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British Columbia History
British Columbia Historical Federation
Vol. 40, No. 3
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British Columbia History Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation Published four times a year. ISSN: print 1710-7881 online 1710-792X British Columbia History welcomes stories, studies, and news items dealing with any aspect of the history of British Columbia, and British Columbians. Please submit manuscripts for publication to the Editor, British Columbia History, John Atkin, 921 Princess Avenue, Vancouver BC V6A 3E8 e-mail: johnatkin@shaw.ca Book reviews for British Columbia History, Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor, BC Historical News, P.O. 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For reproduction for other purposes permission in writing of both author and British Columbia Historical Federation A charitable society under the Income Tax Act Organized 31 October 1922 PO Box 5254, Station B., Victoria BC V8R 6N4 Honourary President Ron Hyde Officers President: Patricia Roy 602-139 Clarence St., Victoria V8V 2J1 presidentbchistory.ca First Vice President: Ron Greene PO Box 1351, Victoria V8W 2W7 Phone 250.598.1835 Fax 250.598.5539 | vplbchistory.ca Second Vice President: Tom Lymbery 1979 Chainsaw Ave., Gray Creek VOB 1S0 Phone 250.227.9448 Fax 250.227.9449 | vp2bchistory.ca Secretary: Janet Mary Nicol 611 - 1035 Pacific Street, Vancouver V6E 4G7 secretarybchistory.ca Recording Secretary: Gordon MiUer 1126 Morrell Circle, Nanaimo V9R 6K6 recordingsecbchistory.ca Treasurer: Ken Welwood 1383 Mallard Road, Parksville V9P 2A3 Phone 250.752.1888 | treasurerbchistory.ca Member at Large: Webb Cummings 924 Bellevue St., New Denver VOG 1S0 Phone 250.358.2656 | memberlbchistory.ca Member at Large: Lorraine Irving 1131 East 23 Avenue, Vancouver V5V 1Y8 Phone 604.874.8748 | member2bchistory.ca Past President (ex-officio): Jacqueline Gresko 5931 Sandpiper Court, Richmond V7E 3P8 Phone 604.274.4383 | pastpresbchistory.ca www.bchistorv.ca is the Federation's web site BCHF Prizes | Awards | Scholarships "Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past" W. Kaye Lamb, 1937 W. KAYE LAMB Essay Scholarships Deadline 15 May 2008 The British Columbia Historical Federation awards two scholarships annually for essays written by students at BC colleges or universities, ona topic relating to British Columbia history. One scholarship (S750) is for an essay written by a student in a first or second year course; the other (S1000) is for an essay written by a student in a third or fourth year course. To apply for the scholarship all candidates must submit (1) a letter of application and (2) a letter of recommendation from the professor for whom the essay was written. First and second year course essays shouldbe1,500-3,000 words; third and fourth year, 1,500 to 5,000 words. Alt essays must be on a topic relating to the history of British Columbia. By entering the scholarship competition the student gives the editor of BC History the right to edit and publish the essay if it is deemed appropriate for the magazine. Applications should be submitted to: Marie Elliott, Chair BC Historical Federation Scholarship Committee, PO Box 5254, Station B, Victoria, BC V8R 6N4 BC History Web Site Prize The British Columbia Historical Federation and David Mattison are jointly sponsoring a yearly cash award of S250 to recognize Web sites that contribute to the understanding and appreciation of British Columbia's past. The award honours individual initiative in writing and presentation. Nominations for the BC History Web Site Prize must be made to the British Columbia Historical Federation, Web Site Prize Committee, prior to 31 December 2007. Web site creators and authors may nominate their own sites. Prize rules and the on-line nomination form can be found on The British Columbia History Web site: http: 11 www. victoria, tc. cal resources! bchistory I announcements.html Anne & Philip Yandle Best Article Award A Certificate of Merit and fifty dollars will be awarded annually to the author of the article, published in BC History, that best enhances knowledge ot British Columb ia's h istory and provides reading enjoyment. Judging will be based on subject development, writing skill, freshness of material, and appeal to a general readership interested in all aspects of BC history. HISTORY The Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation | Volume 40 Number 3 2007 Cridge: The Making of a Bishop Robert Dennison 2 Social Efficiency and Public Education Catherine Broom 8 Letters From Afar Stephen Turnbull 13 Vanished: Field Crops & Wooden Artifacts V.C Brink 16 Third Time Lucky Dirk Septer 19 C & C Taxi Service: Token history Ron Greene 22 Archives and Archivists 23 Book Reviews 24 Miscellany 40 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 1 Cridge, the Making of a Bishop By Robert Dennison Robert Dennison last wrote for BC History (issue 39.1) with his article A Leap of Faith. Bishop Cridge, born 1813 died 1915 BC Archives photo A-01196 The kind reception given by you to myself and fellow voyagers on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of oar arrival from England in this land, and ihe cordial greetings of yourselves and many others added, has brought back to my mind some thoughts of my work in those early days. There has always been a chaplain at the station, and singularly enough my immediate predecessor was an old college friend, but my appointment as district minister brought on changes incidental to church organization. It is difficult to realize the contrast behoeen Victoria as it now is with its numerous churches and congregations, and Fort Victoria as it then was, with only one congregation and no church building for Protestant worship.1 In 1895, forty years after his arrival, Bishop Cridge celebrated this anniversary by recalling his first sermon at Fort Victoria.2 The seventy-seven year old cleric slowly gazed around his congregation of the Church of Our Lord, Victoria nodding his satisfaction. His surplice covered his rotund physique crowned with a great white beard and white locks. It had been a long hazardous journey from those loud, rough and "mud up to your knees" pioneer days full of happiness and sorrows, of standing frm in beliefs regardless of the consequences. In 1874 he joined the Reformed Episcopalian movement taking most of his congregation with him. He had worked hard to be a good shepherd presiding over countless baptisms, marriages and burial services. Indeed many of his old friends and family had departed and were sorely missed but new ones had been warmly welcomed. In his usual soft wheezing style, frequently punctuated by his familiar ate.3 his story unfolded. On April 1,1855,4 the small chartered vessel, the Marquis of Bute slowly edged its way by Cape Flattery, then the tip of Vancouver's Island and the crew fred the canon to signal the vessel's position to Fort Victoria. When the passengers heard the canon they rushed to the ship's side and gazed intently into the misty distance hoping to catch a glimpse of their new home. Nearing the end of their long journey, they could barely make out the lush green of the land through the drizzle and fog but in clear patches they could see the numerous spring flowers and towering mighty cedar trees. The young minister gave a prayer of thanks 5 and joined his cheering and laughing companions as they anchored in Esquimalt harbour. When first on land, the Reverend Cridge describes wife Mary as being delighted to be back on solid ground. Despite the smells, deep mud, noise, roaming animals, all kinds of nationalities and fort living quarters nothing could stem her enthusiasm. Mary was greeted like a long lost friend by the Church ladies group already considering her as a fresh voice for the church choir.6 The first services took place in the fort mess hall. Doctor Helmcken described the room as "twenty feet in length by about a dozen in breadth, lined with upright plank unpainted... .In the centre stood a large dilapidated rectangular stove,... ."7 Usually very early Sunday mornings a group of cleaners made the hall presentable for the colonial church congregation after the previous night's bachelors' drinking parties. Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, Andrew Colville, had insisted that the job description for the clergyman should follow the pattern of the Bishop of Rupert's Land at Red River and include taking charge of a boarding school. This school would enroll a "superior class", the children of the Company's officers, and to accomplish this the minister should take with him a gentleman and his wife capable of running such an establishment.8 However, a teacher and wife did not accompany the Cridge party to Fort Victoria, and being a stickler for detail, the Rev. Cridge quickly came up with a workable solution. Within several weeks he assessed the potential student population and concluded that a boarding school was desperately needed but for the daughters of the Company officers. This seemed like a very ambitious goal at the time, but many Bay officers had several daughters per family, including James Douglas. Cridge discussed this situation with his wife and between them it was decided they could superintend the general operation yet the teaching positions would have to be filled by experienced staff brought from England, which would take at least 6-12 months. The astute chaplain proposed to James Douglas that the unmarried sisters, who were still in England, could fill the boarding school's positions. The sisters had remained in England to take care of their ailing father but after his death anticipated sailing on the Princess Royal, in July, 1855, to join Edward in Fort Victoria. Delighted at their arrival, December 17,1855/ Cridge announced the "next day I went on board and found my sisters well... and received them into my house."10 Once the parsonage boarding school opened it would have room for 6 or even 7 students who would pay a fee of £20 per anum which did not include books and washing of clothes.11 This had the organization of a comfortable family business, particularly when BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 his little church. It had room for only four hundred people so Cridge provided open-air evening services in front of the fort.25 Later in the year, on Christmas Day, the Church of England's spiritual reinforcements arrived in the person of one Reverend Mr. William Burton Crickmer, B.A., late curate of Marylebone, a missionary licensed by the Bishop of London. Crickmer set foot in Esqumalt and trudged through the forest, brush and along the rough and muddy trails to Victoria where he met Reverend Cridge26 He would need to be a hardy soul as he had been specifically sent to minister the to miners in the interior "diggings." The missionary had traveled with his wife and child in the Colonel Moody party via the Panama Railway, completed in 1855. Such had been the force of the Cridge request that it convinced the Society that the missionary need was so urgent they should send Crickmer the quickest way to Fort Victoria. The Hudson's Bay chaplain was so pleased with Crickmer's speedy arrival he immediately wrote again to the CCCS extolling the virtues of the new comer. He also explained to the Society that in wintertime the many miners deserted the areas, and wintered in Victoria, only to return in greater numbers when the rivers revealed their gold bearing sandbars.27 Both men teamed up with the Reverend Gammage, who was supported by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and travelled to the mainland seeking potential sites for a new church, finally selecting New Westminster. Their journey was not easy, with no roads, treacherous rivers, dense underbrush and thick forests but their great zeal, naivety, faith and desire to expand the "march of British colonization" saw them safely through.28 Unknown to Cridge his letter for help set off an event in England that would come to fruition in a storm of controversy. Angela Burdett-Coutts, a wealthy philanthropist concerned about supplying the builders of the British Empire with their home religion, read his letter. This generous woman already supported bishoprics in Africa, Australia and now she felt British Columbia needed the same. To do this she subscribed £25,000 to pay for a bishop and two archdeacons.29 The cleric selected for this position was the Reverend George Hills, Vicar of Great Yarmouth, England, and a well-connected son of a Royal Naval Captain. He was a tireless worker for his diocese, travelling hundreds of miles in the interior of British Columbia, accepting all the difficulties and on his frequent trips to England constantly encouraging his friends to subscribe to his churches.30 By 1859 the year before the new Bishop arrived Edward Cridge's 5-year contract was drawing to a close with a need for renegotiation by both parties.31 The colonial chaplain offered to continue in the same capacity but who was his employer? His agreement was with the Company and yet Vancouver Island had evolved into a colony with a fledgling legislature that rejected his request claiming that body did not have the responsibility or funds to honour the terms of the original contract.32 Poor Cridge. What was he to do? Seeing that no decision was forthcoming he took the iniative and presented a Memorandum of his situation to the Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Newcastle.33 While Douglas, the Colonial Office and local legislature bickered as to who had the responsibility for the minister's renewal of contract and salary, Cridge had no income from the glebe or pew rents.34 Fortunately or unfortunately it was about this time in early 1860 that Bishop George Hills intervened. Supporting Cridge the Bishop offered to license him as Rector in September 1860 and give financial support from his sponsoring society the SPG. Hills wanted to make his churches independent of the state and included in this offer was the agreement that Cridge would give up the 100-acre glebe around the church. A settlement of 25 acres as agreed to by Governor Douglas, and the Bishop, and three trustees were quickly nominated including the Governor, Bishop Hills and the Archbishop of London.35 Cridge and Bishop Hills appeared to work together quite well and the Bishop even sponsored Cridge's daughter for baptism in I860.36 She was christened Mary Hills Cridge a symbol of cooperation between the Cridge and the Bishop. Hills, however, was a stickler for order, facts, figures and forms particularly information on congregations and financial support which would be gathered by the Bishop, a centralization to which several ministers did not subscribe. Minor changes were pointed out to Cridge in his own church, such as giving communion on "one rail", and the need to give prayers for Governor Douglas. The interference had begun. Rev. Cridge tolerated it in the beginning even when the Bishop announced the need for another congregation in Victoria from Cridge's Christ Church pulpit. When Christ Church was designated the Cathedral and Cridge was instituted as Dean in December, 1865, a tense working relationship rapidly snowballed between the clerics with one adhering to low church ideology and the other high church beliefs. 25. Ibid. 26. Cridge to CCCS, February 7,1859. Anglican Ecclesiastical Archives, Province of British Columbia Box PSA 50/4 27. Cridge to CCCS, October 4, 1854. Annual Report 1859. 28. Cridge to CCCS, December 21,1859. Annual Report, 1860. 29. Edna Healey, Lady Unknown: The Life of Angela Burdett- Coutts (Sidgwick a Jackson, London, 1978), pp. 77, 78. 30. Allan Pritchard (ed), Vancouver Island Letters of Edmund Hope Verney, 1862-65, (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1996), p.13. 31. Hudson's Bay House, London to the Reverend Edward Cridge, September 13, 1854. Memorandum of Salary, Allowances for a Cleryman for Vancouver's Island A.5/19 pp.59, 60,61,62, (HBCA) 32. Duke of Newcastle to Governor Douglas, August, 1861, GR-0332, vol. 5/ pp.156-158. (BCA). 33. Memorial of Edward Cridge to the Duke of Newcastle, April 23,1861.B.226/2/1 fo.47& fo.48 (HBCA). 34. Ibd., B. 226/2/1 fo.49 a fo.50 35. Cridge to Governor Douglas, MS 0320 vol. 2/fo. 7. (BCA). The Dean settled on 25 acres as the glebe was too far from the church. See also The Victoria Daily Colonist, April 16,1895, p.2. 36. Roberta L. Bagshaw (ed). No Better Land: the I860 Diaries of the Anglican Colonial Bishop George Hills (Sono Nis Press: Victoria, British Columbia, 1996), p.233. 37. Society for the Propagation for the Gospel in Foreign Parts Annual Missionary Reports, 1867 & 1870 E-Series Reels A326 & 328 (AC). BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 A grand service of consecration was held when the new wooden church was completed. In the afternoon the Archdeacon W.S. Reece gave the sermon which seemed to extol the virtues of ritualism. Cridge had been isolated from the religious movements in England for some time and his fundamentalism had not changed. This sermon brought expressions of objection from the Dean who rose to condemn the sermon and vowed Christ Church would see no ritualism as long as he was the minister. A hush descended on all present as the portly cleric, his red face more coloured than usual, pointed to Archdeacon Reece. Once the shock of this action subsided most of the congregation gathered around Cridge to show their support. Bishop Hills and other clergy huddled in consultation in the vestry. Never had they heard such a forceful display from their Dean, and so distressing was the upset that some ladies fainted while others walked out of the church. The debate carried on for several years with each protagonist blaming and lecturing the other in letters in the local press with quotes from church law. It escalated into an untenable situation with both parties refusing to withdraw and Bishop Hills finally charged his brother cleric before an Ecclesiastical Tribunal. Cridge was found guilty on most points.42 and his Church of England ministers' license was made null and void. To add insult to injury he received a letter of termination to sever all his connections with the parsonage and church land.43 A defiant and proud minister with no church or license gathered his flock and joined the fledgling Reformed Episcopal Church, a group with similar views. The Presbyterian church building was used until January 16,1876, when the Church of Our Lord opened with the Reverend Edward Cridge as Rector. Soon after this break Edward Cridge was elected the bishop, known as Edward Pacific, with a diocese that extended from Alaska to California.44 Once more Cridge had no superior to placate. He settled down at the Church of Our Lord, Victoria, a life without anger, angst and struggle or changing traditions, a life of comparative ease with a loving congregation. His wife Mary had had nine children in rapid succession. In late 1864 and early 1865 four succumbed to the scourge of measles in the city. A faded moss covered head stone beside the Christ Church Cathedral tells the story of heartbreak as the Cridges grieved for their young loved ones.45 The family immersed themselves in a myriad of charities and became involved in all aspects of the community. Mary and sister-inlaw Elizabeth worked tirelessly for the first Sunday School, the establishment of a female hospital, the children's orphanage and the bride ships, the Tynemouth and the Robert Lowe, and many other Victoria organizations. In 1868 the Cridge family bought Sellindge Cottage in Oak Bay where their last child was born,46 and seven years later moved into their house Marifield in the James Bay area. By this time Elizabeth had developed very serious arthritic pain and although housebound she would still counsel "lost souls" on the dangers of alcohol. She died in 1890 at age 70 years.47 Sixteen years later, in 1906, Mrs. Mary Cridge passed away at Marifield at age 78. It was a great loss to her husband and the many unfortunate citizens who relied on her devotion and kindness. The Colonist, described her as "having a useful life, and she did all she could."48 With the passing of his lifelong helpmate, the Bishop's strength waned. He had already resigned as rector of the Church of Our Lord in 1902 due to " infirmities of old age" but still continued his Episcopal duties until 1908. In 1913 the doleful peal of church bells signalled the passing of Bishop Edward Cridge, B.A., Cambridge, D.D.. All Victoria mourned. He was laid beside his wife, Mary, in Ross Bay Cemetery overlooking the Pacific Ocean.49 • 48. The DaUy Colonist, December 20,1905. p.3. Valance House Museum, Dagenham, England to Robert G. Dennison. St. Peter & St. Paul, Dagenham, 1500-1842: Baptisms, Marriages ft Burials. Father: George. Mother: Sarah. Sisters: Ellen and Mary Ann. Brothers: Benjamin, George, Richard James and Thomas Field. 49. The Victoria Daily Times, May 6,1913. pp. 1,12. Late Bishop Edwadr Cridge The Victoria Daily Colonist, April 25,1895. p.5. Received Doctor of Divinity degree. He was also a founding member of the Cambridge University Musical Society, England and until his death was in constant contact with this organization. The Funeral of Bishop Cridge, Victoria, 1913 [opposite page] BC Archives photo A-01207 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Social Efficiency fit Public Schooling in British Columbia By Catherine Broom The Putman Weir Report of 1925 signalled a massive change in educational philosophy in BC: the uneasy blending of progressivism and social efficiency, both educational movements developed in the United States early in the twentieth century as mass schooling was established. This essay describes the Putman Weir Report, which highlights when social efficiency and its concomitant scientific curriculum making became embedded in BC curricula. Both continued to be found particularly in the case of scientific curriculum making in greater concentrations in BC's curricula released over the century. 'Theirfactory-style, rationalistic approach led to the unfortunate loss of understanding of education as a holistic process. Mass Public Schooling Mass public schooling is an industrial product. Prior to the nineteenth century, education was a private and class-based affair. Parents were in charge of educating their young. Inmost cases, as the majority of the population was poor and rural, parents taught their children. Some parents sent their children to be apprenticed to a trade. Only the wealthy, upper class, could afford tutors or private schools which provided their sons and daughters with a "liberal education," an academic curriculum aimed at improving the whole person. Beside the small, church schools, which provided instruction in reading primarily to expand faith and morality, schooling was a privilege few could afford (Boyd and King, 1975). Cermany led the transformation of education by instituting public schooling at the end of the eighteenth century. The Prussian state saw in education a way of creating citizens loyal to it and of inculcating particular morals in its people (Cordasco, 1976). Industrialization melded with this new conceptualization of schooling to produce the common, public school for the large number of children conveniently amassed together in dark, smoke infested city grottos, who were—the business class argued—in need of training in "proper" work values. Public elementary schools, reformers argued, were the new panacea (Osborne, 1985). These new institutions would create the docile, trained workers so desperately needed for labour hungry industries. All curriculum guides and textbooks from the early part of the century in BC, in effect, unabashedly focused on "training" students to be industrious, patient, and loyal to the state. For example, one textbook stated, "Obedience to the law and respect for authority is the distinguishing mark of a good citizen" (Italics in the original, McCaig, 1930). Being thus a product and an aim of the industrial age, these industrial schools mirrored their age. They provided a "basic," or "common," education for elementary students in reading, writing, and arithmetic - skills reformers hoped would create "better" workers (Tompkins, 1985 and 1986). Most importantly, school structures reinforced the work values middle class reformers advocated: bells announced when students were to sit down and pay attention and when to rest; school rules enforced an industrial work ethic, such as arriving on time and completing work as required, supplemented by corporal punishment for those who dared to assert their independence. These common schools, particularly well illustrated in Britain, were to train workers not leaders. Leaders, naturally the sons of the wealthy upper class, were to be educated in fancy private schools, which also grew in numbers and in popularity through out the nineteenth century (Boyd and King, 1975; Barman, 1984). In B.C., which attempted to create a British identity for itself in its early years, we see the parallel development of private and public schools (Barman, 1984). The public schooling offered was basic: students learned only basic skills at the elementary school level. High schools, during the nineteenth century, remained fee-based institutions for the elite. They offered three possible options for middle class children: a classic program in preparation for university, a commercial program in preparation for business, and a teacher-training program (Jackson and Caskell, 1987). However, in the early twentieth century, reformers influenced by social efficiency theories, pushed for the expansion of more and longer attendance at public schools. Public school theorists argued that education could be used to reconstruct a better society, to train good citizens, and to prepare individuals for their supposed places in society. As a result, mass public schooling was established in BC. As occurred in the United States and as explained by Callahan (1962), BC's school development from 1900 to 1929 was very much under the Social Efficiency movement (Dunn, 1980). With the forces of industrialization, increased urbanization and a perceived need for schools due to the parents' inability to now socialize their children (Dunn, p. 24), mass schooling arose. Based on the American model, BC's Ministry of Education instituted compulsory attendance and child labour laws, divided students into grades by age, developed a much more complex BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 McCaig. (1930). Studies in Citizenship. Toronto: Educational Book Company. Murray, J. "John Franklin Bobbitt" retrieved on June 26th, 2006 from: http://www2. selu.edu/Academics/ Faculty/nadams/educ692/ Bobbitt.html Orr, D. (1990). "The Liberal Arts, the Campus, and the Biosphere." Harvard Educational Review 60 (2): 205-216. Osborne, K. (1985). "In Defence of History." In A Canadian Social Studies, pp. 55-69. Eds. J. Parsons etal. Edmonton: Faculty of Education Publication Services. Programme of Studies for High Schools ofBC. (1930, reprint 1933). Victoria, BC: Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Elementary School of BC. (1930). Victoria, BC: Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools of BC. (1936). Victoria, BC: Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Senior High Schools of BC. Bulletin land VII (1937). Victoria, BC: Department of Education. Programme of Studies for the Junior High Schools of BC. (1939). Victoria, BC: Department of Education. Putman, J.H. a Weir, G.M. (1925). Survey of the School System. Victoria, BC: Province of British Columbia. Snyder, J., Bolin, F, & Zumwalt, K. (1989). "Curriculum Implementation." SFU Course Reserve Reading, pp. 402-435. Columbia University. valued education; that education was seen to be important as both a right and a need; and that it was to be paid for by all as it provided benefits to all, for individuals in society were described as increasingly accepting the idea of the government's provision of social services. It made clear that—at the time of the report—the primary concern of many was the increasing costs of education and the difficulties experienced by teachers in small, rural districts. It described various viewpoints with regard to education, from conservative to radical, and stated that the moderate was the most popular. Individuals in this group supported some modifications to the school system. The report included many "progressive"-like statements, such as arguing for education to be based on the needs of the child and on "experiences" and on new classroom pedagogies such as projects, social recitation and silent reading. It mentioned Dewey and stated that "education is life" and that teachers should consider their students when instructing, and it used Thorndike's research to argue against the Theory of Disciplines, which the report stated, was popular in BC, as well as arguing for the Wring of a psychologist. It also advocated junior high schools as a way of providing a more meaningful program to students of that age. However, these statements are, in fact, superficial ones, for the curriculum and the strategies recommended are not based on the child. Mostly, the report stated that less lecture and more activities such as projects undertaken by the student and silent reading were needed. Its child centred approach, in short, falls far short of Dewey's. Its modification of the school system to include junior schools does, nevertheless, illustrate its acceptance of the argument of new development psychologists that children pass through various stages of development. Being, therefore, at a different stage of development by about the age of 13, they should be separated from elementary school children in their own schools. Physical education was also mentioned as a way "to educate through play" (p. 47) in order to develop physical fitness and "character," the latter of which was seen to develop "moral citizens" (p. 47). By far, most of the chapters in the report are primarily concerned with social efficiency, that is, with the setting up of a smoothly running, professionalized school system. Its efficiency-based chapters echo the movement in United States (Callahan, 1962). Callahan (1962) explains that Scientific Efficiency involved the adopting of successful business practices to schools. Taylor had recommended that businesses study the production process in detail in order to find the most efficient and cost effective practises and then institute these. These ideas were adopted by American principals and superintendents who used standardized tests to determine the "efficiency" of schools. They were also adopted by Putman and Weir. Indeed, the report made frequent references to American pioneers of a more rationalized school structure, including Bobbitt, Cubberly, and Snedden. For example, Bobbitt was described as "one of the greatest present-day authorities on the curriculum... his views are sound and they are in accord with the best educational thought of the day" (p. 329). Bobbitt and Snedden's approaches to curriculum were serious ones, aimed at preparing students for life and not centred on the child's interests. Chicago educational administration professor, Bobbitt, wrote his curriculum book, The Curriculum, in 1918. It was based on practicality and utility and aimed to develop a rational, curricular science, arguing for the break down of teaching into minute, organized "tasks." These would be designed, ordered, and implemented so as to maximize the learning of pre-established goals that aimed to teach students the skills they were seen to need as adults in vailed aspects of their lives. Any subject that was not seen to contribute to adult life was, therefore, not only a waste of time but also a waste of money. Bobbitt articulated "...five steps in curriculum making: (a) analysis of human experience, (b) job analysis, (c) deriving objectives, (d) selecting objectives, and (e) planning in detail" (Murray). Objectives were to be achieved in the most scientifically-efficient way possible. Further, students were to be streamed and directed into specific training in a career through the use of standardized tests. Schools, in short, were to adopt business models in order to run more efficiently and remove waste, as efficiency was also linked to monetary constraint (Callahan, 1962). In this way, Bobbitt and other Social Efficiency scholars argued, society could be improved. In a similar vein, Snedden, who was, among other university placements and experiences as an administrator of schools, at Teachers' College, argued for practical, vocational courses in industrial education and preparation for specific jobs (Kliebard, 1992). He wrote 'The Administration of Public Education in the United States (1909), Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education (1921), and Educational Sociology (1922). Critical of the narrow academic 10 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 focus of schools and a supporter of Herbert Spencer and Edward Ross, he argued that schools should prepare students for their appropriate places (leader or worker) in varied, specific and practical programs. He attempted to institute some specialized schools himself when he was State Commissioner of Education in Massachusetts. Like Bobbitt, he argued for a scientifically-developed curriculum in which what useful to society was the most important factor to consider in determining what was taught. Criteria, with regard to social utility, were to be established through the use of scientific methods and stated as specific objectives for students to master. Kliebard (1992) describes a number of features of social efficiency in the United States. These include providing varied programs for students in order to "fit" them into their supposed places in societies, using principles derived from new scientific research in development psychology to shape a new "scientific curriculum," and having education guided by new educational experts, who were like middle managers, trained in methods for maximizing efficiency. The latter included Bobbitt, Cubberly, and Snedden. All three wrote about achieving efficiency in education through scientific curriculum making and administration. Cubberly argued, for example, that: Our schools are, in a sense, factories in which the raw products (children) are to be shaped and fashioned into products to meet the various demands of life...and it is the business of the school to build its pupils according to the specifications laid down. This demands good tools, specialized machinery, continuous measurement of production to see it is according to specifications, the elimination of waste in manufacture, and a large variety in the output (quoted in Kliebard, 1992, p. 116). Bobbitt also argued that the "school plant" should be used in a cost effective manner, through, for example, having all working in it at their maximum efficiencies by being healthy individuals—hence, the argument for hygiene education (Kliebard, 1992). Further, standardized testing, mostly based on intelligence testing, was to be used in order to achieve standardized results so that students could be "scientifically" placed into the classes most appropriate for them. Efficiency was also to be achieved through teaching: teachers' actions were to be scientifically studied in order to determine "good teachers' " behaviours and these were then to be taught to student teachers. Finally, cost accounting, the determining of the prices of courses per pupil, was to be used to determine efficiency. All of these elements are found in the Putman Weir Report. The report argues for scientific and rationalized amendments including: a change in the use of academic exams to focus more on more "scientific" standardized and intelligence tests, the increase of standards for teachers through more competitive normal school entrance and increased supervision primarily by the principal, the setting up of a centralized textbooks centre and of clear standards of achievement for each grade and course, the instruction of student teachers in the "science of education" and not in methods, the "guidance" of students into careers deemed appropriate for them in middle schools, the expansion of the Department of Education, the encouragement of educational research, the "scientific" selection of teachers, and the re-arrangement of school administration through the clarification of duties and the establishment of a superintendent of schools, responsible to school boards. Educational decisions and management, importantly, were to be placed in the hands of "educational experts." Little time was spent arguing for the importance of or need for education, except for a few superficial statements. It appears, that is, that the commissioners took for granted that individuals in society accepted public education as both necessary and important. Their aim was to professionalize and rationalize the system. The report connected "the moral and patriotic aims of education to the importance of specific habit formation and the development of character" (p. 43). Education was to move from "the period for forming habits of order, diligence, obedience, and punctuality" during elementary schooling to ".. .the need for subject which have a content value...and the need not so much for forming additional habits as for a careful examination of the basis of each action" (p. 75). History and civics instruction, for example was to occur together in new middle schools for grades 7, 9, and 9. History was to be taught in grades 10,11, and 12, with Sociology in grade 12. History was to teach "who he is, whence he came, who are his neighbours, what are his relations with them and his obligations towards them" (p. 91). It was to be linked to students' life experiences (p. 398). This history, not surprisingly considering the main focus of the report, was linked to efficiency, as the following statement highlights: ...the members of the Commission were very favourable impressed with the obvious sincerity and genuine desire manifested by the great majority of those who appeared at the sittings to make their contribution towards the Tompkins, G. (1985). "The Social Studies in Canada." In A Canadian Social Studies, pp. Eds. J. Parsons etal. Edmonton: Faculty of Education Publication Services. Tomkins, G. (1986). A Common Countenance: Stability and Change in the Canadian Curriculum. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall. 1. Weir's aims were not liberating to the majority. They aimed to create docile citizens who accepted their place in society and thus supported the current social structures, as did Jones' program in the United States, through standardized testing and vocational courses (Mann, 1980). BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 11 solution of British Columbia's most vital problem—the efficient education of over one hundred thousand future citizens for active and worthy participation in the affairs and duties of Ufe (p. 5). In summary, this report illustrates that by the 1920s many individuals in BC accepted public schooling as a right of children and as important to society. However, concerns as to costs were clearly an issue. While there was some small progressive influence in some of the language used and in the support for psychology, most of the report aimed to improve "efficiency" through the following of "social efficiency" practices from the United States that focused on "professionalizing" schools and running them on business principles. The report would have been a very "modern" report at its time, although not really very "progressive." The 1930s Curriculum Revisions The vision of education articulated in the Putman Weir Report of 1925 was translated into curriculum guides released throughout the 1930s, in three stages.1 The first occurred in 1927, with the rearrangement of curriculum to move from ancient ages to more recent ones, a chronological sequence supported by progressivists in the United States. The second step occurred in 1930, with the establishment of the course of "social studies" and a new common core. In 1936 and 1937, when commissioner Weir had himself become Minister of Education, a new philosophy of education was articulated at the beginning of the curriculum guide. It set out aims in detail, with the use of Deweyian and Progressive language and a new way of presenting curricula. In particular, these amendments illustrate the first stage in the transformation of understanding of the curriculum as simply being the textbook (Snyder et. al), to being something that should be "scientifically" developed (Kliebard). As social efficiency advocates, Bobbitt and Snedden, had effectively argued, curriculum should begin with the objectives to be achieved. From these, what and how to teach should be determined. This new understanding was first illustrated in the 1936 and 1937 guides in which curricula was presented with "aims, objectives, and methods," although these still remained lists of content to be learned. This scientific and rationalistic understanding of curriculum illustrated the adoption of factory ideology (begin with "outputs" desired and then determine how to achieve these) into education and has, unfortunately, remained predominant (even becoming more so) throughout the century. Indeed, the 1980s curriculum revision in BC focused primarily on developing a number of dissected "skills" or behaviours in students. The possibility of conceptualizing education as a holistic process was gone. The "scientific" rationalist approach so dissected education, it killed what it was essentially aiming to achieve. Solutions, however, do exist through the articulation of this history, which provides the opportunity to eschew poor and incorrect theories and philosophies of education and explore other, more holistic and positive alternatives, such as found in the work of Orr (1990). He criticizes and presents an alternative to this rationalized and dissected approach. He argues for the conceptualization of education as a holistic process, a "wholeness.. .the ability to relate their autobiographies to the unfolding history of their time in meaningful, positive ways" (p. 207). Education should create "... balanced, whole persons. Wholeness requires integration: the analytic mind with feelings and the intellect with manual competence. Failure to connect mind and feelings, as Gray writes, 'divorces us from our own dispositions at the level where intellect and emotions fuse'"(p. 208). CONCLUSION The early twentieth century saw a revolutionary change in education with the rise of mass public schooling, a product of the industrial age, the development of the theory of social efficiency, and the transformation of curriculum, into a rationalized art. These changes led to the dissection of education as a holistic activity, integral to its very nature, thus killing the possibility of educating well. This paper has traced the evolution of these transformations in BC and aimed to provide a solution to them, through a comprehensive education that aims at developing mind, body, and heart in a positive and nurturing environment. In the words of Martin Luther King, "We must rapidly begin the shift from a " thing oriented" society to a "person-oriented" society. When machines and computers, profit motives, and property rights are considered more important than people, the great triplets of racism, materialism and militarism are incapable of being conquered." • 12 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Letters From Afar By Steve Tunbull The letters sit on my desk, stacked neatly in groups of 10 to 20 each. The various stacks are carefully segregated according to the name of the originator and are held in place with whatever was available when they were received some 60 years ago; baling twine, random bits of string, and a spectrum of red, green, and pink ribbons. A benevolent and fatherly King George VI stares out from the 1 and 4 penny stamps on the envelopes, his military uniform reflecting the extraordinary times. These are the letters sent to my cousin Joan by her classmates after they left Queen Elizabeth Secondary School in Surrey, B.C. These were not, however, the kind of "keeping in touch" notes old school chums exchange after graduation. None of the writers had the privilege of graduating with their class from the school they knew simply as "Q.E." The reason this is so is simple and cruel in its tragedy. Though these were Joan's school chums and were ordinary school kids like her, they had a crucial difference-they were Japanese Canadian and by that one fact they were caught up in the remarkable events of the early 1940's. Like most Canadians of Japanese ancestry these children were victims of the mass evacuation and internment that began in the early months of 1942. The years following the attack on Pearl Harbour have been well documented as have the consequences for the people of Japanese ancestry living in Canada. They do not need repeating here. However, in contrast to the broad and earth-shaking scope of these events the letters before me provide a simple and singular view, a look at the effects of these sweeping events from the perspective of the children who were swept along with them. They do bear repeating; each is unique and has not been aired in public-until now. Each letter is a story in its own right, a very personal one. Collectively this correspondence creates a mosaic of the life and times of these young people against the backdrop of the Internment. By simply scanning the envelopes I get a dramatic hint of what happened. They are occasionally marred by ominous black stamps that read "Examined by Censor" and they bear cancellation stamps that tell of their origin. Place names such as "North Kildonan", "Winnipeg", "Dryden", "St. Boniface", Steve Turnbull is a secondary school teacher in the Surrey School District. He may be contacted at turnbull_s@sd36. bc.ca MADI IN CANADA BY T»*C COWSN. S^UTTON CO. LTtV. VANCOUVER. B. C. POSTCARD <A*a—, WAMINED 8Y CENSOR JC^ ^JU. *** >*><*~»y "i*«y~~ .„ BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 13 FOR WORLD FREEDOM "As soon as we landed in Kaslo the Red Cross had coffee and sandwiches ready for us. Mr. Brennan, our security commissioner welcomed us to Kaslo and gave us our room number...Our room is 7' by 9' in size. After the 5' x 7' bed is placed in the room their [ sic] is hardly any place to put our baggage. Theirs three storeys to our Kaslo Hotel. Each floor is about twenty rooms. In each room there is about four people living in it. So if theirs only two in the family two members of another family stay with them. Also, on each floor there is one large stove which is no good cause it doesn't heat properly at all." Setsuko continued with details of their poor cooking facilities but seemed much more interested in knowing what was going on in school back home in Surrey. As she closed this letter she wrote "If you have any snapshots of yourself please send me one. I'd love to send you one but we can't use a camera..'.' an obvious reference to the camera ban that was imposed upon the internees. Following a prompt reply from Joan, Setsuko responded with another letter June 8. By now she was becoming more comfortable with her new surroundings: "Our and hotel isn 't a temporary residence but our place to live now for the duration ofthe war.. I feel quite settled now and love this sorta living." Despite this she was very homesick anxious for any news from home, asking about mutual friends and the goings on at Q.E. Like most Canadian teenagers she was also keen for the latest popular music: "What's on the Hit Parade thisweek? I guess I wouldn't know." The internees were not permitted to own radios. Setsuko also reminded the reader of the ancient rivalry between siblings when she wrote about her brother: Akira is dumber than ever now. You remember how dumb he was, well he's a low down stupefied so and so... On Sunday he went as a Caddy. He earnt a dollar. Golly he's proud of himself but he won't give me a cent. Just like him. While perturbed with Akira, she was happy about a recent event: "May Day in Kaslo...turned out to be a splendid day. There was a lot of people out. Gee I had lots of fun." Though they are just a few of the many dozens of letters sitting before me they give a fascinating and often detailed account of how life was unfolding in a strange new place, one seen through a child's eyes as a source of adventure and fun. This is in stark contrast to the hardship experienced and shame felt by her parents' generation, the result of the ethnic intolerance prevalent in Canada at that time. However, distinctions of ethnicity that caused so much disruption fade when I read these letters and realize that they contain nothing less than the heartfelt longing of ordinary Canadian kids who miss their school, their friends, the social "mixers" they once enjoyed and the "Hit Parade". Ethnic differences seem to be a petty distinction for friends separated by war and intolerance. • BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 15 16 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 17 18 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 19 Vanished: Field Crops & Wooden Artifacts From BC Farms & Ranches By V. C Brink Bert Brink is a regular contributor to BC History on the agricultural history ofBC. Comprehensive records of agricultural change in British Columbia over the last century are difficult to make and are not likely to be undertaken by present day urbanized society. The recording of skills, ingenuity and artifacts in the food and forage conservation system of B.C. is only thinly developed. May it be hoped that those who have such records would consider placing them in our museums so that our rich agricultural history can be preserved.. Hay Stackers, Buck Rakes, Wooden Irrigation Flumes and Other Structures Wooden artifacts such as hay stackers, buck rakes, wooden irrigation flumes and other implements and structures once common on the B.C. agricultural landscape have vanished. Seventy-five years ago they were part of food-for-livestock and food-for-mankind conservation systems. Artifacts made largely of wood which decays readily may exist today only as remnants, in some photographs, or the memories of a few elderly farmers, their families and hired hands. Metal artifacts, such as old-time ploughs, seeders and tractors, are on display in museums. Detailing the changes in food and forage conservation systems in the developed world and the growth in our knowledge of food and forage chemistry, biology and engineering - even for a decade - goes far beyond the purpose of this photo vignette but a few comments may put the foregoing statement in context. To tide over the adverse seasons of winter and drought, human kind has always conserved food for himself and his animals, even quite likely in hunting- gathering societies, tens of thousands of years ago. Conservation practices evolved slowly but in the developed world there has surely been no period when change has been so rapid or extensive as in the last 75 years. But change also brought losses. Until recently in B.C., a land of rugged terrain, irrigation of hay meadows and arable fields was by gravity in wooden flumes from reservoirs behind roughly-made dams. Parenthetically, it might be noted that Chinese irrigators, a vanished breed, were in many areas employed to skillfully distribute water evenly with minimum loss of soil and water by the furrow irrigation system. Today, flumes, with their holes for wooden blocks and strips to divert water into the furrows, have largely been replaced by pumps and by aluminum piping and sprinklers. 20 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Two centuries ago sickles and scythes were replaced by horse-drawn mowers. Very rarely today is loose hay cocked from windrows by hand with hay forks and pitched into wooden wagons and then into ricks. Gone too are the old-style wagons with steel-rimmed wheels, showering seeds and shattered foliage as they drove down country lanes to hay barns or stacking areas. Also gone in most places are stacks of loose hay, built and topped with skill, and gone too are much toil and sweat by man and beast. Gone also are the murderous hay forks, buck rakes and many kinds of hay-stackers. Today in B.C., forage is ensiled, baled by mechanized equipment or wrapped in plastic, resulting generally in better quality, leafier, more nutritious and more palatable food for livestock. Field Crops Not Grown Today and Their Wooden Ancillary Structures Seventy-five years ago root crops (field carrots, swede turnips, field beets and mangels) were still being grown on high quality land mainly in coastal B.C. Larger and much coarser than their vegetable counterparts used for human consumption, root crops yielded large tonnages per acre. Generally classed as "root crops" or, because of their high water content, "succulents", they supplemented hay, making it more palatable. Conserved in root cellars which were dug ,into soil, lined with planks of wood and topped with insulating branches and soil, their contents were drawn out as needed in winter and chopped by hand or in machines. A few root cellars exist today, used as coolers for the storage of potatoes. Tobacco was grown as a field crop in the Lower Fraser Valley, the Okanagan Valley, southern Vancouver Island, and at Lillooet. Full-time staff doing research and extension were maintained at the Dominion Research Station at Summerland. B.C. was noted for its production of cigar leaf. The first tobacco acreage of consequence was in Lillooet, supplying the fur trade and First Nations people. Tobacco drying sheds, made of wood, were a notable feature of many B.C. agricultural landscapes. Pioneer production is recognized in a monument in Lillooet where it was grown along with "trader" potatoes and field beans. The last commercial production was on Sumas Prairie where one drying shed still stands. The last production was grown with the support of the Imperial Tobacco Company and was used as a warning to tobacco growers in Ontario that if their demands became too great the company would expand its B.C. production. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 21 For those who are interested, one museum, the Langley, B.C., Farm and Agricultural Museum Association, has a temperature and humidity controlled room where records and photographs can be catalogued and maintained in good condition. The address is: B.C. Farm Machinery and Agricultural Museum Association Box 279, 9131 King Street, Fort Langley, B.C..V1M2R6 Hops, like tobacco no longer grown commercially inB.C, were grown in two locations in the Kamloops area, in several locations in the Lower Fraser Valley, in Lillooet and in southern Vancouver Island, largely with brewing company contracts. Today, little remains of the pole and cord structures or of the buildings which supported the industry. Fibre flax was grown during the war of 1939-1945 as a field crop in the Lower Fraser Valley where the climate and soil proved to be ideal. Although rayon fibre from wood was available before the war, it was unsuitable for fish nets. Nylon and other fibres from petroleum products had not yet been commercialized and supplies of linen cordage from Europe and Ireland were cut off by the Battle of the Atlantic. Growers for fibre flax were found in the Lower Fraser Valley, and a processing plant, largely of wood, was built in Surrey. European and,Irish production of cordage and linen was resumed after the war and synthetic fibres became excellent substitutes for fish-net fibre. Parts of the fibre flax processing plant remains as a livestock feed lot but the retting (steeping) tanks and other scutching structures have decayed or been destroyed. Sugar beets were field grown in B.C. for seed during the 1939-1945 war and for nearly two decades after. Soil and climate in Delta were ideal because, close to the sea, the winters were mild and first-year plants (stecklings) did not have to be lifted and stored over winter, and the climate in summer was very suitable for pollination and seed development of plants in their second year. Little remains of wooden support structures. The main buildings, where processing and storage occurred, are today used for marketing fertilizer and other farm products. In conclusion, reflection on the various reasons for the disappearance of wooden artifacts and of field crops may be warranted. Wood is not durable and toil by man and beast is today reduced by aluminum pipes and sprinklers. Soil, water and crops are better conserved so that hay stackers and wooden flumes have, disappeared. Watery root crops are' costly to store and to handle and have little place in the nutritionally balanced processed feeds of today. In western society tobacco use is no longer favoured and its production greatly reduced. Corporate efficiency and the high cost of land have made hop production move out of B.C. to other areas. Synthetic fibres from petroleum products make fish nets of better quality than nets from flax fibre, and cane sugar produced in warmer latitudes make sugar beet seed production a dubious enterprise without heavy subsidies. • 22 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Third Time Lucky: 64 years later w.w. n airman's grave finally gets the correct headstone By Dirk Septer In 1943 an unknown RCAF airman's body had been found washed ashore on Meadow Island near Bella Bella and although his remains were put to rest at the Meadow Island Cemetery in September 1943, the grave remained unmarked. In 1979, a crated grave marker was discovered in a B.C. Packers warehouse in Bella Bella which had been ordered by the Canadian Agency of the Imperial (now Commonwealth) War Graves Commission on 9 May 1944 to the to mark the grave on Meadow Island. It had been delivered to the village but somehow never reached the gravesite. The newly discovered headstone was placed on the grave in 1980. Unknown at the time, the headstone contained an error and now 27 years later in October 2007 the grave finally received its proper headstone. The disappearance of the B.C. Star On September 3,1943, the unidentified body was recovered from Price Island, north of Bella Bella. It was brought to Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) Station Bella Bella for identification. Mr. G.H. Hill, the coroner from Ocean Falls, who arrived the next morning, was unable to identify the body. The drowning victim was believed to be a member of the RCAF Supply and Salvage ship M-427 B.C. Star. Before the start of World War II, RCAF's Western Air Command already operated four highspeed crash vessels and a scow seaplane tender. The boats and their crews acted as a very efficient quick- response rescue operation. With a possible threat of a Japanese invasion, the RCAF Marine Squadron assumed an ever-increasing responsibility for preparing the defence of the vast British Columbia coast. Shortly before the United Sates were drawn into World War II, they proposed the Canadian government to form a joint electronic aeroplane detection (radar) system. Including coverage of the west coast of British Columbia would complete the chain of radio defence stations already operating on the west coast of the United States as far north as Alaska. In the agreement, Canada was to provide the base sites, construct the buildings required and furnish all the necessary materials and manpower to operate the bases. For their part, the United States would provide the actual detection equipment and train the Canadian operators. In July 1942, Air Command Headquarters issued an order by which 10 Radar Detection Units were to be established in strategic locations along the west coast. The units would be part of an early warning radar chain operating early warning low flying (CHL) radar equipment with an approximate range of 100 miles (160 km). Many of these Radio Detachments were perched on rocky shores. The isolated sites were at the edge of the wilderness, exposed to wind, rain and fog. Since they could not be accessed overland, the RCAF requisitioned a number of tugs and fishing vessels to service these otherwise inaccessible locations. The B.C. Star was one of three seiners requisitioned by Western Air Command in January of 1942. The relatively new vessel, owned by Nikola Jurincich/ ABC Packing Co., had been built in Vancouver in 1940. Together with the Midnight Sun and Cape Canso, the 70-ton gross register salmon seine fishing vessel had been chartered to the RCAF "onbareboatbasis without crew." She carried complete safety equipment including a lifeboat with a capacity for 12 persons and two liferafts each for 10 persons. Eighteen Ufejackets and two life buoys were also carried. The vessel was wireless- equipped, though under war regulations radio silence was observed in certain areas of the British Columbia coast.2 On July 21,1943, the B.C. Star had left Vancouver with 41.5 tons of gravel, cement and other supplies for a RCAF construction detachment at Cape St. James off Kunghit Island on the southern tip of the Queen Charlotte Islands. She carried a crew of ten and three passengers. Two days later, the ship put in at the RCAF Station Shearwater near Bella Bella where she took aboard 2.5 tons of cargo and three more passengers.3 On July 24, the vessel departed for Cape St. James and was never seen again. An intensive search by air and sea in the choppy, wind-swept waters of the northern British Columbia failed to find the 67-foot craft. Local marine observers believed that an explosion might have sealed the fate of the B.C. Star and its 16 occupants. Eight of the men were from British Columbia, six of which from Vancouver. Apart The original headstone in place in the Meadow Island Cemetery. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 23 Motes 1 LetterMay11,1944, A. Lewis Watson, Asst. Sec. General, I.W.G.G. (Canada) to The B.C. Monumental Works Ltd. Vancouver. 2 The Vancouver Sun, August 13, 1943. 3 The Vancouver Sun, March 4, 1944. 4 Jerry Vernon, pers. comm. September 10,1998 5 The Vancouver Sun, August 24, 1943. 6 Ibid. 7 Report October 16,1943, F/L G. Lee-Warner for commanding Officer, RCAF Station Bella Bella, B.C. Unidentified Body Recovered off Price Island, B.C. 8 Chris Weicht. Jericho Beach and the West Coast Flying Boat Stations. Vancouver, BC Creekside Publications 1997 p. 144. 9 Memorandum 5090-1, March 24, 1980, Maj. L.R. Coleman (BChap (P) 273, Placing of grave marker - unknown WWII Airman Bella Bella, B.C. 19 Mar 80. 10 Canadian Agency Imperial War Graves Commission, Comprehensive report of military inscriptions, Sheet No. 1, May 9,1944. 11 Dominique Boulais, pers. comm. August 2006. from her regular crew, the vessel carried as passengers some personnel from the No. 9 (CMU) Construction and Maintenance Unit. Due to the lack of cipher equipment at Cape St. James, the crew at the radar station under construction was not aware about when the supply ship was coming. Information regarding the movement of these vessels was classified and all communications were coded. Consequently, the vessel was not immediately missed, until the construction crew at Cape St. James complained about the non-arrival of their building supplies, two weeks after the vessel's departure from Bella Bella.4 Discovery of the life rafts, one reported found 100 miles from Hecate Strait, between the Queen Charlotte Islands and the mainland, was the only clue to the fate of the craft. An empty 15-foot rowboat, the oars missing, a number of wooden boxes and an oil drum were picked up but these were not definitely identified as belonging to the missing vessel.5 Initially only two bodies were found. The crew of a United States freighter picked up one, approximately 50 miles from the spot where the two life rafts had been found two weeks earlier. A RCAF search boat near Goose Island found the second body.6 Several weeks later, a third body recovered. As no identification discs were located, its identity could not be determined. Clothing, consisting of a Mae West sweater and khaki trousers gave no clue to identification. Due to the advanced state of disintegration fingerprints were not obtainable and all facial characteristics were obliterated. The station dentist examined the teeth and forwarded the information to Western Air Command Headquarters for comparison with records there or at No. 9 CMU, Vancouver. Unfortunately, identification by means of dental charts was not possible in Vancouver. Consequently, a burial as "an unidentified Airman" was arranged under the authority of Western Air Command Signal K215 of September 17, 1943. Permission was obtained from the coroner to release the body for burial.7 The sinking of the B.C. Star was the major 24 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 tragedy that happened in the RCAF Marine Squadrons on either coast. No conclusive evidence ever came to light as why the B.C. Star went down. An inquiry into the vessel's disappearance did not find any evidence of negligence on the part of the master or any of the crew. Rumours of the vessel with a cargo capacity of some 80 tons, having been overloaded were also discarded. It must have sunk very rapidly, since apparently no one boarded the liferafts or launched the lifeboat. Clothing and other articles from the bodies of the three victims that were recovered revealed indications of hasty dressing. In his recent book Jericho Beach and the West Coast Plying Boat Stations, Chris Weicht sheds another light at the vessel's disappearance. There apparently was some speculation that a Japanese submarine might have attacked the B.C. Star. Rumours to this effect circulated and were only enhanced by reports made by the crewmembers of another RCAF Marine vessel inbound to the Flying Boat Station of Alliford Bay on the Queen Charlotte Islands. When listening to a Ketchikan, Alaska radio station, they heard this programme interrupted by an unusual and unidentified transmission. The broken-up message read: "Star...out of bread and water...Alliford repeat message...Thank you...Good afternoon."8 Grave finally marked Subsequent to finding the grave marker, 442 Sqn. of CFB Comox, B.C. in conjunction with the Rev. R.A. Ferris, the RCMP detachment, several members of the Bella Bella community arranged to transport the headstone to the grave on a nearby island. On March 19, 1980, Maj. Norman Hartley, on his last mission before retirement, flew to the coastal community and assisted with the placement. Maj. L. R. Coleman was invited to take part in the simple ceremony. In a memorandum he puts the circumstances of the event in context: The event was significant from several points of view. First, it is probably the last World War II headstone to be placed on a grave. Second, it was an occasion for the Bella Bella villagers to share with serving members of the Armed Forces a poignant experience. The event was without fanfare and yet to those present it was significant as if it were the tomb of an unknown serviceman in any national capital. The scene was so geographically and socially different in contrast that it served to emphasize the uniqueness of Canada and the bond which can bring our people together in such a simple event of historical note. Third, the pastor's graveside prayer in heartfelt dignity seemed to express so meaningfully the unspoken thoughts and feelings of many Canadian families who lost loved ones to unknown graves in the great wars. It un[der] lines again the constant memory shared by those who even though the turbulence of time should have rendered us less emotional, it has not in fact done so but rather lifted our spirits to a new understanding of sacrifice and devotion to duty. Fourth, in a very real sense I finally laid my own brother to rest. He was lost 'somewhere North of Scotland' on a flying mission in September 1943. His body was never recovered.9 The headstone with the RCAF crest, manufactured by B.C. Monumental Works Ltd., of Vancouver, reads: "An airman of the R.C.A.F. unidentified. Recovered at Prince (author's Italics) Island 3rd Sept., 1943. Known to God."10 May be it was that typo on the grave marker as to the location where the body was found that prevented the original placement at the time. Did someone spot the mistake and the marker and set aside till another one with the correct spelling could be produced. If so, it never materialised and the rediscovered, incorrect grave marker was eventually placed on the grave 37 years late. After the author pointed this error out to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, Dominique Boulais, Deputy Secretary- General Canadian Agency of the Commission, Ottawa promised to make the appropriate modification to their file and arrangements to replace the headstone during their scheduled inspection visit. u The brand new headstone manufactured by the Commission's contractor was scheduled to be delivered and installed in October 2007. Now, 27 years later, the unknown RCAF airman finally gets the proper headstone after more than 64 years! • BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 25 V5£ —'■& x Archives and Archivists Edited by Sylvia Stopforth, Submitted by Sylvia StODWOrth Librarian and Archivist, Norma Marian Alloway Library, Trinity Western University 30 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 Book Reviews Th f Ambitious LIT ClITUI NOKlllVAHCOUVtl The Ambitious City: A History of the City of North Vancouver. Warren Sommer. Madeira Park, B.C., Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd., 2007. 342 p., illus. $44.95 hardback. It is a pleasure to read the text and examine the photographs and maps of a well-conceived and lively written local history. Warren Sommer's history of the City of North Vancouver easily finds a place in that pleasurable category. The themes chosen by the author - economic boom, bust and boom and growing cultural diversity - are unifying threads that give the chronological development point and clarity. His archival and contemporary photographs are well chosen and clearly reproduced. His judicious use of historic detail and present-day quotations carry the narrative forward. One of the first photographs in this commissioned centennial book is a three- segment panorama of the north shore of Burrard Inlet taken in 1898. Against a backdrop of an almost unrelieved blanket of conifers and mountainside, it shows Saint Paul's Catholic Church and the Squamish Nation Mission Reserve on the left, the Moodyville Sawmill on the right and an area cleared of forest in the centre foreshadowing the site of the future City of North Vancouver. Nine years later, afire with real estate speculation and growing population, the burgeoning community on that site had streetcars and streetlights and was petitioning the province for incorporation. It was granted on May 13,1907. Books for review and book reviews should be sent to: Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor, BC Historical News, P.O. Box 5254, Station B., Victoria, BC V8R 6N4 Of course, the bust of depression in 1913 followed this economic boom. Sommer documents these periods - the difficult First War years, the heady 1920s, the shattering 1930s Great Depression, the Second War ship building activity, post-war boom, the collapse of shipbuilding and the recent transformation of the NorthVancouver City waterfront to walkways, parks, residences and commercial enclaves. Sommer makes this chronicle come alive by judiciously choosing detail to illuminate the City's intermittent growth and stagnation. The growing cultural diversity of the community is woven throughout the account. Sommer opens with a visit of ethnographer Charles Hill-Tout to the Mission Reserve to record creation myths. He details the ethnic make-up of the workers at Moody's sawmill. He notes the overwhelmingly British population of the City in the first half of the last century and explores the waves of European immigrants after World War II. Finally, he surveys the Chinese and Iranian communities that have arrived in the last 25 years. Sommer does not dodge the bursts of racial tension that have accompanied these changes but ends the theme on an optimistic note of increasing racial acceptance. He peppers his text with quotes from the seventy, eighty and ninety year olds who lived the latter part of North Vancouver's history. His list of "informants" is impressive. He interviewed a notable list of "retired" activists. Among others, are included quotes from long-time City Mayor Jack Loucks, observant District Mayor Murray Dykeman, feisty Councilors Stella Jo Dean and John Braithwaite who all spent lifetimes in and around North Vancouver City and each of whom provided insightful and cogent quotes for the author. Warren Sommer has written books about Langley and North Vancouver in the recent past. He's learned the techniques of the craft. He capably unites the City's history with that of B.C., interlinking cultural relations, economic and labour history and politics. The book is a first-rate local history, thoroughly researched, accurate and well designed in its medium quarto package. Ross Carter of Bowen Island is a retired college administrator and editor of Hlstoriana, the newsletter of the Bowen Island Historians, and Marlais, the newsletter of the Dylan Thomas Circle of Vancouver. Bathroom Book of British Columbia History: Intn'gu/'ng and Entertaining Facts about Our Province's Past. Mark Thorburn. Edmonton, Alta., Blue Bike Books, 2006. 128p., illus. 59.95paperback. As the title of Mark Thorburn's Bathroom Book implies, his 128-page compendium of historical facts and figures about British Columbia's past is intended for light reading rather than serious study. Given its eclectic approach, it will appeal more to newcomers to the province and to readers near or far with little or no knowledge of BC's colourful beginnings since long time residents and history buffs will be well aware of the references to the Cariboo Gold Rush camels, Mrs. Schubert and the Overlanders, Bill Miner's sojourn in BC, and the escapades of "Hanging Judge Begbie," all of which have been well-documented in numerous articles, books and on internet websites. Others of Thorburn's entries such as those for musicians Bryan Adams, Diana Krall, Michael Bubble, and Nova Scotia transplant Sarah McLachlan are more current events than historical perspectives, indicative as well of his wide-ranging light touch rather than in-depth approach to his subject matter. With its short, easily read paragraphs, the book's sixteen sections composed of fifty-eight chapters can be dipped into at any point to extract nuggets of information about politicians, wars, railroads, First Nations, gold rushes, heroes or Hollywood North. There are bits about BC's first female Premier, a still unresolved murder mystery, a gunfight in New Hazelton, the KKK in Vancouver, parliamentary goings-on in Victoria, bathtub races in Nanaimo, and the naming of Ladysmith, to select only a handful from the multiplicity of Thorburn's topics. And there are "firsts," such as the BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 31 ■ ■ ■ "Oak Bay Brill »l RIVER OUEEN LUCILLE JOHNSTONE This and That lire l*a Sfri-in eftmiiy ('.:<, essential core of her story. Sadly time ran out. The first and many subsequent drafts of stories, exercise books of "jottings," poems, and loose unpaginated papers of ideas and memories were all carefully stored in a large wooden trunk entrusted to Dilworth. Thankfully this accumulation of creative writing never reached a bonfire. Some material had already been rewritten, polished and, thanks to Dilworth, published in her lifetime: Klee Wyck, 1941; Book of Small, 1942; and House of All Sorts, 1944. Additionally, Carr prepared Growing Pains, 1946, for posthumous publication. In her final years Carr could continue to write prolifically comforted by the fact that Dilworth would represent her literary interests after her death. What about after his death in 1962? Over the past 40 years, with the sale of the material to the Public Archives of Canada and subsequent transfer to the BC Archives, there have been many harvests for publication from Emily Carr's manuscript material. Some of the stories appearing in This and That were not previously published because they were far from ready, and to be ready they needed Emily Carr. The stories published in Carr's lifetime, had the benefit of the writer "peeling each sentence," stripping away all unnecessary or ambiguous words, sharpening and clarifying her ideas until her writing stood, clean, precise and strong. The stories published in This and That would clearly benefit from the acumen and deft editorial skills of Ira Dilworth and Carr's full creative process. Much of This and That remains green, as the stories could not properly ripen without Emily Carr. Even so, at many points the reader is treated to delightful imagery and keen observations. Who but Carr could describe her cat, Adolphus, as "purring to full capacity?" A memorable simile like "cream crinkled up like bad sewing" found in the story "Yellow Scum" or Carr's expression of joy and wonder at the idea of a rose, reward the reader of This and That. Despite some curious editorial decisions and not heeding Carr's directive to "just punctuate and let me be," Ann Lee Switzer is to be commended for bringing more examples of Emily's literary genius to her grateful, voracious public. Kerry Mason teaches in the History in Art Department at the University of Victoria Women Lead the Way: A History of the University Women's Club of Vancouver, 1907-2007. Jean Mann, Beverley New and Cathy Barford. Vancouver: University Women's Club, 2007. I45p. illus, bibliog.. no price given Organizations usually sponsor the writing of their own histories for the pleasure of their members. Women Tead the Way: A History ofthe University Women's Club ofVancouver, published in honour of the Club's centennial, is no exception. Much of it details the Club's internal history, a fact highlighted in sidebars about contributions of individual members. Later chapters focus on caring for Hycroft, the Shaughnessy Heights mansion that the Club purchased in 1962 and rehabilitated largely through their own volunteer labour. Yet, the book is also a fine source of Vancouver's social history. The chapters - organized roughly by decade -reveal how much has changed especially for women and their concerns. A small group of university educated women founded the University Women's Club (UWC) in 1907 to develop friendships and stimulate intellectual activity with like- minded women but they also believed that "they could be a force for the improvement of society, if not its redemption."(p. 14) Not surprisingly, one of their first acts was to promote the establishment of a University of British Columbia. Once it came into being, the UWC provided bursaries and scholarships for women students. Later, it called for the opening of a Home Economics Department, the construction of a women's residence, and, in the 1990s, the creation of a campus committee on Women's Safety. The UWC did not neglect primary and secondary education. Early on it assisted in forming Parent Teacher Associations and promoting "Little Mothers' Leagues' to teach girls aged 11 to 13 about child care. Later, it was concerned about education generally. Its 1960 brief to the Royal Commission on Education called for, among other things, more examinations, more comprehensive report cards, and the study of a second language (preferably French) beginning no later than Grade V. A hint of differences in opinions among members occurred in 1985 when it withdrew opposition to government funding for private schools from its brief to another Royal Commission. Controversy was not new. In 1916 a resolution endorsing female enfranchisement also affirmed the right of individuals to express their own views. Hints of differences appeared again in the late 1960s when its brief to the Royal Commission on the Status of Women simply called for support for mature women pursuing their educations. The interests of UWC went beyond women and children. During the Second World War, for example, it raised money to provide comforts for the Merchant Navy, it passed a resolution favouring conscription of men and materials, and it protested a city by-law that would have prevented a Chinese Canadian couple from buying a home in Point Grey. Its study groups on international relations had an almost continuous presence. In the 1920s, it joined the League of Nations Society; by the 1980s, it had committees studying Peace and Security. Other committees examined policies relating to Senate Reform, Pornography, education, the law, as well as the Status of Women. Since the 1940s, however, the reform impulse has declined. In 1947, the president chided members for not taking up the challenge of a demand for leadership by "intelligent, educated women."(p. 63). Such plaints persisted. Moreover, members tended to be conservative. For example, the Laws Committee objected to a clause in a provincial Fair Employment Practices Act banning discrimination on the base of race, religion, nationality and the like, because it would infringe on an employers' "inherent right" to choose his employees.(p. 72) 38 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 By the 1970s, many members seemed more interested in social activities than in intellectual stimulation although book and language interest groups were doing well. At the same time, after reaching a peak of over 1,000 members, membership began to fall and it became difficult to recruit members to serve on committees. The authors attribute this to the increased participation of women, especially married women with children, in the labour force; to the formation of new UWCs in the suburbs; and to the many other opportunities for women to engage in intellectual and cultural activities. Nevertheless, in praising the Club's members over the past century, the authors conclude that given the spirit of co-operation in the UWC "there will be two hundred year history."(p. 134) A few errors crept in. The index lists Prime Minister Mackenzie King under the "M's" not the "K's." The footnoting would not pass the scrutiny of Dorothy Blakey, a member in the 1940s and co-author of The Preparation of Term Essays, a pamphlet well known to generations of UBC students. Nevertheless, members of the UWC can be proud of this, their latest contribution to Vancouver's social history. Be of good wind: essays on the Coast Salish. Bruce Granville Miller, ed. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 320 p. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, January 2008, $32.95). Capital and Labour in the British Coluwbia Forest Industry, 1934-1974. Gordon Hak. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2006. 272 p., illus. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, 2007, $29.95). Coluwbia Journals, bicentennial edition. David Thompson, ed. with a new intra, by Barbara Belyea. Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 2007. 368 p. $29.95. Dowestic reforws: political visions andfawily regulation in British Coluwbia, 1862-1940. Chris Clarkson. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2008. 304 p. $85.00 hardcover. Hiroshiwa Immigrants in Canada, 1891-1941. Michiko Midge Ayukawa. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 208 p., photos, maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $24.95). John M. Horton, wanner artist. Peter Vassilopolous. Surrey, B.C., Heritage House publishing, 2007. $59.95 hardcover. Let right be done: Aboriginal title, the Calder case and the future of Indigenous rights. Hamar Foster, Heather Raven and Jeremy Webber. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 352 p., maps, photos. $90.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $32.95). Surveying Central British Coluwbia: a photojournal of Frank Swannell, 1920-1928. Jay Sherwood.. Victoria, B.C., Royal British Columbia Museum, 2007. 192 p., illus, maps. $39.95paperback. The archives of place: unearthing the pasts of the Chilcotin plateau. William J. Turkel. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 352 p., maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, 2008, $39.95) The intrepid explorer: Jawes Hector's explorations in the Canadian Rockies. Ernie Lakusta. Red Deer, Alberta, Fifth House, 2007. 240p. $22.99paperback. The wapwaker's eye: David Thowpson on the Coluwbia plateau. Jack Nisbet. Seattle, Washington, University of Washington Press, 2005. !92p.,maps,bibliog. $36.95 paperback. The trail of 1858: British Coluwbia's gold rush past. Mark Forsythe and Greg Dickson. Madeira Park, B.C., Harbour Publishing, 2007. 250 p., illus. $26.95 paperback. The triuwph of citizenship: the Japanese and Chinese in Canada, 1941-67. Patricia E. Roy. Vancouver, B.C., U.B.C. Press, 2007. 400 p., map, illus. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, January, 2008, $32.95). NOTEWORTHY BOOKS Books of interest which may be reviewed at a later date. Above the falls John Harris. Victoria, Touchwood Editions, 2007. 192 p. $ 18.95 paperback. Creative non fiction (Nahanni River, 1936). Artists in their studios: where art is born. Robert Amos. Victoria, Touchwood Editions, 2007. 160 p., illus. $44.95. hardcover, At the far reaches of Ewpire: the life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra. FreemanM. Tovell. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 400 p., photos, maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $39.95). Makuk: a new history of Aboriginal-White relations. John Sutton Lutz. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 416 p., maps, photos. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $32.95). Myth and Mewory: stories of Indigenous- European contact. John Sutton Lutz, ed. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007, 256 p., $85.00 hardback (paperback, January2008, $32.95). New histories for old: changing perspectives on Canada's Native pasts. Ted Binnema and Susan Neylan. Vancouver, U.B.C. Press, 2007. 336 p., maps. $85.00 hardcover (paperback, July 2008, $34.95). Sluwach's gold: in search of a legend. Rick Antonson, Mary Trainer and Brian Antonson. Surrey, B.C., Heritage House Press, newed., 2007. 160 p., illus. $14.95 paperback. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORY - Vol. 40 No. 3 39 11 «_2! LI Dhkhi CiaA. B. C- Return Undeliverable Canadian Addresses to Circulation Department. British Columbia Historical News Alice Marwood, 211 - 14981 - 101A Avenue Surrey, BCV3R0T1 Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 40025793 Publications Mail registration No. 09835 i-'cUlclCJeL We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada, through the Publications Assistance program (PAP), toward our mailing cost Contact Us: British Columbia History welcomes stories, studies, and news items dealing with any aspect of the history of British Columbia, and British Columbians. Please submit manuscripts for publication to the Editor, British Columbia History, John Atkin, 921 Princess Avenue, Vancouver BC V6A 3E8 e-mail: iohnatkin@shaw.ca Book reviews for British Columbia History, Frances Gundry, Book Review Editor, BC Historical News, P.O. Box 5254, Station B., Victoria, BC V8R 6N4 Subscription & subscription information: Alice Marwood 211 - 14981 - 101AAvenue Surrey, B C V3R 0T1 Phone 604-582-1548 email amarwood@shaw, ca Subscriptions: $18.00 per year For addresses outside Canada add $10.00 24th Annual Competition for Writers of BC History Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing Deadline: 31 December 2008 The British Columbia Historical Federation invites book submissions for their annual Competition for Writers of BC History. Books representing any facet of BC history, published in 2006 will be considered by the judges who are looking for quality presentations and fresh material. Community histories, biographies, records of a project or organization as well as personal reflections, etc. are eligible for consideration. Reprints or revisions of books are not eligible. Lieutenant-Governor's Medal The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded to an individual writer whose book contributes significantly to the history of British Columbia. Additional prizes may be awarded to other books at the discretion of the judges. Publicity All entries receive considerable publicity, Winners will receive a Certificate of Merit, a monetary award and an invitation to the Awards Banquet of the Federation's annual conference. Submissions For mailing instructions please contact: Barb Hynek, Chair/Judge of the BCHF Book Competition 2477 140th Street, Surrey, B.C. V4P 2C5 Email: bhynek@telus.net Phone:604.535.9090 Books entered become property of the BC Historical Federation. By submitting books for this competition, authors agree that the British Columbia Historical Federation may use their names in press releases and Federation publications regarding the book competition.
Titled "British Columbia Historical Association Report and Proceedings" from 1923-1929; "British Columbia Historical Quarterly" from 1937-1957; "BC Historical News" from 1968-2004; and "British Columbia History" from 2005 onward.
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