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BC Historical Books

The Washington historical quarterly. Vol. XII Washington University State Historical Society 1921

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 Wf)t
&a£.lnngfan itetortcal ©uarterlp
Contributing Ctritora
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle       H. B; McElroy, Olympia
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla       'Edward McMahon, Seattle
Frank A. Golder; Pullman F. W. Howay,
William S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.
O. B. Sperlin, Tacoma
Managing Cbitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
JgujeftntftS iQanager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XII.  NO. 1
JANUARY, 1921
ISSUED QUARTERLY
Two Dollars  per  Year  .
JOHN BOIT	
Contents
)...i New Log of the Columbia.
F. W.HOWAT, F. B. S. C..'4»A.tithorship of tlie Anonymous Account ot-i&S
Captain  Cook's  Last  Voyage...-^...    51
EDMOND S. MEANY■.?.'^&:.'?...?: Origin of Washington Geographic Names    59
TDOCUMENTS—The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar. .■$£&!-' 68
BOOK' REVIEWS ~^^^^^^^^^^^MW^!^^^^^^Kir^^^^^mCM^ . 71
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON
'Entered  as  second-class  matter,   November  16,   1906,  at  the  Postoffice  at
Seattle, Washington,  unfler the Act of Congress of July 16, 1894".  {Efie Wa&Un&on ^toxical ©uarterlp
1921
VOLUME XII
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Un:iversity Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1 Wift
^aeflnnstott ^(gtorical (©uarterlp
Contributing Cbitors;
Cla3REnce B. Bagley, Seattle        H. B. McElroy, Olympia
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla Edward McMahon, Seattle
Frank A. Golder, Pullman F. W. Howay,
William S. Lewis, Spokane New Westminster, B. C.
O. B. Sperlin, Tacoma
Jflanagtng Cbitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
j&uiintass Manager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XII.  NO. 1
JANUARY, 1921
ISSUED QUARTERLY
Two  Dollars per Year
Contents
JOHN BOIT A New Log of the Columbia.
F. W. HOWAY, F. R. S. C Authorship of the Anonymous Account of
Captain   Cook's  Last   Voyage  51
EDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic Names 59
DOCUMENTS—The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar  68
BOOK  BEVIEWS      71
NEWS  DEPARTMENT     78
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Un;iversity Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON
Entered  as  second-class  matter,  November  16,  1906,  at  the  Postoffice  at
Seattle, Washington, under the Act of Congress of July 16,  1894. lU
fi
'
III
■ i
£?tate Historical £>Qtizty
Officers and Board of Trustees
Clarence B. Bagley, President
Judge John P. Hoyt, Vice-President
Judge Roger S. Greene, Treasurer
Judge Thomas Burke
Judge Cornelius H. Haneord
Samuel Hill
Proeessor Edmond S. Meany, Secretary
Seattle
University of Washington Press
1921 Vol. XII., No. 1
January, 1921
Wa$m$on ^fetortcal ©uarterlp
NEW LOG OF THE COLUMBIA BY JOHN BOIT.
Introduction.
The discovery of the Columbia River in 1792 was the first and
greatest among the important events, which resulted in the establishment of American possessions on the Northwestern Coast. Any
document relating to that event would be prized and here we have
one of peculiar importance.
Captain Gray's original and official log of the Columbia is
lost. That statement has been made often but the definite and
authoritative statement of the loss has rarely been given. In the
United States Public Documents, Serial Number 318, there may be
found Senate Document 470, of the twenty-fifth Congress, second
session. Pages 14-23 of that document contain an affidavit by
Charles Bulfinch, dated at Boston April 21, 1838. He was the last
survivor of the group of men who owned the Columbia and sent
her on the memorable voyages to the Northwest Coast of America.
In his seventy-fifth year he prepared this affidavit, "which statement," he said, "may in future be important in determining. the
right of the United States to the honor of discovering the river,
and, consequently, to the right of jurisdiction over the country
adjacent."
Mr. Bulfinch testifies that Joseph Barrell projected the enterprise and supplied two-sevenths of the necessary means. He had
five associates, each supplying one-seventh, as follows: Samuel
Brown, John Derby, Crowell Hatch, John M. Pintard and Charles
Bulfinch. In the autumn of 1787 they sent out the ship Columbia,
Captain John Kendrick, and the sloop Lady Washington, Captain
Robert Gray. The ship was two hundred and twenty tons' burden
and her full name was Columbia Rediviva. The sloop was ninety
tons' burden and usually went by the shorter name of Washington.
Captain Kendrick had command of the expedition.   In June, 1789,
(3) John Boit
Captain Gray was transferred to the Columbia, and proceeded
from the Northwest Coast to Boston by way of China and the Cape
of Good Hope. He was thus the first to sail around the globe under
the Stars and Stripes. The results of the voyage were so disappointing that Mr. Derby and Mr. Pintard sold their interests to
Mr. Barrell and Mr. Brown. These with the other owners—Hatch
and Bulfinch—sent the Columbia on her second voyage in com-
\ mand of Captain Gray.
This second voyage is the one, during which the great discoveries were made. Any new light on those occurrences would
be welcome, but historians in the Northwest were certainly not
expecting a new journal giving a day-by-day record of the entire
voyage. Just such a rich find has come to light in this John Boit
journal. His personality and journal will be mentioned shortly. In
the meantime let us turn to the loss of the official log.
Mr. Bulfinch in his affidavit explained that Captain Kendrick
had remained in Pacific waters with the sloop Lady Washington.
It was expected that he would have collected furs which would be
turned over to Captain Gray during his second voyage to the Northwest. In this the owners were somewhat disappointed. Mr. Bulfinch says: "It was determined by the owners to prosecute the
voyage no further with the ship, but to leave Captain Kendrick in
the sloop Washington, to attend to their interests on the coast. Intelligence was obtained from Captain Gray of the discovery of
Columbia River; but nothing was done in consequence of it until
1816, when Samuel Barrell, Esq., the principal living owner, after
the death of Joseph Barrell, Esq., requested the deponent to make
inquiry after Captain Gray's papers, and to take correct copies
of all proceedings relative thereto; and this was done in consequence of President Madison's application to him for information."
Captain Gray had died in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1806, and
Mr. Bulfinch, after some search, obtained from Mr. Silas Atkins,
brother of Captain Gray's widow, the original log of the Columbia
He made careful extracts, including the complete entries as to the
discoveries of Grays Harbor and Columbia River.
That was a most fortunate circumstance. The extracts were
used in 1816. They were incorporated again in the affidavit of
1838. They have been depended upon by historians and committees
of Congress since that date. In 1837, William A. Slacum desired
more than the available extracts. He employed Thomas Bulfinch,
son of Charles Bulfinch, to make a diligent search for the original
log-book.    In this search it was found that Mrs. Gray and her New Log of the Columbia
brother, Captain Silas Atkins, had both died some years before,
and that Mrs. Gray's papers had gone to her niece, Mrs. Nash.
Charles Bulfinch, in his affidavit, declares: "Thomas Bulfinch
then applied to Mrs. Nash, who very readily handed to him one
log-book of the ship Columbia, containing minutes of her voyage
from Boston to the straights of John de Fuca, in 1791, but stated
that another log book, which contained the proceedings at Columbia
river in 1792, had been used as waste paper, and was entirely destroyed."
It was that information which caused Mr. Bulfinch to prepare
his affidavit and which gave such importance' to the extracts he had
made more than thirty years before from the original log-book.
Hubert Howe Bancroft, in his Northwest Coast, Volume I, page
259, says: "The log of the Columbia on this trip has been lost,
with the exception of a valuable fragment covering the time from
the 7th to the 21st of May." In a footnote he says that the extract was made in 1816 and was used by many subsequent publications.
The Boston Transcript, on May 10, 1919, announced that the
Massachusetts Historical Society had received, as a bequest from
the late Robert Apthorpe Boit, journals and log-books of his grandfather, John Boit, master-mariner. Mr. Arthur Lord, Treasurer
of the society, in announcing the gift, gave some valuable biographical facts about John Boit. He was born on October 15, 1774,
the son of John and Sarah Brown Boit, both of Boston. Robert
Apthorpe Boit, in April, 1916, had written about his grandfather:
"At the age of sixteen he started his first circumnavigating voyage
as fifth officer aboard the ship Columbia, bound for the northwest
coast of China [America]. His brother-in-law, Crowell Hatch,
shipowner and merchant of Boston, was one of the chief owners
of the ship Columbia. * * * John Boit kept complete journals
of this voyage, and these discoveries are interestingly and minutely
described by him. After returning from this voyage John Boit
circumnavigated the globe in command of the Sloop Union. The
many adventures of this voyage are fully told in his journals and
log-books. Besides these there are logs and journals of various
other voyages. That he was a man of acute observance and good
judgment, a man of character and courage, his journals amply
testify.   *   *   *   They have never been published."
The journals of such a man would contain materials of interest in various parts of the world, but it seemed absolutely essential that here in the Northwest we should have that part of his John Boit
Columbia log which related the discoveries and experiences on
these shores. Correspondence was at once opened with the Massachusetts Historical Society to secure for publication a transcript
of that important part of the journal. Mr. Worthington C. Ford,
editor of the society, very courteously replied that the Columbia
was a Boston ship, owned by Boston men and commanded by a
Boston captain. The journal ought, therefore, to be published by
the Massachusetts Historical Society. However, he would cooperate
with the Washington Historical Quarterly in any way possible.
This he has done in generous fashion. He has sent advance proofs
of the pages to appear in Volume 53 of the Proceedings of the
Massachusetts Historical Society. In transmitting the proofs, he
said he had refrained from editing the journal because he had not
command of the local names and stations, adding: "This will be
your opportunity."
We are grateful to the Massachusetts Historical Society for
this generous cooperation and we trust that this linking of East and
West may help to advance the growing feeling of American unity
in historical interests.
In addition to the fragment of the Columbia's log, referred
to above, there are a number of other documents of prime importance which bear on this new log.
The manuscript journal of Captain Joseph Ingraham of the
brig Hope is in the Library of Congress. A complete photostat
copy, including the chart and drawings, is in the University of
Washington Library. Ingraham was a mate on the Columbia during her first voyage. He left her at Boston in 1790 and accepted
command of the Hope, sent by Boston merchants, rivals to the
group owning the Columbia. His journal has many entries relating
to the work of his former associates.
John Hoskins was supercargo or clerk of the Columbia during
her memorable second voyage to the Northwest Coast. He kept a
journal which is preserved in manuscript form in the Library of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. A typewritten copy is in the
University of Washington Library. While it is a very useful document, it ends in March, 1792, or just before the important discoveries
of that spring.
Hubert Howe Bancroft, in Northwest Coast, Volume I, pages
186-187, says: "I have been so fortunate as to obtain an original
diary of this voyage, kept by Robert Haswell, the second mate of
the Lady Washington, a very important document, not consulted by
any writer before me.   Indeed it does not appear that any other log New Log of the Columbia
of either vessel has ever been seen; and consequently nothing but
a brief mention of the expedition has been published. As a narrative of the first visit of an American vessel to the north-west coast
this diary merits much more space than I can give it here—in fact
it should be published entire." In a footnote he says that he obtained
the document from Captain Haswell's daughter, Mrs. John J.
Clarke, of Roxbury, Massachusetts. The author later adopted his
own suggestion by publishing the document in smaller type at the
end of the same volume, covering pages 703 to 735 of the second
or 1886 edition. Haswell was mate of the Columbia on her second
voyage until the last of March, 1792, when he was given command
of the sloop Adventure, built by the Americans during the winter
at Clayoquot. Bancroft's edition of his journal is a prime source
and a helpful one.
Captain George Vancouver's well known Voyage of Discovery
to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World has extensive
references to the Columbia and the work of her officers and men.
This source is supplemented by A New Vancouver Journal on the
Discovery of Puget Sound, by a member of the Chatham's crew,
published in this Quarterly in 1915.
Captain Vancouver was fearful that Captain Gray or Captain
Kendrick had proved that Nootka was part of a great island. Dr.
C. F. Newcombe made an exhaustive study of that supposed voyage
and published it in Victoria in 1914 as Memoir No. 1 of the
Archives of British Columbia.
Another helpful Canadian publication is British Columbia
Coast Names, 1592-1906, by Captain John T. Walbran.
One of the best narratives of Captain Gray's discoveries was
prepared by Mr. Edward G. Porter and published in the New England Magazine, New Series Volume VI., (June, 1892), pages 472-
488. This narrative has been reprinted as Number 131 of Old South
Leaflets. Among the embellishments of Mr. Porter's article is a
facsimile of Captain Gray's signature. The "Robert" is clearly
written and disposes of the spelling "Robery" as given in a number
of documents.
All these and other sources have been consulted in an effort to
make of this Boit journal a substitute for the lost official log of
Columbia. Only that portion of the journal is here reproduced
which deals with the Northwestern Coast of America. All of that
part is accurately given. Readers wishing the portions of the
journal before or after the work on these shores may find them,
as stated above, in Volume 53, of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 8 John Boit
The title page of Boit's journal is as follows:
Remarks on the Ship Columbia's voyage from Boston, (on a
voyage round the Globe).
By John Boit
N. B.   The dates etc., is by Nautical Account (Not Civill).
Mm
The Ship Columbia was fitted out for a four years cruize, on a
trading voyage to the N. W. Coast of America, China, etc.—about
250 tons burthen, mounted 12 Carriage Guns, and navigated with
50 men (including Officers)—own'd chiefly by Sam'l Brown, Joseph
Barrell and Crowell Hatch Esq'rs, and commanded by Robert Gray.
Cargo consisted of Blue Cloth, Copper and Iron.
The footnotes by Mr. Ford are indicated by asterisks and are
signed by his initials.   The numbered footnotes are mine.
Edmond S. Meany
JOHN BOIT'S JOURNAL
[1791] June 4. N. Latt. 49° 10'; W. Long. 120° 21'. This day
made the land, on the NW. Coast of the American Continent between Nootka, (or King George's Sound)1 and Cliquot* (or Coxes
harbour). For these severall days past we had seen whales, drift
wood, feathers, kelp, etc. All signs of its vicinity. Breakers pt.
bore NEBE 8 leagues, high land back, and snow perceivable on
some of the mountains.   Wind from Southward.
5. N. Latt. 49° 5'; Correct W. Long. 125° 26' O I • This day
anchor in Coxes harbour,2 and found it very commodious. This
Harbour is made remarkable by three remarkable round Hills,
abreast its entrance. Hannah,3 Chief of the village Ahhousett came
on board and appeared friendly. Above 300 of the Natives was
alongside in the course of the day.   Their canoes was made from the
*Cayuela or Clayoguet—W.  C F.
1 The famous British explorer, Captain .Tames Cook, In April, 1778, named the place
King George's Sound. Later lie changed this to Nootka, erroneously concluding it to be the
Indians' name for the place. (See Captain John T. Walbran's British Columbia Coast
Names, pp. 359-362.) Two of Cook's officers were Master's Mate Nathaniel Portlock and
Armourer George Dixon. In 1786, these two men came to the Northwest coast In command
of the King George and the Queen Charlotte, owned by an association of merchants called
the King George's Sound Company. Nootka soon became known the world over as a definite
geographical term but the temporary name created some curious confusion. Specimens of
plants were collected and recorded as from King George's Sound. They were type specimens
from Northwestern America. In the meantime a geographic feature at the southwestern
extremity of Australia was named King George's Sound. Botanists had to appeal to
historians to solve a supposed mystery of the herbaria.
2 In 1788, Captain John Meares named an anchorage in Clayoquot Sound Fort Cox, after
John Henry Cox, a merchant residing in China and interested in the fur trade with the
American coast. The name persists on Cox Point south of Templar Channel. (Walbran:
British Columbia Coast Names, p. 119.)
3 This was Chief Cleaskinah, who had taken for himself the name of the British captain, James Hanna of the Sea Otter. New Log of the Columbia
body of a tree, with stem, and stern, pieces, neatly fixed on. Their
models was not unlike our Nantucket whale boats. The dress of
these Indians was either the Skin of some Animal, or else a Blankett
of their own manufactory, made of some kind of Hair.4 This garment was slung over the right shoulder. They all appear'd very
friendly, brought us plenty of fish and greens. We tarry'd in this
harbour till the 16th June, landed the sick, immediately on our
arrival and pitch'd a tent for their reception, and although there
was ten of them in the last stage of Scurvy, still they soon recover'd,
upon smelling the turf, and eating greens of various kinds. We
buried severall of our sick, up to the Hips, in the earth, and let them
remain for hours in that situation. Found this method of great
service. The principall village in this harbour is called Opitsatah,6
and is governed by Wickananish, a warlike Chief. He and his
family visited us often. The Indians brought severall Deer, and
plenty of Rock Cod, Salmon, and other fish. Wild parsley, and a
root call'd Isau or Isop, by the natives and much resembling a
small onion, was brought us in abundance. We purchas'd many of
the Sea Otter skins in exchange for Copper, and blue Cloth. These
Indians are of a large size, and somewhat corpulent. The Men
wear no other covering, but the garment before mentioned, and
seem to have no sense of shame, as they appear in a state of Nature.
The Women stand in great fear of the Males, but appear to be
naturally very modest. Their garment is manufactured from the
bark of a tree and is well executed, being so constructed as to cover
them complete from the Neck to the Ancle. Both Male and Female
wear Hats of a conicle form made out of strong reeds. On them
is painted, (in a rude manner) their mode of Whale fishery. Attoo,
the Captain's servant (and a native of the Sandwich Isle) ran away,
among the Indians. A chief coming on board, plac'd a guard over
him, and sent his Canoe back to the village with the news. They
soon return'd with Mr. Attoo, and ransom'd their Chief.
17. This day weigh'd the anchors and left Coxe's harbour.
Fine weather, wind at SW. All hands once again on duty. Make
the people use Spruce Tea, boil'd from the Boughs we took on
board, for that purpose and although not very palatable, I believe
is an excellent Antiscorbutic. Bound along shore to the North and
West.   Saw woody point bearing ESE 3 or 4 leagues.
4 Judge F. W. Howay has discussed "The Dog's Hair Blankets of the Coast Salish" In
the Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX., pp. 83-92.
5 Mr. Boit later expresses sorrow at being ordered to destroy this Tillage.     (See Note
37, below.) 10
John Boit
At anchor in Columbia's Cove and Juan de Fuca Straits.
20. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 12'. Moderate breezes.
At 8 P. M. abreast Woody point,6 lay'd off and on, through the
night. At daylight made sail, for Chickleset sound, out Pinnace,
and sent her ahead of the ship to sound. At 8 A. M. abreast the
entrance of the sound. Hove to. At 10 the pinnace made the
signall for an harbour. Bore away, wind at NW. At Meridian
anchor'd in a small Cove, (which we named Columbias).7 In this
situation we was completely land lock'd. Vast many natives alongside. They appear'd much the same as those at Coxs harbour and
talk'd their language. We laid in this harbour till the 26th, during
which time got many Sea Otter and land furs, from the Natives,
in exchange for Copper, Iron and Cloth, (with Beads, fish Hooks
and such small stuff kept the Ship supplied with various kinds of
fish and greens, with a few deer). These Natives was generally
arm'd with Bows, arrows, and spears. Like those at Clioquot they
would pilfer whenever an opportunity offer'd. Their Women were
more Chaste than those we had lately left. But still they were not
all Dianas. During our tarry here I visited one of the villages in
the sound, found the Natives busily employ'd building Canoes, and
packing provisions against the ensuing Winter. They treated me
quite friendly. They dry their fish in the Sun, and then pack it in
neat wooden boxes.   W^ Necessity is the mother of invention.
26. This day left Columbia's Cove, and stood along shore
towards the Straits of Juan De Fuca. Crew all well. Steering to
the South and East'd. This is an Iron bound Coast, with high land
back.
27. This day pass'd Clioquot, with a fine breeze from WNW
and pleasant.
28. N. Latt. 48° 42'; W. Long. 124° 0'. Enter'd the Straits
of Juan De Fuca and hove to abreast the Village of Nittenatt,8
found strong tides. Vast many Natives off, with Sea Otter and
other Furs, which we purchas'd with the same articles as before.
'T was evident that these Natives had been visited by that scourge
6 The most prominent cape on the northwestern coast of Vancouver Island. It was named
Woody Point by Captain James Cook in 1778 but in 1860, Captain George H. Richards of
the British Surveying vessel Plumper, changed the name to Cape Cook in honor of the
great explorer.
7 Probably in Nasparte Inlet, south of Cape Cook. In some journals the name is
Naspatee.
8 John Meares in his Voyages, published in London in 1791, showed Barkley Sound
charted as Berkley's Sound. Vancouver's chart, 1792, shows Alberni Canal, but the whole
sound is shown as "Nitinat." The most recent charts show Barkley Sound and to the
southeastward, near the shore, Is Nitinat Lake. This might well have been the scenei of the
trade mentioned, as it is near the north entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca. New Log of the Columbia
11
of mankind the Smallpox.    The Spaniards,   as   the  natives   say,
brought it among them.    These Indians appear'd friendly.
N. Latt. 48° 23'; W. Long. 124° 0' O <T * d . Kept beating
about the entrance of De Fuca Straits till 3d July, on SE. parts
(off a small Isle) call'd Tatooch,9 we collected many Otters. These
natives gave the preference to Copper. Fine Halibut and Salmon
was procured in abundance. Nails, Beads etc. serv'd for this traffic.
This Chief at Tatooch's Isle offer'd to sell us some young Children
they had taken in war.
July 3. N. Latt. 49° 1'; W. Long. 126° 20'. Left the Straits.
At 6 P. M. Cape Flattery10 so named by Capt. Cook) bore SEBE 8
leagues. Standing along shore to the Westward, wind from the
East'd.
4. Took the wind from the Westward, employ'd beating to
windward the land about 12 leagues.   Many Whales.
At anchor in Barrell's Sound, in Queen Charlotte
Isles.
8. N. Latt. 52° 10'; W. Long. 131° 12'. This day anchor'd
in Barrells sound11 on the SE. part of the Queen Charlotte Isles,
20 fathom, rocky bottom. Sent the Pinnace,- with an officer, to
seek better anchorage, which was soon found. Got under way and
stood up sound, and anchor'd in 15 fathom muddy bottom. A Chief
by name Coyac, came along side, with plenty of other Indians. The
Natives here are much stouter than any we had before seen, and
appear to be very savage. The Men go quite naked, except a skin
over the shoulder. The Women are entirely cover'd, with Garments
of their own manufactory, from the bark of tree. They appear to
carry full sway over the men and have an incision cut through the
under lip, which they spread out with a piece of wood, about the
size and shape of a goose egg (some much larger). It's considered
as an ornament, but in my opinion looks very gastly. Some of them
booms out. two inches from the chin. The women appear very fond
of their offspring, and the Men of both. We remain'd in this sound
till the 17th.    During which time we purchas'd a good lot of Sea
9 Named by John Meares on June 29, 1788, in honor of Chief Tatoosh, whose tribe was
there fishing.
10 On March 22, 1778, Captain Cook saw a small opening "which flattered us with the
hopes of finding an harbour." Being disappointed as to a harbor, he gave the name to
Cape Flattery.    (A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, Vol. n., p. 263.)
11 Named In 1789 by the Americans during the first voyage of the Columbia and Lady
Washington after Mr. Joseph Barrell, one of the owners of those vessels. During the British
surveys by Mr. G. H. Inskip in 1853 the name was changed to Its present form Houston
Stewart Channel in honor of William Houston Stewart, who later rose to the rank of admiral
in the British Navy. The same waterway was for a time called Ibbertson's Sound, so named
by Captain George Dixon in 1787. 12
John Boit
Oucr and other furs chiefly for Iron and Cloth. Copper was not in
demand. The boats were sent frequently after wood and water,
but were always well arm'd. The Natives supplied us with plenty
of Halibut and Rock Cod, for which we paid them in Nails. W ild
fowl was plenty in this Sound, of which we caught and kill'd many.
I landed at one of their villages, found the Indians comfortably
lodg'd, and kept large fires, although tbe weather was temperate.
When I went into one of their houses they was eating roast muscles
and singing a warlike Song. They appear'd fond of our visit and
never offer'd to molest any thing in the boat. Their canoes are not
made near so neat as those we had seen before, but I think was
more commodious. The females was not very chaste, but their lip
pieces was enough to disgust any civilized being. However some
of the Crew was quite partial.
In the Straits of Admiral Deeont.
17. Weigh'd and left Barrells sound, bound to the Straits of
Admiral De Font,*12 which is f orm'd by the Charlotte Isles and the
Main.
18. N. Latt. 51° 34'. Wind from Westward and pleasant,
beating to and fro, off the South pt. of Charlotte Isles, endeavouring to get into the Straits.
23. N. Latt. 52° 26'; W. Long. 131° 30'; Azi. 20° 22' E.
Spoke the Brig Hope, Joseph Ingrahim13 master from Boston, on
the same business with ourselves.   Soon parted.
24. N. Latt. 53° 6'. A small Isle, in the Straits bore North
at Meridian, which we named Hatches.   Weather is generally clear,
* Rio de Rayer of Admiral Fonte.—W. C F.
12 Now known as Hecate Strait, an honor fori the paddle-wheel sloop which arrived for
survey service in December,  1860.
13 Captain Joseph Ingraham was formerly mate of the Columbia. The manuscript
journal of his voyage in the Hope is in the Library of Congress. A photostated copy, is in
the Library of the University of Washington, and a copy Is also in the Archives of the
Province of British Columbia. Judge F. W. Howay has published a careful study of the
journal in the Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume XT., pages 3-28. Boit's brief mention of the meeting on July 23, 1791, Is more fully treated by Captain Ingraham as follows:
"At 6 In the morning we discovered a sail to the south'd of ns and a head as we were standing. I soon discovered it to be the Columbia and determln'd to speak her—accordingly we
made sail towards them as soon as I tho't they could see us plain. I had a French fiagg
hoisted at our Fore top gallant masthead and lir'd 2 guns which was the signall I inform'd
Mr. Haswell I should make if I saw him on the coast in the small vessel the Columbia
had on board In frame and which he was to command at 8 oclock we were alongside each
other. We saluted them with 3 cheers which were return'd. I went on board) the Columbia
agreeable to Capn. Grays polite invitation. I had the happiness to find Captain Gray and
all on board well likewise I received by this vessell Letters from my Friends In Boston
which altho dated but 10 days after our departure was yet a great satisfaction. For these
letters I am indebted to Mr; Haswell who bro't them unknown to the Owners of the Columbia.
These gentlemen filled with envy and malice against all who went to share with them this
valuable trade gave orders that no Letters should be borne out In their ship to any one on
board the Hope." John Hoskins, clerk or supercargo of the Columbia, kept a journal, which
Is saved as a valuable manuscript by the Massachusetts Historical Society. A copy is In
the Library of the University of Washington, Mr. Hoskins describes this meeting with
Captain Ingraham and records the three cheers of good will. He gives a brief record of
Captain Ingraham's experiences and of the tragic death of the younger Captain Metcalf
among the Sandwich Islands. New Log of the Columbia
13
so that the Isles and Main are distinctly seen together. Found
ground at 120 fm. The Natives wou'd often come along side from
the Main, or Isles, as we border'd on either shore, and brought
furs and plenty of Halibut, which you cou'd buy for a board Nail
apiece.
28. N. Latt. 53° 14'; W. Long. 132° 0'; Azi. 21° 35' E. Ship
over towards the Main. Sent an officer in the pinnace in search of
anchorage. Found the land hereabouts low and barren near the
shore, but rises back into high mountains. Find excessive strong
currents in these Straits. The Natives on the Main speak a language different from those on the Islands. Boat returned without
success.
30. N. Latt. 52° 47'; W. Long. 131° O <L. Fresh gales and
stormy weather. At Meridian Charlotte Isles extended from SBW
to WBN 8 or 10 leagues. Some Canoes full of Indians boarded
us from the Isles. They inform'd us that severall English vessels
had visited not long since. We purchased a good lot of furs, chiefly
for Iron and Cloth.
31. Stood towards the Islands, and anchored in 24 fm. with
a Kedge. Light wind from NW. A Chief (by name Cumswah)1*
brought us several fine Sea Otter skins.
August 1. Wind from SE. Standing along the Queen Charlotte Isles, through De Font straits, about 3 or 4 leagues from land,
soundings generally from 15 to 25 fm. mud. The main land in
sight to the North and West'd at a great distance.
2. Fresh gales and very thick weather. Narrowly escaped
running on a reef of rocks. Quite foggy and see the land but seldom, beating to and fro.   Wind from the Eastward.
3. N. Latt. 54° 43'; W. Long. 132° 23'. Heavy gales from
SE. and thick weather, found the Ship embay'd, employ'd making
short hanks. At length we being too nigh the shore for to keep off,
through the night, we was alann'd with all the horrors of a lee
shore. A small opening appearing in the land to leeward, hove
out the pinnace and sent an officer to examine for anchorage. At
6 in the evening she made a signal for a Harbour. Bore away and
anchored under a point of land, in 17 fm. sandy bottom, let go
three anchors, it being a wild road stead. We remain'd in this
station  which we call'd Port Tempest15 till the 8th and only foui
14 His name is preserved on the charts in Cumshewa Inlet at the northeastern extremity
of Moresby Island, one 01 the Queen Charlotte Islands. Captain Ingraham's journal gives
the chief's name as Cummashawaa, and others gave it as Gumshewa. He was a man of
power in the days of the traders.
15 From the entry of August 1, it is clear that Prince of Wales Island was mistaken for
the mainland and it may be that Port Tempest was on the southern shore of that large
island. 14
John Boit
Indians made their appearance, and I believe there was no villages
in the vicinity. Made severall excursions, with boats, and procur'd
many Salmon and plenty of Berries. In one of these excursions I
discover'd a small rivulet, not deep enough to admit the boat. In it
we caught upwards of 100 fine salmon, chiefly with the boat hook
and grainz, and shot a deer upon the banks.   Crew all in health.
8. Got under way and left Port Tempest (situated on the
main land of America), stood over for land in sight to the North'd
and westward, and as we approach'd it severall Canoes came off,
with furs and halibut.
10. N. Latt. 55° 0'; W. Long. 133° 0'. Light winds and
pleasant, standing to the NW. and 6 P. M. came to with the Kedge
28 fm. Port Tempest bearing NEBN. 12 leagues. The Natives
brought us plenty of fine Otter furs. Their Canoes are the same
as at Charlotte Isles, some of them capable of carrying 30 men.
They go well arm'd, with bows, arrows and spears, and appear to
be a savage race. I went in the Cutter—well arm'd—to a small
cove, not far distant from the Ship, and soon caught 9 large Halibut.
The Ship was concealed by a point of land, making out from the
NE. part of the Cove.
12. Still laying at anchor in same situation as on the 10th,
the nearest land not above M mile distant, and the point of the
Cove I was fishing in on 10 inst. about y mile. Mr. Caswell this
morning took a Boatswain Mate and one Seaman with him in the
Jolly Boat, by the permission of Capt. Gray, and went to the Cove
a fishing. A breeze springing up soon after, and wishing to leave
this place, a six pounder was fird, a signal for the boat to return.
She not appearing, soon after two more Cannon was fir'd. Got
the Ship under way and stood off and on, and sent the pinnace
under charge of the 4th officer in search of the small boat. Soon
after we see the Pinnace returning with the Jolly Boat in tow,
without any person in her and soon discover'd they had the Boats
Colours hoisted half mast. With this melancholy token they approach'd the Ship, when we soon discover'd our worthy, friend, and
brother officer, Mr. Joshua Caswell (2d) lay dead in the bottom of
the boat, strip'd perfectly naked and stab'd in upwards of twenty
places. They saw nothing of John Folger (the boatswains mate)
but Joseph Barnes (the Sailor) lay dead on the beach, and quite
naked. Fearing the Natives lay in ambush, they did not land to
take of the Corps. It is probable they were beset upon by a great
superiority of natives, prompted by a desire to possess their cloaths
and arms.   As soon at the boats return'd made sail for Port Tern- New Log of the Columbia
15
pest, and anchored in the evening, at our former station. In Mr.
Caswell I lost a firm and steady friend. He was a man of mild
and gentle temper, a complete Seaman, and in short was possest
of every qualification that bespoke the gentleman.16 Observ'd that
the day previous to this disastrous affair few Indians had visited
the Ship.
NW. End oe Charlotte Isle.
13. if Latt. 54° 43'; W. Long. 132° 23'. Calm, and temperate weather. At 8 in the morning the 4th Officer was dispatch'd
with a party well arm'd in the Pinnace, for to dig, a grave for our
worthy friend. At 9 the pinnace return'd. At 10 left the Ship with
three boats, under charge of Mr. Hazwell, 1st Officer, with the
corps, the Ship firing minute guns. At 11 Capt. Gray landed in a
small boat, and after performing divine service, we intern'd the
remains of our departed, and much beloved, friend, with all the
solemnity we was capable of.
The place was gloomy, and nothing was to be heard but the
bustling of an aged oak, whose lofty branches hung wavering o'er
the grave, together with the meandering brook, the Cries of the
Eagle, and the weeping of his friends added solemnity to the scene.
So ends.
15. Weighed, and left Port Tempest, wind at NW. At sunset
it bore NBW. 6 leagues, and (Massacre Cove)17 West 5 Miles.
Saw none of the Natives. No doubt the Rascles wou'd have de-
stroy'd the Jolly boat after they had massacred our unfortunate
countrymen, had not the Ship's guns alarm'd them. Standing to
the South and E.
16 The Hoskins manuscript has a similar appreciation of the slain officer and some additional facts about him as follows: "Mr. Joshua Caswell was about twenty six years of
age born of reputable parents in the Town of Maiden a small town about four miles from
Boston early in life he went? to sea in the beginning of the late war he was so unfortunate
as to be taken by the English who retained him a prisoner during the greatest part of the
remainder of it on the happy return of peace he again followed the sea and by his merit
soon rose to be a Captain in the merchant service this he gave up and took the office of
second mate of this ship having a great prediliction for the voyage in every respect he was
a reputable good seaman of a most nappy serene placid disposition in most cases too passive
he was loved and. beloved by all who knew him he was an honest man which Pope says 'is
the noblest work of God.' "
17 The cove thus named Is not easily located. The points given would fix the'place In
Dixon Entrance. Captain Ingraham's manuscript journal says the tragedy occurred on the
main In latitude 55. Robert Greenbow In Oregon and. California, pages 229-30, who cites the
log of the Columbia, says that Captain Gray explored what Vancouver later named Portland
Canal and part of it Gray called Massacre Cove on account of the murder of Caswell and
two seamen. Captain Walbran In British Columbia Coast Names, page 323, accepts that
location and gives the present name of the cove as Halibut Bay. The journal before us
certainly locates the cove and Port Tempest nearer the open sea. See the entry for August
18, saying Massacre Cove and Hancock Rivr on the northwest coast of Queen Charlotte Island
are but twenty leagues apart. H. H. Bancroft In Northwest Coast, Volume I., page 25,
Quotes Greenhow giving the date of the tragedy as August 22 but adds in a footnote that It
must have been earlier. This record fixes the date as August 12, 1791. The Hoskins manuscript says that Port Tempest and 3Massacre Cove are parts of an extensive inlet to which
they gave the name of Brown's Sound and fixed the points at 55 deg. 18 min. north latitude
and 132 deg. 20 min. west longitude. If these descriptions could be studied by someone
familiar with those shores a more complete identification of the cove might be arrived at. 16
lohn Boit
16. This day spoke the Brig Hancock of Boston, Samuel
Crowell, Master. They was on the same business as ourselves,
and had been pretty successful. Capt. Crowell inform'd that his
Longboat was cruizing among the Charlotte Isles, under charge of
his 2nd Officer.   The Brig kept us company.
18. Pleasant weather. Came to anchor, in a River, which
Capt. Crowell had named Hancocks, situated on the NW part of
the Queen Charlotte Isles, in company with the Brig, 6 fm. water,
mud. The Brig's Longboat we found at this place, vast many
of the Natives along side the Ship, and a few furs was purchased.
Capt. Crowell had, upon some trifling offence, fir'd upon these
Indians, by which a number of them fell, (such wanton cruelty
throws him upon a levell with the savage), and perhaps this same
fray was the means of our losing our worthy 2nd Officer as the
places are not 20 leagues distant and mayhap they reck'd their
Vengeance upon us, thinking us all of one tribe. If it was so, bad
luck to Crowell.   Amen.
At anchor in Clioquot harbour.
19. N. Latt. 54° 12'; W. Long. 132° 25'. Fine weather. The
Hancock saild on a Cruize. The land about this River, is the best
without exception I've yet seen, on the NW. Coast, and a place
well calculated for a Factory for to reap the advantages of the fur
trade.13 The Natives, I dare say, have always plenty of Otters,
and there is fish in abundance. Hove up, and came to sail towards
evening and stood to sea, light winds and very strong tides. At
sunsett Murderers Cape bore NNW. at a great distance.
20. N. Latt. 53° 49'; W. Long. 133° 24'. Soundings from 7
to 12 fm., shoal water about these parts of Charlotte Isles. Standing to the Southward through Defont straits, running along the
Isles in from 15 to 30 fm. according to distance off shore, these
Charlotte Isles are from the Latt. 51° 55' to 54° 24' N. and from
Longitude 131° 0' to 133° W.
22. N. Latt. 53° 2'; W. Long. 131° 31'; Amp'd 20° 2' E. O <L
Many of Indians of this day from Cumswah village, in Charlcot19
Isles, brought a few skins, but I think they are pretty well drain'd.
Came to, with the Kedge in 20 fm. about 2 miles from shore. Soon
after see a Boat rowing towards us, and heard a Cannon fir'd in the
18 This same good opinion was held by Captain Ingraham who wrote: "I informed
Senor Quadra several particulars relative to Hancock's River on the North part of Washington Isles." On the former voyage Captain Gray had given the name "Washington" to the
Queen Charlotte Islands.
19 He meant to write it "Charlotte." New Log of the Columbia
17
sound. At 3 P. M. Mr. Cruft, 1st Officer of the American Brig
Hope (which we had spoke with before) came along side, with
Capt. Ingrahim's compliments, and offer'd to be the bearer of
Letters, as he was shortly bound for Canton.20 We readily embraced the opportunity. At dark Mr. Cruft left us. Up Kedge
and bore away to the southward and East'd.
23. N. Latt. 52° 37'; W. Long. 130° 22'. The SE part of
Charlotte Isles bore SE>4E. 12 leagues, light winds and variable.
A Canoe boarded us, at this great distance, and brought many
prime furs.
28. N. Latt. 49° 20'; W. Long. 127° 16'. At Noon this day,
Nootka (or King Georges sound) bore ENE. 10 leagues. Since
the 23d we have never lost sight of the Continent. 'T is very high
land.    Saw whales.
29. N. Latt. 49° 5'; W. Long. 126° 0'. At Noon the entrance
of Clioquot (or Coxes harbour) bore NE 4 leagues. Standing in
for the harbour, and towards evening anchor'd in our former station, vast many of the Natives along side, and seem'd glad to see
us again. Found riding here the Brig Lady Washington,21 of
Boston, John Kendrick, master. He had made up his Voyage and
was bound for Canton. He. appear'd happy in meeting with his
old friends.
N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 125° 26' O <T * <T. Captain Kendrick inform'd us that he had had a skirmish, with the Natives
at Barrells sound in Queen Charlotte Isles, and was oblidg'd to
kill upwards of 50 of them before they wou'd desist from the
attack. It appear'd to me, from what I cou'd collect that the
Indians was the aggressors. This Brig Lady Washington was a
Sloop when she left Boston, but Capt. Kendrick had alterd her rig
in Canton the year before. I was sorry to find that Kendrick had
made no remittances, to the owners, since he had parted with the
Columbia the first voyage, although since that period he had made
two successful trips from this Coast to Canton. As the Vessells
still belong'd to the same owners he was under some mistrust that
Capt. Gray was empower'd to seize the Brig, and kept himself
26 On July 23, Captain Ingraham expressed himself about the mail brought to him
against the orders of the owners of the Columbia. He does not gloat over this opportunity
of returning good for evil. He wrote: "I sent my boat with an officer to present my
compliments to Capn. Gray and inform him I was bound to China (this season) and as I
knew he must winter on the coast to set up the small vessel he had in frame, I would bear
any commands he might have for America with pleasure and forward them from Canton by
some ship of our nation."
21 Consort of" the Columbia on the former voyage. 18
lohn Boit
liisii
always ready against attack.22. We tarried in this harbour till the
Sth Sept., during which time collected many Sea Otter and other
furs, and fish in abundance. These Natives miss'd Mr. Caswell,
and it was thought proper to inform them that he had died a natural
death.
September 8. Weighed and beat out of the harbour, wind at
SW. At Noon Clioquot bore NW. 6 leagues standing toward Juan
De Fuca straits.
In the Straits oe Juan De Fuca.
11. N. Latt. 48° 15'; W. Long. 124° 30'. This day abreast
Cape Flatteiy, on the SE. part of De Fuca entrance, vast many of
the Natives along. Purchas'd many Otters. These Indians told
us, there was five sail of Spaniards up the straits. At Midnight
saw Tatoosh Isle, bearing NNE. 3 miles. Thought ourselves further off shore. Almost calm, and an excessive strong tide sweeping us between some ledges and the Isle. At daylight thick fog,
saw the Rocks a head, within pistol shot, with high breakers. Out
all Boats, and just towed the Ship clear. Our situation was truly
alarming, but we had no business so near the land in thick weather.
However Good Luck prevail'd and a breeze springing up from
offshore we stretch'd out clear in Boats. Foggy disagreeable
weather.   Cou'd observe at intervals that the woods were on fire.23
12. Wind NE. Heard the roaring of Breakers, foggy, haul'd
more off shore. At 3 P. M. saw a rock about stone's throw distant, and narrowly escaped being dash'd upon it — damn nonsense
to keep beating about among rocks, in foggy weather. At midnight heard the surf roar again, which I suppose to be on the North
side of the Straits, sounded and found ground at 25 fm. Rocks.
The Captain, at length, was frightened,24 and proceeded with the
Ship to a good offing (this ought to have been done long before),
thick foggy weather, with a moderate breeze.
16. N. Latt. 48° 14'; W. Long. 124° 30' t *. Fog clear'd
off, saw Cape Flattery bearing NNE. 2 leagues. Very strong tides.
At Noon we were about 2 miles from Tatooch Isle. Came to with
the Kedge, sandy bottom, the Island bearing North.    I think it
22 Robert Haswell's journal, August 29, 1791:—"At 4 P. M. a canoe came off and
Informed us that Capt. Kendrick was in the harbor. At 5 saw his boat coming off. Fired
a gun and hoisted our colors. This was answered and he came alongside and was saluted
with 3 cheers. * * * Capt. Kendrick spent the evening with us, and went late aboard
his own vessel." Mr. Haswell spent the next afternoon with Captain Kendrick and found
that he had beached his vessel to grave her and had piled his stores and provisions in a
place which he called "Fort Washington."     (Bancroft,  Northwest Coast, Vol.  I., p. 722.)
23 A bit of evidence that forest fires were here in 1791 before the first white settlers
arrived.
24 When Captain Cook named Cape Flattery (see footnote 10 above) he encountered a
storm and took his ship from this same dangerous shore out into tlie open sea. New Log of the Columbia
19
possible there is a passage between Cape Flattery and this Isle of
Tatooch; it appears about 2 miles wide. However cou'd see breakers between them and currents are excessive strong, as we cou'd
discern them to foam in that narrow pass. Many Natives came
off, and we purchas'd a few skins and plenty Halibut. Weigh'd
and came to sail towards evening, bound to Clioquot.
At anchor in Clioquot harbour.
18. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 125° 26'. This day anchor'd
in our Old Station in Clioquot harbour, found the Brig Lady
Washington still riding here. At this Harbour Captain Gray had
determin'3 to winter, if he cou'd find a suitable place, for to build
a Sloop of 45 Tons, for to assist in collecting furs, on the next
season. The stem and stern post, with part of the floor timbers
had been brought from Boston for this purpose.
19. On the 19th Capt. Gray went with two boats up the
sound, for to seek a convenient cove. In the evening the Captain
return'd, having found a place to his mind, about 4 leagues from
where the Ship lay.
Winter Quarters. Latt. 49° 9' N; Long. 125° 30' W.
20. On the 20th weigh'd, with light airs, and with the Boats
ahead, assisted by the Brig's Crew, we tow'd, and sail'd, into winter
quarters, which we call'd Adventure Cove,25 and moor'd Ship for
the winter. Vast many of the Natives along side, and appear'd to
be highly pleas'd with the Idea of our tarrying among, them through
the Cold Season. The Columbia lay moor'd in this Cove till the
25th of March, 1792. I shall endeavour to give the heads of our
proceedings during that period.
Adventure Cove was situated in about the Latitude of 49° 15'
N. and Longitude 125° 30' W. of London, about 17 miles from the
Ocean. This Cove was form'd by an Isle and the SE. shore Clioquot sound — so small, that when the Ship was moor'd, you might
throw a stone upon the beach in any direction, the passage in was
not to exceed 100 feet, so that we was in a complete bason. (At
25th inst. Capt. Kendrick sail'd for Canton.) The Adventure was
set up at the back of a fine beach, the woods being previously
clear'd. A Log House was erected near, mounted with two Cannon,
with Loop holes for Musketry. Here Capt. Haswell, with a party
of Seamen, and all the Mechanics was station'd.   Near it, the Black-
25 One of the coves within Clayquob Sound, possibly Toflno Inlet.    The sloop they were
about to build also received the name Adventure, by some written "Adventurer." John Boit
smiths and Boat builders Shops were plac'd; two Saw pitts was
erected, and kept constantly at play, sawing planks, and was supplied with Logs from the sound, by Boats constantly on that duty.
So that Adventure Cove soon had the appearance of a young ship
yard. Strip'd the Ship to a gritline, and kept a gang under the
directions of the Boatswain upon the rigging.
The Natives made us frequent visits, and brought a good supply
of fish and some Sea Otter Skins, and by keeping a small boat down
sound, with 4 of our Seamen we procured a constant supply of
wild Geese, Ducks and Teal. The Geese and Teal resembled those
at home, but the Ducks were exactly of the same Species, with the
tame of our Country. We see none of any other kind. Now and
then we shot a wild turkey.20 The Natives appear'd to be highly
pleased with the different works going on at the Cove. They sometimes brought us Venison and supplied us with as many boards as
we wanted. They was all caeder, and appear'd to have been split
with wedges, from the Log.27
October 7. An alarm was given by the Centry at the Block
house, that there was Canoes in the Cove. Finding they was discover'd they soon went off.
13. The frame of the Sloop was up complete, and this day
brought the Garboard streak of Plank to her bottom. This is what
I call dispatch. Wickananish,2S high Chief, came on board, with
severall of the Royal family. He inform'd that his winter village
was a great way off, which occasion'd his visiting us so seldom. He
went on shore, and astonishment was conspicuous in his countenance at the work going on there. The Natives was very much
puzzled to know how we chou'd get the Sloop off when finish'd, as
she was 75 foot back from high water mark. Wickananish is the
most powerful chief we have yet seen on this Coast. His tribe
consist of upwards of 3000 souls. They allow Polygamy, but the
women are not prolific, as barrenness is very common among them.
The Indians girls kept us well supplied with Berries of different
kinds, which was very gratefull.
14. We was inform'd this day that Capt. Crowell, in the Brig
Hancock, was at Juan de Fuca straits.
27. The Natives brought us some excellent Salmon. Experience much rain, which hinders the work. When the weather is
too bad for to work on the Sloop, keep the Carpenters under shelter
26 There were no wild turkeys there.    It must have been a large grouse.
27 Such boards were observed In 1905 at Neah Bay and Tatoosh Island.    They seemed
ancient and it was thought that stone axes had been used in shaping them.
28.    Captain Meares in 1788 spelled the chief's name Wicananish,  which form is used
by Hubert Howe Bancroft  {Northwest Coast). New Log of the Columbia
21
making a boat for her. Heard of three Spanish ships being at
Nootka. Keep always upon our guard against surprize as we are
among a powerful sett. The boat after game, met with some
Indians that was a little troublesome, but by firing a musket over
their heads they soon went off. These Indians was very enquisi-
tive, for to know the cause of thunder and lightning, but we cou'd
not make them understand the real cause, but much surprized them
by saying there was a man in our Country, that made both. They
suppose thunder to be occasioned by an Eagle carrying a Whale
into the air,28 and Lightning, the hissing of a Snake, which are
exceeding large in this country. One of our Seamen, being down
sound a gunning, saw one of these animals, which by his discrip-
tion was as big round as his thigh. Being alone, and somewhat
frightened, retir'd without firing. These Indians are very superstitious in regard to this Animal, for when they go on a whaling
cruize they always rub their face with a piece of it. We have never
been able to gain much information as respects their Religion, but
they certainly pay adoration to the Sun, and Moon, and believe in
Good and eivl Spirits. They lash their dead on the trees, first stowing them in a box 3 or 4 feet long. The Head and Legs are cut
off to make good stowage, and little valuables that belong to the
deseas'd are bury'd with them. Capt. Gray went to an Indian Village for to look at a Chief, said to be very sick. On his arrivall
he was received very cordially, and conducted to the sick man's
house, which was full of people. In one Corner lay the Sick Chief,
and around him eight strong men, which kept pressing his stomach
with their hands, and making a most hideous Bow-wowing, in the
poor fellow's ears. Upon the Captain's approach he suppos'd the
Chief to be nearly dead, and order'd this band of Doctors to desist.
_ „_   Having made him some gruell to take, the Chief
soon came to a little, and order'd two Sea Otter
skins as a present. After giving him a Wine toast he order'd him
to be left to sleep, and visited a number of Chiefs houses, the masters of which treated him with an attention not very common
among savages. (He returned on board.) I made an-excursion
to this same Village, not long after. As soon as I landed, Men,
Women, and Children came down to the beach to receive me, but
did not offer to molest the boat.   Found the sick Chief much better,
29 At Maquinna Point, entrance to Nootka Sound, there was observed in 1903 a large
and ornate figure of the thunder bird towering with outstretched wings over the whale. It
was placed there in honor of Chief Maquinna, a successor of the original chief of that name.
It related to the same legend mentioned In this text. Indian women had participated in the
honor mentioned by sacrificing two valuable Singer sewing machines, which In 1903 were
badly weather scarred. 22
John Boit
and reliev'd him from his pressing and noisy friends. The house
was large and commodious, and wou'd hold fifty Indians very comfortably. All round was packages of Fish in Boxes, and decorated
with pearl shells. Their furniture consisted chiefly of marts, and
wooden boxes, which last se:rves to boil their fish in, which they
easily do by applying red hot stones, till it boils. They neither scale
or draw the fish, but as it comes from the water, so it goes into the
box, to boil, or on the Coals to broil. There was severall fires
about the house but being there being no chimnies, the smoak was too
mighty for my eyes. They sleep on boards, rais'd about a foot
from the ground, and cover'd with matts, rolling themselves up
with furs. Over the sick man's head there was a board cut out in
the shape of a heart, and stuck full of Otter's teeth, with a long
spear on each side of him. His young wife did not appear to be
affected at the sight of her sick husband, but the Father and Mother
was watching their Son, with the most parental affection. After
boiling him some rice and leaving more with his mother, I left the
village and returned safe on board.
25. This day was kept in mirth and festivity by all the
Columbia's Crew, and the principal Chiefs of the sound, by invitation, din'd on board ship. The Natives took a walk around the
work shops on shore. They was surprized at seeing three tire of
wild fowl roasting, at one of the houses — indeed we was a little
surprized at the novelty of the sight outselves, for at least there
was 20 Geese roasting at one immense fire, and the Ship's Crew
appear'd very happy, most of them being on shore. The Indians
cou'd not understand why the Ship's and houses was decorated
with spruce bows.30 At 12 oclock fir'd a federall Salute, and ended
the day toasting our sweethearts and wifes.
1792. January 1. This day, being down sound, with the Jolly
boat after game, I stopt at the village. Visited Yethlan the sick
Chief, and found him much better. The family treated me extremely well. I received many pressing invitations from the rest of
the Chiefs, for to visit their houses, and complied with most of them,
and was particularly pleas'd at visiting Wickananish's dwelling,
who this day had given an entertainment to all the warriors of his
Villages, with many visitors from distant villages. As soon as the
King saw me I was call'd towards him, and seated upon his right.
This house was about 80 foot long, and 40 broad, and about 12 feet
high, with a flat roof. The King was elevated about two feet
higher than the company, with a Canopy over his head, stuck full
30 One of the earliest celebrations of Christmas on the north Pacific coast. New Log of the Columbia
23
of animals teeth. The Company consisted of above 100 men, all
considerably advanced in years. The Women belonging to the
house was in an apartment by themselves, busily employ'd making
their Bark Garment. The Machines for that purpose, is not unlike the Looms with us. They are very neat and dexterous in
this business. The entertainment (which consisted of Fish Spawn
mixed with Berries and train Oil,) was served up in wooden
Bowls, handed by the lower Orders of males. I was invited
strongly to partake, but the Smell was enough—therefore pleaded
indisposition. After they had done, the remains was sent to the
females. The King inform'd they was going to have a dance in
the evening, and wish'd me for to stay. However I declin'd, and
return'd on board. This Village was 3 leagues from Adventure
Cove. Capt. Hannah, a Chief of the village, Ahhousett sometimes came to see his old friends (as he call'd us). He resided 9
leagues from the Cove but was under the Jurisdiction of Wicka-
nanish.
6. This day one of the Chiefs of Juan De Fuca Straits came
on board. He was upon a visit to Wickananish, and indeed had
married his sister, inform'd us there was a Spanish Ship in the
Straits, brought many furs.
17. Began to caulk the Sloop Adventure's bottom, it being
completely planked up. I this day made an excursion to the
Village, having put myself under the car of Tatoochkasettle, one
of the King's brothers, who conducted me in his Canoe. Upon my
arrival was treated as usuall very politely. I took up my residence at Tatoochkasettle's house, who invited a large company to
sup with him. After supper finding I wishd to visit some other
familys he sent his servants With lighted torches, for to conduct
me. I return'd back about Midnight and found there was an
excellent watch kept throughout the village, each one hooping at
certain intervals throughout the night. My Indian friend had
made me as comfortable a berth to sleep on as was in his power,
but the House being full of smoak, and the young Children very
fractious, occasion'd my sleeping but little all night. In the morning early observ'd most of the Men bathing on the Beach. On
enquiring the cause, was inform'd that this day the King was going
to give his Eldest Son the name of Wickananish, and take another upon himself, upon which account there was to be great
rejoicings. About noon, upwards of 100 men assembled upon the
beach in front of the Village, with the King at their head. Their
dress, which was exactly uniform, consisted of a Blankett, made 24
John Boit
fast round the Loins with a Girdle, and reach'd about half way
down their thighs. Their hair was turn'd up, and tyed with a
thick bunch before and decorated with feathers. Their faces was
painted of different colours, and their bodies of a deep red. Beads
and fibres of Bark were woulded round their Ancles and Knees,
and at a distance they made a grand, although savage appearance. They collected near the water, at one end of the village,
in regular tiers, about four deep. At each wing many women were
placed with Copper Boxes, in which was small Stones, serving as
part of the music. The procession moved slowly along, the front
squatting on their hams, the others standing erect, with three of
the King's brothers upon their shoulders, who were dancing and
running from right to left, in that position while those under them
was on the Continual move. The King kept in front, giving the
word of Command. All their voices kept perfect tune with the
rattling of the boxes. The rest of the inhabitants were seated
along the beach viewing the performance. When they arrived
opposite the King's house, they enter'd single file, and I followed
to see the transactions within doors. About 30 of the principal
Actors seated themselves in a Circle, and was presented with a piece
of board and a small stick. This they used instead of a Drum.
The whole Company then began to dance and sing, and the Musicians joining, made it very pleasing. But the Smell was too strong
for my Organs. Therefore soon drew off. These Natives are mild
and chearfull, with little of that savage appearance that Savages
generally have. Their Complexions is very light Copper, but they
darken it with Oil and Paint. The Hair is coarse, long and black.
'T is a general custom to eat their own Vermin,31 and they are so
plenty that they will often make a decent repast. The Men are
generally thick set with flat noses and broad faces. The Women
are pretty. Their eyes are rather small, and though they are not
very quick and piercing, they give the countenance a frank, chearfull, and pleasing cast. We understood from the Natives that they
sometimes made Human sacrifices, and shocking to relate, that they
eat the flesh of such poor victims. However I do not believe that
this custom is very common and only happens on some veiy particular Occupation. A prisoner of War is the person selected for this
savage feast.32
18.    This day severall chiefs came on board, one of which we
found was busily employ'd talking to our Sandwich Island lad.
31 This filthy habit has been observed by many visitors among the coast: tribes.
32 This description of the natives and the visit on shore are more fully recorded In the
Hoskins manuscript. Mr. Hoskins says that he was invited by Chief "Tootiscooeettle" and
"I therefore went in his boat accompanied by Mr. Boit and tarried until the following day
at sunset." New Log of the Columbia
25
Their conversation was soon put a stop to, and the Lad examin'd,
but he denyd that the Chief ask'd him any improper questions.
These Natives, always behaving so friendly, occasion'd us to place
too much confidence in them, and what a pity it is, that we cou'd
not leave this port, with that opinion of them which we had heretofore held; But alas! We find them to be still a savage tribe, and
only waiting an opportunity for to Massacre the whole of us, in
cold blood. The Ship had been brought some days previous to this,
to a bluff point of Rocks, where she lay'd as to a wharfe, not even
touching the ground at low water. The Cannon and all the stores
was landed here, as we was about hauling on the beach to grave
and pay the Bottom. The situation of the Ship at this period was
very favorable to their views, and must have encouraged them with
the hope of destroying the whole of us; without the loss of a man
on their side. However in this they wou'd have been mistaken, as
we kept a strong watch, under the conduct of an Officer and was
always guarded against surprize. But shou'd we have been over-
pow'd by numbers, our friends perhaps never wou'd have known
our sad fate.
But fortunately, in the evening, the Sandwich Island lad made
a confession to his Master, (as follows).33 He said Tatooch-
kasettle, (the Chief) told him, that Wickananish was about to take
the Ship and Massacre all the Crew, and said he shou'd be a great
man if he wou'd wet our Musketts, and steal for him some Bulletts.
He said they shou'd come that night, or the next, and told him to
come over to them, when the fray first began. This news alarm'd
the Ship's Company exceedingly, and we immediately got in readiness to receive them. Capt. Gray call'd his officers together, for to
consult what was best to be done, and we was unanimously of
opinion that't was best to haul the Ship on the ways, and grave her,
as the tide then suited, and we cou'd retreat in safety to the Block
House shou'd the Natives appear, (where we had several Cannon
mounted and good quarters.) This plan was immediately put in
execution, leaving a strong guard on the point for to guard the
Stores, with necessaiy signals shou'd they want relief. By midnight
one side of the Ship was finish'd, when we heard a most hideous
hooping of Indians, and at eveiy shout they seem'd to come nearer.
Every man immediately took his anns, and stood ready, both on
board ship and at the Log house. They kept hooping about one
hour, when they ceas'd and 1 is probable retreated, lamenting their
33 Haswell gives this same record with graphic details. (Bancroft, Northwest Coast,
Vol. I., pp. 725-726.) A more thrilling account is found in the Hoskins manuscript. It was
certainly a narrow escape for the entire party. All hands worked feverishly during the
Btarllt night and were prepared when the attack came just before dawn. 26
lohn Boit
hard luck, that the cruel plan was so completely frustrated. The
guard at the point saw many large Canoes off the entrance of the
Cove, but like brave fellows, they scorn'd to quit the station. In
the morning tide we finish'd the Ship, and haul'd again to the point,
and in the course of the Day took on board all the stores and
cannon, and moor'd off in the Cove, in our old berth. Scal'd the
Guns, which made all rattle again, and I believe never was more
work done in so short a time. But Men determin'd can do most any
thing.
It does not appear that Wickananish wish'd to conquer a part
of us, as he had frequent opportunitys to have accomplish'd it, for
two or three times a week a boat was down at the Village, generally with an Officer and four Sailors, but I suppose he very prudently thought, that shou'd he cut a boat's Crew off, there was still
enough left, for to destroy his Villages. The Chiefs had been telling us for some time that they was going to war with a distant
tribe and wish'd for us to lend them Musketts and Ammunition,
which some of these fellows used as well as ourselves. We had
observed of late that they did not seem so cheerfull as common,
but seem'd to be deeply wrapt in thought. After this, no more of
the Natives visited Adventure Cove, except some old women and
young girls, who brought us berries and fish — and most probable
they was sent as spies.
March 4. This day the Ship was completely rig'd, hold stowed,
and in every respect in readiness for sea. She look'd like a fiddle!
The King's Mother came along side and brought some otter skins
which we purchased. She told Captain Gray that the Moon inform'd her Son if he come to the Ship he wou'd be killd.
21. This day departed this life, after a lingering sickness,
Benj. Harding (Boatswain),34 Te was a smart, active, and steady
man, and one that know'd, and did his duty in every respect.
Deposited his remains, next morning, near to the Block house, after
performing divine service.   Promoted a Seaman to his place.
22. Launch'd the Sloop Adventure. She went off admirably.
Took a hawser and got her along side the Ship, and soon had her
rig'd.
24. The Sloop Adventure is ready for sea. Capt. Haswell,
1st mate of ship, went on board and took charge, taking with him
Mr. Waters (4th mate) and a crew of ten Seamen and trades-
34 Haswell says that Harding was thirty one years of age and had been suffering from
dynentery. Hoskins spells the name "Harden" and says he was "well respected in his office"
and then adds: "The spirits of this man was surprizing the night we expected to be attacked
by the natives at a time when he was not able to be removed from his bed he begged that
he might have a pair of pistols laid along side of him. that should the natives overpower us
he might shoot the savage who came to take his life then says he I shall die In peace." New Log of the Columbia
27
men.35 I think she was one of the prettiest vessels I ever saw, of
about 45 tons, with a handsome figure head and false badges, and
other ways touch'd off in high stile. There was not a Butt either
in the Planks on deck or sides, and the plank not above nine inches
wide. She was victuall'd for a four months cruize, and supplied
with Articles for the Queen Charlotte Isles trade, on which route
't was meant she shou'd go, while the Ship proceeding along the
Southern Coast.
25. Pleasant weather, wind at SE. In the morning got the
Remainder of our affairs from the shore, and unmoor'd. Left
Adventure Cove, and stood down Sound, with the Sloop in company. We left our log houses all standing. Anchor'd abreast the
Village Opitsatah, but found it entirely deserted. Observ'd very
few Canoes moving.
During our long tarry in Adventure Cove, we all enjoy'd good
health, although the Crew was at times very much exposed. The
boatswain's sickness commenced before our arrival in the Cove.
The weather was generally very fine, and very seldom had Snow,
and never Ice thicker than a Spanish Dollar,38 but experienced frequent heavy rains. We pick'd Whurtle and Blue berries, throughout the winter, which was very fine, and Whurtle Berry pudings
was quite common with us. We kept the Crew continually supplied
with Spruce beer, and their breakfast and supper was Tea boild
from the green Spruce boughs sweetned with Molasses. Perhaps
this method kept the Scurvy off. However they did not eat much
Salt provisions, as we was generally supplied with Poultry, Venison,
and fish.
27. I am sorry to be under the necessity of remarking that
this day I was sent, with three boats all well man'd and arm'd, to
destroy the village of Opitsatah. It was a Command I was no ways
tenacious of, and am grieved to think Capt. Gray shou'd let his
passions go so far.37 This village was about half a mile in diameter,
and contained upwards of 200 Houses, generally well built for
Indians; every door that you enter'd was in resemblance to an
human and Beasts head, the passage being through the mouth,
besides which there was much more rude carved work about the
35 Haswell makes no mention of this but on April 2, he says that he received his sailing
orders early in the morning of that day.
36 Experience with that money in Revolutionary days made the "Spanish Dollar" a
familiar figure of speech.
37 Haswell does not mention the destruction of this village. Hoskins records a visit to
the deserted village on March 28, one day after Boit's record and does not mention the
destruction. He does, however, complain bitterly about Captain Gray's policy which made
confirmed enemies out of that particular tribe. Boit's record of destroying the village need
not be doubted although the Hoskins manuscript calls In question the date. 28
John Boit
dwellings some of which was by no means inelegant. This fine village, the work of Ages, was in a short time totally destroy'd.
Cruizing to the S. and E. oe De Fuca Straits.
April 2. Weigh'd in company with the Sloop, and left Clioquot harbour, and stood to the South'd with the Ship, while the
Sloop haul'd her wind to the Northward. Parted, with loud Huzzas,
a proper rendevousss being appointed.
3. On the 3d passed De Fuca Straits, experience blowing
weather on the coast, but generally keep sight of the Land. The
Shore seems sandy, and the land of a moderate height, with much
clear ground fit for cultivation. Lat. 45° 15'. There is regular
soundings of this Coast, which is not the case to the Northward.
7. N. Latt. 44° 56'; W. Long. 122° 52'. Very blowing
weather, and quite cold. Beating off the Coast, waiting for to
find a good harbour.   The weather grows pleasant.
9. N. Latt. 44° 24'; W. Long. 122° 17'. Pleasant weather,
wind NW. Running along shoar to the South and East'd, about 2
miles off the land trended NBE. and NBW., and look'd very
pleasant. The Shore made in sandy beaches, and the land rose
gradually back, into high hills and the beautiful fields of grass,
interspersed among the wood lands, made it delightfull.
10. N. Latt." 43° 45'; W. Long. 122° 11'. Abreast a small
inlet in the land, which had some the appearance of an harbour.
Hove to for some canoes that were coming off. These Natives
talk'd a different language from any we have before heard. Their
canoes had square stems, and the blades of the paddles oval. We
purchas'd of them many fine Otter skins for Copper and Iron.
They had some raw Buffaloe30 in the canoes, which they offer'd
us for sale, and greedily devourd some of it, in that state, as a
recommendation. I'm fearfull these fellows are Caniballs. Mr.
Smith, 2d Officer, was sent in the Cutter to look for an harbour
but was unsuccessful. Bore off and made sail. Cape Gregory (so
call'd by Capt. Cook) bore SE.   Variation.   Amp'd 15° 57' East.
11. N. Latt. 42° 50'; W. Long. 122° 3'; Amp'd 16° 42' E
Some Canoes came along side full of Indians and brought a few
Otter and Beaver skins. Cape Mendocin bore ESE. 2 leagues.
Hauld again to the Northward.
17. N. Latt. 44° 54'; W. Long. 122° 23'; Azi. 16° 57' E.
Sent the Boat, under charge of 2d officer, to examine an inlet
38 3The place will be found to be Columbia's Cove.
39 He may have referred to elk.    There were no buffaloes on the coast,
similar blunder as to wild turkeys.    See note 26.
He made a New Log of the Columbia
29
abreast the Ship, to see if there was safe anchorage, but was unsuccessful. A large Canoe came along side full of the Natives.
By their behaviour the Columbia was the first sKip they ever saw.
22. N. Latt. 46° 39'; W. Long. 122° 50'; Azi. 17° 33' E.
Still beating about, in pursuit of anchorage. Sent the boat in shore
often, but cou'd find no safe harbour. The Natives frequently
came along side, and brought Otter furs and fish. Their language
to us was unintelligible. Experience strong currents setting to the
southward. We have frequently seen many appearances of good
harbours,40 but the currents and squally weather hindered us from
a strict examination. However Capt. Gray is determin'd to persevere in the pursuit.
At anchor oee the Village Kenekomitt.
27. N. Latt. 47° 52'; W. Long. 123° 30'. O <L. This day
stood in shore, the weather having become more settled, and
anchor'd with the Kedge in 15 fm. sand, abreast a village, call'd
by the Natives Kenekomitt, which was situate on a small Hill, just
back of the Beach. The Indians brought us a fine lot of Skins,
which we got chiefly for Copper, but the weather coming again
unsettled, we weigh'd towards evening and stood off making short
hanks off and on, shore. These Indians spoke .the same language
as those in De Fuca straits.
28. This day spoke his Britannic Majesty's Ships Discovery
and Chatham, commanded by Capt. George Vancover, and Lieutenant Wm. Broughton, from England, on a voyage of discovery.41
Left England April 1st, 1791, Do. Otaheita January, '92, and Sand-
40 Among these was the evidence of a gerat river at 46 deg.  10 min.,  as will appear
later.
41 Captain Vancouver gives an account of this meeting as follows: "At four o'clock, a
sail was discovered to the westward standing in shore. 3This was a very great novelty, not
having seen any vessel but our consort, during the last eight months. She soon hoisted
American colours, and fired a gun to leeward. At six we spoke her. She proved to be the
ship Columbia, commanded by MT. Robert Gray, belonging to Boston, whence she had been
absent nineteen months. Having little doubt of his being the same person who had formerly
commanded the sloop Washington, I desired he would bring to, and sent Mr. Puget and Mr.
Menzies on board to acquire such information as might be serviceable In our future operations." Captain Vancouver was delighted to learn that Captain Gray, while in the Lady
Washington, had not made the "singular voyage behind Nootka" with which he was credited
by publications in England. He records some of the information obtained by his officers
from Captain Gray, including: "He likewise informed them of his having been off the
mouth of a river in the latitude of 46° 10', where the outset, or reflux was so strong as to
prevent his entering for nine days." In a later entry Captain Vancouver thoroughly scouts
the idea of such a river, saying: "We could not possibly have passed any safe navigable
opening, harbour, or place of security for shipping on this coast, from Cape Mendocino to the
promontory of Classet [Cape Flattery] ; nor had we any reason to alter our opinions, notwithstanding that theoretical geographers have thought proper to assert, In that space, the .
existence of arms of the ocean, communicating with a mediterranean sea, and extensive
rivers, with safe and convenient ports." {Voyage of Discovery Sound the World, second
edition, Vol. n., pp. 41, 42, 43, 59.) Another journal of Vancouver's voyage has a similar
denial as follows: "So far as we had yet proceeded up these Straights, we had seen no
opening, nor the appearance of any Harbour, on the Southern, or Continental Shore; now
two or three openings present themselves, and as the great object of the voyage was If
possible to discover a communication by water between this Coast and the Lakes situated on
the other side of America, the Continental Shore must of course be kept always aboard and
all openings minutely explored." (A New Vanoouver Journal on the Discovery of Puget
Sound, By a Member of the Chatham's Crew.    Edited by Edmond S. Meany, 1915, p. 6.) 30
John Boit
wich Isles March, '92. A boat boarded us from the Discovery,
and we gave them all the information in our power. Especially
as respected the Straits of Juan De Fuca, which place they was
then in search of. They bore away for the Straits mouth, which
was not far distant. Stood in and drain'd the village we was at
yesterday and then bore off after the English ships.
29. Pass'd Tatooch Isle, close on board, and left a large ledge
of Rocks without us, and stood into the Straits of De Fuca. Many
Indians came off and brought plenty of furs. The English ships
came too towards evening on the South entrance of the straits. In
the morning they got under way and stood up. We stood in and
anchor'd, to the Westward of Cape Flattery, in 17 fm. Trade not
very brisk. Got under weigh again towards evening and stood to
the S. and E. along shore.
May 1. N. Latt. 47° 52'; W. Long. 123° 30'; Azi. 17° 30' E.
Anchor'd off the Village Kenekomitt,42 in the place we left on the
27th April. Tatooch Isle bore WBS. 2 leagues. A brisk trade
for furs.
3. Hove up and made sail for the Straits, the weather looking threatning and soon enter'd them, found smooth water. Kept
beating to and fro, in preference to casting anchor.
5. Stood in toward Tatooch's Isle. The Natives brought
plenty of Halibut and other fish, but few Skins. Stretch'd out
from De Fuca Straits and bore off to the S. and E., running along
shore, about 2 miles from land.
6. Hove to for some Canoes to come up. They brought us
fish but no skins. Bore off. These fellows belong'd to a small
village in sight from the Ship, call'd Goliew.
At anchor in Gray's harbour.
7. N. Latt. 46° 58'. Saw an inlet in the land, which had all
the appearance of an harbour. Sent the Cutter, under charge of
2d Officer, to examine it. Laying to, a strong current with Squally
weather. The Boat returnd, and the Officer reported that he cou'd
find nothing but breakers at the entrance, but farther in it had the
appearance of a good harbour. This appearance being so flattering, Capt. Gray was determin'd not to give it up. Therefore ordering the boat a head to sound, with necessary signalls, the Ship
stood in for the weather bar and we soon see from the Mast head
a passage in between the breakers.    Bore off and run in NEBE.,
42 The points of the compass given are of no assistance In locating thi
is village. New Log of the Columbia
31
having from 4 to 9 fathom sand, an excellent strong tide setting
out. The boat having made a signal for anchorage and a good
harbour, we continued to stretch on till completely within the shoals
when we anchor'd in 5 fm. in an excellent harbour.43 Vast many
canoes came off, full of Indians. They appear'd to be a savage set,
and was well arm'd, every man having his Quiver and Bow slung
over his shoulder. Without doubt we are the first Civilized people
that ever visited this port, and these poor fellows view'd us and
the Ship with the greatest astonishment. Their language was different from any we have yet heard. The Men were entirely naked,
and the Women, except a small Apron before made of Rushes,
was also in a state of Nature. They was stout made, and very
ugly. Their canoes was from the Logs, rudely cut out, with upright ends.   We purchas'd many furs and fish.
8. N. Latt. 46° 58'; W. Long. 123° 0'. Vast many canoes
along side, full of Indians. They brought a great many furs which
we purchas'd cheap, for Blankets and Iron. We was fearfull to
send a Boat on discovery, but I've no doubt we was at the Entrance
of some great river, as the water was brackish, and the tide set out
half the time. This evening heard the hooting of Indians, all hands
was immediately under arms. Several canoes was seen passing
near the Ship, but was dispers'd by firing a few Muskets over their
heads. At Midnight we heard them again, and soon after, as 't
was bright moonlight, we see the canoes approaching to the Ship.
We fird severall cannon over them, but still persisted to advance,
with the war Hoop. At length a large canoe with at least 20 Men
in her got within y pistol shot of the quarter, and with a Nine
pounder, loaded with langerege* and about 10 Muskets, loaded with
Buck shot, we dash'd her all to pieces, and no doubt kill'd ever)'
soul in her.    The rest soon made a retreat.    I do not think that
43. This discovery of Grays Harbor is one of the two great achievements of Captain
Robert Gray on the northwest coast of America. The other was the discovery of the Columbia
River, which occurred a few days later. Fortunately, there have been saved from Captain
Gray's destroyed log of the Columbia extracts giving the important entries recording these
discoveries.    That pertaining to Gray's Harbor is as follows:
"May 7, 1792, A. M.—Being within six miles of the land, saw an entrance in the same,
which had a very good appearance of a harbor; lowered away the jolly-boat, and went in
search of an anchorlng-place, the ship standing to and fro, with a very strong weather-
current. At 1 P. M. the boat returned, having found no place where the ship could anchor
with safety; made sail on the ship; stood in for the shore. We soon saw, from our masthead, a passage in between the sand-bars. At half past 3, bore away, and run in northeast
by east, having from four to eight fathoms, sandy bottom,* and, as we drew in nearer
between the bars, had from ten to thirteen fathoms, having a very strong tide of ebb to
stem. Many canoes came alongside. At 5 P. M. came to in five fathoms water, sandy .
bottom, in a safe harbor, well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits. Our
latitude observed, this day, was 46° 58' north." (House of Representatives Report No. 101.
25th Congress, 3rd' session, dated January 4, 1839, p. 47. United States Public Documents,
Serial Number 351.)
* Langrage, case-shot loaded with pieces of iron of irregular shape, formerly used in
naval warfare to damage the rigging and sails of the enemy. The origin of the word is not
known. Captain John Smith mentions in his Seaman's Grammar (1627) langrill shot, but a
century and a half passed before langrage came into use.—W. C. F. 32
John Boit
it
they had any conception of the power of Artillery. But they was
too near us for to admit of any hesitation how to proceed.44
9. Very pleasant weather. Many canoes came along side from
down River and brought plenty of Skins; likewise some canoes
from the tribes that first visited us, and their countenances plainly
show'd that those unlucky savages who last Night fell by the Ball,
was a part of the same tribe, for we cou'd plainly understand by
their signs and gestures that they were telling the very circumstance, to their acquaintances from down River, and by Pointing
to the Cannon, and endeavoring to explain the noise they made,
made us still more certain that they had no Knowledge of fire arms
previous to our coming amongst them. I am sorry we was oblidged
to kill the poor Devils, but it cou'd not with safety be avoided.
These Natives brought us some fine Salmon, and plenty of Beaver
Skins, with some Otters, and I believe had we staid longer among
them we shou'd have done well.
11. Weigh'd and came to sail, and stretch'd clear of the bar.
Named the harbour we had left, after our Captain.45 Standing to
the South.
At anchor in Columbia's River.
12. N. Latt. 46° 7'; W. Long. 122° 47'. This day saw an
appearance of a spacious harbour abreast the Ship, haul'd our wind
for it, observ'd two sand bars making off, with a passage between
them to a fine river. Out pinnace and sent her in ahead and followed with the Ship under short sail, carried in from y three to
7 fm. and when over the bar had 10 fm. water, quite fresh. The
River extended to the NE. as far as eye cou'd reach, and water
44 The saved fragment of Captain Gray's log does not mention this attack. Later, when
the Columbia met the sloop Adventure, Captain Haswell of the latter wrote in his journal
under date of June 14, 1792: "They discovered a harbor in lititude 46° 53' N. and longitude 122° 51' W. This is Gray's Harbor. Here they were attacked by the natives, and
the savages had a considerable slaughter made among them.." (Bancroft, Northwest Coast,
Vol. I., p. 731.) In the same volume, page 260, Bancroft says, in note 44, "The fight is
not mentioned in the Columbia's log, and may therefore be an error of Haswell." If Bancroft had had access to this Boit journal, he would not have written that note.
45 This frank statement reveals just how Gray's Harbor got its name. Captain Gray
had named it Bulfinch Harbor after Charles Bulfinch of Boston, one of the owners of his
vessel. The saved fragment of his log does not give the entry bestowing that name but on
3May 11, 1792, the entry says: ' At 8 P. M. the entrance of Bulfinch's harbor bore north,
distance four miles." In the Ingraham manuscript journal the chart- shows "Bulfinches
Harbor." Haswell's journal (note 44, above) shows that he reflected the will of the men
in calling the harbor after their captain. On October 18, when leaving the northwest; coast,
Captain Vancouver ordered Joseph Whidbey in the supply ship Daedalus to take one of the
Discovery's boats "to examine Gray's harbour, said to be situated in latitude 46" 53'." Thus
the English journals and charts at once used Grays Harbor instead of "Bulfinch Harbor."
In 1838, Charles Bulfinch then seventy-five years of age, was appealed to for certified copies
of the Columbia's log to sustain claims before the Government. In these he made it clear
that Captain Gray had called his discovery "Bulflnch's harbor." New Log of the Columbia
33
fit to drink as far down as the Bars, at the entrance.46 We directed
our course up this noble River in search of a Village. The beach
was lin'd with Natives, who ran along shore following the Ship.
Soon after, above 20 Canoes came off, and brought a good lot of
Furs, and Salmon, which last they sold two for a board Nail. The
furs we likewise bought cheap, for Copper and Cloth. They appear'd to view the Ship with the greatest astonishment and no
doubt we was the first civilized people that they ever saw. We
observ'd some of the same people we had before seen at Gray's
harbour, and perhaps that was a branch of this same River. At
length we arriv'd opposite to a large village, situate on the North
side of the River, about 5 leagues from the entrance. Came to in
10 fm. sand, about y mile from shore. The River at this place
was about 4 miles over. We purchas'd 4 Otter Skins for a Sheet
of Copper, Beaver Skins, 2 Spikes each, and other land furs, 1
Spike each.
We lay in this place till the 20th May, during which time we
put the Ship in good order and fill'd up all the water casks along
side, it being veiy good. These Natives talk'd the same language
as those farther South, but we cou'd not learn it. Observ'd that
the canoes that came from down river, brought no otter skins, and
I believe the otter constantly keeps in Salt water. They however
always came well stocked with land furs, and capital Salmon. The
tide set down the whole time and was rapid.   Whole trees some-
46 This is the great Columbia River. Jonathan Carver in 1766-1767, while travelling
"through the interior parts of North America," obtained information which caused him to
surmise the existence of the "River Oregon, or the River of the West." It is now believed
that he coined the word "Oregon." (Carver's Travels, 1796 edition, pp. v and 48.) In
1775, the Spanish explorer, Captain Bruno Heceta, called the north cape San Roque and
the south cape, Cabo Frondoso. The bay between them he called Bahia de la Asuncion.
Later the Spaniards changed this name to Ensenada de Heceta. They hinted at a river
flowing into the bay. The British trader and explorer, Captain John Meares, in 1788, sought,
but did not find, that river. He wrote: "We can now with safety assert, that no such
river as that of Saint Roc [Roque] exists, as laid down in the Spanish charts." To show his
feelings he gave the bay and northern promontory their permanent names of Deception Bay
and Cape Disappointment. (John Meares, Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789, from
China to the N. W. Coast of America, London, 1791, Vol. I., p. 270.) The date of May 12,
1792, recorded by Mr. Boit, is evidently an error of one day. The date commonly accepted
for this important event in American history Is May 11. However, there is room for curious
confusion in the saved fragment; of the Columbia's official log, where the evening hours of
May 10 are carried over into the entry of May 11, as will be seen in the following transcript:
"May 10.—Fresh breezes and pleasant weather ;■ many natives alongside; at noon, all
the canoes left us. At 1 P. M. began to unmoor, took up the best bower-anchor, and hove
short on the small bower-anchor. At half past 4, (being high water,) hove up the anchor,
an<l came to sail and a beating down the harbor.
"May 11.—At half past 7, we were out clear of the bars, and directed our course to
the southward, along shore. At 8 P. M. the entrance to Bulflnch's harbor bore north, distance four miles: tlie southern extremity of the land bore south-southeast half east, and
the northern north-northwest: sent up the main top-gallant yard and set all sail. At 4
A. M. saw the entrance of our desired port bearing east-southeast, distance six leagues; in
steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. At 8 A. M., being a little to windward of
the entrance of the harbor, bore away and run in east-northeast between the breakers, having
from five to seven fathoms of water. When we were over thel bar, we found this to be a
large river of fresh water, up which we steered. Many canoes came alongside. At 1 P. M.
came to with the small bower, in ten fathoms, black and white sand. The entrance between
the bars bore west southwest, distant ten miles: The north side of the river a half mile
distant from the ship; the south side of the same two and a half miles distance; a village
on the north side of the river west by north, distant three quarters of a mile. Vast numbers
of natives came alongside; people employed in pumping the salt water out of our water-
casks, In order to All with fresh, while the ship floated in.    So ends." 34
John Boit
times come down with the Stream. The Indians inform'd us there
was 50 Villages on the banks of this river.
15. N. Latt. 46° 7'; W. Long. 122° 47'. On the 15th took up
the anchor, and stood up River, but soon found the water to be
shoal so that the Ship took the ground, after proceeding 7 or 8
miles from our first station.47 However soon got off again. Sent
the Cutter and found the main Channel was on the South side,
and that there was a sand bank in the middle. As we did not expect
to procure Otter furs at any distance from the Sea, we contented
ourselves in our present situation, which was a very pleasant one.
I landed abreast the ship with Capt. Gray to view the Country and
take possession,* leaving charge with the 2d Officer. Found much
clear ground, fit for cultivation, and the woods mostly clear from
underbrush.   None of the Natives come near us.
18. Shifted the Ship's berth to her Old Station' abreast the
Village Chinook,46 command'd by a chief named Polack. Vast
many canoes, full of Indians, from different parts of the River
were constantly along side. Capt. Gray named this river Columbia's, and the North entrance Cape Hancock, and the South Point,
47 Here is a confusion of distances. In his entry of May 12, above, Mr. Bolt says they
anchored near an Indian village "about 5 leagues from the entrance." Here on May 15,
he says they had proceeded up the river "7 or 8 miles from our first station." Counting the
league to be three miles, the total distance up the river was twenty-three miles according to
this Boit journal. The original log of the Columbia gives the first anchorage as ten miles
from the entrance. (See note 46, above.) And that same log says, under lie date of May
14, "at 4 P. M. we had sailed upwards of twelve or fifteen miles, when the) channel was so
very narrow that it was almost impossible to keep in it." Captain Gray's estimate Is thus
a total distance of twenty-two or twenty-five miles. It is interesting to note hat the two
records are still one day apart. Mr. Boit records the journey up the river as on JMay 15,
while Captain Gray gives the date as May 14. Hubert Howe Bancroft dismisses such
differences as follows: "I shall have occasion in this and later volumes to name the works
in which Gray's voyage is described or mentioned; but none of them add anything to the
original log which I have cited; and the errors made are not sufficiently important to be
noted." (Northwest Coast, Volume I., page 260, note 46.) Lieutenant W. R. Broughton
in the Chatham entered the river on October 21, 1792, and made an) extensive examination
which he later reported to his chief, Captain George Vancouver. About the lower portion
of the river, Vancouver says: "Mr. Broughton had, for his guidance thus far up the inlet,
a chart by Mr. Gray, who had commanded the American ship Columbia; but it did not
much resemble what it purported to represent." This ungracious fling was more than redeemed when Mr.. Broughton gave the name Gray's Bay in honor of the American discoverer.
He stated that the bay "terminated the researches of Mr. Gray." This would give Gray's
distance from the entrance to be between fifteen and sixteen miles. Broughton held that to
be not a part of the river. He left the Chatham there and with the cutter and launch proceeded up the river to what he named Point Vancouver. There he calculated his distance
to be "from what he considered the entrance of the river, to be 84, and from the Chatham,
100 miles." (Vancouver's Voyage of Discovery Round the World, second edition, Vol. IH.,
pp. 87, 91, 108.) No effort was made by Broughton or Vancouver to change the name given
by Captain Gray to the river. Confusion has arisen as to the exact location of Broughton's
"Point Vancouver." The question is carefully studied by T. C. Elliott in The Quarterly of
the Oregon Historical Society. Volume XVIII,, pages 73-82 (June, 1917.) After visiting
the place with interested friends on the anniversary, October 30, 1916, be says: "It at
once became conclusive that Point Vancouver is that low and quite broad point of land
situated southeast from Washougal and southwest from Cape Horn, Washington, and nearly
opposite to the railway station of Corbett, Oregon; * * * it has come to be known by
the river men as Cottonwood Point."
* The words "and take possession" were inserted at a later time and are In quite a
different ink.—W. C. F.
48 Gray's log gives the spelling Chinouk. It is probably the first time that the name
of the later famous jargon or trade language was recorded. An early settlement of white
people on Baker Bay, nearer the mouth of the river, has retained the name of Chinook. I
New Log of the Columbia
35
Adams.49 This River in my opinion, wou'd be a fine place for to
set up a Factory. The Indians are very numerous, and appear'd
very civil (not even offering to steal). During our short stay we
collected 150 Otter, 300 Beaver, and twice the Number of other
land furs. The river abounds with excellent Salmon, and most
other Rivef fish, and the Woods with plenty of Moose and Deer,
the skins of which was brought us in great plenty, and the Banks
produces a ground Nut, which is an excellent substitute for either
bread or Potatoes. We found plenty of Oak, Ash, and Walnut50
trees, and clear ground in plenty, which with little labour might
be made fit to raise such seeds as is necessary for the sustenance
of inhabitants, and in short a factory set up here, and another at
Hancock's River, in the Queen Charlotte Isles, wou'd engross the
whole trade of the NW. Coast (with the help [of] a few small
coasting vessells).
20. This day left Columbia's River, and stood clear of the
bars, and bore off to the Northward.51 The Men, at Columbia's
River, are strait limb'd, fine looking fellows, and the Women are
very pretty. They are all in a state of Nature, except the females,
who wear a leaf Apron — (perhaps 't was a fig leaf. But some of
our gentlemen, that examin'd them pretty close, and near, both
within and without reported, that it was not a leaf, but a nice wove
mat in resemblance!! and so we go — thus, thus — and no War! —!
21. N. Latt. 47° 55'. Abreast the Village Goliu, hove to and
purchas'd some Skins from the Natives, then bore off to the North
and West.
22. N. Latt. 48° 20'; W. Long. 124° 32'. Saw Tatooch's Isle
and Cape Flattery, on the S. and E. entrance of Juan De Fuca
straits (bound to the North'd) for to meet the Sloop Adventure.
23. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 126° 0' O  <L   *    <L.
Clioquot harbour, fine fresh gales, at SE.
24. N. Latt. 50° 10'; W. Long. 128° 10'. Pass'd Woody
point, at 2 miles distant. Several canoes put off from Columbia's
Cove, but we did not stop.
49 The name Cape Hancock has not replaced the older name, Cape Disappointment but
Point Adams has remained as given by these Americans. Vancouver accepted it, saying in
his journal (as above cited, page 88,) "Point Adams is a. low, narrow, sandy, spit of land,
projecting northerly Into the ocean, and lies from Cape Disappointment, S. 44 B. about
four miles distant."
50 As in the cases of turkeys and buffaloes cited above, this is an error. There were
no walnut trees Indigenuous to this region.
51 This date is the same as in the official log. As shown above, Mr. Boit's journal was
one day ahead on two other entries, including the day of entering the river. (Notes 46 and
47 above.)    3The two journals synchronize again on this date of departure. 36
John Boit
At anchor in St. Patrick harbour.
25. N. Latt. 50° 30'; W. Long. 128° 30'. This day the Ship
being abreast a fine inlet, dispatch'd Mr. Smith, in the Cutter to
examine it. Soon after the Boat had a signal for a harbour. Haul'd
our wind and stood in shore and anchor'd 15 fm. mud and sand,
in a complete Snug Cove. Many canoes came along side, full of
Indians. They was all dress'd in War Armour, and completely
arm'd with Bows, arrows and Spears, and had altogether quite a
savage appearance. I believe they was fearful we shou'd rob their
village, which was at no great distance as they appear'd much
agitated. However soon began a brisk trade for Otter furs. We
landed, with the boats, and got Wood and Broom Stuff, but the
Indians wishing to be troublesome, soon give over this business —
indeed I was oblidged to knock one of them down with my Musket.52
At anchor in Columbia's Cove.
28. N. Latt. 50° 30'; W. Long. 128° 30' O <L. Weigh'd
and came to sail, and left this harbour, which we named St. Patrick's.53 The Indians were much the same as the Nootka tribes.
Standing towards Woody point, which was in sight. Towards
evening, anchor'd in Columbia's Cove,54 in our former berth, past
many natives along side, and seem'd much pleased at our visiting
them again.
29. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 12'. Vast concourse of
Indians off, among whom was Necklar chief of the sound. They
brought many more furs than they did the last season we visited
them. Found these Natives so chearful and oblidging, that we did
not apprehend any danger in sending parties on shore after Wood
and Water. However, they soon discover'd our Crew was diminish'd, and was very inquisitive for to know what had become of
the rest of us. We thought prudent for to tell them that they was
asleep below. I mistrust that the Indians did not believe us, but
probably supposed our Shipmates had been kill'd. At 10 in the
evening, a number of large canoes full of People, came into the
52 Dr. John McLoughlin, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, had a similar
experience near Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia River, when the Indians demanded pay
for the stones a ship was taking for ballast. "This Dr. McLoughlin regarded as the most
unjustifiable impudence he ever encountered, and he was mildly furious. Seizing a stone
and thrusting it into the mouth of the chief, he shouted, 'Pay? pay? Eat that, you rascal,
and then I will pay you for what the ship eats!" (Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Vol. I.,
pp. 433-434, note 21.)
53 This name has not remained. From the latitude given it must have been in the
vicinity of the present Quoatsino Sound. Seven years before, in 1785, the British captain,
James Hanna, named a bay nearer the northwestern extremity of the present Vancouver
Island, St. Patrick's Bay. This name has 'also disappeared. The Spaniards called it "San
Josef" and the map of the Province of British Columbia, by the Commissioner of Lands
and Works,  1912,  retains the Spanish name.
54.    Nasparte Inlet.     (See note 7, above.) New Log of the Columbia
37
Cove. They halted near some rocks about Pistol shot from the
Ship, and there waited about ten minutes, during which time all
hands was brought to arms, upon deck in readiness to receive them.
Soon after a large War Canoe, with above 25 Indians, paddled off
for the SHip. We hail'd them, but they still persisted, and other
canoes was seen following, upon which Capt. Gray order'd us to
fire, which we did so effectually as to kill or wound every soul in
the canoe. She drifted along side, but we push'd her clear, and
she drove to the North side of the Cove, under the shade of the
trees. 'T was bright moon- light and the woods echoed with the
dying groans of these unfortunate Savages. We observ'd many
canoes passing and repassing the Cove, at a small distance, in all
probability they was after the poor dead Indians. They soon after
ceas'd groaning, and we neither see nor heard any thing of them
after.
We always found these Natives very friendly but they soon
discover'd how thin the Ship's Company was now to what it was
when we visited them before, and I believe it is impossible to keep
friends with savages any longer than they stand in fear of you. But
I cannot think they had any intention of boarding the Ship but
were after a small anchor, which they in the course of the day see
placed on some rocks (above water) for to steady the Ship, and
when taken off at dusk they had left the Ship. But still they was
daring fellows, to think they cou'd steal the anchor of a moon light
night, within pistol shot of the Ship. Capt. Gray did not wish to
fire upon them, for we cou'd easily have blown them to pieces,
while they was holding a conference abreast the Rocks. They first
stopt all by firing a cannon or two among them, and the reason we
suffer'd them to approach so near before firing was that we were in
hopes they wou'd miss the Anchor and then leave the Cove, for we
wish'd much to keep friendly with these Indians, as this was the
appointed Rendezvous for to meet the Sloop.
Bound to the Northward.
30. This day unmoor'd and left Columbia's Cove, bound to
the Northward, having left a Board nail'd to a tree, just back of
the watering place, with the following inscription "Ship Columbia,
arriv'd May 28th Saild May 30th. Beware," that in case Capt.
Haswell shou'd arrive before us, he might be on his guard.
lune 1. N. Latt. 50° 7'; W. Long. 128° 30'; Amp'd 21° 20' E.
Head wind at NW. and squally weather. Ships Crew all well and
hearty.
Wi I 38
John Boit
4. N. Latt. 51° 0'; W. Long. 129° 1'. Some Canoes full of
Indians came off from the Shore, abreast the Ship, and many
valuable skins was purchas'd. Iron seem'd most in demand. These
fellows soon grew saucy, and threw a number of stones, at our
people, but as we did not wish, (if possible) to avoid it, for to
shoot the poor mistaken savages, we bore off to the Northward,
keeping in sounding from 30 to 20 fm., 2 miles off shore.
Pinta3rd's Straits.
5. N. Latt. 51° 30'; W.Long. 129° 30'; Azi. 20° 30'E. This
day saw a large entrance in the land, between two points, above 4
leagues wide.55 We haul'd in for the same and when between the
points had no bottom with 30 fm. We directed our [course?]
about Ej^S and cou'd not see the Land to the East. The Ship
went in exceeding fast with a strong tide in favour. Water was
quite salt, which prov'd it not to be a River. Observ'd many high
Rocks and small Isles, scatter'd about in this famous Straits. Kept
the Lead going but got no bottom with 30 fm. line, and saw no signs
of Indians. Towards dark stretch'd close in to the South Shore,
for anchorage, but found none. Kept working under short sail
all night, making short boards. No ground in any direction with
120 fm. line.
6. Azi. 20° 30' E. Bore away up sound, in pursuit of anchorage and Natives. At length, after advancing 15 leagues up sound,
we .came to, within stone's throw of the beach, in 20 fm. water,
sandy bottom, upon the South shore.
7. I went on shore abreast the Ship, with two boats after
wood, took the Carpenter with me for to cut a Mizen topmast.
We had not been long at work, in the Woods before above 200
Indians, of a sudden rush'd out upon us. The carpenter being some
way from the rest of the party, got nearly surrounded, and was
oblidged to fly, leaving his Broad Axe behind. I immediately rallied
my people together, and retreated slowly, at the same time fir'd a
few Musketts over their heads which kept them in check. At
length they advanced so near as to throw their Spears. We then
discharg'd our Musketts and killd several. However they still persisted, and I believe if we had not got to the beach (clear from
the woods) that we shou'd have been overpow'd. They heard the
reports of the Musketts on board, but never dreamt that we [were]
55 This waterway had been named Queen Charlotte Sound by one of the officers on the
British ship Experiment in 1786. It was an honor for the wife of King George III. For
a discussion of the uncertainty as to -which officer did the naming, see Walbron, British
Columbia Coast Names, pages 410-411. The Americans Bought to name the Inlet "Pintard's
Sound" in honor of J. M. Pintanl, of Boston, one of the owners of the Columbia. Captain
Ingraham's manuscript chart shows also this same attempt at an American name. New Log of the Columbia
39
attack'd by Indians, as none had been seen before. Immediately
as we made our appearance the Ship cover'd us with the Cannon
and the Grape and round shot, must have done considerable damage to our pursuers, as they fell just into the brink of the wood,
where the thickest of the Indians was. This soon dispers'd them,
and we got all safe on board. Some of these fellows afterwards
came down abreast the Ship and brandished their Weapons at us,
bidding defiance.
8. N. Latt. 51° 30'; W. Long. 129° 30'; or thereabouts. Got
under way bound farther up the Straits and towards evening luff'd
into a small bend of the land, and came to in 17 fathom close to
the shore. A few canoes, with Indians came off, who talk'd the
Nootka language. They infoim'd that in two days, through the
woods, they cou'd reach Nootka Sound and indeed, the Ship was
at Anchor near to a Mountain, which is plainly in view at Friendly
Cove, (Nootka Sound).50
9. Many canoes of this day, and plenty of fine Otter Skins
was purchas'd. About Noon, 20 large War Canoes hove in sight,
with above 30 Men in each, and we soon discern'd with our Glasses
that they was all arm'd, with Spears and Arrows. The friendly
Indians that was trading along side, told us these people had come
to fight, and belong'd to the tribe we had fir'd at two days before,
when attack'd upon the beach. Capt. Gray thought it not safe to
admit them along side at once, and therefore order'd them, when
within hail, for to keep off, and not but one canoe come along side
at a time. They obey'd the command, and one canoe, with 42 men
came alongside, but had only a skin or two. We soon discover'd
that the main body of canoes was paddling towards us, singing a
War Song. We fir'd a cannon and some Muskets over their heads.
At this they mov'd off about 100 yds. and again halted. A Small
Canoe, with a Chief, (paddled by two Indians) kept constantly
plying between the Ship and the main body of the Canoes, counting
our men, and talking earnestly to the Natives along side, encouraging them to begin the attack. He was suffer'd to proceed in this
manner some time, when Capt. Gray told him to come near the
Ship no more, but he still persisted, and was shot dead for his
temerity. Also the Chief Warrior, of the Canoe along side, was
shot, for throwing his Spear into the Ship. They then made a
precipitate retreat, and the trading Indians, who had kept at a
small distance viewing the transactions, again recommenced their
trade with us.    They inform'd us these Indians, who meant to
56 He here hints at what Vancouver was soon to prove, that Nootka  Sound is not a
mainland harbor. 40
John Boit
attack us, was of another tribe with them. Canoes with Indians,
came along side and traded away their Otter Skins, but not without Manifest signs of fear.
12. The Natives kept bringing furs, which we purchas'd for
Copper and Cloth.   Iron very dull sale.
From Pintard's Straits to Columbia's Cove.
13. Weigh'd and came to sail, standing down straits saw a
number of fishing canoes, at a distance but none came near. Towards evening came to in 16 fm. at our former anchorage. See
no Indians.
14. Fair wind and pleasant, weigh'd and stood down straits,
and at 9 in the evening got clear out bound to Columbia's Cove,
our place of Rendezvous. Shou'd these straits join with Juan da
Fuca, which perhaps it does, it must make the whole Coast between
the Latitudes of 48° 15' and 51° 30' North and Longitudes 120° 57'
and 129° 30' W. a vast Archipalago of Islands.57 We named the
port we had entred Pintards,- after one of the owners, and I've no
doubt we are the first discoverers.58 It is certainly the most dangerous navigation we have experienced being full of Ledges, small
Isles, no soundings and excessive strong tides. But I think it
affords the most Sea Otter skins. We procured upwards of 300
hundred, during our stay, and saild up this straits more than 100
miles, and cou'd see no end. At our last anchorage, or rather the
highest up the shore seem'd to trend about ESE.
15. N. Latt. 51° 17'; Amp'd 21° 14' E. Head wind beating
to and fro, making slow progress. The entrance of Pintards straits
bore East, 3 or 4 leagues, 70 fm. water.
17. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 12' O <T. Fresh breezes.
This day spoke the Sloop Adventure, Capt. Haswell, sent our boat
and Capt. Haswell came on board the Ship. Bore off the Cove.
'T is remarkable that we both meet within 12 league of our Rendezvous bound in. The chief of the Sloop's Cruize had been about the
Charlotte Isles, and had collected about 500 Skins, all prime. On
the 24th of April Capt. Haswell fell in with the Ship Margaret of
of Boston, James Magee Master.59   They was on the same business
57 Another hint at the Impending discovery.
58 They were real discoverers of that portion of the great waterway. The British
officers had discovered and named the entrance and Vancouver was to approach in that same
summer from the opposite entrance. Those Americans got little or no credit for that geographic discovery but, as Mr. Boit says, they got many sea otter skins.
50 Haswell's journal for the date of this meeting, June 17, 1792, contains a brief
account of the Columbia's experiences. Mr. Boit's effort to tell about Haswell's doings
fixes on the wrong date. The meeting with Captain Magee was on May 7, instead of April
24. In seeking Captain Magee, Haswell says: ' I had been informed by some of Coyah's
tribe that there was a ship lying at Barrel's Tnlet, and I had little reason to doubt them,
as one of the natives had a jacket and trousers they had purchased of them, on the buttons
of which was printed, Long live the President, G. W." (Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Vol. I.,
p. 729.) Captain Magee had brought letters from home greatly appreciated by Captain
Haswell and the other Americans. New Log of the Columbia
41
as ourselves. At 5 P. M. past Woody point, and at 7 anchored in
company with the Sloop, in Columbia's Cove. A few Natives ventured along side, after much coaxing. (Found the Inscription at
the watering place unmolested.) Took the Skins from Sloop on
board ship. Sent parties on shore, well arm'd after wood and
water.   Purchas'd some furs.
20. Haul'd the Sloop on shore, and graved her. Capt. Haswell says she is an excellent sea boat, and sails very well. The
Indians among whom he traded never offer'd insult.
21. Got the Sloop off the ways, and fitted her for another
Cruize.
24. Weigh'd and sail'd from the Cove, in company with the
Adventure, bound to Queen Charlotte Isles.
25. N. Latt. 50° 37'; W. Long. 129° 55'. Fair wind and
moderate breezes. Sloop in company. The coast about 8 leagues
distance.
28. N. Latt. 52° 18'; W. Long. 129° 15'. Fresh winds, all
sail out running along shore, about 3 leagues distance, with smooth
sea. Sloop about 2 miles a head. At 2 P. M. the Ship struck a
Rock, which lay about 7 feet under water and did not break, hove
all aback, and she came off clear, try'd the pump, and found she
leak'd 1000 smart strokes per Hour, sounded along the Rock, and
found no ground at 70 fm. Hoisted a signal for the Sloop, and
she immediately haul'd her wind for us. Stood off, both pumps
just keeps the leak under. In the morning bore off to the Northward.
29. N. Latt. 53° 1'; W. Long. 131° 41'. Came on a hard gale
of wind, and although we kept firing Cannon through the night the
Sloop parted from us, as 't was very thick in the morning. The
leaks rather increas'd, and our feelings was not the most agreeable
on the occasion.60
Oee Queen Charlotte Isles (South part).
30. N. Latt. 51° 57'; W. Long. 131° 10'. This day see the
Queen Charlotte Isles, stood in pretty close to the South pt. and
fother'd the Ship with a topsail which we had previously prepared
for that purpose.   This, fortunately for us, stop'd the leak one half.
July 1. N. Latt. 51° 48'. Close in off the South pt. of Queen
Charlotte Isles from which lay many detach'd Rocks.   We pass'd
60 Captain Haswell, in the sloop, was fearful that the Columbia had foundered and
stood to and fro all day near the place of separation. He worried over the matter until he
met Captain Ingraham, In the Hope, on August 21. He then learned that Captain Gray
was repairing the Columbia at Nootka.    (Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Vol. I., p. 734.) 42
John Boit
the pt. within two or three miles and left many breakers without
us in the Offing.   We wish to get into Barrells sound.
2. N. Latt. 51° 49'; W. Long. 130° 30'. Saw the entrance
of Barrells sound, bearing NW., the wind direct in our teeth.
Employ'd turning to windwards, with all the Elements against us.
Crew all in brave health.
3. Employ'd beating to windward through the night, in the
morning spoke the Ship Margaret, James Magee, Master. Capt.
Gray went on board the Margaret, and found Capt. Magee very
sick. This ship stopt a few days at the Cape De Verds, and made
her passage in 6 months. They had not been very fortunate in
trade. Bore away to the Southward, in company with Capt. Magee,
bound to Columbia's Cove, for the purpose of examining the Columbia's bottom.   Fair wind at NW.
At anchor in Columbia's Cove.
5. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 0'. This day came to in
Columbia's Cove in company with the Margaret. Several canoes
came along side, and the Natives appear'd quite chearfull.
6. Hoisted all our Cannon, in the longboats of both Ships,
made a raft of our spare spars on which we put everything possible
that wou'd not damage.   Sturck yards and topmasts.    So ends.
7. Took up the Anchor, and hauld the Ship on shore, on a
fine beach, at high tide. When the tide ebb'd, 't was discover'd
that the Ship's keel was split, and the lower part of the Stem was
entirely gone, within 2 inches of the Wood ends, a great deal of
Sheathing was off, and three of the plank next to Garboard Streak
was stove on the larboard side. The Carpenters went to work and
put in new pieces of plank but it was found impracticable to pretend
to repair the bows without heaving down, or some such method, and
this cou'd not be done in our present situation. Nootka Sound,
where we knew there was a Spanish settlement, Capt. Gray tho't
the most proper place, and we all concur'd in the opinion.
8. Hauld the Ship off, and soon got ready to leave the Cove.
Bound to NooT33ka Sound.
10. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 0'. This day weigh'd,
and again left the Cove, in company with the Margarett, standing
towards Nootka, but overshot it in the Night, which is a misfortune.
11. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 125° 26'. Abreast Clioquot
harbour, and as it's in vain to beat to Nootka with a strong breeze New Log of the Columbia
43
a head, we bore up, and towards evening, in company with the
Margaret, anchor'd in Clioquot harbour. The Natives were at first
shy, but we prevail'd on some of them to come on board.
12. Capt. Gray, having met with Wickananish on board the
Margaret, prevail'd on him to visit the Columbia, but he did not
appear happy. However 't was the means of getting more Skins',
than we otherwise should have done. Employ'd wooding and watering (abreast the Ship) and under cover of her Guns.
15. This day arriv'd in the Harbour the English Brig Venus,
Henry Sheppard Master, 6 months from Bengali in India. I went
off to him in the offing, and piloted his Brig to the harbour. He
inform'd us that at a small harbour in De Fuca straits, where he
was at anchor a few days since, there was a Spanish settlement,
where lay a Spanish 64, the master of which while amusing himself
in shooting back in the woods, was kill'd by the Indians, in consequence of which the Spaniards seized a Canoe full of Natives and
massacred them all (in cold blood) not even sparing Children.
Shocking to relate!61
17. Weigh'd with a fair wind, and left Clioquot bound to
Nootka sound, to repair the Ship, under the protection of the
Spaniards. Left the Ship and Brig behind. The wind soon came a
head, and we began turning to windward, without making much
progress.   However we shall reach it by perseverance.
19. N. Latt. 49° 0'; W. Long. 125° 0'. Bad weather and the
wind direct ahead. This day stood in and anchor'd in Clioquot
harbour. Found the Ship made a poor hand beating to windward,
without a Stem. Found the Brig Venus here, but Capt. Magee had
sail'd.   No canoes off.
20. Wind favorable, weather more settled. Weigh'd at Daylight, in company with the Venus, and stood to sea. Wind soon
haul'd in its old quarter. Employ'd beating to windward towards
Nootka Sound.
21. N. Latt. 49° 17'; W. Long. 126° (Y. Wind still at WNW.
and fair weather. Saw Breakers point NW. 4 leagues, making
short hanks.
22. Weathered away Breakers point and stood towards Nootka
Sound.    Observ'd the Spanish Colours flying at the Entrance of
61 Captain Ingraham's manuscript journal mentions the Spanish officer and, later, while
complaining of the natives of Neah Bay lurking about the shipping, says: "What their
motive was I cannot say unless In hopes of some opportunity to be revenged on Senor
Fidalgo who lt seems kill'd 8 men as a retaliation for the life of the offlcer before mentioned, this circumstance seem'd to have a very sensible effect on these people for when
ever anything relative to the affair was mentioned it would occasion a tremour and every
one was ready to say it was none of their tribe Ac. If the innocent were punlsh'd and the
guilty escaped it was a pity but how was any one to ascertain the guilty person as no one
would come forward to acuse him or them hence Senor Fidalgo to convince them such enormities would net be passed over with Impunity thought proper to make an example of the
flrst he met with after the death of bis unfortunate Officer and much esteemed friend." John Boit
Friendly Cove, but the tide swept us so strong towards some
breakers on the East shore, and the wind being light oblidg'd us to
Anchor in 16 fm. rocky bottom. Hoisted our Ensign in a Wiff
and fire a Gun for assistance which was answered by the Spaniards.
Soon after see several Boats rowing towards us.   Quite calm.
23. The Boats got alongside. They was sent by the Spanish
Admirall to our assistance (except one, from an English Store Ship,
under charge of Mr. Neal, the 1st Officer). This Ship was sent
out by the British Government, with Stores for Capt. Vancoover,
who had not yet arriv'd at the Sound. The Spanish boats was under
the charge of a Pilot, who had order to Get the Ship to the Cove,
and lend every assistance.
At anchor in Nootka Sound.
24. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Light breeze from
the South'd and East'd. Weigh'd and came to sail, under conduct
of the Spanish Pilot, who well knew his business, and was perfectly acquainted with the soundings and tides. Upon passing the
Spanish fort, at the Entrance of the Cove, we saluted with 7 Guns,
which was return'd. Towards evening came to, in Friendly Cove
(Nootka sound). Found riding here the Store Ship, a Spanish
Sloop of War, and the Brig Venus. The Spaniards treated us
nobly, and offer'd freely every assistance in their power. We lay
in this place till the 23d August. Shall give the Minutes of our
transactions during that period.
25. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Discharg'd the
Ship's Cargo and stores, and stored them in a house on shore which
the Spaniards had lent us for that purpose. Strip'd the Ship to a
Gutline, and got the riging all on shore to repair. The Spanish
governor seem'd highly pleas'd with the dispatch that took place;
indeed ev'ry man in the Columbia was anxious to get the Ship in
readiness to pursue her Voyage, well knowing that the time drew
nigh when we shou'd again be sailing towards our friends in
America, and our sweet anticipation of the joys that await us there
made us use ev'ry effort. This Spanish settlement at Nootka, contained about 50 Houses, indifferently built (except the Govenror's,
which was rather grand than otherways). There was about 200
Inhabitants, consisting of Spaniards and Peru Indians, but no
females. Their fort was no great thing, mounted with 6 twenty
four and thirty six pounders—the platforms would not bear the
weight of metal. There was two Botanists resided with the Gov-
ernour. ■ Capt. Gray took up his lodgings at the governor's request,
at his house. New Log of the Columbia
45
29. Don. Van Francisco De La Vondego,62 which was the
name of the Governor, gave a grand entertainment, at his house, at
which all the Officers of the Fleet partook. Fifty four persons sat
down to Dinner, and the plates, which was solid silver was shifted
five times, which made 270 Plates. The Dishes, Knifes and forks,
and indeed eveiy thing else was of Silver, and always replaced
with spare ones. There cou'd be no mistake in this as they never
carried the dirty plates or Dishes from the Hall where we dined,
(as I thought, on purpose to let us see the quantity of plate used
by Spaniards in South America.)
31. This day got all ready to heave down, by the Spanish
Sloop of War, the Governor having granted us his permission.
August 1. Haul'd along side the Spanish Ship, fix'd our purchases to her, and soon had the Columbia keel out. But was
oblidg'd to right her again, as she made too much water, her upper
works being quite weak. Capt. Gray determin'd to give over the
Idea of heaving her out, and accordingly gave orders to prepare to
lay her ashore on blocks.
2. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. This day haul'd
the Ship upon the beach at high water, and placed a long round log
along her keel fore and aft, endeavouring to trip her over it, but
the Bottom being so flat, she wou'd turn keel out. Other log was
laid, and moor'd with Cannon on the Beach, with an intention of
laying the Ship's Fore foot on them, which we accordingly did at
high water, the logs laying as far aft as the fore Chains. This
method answered our most sanguine expectations. At low water,
or half ebb, the ship's bows lay'd four feet above the beach. In this
situation we scuttled her Aft, so as to keep her steady in her berth,
at high water. In three days, by the assistance of the Spanish and
English Carpenters, a New Stem and part of the Cutwater was put
to the Ship. Stopt the Scuttle, grav'd the Ship, and haul'd off to
our Moorings.
8. The Spaniards view'd us, with astonishment, and the
Governor observ'd that he believed we cou'd build a ship in a
month.
9. The Brig Hope, Joseph Ingrahim,63 arriv'd here, on the
1st from Canton, and sail'd this day on a Cruize.
62 Mr. Bolt here makes a sad mess of the name of Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra, after which he adds an unusually interesting item about the silver dishes at Nootka.
63 Captain Ingraham devoted his entry of this date to a discussion of the fine dignity
and courtesy of Captains Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra, representing Great Britain and
Spain under the treaty of October 27, 1790, iknown as the Nootka Convention. It may be
added that a full discussion of "The Nootka Sound Controversy" by William Ray Manning,
Ph.D., is published in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1904,
pages 279-478. It is devoted to the diplomacy between the two nations named but throws no
new light on Captain Gray's discoveries. 46
John Boit
10. On the 10th arrived here the ship Buttersworth, from
London, Wm. Brown Commander; Ship Margaret, James Magee,
and Brig Hope, Joseph Ingrahim.
11. And on the 11th arriv'd the Sloop Prince La Boo, Capt.
Gordon from London. These vessells were all in the fur trade.
The Laboo was a tender to the Buttersworth.
16. The Ship Margaret put to sea, under charge of Mr. Lamb,
1st Officer Capt. Magee residing with the Spanish governor for
the benefit of his health.
2.2 This Day the Columbia was ready for sea, and in fine
order.   Have painted her complete.
23. Arriv'd the English brig Three B's, Lieutenant Alder,
Commander, from London, on a trading Voyage.
Bound to Cha3rlotte Isles.
24. Weigh'd and came to sail, bound for Queen Charlotte
Isles, Barrells sound, those Isles being the appointed rendezvous,
for to meet the Adventure, Capt. Haswell. It is but doing Justice
to the Spaniards at Nootka sound to observe that during our tarry
among them we was treated with the greatest hospitality, and in
fact they seem'd to exert themselves, and to feel interested in our
behalf. May such fine fellows Never be in want of the like assist-
tance shou'd they ever stand in need of it from the hands of any
American. The Governor wou'd Not allow Capt. Gray for to pay
one farthing.
25. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Nootka sound is as
remarkable a place to know from seaward as any I know of. At
most times Iatheo peak (a mountain) in the form of a sugar loaf
can be seen, and there is none other that at all resembles it, on this
part of the Coast. A long low point, with high Breakers off it,
makes the SE. part of the Bay. The Western entrance of the sound
:runs down to a low point, with a small round Hill just back of
Friendly cove.
28. N. Latt. 51° 45'; W. Long. 130° 30'. This day made the
SE. part of the group of Charlotte Isles. A thick fog came on, so
that we cou'd not reach the sound. Employ'd beating off and on,
waiting for fair weather.
30. This day the weather clear'd and the Sloop Adventure
hove in sight standing for Barcl. [Barrells?]64 sound. This is the
second time we have met off the place of Rendezvous. Saluted each
other with 7 Guns.   Found Capt. Haswell and Crew all well, and
64 Mr. Ford's conjecture in brackets is correct. New Log of the Columbia
47
had made a successful cruize. We stood into Port Montgommery,85
a small harbour to the North'd of Barrells Sound, which the Adventure had visited before, and her Captain named it after our famous
American General who fell before Quebec while gloriously fighting
in the defence of our liberties. Graved the Sloop in this place, and
otheiways put her in fine order, to attract the eyes of the Spaniards
at Nootka, as Capt. Gray meant to sell her to them if possible. Cut
some spare spars at this place, and wooded and watered the Ship
for her passage to Canton. Many Natives visited us, and brought
plenty of fish but few furs. Took out the Skins from the Sloop
and stow'd them away on board the Ship.
Bound to Nootka Sound.
September 13. Weigh'd and stood to sea, in company with
the Adventure, bound to Nootka sound.
21. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Abreast the
Entrance of the Sound. A Spanish Brig in sight to leeward, which
hove to and fir'd a Gun. We immediately bore off for her. She
was the Acteva of 14 Guns, with the Spanish Governor of Nootka
on board, bound to Peru. He told Capt. Gray that he wou'd wait
10 days at a small Spanish settlement, in Juan De Fuca straits,
where he was then going, for to leave some orders, previous to his
leaving the Coast. He appear'd anxious to have the Sloop, and
Haswell was not backward in displaying her to the best advantage.
Towards evening we anchor'd in Friendly Cove, having saluted
the Spanish Governor with 13 Guns when we parted. Found riding in the Cove His Majesty's Ships Discovery and Chatham, The
Dedalus, Store Ship, Capt. [Thomas] New, Ship Margaret, of
Boston, Capt. Magee, English Brig Fens, Capt. Duffin, English
Sloop Jackhall, Capt. Steward, and a Spanish Line of Battle Ship
of 74 Guns. Spanish Colours still flying at the fort, the Governor
having refused to give up the Sound to Capt. Vancoover who was
authoriz'd by his Government for to take possession of it. However the Spaniards told Vancoover that he might have that particular place where Capt. [John] Mears made his small settlement,
and built a Sloop, which was very inconsiderable. Capt. Vancoover
insisted upon having the whole or none.   However they both agreed
65 Possibly the Carpenter Bay of the present charts. There is here another error in
dates. Captain Haswell gives this meeting as early on the morning of September 3 Instead
of the August 80 of the Bolt journal. Captain Haswell's first mention, of Port Montgomery
was on May 6, 1792. The name has not persisted. The American sought to be honored
was Richard Montgomery. On the rocks above Cape Diamond, near Quebec is an inscription:
"Here Major-General Montgomery fell, December 31,  1775." 48
John Boit
to let the business remain (in statu quo), to remain friends, and
write home to their respective Courts, on the subject of dispute.66
Juan de Fuca Straits.
22. Weigh'd in company with the Sloop, and left Nootka
bound to Port Ne-ar67 in Juan de Fuca straits. Fair wind and
pleasant weather.
23. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 125° 26' O <L . Close in with
Clioquot harbour. In the morning saw two Sail in the NW. At
Meridian Tatooch's Isle on the SE. entrance of the Straits bore
E,.yS. 8 or 9 leagues.
24. N. Latt. 48° 30'; W. Latt. [Long.] 123° 45'. Spoke the
Spanish Brig Acteva, with the Governor on board. They was much
suppriz'd at our being in the Straits as soon as they was. At dark the
Spanish Brig hove to under her tops'ls. We kept plying all night
for our Port, and in the Morning got safe to anchor in Co with the
Sloop Adventure. Found riding here the Spanish Ship Princessa
of 64 Guns, and Brig Hope, Capt. Ingrahim. This was a small,
good harbour, situate about 5 leagues from Cape Flattery, within
the straits of De Fuca. The Spaniards had erected a Cross upon
the beach, and had about 10 Houses and several good Gardens.
Several Natives along side, and a few prime Skins was purchas'd,
(with plenty of fine Halibut). I went with the Pinnace to the
Assistance of the Acteva, she having been oblidg'd to anchor near
Cape Flattery, in a dangerous situation. When I came on board,
instead of using every effort to get clear of Danger, they was performing Mass. However soon got under way and stood for Port
Ne-ar.88
25. N. Latt. 48° 35'; W. Long. 123° 30'. The Acteva
anchor'd in company.   Saluted the Governor with 13 Guns, which
66 Mr. Boit either did not hear about it or thought it unworthy of mention, the fact
that Captain Vancouver had completed the discovery he had hinted at on June 8 and 9.
(See above, notes 56 and 57.) On Wednesday, September 5, 1792, after returning from a
trip up Nootka Sound, Captain Vancouver made this entry in his journal: "In our conversation whilst on this little excursion, Senor Quadra had very earnestly requested that I
would name some port or island after us both, to commemorate our meeting and the very
friendly intercourse that had taken place and subsisted between us. Conceiving no spot so
proper for this demonstration as the place where we had first met, which was nearly in
the center of a tract of land that had first been circumnavigated by ns, forming the southwestern sides of the gulf of Georgia, and the southern sides of Johnstone's straits and Queen
Charlotte's sound, I named that country the island of Quadra and Vancouver; with which
compliment he seemed highly pleased." (Voyage of Disaovery Round the World, second
edition, Vol. n., p. 357.) The Spaniard's name has disappeared from recent charts, but
Mitchell's School Atlas, published in Philadelphia in 1851, showed the conjoined names on
the large island.
67 Neah Bay.
68 Captain Ingraham recites at some length the fact that he also went out to the
assistance of the Acteva, accompanied by 3M3r. Hoskins, supercargo of the Columbia. He
says he found Captain Bodega y Quadra angry that assistance had not been sent before. He
says he succeeded in explaining all to the satisfaction of their Spanish friend. New Log of the Columbia
49
was return'd.   Employ'd filling up our Water, and getting ready for
our passage across the Pacific Ocean.
26. Spanish Officers from both ships, together with Capt. Ingraham, dined on board the Columbia. Fired, on their coming, and
going away, two Foederall salutes.
27. Saild the Princessa for Nootka sound. Ships crew are all
in prime health. Natives constantly visit us, but they do not like the
Spaniards.
28. This day sold the Sloop Adventure to the Spanish Governor, for 72 Prime Sea Otter Skins, worth 55 Dollars each in
Canton, which is equal to 4960$., which at 50 per Ct. advance home,
is 7440 Spanish Piasters, a good price.89 He wanted her as a present to the Viceroy of Mexico. Before delivery we took out all her
provisions and stores, with a New Cable and Anchor.
29. Saild this day the Brig Acteva and Sloop Adventure,
under Spanish Colours, bound to Acapulco. We saluted on their
departure with 9 Guns which was return'd.
30. Weigh'd and saild from Port Near,70 bound across the
Straits for a Cove, call'd by us Poverty.11 Same evening anchor'd,
in 7 fathom. Found this harbour much snuger for our business.
The Indians brought a few Skins and plenty of fish and some train
oil, which last article we much wanted.
October 1. Employ'd wooding and watering and getting the
Ship in order.   Cut many spare spars.
3. Weigh'd for the last time on the NW Coast, and left Poverty Cove, bound for Canton in China, via Sandwich Islands.72 Our
feelings on this occasion are easier felt than described. Our friends
at Home and ev'ry endearing Idea rush'd so full upon us, and made
us so happy, that 't was impossible, for a while, to get the Ship in
69 Captain Haswell wrote on the same day: "In the morning Capt. Gray concluded
his bargain with Commander Quadra for the sloop, for which he received 75 sea-otter skins
of a superior quality." (Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Vol. I., p. 735.) That entry shows a
difference of three sea-otter sKihs in the two records. Mr. Boit has also made a blunder by
"carrying one" and making it $4960, instead of $3960 as the value received for the sloop.
70 Captain Ingraham had a very poor opinion of Neah Bay as a harbor. On September
28, 1792, he wrote: "I cannot imagine what the Spaniards promis'd themselves by forming
a settlement on this spot where it is 5 points of the compass open to the sea from WNW
to NBW so that it is almost as bad as being in the centre of the straights and I much
wonder how the Princessa road out 7 months in safety In such a place especially as the
bottom is very rocky in forming a new settlement I should suppose a good Harbour was the
first and most materiale thing to be sought for." Neah has remained one of the most substantial Indian villages In the Pacific Northwest.
71 Captain Ingraham's manuscript chart shows "Poverty Cove" to; be the same as Port
San Juan, on the southwestern, shore of Vancouver Island. After1 the sloop Adventure was
sold, Captain Haswell and his crew went on board the Columbia. His journal shows a few
brief entries after that transfer. He records the departure for "Port Poverty" as on
September 28, instead of September 30 as recorded by Mr. Boit. Captain Haswell gives the
reason for moving as follows: "As it was necessary to cut a large quantity of wood, and
a number of spars to last us to Boston, Capt. Gray concluded to go over to Port Poverty,
where it would be much more convenient, and much less danger of the natives." (Bancroft,
Northwest Coast, Vol. I., p.  735.)
72 The last entry in Captain Haswell's journal gives the date of departure the same as
In Mr.  Boit's journal. 50
John Boit
readiness for bad weather, and full allowance of Grog being serv'd
on the occasion, made our worthy Tars join in the general Mirth—
and so we go.
N. Latt. 48° 25'; W. Long. 123° 30'. At noon Cape Flattery
bore East 7 leagues. Steering SW. Wind NE. Soon lost sight of
the Mountains of North America.
9.    N. Latt. 44° 51'; W. Long. 128° 34'; Amp'd 14° 37' E.
11. N. Latt. 43° 7'; W. Long. 129° 5'; Amp'd 13° 17' E.
O <[.   Pleasant weather.   Wind at West.   Ship's Crew in health.
16. N. Latt. 34° 7'; W. Long. 138° 6'; Azi. 10° 58' E.
Pleasant gales and fair weather.
17. N. Latt. 32° 54'; W. Long. 138° 42'; Azi. 11° 46' E.
Pleasant gales and fair weather.
21. N. Latt. 28° 10'; W. Long. 142° 24'; Azi. 10° 0' E.
Crew all in health, and wind and weather propitious. Took NE
Trade winds this day.
26. N. Latt. 20° 15'; W. Long. 150° 39'; Azi. 6° 7'; Amp'd
6° 38' E.   Warm and pleasant, with a smooth sea.
28. N. Latt. 20° 5'; W. Long. 154° 52' * <r. Spoke the Brig
Fens, Capt. Duffan, bound to Canton. The first lieutenant*78 of
the Discovery, Capt. Vancoover, was a passenger on board this
Vessell, bound home, with dispatches for Government.
* Lieutenant Mudge?—W. O. F.
78 Mr. Ford's conjecture is correct. Captain Vancouver wrote: "Considering it an
indispensable duty, that the Lords of the Admiralty should, from under my own hand,
become acquainted with the whole of my negoclation at this port by the safest and most
expeditious conveyance, a passage was procured for my first lieutenant Mr. Mudge on board
the Fenis and St. Joseph, bound to China, from whence he is to proceed with all dispatch
to England.-" He thereupon promoted Lieutenants Peter Puget and Josph Baker. (See
Voyage of Discovery Sound the World, second edition, Vol. n., pp. 877-878.) AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE  ANONYMOUS   ACCOUNT   OF
CAPTAIN COOK'S LAST VOYAGE
The whole British people were much interested in the third
voyage of Captain James Cook. It was known to be the voluntary
effort of England's greatest seaman to solve the riddle of the ages:
"Is there a navigable North West Passage?" And thus not only
the learned societies and scholars of the land, but also the general
public were waiting anxiously the arrival of the first news of the
expedition. For three years and more the curtain was not raised.
No opportunity of reporting the progress and incidents of the voyage occurred until the vessels reached Petropavlovsk in May, 1779.
From that place, by the kindness of Major Behm, the Russian commander of Kamtchatka, Captain Clerke sent Captain Cook's journal
to the date of his death together with his own subsequent journal
and a chart of the voyage constituting a complete record of the explorations and occurences to that time. Captain King and Mr.
Bayley, the astronomer, forwarded an account of the proceedings
to the Board of Longitude. A short resume was also prepared and
despatched by express by way of Okhotsk.1 Some of these, probably
the express parcel, reached England in January, 1780. Summaries
to satisfy the public desire were published in various papers including the London Magazine and the London Gazette.2
Captain Cook's journal and sketches were received by His
Majesty the King. Later the more lengthy account, which had been
transmitted through St. Petersburg and Berlin, was received, and
in July and August, 1780, the London Magazine and the London
Chronicle published summaries of the still unfinished voyage covering the period up to the arrival of the vessels at Petropavlovsk,3
The information so published was all that the hungry world knew
of the detail of the expedition until after the return of the Resolution
and the Discovery in October, 1780.
1. A voyage to the Pacific-' Ocean, undertaken by command of His Majesty, for making
discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere to determine the position and extent of the west side
of North America, its distance from Asia and the practicability of a northern passage to
Europe, performed wider the direction of Captains Cook, Gierke and Gore, in the years 1776,
1777, 1778, 1779, 1780, in three volumes: vol. I and II written by James Cook; vol. Ill by
Captain King, published by order of the Lords of the Admiralty, with maps, oharts, portraits, etc., by Henry, Roberts and Webber; atlas (London, Nicol, 1785), 3 vols., pp. 224, 225,
283; Authentic narrative of a voyage performed by Captain Cook and Captain Gierke, in His
Majesty's ships Resolution and Discovery, during the years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779 and
1780, in search of a northwest passage (London, William Ellis, 1784), 2 vols., pp. 358, 347.
2 London Magazine (1780), p. 43; London 'Gazette, Jan. 11, 1780; Kltson, Life of Cook,
p. 324.
3 London Magazine (1780), p. 807; London; Chronicle, Aug. 8, 1780.
(51) 52
Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
m
1
The first complete account of the voyage was published anonymously. This article will deal with the reason for its fatherless
appearance and will hazard a guess—if such it can be called—as to
the identity of the author.   The title page runs thus:
Journal of Captain Cook's Last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean
on Discovery; Performed in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779. Illustrated with cuts and a chart, shewing the tracts of the ships employed in this expedition. Faithfully narrated from the original
Ms. London: Printed for E. Newbery, at the corner of St. Paul's
Church Yard.    MDCCLXXXI.
The Societe de Geographic on 14th February 1879 commemorated the centennary of Captain Cook's death and to the published
report of the proceedings of the meeting is attached a bibliography
in which this anonymous journal appears as number 99. From the
same authority it also appears that the book, after its issuance from
the presses of London, was in the same year reprinted in Dublin;
in 1782 and 1783 appeared three French editions; and in 1790 it was
translated into German and published in two volumes in Leipzig.
These seem to be the only editions; doubtless because in the interval
(i. e., in 1784) the authorized official version had been given to the
world.
Great haste was shown in getting the volume through the press.
This is plain from the advertisement, or editor's preface: "The
editor may have his errors too; but he hopes they are such as may
be pardoned. Some have arisen from haste, and some from misunderstanding the journalist's orthography, who being at a great
distance, could not be consulted without retarding the Press." The
book was printed and offered for sale six months after the Resolution and the Discovery had cast anchor at the Nore. It contains
386 pages, five plates of views and a chart. The London Chronicle
of April 10, 1781 announced the fact: "Captain Cook's Last Voyage.
This day was published in one volume octavo, price 6 s, in boards,
illustrated with elegant cuts, and a chart showing the tracts of the
ships, a journal of Captain Cook's last voyage to the Pacific Ocean
for returning Omai, and for determining the existence or nonexistence of a northwest passage. Performed in the years 1776,
77, 78, 79. Faithfully narrated from the original Mss. printed for
■ E. Newbery at the corner of St. Paul's Church Yard." It was reviewed in the May (1781) number of the Gentleman's Magazine.4
The reviewer commences with the statement: "This Journal, though
not published by authority, has all the marks of authenticity; yet,
4 pp. 231, 279. F. W. Howay
53
by the way, as all the journals, charts, etc., we are told by this writer,
were demanded, delivered, and sealed up, this could not have been
honestly secreted." The review is quite lengthy, containing an extended summaiy of the work, and concludes that "the voyage is
narrated in such a plain unaffected style that there can not be the
least doubt of its authenticity."
In his secret instructions from the Commissioners of the Admiralty Captain Cook was required "to demand from the officers and
petty officers the log books and journals they may have kept and to
seal them up for our inspection; and enjoining them and the whole
crew not to divulge where they have been until they shall have received permission so to do; and you are to direct Captain Clerke to
do the same with respect to the officers, petty officers, and crew of
the Discovery."5 As is well known, Captain Cook was killed at Kara-
kakooa Bay 14th February 1779; his successor, Captain Clerke, died
in Bering Sea in August, 1779; and the expedition returned in October, 1780, under the command of Captain James Gore on the
Resolution, with Captain James King in charge of the Discovery.
It therefore fell to these two officers to enforce this order.
In the footnote is given the reference to the various accounts.6
Ellis, in his book, is silent as the grave upon the subject. It will be
noted that the Admiralty's instructions dealt only with the records
kept by the "officers and petty officers;" nothing is said as to written
accounts kept by the crew; perhaps they were not supposed to have
sufficient education to make written entries. However that may be,
the writer of the Journal, describing the fulfilment of this order on
the Resolution, states that "The Commodore [Captain Gore] called
all hands aft and ordered them to deliver up their journals and every
writing, remark, or memorandum that any of them had made of any
particular respecting the voyage, on pain of the severest punishment
in case of concealment, in order that all these journals, writings,
remarks, or memorandums, respecting the voyage might be sealed
up and directed to the Lords of the Admiralty. At the same time
requiring that every chart of the coasts, or any part of any of the
coasts, where we had been, or draught of anything curious might
be delivered up in like manner in order to accompany the journals,
etc. All of which was complied with; and the papers were made up
the commissioned officers by themselves, the papers of the noncommissioned officers by themselves, and the papers of the marines
5 Voyage (London, Nicol, 1785), introduction, pp. xxcv; Idem (Dublin, Chamberlaine,
1784), introduction, p. xxxvii.
6 Voyage (London, Nicol, 1785), vol. Iii, p. 415; Item (Dublin, Chamberlaine, 1784),
vol. iii, p. 417; Led yard, Journal, pp. 198-199; Jared Sparks, Life of John Ledyard (Cambridge, Hilliard, 1828), p. 37; Journal, pp. 382-3. 54
Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
and sealed accordingly in the sight of the whole crew, the papers of
and common men by themselves." Captain King relates the performance of this delicate task on board the Discovery. He intimates
his knowledge that "the greatest part of our officers and several of
the seamen" had kept accounts of the proceedings on the voyage and
he states that he could not, consistently with his instractions, "leave
in their custody papers, which from carelessness or design, might
fall into the hands of printers, and give rise to spurious and imperfect accounts of the voyage, to the discredit of our labours, and,
perhaps, to the prejudice of officers, who, though innocent might
be suspected of having been the authors of such publications." He,
accordingly, assembled the ship's company on deck and informed
them of his orders and the reasons which, in his opinion, ought
to induce them to a ready obedience. His request for the delivery up
of all the written records met, he says, "with the approbation and
the cheerful compliance both of the officers and men," and he is
"pursuaded that every scrap of paper containing any transaction
relating to the voyage were given up."
Yet though this was written by Captain King before his departure about the end of 1781 for the West Indies (whither he
went in the Resistance in charge of a convoy of five hundred merchant ships) the anonymous Journal had then been in the hands of
the public, who, we can readily believe, had greedily devoured it, for
some six months. Ellis' account of the voyage appeared in 1782 and
Ledyard's Journal, the first book printed in America relating to
the Northwest Coast, in 1783. It is not insinuated that Ledyard
retained his journal. We know that it was given up.7 It seems
difficult to reach the same conclusion as regards the other two
writers.
It is probable, therefore, that while Captain King may be rightTn
believing in the complete compliance with the order upon the Discovery, he is incorrect in reference to the Resolution; for the three
unofficial accounts above mentioned were all written by persons then
upon the latter vessel. The journalist's statement that all the written memoranda were given up carries its confutation on its face. We
must conclude either that he did not hand in his journal or that he
kept a copy of it, or, at any rate, extensive notes therefrom. It is
inconceivable that anyone could from memory reproduce the details
of daily occurences, extending over a space of four years, with
such minute exactitude. The hypothesis that the journalist obeyed
the order and that his journal was returned to him later is unmain-
7 Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 87. F. W. Howay
55
tainable for two reasons: first, the short space of time intervening
between the return of the vessels and the appearance of the lournal;
and second, because of the motive of the demand which is accentuated by the fact that Captain Cook's widow was to share in the
profits of the official publication.8 The secret retention of the
lournal doubtless accounts for its anonymous appearance; though
what the writer expected to gain by his false statement it is difficult
to conceive. Jared Sparks, in his Life of Ledyard, says: "To satisfy
public curiosity till a complete work could be prepared a very brief
sketch of the voyage in a single volume had already been prepared
by authority in England."9 No authority is given for the italicized
statement (the italics are ours). Besides, Sparks' premise is wrong;
the official account of the voyage was written in 1781, but the publication was delayed by the preparation of charts and drawings,
their engraving, and the obtaining of suitable paper.10 The Life of
Ledyard was written in 1827, long after his death. Everything
considered one prefers the view of the English reviewer which is
consistent with the annoymous appearance; furthermore, the statements concerning Omai and also those animadverting upon the conduct of Captain Cook and his officers are not such as would appear in
an authorized account. A comparison of the lournal with the official
quarto edition is extremely difficult. The dates do not agree in most
instances; and in dealing with the occurrences at any of the islands
the journalist describes those that doubtless impressed him, but the
corresponding record in the official report relates to something
entirely different. For instance the journalist spends twenty-five
pages in describing the adventures of some men of the Discovery who
got lost on Christmas Island, while the incident is barely mentioned
in the official version.11 The positions of the respective writers and
the fact that they are upon different ships explain, of course, many
of the apparent differences.
Who, then, was the author of this surreptitious volume ? Since
obtaining' my own copy, some five years ago, I have striven to solve
the problem. At the outset it was manifest that the bookseller's
statement that it was "probably written by John Ledyard, who was
on board the Resolution as sergeant of the marines," was incorrect.
The genesis of Ledyard's journal as given by Sparks is that he had
surrendered his journal on request, that it had not been returned to
him, that on his arrival in Hartford, Connecticut, being importuned
8 Kitson, Life of Capt. Cook (London, 1912), p. 325.
9 Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 38.
10 Voyage  (London, Nicol, 1785),  introduction, pp.  lrxxv et seq.
11 Journal, pp. 191-221. 56
Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
by his friends to publish an account of the voyage, he obtained a
copy of the anonymous journal now under discussion, and used
it as a basis for dates, distances, courses, and generally for the purpose of refreshing his memory, adding to it his own comments and
discursive remarks.12 Perhaps the bookseller may have based his
surmise upon the similarity of the two volumes, without knowing its
explanation, coupled with the fact that Ledyard's account of the
sailor who would marry the New Zealand enchantress and rule in the
land is verbatim with that contained in the Journal and that the last
38 pages of Ledyard,16 being almost one-sixth of his book, are verbatim with the Journal. He overlooked the fact that Ledyard was on
the Resolution throughout the voyage whilst the unknown author of
the Journal was, until August 1779, on the Discovery.
The author was not, therefore, John Ledyard. But who was
he ? I believe that the question can be answered by a study of the
internal evidence afforded by the book itself, and by working along
the line of elimination. The many references to the crew, as "our
people," "the common sailors," "our seamen," "the common men"14
are couched in language which clearly indicates that the hidden
journalist is not to be found amongst that class. For a similar reason we may conclude that he was not one of the armourers, nor
one of the carpenters, nor in any way connected with them, e. g.,
"our artificers," "the carpenters, armourers, and other artificers,"
"our carpenters," etc.15 Nor was he either the surgeon or the surgeon's mate, as is certain from such expressions as "Mr. Law, the
surgeon and several more of us."16 He was neither Mr. Webber,
nor Mr. Edgar, the master of the Discovery.17 He was manifestly
one of the officers or gentlemen of the Discovery and was, as
the entries show, one acquainted with the navigation of the
vessel. The description he gives of the reception of Captain
Cook and his officers at Otaheite, (Tahiti) together with the cut
of the heiva on that occasion, shows that he was present as one of
the latter.18 The vessels' courses are given so frequently and so
exactly that it is plain that they were matters of much interest to
him and upon which he could speak at first hand.
All the entries in the Journal, from the outset until 25th August,
1779, relate to occurrences on or connected with the Discovery ;
12 Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 38.
13 Pp. 170-208.
14 Journal, pp. 83, 86, 91, 128, 149, 268, etc.
15 Journal, pp. 136, 144, 164, 172.
16 Journal, p. 90
17 Journal, pp. 342, 315.
18 Journal, pp. 131, 141, and especially 142-147. F. W. Howay
57
after that date they deal with the events on the Resolution. It would
therefore appear to be clear that at this time our journalist was
removed from the one vessel to the other. At Petropavlovsk, after
Captain Clerke's death, certain changes were made which are thus
described by Captain King:
"In the morning of the 25th [August, 1779] Captain Gore made
out the new commissions, in consequence of Captain Clerke's death ;
appointed himself to the command of the Resolution, and me to the
command of the Discoveiy; and Mr. Iangan, Master's Mate of the
Resolution, who had served in that capacity on board the Adventure
in the former voyage, was promoted, to the vacant Lieutenancy.
These promotions produced the following further arrangements:
Lieutenants Bumey and Rickman were removed from the Discovery to be First and Second Lieutenants of the Resolution; and Lieutenant Williamson was appointed First Lieutenant of the Discovery."19
The Journal, referring to these changes, says: "Mr. Gore went
on board the Resolution, and Mr. King, First Lieutenant of the
Resolution took command of the Discovery. Other promotions took
place which the reader will remark by the sequel."20
Having eliminated all the lower grades and reached the conclusion that the unknown journalist is to be sought amongst the
officers of the Discovery and only amongst those who were transferred from the Discovery to the Resolution on 25th August 1779,
our search is now limited to those three persons: Captain Gore, Lieutenant Burney and Lieutenant Rickman. The language of the
Journal e. g. "our Captain," "Captain Gore," "the commodore,"
etc.,21 not to speak of the repelling suggestion that he who was to
enforce the order for delivery of the journals should himself break
it, would seem to eliminate Captain Gore. To this may be added the
fact that Captain Gore sailed as first lieutenant of the Resolution and
was not on the Discovery until he was promoted to her command
after the death of Captain Cook. He therefore lacks one of the
identifying marks of this journalist. Such an expression as
"Mr. Bumey, Mr. Law; the surgeon, and several more of us,"22
disposes of Mr. Burney. In any event the style of the book is not
Buniey's as can readily be seen by comparing it with his monumental work, Voyages in the South Seas."
19 Voyage (London, Nicol, 1785), vol. ill,
vol. il, p. 296.
20 Journal, p.  358.
21 Journal, pp. 359, 365, 382.
22 Journal, pp. 80, 90.
285; Idem (London, William Bills, 1784), Account of Captain Cook's Last Voyage
Thus we reach the conclusion that the author of the Journal
was John Rickman, who sailed as second lieutenant of the Discovery
and returned as second lieutenant of the Resolution. As a further
support to this deduction it may be added that if a list of the officers
of the Discovery be checked with the references in the Journal it
will be found that every one of them is mentioned either by name
or position except one—John Rickman. This would chord with the
manifest desire to hide himself, which our author shows, as above
quoted, in speaking of his promotion to the Resolution.
If the result obtained meets with approval, it would seem well
to refer to this anonymous work hereafter as Rickmans' Journal.
I cannot close this short article without expressing my thanks
to Dr. Adam Shortt, F.R.S.C. of the Archives Department,
Ottawa, to whom I am indebted for the references to this Journal in
the files of contemporary publications.
F. W. Howay, F. R. S. C. ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES
[Continued from Volume XL, page 293.]
Olympic Mountains, along the western border of the State,
sometimes called the Coast Range. In reality they occupy a large
part of what is known as the Olympic Peninsula lying between
Gray's Harbor, the Strait of Juan de Fuca, the Pacific Ocean and
Hood Canal. The mass of mountains has no general axis and it is
therefore hardly proper to use the word "Range" as part of the
name. The large group of picturesque and glacier-tom peaks received its proper name through a century of evolution. See the
discussion of Mount Olympus for the source of that name in 1788.
The evolution began with Captain George Vancouver, who in 1792,
wrote these two descriptions: "The shores of the harbour [New
Dungeness] were of a moderate height; its western side bounded at
no very great distance by a ridge of high craggy mountains covered
with snow, were, as I conceived, connected with the mountain we
took for Mount Olympus." Later, while at anchor opposite the site
of the present City of Seattle, he wrote: "The ridge of mountains
on which Mount Olympus is situated, whose rugged summits were
seen no less fancifully towering over the forest than those on the
eastern side, bounded to a considerable extent our western horizon;
on these however, not one conspicuous eminence arose, nor could
we now distinguish that which on the sea coast appeared to be centrally situated, and forming an elegant bi-forked mountain."
(Voyage of Discovery, second edition, Volume II., pages 64 and
121.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, used "Mount Olympus Range"
and "Olympic Range." (Narrative, Volume IV., page 410, and
Hydrography, Volume XXIIL, page 304.) In 1853, Theodore Winthrop wrote: "* * * the noble group of the Olympian Mountains
become visible,—a grand family of vigorous growth, worthy more
perfect knowledge." (The Canoe and the Saddle, John H. Williams Edition, pages 23-24.) Later, on page 278, he declares that
the Victoria Indians called the Olympian Mountains "S'ngaz-
anelf." J. A. CosteUo says the Duwamish Indians used the name
"Sun-a-do." (The Siwash, Seattle, 1895.) J. G. Kohl, in his work
on Hydrography, 1855, says the mountains "may be called the Mount
Olympus Range." (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XII., Part I.,
pages 261-262.)   The map by the Surveyor General of Washington
(59) 60
Edmond S. Meany
ill™
in! fit
Territory, 1857, shows "Olympic Range." Captain George Davidson, of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, uses the name
"Olympus Range." (Pacific Coast Pilot, pages 587, 629, 635.) On
page 629, he also uses "Olympus Mountains." Professor Henry
Landes uses the name Olympic Mountains. (A Geographic Dictionary of Washington, 1917, pages 215-216). Most of these mountains are within the Olympic National Forest, proclaimed on March
2, 1907, embracing 1,594,560 acres. Within this Forest there was
proclaimed on March 2, 1909, the Mount Olympus National Monument, embracing 608,640 acres.
Omak, a town near the central part of Okanogan County,
named for a lake about eight miles east of the town. It is claimed
that the Indian word "Omache" means great medicine, referring
to the supposed curative qualities of those waters. (Postmaster at
Omak, in Names MSS.   Letter 568).
O'Neal Island, off the northeast shore of San Juan Island,
in San Juan County. It was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841,
after a hero in the American navy. (Volume XXIIL, Hydrography,
Atlas, chart 77.
Ontario Roads, a former name for the waterway between San
Juan and Lopez Islands, now included in Griffin Bay and part of
San Juan Channel, in San Juan County. The Wilkes Expedition,
1841, had named the present Lopez Island "Chauncy's Island" in
honor of Captain Isaac Chauncey of the American Navy. To intensify the honor the adjacent waterway was named "Ontario
Roads" because Captain Chauncey had command on the eastern lake
of that name during the War of 1812.
O-oo-quah, see Mount Chatham.
Oraphum CrEEk, in Stevens County. It was named for an
Indian chief whose people still live on the Colville Reservation.
(Mrs. Anna J. Thompson, of Fruitland, in Names MSS. Letter
128).
Orcas Island, in San Juan County. The Spanish chart by
Galliano and Valdez, 1792, included this island in the vaguely outlined "Isla y Archipelago de Sn. Juan." (Reproduced in United
States Public Documents, Serial Number 1557, chart L.) The
year before, the Spanish Captain Francisco Eliza had charted Griffin Bay, or "Ontario Roads" as "Boca de Horcasitas," after a Spanish vessel by that name, from which at times the "H" was omitted.
It was also a part of the long name of the Viceroy in Mexico, Senor
Don Juan Vicente de Guemes Pacheco y Padilla Orcasitees y Agu- Origin of Washington Geographic Names
61
ayo Conde de Revilla Gigedo, which was distributed to geographic
features by Captain Eliza. See, for example, Guemes Island. The
Wilkes Expedition, 1841, gave the name "Hull's Island" after Commodore Isaac Hull who commanded the United State frigate Constitution and captured the English vessel Guerriere. To emphasize
the honor bestowed Captain Wilkes named Mount Constitution and
called East Sound "Ironsides Inlet" after the frigate's pet name
and West Sound he called "Guerriere Bay," after the vessel captured. All these names have disappeared except that of Mount
Constitution. Captain Kellett, of the British Navy, in 1847, restored
many Spanish names, including the name of Orcas Island, which
used only part of the original and had not been applied to the
island by the Spaniards. Captain Kellett's choice of name was
retained on the British Admiralty chart Number 1917 and has been
used on all charts since.
Orchard Prairie, in Spokane County. In May, 1879, Thomas
T. Howard Doak and H. Dart of Minnesota arrived on the site
and planted fruit trees.   (History of Spokane County, page 282).
Orchard's River, a small tributary of the Columbia River east
of Gray's Bay, named by Lieutenant W. R. Broughton in 1792 in
honor of H. M. Orchard, clerk of the Discovery. (Vancouver's
Voyage of Discovery, second edition, Volume III., page 95).
Oregon, name of the region from which have been organized
the States of Oregon, Washington, Idaho and parts of Montana and
Wyoming. The origin of the name has been much discussed. It Ts
generally believed to have been originated by Jonathan Carver. He
was first to use it and applied it to a supposed river of the west.
His famous Three Years Travels Through the Interior Parts of
North America began in 1766. The book was later published In
London. Soon thereafter the name found its way into literature,
being applied to the supposed river, which, when discovered In
1792, was named Columbia, and also to the countiy through which
the river flowed. Fortunately the beautiful name has been retained
by an important part of the original area.
Orient, a town on the Columbia River in the northeastern part
of Ferry County, named after a mine of the same name two and one
half miles from the town. It was so named by Alexander Ireland
in 1901.   (Nellie J. Harvey in Names MSS.   Letter 517).
Ojrillia, a town southeast of Seattle in the western part of King
County, named by Malcolm McDougall in 1887, after his former
home town in Simcoe County, Ontario, Canada.   (J. D. Cameron, in
7 62
Edmond S. Meany
Names MSS. Letter 68.) The Canadian town got its name from
the Spanish word Orilla, meaning "lesser shore," doubtless from the
fact that Orillia faces the smaller lake Conchiching while Oro faces
the larger lake Simcoe. This infonnation was obtained from Sir
Mortimer Durand while he was British Ambassador at Madrid.
The name was probably taken to Canada by one of the British
officers who served in the Peninsula and who came to Canada with
Sir John Colobonne. (C. H. Hale, of Orillia, Canada, in Names
MSS. Letter 525.)
Orin, a postoffice in the central part of Stevens County, named
for Orin S. Winslow. (Postmaster at Orin, in Names MSS. Letter
90.)
Oro Bay, on the southeastern shore of Anderson Island, in the
west central part of Pierce County. It was named by the Wilkes
Expedition, 1841. (Volume XXIIL, Hydrography, Atlas, chart
79.) In 1846, Captain Inskip sought to change the name to Rodd
Bay. (British Admiralty Chart 1947). This was intended as an
honor for John Rashleigh Rodd, First Lieutenant on the Fisgard
under Captain John A. Duntze.
Orondo, a town on the Columbia River in the western part of
Douglas County, named by J. B. Smith about 1886 after the supposed superintendent of the ancient Lake Superior copper mines.
Orondo's people are thought to have been the ancestors of the
mound builders "from Lake Superior to the Isthmus where their Atlantis joined America."   (J. B. Smith, in Names MSS. Letter 352).
OrovillE, a town in the north central part of Okanogan County.
The town's beginning was in placer mines, for which reason the
Spanish word oro, for gold, was selected at the name. In 1892,
when establishing a postoffice, the Postoffice Department asked that
"ville" be added to avoid confusion with Oso another postoffice in
the same State.   (PVank M. Dallam, in Names MSS. Letter 362.)
Oso, a town in the north central part of Snohomish County.
The original name for the postoffice in 1889 was "Allen," an honor
for John B. Allen, then Delegate to Congress and later United States
Senator. Soon a town appeared in Mason County with the name
of Allyn, which caused the people of "Allen" to choose a new
name.
Osoyoos Lake, a large lake th rough which the Okanogan River
flows at the international boundary. It is from the Calispel Indian
word sooyos, meaning "the narrows". Rev. Myron Eells says:
"When it came to naming the lake, an Irishman who was present Origin of Washington Geographic Names
63
suggested that O be prefixed in honor of his country, which was
done." (American Anthropologist, January 1892). Probably the
first use of the name was by J. K. Duncan, topographer, in 1853.
(Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., page 214).
Ostrander, a town and creek in the central part of Cowlitz
County, both named in honor of Dr. Nathaniel Ostrander, who
homesteaded there. He was a famous pioneer physician who later
moved to Olympia where he died on February 7, 1902. (Mrs.
George E. Blankenship: Tillicum Tales of Thurston County, pages
226-228). In May, 1916, Justice of the Peace S. W. Holmes wrote
from Ostrander (Names MSS. Letter 392) that the honor was for
Abel Ostrander, which is probably a mistake as to the first name.
Ostrich Bay, a southern arm of Dye Inlet, in the central part
of Kitsap County. It was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841,
on account of the original outline resembling an ostrich. (Volume
XXIIL, Hydrography, Atlas, chart 88). It is sometimes called
Oyster Bay.
Othello, a town in the western part of Adams County, named
by H. R. Williams, Vice-President of the Chicago, Milwaukee &
St. Paul Railway Company, after the Shakespearian play. (H. R.
Williams, in Names MSS. Letter 530). "From names given to
adjoining towns and stations—Corfu, Smyrna and Jericho,—it
seems probable that the misdemeanor was committed by a student
and Shakespeare and the Bible." (G. W. Ogden, in Names MSS.
Letter 385).
O'Toole CrEEk, a small tributary of the Skagit River, in the
central part of Skagit County, named in honor of W. D. O'Toole
who located iron mines there in 1885. (Postmaster at Birdsview, in
Names MSS.   Letter 130).
Otso Point, at the north end of Anderson Island, in the west
central part of Pierce County. The name was given by the Wilkes
Expedition, 1841. (Volume XXIIL, Hydrography, Atlas, chart 79).
Overlook, a station in the central part of Spokane County,
formerly known as Wins. The new name was selected because one
at that place can overlook the Marshall Valley. (Postmaster at
Marshall, in Names MSS.   Letter 166).
Oyster Bay, a name sometimes applied to Ostrich Bay, Kitsap
County. From 1880 to 1890 the settlers could gather there all the
oysters they needed. "The writer kept his home at Chico constantly
supplied."    (W. B. Seymore, in Names MSS.   Letter 3.) 64
Edmond S. Meany
OystervillE, a town on the west shore of Willapa Bay, in
the west central part of Pacific County, formerly the county seat.
• Isaac Alonzo Clark and R. H. Espey settled there in the summer of
1854, Mr. Clark taking up a donation land claim adjacent to a large
bed of native oysters. He platted and named the town of Oysterville.
(Julian Hawthorne: History of Washington, Volume IL, pages
530-533).
Owen Point, see Yoman Point.
Owhap Lake, and Creek, see Ohop.
Owl CrEEk, a small tributary of the Columbia River, in the
southwestern part of Cowlitz County. In 1853 it was mapped as
"Minter River." (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XL, Part IL,
chart 3).
OZ3ETTE, the name of a lake and a town on its shores, a creek,
an island and an Indian Reservation, all near the Pacific Ocean, in
the western part of Clallam County. The name is mentioned in the
treaty by Governor Isaac I. Stevens with the Makahs, January 31,
1855. In an address at Port Townsend in 1887, Judge James G.
Swan said: "There is a lake five or six miles inland from Hozett
village at Flattery Rocks, which is marked on the coast survey
charts 'Lake of the Sun.' The Makah name is Ka'houk, meaning a
large body of fresh water, or simply lake. The sun part is imagination." (Transactions of the Washington Pioneer Association, 1883-
1889, pages 100-101).
P
Pacieic City, founded about 1848 on Baker Bay near the mouth
of the Columbia River by Dr. Elijah White. Many dupes were victimized in that early attempt at booming western town lots. Captain
George Davidson, of the United States Coast Survey, reported in
1858: "Two or three houses on the shore of the bay, and a saw-mill,
are all that remain of the settlement once designated as 'Pacific
City.'" (United States Public Documents, Serial Number 1005,
page 400.) In 1915, F. A. Hazeltine, of South Bend, wrote: "There
are no vestiges left of the original Pacific City. It has all gone back
to nature and there are trees growing on it over a foot in' diameter,
which have grown since the townsite was abandoned." (Names
MSS. Letter 91). Other "Pacific Cities" have been started in the
State since that first failure.
Pacieic County, named for its ocean boundary. While Washington was still a part of Oregon Territory, this county was created
by an act of the legislature dated February 4, 1851. Origin of Washington Geographic Names
65
Pacieic Ocean, western boundary of the State. Crossing the
Isthmus of Panama in September, 1513, Vasco Nunez de Balboa
discovered the ocean which he called "Mar del Sur" or "Sea of the
South." In November, 1520, Fernando Magellan, also under the
Spanish flag, sailed through the straits which have since borne his
name. On sailing into the great sea, he found it calm and bestowed
the name of Pacific Ocean. Both names were used for many years.
The Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1803-1806 used these names:
"Entrance of the Columbia River into the Great South Sea or
Pacific Ocean" and again, "the Great Western Ocian, I can't say
Pasific, as since I have seen it, it has been the reverse." (lournals
of Lewis and Clark, Thwaites edition, Volume III., pages 235 and
262).
Packwood, name of a lake and formerly of a pass through the
Cascades, in the east central part of Lewis County. They were
honors for William Packwood, a Virgiman, who was a pioneer and
explorer in Oregon and Washington. He arrived in Oregon in 1844
and three years later settled on Nisqually Flats. Much of his explorations were done in the mountains. (H. K. Hines: History of
Washington, pages 889-890, and Olympia Pioneer and Democrat,
April 19, 1861.)
Padilla, a town and bay in the west central part of Skagit
County. It was named "Seno de Padilla," in 1791, by Captain
Francisco Eliza from another part of the Mexican Viceroy's long
name. See the items under Guemes and Orcas. (Chark K. in
United States Public Documents, Serial Number 1557.) Captain
Hemy Kellett in 1847, changed the name to Padilla Bay. (British
Admiralty Chart, Number 1911.)   That name has remained.
Page, a town in the southern part of Franklin County, named
for Dan Page, an old resident there. (Peter Klundt, Postmaster, in
Names MSS. Letter 27.) There is a station on the Northern Pacific Railway, near Eagle Gorge, Kong County, by the same name.
It was so named for the Page Lumber Company. (Page Lumber
Company, in Names MSS. Letter 56.)
' Page CrEEk, a small tributary of the Snake River, in the
northern part of Asotin County, named for the man who in 1871
took up the first land claim there. "It goes by the name of Cornner
Gulch now. No water in it." (Cliff M. Wilson, of Silcott, in
Names MSS. Letter 240.)
Paha, a town in the central part of Adams County. There is
a large spring there and Paha is supposed to be an Indian word 66
Edmond S. Meany
meaning "big water."     (Postmaster at  Paha, in Names MSS.
Letter 365.)
Paia Island, see Burke Island.
Palat Creek, see Patit Creek.
Palisade, a station on the Chicago Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway, in the north central part of Whitman County, so named "because it is located on a formation similar to the renowned Palisades
of the Hudson."   (H. R. Williams, in Names MSS. Letter 589.)
Palisades, a town on the Great Northern Railway, in the
southern part of Douglas County. The name has reference to
the sharp pointed basaltic rocks so characteristically a part of the
walls of Moses Coulee, and was bestowed in 1906 by George A.
Virtue of Seattle. The same region at the mouth of Douglas
Canyon was formerly known as Beulah Land. (Irving B. Vestal,
in Names MSS.   Letter 80.)
Palix River, see Palux River.
Palmer, a lake and mountain in the north central part of
Okanogan County, named for Y. A. Palmer, an early stockman
in Okanogan County. (Postmaster at Loomis, in Names MSS.
Letter 264.) The same name is used for a railway junction and
a mountain in King County, and for a creek and lake in Snohomish County but the origins of those names have not been
ascertained.
Palouse, name of a city in the east central part of Whitman
County, of a river, falls, rapids, and of a tribe of Indians. It is
applied also to a large area of wheat lands in the Southeastern
portion of the State. The Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1803-
1806, first of white men to visit the region, named the stream
"Drewyer's River," after George Drewyer, one of the party. They
also gave the name of the tribe of Indians as "Palloatpallah."
(Lewis and Clark Journals, Coues Edition, Volume II., page 630,
III.,1070.) The Bureau of American Ethnology publishes a fairly
extensive list of names used for the tribe. (Handbook of American
Indians, Volume IL, page 195.) Canadian members of the Astoria
party in 1812 used the name "Pavion" for the river and "Pallata-
palla" for the tribe. (Washington Irving: Astoria page 328 and
330.) John Work of the Hudson's Bay Company in October, 1825,
used the name "Flag River." (Journal, edited by T. C. Elliott, in
Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume V., page 88.) In July,
1826, David Douglas, the botanist, called the tribe "Pelusbpa."
(Journal 1823-1827, page 200.)    Alexander Ross used the name Origin of Washington Geographic Names
67
"Pavilion River" (Oregon Settlers, in Early Western Travels Series,
Volume VIL, page 208.) The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, refers to
the "Peluse River" and adds: "The falls upon this river are of
some note and are called Aputapat, and they will hereafter be an
object of interest to travellers in this country." (Narrative, Volume IV., page 466.) One "hereafter" thus mentioned was embraced
by W. P. Breeding in 1875 when he "erected a flouring mill and
made other improvements, at the same time laying off the town of
Palouse City on his land at the falls of Palouse River." (H. H.
Bancroft: Works Volume XXIX., page 571, note.) On June 11,
1855, Governor Isaac I. Stevens, in the Nez Perce treaty used the
name Palouse River. In discussing the name, N. W. Durham says:
"For a grassy expanse the French have the word pelouse; and, a
century ago, when French-Canadian voyageurs of the fur companies
beheld in springtime the wild tumult of bunchgrass hills north of
Snake River, they called it the Pelouse country—the grass lands:"
(Spokane and the Inland Empire, page 629.)
Palux River, flowing into Willapa Bay in the.northwestern
part of Pacific County. The name is often spelled "Palix." In the
Chehalis language the word means "slough covered with trees" and
the name was applied to a division of the Chinpok tribe. (Handbook of American Indians, Volume IL, page 195.) In 1857, James
G. Swan wrote: "The Palux Indians, on the Copa-lux on Palux
River." (Northwest Coast, page 211.)
Panama Reep, see Boulder Reef.
Pandora, a station on the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul
Railway in the northeastern part of Whitman County. It was
named "after Pandora's Box." (H. R. Williams, in Names MSS.
Letter 589.)
Pandora Reep, a small reef about three miles east of Green
Point near Port Angeles, in the northeastern part of Clallam County.
The name appears on the British Admiralty Chart 2689, Richards
1858-1859, was in honor of the British survey vessel of that name,
working with Captain Kellett in 1847-1849.
Panther Creek, a branch of Wind River, in the south central
part of Skamania County. "Mr. B. Tillotson saw a panther on a
log over the creek. Called it Panther Creek." (Postmaster at
Carson, in Names MSS. Letter 324.)
[To be Continued. DOCUMENTS
fill
11
The Nisqually Journal
[Continued from Vol. XL, Page 302]
[September, 1850.]
[Ms. Page 8.]
Sunday 1st. Dull. Charles La [Ms. illegible] and the Indian boy
Yalliowah started to day with lettersfor the Cowlitz Farm.329
Monday 2nd. Fair, all hands to day at work at the Hides; Jollibois380
excepted who is mending Pack Saddles &c, ready for Lapoitree381
who is shortly to make a trip to the Cowlitz for wheat.
Tuesday 3rd. Chaulifoux832 & Trudelle838 started this morning for
Newmarket33* to bring back a Raft of timber. Remaining hands at
the hides.    [Ms. Page 9.]
Wednesday 4th. All hands at the Hides. Lapoitrie off to the
Cowlitz for a load of wheat. C. Ross335 returned from his trip after
the Cadboro,886 he came up to her off Pt. Discovery.337
Thursday 5th. Fine. Work same as yesterday. Mr. Hancock888
called to make enquiries about his goods which arrived from Victoria p[e]r Cadboro. Dr. Tolmie339 referred him to Mr. Glasgow840
who left word the goods were not to be taken awa y until Mr. H[an-
cock] had seen him.
Friday 6th.   Fine.   Very smoky.   Mr. E. Huggins341 sent on a trip
to Cowlitz whence he will return with Jollibois and Lapoitrie with
329 A  post  maintained  by  the  Puget   Sound  Agricultural   Company   situated   on  the
Cowlitz river at the head of navigation.    It contained about 1200 acres.
830 A servant.
331 A servant.
332 A servant.
333 A servant.
834 Former name of Tumwater, Thurston county, the site of a large mill operated by
Crosby & Gray.
335 Charles Boss, a clerk.
336 3The Hudson's Bay Company's schooner, on this station since 1827.
83 Port Discovery, a bay on the south side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Clallam
county, west of Port Townsend.
338 Samuel Hancock, a settler of 1847 near Newmarket or Tumwater. He Is at present
interested in a townsite venture at Neah Bay. See this Quarterly, vol. xi, no. 2 (April,
1920), p.  146, note 194, for a brief biography.
839 William Fraser Tolmie, chief trader for the Hudson's Bay Company and superintendent of the Puget Sound's Agricultural Company at Nisqually.
340 Thomas W. Glasgow, a settler of 1847, recently a squatter upon. the Company's
lands at the month of the Sequalltchew creek. He now holds the position of surveyor of the
Port of Nisqually in the custom service.
341 Mr. Edward Huggins,  clerk.
(68) The Nisqually Journal
69
the Wheat (50 Bush.) from Marcel Bernier'?.342 Cowlitz Jack848
arrived in the forenoon with letters from Mr. Ogden344 for Nisqually and Ft. Victoria. The Indian "Steilacoom"346 who along
with four others accompanied Chalifoux arrived this ev[enin]g for
provisions having left his raft well secured on the island346 opposite.
He says that Chalifoux & Trudelle are upon another & Lighter raft
and that he expected they had got here before him. Rather a brisker
day than usual in the Sale Shop. Some Americans in the neighborhood and the Indians in their employ having been trading.
Saturday 7th. Smoky. Some Klalum347 and other Indians trading
mats. In the evening Mr. and Mrs. Finlayson348 arrived from Victoria, and earlier in the day three of Captain Grant's849 [men] returned from Vancouver where they had in vain been seeking more
profitable employment than is to be found in Vancouver's Island.
Sunday [8th.] During the night Chaulifoux and Trudelle arrived
with their raft. [Ms. Page 10.]
Monday 9th. Smoky. A man named Carter lately belonging to the
British Ship "Albion"350 and since the seizure of that vessel resident
in this vicinity called today accompanied by two Americans Macal-
ister351 and Lowrie352 to confess having killed one of the Co[mpan]ys
milch cows lately in Nisqually bottom and to compromise the matter
if he could. After some talk in which he endeavored to make it
appear that he had been led to the commission of the act by representations made to him by Collins358 of Nisqually bottom—the
Am [erica] n with whom he resided—the gist of C[ollin]'s representations was according to Carter to the effect that the cattle were
342 Marcel Isadore Bernier, reputed to be the first born child of white parents in what
is since Washington, Oregon and British Columbia, was born at Spokane on Nov. 10, 1819
(other accounts give 1818 and 1820). His parents were connected with the fur trade and in
1830 he was taken to Red Biver (Winnipeg, Manitoba) where he remained until 1841 when
he struck out for himself, returned to the West and took up a farm in what is now Lewis
county. He was undoubtedly encouraged to do so by the Puget Sound's Agricultural Company
wMch later in that same year brought out some twenty-three families. Bernier became a
citizen in 1849. His father, Julien Bernier, a native of Quebec, is said to have been one
of the Astor party and to have reached Astoria in 1812. Julian died on June 8, 1871, and
Marcel on Dec. 27, 1889.
343 An Indian, frequently employed a sa carrier of mail.
344 Peter Skeen Ogden, chief factor, in charge of Fort Vancouver.
345 Not the Indian Chehalicum from whom the city of Steilacoom is thought to have
received its name but another.    Indians frequently went by the name of! their residence.
346 Anderson island.
347 Clallam. A Salish tribe living on the south side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca
from Port Townsend to Hoko River.    A few members dwelt.on Vancouver Island.
348 Roderick "Finlayson,  chief trader, in charge of Fort Victoria.
349 Capt. W. Colquhoun Grant. See this Quarterly, vol. xl, p. 117, note 196, for an
account of his coionizlng activities.
850 See this Quarterly, vol. xi, no. e (July, 1920), p. 218, note 213, for an account
of the seizure of the Albion for alleged Infraction of the revenue laws.
351 James McAllister, a pioneer of 1845, now a settler on Medicine or McAllister creek
near the Nisqually river.
352 Identity not ascertained.
853 Luther M. Collins, a pioneer of 1847, later the first settler In King county. ii
>m
70
Victor J. Farrar
wild & might almost be looked upon as one's property and that he,
Collins, having lost three head of cattle, took it for granted or concluded that they had wandered into some of the Co[mpan]y's herds,
and that he meant to have six head of the Co[mpan]y's cattle for
each one of his that had gone a missing. Grants men proceeded to
Victoria today.
Tuesday 10th. Smoky. Drops of rain. Chalifoux since yesterday
employed in making a cart. Trudelle along with Englishmen854
stretching hides. Rode to Steilacoom accompanied by Mr.
Finlayson.
Wednesday llth. Smoky. Work as yesterday. Commenced
ploughing up potatoes. In the ev[enin]g Mr. Huggins arrived from
Cowlitz in advance of Jolibois and Lapoitrie bringing a mail.
Thursday 12th. Fine. Chaulifoux at work at cart. Young and
Edwards morning clearing brush wood in swamp, afternoon with
Hore355 & Trudelle cleaning hides. Lapoitrie returned from Cowlitz
having left the wheat at Tenalquot356 and from thence bringing a
load of Sheep Skins. Dr. Tolmie rode to Steilacoom accompanied
by Mr. Finlayson.
354 That Is, Young, Edwards and Hore; the Canadians were Chaulifoux,  Jollibois and
Trudelle.
355 A company station and sheep farm  on  a  prairie of the same name  in  Thurston
county.
[To be continued.] BOOK REVIEWS
Seeing the Far West.   By John T. Faris.    (Philadelphia: Lippin-
cott.   1920.   Pp. 303.   $6.00.)
Seeing the West.   By K. E. M. Ditmbell.    (Garden City: Double-
day.   1920.   Pp. 206.   $1.75.)
As a successful extended piece of description which is neither
a guidebook nor a journal, Mr Faris' Seeing the Far West may well
claim attention. It is a six-dollar book, containing one hundred and
thirteen photographs and two maps. Although it is devoted to
the National parks and monuments principally, it is so shaded in by
the use of historical fragments and so