British Columbia History

British Columbia History 2007

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  British Columbia History
Journal of the British Columbia Historical
Federation Published four times a year.
ISSN: print 1710-7881 online 1710-792X
British Columbia History welcomes stories, studies,
and news items dealing with any aspect of the
history of British Columbia, and British Columbians.
Please submit manuscripts for publication to the
Editor, British Columbia History,
John Atkin,
921 Princess Avenue, Vancouver BC V6A 3E8
Book reviews for British Columbia History,
Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor,
BC Historical News,
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Phone 604.274.4383 | is the Federation's web site BCHF Prizes | Awards | Scholarships
"Any country worthy of a future should
be interested in its past"
W. Kaye Lamb, 1937
W. KAYE LAMB Essay Scholarships
Deadline 15 May 2008
The British Columbia Historical
Federation awards two scholarships
annually for essays written by students
at BC colleges or universities, ona topic
relating to British Columbia history.
One scholarship (S750) is for an essay
written by a student in a first or second
year course; the other (S1000) is for an
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To apply for the scholarship all
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essays must be on a topic relating to
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Applications should be submitted
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Federation Scholarship Committee,
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V8R 6N4
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honours individual initiative in writing
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Site Prize must be made to the British
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December 2007. Web site creators
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reading enjoyment. Judging will be
based on subject development, writing
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The Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation | Volume 40 Number 3  2007
Cridge: The Making of a Bishop
Robert Dennison 2
Social Efficiency and Public Education
Catherine Broom 8
Letters From Afar
Stephen Turnbull 13
Vanished: Field Crops & Wooden Artifacts
V.C Brink 16
Third Time Lucky
Dirk Septer 19
C & C Taxi Service: Token history
Ron Greene 22
Archives and Archivists 23
Book Reviews 24
Miscellany 40
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3        1 Cridge, the Making of a Bishop
By Robert Dennison
Robert Dennison last
wrote for BC History
(issue 39.1) with his
article A Leap of
Bishop Cridge, born 1813
died 1915
BC Archives photo A-01196
The kind reception given by you to myself and
fellow voyagers on the occasion of the fortieth
anniversary of oar arrival from England in this
land, and ihe cordial greetings of yourselves and
many others added, has brought back to my mind some
thoughts of my work in those early days.
There has always been a chaplain at the station, and
singularly enough my immediate predecessor was an old
college friend, but my appointment as district minister
brought on changes incidental to church organization. It is
difficult to realize the contrast behoeen Victoria as it now
is with its numerous churches and congregations, and Fort
Victoria as it then was, with only one congregation and no
church building for Protestant worship.1
In 1895, forty years after his arrival, Bishop
Cridge celebrated this anniversary by recalling his
first sermon at Fort Victoria.2 The seventy-seven year
old cleric slowly gazed around his congregation of the
Church of Our Lord, Victoria nodding his satisfaction.
His surplice covered his rotund physique crowned
with a great white beard and white locks. It had been
a long hazardous journey from those loud, rough
and "mud up to your knees" pioneer days full of
happiness and sorrows, of standing frm in beliefs
regardless of the consequences. In 1874 he joined the
Reformed Episcopalian movement taking most of his
congregation with him. He had worked hard to be a
good shepherd presiding over countless baptisms,
marriages and burial services. Indeed many of his
old friends and family had departed and were sorely
missed but new ones had been warmly welcomed. In
his usual soft wheezing style, frequently punctuated
by his familiar ate.3 his story unfolded.
On April 1,1855,4 the small chartered vessel,
the Marquis of Bute slowly edged its way by Cape
Flattery, then the tip of Vancouver's Island and the
crew fred the canon to signal the vessel's position to
Fort Victoria. When the passengers heard the canon
they rushed to the ship's side and gazed intently into
the misty distance hoping to catch a glimpse of their
new home. Nearing the end of their long journey,
they could barely make out the lush green of the land
through the drizzle and fog but in clear patches they
could see the numerous spring flowers and towering
mighty cedar trees. The young minister gave a prayer
of thanks 5 and joined his cheering and laughing
companions as they anchored in Esquimalt harbour.
When first on land, the Reverend Cridge
describes wife Mary as being delighted to be back on
solid ground. Despite the smells, deep mud, noise,
roaming animals, all kinds of nationalities and fort
living quarters nothing could stem her enthusiasm.
Mary was greeted like a long lost friend by the Church
ladies group already considering her as a fresh voice
for the church choir.6
The first services took place in the fort mess
hall. Doctor Helmcken described the room as "twenty
feet in length by about a dozen in breadth, lined with
upright plank unpainted... .In the centre stood a large
dilapidated rectangular stove,... ."7 Usually very early
Sunday mornings a group of cleaners made the hall
presentable for the colonial church congregation after
the previous night's bachelors' drinking parties.
Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company,
Andrew Colville, had insisted that the job description
for the clergyman should follow the pattern of the
Bishop of Rupert's Land at Red River and include
taking charge of a boarding school. This school
would enroll a "superior class", the children of
the Company's officers, and to accomplish this the
minister should take with him a gentleman and his
wife capable of running such an establishment.8
However, a teacher and wife did not accompany the
Cridge party to Fort Victoria, and being a stickler
for detail, the Rev. Cridge quickly came up with a
workable solution. Within several weeks he assessed
the potential student population and concluded that
a boarding school was desperately needed but for
the daughters of the Company officers. This seemed
like a very ambitious goal at the time, but many Bay
officers had several daughters per family, including
James Douglas.
Cridge discussed this situation with his wife and
between them it was decided they could superintend
the general operation yet the teaching positions would
have to be filled by experienced staff brought from
England, which would take at least 6-12 months. The
astute chaplain proposed to James Douglas that the
unmarried sisters, who were still in England, could
fill the boarding school's positions. The sisters had
remained in England to take care of their ailing father
but after his death anticipated sailing on the Princess
Royal, in July, 1855, to join Edward in Fort Victoria.
Delighted at their arrival, December 17,1855/ Cridge
announced the "next day I went on board and found
my sisters well... and received them into my house."10
Once the parsonage boarding school opened it would
have room for 6 or even 7 students who would pay
a fee of £20 per anum which did not include books
and washing of clothes.11 This had the organization
of a comfortable family business, particularly when
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3   his little church. It had room for only four hundred
people so Cridge provided open-air evening services
in front of the fort.25
Later in the year, on Christmas Day, the Church
of England's spiritual reinforcements arrived in the
person of one Reverend Mr. William Burton Crickmer,
B.A., late curate of Marylebone, a missionary licensed
by the Bishop of London. Crickmer set foot in
Esqumalt and trudged through the forest, brush and
along the rough and muddy trails to Victoria where he
met Reverend Cridge26 He would need to be a hardy
soul as he had been specifically sent to minister the
to miners in the interior "diggings." The missionary
had traveled with his wife and child in the Colonel
Moody party via the Panama Railway, completed in
1855. Such had been the force of the Cridge request
that it convinced the Society that the missionary need
was so urgent they should send Crickmer the quickest
way to Fort Victoria. The Hudson's Bay chaplain
was so pleased with Crickmer's speedy arrival he
immediately wrote again to the CCCS extolling the
virtues of the new comer. He also explained to the
Society that in wintertime the many miners deserted
the areas, and wintered in Victoria, only to return
in greater numbers when the rivers revealed their
gold bearing sandbars.27 Both men teamed up with
the Reverend Gammage, who was supported by
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and
travelled to the mainland seeking potential sites for
a new church, finally selecting New Westminster.
Their journey was not easy, with no roads, treacherous
rivers, dense underbrush and thick forests but their
great zeal, naivety, faith and desire to expand the
"march of British colonization" saw them safely
Unknown to Cridge his letter for help set off
an event in England that would come to fruition
in a storm of controversy. Angela Burdett-Coutts, a
wealthy philanthropist concerned about supplying
the builders of the British Empire with their home
religion, read his letter. This generous woman already
supported bishoprics in Africa, Australia and now
she felt British Columbia needed the same. To do this
she subscribed £25,000 to pay for a bishop and two
archdeacons.29 The cleric selected for this position was
the Reverend George Hills, Vicar of Great Yarmouth,
England, and a well-connected son of a Royal Naval
Captain. He was a tireless worker for his diocese,
travelling hundreds of miles in the interior of British
Columbia, accepting all the difficulties and on his
frequent trips to England constantly encouraging his
friends to subscribe to his churches.30
By 1859 the year before the new Bishop arrived
Edward Cridge's 5-year contract was drawing to a
close with a need for renegotiation by both parties.31
The colonial chaplain offered to continue in the same
capacity but who was his employer? His agreement
was with the Company and yet Vancouver Island had
evolved into a colony with a fledgling legislature that
rejected his request claiming that body did not have
the responsibility or funds to honour the terms of the
original contract.32 Poor Cridge. What was he to do?
Seeing that no decision was forthcoming he took the
iniative and presented a Memorandum of his situation
to the Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Newcastle.33
While Douglas, the Colonial Office and local
legislature bickered as to who had the responsibility
for the minister's renewal of contract and salary,
Cridge had no income from the glebe or pew rents.34
Fortunately or unfortunately it was about this time
in early 1860 that Bishop George Hills intervened.
Supporting Cridge the Bishop offered to license him
as Rector in September 1860 and give financial support
from his sponsoring society the SPG. Hills wanted
to make his churches independent of the state and
included in this offer was the agreement that Cridge
would give up the 100-acre glebe around the church.
A settlement of 25 acres as agreed to by Governor
Douglas, and the Bishop, and three trustees were
quickly nominated including the Governor, Bishop
Hills and the Archbishop of London.35
Cridge and Bishop Hills appeared to work
together quite well and the Bishop even sponsored
Cridge's daughter for baptism in I860.36 She was
christened Mary Hills Cridge a symbol of cooperation
between the Cridge and the Bishop. Hills, however,
was a stickler for order, facts, figures and forms
particularly information on congregations and
financial support which would be gathered by the
Bishop, a centralization to which several ministers
did not subscribe. Minor changes were pointed out to
Cridge in his own church, such as giving communion
on "one rail", and the need to give prayers for
Governor Douglas. The interference had begun. Rev.
Cridge tolerated it in the beginning even when the
Bishop announced the need for another congregation
in Victoria from Cridge's Christ Church pulpit. When
Christ Church was designated the Cathedral and
Cridge was instituted as Dean in December, 1865,
a tense working relationship rapidly snowballed
between the clerics with one adhering to low church
ideology and the other high church beliefs.
25. Ibid.
26. Cridge to CCCS, February
7,1859. Anglican Ecclesiastical
Archives, Province of British
Columbia Box PSA 50/4
27. Cridge to CCCS, October 4,
1854. Annual Report 1859.
28. Cridge to CCCS, December
21,1859. Annual Report, 1860.
29. Edna Healey, Lady Unknown:
The Life of Angela Burdett-
Coutts (Sidgwick a Jackson,
London, 1978), pp. 77, 78.
30. Allan Pritchard (ed),
Vancouver Island Letters of
Edmund Hope Verney, 1862-65,
(Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1996),
31. Hudson's Bay House,
London to the Reverend
Edward Cridge, September 13,
1854. Memorandum of Salary,
Allowances for a Cleryman for
Vancouver's Island A.5/19 pp.59,
60,61,62, (HBCA)
32. Duke of Newcastle to
Governor Douglas, August, 1861,
GR-0332, vol. 5/ pp.156-158.
33. Memorial of Edward Cridge
to the Duke of Newcastle, April
23,1861.B.226/2/1 fo.47& fo.48
34. Ibd., B. 226/2/1 fo.49 a fo.50
35. Cridge to Governor Douglas,
MS 0320 vol. 2/fo. 7. (BCA).
The Dean settled on 25 acres as
the glebe was too far from the
church. See also The Victoria
Daily Colonist, April 16,1895,
36. Roberta L. Bagshaw (ed). No
Better Land: the I860 Diaries
of the Anglican Colonial Bishop
George Hills (Sono Nis Press:
Victoria, British Columbia, 1996),
37. Society for the Propagation
for the Gospel in Foreign Parts
Annual Missionary Reports, 1867
& 1870 E-Series Reels A326 &
328 (AC).
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3  A grand service of consecration was held
when the new wooden church was completed. In the
afternoon the Archdeacon W.S. Reece gave the sermon
which seemed to extol the virtues of ritualism. Cridge
had been isolated from the religious movements
in England for some time and his fundamentalism
had not changed. This sermon brought expressions
of objection from the Dean who rose to condemn
the sermon and vowed Christ Church would see
no ritualism as long as he was the minister. A hush
descended on all present as the portly cleric, his red
face more coloured than usual, pointed to Archdeacon
Reece. Once the shock of this action subsided most
of the congregation gathered around Cridge to show
their support. Bishop Hills and other clergy huddled
in consultation in the vestry. Never had they heard
such a forceful display from their Dean, and so
distressing was the upset that some ladies fainted
while others walked out of the church. The debate
carried on for several years with each protagonist
blaming and lecturing the other in letters in the local
press with quotes from church law. It escalated into
an untenable situation with both parties refusing to
withdraw and Bishop Hills finally charged his brother
cleric before an Ecclesiastical Tribunal. Cridge was
found guilty on most points.42 and his Church of
England ministers' license was made null and void. To
add insult to injury he received a letter of termination
to sever all his connections with the parsonage and
church land.43
A defiant and proud minister with no church
or license gathered his flock and joined the fledgling
Reformed Episcopal Church, a group with similar
views. The Presbyterian church building was used
until January 16,1876, when the Church of Our Lord
opened with the Reverend Edward Cridge as Rector.
Soon after this break Edward Cridge was elected the
bishop, known as Edward Pacific, with a diocese
that extended from Alaska to California.44 Once more
Cridge had no superior to placate. He settled down at
the Church of Our Lord, Victoria, a life without anger,
angst and struggle or changing traditions, a life of
comparative ease with a loving congregation.
His wife Mary had had nine children in
rapid succession. In late 1864 and early 1865 four
succumbed to the scourge of measles in the city. A
faded moss covered head stone beside the Christ
Church Cathedral tells the story of heartbreak as the
Cridges grieved for their young loved ones.45 The
family immersed themselves in a myriad of charities
and became involved in all aspects of the community.
Mary and sister-inlaw Elizabeth worked tirelessly for
the first Sunday School, the establishment of a female
hospital, the children's orphanage and the bride ships,
the Tynemouth and the Robert Lowe, and many other
Victoria organizations.
In 1868 the Cridge family bought Sellindge
Cottage in Oak Bay where their last child was born,46
and seven years later moved into their house Marifield
in the James Bay area. By this time Elizabeth had
developed very serious arthritic pain and although
housebound she would still counsel "lost souls" on
the dangers of alcohol. She died in 1890 at age 70
Sixteen years later, in 1906, Mrs. Mary Cridge
passed away at Marifield at age 78. It was a great loss
to her husband and the many unfortunate citizens
who relied on her devotion and kindness. The Colonist,
described her as "having a useful life, and she did all
she could."48 With the passing of his lifelong helpmate,
the Bishop's strength waned. He had already resigned
as rector of the Church of Our Lord in 1902 due to "
infirmities of old age" but still continued his Episcopal
duties until 1908. In 1913 the doleful peal of church
bells signalled the passing of Bishop Edward Cridge,
B.A., Cambridge, D.D.. All Victoria mourned. He
was laid beside his wife, Mary, in Ross Bay Cemetery
overlooking the Pacific Ocean.49 •
48. The DaUy Colonist, December
20,1905. p.3. Valance House
Museum, Dagenham, England to
Robert G. Dennison. St. Peter &
St. Paul, Dagenham, 1500-1842:
Baptisms, Marriages ft Burials.
Father: George. Mother: Sarah.
Sisters: Ellen and Mary Ann.
Brothers: Benjamin, George,
Richard James and Thomas Field.
49. The Victoria Daily Times, May
6,1913. pp. 1,12. Late Bishop
Edwadr Cridge The Victoria
Daily Colonist, April 25,1895.
p.5. Received Doctor of Divinity
degree. He was also a founding
member of the Cambridge
University Musical Society,
England and until his death was
in constant contact with this
The Funeral of Bishop
Cridge, Victoria, 1913
[opposite page]
BC Archives photo A-01207
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Social Efficiency fit Public Schooling
in British Columbia
By Catherine Broom
The Putman Weir Report of 1925 signalled a
massive change in educational philosophy in BC:
the uneasy blending of progressivism and social
efficiency, both educational movements developed
in the United States early in the twentieth century as
mass schooling was established. This essay describes
the Putman Weir Report, which highlights when social
efficiency and its concomitant scientific curriculum making
became embedded in BC curricula. Both continued to be
found   particularly in the case of scientific curriculum
making in greater concentrations in BC's curricula
released over the century. 'Theirfactory-style, rationalistic
approach led to the unfortunate loss of understanding of
education as a holistic process.
Mass Public Schooling
Mass public schooling is an industrial product.
Prior to the nineteenth century, education was a
private and class-based affair. Parents were in charge
of educating their young. Inmost cases, as the majority
of the population was poor and rural, parents taught
their children. Some parents sent their children to be
apprenticed to a trade. Only the wealthy, upper class,
could afford tutors or private schools which provided
their sons and daughters with a "liberal education,"
an academic curriculum aimed at improving the
whole person. Beside the small, church schools, which
provided instruction in reading primarily to expand
faith and morality, schooling was a privilege few
could afford (Boyd and King, 1975).
Cermany led the transformation of
education by instituting public schooling at the end
of the eighteenth century. The Prussian state saw
in education a way of creating citizens loyal to it
and of inculcating particular morals in its people
(Cordasco, 1976). Industrialization melded with
this new conceptualization of schooling to produce
the common, public school for the large number of
children conveniently amassed together in dark,
smoke infested city grottos, who were—the business
class argued—in need of training in "proper" work
values. Public elementary schools, reformers argued,
were the new panacea (Osborne, 1985). These new
institutions would create the docile, trained workers
so desperately needed for labour hungry industries.
All curriculum guides and textbooks from the early
part of the century in BC, in effect, unabashedly
focused on "training" students to be industrious,
patient, and loyal to the state. For example, one
textbook stated, "Obedience to the law and respect for
authority is the distinguishing mark of a good citizen"
(Italics in the original, McCaig, 1930).
Being thus a product and an aim of the
industrial age, these industrial schools mirrored
their age. They provided a "basic," or "common,"
education for elementary students in reading, writing,
and arithmetic - skills reformers hoped would create
"better" workers (Tompkins, 1985 and 1986). Most
importantly, school structures reinforced the work
values middle class reformers advocated: bells
announced when students were to sit down and pay
attention and when to rest; school rules enforced
an industrial work ethic, such as arriving on time
and completing work as required, supplemented
by corporal punishment for those who dared to
assert their independence. These common schools,
particularly well illustrated in Britain, were to train
workers not leaders. Leaders, naturally the sons of
the wealthy upper class, were to be educated in fancy
private schools, which also grew in numbers and in
popularity through out the nineteenth century (Boyd
and King, 1975; Barman, 1984).
In B.C., which attempted to create a British
identity for itself in its early years, we see the parallel
development of private and public schools (Barman,
1984). The public schooling offered was basic:
students learned only basic skills at the elementary
school level. High schools, during the nineteenth
century, remained fee-based institutions for the
elite. They offered three possible options for middle
class children: a classic program in preparation for
university, a commercial program in preparation for
business, and a teacher-training program (Jackson
and Caskell, 1987). However, in the early twentieth
century, reformers influenced by social efficiency
theories, pushed for the expansion of more and longer
attendance at public schools. Public school theorists
argued that education could be used to reconstruct a
better society, to train good citizens, and to prepare
individuals for their supposed places in society.
As a result, mass public schooling was
established in BC. As occurred in the United States
and as explained by Callahan (1962), BC's school
development from 1900 to 1929 was very much under
the Social Efficiency movement (Dunn, 1980). With
the forces of industrialization, increased urbanization
and a perceived need for schools due to the parents'
inability to now socialize their children (Dunn, p. 24),
mass schooling arose. Based on the American model,
BC's Ministry of Education instituted compulsory
attendance and child labour laws, divided students
into grades by age, developed a much more complex
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3  McCaig. (1930). Studies in
Citizenship. Toronto: Educational
Book Company.
Murray, J. "John Franklin
Bobbitt" retrieved on June 26th,
2006 from: http://www2.
Orr, D. (1990). "The Liberal Arts,
the Campus, and the Biosphere."
Harvard Educational Review 60
(2): 205-216.
Osborne, K. (1985). "In Defence
of History." In A Canadian
Social Studies, pp. 55-69. Eds.
J. Parsons etal. Edmonton:
Faculty of Education Publication
Programme of Studies for High
Schools ofBC. (1930, reprint
1933). Victoria, BC: Department
of Education.
Programme of Studies for the
Elementary School of BC. (1930).
Victoria, BC: Department of
Programme of Studies for the
Junior High Schools of BC.
(1936). Victoria, BC: Department
of Education.
Programme of Studies for the
Senior High Schools of BC.
Bulletin land VII (1937).
Victoria, BC: Department of
Programme of Studies for the
Junior High Schools of BC.
(1939). Victoria, BC: Department
of Education.
Putman, J.H. a Weir, G.M.
(1925). Survey of the School
System. Victoria, BC:
Province of British Columbia.
Snyder, J., Bolin, F, & Zumwalt,
K. (1989). "Curriculum
Implementation." SFU
Course Reserve Reading, pp.
402-435. Columbia University.
valued education; that education was seen to be
important as both a right and a need; and that it was
to be paid for by all as it provided benefits to all, for
individuals in society were described as increasingly
accepting the idea of the government's provision
of social services. It made clear that—at the time of
the report—the primary concern of many was the
increasing costs of education and the difficulties
experienced by teachers in small, rural districts.
It described various viewpoints with regard to
education, from conservative to radical, and stated
that the moderate was the most popular. Individuals
in this group supported some modifications to the
school system.
The report included many "progressive"-like
statements, such as arguing for education to be based
on the needs of the child and on "experiences" and
on new classroom pedagogies such as projects, social
recitation and silent reading. It mentioned Dewey
and stated that "education is life" and that teachers
should consider their students when instructing,
and it used Thorndike's research to argue against the
Theory of Disciplines, which the report stated, was
popular in BC, as well as arguing for the Wring of a
psychologist. It also advocated junior high schools as
a way of providing a more meaningful program to
students of that age. However, these statements are,
in fact, superficial ones, for the curriculum and the
strategies recommended are not based on the child.
Mostly, the report stated that less lecture and more
activities such as projects undertaken by the student
and silent reading were needed. Its child centred
approach, in short, falls far short of Dewey's. Its
modification of the school system to include junior
schools does, nevertheless, illustrate its acceptance of
the argument of new development psychologists that
children pass through various stages of development.
Being, therefore, at a different stage of development
by about the age of 13, they should be separated from
elementary school children in their own schools.
Physical education was also mentioned as a way "to
educate through play" (p. 47) in order to develop
physical fitness and "character," the latter of which
was seen to develop "moral citizens" (p. 47).
By far, most of the chapters in the report are
primarily concerned with social efficiency, that is, with
the setting up of a smoothly running, professionalized
school system. Its efficiency-based chapters echo the
movement in United States (Callahan, 1962). Callahan
(1962) explains that Scientific Efficiency involved
the adopting of successful business practices to
schools. Taylor had recommended that businesses
study the production process in detail in order to
find the most efficient and cost effective practises
and then institute these. These ideas were adopted
by American principals and superintendents who
used standardized tests to determine the "efficiency"
of schools. They were also adopted by Putman and
Weir. Indeed, the report made frequent references
to American pioneers of a more rationalized school
structure, including Bobbitt, Cubberly, and Snedden.
For example, Bobbitt was described as "one of the
greatest present-day authorities on the curriculum...
his views are sound and they are in accord with the
best educational thought of the day" (p. 329).
Bobbitt and Snedden's approaches to curriculum
were serious ones, aimed at preparing students for
life and not centred on the child's interests. Chicago
educational administration professor, Bobbitt, wrote
his curriculum book, The Curriculum, in 1918. It
was based on practicality and utility and aimed to
develop a rational, curricular science, arguing for
the break down of teaching into minute, organized
"tasks." These would be designed, ordered, and
implemented so as to maximize the learning of
pre-established goals that aimed to teach students
the skills they were seen to need as adults in vailed
aspects of their lives. Any subject that was not seen
to contribute to adult life was, therefore, not only
a waste of time but also a waste of money. Bobbitt
articulated "...five steps in curriculum making: (a)
analysis of human experience, (b) job analysis, (c)
deriving objectives, (d) selecting objectives, and (e)
planning in detail" (Murray). Objectives were to
be achieved in the most scientifically-efficient way
possible. Further, students were to be streamed and
directed into specific training in a career through the
use of standardized tests. Schools, in short, were to
adopt business models in order to run more efficiently
and remove waste, as efficiency was also linked to
monetary constraint (Callahan, 1962). In this way,
Bobbitt and other Social Efficiency scholars argued,
society could be improved.
In a similar vein, Snedden, who was, among
other university placements and experiences as
an administrator of schools, at Teachers' College,
argued for practical, vocational courses in industrial
education and preparation for specific jobs (Kliebard,
1992). He wrote 'The Administration of Public Education
in the United States (1909), Sociological Determination
of Objectives in Education (1921), and Educational
Sociology (1922). Critical of the narrow academic
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 focus of schools and a supporter of Herbert Spencer
and Edward Ross, he argued that schools should
prepare students for their appropriate places
(leader or worker) in varied, specific and practical
programs. He attempted to institute some specialized
schools himself when he was State Commissioner of
Education in Massachusetts. Like Bobbitt, he argued
for a scientifically-developed curriculum in which
what useful to society was the most important factor
to consider in determining what was taught. Criteria,
with regard to social utility, were to be established
through the use of scientific methods and stated as
specific objectives for students to master.
Kliebard (1992) describes a number of features
of social efficiency in the United States. These
include providing varied programs for students in
order to "fit" them into their supposed places in
societies, using principles derived from new scientific
research in development psychology to shape a
new "scientific curriculum," and having education
guided by new educational experts, who were like
middle managers, trained in methods for maximizing
efficiency. The latter included Bobbitt, Cubberly, and
Snedden. All three wrote about achieving efficiency in
education through scientific curriculum making and
administration. Cubberly argued, for example, that:
Our schools are, in a sense, factories in which the raw
products (children) are to be shaped and fashioned into
products to meet the various demands of life...and it is
the business of the school to build its pupils according
to the specifications laid down. This demands good
tools, specialized machinery, continuous measurement
of production to see it is according to specifications, the
elimination of waste in manufacture, and a large variety
in the output (quoted in Kliebard, 1992, p. 116).
Bobbitt also argued that the "school plant"
should be used in a cost effective manner, through, for
example, having all working in it at their maximum
efficiencies by being healthy individuals—hence,
the argument for hygiene education (Kliebard,
1992). Further, standardized testing, mostly based
on intelligence testing, was to be used in order to
achieve standardized results so that students could
be "scientifically" placed into the classes most
appropriate for them. Efficiency was also to be
achieved through teaching: teachers' actions were to
be scientifically studied in order to determine "good
teachers' " behaviours and these were then to be
taught to student teachers. Finally, cost accounting,
the determining of the prices of courses per pupil,
was to be used to determine efficiency.
All of these elements are found in the Putman
Weir Report. The report argues for scientific and
rationalized amendments including: a change in
the use of academic exams to focus more on more
"scientific" standardized and intelligence tests, the
increase of standards for teachers through more
competitive normal school entrance and increased
supervision primarily by the principal, the setting
up of a centralized textbooks centre and of clear
standards of achievement for each grade and course,
the instruction of student teachers in the "science of
education" and not in methods, the "guidance" of
students into careers deemed appropriate for them
in middle schools, the expansion of the Department
of Education, the encouragement of educational
research, the "scientific" selection of teachers, and
the re-arrangement of school administration through
the clarification of duties and the establishment of
a superintendent of schools, responsible to school
boards. Educational decisions and management,
importantly, were to be placed in the hands of
"educational experts."
Little time was spent arguing for the importance
of or need for education, except for a few superficial
statements. It appears, that is, that the commissioners
took for granted that individuals in society accepted
public education as both necessary and important.
Their aim was to professionalize and rationalize the
system. The report connected "the moral and patriotic
aims of education to the importance of specific habit
formation and the development of character" (p. 43).
Education was to move from "the period for forming
habits of order, diligence, obedience, and punctuality"
during elementary schooling to ".. .the need for subject
which have a content value...and the need not so
much for forming additional habits as for a careful
examination of the basis of each action" (p. 75).
History and civics instruction, for example was
to occur together in new middle schools for grades 7,
9, and 9. History was to be taught in grades 10,11, and
12, with Sociology in grade 12. History was to teach
"who he is, whence he came, who are his neighbours,
what are his relations with them and his obligations
towards them" (p. 91). It was to be linked to students'
life experiences (p. 398). This history, not surprisingly
considering the main focus of the report, was linked to
efficiency, as the following statement highlights:
...the members of the Commission were very favourable
impressed with the obvious sincerity and genuine desire
manifested by the great majority of those who appeared
at the sittings to make their contribution towards the
Tompkins, G. (1985). "The
Social Studies in Canada." In A
Canadian Social Studies,
pp. Eds. J. Parsons etal.
Edmonton: Faculty of Education
Publication Services.
Tomkins, G. (1986). A Common
Countenance: Stability and
Change in the Canadian
Curriculum. Scarborough:
1. Weir's aims were not
liberating to the majority. They
aimed to create docile citizens
who accepted their place in
society and thus supported the
current social structures, as did
Jones' program in the United
States, through standardized
testing and vocational courses
(Mann, 1980).
11 solution of British Columbia's most vital problem—the
efficient education of over one hundred thousand future
citizens for active and worthy participation in the affairs
and duties of Ufe (p. 5).
In summary, this report illustrates that by
the 1920s many individuals in BC accepted public
schooling as a right of children and as important to
society. However, concerns as to costs were clearly
an issue. While there was some small progressive
influence in some of the language used and in the
support for psychology, most of the report aimed to
improve "efficiency" through the following of "social
efficiency" practices from the United States that
focused on "professionalizing" schools and running
them on business principles. The report would have
been a very "modern" report at its time, although not
really very "progressive."
The 1930s Curriculum Revisions
The vision of education articulated in the
Putman Weir Report of 1925 was translated into
curriculum guides released throughout the 1930s,
in three stages.1 The first occurred in 1927, with the
rearrangement of curriculum to move from ancient
ages to more recent ones, a chronological sequence
supported by progressivists in the United States. The
second step occurred in 1930, with the establishment
of the course of "social studies" and a new common
core. In 1936 and 1937, when commissioner Weir
had himself become Minister of Education, a new
philosophy of education was articulated at the
beginning of the curriculum guide. It set out aims
in detail, with the use of Deweyian and Progressive
language and a new way of presenting curricula.
In particular, these amendments illustrate the
first stage in the transformation of understanding
of the curriculum as simply being the textbook
(Snyder et. al), to being something that should be
"scientifically" developed (Kliebard). As social
efficiency advocates, Bobbitt and Snedden, had
effectively argued, curriculum should begin with
the objectives to be achieved. From these, what
and how to teach should be determined. This new
understanding was first illustrated in the 1936 and
1937 guides in which curricula was presented with
"aims, objectives, and methods," although these still
remained lists of content to be learned. This scientific
and rationalistic understanding of curriculum
illustrated the adoption of factory ideology (begin
with "outputs" desired and then determine how to
achieve these) into education and has, unfortunately,
remained predominant (even becoming more so)
throughout the century. Indeed, the 1980s
curriculum revision in BC focused primarily
on developing a number of dissected "skills"
or behaviours in students. The possibility of
conceptualizing education as a holistic process
was gone. The "scientific" rationalist approach
so dissected education, it killed what it was
essentially aiming to achieve.
Solutions, however, do exist through
the articulation of this history, which provides
the opportunity to eschew poor and incorrect
theories and philosophies of education and
explore other, more holistic and positive
alternatives, such as found in the work of Orr
(1990). He criticizes and presents an alternative
to this rationalized and dissected approach. He
argues for the conceptualization of education
as a holistic process, a "wholeness.. .the ability
to relate their autobiographies to the unfolding
history of their time in meaningful, positive
ways" (p. 207). Education should create "...
balanced, whole persons. Wholeness requires
integration: the analytic mind with feelings and
the intellect with manual competence. Failure
to connect mind and feelings, as Gray writes,
'divorces us from our own dispositions at the
level where intellect and emotions fuse'"(p.
The early twentieth century saw a
revolutionary change in education with the
rise of mass public schooling, a product of the
industrial age, the development of the theory
of social efficiency, and the transformation
of curriculum, into a rationalized art. These
changes led to the dissection of education as
a holistic activity, integral to its very nature,
thus killing the possibility of educating well.
This paper has traced the evolution of these
transformations in BC and aimed to provide
a solution to them, through a comprehensive
education that aims at developing mind,
body, and heart in a positive and nurturing
environment. In the words of Martin Luther
King, "We must rapidly begin the shift from a
" thing oriented" society to a "person-oriented"
society. When machines and computers, profit
motives, and property rights are considered
more important than people, the great triplets
of racism, materialism and militarism are
incapable of being conquered." •
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Letters From Afar
By Steve Tunbull
The letters sit on my desk, stacked neatly in
groups of 10 to 20 each. The various stacks
are carefully segregated according to the
name of the originator and are held in place
with whatever was available when they were received
some 60 years ago; baling twine, random bits of string,
and a spectrum of red, green, and pink ribbons. A
benevolent and fatherly King George VI stares out
from the 1 and 4 penny stamps on the envelopes, his
military uniform reflecting the extraordinary times.
These are the letters sent to my cousin Joan
by her classmates after they left Queen Elizabeth
Secondary School in Surrey, B.C. These were not,
however, the kind of "keeping in touch" notes old
school chums exchange after graduation. None of
the writers had the privilege of graduating with
their class from the school they knew simply as
"Q.E." The reason this is so is simple and cruel in its
tragedy. Though these were Joan's school chums and
were ordinary school kids like her, they had a crucial
difference-they were Japanese Canadian and by that
one fact they were caught up in the remarkable events
of the early 1940's.
Like most Canadians of Japanese ancestry these
children were victims of the mass evacuation and
internment that began in the early months of 1942.
The years following the attack on Pearl Harbour have
been well documented as have the consequences for
the people of Japanese ancestry living in Canada. They
do not need repeating here. However, in contrast to
the broad and earth-shaking scope of these events the
letters before me provide a simple and singular view,
a look at the effects of these sweeping events from the
perspective of the children who were swept along with
them. They do bear repeating; each is unique and has
not been aired in public-until now.
Each letter is a story in its own right, a very
personal one. Collectively this correspondence creates
a mosaic of the life and times of these young people
against the backdrop of the Internment.
By simply scanning the envelopes I get a
dramatic hint of what happened. They are occasionally
marred by ominous black stamps that read "Examined
by Censor" and they bear cancellation stamps that
tell of their origin. Place names such as "North
Kildonan", "Winnipeg", "Dryden", "St. Boniface",
Steve Turnbull is a
secondary school
teacher in the Surrey
School District.
He may be contacted
at turnbull_s@sd36.
MADI    IN   CANADA   BY   T»*C   COWSN.   S^UTTON   CO.   LTtV.   VANCOUVER.    B.   C.
JC^ ^JU. *** >*><*~»y      "i*«y~~
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3       13  FOR
"As soon as we landed in Kaslo the Red Cross
had coffee and sandwiches ready for us. Mr. Brennan,
our security commissioner welcomed us to Kaslo and gave
us our room number...Our room is 7' by 9' in size. After
the 5' x 7' bed is placed in the room their [ sic] is hardly
any place to put our baggage. Theirs three storeys to our
Kaslo Hotel. Each floor is about twenty rooms. In each
room there is about four people living in it. So if theirs
only two in the family two members of another family stay
with them. Also, on each floor there is one large stove
which is no good cause it doesn't heat properly at all."
Setsuko continued with details of their poor
cooking facilities but seemed much more interested
in knowing what was going on in school back home
in Surrey. As she closed this letter she wrote "If you
have any snapshots of yourself please send me one. I'd love
to send you one but we can't use a camera..'.' an obvious
reference to the camera ban that was imposed upon
the internees.
Following a prompt reply from Joan, Setsuko
responded with another letter June 8. By now she
was becoming more comfortable with her new
surroundings: "Our and hotel isn 't a temporary residence
but our place to live now for the duration ofthe war.. I feel
quite settled now and love this sorta living." Despite this
she was very homesick anxious for any news from
home, asking about mutual friends and the goings
on at Q.E.
Like most Canadian teenagers she was also keen
for the latest popular music: "What's on the Hit Parade
thisweek? I guess I wouldn't know." The internees were
not permitted to own radios. Setsuko also reminded
the reader of the ancient rivalry between siblings when
she wrote about her brother:
Akira is dumber than ever now. You remember how dumb he
was, well he's a low down stupefied so and so... On Sunday
he went as a Caddy. He earnt a dollar. Golly he's proud of
himself but he won't give me a cent. Just like him.
While perturbed with Akira, she was happy
about a recent event:
"May Day in Kaslo...turned out to be a splendid day. There
was a lot of people out.  Gee I had lots of fun."
Though they are just a few of the many dozens
of letters sitting before me they give a fascinating and
often detailed account of how life was unfolding in a
strange new place, one seen through a child's eyes as
a source of adventure and fun. This is in stark contrast
to the hardship experienced and shame felt by her
parents' generation, the result of the ethnic intolerance
prevalent in Canada at that time.
However, distinctions of ethnicity that caused
so much disruption fade when I read these letters and
realize that they contain nothing less than the heartfelt longing of ordinary Canadian kids who miss their
school, their friends, the social "mixers" they once
enjoyed and the "Hit Parade". Ethnic differences seem
to be a petty distinction for friends separated by war
and intolerance. •
15 16 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3       17 18 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3       19 Vanished: Field Crops & Wooden Artifacts From
BC Farms & Ranches
By V. C Brink
Bert Brink is a
regular contributor
to BC History on the
agricultural history
Comprehensive records of agricultural
change in British Columbia over the last
century are difficult to make and are not
likely to be undertaken by present day
urbanized society. The recording of skills, ingenuity
and artifacts in the food and forage conservation
system of B.C. is only thinly developed. May it be
hoped that those who have such records would
consider placing them in our museums so that our
rich agricultural history can be preserved..
Hay Stackers, Buck Rakes, Wooden
Irrigation Flumes and Other Structures
Wooden artifacts such as hay stackers, buck
rakes, wooden irrigation flumes and other implements
and structures once common on the B.C. agricultural
landscape have vanished. Seventy-five years ago they
were part of food-for-livestock and food-for-mankind
conservation systems.
Artifacts made largely of wood which decays
readily may exist today only as remnants, in some
photographs, or the memories of a few elderly
farmers, their families and hired hands. Metal
artifacts, such as old-time ploughs, seeders and
tractors, are on display in museums.
Detailing the changes in food and forage
conservation systems in the developed world and
the growth in our knowledge of food and forage
chemistry, biology and engineering - even for a
decade - goes far beyond the purpose of this photo
vignette but a few comments may put the foregoing
statement in context.
To tide over the adverse seasons of winter and
drought, human kind has always conserved food for
himself and his animals, even quite likely in hunting-
gathering societies, tens of thousands of years ago.
Conservation practices evolved slowly but in the
developed world there has surely been no period
when change has been so rapid or extensive as in the
last 75 years. But change also brought losses.
Until recently in B.C., a land of rugged terrain,
irrigation of hay meadows and arable fields was by
gravity in wooden flumes from reservoirs behind
roughly-made dams. Parenthetically, it might be
noted that Chinese irrigators, a vanished breed, were
in many areas employed to skillfully distribute water
evenly with minimum loss of soil and water by the
furrow irrigation system. Today, flumes, with their
holes for wooden blocks and strips to divert water
into the furrows, have largely been replaced by pumps
and by aluminum piping and sprinklers.
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Two centuries ago sickles and scythes were
replaced by horse-drawn mowers. Very rarely today
is loose hay cocked from windrows by hand with
hay forks and pitched into wooden wagons and then
into ricks. Gone too are the old-style wagons with
steel-rimmed wheels, showering seeds and shattered
foliage as they drove down country lanes to hay barns
or stacking areas. Also gone in most places are stacks
of loose hay, built and topped with skill, and gone too
are much toil and sweat by man and beast. Gone also
are the murderous hay forks, buck rakes and many
kinds of hay-stackers.
Today in B.C., forage is ensiled, baled by
mechanized equipment or wrapped in plastic,
resulting generally in better quality, leafier, more
nutritious and more palatable food for livestock.
Field Crops Not Grown Today and
Their Wooden Ancillary Structures
Seventy-five years ago root crops (field carrots,
swede turnips, field beets and mangels) were still
being grown on high quality land mainly in coastal
B.C. Larger and much coarser than their vegetable
counterparts used for human consumption, root crops
yielded large tonnages per acre. Generally classed as
"root crops" or, because of their high water content,
"succulents", they supplemented hay, making it more
palatable. Conserved in root cellars which were dug
,into soil, lined with planks of wood and topped with
insulating branches and soil, their contents were
drawn out as needed in winter and chopped by hand
or in machines. A few root cellars exist today, used as
coolers for the storage of potatoes.
Tobacco was grown as a field crop in the
Lower Fraser Valley, the Okanagan Valley, southern
Vancouver Island, and at Lillooet. Full-time staff
doing research and extension were maintained at
the Dominion Research Station at Summerland.
B.C. was noted for its production of cigar leaf. The
first tobacco acreage of consequence was in Lillooet,
supplying the fur trade and First Nations people.
Tobacco drying sheds, made of wood, were a notable
feature of many B.C. agricultural landscapes. Pioneer
production is recognized in a monument in Lillooet
where it was grown along with "trader" potatoes
and field beans. The last commercial production was
on Sumas Prairie where one drying shed still stands.
The last production was grown with the support of
the Imperial Tobacco Company and was used as a
warning to tobacco growers in Ontario that if their
demands became too great the company would
expand its B.C. production.
21 For those who are interested,
one museum, the Langley, B.C.,
Farm and Agricultural Museum
Association, has a temperature
and humidity controlled room
where records and photographs
can be catalogued and
maintained in good condition.
The address is: B.C. Farm
Machinery and Agricultural
Museum Association Box 279,
9131 King Street, Fort Langley,
Hops, like tobacco no longer grown commercially
inB.C, were grown in two locations in the Kamloops
area, in several locations in the Lower Fraser Valley,
in Lillooet and in southern Vancouver Island, largely
with brewing company contracts. Today, little remains
of the pole and cord structures or of the buildings
which supported the industry.
Fibre flax was grown during the war of
1939-1945 as a field crop in the Lower Fraser Valley
where the climate and soil proved to be ideal.
Although rayon fibre from wood was available before
the war, it was unsuitable for fish nets. Nylon and
other fibres from petroleum products had not yet
been commercialized and supplies of linen cordage
from Europe and Ireland were cut off by the Battle of
the Atlantic. Growers for fibre flax were found in the
Lower Fraser Valley, and a processing plant, largely
of wood, was built in Surrey. European and,Irish
production of cordage and linen was resumed
after the war and synthetic fibres became excellent
substitutes for fish-net fibre. Parts of the fibre flax
processing plant remains as a livestock feed lot but the
retting (steeping) tanks and other scutching structures
have decayed or been destroyed.
Sugar beets were field grown in B.C. for seed
during the 1939-1945 war and for nearly two decades
after. Soil and climate in Delta were ideal because,
close to the sea, the winters were mild and first-year
plants (stecklings) did not have to be lifted and stored
over winter, and the climate in summer was very
suitable for pollination and seed development of
plants in their second year. Little remains of wooden
support structures. The main buildings, where
processing and storage occurred, are today used for
marketing fertilizer and other farm products.
In conclusion, reflection on the various reasons
for the disappearance of wooden artifacts and of field
crops may be warranted. Wood is not durable and
toil by man and beast is today reduced by aluminum
pipes and sprinklers. Soil, water and crops are better
conserved so that hay stackers and wooden flumes
have, disappeared. Watery root crops are' costly
to store and to handle and have little place in the
nutritionally balanced processed feeds of today. In
western society tobacco use is no longer favoured and
its production greatly reduced. Corporate efficiency
and the high cost of land have made hop production
move out of B.C. to other areas. Synthetic fibres from
petroleum products make fish nets of better quality
than nets from flax fibre, and cane sugar produced in
warmer latitudes make sugar beet seed production a
dubious enterprise without heavy subsidies. •
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Third Time Lucky: 64 years later w.w. n
airman's grave finally gets the correct headstone
By Dirk Septer
In 1943 an unknown RCAF airman's body had
been found washed ashore on Meadow Island
near Bella Bella and although his remains were
put to rest at the Meadow Island Cemetery in
September 1943, the grave remained unmarked.
In 1979, a crated grave marker was discovered
in a B.C. Packers warehouse in Bella Bella which had
been ordered by the Canadian Agency of the Imperial
(now Commonwealth) War Graves Commission on 9
May 1944 to the to mark the grave on Meadow Island.
It had been delivered to the village but somehow
never reached the gravesite. The newly discovered
headstone was placed on the grave in 1980.
Unknown at the time, the headstone contained
an error and now 27 years later in October 2007 the
grave finally received its proper headstone.
The disappearance of the B.C. Star
On September 3,1943, the unidentified body
was recovered from Price Island, north of Bella
Bella. It was brought to Royal Canadian Air Force
(RCAF) Station Bella Bella for identification. Mr. G.H.
Hill, the coroner from Ocean Falls, who arrived the
next morning, was unable to identify the body. The
drowning victim was believed to be a member of the
RCAF Supply and Salvage ship M-427 B.C. Star.
Before the start of World War II, RCAF's
Western Air Command already operated four highspeed crash vessels and a scow seaplane tender. The
boats and their crews acted as a very efficient quick-
response rescue operation.
With a possible threat of a Japanese invasion, the
RCAF Marine Squadron assumed an ever-increasing
responsibility for preparing the defence of the vast
British Columbia coast. Shortly before the United
Sates were drawn into World War II, they proposed
the Canadian government to form a joint electronic
aeroplane detection (radar) system. Including
coverage of the west coast of British Columbia would
complete the chain of radio defence stations already
operating on the west coast of the United States as
far north as Alaska.
In the agreement, Canada was to provide
the base sites, construct the buildings required and
furnish all the necessary materials and manpower to
operate the bases. For their part, the United States
would provide the actual detection equipment and
train the Canadian operators.
In July 1942, Air Command Headquarters
issued an order by which 10 Radar Detection Units
were to be established in strategic locations along
the west coast. The units would be part of an early
warning radar chain operating early warning low
flying (CHL) radar equipment with an approximate
range of 100 miles (160 km). Many of these Radio
Detachments were perched on rocky shores. The
isolated sites were at the edge of the wilderness,
exposed to wind, rain and fog. Since they could not be
accessed overland, the RCAF requisitioned a number
of tugs and fishing vessels to service these otherwise
inaccessible locations.
The B.C. Star was one of three seiners
requisitioned by Western Air Command in January
of 1942. The relatively new vessel, owned by Nikola
Jurincich/ ABC Packing Co., had
been built in Vancouver in 1940.
Together with the Midnight Sun
and Cape Canso, the 70-ton gross
register salmon seine fishing
vessel had been chartered to the
RCAF "onbareboatbasis without
crew." She carried complete
safety equipment including a
lifeboat with a capacity for 12
persons and two liferafts each for
10 persons. Eighteen Ufejackets
and two life buoys were also
carried. The vessel was wireless-
equipped, though under war
regulations radio silence was
observed in certain areas of the
British Columbia coast.2
On July 21,1943, the B.C.
Star had left Vancouver with 41.5
tons of gravel, cement and other
supplies for a RCAF construction
detachment at Cape St. James off
Kunghit Island on the southern
tip of the Queen Charlotte Islands. She carried a crew
of ten and three passengers. Two days later, the ship
put in at the RCAF Station Shearwater near Bella Bella
where she took aboard 2.5 tons of cargo and three
more passengers.3
On July 24, the vessel departed for Cape St.
James and was never seen again. An intensive search
by air and sea in the choppy, wind-swept waters
of the northern British Columbia failed to find the
67-foot craft. Local marine observers believed that
an explosion might have sealed the fate of the B.C.
Star and its 16 occupants. Eight of the men were from
British Columbia, six of which from Vancouver. Apart
The original headstone
in place in the Meadow
Island Cemetery.
23 Motes
1 LetterMay11,1944, A. Lewis
Watson, Asst. Sec. General,
I.W.G.G. (Canada) to The
B.C. Monumental Works Ltd.
2 The Vancouver Sun, August 13,
3 The Vancouver Sun, March 4,
4 Jerry Vernon, pers. comm.
September 10,1998
5 The Vancouver Sun, August 24,
6 Ibid.
7 Report October 16,1943, F/L
G. Lee-Warner for commanding
Officer, RCAF Station Bella Bella,
B.C. Unidentified Body Recovered
off Price Island, B.C.
8 Chris Weicht. Jericho Beach
and the West Coast Flying Boat
Stations. Vancouver, BC Creekside
Publications 1997 p. 144.
9 Memorandum 5090-1, March 24,
1980, Maj. L.R. Coleman (BChap
(P) 273, Placing of grave marker
- unknown WWII Airman Bella
Bella, B.C. 19 Mar 80.
10 Canadian Agency Imperial
War Graves Commission,
Comprehensive report of military
inscriptions, Sheet No. 1, May
11 Dominique Boulais, pers.
comm. August 2006.
from her regular crew, the vessel carried as passengers
some personnel from the No. 9 (CMU) Construction
and Maintenance Unit.
Due to the lack of cipher equipment at Cape St.
James, the crew at the radar station under construction
was not aware about when the supply ship was
coming. Information regarding the movement of these
vessels was classified and all communications were
coded. Consequently, the vessel was not immediately
missed, until the construction crew at Cape St. James
complained about the non-arrival of their building
supplies, two weeks after the vessel's departure from
Bella Bella.4
Discovery of the life rafts, one reported found
100 miles from Hecate Strait, between the Queen
Charlotte Islands and the mainland, was the only clue
to the fate of the craft. An empty 15-foot rowboat, the
oars missing, a number of wooden boxes and an oil
drum were picked up but these were not definitely
identified as belonging to the missing vessel.5
Initially only two bodies were found. The
crew of a United States freighter picked up one,
approximately 50 miles from the spot where the two
life rafts had been found two weeks earlier. A RCAF
search boat near Goose Island found the second
Several weeks later, a third body recovered.
As no identification discs were located, its identity
could not be determined. Clothing, consisting of
a Mae West sweater and khaki trousers gave no
clue to identification. Due to the advanced state
of disintegration fingerprints were not obtainable
and all facial characteristics were obliterated. The
station dentist examined the teeth and forwarded the
information to Western Air Command Headquarters
for comparison with records there or at No. 9 CMU,
Vancouver. Unfortunately, identification by means of
dental charts was not possible in Vancouver.
Consequently, a burial as "an unidentified
Airman" was arranged under the authority of
Western Air Command Signal K215 of September 17,
1943. Permission was obtained from the coroner to
release the body for burial.7
The sinking of the B.C. Star was the major
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 tragedy that happened in the RCAF Marine Squadrons
on either coast. No conclusive evidence ever came to
light as why the B.C. Star went down. An inquiry
into the vessel's disappearance did not find any
evidence of negligence on the part of the master or
any of the crew. Rumours of the vessel with a cargo
capacity of some 80 tons, having been overloaded
were also discarded. It must have sunk very rapidly,
since apparently no one boarded the liferafts or
launched the lifeboat. Clothing and other articles from
the bodies of the three victims that were recovered
revealed indications of hasty dressing.
In his recent book Jericho Beach and the West
Coast Plying Boat Stations, Chris Weicht sheds another
light at the vessel's disappearance. There apparently
was some speculation that a Japanese submarine
might have attacked the B.C. Star. Rumours to this
effect circulated and were only enhanced by reports
made by the crewmembers of another RCAF Marine
vessel inbound to the Flying Boat Station of Alliford
Bay on the Queen Charlotte Islands. When listening
to a Ketchikan, Alaska radio station, they heard
this programme interrupted by an unusual and
unidentified transmission. The broken-up message
read: "Star...out of bread and water...Alliford repeat
message...Thank you...Good afternoon."8
Grave finally marked
Subsequent to finding the grave marker, 442
Sqn. of CFB Comox, B.C. in conjunction with the Rev.
R.A. Ferris, the RCMP detachment, several members
of the Bella Bella community arranged to transport the
headstone to the grave on a nearby island. On March
19, 1980, Maj. Norman Hartley, on his last mission
before retirement, flew to the coastal community and
assisted with the placement.
Maj. L. R. Coleman was invited to take part in
the simple ceremony. In a memorandum he puts the
circumstances of the event in context:
The event was significant from several points of view.
First, it is probably the last World War II headstone to
be placed on a grave. Second, it was an occasion for the
Bella Bella villagers to share with serving members of
the Armed Forces a poignant experience. The event was
without fanfare and yet to those present it was significant
as if it were the tomb of an unknown serviceman in any
national capital. The scene was so geographically and
socially different in contrast that it served to emphasize
the uniqueness of Canada and the bond which can bring
our people together in such a simple event of historical
note. Third, the pastor's graveside prayer in heartfelt
dignity seemed to express so meaningfully the unspoken
thoughts and feelings of many Canadian families who lost
loved ones to unknown graves in the great wars. It un[der]
lines again the constant memory shared by those who
even though the turbulence of time should have rendered
us less emotional, it has not in fact done so but rather
lifted our spirits to a new understanding of sacrifice and
devotion to duty. Fourth, in a very real sense I finally laid
my own brother to rest. He was lost 'somewhere North of
Scotland' on a flying mission in September 1943. His body
was never recovered.9
The headstone with the RCAF crest,
manufactured by B.C. Monumental Works Ltd.,
of Vancouver, reads: "An airman of the R.C.A.F.
unidentified. Recovered at Prince (author's Italics)
Island 3rd Sept., 1943. Known to God."10
May be it was that typo
on the grave marker as to
the location where the body
was found that prevented the
original placement at the time.
Did someone spot the mistake
and the marker and set aside
till another one with the correct
spelling could be produced. If
so, it never materialised and the
rediscovered, incorrect grave
marker was eventually placed
on the grave 37 years late.
After the author
pointed this error out to the
Commonwealth War Graves
Commission, Dominique
Boulais, Deputy Secretary-
General Canadian Agency of the
Commission, Ottawa promised
to make the appropriate
modification to their file and
arrangements to replace the
headstone during their scheduled inspection visit. u
The brand new headstone manufactured by
the Commission's contractor was scheduled to be
delivered and installed in October 2007. Now, 27
years later, the unknown RCAF airman finally gets the
proper headstone after more than 64 years! •
25    V5£ —'■& x Archives and Archivists
Edited by Sylvia Stopforth,
Submitted by Sylvia StODWOrth Librarian and Archivist, Norma Marian Alloway Library,
Trinity Western University
30 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Book Reviews
Th f
The Ambitious City: A History of the City of
North Vancouver.
Warren Sommer. Madeira Park, B.C., Harbour Publishing
Co. Ltd., 2007. 342 p., illus. $44.95 hardback.
It is a pleasure to read the text and
examine the photographs and maps of a
well-conceived and lively written local
history. Warren Sommer's history of the
City of North Vancouver easily finds a
place in that pleasurable category. The
themes chosen by the author - economic
boom, bust and boom and growing cultural
diversity - are unifying threads that give
the chronological development point and
clarity. His archival and contemporary
photographs are well chosen and clearly
reproduced. His judicious use of historic
detail and present-day quotations carry the
narrative forward.
One of the first photographs in this
commissioned centennial book is a three-
segment panorama of the north shore
of Burrard Inlet taken in 1898. Against a
backdrop of an almost unrelieved blanket
of conifers and mountainside, it shows Saint
Paul's Catholic Church and the Squamish
Nation Mission Reserve on the left, the
Moodyville Sawmill on the right and an area
cleared of forest in the centre foreshadowing
the site of the future City of North Vancouver.
Nine years later, afire with real estate
speculation and growing population, the
burgeoning community on that site had
streetcars and streetlights and was petitioning
the province for incorporation. It was granted
on May 13,1907.
Books for review and book reviews should be sent to:
Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor,
BC Historical News,
P.O. Box 5254, Station B., Victoria, BC V8R 6N4
Of course, the bust of depression in
1913 followed this economic boom. Sommer
documents these periods - the difficult First
War years, the heady 1920s, the shattering
1930s Great Depression, the Second War
ship building activity, post-war boom, the
collapse of shipbuilding and the recent
transformation of the NorthVancouver City
waterfront to walkways, parks, residences
and commercial enclaves. Sommer makes
this chronicle come alive by judiciously
choosing detail to illuminate the City's
intermittent growth and stagnation.
The growing cultural diversity of
the community is woven throughout the
account. Sommer opens with a visit of
ethnographer Charles Hill-Tout to the
Mission Reserve to record creation myths.
He details the ethnic make-up of the
workers at Moody's sawmill. He notes the
overwhelmingly British population of the
City in the first half of the last century and
explores the waves of European immigrants
after World War II. Finally, he surveys the
Chinese and Iranian communities that have
arrived in the last 25 years. Sommer does not
dodge the bursts of racial tension that have
accompanied these changes but ends the
theme on an optimistic note of increasing
racial acceptance.
He peppers his text with quotes
from the seventy, eighty and ninety year
olds who lived the latter part of North
Vancouver's history. His list of "informants"
is impressive. He interviewed a notable list
of "retired" activists. Among others, are
included quotes from long-time City Mayor
Jack Loucks, observant District Mayor
Murray Dykeman, feisty Councilors Stella
Jo Dean and John Braithwaite who all spent
lifetimes in and around North Vancouver
City and each of whom provided insightful
and cogent quotes for the author.
Warren Sommer has written books
about Langley and North Vancouver in the
recent past. He's learned the techniques of
the craft. He capably unites the City's history
with that of B.C., interlinking cultural
relations, economic and labour history and
politics. The book is a first-rate local history,
thoroughly researched, accurate and well
designed in its medium quarto package.
Ross Carter of Bowen Island is a retired college
administrator and editor of Hlstoriana, the newsletter of
the Bowen Island Historians, and Marlais, the newsletter
of the Dylan Thomas Circle of Vancouver.
Bathroom Book of British Columbia History:
Intn'gu/'ng and Entertaining Facts about Our
Province's Past.
Mark Thorburn. Edmonton, Alta., Blue Bike Books, 2006.
128p., illus. 59.95paperback.
As the title of Mark Thorburn's
Bathroom Book implies, his 128-page
compendium of historical facts and figures
about British Columbia's past is intended for
light reading rather than serious study. Given
its eclectic approach, it will appeal more to
newcomers to the province and to readers
near or far with little or no knowledge of
BC's colourful beginnings since long time
residents and history buffs will be well
aware of the references to the Cariboo
Gold Rush camels, Mrs. Schubert and the
Overlanders, Bill Miner's sojourn in BC, and
the escapades of "Hanging Judge Begbie,"
all of which have been well-documented in
numerous articles, books and on internet
websites. Others of Thorburn's entries
such as those for musicians Bryan Adams,
Diana Krall, Michael Bubble, and Nova
Scotia transplant Sarah McLachlan are more
current events than historical perspectives,
indicative as well of his wide-ranging light
touch rather than in-depth approach to his
subject matter.
With its short, easily read paragraphs,
the book's sixteen sections composed of
fifty-eight chapters can be dipped into at
any point to extract nuggets of information
about politicians, wars, railroads, First
Nations, gold rushes, heroes or Hollywood
North. There are bits about BC's first female
Premier, a still unresolved murder mystery,
a gunfight in New Hazelton, the KKK in
Vancouver, parliamentary goings-on in
Victoria, bathtub races in Nanaimo, and
the naming of Ladysmith, to select only a
handful from the multiplicity of Thorburn's
topics. And there are "firsts," such as the
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3        31  ■  ■ ■  "Oak Bay
Brill »l
lire l*a Sfri-in eftmiiy ('.:<, essential core of her story. Sadly time ran
out. The first and many subsequent drafts
of stories, exercise books of "jottings,"
poems, and loose unpaginated papers
of ideas and memories were all carefully
stored in a large wooden trunk entrusted
to Dilworth. Thankfully this accumulation
of creative writing never reached a bonfire.
Some material had already been rewritten,
polished and, thanks to Dilworth, published
in her lifetime: Klee Wyck, 1941; Book of
Small, 1942; and House of All Sorts, 1944.
Additionally, Carr prepared Growing Pains,
1946, for posthumous publication.
In her final years Carr could continue
to write prolifically comforted by the fact
that Dilworth would represent her literary
interests after her death. What about after his
death in 1962? Over the past 40 years, with
the sale of the material to the Public Archives
of Canada and subsequent transfer to the BC
Archives, there have been many harvests for
publication from Emily Carr's manuscript
material. Some of the stories appearing in
This and That were not previously published
because they were far from ready, and to be
ready they needed Emily Carr.
The stories published in Carr's
lifetime, had the benefit of the writer
"peeling each sentence," stripping away
all unnecessary or ambiguous words,
sharpening and clarifying her ideas until
her writing stood, clean, precise and strong.
The stories published in This and That would
clearly benefit from the acumen and deft
editorial skills of Ira Dilworth and Carr's
full creative process.
Much of This and That remains green,
as the stories could not properly ripen
without Emily Carr. Even so, at many
points the reader is treated to delightful
imagery and keen observations. Who but
Carr could describe her cat, Adolphus, as
"purring to full capacity?" A memorable
simile like "cream crinkled up like bad
sewing" found in the story "Yellow Scum"
or Carr's expression of joy and wonder at
the idea of a rose, reward the reader of This
and That. Despite some curious editorial
decisions and not heeding Carr's directive
to "just punctuate and let me be," Ann Lee
Switzer is to be commended for bringing
more examples of Emily's literary genius to
her grateful, voracious public.
Kerry Mason teaches in the History in Art Department at
the University of Victoria
Women Lead the Way: A History of the
University Women's Club of Vancouver,
Jean Mann, Beverley New and Cathy Barford. Vancouver:
University Women's Club, 2007. I45p. illus, bibliog.. no
price given
Organizations usually sponsor the
writing of their own histories for the
pleasure of their members. Women Tead
the Way: A History ofthe University Women's
Club ofVancouver, published in honour of the
Club's centennial, is no exception. Much of
it details the Club's internal history, a fact
highlighted in sidebars about contributions
of individual members. Later chapters focus
on caring for Hycroft, the Shaughnessy
Heights mansion that the Club purchased in
1962 and rehabilitated largely through their
own volunteer labour. Yet, the book is also a
fine source of Vancouver's social history.
The chapters - organized roughly
by decade -reveal how much has changed
especially for women and their concerns. A
small group of university educated women
founded the University Women's Club
(UWC) in 1907 to develop friendships and
stimulate intellectual activity with like-
minded women but they also believed that
"they could be a force for the improvement
of society, if not its redemption."(p. 14)
Not surprisingly, one of their first
acts was to promote the establishment of a
University of British Columbia. Once it came
into being, the UWC provided bursaries and
scholarships for women students. Later, it
called for the opening of a Home Economics
Department, the construction of a women's
residence, and, in the 1990s, the creation of
a campus committee on Women's Safety.
The UWC did not neglect primary and
secondary education. Early on it assisted in
forming Parent Teacher Associations and
promoting "Little Mothers' Leagues' to teach
girls aged 11 to 13 about child care. Later, it
was concerned about education generally.
Its 1960 brief to the Royal Commission on
Education called for, among other things,
more examinations, more comprehensive
report cards, and the study of a second
language (preferably French) beginning no
later than Grade V. A hint of differences in
opinions among members occurred in 1985
when it withdrew opposition to government
funding for private schools from its brief to
another Royal Commission.
Controversy was not new. In 1916 a
resolution endorsing female enfranchisement
also affirmed the right of individuals
to express their own views. Hints of
differences appeared again in the late 1960s
when its brief to the Royal Commission
on the Status of Women simply called for
support for mature women pursuing their
The interests of UWC went beyond
women and children. During the Second
World War, for example, it raised money
to provide comforts for the Merchant
Navy, it passed a resolution favouring
conscription of men and materials, and it
protested a city by-law that would have
prevented a Chinese Canadian couple from
buying a home in Point Grey. Its study
groups on international relations had an
almost continuous presence. In the 1920s,
it joined the League of Nations Society;
by the 1980s, it had committees studying
Peace and Security. Other committees
examined policies relating to Senate Reform,
Pornography, education, the law, as well as
the Status of Women.
Since the 1940s, however, the reform
impulse has declined. In 1947, the president
chided members for not taking up the
challenge of a demand for leadership by
"intelligent, educated women."(p. 63).
Such plaints persisted. Moreover, members
tended to be conservative. For example, the
Laws Committee objected to a clause in a
provincial Fair Employment Practices Act
banning discrimination on the base of race,
religion, nationality and the like, because it
would infringe on an employers' "inherent
right" to choose his employees.(p. 72)
38 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 By the 1970s, many members seemed
more interested in social activities than
in intellectual stimulation although book
and language interest groups were doing
well. At the same time, after reaching a
peak of over 1,000 members, membership
began to fall and it became difficult to
recruit members to serve on committees.
The authors attribute this to the increased
participation of women, especially married
women with children, in the labour force; to
the formation of new UWCs in the suburbs;
and to the many other opportunities for
women to engage in intellectual and cultural
activities. Nevertheless, in praising the
Club's members over the past century, the
authors conclude that given the spirit of
co-operation in the UWC "there will be two
hundred year history."(p. 134)
A few errors crept in. The index lists
Prime Minister Mackenzie King under the
"M's" not the "K's." The footnoting would
not pass the scrutiny of Dorothy Blakey, a
member in the 1940s and co-author of The
Preparation of Term Essays, a pamphlet well
known to generations of UBC students.
Nevertheless, members of the UWC can be
proud of this, their latest contribution to
Vancouver's social history.
Be of good wind: essays on the Coast Salish.
Bruce Granville Miller, ed. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press,
2007. 320 p. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, January 2008,
Capital and Labour in the British Coluwbia
Forest Industry, 1934-1974.
Gordon Hak. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2006. 272 p., illus.
$85.00 hardcover (paperback, 2007, $29.95).
Coluwbia Journals, bicentennial edition.
David Thompson, ed. with a new intra, by Barbara Belyea.
Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 2007. 368 p.
Dowestic reforws: political visions andfawily
regulation in British Coluwbia, 1862-1940.
Chris Clarkson. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2008. 304 p.
$85.00 hardcover.
Hiroshiwa Immigrants in Canada, 1891-1941.
Michiko Midge Ayukawa. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007.
208 p., photos, maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July
2008, $24.95).
John M. Horton, wanner artist.
Peter Vassilopolous. Surrey, B.C., Heritage House
publishing, 2007. $59.95 hardcover.
Let right be done: Aboriginal title, the Calder
case and the future of Indigenous rights.
Hamar Foster, Heather Raven and Jeremy Webber.
Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 352 p., maps, photos.
$90.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $32.95).
Surveying Central British Coluwbia: a
photojournal of Frank Swannell, 1920-1928.
Jay Sherwood.. Victoria, B.C., Royal British Columbia
Museum, 2007.  192 p.,   illus, maps. $39.95paperback.
The archives of place: unearthing the pasts of
the Chilcotin plateau.
William J. Turkel.   Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 352
p., maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, 2008, $39.95)
The intrepid explorer: Jawes Hector's
explorations in the Canadian Rockies.
Ernie Lakusta. Red Deer, Alberta, Fifth
House, 2007. 240p. $22.99paperback.
The wapwaker's eye: David Thowpson on the
Coluwbia plateau.
Jack Nisbet. Seattle, Washington, University of
Washington Press, 2005. !92p.,maps,bibliog. $36.95
The trail of 1858: British Coluwbia's gold rush
Mark Forsythe and Greg Dickson. Madeira Park,
B.C., Harbour Publishing, 2007. 250 p., illus. $26.95
The triuwph of citizenship: the Japanese and
Chinese in Canada, 1941-67.
Patricia E. Roy. Vancouver, B.C., U.B.C. Press, 2007.   400
p., map, illus. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, January,
2008, $32.95).
Books of interest which may be
reviewed at a later date.
Above the falls
John Harris. Victoria, Touchwood Editions, 2007.  192 p.
$ 18.95 paperback. Creative non fiction (Nahanni River,
Artists in their studios: where art is born.
Robert Amos. Victoria, Touchwood Editions, 2007.  160 p.,
illus. $44.95. hardcover,
At the far reaches of Ewpire: the life of Juan
Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra.
FreemanM. Tovell. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 400
p., photos, maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008,
Makuk: a new history of Aboriginal-White
John Sutton Lutz. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 416 p.,
maps, photos. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008,
Myth and Mewory: stories of Indigenous-
European contact.
John Sutton Lutz, ed. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007, 256
p., $85.00 hardback   (paperback, January2008, $32.95).
New histories for old: changing perspectives
on Canada's Native pasts.
Ted Binnema and Susan Neylan. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press,
2007. 336 p., maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July
2008, $34.95).
Sluwach's gold: in search of a legend.
Rick Antonson, Mary Trainer and Brian Antonson. Surrey,
B.C., Heritage House Press, newed., 2007. 160 p., illus.
$14.95 paperback.
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3        39  11
«_2! LI
Dhkhi CiaA. B. C- Return Undeliverable Canadian Addresses to Circulation Department.
British Columbia Historical News
Alice Marwood, 211 - 14981 - 101A Avenue Surrey, BCV3R0T1
Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 40025793
Publications Mail registration No. 09835
i-'cUlclCJeL We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada, through the Publications Assistance program (PAP), toward our mailing cost
Contact Us:
British Columbia History welcomes stories,
studies, and news items dealing with any aspect
of the history of British Columbia, and British
Please submit manuscripts for publication to
the Editor, British Columbia History,
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921 Princess Avenue,
Vancouver BC V6A 3E8
Book reviews for British Columbia History,
Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor,
BC Historical News,
P.O. Box 5254, Station B.,
Victoria, BC V8R 6N4
Subscription & subscription information:
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Phone 604-582-1548
email amarwood@shaw, ca
Subscriptions: $18.00 per year
For addresses outside Canada add $10.00
24th Annual Competition for Writers of BC History Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical
Writing Deadline: 31 December 2008
The British Columbia Historical Federation invites book
submissions for their annual Competition for Writers of
BC History. Books representing any facet of BC history,
published in 2006 will be considered by the judges who
are looking for quality presentations and fresh material.
Community histories, biographies, records of a project
or organization as well as personal reflections, etc. are
eligible for consideration.
Reprints or revisions of books are not eligible.
Lieutenant-Governor's Medal
The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing
will be awarded to an individual writer whose book contributes significantly to the history of British Columbia.
Additional prizes may be awarded to other books at the
discretion of the judges.
All entries receive considerable publicity, Winners will
receive a Certificate of Merit, a monetary award and
an invitation to the Awards Banquet of the Federation's
annual conference.
For mailing instructions please contact:
Barb Hynek,
Chair/Judge of the BCHF Book Competition
2477 140th Street, Surrey, B.C. V4P 2C5
Books entered become property of the BC
Historical Federation.
By submitting books for this competition, authors agree that
the British Columbia Historical Federation may use their names
in press releases and Federation publications regarding the
book competition.


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