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The Washington historical quarterly. Vol. XI Washington University State Historical Society 1920

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   Wt)t Washington 3|fetortcal (Suarterlp
1920
VOLUME XI.
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON  1
&asrt)mgton historical <&uarterlp
Contributing Cbitors
Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle W. D. Lyman, Walla Walla
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla H. B. McElroy, Olympia
Frank A. Golder, Pullmay Edward McMahon, Seattle
William S. Lewis, Spokane O. B. Sperlin, Tacoma
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
Managing Cuitor
EDMOND S. MEANY
plugtittjsg ifianager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XI.   NO. 1
JANUARY, 1920
ISSUED QUARTERLY
Two Dollars per Year
Contents*
F. W. HOWAY The Voyage of the Hope: 1790-1792        S
WILLIAM S. LEWIS Francis Heron, Fur Trader: Other Herons    29
C. B. BAGLEY Death of E. O. S. Scholefield.
VICTOR J. FARRAR Pioneer and Historical Societies of Washington 	
EDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic Names.
DOCUMENTS—The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar	
BOOK REVIEWS   	
NEWS   DEPARTMENT    	
35
3T
44
59
66
75
THE   WASHINGTON   UNIVERSITY
STATE   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE,   WASHINGTON
Entered as second-class matter, November  15,  1906,  at the  Postoffice  at
Seattle, Washington,  under the Act of Congress of July 16,  1894  Vol. XL, No. 1
January, 1920
tCfje
Wa&Ungton ?|t£tortcal ©uarterlp
THE VOYAGE OF THE HOPE: 1790- 1792
As is well-known the maritime fur trade on the Northwest
Coast of America had its origin in the accidental discovery by Captain Cook's sailors that the furs which they had obtained at Nootka
in exchange for the veriest trifles were of great value in the eyes
of the Chinese. Naturally the earliest of these traders came from
India and China. At that time the monopolies of the South Sea
and East India companies closed the Pacific Ocean against British
enterprise. Some British vessels, like the King George and the
Queen Charlotte, the Princess Royal and the Prince of Wales, operated under licenses from these companies; other British vessels,
like the Imperial Bagle, the Felice, and the Iphigenia, took refuge
under the flags of Austria or Portugal; while doubtless, numerous
others, like Meares' Nootka, simply disregarded the monopolies altogether.   So the trade went on from 1785 until 1788.
In September of the latter year appeared at Nootka a new
flag—that of the United States of America. This first American
venture consisted of the Columbia and the Washington, commanded
by captains Gray and Kendrick. After about a year spent on the
coast the Columbia sailed for China with the furs collected by both
vessels, and thence to her home port, Boston, where she arrived
August 10, 1790. Though the voyage had proved a great disappointment, financially, yet other enterprising Boston merchants determined to essay another venture.
The vessel they selected was the Hope, a brigantine of seventy
tons and slightly built. In command they placed Joseph Ingraham,
who had been mate of the Columbia. This move angered the owners
of that vessel, who seemed to thhik that as they had introduced Ingraham to the fur trade they had some vested right in his services.
The incomplete record of this voyage, commonly known as In-
graham's Journal, exists in manuscript in the Congressional Li-
(3) F. W. Howay
brary in Washington. A copy is in the Archives of the Province
of British Columbian Victoria; and it is by the kind permission of
the Archivist that I am permitted to use it in the preparation of
this summary.
The Hope sailed from Boston September 16, 1790. Poor Ingraham, who had only enjoyed five weeks in civilization after an
absence of three years, found himself once more bound for the
Northwest Coast and facing an absence of at least three years.
The Hope's course was as usual by way of the Cape Verd and
the Falkland Islands. Bonavista, one of the former, was sighted
October 31, and on the following day the Hope cast anchor in
Porto Praya Bay, St. Iago (Sao Thiago), famous as having been
pillaged by Drake in 158S.1 There lying at anchor was a large ship
from Liverpool bound to the African coast for a cargo of slaves for
the West Indies. Ingraham dined on board and was surprised and
disgusted that at the conclusion of the meal the first toast drunk
was to "The Land of Liberty."
After remaining four days to obtain wood, water, and fresh
provisions the Hope shook out her sails for the long run to Cape
Horn. The little vessel, not being coppered, soon became foul, and
twice on the voyage to the Falklands it was found necessary to clean
off the grass, which was of such length as to greatly retard her
speed. On Christmas day one of the crew fell overboard. Much
delay was experienced in bringing the ship to and launching the
yawl which had been lashed down owing to a heavy gale. The lad
was wearing heavy boots, but had the presence of mind to draw his
knife and cut them off, "and what was very singular," says Ingraham, "in such a situation that he should be careful to return Us
knife to his pocket again." By the time the boat reached him' he
had been so long in the water that he was almost ejchausted.
On January 4, 1791 the Falkland Islands were sighted just
west of Falkland Strait. Having no chart of the Islands, the Hope
after a narrow escape from shipwreck on a sunken reef, anchored
on January 8 at the entrance to Bahia de la Soledad, the Acarron
Bay of the French, the Port Stanley of the British. Here Ingraham
found a small Spanish settlement, and, after considerable delay, obtained permission to enter the harbour to careen his vessels and obtain necessaries. All his actions were very jealously watched by
the Spaniards; a corporal and two soldiers were placed on board
tojseetiiat the harsh port regulations were strictly observed; and
l Froude, English Sea
men in the Sia^fiih Century, London, Longman (1895), p. 184. The Voyage of the Hope
\
every care was taken to insure that no unauthorized communication
with the shore took place. Five days were occupied in this work,
and then with a strong but favorable wind the Hope sailed from
Port Stanley. On January 17, while off Cape Horn, the French
ship Necker from Dunkirk to the Peruvian coast was encountered.
The sea being calm Ingraham accepted an invitation to dine on
board, where he was regaled with roast pork, which calls forth
from him ecomiums equaling "those of Lamb's foolish Chinese
boy. As the vessels were bound in the same direction and travelled
at about the same rate it was arranged that they should sail in company around Cape Horn.
For eighteen days the two vessels journeyed together, but in
the afternoon of February 4, when north of the western entrance
to the Strait of Magellan, they separated in a fierce gale that lasted
more than thirty-eight hours. The heavy weather still continuing
Ingraham determined instead of making for either Mas Afuera or
Juan Fernandez to steer for the Marquesas. Only water for seventy days now remained, for since leaving the Falkland Islands almost two months had elapsed, during the greater part of which the
little vessel had been continually drenched in the buffetting of the
gales. He says: "Remaining very long at sea is often the occasion
of disheartening seamen and thereby bringing on sickness, whereas
only the sight of land, even if no refreshments are procured from
it, has often a wonderful effect; it awakens them from a kind of
lethargy occasioned b)r the sameness of viewing nothing but sky
and water".
Three months after his departure from the Falkland Islands
Ingraham anchored in the Bay of Madre de Dios in the Marquesas.
The islanders first encountered were very shy; it was quite impossible to induce them to come upon the Hope. " Finally only one
ventured on board, an old man whose hair and beard were perfectly white. He trembled exceedingly at first and would fain have
left us again. However in a little while be became reconciled."
Then, as by magic, the natives lost all reserve and swarmed around
the vessel in such numbers that Ingraham ordered up the boarding
nettings. Despite every precaution they made their way on board
and, with the inveterate propensity for stealing of which Captain
Cook so frequently speaks, they pilfered on every hand. Troublesome and mischievous in the last degree, Ingraham who in the
meantime had obtained water and fresh provisions, determined to
rid himself of these islanders and sailed to the westward. F. W. Howay
Late that afternoon (April 21, 1791) two islands appeared
under his lee. Startled by the discovery he bore away towards
them and soon two others appeared upon the horizon. The next
day three more were seen. Feeling confident that these were no
part of the Marquesas group and that they had never been seen by
Europeans, he named them after Washington and other prominent
Americans.2 Two months later some of these islands were seen by
Marchand of the French ship Solide, who named them lies de la
Revolution;3 in June 1792 Hergest of H. M. S. Daedalus,.the store
ship of Vancouver's expedition fell in with them;4 and in March
1793 Roberts of the Jefferson also saw them and named them
Washington's Islands.6 Each of these several persons thought himself the discoverer of these New Marquesas, which are now regarded as a part of the Marquesas group.
But Ingraham was in search of furs, not on a voyage of discovery. He hastened towards the Sandwich Islands. On May 17
only five casks of water remained; early on the morning of the
20th, Ingraham was delighted to see the snow-capped summit of
Mauna Loa appear above the western horizon. At Owyhee (Hawaii) he met Tianna, so frequently mentioned by Meares, with
whom he had been acquainted during the voyage of the Columbia.
Ingraham fills page after page of his journal with the circumstances
which led him to believe that Tianna, as a result of the seizure of
the Fair American,6 cherished a desire- of emulating that undertaking, by capturing the Hope. Hogs, fowls, potatoes, plantains, taro,
and sugar cane were obtained as the vessel skirted the shores of
Owyhee, Mowee (Maui), and Atooi (Kauai).
Finally on June 1 the Hope emerged from the channel between
Atooi and Oneehow (Nehauai), and the course was set for the
Northwest Coast of America. The journal notes all the petty incidents of the passage, the weather, the birds seen, and the day by
day happenings. On June 27 the ocean changed from its deep blue
to soundings colour, and.on the next day the western coast of
Queen Charlotte Islands, or Washington's Island, as Captain Gray
2 See also Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 1793, iii,  20-24.
ana ™./*SELJ^^ ■ H
etc. '^uti^ztimTmi^ritZi0 the nortn Paoifio ocean and B the M
(»un,vssSuS,^S)!' EKH18eq'; ArcWbald Campbe11, voyase round ne worw'etc- The Voyage of the Hope
had named them in 1788/ was seen; but it was not until late in the
afternoon of June 29 that the Hope anchored "in a snug cove"
within a "fine sound," which he called Magee's Sound. Ingraham
gives the latitude of this harbour 52° 22'. The exact location of
this sound is unknown, and it cannot be recognized on the existing
maps. Strange as it may appear though this voyage occurred over
one hundred and twenty years ago, the only information we have
upon some parts of the western coast of the Queen Charlotte Islands is contained in Ingraham's Journal.8
Nearly six months had elapsed since the Hope had been careened at the Falkland Islands and her bottom was again very foul
with marine growth; moreover the vessel was leaking badly. The
spot was suitable for effecting the repairs; there was a fine beach,
plenty of wood and water, and no Indians to annoy. The little
brigantine was immediately laid on shore, cleaned, and graved. It
was discovered that the leak was between the lower part of the
sternpost and the keel; the latter, not having been properly secured
with the usual dovetails and clamps, had started a half an inch and
allowed much water to enter. This discovery was most opportune,
as the keel not being fastened must have continued to work loose
and in the end would certainly have spelled destruction. As it was
a few hours work of the smith made the two parts strong and
water-tight.
The anniversary of the Declaration of Independence occurred
while the Hope lay in Magee Sound. Ingraham says: "I caused a
hog of 70 lbs weight to be roasted whole, on which we all dined on
shore. I with my officers and seamen drank the President's health,
and made the forest ring with three cheers; after which every one
returned to their several employments as we could not spare the
time to sit long after dinner."
So enraptured was he with this sound that he left attached to
the branch of a tree a bottle containing the information that he had
discovered and named it; that he had left a boar and two sows in
the hope that they might increase and be of use to future visitors;
and desiring that these animals be not molested until they had multiplied. Gray of the Columbia was the first to show the Indians of
Queen Charlotte Islands how to cultivate the potato. Thus to the
credit of the Americans are the introduction of domestic animals
and vegetables in those islands.   Ingraham dilates upon the facili-
7 Robert Haswell, "A Voyage Hound tlie World on Board the Ship Columbia Itedivtvm
and Sloop Washington in 1787-9," resume in Hubert Howe Bancroft, T-fiimG*!/ of the North'
west Coast (San Francisco, 1886), i, 718.    Manuscript copy in archives <>t British Columbia.
8 Pacific Ooast Pilot, Alaska, Part 1,  Government Printing Office  (1883),  p.  51. F. W. Howay
ties of this sound for repairing or building a vessel or for winter
quarters.   Nevertheless so far his journal shows he never saw the
place again.
On the morning of July 7 the fast was cast off and the Hope
towed out of the sound, ready to begin the trading. Ingraham was
undecided whether to proceed to the northward or the southward.
Cape St. James lay only about sixty or seventy miles in the latter
direction and Ingraham knew that on the east coast of Queen Charlotte Islands the Washington had in 1788 reaped a rich harvest,
obtaining at one village, Kioo-sta, three hundred sea otter skins at
the rate of one chisel each. Yet he thought the west coast also
offered great opportunities; so far as he knew no one but Dixon
had been there, and that some three years before. In this dilemna
he left the solution to fate. A breeze from the south decided the
question. The Hope sailed northward with a fair wind, but veiy
cautiously, for the weather was thick. Occasionally the fog lifted
giving vague views of points and rocks and then settled down, blotting out everything as in the days of Juan Perez.
Pursuing his course northward Ingraham discovered a large
bay in latitude 53° 16', which he named Port Ingraham. This bay
has not been identified, but it may be the Skelu Inlet of our present maps; in which event the island at its entrance now supposed to be Dixon's Hippah Island, is Ingraham's Young Frederick's Island, though Dixon gives its latitude as 53° 16'." Here he
spent the night of July 8, his anchor in sixty-four fathoms and
a line from the stern to a tree. Two days later the Hope was
abreast of a large opening which had the appearance of a good
harbour. As they edged in towards the shore a canoe approached
them, its occupants singing a song of welcome "by no means disagreeable to the ear."
Ingraham observed that the women wore that strange fancy
in feminine adornment, the labret or staie, which had excited the
disgust of Jaun Perez's friars seventeen years earlier, and which
had caused Haswell to denominate the inhabitants of the islands as
"Loblips." "Most of the women," to quote the Journal, "have a
piece of wood in their imder lip which resembles a small shelf, when
the mouth is shut; or it may be lapped up against the tip of the
nose which may occasionally serve to keep the wind out of their
mouths. When it falls down it entirely covers the chin and exposes the teeth of the lower jaw.    Upon  the  whole   it   seems   as
9 John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names (Ottawa 19091   t.   19-> •
vage Bound the World, etc.   (3Cond. Goulding, 17S8}, j? 205?' '' P" '
George Dixon, The Voyage of the Hope
strange a fancy as was ever adopted by the human species and
however consonant with their own ideas of beauty was to me a
most shocking sight."
Another canoe came off and offered to pilot the Hope to the
village, saying that many skins of the sea otter could be there obtained. Though Ingraham does not seem to recognize the spot
there is no doubt that this harbour, which was at the western end
of Cox Strait or Parry Passage, was that called by Dixon Cloak
Bay where that trader obtained sea otter skins in such numbers
that he could scarce keep count of them, purchasing over three
hundred in less than half an hour.10 The chief of the tribe now appeared and was recognized by two seamen whom Ingraham had
taken on board at the Sandwich Islands, as Cow, whose principal
village was at Meares Bay or Titanee, at the entrance to Cox Strait.
Despite their large promises Ingraham saw only a few skins
and those of small value. Good skins were, in fact, exhibited, but
when he endeavored to obtain them he found the price exorbitant.
He displayed to the chief his trading goods, but "on the whole he
did not seem much enamored with them, saying they had plenty
of such things, which they had obtained from Captain Douglas of
the Grace and Captain Bennett of the Gustavus." This was unpleasant news, and in Ingraham's language "seemed to indicate that
we were the day after the fair." This impression was deepeneb.
when on going ashore he found many of the natives wearing new
blue jackets and trousers. However to induce him to remain, Cow
promised, as he did to Marchand a few weeks later, that if he
would wait a day or two the whole tribe would go out hunting and
procure fresh skins.11
In the interval Ingraham examined the Indian village. He was
especially attracted by the totem poles and gives one of the earliest
descriptions of these heraldic columns. He mentions two that were
forty feet in height and carved in a very curious manner with representations of men, frogs, and birds. The entrance to the chief's
house was through the mouth of one of these grotesque figures.12
Near the village he saw a rude sort of amphitheatre that seemed,
as he thought, intended for exhibitions of dancing and boxing.
A heavy gale sprang up, on the morning of July 11, from the
westward with strong squalls. The kedge anchor came home and
the vessel drove within twenty yards of a ledge of rock.   In des-
10 Dixon,  Voyage, pp.  201-202.
11 Voyage of Marchand, i, 397.
12 Compare Voyage of Marchand, 10
F. W. Howay
peration the sheet anchor was dropped. Fortunately it held until
a line was made fast to the opposite shore and the Hope warped
off. This narrow escape leads Ingraham into a lengthy soliloquy
upon their probable fate had they suffered shipwreck on that wild
and unknown shore.
He realized that if he were to obtain furs he must create a demand for something new and bizarre. He had thought long and
hard during the two days since his arrival. He noticed an Indian
woman wearing an iron necklet. This gave him the necessary idea;
he would produce a new fashion. The forge was immediately set
up, and the smith commence the manufacture of iron collars.18
These were fabricated from iron rods of about half an inch in thickness. Three pieces were neatly twisted together into a circle of sufficient diameter to encircle the neck. They were nicely polished
and weighed from five to seven pounds. As a side-line to suit
other tastes bracelets were made in the same manner. The new
fashion took by storm both the beaux and the belles of Cloak Bay.
Fashionable articles are proverbially expensive. This latest fad
cost three prime sea otter skins: a prime skin in the trade was one
that reached from a man's chin to his feet and was usually worth
in China about forty dollars.
While the Hope lay at Cloak Bay a large war canoe arrived
from across Dixon Entrance. Cow importuned Ingraham not to
trade with these people, because they were, as he said, bad; but the
shrewd Yankee trader was far more interested in their peltry than
their morals. However, to please Cow who wished a monopoly of
the new fashion, and perhaps also for selfish reasons (for the collars were difficult to make), Ingraham kept them concealed. He
obtained almost all the strangers' furs, even to the cutsarks that
they wore in exchange for blue jackets and trousers.14 No wonder
that Marchand a month later found them in "the jackets, great
coats, trousers, and other garments in use in our countries and some
even wearing a hat, stockings, and shoes." 1B But in an unlucky
moment the strange chief descried one of these collars. The evil
was done. Three fine skins remained, and these he absolutely refused to barter except for a collar—and a collar he got, greatly to
the vexation of Cow. Ingraham was constantly urged to take the
strangers' furs by force, "but this," he says, "I did not attend to,
as they traded fair and behaved well."     This guarded statement
C^Il,fm),TC2S^0n °* Slmllar C°UarS in Alexander Mackenzie,  Voyages, etc.     (Lend.
14 Mackenzie, Voyages, p.  333.
15 Voyage of Marohand, i, 439. The Voyage of the Hope
11
gives colour to the charge that force was sometimes used by the
maritime traders in their transaction with the natives, and may cast
light upon later incidents.
Early in the morning of July 15 the Indians informed him that
they had seen a ship in the offing. Fearing it might be Spanish,
and remembering the seizure of Meares' vessels, Ingraham, after
sending a boat to reconnoitre, prepared to slip through Cox Strait
to the eastward if his fears should prove true. By the time the boat
obtained a view of the open sea no sail was in sight, though he
learned later that a Spanish vessel had been in the vicinity. Its
identity is undetermined. It is thought to have been one of Mala-
spina's squadron; but he was not in that latitude until three weeks
later.16 There may however be some confusion in the dates. The
following day the brig Hancock, of Boston, Captain Crowell, was
seen standing to the eastward through Dixon Entrance.
Ingraham examined one of the native forts, which in imitation of Dixon he calls a Hippah. It seems to be the same fort as
that described by Marchand.17 It was on a high rock, accessible
upon one side only and there secured by palisades so arranged that
if the enemy carried the outermost, the defenders, retreating to
higher points behind other palisades, could assail them with stones
of which a large supply lay ready to hand. On the flat top of the
rock were the frames of numerous houses. Doubtless says Ingraham, the whole tribe in time of war retreated to this citadel,
but how they were supplied with water he could not discover. His
Curiosity was also arrested by a strange rock, near the shore, exactly like the hull of a ship. Upon scaling it, he found a "mama-
loose Island"—a burial place of the chiefs. The boxes containing
the remains were carved in the neatest manner, decorated with sea
otter teeth, and enclosed in houses before which stood totem poles.18
His only remark is the practical one that: "Should any more of
the royal family die soon they must find some new repository or
dislodge some from this to give place, for it will not admit any
more."
One morning Ingraham discovered that the cook, a negro
whom he had in compassion for his starving condition, taken on
at the Cape Verde Islands was missing. Uncertain whether Cow
was privy to this exploit and for a time at a loss whether to use
16 Alessandro Malaspina, Viaje politico—cientifico alrededor del mundo por las corbetas
Descnbierta y Atreyida al mando de los capitanes de navio D. Alejandro Malaspina y Don
Jose de Bnstamante y Guerra desde 1789 a 1794, publicado con una introduccion por Don
Pedro de Novo y Colson.     (Madrid, Impr. de la viuda e hijos de Abienzo, 1885.)  p. 181.
17 Voyage of Marchand, i, 395.
18 Dixon, Voyage, pp. 176-1S1. 12
F. W. Howay
force or persuasion, he finally adopted the latter course, principally
as he confesses, because "I had not bought all their skins, and by
a quarrel with them, detaining their chief, etc., would no doubt put
an end to all traffic for the present, if not for the ensuing year
which I depended much on." He promised Cow a handsome reward for the capture of the cook. In an hour the chief returned
with the deserter and was rewarded for his trouble; "likewise,"
adds Ingraham, enigmatically, "the cook for the trouble he had
Having obtained about three hundred sea otter skins and completely cleared the village of the least particle of fur, Ingraham
sailed on July 19 through Cox Strait or Parry Passage, and shaped
his course eastward. Virago Sound was visited, but though there
was at least one Indian village on its shores, yet as it appeared deserted, he resumed his voyage along the northern shore of the
islands. The next day, rounding Rose Point, which he most appropriately named Sandy Point, he followed the easterly coast of
Queen Charlotte Islands, southward.
The night of the 22d, was spent under sail in Hecate Strait,
as no anchorage could be found. It appears that, though unaware
of the fact, the Hope was, during the night very near the ship Columbia, for Hoskins Narrative says,18 that during that night the
watch on the Columbia, hearing "sounds as of chopping wood, hung
out lanthorns," and at daylight the Hope was seen to northward.
Ingraham immediately hoisted the French flag at the fore-top-gallant mast-head and fired two guns, the pre-arranged signal with his
friend Haswell, the mate of the Columbia. When the vessels came
within speaking distance they saluted with cheers. Personal friends
but commercial enemies. Ingraham went on board the ship, his
former home for three years, and by the kindness of Haswell, received letters from Boston friends. This was in breach of owners'
orders. "For," says Ingraham, "these gentlemen, filled with envy
and malice against all who meant to share with them this valuable
trade, gave orders that no letters should be borne out in this ship
to any one on board the Hope, by which Mr. Crafts my second officer was deprived of the pleasure of hearing from his friends, and
the letters intended for him by this ship were afterwards sent out
in the Hancock, Captain Crowell, whom, as will hereafter appear
we met at the Sandwich Islands, but the person the letters were
„„., t?.1116 ^arrat1^ of a y°y!ge t0 me Nortl1 West Coast of America and China on Trade
and Discoveries, performed m the ship Columbia Bedlvira,  1790,  1791,  1792 and 1793   l.v
?^n^So^Britt^^bS,11^3?4MaSSaCtoSettS H1St°rlCal S°°iety: °°Py ta ™e'S * The Voyage of the Hope
13
for, was then no more." Two hours later they separated, the Columbia for the continental shore; the Hope for the southern end of
Queen Charlotte Islands.
Ucah, the chief of Skincuttle Inlet, had been aboard the Columbia but seeing nothing to tempt his fickle fancy, visited the
Hope. There also he was obdurate until shown the iron collars, when
he immediately changed his mind and disposed of his skins. Knowing that the Columbia, the Hancock, the Eleanor, and, perhaps,
other vessels, were all trading in the vicinity, Ingraham resolved to
try the Alaskan coast in the hope of finding virgin fields; but the
weather continuing very boisterous, he abandoned that purpose and
sailed for the mainland. On July 27, in latitude 52° 15' he saw a
large bay with an opening that had the appearance of a good harbour. About five o'clock the following day, he succeeded in entering it; finding it uninhabited, he, in token of his feelings, conferred upon it the name Bay of Disappointment. This bay is difficult to identify, but is, perhaps, a portion of Laredo Sound.
Though almost a week had elapsed without obtaining any sea otter
skins, Ingraham kept his smith occupied in making the iron collars.
Every man having any ability with a needle was engaged in fashioning garments of blue cloth,20 with bright buttons conspicuously
set to catch the fancy of the natives.
Owing to the competition of the other vessels his future movements caused him much anxiety. He would have tried a cruise to
the west coast of Vancouver Island, had not fear of the Spaniards
deterred him. Fate again decided the question for him. A fair
wind bore him toward Queen Charlotte Islands once more. From
Houston Stewart Channel a canoe came out as he sailed northward,
but having now determined to revisit Ucah's village in Skincuttle
Inlet, he did not slacken his speed. Night had settled down on
July 31 before he came to anchor in this inlet. Sublimely grand
and awful was the dreary spot, its gloom increased by the deep
shadows cast by the surrounding mountains. The primeval silence,
broken only by hollow surges beating upon the rocky shore and the
sportive gambollings of the monsters of the deep, inspired him with
reverential awe, and led to serious trains of reflection in which he
indulges at some length. At dawn he fired a gun to announce his
arrival. Whilst awaiting the natives the crew were employed in
obtaining wood, for the supply being plentiful, the cook, he says
bumed it "without mercy." About noon Ucah, the chief, came out
to the Hope, on his neck the iron collar, shining and bright, bearing
20 Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 388. 14
F. W. Howay
evidence of having been carefully scoured and polished. He was
shown the garments with their array of fancy buttons; but whilst
admiring them, he plainly indicated that only the iron collars would
be acceptable in trade; though the clothes were of ten times greater
intrinsic value. Ucah was insistent to obtain the gift of a cold
chisel as a preliminary to any dealings with his people. However he met his match. The present was promised, delivery being
deferred until the completion of the trade. Two small and indifferent fur garments (cutsarks) were offered for an iron collar;
but, Ingraham refused, being determined to keep the price up, inasmuch as five of them constituted a good day's work for the
smith. Ultimately he obtained these skins for a saucepan, an article
of greater utility, but not so fashionable. Ingraham having in
three days' trade obtained their whole stock of furs, resumed his
voyage northward. Ucah solicited him to remain, saying he "would
go and fight for skins which he would bring and sell to us, but his
success was too precarious to trust to." This statement also throws
light upon methods of trade.
At noon on August 4 Ingraham entered Juan Perez Sound, at
the solicitation of Kanskeeni, the chief, who represented that his
tribe had many sea otter skins. After reaching anchorage only one
skin and a piece, which were alleged to be all they had, were offered
and a collar demanded in exchange. Ingraham, highly incensed,
detained the chief a prisoner until the tribe produced their whole
wealth—twenty-five skins—for which, he says, he paid them to
their satisfaction. We do not know the Indian version. As an
evidence of good will, he informs us, that the Indians forced him
to accept a present of some halibut, and on leaving them they sang
the song of friendship. This whole incident might readily be given
a totally different aspect.
The Hope continued her cruise northward. From Laskik Bay
four canoes came out, whose occupants were dressed in jackets,
trousers, and bed gowns, obtained from Captain Douglas. They
desired him to enter, but it being late in the evening, he thought it
wiser to spend the night under sail. It blew a perfect hurricane
and the little brigantine lay to under double-reefed mainsail. The
tide and the wind acting in opposition raised a frightful tide-rip,
the water dashing and foaming in such a fearful manner that it
was necessary to get the guns and the forge below decks and to
lash down the boats. This was Ingraham's first experience with
such a sea in so restricted a channel. The gale died down at daybreak and under the guidance of   the   natives   he   anchored   at The Voyage of the Hope
15
Skedans, the Tooschcondlth of Hoskins on the south side of
Cumshewa Inlet in a most indifferent roadstead.
Cumshewa, the chief, refused to trade or to allow any of his
tribe to do so until he had received the present of a collar. All of
Ingraham's promises to make the gift at the end of the trading were
brushed aside, and he found himself compelled to make the donation, then and there. But after this preliminary was arranged the
friendship of the chief was completely secured, and when the day
was done one hundred and seventy-six sea otter skins had been
added to his cargo. Such a wonderful result presaged a good trade
at this place. Though the following day was Sunday, all day long
the anvil rang as the smith fashioned the latest craze in collars; all
day long the Hope was surrounded by canoes, eager to trade; all
day long Ingraham was busy putting the tribe "in irons;" and when
the Sabbath sun had set eighty-four more skins had found their
way into the capacious maw of the Hope. The natives were very
peaceable, though this seemed rather the result of recent discipline than of natural disposition; for on being questioned, they admitted that a vessel had recently fired upon them, presumably for
some attempted outrage, and one man bore an open wound from a
musket ball.
Skidegate, a neighboring chief, came to trade, but Cumshewa
wished Ingraham to order him away. He, however, paid no attention to the request as these people had what he had travelled so
far to obtain. From them he succeeded in getting skins for chisels
and clothing. These chisels as they were called in the trade were
merely pieces of flat iron about an inch in width, drawn to an
edge. They are what Dixon and the earlier traders called "toes."
The jackets were in demand and when they were all sold the
trousers were no longer current; blue cloth alone appealed to their
taste; green and white they would not accept. Then the crew disposed of all their old clothes. Still the furs kept coming in, but
now there was a great dearth of the means of barter and in the
end Ingraham's only resource was iron worked into collars or some
more useful form, though the greater the utility the smaller the
value in the native's eyes.
This chief brought to an art the plan of barter in the form of
reciprocal gifts. He gave to Ingraham his skins and begged presents in return, taking care that the value thus received should be
greater than he could possibly have obtained in the regular way of
trade: after haggling for an hour over the price of a skin he would
in apparent disgust throw it on the deck with "I'll give it to you, F. W. Howay
Ingraham's great effort was to avoid these Greek gifts.
Skidegate urged earnestly that his twenty-four retainers should be
allowed to remain on board over night; as they outnumbered the
crew the request was denied. Clothing being still in demand by the
Indians and the supply being exhausted Ingraham bethought him
of some feathered caps and cloaks of the Sandwich Islands that
had been intended for friends in Boston. As soon as he saw them
the chief was captiviated; he must have a cap and two cloaks, for
which he bartered five excellent skins; but no sooner was the bargain closed than he repented and demanded the return of his skins.
This Ingraham stoutly refused: "As sea otter skins were to me
much better curiosities than caps and cloaks I chose to adhere to
the bargain." Seeing that he was obdurate, the wily old chief
threw the contended articles on the deck and in a high dudgeon
got into his canoe and paddled off a few yards, where he sat sulk-
ng, Achilles-like, until mollified by a small gift.
Having obtained all the furs at this place Ingraham, after a
week's stay, sailed on August 12 across the bay to a cove on the
north side. This is identified as Cumshewa's Village, opposite Skedans. From Hoskin's journal it appears that the Columbia was at
this place or in the vicinity some ten days previous, and again
some ten days subsequent to the visit of the Hope.
A chief came aboard here with two very fine sea otter skins,
for which he wanted a collar. He solicited a night's lodging, as
his wife had beaten him and he was afraid to return home. The
narrative throws no light on the cause of the trouble. As this man
had visited the Hope quite frequently while she lay on the other side
of Laskik Bay it may, perhaps, be assumed that his trading had
not met with the approval of his spouse. Hoskins tells us that
the women of this vicinity in trade, as in everything else, appear
to govern their husbands, whom they beat if they make unsatisfactory bargains.21
It was now the 15th of August; only a little over a month
since he had begun his trading at Cloak Bay; and in that interval
Ingraham had collected more than eight hundred and fifty sea otter skins. Each day added a few to his stock; but all the cloth and
clothing were gone; and in the competition with at least three other
vessels this would place him at a distinct disadvantage. He therefore decided, instead of wintering on the coast, to sail to China,
dispose of his cargo of furs, obtain further supply of trading goods, The Voyage of the Hope
17
and return to Queen Charlotte Islands in time for the opening of
the nesct season.
The crew were set to work to take out the furs, beat, clean,
and diy them, obtain wood and water, and prepare for the voyage
across the Pacific. These necessaiy occupations consumed about
a fortnight. The Hope still lay at anchor in the little cove at
Cumshewa's village, visited each day by the natives. The trade
went steadily on, and the stream of furs flowed uninterruptedly
into her hold. When, at last, the vessel was ready to sail, Ingraham
found that he had more than fourteen hundred sea otter skins and
upwards of three hundred sables, besides beaver, wolverine, etc.
Forty-nine days trade on the northern and eastern side of Queen
Charlotte Islands. He attributes his success to the method, first
introduced by him, of visiting a village, casting anchor and remaining until no more furs could be secured. In this he is probably
right, for the natives naturally preferred to deal in this way, rather
than paddle out four or five leagues to a moving vessel, as they
must do to trade with the others. The results support this view,
for the Columbia, pursuing the old fashion of flitting hither and
thither had in about the same time obtained only six hundred skins,
and the Hancock between five hundred and six hundred.
During this fortnight the trade was practically confined to
plain bar iron; the standard being a piece of iron of the length of
the sea otter skin offered. When they learned of his intention to
depart the chiefs begged him to return soon and to bring them several specified articles of trade but especially a good supply of the
iron collars.
The natives seemed to be becoming restless. On three occasions in spite of his warning they persisted in attempting to approach the Hope at night and Ingraham fearing that they purposed to seize his vessel, felt obliged to fire in their direction,
though, as he claims, over their heads. After each of these
troubles Ingraham was doubtful as to their future relations; the
Indians, nevertheless continued to trade and when taxed with the
misconduct invariably laid the blame upon the members of any
other tribe who happened to be there at the time. The Columbia
arrived on August 22 with a sad story of the murder of three of
her crew by natives on the north side of Dixon Entrance. This
convinced Ingraham of the wisdom of his course and of being constantly on the alert. War, too, had broken out between Skidegate's
tribe and a tribe at Juan Perez Sound. 18
F. W. Howay
Just as the Hope was under way a canoe came out and traded
twenty skins—the very last they possessed—and, says Ingraham,
"seeing we were about to leave them, they traded quick." He left
Queen Charlotte Islands on September 1 for China by way of the
Sandwich Islands. Many pages of the Journal are here filled with
a long description of these islands, the natives, their habits, implements, language, history, and possible origin.
On the voyage to the Sandwich Islands the second officer, Mr.
Crafts died after a lingering illness. This leads Ingraham to discourse upon the solemnity of death at sea, the void that it makes,
and the constant reminder in the vacant chair. On October 6 the
island Owyhee (Hawaii) was seen at a distance of twenty leagues.
Two days later at nightfall they met the brig Hancock, just from
the Northwest Coast of America and like themselves bound for
China. Ingraham waxes eloquent upon that perfect night. "It
was calm," he says, "a delightful evening; the moon shone with
uncommon splendour, casting a silvered gleam on the bosom of the
deep; the highlands threw a dark shade which was gradually
lightened into a blue tint as the shadow lost its effect."
Until Ingraham's intentions were known the captain of the
Hancock tried to deceive him as to his future plans, and endeavored
to obtain supplies under the pretence that he intended to winter at
the Sandwich Islands; but knowing from tlie Columbia that the
Hancock was on her way to China, Ingraham pointed out to him
the futility.of his purposed deception. This incident is only mentioned as a mere outcrop of the secrecy and distrust that permeated the whole maritime fur trade. Though maintaining outwardly
friendly relations, yet considerable ill feeling sprang up between the
two Boston vessels, engendered, in part, by the effort to obtain
provisions from the islanders—each being anxious to forestall
the other. In four or five days Ingraham, having collected seventy
hogs, some fowls, and a great quantity of vegetables, resumed his
voyage to China carrying with him three Sandwich Island lads
as an addition to his crew.
He anchored in Macao Roads November 29, 1791. There he
met La Solide, Captain Marchand, the French ship that had discovered the New Marquesas about two months after his own discovery. He also met Captain Coolidge of the Grace, who had been
on the Washington, and whose name is familiar to all who have
studied the details of the seizure of Meares ships at Nootka in 1789.
From him he learned  that,   owing to   war  between   China  and The Voyage of the Hope
19
Russia, the Chinese, under the mistaken idea that the fur trade
was wholly connected with Russian interests, had prohibited all
vessels having furs on board from entering Canton, the great Chinese mart.22
This was indeed a difficult situation. Here was Ingraham
with fourteen hundred sea otter skins worth at least $30,000 at the
door of the market, but unable to enter. Captain Marchand informed him that in view of this interdict he intended to depart
with his furs for the Isle of France (Mauritius). This Ingraham
could not believe. He says, "I was afterwards informed he had
smuggled them ashore through the interest of the Padres, which
I believe was the case as the ship sailed shortly after and it did not
seem probable they would take their skins with them to the Isle of
France." Nevertheless he was wrong. "As a sole and wretched
resource," says Marchand. "the cargo of furs was brought to
France." They were ultimately sent to Lyons as the most eligible
market, but soon after their arrival the city was besieged, the furs
seized, and in the end they became a prey to the worms.23
Ingraham resolved to pursue a different course; he had come to
China to sell his furs, and sell them he would despite the prohibition. The Hope was removed to Lark's Bay, three or four leagues
southwest of Macao. Then he familiarized himself with the various
underground routes. There was no market; had there been one,
it would have been flooded, for the cargoes of the Grace, Hancock,
Gustavus, Hope and La Solide, added to those of the Spanish vessels from Manilla amounted to about eleven thousand sea otter
skins. The risks attendant on smuggling further decreased the
price, which, according to Marchand had now fallen to fifteen
dollars for a skin of first quality.2*
Ingraham at first relied upon a supposed friend who assured
him that he could readily dispose of his cargo; but after waiting
some weeks in vain, he concluded that his friend was merely
"amusing" him and keeping him out of the market while he was
selling the furs brought by the Grace. In company with Captain
Coolidge of the Grace Ingraham went into a smuggling venture in
which each risked one hundred skins in an attempt to land them at
Whampoa. After ten days spent in a vain endeavor to get the
skins ashore, and in which they narrowly escaped seizure the boat
22 Voyage of Marchand, ii, 84.
23 Voyage of Marchand, ii, 238.
24 Voyage of Marchand, ii, 97. 20
F. W. Howay
returned. Some two hundred skins were sold to other captains who
took the risk of running them ashore.
While slowly getting rid of his skins, disposing of a few here
and a few there, and smuggling a boat load ashore at every available opportunity Ingraham was also obtaining his trading goods.
He purchased a large quantity of broadcloth and began on shore
the manufacture of jackets and trousers, but when he attempted
to put the cloth, and the clothing on the Hope, the mandarins demanded $100 to be paid before the would allow them to leave the
shore. After haggling long and vainly, Ingraham paid the exaction. Verily these Chinese dues were only governed by the personal whim of the mandarins. Marchand explains that these officers being required to collect a certain sum each year resorted to
the simple expedient of doubling or trebling the charges according
to the circumstances.26
In about a month of this surreptitious trading Ingraham succeeded in disposing of practically his whole cargo; but unfortunately at prices far below those that usually prevailed. The expenses too, far exceeded his original calculations, and when he came
to adjust the accounts with his "blockade runners" he found to his
surprise that each one made claims more exorbitant than the other.
He and his friends Coolidge and Rogers agreed to invest the
proceeds of their sales in a cargo of tea and to charter a small vessel, the Fairy, to transport it to Boston. He accordingly purchased
one thousand eight hundred and sixty chests of tea as his share of
the lading, but soon discovered that he had obtained far too much.
The tea was brought to Macao to be loaded; only a hundred chests
had been put on board when the mandarins again interfered and
seized sixty-seven chests. As he had the permission of the Portuguese governor to export he thought the matter easily adjusted;
yet on visiting that official with his complaint the latter informed
him that for the unnamed consideration he had only agreed to shut
his eyes as regarded Portuguese imposts and that he could not interfere or exempt him from Chinese demands and regulations.
Marchand had evidently had some experience with the same individual. "The Portuguese government of Macao," says he, "is in a
state of debasement which can be compared only to the indolence,
the avidity, and the knavery of a mandarin."26 It was now discovered that the Fairy was anchored outside the Portuguese juris-
26 Voyage of Marchand, ii, 96.
20 Voyage of Marchand, ii, 99. The Voyage of the Hope
21
diction and was, moreover, a foreign ship that had paid no Chinese
port dues. So the sixty-seven chests were confiscated. Ingraham
was at his wit's ends. At last a Spanish ship which had paid these
dues was found and for $500 agreed to take the tea aboard as part
of her cargo for Cochin China and deliver it to the Fairy at Lark's
Bay. This being accomplished the Fairy sailed on March 29, 1792
for Boston, and Ingraham was free to prepare for his departure.
On April 1, 1792 the Hope in company with the Grace sailed
for the Northwest Coast of" America.    Head winds drove them
back, and it was not until the 26th that they finally left the Chinese
coast.   Soon the vessels separated and each pursued her way alone.
On July 1 "the water changed from its usual blueness at sea to a
greenish hue which indicated that we were not far from soundings."
The latitude was 53° 14'.    The next day the snowclad summit of
San Christobal appeared on the eastern horizon.   Ingraham steered
for Cloak Bay.    Anchoring there he immediately began to trade.
He found that six vessels had visited the village already that season.   With every confidence he displayed his collars and his clothing, but alas! the fashion had changed in the interval.    Only one
skin would be given for a collar; the clothing was scarcely looked
at; table spoons, which in the preceding year would hardly be accepted as a gift, were now the one thing the natives wanted.    On
the voyage across the Pacific the smith had been kept busy fashioning daggers of the various forms in use on the islands.    Ingraham
now offered these weapons, but with no better success.    Everything had changed.    Articles regarded as most   valuable    a    few
months before were now despised.    Copper, which during the last
year had never been asked for, was now in demand; but when Ingraham did produce his copper sheets they were too thin to suit the
exacting taste of these changeable people.    They asked, too, for
heavy leather to make coats of mail and, strangely enough, for a
variegated shell of green and white, a species of pearl.
The Hancock arrived the following day; both vessels requiring
cleaning it was agreed that they should remain together for mutual
protection during the operation. The Hancock had left one of her
crew at this village before sailing for China, for the purpose of collecting furs and securing the trade. On inquiring for this sailor
Captain Crowell, her master, found that he had departed on the
very first vessel that had arrived, which happened to be Meares
celebrated ship the Iphigenia, now it would appear, no longer masquerading but a real Portuguese bottom, in command of Vianna.
Many ships had left men, as in this case, to preempt the trade but 22
F. W. Howay
they invariably found, as did Captain Crowell, that the person becoming weary of his voluntary exile had taken passage at the first
opportunity. Naturally the vessel that received him obtained the
advantage of his labor—another instance of one reaping where he
had not sowed.
While engaged in the operation of graving the vessels, the
Fourth of July arrived. The entry in the Journal reads: "In order
to celebrate it in the best manner our situation would admit of, I
had as on my last voyage, a hog of 60 pounds weight roasted whole
on the beach, and invited Capt. Crowell and his officers to dine
with me. At 12 o'clock we fired a gun, hoisted our colours, and
gave three cheers, which the Hancock returned. As the Hope was
on a careen, we dined on shore under a tree near the beach. Old
Cunneyah, one of the neighboring chiefs, was one of our guests."
That afternoon a native stole an axe belonging to the Hancock.
Her crew in retaliation seized some of the villagers' skins. The
Indians, fearing trouble, fled immediately. Presently two or three
returned and claimed the skins which they then offered in exchange
for a jacket and trousers. The bartering had just reached the stage
at which one of the Indians was fitting on the trousers when the
real owner arrived. The others then ran off with the jacket and
trousers. The sailors pursued them, firing upon the fugitives, who
dropped the jacket, but he who had the trousers in possession,
though wounded, got safely away. All thought of further trading
vanished and as soon as the graving was completed, Ingraham sailed
through Cox Strait. On enquiring for Cow, who had been so
prominent on the former visit, Ingraham was told that he was dead,
but he learned later that he had removed with his tribe to Kaigahnee
on the northern side of Dixon Entrance, and, adds the Journal:
"So far from being dead, was very stout and had three wives, which
many would suppose was enough to kill him in a short time."
The Hope rounded Rose Point and anchored under the lee.
On the morning of July 7 Skidegate, a chief whom he had met during the preceding season, arrived with ten large canoes bearing
about two hundred and fifty men equipped for war. Thirty skins
were obtained from them. Before they departed they were insistent that he should foretell the weather. He looked wise and
prophesied that no storm would occur until five days had elapsed.
The Indians' faith in his ability as a prophet must have fallen
greatly, for the storm came on the next day. Sailing southward he
met the Grace which had just left Cumshewa Inlet. Her captain
informed him that the Indians there had many skins which how- The Voyage of the Hope
23
ever he had been unable to procure, as his trading goods did not
appear attractive to them. The Grace had heard that a man-of-war
was in the neighborhood. This was probably the Spanish vessel
Aranzuzu; the report could not refer to Vancouver's ships for they
were then in the vicinity of Bute Inlet, three hundred miles distant.27
As the Grace had no legal papers Captain Coolidge, to avoid the
possibility of seizure and confiscation determined to spend the summer trading in the northern waters.
Owing to baffling winds the Hope did not reach Cumshewa
Inlet until July 10. The trade was very slow for the Indians held
their furs at a price "beyond all reason." After two days of unsuccessful attempts Ingraham sailed for Juan Perez Sound. On
the way he met the sloop Jackal of London. When he first descried her he was surprised to see such a small vessel with a tier
of gun-ports fore and aft, and thought her a King's cutter or a
tender to a man-of-war. On nearer approach he saw that the
ports were false or painted, a bit of camouflage to overawe the
natives. This meeting caused him to return hastily to Cumshewa's
for he feared that the Jackal's aiticles of trade might effectually
end his traffic by introducing some novel fashion. Arriving at
Cumshewa's he Found to his surprise that the Indians were not only
aware of the presence of the Jackal but also of the assortment of
trading goods that she carried. No longer could he obtain furs in
quantities. Here and elsewhere it was now a case of picking up
two or three after much waste of time and at great expense.
There were now at these islands and the neighboring mainland
besides the Hope, the Butterworth, Jackal, Lee Boo, Margaret,
Hancock, Grace, Adventure, and Iphigenia, Ingraham therefore
thought that the field had too many workers and concluded to try
the region to the southward. While he lay becalmed at the entrance of Juan Perez Sound the natives came off and supplied him
with halibut. They put out kelp lines and awkward looking hooks
and in a few minutes caught three fine fish. The sailors tried their
luck with European gear, but unsuccessfully. This to the Indian
mind demonstrated the superiority of their own implements and
resulted in an increased price.
Continuing his southward voyage but never neglecting an oppor- .
tunity to obtain a sea otter skin, Ingraham on July 27, saw the en-~
trance of Kyuquot Sound on the west coast of Vancouver Island.
He traded at one or two of the villages and made his way into the
27 Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,   History   of  the  Northwest   Coast   (San   Francisco,,   1886),
i, 267; Vancouver, Voyage, ii, 235 et seq. 24
F. W. Howay
sound itself. He seems to have been suspicious of the natives, for
his first step on entering was to seize two of them as hostages, an
action which he does not appear to have taken in any other place.
Nevertheless, leaving four men on the little brigantine, he and the
remainder of the crew went ashore for recreation. The Indians
gathered in large numbers and from their conduct seemed to be
examining the vessel as if contemplating an attempt at capture.
Ingraham and his men returned hurriedly on board. Hardly had
they done so when fifteen large canoes filled with savages bore
down upon the Hope in regular battle array. Warning shots and
gestures were unheeded; then a shot was sent over their heads;
as they still continued to approach he fired upon them with grape
and round shot. The assailants retired precipitately, but rested near
a neighboring point. Ingraham fired again upon them to show them
they were still within range and then arming the long boat gave
chase. No trade could now be carried on and he sailed without
delay for Nootka. In passing out of the sound the chief came
alongside. Ingraham reproached him for the attempted aggression.
As usual he laid the blame upon the members of another tribe, the
Ahatesets.
When he anchored that night in a cove of Esperanza Inlet,
Ingraham took the precaution to seize all the canoes which were
drawn up in front of the village and moor them to the Hope during
the night. As he approached the entrance to Nootka Sound on
July 31 he noticed many canoes with sails, a means of propulsion
that he had never before met amongst them. Though the natives
knew the art of making cloth, they do not appear, according to the
testimony of the early voyagers to have applied it to use on the
water. Late that evening the Hope dropped anchor in historic
Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound. Lying there were the Daedalus, the
store ship of Vancouver's squadron, the San Carlos, and Columbia.
He saluted the Spanish flag with nine guns which were returned
with an equal number. The Spaniards had established a little village on the shores of Friendly Cove. They explained that owing to
the uncertainity of their occupation the houses were but temporary.
Cattle, sheep, hogs, and poultry they had in abundance, and the
pristine wilderness had been transformed into a garden producing
every kind of vegetable. Quadra, the Spanish commandante, received him most courteously, offering him all needful assistance,
and inviting him to an excellent dinner, served, as he gravely records, on silver. At Quadra's request he joined with Captain Gray
in giving the letter containing their version of the circumstances The Voyage of the Hope
25
surrounding the seizure of Meares' ships at Nootka in 1789. This
document, which is set out in full in the Journal, is also to be found
in the appendix to Greenhow's History of Oregon, and in the Report
of the Archivist of British Columbia for 1913.
He renewed his acquaintance with Maquinna and his brother, the
head chiefs of the vicinity. From their constant association with
the Spaniards these treacherous chiefs had become quite polished
in their manners, meeting and parting with strangers with a great
deal of ceremony, and bowing and scraping "Adieu Senior" in the
most approved Castilian style. "I verily believe," adds Ingraham,
"that if the Spaniards had the tuition of these people but a few
years longer they would be quite civilized." Much ceremony was
observed at this unique settlement. Spanish manners, customs, and
ideals held sway just as rigorously on the wild shores of Nootka
as within the precincts of Madrid. All vessels entering the sound
saluted the Spanish fort punctiliously and received the same courtesy in return. When Quadra visited the Hope he was saluted with
nine guns.
On August 7 Ingraham sailed for Neah Bay, the new Spanish
settlement at the entrance of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. During
the week that he had spent at Nootka, he had not been able to obtain a single sea otter skin; not that the natives had none, but they
would sell to no one except Captain Kendrick, of whom they seemed
veiy fond, owing, as they said, to his consistently kind treatment;
though Ingraham opines that the real reason was that he gave them
prices which other traders regarded as exorbitant. On his departure, besides furnishing him with a letter of introduction to all
Spanish commanders and a general passport, Quadra sent him "40
fresh salmon, some fresh pork, eggs, butter, 50 loaves of new bread,
some wine, brandy, and a great supply of cabbages, salad, etc.,
which considering the part of the world we were in, I thought a
very handsome present."
Off Nootka Sound the Hope met the Butterworth of London,
the consort of the sloop Jackal, already mentioned. From her he
heard that the people of Clayoquot had unprovokedly attacked her
boats, killing one seaman and severly wounding two others. The
next day he encountered the Margaret of Boston, owned by the
same interests as the Hope. Her captain, Magee, was very ill, and
in compliance with his request, Ingraham abandoned his intention
of visiting the Strait of Juan de Fuca and accompanied her to
Nootka.
From the Margaret he heard a different story of the affair at 26
F. W. Howay
Clayoquot. According to this version the crew of the Butterworth
attempted to rob the Indians of their furs, actually going so far as
to cut some from the backs of the wearers. When the Indians resisted further despoliation the sailors fired upon them, killing four
men. The natives armed themselves and launched their war canoes,
intending to surround the boats, which retreated incontinently toward the ship. Captain, Magee, who had seen the whole trouble,
fired a cannon shot in front of the pursuers and the affray was
ended. In the offing, said Captain Magee, the Butterworth fell in
with some canoes of the tribe engaged in fishing, took the Indians
therefrom, triced them up, flogged them, and threw them into the
sea; and the Jenny of Bristol, which was astern, dispatched them
with her guns. Which of these contradictory accounts is the truth
is unknown. Ingraham's outspoken dislike of all things British
must be considered and weighed in arriving at a conclusion; and it
must be remembered that during this keen competition there was
scarce a trader against whom somewhat similar complaints were
not made.
The two vessels remained at Nootka for six days. During this
time they evolved a new scheme of trading. They were to sail in
company and in dealing with the Indians one was by agreement to
overbid the other, an account was to be kept, and the proceeds of
the joint undertaking to be divided; but when they attempted to
put the plan into execution, they found that the price demanded far
exceeded their uttermost agreed bid. This is only mentioned to show
the ingenuity of the American traders in their efforts to obtain
skins.
Once more the Hope headed for Queen Charlotte Islands, calling at every bay and inlet along the Eastern coast, but meeting with
no success. The field had been reaped; little remained for the
gleaner. On August 22 Ingraham anchored in Douglas Cove on the
southern side of North Island, not far from Cloak Bay. There he
found the Grace, a felucca from Macao, likely the Fenis & St.
Joseph, the Adventure tender to the Columbia, in charge of his
friend Haswell; and the sloop Jackal. No trade was to be obtained,
and after three days' delay he sailed again for Skidegate. Not a
single skin could be procured there, either. The ship Butterworth
passed by while the Hope lay in this bay. Southward again sailed
the Hope; four skins were obtained near Atli Point; and she passed
on into Carpenter Bay. This place, to his great disappointment, he
found already in possession of the Lee Boo of the Butterworth
squadron.   Three fruitless days were spent, and then in sheer des- The Voyage of the Hope
27
peration Ingraham set sail again for Nootka. Off Cape Scott, the
northwestern extremity of Vancouver Island, he picked up "three
different skins." At midnight of September 10 with the aid of
Spanish launches he reached Anchorage in Friendly Cove. There
he found Vancouver's vessels, the Discovery and the Chatham,
which had arrived on August 28.
His first business at sunrise the next day was to hoist his jack,
ensign, and pennant and salute the Spanish flag with nine guns.
After stating in the Journal that the Spanish commandante informed him that he was preparing to abandon the sound to the
British, Ingraham adds that the Daedalus was, after discharging
her stores, to depart to Botany Bay, Australia for a load of convicts
to form a British settlement at Nootka. Where he got this strange
idea it is impossible to ascertain; it never had any foundation in
fact, and probably arose from the knowledge that the Daedalus was
to sail to Port Jackson, (Sydney, Australia).
Ingraham was surprised to meet at Nootka the Sandwich
Islander, Opie, whom he had brought out from Boston and left at
Owyhee in May 1791. This man who had evidently an atack of
the wanderlust had embarked with Vancouver in March 1792. He
now wished to return to his home and begged Ingraham to afford
him a passage. This, however, was refused unless Vancouver
would discharge him. When Vancouver declined to do so, Opie
suggested that he would desert and meet the Hope in a canoe outside Nootka, but to this Ingraham would not consent, especially as
Opie freely admitted that he was well treated on the Discovery and,
in any event, the Hope was already overmanned.
According to the writer of the New Vancouver Journal Ingraham had at this time only four hundred and fifty sea otter skins
on board.28 This unknown author, who from the internal evidence
was probably Mr. Bell, the clerk of the Chatham, adds pertinently:
"It was veiy difficult to come here at the truth of what number of
skins ships collected; for the masters of them and their mates and
ship's company, whether from a privilege they think they can claim
by passing round Cape Horn, or from some unaccountable species
of distrust or jealousy seldom agree in their accounts of their quantity on board, many of them, and often, vaiying hundreds of skins.
However I believe I may be somewhere tolerably near the truth in
the quantities I have mentioned throughout, at all events I am pretty
sure I am not above the mark, more likely considerably under it."29
Haswell, Dixon, and other traders notice the same peculiarity.
28 The Washington Historical Quarterly, v. 307.
20 Id., vi.  56. 28
F. W. Howay
After nine days of idleness at Nootka the Hope again sailed
for the Strait of Juan de Fuca. In the vicinity of Neah Bay Ingraham had difficulty with the Indians. As he passed their village
they set up a most hideous yelling accompanied with signs and gestures highly inimical. Fearing they might attack him at anchor, he
fired, he says, over their heads, and this quieted the disturbance.
He thought that these people were anxious for revenge for the men
killed by the Spaniard, Fidalgo, some days previously, and his
small vessel seemed suitable for the purpose. The Spanish settlement at Nunez Gaona (Neah Bay) which was about to be abandoned he describes as consisting "only of a few huts and a tolerable
good garden." On this cruise he obtained fifty-five excellent sea
otter skins in exchange for copper.
He was again at Friendly Cove on October 1st, when at Vancouver's invitation he, with the Spanish officers, dined on board the
Discovery. "Captain Vancouver," he says, "entertained us in the
best manner his situation would admit of, which considering the
place we were in, might be called elegant." He gives the following
appreciation of Vancouver, which is the more interesting because
of his pronounced dislike of the British: "Without losing any of the
dignity necessary for a man in his situation to assume, he behaved
in a liberal, kind, and impartial manner to those of all nations who
anchored in this port."
The season was ended. More than three months had been
spent in the vain endeavor to procure a cargo of skins. The Journal
does not give any information as to the number on board; about
five hundred and fifty seems the correct quantity. He had in the
preceding year obtained almost three times that amount in one-half
the time. The increased competition, the strangely whimsical and
constantly variable taste of the Indians, and his flitting from port
to port combined to effect this result. On October 12 Ingraham
sailed from Nootka for China by way of the Sandwich Islands. His
Journal ends here quite abruptly, with some general remarks upon
the charts that he had drawn to accompany it.
F. W. Howay, P. R. S. C. FRANCIS HERON, FUR TRADER: OTHER HERONS
Francis Heron (the name also appears as Herron), one of the
least known of the Hudson's Bay Company's chief traders in the
Columbia district, was an Irishman, who entered the employ of the
Hudson's Bay Company about 1810 as a clerk. His name appears
as Nos. 180, 115 and 118 respectively in the list of employees of the
Hudson's Bay Company, in America for the years 1821-1824.
He was promoted to Chief trader in 1828,1 and was assigned
to and stationed at Fort Colville, in 1830. The Minutes of Council
for 1830 show that he applied for transfer of furlough for 1831,
and that the application was referred to Dr. McLaughlin, Chief
Factor of the Columbia District.2 It was evidently denied. He
continued at Colville during 1831 and 1832, and in the latter year
attended the Meeting of Council at York Factory8 and was given
charge, from Fort Edmonton to Fort Colville, of the recruits sent
out for the Columbia River District, with Annance and Francis
Ermatinger as his aids. He left Fort Colville in 1833 for Fort Vancouver and later for Nisqually, where he succeeded Archibald
McDonald, on June 27, 1833.4
At Fort Nisqually, it appears that he took an interest in the
welfare of the Indians and endeavored to instruct them in the Christian religion.5 It further oppears that during this time Mr. Heron
became a victim to strong drink, frequently keeping to his own room
in solitary drinking.6
He was present at Meeting of Council in the Red River settlement, in June, 1833, and by- minutes of that council, granted a furlough for 1835-1836.7 By subsequent Minutes of Council, for 1835,
the furlough was confirmed, and he went to England. By Minutes
of Council in 1835, and 1837, he was granted extentions of furlough
until April 25, 1838.8
1 "3The Canadian Northwest," in Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 9 (Ottawa,
1914), p.  624.
2 Ibid., p. 642.
• 3 Ibid., pp. 651, 673. "Heron, as usual, stuck at Colville."—Archibald McDonald to
John McLeod, Fort Langley, February 20, 1833, in Washington Historical Quarterly, ii, p.
162.
4 See "Journal of Occurrences at Nisqually House," in Washington Historical Quarterly,
vi, p. 189.
5 "Sunday 22nd (Dec, 1833) Several Indian families came in as usual to get some
religious instruction. ***i have at length succeeded in altering their savage natures so
far, that they not only listen with attention to what I tell them but they actually practice
it."—Ibid, p.  272;  also, Id., vii,  pp.  70,  71,  158.
6I&S vii, p. 70.
7 T/ie Canadian Northwest, p. 673.
8 Ibid., pp. 708, 758.
(29) 30
William S. Lewis
At Meeting of Council, in 1836, the following record appears:
"Mr. Chief Trader Heron's intemperate habits having of late
become so notorious as to be the subject of general remark among
all classes throughout the country, Resolved:' That a circular be
addressed to the different gentlemen in charge of the district to
state in writing what may have come to their knowledge in regard
to his habit in that respect, and requiring Mr. Heron to appear at
next sitting of council
Owing to Mr. Heron's absence this hearing was later continued
until 1838.   No further action appears to have been taken.9
Archibald McDonald, writing on January 25, 1837, says:
"I am arrrious to close my private correspondence as a very
disagreeable task is just imposed on me by order of Council to collect evidence and make out affadavits from our men here in the
case of that unhappy man Heron."10
A clerk, James Heron, probably a brother, was at Fort Alexander in July, 1817, and was with Simpson in 1828. In 1828 Archibald McDonald mentions him as, embarking for the Athabasca and
later as suceeding Mr. McGillwary at Fort Chipiwayan. He was
assigned to Fort Chipiwayan for 1832-1833 and directed to accompany the boats the next season to Norway House and then to
proceed to York Factory. He was retired from the service in
1832.11
Heron's death is reported in a letter of Archibald McDonald.12
While at Fort Colville, Francis Heron contracted a marriage alliance with a half-breed girl of the Colville tribe, whose father was a
white man named Clark. The only white man of that name known
to the writer to have been in that section of the country prior to
1820—was the Astor partner, stationed at Spokane House, 1812-
1814. At Nisqually, in 1834, George Heron12 a son, was bom.
After Francis Heron's departure for England in 1835 the mother
and son moved to the Willamette Valley.
Francis Heron, evidently possessed many sterling and likeable
qualities. Capt. N. J. Wyeth, in his journal at Fort Colville, March
12, 1833,18 mentions him as one of the chief-traders of the Hudson's
Bay Company, to whom he was under lasting obligation.
9 Ibid., pp. 737, 769.
10 Washington Historical  Quarterly,
and   other  journals.
Consult,  also,  Ermatinger,  Douglas,
Eoyal Society of
il Peace River, pp. 7, 12; H. Brmatinger,   "Journal" in Proceeding
Canada, Vol. 000, p.  97; Canadian Northwest, pp.  658.  659,  688.
112 Washington Historical QuarteM i, p. 78; id., viii, p. 113; History of North Wash-
inff*o» (Western Historical Publishing Cof&ny, Spokane, 1904), p. 459; the date therein
given, 1832, is incorrect.
13 Sources of Oregon History, i, pp. 58, 57. Francis Heron, Fur Trader
31
George Heron, Son of Francis Heron
This venerable native of Washington, during a long and eventful career, was closely connected with many of the leading history
making events in the Northwest.
George Heron was born at Fort Nisqually, near Olympia, in
1834,14 being the son of Frank (Francis) and Josette (Boucher)15
Heron, natives of Canada and the Colville Country, respectively.
The father was the chief factor in the Hudson's Bay Company,
mentioned in the title, and traveled about a great deal. The mother
was of the Colville Indian tribe, and died in the Willamette Valley
in 1878. The father died about 183816 when our subject was four
years old. He was an only child and after his father's death, went
with his mother to the Willamette Valley and lived with the tribes
in that section, making frequent trips back to the Colville Countiy.
Mr. Heron was raised in the primitive style of the native Indians,
and consequently had very little opportunity for an education. Being endowed with considerable talent and a mental quickness often
found in the half-breed children of the fur-traders, he very cleverly picked up French and the various Indian languages which he
heard, and soo became quite proficient in all the dialects of the
Indians of the Northwest, as well as in English and French.
When very young he started independent action and for seven
years farmed on French Prairie in the Willamette Valley, one of
the well-known points in the early settlement of the Northwest.
About 1859, Mr. Heron moved back to Colville and began operating
a pack-train from The Dalles to that point, continuing the same for
five years. Then he hired to the United States as interpreter and
for twenty-five years was in its employ for seventy-five dollars per
month. For three years, he was in the employ of the War Department with government troops and following this long service, he
again farmed in Stevens County, residing on the Columbia River.
About 1878 or 1879, Mr. Heron went to Washington, D. C, with a
number of Indian chiefs—Cheans, Moses, Tenasket, Sasaphapine,
and Lott—as interpreter in their consultation with the government
in reference to the treaty for their lands.
During the Nez Perce War, George Heron was very busy, riding from one tribe to another in the Northwest, being employed by
the government in the interest of peace, and his services were of
14 No mention of the event appears in the Journal of Occurrences at Nisqually House.
15 George   Heron  states   that  his  mother's   name   was   Clarke.     She  possibly  married
Boucher after  Clarke left the  country.
16 See statement in History of North Washington, page 459,  giving the date as 1832,
manifestiy an error.    Some of the biography contained therein in made use of in this article. 32
William S. Lewis
great value in assisting to keep the Indians from going on the warpath. He was acknowledged to be one* of the best Indian inteipret-
ers in the entire Northwest. On one occasion, in the earlier part
of "Joseph's War," there was a council of Indians with the government officers at Spokane. The then official interpreter was entirely unable to officiate and Mr. Heron was sent for. After the consultation, he was employed with the officers and soldiers and retained until the war ended. He spent this time in various sections
of the country and after the hostilities, returned to Spokane Falls
and his family was one of the few then there. A sawmill and
store were the only business establishments then at the Falls.
In 1888, George Heron removed to his present home, about
five miles north of Republic, where he owned one hundred and
sixty acres of timothy land, and where he has about fifty head of
cattle, besides other property. He does not attend to his farm personally, but rents it, and during the last few years, has had the great
misfortune to be stricken with blindness and has become very feeble,
and the writer does not know whether he yet survives.
In 1863, Mr. Heron married an Indian woman and to this union
were born five children: John, deceased; Alex, on the Kettle River;
Joseph, married to Noah LeFleur, on the Colville River; David, in
the Curlew Valley; and Josette, deceased. In 1876, Mr. Heron was
called to mourn the death of his wife, and four years later, he married Martina, also an Indian woman.
In politics, Mr. Heron is a stanch Republican and always takes,
contrary to the majority of his race, an active interest in public affairs. He and his family are sincere adherents to the Catholic
Church. In the early days, George Heron acted as deputy sheriff
of Stevens County under John Hofstetter, and owing to his service
as interpretter he was associated with some of the leading men of
the Northwest. He has a very wide acquaintance and is a well-
known and influential man, especially in matters relating to Indian
affairs. In character he is a man of integrity and has always been
considered a valuable and estimable citizen of his community.
We have the following statements from Mr. Heron himself
made to Mr. John Helphrey of Curlew and the writer in December,
1915:—.
"I am now 82 years of age, having been born at "Squalie" (Nisqually) in the year 1834. My father was Frank (Francis) Heron,
an Irishman, who was in charge of the Colville trading post for the
Hudson Bay Company. My mother was a half-breed named Clark.
About the time I was a year old my father was called back to Can- Francis Heron, Fur Trader
33
ada and my mother and I stayed on French Prairie in the Willamette and with the Colville tribe near the trading post at Fort Colville.
"I recall passing the mouth of the Little Spokane River on trips
to Montana and visiting the fishing grounds at the River's mouth
several times a year from the time I was ten years old for probably
40 years. From my earliest recollections, there were no buildings
in that vicinity. On the south side of the Spokane River not far
from the bank and about a half-mile from the mouth of the Little
Spokane the Hudson Bay Company originally built a trading-post;
but owing to the difficulty of access, it was abandoned and destroyed and the post moved to Fort Colville where it was in reach
or river navigation. I recall the old site of the building; but it was
torn down before I visited the place, but the above facts I had from
my mother. This building had been a very large one with some
smaller ones in the vicinity.
"I knew several men by the name of Finlay. I recall two who
were living with women of the Spokane tribe. They were old men
then. One moved to the neighborhood of Chewelah afterward. I
think some of their descendants are around St. Ingatius Mission in
Montana. At a considerably later date than this a Frenchman
named Bone built a roadhouse near the mouth of the Little Spokane
River.    I do not recall any other buildings of note in the vicinity.
"The flat between the two rivers was a great meeting place for
Indians—Colville, Spokane, Pend O Reille, Coeur d'Alene, Moses'
and Nez Perce tribes. They met and camped here in the greatest
friendship. They were not on good terms with the Kootenay and
Yakima tribes, and had no intercourse with them. During the summer season there were from a hundred to a thousand Indians
camped on the flats by the River catching and drying fish. The
principal trap was maintained in the Little Spokane a short distance
above the mouth. It was made by setting up piers across the river
formed of poles erected in the form of a teepee. Horizontal poles
were lashed to these piers and a basket work of willows bound on
.them. There were two lines of these fences across the River. The
upper one was tight; but the lower one had frequent small gates
made by lashing sticks to the upper horizontal pole and leaving them
loose at the bottom, so the fish could push into the enclosure going
up stream; but the current would close the gate after them. The
fish came into the trap in countless thousands and were speared by
the Indians.    They were sufficient for all comers, as long as the 34
William S. Lewis
trap was maintained in good order. The trap was torn out by the
whites while Mr. Waters was agent.
"The Spokane Indians, after the Wright Campaign, did very
little in the way of agriculture. The first revival of gardening or
cropping dates from the time Mr. Sims was agent. He distributed
seed and persuaded the Indians to do something in that line. Previous to this there were some little gardens around the trading posts;
but they belonged to, or were supervised by, the traders. Trails ran
up and down the River, and across the country from the three fords
near the mouth of the Little Spokane. There was one ford below
the mouth and at least two above it. As many as six good trails
converged here, leading to different parts of the country.
" 'Squalie' (Fort Nisqually) was a Hudson Bay Trading Post
on the Sound near Tacoma. My father was in charge of the entire
line of trading posts on this side of the mountains, and I was born
at that place stated, while my father was on a trip of inspection.
"As to the foundation on the site of Spokane House, I will say
that I describe it very imperfectly. I think that there were some
cellar holes; but think the Indians used it as a sort of fort and probably dug the holes.
"I never saw or heard of any trading after the Hudson Bay
people abandoned the location until in comparatively recent times.
The French mail carrier, Bone, who built a road house there possibly did some trading; but as near as I can make out, that was about
fifty years ago.
"I was the official interpreter for the Agency for a great many
years. I knew nothing of so-called 'painted rocks.' It was a custom when a boy was sick to send him out to paint certain rock as a
charm of 'good medicine' for his recovery. I never heard of an
Indian battle in the vicinity of old Spokane House; but the Spokane
Indians formerly made many hostile excursions against the Kootenai, Yakima, and Blackfoot tribes." Wiwjam S. Lewis. DEATH OF E. O. S. SCHOLEFIELD
At his home in Victoria, British Columbia, this gifted worker
in the field of Northwestern history passed away on Christmas
Day, 1919, after a long period of illness.
Ethelbert Olaf Stuart Scholefield was born at St. Wilfrid's
Ryde, Isle of Wight, on May 31, 1875. The family arrived in British Columbia in 1887. The father, the late Rev. Stuart Clement
Scholefield, at first located at New Westminster, became Rector at
Esquimalt. The son after private tutoring finished his course in
the Victoria High School and entered the service of the Provincial
Library. In 1894, he became assistant to R. E. Gosnell, the first
Provincial Librarian. Four years later, Mr. Gosnell was transferred to other duties and Mr. Scholefield became Provincial Librarian, which position he held to the time of his death. His duties
were expanded by the addition of those of Provincial Archivist.
He was most enthusiastic in his tireless and arduous work.
He is credited with having added 50,000 volumes to the library and
many collections of priceless manuscripts, account books, newspapers and other materials gathered from all corners of British
Columbia and from any or every source so long as the records
sought bore directly or indirectly upon the history of the Pacific
Northwest.
He dreamed of larger quarters for the growing collections.
The dreams turned to plans and finally to realization. The foundation stone of the present Library Building was laid with appropriate ceremonies by the Duke of Connaught and, of course, Mr.
Scholefield was happy. He then gave himself to the tasks of arranging and cataloging the masses of materials so that the library
could render the large service intended. The Provincial Parliament gave generous support. The British Columbia Provincial Library is today famous for its wealth of materials dealing with the
histoiy of the Northwest. In subsequent years those who use and
admire that library will be sure to know about E. O. S. Scholefield
who gave twenty-five years of his life to its upbuilding.
Mr. Scholefield served on several occasions as secretary of the
Lieutenant-Governor. He was a member of the council of the
American Library Association, president of the British Columbia
Library Association, a fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute and
of the Royal Geographical Society.   He was a member of the Union
(35) 36
C. B. Bagley
Club of Victoria, of the Masonic Order and of the Authors' Club
of London.
In 1907, Mr. Scholefield was married to Lillian May,
daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Gordon E. Corbould, K. C, of New
Westminster. Four sons were born to them, one of whom died in
infancy.   Mrs. Scholefield and the three remaining sons survive.
Those who had the privilege of going with Mr. Scholefield on
trips into the country or out-of-the-way towns in search of old
manuscripts, are the ones who are warmest in praise of his eager nature and his companionableness. They always saw him at his best.
There was another side which in the spirit of fairness should be
mentioned. This has reference to broken promises. Libraries, officers, authors and editors have for years complained. One prominent author, who was personally a friend writes: "The main trouble
with Mr. Scholefield was that he was living under nervous strain
all the time, continually making engagements he could not fill.
This was largely due to his generous nature, but was a weakness
just the same."
If he had been able to keep all his promises and engagemments
he would have been a much greater character. But time will soften
this acknowledged blemish. He will be remembered as one who
gave all too freely of his time and strength to his great and successful work of building up the Provincial Library of British Columbia. It will certainly be difficult to fill the place made vacant
by the death of E. O. S. Scholefield.
Mr. John Forsyth, who was assistant to Mr. Scholefield, has
been appointed Librarian and Archivist of the Provincial Library.
C. B. Bagi,ey. PIONEER AND HISTORICAL SOCIETIES OF THE
STATE OF WASHINGTON
According to a custom established in 1915 The Washington
Historical Quarterly in the January number of each year publishes a list of all pioneer, historical and research societies organized with the chief aim of furthering the cause of history. It will
be noticed that the one time prominent associations, Native
Daughters of Washington, and Native Sons of Washington, have
been dropped from the list, their whereabouts and activity being unknown.
Pioneer Association oe the State oe Washington. Pioneer
Hall, Seattle. Founded October 23, 1883, at Olympia; incorporated
December 5, 1895. Membership requirement: Residence on the Pacific Coast forty years prior to date of application. There are
about 800 members. Annual meeting at headquarters, first week
in June, when, among other transactions, reports are received from
county and other local pioneer organizations. Officers: James Mc-
Naught, Seattle, president; Mrs. Flora A. P. Engle, Coupeville,
vice-president; A. W. Engle, secretary; W. M. Calhoun, Seattle,
treasurer; Rev. A. Atwood, chaplain; William H. Pumphrey,
Leander Miller, Mrs. Rosamond S. Densmore, Rolland H. Denny
and Edmond S. Meany, trustees.
Womens Pioneer Auxiliary oe the State of Washington.
Pioneer Hall, Seattle. Founded in August, 1911. Membership requirements: Women who have had a residence in the State (Territory) prior to 1889. There are four meetings each year. Officers:
Mrs. E. S. Meany, president; Mrs. H. A. Hunt, vice-president;
Mrs. Hillman F. Jones, secretary; Mrs. Vira W. Masters, treasurer.
Washington State Historical Society. Tacoma: 401
North Cliff Avenue. Founded October 8, 1891. Membership requirements: Any citizen of the State. Officers: W. B. Blackwell,
Tacoma, president; W. P. Bonney, Tacoma, secretary; William
H. Dickson, Tacoma, treasurer. Curators Edward Meath, P. G.
Hubbell, C. S. Barlow, Walter S. Davis, Thomas Huggins of Tacoma; John Arthur, Harry M. Painter of Seattle; J. M. Canse,
Bellingham; Walter N. Granger, Zillah; L. V. McWhorter, Yakima; W. D. Lyman, Walla Walla; Mrs. Henry W. Patton, Ho-
(37) 38
Victor J. Farrar
quiam; Charles H. Ross, Puyallup; W. D. Vincent, Spokane; J.
A. Perkins, Colfax. The Governor, Secretary of State and State
Treasurer are also ex-officio members of the Board of Curators.
Curators meet bi-monthly. Annual meeting of the society third
Tuesday of January of each year.
Washington University State Historical Society. University Station, Seattle. Founded January 1, 1903. Membership
requirements: Any person may become a member. Officers: Clarence B. Bagley, Seattle, president; John P. Hoyt, East Seattle,
vice-president; Roger S. Greene, Seattle, treasurer; Edmond S.
Meany, Seattle, secretary. The above, with Thomas Burke, Cornelius H. Hanford and Samuel Hill, constitute the board of
trustees.
Native Daughters oe Washington Pioneers. After several
years of activity, this organization was incorporated on April 20,
1918. Headquarters are at Seattle. Meetings held first Wednesday of each month at Y. W. C. A. Building, Seattle. Membership
requirements: Native born daughters and granddaughters of white
parents who were resident on the Pacific Coast prior to 1870. Officers: Mrs. Janet Wilson, president; Mrs. Charles E. Hill, first
vice-president; Mrs. Clara Shoudy McTeigh, second vice-president;
Miss Alice Calhoun, treasurer; Mrs. F. A. Bartlett, Mrs. Alice
Johnston and Mrs. Daniel O'Neill-, constitute the board of trustees.
Eastern Washington State Historical Society. Spokane.
Crescent Department Store Building. Officers: E. A. Lindsley, president; J. W. Duncan, first vice-president; N. W. Durham, second
vice-president; B. L. Gordon, treasurer; George W. Fuller, recording secretary; William S. Lewis, corresponding secretary; the above
with Messrs. A. L. White, J. L. Paine, J. C. Argall, W. H. McVay,
T. C. Elliott (of Walla Walla), Harl J. Cook, W. D. Vincent, Rev.
Jonathan Edwards and Mrs. G. Elmer Brown and Mrs. Josie A.
Foss constitute the board of trustees; Prof. Thomas B. Bonser,
curator of museum. The Society (formerly the Spokane Historical
Society) has permanently established a public museum, and receives
financial support from the Chamber of Commerce, the city, and the
county, and the local school board, and many local civic organiza-
tions are interested in the growth of its museum. The society is
now enlarging the scope of its endeavors to include the entire Eastern part of the State, and intends to make its work of educational
value to that section. Pioneer and Historical Societies
39
Local Societies
Aberdeen Pioneer Association. Aberdeen. There are four
meetings each year, the annual meeting occurring in Januaiy and
the memorial meeting in memory of those who have died occurring
on the first Sunday in March. Officers: W. B. Mack, president;
Mrs. B. F. Johnson, vice-president; Mrs. William Irvine, secretary;
Mrs. Charles Pinckney, treasurer; Rev. Charles McDermoth, chaplain; Mrs. C. A. McDermoth, historian.
Adams County. See Lincoln and Adams County Pioneer and
Historical Association.
Benton County. Old Settlers' Union. Prosser. Membership requirements: Twenty years' residence in the County. There is
an annual meeting. Officers: G. W. Wilgus, president; A. G.
McNeill, vice-president; M. Henry, secretary.
Ferry Museum of Tacoma. Tacoma. 401 North Cliff Avenue. Meetings are held in Hewitt Hall of the Ferry Museum Building. Officers: W. L. McCormick, Tacoma, president; Mrs. Eliza
Ferry Leary, Seattle, vice-president; W. P. Booney, Tacoma, secretary; Frank B. Cole, Tacoma, treasurer.
Garfield County Pioneer Association. Postoffice address:
G. B. Kuykendall, Pomeroy, secretary. Founded July 19, 1909.
Membership requirements: A residence of twenty-five years in Garfield or an adjoining county. Officers: J. Otto Long, president;
G. B. Kuykendall, secretary; L. F. Koenig, treasurer and financial
secretary.
Grays Harbor County. Pioneer Association of Grays Harbor County. Montesano. Membership requirements: Residence in
the county prior to January 1, 1885. Officers: Mrs. Andrew
Smith, Montesano, president; Charles Gaddis, Elma, first vice-
president; John Carney, Aberdeen, second vice-president; Mrs. A.
H. Kuhn, Hoquiam, third vice-president; Mrs. Warren Wood,
Montesano, secretary; Mrs. H. B. Marcy, Montesano, treasurer;
Rev. Charles McDermoth, Aberdeen, chaplain; A. C. Girard, Hoquiam, historian; J. E. Calder, Montesano, trustees for three years;
J. A. Hood, Aberdeen, trustee for two years; William Campbell,
Hoquiam, trustee for one year; J. E. Calder, Montesano, delegate
to the State Association.
King County. Seattle Historical Society. Seattle. Officers:
Mrs. Morgan J. Carkeek, president; Mrs. William P. Trimble, vice- 40
'Victor J. Farrar
president; Mrs. Redick H. McKee, secretary; Mrs. William F.
Prosser, treasurer; Mrs. Charles L. Denny, historian.
Kitsap County Pioneers' Association. Bremerton. Founded
October 10, 1914. Membership requirements: Those who have resided in the county prior to the year 1893. Annual meeting on the
third Saturday in August at Bremerton. Officers: J. Pitt, president; L. A. Bender, vice-president; Paul Mehner, Bremerton, secretary ; Tow Lewis, treasurer. The annual meeting was omitted on
account of war conditions.
Lincoln and Adams County Pioneer and Historical Association. Postoffice address: Charles E. Ivy, secretary-treasurer,
Davenport. Annual meeting at the Association's grounds June 15-
17, 1920. Officers: H. W. Thill, Ritzville, president; N. C.'Lavender, Espanola, vice-president; Charles E. Ivy, Davenport, secretary-'
treasurer; W. H. Vent, Sprague, historian; H. Rosenoff, Sr., Ritzville; Lee Long, Harrington; William G. Danekas, Ritzville; Wilbert Dobson, Harrington; J. M. Miller, Sprague; directors.
Okanogan County Pioneers' Association. Conconully. Officers: P. H. Pinkston, Conconully, president; George Hurley,
Loomis, vice-president, David Gubser, Conconully, secretary-treasurer; William C. Brown, Okanogan, historian.
Pierce County Pioneers' Association. State Historical
Building, 401 North Cliff Avenue. Meetings are held in January,
April, July and October. Membership requirements: Residence on
the Pacific Coast prior to the year 1870. Officers: Mrs. Clara M.
Wilt, Tacoma, president; Mary Jane Dougherty, Koch, vice-president; Charles H. Ross, Puyallup, chaplain; Mrs. H. L Malcolm,
Tacoma, secretary; Celia P. Grass, Larchmont, treasurer; C. S.
Barlow, W. B. Blackwell, W. P. Booney, of Tacoma, trustees.
San Juan County Pioneer Association. Richardson.
Founded October 31, 1915. Membership requirements: Residence
in the State for twenty-five years. Officers: C. M. Tucker, Friday Harbor, president; L. B. Carter, Friday Harbor, vice-president;
R. J. Hammond, Port Stanley, secretary-terasurer; Mrs. G. B.
Driggs, Friday Harbor; J. Stanley Kepler, Orcas; Mrs. Kimpler,
Orcas; Mrs. Hannah Bell, trustees.
Skagit County Pioneer Association. Sedro-Wooley. Annual meeting place selected for the different years. Founded August  13,  1904.    Membership requirements:    Those who have re- Pioneer and Historical Societies
41
sided in the County prior to January 1, 1886, are admitted as
"Pioneers"; residents for twenty years as "Old Settlers." Officers:
Nick Beesner, Anacortes, president; Mrs. R. O. Wells, Mount
Vernon, vice-president; Frank A. Hall, Mount Vernon, secretary;
P. Halloran, Edison, treasurer.
Snohomish County. Stillaguamish Valley Association of
Washington Pioneers of Snohomish County. Arlington. Annual
reunion and picnic at Clum's Grove, the second Thursday in August. Membership requirements: Persons resident in the State for
twenty-five years, admitted as "Pioneers"; for twenty years, as
"Early Settlers"; fifteen years, as "Honorary Members." Officers:
W. F. Oliver, Arlington, president; James Blackie, vice-president;
D. S. Baker, secretary; C. H. Trac}', treasurer.
Pioneers of Southwestern Washington. Rochester. Officers : J. W. Lieuallen, Rochester, president; L- L. Hunter, Aberdeen, vice-president; J. B. Stanley, Rochester, secretary and treasurer ; Thomas McCleary, Centralia; T. I. Dodge, Little Rock; J. E.
Calder, Montesano, trustees.
Spokane County Pioneer Society. Spokane. Membership
requirements: All persons, their families and children who came
to the County on or before November 21, 1884; members of other
pioneer associations in the State may become associate members.
Business meeting on the first Tuesday in April; annual memorial
meeting and annual picnic on dates selected by the Society. Officers: W. W. Waltman, president; Henry D. Kay, vice-president;
Mrs. Robert Fairley, secretary; W. S. Lewis, treasurer; the above
with E. I. (Billie) Seehorn, Mrs. J. M. Grimmer, Hattie Lund-
quist, D. T. Hane, H. L. Baer, Stanley Hallit, H. J. Cook, E.
Graves, L. Nash, comprise the board of trustees.
Stevens County Pioneer Association. Colville. Membership requirement: Residence in the State prior to June 30, 1895.
Annual meeting on June 30. Officers: P. H. Graham, Colville,
president; L. F. Ledgerwood, Rice, vice-president; John G. Kulzer,
Valley treasurer; Mrs. Clara Hofstetter-Shaver, Colville, secretary;
John B. Slater, Colville, historian; W.' T. Ferguson, Kettle Falls;
Jacob A. Meyers, Meyers Falls; F. W. Bickley, Chewelah; Mrs.
John Ehorn, Chewelah; Mrs. P. Betridge, Valley; Herman Zwang,
Marcus; George Thomas, Colville, trustees. The Minute Women of
the county were invited to the successful annual meeting to hear a 42
Victor J. Farrar
returned soldier, C. J. McKellar, of Kettle Falls, who had gone to
the front with the Canadian forces at the outbreak of the war.
The Tacoma Research Club. Meets on the evening of the
second Tuesday of each month. Officers: Mrs. Charles E. Hill,
president; Professor G. A. Stanley, vice-president; Senator Walter
S. Davis, secretary.
Thurston County. Pioneer and Historical Society of Thurston County. Olympia. Organized on March 2, 1910. Annual election of officers in March; annual picnic at Priest Point, Olympia,
in the summer. Membership requirements: Those who have re^
sided in the county forty years or more. Officers: Mrs. J. W.
Howell, president; N. S. Porter, vice-president; M. D. Abbott,
secretary-treasurer; Mrs. A. A. Phillips, Troy, George N. Talcott,
trustees.
Walla Walla County. Inland Empire Pioneer Association.
Walla Walla. Membership requirements: Arrival in the Inland
Empire or on the Pacific Coast prior to 1885. Officers: Benjamin Burgunder, Colfax, president; J. C. Lloyd, Colfax, vice-president; W. D. Wallace, Waitsburg, second vice-president; Marion
Evans, Walla Walla, secretary; Levi Ankeny, Walla Walla, treasurer ; W. D. Lyman, Walla Walla, historian.
Whatcom County. Old Settlers' Association of Whatcom
County. Ferndale. Annual gathering and election of officers at
Pioneer Park, Ferndale, in August. Membership requirements:
There is a graduated membership; persons having been in the county ten years are admitted as "Chechacoes"; older residents receive
other Chinook Jargon titles; the oldest living member in point of
residence receives a special badge of honor. Officers: J. B. Wilson, president; T. B. Wynn, vice-president; Edith M. Thornton,
secretary; W. E. Campbell, treasurer; Charles Tawes, John Slater,
John Tarte, Godfrey Schneider, Porter Felmley, George Baer,
trustees.
Whitman County Pioneers' Association. Garfield. Annual meeting in June. Membership requirements: Residence in the
state of Washington prior to October, 1886. Officers: William
Duling, Garfield, president; P. W. Cox, Colfax, vice-president; S.
A. Manring, Garfield, secretary; William Lippitt, Colfax, treasurer.
Yakima County. Yakima County Pioneers' Association.
Yakima.   Annual meeting on the first Saturday in May.   Member- Pioneer and Historical Societies
43
ship requirements: Citizens of white or Indian blood who were
residents of the original county of Yakima prior to November 9,
1889, and their descendants; others may become associate members.
Officers: David Longmire, president; James A. Beck, first vice-
president; Mrs. Jennie Shardlow, second vice-president; John H.
Lynch, secretary; Mrs. Zona H. Cameron, treasurer; Mrs. A. J.
Splawn, historian.
Yakima Columbia Association. Yakima. A Catholic organization having for its object the care and preservation of the old
St. Joseph Mission in the Ahtanum Valley. Since 1915 a caretaker
has resided on the premises. Officers: John Ditter, president; R.
E. Allingham, vice-president; John H. Lynch, secretary; H. A. La
Berge, treasurer; Pat Jordan, general manager.
Victor J. Farrar. ORIGIN OF WASHINGTON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES
(Continued from Page 204)
Kellim Lake, see Mason Lake.
Keelum's Lake Isthmus, low land where Hood Canal approaches nearest to Case Inlet in Mason County. It is probably
the "Wilkes Portage" of Indian Treaty by Governor Stevens. J. G.
Kohl says: "It (Indian or Great Peninsula) is everywhere surrounded by water with the exception of one point, namely, at that
narrow little isthmus upon which Kellum's Lake is situated and
which we might call Killum's Lake Isthmus." (Pacific Railroad
Reports, Volume XII., Part I., Page 287.)
Kellyville, see Sedro-Woolley.
Keeso, a town in Cowlitz County. Peter W. Crawford, a
surveyor, took up a donation land claim and on it platted a town-
site which he named Kelso after his home town in Scotland. The
original plat is dated October 1, 1884, and it was filed on the next
day.    (John L. Harris, in Names MSS., Letter 473.)
Kel-up-kwa, see Port Gamble.
KenmorE, a town at the north end of Lake Washington in
King County. It was named by John McMaster, dean of the
shingle industry, in January, 1901, in honor of his home town, Ken-
more, Ontario, Canada. (Postmaster at Kenmore, in Names MSS.,
Letter 461.)
Kennebec River, see Nasel River.
Kennewick, a town in the southeastern part of Benton County, opposite Pasco, on the Columbia River. It was named in 1883
by H. S. Huson of the Northern Pacific Irrigation Company. The
word is Indian and means "grassy place." (A. R. Gardner, editor
of the Kennewick Courier-Reporter, in Names MSS., Letter 6.)
Kenova, a town in the northern part of Whitman County. The
choice of the name was "a chance selection." (H. R. Williams,
Vice President of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad
Company, in Names MSS., Letter '589.)
Kent, a town in King County, once known as Titusville because the donation land claim of James H. Titus was at that place.
For a time the town was known as Yesler, an honor for Henry L.
Yesler of Seattle. When hop culture was at its highest in that valley the name was changed to Kent in honor of England's hop
center.    (Names MSS., Letter 44.)
(44) Origin of Washington Geographic Names
Kent Creek, a small tributary of the Pend Oreille River, near
Dalkena, Pend Oreille County. It was named for Fred Kent who
owned Kent Meadows where the creek rises. (Dalkena Lumber
Company, in Names MSS., Letter 143.)
Kerriston, a town in the central part of King County. It is
supposed to have been named for the Kerry Mill Company, A. S.
Kerry, President, when that company established the town erecting
a sawmill and operating logging camps. (Postmaster, Kerriston, in
Names MSS., Letter 50.)
Ketron Island, in western Pierce County, near Steilacoom.
It was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, as an honor for
William Kittson of the Hudson's Bay Company service. Old charts
gave "Kittson Island" or "Kitson Island," but the incorrect spelling
by the Wilkes Expedition persists on the present charts. (David
Douglas, Journal 1823-1827, pages 63 and 176; Pacific Railroad
Reports, Volume XII., Part I., Chapter XV.; Pacific Coast Pilot,
page 623.)
KJSTTLE Falls, in the Columbia River two miles below the
mouth of the Kettle River, in Ferry and Stevens Counties. They
were named by David Thompson "Ilthkoyape Falls" in 1811. T. C-
Elliott says the word is Salish from Ilth-kape, meaning "kettle"
(basket tightly woven), and Hoy-ape, meaning "net." With such
kettle-nets the Salishan Indians caught fabulous quantities of fish
at those falls. (David Thompson's Narrative, page 466, note.)
Gabriel Franchere and other early travelers called the falls La
Chaudiere because the water boiled up not unlike the water in a
huge cauldron or kettle. (Franchere's Narrative in Parly Western
Travels, Volume VI., page 398.) Both names were early translated into Kettle Falls. John Work, of the Hudson's Bay Company
service, used that name on August 31, 1825. (Washington Historical Quarterly, Volume V., page 113.) Another Indian name
for the falls was reported in 1853 as Soinetkwu or Schwan-ate-koo
(Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., pages 215 and 299.) A nearby town now bears the name of Kettle Falls.
KETTLE River, rising in British Columbia, it flows through the
northern part of Ferry County into the Columbia River at Marcus
near Kettle Falls. David Thompson called it "Ilthkoyape Rivulet."
An Indian name used by Tilton, Swan and others was Ne-hei-at-
pitqua. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., pages 377-389.) The
present name was taken from the name of Kettle Falls.
Key City, a pet name for Port Townsend. 46
Bdmond S. Meany
Keyport, a town on Liberty (Formerly Dog Fish) Bay, Kitsap
County. O. A. Kuppler, H. B. Kuppler and Pete Hagen planned
the first wharf. Farmers helped to haul the piles. When completed in 1896, the three named took an atlas and sought a name.
They chose that of Keyport on the coast of New Jersey. (H. B.
Kuppler, Port Ludlow, in Names MSS., Letter 208.)
Keystone, a town in the northeastern part of Adams County.
It was named in 1900 or 1901 by the first postmaster, John W.
Smith, in honor of his native state of Pennsylvania. (Postmaster,
Keystone, inNames MSS., Letter 351.) The New Standard Dictionary says Pennsylvania was called the Keystone "because it was
the middle or seventh in geographical position of the original thirteen states."
Kiket Island, at the entrance to Similk Bay, on the southern
shore of Fidalgo Island, Skagit County. The name was given by the
Wilkes Expedition, 1841. On Kroll's map of Skagit County it is
shown as Kicket Point.
Kierman, a town in Clarke County, named for Daniel Kier-
man, owner of rock quarries there. (L. C. Gilman, in Names MSS.,
Letter 590.)
Kilisut Harbor, opposite Port Townsend and connecting
Port Townsend Bay with Oak Bay. Sandspits which impeded navigation have been removed. The name was given by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841.
King County was created by the Oregon Territorial Legislature by an act dated December 22, 1852, and named in honor of
William R. King, of Alabama, who had been elected Vice President
of the United States.   He died before being inaugurated.
Kiona, a town in the central part of Benton County. The
original name was Horseshoe Bend from a fancied resemblance of
the bend in the Yakima River to a huge horseshoe four miles across.
W. M. Scott who has lived there twenty years says he does not
know how the name was changed but he has been told that Kiona is
an Indian word meaning "brown hills." (In Names MSS., Letter
586.)
Kirkland, a town on the eastern shore of Lake Washington,
King County. It was named in honor of Peter Kirk, a millionaire
iron maker of England, who founded the town in 1886 and hoped
to establish there extensive steel works. Being disappointed he retired to a farm on San Juan Island and died on May 6, 1916.
Kitsap County was created by the Washington Territorial
Legislature in an act  approved  January 16, 1857.     It  was* then Origin of Washington Historical Names
47
named Slaughter County in honor of Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter,
United States Army, who had been killed on December 4, 1855.
The people of the county were given the privilege of choosing another name, if they wished, at the next general election. They chose
the name of one of the hostile chiefs, whose tribe occupied part of
the land in the new county. Seattle was a greater chief of the
same tribe. He and most of his tribe remained friendly during the
war. Kitsap, a war chief and medicine man, went over to the hostiles. When the war on Puget Sound went against the Indians,
Kitsap, with Chief Leschi and others, went across the Cascades. In
communications dated June 18 and October 4, 1856, Governor
Stevens asked Colonel George Wright, commanding the Columbia
River district, to deliver Chiefs Leschi, Nelson, Kitsap, Quiemuth
and Stehi for trial by civil authorities. They had been indicted for
several murders. On October 16, 1856, Colonel Wright ordered
Major Garnett at Fort Simcoe to deliver the chiefs as requested.
Chief Leschi was convicted and executed. Chief Kitsap was eventually acquitted. While in the guardhouse at Fort Steilacoom he had
been taken ill and was given some medicine in the form of a red
liquid. He got well and at once added red liquid to his equipment
as a medicine man. After he had returned to his people, three of
his warriors became ill. He mixed some of the red paint used
for war decorations in water and gave the red medicine. The three
men died and their relations were furious. They waited. On April
18, 1860, Chief Kitsap, while drunk, was enticed to a vacant cabin
and shot. His body-was cut to pieces. (Elwood Evans, in History
of the Pacific Northwest-' Oregon and Washington, Volume I, pages
508-509.) Rev. Myron Eells says the word means "brave" and is
accented heavily on the last syllable as if the "i" were omitted from
the first syllable.    (American Anthropologist, January, 1892.)
Kittson Island, see Ketron Island.
Kittitas, the name of a county and town in the central part of
the State. The county was established by the Legislature of Washington Territory on November 24, 1883. The name is an Indian
word to which have been assigned various meanings. James
Mooney is authority for the statement that a small tribe called themselves "K'tatas" and the Yakima name for them was "Pshwana-
pum." Lewis and Clark had alluded to them as "Shanwappoms."
The words meant "shoal" and "shoal people," referring to a shoal
in the Yakima River at Ellensburg. (Fourteenth Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology, Part II., page 736.) That origin and
meaning are repeated in the Handbook of American Indians, (Vol- 48
Edmond S. Meany
ume II., page 527.) By another the meaning is said to be "white
rock." (M. T. Simmons, Thrall, in Names MSS., Letter 468.)
Students in the State Normal School at Ellensburg, in a brief history of the valley, say it was called' Kittitas by the Indians because
it was their "land of bread," being a favorite region for collecting
camas. Wilbur Spencer, an educated son of Chief Spencer, in a
letter dated April 28, 1904, says: "In the summer of 1856 my father
was sent from the upper Cascades on the Columbia into the country
where Owhi and Kamiken lived. He found several lodges on the
south side of the river near where Ellensburg now is. The place
was called in the Indian language 'Kittatas' meaning 'clay gravel
valley.' "
KiTzMiLLER, a town in the southeastern part of Whitman
County, named for E. D. Kitzmiller, "a farmer across the road
from the station."   (Lou E. Wenham, in Names MSS., Letter 115.)
Klaholah Rock, a name given to a rock in the Strait of Juan
de Fuca east of Neah Bay on the British Admiralty Chart 1911,
Kellett, 1847. After the name on the chart is the word "seals" in
parentheses. On present American charts the name is Seal Rock
and nearby is Sail Rock.
Klahum, a former historic name in the Okanogan country.
"During Captain McClellan's examination of the Methow River,
six of the bands, belonging in part to each tribe, agreed upon Ke-
keh-tum-mouse, or Pierre, an Indian from Klahum, the site of
Astor's old fort, at the mouth of the Okinakane, as their chief."
(George Gibbs in the Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume L, page
413.)
Klannet Range, see Cascade Mountains.
Kla-pe-ad-am, see Tenino.
Keas Rock, off the shore of Mats Mats Bay, just north of
Port Ludlow Jefferson County. It was named by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841.
Klasset, see Cape Flattery.
Klatchopis Point, east of Neah Bay in the northwestern part
of Clallam County. It was named "Scarborough Point" bv
the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, which name was repeated on the British Admiralty Chart 1911, Kellett, 1847, but Klatchopis, evidently
of Indian origin, is the name on present American charts.
Kleaelum Lake, see Cle Elum.
Klickitat, an Indian word used extensively, with various
spellings, as geographic names in Washington. It is the name of a
tribe.   Lewis and Clark, 1803-1806, encountered them and on April Origin of Washington Geographic Names
49
23, 1806, recorded the name as "Wahhowpun," which editor, Elliott Coues, identifies as the Klickitat tribe. (History of the Lewis
and Clark Expedition, Volume III., page 964.) On June 20, 1825,
the botanist-explorer, David Douglas, mentions the tribe as "Cliki-
tats." (Journal 1823-1827, page 129.) The Wilkes Expedition,
1841, recorded the name as "Klackatack." (Narrative, Volume IV.,
page 316.) General Hazard Stevens, using the work of his father
and the railroad surveyors of 1853, said that the word means "robber." (Life of General Isaac I. Stevens, Volume II., page 22.)
That definition was used by writers for many years. From 1902 to
1907, two United States Government publications were issued in
which the meaning was given as "beyond." (The Origin of Certain
Place Names in the United States, page 177 in the second edition,
and Handbook of American Indians, Volume I., page 713.) Another recent investigator confirms this definition by showing that
it originated with Lower Chinooks who called the falls near the
mouth of a river beyond the mountains and the Indians living at the
falls "Hladachut." A corruption of that name, Klickitat, is now
applied to the river and to a tribe of Indians. (E. S. Curtis, The
North American, Volume VIL, page 37.)
Klickitat, a town in the western part of Klickitat County.
The place was settled in the fall of 1890 by L- C. Wright and was
called for him, Wrights. The postoffice name was changed to
Klickitat in 1910 and the railroad station's name was changed also
to Klickitat in 1913.    (N. J. Young, in Names MSS., Letter 8.)
Klickitat County, established by the Legislature of Washington Territory on December 20, 1859. In the act the name was
spelled "Clickitat." (Edmond S. Meany, History of the State of
Washington, Appendix I.)
Klickitat Creek, three widely separated streams bear this
name: a tributary of Klickitat River, in the central part of Klickitat
County; a 'tributary of the Cowlitz River, in the central part of
Lewis County, near Mayfield; a tributary of White River in the
Central part of Pierce County. (Henry Landes, A Geographic
Dictionary of Washington, page 175.)
graphic Dictionary of Washington, page 175.)
Klickitat Glacier, on Mount Adams, in Yakima County, one
of the sources of the Klickitat River.
Klickitat Pass, south of Goat Rocks, in the Cascade Range.
Shown on the Map by the Surveyor General of Washington Territory, 1857, and on James Tilton's Map of a Part of Washington
Territory, 1859.    ( United States Public Documents, Serial Nos. 877 50
Edmond S. Meany
Klickitat Prairie, in Lewis County, see Mossy Rock.
and 1026.)
Klickitat River, the first reference to this stream was by
Lewis and Clark, 1803-1806, who referred to it as "Cataract River."
(Elliot Coues, History of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Volume II, page 676: "From the number of falls of which the Indians
spoke;" and in Volume III, page 1255.) David Thompson, 1811-
1812, called the river "Narmeneet." (David Thompson's Narrative,
The Champlain Society edition, map.) The Wilkes E:xpedition,
1841, called it "Cathlatates," (United States Exploring Expedition, Hydrography, or volume XXIIL, Atlas, Map 67.) The railroad surveyors, 1853, called the upper portion of the river "Wah-
wuk-chic" and "Wa-wak-che." Captain (later General) George B.
McClellan gave the last name to the Upper main branch, east of
Mount Adams, on August 14, 1853. These surveyors charted the
stream below the forks as "Klikatat River," though they make the
error of joining to it the White Salmon River under the name of
"Nik-e-pun." (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume I., pages 208,
379, 380; Volume XL, Part IL, Map No. 3.) The Surveyors General of Washington Territory extended the use of the present
name in 1857 and 1859 though they spelled it "Klikatat River."
(United States Public Documents,, Serial Nos. 877 and 1026.)
Klipsan Beach, on the Pacific Ocean, in Pacific County. In
1912, the place was named by Captain Theodore Conick, of the
Coast Guard Station there, and Captain A. T. Stream. The word
is Indian and is said to mean "Sunset." (V. O. Stream, in Names
MSS., Letter 424.)
K'l-loot, see Lake Kitsap.
Kluckullum, see Coquallum Creek.
Klut-usE, see Mercer Island.
Knapp Coulee, an old valley between Lake Chelan and the
Columbia River. The first settler there was Frank Knapp. He
established the first ferry across the Columbia River there before
the days of Wenatchee. Wagon traffic from the East went by
way of Waterville and Knapp's Ferry. Knapp's name was also
given to the coulee. (C. J. Dunhamel, Maple Creek, in Names
MSS., Letter 318.)
Knappton, a town on the Columbia River, in Pacific County.
It was named for J. B. Knapp, who built a sawmill there. (H. B.
Settem, Knappton, in Names MSS., Letter 93.)
Knight's River, an old name for a river flowing into the
Columbia River at Baker Bay, Pacific County.    It was mentioned Origin of Washington Geographic Names
51
by the botanist Douglas in 1825.    (David Douglas Journal 1823-
1827, page 61.)
Koitlah Point, in the Strait of Juan de Fuca at the west entrance to Neah Bay, Clallam County. It was named "Point Hil-
come" by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. The British Admiralty
Chart 1911, Kellett, 1847, changed the name to "Koikla Point" and
Americans have changed the spelling of that name to Koitlah Point.
(Pacific Coast Pilot, page 521.)
Kol-Eus-um, said to be an Indian name for Port Blakely. (J^
A. CosteUo, The Siwash.)
Kosa Point, a name charted by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841,
on the mainland slightly southwest of Fox Island and north of
Steilacoom, Pierce County. American charts carry no name for a
point there.
Kowlitch River, see Cowlitz River.
Kui-la-Tsu-ko, see Port Discovery.
K'u K'lults, see Puget Sound.
Kuleyspel Lake, see Calispell.
Kula Kala Point, between Dungeness and Port Williams, in
the southwestern part of Clallam County. (Pacific Coast Pilot, p.
532.) Local tradition claims the spelling should be Kula Kula
from the Chinook Jargon word meaning "travel." J. M. Ward,
Port Williams, in Names MSS., Letter 206.)
Kulshan, see Mount Baker.
Kumtux, "Kumtux, Whitman County, is a Chinook Jargon
word, meaning to know or understand. The Nootka word is kom-
metak, the Clayoquot word kemitak, and the Tokwaht word numi-
tuks." (Myron Eells in the American Anthropologist, January
1892.)
KutzulE Bay, see Grays Bay.
Kwaatz Point, at the eastern entrance to the mouth of the
Nisqually River. The name was charted by the Wilkes Expedition,
1841, but present charts show no name there.
Kway-kwieks, see Skyne Point.
Kydaka Point, on the Strait of Juan de Fuca, west of Clallam
Bay, Clallam County.. The name first appears on the British Admiralty Chart 1911, Kellett, 1847.
L
Laa Point, see Nisqually Head.
La Camas, see Camas.
La Camas Creek, two streams bear this name.   One flows into 52
Edmond S. Meany
the Cowlitz River near Vader, Lewis County. The other flows
into Muck Creek near Roy, Pierce County. Both get their name
from the edible bulb which the Indians called "camas."
La Camas Lake, near Camas in Clarke County. For a discussion of the name, see Camas.
LacoNia, a station in Kittitas County at Snoqualmie Pass used
before the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway tunnel was completed through the Cascade Range. It was named on the supposition that there was a town of that name in the Swiss Alps, but later
Mr. Williams was unable to find it on the map of Switzerland.
(H. R. Williams, Vice President of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St.
Paul Railway Company, in Names MSS-, Letter 589.)
La Conner, a town in the western part of Skagit County and
formerly the county seat. The site was first settled in May, 1867,
by Alonzo Low and the postoffice there was called Swinomish. In
1869, J. S. Conner bought the trading post and the next year had
the name changed to honor his wife, Mrs. Louisa Ann (Siegfried)
Conner. The French-looking "La" was obtained by joining her
initials. (History of Skagit and Snohomish Counties, pages 201-
202.)
Ladd, a town in the north central part of Lewis County, named
in honor of W. M. Ladd, one of the principal owners of the coal
mine there.    (Postmaster, Ladd, in Names MSS., Letter 396.)
La gran Montana DEL carmelo, see Mount Baker.
Laguna del Garzon, see Lake Terrell.
Lahtoo, see Latah Creek.
Lake Ballinger, in the southern part of Snohomish County.
"The lake and creek that flows from it into Lake Washington were
called McAleer after the patentee of the surrounding lands, Hugh
McAleer. Some fourteen or fifteeen years ago I bought all the
McAleer lands and from that time on the lake has beeen called Lake
Ballinger after my father, Colonel R. H. Ballinger, who resided
there until his death in 1905. The creek still retains the name of
McAleer." (R. A. Ballinger, in Names MSS., Letter 131, dated
November 30, 1915.)
Lake Bay, a town and bay on the western shore of Carr Inlet,
Pierce County. It was named after Bay Lake through which a mill
race empties into the bay. (Postmaster, in Names MSS., Letter
186.)
Lake Blackman, in Snohomish County. The Blackman
Brothers of Snohomish had a logging camp on   the   lake   in  the Origin of Washington Geographic Names
53
eighties. (History of the Pacific Northwest: Oregon and Washington, Volume IL, page 647.)
Lake Bonaparte, see Bonaparte.
Lake Chelan, extending from near the Columbia River northwestward into the Cascade Mountains. Captain (later General)
George B. McClellan was at the lake on September 25, 1853, and
refers to it as Lake Chelann. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume
I., pages 377-389.)   For a discussion of the name, see Chelan.
Lake Crescent, in the northern part of Clallam County. Up
to 1890, the lake was variously known as Lake Everett, Big Lake
and Lake Crescent. In that year the Port Crescent Improvement
Company was booming its townsite, which was but seven miles from
the lake. M. J. Carrigan started the Port Crescent Leader and
agitated the beauties and name of the lake. The name is now well
established. The lake has become a great resort, reached mostly by
way of Port Angeles. (D. A. Christopher, Piedmont, in Names
MSS., Letter 252.)
Lake Curlew, see Curlew.
Lake Cushman, in the Olympic Mountains, west of Hood
Canal, Mason County. It was named in honor of Orvington Cushman, packer and interpreter with Governor Isaac I. Stevens when
the treaties with the Indians were being made. Cushman advocated
putting all the Indians on one big reservation on Hood Canal. He
was known as "Devil Cush." A postoffice at the lake was established on June 6, 1893. The lake has long been famous as a resort.
(W. Putnam, in Names MSS., Letter 75.)
Lake De Nee, see Blake's Lake.
Lake EriE, a small body of water west of Mount Erie. As to
the origin of the name, see Fidalgo Island.
Lake Everett, see Lake Crescent.
Lake GrEEn, see Green Lake.
Lake Hooker, in the east central part of Jefferson County, at
Leland. It was named in 1870 after Otis Hooker one of the oldest
pioneers of the locality, who later moved to the State of Maine.
(Robert E. Ryan, Sr., in Names MSS., Letter 172.)
Lake Isabella, see Isabella Lake.
Lake Kahchess, see Kachess Lake.
Lake Kitsap, a small body of water about one mile southwest
of Dyes Inlet, Kitsap County. It is probably an honor for Chief
Kitsap but who conferred it, or when, is not certain. (Captain
W. B. Seymore, in Names MSS-, Letter 3.) In the Duwamish
language the name was "K'l-loot."   (J. A. CosteUo, The Siwash.) 54
Edmond S. Meany
Lake Kleallum, see Cle Elum.
Lake Mc AlEER, see Lake Ballinger.
Lake McMurray, a small body of water in the southwestern
part of Skagit County.   It was named for a pioneer settler on its
shores.
Lake MERRILL, in the southeastern part of Cowlitz County.
Old settlers claim that it was named in 1890 by James McBride and
Frank Vandever in honor of Judge McBride's father-in-law. (John
Beavers, Cougar, in Names MSS., Letter 201.)
Lake Mountains, on Cypress Island in the northwestern part
of Skagit County. They have an elevation of 1525 feet. They were
named by the United States Coast Survey in 1854, "among whose
peaks we found two large sheets of fresh water." (George Davidson, in the Pacific Coast Pilot, page 565.)
Lake Nawatzel, in the southwestern part of Mason County.
Midshipman Henry Eld, of the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, (see Narrative, Volume V., page 127) while exploring the "Sachap," which
we know as the Satsop River, describes "Lake Nauvitz." It seems
likely that it is the Lake Nawatzel of the present day maps.
Lake Nicheless, see Keechelus.
Lake of the Sun, see Ozette.
Lake PiERRE, in the northwestern part of Stevens County. It
was named for Peter Pierre, a man of French and Indian extraction who settled there in early days. (Richard Nagle, Marcus, in
Names MSS., Letter 129.)
Lake Pillwattas, see Little Kachess Lake.
Lake Peehnam, see Bumping Lake.
Lake River, along the Columbia River at Bachelor's Island,
Clarke County. The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, shows it as "Cali-
paya Inlet."
Lake Samish, see Samish Lake.
Lake Samamish, see Sammamish Lake.
Lakeside, a town on the south shore of Lake Chelan, one mile
west of its outlet, Chelan County.
Lakeside, a station on the electric railway three miles north
of Cheney, Spokane County. It was named about 1906. (C. Sel-
vidge, Four Lakes, in Names MSS., Letter 168.)
Lake Sil-kat-kwu, see Colville Lake.
Lake Sutherland, east of Lake Crescent in the western part
of Clallam County. It was named for John J. Sutherland, who
camped there in 1856 and a little later built a cabin on its shores.
It was first placed on the map by Shuecraft, surveyor, in 1886. Origin of Washington Geographic Names
55
(D. A. Christopher, Piedmont, in Names MSS., Letter 252.) Another says that Sutherland's name was Robert and that he was a
hunter and trapper who is supposed to have discovered the lake.
(H. B. Herrick, Elwha, in Names MSS., Letter 267.)
Lake Terrell, a body of water lying west of Ferndale, Whatcom County, and named for an early settler. Eliza's Spanish chart
of 1791 shows it as "Laguna del Garzon." (United States Public
Documents, Serial No. 1557, Chart K.)
Lake Tolmie, see American Lake.
Lake Tucker, on San Juan Island, about half way between
Friday Harbor and Roche Harbor, San Juan County. It was
named in honor of J. E. Tucker, an early settler, who served as
probate judge and later as a representative in the first State legislature.
Lake Union, a small body of water, now surrounded by the
City of Seattle, King County. The Indian name is said to have been
Kah-chung meaning "small lake." (J. A. CosteUo, The Siwash.) At
a pioneer picnic in 1854, Thomas Mercer proposed that the lake be
called Union because it would one day connect the larger adjacent
lake with Puget Sound. (Edmond S. Meany, History of the State
of Washington, page 307.) For further discussion, see Lake Washington.
Lake Vancouver, see Vancouver Lake.
Lake View, a town in Pierce County, named by Mr. Prosch in
1876 on account of a small lake being near the station. (G. M.
Gunderson, in Names MSS., Letter 185.)
Lake Washington, a large body of water lying east of Seattle,
King County. Isaac N. Ebey visited the lake in the spring of 1851
and named it "Lake Geneva," after the beautiful lake of Switzerland. (Victor J. Farrar, The Ebey Diary, Washington Historical
Quarterly, Volume VIL, pages 240-241.) That name did not endure. The railroad surveys under Governor Isaac I. Stevens, beginning in 1853, produced a map showing "Lake Dwamish." In
the lower left hand corner of the same map is a supplementary
sketch by A. W. Tinkham of a route through Snoqualmie Pass to
Seattle. It is dated January, 1854, and the lake is shown as "At-
sar-kal- Lake." (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XL, Part IL,
Chart No. 3.) Those two names gave an honor for the Duwamish
tribe and also sought to record the Indian name for the lake. In
that same year, 1854, the pioneers of Seattle held a picnic, at which
Thomas Mercer suggested that the large lake be given the name of
Washington, after the father of his country, and the smaller one 56
Edmond S. Meany
Union because by it the waters of the large lake would one day be
united with those of Puget Sound. One year before (March 2,
1853.) Congress had established and named Washington Territory.
The suggested name for the lake was approved at the picnic but the
pioneers published no map. Preston's Map of Oregon and Washington West of the Cascade Mountains, dated 1856, shows
"Dwamish Lake." The same name appears on the Map by the
Surveyor General of Washington Territory, dated 1857. (United
States Public Documents, Serial No. 877.) in 1858, George Davidson, of the United States Coast Survey, in his Directory for the
Pacific Coast of the United States, mentions Lake Washington.
(United States Public Documents, Serial No. 1005, page 446.)
After that the name soon found its way on all maps and charts.
Another Duwamish Indian name, "It-how-chug," said to mean
"large lake," was published in 1895.    (J. A. Costello, The Siwash.)
Lake Washington Canal, connecting the waters of Lakes
Washington and Union with Puget Sound and making a fresh water
harbor for Seattle. It was suggested by the pioneers as early as
1854. In 1860, Harvey Pike began to dig it with pick and shovel.
The next year, the Lake Washington Canal Company was incorporated and about fifteen years later a small canal was completed so
that logs could be floated from one lake to the other. After years
of agitation, sunreys and legislation, the Federal Government undertook the work.   Its completion was celebrated on July 4, 1917.
Lake Whatcom, near the City of Bellingham, Whatcom County. The first settlement on Bellingham Bay began in 1852 and the
name of Whatcom for the creek and the lake it drained developed
at once . The railroad surveys of 1853 show Lake Whatcom.
(Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XL, Part IL, Chart No. 3.)
James Tilton's Map of a Part of Washington Territory, dated
September 1, 1859, shows it as Whatcom Lake. (United States
Public Documents, Serial No. 1026.)
Lalu Islets, a name used by the Wilkes Expedition, 1841, to
designate several small islands in'the Columbia River, opposite
Sandy Island near Kalama. They are not shown on recent charts.
' Lamoine, a townsite and former postoffice about six miles
northwest of Withrow, Douglas County. It was originally called
"Arupp." When a postoffice was being secured, a permanent name
was under discussion in a small store- A man named Bragg reached
to the shelf and took down a can of sardines labelled "Lamoine,"
asking: "What is the matter with that as a name for the town?"
The suggestion was approved.   In 1909 or 1910, on the completion Origin of Washington Geographic N>
ames
57
of the Great Northern branch line across the Douglas County
plateau, Lamoine was missed by about six miles and Withrow supplanted it. The old postoffice was discontinued. There remain
two or three residences, a schoolhouse and a large public hall belonging to the Farmer's Educational and Cooperative Union.
Aside from these Lamoine is a memory. (W. H. Murray, publisher
of the Withrow Banner, in Names MSS., Letter 104.)
Lamona, a town in the southern part of Lincoln County, named
for J. H. Lamona, the first merchant there, in the winter of 1892-
1893.    (Postmaster, in Names MSS., Letter 250,)
Lamont, a town in the northwestern part of Whitman County,
named for Daniel Lamont, Vice President of the Northern Pacific
Railway Company.   (L. C. Gilman, in Names MSS., Letter 590.)
•   La Monte, see Almota.
Lampoile River, see Sanpoil River.
Lange, a postoffice near Spirit Lake, north of Mount St.
Helens, Skamania County. The name was changed from "Spirit
Lake" on October 27, 1910. It is an honor for R. C. Lange who
was appointed postmaster there on October 28, 1908. (Postmaster,
in Names MSS., Letter 561.)
Langley, a town on the southeastern shore of Whidbey Island,
Island County. Jacob Anthes, after nine years of logging and other
enterprises in the vicinity platted a townsite in 1890 and organized
a company which acquired title to the surrounding acreage. It was
named in honor of Judge J .W. Langley,, of Seattle, one of the members of the company.    (The Islander, in Names MSS., Letter 344.)
Langley Point, at the entrance of a bay bearing the same
name on the southwestern shore of Fidalgo Island, Skagit County.
The Wilkes Expedition, 1841, charted it "Point Sares," an honor
for Henry Sares, captain of the Top, during the cruise. The present name is probably for a pioneer settler on the bay.
Lantz, a postoffice in the eastern part of Adams. County.
John O. Robinson was commissioned postmaster on May 28, 1904.
The office, kept in his house, he had named for his son, Lantz
Robinson. When the Spokane, Portland & Seattle Railroad was
built a siding was given the same name of Lantz. (Postmaster, in
Names MSS., Letter 16.)
La Push, a town at the mouth of the Quillayute River, in the
southwestern part of Clallam County. It is a Chinook Jargon word
meaning "mouth," and originated in the French la boos. (Rev.
Myron Eells, in American Anthropologist, January, 1892.)
La rivierrE maudiTE enrage Emager, see Snake River. 58
Edmond S. Meany
La Sierra Santa Rosalia, see Mount Olympus.
Latah, a town in the southeastern corner of Spokane and a
creek flowing northwesterly to the Spokane River near the City of
Spokane. The railroad surveyors called it "Camas Prairie Creek"
in 1853. (Pacific Railroad Reports, Volume XL, Part IL, Chart
No. 3; Volume XII., Book I., map.) In 1858, Colonel George
Wright, while punishing the Indians for their defeat of Colonel
Steptoe, killed about 800 Indian horses and hanged a number of
Indians. The creek flowing near received the name of "Hangman
Creek." Colonel Wright dated his dispatches "Camp on the
Nedwhauld River." Others of his party wrote it "Neduald,"
"Nedwhuald" and some wrote it "Lahtoo." Father Eels said one
Indian name was "sin-too-too-ooley" or "place where little fish are
caught." Objecting to the gruesome word "Hangman," the legislature changed it to Latah, "a clumsy corruption of the more
euphonious Indian word 'Lahtoo.'' (N. W. Durham, Spokane and
the Inland Empire, page 254.) Major R. H. Wimpy settled near
the present town of Latah in the early seventies and the postoffice
was named "Alpha" in 1875 but soon afterwards it was changed
to Latah. Other early settlers were Benjamin F. Coplen and Lewis
Coplen. The town was platted in 1886. (History of Spokane
County, page 277.)
La Tete, an eminence said to be 2798 feet high between Fort
Nisqually and the Cascade Range received that name from Lieutenant Robert E. Johnson of the Wilkes Expedition, 1841. (Narrative, Volume IV., page 422.) Theodore Winthrop applied the
same name in that vic'mtv but probably not to the same peak.
(J. H. Williams' edition of The Canoe and the Saddle, page yy,
\ote.)   Recent charts do not identify the peak.
Latona, a former village on the north shore of Lake Union
now included within the city limits of Seattle. The name for the
place is said to be "Squaltz-quilth" in the Duwamish language.
(J. A. CosteUo, The Siwash. )
Laurier, a town on the Columbia River, in the northeastern
corner of Ferry County near the Canadian boundary. It was
named by the Great Northern Railroad Company in 1902 for Sir
Wilfred Laurier, Premier of Canada. (C. H. Didwell, in Names
MSS., Letter 203.)
(To be continued) DOCUMENTS
The Nizqually Journal
(Continued from Vol. X., Page 230.)
[September, 1849.]
Wednesday 19th. light rain greater part of the day. In the afternoon, J. McLeod, Montgomery, Peter Wilson, .Edward Shearer &
Mathew Nelson came in from their Stations to have an understanding about getting [page 38], higher wages & Bills for their Balance
up to last June, and if they failed to get them they would leave the
service at once. Dr. Tolmie explained to them that he had just received orders from Mr. Douglas to raise the two first mentioned
wages to £15 more and the three later to £20, and also a promise
that should the Company be bought out, before expiration of their
Contracts, that they would not be required to go anywhere else, but
be paid off in full here, and the same if they had to make out times;
but as to giving Due Bills he did [not] feel justified in doing so,
in case they designed to leave at all risks, whereby the Company
would sustain loss & Damage, and if they did leave, they would forfeit all their wages according to their agreements. They rejected all
three offers, and gave notice that they would all leave if the following conditions were not complied with, to get their due Bills as requested, when that got, to make new agreements, their wages to be
100 Dollars a month & to be paid monthly. Dr. Tolmie gave them
to understand that he had given them the best offers he had in his
power, and he had no authority to give more; and also dictated to
them of their dishonorable like conduct, in leaving their posts, before the end of their contract, when they were so much required,
and the probability of their losing all their wages in case they left;
The party left with notice that they should all come in next Saty. to
give u ptheir charges,    [page 39.]
Thursday 20th. Fine clear weather. Cowie & his party setting up
new slaughter house, the balance thrashing out oats in Barn. Montgomery & others brought in a lot of working oxen. Dr. Tolmie &
Mr. Todd visited Steilacoom.
Friday 21st. Agreeable weather. Neopalu & Lahannui with two
lots of oxen hauling filling wood for Cowie. The others as before.
Saturday 22nd.    Fine.   About noon Capt Livingston accompanied
(59) 60
Victor J. Farrar
by Mr. Moatt arrived.107 Capt. L's vessel, Barque Collooney
Brought about sunset, she is come for the purpose of getting the
lumber contracted for between Mr. Simmons and the Company.
Mr. Moatt's time is out and is going to try his fortune in California.
Sunday 23rd.   Sunshine.    No news.
Monday 24th. Sugar discharged from the "Collooney" this morning, and thereafter Capt. Livingston set sail for Newmarket having Mr. Ross as passenger and pilot. About noon the Cadboro arrived with a small supply of goods.
Tuesday 24th. Fine. Cadboro discharged her cargo. Cowie &
Kalama at slaughterhouse.
Wednesday 26th. Fine. Captain Saingster reported this morning
that three of his crew had deserted during the night. W. F. Tolmie
rode to Newmarket to see how the loading of the Collooney [page
40] proceeds.
Thursday 27th.    Fine.    Report says that the landsmen deserters
having been joined, last night, by the three runaways from the Cadboro, started for Cowlitz this morning.    W. F. Tolmie returned
from Newmarket in the evy of all goes on smoothly with the "Collooney" and Mr. Ross may be expected home tomorrow.   Simmons
has sold out to Crosby & Gray of Oregon City.
Friday 28th.    Fine.    Charles Ross, who has been employed since
Monday, sent to Steilacoom today with some Shingles and wine for
the Officers.    Commenced burning swamp land.
Saturday 29th.   Fine.   Work as before.   Fort swept out.
Sunday 30th.    Agreeable weather.    Judge Bryan108   and   a  large
party arrived, for the trial of the Snowqualmie prisoners.
October 1849
Monday 1st. Weather still continues fine. Dr. Tolmie & myself109
both absent at the trial as witnesses. The furs were treated. Mr.
Todd with two Kanakas looking out for a site for a sawmill down
the Sequallitch stream & made some commencement for a claim to
one.110
107 Captain Lewis Livingston, bark Collooney. The other gentleman is Captain W. A.
Mouat, of the brig Sacramento, and apparently an agent for the firm of Allan & Mackinlay,
although still in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company. His picture appears In Lewis &
Dryden, and his name is frequently encountered in the account book of the Puget's Sound
Agricultural  Company.
108 The men are Judge William P. Bryant, District Attorney A. P. Skinner, and David
Stone, attorney for tlie defense.
loo Mr. Walter Boss, clerk.
no The treaty of June 15, 1846, guaranteed to the Puget's Sound and Hudson's Bay
companies their possessory rights, but left the question of land rather indefinite. The officials, accordingly took such precautionary measures as is here recorded. Despite efforts
claim jumping took on a serious aspect in the early fifties, Steilacoon, Cowlitz farm and
otter choice localities being taken by the settlers with the conivance of federal and local
officials. For a full account see British and American Joint Commission for the final settle-
?w J?l e cl™mt °f the Hudson's Bay and Pugefs Bound Agricultural Companies, Papers
(Washington,  D.  C.  and Montreal),  14 volumes. The Nisqually Journal
Tuesday 2nd. Strong Gales from the Northward work much as before. The trial of the Indian prisoners not yet over, [page 41.]
Wednesday 3rd? Barque Collooney arrived from Newmarket late
lastnight, most of the hands employed today shipping shingles, the
rest about slaughter house. The jury of the Court held at Steilacoom having found a verdict of "Guilty" against two of the Indian
prisoners, Copass & Qualawout they were sentenced to be hung,
which sentence took place at 4 A. M.111 this afternoon, the other
four were liberated after a strict charge.112
Thursday 4th. Fine. Work as before. The Court passed this way,
on their way home. Barque Harpooner loaded and ready to start
tomorrow. Mr. Fearon Supercargo up in the evening squaring accounts.
Friday 5th.    Smoky.   Barque Collooney off by daylight.
Saturday 6th.    Foggy greatest part of the day.   Linklater sent to
Tinalquot to take his station as Shepherd for which he was engaged
to remain another year.
Sunday 7th.   Hazy.
Monday 8th. Thick Fog all the day. Cowie and Kalama employed
about slaughter-house. A gang of Indn. women sent of to the
plains under Cush to take up potatoes at the different stations,
[page 42.]
Tuesday 9th. Fog still close & disagreeable. Work as yesterday.
A party of Lummies113 arrived down the beach.
Wednesday 10th. Weather clearer than yesterday. Cowie & Kalama & Gohome cutting rafters for new building. Squally with two
others were sent yesterday to repair the road on the other side of
Tinalquot, for the convenience of the waggons which are expected
here soon, with Specie from Vancouver, & which only now detains
the schooner from starting in order that the Specie may go home by
the homeward bound ships this time.
Thursday 11th. Cloudy, Fog & Smoke clearing up. Men employed
about Slaughter house. Squally & the others returned, no word of
the waggons. Killed 30 sheep which were shipped on board
Schooner for Victoria.
Friday 12th. No Fog, light drops of rain throughout the day.
Work as before.   6 live Sheep sent to Steilacoom & 8 others slaugh-
111 An error. P. M. is intended.
112 The two found guilty were clearly so; of the remeining four three were innocent, and
one, a slave, was shown not to have participated in the affair at all. 3B3is presence seemed
to indicate that the Indians had hoped to sacrifice him in the stead of one of themselves,
the guilty.   -See Sen. Doc.  31 C,  2 S, Doc.  8E,  Serial No.  587.
lis A Salish tribe inhabiting the island of the same name and the shores of Bellingham
Bay. 62
Victor J. Farrar
tered for use, after which counted the remainder of band of Wed-
ders.   No. 450.
Saturday 13th. Cloudy. Mr. W. Ross sent out to reside at Tlith-
low114 and look after the people in the Plains. After dark Mr. C. L.
Allan115 accompanied by Thomas Pambrum, arrived, having the returns and specie from Vancouver in two wagons, [page 43.]
Sunday 14th. Cloudy. Returns and specie shipped.
Monday 15th. Cloudy. Live sheep and pigs shipped on board
Cadboro and everything ready for her departure by 11 A. M. but
there being no wind she does not leave till the evening ebb commences.   Mr. C. L. Tod goes passenger.
Tuesday 16th. Fine, a busy day in the shop some priests and others
having arrived yesterday evening. Some Indians thrashing wheat.
Cowie and party going on with house. Cadboro off early in the
morning.
Wednesday 17th. Fine. Mr. C. T. Allan started after an early
breakfast accompanied as far as Tinalquot by W. F. T.116 Work
as yesterday.
Thursday 18th.   Fine.   Work as yesterday.   All going on well in
Tinalquot and T. Linklater seemingly comfortable and contented.
Lieut: Dement117 of the U. S. troops at Steilacoom returned from
an Express Trip to Vancouver & O. City,118 bringing letters to me
from Mr. Ogden.   Cowie roofing slaughter-house.
Friday 19th.   Cloudy.   Women employed burning swamp.    Other
work as yesterday.   Mr. Ross in with working oxen.
Saturday 20th.   Cloudy.   Had a visit from Qmaster118 Tallmadge
and Dr. Haden120 of the U. S. Troops  stationed  at  Steilacoom.
Work as yesterday.    Genl. Smith121 Comr. in chief of the U. S.
troops on the Pacific is soon to visit this quarter.
Sunday 21st.
Monday 22nd. Cloudy. Thrashing wheat with Marrons. Sent
ox waggon to Gravelle's for a load of straw for Steilacoom.
[page 44.]
Tuesday 23rd. Cloudy. W. H. Macneill arrived from Victoria
with the Express from the Eastside which had been brought across
114 A herdsman's station near Steeilacoom
116 G.  T.  Allen.
116 William Fraser Tolmie.
117 3Lieutenant John Dement.
lis Oregon City, headquarters, until the removal to Port Vancouver.
H8 Quartermaster Grler Talmadge, of Steilacoom.
120 I. A. Haden, not to be confounded with Hayden.
121 General Percifer P.  Smith.    For an account of the establislunent of the military in
Oregon see Sen. Doc. 31C, 2S. Doc. 1, part 2, Serial No. 587. The Nisqually Journal
63
via Athabasca, Peace River and New Caledonia122 by Eden Colvile
Esqre. a lately appointed Governor of Rupert's Land.123 Mr. Colvile is now at Victoria and accompanied by C. F.124 Douglas is to
proceed in a few days hence to Vancouver by Nisqually & the Cowlitz portage.
Wednesday 24th. Cloudy. Despatched after breakfast a messenger for Cowlitz with the packet and letters reed, from Victoria
yesterday, and after dinner Mr. Macneill took his departure for
Victoria.
Thursday 25th. Heavy showers during the night. Mild. Sunshine. Had a letter from Cowlitz today, which was conveyed as
far as Tinalquot by Lapoitrie who along with some Indians is transporting wheat from Nawakum prairie to Tinalquot and has made
one trip without accident. Potatoe lifters paid off. Two ploughs
going today. The delving of the lately burnt ground in the swamp
to be the job for odd half days for the Indians usually employed
about the Slaughter house and Barn.
Friday 26th. Rainy. Mr. Ross with assistants drove in some cows,
10 of which with their calves are to be delivered tomorrow to an
American named Glasgow' in exchange for 300 bushels potatoes
which have already been received. Glasgow accompanied by Mr.
David Chambers arrived in the evening.
Saturday 27th. Showery. Partial Sunshine. Glasgow and Chambers with assistance from the establishment busy all day catching
and tying the 10 cows and a two year old Bullock due Glasgow since
last Spring. The cattle very wild. Mr. Ross came in about noon
with a fresh lot, and thereafter assisted in securing the cattle. Mr.
Jones126 of Newmarket gave a promissory note payable in a month
[page 45] for $100 in payment of 2 cows & calves and the
[Ms. illegible] lent him in Spring of 1846. Gave Mr. Glasgow a
note on presentation of which on or after the 15th April 1850, he
will be entitled to 8 Heifers, calves of 1849.
Sunday 28th. Glasgow off with his cattle but lost 4 cows and much
bothered.
122 Approximately the British Columbia of today.
128 All the country ruled by the Hudson's Bay Company was from the beginning denominated Rupert Land after Prince Rupert, the first governor. With the amalgamation with tlie
North West Company Rupert Land was reorganized into four departments, Montreal, Southern, Western and Northern. The departments were further subdivided into districts which
In turn composed a collection of posts. The ostensible capital was Fort Garry, Bed Blver,
where an annual meeting was held, and orders issued for the following year. Transportation
between the posts was effected by means of "brigades." For a source account of the workings of the Hudson's Bay Company, consult, Canadian Archives, Publications, No. 9, 1914, 2
volumes.
124 Chief Factor James Douglas.
125 At or near the present Newaukum, in Lewis County.
126 Gabriel Jones, one of the Michael T. Simmons party, pioneers of 1845. 64
Victor J. Farrar
Monday 29th.   Cloudy.   Cowie & others at roof of slaughter house.
Two ploughs going.   Sowed 3 bushels wheat.
Tuesday 30th.   Rainy.   Work as yesterday.
Wednesday 31st. Showery. Roofing of Slaughter house finished.
Adam Beinston while out shooting Beef cattle had his left thumb
greatly lacerated by the bursting of his gun. In the evening Mr.
Wm. Ogden nephew of P. S. Ogden127 Esq. arrived, accompanied
by Charles Mackay128 of Tuality128 and Marcel Bernier.130 They
are going to Pt. Discovery and that neighborhood in quest of mill-
sites.    Sowed 2 bushels Wheat.
November, 1849.
Thursday 1st. Heavy showers. Cowie & party commenced laying
the flooring of store. Thrashing Oats with the flail.
Friday 2nd. Showery. Partial sunshine. Mr. Ogden and party
off this morning. An American named Glasgow the same who purchased the cattle came in the evening to say that he did not wish
me as agent for the Hudson's Bay and Puget's Sd. Coys131 to make
any further improvements on his claim commencing at the sawpit
at Nisqy132 landing and running northward so as to inclose the Se-
quallitch creek, he handed me a written notice to the above effect,
which I declined to accept, telling him that by settling where he had
he was trespassing on the lands of the P. S. Coy.
Saturday 3rd. Showery. Partial Sunshine. Lieut: Gibson passed,
on his way to the Cowlitz and Vancouver with the mail. Wrote by
him to C. F. Ogden.
Sunday 4th. Mr. T. M. Chambers an American who arrived last
night proceeded this morning towards Steilacoom where he is to
mark off a claim in his son's name on the Puget Sound Company's
lands, and including the millsites at the entrance of the Steilacoom
creek. In the evening, Captain Mosher184 of the ship "Inez" arrived, guided by Glasgow, and accompanied by a boat's crew of
six, having left his ship a few miles below the narrows. After
sitting for an hour or two he left and went to pass the night with
Glasgow. The boats crew were supplied with supper and quarters
in the different houses inside the Fort.   The "Inez" has come for
127 Peter Skeene Ogden was a Chief Factor at Fort Vancouver; William Ogden at one
time an apprentice clerk, is apparently in the service of Allan and MaCkinlay, inasmuch as
his expenses are charged to that firm.    See note 107.   •
128 Charles Mackay.
129 A settlement on the river of the same name in Oregon, spelled variously.
ISO Marcel Bernier, born at Spokane in 1820, one of the Bed River colonists of 184L
but since this year (1849)  a citizen of the United States,
isi Puget's Sound Agricultural Company.
182 Nisqually.
133 Lieutenant John B. Gibson.
134 Identity not ascertained. The Nisqually Journal
65
the Lumber and Shingles contracted for, from Mr. Simmons by
a Mr. Fruit.185
Monday 5th. Fine. Rode out today too kill beef and afterwards
accompanied by Mr. W. Ross, proceeded towards Steilacoom to
warn off Mr. Chambers as a trespasser on the lands of the Puget's
Sound Coy. Could not find Mr. C. who was tracing out his claim
in the woods. Accompanied Mr. Ross home to Tlilthlow.
Tuesday 6th. Showeiy. Partial Sunshine. Assisted Mr. Ross
during the forenoon at Tlithlow to put the Rams to the Ewes but
on learning that the General Patterson was in the roadstead and unloading her cargo, I hastened in to the Fort. Cowie making a gutter to carry off the water from the roof of the Store. In the evening Captain Mosher made his appearance and staid for the night.
Wednesday 7th. Fine. Mg. showery, a smart breeze in the forenoon that drove the Genl. Patterson from her anchorage. Nearly
all her cargo landed and in the store this evening. Commenced
moving the salting tubs &c from old to new Slaughter house. Called
at Glasgow's in the morning and warned him off as a trespasser on
the lands of the Puget's Sound [page 47] Company in presence of
Captain Mosher, Mr. M. T. Simmons, Charles Ross and Adam
Beinston. Glasgow in his turn warned us against making any further improvements on what he called his claim. Continued on to
the beach from Glasgow's accompanied by Captain Mosher, Simmons and Glasgow through a wide road opened by the Company
some years ago, of which I informed Mosher and Simmons. Afterwards went on board the Genl. Patterson and saw Captain Corser.136
Thursday 8th. Rainy. Nearly all the Genl. Patterson's cargo
landed. Lapoitrie with his Inds. retd. having in three weeks made
the trips with wheat from Cowlitz & Newaukum to Tinalquot.
Friday 9th. Showery. Engaged C. Wren for a day and sent him
along with Lapoitrie and some Islanders and Indians to make a
slight dam a little above the entrance of the Sequallitch creek.
Cowie continuing at flooring of slaughterhouse. Captain Corser
spending the evg. at the Fort.
Saturday 10th.    Mg. foggy.    Fine.    Mr. Ross drove in a lot of
working oxen.    Some Indians thrashing Oats.   Others at flooring
of slaughterhouse.
Sunday 11th.   Showery.
Monday 12th. Fine. Lapoitrie assisting the ordinary ox drivers
in taming the oxen brought in on Saturday. Cowie finishing floor
of slaughterhouse.
135 Identity not ascertained.
136 Identity not ascertained.
S BOOK REVIEWS
Alaska, Our Beautiful Northland of Opportunity.   By AgnEs Rush
Burr.    (Boston: The Page Company.   1919.   Pp. 428.   $4.00
net.)
This handsome book with decorative cover, carrying six plates
in full color and forty-eight duogravures, is another in the "See
America First" Series. Most of the volumes thus far issued in the
series are devoted to the West. "Sunset Canada; British Columbia and Beyond" was reviewed in this Quarterly (Volume IX., page
310) and other volumes include "California, Romantic and Beautiful," "Oregon, the Picturesque" and "Three Wonderlands of the
American West."   Each book is sumptuously piinted and boxed.
The author makes no pretense of presenting history. She records the observations by herself and others. The puipose of the
book is best told in her preface as follows: "Alaska is a land of
beautiful scenery and of almost inexhaustible resources. It is a
land with a romantic history, and a land of interesting people,
whether these be the sturdy pioneers and their descendants with
their tales of early days, the Indians, and the rapid progress they
are making on their march toward civilization, or the prospector
with pack on back on his tireless quest for gold.
"It is a land also of many opportunities. In size about one-
fifth of the whole United States, in resources almost equal in variety
to those of the entire country, Alaska as yet has but comparatively
a small population and few industries. New business enterprises in
almost countless number await the seeing eye and earnest hand of
the shrewd business man and woman."
She further tells about the possibility of obse:rving much of the
great scenery from well-appointed steamers and railroad trains and
automobiles over a three-hundred mile road. All this reminds the
present reviewer of a remark made at Prince William Sound in the
summer of 1902 by General A. W. Greely, then Chief Signal Officer of the United States Army: "We have just been establishing
signal stations through the unexplored interior of Alaska. When
the discoverers and explorers come they can step into one of those
stations and send their records to the outside world."
There remains much exploring to be done in Alaska. None of
it will detract, however, from the interest or value of this book.
(66) Central Oregon
67
The author acknowledges help received from many sources, including "Mr. J. L. McPherson, of the Alaska Bureau of the Seattle
Chamber of Commerce, who has made the study of Alaska almost
his life work; Mr. Kenneth Kerr of the Seattle 'Railway and Marine News,' and many others." The second chapter of the book is
entitled: "From Seattle Northward." Edmond S. Meany.
Central Oregon.    By W. D. Cheney.    (Seattle: The Ivy Press.
1919.   Pp. 149.   $1.00.)
This little book locally produced and published has the distinct
purpose of calling attention to a part of the Pacific Northwest in
which railroad building is being rapidly developed. In addition to
the descriptions of new resources to be made available there is also
a note of preparedness, which is best told by the author himself on
pages 144 to 146, as follows:
"This book is being written in the midst of the European War;
and these words are written the day following an address by the
Governor of Oregon in which he appeals for the completion of the
Pacific Highway as a matter of military importance. Exactly as
this paragraph is being written, a representative of the Coast Defense League calls upon the writer for assistance in securing support for the Pacific Highway as a part of the Military Road System.   If this highway is important, what of these railroads?
"The strength of Germany has not been in men and material
alone. But would have been useless but for a wonderful system of
railroads, permitting the quick shifting of armies and munitions.
"Our Pacific Coast is very vulnerable; and it is not because of
seven hundred miles of coast-line between Cape Flattery and the
Golden Gate. It is because of the long, easily broken thread of the
Southern Pacific Railroad, lying undefended between the mountains and the sea. Even if not impaired, it is utterly inadequate to
handle the congested traffic of war.
"Not only will the Strahorn Lines put millions of acres under
cultivation: they will provide two lines north and south along the
Pacific Coast instead of the one line now existing. By double-
tracking only seventy-six and one-half miles of the Strahorn System,
three lines will be provided for the entire distance between Mare
Island and Fuget Sound, over which troops and munitions can be
rushed north and south; and two of these lines will be east of the
Cascade Range, a natural fortification." 68 Book Reviews
The Problem of the Pacific.   By C. Brunsdon Fletcher.    (New
York: Henry Holt and Company.   1919.   Pp.254.   $3.00 net.)
The author opens his preface by declaring: "This book is not
an ordered history of the Pacific. Its main object is to show how
four Powers during a century have been reaching towards a mastery of half of the world—the Pacific Ocean covers a whole hemisphere^—and only as the main facts of this mastery are kept in mind
will a Peace Conference be able to do justice to the interests now
dominant."
His description of the first chapter is worth repeating: "A
century completed with war: Its history in the Pacific marked by
chapters of special importance: Each decade from 1814 begins with
some notable event: The Monroe Doctrine in 1824 and Alaska: Australia conquered in 1814, 1824, 1834: France and Tahiti in 1844,
and Britain's settlement with America: The year 1854 and Japan's
beginning as a Power: Germany also enters the Pacific in that year.:
Effect upon the Pacific of Prussia's attack upon Denmark in 1864:
Fiji annexed in 1874: Gennany's annexations in 1884: War between
China and Japan in 1894: War between Japan and Russia in 1904:
Opening of Kiel and Panama Canals in 1914."
The ambitions of Germany and Japan bulk large in the subsequent chapters and the position of Australia is given prominence.
The author's preface is dated at Sydney in May, 1918. His conclusion is a plea for a-better understanding of Australia and the
last woras: "While some things may have to wait, the main purpose
of English-speaking peoples in spreading the blessings of real liberty
will be greatly served."
The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma.    By Henry Adams.
(New York: The Macmillan Company. 1919. Pp.317. $2.50.)
In this Quarterly for January, 1919, there appeared a review
of the remarkable book entitled "The Education of Henry Adams."
In correspondence with the dead author's brother, Brooks Adams,
it developed that he had a manuscript giving further views of Henry
Adams on the philosophy of history which would be published. It
here appears as "The Rule or Phase Applied to History."
The first half of the volume is by the brother, Brooks Adams,
on "The Heritage of Henry Adams."   This is followed by a letter
to the American Historical Association of which he was president
can Teachers of History (1910) and by the final "Phase."
inn 1894 and by the hitherto privately published "Letter to Ameri- Reverend Ezra Fisher
69
Readers of "The Education of Henry Adams" will surely want
to read this book. In a private letter, Brooks Adams says: "I am
afraid you will hardly find the book alluring, as it is not optimistic."
But he adds later, "Such as we are—we are." He thinks the "Letter to Teachers" is one of the ablest things his brother Henry ever
wrote.
The Life of General Ely S. Parker. By Arthur C. Parker.   (Buffalo, N. Y: Buffalo Historical Society.   1919.  Pp. 346.)
This interesting addition to Americana is written by a great-
nephew of General Parker. The author has achieved reputation
as a scholar and writer. He is now State Archaeologist of New
York. General Parker was the last Grand Sachem of the Iroquois
and was military secretary of General Grant. He made a most remarkable link between the great race of Indians and their white
neighbors. This book with its sympathetic records and collection
of illustrations will prove to be a monument to one of America's
admirable Indian characters.
Taxation in Nevada.   By Romanzo Adams.-  (Reno: Nevada Historical Society. 1918.   Pp. 199.   $1.50.)
This little volume, well described by its title,   is   one  in  the
Nevada Applied History Series, edited by Jeanne Elizabeth Wier.
Correspondence of the Reverend Ezra Fisher. Edited by Sarah
Fisher Henderson, Neelie Edith Latourette and Kenneth
Scott Latourette. (Portland: Miss Freda Latourette, 325
Chamber of Commerce Building. 1919. Pp. 492. $3.50 net.)
Rev. Ezra Fisher was a pioneer Missionary of the American
Baptist Home Mission Society in Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Oregon.
The first twenty-nine pages are devoted to a biographical
sketch of the missionaiy. His correspondence from the Middle
West concludes on page 155 when he wrote on April 12, 1845, "We
are now here (Davenport) on our way to Oregon." The last entry
bears the date of March 31, 1857. That span of a dozen years was
filled with important events in Oregon history and these pages of
letters throw light that will be welcome by all who study the period.
Like most missionaries he gained his living from the soil. In 1861,
he left the region of Willamette Valley and moved to The Dalles.
-^ 70
Book Reviews
He continued to preach and farm. He spent a short time in California for his health but returned to The Dalles and resumed his
religious work. He preached his last sermon on October 18, 1874,
and died at The Dalles, November 1, 1874. He was much interested
in education. In his last letter to the American Baptist Home Mission Society he said: "Will you once more send us a man for Oregon City University? I write officially." His death resulted from
pneumonia contracted while visiting the schools of Wasco County.
This was counted an untimely end for a man of his vigor though
he was nearing his seventy-fifth birthday.
The correspondence here reproduced was considered of sufficient importance to history for large portions if it to appear in the
Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society.
Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Conference of the Pacific Northwest   Library   Association    (Tacoma:   Elena A. Clancey,
Treasurer, care of Tacoma Public Library.   1919.   Pp. 52.   75
cents.)
This volume contains the Proceedings of the Conference held in
Seattle in September, 1918.   It includes a selection from the papers
presented at the Meeting, but the larger part of the volume is given
over to the Minutes of the Conference and to reports of Committees.    It is arranged in a serviceable and intelligible manner forming on the whole a model for institutional proceedings of its kind.
An index covers the publications of the first ten years of the Association's existence.
The Seattle Conference was held a few months before the signing of the Armistice and reflects the active part taken by librarians
to help in winning the War. The Pacific Northwest Library Association is to be congratulated upon its fine record and the care it
has taken to safeguard the history of its contribution to the educational development of the Northwest. Such volumes have great
historical value since the history of a democracy is largely the history of its institutions.
Transactions of the Forty-fourth Annual Reunion of the Oregon
Pioneer Association. (Portland: George H. Himes, Secretary.   1919.   Pp. 273-350.)
This pamphlet is three years late in its appearance. It is the
record of the reunion held in Portland on June 22, 1916. The
crowd in attendance numbered eight hundred.- The tireless secretary collected the usual amount of valuable historical data.    He American Antiquities
71
says: "But one man registered an arrival in the '30s. He was Cyrus
Hamlin Walker, of Albany. He was born December 7, 1838.
Scores of others were older than Mr. Walker, but none beat him
into the State. Mr. Walker proudly proclaims the fact that he is
the oldest living white man born west of the Rocky Mountains."
The annual address was given by William M. Colvig, a pioneer
of 1851.
The pamphlet also contains the proceedings of the thirty-first
grand encampment of the Indian War Veterans of the North Pacific Coast and other matters of historic interest.
Linguistic Families of California. By Roland B. Dixon and A. L.
Kroeber. (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1919.
Pp. 47-118.   75 cents.)
This is Number 3 of Volume 16 of the University of California's Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. It reflects the care and attention to technical details given to all the
numbers in this series. There is included a map of "Families of
Native Languages in California."
Thirty-third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
By F. W. Hodge, Ethnologist-in-charge. (Washington: Government Printing Office.   1919.   Pp. 677.)
Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities. By W. H. Holmes.
(Washington: Government Printing Office.   1919.   Pp. 380.)
Prehistoric Villages, Castles, and Towers of Southwestern Colorado. By J. Walter FewkEs. (Washington: Government
Printing Of f ice.   1919.   Pp.79.)
All publications by the Bureau of American Ethnology are welcome additions to the historical literature of America. The publication of these three has evidently been delayed by congestion in the
Goveinment Printing Office caused by the recent war. The annual
report is for the year 1911-1912. In addition to the report of the
Bureau, the volume includes four accompanying papers as follows:
"Uses of plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region," by
Melvin Randolph Gilmore; "Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the Mancos and La Plata Rivers in
Southwestern Colorado," by Earl H. Morris; "Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery," by Jesse Walter Fewkes; "The Hawaiian
Romance of Laieikawai," by Martha Warren Beckwith, with an ap- 72
Book Reviews
pendix of Hawaiian stories collected by Fomander and edited by
Thomas G. Thrum of the Bishop Museum, Honolulu. Each of the
papers is accompanied by beautiful illustrations.
The book on Aboriginal American Antiquities is Bulletin 60. It
is one of the planned series of handbooks like those on American
Indians "(Bulletin 30) and American Indian Languages (Bulletin
40). The second volume, or Part IL, of this present bulletin will
be devoted to "implements, utensils, and other minor artifacts of
stone." The present volume deals with the systematic presentation
and classification of the American antiquities, "to make them readily available to the student who shall undertake to present a comprehensive view of the evolution of culture among men." In the
chapter on "Culture Characterization Areas" there are four areas
of especial interest to the Pacific Coast—"The California Area,"
"The Columbia-Fraser Area," "The Northwest Coast Area," "The
Arctic Coast Area." In this classification the Northwest Coast is
given as from Puget Sound to Mount St. Elias.
The third item is a fascinating little book (Bulletin 70) devoted to prehistoric conditions in what is now a part of Colorado.
Mr. Fewkes shows the spirit of his work in the following sentence
from his introduction: "No achievements in American anthropology
are more striking than those that, from a study of human buildings
and artifacts antedating the historic period, reveal the existence of
an advanced prehistoric culture of man in America." The slender
volume is illustrated with 18 drawings in the text and with 33 plates
at the end of the book. Many of the plates contain three half-tones.
All are well printed and add much.to the value of the text.
The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies. By Charles Henry Cunningham, Ph. D. (Berkeley: University of California Press.
1919.   Pp. 478.)
The title-page includes the phrase: "As Illustrated by the Audiencia of Manila (1583-1800)." Dr. Cunningham explains in his preface that this came from the circumstance of his having been situated in Manila for a number of years. As the Audiencia was common to all Spanish colonies, this study, he believes, will be equally
applicable to the audiencias in Spanish-America.
The work has no contact with, or reference to, the Pacific
Northwest but, as an additional monument to the cooperation of
the wealth and scholorship of California in the field of history, it
gives another opportunity of calling attention to one phase of that State Grange
73
cooperation. The author in acknowledging help from many sources
says: "To Professor H. Morse Stephens of the University of California and to the generous order of the Native Sons of the Golden
West I am indebted for the rare opportunity of two years of foreign residence and research in the various archives of Spain."
Proceedings of the Thirty-first Annual Session of the Washington
State Grange. (Tumwater: Fred W. Lewis, Secretary. 1919.
Pp. 168.)
The annual session was held at Port Angeles, on June 3-6, 1919.
Besides the proceedings the book contains lists of granges and their
officers. One fine expression of purpose is found in the annual
address of the Master of the Washington State Grange, William
Bouck: "Let us not < forget that above all money, or profit or loss,
we are for the development of men and women first, last and all
the time."
Review of Historical Publications Relating to Canada. Edited by
George M. Wrong, H. H. Langton and W. Stewart Wal>
lace. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1919. Pp.
XIII and 203.)
This periodical volume in the University of Toronto Studies
is of immense value and importance to all who are interested in the
history of Canada. The Dominion and the United States are such
close and cordial neighbors that there is much overlapping in the
historical literature. This gives the book a distinct value on this
side of "the longest undefended boundary on Earth."
Readers in the Pacific Northwest will find proof of this friendly overlapping of interest by turning to pages 115 to 136. There
will be found careful and scholarly reviews of literature, produced
in the years 1917-1918, relating to the Province of British Columbia. A number of Canadian and American volumes are noted.
Nine articles in the Washington Historical Quarterly receive attention as do five of the important overlapping articles in the neighboring Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. The criticism
and appreciation expressed are eminently fair and cordial. British
Columbia was part of the Oregon Country in the old days of "joint
occupancy" and it is now a delight to find in history a field for such
friendly and effective international cooperation.
It is interesting to note that among those whose work is men- 74
Book Reviews
tioned are six of the contributing editors of the Washington Historical Quarterly as follows: Mr. Clarence B. Bagley, of Seattle;
Mr. T. C. Elliott, of Walla Walla; Professor Frank A. Golder, of
Pullman; Judge F. W. Howay, of New Westminster and Mr. O. B.
Sperlin, of Tacoma.
Other Books Received
Briggs, John Ely. William Peters Hepburn. In Iowa Biographical Series, edited by Benjamin F. Shambaugh. (Iowa City:
The State Historical Society of Iowa.   1919.   Pp. 469.)
Buefalo Historical Society. Publications. Volume XXII.
(Buffalo: The Society.   1918.   Pp.437.   $4.00.)
Connecticut Historical Soci^y. Collections. Volume XVII.
(Hartford: The Society.   1918.   Pp. 402.)
Holt, Lucius Hudson and Chilton, Alexander WhEEEER. A
Brief History of Europe from 1789 to 1815. (New York: The
Macmillan Company.    1919.   Pp. 358.   $2.75.)
Illinois State Historical Society. Transactions. Volume
XXIV    (Springfield: The Society.   1919.   Pp.216.)
Indiana Historical Commission. The Indiana Centennial, 1916.
(Indianapolis: The Commission.   1919.   Pp. 441.)
Kansas State Historical Society. Twenty-first Biennial Report, 1917-1919.    (Topeka: State Printer.   1919. Pp. 71.)
Massachusetts Historical Society. Proceedings, October, 1918-
June, 1919, Volume LH. (Boston: The Society. 1919. Pp.
356.)
PuG3$T Sound Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
Journal and Yearbook. 1919. (Sequim, R. C. Hartley, Secretary.   1919.   Pp. 293-377.)
Washington State Bankers Association. Proceedings of the
Twenty-fourth Annual Convention, 1919.    (Ritzville.   W. H.
Martin, Secretary.   1919.   Pp. 158.)
Wiener, Merton M.    Popular History of the War.    (Buffalo:
Buffalo Historical Society.    1919.   Pp. 36.) NEWS DEPARTMENT
Journal of Indian Treaty Days.
The University of Washington Library has been enriched by
the gift from William S. Lewis, Corresponding Secretary of the
Eastern Washington State Historical Society, of a substantially
bound typewritten copy of the original journal kept by James Doty
who was secretary of the Indian treaty-making commission organized by Governor Isaac I. Stevens. He received that appointment
on December 7, 1854, and entered upon the duties with enthusiasm.
Young Doty inherited a love for such work. His father,
James Duane Doty, was an early settler of Michigan and in 1820
went with a party under General Lewis Cass, traveling 4000 miles
in canoes, exploring the upper lakes and making treaties with the
Indian tribes of that region. He was a judge in Northern Michigan and in 1830 was one of a commission to lay out a military road
from Green Bay through Chicago to Prairie du Chien. As a member of the Michigan Legislature in 1834 he introduced a bill which
led to the division of Michigan and the creation of Wisconsin and
Iowa Territories. He was one of the founders of Madison and
secured its adoption as the capital of Wisconsin. He served the
Territory as Delegate in Congress, 1837-1841, as Governor, 1841-
1844, and as a member of the constitutional convention. He served
two terms as Congressman from the new State, 1849-1853. As that
se:rvice was ending his son James received appointment as a member
of the exploring party under Governor Isaac I. Stevens. Later
President Lincoln appointed the father, James Duane Doty, Governor of Utah Territory in 1864.
James Doty was listed in the party of Governor Stevens for
"astronomical and magnetic observations." As the party progressed
westward he was left for the winter at Fort Benton to prepare the
way for a proposed treaty with the Blackfoot Indians. Governor
Stevens says: "Mr. Doty, who had won very much upon me by his
intelligence, his fidelity, his promptitude, and energy of character,
parted with me with feelings of hope and pride at the idea that
now a field was opening to him where he could be useful to his
country, and make a reputation for himself." General Hazard
Stevens in his "Life" of his father speaks of those winter explorations as "remarkable and valuable."
The first Indian treaty concluded by Governor Stevens was
with the Nisqually and other bands and was dated December 26,
(75) 76
News Department
1854. Among the witness signatures is that of James Doty, "Secretary of the Commission." In that same winter he was sent to
Eastern Washington with Indian Agents Bolon and Lansdale to
prepare the tribes there for assembling in treaty councils. The
greatest value of the present journal is its record of that mission.
When Governor Stevens learned of the plot by Pio-pio-mox-
mox at the Walla Walla council to kill the white people, he confided the danger to only two of his party. These were the Secretary, James Doty, and the Packmaster, C. P. Higgins, who later
was the founder of Missoula, Mont. Doty bore this and all other
responsibilities bravely. Later, at the Blackfoot council he rode
night and day far into Canada to recover stolen horses and thus to
impress upon the Indians the serious purpose of the treaty commission.
As the rumbles of the Indian war began, Governor Stevens appointed Doty a Lieutenant Colonel. He remained close to Governor Stevens until the latter was nominated for Delegate in Congress in 1857 and went out on the campaign, On his return he was
saddened with the news that James Doty had died and was buried
on Bush Prairie besides his friend George W. Stevens. The Governor declared: "I have never been connected with a more intelligent and upright man."
This journal of 108 pages begins with the date of January 20,
1855, and ends with May 24, 1856. The records supplement the
accounts of the Indian treaties and the transactions just before the
outbreak of the Indian war. It is especially welcome in the University of Washington Library already rich in materials pertaining
to the life and work of Washington's first Territorial Governor,
Isaac Ingalls Stevens.
Oregon Historical Society
The twenty-first annual meeting of the Oregon Historical
Society was held in Portland on October 25, 1919. The annual address was given by Dr. Henry L. Bates on "The History of Pacific
University."
The Pioneer
A rugged and forceful statue by the noted sculptor, A. Phim-
ister Proctor, was unveiled on the campus of the University of
Oregon, at Eugene, on May 22, 1919. A record of the ceremonies
appears in the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society for Sep- More McElvoy Manuscripts
77
tember, 1919. The donor of the statue, Joseph N. Teal, made a
brief address giving his reasons for the desire to honor the pioneers
and to place the enduring bronze embodiment of that honor in the
keeping of the University of Oregon. The principal address of the
occasion was delivered by Frederick V. Holman, President of the
Oregon Historical Association and of the Sons and Daughters of
Oregon Pioneers.
The statue has a background of fir trees and stands on an uncut field boulder.' The figure is that of a bearded, forward-looking
man, clad in buckskin with a rifle slung from his shoulder. It is an
idealized figure of a conqueror of the wilderness. Mr. Proctor, the
sculptor, is represented by his work in many eastern cities and received gold medals for ejdiibits in a number of international expositions.
Cleveland Letters Wanted
Mrs. Thomas J. Preston, Jr., formerly Mrs. Grover Cleveland,
has entrusted to Professor Robert M. McElroy, of Princeton, the
task of preparing the authorized Life and Letters of President
Cleveland. Haiper and Brothers, New York, are to be the publishers. They ask that any persons having letters or papers by
President Cleveland be requested to loan them to Professor McElroy for this work. Many political friends and associates have already done this and the papers in the Library of Congress and in
Mrs. Preston's collection have also been made available. This additional request is made with urgent emphasis as President Cleveland wrote most of his letters in long hand and kept no copies.
More McElroy Manuscripts
This Quarterly for July, 1919, (pages 235-236) announced the
receipt of a number of historically important manuscripts from
Harry B. McElroy of Olympia. Since then he has sent a dozen
more manuscripts which, like the others, are to be placed in the
Library of the University of Washington. This latest gift consists
of the following:
A leter, dated at Walla Walla on January 13, 1862, from H. H.
Spalding to B. F. Kendall, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for
Washington Territory, presents in four pages an urgent plea to be
appointed teacher of the Nez Perce Indians. The letter was accompanied by a petition in the following language: "The under-
1 78
News Department
signed respectfully recommended Rev. H. H. Spalding for the office of teacher of the Nez Perce Indians. Mr. Spalding and his
wife came to Oregon in company with the late Dr. Whitman and
wife in 1836. He was stationed among the Nez Perces as Missionary. He and his wife taught them the use of letters; reduced their
language to writing; taught some of them to read and write; translated a part of the Bible and printed it in their language and also
a small hymn book, and continued to labor among them until Nov.
1847, when Dr. Whitman and family were murdered by the Cayuse
Indians, compelling others to flee. Mr. Spalding introduced some
of the arts among the Nez Perces. Men learned to till the ground
and raise and secure crops, take care of stock and assist in attending both a saw and a grist mill. He organized a small church which
still exists under the care of an Indian preacher named Timothy,
who often preaches to them. But that church needs Mr. Spalding's
presence and care. The Indians have often asked him to come
back. He is now on the Touchet River, ready and willing to return
to his old station if he can be supported. We believe that his early
location among them, in that capacity, would tend to preserve their
friendship for the Americans and thus preserve peace."
Among the thirty-three signatures to this interesting petition,
the following can easily be deciphered: G. H. Atkinson, A. G.
Henry, W. T. Adams, J. O. Rayner, W. C. Johnson, James Pearson,
William C. Dement, A. L. Lovejoy, J. S. Griffin, W. Straight, D. D.
Tompkins, William Whitlock. D. W. Craig, Cris Taylor, L. F.
Carter, R. Gammill, M. Barn, John G. Toner, James K. Kelly,
Thomas F. Scott; A. Halland, I. Myrick, P. B. Chamberlain, J.
Fleming, J. M. Bacon, F. Charman.
The petition is endorsed "Old Spaulding, Jany. 13, 1862." The
word "old" may denote a lack of appreciation of the missionary's
request. At any rate, it seems not to have been granted. Mr.
Spalding's daughter, Mrs. Eliza Spalding Warren, published a little
book called "Memoirs of the West" in 1916. On page 11 she says
of her father: "In 1871 he went back to resume the work so abruptly terminated by the Whitman massacre." His tombstone near the
old mission records his death on August 3, 1874. The letter and
petition add another note of pathos to the missionary history of the
Oregon country.
A letter from Dr. W. Fraser Tolmie in Victoria to B. F. Kendall under date of August 14, 1862, speaks of Mr. Kendall's friend
Rev. Starr King, the famous California preacher. He gave an address—"Shadow and Substance"—in Victoria and Dr. Tolmie said: A Nebraska Centennial
79
"I wish Victoria were large enough for us to have such a clergyman
as Mr. King here."
A copy, certified as correct by B. F. Kendall, of a letter from
Secretary of State William H. Seward to William Huntington,
United States Marshal for Washington Territory, dated July 15,
1862, approves the prevention of the attempt to sell lands of the
Puget Sound Agricultural Company (British) for taxes "until the
subject can formally be adjusted by treaty, which it is hoped may
soon be accomplished."
The manuscript copy of an address by B. F. Kendall on "The
Prospect of Freedom in Europe" is dated September, 1852, and
opens as follows: "For the past three years the affairs of Europe
have been of more general interest to mankind ■ than at any previous period of the world history."
On gilt-edged paper C. C. Leeds writes a gossipy letter from
Washington City to his friend B. F. Kendall in Washington Territory under the date of June 18, 1854.
In a beautifully written letter, James G. Swan, at Neah Bay in
1861, asked for a position in the Indian service that he might continue among the tribes he had been studying for ten years.
When B. F. Kendall was absent from office, his clerk, W. G.
Dunlap, wrote him a letter of little importance except for the mentioning of a few pioneers in 1861.
Alexander S. Abernethy wrote a letter asking the appointment
of his son as an Indian teacher in 1861. Three weeks later he wrote
another withdrawing the request. Mr. Kendall saved copies of his
carefully prepared answers. There were evidently religious quarrels over appointments and removals in the Indian service in 1861.
A Nebraska Centennial
This Quarterly was invited to be represented at a celebration
by the Nebraska State Historical Society acting in conjunction
with patriotic, military and civic organizations of Nebraska and of
the United States. The occasion was the centennial anniversaries
of the landing of the first military forces of the United States in
the upper Missouri region in September and October, 1819, and the
establishment of Fort Atkinson, which for the period 1819-1827
was the farthest west militaiy post in the United States. The date
of the celebration was Saturday, October 11, 1919. 80
News Department
Living Pioneers of Washington
In the issue of this Quarterly for July, 1919, there was published a list of the biographies of pioneers of the State of Washington which had appeared in the Seattle Post-Intelligencer up to
June 21, 1919. The list is here continued up to January 1, 1920.
The dates are those of the Post-Intelligencer in which the biographies appeared, in each case on the editorial page:
July 1, Donald Mac Innes, Dungeness.
July 2, Mrs. Louisa A. Conner, Seattle.
July 3, Hugh Eldridge, Bellingham.
July 4, Capt. George M. Coupe, Seattle.
July 5, James H. Woolery, Seattle.
July 7, Mrs. Bennett W. Johns, Olympia.
July 8, Mrs. Jenny G. Jenkins, Seattle.
July 9, Charles Lutkens, Elbe.
July 11, Joel Franklin Warren, Seattle.
October 28, Mrs. Sabra S. Cornell, Seattle.
October 29, Capt. S. A. Hoyt, Seattle.
October 30, Allen E. F. Bartz, Stanwood.
October 31, Edward S. Bucklin, Warren, Me.
November 1, D. O. Pearson, Stanwood.
November 3, Calvin S. Barlow, Tacoma.
November 4, Mrs. Martha Ann Bush, Issaquah.
November 5, Mrs. Mary Catharine Spalding, Almota.
November 6, Mrs. Ivy E. Day, Olympia.
November 7, Mrs. Virginia M .Herrmann, Okanogan.
November 8, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Sweeney, Seattle.
November 10, Capt. James W. Keen, Seattle.
November 12, Mr. and Mrs. John F. Anderson, Fir.
November 18, Mr. and Mrs. B. L. Northup. Clearwater.
December 15, Mrs. Mary A. Jackson, Seattle.
December 16, Mrs. Zeralda H. Clark, Retsil.  Qnnouncement
C In July, 1919, there was offered in separate form the proceedings of the coif-
vention and the % document itself of
Washington's First Constitution, 1878,
edited by Edmond. S. Meany, Professor
of History and John T. Condon, Dean
of tlj^Law School, University of Washington. Notice is now given that the
remainder of the edition has been purchased by the N. A. Phemister Company,
42 Broadway, New York.
C It is planned to begin soon a companion
to thtf above work, which will embrace
the proceedings of the constitutional
convention of 1889.
C Judge F. W. Howay, who contributes.the
leading article in this isai|'^^-;oi^^^
the highly appreciated authorities on
the history of the Pacific NorthweSly.j
C Harry B. McElroy, of Olympia, has
placed.the University of Washington
Library under further obligation by the
contribution of more interesting manuscripts.
© William S. Lewis, Corresponding Secretary of the Eastern Washington State
Historical Society, has in preparation a
number of articles for this Quarterly. Wu&Uwton ^(gtortcal (©uarterlp
Contrflmtins Cottons
Clarence B. Ba|lKy, Seattle    . W.; D. Lymai*, Walla Walla
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla        H. B. McElroy, Olympia
Frank A. Golder, Pullman        Edward McMahon^ Jseattle
William S. Lewis, Spokane       O. B. Sperlin, Tacoma
F. W. Howay; New Westminster, B. C.
Ipl fflsmsQitis Cottor
EDMOND S. MEANY
IBvuiimSfL JSlanager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XI.  NO. 2
APRIL, 1920
ISSUED QUARTERLY
.  Two Dollars per Year
Contents:
VICTOR J. FARRAR. .VyU^^vf^t'... .The Reopening of the Rosstan-
Amcrkan  Convention  of  1834.. •   83
WILLIAM SYLVESTER HOLT, D. 3D.. .Beginning of  Mission  Work  In
Alaska by the Presbyterian
Church    «A^|p|^&WM^
ANNE MERRjnjt.';4i,xli«^>i^^^K^. ..C«Pt»4n   Vancouver's; Brave, ii^.    91
T. C. ELLIOTT...... **^lsS»S§'.v- •• David   Thompson's   Journeys   In
Idaho   .. v',^.&^fYJ.^f*v-.£i.iiyf,5..     97
WILLIAM  S. LEWIS and.:*fe|. Joli^ii ,Work's Journal of « Trip
JACOB  A.  MEYERS I,?,'.',. Q^^^.-MjW'iTom    Fort    Colville   to   Fort
Vancouver and Return In 1828..   104
EDMOND S*. MMA^Y.iC^lfc>K^4«?. Origin of ''^Washington Geographic Names....... .!,&.......  115
DOCUMENTS—The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar.. Jl..j.  1311
BOOK -REVIEWS M$i.* ''^'^■^•^^^^^•^^^^^^^^^^^^t^''  15°
NEWS DEPARTMENT    .'. V^S&S&B&U -^Vil^wMlS^M^^^^^i^sS'  135
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
UN3WERSITY Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON
Entered as second-clSjfik     «ttter, November 15, 1906, at the  Postoffice at
'  Seattle, Washington, und»t!?the Act of Congress of.Jtiftr 16, 1894 it E&stnnston historical ©uarterl?
Contributing Cottons
Clarence B. Bageey, Seattle
T. C. Elliott, Walla Walla
Frank A. Golder, Pullman
William S. Lewis, Spokane
W. D. Lyman, Walla Walla
H. B. McElroy, Olympia
Edwaiuj McMahon, Seattle
O. B. Sperlin, Tacoma
F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
Managing Cbttor
EDMOND S. MEANY
Jgustneste Manager
CHARLES W. SMITH
VOL. XI.  NO. 2
APRIL, 1920
ISSUED QUARTERLY
Two Dollars per Year
Contents!
VICTOR J. FARRAR .The Reopening of the Russian-
American  Convention of 1824.,
WILLIAM SYLVESTER HOLT, D. D.. Beginning  of  Mission Work  In
Alaska by the Presbyterian
Church    	
ANNE MERB ILL Captain   Vancouver's   Grave	
T.  C. ELLIOTT .David   Thompson's   Journeys  in'
Idaho   	
WILLIAM  S. LEWIS  and John Work's Journal of a Trip
JACOB  A.  MEYERS     from    Fort    Colville   to    Fort
Vancouver and Return In 1828..
EDMOND S. MEANY Origin of Washington Geographic  Names    115
DOCUMENTS—The Nisqually Journal, Edited by Victor J. Farrar    13G
BOOK   REVIEWS     150
NEWS   DEPARTMENT     155
83
89
94
104
THE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
University Station
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON
Entered  as second-class matter, November 15, 1906, at the Postoffice at
Seattle, Washington, under the Act of Congress of July 16, 1894  Vol. XL, No. 2
April, 1920
Washington ffii&tovital dBuarterlp
THE REOPENING OF THE RUSSIAN-AMERICAN
CONVENTION OF 1824
In 1821 the Russian government, in an imperial ukase, gave
notice to the British and American powers that it asserted claim to
all country on the Pacific coast of North America north of 51°,
and made the oceanic waters within 100 Italian miles to which that
claim applied a closed sea.1 This ukase had been made, not as may
have supposed, to further Russia's political ambitions, but as a
concession to the Russian American Company, which, in fact, was
the declared reason for Russia's being in these parts at all.2 Be
that as it may, it quickly brought that nation into direct collision
with the pretentions of Great Britain and the United States whose
representatives immediately protested.
■ Speaking for the United States, the secretary of state, Mr.
Adams, requested the grounds which could warrant the claims and
regulations of the ukase. He stated that his nation expected that
any definition of boundaries between the two nations would have
been arranged by treaty which had not been the case; and that the
closed sea provision deeply affected the rights of the citizens of the
United States.
All this was done through Pierre de Poletica, envoy extraor-
dina:ry and minister plenipotentiary from Russia. De Poletica replied that the Russian claims were based upon discoveries; that
they really extended much further to the southward; but as the
American settlement was below 46°, and the Russian Novo Arch-
angelsk below 57°, the parallel of 51° appeared a reasonable mean.
1 3The' official correspondence leading np to and including the treaty of 1824 is contained In tlie following: House Ex. Doc, 17th Cong., 1 S., doe. 112 serial number 68: Sen
Ex. Doc, 41st Cong., 3 S., House Ex. Doc, 18th Cong. 28, doc. 36, serial number 1441;
doc. 58, serial number 115: House Ex. Doc, 18th Cong., 1 S., doc. 2, serial number 89; Sen.
Ex. Doc, 18th Cong., 2 S., serial number 108; American State Papers, Foreign Relations,
It. pp. 851-864.
2 The relation between the Russian government and the Russian American Company is
convincingly set forth in Bancroft, History of Alaska.
(83) Victor J. Farrar
As to the closed sea that had been made necessary by the outrageous
conduct of American adventurers.
The Russian American Company had hoped that their country
would secure from the powers holding in joint-occupancy not only
quit claims but the right to a closed sea as well—the latter really
more important than several degrees of latitude—but in the face
of vehement protestations, they saw their monopoly seriously compromised when their govermnment agreed to ten-year commercial
clauses in the two conventions of 1824 and 1825. But although
they were unable to force their government they did all they could,
namely, abide the time when the ten-year clauses would automatically expire and the closed sea interdict again be put into force.
It is the expiring of the ten-year clause with special reference
to the American side and contention with which this paper is concerned.3
On the 17th of April, 1834, the ten years, were up, and on that
precise date two American captains, Snow and Allen, were in the
Russian port of Novo Archangelsk, and to the Russians announced
their intention to visit the nearby coast for purposes of trade as
before on the plea that they had had no official notice from the
United States that the article containing the ten-year clause was to
expire. The governor, Baron Wrangel, protested and handed them
a circular containing information to the effect that Americans had
no longer the right of landing within the Russian possessions as set
forth in Article 4; while the Russian envoy, Baron de Krudener,
notified the United States officially that the article in question had
expired, and that his government would like such steps taken as
would tend to prevent further infractions.
The president, Mr. Van Buren, thought the former commercial
relations of the two countries should not be interrupted and proposed an article looking forward to indefinite renewal; but as the
envoy had no authority touching that point, the matter was carried
to St. Petersburg. According to instructions, Mr. Wilkins, on December 7, 1837, made overture to Count Nesslerode, vice-chancellor of the empire and submitted a tentative treaty, following, as a
precedent, the articles of-the convention with England on the 6th
of August, 1827, being the renewal of the convention of joint-occupancy :
"In the name of the most Holy and Indivisible Trinity. The
United States of America and his Imperial Majesty the Emperor
3 The official correspondence in regard to the reopening of the convention of 1824 Is
contained in House Ex: Doc, 25th Cong., 3d S.( doc. 1, serial number 338; repeated in Sen.
Doc, serial number 344. R
ussian-
American Convention of 1824
85
of all the Russias, being equally desirous to prevent, as far as
possible, all hazard of any misunderstanding in the intercourse between their respective citizens and subjects, upon the northwest
coast of America, and also with a view to renew the amicable and
mutually beneficial privileges received by the fourth article of the
treaty of the 5th (17th) of April, 1824, whilst it was in force, have,
for these purposes respectively named their plenipotentiaries, to
wit:   the President of the United States of America , and his
Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias , who, after having
communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in
good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following
article:
"Art. 1. The provisions of the fourth article of the convention, concluded between the United States of America and his Im
perial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, on the 5th (17th)
of April, 1824, shall be, and they are hereby, renewed and indefinitely extended and continued in force, in the same manner as if all
the provisions of the said article were herein specifically recited.
"Art. 2 It shall be competent, however, to either of the high
contracting parties, in case either should see fit, at any time after
the 1st day of January, 1837, on giving due notice of twelve months
to the other party, to annul and abrogate this convention, and it
shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated,
after the expiration of the said terms of notice.
"Art. 3. Nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair, or, in any manner affect, further than is expressly declared
above, any of the provisions or stipulations contained in the aforesaid convention of the 5th (17th) of April, 1824.
"Art. 4. The present convention shall be ratified by the
President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate of the said States, and by his Imperial Majesty the
Emperor of all the Russias, and the ratifications shall be exchanged
at the city of Washington within six months after the date hereof,
or sooner, if possible.
"In faith whereof we, the respective plenipotentiaries have
signed the same, and have thereto affixed the seals of our arms.
"Done at the city of St. Petersburg, the in the year of
our Lord one thousand and eight hundred and thirty-five."
Count Nesslerode hesitated. He alleged that in as much as
the Russian American Company had embarked their capital upon
a monopoly from the Emperor it was impossible to disregard their
wishes; in fact, it was "almost the only object worthy of notice in 86
Victor J. Farrar
their occupation of the northwest coast of America"; that he must
postpone a decisive answer until the arrival, next season, of Governor Wrangel, who would "disclose all information necessary to
a correct understanding of the subject, and of the interests of Russia as well as of the Fur Company."
In a letter to the secretary of state Mr. Wilkins dwelt at great
length upon this interview and remarked: "During our conference,
I did not feel myself authorized to call the attention of the Imperial
Minister to what might, or probably would be, the construction by
the Government of the United States, upon the treaty with the
fourth article extinct; nor what rule of the law of nations would be
considered as applicable to the case, and controlling the trade upon
a wild and esctensive coast, of a great and open ocean, and still,
with the exception of a few posts, at a vast distance from each
other, in the rightful occupancy of the natives, and to which I believe, the sovereignty of Russia has not yet, in any treaty or convention, been admitted."
In the meantime the matter took a more serious turn owing
to the "Blinn Affair." On August 22, 1836, the American brig
Loriot, Richard D. Blinn, master, sailed from Hawaii bound for
the northwest coast of America to procure provisions and Indians
for hunting the sea-otter. On September 14th she made land at
what the Russians called Forrester's Island and anchored in the
harbor of Tuckessan, which place was distinguished by no settlement, in latitude 54° 55' north, and longitude 132° 30' west, but
before a landing could be effected, was forcibly obliged to depart
and to return to the original place of sailing, occasioning much alleged loss to her owner. Captain Blinn appealed to the American
consul in Hawaii, and in virtue of the stipulations of the convention of 1824, and especially of Article 1, preferred complaints
against the conduct of the Russians toward him; and asked indemnification for the losses sustained in consequence, by the proprietors.
During this same summer (1836) the officers of the fur-company arrived in St. Petersburg, and the American diplomats discussed critically their move if the renewal stipulations took a doubtful turn. An answer might in all fitness have been rendered late
in that year, but none was forthcoming; nor during the following
year.   Not until February 23, 1838, did Nesslerode write:
"It is true, indeed, that the 1st article of the convention of
1824, to which the proprietors of the Loriot appeal, secures to the
citizens of the United States entire liberty of navigation in the Pa- Russian-American Convention of 1824
87
cific ocean, as well as the right of landing without disturbance, upon all points on the northwest coast of America, not already occupied, and to trade with the natives. But this liberty of navigation
is subject to certain conditions and restrictions, and one of these
restrictions is that stipulated by the 4th article, which has specially
limited to the period of ten years the right on the part of the citizens
of the United States to frequent, without disturbance, the interior
seas, the gulfs, harbors, and creeks, north of the latitude of 54
degrees 40 minutes. Now the period had expired more than two
years before the Loriot anchored in the harbor of Tukessan.
"By examining the stipulation of that convention, with the spirit of equity which marks the character of Mr. Dallas, he will be
convinced that the Imperial Government cannot acknowledge the
justice of the complaints of Mr. Blinn."
Mr. Dallas, well fortified, quickly replied in a letter dated
March 17, 1838:
"The undersigned submits that in no sense can the fourth article be understood as implying an acknowledgement, on the part
of the United States of the right of Russia to the possession of the
coast above the latitude of 54° 40' north. It must, of course, be
taken in connection with the other articles, and they have, in fact,
no reference whatever to the question of the right of possession of
the unoccupied parts. To prevent future collision it was agreed that
no new establishment should be formed by the respective parties
to the north or south of the parallel mentioned; but the question of
the right of possession beyond the easting establishments, as it
stood previous to, or at the time of, the convention, was left untouched.
"By agreeing not to form new establishments north of latitude
54° 40' the United States made no acknowledgement of the right
of Russia to the territory above that line. If such an admission had
been made Russia, by the same constniction of the article referred
to, must have equally acknowledged the right of the United States
to the territory south of the parallel. But that Russia did not so
understand the article is conclusively proved by her having entered
into a similar agreement in her subsequent treaty of 1825, with
Great Britain, and having, in that instrument, acknowledged the
right of possession of the same territory by Great Britain. The
United States can only be considered inferentially as having acknowledged, the right of Russia to acquire, above the designated
merjjlian, by actual occupation, a just claim to unoccupied lands.
Until that actual occupation be taken, the first article of the con- 88
Victor J. Farrar
vention recognizes the American right to navigate, fish, and trade,
as prior to its negotiation."
Another set of notes was exchanged and the matter was dropped although the incident cannot be considered as closed. Nesslerode remained firm in his contention as set forth in his note of the
23d of February, 1838, and what views the state authorities held
at the time the matter was dropped is not clear.
In the meantime the British reopening of their convention of
1825 was successfully adjudicated when the Hudson's Bay Company secured a leasehold of a strip of territory they especially coveted.
Three points stand out clearly in the correspondence on the
reopening of the convention of 1824:
(1) A most remarkable construction of the treaty in question.
(2) A knowledge that the state department held definite
views of policy with regard to the Pacific Coast even at this early
date; a policy quite in keeping with its Oregon diplomacy.
(3) The fact that the Russians attached no political importance whatsoever to the American possessions; that the fur-trade
was their only interest there and the Russian American Company
the key to the situation. During the fifties and sixties several movements looking forward to American exploitation of the country in
question got under way, and these, together with the efforts of the
company itself to unload brought about the ultimate purchase.
Victor J. Farrar. BEGINNING OF MISSION WORK IN ALASKA BY THE
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
It is for the interest of true history that our Church should
be clear as to the beginning of any of its Mission enterprises. Promoters of Missions pass away. Early workers complete their labor. Private correspondence from which much information could
be gained is destroyed. Erroneous statements arise, and by and
by are taken for the truth. Then when some one wishes to write
history, unwittingly the work of some devoted laborer and friend
is overlooked and a part of the truth is lost. We are near the
sources of information about Alaska now. There are men and
women living who know when our Church began its work for
Alaska and how. My own interest in the Mission work of our
Church wherever carried, has caused friends to place at my disposal missionary correspondence of one of our most honored ministers on this Coast. I have taken great pleasure in tracing this
man's interest in Alaska through many years. The Presbyterian
Church is indebted to the late Rev. A. L. Lindsley, D. D., pastor
of the First Presbyterian Church, Portiand, Oregon, for eighteen
years, for opening mission work in Alaska.
Dr. Lindsley became pastor of the First Church, Portland, Oregon, in 1868. "Secretary Seward visited Alaska in 1869, after the
purchase. When he returned Dr. Lindsley was in Victoria, B. C.
He had an interview with Mr. Seward in which he sought and
obtained such information as a man of Mr. Seward's knowledge
and judgment could give concerning the general condition of the
natives of Alaska. Already the mind of the minister saw in Alaska
a field for evangelistic effort. From this time until he was taken
from earthly scenes his interest in that country continued, and he
left no means untried to introduce the Gospel to that part of our
land. His hands were full in his own field. He was alert to the
growing needs of the white people on the coast. But he could
always take time to consult the needs of the Indians of Oregon,
Washington, Idaho and Alaska. His letters to the Boards of Home
and Foreign Missions and to individuals are full of thought and
care for the aborigines who learned to know that he was their true
friend. As concerns Alaska, Dr. Lindsley used every opportunity to
complete his own knowledge of the country and people, corresponding with or visiting those who had been in the country whether as
(89) 90
William Sylvester Holt
Government officials or travelers, and hoping for the day when
work should be begun.
In 1875, General O. O. Howard came to Portland from A-
laska, all on' fire with zeal for Mission work. In a personal interview with General Howard on March 4th of 1895, he said, "I suppose I talked with Dr. Lindsley twenty times in 1875 about opening Missions in Alaska. I lived across the street from him and
Alaska was a frequent subject for conversation."
As a result of General Howard's interest, Rev. E. P. Hammond
and wife, who were on this coast as evangelists, made a visit to
Fort Wrangel and Sitka in 1875. Mr. Hammond was undoubtedly
the first American minister to visit Alaska in the interest of Mission work. He himself says they had two objects in view. 1—To
preach the Gospel for a short time. 2.—To get acquainted with
the natives and urge their need of Missionaries.
Dr. Lindsley naturally in his missionary correspondence with
the Home and Foreign Boards urged repeatedly the claims of the
Alaskans. At the same time, determined that something should be
done, he began to look for a man to go to the field. The Wesley-
ans were at work at Fort Simpson in British Columbia and were
meeting with success. Why should not equal success follow efforts
made among our own Indians? A memorial to the General Assembly prepared by Dr. Lindsley and authorized by the Synod in
1876, was sent forward to the Commissioner. But it was never
presented.
In May of 1877, Mr. J. C. Mallory, a member of the First
Presbyterian Church of Portland was sent up to Alaska by Dr.
Lindsley. The object of the trip was to visit Fort Wrangel and
Sitka with a view to Missionary effort. Mr. Mallory found at Fort
Wrangel a Christian Indian, who had been trained by the Wesley-
ans. He employed him to carry on a school. The rent of school
room and salary of the teacher were assumed in Dr. Lindsley's
name.
In a letter to the Home Board, bearing date of July 27, 1877,
Dr. Lindsley rehearsed the fact of Mr. Mallory's visit, his hearty
reception by whites and Indians, the employment of the Christian
Indian to teach, the projection of a Church building, the promise
of money from natives toward a building fund, the great need of
books, the appointment of Mr. Mallory to an Indian agency in
another part of the country, which his health compelled him to accept, the urgent need for a successor, without delay, and the formal application for the appointment of the Indian teacher, Philip Presbyterian Mission Work in Alaska
91
Simpsian (or Mackay, as he was commonly called), at a salary of
$25 per month.
His correspondence at this time with brethren in this Synod,
Rev. Dr. Geary and Rev. H. W. Stratton, are burdened with the
Alaskan work and recount the steps above, as already taken.
A successor to Mr. J. C. Mallory was found here in Portland
in the person of Mrs. McFarland, now so well and favorably known
because of her successful work in the Alaskan field. She was a
member of Dr. Lindsley's church. She was a minister's widow.
She was glad to do missionary work. Dr. Lindsley wanted just
such a laborer and promptly became responsible for the expense
of her going and for her support. On the 30th of July, Dr. Lindsley addressed the Home Board informing the Secretary of the
decision to employ Mrs. McFarland and asked for her an open
commission. The letter closes with these words, "I have watched
Alaska ever since we owned it and believe God is guiding."
In a letter to the late Rev. E. R. Geary, D. D., written Aug.
6, 1877, occurs this passage, "Mrs. McFarland is ready to take hold
of the work.   Already I have advanced her $200 of my own funds."
On the 18th of August, 1877, Dr. Lindsley wrote to Dr. Lowrie, Secretary of the Foreign Board, as follows: "The work in
Alaska was begun in the belief that American Christians would sustain it. This grew out of encouragement given by myself and
General Howard that We would do something for Alaska. Mr.
Mallory took possession of what was thus found to his hand. He
hired Philip Simpsian, the teacher, for three months. He made
me responsible 'for all and I had no desire to go back on it. Nay,
I accepted the charge as the will of God and we could not pause.
"It seems to me plainly the dictates of Providence that we
should take charge of this Mission. It stands in my name as I
have assumed its support. I apply to you and to the Board of
Home Missions to take it off my hands."
A letter dated September 7, 1877, addressed to Drs. Kendall
and Dickson says, "My conferences with Dr. Jackson and Mr.
Mallory led me to invite Dr. Jackson to reconnoitre the Alaska
ground, Mr. Mallory having decided to accept the agency of. the
Colorado Indians. This was done in my name. I have already
advanced $190 and am responsible for a similar amount in addition,
to Mrs. McFarland."
Dr. Lindsley's urgency for a missionary who could preach the
Gospel was re-inforced by his missionary teacher, Mrs. McFarland.    She writes from Fort Wrangel, September 13, 1877, "1 am 92
William Sylvester Holt
very much interested in my school and am kept very busy. The
people here are exceedingly anxious for a minister to come. I have
had several chiefs and prominent men to see me and all ask 'how
many moons till the white man preacher comes ?' "
September 28, 1877, a letter was sent to Dr. Dickson of the
Home Board, saying, "Several ministers have addressed me about
the Alaska field. I pray the Lord send us a man for Wrangel.
There is an 'abundant entrance.' " That Dr. Lindsley also continued his financial aid as well as spiritual interest is shown in a communication to Mrs. McFarland, dated October 8, 1877, forwarding
her $100 and saying, "I shall feel hurt if you do not let me know
what you want which I can supply. Thank God that you are in
this work."
About this time there is evidence that the good Doctor's reiterated desire to have the Board assume the work in Alaska was
soon to be realized. October 20, 1877, he writes Dr. Dickson acknowledging "$500 for Mrs. McFarland and Philip Mackay and
will report thereon according to directions." He continues "both
the Presbytery of Oregon and Synod of the Columbia very heartily
endorse the action which I had taken concerning the Alaska mis
sion." In the letter from Dr. Dickson above referred to are found
these words, "We most cordially assume the Alaska work." This
is what Dr. Lindsley had always hoped and urged. It was at once
approval of what he had done and a guarantee of the continuance
of the efforts of years. But some time elapsed before the Home
Board came into control.
On November 9, 1877, he once more writes the Home Board,
"The Alaska Mission looms up again. The people of Sitka are
praying for schools and ministers. The U. S. Collector applies to
me for teachers. He promises school room and house rent and
pecuniary aid. There are 2500 Indians in and near Sitka and 250
whites and half breeds. No church or minister (except occasional
services by a Russian priest) no school or teacher; little or nothing
to distinguish the population from a heathen race. I am now writing to a well qualified Christian lady in the hope that she will go to
Sitka to teach." From this time there is an extended correspondence with the Collector, with the lady above referred to, who is
Mrs. S. Hall Young, nee Kellogg, and her friends, with Senators
and Congressmen, and with the President of the United States,—
in all seeking the welfare of the Indians, and the guarantee of protection to those who might enter upon the field.
In November he writes to the Home Board Secretary, "The Presbyterian Mission Work in Alaska
93
need of an ordained minister for Alaska is very great .... Poor
Alaska stands pleading at the door of our church; God is offering
the glory of her redemption to us. Is there no devoted and competent missionary to heed the call?"
December 1, 1877, replying to a letter from Mrs. McFarland
he says, "You are yourself as teacher, an answer to many prayers.
Do not be discouraged at the delay of missionary help. I sometimes feel impatient. It rebukes me to reflect that the cause is God's
and that I had waited long before Mr. Mallory appeared, and you
were released from all other engagements that you might undertake these self-denying labors."
Early in 1878 came the formal control of the Home Board over
the Alaska field. Dr. Lindsley gladly yields up the charge and Feb-
ruary 4th writes Mrs. McFarland, "Here is your commission and
directions.   Henceforth you will report to the Board." In
the same letter which bore Mrs. McFarland's commission to her
went the cheering intelligence that "Rev. J. G. Brady has been appointed missionary to Alaska by our Board." Dr. Lindsley learned
this from a telegram from New Fork, dated January 31st, announcing the commission of Mr. Brady and the appointment of
Miss Fanny Kellogg as a teacher for Sitka.
Our sketch would hardly be complete without a momentary
reference, in closing, to Dr. Lindsley's subsequent visit to Alaska
commissioned by the Board of Home Missions and the Presbytery
of Oregon to organize the first Protestant church in that territory.
Drs. Kendall and Jackson, who were then making the Alaska, tour,
assisted at this service.
WlEEIAM  SYEVESTER HOET. CAPTAIN VANCOUVER'S GRAVE*
The soldier who "hails from British Columbia" and who recently sent back to his home town paper a report that the grave of
Captain George Vancouver, the great explorer whose name has been
rightly immortalised in Canada, was in a state of neglect, must have
made a very superficial observation; for, instead of any evidence of
lack of attention, I found on going out to Petersham recently, that
his grave stood out clearly among a cluster of overgrown and indistinct mounds in the more ancient part of the burying ground which
surrounds the very quaint little parish church of St. Peter's.
It was the Agent-General for British Columbia in London, Mr.
F. C. Wade, K. C, who had drawn my attention to the soldier's
letter, for he was considerably concerned about the charge, not only
because of his feeling of responsibility to British Columbia, but from
his inherent sense of literary values. Any neglect of the author of
"Vancouver's Voyage" Mr. Wade was ready to denounce as vandalism.
He made, therefore, immediately a pilgrimage to the historic
place and found, no occasion for the outburst, though suggesting
that I should go out and see for myself. This I hav; just done.
Granted, there were no huge granite or marble atrocities over the
spot where Vancouver was buried, only a perfectly plain white headstone curved at the top and bearing the unpretentious legend which
the greatness of the man could well afford, and entirely in keeping
with the custom of the Royal Navy to which he belonged:
Captain George Vancouver
Died in the Year 1798
Aged 40
The remarkable thing, to my mind, Was the fact diat while
most of the inscriptions on the near-by tombs were almost obliterated by time, the lettering on Vancouver's was quite perfect, indicating the very reverse of neglect, and that the original stone must
have been replaced in more recent years by his admirers in Petersham, of whom there seem to have been many devoted ones.
Had the soldier taken the trouble to step inside the dear little
red brick church, he would have seen prominently placed, beside
* Prom  United Empire,  The Royal Colonial Institute Journal,   (Isaac Pitman  A Sons.
London, E. C), vol. x, no. 11, Nov. 1919.
(94) Captain Vancouver's Grave
95
one of a belted earl, a beautiful white memorial tablet, upon which,
in black lettering, he might have read:
In the Cemetary Adjoining the Church
Were Interred in the Year 1798
The Mortal Remains of
Captain George Vancouver, R. N.
Whose Valuable and Enterprising Voyage
of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean
and Round the World, During Five years
of Laborious Survey, added Greatly to
the Geographical  Knowledge  of His
Countrymen. i
To the Memory of that Celebrated Navigator
This Monumental Tablet is Erected
By the Hudson's Bay Company
March, 1841
Nor was the interior tablet the only testimony to the unfailing
way in which Vancouver's memory has been revered in that part
of the world where lie his bones. Outside the church, and facing
the road along which many people pass to and from Twickenham
Ferry, where the Thames crossing has been made in a tiny boat, in
the idyllic fashion, for centuries, was a notice board on which was
printed, in old-fashioned type, and surmounted by a woodcut of
the church, the following interesting particulars of the history of
St. Peter's:
The church dates from before the Norman Conquest, being mentioned in Doomsday Book. The present structure
(originally a Cell of the Abbey of Chertsey) dates from the
15th Century. It was enlarged in 1790 and again in 1840, and
is a remarkable example of the Georgian period, and a great
archaeological curiosity. It contains several interesting monuments and is celebrated as the burial-place of Captain George
Vancouver, the Discoverer of British Columbia and Vancouver's Island, now the headquarters of the Canadian Pacific
Trade. The Churchyard is renowned for its natural beauty
and contains the remains of many literary, scientific, and social
celebrities.
Vancouver's grave was beside a brick wall, the wall overgrown
with ivy, and near the head of the grave was a small hemlock tree
whose boughs drooped so that their dark green lace, when the sun
was low, just touched with a fleck of shadow the white marble
headstone. Outside the wall was a large plane-tree, whose leaves
are so like the Canadian maple, while velvety trees sheltered his
grave from east winds, and a weeping willow crouched in its shadow 96
Anne Merrill
perennially mourning. At the outer corner of the churchyard stood
a Lombardy poplar on guard, perhaps to warn any unsleeping ghosts
of the approach of humans.
I think Vancouver must have loved that little, quiet corner. I
know that in his life he loved the neighboring gentle slope, a beautiful tree-dotted part of Richmond Hill, for it was while standing upon its highest ridge one day in the year of his death that he exclaimed, "In all my travels I never clapt eyes on a more beautiful
spot than this.   Here would I live and here would I die."
Professor George Davidson, of the University of California,
who was engaged for more than forty years on the United States
coast geodetic survey, paid Captain Vancouver a compliment which
the historian, Edmond S. Meany, claims is "a monument greater
than the naming of an island, more enduring than an engraved slab
of marble. The whole world will always honour Vancouver for his
brilliant achievements in the science of geography."
. Davidson's comment, to which Meany refers, was, "I have gone
over every foot of the work done by Vancouver on the coast and
I wish to say he was a great, big man."
Anne Merriee. DAVID THOMPSON'S JOURNEYS IN IDAHO
In September of the year 1809 just two white men were enjoying life, health and the pursuit of happiness, or, to express it in
one word of six letters, "living" in the wide area of country between
the Pacific Ocean and the Rocky Mountains and the 42d and 49th
parallels of north latitude, now embraced within the boundaries of
Washington, Oregon and Idaho; and those two men were David
Thompson, an Englishman of Welch descent, and Finan McDonald,
a full-blood Scotchman. This statement is based upon our present knowledge of that period. Many students of the histoiy of the
Columbia River Basin are hardly yet alive to the important contributions made to the early geographic knowledge of the northerly
half of this great interior basin by David Thompson, the pathfinder for the North-West Company (fur traders) during the years
1807-1812, inclusive. More than one hundred years elapsed before
his name even became known to many people in this region. In
volumes VIII, IX, and X of this Quarterly the writer contributed a
series of studies and annotations under the title "David Thompson's
Journeys in the Spokane Countiy." He is now in a position to com-
pHment that series with another, and, through the courtesy of Mr.
J. B. Tyrrell, to present a transcript of the survey notes written by
Mr. Thompson in daily journals while within the boundary lines
of the present state of Idaho. Lewis and Clark, in 1805-1806 passed
across Idaho by way of the Lolo trail, a road commonly used by
the Indians but never yet made of practical use for white men.
David Thompson's travel and observation were along the route later
adopted by the engineers of one of our transcontinental railroads.
Their entries in the journal now to be presented are of some
especial interest because they contain the written record of the
building of the first log houses, (used as a trading post) occupied
by white men and situated west of the Rocky Mountains and south
of the 49th parallel; called "Kullyspell House." They also contain
the record of the first commercial transaction to take place within
the present state of Idaho. Lewis and Clark had bartered with the
Indians for food and other things but not for gain. The date was
September, 1809, and this series therefore antedates that in the
previous volumes of this Quarterly, which began with June, 1811.
(97) 98
T. C. Elliott
By way of introduction it is well to outline the activities of
David Thompson in 1809 prior to his arrival in Idaho in September
of that year. He had spent the previous winter at a trading post in
British Columbia near the source of the Columbia River, and as
soon as possible in the spring had crossed the ridge of the Rocky
Mountains with furs purchased that winter, taking these to a trading post of the Company on the Saskatchewan to be sent to Fort
William. He then gathered together there sufficient trading goods
for his own use (another trader was to follow him with more goods
later in the year) and returned over the Rocky Mountains to the
Columbia River; from the source of the Columbia portaged over to
the Kootenae River and descended that river in canoes as far as the
present location of Bonners Ferry, Idaho. From there with pack
animals he crossed the divide to Pend d'Oreille Lake. Mr. McDonald had been sent on ahead from the Kootenae River to tell the
Indians of his arrival and to get the pack horses needed, and there
is good reason to presume that the Indians had been previously informed and were waiting to meet him.
The story told by the journal entries to follow is very quickly
summarized. The party came across the divide on the regular Indian trail which connected the two, watersheds, then mapped by Mr.
Thompson as the "Lake Indian Road," to where the line of the
Northern Pacific railroad runs along the north end of Pend d'Oreille
Lake and followed the route used by the railroad easterly to the
mouth of the Clark Fork River, to a large Indian camp there. The
railroad as first built ran close to the lake shore between Sand Point
and the mouth of Pack River instead of inland as it now runs, and
Hope, Idaho, was for many years a divisional point of much importance. From the Indian camp Mr. Thompson examined the lake
shore and selected the place for his trading post with reference to
being directly on the line of all canoe travel by Indians upon the
Lake. He remained with his clerk and men until the first building,
the warehouse to protect the goods and furs, was well on toward
completion and then made a journey of exploration down the Pend
d'Oreille River and back, going on horseback by land. Returning
again to the House on October 6, he at once began to make preparations for a journey up the Clark Fork River, to select the site for
a trading post among the Flathead Indians, and started off on that
journey on the 11th of October. His clerk, Mr. McDonald, was
left in charge at Kullyspell House.
T. C. Eeeiott. David Thompson's Journeys in Idaho
99
Journae of David Thompson, September 8, To October 11, 1809
September 8.
Friday. A fine day, but very cold night. Ice was formed, but the
leaves are yet everywhere very green, except a few on the Ground,
which in places are a little faded. At 7y2 a. m. set off, Co. S. 20 E.
y2 m. to a Brook1, which we followed, S. 40 E. y2 M. then crossed
it. It is 15 Yds. wide, deep & very easy Current. Co. S. 20 E. 6 M.
to a Rill of Water which we followed down S. 40 E. \y2 M. to the
Lake.2 I do not pretend to take any Courses farther as I hope for
a better opportunity, we went abt. 1 M. then met Canoes who embarked abt. 20 pieces of Lumber & Goods. We held on
SE.D. 4 or 5 M. & Put up at 2y2 p. m., the wind blowing too hard
for the canoes to hold on. Killed 2 Geese, Mr. McDonald3 1 do. &
Bouche 1 do.   Beaulieu4 1 Crane & the Flatheads5 3 Ducks.
September 9.
Saturday. A fine day, the wind moderating, the Canoes got off &
we followed, but the wind rising, the Canoes were obliged to Lighten
& reload part of the Horses. We all at length arrived in safety,
thank God, at the mouth of the River6 at 2 p. m., where we camped
for the night. They all smoked, say 54 Flat Heads, 23 Pointed
Hearts7 & 4 Kootenaes, in all about 80 men. They there made us a
handsome present of dried Salmon & other Fish with Berries & a
Chevruil &c.
September 10.
Sunday.8 A very fine day. Early set off with 2 Flat Heads to look
for a place to build a House, we at length found a place somewhat
eligible but Labours under the want of good earth. I returned &
we got all the Goods embarked by the Flat Heads & landed the
whole by 3 p. m., when we set up our Lodge & Tents &c.
1 Pack river, Bonner County, Idaho; a name applied during the Kootenae mining activities in the sixties.
2 Our Pend Oreille Lake; a name applied by the French-Canadian hunters and trappers and traders who first met the indians in this vicinity (See the Henry Thompson Journals by Cones, Vol. 2, pages 711-712). David Thompson called' it "Kullyspell Lake," after
the native name of the Indians who resided for the most part on the river below it.
3 Finan McDonald, ranking as a clerk in the North-West Company; Ross Cox describes
him at length at pages 164-168 of his book entitled "Adventures on the Columbia River."
4 See Wash, Hist. Quar. vol. 8, page 185, note 10, for mention of this man, a French-
Canadian' who was one of the very first residents in the Spokane country.
5 These Indians were more often called the Saleesh by Mr. Thompson but here are 'called
Flatheads. The name seems to have been used in written form first by Sergeant Ordway of
the Lewis and Clark Expedition in 1806, but Mr. 3Thompson was familiar with it. The real
origin is obscure.
6 Clark Fork River, as now officially designated by the National Geographic Board. David 3Thompson called it the Saleesh and the Flathead river, without discrimination.
7 As far as known to the writer this is the first written use of the name Pointed-heart
referring to Coeur 'dAlene (awl-hearted or stingy-hearted), the name applied to the Indians
of the well-known lake in Idaho when the French-Canadian trappers first fell in with them.
Elsewhere in his journals David Thompson calls these same Indians the "Skeetshoo's," and
Lewis and Clark mentioned them as the "Skeetshumish." It is noticeable that no Kullyspell
Indians were in this group.
8 The site of Kullyspell House has now been quite positively identified at what is locally known as Sheepherder's Point near Memaloose Island on the north shore of the Lake.
Detailed discussion on this item is deferred until later entries of the journal appear. 100
r. c. Eiuott
September 11.
Monday. A cloudy day with a little Rain—we made a scaffold for
our Provisions & got Birch for Helves, which is very scarce—&
Helved our Tools &c. &c.
September 12.
Tuesday. A rainy night but very fine day—began our warehouse.
The Ground is so very full of small stones that the Holes for the
Posts &c. &c. is a long time making. Got the Posts and needles
ready—& threw down a Red Fir of 2 fm. round to make a canoe for
fishing &c. 16 Canoes of Pointed Hearts passed us & camped with
the other Flat Heads.
September 13.
Wednesday.9 A fine Morning, but abt. 10 a. m. a heavy gale from
S. W. which soon brought on moderate Rain, which lasted nearly
all night. Bouche & the Chein Foux brought 2 Chevruil, cut &
hauled wood, the Needles & arranged a Horse Collar which broke
towards evening we then got wood for another. Spent much of the
day in trading with the Indians who brought abt. 120 or 130 skins.
Put out the Fire the Indians kindled.
September 14.
Thursday. A blowy day, but fine. Wind S. Ely. Sat up the Posts
& the Needles & raised the Warehouse abt. 2y2 ft high, made a
Horse Collar, which is, however, too narrow. The wood is so very
heavy that it requires the force of 4 or 5 men to lift a single piece
of 10 or 11 ft. Traded abt. 20 skins & looked for wood for a Horse
Collar &c.
September 15.
Friday. A fine day but blowy South. 3 Canoes arrived last night
& put nip at the Island.10 They made us a present of berries which
we paid for. Put the House up the intended height 7 feet. Indians
traded a few things &c. & promise to bring all they have presently.
Traded a Canoe for fishing &c.
September 16.
Saturday.   A tolerable fine day.    Put the Beams, Plate & Roof
Tree on the Warehouse & cut wood of birch for Helves & trenails^
also Cedar for Net Floats.    We arranged & set 2 Nets to the
Northd.
September 17.
Sunday.    A fine Morng, but very rainy Day.    All the Indians arrived with what they have remaining to trade, abt. 1% packs &
much berries.   We spent the whole day in this Business &c.   6 Mullets & 2 small Trout, Thank God.
9 Here is the record of the beginning of commerce In Idaho. 3The use of the term
"Horse Collar" is for a kind of yoke for hauling logs with horses.
10 Memaloose Island, upon which there is a boulder the Indians consider sacred and
were accustomed to honor by depositing gifts near it. Bodies of their dead were also deposited here. David Thompson's Journeys in Idaho
101
September 18.
Monday.    A rainy Night & Morng. & till 2 p. m. when it ceased.
We arranged 3 other Nets & set them & began cutting the roofing
of Cedar which must be hauled abt. 400 yds. as the wood abt. us is
too large & too heavy.   Traded a Horse for 15 Skins value.
September 19.
Tuesday. A blustering Morng, but fine day. Caught 20 Mullets
from the small Net at the Door & 4 from the other. The Nets of
4y2 in. Mesh are much too large & catch nothing. In the evening
set 3 Nets at the mouths of the Channels of the River, as the Indians say there are plenty there. Traded 3 Horses, which now makes
7 for the Company.   Pointed Hearts to their own Country.
September 20.
Wednesday. A very fine day. Visited our Nets. The small one
here caught 3 small Trout & 8 Mullets. Those at the River Channels 1 good Trout, 1 small, & 2 Mullets. Took all the latter up &
set them near at hand about us. The Flat Heads broke up their
camp & parted, pitched away to the Southd.
September 21.
Thursday.^ A veiy fine day, caught 24 small Fish from the 2
small Nets. Working at the small Net, roofed the Magazine &
brought Grass for to work in the Mud that the roofing is to be made
tight with—took a walk around the Peninsula on which we are,
which took me 4 hours. In the evening Jaco12- & Family arrived.
Set the Large Nets at the Isles.
September 22.
Friday. A very fine day, caught 15 small Fish in the small Nets,
but nothing in the others, we find them useless in this Lake. Men
Making Mud [MS. illegible] for the Roof of the Magazine, &
Mousseau & me working at the Nets. Mr. McDonald hung the
Door & put the windows of the Magazine in &c. Much Thunder &
Lightning.
September 23.
Saturday. A stormy Night, fine day, Mudding the covering &c.,
working at Nets. 15 strange Indians arrived from the westd., they
are quite poor in every thing seemingly, they each made us a small
present of dried Trout or Salmon. 13 small fish from the Nets.
Obsd. Os LL, 82° 4' 8y2. Error 1' 30"—Latde 48° 12' 14" N. Decn
7'44" long. 116.13
11 The word magazine refers to the warehouse. Sheepherders Point Is only a small part
of the wooded peninsula at the NB. end of Pen d'Oreille Lake. 3The isles are Warren Island
and oUiers in the Lake opposite the town of Hope.
12 Jaco Finlay (Jacques Raphael ITinlay) who built Spokane House in 1810; a half-
breed who with his family had been resSng among the Saleesh and other Indians as a Free
Trapper for at least two years prior to this time. See Vol. 8 of this quarterly for further
mention of him.
13 This latitude agrees almost to a second with that on the U3 S. Geological Survey
map of the Priest Lake Quadrangle. Tho longitude is some fifteen minutes too far west as
shown by said map.
hlfilH 102
T. C. Elliott
September 24.
Sunday.    A rainy Morng. till 10 a. m. 2 Green Wood Indians arrived, they made