Norman Lee
Helen Warden Lee
Eduard Penrose
Grace Lee
Robert Warden Lee
Capt. Henry Lee
William Henry Lee +
Agnes Tulloch
Agnes "Nessie"Lee
Alfred Wood Lee
Isabel (Eccles) Lee
Hugh Booth Lee
Lillian (Ormisten) Lee
William Henry T.Lee
Thomas Campbell Lee
Mathew Lee and William
Henry Lee were first cousins. Children are not listed
in correct order.
After William Henry Lee
died, Agnes (Tulloch) Lee
married Frederic Nash
BC HISTORICAL NEWS    SPRING 2000 7 Mrs. Nash wrote of Tom
and Alec McCulloch both
having to have expensive
false teeth. "They couldn't
attend properly to business
they were having such
toothache." In another letter she told of Nessie and
Norman "both in the hands
ofthe dentist. So is Penrose.
We are a great source of income to the dentist at
13 October: Mrs. Nash was inVictoria, staying
with Norman and Nessie, who, after a holiday in
California, had rented a house at 871 CoUinson
Street. It was not large enough, and they were to
move to a bigger house at the end ofthe month.
First impressions ofVictoria pleased her: "This is
a lovely city. Nessie and I went to the Cathedral
for Service Sunday morning. The Bishop
preached and the place was packed."
21 October: Alf, as his mother always caUed
him, had been moved to a new post at Port
Alberni which offered better prospects. Kittie
went there to help Amy, who had had a carriage
accident. "She had an offer of marriage from a
man up at Alexis Creek ten days ago, he is a gen-
deman but a fool and I hope she refused him, but
you never know what unexpected thing she wiU
do." Kittie did refuse the offer.
"I've been feeling very sorry for myself the
last week. I've had a great deal of toothache aU
summer, and I had three teeth taken out without
gas or anything else last Tuesday and it quite unnerved me." She then had six more extracted with
gas, and this left her with very sore gums and an
upset stomach. She was in bed for two days, and
could take only slops. The work was going to
cost Norman $100,"But he says whatever it costs
I am to have my mouth made absolutely comfortable." 7
"Norman is most kind to me.Yesterday he took
me by train to Oak Bay two mUes from here,
such a lovely Utde shore and view. We had tea at
the hotel then took another train to Esquimalt
where the Navy are. Tonight he is taking us aU to
the theatre to see 'The Girl from Vancouver', we
hear it is good. On Saturday Norman was at a
smoking concert given by the naval officers, so
Launcelot [Gurney, Confederation Life Association district manager for Vancouver Island, who
had been a close friend of the family in
Whitchurch] took us to a Picture Show. There
was a splendid organ played beautifuUy by a man
in the orchestra which was better than the
pictures Sunday was Thanksgiving Day and
Monday a holiday aU over Canada. AU who can
afford dine off turkey. We dined at Launcelot's. I
only had the gravy and bread sauce."
The letter written on 4 November was from
640 Rupert Street. "We are setded very comfortably here and people are beginning to caU."
Norman was wondering if he should buy a car
or a horse and buggy. "Norman went to see about
a motor car 10 days ago and I should think aU
the people who have a car to seU inVictoria must
have heard about it as one or two come daUy
begging him to try their cars, so they are getting
plenty of free trips."
12 November: "Last Saturday Miss ConneU
and I [they had been at school together] went by
[street] car to Foul Bay, went down to the shore
and walked to Oak Bay where we got tea and
after that walked home, about five mUes altogether
and we are both 65!"
19 November: "We are asked to tea at the
Dean's next week and on Friday we are going to
have tea at Mrs.Wm. Barton's, her husband is one
of the minor canons. A Mr. WiUshaw is coming
to lunch on Friday to overhaul a motor car Norman rather thinks of buying, and as he knows
nothing about them and it is a 2nd hand one, he is
having this young feUow who was in motor works
to look at it. He now breeds fox-terriers for sale,
he is an Eton man, we seem to meet so many out
here. Now I must go and dress for dinner."
2 December: "Everything here is fearfuUy dear.
Nessie and Norman are giving me a new coat
and skirt for Christmas, but have asked BeUe
[Kittie's mother, in England] to get them. Here
the very plainest would cost £10 and shoes are
30 shilhngs a pair to be any good at aU.We are
going to a bazaar this afternoon in aid of the
Victoria Club for Gendewomen who are badly
off." Norman continued to be very kind to her,
"but [he] is a queer-tempered man and sometimes says pretty rude things to people." Tom,
writing to Hugh from Alexis Creek about this
time, thought that Norman and Nessie would
be happier if they bought another store such as
they had at HanceviUe: "They do not seem to be
able to accustom themselves to doing nothing."
9 December: "Norman must be Uving at the
rate of £1,000 a year. Everything inVictoria is
very dear. Fancy, the one servant has £60 a year
and I do the cooking."
16 December: "Norman and Nessie went to
have tea at Sir Richard McBride's, the Premier.
Then Norman had to go to see the [Lieutenant]
Governor, and most of the rich swells of the
neighbourhood have caUed on us, he having
known their parents." Norman bought a five-
seater CadiUac, but did not drive it himself yet.
He borrowed a car for a twelve-mUe drive out of
the city, on rough roads, to look at property for
possible purchase. Coming home the front tyres
burst. "Nessie and I had to get into a passing oyster laurie [sic] and drove over a rmle to the street
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 cars, the roads being so muddy and our having
fur coats we could not walk."
Nessie and Norman had no chUdren of their
own, but on a visit to England had adopted a
son, Dan. Mrs. Nash had mixed feelings about
him: "A taU, good looking lad but has not much
brain, he learns quickly enough, but forgets it aU
in a week which is rather a pity as both Nessie
and Norman are both so clever. I sometimes can't
get to care much for him."A few weeks later she
was worried about his health:"Poor Dan is growing so fast, he looks so white. The doctor says he
ought to run wild for six months, however Norman won't hear of that but says he can stay at
home for a half term. He is very joUy and fuU of
fun but soon gets tired. He is only 11 and is taUer
than any of the boys of 13 in the school" — a
boarding school inVictoria to which he had been
sent from HanceviUe. 16 December: "Norman
decided quite suddenly to go to Vancouver as Dan
is to be circumcised tomorrow and as it is to be
done in the house he just cleared out. His temper lately has been terrible so I am glad he has
gone for a few days. Dan has been far from weU
for a long time and Dr.Walker and another Dr.
decided this must be done." 23 December: "An
upsetting week with a nurse in the house. Dan
stiU has not had his clothes on."They had planned
to spend Christmas with Alf's family at Port
Alberni. "The Dr. says that if he goes in a closed
motor to the station he can go with us tomorrow. Unfortunately it is a IVi hour journey."
1 January 1914:They were back inVictoria.
Mrs. Nash had taken flowers to a funeral home.
"Poor George Gellings, he wanted to marry
LiUian [her daughter] but she wouldn't have him
and he married a Miss Harris of Douglas [Isle of
Man] and came out to Alberta, but died at 36 of
Bright's disease in a private hospital here. I got a
great shock, the coffin had a glass lid and there
lay the poor lad dressed in his dress suit with
white shirt, coUar and black tie, it was too horrible. I can't think how EngUsh people can conform to such a horrid custom.. ..Norman is going to caU on the Governor and Bishop this afternoon. It is the custom here for any man who
is anyone to caU on these people on New Year's
Day. Nessie is off to the Empress for tea."
6 January: "Nessie and Dan are gone to a
Christmas tree, and Norman and I have a quiet
litde dinner alone, as we generaUy have company
or go out it is quite a change. There were ten to
dinner on New Year's Eve and about eight came
in after for games, bridge in the dining room and
round games in the drawing."
13 January: "Norman is going into the motor
car business. He went to Vancouver last Friday
with a man who buys and seUs motor cars and
with whom Norman is going in. They bought
eleven new motor cars from a firm that is being
sold up and expect to seU them for about three
times what they
gave for them." Mrs.
Nash wrote of having seen a"splendid"
"Gondoliers" at the
New Theatre, which
had opened on the
1st of January, "the
largest I have ever
been in."
21 January: Mrs.
Nash had gone with
Norman and Nessie
to the Premier's reception at the Empress. She found him
"a very charming
man, entirely self-
made." She had also
gone with a friend
to see Anna Pavlova:
"$4 for a ticket and
the house was
packed. I have never
seen anything like
this, she and aU her
party, about 20 men
and girls, were quite wonderful. Then on Monday night we went to the opera. The New Theatre is packed every night... .Norman cannot decide whether to take another house in a better
locaUty or to take a trip to Honolulu. He hates
this house, there are so many doors in every
28 January: "I've just got my teeth, they are
not very comfortable yet, but I must grin and
bear them till they are. Norman has paid £20 for
them, they are aU right till I begin to eat and
then they hurt.... This house is taken only until
1 March and it is not very convenient. AU the
rooms lead into each other and Norman wants a
room where he can sit and write and read without people continuaUy disturbing him."The three
of them had gone to look for a suitable house,
and the car got stuck in the mud. Guests were
Courtesy BC Archives B-4362.
Above: Norman Lee, very
much looking the confident,
prosperous gentleman.
Photo perhaps taken at the
time when Mrs. Nash, his
mother-in, law, visited
British Columbia.
11 "The house was demolished
c.1969, and an apartment
block built on the site.
coming to dinner that evening: "We had the two
Vicars of Alberni staying here, and were expecting Archdeacon Pugh, Father Reis and Miss Jones
to dine with us to meet them, and we were 18
miles from home and no chance of getting there
in time for dinner. Norman managed to telephone Launcelot [Gurney], asking him to go in
and act as host. They got a team to puU the car
out, but it was 8.30 before we reached home."
23 March: They were to move into a house at
2086 Granite Street on the first of AprU.8 "We
have had possession since the 17* and I have gone
up daUy from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. superintending
the garden and receiving and having put in their
places the furniture which Norman and Nessie
keep buying and sending up from sales.Yesterday
a party went up to the new house.We had a great
picnic tea (15 of us) in the dining room. Launcelot
and I walked home (2 Vi mUes), the rest went on
the street car....It is a sweet house.The drawing
room is 36' by 17', with a large bay window at
one end looking into the verandah and a window seat aU around it. At the other end the window goes right across the room and on each side
ofthe fireplace high up are Utde windows. Then
very large doors draw open into a very nice dining room, at the other end of which is a door
leading into the kitchen. Norman's den is by itself the other side of the haU. Upstairs are five
bedrooms, bathroom, linen cupboard &c. Then
there is a large basement with big furnace to heat
aU the house, and down there are the wash house,
men's lavatory, coal and wood places &c and a
big door into the back garden. There is a smaU
verandah also outside the kitchen door where
the maid can sit, and lovely housemaid's pantries,
but out here no one hardly ever has more than
one servant or one China Man in the house. It is
quite wonderful to me the amount of work just
one does, but the wages are huge, our young
Scotch maid, Elsie, 21, gets £5 a month (25 dollars) Isn't it awful?" Mrs. Nash had forgotten her
complaints ofthe high prices inVictoria.
31 March: "I haven't been in town for three
weeks, I have been so busy up here. We bought
the chickens with the house and there are 13
laying hens to look after. I had a man in the garden seven days before the others came up to live
and have got it beautifuUy neat, we want some
ramblers. Major Pottinger says it is not too late
for them." On the Sunday eighteen people had
come to tea. "I spent the day in bed, I was so
tired, and I could see them coming up the gar
den. I thought they would never cease."
Early AprU, undated: "Everyone seems to Uke
to walk out here in time for tea on
Sunday...Norman is sleeping in a chair in his
den (sleeping off too much whisky)."
23 AprU: "It is just 26 years today since dear
Father [her first husband] died. It seems to me a
Ufetime... .We've had a week of bother. Norman
went with some men to Duncan on business for
a few nights, and direcdy he went we heard that
the man who Norman had financed to buy motor cars was going into Uquidation." Mrs. Nash
described the events of a fraught day, but they
were more vividly described by Nessie in a letter
to Hugh:
"We have been having a terrible time lately.
Norman Uke an idiot handed $5000 to a man to
put into a motor car deal, the cars were to be
sold at the end of a fortnight, huge profits to be
made, etc. Instead of their selUng, the men whose
charge they were in hired them out, sent incompetent drivers and the cars got smashed up, so
whUst Norman was away this week I heard the
company was going into Uquidation and Norman was to be involved so I flew to a lawyer and
he told me to go down to the garage and take
three cars out and caU it a go against our account.
So away I went with Major Pottinger and three
chauffeurs. We found parts of each motor had
been taken off so that they couldn't work, and
none ofthe heads ofthe firm to be found, but at
least we got each car removed to another garage.
The lawyer compUmented me on my actuaUy
securing the cars, he never thought I would, and
Norman was quite pleased when he got home
that we were free of the beasdy garage people,
though it may take a long time to seU the cars.
StiU, it is better having them than nothing. One
we traded for a house, getting $2,000 for the car
and leaving a balance of $4,000 to be paid on the
house, the seUer guaranteeing six months rent."
A letter from Mrs. Nash told of Nessie and Norman going "aU over the country lately looking at
'lots' of land which people want to trade for
Norman's motor cars. No one wants to give
money, aU want to trade lots or houses for them."
Nessie told Hugh,"We gave $10,500 for [our]
house. We could easUy seU it again should we
wish to do so. House property here is very high
and this is two lots, one being entirely garden,
which if we were very hard up we could seU
separately for budding purposes."
Mrs. Nash writes on 28 AprU: "There is a ru-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Left: Norman, Nessie and
Dan Lee, perhaps taken
some time in the 1920s.
Courtesy BC Archives B-9455
mour that Temple may not be able to pay the
second instalment on the Beaver Ranche, due
next week, and that they may have it back on
their hands which would be rather terrible as we
hear he has lost most ofthe custom at the store
and has hardly any catde on the ranche. Of course
this may be aU gossip. I cannot fix a date to leave
until Norman gets his money from Temple."
10 May: "The Miss Duponts leave shordy for
England.They are great people for bridge parties
and we have been to several at their house. [Mrs.
Nash gready enjoyed bridge, but it had to be
contract bridge; she did not Uke auction.] They
are old-timers here and have asked so many of
the best people to caU upon us. People come here
by dozens to tea on Sunday and we make it a
kind of picnic as Elsie always has Sunday out after she has washed up the dinner things."As Mrs.
Nash said in another letter, Nessie, despite aU her
worries at this time, "is not happy unless she is
27 May:"I've been out to Esquimalt to look at
the Rainbow (the Canadian Navy which has only
one ship) this afternoon... .The 24th May is a great
day here. It was kept on Monday. We had our car
at 9 a.m. and drove for three hours aU about the
Town, Park, &c looking at the procession which
I hear was a mUe long. I never saw anything equal
to the flowers on the cars, carts, &c. It was a wonderful show. After a hasty lunch we went down
to the Empress landing stage where the two Miss
Sheffields had their motor launch and two row
boats waiting for us. A large party of us aU went
up to the gorge to see the Indian canoe races.We
had tea and dinner in the boats, then as it began
to rain we aU came back here for games instead
of  going   to   see   the   fireworks   in   the
Park Norman is learning to drive his car, he
would not try before. I am so glad, it wiU give
him something to do.We had our first new potatoes out ofthe garden yesterday, such beauties."
Mrs. Nash's visit was coming to an end. Early
in June Nessie and Norman took her for a final
visit to Alf and his farmly at Port Alberni. They
went by car: "Norman motored part way and a
Mr. HaU who is with us took over the worst
roads." On the way they stayed at QuaUcum Inn,
the notepaper of which boasted "ExceUent Bathing Beach, Golf Links, Fishing, Shooting."
20 June: Mrs. Nash was to leave Victoria the
next day. She would spend a few days with friends
in Vancouver, visit the two step-sons of her second marriage near Calgary, and then stay with
her eldest son, WUUam, and his famUy at Minto,
near Brandon, Manitoba. Kittie stayed inVicto
24 June, Nessie to Hugh: "We are missing
mother. Everyone here loved her and thought
her so bright and handsome with such an excellent figure."
26 July, Nessie to Hugh: "Everyone loved her,
' Kittie had failed to find
suitable work as a mother's
help. When her grandmother left she was virtually a domestic servant at the
small private school which
Dan attended. She was paid
$30 a month. "Mrs.Ward
[the schoolmaster's wife]
and Kittie are going to do
everything between them.
Fortunately there are only
two boarders, but there is
the big schoolroom to clean
daily. She says Kittie can
come up here (it is only
three minutes walk) every
evening, and every Sunday
for the afternoon and
evening, so it will not be a
hard post." (Letters, 23 & 28
April 1914) Kittie's career in
British Columbia at this
time illustrates the difficulties faced by young English
women of her class, untrained for any work, yet trying to find suitable employment. I do not know if, or
for how long, Kittie stayed
in Canada. She married: a
newspaper report of Hugh's
funeral mentions a niece,
Kittie Borneman, but does
not state where she was living.
13 10 For details of William's
career in Manitoba I am
grateful for material supplied by the Manitoba Provincial Archives, and for the
generous help of Mrs. Dolly
Anderson, his youngest
child. The Alberni District
Historical Society kindly
gave me information about
Alfred and his family. The
British Columbia Provincial
Archives gave me information about Tom, and were
very and generously helpful
with details of Norman,
Nessie and Penrose. I am
. also indebted to Norman
Paddock ofVictoria, a friend
and former Air Force colleague, Pat Kelly, also ofVic-
toria, whom I met in
Shrewsbury while he was
searching for his old-country ancestors, and Mrs. Anne
Lee, Dan's daughter-in-law,
of HanceviUe. They have all
shared my interest, and been
very generous with their
they had seldom seen such an aristocratic old lady
in these parts and with such wonderful
energy... .We got about $60,000 for the ranche,
the balance is to be paid in two years more each
May, it bears interest @ 7%. We also have a good
deal of side property, but it is difficult to seU anything down here or in Vancouver, times are so
bad and land held at too high a valuation. [Norman had bought some CPR land on the mainland shordy before going to Uve inVictoria.] We
have a meadow in ChUcotin stiU which has seven
mUes of fence round it. There is a trout stream
running through it where one can catch from 20
to 30 trout an hour and exceUent shooting too,
grouse, teal, maUard, geese, snipe, deer, etc. I want
to hold on to it if we can as we might be able to
seU it to some wealthy potentate, but Norman
thinks he could do more with the money now
than later on. ... Living is fierce here. Try as we
wiU we can't get our grocer's biU under $50 a
month and our water comes to over $4 a month.
We have second payments to meet on property
next month so we have to go easy." This was in
reply to her brother's suggestion that she make a
visit to England soon.
Mrs. Nash's return to England was delayed by
the outbreak of war. In mid-November 1914 she
saUed on the Canadian Pacific Missanabie. She had
a safe voyage, and after nearly two years away she
was back with her son Hugh at Whitchurch,
where she Uved for the rest of her Ufe. There is
no record that she made another visit to Canada.
She died in March 1932.
Tom ran his store at Alexis Creek until his death
in 1946. His partner,McCuUoch, had gone overseas with the Canadian Army, after which Tom
seems to have been in sole possession. He married an Irish girl, and their son, Tommy, carried
on the business until the store was demoUshed to
make way for a wider road.
Alf remained at Port Alberni until his death
in 1942. After retirement from his post of County
Court Registrar he engaged in real estate development. At Port Alberni he used his second name
to avoid confusion with another Lee, the road
superintendent, and was known as Wood Lee.
Penrose stayed on his Redstone ranch until
his death in 1960, Uving in the sod-roofed house
erected in 1895. He loved the Chilcotin country,
which in his memoirs he caUed "the land of my
heart." He never married, but his sister, Helen
Warden Lee, after some twenty years in San Fran
cisco, where for some time she worked for the
Pinkerton detective agency, came to keep house
for him, remaining at Redstone until shordy before her death in 1954 in her 93rd year.
In 1919, Nessie and Norman regained possession ofthe Beaver Ranch. Temple—whom Mrs.
Nash had so disUked—had been unable to make
a go of it, and could not keep up the payments.
With young Dan they set to work. There was
much to do. Temple had sold the catde to pay off
debts, and there was not even a mUk cow on the
property; the fences were down, and the house
and buUdings in poor shape for want of maintenance; the store had been closed, and the fur-
trading business badly neglected. Reconstruction
was a long and hard task, especiaUy as they had
gone back with Utde money after the financial
disasters ofthe previous six years—and by 1919
Norman was fifty-seven. But together they graduaUy restored ranch, store, and trade. Dan—for aU
his grandmother's worries about him as a boy—
proved to have a shrewd head for business, first
in fur trading and then in catde: indeed, it was
one of his venturesome catde drives that earned
enough to pay off his father's debts, with enough
left over to establish the herd of purebred
herefords for which the ranch became famous.
In 1927, Nessie opened a women's wear store in
WiUiams Lake, keeping a smaU apartment at the
back of the store for her frequent visits to keep
an eye on the business, which had a reputation
for clothes of good quaUty.
Norman died in March 1939, aged 76; Nessie
in December 1958, aged 86. Like her mother,
she was almost bUnd in her last years, but until
her final, brief Ulness she was stiU the strong per-
sonaUty that she had been throughout her long
Ufe. Many Natives were among the mourners at
her funeral at HanceviUe, for she had earned their
respect and affection, and become fluent in their
language. Dan carried on the business, expanding the ranch and buUding up the quaUty herds.
He and his sons also buUt, at what came to be
caUed Lee's Corner, a restaurant and motel, just
steps from his father's original trading post, to
serve not only the local ranchers, but also the
growing number of tourists, hunters and fishermen — for the beautiful Chilcotin was being
opened up in a way that Norman and Penrose
could never have imagined when they first arrived.10 ^=^
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Big Little Cherry
By Ron Welwood
Then, in your opinion, an orchard is not exactly a Garden of Eden?
Not in England at any rate.
Is it so anywhere—in any part ofthe world?
Yes: in Canada. At least, so I am told. I mean in British Columbia.
(Bealby 1911, viii)
Courtesy Ministry of Agriculture & Food, Victoria, BC
At the turn ofthe century, fruit ranching
in British Columbia was considered an
ideal colonial alternative for many disenchanted Englishmen who sought independence as weU as prosperity. Advertisements extolling the virtues of this gendeman's occupation
abounded in the contemporary Uterature, and,
consequently, many came west to seek their fortune. Often these pioneers purchased land from
unscrupulous land brokers who extoUed the virtues of fruit ranching in both the Okanagan and
the Kootenay.
In 1906 Earl Grey, governor-general of Canada,
purchased fifty-four acres of fruit land on the east
side of Kootenay Lake after a personal inspection
ofthe region.This convinced many that, indeed,
there was a great future in Kootenay fruit growing. Testimonials such as one from James
Johnstone, a pioneer Nelson fruit-grower, also
promoted the Kootenay region as a possible Garden of Eden:
I consider the conditions here [Kootenay Lake District] the most perfect for fruit-culture... .The quality and size here are far superior, and the yield per
acre is at least double that of anything I have ever
seen or succeeded in producing during my ten years'
residence in the States....I have not found irrigation necessary, and this adds much to the superior
quaUty of aU our fruit. The fruit-grower wiU find
here an ideal home. The climate is perfect; the soU
is very rich and productive, and the market the best.
He wiU be surrounded by beautiful scenery; and
the shooting and fishing are the best to be found
anywhere" (Bealby 1911,13-14).
Among the fruit crops, cherries from the
Kootenay region became famous. Although there
was considerable labour involved in picking and
packing the crop, this soft, sweet fruit commanded
a ready market and a good price. Picking was
slow because of the cherry's size, and packing
cherries into cartons (eight into a smaU, shaUow
wooden box) required considerable skUl to avoid
shaking and bruising during transit. However,
such careful attention to detaU paid handsomely
and in 1909, Mr. Johnstone reported that his average gross return was $1,050 per acre (Bealby
In describing a cherry orchard, J.T. Bealby, a
Nelson fruit rancher and promoter, exuded that
One ofthe most wonderful sights in a British Columbia orchard, and more especially a Kootenay
orchard, is the cherry-trees when laden with their
snow-white blossoms. Every branch, from its divergence from a large limb or the main trunk, right
away to the outermost twig, is thickly feathered
with clusters of blossom, and tufts of bloom cling
even to the main trunk and large limbs.This is true
of every variety of cherry alike, sour as well as sweet.
The crops are, as a rule, enormously heavy— so
much so that the trees, and this appUes to apples,
pears, and plums, as well as to cherries—have to be
well supported with props to prevent them from
breaking down under the loads they carry, and even
then it is no unusual thing for one or more branches
to spUt off before the fruit can be gathered (Bealby
Such was the euphoric hype relating to fruit
ranching in the Kootenays at the turn ofthe century. However, underlying this supposed idyUic
vocation was the reaUty ofthe hard back-breaking work required to clear treed and rock strewn
land before planting, constructing buUdings, and
doing the many other mundane activities required
to eke out a living whUe waiting for the fruit
trees to mature. In fact, it took a great deal of
intestinal fortitude, physical stamina and patience
to become a successful fruit rancher.
After patiendy waiting for the trees to mature,
euphoria changed to disiUusionment as competition increased and the markets became more
saturated. It was not unusual at the end of the
season for a rancher, after taUying the additional
Ron Welwood is
current president of
the British Columbia
Historical Federation,
library director at
Selkirk College, and a
researcher and writer
on Kootenay related
Above: Little Cherry
disease. The large fruit on
the right are healthy. The
others show severe disease
15 1 Malcolm Heddle preempted 40 acres (16 hectares) at Willow Point on
12 April 1901 (Lang 1996,
costs of freight and packing expenses, to end up
in debt (Dawson 1997, 62-65). In addition to
these hardships was the abandonment of many
developed lands when the caU to arms and patriotic duty beckoned during the First Great War.
Fruit ranching encompassed orchards containing apples, pears, plums, etc., but during these
halcyon years the Kootenay region became famous for its cherries. In fact, cherry production
surpassed apples in many orchards. Bing and Lambert varieties were considered the best commercial producers because of their big, firm-skinned,
and dark-coloured fruit that commanded good
In October 1905, the Kaslo Fruit Growers'
Association was formed and sponsored the first
Kootenay Lake Fruit Fair in the faU of 1906. Kaslo
cherries were renowned across Canada. The industry prospered and Kaslo's First Canadian
Cherry Fair was held at the end of July 1912. By
this time cherry cultivation was the most lucrative fruit crop in the Kaslo region. In August 1924,
a Cherry Carnival was held at the Kaslo DriU
HaU where five hundred cases were displayed and,
according to the reports, some of the cherries
were so large they resembled smaU plums ("average three and a quarter inches in circumference")
(McCuaig 1993). In 1929 the Pacific Fruit and
Produce Company of Pordand, Oregon, received
a four-carton box of Lambert cherries and reported:
.. .the finest looking piece of merchandise we have
ever seen in our Uves... .the best we can say is that
you have the world beat....Since we are used to
common, ordinary cherries it is hard for us to get
an idea of the values of this kind of merchandise
{Kootenaian 1929).
The pride and popularity of this Kaslo fruit was
touted by the city fathers who had the boulevards
planted with cherry trees in 1932 (McCuaig
Unfortunately a mysterious cherry disease suddenly and inexplicably destroyed this thriving
sweet cherry industry.When the symptoms were
first noticed in 1933 at Mr. Heddle's orchard1 on
a bench above WiUow Point on the West Arm of
Kootenay Lake approximately ten kilometres (six
mUes) east of Nelson, this aberration completely
baffled provincial and Dominion plant pathologists. Its most striking feature provided the name,
Litde Cherry disease.
Cherries affected by the Litde Cherry disease
were unsuitable for the fresh fruit market not only
And life is like a cherry tree,
With branches all around;
And up upon the topmost twig
The finest fruit is found.
Sometimes the picking's difficult,
Sometimes it's bloody tough —
But a good cherry picker
Can always do his stuff. (The Cherry Picker)
because they were smaU, but also because they
lacked taste, sweetness, and appearance (angular
pointed with three flat sides). The fruit had a
brick-red hue with a duU lustre. Most disheartening to the fruit rancher was that disease-infected trees only became obvious about two
weeks before harvest. Nowhere was the impact
on cherry production more dramatic than in the
central Kootenay vaUey.
Until this time Litde Cherry had not been
recorded in any contemporary Uterature.This was
"the first report in the world ofthe new disease
of sweet cherry caUed Litde Cherry" (Mealing
1989), and the first official description ofthe disease appeared in the British Columbia Department of Agriculture's Annual Report for 1936.
For over a decade the Department's horticulturists and plant pathologists reported their frustration in trying to determine the cause and find a
WR. Foster, assistant plant pathologist for the
British Columbia Department of Agriculture, was
assigned to study the disease. Although a virus
was suspected, the symptoms appeared entirely
in the fruit of healthy bearing trees. NaturaUy,
growers were reluctant to have their healthy orchards used for testing purposes, so with the cooperation ofthe ConsoUdated Mining and Smelting Company an experimental cherry orchard
was estabUshed at Columbia Gardens near Trail
around 1940. This experimental orchard was
immature and could not be used immediately; so
infected trees were sprayed with concoctions such
as the juice of cherry leaves and fruit, yeast extract (vitamin B),boric acid, magnesium or zinc.
FertiUzer tests and soU analysis were also conducted. Buds from severely affected trees were
taken and put into fruiting Lambert trees at the
Dominion Experimental Station on Vancouver
Island in Saanichton where the resultant fruit
seemed identical to those of the disease, Litde
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Courtesy Bon Welwood
Cherry. This suggested a virus and, if so, the plant
pathologists were determined to learn whether
the abundant native wild cherries were also susceptible to the disease.
By 1942, Litde Cherry symptoms appeared in
every fruit section of the Kootenay District except Kaslo. Finding a cure for this rapidly spreading infestation was critical. Communications and
travel between the Saanichton experimental station and the Kootenays was awkward enough
without the added difficulty of Canada at war.
Therefore, the research station at Summerland
was made responsible for tackling the problem.
In 1943, it was decided to abandon the young
orchard at Columbia Gardens and lease an isolated, healthy, mature orchard on approximately
five acres in the Kootenay Bay area.2 By now it
was almost certain that infected insects were the
transmission agents. Insects could be carried by
the wind, automobUes or other means and this
would explain the rapid expansion ofthe infested
Meanwhile a large number of Little Cherry
and wUd cherry buds were grafted to trees in the
leased Kootenay Bay orchard. This was done to
ascertain whether or not the disease was truly a
transmissible virus and also whether or not wild
cherries were carriers. By 1944, the plant pathologists concluded that, indeed, Litde Cherry was
caused by a virus; and the next year the Department of Agriculture reported:
At this time the sweet-cherry growing industry here
in the Kootenays, does not look very bright, and
unless something can be done to prevent the spread
ofthe 'Utde cherry' trouble one ofthe most profitable fruit-crops of this district wUl be eUminated
(BC Sessional Papers 1945.V55).
The disease had spread throughout the entire
Kootenay vaUey (including Kaslo), the Upper
Arrow Lakes region and parts of the State of
Washington by 1946.
While the source of Litde Cherry disease outbreak near Nelson in 1933 was not then known,
subsequent research by plant pathologists proved
that Japanese ornamental flowering cherries
(principaUy, Prunus serrulata) were carrying the
Litde Cherry Disease in symptomless or masked
form. Apparendy, three specimens of P. serrulata
Lindl were growing not far from the Heddle orchard.
Less than five kUometres (three rrules) west, at
Roberts Bay on Kootenay Lake, was the property of Selwyn GwiUym Blaylock,Vice-President
and General Manager of Consolidated Mining
and Smelting Company (later Cominco). The
property, purchased in 1927, contained a modest
residence and a smaU orchard, but it was Blaylock s
intention to have this summer retreat replaced
with a stately manor. Since one of his passions
was gardening, he developed an exotic garden
oasis around his newly constructed mansion
known as Lakewood. The land sloping up from
Left: The Lakewood or
Blaylock Estate, constructed
in 1935, is located
approximately five
kilometres (three miles)
east of Nelson.
2 In 1927, WiUiam Fraser
planted a cherry orchard
on his land just north of
Kootenay Bay. Fifty-five
trees were planted on 1.5
acres (0.6 hectares) of
cleared land. This isolated
orchard was leased to the
Department of Agriculture
for seven years (Fraser
1982, 19-20).
17 i As Blaylock was president
and general manager of
Cominco at the time, it
makes one wonder why
Cominco was so willing to
provide Columbia Gardens
for an experimental cherry
orchard in 1940.
4 A parasitic wasp (Allotropa
utilis Mues.) was released
in the Kootenays between
1938 and 1943. "The establishment of A. utilis
population coincided with
a dramatic decline in the
rate at which litde cherry
disease spread through orchards ofthe Kootenay
VaUey" (Eastwell 1997,
147).This proved that the
rate at which Litde Cherry
disease spread was direcdy
correlated with the population densities ofthe apple mealy bug.
the lake included terraced lawns and rock gardens. The grounds purportedly featured one of
every species of tree native to Canada as weU as
coundess other ornamental trees and fragrant
flowering shrubs.
It is rumoured that Blaylock encouraged his
frequent weekend guests, including foreign dignitaries, to bring gifts of trees and shrubs from
their native lands to add to his garden coUection
and give it an international appearance. Although
it would be simple to conclude that the Japanese
ornamental flowering cherry tree was introduced
to the Kootenay Lake region in this manner, it is
more Ukely that Blaylock was direcdy responsible.
The ornamental Japanese Flowering Cherry trees
were on the "Lakewood"estate.They were imported
clandestinely in the 1930's by the owner, Blaylock,
who was aware ofthe Ministry of Agriculture ban
but went ahead anyway (MeaUng 1989).
Mr. Foster stated that Cominco's Blaylock while
developing the Lakewood estate in the late 1920's
inquired officiaUy about importation of Japanese
Ornamental Cherries. He was told that the trees
were diseased & might not be imported. He decided to smuggle some in anyway & did so; they
were established & the disease Ukewise (Mealing
Although the ornamental flowering cherry was
identified to be the viral source, the manner in
which Litde Cherry spread was unknown. An
insect vector was suspected because ofthe rapidity with which the disease infected an orchard
and spread from one orchard to another. The
culprit was eventuaUy identified as the apple mealy
bug (Phenacoccus aceris Sig.). In 1936 when the
first description of Litde Cherry was pubUshed,
the Department of Agriculture's Horticulturalist
Report for the same year also stated this "very
troublesome insect pest" was widely distributed
in the Kootenays, particularly in theWUlow Point
area. Unfortunately, at that time it was felt that
the mealy bug caused damage "chiefly to the apple crop" (BC Sessional Papers 1936, P35).
To control this infestation two tactics were
eventuaUy employed. Sprays and biocontrol4 were
used to reduce the mealy bug population. In addition, infected trees were removed and destroyed.
The removal of infected cherry trees was devastating to the fruit ranchers, but such action was
necessary. By 1958, removal became mandatory
under the British Columbia Plant Protection Act
through the Little Cherry Control Regulation.
In 1920, 65% of British Columbia's sweet
cherry trees were planted in the Kootenay-Ar-
row Lakes district, but by 1950 this figure had
dropped to 11% and by 1955 it had been dra-
maticaUy reduced to a mere 2% (MacPhee 1985,
217). Geographic isolation, transportation difficulties, marketing and war were contributing factors to the decUne of this once thriving Kootenay
fruit crop; but the biggest blow came from the
Litde Cherry. The famous and bountiful cherry
crops ofthe Kootenays were no more.'***'
Bealby, J.T. Fruit Ranching in British Columbia. Lon-
don:Adam and Charles Black, 1911.
Blaylock Estate in Nelson, B. C. Garden Tour. Nelson:
British Columbia. Sessional Papers. Department of Agriculture. Reports. Victoria: King's Printer, 1936,
Dawson, Reginald. Hope and Forty Acres. Kamloops,
BC: Plateau Press, 1997.
EastweU, K.C. "Litde Cherry Disease." In Filamentous
Viruses of Woody Plants. Ed. P.L. Monette.
Trivandeum, India: Research Signpost, 1997.143-
Foster, WR. andT.B. Lott." 'Litde Cherry,' a Virus
Disease." Scientific Agriculture 27 A Qanuary 1947):
Fraser, WUliam. Four Score and More. Kootenay Bay,
BC:W. Fraser, 1982.
Kootenaian: "Big Cherries" (2 Aug. 1906);"The First
Fruits" (6 Sept. 1906);"Says Kaslo Cherries Have
the World Beat" (29 Aug. 1929).
Lang, Joan E. A. "History ofthe Fruit Industry in the
West Kootenay District of British Columbia,
1905-1950." UnpubUshed M.A. thesis. University
ofVictoria, 1996.
MacPhee, E.D, Commissioner. British Columbia.
Royal Commission on the Tree-fruit Industry of British
Columbia. Report.Victoria: Queen's Printer, 1958.
McCuaig, George. Kaslo: the first 100 years. Kaslo,
BC: Semco Press, 1993.
MeaUng, Dr. F. Mark. Memos to the author, dated 14
March 1989 and 27 AprU 1994, oudining a conversation inVictoria, Cadboro Bay, between W.R.
Foster, assistant plant pathologist and Mealing of
Selkirk CoUege in the summer of 1975; including
a single-page, unsigned, document "Litde Cherry"
from Foster.
Scott, David. "West Kootenay Fruit Ranchers." In
BC Outdoors, 37.9 (Oct.-Nov. 1981): 34-36.
West, GUbert A. Kootenay Kuts Including "The Little
Cherry Picker" and Other Jingles: a small collection of
rhymes and reasonings of a rambling rancher. 2nd edition. Nelson, BC: Nelson Daily News, 1953.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 A Walhachin Index
by Keith R.Wood
Thirty-five mUes west of Kamloops Ue the remnants of the tiny orchard community of
Walhachin. Conceived by an ambitious land company and born into boom times, it suffered a short
span on the Canadian agricultural frontier. The
many reasons given for Walhachin's demise are,
for the most part, weU documented.They include
poor soU, a hostile cUmate, inadequate acreage
for return, an inconsistent water supply and, as
an accelerator, the effects ofWorldWar I.
Walhachin's claim to have sent, without conscription, more men into the war in proportion
to population than any community in Canada
received wide coverage by a wartime press and
would be difficult to chaUenge. However, other
towns have placed the same claim. An accounting ofthe men who served overseas during the
Great War has barely been touched. The legend
that most fruit growers died or never returned
has long ago been refuted; however, it has never
been adequately measured.
When war was declared in August 1914,
Walhachin possessed a weU-estabUshed cavalry
mUitia unit. Since 1911, C Squadron, 31st British
Columbia Horse, under Captain Rowland Paget,
had trained every Wednesday, attended the Vernon
MUitia Camp each summer, and sent men to
Winnipeg in the winter for senior N.C.O. courses.
Every man was an accompUshed equestrian from
years of polo, fox hunts, and racing. Drawn from
a population base of less than two hundred, the
unit numbered thirty in 1912 and fourteen at
the beginning of hostihties.
Throughout that August, Capt. Paget recruited
men for the British Columbia Horse in
Walhachin, Ashcroft, and Savona. MeanwhUe, on
parade, during inspections, and on the rifle range,
the young men trained and waited in resdess
anticipation for the caU. In these early days of
war their greatest fear was to miss the "Great
FinaUy, on 21 August, orders arrived and C
Squadron entrained from the Walhachin station
for Kamloops, where it joined the main body,
and hence to the mobiUzation camp atValcartier,
Here the 31st was broken into drafts, the main
body going to the 5th Canadian Infantry Battal
ion also known as the Western Cavalry. Despite
this nickname it fought as infantry for the duration. Over half of the Walhachin contingent went
to the Lord Strathcona's Horse, including Captain Paget. Even at this stage of the war it was
reaUzed the need for cavalry would be hmited.
So, the Strathcona's was converted to infantry after
a 30-day course and went into the Une as a composite BattaUon with the Royal Canadian Dragoons in May 1915. By February 1916 the regiment was once again cavalry; however, as part of
the Canadian Cavalry Brigade, it was still subject
to stints in the trenches and even carried suppUes
to the front Unes, dug trenches and strung barbed
wire as a Pioneer Battalion.
In the faU of 1915, communities across Canada
were encouraged by Ottawa to compUe Usts of
those who had enroUed from their town and send
them to the MUitia Office. These honour roUs
were framed as a permanent record and given a
special place in local churches or town haUs.
Walhachin's honour roU was unveUed on 1 July
1916. It was created by Alfred John Pugh and
funded by Ralph Chetwynd, and it hung over
the fireplace in the Walhachin Hotel until the
early 1920s. The honour roU was then moved to
the town haU, but sadly went missing sometime
in the 1970s.The Walhachin honour roU showed
the names of 44 men who enlisted from
Walhachin up to 1 July 1916,includingthe names
ofthe 22 men ofthe British Columbia Horse (C
Squadron) who left in August 1914. The others
named left after August 1914 to join their regiments in Britain during the course ofthe war or
enUstedin local Canadian battaUons.Also included
are two men who, in 1915, joined Britain's Munitions Supply Force.
Throughout 1914 a Walhachin column had
appeared weekly in the Ashcroft fournal. Perhaps
the regular correspondent had left in the August
rush because for four to five weeks, between the
middle of August until the middle of September, no Walhachin column was pubUshed. This
creates a lack of information at a time when a lot
of things were happening in Walhachin. The
Walhachin column resumed in the Ashcroft fournal on 19 September 1914. It is clear that also
some famUies left in this time frame. With more
Keith Wood has lived in
Kamloops since 1975.
He has an unabating
interest in the military
heritage of the south-
central interior of BC
and particular in the
fate ofthe individual
A photograph of
Walhachin's Honour
Roll propelled Keith
Wood into research of
those from Walachin
who went to serve in
the Great War.
National Archives of
Canada. Canadian Expeditionary Force service papers for all
Walhachin enlistments.
Nominal rolls for: The
5th Canadian Infantry
Battalion and The Lord
Strathcona's Horse.
British Columbia Archives:
The Yale DistrictVoters'
Lists, 1911,1913, and
Darrough, Ada (re Parkin
Flowerdew, John and family (re Eric and
Maynard, Kay (re Halliday
19 Names as shown on
the 1916 Walhachin
Roll of Honour:
Askew, EJ.P
Blair, R.
Calder, G.
Clarke, J.C.
Clarke, M.H.
De Jongh, K.G.
Fellowes, CA.
Flowerdew, E.
Flowerdew, G.M.
Fortescue, W.A.
Green, A.
Green, Ml.
Halliday, R.
Martin, J.
Munro, A.
Paget, L.
Paget, R.E.
Parker-Jervis, H.
Parkin, B.
Parkin, H.
Pearce, P.C.
Penketh, H.J.
Pole, R.
Prior, A.P.
Roberts, R.
Shaw, W.T.
Tennant, W.G.
Turing. J.L.
Wilkinson, E.R.
Pike, James
Names to be added:
Bertram, E.
Fitzgerald, Dermot
Halliday, Duncan
Johnson, LL
than a Utde acrimony the correspondent relates
the closure of the Walhachin school for inadequate
enrolment in spite of their community's contribution of almostforty young men to the war effort.
There were 22 men in the British Columbia
Horse contingent, who left in August 1914. Only
one other man shown on the honour roU (H.
Parker-Jervis) has been traced as enUsting before
19 September 1914. Still, the "almost forty young
men" mentioned in the newspaper suggest that
in addition to the 23 men there were another 16
or 17 men who left prior to the middle of September 1914, the pubUcation date ofthe article.
The honour roU shows 11 names whose departure date is unknown. If every one of those 11
left before the middle of September date, the total would stiU be around 34 and short of the almost 40 mentioned by the correspondent. Either some of the early enUstments were lost in
the rush or the correspondent's count was incorrect.
The labour force of the Anglesey Estate and
other orchards could perhaps account for the
missing enUstments. Most men mentioned on the
honour roU who gave their caUing as labourer
were employed by the Anglesey Estates, owned
by the Marquis, located downriver from
Walhachin. In 1914 there were 110 workmen in
Walhachin, most of whom were non-permanent
residents and therefore not considered in the
overaU calculations here or in other communities. However, amongst the many separate orchards using hired labour, surely there were some
who quahfied as permanendy employed.
After July 1916, when the honour roU was
presented, the number of enUstments increased
substantiaUy. For almost two more years conscription cuUed the population at an unknown rate.
Information on eight men, not Usted on the honour roll, was compiled from data found in
Walhachin's column pubUshed in the Ashcroft Journal, the 1916Voters' Ust, and from interviews with
descendants. Those 8 brings the total from the
44 men Usted on the honour roU to 52. The Usting of these 52 men on the foUowing pages is
not meant to be a definitive count forWalhachin
erUistments.The information has been compiled
primarUy to shed Ught on the mUitary records of
Walhachin's soldiers and to clarify this aspect of
their community's history.
Of the 52 enUsted men, at least 25 became
commissioned officers, a total far above the average, reflecting the residents' class origin. From C
Squadron, those with the notation "Auth: War
Office Letter" after their commission date were
rewarded for famUy connections. Others who
transferred to Imperial forces at their own request were, in fact, rejoining prewar regiments.
The rest were either Canadian MUitia officers at
the onset of hostihties, or were in time promoted
through the ranks. For direct enUstments into the
British Army, there is stiU Umited access to service papers.
Walhachin lost at least 7 men during the conflict—not a large sum at first glance, but severe
enough for a population of under 200. However,
other smaU rural communities suffered a similar
fate in a terrible war. Walhachin's closest neighbour, Savona, sent 33 men to the front and lost 8;
Lavington, a community simUar to Walhachin,
had 13 of 33 men kiUed; and the experience of
multiple losses from one family was shared by aU.
Veterans of this conflict knew from personal experience the equaUzing effects of war, for it honoured no boundaries nor class. The concept that
one community might have contributed more
than another is purely a civUian extension of civic
Ashcroft Journal 1910-1921. Walhachin excerpts.
Dendy, David and Kathleen M. Kyle. A Fruitful Century, The British Columbia Fruit Growers Association,
1889-1989. B.C.F.G.A., 1990.
Flick, C.M.G,C.B.E.,Lt.Col.,C.L.^ Short History of
the 31st British Columbia Horse. Victoria.BC: J.Parker
Buckle.The ReUable Press, 1922.
Grodzinski.Capt.J.R. The Battle of Moreuil Wod. n.p. 1993.
 Honours and Awards, Army, Navy, and Airforce 1914-
20. Reprint. J.B. Hayward & Son, 1979.
Hesilrige.Arthur G.M., Ed. Debrett's Peerage, Baronetage,
Knightage and Companionage. London: Dean &
Jarvis, S.D and D.B., The Cross of Sacrifice, vol. 1 Officers
Died in British, Indian and East African Regts. and Corps.
1914-19. Roberts Medals, n.d.
Ormsby, Margaret, Coldstream Nulli Secundus, Friesen,
Riis, Nelson. "The Walhachin Myth: a Study in Setdement Abandonment." MA Thesis, Department of
Geography, University of British Columbia, 1970.
Weirjoan. Walhachin, Catastrophe or Camelot. Hancock
House Pubhshers, 1984.
Wigney, Edward H. The C.E.F.Roll of Honour. Eugene
Ursual, 1996.
Wrigley's British Columbia Directory, 1919. Vancouver:
Wrigley's Directories Ltd, 1919.
Zuehlke, Mark, Scoundrels, Dreamers and Second Sons.
Whitecap Books, 1994.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 Walhachin Index 1914-1918
* those who lost their Uve in the war.
C SQUADRON (Count: 22)
Blair, Robert: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. On 1911 voters
Ust. Born: Londonderry, Ireland. Age 32. Single. Calling:Teamster.
Service with 5th BattaUon as a sergeant. Warrant Officer First Class.
Awards: Distinguished Conduct Medal; mentioned three times in
dispatches;Belgian Croix de Guerre. Discharged: 1919 with Walhachin
as intended residence.
* Calder, GEORGE:Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. On 1913 voters Ust. Born: Aberdeenshire, Scodand. Age 31. Single. Catling: Carpenter. Service with 5th Btn. as a sergeant. Died of wounds incurred
at Pozieres Ridge on the Somme on 12 September 1916. Note:Bur-
ied at Contay British Cemetery, France.
Clarke,John Coulson: Arrived in Walhachin: March 1911. Born:
Lichfield, Staffordshire, England. Age 34. Single. Calling: Farmer.
Service with L.S.H. as Ueutenant, wounded 1917. Discharged as a
Major with Walhachin as intended residence.
Clarke, Miles Harwood: Arrived in Walhachin: AprU 1914. Born:
Ceylon. Age 23. Single. CaUing: Farmer. Service with L.S.H. as a
private. Commissioned into British Army 27 February 1915. (Audi:
WO. letter)
Flowerdew, Eric Symonds: Arrived in Walhachin: AprU 1914. Born:
Norfolk.England.Age 18. Single. Calling: Farmer. Service with L.S.H.
as a private. Commissioned lieutenant in Royal Field ArtiUery in
1918, wounded. Discharged in 1919 setded in Langley with his new
bride. Calling: Poultry farmer. At the same time began many years of
pubUc service including as one ofthe founders ofthe Otter Farmer's
Institute and the local Legion branch; a founder of Langley Memorial Hospital and served as a director: served on Langley Municipal
Council 1944-1964 and was instrumental in obtaining the initial
budget appropriation for Municipal Parks and Recreation. The Eric
Flowerdew "Volunteer of the Year" trophy is still awarded at the Langley Museum. Brother to Gordon.
* Flowerdew, Gordon Muriel: Arrived in Walhachin: 1910.
Born: Norfolk, England. Age 29. Single. CaUing: Storekeeper. Service
with L.S.H. as a L/Cpl. Commissioned 1916 with L.S.H.Award:The
Victoria Cross. On 30 March 1918 he led a mounted charge of 75
men against 300 ofthe enemy and took a vital position in MoreuU
Wood. Lt. Flowerdew died of wounds the next day. Note: Buried at
RocUncourt Military Cemetery, France.
* Green, Arthur Adelbert Lingard: Arrived in Walhachin: Spring
1911. Born: Fort Que AppeUe, Saskatchewan. Age 24. Calling:Teamster. Service with L.S.H as a L/sergeant. Wounded by sheUfire 22
June 1915 and died of wounds 16July. Note: Buried Letreport MUitary Cemetery, France and commemorated on the Kamloops Memorial.
Green.Michale LiNGARD:Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. On 1913
voters Ust. Born: Devonshire, England. Age 29. Single. CaUing: Seaman. Service with L.S.H. as a private sergeant. Wounded 1 AprU
1918. Discharged to U.K. Possibly a cousin to A. Green.
Courtesy lohn Edward, son.
Above: Guy H.T.Edwards, left, and Gordon M. Flowerdew in front ofthe
Walhachin Post Office. Gordon Flowerdew died in France in 1918.
Edwards, who arrived in Walhachin September 1910, was a farmer,
storekeeper, and orchardist. He was deemed unfit for military service. In
1918 he was secretary to the Marquis of Anglesey's Estate and after the
war he owned stores in Savona and Notch Hill.
Holberton, Thomas Edmund: Arrived in Walhachin: 1912. Born:
Middlesex, England. Age 31. Single. CaUing: CivU engineer.
Service with L.S.H. as a private. Commissioned New Army at Canterbury 4 May 1915. Served with Royal Horse Artillery in
Mesopotamia. Decorations: MUitary Cross and Bar for second award.
Note: An older brother was kUled as an officer in the British Army
Jeffries, William Henry: Arrived in Walhachin: January 1911. Born:
Hampshire, England. Age 30. Single. CaUing: Fitter and mechanic.
Service with Canadian Army Service Corps-Motor Transport as a
private sergeant. Decorations: Meritorious Service Medal as a chauffeur. Discharged 1921; intended residence Victoria.
KiNCH,ALBERTT.:Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. On 1913Voters
Ust. Born: London, England. Age 29. Single. CaUing: Teamster. Service with 5th Btn. as a private sergeant. Wounded twice. Discharged
with Walhachin as intended residence. Note: His calling was in fact
the very popular bartender at the Walhachin Hotel. This sudden vocational change might have arisen from a desire to escape service as a
base wallah for the duration.
21 Loyd, EdWard Basil Kirkman: Arrived in Walhachin: September
1910. Born: Hertfordshire, England. Age 21. Single. CaUing: Orchardist. Service with L.S.H. as a sergeant Commissioned into 2nd
Btn. Royal Irish Rifles 20 July 1915.Award: Mentioned in dispatches
1917. Residence on discharge: Kelowna. Note: Brother to Arthur.
MacMahon, Ernest Edward: Arrived in Walhachin: 1911. Born:
Kent, England. Age 22. Single. CaUing: Clerk. Service with 5 Btn. as
a private. Commissioned into 12th Essex Regiment 10 March 1915
(Audi: War Office Letter.) Note:The 12th Essex were a Pioneer Bat-
MelhuishJohn LEON:Arrived in Walhachin: November 1910. Born:
Surrey, England. Age 31. Single. CaUing: Fruit Farmer. Service with
L.S.H. Machine Gun Squadron as a L/Cpl. Ueutenant. Discharged
with intended residence Walhachin. Note: Received two months
leave in Canada without pay in late 1917 due to a serious labour
shortage in Walhachin to assist his civUian partner Frank Ivan.
Paget, Louis George: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born: Fife,
Scodand. Age 23. Single. CaUing: Fruit grower. Service with L.S.H.
as a private* Commissioned into Royal Horse Guards 6 November
1914 at his own request. Note: Comments on discharge: A thoroughly reUable steady man.
Paget, Rowland Edward: Arrived in Walhachin: FaU 1910. Born:
Lichfield, Staffordshire, England. Age 35. Married. CaUing: Rancher.
Service with L.S.H. as Ueutenant. Transferred to Kings Royal Rifle
Corps at own request as major. Severely wounded 1916. Returned
to Walhachin disabled with an artificial left leg. Note: Cousin to
Marquis. Captain in charge of C Squadron. Adjutant to BCH Regiment. One of a few from Walhachin who took a Canadian bride,
Maud Cran, whose famUy had resided in Canada since the 1840s.
She was a daughter to the manager of the Bank of British North
America in Ashcroft. On his service papers Paget Usted his next of
kin as "The Lady Berkeley Paget." This has been neady crossed out
and replaced with Mrs. R.E. Paget.
Parkin, Bennet: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born: England.
Age 23. Single. CaUing: Teamster. Service with 5 Btn. Regimental
Staff as a private. Discharged in England.
Salaman, Eric John Seymour: Arrived in Walhachin: AprU 1914.
Born: London, England. Age 18. Single. CaUing: Fruit farmer.
Service with Royal Canadian Horse Artillery as a gunner. Discharged
as medicaUy unfit 20 September 1915 in U.K. and returned to Canada.
Shaw, Wilfred Thomas: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born:
Derby,England.Age 25. Single. CaUing: Shoeing-smith. Service with
L.S.H. as a farrier-sergeant.Wounded 1915 and multiple wounds in
1917. Discharged to Canada for convalescence December 1917 and
discharged medicaUy unfit March 1918, residence to be Walhachin.
* Tennant, William Galbraith: Arrived in Walhachin: July 1911.
Born: London, England. Age 32. Widower. CaUing: Farmer. Service
with L.S.H. as Ueutenant. KUled in Action 25 May 1915, Batde of
Festubert.Was the Lord Strathcona's first officer casualty ofthe war.
A younger brother was kiUed at GaUipoli in August. Note: Buried:
Choques Military Cemetery, France.
* Wilkinson, Eric Russel: Arrived in Walhachin: March 1911 .Bom:
Hertfordshire, England. Age 20. Single. CaUing: Fruit rancher. Service with L.S.H. as a sergeant. Commissioned into Middlesex Regiment (AuthWar Office Letter) October 1915. Royal Flying Corps
as a pUot in 1916 with 47th Squadron in Macedonia and Salonika.
Award: MUitary Cross June 1917. Died of wounds received whUe
strafing enemy trenches 7 October 1917. Note: Buried: Sarigol MUitary Cemetery, Greece. Youngest son of the late Charles Henry
Wilkinson London director ofthe B.C.D.A.
Willan.Arthur Reginald: Arrived in Walhachin: Summer 1910.
Born:Warwickshire, England.Age 25. Single. CaUing: Farmer. Service with L.S.H. as a L/Cpl. Commissioned into 1st Derbyshire
Yeomanry 2 AprU 1915. (Audi: War Office Letter). By August 1915
this regiment was heavUy involved in fighting at GaUipoU as infantry. Note: Shown on 1925 MUitia List as a captain in the British
Columbia Mounted Rifies (Kelowna). Struck off strength British
Columbia Dragoons 1914, overage. Major.
OTHER ENLISTMENTS 1914-1916 (Count: 20)
Askew, Edward Jocelyn P.: Arrived in Walhachin: July 1911. Married. CaUing: Orchardist. British mUitary service but untraced. Returned to Walhachin in 1919 as a Captain.
CallenderJohn Slimmin: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born:
Glasgow, Scodand. Age 29. Single. CaUing: Farmer. Service with
172nd Btn. (Rocky Mountain Rangers) as a private from 5 November 1915,. In France with 29th Btn. and 2nd Machine Gun Company.
Wounded twice. Discharged 1919, intended residence Kamloops.
Dejongh, K. G.: Arrived in Walhachin: AprU 1914. CaUing: Orchardist. Left to join his regiment in Britain October 1914; otherwise
Fellowes, Hon. Carol Arthur: Arrived in Walhachin: July 1914.
Age 18. Single. CaUing: Fruit Grower. Left November 1915. Service with 3rd Btn. Norfolk Regiment as a Ueutenant. Returned:
1919. Note:Third son of First Baron AUwyn (1921) .An older brother
killed in action as an officer with the British Army 1917.
* Fortescue, William Aubrey: Arrived inWalhachin:August 1911.
Married. CaUing: Fruit grower. KUled in Action as a Ueutenant with
2°dBtn. Lancashire FusiUers 12 October 1916,Batde ofthe Somme.
Buried: London Cemetery and Extension, Highwood, Longueval,
Halliday, Robert: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born: Scotland.Widower. CaUing: Labourer. Left December 1915 to join The
ArgyU and Sutherland Regiment in Scodand. Returned: 1919.
Note: Brother to Duncan.
Knatchbull.Wyndham Persee: Arrived in Walhachin: 1911.Married. CaUing: Secretary/accountant for the British Columbia De-
velopmentAssociation. Left sometime after October 1915 and joined
the Royal Field Artillery as a major.
Langley, Walter: Untraced.
Martin,J.: Untraced.
Munro, A: Untraced.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Parker-Jervis, Humphrey: Arrived in Walhachin: July 1914. Age 25.
Single. CaUing: Orchardist. Left August 1914 and joined The Rifle
Brigade as a Ueutenant then to the Royal Air Force. Award: Mentioned in dispatches.
Parkin, Harry: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Born: England.
Age 19. CaUing: Labourer. Left November 1915 andjoined 172"dBtn.
(Rocky Mountain Rangers) as a private.To 72ndBtn. (Seaforth Highlanders of Canada). Wounded 26 June 1917. Struck off strength and
returned January 1918. Note: Brother to Bennett.
* Pearce, Percy Charles: Arrived in Walhachin: April 1914. Born:
Cornwall, England. Age 21. Single. Calling: Orchardist. Left March
1916. Joined 172nd Btn. (Rocky Mountain Rangers) as a private.To
47th Btn. Missing and presumed kiUed 13 April 1917 Batde ofVimy
Ridge. Note: Has no known grave and is commemorated on the
Vimy Memorial and the Kamloops Cenotaph.
Penketh, Harry James: Arrived in Walhachin: May 1912. Born:
Staffordshire, England. Age 23. Single. CaUing: Rancher. Left August
1915. Joined 54th (Kootenay) Btn. as a private corporal. Wounded
1916 Batde ofthe Somme. Returned for convalescence as quarter
master sergeant with intended residence Vancouver. Award: MUitary
medal. Note: Two older brothers kUled in action as officers with the
British Army.
Pole, Rjeginald Alexander Charles: Arrived in Walhachin: October 1910. Born: England. Age 27. Single. CaUing: Accountant. Left
November 1915 to seek a commission in the Army Service Corps.
Note: Walhachin's first postmaster.
Prior, Arthur Patrick: Arrived in Walhachin: May 1911. Service
with British Army Service Corps, as a Ueutenant. Wounded 1915.
Roberts, K: Untraced.
Soames, C.T.: Untraced.
TuringJohn Leslie: Arrived in Walhachin: July 1914.Age 19. Single.
CaUing: Orchardist. Left January 1916 to join 3 Btn. Seaforth Highlanders in England as a lieutenant. Award: Military Cross. Returned
to Walhachin in 1919. Note: A younger brother to his twin, heir to
the family tide. Educated at WeUington CoUege—brother at Eton
and R.M.C. Attributed longevity to many hours in the hot sun
tUling Walhachin soU. Succeeded twin in 1970 as 11th Baronet of
Wallington J.: Arrived in Walhachin: Nov. 1911. Further history
Goggin VP:Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Left July 1915 to join
the British Munitions Supply Force foUowing his faith as a Quaker.
Pike, James: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. Left July 1915 to join
the British Munitions Supply Force.
Bertram, Edward Ethelbert Nelson: Arrived in Walhachin: 1909.
Born: London, England.Age 36. Married. CaUing: Mining engineer.
Left June 1916 andjoined 211th Battalion in Vancouver as a private to
28 Inf. Battalion. Discharged December 1918 as medicaUy unfit;
residence Vancouver. Note: Assisted in surveying of flumes and orchards.
Burnett, James: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown. On 1916Voters
List. Born: Kincardinshire, Scodand.Age 40.Widower. CaUing: Butler. Joined 172 Btn. March 1916 in Savona. Served 1st Res. Btn,
H.Q. in England. Discharged with intended residence Glasgow.
Chetwynd, William Ralph Talbot: Arrived in Walhachin: 1910.
Born: Lichfield, Staffordshire. Age 27. Married. Calling: Manager.
Joined Royal Field ArtiUery in 1917 as a Ueutenant.Award: MUitary
Cross for saving a wounded soldier under fire. Note: A cousin to the
Marquis of Anglesey. Postwar manager of Anglesey Estates replacing
Charles E. Barnes who was elected president ofthe British Columbia Fruitgrowers Association in 1918. Entered poUtics as Social Credit
MLA for Cariboo in 1952. Held appointments as Minister ofTrade
and Industry; Minister of Fisheries, Railroads and Agriculture.Town
of Chetwynd is named after him.
Fitzgerald, Dermot: Arrived in Walhachin: May 1912. Born: England. Age 24. Single. CaUing: Gendeman (from 1913 voters Ust).
Service with British Army Remount Service 1915-1918 as a captain. Returned in 1919.
Halliday, DuNCAN:Arrived in Walhachin: 1912. Born: Morven, Scotland. Age 29. Married. CaUing: Labourer. Left Janunary 1918 and
joined 72ndBattaUon Seaforth Highlanders of Canada. Returned:
1919. Note: Brother to Robert.
Johnson, Lancelot Llewellyn: Arrived in Walhachin: Unknown.
On 1916 voters List. Born: England. Age 33. Married. Calling: Civil
Engineer. Left June 1916. Commissioned into Canadian Engineers
severely wounded at Vimy. Discharged to employment with Invalided
Soldiers Commission. Award: MUitary Cross.
KitsonJohn Francis Buller: Arrived in Walhachin: March 1911.
Married. Calling: Rancher. Left June 1916 to join Royal NavalVol-
unteer Reserve as a Ueutenant. Service in motor torpedo boats.
Awards: Distinguished Service Cross: While protecting a convoy in
the English Channel he attacked and rammed a U-boat thus driving it away. Also awarded the Order ofthe British Empire (CivU) in
1945. Returned: 1919. Note: Married to Dorothy, sister of Eric
Wilkinson. An older brother kiUed as an officer with the British
Army 1917.
Loyd, Arthur Kestevan: Arrived in Walhachin: Sept. 1910. Born:
Hertfordshire, England. Age 27. Married. Calling: Rancher.
Left June 1918 andjoined #5 Coy. Royal Canadian Gatson Artillery as gunner. Service in Canada only. Discharged December 1918
with intended residence Walhachin. Note: By 1919 he was in Kelowna
employed as a tree pruner, purchased an orchard and expanded his
holdings. By 1935 president ofthe British Columbia Fruit Growers
Association until 1940; president and general manager of British
Columbia Tree Fruits Ltd. Led the industry through its most prosperous times. Upon retirement became involved in the formative
years of the Kelowna Museum. Award: Member of the British
Empire(CivU) 1946 For exceUence in agriculture.
23 The Blunt End of the Discovery
by John E.Roberts
Between 1969 and
1972 John E. (Ted)
Roberts assisted in the
design and construction ofthe Discovery
display in what is now
the Royal British
Columbia Museum.
The writing of this
article brought back
many happy memories
of the days he spent at
the museum with
some remarkable
Ted Roberts'unflagging interest in Captain
Vancouver and his
exploration ofthe
coast have recently
been rewarded by the
establishment of a
Captain Vancouver day
Centre: Wasfohn Brent
the author of The
Shipbuilder's Repository as suggested by f. E.
Roberts? So far no one has
challenged his assumption.
It wasn't that long ago that the suggestion the
famUy visit a museum would have elicited
prolonged groans, especiaUy from its younger
members. Fortunately, for those of us Uving in
soutern British Columbia, this aU changed with
the opening of the new British Columbia Museum in 1972 foUowing
four years of preparation after the new
structure was completed on Belleville
Street inVictoria.
Many of our society's
members wiU remember the old museum
quarters in the basement of the east wing
of the Parliament
BuUdings, with its boring exhibits of stuffed
animals which were
hardly epitomes of the
taxidermist's art, and the
insects in glass frames,
poorly lit, with almost
unreadable labels and
the constant hovering
of the attendant with
his admonition of
"Don't Touch."
In the new quarters, everything became aUve
with innovative lighting and sound systems, and
a visitoi could literaUy enter right into the scene.
Mind you, the admonition of No Touching stUl
remained and if young hands strayed, an elaborate alarm system would sound and it didn't take
long for visitors to remember the limits. However, even today, nearly thirty years later, there
are still those who want to test the system and
the occasional alarm and security's attention wiU
make everyone jump.
The "first phase" on the 3rd floor ofthe museum houses the modern history and the Aboriginal displays which astounded the first visitors, and in short order the museum was rated
"world class." My own involvement was in the
Shipbuilder's Repofitory;
With the THEORY inA PRACTICAL PARTS fully explained;
And ctwy Infl/udiwi rehired in che building and completing * Ship, of every
CU6, from the forming of tlie Draught, to che launching into ihe Waicr.
Compiled and digefted in a Manner ENTIRELY NEW
And laid down different from what tut hitherto appocicd on the Subjca,
Tht Whoto bring intentcd u
A Com^te Companion for thofe Naval Archite&s,
Deiirous of attaining a Competent Knowledge of
fc esss^™^-<X*" '""^i o***m-- -"»•*•
modern history section, and from 1969 until 1972
I had the honour and privUedge to work with
some remarkable men whose legacy we aU can
enjoy at every visit to what is now the Royal
British Columbia Museum. The hands-on work
was done by Jean J. Andre, the designer of the
"Ring of Time" theme
that took the visitor back
in time, from the present
to 1792 and the arrival on
our coast of Captain
George Vancouver in the
Discovery. Jean's ideas were
made into reaUty by Alec
M. James, head of the
Display Department,
which gave direction to
the actual builders,
headed by Ed Mullett,
carpenter foreman.When
you wander the street in
the "old town," look up
at the buUdings and you
wUl see these peope identified, in silent remembrance. Their names are
joined by many others
who played a material
part in the buUding ofthe
varied displays.
Jean Andre's earUest plans included a replica of
some part of the Discovery, and various schemes
were considered. Models were made up to show
the display as a longitudinal section and alternately a stern section at a 45-degree angle, but
these were discarded as unworkable from a logistics perspective. It was finaUy agreed that a section of the stern would be most appropriate, allowing visitors to walk through the display,
thereby maintaining a continuity with the over-
aU "history in time" theme. At that time I was
busy buUding a plank-on-frame model of the
Discovery and had buUt up quite a Ubrary of data
on the ship, and amongst other treasures had obtained a piece of one of Gov. James Douglas's
cherry trees which had been cut down.This came
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 iiayal British Columbia Museum * 6661-311.Courtesy R.G. Patterson
to me by courtesy of Jim Nesbitt who contacted
the department in government looking after such
requests, and I was most pleasandy surprised one
day to receive a large box from the PubUc Works
Department containing a piece of the trunk,
about 2 feet long and about 10 inches in diameter. I had expected a Utde piece of wood from
which I might make some significant part ofthe
huU, but instead received enough material to make
aU ofthe frames and keel of my model.
My work on the model of the Discovery was
noted in the Vancouver papers and I received a
caU from Dan GaUacher, history curator at the
museum, asking if I would assist them in the production of their Discovery display. I jumped at the
chance. I agreed to prepare the necessary drawings giving the huU form and interior arrangement of the aft section of the stern of the ship,
which in short order became known simply as
"the blunt end."The museum's carpenters crew
had Utde knowledge of shipbuUding, at any scale,
and we had our moments in getting them to follow tables of offsets, etc. when in aU their lives
they had worked from detaUed drawings with
exact measurements. One deUghtful episode was
when I made a visit to the display under construction and was met by one very excited Ed
MuUett who, on previous occasions, was aU of
despairing of what he had been asked to create;
my drawings and tables of offsets just didn't make
sense. On this occasion, Ed grabbed me before I
had a chance to take off my raincoat and dragged
me around the hoarding of the display and
shouted "Look Ted. Look! It looks like a ship!"
That was quite a moment.
We were fortunate in that the Admiralty held
detaUed drawings ofthe Discovery which enabled
us to construct a reasonable reproduction of the
stern section which forms our display. There are
relatively few drawings of 6th-rate naval ships and
fewer drawings of the smaUer 3rd class of merchant ships, from 300 to 450 tons, of which the
Discovery is a fair representation.1 Admiralty
draught 4607 is a buUder's plan, showing the vessel as buUt by RandeU and Brent and as modified
at the time of her purchase by the Navy. The
changes required are drawn directly over the
original Unes in red ink, which unfortunately reproduces as black when copied. On this draught,
the new placement ofthe channels and deadeyes
is shown, plus the addition ofthe double capstan
on the quarter and upper decks. After purchase
by the Navy, the ship was remasted and sparred
according to Navy standards2 and the mizzen-mast
was relocated to a position slighdy further aft.
The wheel was moved abaft the mast to accommodate the new quadrant fitted to the tiUer.
Draught 4378 shows the changes made to the
Top left: Alec James, Ed
Mullet, and Tony Koning
working on the display in
Top right: Detail of an
Admiralty builders plan,
Ref. 4607, used in the
design ofthe "blunt end."
1 Draughts held at the
Maritime Museum,
Greenwich: Ref. 4378-
Sheer and Body Plan as
converted to Bomb Vessel;
Ref 4379-Cross section of
hull as Bomb Vessel; Ref.
4380-Deck Plans as Bomb
Vessel; Ref. 4380a-Deck
Plans as built; Ref. 4607-
Sheer plan as built; Ref.
4607a-Deck Plan as built.
A plan ofthe Iron Ballast,
installed prior to launching is in PRO (Public
Record Office) Adm 106/
3 122.
2 PRO Adm 106/2801.
25 Courtesylohn E.Roberts
Above left: Quarter galley,
port side ofthe display.
Above right: Great Cabin,
view to starboard aft.
Discovery at the time she was converted into a
bomb vessel for service at the Batde of Copenhagen where she took her station on the infamous Middle Ground. Again, these changes are
drawn direcdy over an original draught which
results in a great confusion of Unes when viewing a copy. None ofthe draughts show detaUs of
the form ofthe stern windows and our repUca is
conjectural. The nature of her service suggested
that there would be no glass in the after ends of
the stern gaUeries which has resulted in the five-
window arrangement depicted.
Our first task was to lay out the waterUne beginning at huU section 14 on the draught, aft,
from which the huU structure would rise, taking
into account that there would be a 22-inch-square
reinforced-concrete column rising through the
space ofthe "Captain's Bedplace."We also knew
that accommodation would have to be made for
the less-than 7 foot of head room 'tween decks
in the area ofthe "Great Cabin" if we were going to have visitors pass through the exhibit.The
heavy column is now hidden by the framing of
the Utde cabin where Captain Vancouver slept,
and the fire marshal was satisfied with our lowering the floor across the ship by a foot so that
visitors could pass through.
The curvature ofthe upper deck is maintained
so that one senses that one is not on a flat floor
and some visitors have suggested that they could
feel the ship move. In fact, I used to deUght some
ofthe school chUdren by suggesting that we "...
get this thing rocking" and get them to sway back
and forth and suddenly stop. As their giddiness
subsided they would say "... how did you do that,
Mister!" As you look into the Great Cabin you
can see the actual level ofthe cabin deck and low
head room and get a feeling ofthe cramped quarters.The actual height between decks in this part
ofthe ship was from 6'5"to 6'10", from the top
of the deck to the underside of the deck above.
In the area where the crew slept the space'tween
decks was only 6'2". The area in the display
marked "Lieutenant's Cabin", on the port side, is
actuaUy in that part ofthe stern noted as "Steerage" on the ship's draught. The Ueutenant's litde
cabin was actuaUy on the starboard side, and forward of the Captain's Bedplace. On the actual
vessel, the mizzen-mast was located about four
feet aft ofthe bulkhead as you enter, which would
have interefered with the flow of traffic, so a representation of the mast was made in the aft face
ofthe bulkhead.
The body plan ofthe ship's draught shows that
the sides in the area ofthe display are quite slab-
sided and that the finer Unes under the counters
do not start until some distance aft. This part of
the display was a real chaUenge and it was decided that adopting some shipbmlding technique
might save much time, rather than trying to lay
out the stern with ordinary carpenter's framing
as was done with the more forward section. We
started by erecting a stump of an inner and outer
stern post and placing a proper wing transom
upon them. This latter item was fabricated from
1-inch thick plywood, to about 17 inches square
and 17 feet 8 inches long with the proper roundup fore and aft and athwartship. On this beam,
the horn, or counter timbers, were raised to give
the form of the stern and its windows and the
BC HISTORICAL NEWS-Vol. 33 No. 2 foundation for the quarter gaUeries, port and starboard. It took a great deal of ingenuity and muscle-power to get these heavy members into place.
Looking into the Great Cabin one can see
into the stern gaUeries which hold the lavatory
accommodations for the captain on the port side
and the lieutenant's to starboard. On the
centreUne, towards the stern of the cabin, sits a
smaU octagonal drum table which is the cover
to the extension of the rudder which passes
through the main deck. Mortices are cut into
the extension to receive an emergency tiUer. In
furnishing the Captain's Bedplace, it was decided
to make a repUca of Lord Nelson's folding cot in
the Victory, though the records show that Vancouver brought on board a "Bed Furniture,"
which could have been folding or otherwise.
One problem never solved before the display
was opened was that of the colour of the huU,
for I had not had an opportunity to see Lieut.
Mudge's watercolour sketch of the "Discovery
on the Rocks" until some months after we had
finished.3 The sketch clearly shows that it was
Venetian Red and from the quantity of this paint
carried in the ship, I am certain that this should
have been the colour ofthe huU.4 However, this
would have made the display very dark and it
was decided to just leave things the way they
were and trust that no one would pick it up.
Anyone engaged in historical research Uves for
the day that he wUl uncover a diamond that solves
some puzzle or other, not that this wUl bring
world-wide fame or fortune. This has happened
to me on two occasions, one on the vindication
of Captain George Vancouver as noted in earUer
editions ofthe BC Historical News,5 and the other
concerning the authorship of one of the most
important works on 18th-century shipbuUding.
In this I refer to The Shipbuilder's Repository of
1788 of which I hold one ofthe few original
copies in Canada and whose author had not been
acknowledged untU a chance encounter on the
One evening whUe surfing the Net, I came
across the Web site of one Lars Bruzehus in Sweden ( which is a veritable gold mine of data relating to 18th-century
naval matters. Included was a report on the obitu- the Gentlemen's Magazine for January 1813,
of John Brent. At the time the Discovery was buUt
at the yard of RandeU and Brent at Rotherhithe
in 1789,John Brent was very active and respected
in the trade and the obituary told the story of
his Ufe. It matched completely the picture given
by the anonymous author ofthe Shipbuilder's Repository in his dedication.When reference is made
to the Ust of subscribers ofthe work, the name of
John Brent is conspicuously absent. Other members of his famUy and associates are there, but the
name of John Brent is missing. The answer I felt,
was simply that John Brent was the author. I proposed this solution in the Mariner's Mirror, Vol. 84,
No. 2, May 1998, and to date no one has challenged my supposition.6
The work itself is a masterpiece. Its 472 pages
give a complete guide to laying out a ship's draught
from tables of proportions, scantlings and offsets,
etc. The proportions themselves are calculated to
four decimal places and there are few corrections
in the table of errata. The author, in his dedication, chose a very apt quotation from Alexander
Pope's An Essay on Criticsm:
Whoever thinks a fauldess Piece to see.Thinks what
ne'er was, nor is, nor e'er shaU be.
I appUed these sentiments to my efforts in creating the Discovery's blunt end. There are a few
errors that have not been corrected, but I feel the
overaU effect achieves our purpose. I do wish,
however, that the powers that be had seen fit to
correct the remarks concerning "H.M.S. Discovery" on the display, since the term "H.M.S." did
not appear in general use until after Vancouver's
The Royal British Columbia Museum houses
one of the finest displays of our culture and development and I am honoured to have had the
opportunity to contribute a smaU part in its making. Like most things of this magnitude, it didn't
just happen, and much work was done behind
the scenes by then Director Bristol Foster and
Jean Andre, among others, who contacted corporations throughout the province for their financial support for the various displays. Our Discovery Display was
funded by the Royal Bank of
Canada, and other banking institutions and businesses supported
other display areas throughout the
Museum.Today, one ofthe driving forces is the Friends of the
Royal British Columbia Museum, a volunteer group
reponsible for fund raising and
support of the many Museum
programs.They are worthy of our
support. <^s»'
5 Early Maritime Artists of
the Pacific Northwest Coast,
1741-1841", John Frazier
Henry, Douglas & Mclntyre,
Vancouver, 1984, Plate 7.
4 Ref. PRO CO. 5/187.
A Demand for a Supply of
Carpenter's Stores... etc.
5 BC Historical News,
Spring 1995, Vol. 28, No. 2,
"The Camelford Controversy."
6 See also The Mariner's Mirror, vol. 76, no. 2,1990, p
189 and vol. 76, no. 3,
1990, p282.
7 A full discussion on this
subject is found in The
Mariner's Mirror, vol. 58, no.
1.1972, p 102; vol. 59, no.
3.1973, p 354; vol. 76, no.
2,1990, p 185; and vol. 76,
no. 3,1990, p 282.
Below: Body plan on
Draught 4378
27 Book Reviews
Books for review and book reviews should be sent to:
Anne Yandle, Book Review Editor BC Historical News, 3450 West 20th Avenue, Vancouver BC V6S 1E4
Mary Palmer
Jedediah Days: One Woman's
Island Paradise.
Reviewed by Phyllis Reeve.
J. WE. Alexander
Lardeau-Duncan Memories.
Reviewed by Edward L. Affleck
Pat Foster
Historic Ashcroft: For the Strong
Eye Only.
Reviewed by Melva J. Dwyer
Cole Harris
The Resettlement of British
Columbia: Essays on Colonialism
and Geographic Change.
Reviewed by Richard Lane
WiUiam Rayner
Images of History: Twentieth
Century British Columbia
through the Front Pages.
Reviewed by Gordon R. Elliott
Ken Drushka
Tie Hackers to Timber Harvesters:
The History of Logging in
British Columbia's Interior.
Reviewed by Denis Marshall
Elizabeth Walker
Street Names ofVancouver.
Reviewed by Carol Gordon
R.G. Harvey
Carving the Western Path by
River, Rail, and Road Through
B. C.'s Southern Mountains.
Reviewed by Edward L. Affleck
Correction and apology;
In a review in J3C Historical News 32:3
ofthe book Vancouver's Society of Italians
by Raymond Culos the author's surname
was incorrectly shown as Raymond Cubs.
The editor apologizes for this mistake,
which is entirely his, and for any upset it
may have caused the individuals involved.
Jedediah Days:
One Woman's Island Paradise.
Mary Palmer. Madeira Park: Harbour
Publishing, 1998. 224 pp. IUus. $26.95
Reviewed by Phyllis Reeve.
Mary Palmer has had two dreams come true:
first, the dream of owning and living on her
own island paradise; second, the dream of
ensuring the future preservation of the island in its paradisiacal state. The power of
dreams has put her book high on the best-
seUer lists in British Columbia and estabUshed Jedediah Island Provincial Marine Park
as a mandatory stop for boaters en route to
Lasqueti and Texada Islands and Desolation
As the subtide indicates, island Uving constituted one woman's paradise, every woman's— not every man's.The "feeUng of strong
affinity to this land," which Mary felt on first
visiting Jedediah in 1949, was not shared by
her husband, and the cost of paradise included the loss of a marriage. The first version of the dream, bringing up her young
sons year-round on the island, had to give
way to a less idyUic arrangement. But at last,
for twenty years, Mary and her second husband, Al Palmer, Uved and farmed on their
Mary Palmer chronicles the joys of her
Jedediah days, and does not hide the challenges, which for most people would have
been hardships. A surprisingly large cast of
characters enlivened their solitude, and she
has enjoyed researching and recording her
predecessors on Jedediah, making the book
more than a personal history.
As Mary and Al entered their seventies,
they faced the impossibility of their continuing to operate a productive farm. Without
farm status, they would face the infeasibUity
of paying the land taxes. So they explored
"ways in which we could preserve Jedediah
in its pristine condition in perpetuity, without sacrificing its land, native plants, timber,
beaches and other unique features."After several years of intensive lobbying and fund-
raising by a number of caring people, the
provincial government agreed to an aU-too-
rare partnership with corporate and nonprofit organizations.Jedediah Island Park was
purchased for $4.2 miUion, a sum which,
while "substantiaUy below market value,"
might these days be considered yet another
dream come true.'**''
Reviewer Phyllis Reeve lives on Gabriola Island,
where some people still dream about parks.
Lardeau-Duncan Memories.
J.WE. Alexander. Creston: Ken Alexander,
1998.182 pp. IUus. Maps. $25.95 paperback.
(AvaUable from Ken Alexander, 509 12th Ave.
North, Creston BC VOB 1G4)
Reviewed by Edward L.Affleck.
The East and West Kootenay districts in
southeastern British Columbia have a long
history of tantalizing prospectors seeking that
elusive but lucrative mineral claim. In the
1860s and 1870s, prospectors combed the sea
of rugged mountains and the mighty watercourses that characterize the area in search
of gold placers. The advent in the 1880s of
the Northern Pacific RaUroad to the south
and the Canadian Pacific Railway to the
north gave promise ofthe heavy-duty transportation required to make a success of lode
("hard-rock") mining, thus triggering another rush of prospectors, this time in search
of promising hard-rock veins of gold, silver,
copper, lead, and zinc. In the West Kootenay
District, mining camps sprang up in the
lUeciUewaet, on Toad Mountain (Nelson),
Red Mountain (Rossland), the Slocan
(Sandon), and the Salmon VaUey (Ymir). By
the mid 1890s, prospectors had moved on to
comb the slopes of the Lardeau-Duncan
Mining Division, the West Kootenay's last
The Lardeau was the most remote of the
mining pockets in West Kootenay. Much of
its enticing mineral wealth stiU Ues at very
high altitudes in a region subject to early
snowfalls in the autumn and to killer
snowsUdes in the spring. Late in the spring,
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 entrance to the area could be made by following a traU up one of two floodplains: that
ofthe Duncan River, which debouches into
the north head of Kootenay Lake, or that of
the Incomapleux River, which empties into
the northeast arm of Upper Arrow Lake. Both
floodplains bred the most bloodthirsty type
of mosquito imaginable. Today one wiU be
hard pressed to hunt the mosquito in the
Duncan VaUey, as the Duncan Dam has dras-
ticaUy curbed the spring run-off.
In 1906J.WE. (Ernie) Alexander's father,
James, emigrated from Ireland with his young
wife and baby daughter to work in the coal
mines at Fernie. They were burned out in
the great fire of 1908, but hung on there until
1912, when they decided to seek a better Ufe
on a 54-acre homestead near the junction of
the Lardeau and Duncan rivers. Less than two
decades had passed since the Kootenay Lake
stern-wheeler City of Ainsworth had been
spewing prospectors on the shore at the
mouth of the Duncan River to make their
way over the boggy trails into the Lardeau
country, and the surroundings remained relatively isolated. Alexander senior was faced
with the chaUenge of clearing land for farming and logging virgin timber in order to
estabUsh an earnings base. It required pluck
to wrest a Uving in the beautiful Lardeau
Ernie Alexander was born in 1914 and
has spent his life in the Lardeau. In his old
age he has succeeded in writing a book which
reaches back to the days of the prospectors
and works forward to provide a vivid picture of what Ufe has been Uke in the Lardeau
over successive decades ofthe 20th century.
A compelling tale-spinner, facile graphic artist
and sharp-eyed photographer.Alexander offers the reader any number of enthraUing
hours as he depicts hosts of characters who
Uved in the area and provides Uvely descriptions of what it was Uke to wrest a Uving in
the pre-World War II days, before the buUding of the Duncan Dam and the arrival of
the paved aU-weather highway caused a major upheaval in the Lardeau lifestyle.
One wiU look in vain for footnotes and
orthodox chapter organization in Ernie Alexander's work, but they wUl scarcely be
missed as one gets immersed in his speUbind-
ing prose.The book offers a chuckle a minute
and provides a host of accurate historical information as weU. Read it! '*=^
Reviewer Ted Affleck, a Vancouver resident, is an
authority on Kootenay history.
Historic Ashcroft:
For the Strong Eye Only.
Pat Foster. Kamloops: Plateau PubUshing,
1999. IUus. $13.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Melva J. Dwyer.
The subtide of this book, For the strong eye
only, is a quotation from The Fraser by Bruce
Hutchison. When passing through the area,
Hutchison was less than enthusiastic about
the dry, sage-brush-covered hUls that are the
geographical setting of the Interior Plateau
towns of British Columbia.The author points
out that there are many people who find inspiration and enjoyment from this same scenery so readUy dismissed by Hutchison.
Litde has been written about Ashcroft's
history to date. This makes the coUection of
ten essays that Foster has written on various
aspects ofthe early history of Ashcroft interesting and important. She covers the period
from the Gold Rush of 1857 to the fire that
almost destroyed the town in 1916.
The essay entided "Freighting Along the
Cariboo Road" is possibly the most important of those included. From the time ofthe
Gold Rush to the early 1920's, it was the
freighting and transfer of goods through
Ashcroft that was responsible for the early
setdement that developed. It was during the
Ufe of the British Columbia Express Company that the major setdement occurred in
the town and surrounding area.
The author has selected topics that cover
the economic and social history ofthe town.
It is interesting to note that she has considered the Chinese population of sufficient
importance to warrant a story.Too frequendy
these early setders have been ignored in writing our history. The Chinese were extremely
important not only in Ashcroft but also in
the other smaU communities ofthe Cariboo
and those that developed along the CPR.
They had come for gold or to work on the
raUway construction. Many stayed to become
the first merchants, market gardeners, and
other service providers.
Other essays include an account of some
ofthe early pioneers as weU as sports, churches
and entertainment. Recognition is also given
to the Ashcroft Journal where the history of
the area has been recorded for over 100 years.
Foster has included a number of poems by
R.D. and Lew Cummings, former editors and
pubUshers of the Journal. These poems, which
had appeared in various issues of the paper,
foUow the essays. They are typical ofthe humour and comment written and pubUshed
in the newspapers of the time. The author
has obviously done considerable research on
her subject. Although she does not use direct
quotations from her sources, it would have
added to the value ofthe book if some specific references, other than general acknowledgements, had been given. Historical Ulustrations are included within the text. These
are identified and the sources noted.The table of contents Usts the essays included but
there is no index. Although this is not a large
work, only seventy-two pages, an index of
the personal names in the text would have
been most useful.
The author, Pat Foster, has added to the
increasing number of local histories that are
being pubUshed. She has written about an
historic setdement whose early importance
has not been acknowledged previously except in general histories. For this she is to be
congratulated. '*=='
Melva Dwyer is 2nd vice president of the British
Columbia Historical Federation.
The Resettlement of British Columbia:
Essays on Colonialism and Geographic
Cole Harris. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997.
314 pp. IUus., maps. $24.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Richard Lane.
In an important essay published in the
twenty-fifth Anniversary Issue of BC Studies,
Robin Fisher mounts a sustained attack on
those academics and others who have an "excessive devotion to theory" in writing British Columbia history: Fisher constructs an
opposition between "home-grown big ideas"
and "foreign theory," suggesting that a moratorium on the use ofthe "...big D and F
words—Derrida and Foucault" wiU lead historians towards a more analytical, reflective
and above aU indigenous writing of BC history. Fisher warns;"Unless we are careful, the
current theoretical fads of discourse,
deconstruction, and post-modernism, which
are aU taking academics in the direction that
Utde is knowable, wiU end up being the last
refuge of a know-nothing generation..." (BC
Studies, 100, 1993/1994, p 65). Apart from
being an inadequate and inaccurate account
of the serious philosophical grounding of
what has become known overall as
"poststructuraUst theory," Fisher's polemic
also fails to account for the ways in which
the structure of post-contact BC has always
involved a shutding between home and some
other place. We can see this in the interac-
29 tions between the Pacific North West and
Europe in the art of Emily Carr or Jack
Shadbolt; denying the importance of
Cezanne's work upon Shadbolt's formation
as an artist, for example, would be severely
limiting. The latter would mean that an important piece in the jigsaw puzzle that explains Shadbolt as a British Columbian artist
would be missing. Sinularly, the use of French
European theorist Michel Foucault, say, in
the analysis of power relations between European immigrants and the indigenous peoples ofBC doesn't detract from "...the-study
of British Columbia as a particular place"
(Fisher)—on the-contrary, it enhances our
understanding ofthe complexities ofthe re-
setdement of a province. This process of enhancement can be seen most clearly in Cole
Harris's recent coUection of essays, The Resettlement of British Columbia.
In bringing together nine major essays in
one coUection, Cole Harris offers the reader
a unique opportunity to read about the colonization process in British Columbia from a
number of different perspectives. As Harris
himself notes in his introduction: "The essays in this book are about the uneven intersection of coloniaUsm and modernity with
Coyote and his world. EssentiaUy, they deal
with some of the strategies and tactics by
which Coyote and his kind were decentred
and marginaUzed in their own land." The
stress should faU upon the phase "uneven intersection," both in terms ofthe unbalanced
power relations between setders and those
cultures akeady in place, and more UteraUy
in terms of the interpretative perspectives
brought to bear on this intersection. And I
mean the latter in a positive way. WhUe Robin
Fisher wants a homogeneous "big idea" to
describe the history of British Columbia, I
would argue that with such a heterogeneous
society (and process of societal formation)
the shifting perspectives ofthe essays paraUel
in many respects the myriad ways in which
societies develop.There is a general, discernible trend in Harris's book to move away from
the initial, more overdy analytical essays, to a
sUghdy "impressionistic" approach; this trend
can be read in a positive or negative Ught,
offering differing perspectives. Or, it can be
seen as faiUng to adequately account for the
postcolonial issues raised and examined so
successfuUy in the first part ofthe coUection.
Tina Loo argues the latter in her BC Studies
review of this book:
"Focussing on the relationship between
Natives and Whites, as Harris did in the first
part ofthe book, kept the issue of power in
the foreground. However, as Natives fade
from the discussion in the latter part of the
book, the analysis of power also becomes
somewhat diffuse and diminished" (BC Studies, 117,1998).
Polemic arguments and fine points of
analysis put aside, what can the reader expect to find in this coUection? Harris writes
from a geographer's perspective, drawing together articles published elsewhere (with
expansions and revision) and some new material. His opening chapter examines "Voices
of SmaUpox around the Strait of Georgia"
(first pubUshed in Ethnohistory, 1994), which
expands our knowledge of such contact-related diseases. Harris shows the complexities
of Coastal disease patterns compared, for
example, with that of the Plains. In other
words, the geographical intersection of early
White society and changing Native patterns
of setdement in BC, tied in with problems
in the historical records of early-contact societies, led to a situation that stiU lacks interpretive consensus. FoUowing a wealth of detail, Harris reflects on the ways in which
European notions of history construct disease narratives that, of necessity, conform to
notions of enlightenment, progress and civilization; as Harris notes, "...the idea of disease-induced depopulation turns the story
ofthe contact process away from the rhetorics
of progress and salvation and towards the
numbing recognition of catastrophe."
Harris shows the way in which disease and
colonization functioned hand in hand; one
was not merely the effect of the other, but
part of a more complex interrelationship.This
means that our models of colonial power and
influence need to be "backdated" so to speak,
which Harris does in chapter two, "Strategies of Power in the CordiUeran FurTrade,"
examining the Hudson's Bay Company as a
"pioto-colonial presence in the CordiUera."
(34) This chapter is, simply speaking, a mar-
veUously productive and clear synthesis of
Foucault's notions of discipline, surveiUance
and power relations with that of the early
trade years in post-contact BC. Harris details the discipUnary processes that functioned
"internaUy" in HBC forts and "externaUy"
in the relationships between Whites and Natives. Making effective use of visual material,
this chapter provides both a comprehensive
introduction to the fur trade and an analysis
of power systems that, Harris argues, continue in today's courts. (66-7) Chapter three,
"The Making of the Lower Mainland"
(which first appeared in the book Vancouver
and Its Region, 1992), and chapter four,"The
Fraser Canyon Encountered" (first pubUshed
in BC Studies, 1992) examine the colonizing
process in a region which modern-day, city-
hopping visitors to Vancouver often ignore:
that of the Fraser River. Even experienced
historians of British Columbia wUl find
something new in these two chapters, and
they are to be recommended to young scholars who wish to get a good grasp on regional
history. Chapter five, "A population Geography of British Columbia in 1881" (first
published in the Canadian Geographer, 1994)
is based upon research for volume 2 of the
Historical Atlas of Canada by Robert Galois.
This chapter examines the British Columbia census of 1881 as a reflection ofthe way
in which "society and space were recaUbraring
each other" in British Columbia during this
period. Chapter six,"The Struggle with Distance" examines the impact of European
technologies of transportation and communication upon the region they considered a
"new land." Harris argues that: "The conquest of distance, partial as it was, was at once
a central motor of colonization, enabling an
immigrant society to impose its ways; and of
modernization, facUitating the spatial economies discipUnary tactics, and many ofthe assumptions of advanced industrial societies."
Written specificaUy for this coUection, this
chapter offers a fascinating gUmpse into a
narrative of ever-decreasing distances that
paraUel increases in technological, economic
and poUtical power. Chapter seven, "Industry and the Good Life around Idaho Peak"
(first published in the Canadian Historical
Review, 1985) contains, as Harris notes in his
introduction, an"egregious error" that "there
was no evidence of Native setdement near
Idaho Peak." Harris should be applauded for
keeping his original essay intact, and
foregrounding his own processes of education about Native history, precisely because
it reveals the work that stiU remains to be
done in unearthing histories that have been
buried and evidence that disappears given
colonial interpretive models. Chapter eight,
"Farming and Rural Life," written with
David Demeritt, examines farming as an
immigrant activity. There are sections on
semi-subsistent family farming, orcharding,
ranching, dairying and market gardening.The
chapter ends with the demise of farming and
the 1941 census.The final chapter, "Making
an Immigrant Society" examines the social
structures of a "new" society by also work-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 ing through different theoretical positions
which enable academic models to be constructed. Harris briefly sketches the work of
Wakefield, Turner and Hartz before going
on to more detailed discussions ofthe British Columbian immigrant experience.
Harris has produced a coUection of essays
of academic significance and general interest
to the reader who is fascinated by the varied
experiences that make up the histories of
British Columbia. This book is highly
recommended. '**»'
Reviewer Richard Lane is a professor of English
at the University of Westminster in London, UK
Images of History: Twentieth Century
British Columbia through the Front
WiUiam Rayner.Victoria: Orca, 1997.180
pp. IUus. $18 paperback.
Reviewed by Gordon R. Elliott.
This book by an ex-newspaperman is not
one ofthe great books of the Western World,
but it does give a picture (or image?) of Ufe
in Canada's most westerly province from 1900
to 1997, decade by decade.Though the Ufe is
that furnished by provincial newspapers and
their headlines, any reader of this volume—
young or old—wiU gain something. Perhaps
the gain wiU only be a dose of memory-
jogged nostalgia, but that at least could be
both rejuvenating and educational.
The century opened in poUtical chaos and,
with a different cast of characters, is closing
in the same way. But though poUtics are always important, other historical events are
also of interest. Readers over ninety years old
might even recaU BiUy Miner's escapades and
to the stories might even add footnotes of
their own. They must be almost that old to
remember the opening ofthe Empress Hotel inVictoria, but might have been told about
it so often that they actuaUy believe that they
had been there. But remember that avalanche
at Revelstoke? Or the first train arriving in
Prince Rupert from Winnipeg? Or men going off to war? Others of such soUd years
might remember the coming of prohibition
and women being able to vote. The Roaring
Twenties to them might jump-kick memories of flappers and mah-jongg and the
Alexandra BaUroom, or other fun thought
then never to be forgotten.
Grandparents of present-day boomers aU
remember the coming ofthe "great" depression and this memory-boosting volume almost forces readers to make such age-reveal
ing comments as "I had forgotten that" or
"Was it that long ago?"The thirties—"a cauldron of despair"—wiU remind readers of, or
introduce them to Tolmie, PatuUo and Tom
UphiU; to breadUnes and prices; to "protests,
marches, raUies and violence;" to the burning ofthe Denman arena which some might
not even remember having been there at aU;
the King's abdication speech; the coming of
sliced bread; the murder of Francis
Rattenbury and the death ofTexas Guinan.
Remember Gerry McGeer's reading of
the Riot Act? And Peter Verigin? And the
crowds welcoming King George VI and
Queen EUzabeth? What exacdy was the Kidd
Report? And who were the Mac-Paps? Who
were the first CCF MLAs?
Then British Columbia at war again. Most
people of "a certain age" and older vividly
remember those days, but a younger generation might benefit from knowing about
blackouts and the evacuation of the Japanese
from the coast; about Smoky Smith; US
troops at Dawson Creek; camps for suspected
aliens; the St. Roch coming through the
Northwest Passage; about zoot-suiters and
zombies; about the explosion of the SS
Greenhill Park. FinaUy peace.
The fifties—the pivotal decade ofthe century, according to Rayner—brought the
Socreds. Remember those new poUticians in
their formal "uniforms" on the steps of the
Legislature? Few over-fifties wiU forget them,
nor forget Landy and Bannister, nor Walter
MuUigan. Nor Robert Sommers.What about
Doug Hepburn? Marilyn BeU? And Leo
Mantha? Or Ripple Rock? Where were you
when the Second Narrows Bridge coUapsed?
Rayner characterizes the sixties as "rough,
tough, and loud", and the seventies as a
"Whiff of SociaUsm". Perhaps he's right. But
remember the TraU Smoke Eaters winning
the World Cup? What was that Columbia
River Treaty aU about anyway? But who forgets Nancy Greene, Harry Jerome, or Karen
Magnussen? Or the hippies? Bennett Senior
out and Bennett Junior in, though soon to
be replaced by Barrett who didn't last long
either? The Defection: Gardom, McGeer, and
WUUams cross the floor ofthe legislature.And
Grade's Finger! However, the Sea Bus finaUy
sailed, though an aircraft crashed at
Cranbrook, and the Bennett Dam was completed.
Some decades stiU seem too close for us
to absorb; we often forget some ofthe essentials necessary for understanding. For instance,
the eighties—"The Mark of Zalm", as
Rayner caUs them. RecaU that decade: the
Sky Train, the CoquihaUa Highway, and the
CPR's tunnel in Rogers Pass, the longest raUway tunnel in North America. Few memories, one hopes, must be jogged to recaU Terry
Fox and Steve Fonyo and Rick Hansen.And
CUfford Olson. Rayner could, perhaps, have
caUed the entire decade "The Age of Inquiry."
Unfortunately this book so adept at kick-
starting memory machines, fades out in 1997,
though the province did not.
As pleasant a read as this volume might
be, it does have flaws. One is in its format: its
8" by 9%" pages with their 21/4" currendy
fashionable sidebars aU carrying a banner
proclaiming"The Decade in HeadUnes," create a book irregular in size and therefore difficult to fit into a regular-size bookcase. More
important, though, is that too often the
"headUnes" have nothing reaUy to do with
the material in the main text, but instead leave
the reader wondering how to fit them in. In
addition, the sidebar "headlines" too often
include comments that could not possibly
be part of any real newspaper headline.
Nevertheless, this volume can bring fun
and joy to people of aU ages: to oldsters, a
"remember when" kind of game; to youngsters, an opportunity to learn something of
their own past; to the somewhere-in-
betweens, the confirmation that history does
repeat itself, over and over, again and again,
at least political history. Even through the
less successful sidebars, aU readers can enjoy
the Ulustrations and cartoons whUe picking
up some details in passing. Newcomers to
British Columbia reading that easy prose of
the central column wiU gain a sense of the
interests of the province over the years and
might just wonder how this province with
its fires and floods and earthquakes, with its
protests and poUtics, has lasted so long. And
might just wonder how and where it goes
from here.
Read the book twice. After finishing the
second read of this readable text you too wUl
wonder why the author stopped when he
did, you too wiU wonder why Rayner didn't
go on with the last few months of the decade, go on to the end of the century, to the
end of the miUennium. You too wiU wish
that he had gone on to finish atY2K rather
than stop at the relatively less exciting
Y1.97K. <^
Reviewer Gordon R. Elliott, a member ofthe
Vancouver Historical Society, is a retired English
professor of Simon Fraser University.
31 Tie Hackers to Timber Harvesters:
The History of Logging in British Columbia's Interior.
Ken Drushka. Madeira Park: Harbour Publishing, 1998.240 pp. IUus.Map. $44.95 hardcover.
Reviewed by Denis Marshall.
They said it couldn't be done: an aU-encom-
passing history of BC's Interior forest industry was impossible to bundle into one volume. WeU, thanks to Ken Drushka and his
Tie Hackers to Timber Harvesters, a neglected
segment ofthe province's industrial activity
has at last found a voice.
AssembUng material for this book was a
daunting task. Even though the inland forests take up 82 percent of BC's land mass
and now account for more than 70 percent
of our wood products, they were formerly
populated by small-scale operators—here
today and gone tomorrow. Against this ever-
shifting backdrop, determining who owned
what 75 years ago cannot be accompUshed
with any certainty today.
The result is a handsome product, bolstered by a stunning coUection of photographs and eye-catching typography, with
strong leanings toward a coffee-table format.
Drushka has chosen to teU his story by including interviews with the loggers and
mUlmen in their own colourful words; however, I found these sidebars increasingly irritating stumbling blocks in trying to make
my way though the main text and felt they
deserved to be in one section, perhaps at the
end of each chapter.
A theme of destruction runs through the
book in the now-familiar refrain of"cut and
get out." One marvels at the rapacity ofthe
hand loggers, visibly demonstrated on page
70, which displays the glutted miU pond at
the BuU River townsite at the end of the
1915 river drive.
By mid-20th century, after playing second fiddle to the Coast and its high-quaUty
output, Interior lumber manufacturers had
come into their own. Until the era of con-
soUdation.the upcountry timber industry was
largely the story of "Utde guys" running litde miUs producing in the order of four to
eight thousand board feet a day. Drushka hits
his stride when recounting the ingenuity that
was the trademark of loggers and mill owners coping with isolation and lack of capital.
Reminding us that the only component a
budding sawmiUer needed to import was a
saw blade—the rest could be fashioned on
the spot,—Interior lumber manufacturing
remained a humble enterprise until the raUway boom. Brainy solutions such as McLean
Lumber's pole skidway, with its "sUde asses"
and pole cars, or that company's ingenious
fin booms used to direct logs around river
obstructions enabled operators "to make her
pay." Another device utilized extensively by
Interior timber harvesters was the flume,
whose very immensity required miUions of
feet of lumber before a single log or stick of
lumber could be sent on its way.
Out ofthe faceless army of bush workers
there occasionaUy emerged local legends such
as Olof (Tie) Hanson and Sivert Anderson,
whose rise to prominence in the North is
adequately covered in Tie Hackers to Timber
Harvesters. Noticeably absent from the pantheon is KW. (Rolf) Bruhn, the Swedish
immigrant who became a major player in
the Southern Interior's tie and pole sectors
and a respected BC cabinet minister. In an
industry increasingly dominated by multinationals, there yet remain a few homegrown
giants—the Ainsworths, Raboch-Steele, the
innovative BUI Kordyban of Carrier Lumber, the Ketchums ofWest Fraser Timber, and
Thorlaksons ofTolko Industries.
There are other concerns running through
the book that indicate the author may be
guUty of some sloppy research, such as the
frizzy handling ofthe GeneUe interests and
one of their successors, Columbia River
Lumber Company, lasdy owned by A.D.
McRae's Canadian Western Lumber Company. Suspicions regarding overaU accuracy
were also raised by the reference to the"1914"
HeUs Gate slide.
The early lumbermen had a pretty easy
time of it, as far as accessible timber went.
Throughout, Drushka writes of magnificent
timber stands succumbing to the relendess
onslaught of axe and saw—most mills logged
out their avaUable supply of raw material in
15 to 20 years.At any given time in the 1950s
as many as 2,000 independent shows were
operating in the Interior moving from one
timber sale to the next, including 500 in the
Prince George region alone. The bush miUs
cut rough lumber and hauled it to central
planing operations, epitomized by Prince
George's Planer Row. Producing lumber by
this method was a terrible waste of timber; a
study found that only 25 percent of every
tree logged ended up in lumber. Obviously,
something had to he done.
Drushka credits former Socred Minister
of Forests Ray WUliston with being the right
man for the times when he began his 16-
year tenure in 1956.WiUiston, says the author, brought a common-sense approach to
forest poUcy, preferring flexible regulation to
legislation. WiUiston is also singled out for
his role in bringing about an accommodation with mUl owners, leading to the Pulp-
wood HarvestingAgreement and the launching of the Interior pulp industry, utilizing
sawmUl residues.
Having addressed the need to become glo-
baUy sophisticated through consoUdation and
inventiveness, the author reminds us we have
gone from being North America's lowest-
cost producer of wood products to one of
the highest.
Release of Tie Hackers to Timber Harvesters
coincided with a downturn in the BC lumber and pulp sectors and Drushka ends on
an uncertain note, which is perhaps typical
of the boom-and-bust nature of the industry. Also unanswered is the question of
whether the land can continue to meet
exponentiaUy increasing consumer demands.
What's more, foreign competitors are under-
seUing BC in traditional markets with wood
from exotic forests, at the same time meeting environmental standards as tough as
Reviewer Denis Marshall, a resident of Salmon
Arm, is editor of the Okanagan Historical Society Report.
Street Names ofVancouver.
EUzabeth Walker.Vancouver:Vancouver Historical Society, 1999. 147pp. $24.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Carol Gordon.
It has been said that Vancouver is a city cursed
with beautiful scenery.To the extent that preoccupation with our scenic heritage undermines attention to our cultural landscape, this
may weU be true. EUzabeth Walker has gone
a long way to redress the balance with her
exhaustively researched book on the origins
ofVancouver street names.
At first glance it might seem an easy task
to account for the names given to famiUar
thoroughfares. Start with the surnames of
robust lumbermen and mill owners, pay
homage to various CPR worthies, add references to famous batdes and heroes and
Ughten with an assortment of birds and trees.
But that is a very smaU part ofthe story.
Vancouver did not grow with precision
from the mountains to the river. It assembled itself in pockets on the Fraser, on Burrard
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Inlet, and in Point Grey. In these municipaUties streets were given the names of local residents or labeUed by developers. At amalgamation in 1929 numbered streets and avenues
superseded some of these distinctive names.
To account for present and former street
names led EUzabeth Walker to arduous research through voters'lists, land surveys, civic
bylaws and aU the riches of the Vancouver
PubUc Library and Vancouver Archives. The
result is a user-friendly, alphabeticaUy arranged reference book which gives a succinct account of our 773 street names and
their former tides.
There are, of course, many surprises.
ChurchiU Street is not a tribute to the World
War II leader but to the former Reeve of
Point Grey, S.G. ChurchiU. Dunkirk was so
named weU before the batde of 1940. Hogan's
AUey was the unofficial name of a byway
between Park and Union streets which represented the squalor and crime of a rapidly
growing city. There are also many observations about the social development ofVancouver which can be derived from browsing
in this book. Anglo-Saxon names predominate. Only three streets have names with even
faindy Asian origins. Blood AUey reflects the
volatile nature of Gastown's early days. One
ofthe most interesting facets ofWatker's book
is the coUection of sidebars throughout the
volume detaiUng such observations.
Without maps to supplement the text it
would be very difficult to trace the development of our street network. Fortunately, weU
prepared colour maps by Bruce Macdonald
are included. Black and white photographs
of streets and pioneers enhance our understanding ofVancouver's early days and ofthe
pressures that rapid growth put on Street
Naming Committees. It is regrettable that
the same care which went into researching
and writing this book did not extend to the
editing. Spelling errors and awkward phrases
have been overlooked.
EUzabeth Walker's valuable book belongs
in aU reference Ubraries and BC history collections. Street Names oJVancouveris eminendy
hrowsable and its greatest contribution may
be the spur to further reading in Vancouver
history. ■J==^
Reviewer Carol Gordon, a member ofthe Vancouver Historical Society, is a volunteer with the
Vancouver Bibliography project.
Carving the Western Path by River, Rail,
and RoadThrough B.C.'s Southern Mountains.
R.G. Harvey. Surrey: Heritage House, 1998.
240 pp. Index, iUus., maps, bibliography.
$18.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Edward L.Affleck.
Carving the Western Path by River, Rail, and
RoadThrough B. C.'s Southern Mountains, a sequel to the author's earUer Carving the Western Path by River, Rail, and Road Through Central and Northern B.C., deals with the development of highways, raUways and steamboat
routes through the mass of mountains which
characterize the topography of Southern
British Columbia. EssentiaUy, the story begins with the Fraser River gold rush of the
1850s, embraces the decade leading up to
World War I, when BC politicians and electorate aUke worshipped the golden idol of
raUway construction, and carries on to the
post-World War I period, when technological advances in highway construction and
motor vehicle transport revolutionized the
transportation picture.
I finished this book frustrated by the
thought that here, but for the lack of a suffi-
ciendy scholarly and chaUenging editor, Ues
a truly great work on the history of transportation in British Columbia. The author
has had years of experience in highway construction and maintenance, and undoubtedly
has a consuming interest in the subject of
transportation. Much ofthe writing is vivid,
and even with its flaws, the book provides
$18.95 worth of entertainment.The value of
good editing, however, can scarcely be overemphasized. A good editor not only cleans
up spelling and syntax, but chaUenges statements made by the author and searches out
dimensions where detecting blind spots on
the part of the author. Where a book contains a mixture of fact, conjecture and opinion, as is certainly the case with this work, a
good editor ensures that the reader is not led
to confuse fact with conjecture or opinion.
The most glaring "blind spot" I detected
was the author's failure to give sufficient
emphasis to the tremendous technological
upheaval in highway construction methods
and the development of heavy-duty internal
combustion transport vehicles. These were
already underway when British Columbia
went "railroad crazy" in the decade leading
up to World War I, but gained great momentum in the post-war years. Given time, technological development affects even the po
Utical cUmate. By the 1920s this technological revolution was racing along, but politicians had yet to shed the practice of being
more receptive to parochial pressures to spend
scarce money on roads within constituencies. Pressure did exist to build, at the taxpayer's expense, aU-weather trunk highways
which would enable heavy-duty motor transport to compete in long and short hauls with
raUways burdened with many costs, including those of maintaining their own roadbeds
and paying taxes on their rights-of-way. Politicians were not too keen to lose the parochial vote by cocking a snoot at railways.The
author furthermore toys with the quixotic
notion that the horse-drawn freight wagon
somehow possessed capacity equal to that of
the raUroad train in the heavy-duty long-
hauUng business. I am not quite sure that he
makes such a statement unequivocaUy, but 1
draw your attention to quotations set out at
the end of this paragraph. Before I read this
book, I was under the impression that from
early times, ocean-going saUing vessels provided the most effective means of transporting heavy loads. Countries such as Britain,
with an ample coasdine, benefited by being
able to carry on a great trade with coastal
vessels. The age of steam not only revolutionized ocean transport, but ushered in the
era of barges and shaUow-draft steamers
worked on canals, lakes and rivers to provide
the hauUng capacity lacked by horse-drawn
vehicles. By the mid-nineteenth century the
railway had become the great deus ex machina
in the North American transportation picture. In the colonial days, the capital required
for raUway development in BC was conspicuously lacking, but the white man's invasion
craft, the sternwheeler, a vessel capable of carrying immense loads in shaUow water, was
on hand to support the Fraser River Gold
Rush. Capital ouday for wagon roads was
not negligible nor was the upkeep on horses
and roUing stock a mere trifle, but where
sternwheelers could not work, wagon roads,
faut de mieux, were buUt. Now, I ask, what
did the editor make of the foUowing statements in the "introduction" section of
Harvey's book:
—"Roads, rail and rivercraft vied for routes
and government support in different parts of
the province, influencing settlement and the
success or failure of local commerce" (p 7).
—"[In the lower vaUey ofthe Fraser River
from New Westminster to Yale] wagon trains
were outpaced by the sternwheelers, but they
could carry more volume with better
33 economy" (p 9).
—"The road authority had its problems with
the raUway monopoUes and setdement patterns estabUshed by the sternwheelers, yet
roads were eventuaUy buUt in aU areas ofthe
province" (pl3).
Numerous statements on the order ofthe
above only serve to diminish the authority
of this book. The work, as indicated, contains some briUiant patches, some of a workmanlike nature, and some downright howlers. I nonetheless recommend the book as
highly entertaining and informative reading
if not as a definitive historical resource. The
author is at his best in his account of the
horrors visited upon the Canadian Pacific
Railway by Major A.B. Rogers, who chose
the impractical Kicking Horse Pass route
through the Rocky Mountains in preference
to the Horse Pass route. The raUway and the
public have paid amply over the decades for
Rogers's error. Harvey has also done excellent work in his account ofthe "might-have-
been" 7.6-mile tunnel under RaUroad Pass
in the Cascade Mountains between Portia in
the lower CoquihaUa VaUey and the upper
reaches of the Tulameen River vaUey.J.I. HUl
put this project out to tender but never followed up on it, thus leaving raUroaders to
fend for decades with the impractical route
up to the CoquihaUa Pass. Read these and
other engrossing accounts. Gaze at the route
maps so generously provided.Weep over the
engineering gaffes and cheer for the engineering triumphs! WaUow in the speculation
of what might have come to pass on the transportation scene had reason prevailed!'-5*''
Reviewer Ted Affleck has written extensively on
transportation in British Columbia.
Also Noted
Normalizing the Ideal: Psychology, Schooling,
and the Family in Postwar Canada.
Mona Gleason.Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 1999.196 pp. $19.95 paperback.
Back to School-Into the Future; Report of
the Independent Commission on Public
and Employee Involvement in Vancouver
School Affairs. Dr. Norman Robinson,
Commissioner.Vancouver.B.C, 1999.43
pp. Soft cover. (Available from Dr. Norman
Robinson, PO Box 81, 8415 Granville St.,
Vancouver, BC V6P 4Z9)
Archives & Archivists
Archives? What is its purpose in
today's world? That was a question
I encountered at a recent coUege
advisory board meeting.The question was a surprise to me. The table talk had been about the need
for businesses and governments to
recognize both the tangible assets
(information) and intangible assets
(the memory and experience ofthe
staff) of their organizations.
What are the underlying beliefs
that would allow "enlightened"
people to disregard the value of archival information? As I thought
about this issue, I recaUed a comment made at the Revelstoke conference of the British Columbia
Museums Association on the declining value of archives versus museums.
There is no doubt that our society has become more visual than
Uterate, and that business and social
interactions are concentrating increasingly on rapid, almost instantaneous, communication. Advertising, ceU phunes, and the dreaded
voice maU are aU signs ofthe changing times. But what of archives?
Does it reaUy matter if the casual
viewer of television reaUzes that the
commercial showing images of
Babe Ruth smashing a home run
were obtained through an archives?
Or the colourized versions of the
early cinema classics are based on
rediscovered films found in an archives vault? Or the cUps, voices and
photographs used in the numerous
miUennium specials were carefuUy
selected from archival sources? No,
it does not.
What reaUy matters is that those
of us who support and celebrate our
community and national heritage and history reaUze the value
of our archival holdings. It is too
easy for many to dismiss the value
of archives by simply looking at
the newest history book, the
most recent museum display and
the latest gaUery acquisition.Take
a hard and long look at these
items. Historians use archival
sources to iUustrate and iUumi-
nate earlier societies. Museum
curators use archival sources to
validate not only the artifacts
themselves but the presentation
of the artifacts. GaUery curators
use archives to document the
provenance, travels and ownership issues of each work of art.
AU of them use archival information to bring context and
"Ufe" into their specific heritage
For six miUennia, societies
have created and protected archives and archival information.
Archives have become the fount
of historical information. Without a community archives—including municipal archives—
there can be no historical research, no museum displays and
no gaUery showings. Without a
community archives, we cannot
maintain our sense of "community" in an ever-changing environment. As we embark upon a
new miUennium, it is my hope
that we, within the heritage field,
fuUy recognize and appreciate aU
the enormous contributions
made by community archives administrators, staff and volunteers
in the preservation and accessibility of our heritage.
Gary A. Mitchell
Gary A. Mitchell, CRM, Provincial Archivist and Director, British Columbia Archives Information,
ScienceandTechnology Agency .Telephone: (250) 387-2992
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Tokens: J.N. Killas & Co. of Premier, BC
by Ron Greene
Premier, BC was located in very mountainous country close to the border between
British Columbia and Alaska near the southern end of the Alaska Panhandle (see map).
WhUe Premier was located only some seventeen miles (twenty-seven kilometres) from
Stewart at the head of Pordand Canal, one
had to leave the country to travel between
the two as the road crossed into Alaska,
through Hyder. The Premier
Mine was originaUy staked in
1910 but more than one j
company had been unable to
put it into production.1 From
1919 the Premier Gold Mining Co. started production on
this property and established
the townsite which became
known as Premier. The post
office was opened on 1 January 1921. The first mention
ofthe population at Premier
was in the 1932 BC Directory which gave the figure of
The operators ofthe mine
had established a company
store which sold the basic necessities, but the
mine manager was a Mormon who would
not seU such forbidden items as tobacco, tea
or coffee. However, he realized that his men
would want these items and so he approached
Mr. Killas whom he knew from Prince
Rupert. Dimitrios Nicholas KUlas was a native of the Greek island of Limnos. At the
age of twelve, c. 1896, KUlas left his homeland and came to Canada via the United
States. In North America he adopted the
name James, which is the EngUsh equivalent
ofthe name Dimitrios, hence the initials J.N.
By 1914 he was in Prince Rupert running a
confectionery at 535 - 3ri Avenue West, with
a partner, J.A. Smith. Subsequendy he was
in partnership with Nick Christopher in the
Royal Confectionery and then the De Luxe
Confectionery. From 1926 they were operating the Commodore Cafe and an ice cream
manufactory as weU. It was about this time
that he was approached to open a confectionery at Premier.2 In the litde store at Premier Killas sold confectioneries, tobacco,
canned soups, magazines, watches, radios, and
other smaU items.The store also contained a
Courtesy Ron Greene
soda fountain and pool tables. KiUas did not
personaUy run the Premier store, but always
hired a manager to do so. The operation ran
until the mine and town were shut down in
1948. When the mine resumed operations
some 18 months later KUlas reopened the
Premier store and kept it in operation until
May 1954 when the mine and townsite were
closed for good.
There were four children
born to Mr. KUlas and his wife.
" The oldest, Nick, ran the
Rupert Tobacco Store. He was
very keen about flying and one
day in 1947 was asked if he
wanted to go along to assist on
a medical mercy flight. Unfortunately the plane was lost
without survivors. The other
two boys, Kostas and Harry1
became dentists in Vancouver—is it more than a coincidence that two sons of a confectioner became dentists? The
one daughter, AUce, married a
doctor and also located in Vancouver. Mr. KiUas retired after the Second World War and moved to Vancouver where he passed away in 1966, aged
81.4 His partner in Prince Rupert, Nick
Christopher, also moved to Vancouver by the
end of 1945.
In addition to a 25-cent token, KUlas used
smaU booklets worth $5.00 which contained
coupons worth 5,10 or 25 cents. Most miners came into camp dead broke. They were
aUowed to sign for one of these booklets,
which could be used in the confectionery,
and the cost of the booklet would be deducted from their first pay. Other mid-pay
advances were aUowed but were limited to
discourage gambling and other abuse. The
booklets seem to have replaced the tokens as
Harry KUlas, who worked for his father in
Premier in the early 1950s during the reopened period remembered the books of tickets, but not the 25-cent token.'
fflg&gffiS^M    .'fa«
sr". -■ ...
re-tPUHWt' Mai i*tt MCPTWJ ZpftLfc p
'ffiti$j~QftTI)'Iff!TTT*MTfl'?ftlTM 1f*jr .^ fl9"1 3
Courtesy Ron Greene
Above: coupon booklets and 25-cent tokens.
The coupons are printed on different coloured
paper for each value.
Centre: Premier Mine in winter.
Below: sketch map showing the Premier Mine
near Stewart. Note the BC-Alaska border to be
crossed to reach the mine.
x \
\      \
{ x
■66°     |
rf            66°'
i       t
ev \
I    1
j   1 Stewart
HyderVey (
 Highway 37A
0      2 5
i i Kilometres
/ l /
i j      i
■              '.Miles
0            2.5
Cathy Chapln - Lakehead University, Thunder Bay
1 Reece H. Hague, "Where B.C. Ends and Alaska Begins," in Canadian Geographical Journal, Vol I,
No. 5 (September 1930) pp 402-415
2 He was first listed at Premier in the 1926 BC Directory, but may have been there some time
earlier as the directories were not always up to date in such remote spots.
3 Interview with Dr. Harry J. Killas, December 1986
4BCVital Statistics, Death Registration 1966-09-015221
35 Reports
Nanaimo's Malaspina Murals
by Phyllis Reeve
With sketchbook balanced on silk-sleeved
arm, the gaUant Captain Alejandro Malaspina
fixes his expressive eyes on the sandstone cUffi
of Gabriola Island, and records them for the
Queen of Spain. His authoritative stance,
from aristocratic nose to elegant muscular leg,
dares us to question the authenticity of the
scene before us. We know the painter ofthe
scene, E.J. Hughes, as a senior and major British Columbia painter.
But we know also that Malaspina never
set foot on Gabriola, and, had he done so, he
would not himself have wielded sketchbook
and pencU. He would have delegated that
task to his official artist, Jose Cardero, and
Cardero is generaUy credited with the famous
drawing of the eroded rock formation we
Gabriolans insist on referring to as the
"Malaspina GaUeries."
Various bureaucratic bodies have tried to
rename the cliff "Galiano Galleries" for
Dionisio Alcala GaUano, the officer who may
actuaUy have discovered it, or, perhaps in recognition of tourists' tendency to confuse
"Gabriola" and "GaUano" Islands, they have
told us the name is "Gabriola GaUeries."
But we wiU have none of it: "Malaspina
GaUeries" the cUff remains, and is identified
as such in the 1999 Visitor's Guide to Gabriola
Island and in BeU and Aitken's Gabriola Island Place Names.
When Malaspina returned to Spain after
his momentous expedition, which included
exploring the British Columbia Coast in
1791 and 1792, he feU into disfavour, and his
journals and documentation were suppressed
from public record Would he find it any consolation to know of his fame in an area to
which he sent his sub-expedition, but not
the ships under his own command? Throughout the Regional District of Nanaimo, including Gabriola, we have given his name to
natural wonders, streets and points, our uni-
versity-coUege, and the Malaspina Hotel—
the latter now suffering a lingering death by
financiaUy chaUenged demolition.
When the splendid new hotel opened in
1927 as a community investment project, a
Nanaimo newspaper ran a competition to
choose a name.The winning name, Malaspina
Courtesy Phyllis Reeve
Hotel, suited the grand art deco facade and
elegant furnishings. Alas, the hotel and its wUling cUentele spent much ofthe next decade
slogging through the Depression, and the
elegance frayed prematurely. In 1938, refurbishment became possible, and Nanaimo
came up with a grand plan for decorating its
grand hotel and restoring splendour to the
dining room and banquet haU.
The Malaspina Hotel hired three young
artists, OrvUle Fisher, Paul Goranson, and
Edward J. Hughes. AU then in their twenties,
the trio caUed themselves the "Western Canadian Brotherhood," and together executed
a number of impressive mural projects, including the First United Church.Vancouver;
the British Columbia pavUion at the World's
Fair, San Francisco; and the King Edward
Hotel, New Westminster. The Malaspina
Hotel commission asked them to depict
maritime explorations aroundVancouver Island. NaturaUy, they would emphasize the
achievements of Alejandro Malaspina. Each
artist created one mural for Malaspina and
one for another explorer. Fisher painted
"Captain James Cook repairing his ship 'Discovery' at Nootka Sound, 1778," and "Captain Malaspina surveying the Vancouver Island Coasdine/'Goranson painted "Lieut.
Dionisio GaUano, Master ofthe 'Sutil', landing at Departure Bay (summer, 1792)," and
"Captain Malaspina trading with Chief
Maquinna." Hughes portrayed "Captain
George Vancouver meeting Governor
Bodega y Quadra at San Miguel, Nootka
Sound.Vancouver Island (August, 1792) "and
"Captain Malaspina sketching the sandstone
'GaUeries' on Gabriola Island."
They painted bold, bright, and big—the
murals were up to 8 feet in height and 20
feet in length, and they painted history as it
never was but should have been: Regency
courtiers posing with GUbert and SulUvan
crews; late Depression exuberance in a late
art deco setting.
But twentieth century history aUowed
Nanaimo Utde leisure to enjoy the Malaspina
murals. Events moved at destructive speed.
Within three years Hughes, Goranson and
Fisher were official artists with the Canadian
army. After the war, the hotel responded to
changes in cUentele, marketing tactics, and
taste—changes not necessarily for the better.
By the time Hughes revisited the hotel in
1948, the murals had been covered, and the
other art deco features were rapidly disappearing from view.
Malcolm Lowry spent a few hours in a
Nanaimo waterfront pub in 1946, while
waiting for the Gabriola ferry, and in a 1996
interview, the archivist at that time, Diane
Foster, suggested the pub might have been
in the Malaspina Hotel. Alas for history as it
should have been, Sheryl SaUoum in Malcolm
Lowry: Vancouver Days identifies Lowry's hotel as the Hotel Plaza. It does seem Ukely
that Lowry's lengthy description of the
"Ocean Spray" Hotel, in his novel October
Ferry to Gabriola, would have included the
murals, had he seen them. So we must reluc-
tandy accept SaUoum s judgment.
The new decor failed to save  the
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Malaspina Hotel from its downhUl course.
Even in 1966 a booklet pubUshed by the
Nanaimo and District Museum Society stiU
referred to "our newest and beautiful
Malaspina," but since then the Hotel has been
subject to sales, rumours of sales, bankruptcies, and plans for demoUtion.
The story ofthe murals resumes in 1996
when the Landmark Tower Corporation set
in action the appUcation and plans for demolition and redevelopment. Worried by the
paucity of avaUable records on the hotel, archivist Diane Foster persuaded the developers to give her two weeks to examine and
document the buUding. With a team consisting of a photographer, a historian, staff
from the Nanaimo Museum, and an architect, she descended into the dereUct former
banquet room. She described their discoveries in a paper deUvered to the British Columbia Studies Conference in May 1997:
During the course of inspecting the building
and determining its interior structural layers,
wood panelling had been puUed from timber
studs. In the process, the plaster rendering fixed
to a brick wall on which the panelling was
secured, came away in large pieces. The result
was the defacing of a particularly beautifully
crafted section of a mural depicting two Spanish sailors looking up in awe within, what we
now call, the Gabriola Galleries. The mural
had been painted around the original doorway which was still in place and extended for
another seventeen feet along a concrete based
wall. Here the panelling had been removed
with care and what was revealed were larger-
than-life vibrant figures of naval officers, marines and sailors.
The lean budget of the Nanaimo Community Archives could not even begin to
cope with an opportunity of this magnitude.
The developers agreed to give the mural to
the Archives. Gino Sedola, Chairman ofthe
Nanaimo Harbour Commission, and a
longstanding history buff, offered seed money
to get a campaign rolling to pay for the rescue and restoration. Foster's team ascertained
that six murals had been painted and began
the search for the other five. With the aid of
photographs taken during social events, they
roamed the former banquet and dining
rooms until they found four more. The sixth
was given up as lost, probably as a result of
alterations to the buUding in 1948.
As she proceeded with the salvage ofthe
first mural, Foster realized the enormity of
the chaUenge she was presenting to the archives board. Perhaps fortunately, there was
litde time for second thoughts.The Nanaimo
Community Archives Society found itself the
proud but bemused possessor of five large
murals painted on sections of concrete, lath
and plaster and brick waUs.
The initial enthusiastic response brought
funding contributions from individuals, businesses, community and service groups, historical societies and governmental agencies.
But the process of salvaging and stabilizing
the murals for future conservation proved a
cosdy proposition, four times the $20,000
raised in 1996, and leaving a debt to be repaid and storage costs to be defrayed before
proceeding with a feasibiUty study and conservation strategy.
Current Archives Manager Christine
Meutzner estimates the cost of restoring each
mural at approximately $60,000, but in conversation she talked about various questions
on the matter of "restoration." Accepting the
murals as part of the region's history, worth
salvaging, and of continuing pubUc interest,
we may stiU ask to what point they require
restoration. They represent an early stage in
the careers of three artists who went on to
greater achievements. In 1953 Hughes
painted another view of Gabriola Island, now
part of theVancouver Art GaUery's Longstaffe
coUection.The murals are more like the waUs
of Pompeii than the ceiUng of the Sistine
In their damaged state, with documentation, the Malaspina murals could testify to a
community's aspirations and disappointments, to changes in economics and attitudes,
and passages in artistic careers. Salvaged remnants of once-proud public decoration could
convey historical meaning not obvious in an
expensive reconstruction.
A compromise might restore one of the
murals and present a before-and-after scenario—before and after the damage, or before and after the restoration. At the time of
the murals' rediscovery, Victoria artist and
critic Robert Amos wondered about the
possibiUty of hiring some clever young artist
to paint fresh versions of the murals, but he
admits, such repUcas would have less "value"
than the originals. Amos suggests the murals
are analogous to the petroglyphs found near
Nanaimo and on Gabriola: "We don't mind
looking at them in situ in their crumbUng
state, and additionaUy they are displayed in
facsimile in museums nearby." Archivists
would be horrified at the thought of "restoring" these relics of aboriginal culture, so
why must we insist on presenting non-Native reUcs only in pseudo-pristine state?
Such rethinking ofthe restoration options
would not solve the other major problem:
where to put the murals. In the short term,
whUe the planning continues, the need is for
safe, preferably free, storage space. In the long
term, the Archives Society is looking for a
large public venue. Foster hoped that
Nanaimo's new Harbourfront complex
would fit the murals into its design, but the
planners opted for new artworks. The campus of Malaspina University CoUege seems
an even more appropriate site, especiaUy as
the CoUege is interested in capitalizing on
its name and stressing the early history of
the area. ''==»'
Readers with questions, suggestions, or an interest in
donating space or funds should contact Archives Manager Christine Meutzner at the Nanaimo Community
Archives, 100 Cameron Road, Nanaimo BC V9R
2X1;phone 250-7 53-4462;fax 250-518-0125;
BeU, Aula and NeU Aitken. Gabriola Island
Place Names. Gabriola BC: Reflections
Books, 1996.
Cutter, Donald C. Malaspina and Galiano;
Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast 1791
and 1792. Vancouver: Douglas and
Mclntyre, 1991.
Discover Gabriola, British Columbia, Canada,
1999 Visitor's Guide. Gabriola: Preston
Foster, Diane. "Malaspina Rediscovered; the
Archival Connection;" a paper deUvered
to the British Columbia Studies Conference, Nanaimo, British Columbia, May 3,
1997" AABC NewsletterS:3 summer 1998.
"Fund-raising campaign launched to save
Malaspina Hotel Murals", Harbour City
Star, 9 February, 1999.
Johnson, Patricia M. et al. Nanaimo; Scenes
from the Past. Nanaimo: Nanaimo And District Museum Society, 1966.
Lapi, Christy."Romancing the Murals." Harbour City Star, 23 January, 1997.
Lapi, Christy."Time Ravaged Treasures," The
Times, Nanaimo, 25 July 1996.
Lowry, Malcolm. October Ferry to Gabriola.
New York: World, 1970.
SaUoum, Sheryl. Malcolm Lowry: Vancouver
Days. Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Pub-
Ushing Company, 1987.
Vancouver Art and Artists 1931-1983 .Vancouver: Vancouver Art GaUery, 1983.
Conversations by telephone and E-mail with
Robert Amos, Diane Foster, and Christine
37 News and Notes
From the Branches
John Gordon Terpenning 1922-2000
On 4 January a beloved member of the
Victoria Historical Society passed away. After serving in WW II, "Jack" Terpenning
worked for the Fish andWUdUfe Branch on
a variety of projects. He moved from
Vancouver to Victoria as a ministerial assistant. He took a degree in poUtical science in
1982, whUe still working, and then earned a
master of arts degree in history in 1988 following his retirement.
Raymond William Millard 1927-2000
Ray MiUard, manager and co-founder ofthe
Chemainus Valley Museum, passed away at
home on 21 January. He was a passionate
historian, always ready to assist students and
researchers. Ray and his wife Doreen were
cheerful delegates at several BCHF conferences. They worked diligently for the
Chemainus Museum and their community
Nanaimo Historical Society
Lynn Bowen received the City of Nanaimo's
ExceUence in Culture Award for her newest
history book, Robert Dunsmuir, written for
Helen Brown of Malaspina University College has recendy completed her PhD and wiU
be talking to the Nanaimo Historical Society on her thesis topic "The importance of
Nanaimo's school records."
Dr. Richard Mackie has joined the staff of
Malaspina University CoUege for at least one
Parksville and Then Some
On 5 December 1999, the District 69 Historical Society held a book launch, patting
themselves on the back for achieving their
Year 2000 goal a bit early. Marjorie Leffler,
who was briefiy a vice-president ofthe British Columbia Historical Federation, poUshed
up a coUection of her articles, which have
appeared in local newspapers in recent years.
The result was a 162-page book, seUing at
$18, which was first displayed at the society's
wine and cheese party in December. Parksville
and Then Some sold almost 400 copies before
Christmas and is likely to have a second printing.
Bowen Island Forest Fires
Historiana, the newsletter of the Bowen Island Historians, asks if anyone has photographs ofthe Copper Mountain Fire in July
1944. It took local firefighters plus fifty soldiers, working night and day, more than a
week to contain the 200-acre inferno.There
are burned stumps aU over the island and the
Historians wonder which ones are the result
of forest fires or if some are the result of deliberate burning after the area was logged. If
you can help contact: Bowen Island Historians, Box 97, Bowen Island BC.V0N 1G0.
Phone (604) 947-2655.
Chemainus Council Table
A table which was used for the original coun-
cil deliberations and the Chemainus
magistrate's court was recendy refurbished
by members ofthe Chemainus VaUey Historical Society. This 125-year-old table was
unveUed by the current mayor and councU
at the Chemainus Museum in November
1999. At that time a book launch was held
for Bruce Hodding's North Cowichan:A History in Photographs. This book was commissioned by the District of North Cowichan
to celebrate their 125th Anniversary. Congratulations to Chemainus! The Chemainus
Historical Society meets at 11:30 a.m. on the
last Monday of each month. Chemainus Valley Historical Society, PO Box 172,
Chemainus, BC. Phone (250) 246-2445.
Victoria Historical Society
Those attending the Christmas Dinner on 2
December were treated to a good meal and
a great after-dinner speaker. John Adams's
topic was: "How James and AmeUa Douglas
came to Fort Victoria." Adams has found archives which reveal the feehngs of various
Douglas famUy members as they were transferred from one post to another. This unusual and fascinating look at history wiU be
included in a forthcoming book by John
Adams on the Ufe of James Douglas.
Arrow Lakes Archives
The extensive archives of the Arrow Lakes
Historical Society have found a downtown
home in Nakusp at 923 7th Avenue NW In
winter the archives are open on Tuesdays and
Thursdays and in summer from Monday to
Saturday from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. Arrow Lakes
Historical Society, Box 819, Nakusp, BC
VOG 1R0. Phone (250) 265-0110.
Slocan City Historical Group
The Slocan City Historical Group wants to
ensure that aU people who Uved in the Slocan
City area have their place in its history. They
would Uke to get in touch with anybody who
is Uving, or who has Uved in the area between Enterprise Creek and Lemon Creek,
or whose parents or grandparents lived in
this area. The Slocan City Historical Group
is buUding an archives of fanuly information:
personal stories of Uving or growing up in
Slocan.The information is gathered in writing and as taped interviews. They are also
trying to find pictures of individuals, famiUes, and scenes pertaining to the Slocan. To
date the Slocan City Historical Group has
coUected over 100 taped interviews with old-
timers, over 1,500 pictures, and most ofthe
books written about the Slocan. Their collection also includes an extensive Ubrary of
microfilmed newspapers, over 75 mining
claim maps, information on att recorded mining claims, land surveys, timber sales, and
much more. Contact Slocan City Historical
Group, C-16 Bowie Drive, R.R.1,
ArmstrongBC.V0E 1B0. Phone: (250) 546-
3112. E-maU:
The Corporation ofthe City of NorthVancouver awarded a Heritage Achievement
Award of Honour to Roy PaUant "for his
outstanding achievement of historic research,
pubUc awareness initiatives, and heritage advocacy." Roy is president ofthe Northshore
Historical Society and an officer on the board
ofthe British Columbia Historical Federa-
tion.The achievements of both Roy and his
wife Teresa PaUant are weU-known. Congratulations not only to Roy but also to Teresa
for the distinction. If you use E-mail send
the PaUants a message at
Vancouver Historical Society
Member CyrU E. Leonoff has been designated a FeUow of the Engineering Institute
of Canada (EIC).A maximum of only twenty
FeUows may be recognized each year among
35,000 members of societies associated with
the EIC.
EUzabeth Walkers's book Street Names of
Vancouver, reviewed in this issue by Carol
Gordon, is selling very weU and you may have
problems finding it in local bookstores. A
second printing is underway.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 Other News
Gold Rush Pack Trail
The 40-kUometer 1861 traU from Keithley
to BarkerviUe/Richfield has been rediscovered by Lana and Gary Fox of Quesnel, and
cleared with the help of Forest Renewal BC,
West Fraser MiUs, and the BC Forest Service. Further detaUs are avaUable from Robin
Grady of the Friends of BarkerviUe Trail
Committee, Airport Site, P.O. Box 28,
Quesnel BCV2J 5E6, or phone (250) 992-
2008.The summer issue ofthe BC Historical
News wiU feature an article on the history of
this traU by Mary EUiott, who participated
in the inaugural hike in September.
East Kootenay Historical Donation
Fort Steele Heritage Town parlayed a donation from the East Kootenay Historical Association into ten times the money presented
in 1998.With the impetus ofthe donation,
plus that from the Canadian CouncU of Archives, a massive coUection of mining documents dating from 1872 to 1975 has been
carefuUy sorted and filed to fill 17 meters of
shelf space in the archives. These extremely
important papers are already being viewed
by researchers from across the continent.
Racism Website
A fascinating display, exploring historic prejudice and intolerance in the Kootenays, was
shown in the Fort Steele Museum during
the summer of 1999.   Research has been
ongoing, and project co-ordinator Noel
Retch has presented sUde shows to clubs and
schools. Recendy a Web-site was opened
which can be reached through http://
Marysville School
In 1993 the Kimberley Retired Teachers Association saved an early district schoolhouse
by having it moved to the grounds of the
modern MarysviUe Elementary School. Since
then they have been restoring it as a heritage
buUding.The committee has assembled desks,
refinished woodwork, and coUected school
text books dating from the school's opening
in 1899 to its closing in 1949. So far 200
books have been catalogued and placed neady
on the new shelves near the teacher's desk.
Wasa Historical
The Wasa and District Historical Association
has been formed to prepare and publish a
book on Wasa, TaTa Creek, Skookumchuk,
Lazy Lake, Torrent, Wolf Creek, Top of the
World Ranch, Premier Lake,Woods Corner
and environs. There are over thirty volunteers working to coUect fanuly histories or
to research activities throughout the district.
Wasa has long been a hoUday haven so one
of the chapters wiU be about summertime
residents and visitors. If anyone has a picture
or an anecdote ofWasa memories please send
it to the Wasa and District Historical Association secretary, Naomi MiUer, Box 105,
Wasa BC VOB 2K0.
Sumas Prairie Families
In December, after years of preparation by
their few but active members, the Sumas
Prairie & Area Historical Society launched a
400-page hardcover book on the history of
the settling of the area and famUy histories
between 1880 and 1900.The interest in One
Foot on the Border was above expectation. The
book is edited by one-time BCHF board
member Daphne Sleigh. Her book, Discovering Deroche, gained her the Federation's 1984
Lieutenant-Governor's Award.
Cascade Trails
Cascade Wilderness trail explorer Harley
Hatfield died on 14 February. As a Penticton
resident, he devoted many years to the discovery, marking, and preservation of pack
traUs in the Cascade WUderness adjoining
Manning Park. In 1980 Harley Hatfield received an honourable mention by the Heritage Canada Foundation for his work.
Quesnel Forks
During the BCHF Conference in 1996 delegates on a bus trip to Likely and Quesnel
Forks were greeted by their hosts from Likely
with consternation because a mudsUde had
partially blocked the river across from
Quesnel Forks. In the four years since the
sUde the spring runoff has eaten away most
ofthe point in front of the Tong house, one
of the few surviving buildings. The Tong
house recendy had to be carefuUy moved
further away from the riverbank.
Letter to the editor
J3C Historical News, Volume 33 No. 1
I read with interest the article by Walter
Guppy entided "The Road to Tofino." Mr.
Guppy's comments on West Coast water
transportation, however, give me some concern, particularly where he states that "in
1912 the Canadian Pacific RaUway Company took over the coastal steamship service. ..." The Canadian Pacific Navigation
Company, predecessor ofthe BC Coast Services ofthe Canadian Pacific RaUway, in 1888
inaugurated a service out ofVictoria up the
West Coast ofVancouver Island with the
modest wooden-huUed single-screw aU-pur-
pose steamer Maude. InitiaUy the service was
monthly, but by 1896, when the CPN. placed
the stout steel-huUed steamer Tees on the West
Coast, the service was providing three trips
per month, generaUy leaving Victoria on the
1st, the 11th and the 21st of each month. An
eminendy seaworthy vessel, the Tees provided
first- and second-class accommodation for
passengers as weU as ample cargo space and
was retained on the tri-monthly West Coast
run after the CPN. was acquired by the CPR
in 1901. The larger, faster Princess Maquinna
entered service in 1913, but for a number of
years was worked on the tri-monthly West
Coast run in the summer months only, being diverted to theVancouver-Skagway run
in the winter months. The still larger, faster
Princess Norah, added to the service in 1929,
worked with the Princess Maquinna on The
West Coast in June, July and August, thus
enabUng the CPR to provide a saUing every
five days instead of every ten, but was employed during the slacker months ofthe winter on the Vancouver-Skagway run. My
scrapbook of timetables indicates that while
the augmented summer service up the West
Coast was dispensed with for some of the
leaner depression years, both vessels worked
the summer run together during the late thirties. After the steamers Princess Marguerite (I)
and Princess Kathleen were requisitioned for
War Service in 1941, the Princess Norah
worked the Alaska run year-round.The Princess Maquinna was retired in 1952, but she
was replaced by the Princess of Alberni, a vessel not weU suited to the West Coast run, but
maintained on this run until 1958.The CPR
may not have a corporate history as pure as
the driven snow, but in the case of the West
Coast service, the Company maintained it
for some years as a losing proposition in the
face of ever increasing inroads from highway
and airborne competition.
The facts about the West Coast service of
the CPR.'s BC Coast Service have been weU
researched by Messrs. Norman Hacking and
W Kaye Lamb and pubUshed in 1974 in their
book entided The Princess Story.
Edward L. Affleck
39 Federation News
\   ' "
<   ^$V   Fl
W 1
Reflection and Renewal ofthe Heritage Vision
Year 2000 Conference
4-6 May Port Alberni, BC
Hosted by the Alberni District
Historical Society
Enquiries: Meg Scoffield,
phone (250) 724-4855; fax (250) 720-0027
Detail of McLean Mill: Drawing by Karen Polder
4 May,Thursday:       Registration opens at 2:00 p.m.. Book Fair*, Echo Centre-
Museum Complex. 7:00 - 9:00 p.m. Reception, Alberni VaUey
Museum. Exhibit: The Century in Celebration.
5 May, Friday: Morning: 9:00-11:00 a.m. Discussion on the conference theme by
a distinguished panel. Cedar Room, Echo Community Centre.
Spodight speakers. Book Fair.
Afternoon Tours: Choose one —
Option A: No on to 5:00 p.m. Forestry Tour Bus departs from
parking lot at Echo Centre for a forestry tour which wUl take
delegates to active logging operations, tree planting, dryland sort and
more. Limited to 45 active participants. Box lunch. Wear good
walking shoes.
Option B: Noon to 4:00 p.m. Industrial Tour Bus departs for Sproat
Lake with stop at picnic area for box lunch. Tour of Martin Mars
Water Bomber Base. Back to town to visit a local miU.
Option C: 2:00-3:00 p.m. Workshops for Writers.
Evening presentation by Margaret Horsfield, author of Cougar
Annie's Garden.
6 May, Saturday        Morning: 9:00 a.m. to noon Annual General Meeting ofthe British
Columbia Historical Federation. BaUroom ofthe Best Western
Barclay Hotel.
Afternoon Tours: Choose one
Option A: Travel to McLean MUl National Historic Site, scheduled
to openlst July. Lunch on site.You wUl see the sawmUl in operation
and meet the locals.
Option B: Walking or driving tour of Port Alberni's interesting
homes and gardens. Self-guided or with ADHS volunteer drivers.
2:00-4:00 p.m. Afternoon tea - RoUin Art Centre's garden terrace.
Evening: 6:30 p.m. Gala Awards Banquet, Hotel BaUroom.
Entertainment by local artists.
Fees: FuU conference: $120 (registration deadUne 13 AprU)
Day rate $60 (space permitting)
Banquet only $30
Your registration form is included with this issue. Please complete and mail with your cheque to
Alberni District Historical Society, Box 284, Port Alberni, BC V9Y1M1.
*The Local History Week Book Fair is a companion event, running from 2:00 p.m. Thursday
through Friday evening. It will feature publishers' displays, author presentations and signings, door
prizes and much more. Co-sponsor: the Alberni Valley Museum. Support from the British
Columbia 2000 Millennium Arts and Heritage Fund and the City of Port Alberni is gratefully
British Columbia Historical
1999-2000 scholarship
Applications should be submitted
before 15 May 2000
The British Columbia Historical
Federation annuaUy awards a $500
scholarship to a student completing
third or fourth year at a British
Columbia coUege or university.
To apply for the scholarship, candidates
must submit:
1. A letter of appUcation.
2. An essay of 1500-3000 words on a topic
relating to the history of British Columbia.
The essay must be suitable for pubUcation
in British Columbia Historical News.
3. A professor's letter of recommendation.
Send submissions to:
Scholarship Committee,
British Columbia Historical Federation
PO Box 5254, Station B.
Victoria BC V8R 1N4
The winning essay wiU, and other selected
submissions may, be pubUshed in British
Columbia Historical News.
should be sent to the Editor,
BC Historical News, PO Box 130,
Whonnock BC V2W 1V9.
Submission by E-maU of text and U-
lustrations is welcome. Otherwise
please send a hard copy and if possible
a disk copy of the manuscript by ordinary maU. IUustrations should be accompanied by captions, source information, registration numbers where
applicable, and permission for pubUcation. Photographs are preferred over
laser copies. They wiU be returned uncut and unmarked. Submissions should
not be more than 3,500 words
Authors publishing for the first time
in the BC Historical News wUl receive a
one-year compUmentary subscription
to the journal. If they wish, this compUmentary subscription may be assigned to another person of their
choice as a one-year gift subscription.
There is a yearly award for the Best
Article published in the BC Historical
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol. 33 No. 2 British Columbia Historical Federation
Organized 31 October, 1922
Member Societies
Alberni District Historical Society
Box 284
Port Alberni
Anderson Lake Historical Society
Box 40, D'Arcy BC VoN 1L0
Arrow Lakes Historical Society
Box 819
Nakusp BC VoG 1R0
Atlin Historical Society
Box hi, Atlin BC VoW lAo
Boundary Historical Society
Box 1687
Grand Forks BC VoH 1H0
Burnaby Historical Society
6501 Deer Lake Avenue,
Burnaby BC V5G 3T6
Chemainus Valley Historical Society
Box 172
Chemainus BC VoR 1K0
Cowichan Historical Society
PO Box 1014
Duncan BC V9L 3Y2
East Kootenay Historical Association
Box 74
Cranbrook BC ViC 4H6
Hedley Heritage Society
Box 218, Hedley BC VoX 1K0
Koksilah School Historical Society
5213 TkANS Canada Highway
Koksilah BC V0R2C0
Kootenay Museum Association
402 Anderson Street
Nelson BC ViL 3Y3
Lantzville Historical Society
c/o Box 274, Lantzville BC VoR 2H0
London Heritage Farm Society
6511 Dyke Road
Richmond BC V7E 3R3
Nanaimo Historical Society
PO Box 933
Nanaimo BC V9R 5N2
North Shore Historical Society
c/o 1541 Merlynn Crescent
NorthVancouver BC V7J 2X9
North Shuswap Historical Society
Box 317, Celista BC VoE 1L0
Princeton & District Museum & Archives
Box 687, Princeton BC VoX 1W0
Qualicum Beach Historical Society
587 Beach Road
Qualicum Beach BC V9K 1K7
Salt Spring Island Historical Society
129 McPhillips Avenue
Salt Spring Island BC V8K 2T6
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Soc.
10840 Ardmore Drive
North Saanich BC V8L 3S1
Slocan City Historical Group
C-16 Bowie Drive R.R.i
Armstrong BC VoE 1B0
Surrey Historical Society
Box 34003 17790 #10 Hwy.
Surrey BC V3S 8C4
Terrace Regional Historical Society
PO Box 246
Terrace BC V8G 4A6
Texada Island Heritage Society
Box i22,VanAnda BC VoN 3K0
TkAiL Historical Society
PO Box 405,TkAiL BC ViR 4L7
Vancouver Historical Society
PO Box 3071,
Vancouver BC V6B 3X6
Victoria Historical Society
PO Box 43035,Victoria North
Victoria BC  V8X 3G2
Yellowhead Museum
Box 1778, RR# 1
Clearwater BC VoE 1N0
Affiliated Groups
Bowen Island Historians
District 69 Historical Society
Kootenay lake Historical Society
Nanaimo & District Museum Society
Nicola Valley Museum Archives Association
Okanagan Historical Society
Princeton and District Archives
Richmond Museum Society
Union of BC Indian Chiefs
(Research Program)
The British Columbia
Historical Federation is
an umbrella organization
embracing regional
Local historical societies
are entitled to become
Member Societies ofthe
BC Historical Federation.
All members of these
local historical societies
shall by that very fact be
members ofthe Federation.
Affiliated Groups are
organizations with
specialized interests or
objects of a historical
Questions about
membership and
affiliation should be
directed to:
Terry Simpson,
Membership Secretary,
BC Historical Federation,
193 Bird Sanctuary,
Nanaimo BC V9R6G8
Please write to the
Editor, BC Historical
News for any changes to
be made to this list. Return Address:
British Columbia Historical News
JoelVinge, Subscription Secretary
561 Woodland Drive
Cranbrook,   BC    VIC 4H3
Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 1245716
Publications Mail Registration No. 09835
BC Historical News
welcomes manuscripts dealing
with the history of British Columbia and British Columbians.
Please send stories or essays on
any aspect ofthe rich past of our
province to:
The Editor, BC Historical News
Fred Braches, PO Box 130
Whonnock BC V2W 1V9
Phone: (604) 462-8942
Send books for review and book
reviews directly to the Book
Review Editor, Anne Yandle
3450 West 20th Avenue
Vancouver BCV6S 1E4
Phone: (604) 733-6484
NEWS ITEMS for publication in
BC Historical News should be
addressed to the editor in
Please send correspondence about
subscriptions to the Subscription
Secretary, Joel Vinge
561 Woodland Drive
Cranbrook BC ViC 6V2
Phone: (250) 489-2490
The British Columbia Historical Federation invites submissions of books for
the seventeenth annual Competition for Writers of BC History.
Any book presenting any facet of BC history, published in 2000, is eUgible.
This may be a community history, biography, record of a project or an
organization, or personal recollections giving a glimpse ofthe past. Names,
dates and places, with relevant maps or pictures, turn a story into "history."
Note that reprints or revisions of books are not eligible.
The judges are looking for quality presentations, especially if fresh material is
included, with appropriate illustrations, careful proofreading, an adequate
index, table of contents and bibUography, from first-time writers as well as
estabUshed authors.
The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing wiU be awarded to
an individual writer whose book contributes significandy to the recorded
history of British Columbia. Other awards will be made as recommended
by the judges to valuable books prepared by groups or individuals.
All entries receive considerable pubUcity. Winners will receive a Certificate of
Merit, a monetary award and an invitation to the BCHF annual conference to be held in Richmond in May 2001.
SUBMISSION REQUIREMENTS: All books must have been pubUshed
in 2000 and should be submitted as soon as possible after pubUcation. Two
copies of each book should be submitted. Books entered become property
of the BC Historical Federation. Please state name, address and telephone
number of sender, the selUng price of aU editions ofthe book, and, if the
reader has to shop by mail, the address from which it may be purchased,
including appUcable shipping and handUng costs.
SEND TO:  BC Historical Federation Writing Competition
c/o Shirley Cuthbertson
#306-225 BelleviUe Street Victoria BC    V8V 4T9
DEADLINE: 31 December 2000


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