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The quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. Volume XXV Oregon Historical Society 1924

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of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXV
MARCH, 1924
Number 1
Copyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors
to its pages.
Amos William  Hartman—The  California  and  Oregon  Trail,
1849-1860        -        -   -{x^^HKwS - -        -        -        1-35
Ralph S.5 Kuykendall—James Colnett and "The Princess Royal" 36-52
Fred Lockley—Reminiscences of Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch - 53-71
George  Verne  Blue—A  Hudson's  Bay  Company  Contract for
Hawaiian Labor       -   ^^^^^^^^^^^^M^ "       " ^%'      "   72-75
Judge Peter H. IT'Arcy—Memorial Tribute to Governor Theodore
T. Geer       -      ^"A^^^^SySm^       "mSKSwBwSf- 76"78
Entered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter  THE
MARCH, 1924—DECEMBER, 1924
Edited by
Eugene, Oregon
Koke-Tiffany Co.
California and the Oregon Trail, 1849-1860, The
By Amos William Hartman „      1-35
"The Circuit Rider"—Exercises on the Occasion of the Dedication
and Unveiling of the Equestrian Statue—The Gift of R. A.
Booth to the State of Oregon  79-100
Colnett, James and "The Princess Royal" ..
By Ralph S. Kuykendall _     36*52   34-^
Dosch, Colonel Henry Ernst, Reminiscences of
By Fred Lockley.     53-71
Educational Activities, The History of the, of the Protestant
Episcopal Church in Oregon
By Charles E. Lewis 101-135
Geer, Theodore T, Memorial Tribute to
By Peter H. D'Arcy.     76-78
Hudson's Bay Company Contract for Hawaiian Labor, A
By George Verne Blue     72-75
McNemees and Tetherows in the Migration of 1845, The
By Fred Lockley 353-377
Necrology of Oregon Pioneers, The 383-395
News and Comment _ 294; 378-382
Oregon and California Railroad, The History of the, I, II.
By John Tilson Ganoe 236-283
Oregon's First Railway
By Frank B.  Gill 171-235
Oregon History Writers and Their Materials
By Leslie M. Scott, : 284-293
Plains, 1851, Journal of a Trip Across the
By P.  V.  Crawford 136-169
Port Orford Homecoming and Pioneer Reunion, Address by
Binger Hermann at ^ , 313-329
Willamette, Early Days on the,
By Fred  S. Perrine 295-312
A Hudson's Bay Company Contract for Hawaiian Labor    72-75
Journal of a Trip Across the Plains in 1851
By P.  V.  Crawford 136-169
Organization of a Company of Immigrants, 1845 366-377
Blue, George Verne—A Hudson's Bay Company Contract for
Hawaiian  Labor „	
Booth, R.  A.—Letter  to  the   Governor   offering   Statue,   "The
Circuit Rider," to the State of Oregon	
[in] Table of Contents
Carey Charles H.—Remarks as Presiding on the Occasion of the
Dedication  of  "The  Circuit Rider" _     79-80
Crawford, P. V.—Journal of a Trip Across the Plains, 1851 136-169
D'Arcy, P. H.—Memorial Tribute to Governor Theodore T. Geer    76-78
Ganoe, John Tilson—The History of the Oregon and California
Railroad, I, II 236-283
Gill, Frank B.—Oregon's First Railway. 171-235
Hartman, Amos William—The California  and Oregon Trail,
1849-1860        1-3 5
Hermann, Binger—Address  at Port Orford  Homecoming  and
Pioneer   Reunion 313-329
Himes, George H.—Necrology of Oregon Pioneers 383-395
Kuykendall, Ralph S.—James Colnett and "The Princess Royal"    36-52
Lewis, Charles E.—The History of the Educational Activities of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in Oregon 101-135
Lockley, Fred—Reminiscences of Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch     53-71
 The McNemees and Tetherows in the Migration
of 1845  353-377
Perrine, Fred S.—Early Days on the Willamette 295-312
Scott, Leslie M.—Oregon History Writers and Their Materials....284-293
Shepard, Wdlliam C.—The Christian Minister and the State—
Address  at  "The  Circuit Rider''  Dedication ,.     84-93
Teal, Joseph N.—The American Pioneer — Address at "The
Circuit Rider"  Dedication  93-100
Villers, Thomas Jefferson—Invocation at "The Circuit Rider"
Dedication „     80-81 THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXV
MARCH, 1924
Number 1
Copyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors
to its pages.
By Amos William Hartman
Trials of the Emigrant and Gold-Seeker
During the earlier years of the period 1849-1860 the
emigrant and gold-seeker almost monopolized the California and Oregon Trail. Mail and freight service were
in their infancy. The years 1849-1854 may be well portrayed by a study of the fortune hunters and emigrants.
Further unity is lent to such a period by the fact that,
with a few minor exceptions, the route of the trail as
established by the end of 1849 remained the same throughout the ensuing five years. The period of the late fifties
saw the emigrant sharing the trail with stage-coaches and
long trains of freight wagons. New routes were opened
and the old ones improved. It is of the earlier years that
this chapter proposes to deal.
Some idea of the extent of the migration over the
trail is essential to an understanding of many of the
conditions and problems which had to be met. It is not
the purpose of this work to go into any detail as to why
people followed the trail itself. It is well known that the
*A thesis submitted to the faculty of the Graduate College of the
State University of Iowa in part fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of Master of Arts. "The Trials of the Emigrant and the Gold-
Seeker,, and "Mail, Pony Express and Freight" constitute chapters V
and VI. 2 Amos William Hartman
lure of the gold diggings drew great hordes to California
in the year 1849 and those immediately following. After
the gold rush was over emigrants continued to go to the
Golden State in order to develop her homely, though not
less valuable resources. Cheap land served to attract the
majority of the settlers of Oregon Territory;1 religious
motives, reinforced by the vision of a Garden of Eden
in the midst of the desert, impelled the Mormon converts
to make the long journey to the region of Great Salt
Any statement of the number of people following the
trail can be no more than a rough approximation, yet
some such statement is necessary. On June 10, 1849,
Major Cross estimated that there were about 20,000
people and 50,000 head of stock ahead of him, beyond the
forks of the Platte. At Ft. Kearney, where a count was
made, he learned that 4,000 wagons had preceded him
on the south side of the Platte alone. Those on the north
side could not be counted from the fort. A line of wagons
extended up and down the river as far as he could see.3
In the fifteen days, May 21st to June 5th, about 3,700
wagons passed Fort Kearney. At four people to the
wagon this would mean nearly 15,000 people. By June 22
over 5,000 wagons had passed.4. Very few people—about
400—went to Oregon.5. Over 2,000 converts to Mormon-
ism left England for Salt Lake City.6 Of course these
were not the only Mormons to cross the plains in 1849.
The great majority of the migration went to California.
1Meeker, Ventures and Adventures of Ezra Meeker or Sixty Years
of Frontier Life.  p. 40.
2Linn, The Story of the Mormons,   pp. 410-415.
3Report of Major Osborne Cross, Senate Executive Documents, 31
Cong., 2 sess., Vol. 1, Doc. 1, Ser. No. 587, pp. 148-149.
4McMaster, A History of the People of the United States, Vol. VII,
pp. 601-602.
5F. G. Young, "The Oregon Trail," The Oregon Historical Society
Quarterly, Vol. 1, p. 370.
The number taking the northern route, by way of Goose
Lake, was estimated at from 7,000 to* 9,000.7
The emigration of 1850 was probably larger even than
that of 1849. By July 8, at Fort Laramie, 37,570 men,
825 women, 1,126 children, 9,101 wagons, 31,502 oxen,
22,873 horses, 7,650 mules and 5,754 cows were registered.
Some 2,470 persons had hurried by without registering.8
Langworthy reports, June 21st, at the upper crossing of
the Platte, "We are now upon the main road over which
all emigrants must pass, whether bound for Oregon or
California. It is a nearly continuous, unbroken procession. We pass the ferrying place, leaving it three
miles to the left. We learn that seven thousand teams
have already crossed the ferry the present season. Thousands have crossed at various points below, and other
thousands are now passing who do not cross the river
at all.9 Some 2,000 of the emigrants went to Oregon.10
The remainder went to California and Utah, the great
majority, of course, to the former place.
The emigration to California fell off greatly in 1851,
though the Oregon and Utah emigrants were as numerous as before.11 However, in 1852 the tide rose again
and the trail was crowded. Over 23,000 people and 59,000
cattle passed Fort Kearney;12 probably as many passed
on the north side of the river, one emigrant estimated
the total at 50,000.13 J. H. Holeman, Indian agent in
Utah, traveling up the Humboldt, passed an average of
about 300 wagons a days for a distance of 400 miles.1*
Emigration to Oregon was the highest since 1847,15
7Report of Brevet Major D. H. Rucker, Senate Executive Documents,
31 Cong., 1 sess., Vol. XIII, Doc. 52, Ser. No. 561, p. 140.
8McMas'ter, op. cit. Vol. VIII. p. 58 note.
9Langworthy, Scenery of the Plains, Mountains and Mines, pp. 66-67.
10Young, op. cit., p. 370.
"McMaster, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 65.
™Ibid., Vol VIII, p. 65.
13Meeker, op. cit., p. 65.
14Report of J. Holeman, Senate Executive Documents, 32 Cong., 2
sess., Vol. 1, Doc. 1, Ser. No. 658, p. 442.
15Young, op. cit., p. 370. Amos William Hartman
The emigration of 1853 was not so great as that of
the previous year, yet 3,700 wagons, 105,000 cattle and
15,000 people passed Fort Kearney.16 Many followed the
north bank of the Platte as usual and so are not included
in this count. Kanesville was crowded with people in
May and the river banks about the ferries on the Missouri, the Elkhorn and the Loup Fork were crowded with
people waiting to cross.17 No very definite estimate can
be made for the following year. The governor of California placed the overland emigration for that year at
over 61,00081 but that included those who came by the
southern route as well, and moreover too much reliance
should not be placed on such figures. Probably the emigration of 1854 fell off little, if any, from that of 1853.
Little more can be said.
In order to gain an adequate conception of the conditions confronting the emigrant we must be able to see
the movement across the plains as a whole, yet not lose
sight of the individuals. Without an understanding of
the magnitude of the movement the details cannot be
rightly understood, without some understanding of the
details the story is colorless. To appreciate the conditions
which the emigrants faced we must follow them in their
journey from east to west.
From all over the East and the Middle West the
crowds gathered at the outfitting towns along the Missouri. They came overlnad in covered wagons, or on
steamboats, or partly by rail and partly by steamboat.
In some cases, during the gold rush, special trains were
run for the emigrants.19 Many bought wagons and supplies at St. Louis and steamers carrying emigrants up
the Missouri were loaded with wagons, mules, oxen and
supplies, as well as with men.20 In the spring of the year,
16McMaster, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 66.
17J. A. MacMurphy, "Thirty-three Years Ago." Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 274-275.
18Greeley, An Overland Journey from Nevj York to San Francisco in
the Summer of 1859, p. 369. The California and Oregon Trail
before the grass was long enough to furnish food for
the animals, the outfitting towns were crowded with emigrants. Hotels were full to overflowing and often all available camping space around the city was occupied.
At the outfitting towns the emigrants, if they had not
already done so, bought their covered wagons, oxen,
horses, cattle or mules, and supplies. Tents and firearms
accompanied practically every party. The superflous articles can better be described later, when they will be
more exposed to view. The great majority of the wagons
were drawn by oxen. On a long journey they held out
better than horses, though they could not be driven much
over sixteen miles a day on the average with safety, while
horses could be driven from twenty to twenty-five miles.
Some companies took no wagons at all but packed their
supplies on pack mules and either walked or rode horses
themselves.21 At the outfitting towns also the emigrants
formed into companies, varying in number from a score
or so to a hundred and fifty or more. Some of these were
highly organized with a captain, lieutenants and other
officers.22 The gullible did not lack for sharpers to relieve
them of their money. At Kanesville the Mormons sold
worthless guide books and gogles made from common
window glass, the former at from fifty cents to two dollars
a copy and the latter at fifty cents a pair, to all whom they
could persuade that those articles were indispensable on
an overland journey.23
Soon after the trains were on their way across the
plains the companies which had been so carefully organized on the frontier began to break up. Some wanted to
go faster than others and soon left the slower members
behind. Many of the companies consisted of heterogeneous
groups which quarreled among themselves and forced
19Webster, The Gold-Seekers of '49, p. 24.
20Delano, Life on the Plains and Among the Diggings, pp. 14-15.
21Webster, op. cit., pp. 36-38.
22Delano, op. cit., p. 23; also Langworthy, op. cit., p. 21.
23Langworthy, op. cit., p. 19. 6 Amos William Hartman
the companies to disband. Many large parties were forced
to split up in order to secure grass for their stock. A
company place might have sufficient grass for a small
party was not enogh for a large one. By the time south
pass was reached most of the large companies had broken
up into smaller groups or disbanded entirely.24 By 1852
the emigrants had begun to learn the lesson and over half
of them joined no organized company, though small
parties usually banded together from time to time. In
fact there was one great train, some five hundred miles
long and one wagon was seldom or never out of sight of
The problem of crossing the numerous rivers and
streams was one which occasioned considerable work and
difficulty, and often delay. At Kanesville there were a
number of ferries, yet emigrants often had to wait several
days before their turn came to cross. Then they sometimes had to do the work of pulling the boat or scow back
and forth themselves, by means of ropes fastened on the
banks of the stream.26 The cattle and other animals were
forced to swim. In 1852 a steamboat ferried wagons
across the river during a part of the season, carrying a
dozen or more at a time.27 Across the smaller streams
bridges of brush were often built when they were too
high to ford. The following extract shows another exigency which had to be met. "Started at 8 o'clock and went
11 miles to the ferry on the Loup Fork. The ferrymen
were gone and the boat sunk. We attempted to raise it
but found it so much damaged as to be unfit for use. We
24Delano, op. cit., p. 117; Langworthy, op. cit., pp. 29-40; A. W.
Harlan, "A Journal of A. W. Harlan While Crossing the Plains in
1850," The Annals of lovja, third series, Vol. XI, p. 36, J. M. Stewart,
"Overland Trips to California in 1850," Publications of the Historical
Society of Southern California and of the Pioneers of Los Angeles County,
Vol. V, p. 176.
2BMeeker, op. cit., pp. 50-51.
26Thissel, Crossing the Plains in '49, p. 21.
27Meeker, of. cit., p. 62. The California and Oregon Trail
then took the road up the Loup Fork to the ford which is
48 miles from the ferry."28
A party which arrived opposite Fort Laramie June
13, 1850, found that the ferry boat had been sunk a few
days previous by some Californians who were on a spree.
Rather than risk a crossing they followed the north bank
of the Platte to the upper crossing near the Sweetwater.29
Many met this emergency by using their wagon beds as
ferry-boats. The stream was about sixteen feet deep and
was very swift, the result was that six men were drowned
within a day or so.30 The expense of ferrying was not inconsiderable. Major Cross reports that his expedition
paid $4.00 per wagon at the Mormon ferry on the upper
crossing of the Platte.31 Langworthy reports five ferryboats operating at that crossing in 1850.32 In the same
year the price of ferrying at Green River, on Sublette's
route, was $7.00 per wagon.33
Emigrants of 1853 found that a Mormon had built
a bridge across Thomas' Fork of Bear River at the only
available fording place in the vicinity. For the privilege
of crossing he collected seventy-five cents per team and
wagon. At the next stream they found a bridge at the
only available fording place which reached only about
two-thirds of the way across the stream. The toll there
was twenty-five cents per wagon, but that was hardly
paid "for service rendered." Some of the emigrants to
Oregon listened to the ferryman's story of better grass
on the north side of the Snake and crossed the river some
28William Edmundson, "Dairy Kept by William Edmundson, of
Oskaloosa, while crossing the Western Plains in 1850," The Annals of
Iowa, Third Series, Vol. VIII, p. 519.
29Jerome Dutton, "Across the Plains in 1850," The Annals of Iowa,
Third Series, Vol. IX, p. 462.
30Langworthy, op. cit., p. 55.
31Report of Major Cross, op. cit., p. 164.
s2Op. cit., p. 67.
33Thomas W. Prosch, "Diary of Dr. David S. Maynard While Crossing
the Plains in 1850," The Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. 1. p. 55;
also Dutton, op. cit., p. 467. 8
Amos William Hartman
distance below American Falls at $2.50 per wagon. At
Fort Boise they had to recross at $8.00 per wagon.34
By far the most fatal of all perils encountered was
the cholera, which ravaged the plains from the Missouri
to-the Rockies in 1849 and the early fifties. One estimate
places the number of deaths in 1849 at 2,000,35 another
places those of 1850 at 5,000.36 The latter is probably
too high but it illustrates the terrible mortality. "In the
Fifties the Asiatic Cholera crawled in upon the Plains,
and like a gray wolf followed the wagon trains from the
'River' to the Rockies. In the height of the migration,
from 4,000 to 5,000 emigrants died of this pestilence; and
if there was a half-mile which the Indians had failed to
punctuate with a grave, the cholera took care to remedy
the omission."37 With the exception of the fact that the
Indians are probably credited with too many scalps this
is a vivid picture of the destruction wrought by the
dreaded disease.
At St. Louis, at the outfitting towns in Western Missouri, and on the steamboats the cholera wrought fearful
havoc. In May, 1849, one steamer was abandoned and left
tied to the shore of the Missouri River.38 From Missouri
to the region of the Sweetwater strong men succumbed
to its fearful attacks. A few hours after being attacked
they would be resting in a shallow grave by the roadside,
probably to be dug up by the wolves as soon as darkness
settled over the prairie. Those in the vanguard escaped
the work of the scourge.39 Those who followed the north
bank of the Platte suffered much less than their neighbors
across the river,40 yet even on that side in 1852 a train
34D. B. Ward, "Across the Plains in 1853," The Washington Historian,
Vol. II, pp. 176-178.
35McMaster, op.c it., Vol. VII, p. 602.
36Meeker, op. cit., p. 67.
37Charles F. Lummis, 'Tioneer Transportation in America, Mc-
Clure's Magazine, Vol. XXVI, p. 83.
38Report of Major Cross, op. cit., p. 128.
39Delano, op. cit., p. 112.
40Langworthy, op. cit., pp. 70-71, also Paxson, op. cit., p. 166. The California and .Oregon Trail
of eleven wagons was met returning to the states in
charge of women, all the men having been stricken down
by the cholera.41 After the higher altitudes beyond Fort
Laramie were reached the disease became less prevalent
and after reaching the Sweetwater comparatively little
trace of it remained.
Something must be said of the buffaloes. Great herds
of them ranged the plains from Fort Kearney to South
Pass. The emigrants on the south side of the Platte
usually met their first herd a short distance beyond Fort
Kearney! Those on the north bank often met them before
passing the fort. By the early fifties the buffaloes beyond
the pass were very few.42 The first attempt of the uninitiated to bring some buffalo steak to camp usually
resulted in a waste of bullets. If the hunter did manage
to get within range the chances were that upon being
shot the animal destined to serve as provender for the
hunter and his hungry comrades would go lumbering off
across the prairie, for a buffalo must not only be shot, but
be shot in the right place before he will fall. The great
crowds of emigrants served to make the buffaloes shy
and they kept away from the banks of the river except
to come for water. The first trains of the year often
were detained by great herds crossing their path.48
Another trial of the traveler was the rain. The journey across the plains was made in the rainy season. The
spring of 1849 was a particularly wet one. In the thirty-
three days occupied on the journey from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Laramie in May and June, Major Cross reports fourteen days in which it rained at least part of the
time.44 This made the road bad, especially between the
Missouri outfitting towns and Fort Kearney. In the early
days of the trip the emigrants cursed the rain and mud,
41Meeker, op. cit., p. 68.
*2Delano, op. cit., p. 114.
4SStansbury, Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt
Lake of Utah, pp. 34-35.
44Report of Major Cross, op. cit., pp. 127-157, passim. 10
Amos William Hartman
after that they choked in the dust and prayed for rain.
An Oregon emigrant of 1851 tells of a terrible storm of
three days duration encountered at Fort Kearney, then
closes with the remark, "After this rain, we had no more
rain until we got to Oregon! !"45 The rains filled the
streams which were ordinarily forded to overflowing,
forcing the emigrants to resort to improvised bridges
and ferries.46
To those accustomed to life in the states the storms of
the plains were remarkable in their severity. Such accounts as the following are common. "During the night
we were visited by a tremendous tempest, such as no
person in our company had ever seen previously. The
storm raged with unceasing fury from ten at night until
four in the morning—six long hours. The heavens seemed
on fire, so continuous was the lightning's blaze. Crashes
of thunder followed each other in quick succession, shaking the earth and rolling in terriffic grandeur over the
boundless plain. The elements were all in arms, and
seemed waging a war of unsparing vengeance against all
who were exposed to their attack. Both rain and hail
fell in frightful quantities. A mixture of icy pebbles and
water, at one time covered the ground to a depth of six
inches. The winds blew a perfect hurricane, and every
tent was blown down." The men were forced to take to
the covered wagons when the tents blew down. Through
it all the sentinels' guard on the stock singing out "two
o'clock and all is wet !"47
These storms often did more than merely beat down
the tents and force their occupants to the wagons. They
often caused the cattle and oxen to stampede and scatter
over the prairie. On the night of May 29, 1849, a terrible
storm broke upon the emigrants near the forks of the
45Brooks, Quincy A., "Letter of Quincy Adams Brooks," Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. XV, p. 213.
*«Ibid., p. 211.
47Langworthy, op. cit., pp. 30-31. The California and Oregon Trail
Platte. Hundreds of cattle were lost, many of which were
never recovered. Some parties lost half their animals,
others had only one or two yoke left. Some spent several
days searching for their lost stock—sometimes finding
them twenty or thirty miles off the road.48 About two
weeks later another such storm visited the region.49
An exciting event in the life of those following the trail
was a stampede. Sometimes the cattle or oxen would
become frightened at night and suddenly go thundering
along the river or across the prairie, stopping for nothing
while the panic swayed them. One herd of some two hundred oxen stampeded along the Platte one night and were
found the next day six or eight miles down the river, on
an island in the middle of the stream.50 Worse than this
was a stampede during the day, when the oxen were
yoked to the wagons. If the drivers tried to stop them
while they were on the run they would turn short, upset
the wagon and probably break their own necks, to say
nothing of imperiling the lives of those in the wagons.
The only way to manage a stampede was just to let the
oxen run until they stopped of their own accord, which
they usually did in a very few minutes. Then they would
run in a straight line and little damage would result.51
Like the rain, the dust was a respecter of none. It
also was one of the common things which made life disagreeable for the emigrant. None could escape it, few
fail to mention it when recording their experiences.
When the Platte was left behind the dust began. On the
Sweetwater, on Sublette's cut-off, on Bear River, on the
Snake, along the Humboldt it was a frequent if not continual irritation. On the Sweetwater Major Cross found
it so thick that at times it hid his whole command.52 On
the Snake with the hot sun beating down, "We continued
48Delano, op. cit., pp. 57-58.
49Report of Major Cross, op. cit., p. 149.
50Langworthy, op. cit., p. 41.
51Brooks, op. cit., pp. 211-213.
52Report of Major Cross, op. cit., p. 168. 12
Amos William Hartman
the march during the day through dust half-leg deep, for
we had now struck a soil that was so light and spongy as
to make it dangerous sometimes when riding over it."58
Crossing Sublette's Cut-Off, Delano thus describes the
last ten miles. "For about ten miles before reaching the
river, the country became broken, and we passed several
hard hills. There had been no rain here; consequently
the dust was ankle deep. The wind blew a gale, and the
impalpable powder filled our eyes and nostrils, our faces,
hair, and clothes looked as if we had been rolling in a heap
of dry ashes. Even respiration was difficult."54 Usually
there was a strong wind blowing from the west along the
Humboldt and the emigrants had to literally eat, drink
and breathe the dust which the wagons made by cutting
up the parched earth.55
Describing conditions near South Pass, Meeker draws
the following picture: "The dust has been spoken of as
intolerable. The word hardly expresses the situation, the
English language contains no words to properly express
it. Here was a moving mass of humanity and dumb
brutes, at times in inextricable confusion, a hundred feet
wide or more. Sometimes two columns of wagons traveling on parallel lines and near each other would serve
as a barrier to prevent loose stock from crossing; but
usually there would be a confused mass of cows, young
cattle, horses, and footmen moving along the outskirts.
Here and there would be the drivers of loose stock, some
on foot and some on horseback .... Over all, in calm
weather at times, the dust would settle so thick that the
lead team of oxen could not be seen from the wagon—like
a London fog, so thick one might almost cut it. Then,
again, that steady flow of wind up to and through the
South Pass would hurl the dust and sand in one's face
**Ibid, p. 192.
5iOp. cit., p. 122.
**Ibid., p. 166. The California and Oregon Trail
sometimes with force enough to sting from the impact
upon the face and hands."56
If an emigrant escaped the cholera, crossed all the
rivers in safety, if he was beyond the muddy region and
a fortunate shower had laid the dust for a time, still the
voracious mosquitoes hovered about to prey upon him.
On the Big Blue, according to one account, they sang tenor
at night while the wolves accompanied them with a bloodcurdling baritone.57 According to another they went
over forty bushels to the acre in the vicinity of Fort
Kearney.58 If we are to believe an emigrant of 1850 the
mosquitoes on the Humboldt were so thick and so large
as to actually shut off the rays of the sun.59 He probably
could have overlooked that little inconvenience had not
the creatures descended to more grievious sin. Some
travelers could hardly find words to express the torment
which the pests inflicted. Yet the words of one man,
written near Fort Hall, speaks volumes—"Oh, God! The
For fuel to cook their bacon, beans and fresh meat
and to bake their yellow soda biscuits or bread the emigrants used wood when available and buffalo chips, dry
weeds, sage brush or the wood from deserted wagons at
other times. Lack of fuel caused many a man to eat a
-cold meal, or to crawl to bed supperless.
Of much greater concern was the dearth of grass and
good water. Much of the water along the route was highly impregnated with alkali and almost unfit for use. The
comparatively small bodies of emigrants who crossed the
plains and mountains prior to 1849 fared much better
in securing grass than those of later years. When oxen
and cattle began to follow the trail by the tens of thousands the problem of sustenance became a vital one. Those
56Op. cit., pp. 57-58.
57Kenderdine, A California Tramp and Later Footprints,
58Webster, op. cit., p. 51.
59Stewart, op. cit., p. 183.
60Prosch,  op. cit., p.  56.
p. 21. 14
Amos William Hartman
who left the frontier early in the spring might have to
feed their stock on grain for a short time until the grass
grew up, but after that they had a great advantage over
the majority of the season's emigration. After a few
thousand head of stock had passed the grass became very
scarce and parties were found very often to drive their
animals a considerable distance off the road for feed.
If a particularly favorable camping site was found a
company would occasionally lay over for a day or two
so as to rest and recuperate their stock. The three most
frequently mentioned articles in an emigrant's journal
or diary are water, grass and fuel.
When nothing better was available the emigrants had
to drink out of mud puddles, buffalo wallows or whatever happened to be at hand. One exclaims, "Many a
drink of water did I take that I would not have washed
in at home."61 Another relates, "This forenoon we filled
our water casks with what we knew to be the leachings
off from the putrid carcasses of dead horses, mules, and
oxen."62 At Rabbit Springs, on the northern road to California, in 1849 the migration was so heavy and the water
so scarce that men stood in line with tin cups and dipped
the muddy water up as it trickled into the bottom of the
shallow wells which had been dug. Water for the stock
was often out of the question there.63 In the middle of the
desert between Humboldt and Carson Rivers water sold
for $1.00 a gallon in 1850.64
The effect of poor and insufficient water and lack of
grass bevame very evident long before the end of the trail
came in sight. The course of the trail was marked with
the skeletons and the dead bodies of cattle, oxen and
horses, with abandoned property, and with wagons and
61Dutton, op. cit., p. 460.
62Harlan, op. cit., p. 57.
63Delano, op. cit., p. 181.
64Stewart,  op.  cit., p.   184. The California and Oregon Trail
the ruins of wagons left behind because they could be
drawn no further.
It was in the vicinity of Fort Laramie that the death
of stock, the abandonment of property and the destruction of wagons began to ocur on a large scale. After the
major portion of the emigration of 1849 had passed the
fort all the camp grounds in the neighborhood were
strewn with clothing, bacon, pork, beans, provision of
almost all kinds, and iron, the remains of wagons which
had been burned.60 Beyond the upper crossing of the
Platte and the Sweetwater Major Cross observed at least
fifty in a distance of twenty-two miles.66 Along the Sweetwater many wagons were broken up and the supplies,
such as were not thrown away, packed on the animals.
Fine trunks, boxes and barrels fed the flames. Property $100—in the States—was none too good to
warm the chilly owner in the evening. Dead stock was
About South Pass the number of dead cattle increased,
due probably to the high altitude, lack of grass in the
immediate vicinity and hard work. An emigrant of 1850
estimated that there were a hundred carcasses within a
mile surrounding Pacific Springs.68
Beyond the pass such death and destruction continued
on all the various branches of the trail. Oregon emigrants
had to throw away all superfluous articles, cut off part
of their wagon bed to make it lighter and to leave some
of their faithful oxen lying along the road to die, when
they could go no further.69 Along Goose Creek and thence
along the road to Humboldt were abandoned wagons,
log chains, iron bars, and other property.70 On Hastings
, 58.
65Webster, op cit., p. «o.
66Report of Major Cross, op.
67Langworthy, of. cit.,- p. 71.
68Harlan, op. cit., p. 48.
69Prosch, op cit., pp. 57-58.
70Delano, op. cit., p. 152.
cit., pp.  167-1 16
Amos Wlliam Hartman
Cut-Off in 1849 Stansbury found abandoned wagons,
great quantities of good clothing, trunks, books, tool-
chests and other articles, both useful and otherwise.71
Many animals perished on the barren stretches between
the Humboldt and Goose Lake, on the northern road to
But death and destruction were at their worst on
the forty miles of desert between the Sink of the Humboldt and Carson River. This was the last straw for
many a poor beast, already worn out by the previous
hardsip. An emigrant of 1850 states that the number
of dead horses, mules, and oxen in the forty miles was
estimated at 5,000 head.73 Another emigrant of that year
states that dead animals were so numerous that he had
counted fifty within a distance of forty rods.74 The
putrifying carcasses made traveling very unpleasant and
furnished breeding places for disease germs. As illustrative of the immense number of dead animals which
perished on the desert the experience of a small party
of travelers in 1855 may prove helpful. Crossing at
night when it was so dark that they could not see the
road they kept on the beaten tracks by following the
trail of bones and by listening to the sound of their
horses hoofs on the hard beaten track.75
But abandoned wagons and property also lined the
road across the desert, besides being scattered profusely
at points where the road entered and left it. An emigrant
of 1850 estimated that there was an average of thirty
abandoned wagons to the mile across the desert—a total
of 1,200. Along the Carson River at the point where
the road left the desert were an additional 2,000 within
a space of six miles. Not over one-fourth of the wagons
71op. Cit., p. 114.
72Delano, op. cit., p. 184.
73Edmunson, op. cit., p. 533.
74Langworthy, op. cit., p. 148.
75Remy, A Journey to Great Salt Lake City, Vol. 1, pp. 56-57.
76Harlan, op. cit., pp. 58-60. The California and Oregon Trail
that started for California would ever cross the mountains, he believed.76 Many of the emigrants were forced
to abandon their wagons after crossing a part of the
desert, to drive their stock on to the Carson River for
food and water, and then return and take the wagons
the remainder of the distance.77
Langworthy gives an excellent picture of the property and supplies which were thrown overboard. "The
Desert from side to side, is strewn with goods of every
name. The following articles, however, are peculiarly
abundant: log chains, wagons, and wagon irons, iron
bound water casks, cooking implements, all kinds of
dishes and hollow ware, cooking stoves and utensils,
boots and shoes, and clothing of all kinds, even life preservers, trunks and boxes, tin-bakers, books, guns, pistols,
gun-locks and barrels. Edged tools, planes, augers and
chisels, mill and cross-cut saws, good geese feathers in
heaps or blowing over the desert, feather beds, canvass
tents, and wagon covers." Speaking of the point where
the road first touched the Carson after leaving the desert,
he continues, "This point, on the river, bears the classic
name of 'Ragtown.' The reason for the appellation is because there are several acres here literally covered with
rags, or clothing, either sound or tattered. The woodwork of thousands of wagons have been burnt at this
place; the irons covered the soil for a considerable space
The Indians of the plains were of comparatively little
trouble to the emigrants in the period 1849-1854 except
for their habits of stealing and begging. The whites
brought many of the Indian depredations upon themselves
by shooting at the Indians to try their marksmanship or
the range of their guns.79 Some seemed to think no more
about shooting an Indian than a wolf or coyote. The most
77Dutton, op. cit., p. 473.
780p. cit., pp. 148-149.
79Waugh, Autobiography of Lorenzo Waugh, p. 178.
I 18
Amos William Hartman
notable encounter of the period took place near Fort
Laramie in August, 1854. An Indian killed an ox belonging to a Mormon emigrant. A party of soldiers was
sent out from the fort under an inexperienced young
lieutenant to arrest the offending Indian and those who
had eaten the animal. A fight ensued in which the lieutenant and his entire party of thirty men, with the exception of one, were slain.80 The Indians were also hostile
along the trail to Oregon in 1854, attacking and burning
The Indians along the Humboldt were very troublesome in 1849, 1850 and 1851, as well as along the Carson.
They hid in the willows or crept up on the emigrants in
the dark, shooting and stealing all the oxen they could,
and occasionally shooting an emigrant if they could do so
with little risk to themselves. If pursued they would take
to the mountains and trying to catch them was "very
much like running down grayhounds with Bull dogs."82
During the year 1852 these Indians were not so troublesome. A trip of Indian agent J. H. Holeman down the
Humboldt in the spring probably pacified them somewhat.83 The Indians along Pitt River, in Northern California, caused considerable trouble. Their tactics were
the same as those of the Diggers along the Humboldt.84
Many emigrants were sorely in need of relief long
before they reached California. Although piles of food
were thrown away in the earlier stages of the journey,
by the time the Humboldt was reached food was iij demand. In 1850 in particular, many emigrants had heard
that too much food had been carried in the previous year
so they went to the other extreme and many ran out of
80Coutant, History of Wyoming, Vol. 1, pp. 322-323.
81Mary Perry Frost, "Experience of a Pioneer," The Washington
Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII, pp. 123-124.
82Harlan, op. cit., p. 55.
83Report of J. H. Holeman, House Executive Documents, 35 Cong.,
1 sess., Vol. X., Doc. 71, Ser. No. 956, p. 156.
MDelano, op. cit., pp. 211, 239-240. The California and Oregon Trail
supplies.85 Such conditions called for measures of relief.
In 1849 there was no organized effort by the people
of California for the relief of the needy. The head of the
Pacific Division of the United States Army, Major General P. F. Smith, took up the matter and put Brevet Major
D. H. Rucker in charge of relief.
About the middle of September aid was sent to those
on the northern route and on the Truckee route. Few
emigrants traveled the latter course in 1849 as the relief
parties went to the Carson River route, where the need
was much greater. Further aid was sent to the emigrants
on this route in October. The chief difficulty was not lack
of food but means of transportation. Aid was provided
in the form of fresh animals and food where necessary.
On the northern route many people suffered from scurvy.
Indians drove off their cattle. When they reached the
river valleys where the grass was good they were loath
to travel fast or to leave any of their wagons or property
behind. Most of them were finally herded safely to the
region of Lassen's trading post, but a few got caught in
In the following years organized relief was furnished
by the people of California. At Ragtown, on the Carson,
in 1850, emigrants found abundant supply of flour sent
by the Benevolent Society of Sacramento City. To those
with money the agent sold the flour at twenty-five cents
a pound. To those who were destitute he gave twenty
pounds of flour each.87 State authorities furnished it in
lesser quantities.88 That from Sacramento did not last
long at the rate it was given away. In 1852 state officers
were stationed near the Sink of the Humboldt to give
away flour and other supplies to the needy, and others
5SIbid., p. 236.
86Senate Executive Documents, 31 Cong., 1 sess., Vol. XIII., Doc. 52,
Ser. No. 561, pp. 96-152.
87Langworthy, op. cit., p. 149.
88Delano, op. cit., p. 239. 20
Amos William Hartman
were stationed on the Carson for the same purpose.89
Beginning with 1850 traders made their way into the
Carson valley and the desert. Some bought up the tired
and worn-out oxen of the emigrants, fattened them up
along the Carson and drove them to California where
they commanded a good price. In 1850 a tired ox would
sell for from $1.00 to $8.00.90 A meal at one of the trading
posts cost $5.00. A man might sell what remained of the
oxen which had carried him from the Missouri and not
secure enough for a good meal.
In 1852 there were several stations in the desert between the Humboldt and the Carson where water and
liquor were sold. The latter ranged in price from seventy-
five to twenty-five cents a drink, according to quality.
Trading stations were located all along the Carson. Prices
were considerably lower than in 1850, but still very high.91
The journey across the continent was not entirely a
life of trials and hardship. There were pleasant days
with beautiful scenery and an exhilarating atmosphere.
But the days spent on the trail were predominantly days
of toil and tribulation. If there was not rain and mud
there was dust and mosquitoes, or both. In the mountains they were chilled to the bone at night and had to
march under a burning sun at noon. If the irritations
were more or less petty they were continuous and harrowing.
With the settlement of the Far West and the establishment of army posts along the trail, there arose a necessity
for communication between East and West and for the
transportation of supplies.   The result was the estab-
89Paxson, 7.   Tumbull's  Travels fron
Plains to California, p. 205.
90Harlan, op. cit., p. 58.
91Paxson, op. cit., pp. 206-212.
the  United States Across the The California and Oregon Trail
lishment of mail, express and telegraph service, and of
great trains of freight wagons. Like the emigrants, these
for the most part followed the great central route to
the West.
The first mail service was establshed in 1850, between
Independence and Salt Lake City. Monthly trips were
made beginning on July 1. From Salt Lake City, the
service was soon extended to Sacramento, California.1
By 1856 the mail contract had fallen into the hands of the
Mormons, but it was taken from them in 1857, during
the Mormon war, of which more will be said later.2
During that trouble a weekly mail was instituted in
order that more regular communication might be maintained between the government and the troops in Utah.
The time required to carry the mail from St. Joseph to
Placerville3 was thirty-eight days.4 After the trouble with
the Mormons was over, this service on June 30, 1859,
was cut down to semi-monthly trips.5 In May of that
year the contract was taken by the firm of Russell, Majors
and Waddell.6
For many years the service was irregular and uncertain. The road was difficult in winter. The mail was
frequently from two to four months late.7 Due partly to
this and to the strength of the South in Congress the
main overland route was transferred to the Southwest
in 1858. On September 15, of that year the Butterfield
Southern Overland Mail began carrying mail from St.
aMorton, Illustrated History of Nebraska, Vol. I, p. 93; Charles F.
Lummis, "Pioneer Transportation in America," McClure's Magazine.
Vol. XXVI, p. 84.
2Burton, The City of Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California, p. 4.
3Senate Executive Documents, 36 Cong., 1 sess., Vol. Ill Doc 2 Ser
No. 1025, p. 1412. '
4House Executive Documents, 35 Cong., 2 sess., Vol. II Pt IV Doc 2
Ser. No. 1000, p. 722. »     •      »        •   »
5Senate Executive Documents, 36 Cong., 1 sess., Vol III Doc 2 Ser
No. 1025, p. 1412. '
6Burton, op. cit., p. 4.
7House Executive Documents, 35 Cong., 1 sess., Vol. II Pt III Doc 2
Ser. No. 944, pp. 993-994. *&%      ' ' 22
Amos William Hartman
Louis to San Francisco via Little Rock, El Paso, Yuma
and Los Angeles.8
While the Butterfield line was in operation only local
mail was carried by the central route. In 1860 the cost of
carrying the mail over the St. Joseph, Salt Lake City and
Placerville route was over $200,000 and the receipts a
little over $5,000.9
The mail was usually carried in stage coaches drawn
by mules. Passengers were carried in the coaches along
with the mail. At first the only stations where mules
were changed were Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie and
Fort Bridger, on the line from Missouri to Salt Lake
City.10 The first regular stage from Salt Lake City to
California was established in the summer of 1858. Major
George Chorpenning secured a control in May of that
year to transport mail and passengers, the passenger
fare being $140, and the contractor receiving $130,000
annually. In March, 1860, this line was taken over by
Russell, Majors and Waddell, who, it will be remembered,
had taken over the St. Joseph-Salt Lake City line the
previous year. On June 1, 1860, the stage from Salt
Lake City to California was discontinued and the mail
carried on mules.11
Between St. Joseph—commonly called St. Jo—and
Salt Lake City, there were fortyfive stations in 1860,
where mules were changed and the passengers ate or
slept.12 The schedule time was twenty-one days and the
stage coaches seldom made it in less than nineteen,
though they could have done so. The reason given for not
Hbid., pp. 986-990; Lummis, op. cit., p. 84.
driving more rapidly in summer was that the people of
Salt Lake City would thus be led to expect as prompt
mail service in winter, when the condition of the road
13Ibid., p. 5.
9Senate Executive Documents, 36 Cong., 2 sess., Vol. Ill, Pt. I, Doc.
Ser. No. 1080, p. 436.
10Burton, op. cit., p. 4.
111 bid., p. 511. The California and Oregon Trail
rendered this impossible, as in summer.13 According to
Horace Greeley at least sixteen of the seventeen mail
bags in the coach in which he rode to Salt Lake City
were filled with public documents, such as Patent Office reports. They were sent by the representative in
Congress from Utah Territory under the franking privilege^—printed and transported at public expense.14
The mail stations were not very pretentious in appearance nor did they furnish the best of accommodations
to the travelers. Mr. Burton describes one of them as
follows: "At 12:45 p. m, traveling over the uneven barren, and in a burning sirocco, we reached Lodge-Pole
Station, where we made our 'noonin.' The hovel fronting
the creek was built like an Irish shanty, or a Beloch hut,
against a hillside to save one wall, and it presented a
fresh phase of squalor and wretchedness. The mud walls
were partly papered with 'Harper's Magazine,' 'Frank
Leslie's', and the 'New York Illustrated News'; and the
ceiling was a fine festoon-work of soot, and the floor was
much like the ground outside, only not nearly so clean.
In a corner stood the usual 'bunks,' a mass of mingled
rags and buffalo robes; the center of the room was occupied by a rickety table, and boxes, turned up on their
long sides acted as chairs. The unescapable stove was
there, filling the interior with the aroma of meat. As
usual, the materials for ablution, a 'dipper' or cup, a
dingy tin skillet of scanty size, a bit of coarse gritty soap,
and a public towel, like a rag of gunny bag, were deposited
upon a rickety settle outside."15
This was not an exceptionally bad station. Along the
Platte beyond Fort Laramie, Mr. Burton and his fellow
travelers were forced to sleep in a barn which was
"hardly fit for a decently brought-up pig." And among
12Ibid., p. 511.
14An Overland Journey to San Francisco in the Summer of 1859, pp.
15Burton, of. cit., pp. 66-67. 24
Amos William Hartmian
his fellow travelers was a federal judge who had for
years been a minister at a European court.16 It was with
surprise and even a degree of astonishment that on the
Sweetwater one station was encountered, conducted by a
Mormon convert and his wife, in which "the table-cloth
was clean, so was the cooking, so were the children."17
White women, Indian squaws or half-breeds were not infrequently found at these stations. Besides the poorly
cooked meals, whiskey could usually be procured. For
the privilege of traveling over this route with all its
advantages, the sum of $175 was charged.18
So much for the mail and stage-coach facilities from
the Missouri to Salt Lake City. Except for the two years
beginning in the summer of 1858 and ending June 1, 1860,
travel by stage from Salt Lake City to California was
impossible and single travelers sometimes accompanied
Mormon traders or the mail carrier with his light wagon,
or ambulance as they were often called. The mail route
east of Salt Lake City followed the emigrant route. So
much cannot be said for the route from that city to California. Some description, therefore, of the new routes
opened up now becomes necessary.
Until 1858 the mail from Salt Lake City to California
was carried over the regular emigrant roads in summer.
But when Major Chorpenning secured the contract in
1858, he opened up a shorter route, to the south of Hast-
ings'Cut-Off. From Salt Lake City, this route ran through
Camp Floyd, forty-three miles to the south, a little to
the west of the northern end of Utah Lake. Thence it'ran
a little south of west to Fish Springs, about a hundred
miles from Camp Floyd. The stage then followed a
southwesterly course for a day's journey to Pleasant
Valley, on what is now the border between Utah and
ieIbid., p. 95.
171bid., p. 155.
18Ibid., p. 8.
19Greeley,o^. cit.,
pp. 258-265. The California and Oregon Trail
From Pleasant Valley, the road pursued a northwestly
course across Shell Creek, through Ruby Valley, to Pine
Creek, thence down that stream to its junction with the
Humboldt at Gravelly Ford, some twenty-five or thirty
miles below the place where Hastings' Cut-Off joined the
main California trail. About fifteen miles from the mouth
of the creek the road was forced to pass through a terrible canon. There were on this route only a few stations
—some half-dozen in the entire distance of over three
hundred miles from Camp Floyd to the Humboldt. After
reaching the Humboldt this route followed the usual
emigrant trail.20
Though this route was over one hundred miles shorter
than the emigrant trail from Salt Lake City to California
by way of the City of Rocks, it still was not direct enough
to suit the mail contractors. In the summer of 1859,
Captain J. H. Simpson, of the Topographical Engineers
of the United States Army, who had helped to work out
Chorpenning's route in the previous year, made a second
reconnaisance and opened up a new route which entirely
avoided the Humboldt.21 Much of this new route was already well known to a Mr. Howard Egan, a Mormon
guide, mountaineer and mail-agent.22
To whomsoever the credit is due for the discovery
of this route, it is certain that the mail contractor soon
took advantage of it. In the fall of 1859, Major Chorpen-
ning established a mail route which avoided the Humboldt. It followed the road which had been established
in 1858 to Huntington Valley, but instead of following
down Pine Creek to the Humboldt, it left the old road in
Huntington Valley and struck off across country to the
south, to what is now the southern part of Eureka County,
Nevada. From there the route lay almost directly west
across Simpson's Park, Reese River and Smith's Creek
20Ibid., pp. 268-270.
21Senate Executive Documents, 26  Cong.,  1  sess.,  Vol. Ill, Doc. 2.,
Ser. No. 1025, pp. 847-855.
22Burton, op. cit., p. 453. 26
Amos William Hartman
to the Sink of the Carson River and the great emigrant
road.23 This was not exactly the route followed by Cap7
tain Simpson but it did not deviate from it to any great
extent. Between Salt Lake City and Carson City, on the
Carson River, there were twenty-one mail stations in
1860.24 This new route was about one hundred and forty-
five miles shorter than Chorpenning's route of 1858.28
However, both these mail routes and the emigrant
trail were closed by snow during the winter, at least
until the route was lined with mail stations furnishing
fresh mules at regular intervals. As a result, a southern
route was opened up. San Bernardino was founded in
1851 by a party of Mormons on the site of the old
Spanish mission in Southern California. It was intended
partly to act as an outpost for Mormon immigrants entering Utah from the west. Some time between 1851 and
1855, the southern trail was opened. It was used by the
mail carrier, occasional emigrants and Mormon traders.
In summer it was impassable, hence it was used only in
winter and early spring.
From Salt Lake City this trail led down the Jordan
river to Lehi and along the eastern side of Lake Utah
through Provo to Springville. Inclining somewhat to the
west of south it passed through Payson and Nephi, crossed
the Sevier River and struck across a desolate stretch of
country to Fillmore, the capital of Utah Territory. Continuing its way it passed through the towns of Beaver
and Parowan to Cedar City. Just beyond the latter town
was Panther Creek—in 1856 the last settlement on^the
road to California.
Beyond Panther Creek the trail crossed the rim of
. the Great Basin and encountered the head waters of the
2SIbid., pp. 443-496.
*Hbid., pp. 511-513.
26Senate Executive Documents, 35 Cong., 1 sess., Vol. Ill, Doc 2
Ser. No. 1025, p. 850.
2eBancroft, History of California, Vol. Ill, pp. 52-21.
27Kenderdine, A California Tramp and Later Footprints, pp. 126-138;
also Remy, A Journey to Great Salt Lake City, Vol. II, pp. 306-377. The California and Oregon Trail
Santa Clara River. For eighteen miles the road followed
this stream, through the territory of the troublesome
Santa Clara Indians. Some distance below the north
fork of the Santa Clara, the road reached the valley of the
Rio Virgin, after crossing a mountain range. For forty
miles it followed the Rio Virgin, crossing and recrossing
the stream a dozen times or more. The country was
dreary and desolate and the road sandy and difficult.
Leaving the Rio Virgin and crossing Muddy River a
stretch of some fifty-five miles without water was crossed.
At the end of it was Las Vegas, a sort of oasis in the
desert where the Mormons had established a farm to
convert the Indians and to teach them agriculture. But
by 1858 this was deserted.28
Beyond Las Vegas the desert continued. The trail
passed Cottonwood Springs and Mountain Spring, then
crossed forty-five miles of desert to Kingston Springs
and another forty miles of the same sort of country to
Bitter Springs. The direction was southwestward and
westward. A short distance beyond Bitter Springs the
lower waters of the Mojave River where it sinks into the
desert were encountered. Following the Mojave west
and then southward the trail finally left it and crossed
the Sierra Nevadas by Cajon Pass. San Bernardino lay
but a short distance beyond.29
Closely allied to the mail service was the pony express.
During the winter of 1859-60, Mr. William Russell, of
Russell, Majors and Waddell, was in Washington. While
there, Senator Gwin of California persuaded him to establish a swifter mail service for California. The prospect of a government contract for the handling of all
trans-continental mail was held out.   Mr. Russell con-
28Remy, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 377-413; Kenderdine, op. cit., pp. 138-156;
Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake, pp. 285-294; Clark, A Trip Across the
Plains, in 1857,  (Manuscript), pp. 41-44.
29Remy, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 416-454; Chandless, op. cit., pp. 295-307;
Kenderdine, op. cit., pp. 155-182; Clark, op. cit., pp. 4446. 28
Amos William Hartman
verted his partners to the idea.30 The route followed was
the mail route already established—the great emigrant
trail from St. Jo to Salt Lake City and the new mail
route opened in 1859 from Salt Lake City to Carson River,
thence by the old road across the Sierras. New stations
had to be built, especially west of Salt Lake City. About
190 stations, 200 station-keepers and as many assistants,
between 400 and 500 horses, and some eight riders were
By April 1, 1860, all was ready, and on April 3 the
service began. The scheduled time was at first ten days
from St. Jo to Sacramento—1950 miles; later this was
reduced to eight days. The maximum weight of any mail
was twenty pounds, but this was seldom reached. The
price was $5.00 for each letter not exceeding one-half
once; this was later reduced to $2.50. Service was weekly
for a time but on June 1, 1860, semi-weekly service was
The pony express was not backed by the government.
Russel, Majors and Waddell had the mail contract. They
charged the price of $5.00, then $2.50, in advance of the
regular postage, for special service. The express was
used for the most part by merchants, though the British
government also communicated with its Pacific Fleet by
means of it. Financially the project was a failure. In a
period of sixteen months, the deficit was in the neighborhood of $200,000.33
Early in May, 1860, an Indian war broke out in the
region of the Humboldt and Carson Rivers. Fortifications
were erected at Virginia City, Silver City and Genoa.
On May 12 a small band of volunteers was defeated by
the Indians near the Truckee River and about forty-three
3<>W. F.  Bailey,  "The Pony Express,
series, Vol. XXXLV, p. 883.
31Ibid.,   pp.   884-889;   Majors,   Seventy   Years
32Bailey, op. cit., pp. 885-891.
*Hbid., pp. 890-891.
The Century Magazine, new
the  Frontier,   pp. The California and Oregon Trail
killed. Volunteers and two companies of regulars soon
arrived from California. By the end of May some 800
troops were in the field. On June 3 the Indians were defeated in a battle along the Truckee and they caused
little further trouble. But already every station of the
pony express from the Carson River to Simpson's Park
had been destroyed. Station-keepers were killed or forced
to flee. The stations were burned and the horses killed
or driven off. Service was suspended for several weeks.
As a result of this war, Fort Churchill was built on the
Carson River thirty-five miles below Carson City.34
The year 1860 saw the beginning of what was to supersede to a large extent the pony express. In November
a telegraph line was completed between Omaha and Fort
Kearney.38 In the same year, the telegraph from California reached Carson City36.
An account of the freighting activities of the great
overland trail must be prefaced with at least a short story
of the Mormon trouble of 1857-58. In September, 1850,
the bill was signed which created Utah as a territory.
Her boundaries were California on the west, Oregon on
the north, the summit of the Rocky Mountains on the east
and the Thirty-seventh parallel on the south. Brigham
Young was appointed governor. Three judges of the Supreme Court, the Attorney General and the United States
Marshal were also appointed, two of the five offices being
filled by Mormons. The Mormons were not well-disposed
toward the Gentile officials and in September, 1851, they
left the territory. New ones were appointed who succeeded in living in harmony with the Saints.37
In 1854 Young's term as governor expired. President
Pierce offered the governorship to Lieutenant Colonel
Steptoe who was then in Utah, but Young compromised
Steptoe and forced him to decline the offer, and even to
34Bancroft, History of Nevada, Colorado and Wyoming, pp. 209-216.
35Morton, op. cit., p. 98.
36Bailey, op. cit., p. 887.
37Linn, The Story of the Mormons, pp. 430-467. 30
Amos William Hartman
sign a petition in favor of the re-appointment of Young.
So Young continued to fill the office. But public feeling
against the Mormons grew in the East as they learned
more about the treatment of federal officers in Utah,
the practice of polygamy, and the tendency to disregard
federal authority. In July, 1857, President Buchanan
appointed Alfred Cumming governor of Utah, at the same
time appointing new federal judges. Troops were sent
to the Territory to assure the maintenance of national
In the fall of 1857, an advance party was sent to
Utah under Colonel E. B. Alexander. This was followed
later in the year by the main force under Colonel Albert
Sidney Johnston. The total number of troops sent in 1857
was about 2,400.39 Governor Brigham Young defied the
federal government. He forbade the entrance of armed
forces into the territory, raised a Mormon force to oppose any such entrance and placed the territory under
martial law. Breastworks were thrown up in Echo Canon
to block the road to Salt Lake City. The federal troops
were forced to spend the winter in the vicinity of Fort
In the spring of 1858 more troops arrived. But
although the Mormons threatened to destroy the crops
and everything of value in the settlements, and take to
the mountains if the soldiers entered the territory, a compromise was arranged and no fighting took place. Governor Cumming and the other federal officials were allowed to take up their duties, the federal troops were
allowed to enter the Territory and the Mormons were pardoned for their opposition to federal authority. In the
latter part of June, 1858, the army entered Utah and in
July, Camp Floyd was established near the northern end
of Lake Utah.41
38Ibid., pp. 467-478.
39Bancroft, History of  Utah, p. 522.
40Linn, op. cit., pp. 386-500.
^Ibid., pp. 500-516. The California and Oregon Trail
By June, 1860, there were over 2,350 troops in the
field in Utah, 275 at Fort Bridger and about 3,700 en-
route. Of the latter some were subsequently recalled before they had reached Utah and others were ordered to
Washington Territory; one company of artillery and nine
of infantry continued to Utah, and two companies of
dragoons with ten batteries of artillery were stationed
along the Platte.42 By the summer of 1860, the number of
troops had been reduced until but one or two hundred
remained at Camp Floyd.43
Although the freighting business over the trail had
commenced some years previously, it was greatly increased by the Mormon trouble. Though there were
smaller companies in the field from time to time, the
great freighting company was Russell, Majors and Wad-
dell. Alexander Majors began in the freighting business
in 1848. He was occupied for the most part in carrying
supplies to the different army posts in New Mexico, Colorado and Utah Territories. Another firm also appeared
in the field, Russell and Waddell. In 1855 the two firms
combined under the name of Majors and Russell, but
after three years, the firm name became Russell, Majors
and Waddell. In 1860, Majors bought out his two partners.44
Prior to 1858 the firm owned from three to five hundred wagons and teams. In 1858, because of the necessity
of supplying the Utah expedition, this was increased to
some 3,500 wagons, 40,000 oxen and about 1,000 mules.
Over 4,000 men were employed. During that year over
8,000 tons of supplies were sent to Utah. The wagons
in which the supplies were carried cost from $150 to
$175 each. After being unloaded at Camp Floyd they were
taken to the suburbs of Salt Lake City, where they covered acres of ground. A year or so afterward they were
42Adjutant General's report, House Executive Documents, 35  Cong.,
2 sess., Vol. II, pt. Ill, Doc. 2, Ser. No. 999, pp. 780-783.
43Burton, op. cit., p. 335.
44Majors, op. cit., pp. 74-77. 32
Amos William Hartman
sold to the Mormons for $10 apiece. The oxen were sometimes driven to California and marketed. In the winter
of 1859 the company attempted to winter 3,500 head in
Ruby Valley in the present state of Nevada, with the
result that a heavy snow covered the grass and only about
200 of the 3,500 survived. In 1857 the Indians ran off a
herd of about 1,000 head of cattle belonging to the company near Fort Kearney.45 In the fall of 1858, on October
4 and 5, before the main body of the federal troops had
arrived at Fort Bridger, a small party of Mormons under
Major Lot Smith burned two unprotected supply trains,
of about twenty-six wagons each, on Green River and a
third one on the Big Sandy. Among other provisions,
over forty-six tons of bacon, eighty-three tons of flour
and four tons of coffee were destroyed.46 Such were some
of the larger aspects of the business.
Prior to 1858 all supplies for the army posts along
the trail were loaded at Fort Leavenworth. In 1858 an
additional base was established at Nebraska City.47 About
twenty-six wagons usually formed a train. The complement of men consisted of a driver for each wagon, a
wagon-master, assistant wagon-master and a couple of
extra hands. The demand for cattle became so great
that unbroken ones had to be used to a great extent.
A driver thus described the first attempt at driving a
train of unbroken cattle which had finally been yoked up
and was beginning to break corral. "It was life work
for us to keep our wagons right side up. Twenly-six
teams of nearly all wild cattle going in every direction—
three hundred and twelve head of crazy steers pitching
and bellowing and trying to get loose or get away from
the wagon, and teamsters working for dear life to head
them and keep from upsetting or breaking their wagons;
45Ibid., pp. 143-145.
46Linn, op. cit., pp. 489-490.
47Majors, op. cit., p. 77. The California and Oregon Trail
and every now and then a wagon upsetting, tongues breaking, and teams getting loose on the prairie."48
By nine o'clock in the evening they had succeeded in
getting some of the wagons a distance of two miles from
the starting point. The rest were strung over the prairie
with broken wheels or broken tongues or else were upset.
Repairs had to be sent for and new teamsters hired—
for with this initiation, over half of them had deserted.
On the second attempt the day's journey was lengthened
to four miles, with more mishaps. In six days the train
managed to cover forty miles.49
Yet in spite of such provocation the teamsters were
expected to live an exemplary life. The following code
of rules for employees was drawn up by Alexander
Majors, first when he was in business alone and later as
a member of the firm of Russell, Majors and Waddell.
"While in the employ of A. Majors, I agree not to use
profane language, not to get drunk, not to gamble, not
to treat animals cruelly, and not to do anything else that is
incompatible with the conduct of a gentleman, and I agree
if I violate any of the above conditions, to accept my
discharge without any pay for my services."50 Sunday
travel was avoided unless it was absolutely necessary to
obtain grass and water. Bibles were even distributed to
the men.51
Mr. Majors seemed to live under the illusion that all
these rules were faithfully obeyed, but Mr. Burton gives
a rather different picture. He says: "I scarcely ever saw
a sober driver; as for profanity, the Western equivalent
for hard swearing—they would make the blush of shame
crimson the cheek of the old Isis bargee."52 One of the
drivers themselves states that his comrades, with few exceptions, "swore like pirates and stole what little there
48Clark, op. cit., p. 3.
±»Ibid., pp. 3-5.
50Majors, op. cit., p. 72.
51Burton, op. cit., p. 5.
52Ibid., p. 5. 34
Amos William Hartman
was to steal." They refrained from drinking only when
there was nothing to drink.53
Out on the prairies, life soon became tiresome and
monotonous for both men and beasts. The spirit of the
freighting trains is well portrayed by one who himself
was a driver. "Our hardships began visibly to affect us,
While in the early part of the journey, when our tasks
had been comparatively light, the train would have mirthful scenes occasionally. Those were the times when we
made short drives; when our diet was composed of something else besides a monotony of bread and pork and pork
and bread; and when, on account of the danger of new
men deserting with their 'outfits,' the train officials were
less exacting. But now it was different. Slowly and wearily we walked along beside our teams, which were as
morose and desponding as their drivers. No sounds are
heard as we move over the dreary waste but the dull
grating of the wheels as they grind through the yielding
sand, and the sharp crack of the whips, as the teamsters
urge on the panting oxen. The miserable animals, exhausted by incessant labor and little to eat, move lifelessly
along with heads bowed low, casting their tear-filled eyes
imploringly for the mercy they seldom got, and sometimes,
when completely worn out, they drop in their tracks, to
swell the number of reeking carcasses and bleached skeletons which line the road. The hearts of all were gladdened at sight of the forming corral, and the oxen quicken
their pace as they see it. We unloosen them and they are
soon scattering over the sun-burned prairie, seeking to
allay their hunger, while we go at our camp duties, getting our wood and water and otherwise preparing for
supper. Silently and mechanically we go through our
task, a feeling of weariness and sadness, not to say
peevishness pervading all. Our campfires, which of old
were the scenes of mirthful horseplay, songs and stories,
53Kenderdine, op. cit., p. 20. The California and Oregon Trail
now see nothing but groups of grimy, care-worn men."54
There was freighting between Utah and California
both by way of the northern routes passing through
Carson City and across the mountains and by way of the
southern route to San Bernardino. But it did not attain
the proportions reached on that part of the trail from the
Missouri to Salt Lake City and Camp Floyd. This completes the list of the activities of any great magnitude or
importance on the trail aside from emigration.
**Ibid., pp. 66-67.
i A
By Ralph S. Kuykendall
Executive Secretary of the
Hawaiian Historical Cow/mission
Much has been written about the Nootka Sound affair,
and much more may still be written without exhausting
the subject. From the standpoint of international politics
the diplomatic battle waged in Europe is of the greatest
interest, and that is the aspect of the matter which has
hitherto received the most careful investigation. But
from the point of view of human interest the happenings
at Nootka and their various ramifications seem to afford
a richer field of study. The present sketch is concerned
with one of those ramifications, culminating in an incident that took place at the Hawaiian Islands in the
spring of 1791.
The occurrences at Nootka and elsewhere which are
essential to an understanding of this incident can be
briefly stated.1 Two English merchant ships, the Argonaut and the Princess Royal, engaged in the fur trade
under the general command of James Colnett, were
seized by the Spaniards in Nootka Sound in July, 1789,
and sent under prize crews to San Bias. Colnett and his
fellow prisoners were likewise taken to Mexico, where
they were kept in rather liberal captivity for nearly a
year. In the spring and early summer of 1790 the Viceroy
of New Spain issued a series of orders providing for the
release of the English prisoners and the restoration of
the two ships. Only one of the ships, the Argonaut, being
at San Bias at the time, Colnett was furnished with an
xThe best account of the Nootka Sound affair is the monograph by
W. R. Manning, "The Nootka Sound Controversy," in the Annual Re"
port of the American Historical Association for the Year 1004. paees
281-478. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal
order on the Spanish commander at Nootka requiring the
latter to deliver up the Princess RoyaP to him. Armed
with this order from the Viceroy, Colnett sailed July 9,
1790, from San Bias for Nootka Sound in the Argonaut,
having on board the surviving members of the crews of
the two vessels.
It is at this point that the present writer intends to
take up the story; but before doing so, it will be well to
note briefly what earlier writers have said on the special
theme of this article. Greenhow, the pioneer in this
field, in his History of Oregon and California3 says that
after his release Colnett sailed in the Argonaut for Nootka
"to receive possession of the Princess Royal, for which he
had an order. On arriving at the sound, Colnett found
the place deserted; and, not knowing where to seek the
sloop, he sailed for Macao, which he reached in the latter
part of 1790. Thence he went, in the following year, to
the Sandwich Islands, where the Princess Royal was restored to him, in March, by Lieutenant Quimper, the
Spanish officer under whose command she had been employed for nearly two years."
Bancroft4 makes substantially the same statement,
while Manning5 says that on Colnett's "arrival at Nootka
the Princess Royal was not there. June 11 of the next
year she was dispatched from San Bias to be surrendered
to Colnett or some other representative of the company
in China. Colnett fell in with her and she was handed
over at the Sandwich Islands."
Each of the statements just noted contains one or
more errors—errors which, it is true, are of no particular
importance so far as the main purpose of these writers
2This small vessel had been placed under the command of a Spanish
naval officer, Manuel Quimper, and sent from San Bias to assist in the
exploration of the northwest coast.
3Second edition (1845), pp. 200-201.
^History of the Northwest Coast, I, p. 243.
*Op. cit., p. 359. 38
Ralph S. Kuykendall
is concerned. To Greenhow and Bancroft and Manning
that which relates to the Sandwich Islands is purely incidental. But the present writer has approached the subject from the point of view of Hawaiian history, in an
attempt to verify the assertion that the Princess Royal
was surrendered to Colnett at the Hawaiian Islands.
At the outset it may be said categorically that this
assertion is not true. The writers who make it cite as
authority a passage from a book written by Colnett himself.6 Colnett, however, does not claim that the Princess
Royal was surrendered to him. All that he says on this
particular point is contained in the following sentence
in a footnote on page 101 of his book: "At length after
thirteen months captivity, we obtained permission to sail,
with orders to go to Nootka, and take possession of the
Princess Royal, whose crew I had with me, although the
Spaniards must have known it was impossible for me to
have fallen in with her there, as appeared by the orders
which the Spanish Commander had on board, when I met
with him by accident sometime afterwards at the Sandwich Isles."
If one may hazard a guess, it seems probable that
Greenhow, knowing that Colnett had an order from the
Viceroy calling for the delivery of the Princess Royal to
him, simply assumed that when he found the vessel the
delivery was made, even though the meeting was accidental and under circumstances altogether different from
those presupposed in the order. Bancroft and Manning
have apparently been misled by Greenhow.
The subject proposed for the present study may be
best treated under three divisions: (1) the operations of
Colnett from the time of his release to the time of his
meeting with the Princess Royal at the Sandwich Islands;
(2) the movements of the Princess Royal during the
6A Voyage to the South Atlantic and Round Cape Horn into the
Pacific Ocean . . . Undertaken and Performed by Captain James Colnett,
of the Royal Navy, in the Ship Rattler. London, 1798. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
same or a somewhat longer period; (3) the circumstances
attending and following the meeting referred to.
Colnet sailed in the Argonaut from San Bias on July 9,
1790, having on board the crew of the Princess Royal,
which he expected to receive from the Spanish commander at Nootka Sound, Don Francisco Eliza.7 He had
also, with some difficulty, succeeded in obtaining from the
Viceroy a passport which permitted him to trade at any
place on the northern coast not actually under Spanish
From this point on Colnettte movements are difficult
to trace with certainty. Greenhow, as noted above, indicates that he went from the northwest coast to China in
the fall of 1790 and returned thence in the spring of
1791 to the Sandwich Islands, where he met the Princess
Royal. Bancroft accepts Greenhow's statement. An examination of the evidence, however, leads to a different
In the introduction of his book and in a long note on
pages 96-102, Colnett gives an account of his operations
during the period in question. He says that after his
release from captivity in Mexico, "I now returned to
Nootka, in the only vessel which remained to me; and,
after suffering incredible hardships from a want of provisions, and the ship getting several times on shore, I
procured another valuable cargo of furs and proceeded
to China. ... I did not remain there, but, in a short time,
set sail, and, at the request of those gentlemen who were
joint agents with me, coasted for a market to the West
side of Japan, nad East side of Corea." Soon after his
return from the voyage along the coast of Japan, Colnett
7Revilla Gigedo to Valdes  (No. 6 Reservada), July 28, 1790.   Copy
(from Mexican Archives) in Bancroft Library.
8Manning, op. cit., p. 357.
m 40
Ralph S. Kuykendall
sailed for England in a ship belonging to the East India
Company.9 The instructions for the voyage to Japan are
dated at Canton, July 25, 1791.10 Colnett gives no dates,
except the one just noted, nor does he mention that he
stopped at the Sandwich Islands on his way to China,
his only reference to these Islands being contained in the
statement previously quoted.
In these statements there is certainly no ground for
supposing that after his return from Nootka Sound to
China, following his release from captivity, Colnett made
another voyage to the Hawaiian Islands. It is however,
reasonable to conclude that his arrival in China from
Nootka occurred only a short time before the date July
25, 1791. Bearing these^faings in mind, let us examine
two other statements by Colnett.
Soon after the arrival of the Princess Royal at the
Hawaiian Islands, in March, 1791, her Spanish commander, Don Manuel Quimper, received from the hands
of Kaiana11 a letter, in English, which was intended for
several Englishmen then resident on the island of Hawaii. Quimper gives a Spanish translation of this letter.
Translated back into English it reads as follows:
The natives inform me that there are three or four
Englishmen among them. If you need anything with
which I can supply you, write to me or let me know and
I will send you that which you want; I with my ship have
been a prisoner of the Spaniards for twelve months, but
the king of England demanded that my ship and crew
should be liberated, and they have paid the costs; the
Spaniards are coming to this island immediately to make
a settlement on it and so you should be careful because
they will give no quarter, the same as at Nootka.
The natives inform me of the Tabu Morea and that
they do not wish to trade their hogs except for canons
9Colnett, op. cit., Introduction. On the point of the furs obtained by
Colnett, cf. Vancouver, Voyage (London, 1801), II, pp. 341-2.
10Colnett, op. cit., pp. 101-102.
"Kaiana was the Hawaiian chief who was taken to China by Meares
and who figures so largely in the pages of his book. Kaiana was known
to all the early traders, by whom his character is variously estimated.
He played an important part in local Hawaiian affairs. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
and powder, which I cannot give at present; I am plentifully supplied and so have decided not to delay, as I have
to be at Macao in two months. James Colnett. April 1.
Farther along in his account of his operations at the
Hawaiian Islands, Quimper states that the Argonaut,
with Colnett in command, sailed from the island of Niihau
for China at half past two on the afternoon of April 17.12
Captain Joseph Ingraham, of the Brigantine Hope,
while off the west side of the island of Hawaii in May,
1791, received from the same chief Kaiana, a paper on
which were written two certificates. The second of these
certificates, as Ingraham copied it, reads as follows:
NB. The above was obtained from Lieut. Kemp commanding the Sloop Pss Royall (belonging to the Hon.
South Sea Company, of England) and captur'd by the
Spaniards in Nootka Sound in July 1789 and at this time
navigating under Spanish colours and a pasport to Manila
and from thence to Macao to be deliver'd up to the owners
agents residing there—Capn. Colonett of the Argonaute
who was also captur'd with the Sloop Pss Royall and de-
tain'd till the 1 June 1790 prisoners togeather with the
Officers and crews of both vessells—Was then liberated
and the Officers and crews of both vessels were order'd
on board the Argonaute to proceed to Nootka and take
possession of the Princess Royall she being then employed
in the Spanish service — The Argonaute proceeded to
Nootka but the Pss Ropall had sail'd after a series of misfortunes and the loss of 34 men. 18 of which deserted &
died in Spanish prison the other 16 died or were drown'd
on the coast of America—Since the Liberation of the
Argonaute she arrived in the bay of Tirooa [Kailua]
Owhyhee—where the Pss Royall was then riding. Capn.
Colonett has also been treated by Tianna [Kaiana] and
Maiha' Maiha (Tommahommahaw) [Kamehameha] in
every respect as he wish'd everything the Island produced
being at his command Argonaute 4 April 1791.13
12Manuel Quimper to Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, July 15, 1791. A. G. I.
(Seville), Estado, Aud. Mexico, Leg. 1.   Copy in Bancroft Library.
13Joseph Ingraham,Journal of the Voyage of the Brigantine "Hope"
(MS), entry for May 23, 1791. I have assumed that this certficate was
written by Colnett himself, though if that is the case Ingraham has altered
the orthography somewhat in copying it. It is of course possible that the
certificate was written by some other person on the Argonaut, but that
would not lessen its value in the present connection. 42
Ralph S. Kuykendall
From all of this it seems clear that during the early
part of April, 1791, Colnett was on his way to China,
and it is reasonable to infer that he had just come from
Nootka Sound or some other point on the norhtwest coast
of America. What is contained in the letter and certificate accords perfectly with the statements quoted from
Colnett's book. On July 25, 1791, Colnett was at Canton,
having recently arrived'from the American coast. During the first seventeen days of the preceding April he
was at the Hawaiian Islands on his way to China. If
now we can locate him definitely a month or two earlier,
we will have sufficient data to determine approximately
his movements during the whole period in question.
Under date of August 27,1791, Viceroy Revilla Gigedo
forwarded to Count Floridablanca a packet addressed by
James Colnett to the English ambassador at Madrid,
with the statement: "In the port of Nootka the Englishman James Colnett left with the Commandant Don Francisco Eliza the accompanying packet ('pliego') with instructions to send it to the ambassador of his government
at Madrid."14 Six days later the Viceroy wrote another
letter to Count Floridablanca, in which he says: "On the
21st of August I received a leter which the English Captain Colnett, commander of the ships which were captured
at Nootka, wrote to me under date of February 28 of
this year, a translation of which I enclose to Your Excellency in the attached copy. It has seemed to me that I
ought to reply to it, and I have done so in the letter which
... I enclose to Your Excellency . . ,"15 The natural conclusion to be drawn from these two letters of the Viceroy
is that on February 28, 1791, Colnett was at Nootka
Sound, where he left with Commandante Eliza the letter
addressed to the Viceroy and the packet to be forwarded
14ReviHa Gigedo to Floridablanca (No. 43), Aug. 27, 1791. Copy
(from Mexican Archives)  in Bancroft Library.
™Id to id. (No. 46), Sept. 2, 1791. Copy (from Mexican Archives)
in Bancroft Library. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
to the English ambassador at Madrid. If we had Colnett's letter to the Viceroy it probably would be decisive
on the point, but unfortunately that letter has not yet
come to light.
Putting it down as in a high degree probable that
Colnett was at Nootka on February 28, 1791, and taking
into consideration the other evidence already adduced,
we arrive at the following conclusions with reference to
his movements between July 9, 1790, and April 1, 1791.
First, that he spent the fall and winter in the fur trade
along the coast, collecting that "valuable cargo of furs"
which both he and Seiior Bodega y Quadra say he obtained
before proceeding to China. It was with this in view that
he had insisted on getting from the Viceroy a passport
which would permit him to engage in that trade. The
license from the South Sea Company under which he
was operating was soon to expire16 and if he intended to
accomplish anything for his company it was important
that he waste no time in making useless voyages across
the Pacific. Second, that early in March, 1791, he sailed
for China, arriving at the Hawaiian Islands about the
end of that month. This account of Colnett's movements
is in accord with all the available evidence, and it seems
on the whole much more reasonable than the account
given by Greenhow.
The Princess Royal after her capture arrived at San
Bias on August 27,1789,17 and apparently remained there
until January, 1790, when she was dispatched to Nootka
Sound as part of the squadron of Lieutenant Francisco
Eliza, who was charged with the business of sustaining
that northern Spanish outpost and of carrying on certain
explorations.18  The Princess Royal was commanded by
16Manning, op. cit., pp. 296, 357.
17Ibid., p. 341.
xHbid., pp. 351, 463; Bancroft, History of Northwest Coast, I, Chaps.
7 and 8. 44
Ralph S. Kuykendall
Ensign Manuel Qumiper, and was assigned to the work
of exploring the strait of Juan de Fuca. On this work
Quimper was employed from the first of June until about
the middle of August. He then sought to return to Nootka
Sound, but unfavorable weather and the fear of shortage
of supplies induced him, on the advice of his officers, to
abandon that purpose and sail direct to Monterey, where
he arrived September 1. From there, after a delay of
some weeks, the voyage was continued to San Bias, in
which port the Princess Royal cast anchor November 13,
This explains why the Princess Royal could not be
delivered to Colnett at Nootka Sound. The unexpected
return of the vessel to San Bias was a matter of disappointment to the Viceroy, as he explained in a letter
to Floridablanca. "The unexpected arrival of this ship
at Monterey . . . has frustrated my plans and desires in
this matter."20
In view of the failure to effect a delivery of the sloop
to her English master, Thomas Hudson, 21 at Nootka
Sound, some other plan had to be devised for the accomplishment of that purpose. The Commandant at San Bias22
suggested to the Viceroy the plan of sending the sloop to
Canton with the otter skins which had been collected
during the year for the benefit of the royal treasury,
with the proceeds of which another vessel could be purchased for the return of the crew to Mexico. The Viceroy
approved the first part of the suggestion, but considered
it better that the skins should be sent to the governor of
the Philippines and that their sale and the delivery of the
sloop should be carried out by the agents of the Spanish
19Manuel Quimper to Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, Nov. 13, 1790. A. G. I.
(Seville), Estado, Aud. Guad., Leg. 1.
20Revilla Gigedo to Floridablanca (No. 15), Nov. 26, 1790. Copy
(from Mexican Archives)   in Bancroft Library.
21Hudson was master of the Princess Royal but under the superior
orders of Colnett, who was master of the Argonaut, and commander of
the expedition.
22Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega*y Quadra. jAMfes Colnett and the "Princess Royal
Asiatic Company. The Spanish crew of the Princess
Royal could then return to Mexico in the Acapulco ship
and avoid the necessity of purchasing another vessel.
This would be better, since ships brought from Asia had
proved very expensive on account of the repairs that
were always required. He accordingly gave the necessary
orders to have this plan carried out.23
The Princess Royal sailed from San Bias for Manila
on February 14, 1791, in command of Ensign Manuel
Quimper. By this voyage three distinct objects were to
be accomplished. First, and of primary importance, was
the delivery of the ship to her owners or their agents at
Canton. Viceroy Revilla Gigedo wrote to the governor of
the Philippines, Don Felix Berenguer, giving him explicit instructions on this point. The delivery was to be
effected by the factors of the Spanish Asiatic Company.
At the same time the Viceroy wrote a letter to the owners
of the Princess Royal, explaining why it had been impossible to deliver the vessel to her master at Nootka
Sound and requesting, in case they had any further
claims to present on this account, that they address them
directly to the king of Spain, who would see that justice
was done.
Secondly, Quimper was commissioned to make an exploration of the Sandwich Islands. The Commandant at
San Bias, Don Juan de la Bodega y Quadra, had represented to the Viceroy the desirability and convenience of
such an exploration, which could be accomplished on this
voyage without any particular loss on time. At the same
time it would be possible to get some information about
a Spanish ship that was said to have been lost at those
islands in 1783 or 1784. Quimper was instructed to find
out regarding the commerce, situation, and natural products of the Sandwich Islands and to secure the good favor
of the inhabitants by kind treatment and by gifts of
23Revilla  Gigedo  to  Floridablanca   (No.   16),
(from Mexican Archives)   in Bancroft Library.
Nov. 46
Ralph S. Kuykendall
various kinds. All of this would be useful in case other
Spanish vessels found it necessary to stop at any of the
ports of those islands.
The third object of the voyage was the delivery to the
governor of the Philippines of 3,356 otter skins which had
been collected for the benefit of the royal treasury. The
governor was instructed to send them promptly to Canton,
there to be disposed of to the best advantage—either
direct sale or exchange for quicksilver—by the agents
of the Spanish Company. Two hundred and eight of these
| skins had been obtained, in exchange for some sheets of
I copper, during the course of the recent exploration by
Eliza's squadron on the northwest coast. The others were
the remainder of the skins purchased by the California
missionaries under the old contract with Don Vincente
Vasadre before the receipt of the king's order putting an
end to that trade.24
With instructions covering the various objects of her
voyage the good ship Princess Royal proceeded on her way
as Quimper says, "with all felicity," and on the twentieth
of March came in sight of the island of Hawaii.25 Three
days later the vessel came to anchor in a bay on the west
side of the island, where she was immediately surrounded
by a multitude of canoes, each containing more men than
Quimper had on board the Princess Royal. Several chiefs
came to visit the Spanish commander, presenting him
with a large quantity of sweet potatoes, sugar cane, hpgs,
fowls, and other products of the country. In return, Quimper distributed pieces of iron which he had
brought along for that purpose.   He learned that there
24Revilla Gigedo to Floridablanca (No. 32), March 27, 1791; Id, to
Lerena, March 31, 1791. Copies of both letters (from Mexican Archives)
in Bancroft Library.
25The account of the Princess Royal's visit to the Hawaiian Islands
is taken, unless otherwise indicated, from Quimper's letter to Viceroy
Revilla Gigedo, cited above, note 12. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
were two Englishmen on this island26 and two on the
island of Maui.
On March 25 Kamehameha ("Amejameja") visited
the vessel and presented to her commander a "cloak, cape,
and helmet made of exquisite feathers." Quimper reciprocated by offering to the celebrated chieftijajn an iron chest
and the best pieces of iron he had. Kamehameha, however, informed him that those foreigners who had touched
in his dominions had given him firearms. Thereupon
Quimper had an old pistol brought out, but the wily chief
was not to be put off with anything less than a good
musket. Having obtained the coveted firearm, Kame-
hamaha, with his customary generosity, kept the vessel
supplied, during the remainder of her visit, with an abundance of fresh provisions.
On the thirtieth, having completed his supply of water,
Quimper got under way for the island of Maui, but being
impeded by heavy north winds, concluded to seek the bay
of Kealakekua to the south. Instead he came to anchor
on the first day of April in the bay of Kailua,27 and it
was there that Colnett found him.
Early on the morning of April 2 the natives informed
Quimper that there was a ship at sail along the coast
farther south. Shortly afterwards the chief Kaiana came
on board with the letter (quoted in the earlier part of this
paper) written by Colnett to the Englishmen who were
26These were John Young and Isaac Davis. Cf. Vancouver, Voyage
of Discovery, (London, 1801), III, 236-239, which gives an account of
Colnett's ineffectual effort to rescue Young and Davis.
27Quimper says that this bay was "nombrada por sus naturales Tara-
tatua, y Dor mi de Vacario," but from other things which he says it is
evident that it is not Kealakekua; the latter he calls "Karacacoa."
Notice also the certificate quoted above from Ingraham's Journal, which
speaks of the Argonaut as arriving "in the bay of Tirooa [Kailua]
Owhyhee—where the Pss Royal was then riding." Freycinet {Voyage
autour du monde. . . . Historique, Vol. II, p. 552), who visited Hawaii
in 1819, says that this bay "se nomme indifferement Kayakakoua, Kairoua
et Tairoua."   Kailua is some twelve miles northwest from Kealakekua. 48
Ralph S. Kuykendall
on the island. Thereupon Quimper wrote a letter to Colnett informing him that the Princess Royal was on her
way to Manila and thence to Macao to be delivered up
to her owners. The Argonaut had by this time come in
sight and from the way she was handled Quimper at
first thought Colnett was afraid to bring the ship into
the anchorage where the Princess Royal lay. He therefore
—and this was certainly an evidence of his friendly disposition—sent one of his officers, John Kendrick, Jr.,
in a small boat to pilot the larger vessel in.
Colnett needed no pilot, but for other reasons he
kept Kendrick on board the Argonaut for the time being.
He brought his ship up to within a cable length of the
Princess Royal, presented her broadside to the smaller
vessel, and began ranging her guns on deck. From these
operations and from information which the natives
had brought to him, Quimper concluded that Colnett intended to fight. Nothing daunted, the Spanish commander
appealed to his men and proceeded as unostentatiously
as possible to get the sloop ready for action. He also
called to Kendrick to return with the small boat, but the
latter replied that Captain Colnett was dressing in order
to come and pay his respects to Quimper. The Englishman
failed to come, but hostile preparations continued. After a
short time Quimper called again, this time remonstrating with Colnett over the demonstration which he was
making and asking him to state clearly what his intentions
were. Colnett replied that he was sending the small 'boat
with one of his officers. When this officer came on board
the Princess Royal he handed to Quimper the following
Argonaut, April 2, 1791.
Your letter by Mr. Kendrik informs me that you
are to convey the Sloop Princess Royal to Manilla and
thence to Macao but as that is contrary to the Law of all
Nations and particularly contrary to the Constitution of James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
Great Britain whose Protection and License together with
that of the Honble. Board of Marine I have now in possession and which I hope never to disgrace, I must act in
conformity to it at the risk of my Life and will demand
the Property of the Honble. South Sea Company—where-
ever I find it.
For which reason I have detained Mr. Kendrik until
I know your determination—this Business I hope will be
amicably settled between us to the Honor of both Nations
and ourselves—whatever terms or Conditions you can
ask with reason will be agreed to by
Your Hble. Servant
James Colnett, Lieut,
of Royal Navy and Commander of all Vessels employd
and to be employed for the time being for the Honble.
South Sea Company of London.28
Quimper could not make out the import of this letter,
his interpreter Kendrick being detained on the Argonaut,
but the officer who brought it had some knowledge of
Spanish and from him he gathered that Colnett, being of
higher rank than Quimper, held that the latter should
go on board the Argonaut to discuss the matter. Quimper's
instructions required him to pursue a conciliatory course
and he accordingly passed over to the other ship, taking
his papers with him. After examining the papers, Colnett proposed that Quimper should go with him to Macao,
but the Spanish offiicer gave him to understand that he
would not depart one iota from his instructions, "sacrificing first [his own] life and that of all those under
[his] command." This somewhat grandiose declaration
seemed to bring the negotiations to an impasse. Colnett's
officers advised him to fight, but Quimper held resolutely
to his decision and announced that he was ready to fight
if Colnett insisted on that mode of settling the dispute.
The matter having arrived at this point, Colnett evidently concluded that in this instance discretion was the
better part of valor.  He withdrew his original demand
28This copy of the leter is taken from the original which is in Mexico
in the Archivo General y Publico, Sec. de Prov. Int., Tomo 153. Quimper
gives only a Spanish translation of it. 50
Ralph S. Kuykendall
and asked only that Quimper give him a copy of his
passport so that he might have something to show his
company. With this modest request Quimper readily
complied. He then returned on board the Princess Royal,
the two vessels exchanged salutes, and the controversy
was at an end.
On the sixth of April Quimper set sail for the leeward
islands, leaving the Argonaut at Kailua. During the preceding night one of the Spanish sailors, whose name is
given as Martin Mariano, deserted from the Princess
Royal and could not be apprehended. Quimper rather
broadly intimates his belief that Colnett connived at this
escape, but the English captain alleged that the missing
sailor was not on the Argonaut and denied all knowledge
of the matter. The Princess Royal passed by the islands
of Maui and Molokai without stopping and on the tenth
came to anchor on the south side of Oahu. On account
of the heavy east wind no landing was made, but the
natives supplied the sloop with water, wood and provisions of various kinds. The chief of the district, named
Manono,29 presented various gifts, including some pearls,80
and gave Quimper an account of some recent happenings
at the islands. Two days were spent here, two days in
the passage to Kauai, and two days at anchor off the
present village of Waimea in that island.
On the sixteenth the Princess Royal crossed over to
the island of Niihau, where the Argonaut was found at
anchor.   Quimper renewed his inquiries in reference to
29This may have been Manono-Kauakapekulani, son of Kehekili, the
famous king of Maui. Kahekili ruled Oahu also at this time, but was
probably not on that island at the moment of Quimper's visit.
30These pearls probably came from the arm of the sea now known as
Pearl Harbor, the location of the U. S. naval station. James Colnett and the "Princess Royal"
the missing sailor31 and Colnett repeated the denial which
he had previously made, adding the information that the
deserter had not been seen on the island of Hawaii after
Quimper's departure. During the afternoon of the next
day the Argonaut sailed for Macao.
The Princess Royal remained a day longer, Quimper
having been told by the natives that there were on shore
some fragments of a wrecked ship. Colnett also had told
him that on his last voyage he had at this island bought
a main mast, which he had used as firewood. The natives
were requested to bring on board the Princess Royal a
piece of the wrecked ship as verification of their story.
In answer to this invitation they brought a root of a tree.
Quimper concluded that it was time for him to go, particularly as the season was advancing. He accordingly
sailed for Manila on the eighteenth of April, arriving
at his destination about the middle of June.
Such in substance is the account which the Spanish
offiicer gives of his voyage and of his meeting with Colnett at the Sandwich Islands. The Englishman doubtless
would have related the matter somewhat differently, but
that could hardly change the general result. The additional bits of evidence which we have, such as those
furnished by Ingraham and Vancouver, agree well enough
with the account given by Quimper.
We may appropriately bring this recital to a close
with a few notes from the sequel. Of Colnett it is stated,
on the authority of the chief Kaiana, that he visited the
Hawaiian Islands again in the fall of 1791,32 but this
31One is led to wonder whether this sailor may not have been the
Spaniard, who under the name of Francisco de Paula y Marin (commonly
called "Manini"), figures so prominently in the agricultural history of
these islands during the first part of the last century. It has never been
learned definitely how or when Paula y Marin came here. R. C. Wylie,
Hawaiian Minister of Foreign Relations, in 1850 spoke of him as coming
to the islands "at a very early period, (it is believed in the Princesa
Real, in 1791)." Transactions of the Royal Havoaiian Agricultural Society,
Vol. I, No. 1, p. 46.
32Vancouver, op. cit., I, p. 350; New Vancouver Journal (MS), entry
for March 5, 1792.
'i 5&
Ralph S. Kuykendall
seems doubtful in view of Colnett's own statements
quoted in the early part of this paper.
The Princess Royal, after her arrival at Manila, was
sent to Macao to be delivered up to her owners. She arrived there in a damaged condition, due to a storm, and
neither the agents of Colnett and Hudson nor the English
factors wished to receive her. The Spanish factors therefore decided to sell the vessel at a legal and public sale,
but the documents now in hand do not show whether or
not the sale actually took place. The Chinese authorities
at first threatened to confiscate the otter skins on the
supposition that they belonged to the Russians, but finally
placed them in the custom house to await a determination
of the question of ownership.33
Quimper and the Spamsn crew which had navigated
the Princess Royal to Manila returned the following year
to Mexico in the frigate San Josef y las Animas, arriving
at San Bias, November 6, 1792.
33Viceroy Revilla Gigedo to Aranda, Nov. 30, 1792. Copy (from
Mexican Archives) in Bancroft Library. W
34"Noticia de Viage de Quimper de Manila," in Deposito Hidrografico
(Madrid), Libro b 3a, Tomo II.   Copy in Bancroft Library. REMINISCENCES OF
By Fred Lockley
Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch is one of Oregon's most
useful citizens. I spent several recent afternoons with
Colonel Dosch and the more I talked to him, the more I
was impresed with the versatility of his knowledge. He
is not only an authority on horticulture, but he has a
profound knowledge of history, literature and of the
traditions of the Old West, of which he was a part.
"I was born at Meinz-on-the-Rhine, June 17, 1841,"
said Colonel Dosch. "My father's name was John Baptiste Dosch. My mother's maiden name was Anna Busch.
There were seven children in our family, of whom I am
the eldest. I was named Ernst after my father's brother,
Colonel Ernst Dosch, who was Colonel of the Hungarian
Blue Hussars. Another brother of my father's, my uncle
Anton, was Colonel of the Red Hussars. My uncle was a
government official in the Customs Department. My
father was a classmate with Bismarck, which later proved
to be a most fortunate thing for him, for in 1848, during
the German Revolution my father organized a regiment
to resist the Prussians. When the revolution was ruthlessly suppressed by the Prussians, the revolutionists had
to run for their live—some went to Switzerland, while
a great many emigrated to the United States. My father,
on account of having been a classmate of Bismarck's,
was allowed to stay in Germany. Many of the revolutionists, the best blood of Germany, came to the United
States and settled at Belleville, 20 miles east of St. Louis.
During the Civil War there were at least 10,000 German
turners from St. Louis, Belleville and the country thereabouts, who enlisted in the Union Army and gave a good
account of themselves, as they1 kept Missouri in the
"I came to America in 1860, when I was between 18
tl 54
Fred Lockley
and 19 years of age. My father was well-to-do, so when
I was a boy I had a private tutor. Later I went to the
Colege of Commerce and Industry for four years. I graduated from the engineering department. At that time
it was the custom to pay for apprenticeships, so my
father paid for an apprenticeship for me in a commercial
house. The honor men in the schools and colleges were
compelled to serve but one year instead of three in the
Grman Army. As I was an honor man, I was only required to put in one year of service. I wanted to come
to the United States, but on account of the requirements
for military service, I could not leave unless I could pass
the examination for reserve officer. I passed this examination successfully and ^secured a passport which entitled me to be absent for one year, after which I was
required to come back and serve in the German Army.
I had not been in the United States long till the Civil
War broke out and I at once enlisted in Fremont's bodyguard. In the early days of the Civil War, the military
service was honeycombed by political intrigue and favoritism. An intrigue was formed against Fremont, and
General Hunter was sent to relieve him. This was just
on the eve of an attack on the Confederate General Price.
Price in the mix-up escaped, and Hunter was superseded.
Fremont's bodyguard were discharged after our fight at
Springfield, October 25, 1861, in which I was wounded,
and I went to St. Louis and re-enlisted in the 5th Missouri
Cavalry. Captain Nathaniel Lyon, a loyal and able officer was in command of the St. Louis Arsenal. St. Louis
was full of Southern sympathizers. The Confederates
were seizing arms, ordnance and supplies wherever they
were located in the South, and as the governor of Missouri favored the secessionists had it not been for the
energetic action of Captain Lyon, the arsenal at St. Louis
would have fallen into the hands of southern sympathizers. Governor Jackson ordered the militia into camp
in the vicinity of the arsenal. These men were armed with Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
guns sent up from Baton Rouge. Many of the militiamen
wore badges of the Confederate Army. Captain Lyon,
learning that they were going to try to seize the arsenal,
surrounded the militia and demanded their surrender.
The next day after the surrender of the state troops,
Captain Harney arrived in St. Louis and assumed com-
mand. Shortly after this Captain Harney became Brigadier General of the First Brigade of Missouri Volunteers. Among the officers who distinguished themselves
in the operations in Missouri at this time were Colonel
Siegel and Colonel Osterhaus. After the bloody battle of
Wilson's Creek in which General Nathaniel Lyon was
killed, I was ordered to take a squad of men there to
bring back his body. We served as the honor guard. Before long I became Sergeant-Major and was acting adjutant of the regiment. When our Colonel resigned, I
commanded the regiment. After receiving my honorable
discharge at the end of my enlistment, a comrade of mine,
Fred Keisel, told me that there was a freight train at
Omaha, belonging to Kimball and Lawrence, loading supplies to take to Salt Lake City. Henry Lawrence wanted
a book-keeper and also a drygoods clerk for his store in
Salt Lake City. I was engaged as the book-keeper and
Fred as the clerk. When we got to Omaha we found that
the wagon boss was short of drivers. He offered Fred and
me $20 apiece if we would serve as bullwhackers and
drive four yoke of oxen. We accepted the job. At that
time Omaha had about 40 buildings, my recollection now
being that most of them were saloons, livery stables or
blacksmith shops. I will never forget our trip across the
plains. About 100 miles out of Omaha we came across a
store kept by a half-breed French-Canadian. For the next
400 miles there was no settlement of any kind. The
prairie, covered with wild flowers, stretched unbroken in
all directions to the far horizon. In all directions we could
see countless herds of antelopes, while at times the buffalo seemed to blacken the rolling land waves in the dis- I
Fred Lockley
tance. Prairie chickens and sage hens were abundant.
We were 58 days making the trip to Salt Lake City.
We reached there in the summer of 1863. Fred settled
in Salt Lake City, became a state senator, built up a
large business in Salt Lake City and Sacramento and
became wealthy. Salt kake City did not appeal to
me, so with six other young men, I decided to go on to
California. We bought a wagon and a yoke of oxen and
headed westward.
"On the way out from Omaha, near Laramie, we met
Jim Bridger, a very likeable and reliable man. I also
met Bill Hutchison and Bill Hickman. Bill Hickman is
the author of a book in which he tells his experiences
while serving as one of Brigham Young's 'destroying
angels.' He was a fanatic, and being quite ignorant,
he believed anything and everything that Brigham Young
told him. Just ahead of us there was a wagon train
which was traveling fast.   We were rapidly overtaking
^them but we never saw them, that is, alive. At the head
Of the Humboldt Divide, we found where the members
(of this party had dug trenches to resist attack. The
(horses, women and girls had all ben taken, the men had
jbeen killed and we found their bodies lying beside the
purned wagons. The massacre had evidently occurred a
couple of days before, and all that was left to tell the
'pale was a lot of wagon tires, thimble skeins and chains
and mutilated bodies. Three days before this massacre
J300 Indians in war paint had overtaken us, stopped us
jand looked through our wagon and then gone on. Evidently they were after the wagon train ahead, which they
/ overtook and destroyed.
"When on my trip westward from Salt Lake City, I
got to Virginia City, I landed a job at road building, and
some time later I became a Wells-Fargo express rider.
"Probably there never was a town which was more
wide open than Virginia City," said Colonel Dosch. "The
saloon men, barkeepers and gamblers were the aristocrats Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
of the community, and their vassals were blacklegs, road
agents and thugs. When I struck Virginia City, my money
had about run out, so I took the first job that offered,
which was a pick-and-shovel job. They were building
a road over the Pass and I was put on as one of the
worknem. Having graduated from an engineering course
in a technical school in Germany, I showed the foreman
how to lay out the road so we could go over the hill on
an easy grade. Pretty soon the supervisor came along
and asked who had laid out that road. The foreman
pointed me out, so Mr. Moore came to me, and when he
found out that I was a college man he said, 'We can find
plenty of men to do pick-and-shovel work. You should
have a better job than this. If you were only a good rider
I could get you a job on the pony express.' I told him
I had served in the cavalry so I could qualify as a rider.
He told me to report to the Wells-Fargo Company in
Virginia City to take the run from Virginia City to Friday Station on Lake Bigler, as Lake Tahoe was then
called. I rode from Virginia City to Gold Hill, Silver
City, Pioneer and to Carson, where I changed horses.
Then to a Mormon station and over the hill to Friday
Station. I changed horses three times on this thirty-three
mile run and was required to make the run in three
hours. I carried letters only, for which the Wells-Fargo
Company received 25 cents each. The regular stage left
at 7:00 A. M. for Placerville. We left at 4:00 P. M.,
overtaking the stage at Placerville. A narrow gauge
railroad ran from Placerville to Sacramento. By using
the pony express the business men gained one day in
time, thus speeding up their correspondence. I became j
well acquainted with Samuel Clemens, better known to
the general public as Mark Twain, who was a reporter on \
the Virginia City Enterprise at that time. He was a
likeable chap. He used to come around and say, 'What
do you know in the way of news today? Anything exciting happen on the run today?' Once in a while I would 58
Fred Lockley
have a good item of news for him, though as far as that
goes, there was no shortage of news in Virginia City,
as they had a man for breakfast almost every morning.
One night as I was making my run, my horse shied out
to one side and would not pass a clump of several juniper
trees along the road. I finally forced him back into the
road and then I discovered why the horse had shied.
From each of these small trees was suspended a man
with a rope around his neck, and on each of their chests
was pinned a notice from the Vigilance Committee. You
should have seen the clearing out of Virginia City after
that lynching bee. At another time as one of the saloon
men in Virginia City came to his door to see me start out
on my run, a man stepped out and shot the saloonkeeper
through the heart. Instantly the barkeeper shot the murderer, who also fell fatally wounded, but before he cashed
in his checks, he shot the barkeeper and also killed him,
so inside of sixty seconds there were three dead men.
The alkali dust on my run from Virginia City to Friday
Station was so bad that I began bleeding from my lungs,
so I had to give up the run. I went to Sacramento and took
passage on the Cosmopolitan for San Francisco. This
boat, the Cosmopolitan, is now at Seattle and is used as
the Bluebird is here, for dancing. I tried to land a job at
San Francisco, but jobs seemed hard to land. For three
days I slept on the wharf and lived on crackers and cheese.
Finally I became desperate and decided to enlist on the
frigate Saranac, which was in the bay and which had a
recruiting office in the city. I passed the recruiting office
at least a score of times and every time I stopped to go
in I would shy off and think, 'Maybe something will turn
up,' and sure enough when I had just about reached the
end of my string, I ran across Henry Garth who had
come across the plains with me. Henry didn't have much
more money than I had, which was none at all, but he had
an uncle at Petaluma. He suggested that we go to Peta-
luma, as he knew his uncle would give us both a job. We Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
made our way there and Henry asked his uncle for a job
for us both. Henry's uncle threw him out bodily and told
him to beat it, so we had our walk for nothing. I went
to the hotel and told the proprietor I was broke and
wanted to stay with him and would pay as soon as I got
a job. He told me that he could get me a job and that I
could board at his hotel. He sent me to the manager of a
match factory there, which manufactured these old-fashioned sulphur matches, you remember the kind—there
were 100 of them in a block. The manager gave me a job
and told me to report for work next morning. That night
I was awakened by a lot of excitement, and getting up I
found there was a big fire. I dressed hurriedly and when
I got out on the street, I was told that the match factory
was on fire. It was a total loss and I was out of a job.
I went down to the wharf where I found a sloop called
the Harriet Lane was about to sail for San Francisco. I
asked the captain for a chance to work my way to San
Francisco. He said that he was loaded with potatoes and
that I could go to San Francisco with him and that he
would give me a job unloading the potatoes and pay me
for it, so I got aboard. When we reached San Francisco
an officer was waiting for the boat and attached it for
debt, so tht job went glimmering. I began to think I
never would be able to get work. I began a systematic
campaign for a job and finally landed a job with a pick
and shovel on the site now occupied by the Palace Hotel.
We were paid $1 a day for ten hours work. A Chinaman
brought us our lunch in a big pan, which we set on the
sidewalk and each man dipped in and helped himself.
The sand we were shoveling away was loaded on cars and
hauled off to make a fill. A rather interesting thing in connection with my job here was that the engine used in
hauling the sand away that I was shoveling onto the cars,
was later sent to be used as the first engine on the portage
road at the Cascades. It was a small engine and the rails
used on the portage road were wooden rails with iron 60
Fred Lockley
II i
straps. When the Lewis & Clark Exposition was held
here in Portland I met Mr. Hughes. He introduced me to
Mr. Elliott, who had been the engineer when I was working for $1 a day in San Francisco. He was a brother-in-
law of Leland Stanford. The little engine used at the
Cascades had been shipped back to San Francisco as a
historic souvenir of the early days of San Francisco. I
told him that we would like to have this engine exhibited
at the Lewis & Clark Fair, as it was the first engine used
in Oregon. He fixed it up in fine shape, gave it to me
with his compliments and paid the freight on it to Portland. You probably remember seeing it standing beside
the 120-ton engine of the Union Pacific at the Lewis &
Clark Fair. As it was my personal property, I turned it
over to the Oregon Historical Society when the Lewis &
Clark Exposition closed and I understand that it was
allowed to go to rack and ruin. It is too bad, as it should
have been preserved because of its historical interest.
After working ten days at this job in San Francisco at
$1 a day, I couldn't stand the hotel off any longer, so I
applied for my money. I was told that they paid off at
the end of the month and not before, and that if a person
didn't work a month they received no pay, so I quit then
and there. I met an old-time acquaintance named Bendel
of the firm of Tilman & Bendel, wholesale grocery merchants, who nearly laughed himself sick when he saw me,
for my clothes were pretty well shot to pieces. He handed
me $20 and told me to come around to his store. The merchants at that time had an agreement not to employ men
who had not been passed upon by the secretary of the employment association. I invested my $20 in clothes and
went up to see the secretary. He talked with me a few
minutes and offered me my choice of seven different
positions. It was a case of 'it never rains but it pours.'
Here I had been running my legs off for a job without
being able to land one and now I could have my choice of
jobs. He told me that A. Cohn & Company were operat- Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
ing seven stores and he advised me to accept a position
with them. H. F. Bloch was the head of the firm. He put
me to work making out bills. Their store in San Francisco
was known as A. Cohn & Company. They also operated
one in Portland under the same name on the corner of
Pine and Front streets. Their store in The Dalles was
Known as Bloch,Miller & Company. They operated one
in Walla Walla under the name of Schwabacher Brothers
and the name of their Boise store was Schwabacher
Brothers & Frank. They also had a store in Placerville
and one in Colville. Mr. Bloch, after trying me out for
a short time, told me to report to Bloch, Miller & Company
at The Dalles. At that time there were two steamers a
month plying between San Francisco and Portland. I
came on the Panama, of which Captain Connor was the
master. It took us seven days to make the trip. At that
time there was only 15 feet of water on the Columbia
Bar and as the Panama was fairly heavily loaded, it
bumped on the bar three times in crossing. I landed at
Portland on Sunday, April 9, 1864, getting off at the
Allen & Lewis wharf at C street. I stopped that night at
the New York Hotel. Their rooms were 25 cents a day.
In those days it was well known up and down the coast
as the 'two-bit' house. Next morning at 5:00 A. M. I took
the boat for The Dalles, of which Captain John R. Wolf
was master. In 1864, when I started to work for Bloch,
Miller & Company, they had the only stone building in
Oregon and also the largest store in the state. We handled
general merchandise and miners' supplies and we also
operated a warehouse for transferring goods by pack
train to the mines. The Dalles had a population at that
time of not less than 2,700, and it was always thronged
with transients on their way to and from the mines.
There was more life in The Dalles in a day than there
was in Portland in a month. I was put in charge of buying the gold dust. This doesn't sound as if it would be a
very responsible job, but it was, for it wasn't merely a 62
Fred Lockley
matter of weighing out the dust—it was a matter of deciding how much we could pay for it and make a reasonable profit. Gold dust from districts where there was
silver in which the gold dust had a certain alloy of silver
was worth $10 an ounce, while the gold dust from Canyon
City or Florence was worth $17 an ounce. If the gold
dust came from a district where there was copper, it had
a different color and commanded a lower price. I averaged
to buy $50,000 worth of gold dust a month, which was
sent direct to the mint in San Francisco. Most of the
saloons and merchants at The Dalles accepted gold dust
in payment for their wares and sold the dust to us. In
those days The Dalles was a wide open town. It was never
a tough town like Virginia City. George Clayton ran the
biggest gambling house in eastern Oregon there. You
could get action on your money through poker, faro,
three-card-monte, or you could bet your money on the
small horses. Cigars were fifty cents and drinks two-bits.
In fact, a quarter was the smallest coin used. Mary St.
Clair, who was known from British Columbia to Old
Mexico, was one of the famous characters of The Dalles
in those days. She would charge you $20 a bottle for
champagne, but she would hand the money over to anyone
who needed it just as cheerfully as she took it. She had
a heart as big as an ox, and if anyone was sick, she was
the first one to offer help and the last one to leave. Vic
Trevitt ran the Mt. Hood saloon just across from Mary
St. Clair's place. Vic really ran a sort of gentleman's
club. He wouldn't allow a drunken man in the place,
neither would he allow gambling. He wouldn't stand for
a rough house nor rough talk. In fact, you saw very few
drunken men in The Dalles in those days. Everyone went
heeled, so there was very little fighting, for in case of
trouble it was a case of who was quickest on the trigger.
It made people a little cautious about starting anything.
So much gold dust was coming in that the citizens started
an agitation for a mint, and in 1865 Congress appropri- Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
ated $100,000 and a contract was let for the building of
the mint. The rock was brought from Mill Creek, about
five miles from The Dalles. After the first story was
completed, Congress decided that the mint at San Francisco was sufficient and sold the site and the building
for'a song. In 1864 The Dalles was the trading center
for a large part of Idaho, Montana, and eastern Washington. Merchants came from Boise, Walla Walla, Missoula and many other points to secure their supplies
from the merchants of The Dalles. While The Dalles had a
permanent population at that time of over 2,500, its
floating population frequently was two or three times
that number. Among the well-known men in The Dalles
in that day were Joseph Wilson, Z. F. Moody, Judge
Humason, Judge Gates, Judge D. D. Hidden, Dr. Shack-
leford, Dr. Bryan, Dr. Hoffman, Frank Dodge, agent of
the O. S. N. Co., Nick Sinnott, who with Hanley kept the
Umatilla House, and by the way, the Umatilla House in
those days was a regular mint. They took in more money
over their bar than all the other hotel in The Dalles put
together. Those were the days when the Oregon Steam
Navigation Company also made money hand-over-fist.
They charged $60 a ton on freight from Portland to The
Dalles. Fare was $20 and meals were $1.00. The boats
were always crowded to capacity with passengers, so that
meals were being served continuously, and, of course,
the bar on the boat was .busy all day long. They don't
serve meals anymore, such as were served in those days.
They used to serve ham and eggs, tenderloin steak, fried
potatoes, venison, hot cakes and coffee for breakfast. The
Oregon Steam Navigation Company had a monopoly on
the Columbia River. Frequently a steamer would make
from $3,000 to $5,000 on a single trip. The record profit
was made on May 13, 1862, when one boat made a profit
of over $10,000. The principal stockholders of the Oregon
Steam Navigation Company were W. S. Ladd, R. R.
Thompson, Simeon G. Reed, Jacob Kamm, J. C. Ains- 64
Fred Lockley
worth, B. F. Bradford, L. W. Coe, Benjamin Stark, Richard Williams, George W. Hoyt, Josiah Myrick, and some
others. Captain John H. Wolf, with whom I made my
first trip to The Dalles, was one of the best-known-mariners on the Columbia River run. In the middle sixties
he was in command of the New World. Among the well-
known steamers of the day were the Wilson G. Hunt, the
Carrie Ladd, the Express and the Cascades. The New
World ran from Portland to the Cascades and the Hassalo
from the Cascades to the Dalles. After putting in a year
at The Dalles, I went to Canyon City. This was in 1865.
I went into partnership with John Snively, who ran a
pack train, and William Claflin. My partners furnished
the capital and I furnished the experience. We carried a
$25,000 stock and we complied with the universal custom
of those days of selling our goods at double what they
eost us. This rule did not hold good in the case of flour,
for we sold flour sometimes as low as 55 cents a pound,
and when you know that the freight from The Dalles to
Canyon City was 55 cents a pound, you will realize that
we sold it for the cost of transportation and were out the
orignial cost of the flour. However, we made up the loss
on other things. When I went there Grant County had
recently been organized. Canyon City was largely settled
by the left wing of Price's army. They had left Missouri
and most of them had been southern sympathizers. W.
Lair Hill was county judge and Tom Brents was county
clerk. At the next election Mike Goodwin, a saloonkeeper,
was elected county clerk, and as he knew nothing about
the duties and could not afford to neglect his saloon, he
made me his deputy. C. H. Miller had been elected county
judge. He had been an express messenger, a miner, had
tried his hand at running a newspaper, had lived with
the Indians, and when I knew him first, he was a devoted admirer of Byron. He tried to imitate Byron in
every way, even to limping like Byron. I was his unwilling victim.  He was constantly writing poetry and com-
•# Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
ing into my office to read it to me. He was a picturesque
character for he wore his hair long and wore high boots,
tucking the trousers in one boot and letting the other
trouser leg cover the boot. He was really a pretty able
lawyer and a very genial man, but I wasn't very crazy
about his poetry. He sent his verses to the Times-Mountaineer at The Dalles, publishing it under the name of
John Smith, Jr. Later he ran a good deal of his verse in
the Blue Mountain Eagle at Canyon City under his own
name of C. H. Miller. Still later he adopted the name of
Joaquin Miller, and when he went to England, his picturesque attire and his western manners made a big hit.
His wife, Minnie Myrtle Miller, to my mind, was a better
poet than her husband, but her verse has never been
published except in newspaper form.
"On July 10, 1866, I was married to Marie Louise
Fleurot, who was born in France and who came to Portland in 1857. She attended St. Mary's Academy in Portland for eight years. Her father and mother ran the
French Hotel at Canyon City. This hotel was next to
my store and there I became acquainted with my future
wife. We were married by Father Macklin, a fine, big-
hearted Irish priest. After having been in Canyon City
for about five years, one August day—and it was 104 in
the shade—one of the buildings caught fire. Canyon City,
as its names indicates, is in a canyon, and the flames
swept from building to building and within a short time
the city was like a roaring furnace. Two hundred and
fifty five buildings were reduced to ashes, among them
our store. In 1870, when I was burned out at Canyon
City, I came to Portland. Having had no insurance on
my store or stock of goods, I was broke and had to get
something to do. At that time Judge Otto Kramer's
father ran a store here. He gave me a job as porter and
janitor at $40 a month. After a while I was promoted
to salesman at $75 a month, and later my salary was
raised to $100 a month.   When Mr. Kramer sold out I 66
Fred Lockley
became head book-keeper at $150 a month. Still later I
became manager of the store at $300 a month. Eventually
I became one of the partners of the firm with Ben Selling
and Frank Aiken. We sold out ni 1890. For 21 years I
had worked steadily without taking a vacation and my
health had become greatly impaired. I bought the ranch
on which I now live, and drinking the water from the iron
spring here and working outdoors restored my health
completely. I had always been fond of nature and so took
up horticulture as a hobby. I sent to France, Germany,
England and to various other places for walnuts, as I
believed that the Willamette Valley was adapted to growing walnuts, although all my friends thought I was crazy.
I bought 17 acres here at Dosch Station on Dosch Road
36 years ago. It is part of the old Clinton-Kelly donation
land claim. When I was a boy in Germany the students
of our school made two walking trips a year, spending a
week at a time studying botany, horticulture and forestry.
We stopped overnight at farmhouses or slept in barns.
When I came to my place here, I remembered how greatly
I had enjoyed studying horticulture and botany as a boy,
so I began experimenting along horticultural lines. I made
my vegetable garden support my family while I experimented with various fruits and nuts. I discovered that the
reason that English walnuts had not done well in Oregon
was that the right variety had not been brought here—that
in many cases the male walnut blossom had bloomed and
the bloom had dropped off before the female walnut flower
blossomed. For 15 years I worked away at developing
best types of walnut trees for the Willamette Valley and
finally introduced the Franquette and Mayette walnuts.
Then I began talking walnut growing. Charlie Ladd put
out a lot of walnuts and so did Mr. Prince at Dundee.
Then the McGill and McDonald nursery commercialized
it and introduced them widely. Today California is sending to Oregon to secure Franquette walnut trees. From
the few acres I planted for experimental purposes, the Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
industry has grown until we now have 14,000 acres here
in the Willamette Valley set to walnuts. No I didnt
make any money on it—in fact, I didn't expect to make
money. I did it for the love of it and to introduce a new
industry to Oregon. I helped organize the Oregon Horticultural Society 40 years ago. Dr. J. A. Cardwell, an enthusiastic horticulturist, became the first president of the
society and continued as president for 20 years. E. R.
Lake, now of Washington, D. C, was the first secretary.
I am the sole surviving member of the State Horticultural
Society of Oregon, organized 20 years ago. I am also the
only member of the State Board of Horticulture appointed
34 years ago by Governor Pennoyer. I am now serving
my fourth term as secretary of the State Board of Horticulture. My first term was served as successor to George
Lambertson. I next succeeded John Minto. H. M. Williamson was then elected and served for 11 years. In 1888
I served as post commander of Garfield Post G. A. R.
This post was organized 42 years ago and there are only
three of the 36 charter members now living. Judge J. H.
Northrup, H. F. Lamb and myself.
Prior to the World's Fair in Chicago I went to Salem
and secured the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of a commission to represent Oregon at the World's
Fair. Governor Pennoyer had no use for commissions.
He told me that he would appoint a commissioner, but
that I would have to serve alone and he could thus place
responsibility. When the legislature passed the law which
I had urged, Governor Pennoyer vetoed it. Once more I
went to the bat with the legislators and the bill was
passed over his veto, and I was authorized to name the
commissioners. One of the first men I named was Dr.
J. A. Cardwell, for no one in Oregon was more entitled
to a place on the commission than Dr. Cardwell. Oregon
took sweepstakes for the entire United States on grain.
Look up the records of the World's Fair and you will find
that we took 17 gold medals, receiving the highest awards 68
Fred Lockley
along many lines. I handled Oregon's exhibit at the
Omaha Exposition. Not only did I receive no salary for
this work, but it cost me $1,200 of my own money, but
I was glad to contribute not only my time but my money
towards advancing Oregon's interests.
While at Omaha some railroad men were attracted
to Oregon's exhibit of timber. Later they bought timber
from Oregon to build 20 miles of trestles. Some boat
builders, who operated on the Susquehanna River, were
also greatly attracted by our timber exhibit and they later
sent to Oregon and bought lumber for the building of 200
river barges. We also made a very decided impression
on eastern markets with our shingles and dried prunes.
From Omaha I went to Buffalo in 1900, and if you
will look up the records of that exposition you will find
that no other state took as many prizes as Oregon.
The next place where I was installed and was in charge
of Oregon's exhibit was at Charleston, South Carolina.
We had here a timber 74 feet long and 3 feet square
which came from the Eastern & Western Lumber Company's mills. Originally it had been 115 feet long and
3 feet square, but they had to cut it down to 74 feet to
get it through a tunnel which was built on a curve in
Montana. I also had there a timber 20 feet long and
9 feet in diameter. This had 365 rings, showing it was
365 years old. A prominent official of the German government thought these two big timbers had been specially
prepared and he tried his best to see where they were
joined together. He couldn't believe it possible that we
grew timbers of this size. I told him that he could
place an order for a thousand such sticks and the Portland
mills would fill his order. I gave him a letter to a Portland lumberman. He came out to Portland, discovered
that I had been teling the truth, and purchased a cargo of
bridge timbers. He has been back to Portland several
times since and has been one of our best customers.
In 1903 I went to Japan to see if I could persuade Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
Japan to make an exhibit at the Lewis & Clark Fair.
They had appropriated $800,000 for an exhibit at St.
Louis and I wanted them to appropriate a further sum
of $200,000 to bring their exhibit to Portland. I found
that it would be hopeless to have the measure passed by
the Japanese Diet. The only thing left to do was to use
a little diplomacy. I had a warm friend and advocate in
one of the Japanese officials, and succeeded in securing
the appropriation.
As an indication of their appreciation of my work,
I had conferred upon me the Order of the Sacred Treasure
which is a military decoration and at that time very few
had been bestowed upon foreigners.
In 1903, while in Japan, I met Baron Chinda and
Baron Komura. They told me of the trouble they were
having from Beri-Beri.. The Japanese soldiers and peasants were eating rice from Cochin-China. This rice
cost two and three-fourths cents a pound. I said, 'Why do
you not buy Louisiana rice? You can get it at the same
price and your soldiers and citizens will not get Beri-
Beri from it.' Possibly a year after that I was sent to
New Orleans to invite Louisiana to take part in our exposition, and as I went into the St. Charles Hotel I noticed three Japanese sitting in the lobby. As they caught
sight of me they rose, bowed low, and one of them said,
'Are you not Colonel Dosch?' Looking at him closely I
recognized him and remembered his name, which was
Watta Napa. I said 'Yes, my name is Colonel Dosch and
you are Watta Napa. You are the chief clerk in Baron
Komura's office.' He said 'Do you remember, Colonel
Dosch, teling Baron Komura about Louisiana rice?' I
had almost forgotten the circumstance. I thought a moment and said, 'Yes, but nothing ever came of it.' He said,
'Oh yes, very much came of it. I have just dispatched a
shipload of rice from here and am planning to contract
for the entire crop.' As a matter of fact, they did purchase
that year's crop of Louisana rice, and the Japanese- 70
Fred Lockley
Russian War was fought on Louisiana rice. Not only that
but the price of rice advanced from 2% cents to 7 cents
a pound, so it brought a great deal of prosperity to the
planters of Louisiana. The high price of rice also caused
the introduction of rice growing into Texas. So you see
that no man liveth unto himself alone.
"Once more, I had almsot forgotten the incident when
I was notified that I had been given the title of Baron
and the Japanese government was bestowing upon me
the Decoration of the Rising Sun. The first man to receive this decoration in the United States was President
Eliot of Harvard. I was the second one to receive the
decoration. Colonel Roosevelt was the third, President
Taft the fourth, General Pershing the fifth, and a few
months ago it was bestowed upon W. D. Wheelwright, so
there are only six men who have had this decoration
bestowed upon them in the United States—so I am in j
good company. The decoration carries with it many im-1
munities and privileges in Japan. At the time I had
charge of the Oregon exhibit in Japan I was fortunate
in making many warm friends among the Japanese.
"At the Lewis & Clark Fair I was director of exhibits and privileges and was also in charge of the Oregon
exhibit at the Alaska-Yukon Pacific Exposition, and I
helped prepare and organize the Oregon exhibit for the
Panama-Pacific Exposition.
"You asked me a moment or two ago about my children. I have had ten children. Our first child; Marie
Louise, was born in Canyon City and died when she was
a little girl. Ernest Pierre, my next child, is with a
steamship company here in Portland. Lily died eight
years ago. John Baptiste and Henry Ernst, our twins,
died when they were three years old, of whooping cough.
My daughter Camille and my little grandson were killed I
four years ago at Bertha Station by a collision between
two electric trains. Arno was my next boy. The next
children were twins, Roswell and Walter.  Walter died Colonel Henry Ernst Dosch
as a child, and Roswell, who was a sculptor and who was
a member of the faculty of the University of Oregon,
died not long ago. He was a lieutenant in the World
War. Marguerite and her husband, David Campbell, who
is head of the censervatory of music, with their two little
girls, live with me here in the old home.
"Arno you knew well when you were on the Pacific
Monthly. Arno was born here in Portland, attended the
Portland academy, then went to law school and read law
with Williams, Wood and Linthicum. He was admitted
to the bar when he was twenty years old. They tell me
he made a brilliant record at the Harvard Law School,
graduating there in three years. Returning to Portland
he decided that he preferred to be a journalist so he went
to work for Harvey Scott and was a reporter on the Oregonian for four years. Later he became editor of the
Pacific Monthly. From here he went to San Franicsco
and worked for a while on the Bulletin. Later he started
a magazine there called "The East and West." From San
Francisco he went to New York City. Young Pulitzer and
young Page, who liked Arno, were writers, and who were
his chums at Harvard, helped him secure a position writing special articles for the Worlds Work. Arno was in
Belgium before the Germans invaded it in 1914 and was
there and all over Europe during the four years of the
war. He also visited Russia, Egypt, Greece, and now is in
Germany writing special articles which appear daily in
the papers of the United States.
"In 1866 I joined the Order of Odd Fellows and in
1888 I was elected Grand Master of Oregon." A HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY CONTRACT FOR
George Verne Blue, Instructor in History,
University of Hawaii
Honolulu, Feb. 11, 1840.
An agreement between M. Kekuanaoa^) and G. Pelly. <b>
Kekuanaoa allows Mr. Pelly to take sixty men to the
Columbia River, to dwell there three years and at the end
of the said term of three years Mr. Pelly agrees to return
them to the island of Oahu.(c>
And if it shall appear that any of the men have died
it is well; but if they have deserted by reason of ill-treatment, or remain for any other cause, then Mr. Pelly will
pay twenty dollars for each man [who may be deficient].
The short agreement here reprinted discovers practice
common during the regime of the various fur companies.
Nevertheless it is the only document of the sort which
has yet come to light in the Hawaiian Archives.1
The document offers some slight indication of what
part the Sandwich Islanders, as they were then commonly
called, may have had in the peopling of the Northwest
coast or in the reclamation of the Oregon country from
savagery. The Hudson's Bay Company drew its servants
from widely  extended  seats  of origin.   Delaware  and
O)Kekuanaoa was Governor of Oahu. He was a chief of the third
rank and father of the king, Kamehameha III. The latter derived his-
right to the crown through his mother.
(*>) George Pelly was the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company in Honolulu when a factory was established there in 1834.
(c)Oahu, the capital island of the kingdom. .Although the kings originally came from Hawaii, and enjoyed living on Maui, the one good
natural harbor in the group determined which island should be both
commercial and political center.
^^The Territory of Hawaii posesses an Archives Department housed
on the capital grounds in a building specially provided. It dates from
1906, though funds for it were appropriated in 1903, and is the only
star/* or territorial building to exist purely for the collection, storing and.
preservation of archives. A Hawaiian Labor Contract
Iroquois Indians mingled with men of the South Seas in
its employ, and with Canadian voyageurs and Scotch
factor served out their lot, even if this meant, as it sometimes did, death in the wilderness.
The Hawaiian strain seems to have vanished quickly
and to have left no appreciable reminder behind, but
there can be no doubt that over an extended period of time
they were present widely scattered in the Oregon country
in numbers which must have been a goodly percentage
of the entire foreign population and that they served in an
important economic capacity. This vanished factor of the
colonial and pre-colonial periods is worth some little
study, which cannot here be made, but whose posibilities
may be briefly indicated.2
It would be interesting to state just who were the
first Hawaiians to visit the Northwest Coast, exactly
when, and in whose ship. Certainly it can be said that
there was no connection before 1778 in which year
Cook's voyage linked the Hawaiian Islands to the Pacific
Northwest. For the next half century, however, the times
were few when Hawaiians were either not present in the
Oregon country, or going to it, or returning from it.
They furnished valuable recruits to the explorers and
traders who followed in Cook's wake, and to the whalers
who followed them. A plan to massacre Gray while he
was delayed at Nootka Sound in ship-building was averted
through the keenness and loyalty of a Kanaka ^servant.3
In Meares' Voyages made in the years 1788-89, the
English captain relates how, sailing from Canton on his
second voyage he had with him several Kanakas whose
curiosity to see the world had taken them to China and
who were going to return home with him via the North-
2An article entitled "Early Relations of. the Sandwich Islands to the
Old Oregon Territory," by Guy Vernon Bennett in the Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV, pp. 116-126, is a good example of what may
be done in this little known field. It summarizes commercial, religious
and political relationship, and uses reliable sources.
3Op cit., p. 120. 74
George Verne Blue
west coast. While at Nootka Sound (evidently the International meeting ground in this pre-colonial period) the
Hawaiian chief Tianna (Kiana?) met in conference with
the Indian chieftan Maquilla. Conversation was made
possible through Comekela, an Indian who had been in
Hawaii and could act as interpreter.4
During these years some few islanders may have
strayed to shore, tired of the discipline of ship routine,
or enticed by Indian life and have remained there, mingling with the natives of stream or forest. Such an accession while possible, would have been largely negligible,
and actual emigration from the kingdom of the Kamehameha's to the Oregon country may well enough be dated
from the Astoria venture.
Twelve Hawaiians were enlisted by the partners accompanying Captain Thorn to serve evidently as boatmen, their skill in the water having greatly excited the
admiration of the adventurers. Three times as many were
desired but the size of the Tonquin would not permit of
this, although another twelve were enlisted to form part
of the ship's crew. The tragedy that overtook the Tonquin on the Northwest Coast must have linked in common
fate New England sea captain and barbarian islander.
The twelve who were enlisted for service with the Company were to remain three years, and in addition to their
keep were to receive one hundred dollars in merchandise.5
This was in January-February, 1811.
These first immigrants were doubled almost a year
later (October, 1811) by the ship Beaver whose captain
shipped another twelve for the service of the factory.6
What became of them during the misfortunes of war is
not related, but doubtless they served out their term in
4The interview did not result in any international amity between the
two barbarian peoples; Maquilla disliked Tianna for being larger than
himself, and the latter despised the Indians for their small size and
cannibalistic tendencies.   Voyages, (1790), pp. XXXIX, 28, 209-210.
5Irving, Astoria, (rev. ed. 1864), p. 75.
Hbid., p. 356. A Hawaiian Labor Contract
the employ of the Northwesterners and set a precedent
for future importations under the H. B. C. regime. In
1824 a number of Hawaiians took part in the McMillan
expedition ordered by Governor Simpson to explore the
coast from Astoria to the mouth of the Fraser river.7
Numbers of the Hawaiians continued in Oregon as
boatmen, laborers, gardeners, millmen,8 miners,9 cooks
and at least one preacher. An abundant pioneer literature
refers to them as acting in these vocations, either as employees of the Hudson's Bay Company, or as independent
7Bancroft, Northwest Coast, II, p. 464.
8Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon and Columbia
River. (1843). Ross mentions their suffering from cold. The H. B. C.
sawmill in 1838 used 28 men, chiefly Kanakas, (Sen. Doc, 25 Cong., 2nd
sess., Vol. 5, doc. 470;  Je. 6, 1838.
9"Mining Laws of Jackson County." Ore. Hist. Quarterly, XXIII,
p. 139, n. 3.
10Nisgually Journal," in Washington Historical Quarterly, 1920, ff.,
(ii)Deady, History of Oregon, MS. in Bancroft Library, U. of Calif.
(iii) Harvey, Life of Dr. John McLoughlin, MS. Bancroft Library.
(iv) Anderson, "Vancouver Reservation Case," in Oregon Historical
Quarterly, VIII, p. 223.
(v) Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I, p. 539. This gives a
mention to the Hawaiian (Kanaka) influence.
The above are some of the more important sources in the bibliography
I have collected on the subject.—G. V. B. Ill
By Judge Peter H. D'Arcy
In the death of Honorable Theodore T. Geer, the tenth
governor of the state of Oregon, the people have lost a true
and tried friend.
He was an honored son of Marion county, having been
born on a farm in the Waldo Hills near Silverton, on
March 12, 1851. He remained on this farm until arriving
at the age of fourteen years, when he moved to the city
of Salem and was a pupil at the Old Institute school. The
writer of this article attended the same school with Governor Greer while he was in Salem. After a brief time here
he moved to Union county in eastern Oregon, where he
remained until 1877, when he came back to the Waldo
Hills farm.
In 1880 he was elected as one of the representatives
of the legislature for Marion county. In 1889 he was
again elected as one of our representatives in the legislature. The people of Marion county, having implicit
confidence in his integrity, elected him the third time as
a representative, at which session, on account of his
ability as a presiding officer and knowledge of parliamentary law, the members selected him as speaker of the
In 1891, at a special invitation, he made fifteen political speeches in the state of Ohio. Mr. Geer was an able
stump speaker and debater.
In 1896 he was elected as a presidential elector and
conveyed the electoral vote to the electoral college in the
city of Washington.
In 1898 he was unanimously nominated as republican
candidate for governor. At the ensuing election he was
elected by a handsome majority, indicating the high esteem in which he was held by the people of the state.
U|:|i Governor Theodore T. Geer
Governor Geer's record as governor was an enviable
one. He discharged the duties of the office with marked
ability and to the satisfaction of our people.
After the expiration of his term as governor he engaged in newspaper work, being editor of The Statesman
for a time. He was well adapted for the position of editor,
as he was a writer of ability. His book, "Fifty Years in
Oregon," is a fine pioneer history of the settlement of our
state. It shows what talent Mr. Geer had for reminiscences and events which transpired in our early history.
It is on interesting record of the formation and growth of
Governor Geer was a pioneer and came from a-noted
pioneer family, his parents and many of his relatives
taking part in the pioneer settlement of this commonwealth.
In his political career he was untiring in his efforts
to accomplish for the people every possible good. He
was sincere and honest in demanding what was right and
just for the welfare of our citizens. No governor of our
state discharged the responsible duties of his office better
than Governor Geer. His acts were in accordance with the
highest dictates of the gentleman and the well wishes of
his constituents. Marion county and the state of Oregon
will long remember his ability and loyalty to our growing
His education in the schools was somewhat limited, but
through his individual and earnest efforts as a student
he acquired a splendid knowledge of the world which
caused him to be well equipped for the duties he was
called upon to discharge in the various private and public
positions in life. The beautiful and classic surroundings
of his home in the Waldo Hills tended to inspire him with
an ambition which was commensurate with his ability
to fill.
Mr. Greer was a charming personality.   He was 78
Judge Peter H. D'Arcy
voted and constant in his friendships. His personal integrity was never questioned.
Full of the milk of human kindness, his soul entered
into the troubles and trials of unfortunate people whose
lot was not cast in pleasant places. Among the pioneer
element, of which he was an honored representative, his
memory will long be cherished for his admirable qualities
of heart and intellect. His death is a distinct loss to the
Our pioneer friend has solved the problems of this life,
passed to the Great Beyond to take his place with the
innumerable throng. His conflicts are over.
In halls of state he stood for many years,
Like fabled knight, his forehead all aglow!
Receiving, giving sternly, blow for blow!
Champion of right! but from eternity's far shore
Thy spirit will return to join the strife no more.
Rest, farmer-statesman, rest; thy busy life is o'er. I  i
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Portland, Oregon THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXV
JUNE, 1924
Number 2
Copyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors
to its pages.
Exercises on the Occasion of the Dedication and Unveiling of the
Equestrian Statue, ''The Circuit Rider,"—the Gift of R. A.
Booth to the State of Oregon      -      -  jp§|g|      -.  *?sjSS       79-100
Introductory Remarks by Charles H. Carey, presiding.
Invocation by Thomas Jefferson Villers.
Donor's Letter to the Governor of Oregon, read by William
Wallace Youngson.
Acceptance for the State by Governor Walter M. Pierce.
The Christian Minister and the  State, Address by Bishop
William O. Shepard.
The American Pioneer, Address by Joseph N. Teal.   j££f<
Charles E. Lewis—The History of the Educational Activities of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in Oregon     -     -     -     -     101-135
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Entered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter
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of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXV
JUNE, 1924
Number 2
Copyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors
to its pages.
Exercises on the Occasion of the Dedication and
unveiling of the equestrian statue
Salem, Oregon, April 19, 1924
Remarks By Charles H. Carey, Presiding
Oregonians, Fellow Citizens of the Great Republic:
We have assembled for the purpose of giving expression to an ideal. Governments and institutions are dependent upon the quality of citizenship, but unless a
nation cherishes its ideals and nourishes its higher aspirations it loses the things of the spirit, gravitates into gross
materialism, and soon falls into decay.
In this thrice blessed country of ours, wherein we
enjoy the gifts of bounteous nature and have as well the
blessings of liberty under a free government, we should
never lose sight of the fact that our peculiar development
as a people is due to idealism. The pioneer preachers,
with rare self-sacrifice and devotion to a belief, typify
in a degree the spiritual influences that have permeated
and characterized our civilization and our social and
political structure.
This is particularly true of Oregon where the first
permanent settlers were missionaries, and where the
first attempt at popular government, the first steps
toward universal education, and the first impulse toward 80
Charles H. Carey
righteousness, were due to the example and the instruction of the unworldly ministers of the gospel.
The sentiment that actuates the distinguished citizen
who has made the generous gift, and that draws together
this assemblage, bids us lift our eyes from the daily tasks
of life and visualize things of the spirit; we turn to
thoughts of the essential nobility of the nature of man,
and consider how in all ages and in all countries there
have arisen those who at sacrifice of self have given
themselves freely for the welfare of others.
Let us then in reverent spirit incline our hearts to
prayer, while the Invocation will be pronounced by the
Rev. Thomas J. Villers, D. D., President of the Portland
Council of Churches.
The Invocation
By Thomas Jefferson Villers
Thou God of our fathers, we thank Thee for this
great monument, which brings to our memory the heroic
days of the pioneers,—the men and women who laid in
faith and sacrifice the religious and educational and governmental foundations of our commonwealth.
Especially do we thank Thee today for the old time
preachers, who carried Thy gospel to unchurched communities and lonely frontiers,—Thy servants who opened
vast new territories to Christianity and civilization, and
in so doing gladly endured exhausting hardships, not even
counting their lives dear unto themselves, as compared
with the joy of fulfilling the commission which they had
received from the Lord Jesus.
We thank Thee not only for the sections which they
evangelized and the churches which they organized, but
also for the schools and colleges they helped to found.
We thank Thee for their influence in establishing law and
order,—that when the plastic elements of this western
world were rounding into form, their loyal hands shaped
it according to Thy pattern. The Circuit Rider
They being dead, yet speak through this statue today.
Make us in some measure worthy of the heritage which
they have bequeathed to us As we recall this glorious
band, the chosen few, on whom the Spirit fell, O God, to
us may grace be given to follow in their train.
With his family do Thou bless Thy servant, the donor
of this memorial, designed perpetually to remind us of
the service and sacrifice of the heroic dead. As the
mystic cords of memory bind the Oregon country to
Robert Booth today, do Thou bathe all our souls in the
passion of Calvary, that like him we, too, with persuasive
tongues, may tell how Christ died to save men, and still
lives to bless and help them.
Our commonwealth and our common country we commend unto Thee. Keep us true to Thy word and Thy
will and Thy work,—to all our cherished institutions, our
American traditions, and our Christian ideals. O God,
our help in ages past, our hope for years to come, be with
us yet, lest we forget, lest we forget.
Accept, we beseech Thee, this the work of our hands;
and bless all who participate in this dedication, and
witness this unveiling.    For Jesus' sake.    Amen.
% r mi
Donor's Letter to the Governor of Oregon
Read By The Rev. William Wallace Youngson, D. D.
January 6, 1921.
His Excellency, Ben W. Olcott,
Governor of Oregon,
Salem, Ore.
Dear Governor: For a long time I have cherished the
hope that some day I might be able to express in a degree
my admiration and appreciation of the Ministers of the
Gospel, who as Circuit Riders became the friends, counselors and evangels to the pioneers on every American
frontier and who so largely directed the thought of our
citizenry and shaped the course of our civilization and
who, in their last and possibly their best work, were in-
>% 82
R. A. Booth
strumental in determining the boundaries of the Oregon
The sacrifices they so joyfully made for their fellows,
their unflinching loyalty to their country and its institutions and their ringing proclamation of a brotherhood
defining the loftiest standards of human action have been
an inspiration to all who have been the beneficiaries of
their achievements, and have imposed upon Oregon's sons
obligations which can never be repaid, and which may be
recognized only by the best efforts of a worthy citizenship.
Some months ago, I commissioned Mr. A. Phimister
Proctor, the sculptor, who has endeared himself to the
West by his interpretation of frontier life, to design and
have cast in bronze an equestrian statue of heroic size
to be known as the Circuit Rider. In height, it is to be
about 12 feet and placed on an appropriate pedestal, 6 to
8 feet high.
Mr. Proctor has just brought to the state the model
of his design. It has been exhibited to a goodly number
of our people for critical observation, and all who have
seen it express their approval of it.
Through you, I desire to offer the statue as a gift to
the state. If you consider its acceptance appropriate,
will you kindly name a committee of Oregon citizens,
with whom I desire you to act, to designate a place to
locate it.
It is expected that it will be ready for delivery some
time next year.    I enclose you a photograph of the model.
Grateful for your anticipated consideration, I am,
Sincerely yours,
R. A. BOOTH The Circuit Rider
Acceptance for the State by Governor
Walter M. Pierce
The people of the State of Oregon accept from Honorable Robert A. Booth this magnificent statue, The Circuit
The citizens of this great commonwealth appreciate
the unselfish devotion of one of her most distinguished
citizens who has so generously provided this beautiful
memorial—a memorial through which coming generations
will recall the spirit of the early Circuit Rider, who carried the story of the Nazarene into the homes of the early
western pioneers.
Countless generations yet to come will view with
admiration this beautiful work of bronze, which will be
a constant reminder to citizens of the Pacific Coast of
the arduous work of those who laid the foundation for
this unparalleled civilization that we today enjoy.
Oregon is exceedingly proud that she has among her
citizens, Honorable Robert A. Booth, of Eugene, Oregon,"
a son of one of the early and most devoted Circuit Riders.
Words cannot recite—monuments fail to fully commemorate—the work of the men who, in the pioneer
days, followed the circuit, teaching and preaching the
doctrine of the Savior. They went into the homes to
alleviate the suffering of the sick, to pray for the distressed, to preside at weddings and funerals. They overcame many an obstacle for the early settlers. They scattered roses of joy, sunshine and kindness along the rough-
hewn paths by these empire builders.
Years will come and go. Men in almost countless
myriads will pass from the theatre of action into the great
unknown, causing hardly a ripple in the history of their
times. But the Circuit Rider's influence will be felt as
long as time.
The spirit of the Circuit Rider is a part and parcel of
our humanity. It has been woven into our very nature.
It has given the people of the Pacific Coast a peculiar 84
Walter M. Pierce
sense of public duty, distinctly American and distinctly
As Governor of Oregon, representing nearly a million
inhabitants—I accept this present and sincerely thank
you—Robert A. Booth, for your generosity.
By the Rev. Bishop William O. Shepard, D. D., LL. D.
Historians and romancers busy themselves with warriors and kings and uniforms and banners and martial
music, and all the pageantry of war. Historians and
romancers seldom discern the influence of the idealist,
the poet and the prophet. It is likewise with the average
man in business and industry. To him statesmen and politicians and all the machinery of the state are of supreme
importance. For the thought of the average man is concerning higher wages, shorter hours of labor, better clothing and better houses; and he looks to the state and statesmen to provide all these.
The estimate which writers and business men have
placed upon war and commerce have led the undiscerning
to regard legislators and executives of the law as the
principal promoters and functionaries of civilization; and
to such undiscerning ones any eulogy of the Circuit Rider,
a minister of the Gospel, is far-fetched and unreal. The
undiscerning would speak of the Circuit Rider, if at all,
in words condescending and patronizing. But William
Watson sings truer lines when he says:
"Captains and conquerors leave a little dust,
And kings a dubious legend by their reign;
The swords of Caesar they are less than rust;
The poet doth remain."
And Watson's lines are equally true if spoken of the
Circuit Rider instead of the poet.    He remains.
I am to speak today of the Circuit Rider as the frontier's first policeman, first librarian, first teacher, and
at once the first board of health, board of hygiene, and The Circuit Rider
commissioner of child welfare. I am to ask you to think
of him as he threaded the forests, forded the streams, and
found passes over the mountains, "searching out the lost
sheep of the house of Israel," as the first highway commissioner, marking out by the feet of his patient, hard-
ridden palfry the thoroughfares of a coming empire.
The Circuit Riders of the nation have done this on
every frontier. They have been men divinely fitted for
their tasks. In the earliest days of every section of
America they have been men of modest and sterling characters who have felt they were under marching orders,
and rejoiced to see the banners beckon, and hear the
bugles calling the order to advance. It has been they
who have fathered cities, sired empires and molded states,
—Cartwright in Illinois, Whitman in Washington and
Jason Lee in Oregon, whose voices rang like bugles in an
untrodden canyon.
Roosevelt, who wrote "The Winning of the West," said
of such men: "I have made quite a study of American history, and have always been greatly interested in the thrust
of our people westward across the continent; that movement which began during Revolutionary days, and which
from its very beginning included as the spiritual leaders
of the pioneers an extraordinary proportion of preachers. It was the preacher who gave to the backwoodsmen,
as they lived in their stockaded villages among the dotted
clearings, the spiritual life that prevented them from
going down in the hard materialism of their surroundings." That is good testimony from Roosevelt, himself
a Rider. He himself had heard the axeman's blade echo
in the lonely forests, had forded numberless streams,
followed the trails of the Red Man, made his breakfast
out of the trout that at sunrise leaped in the cool waters,
and at evening kindled a campfire which reflected in the
dark, surrounding pines, the eyes of prowling beasts.
But I am here to speak not only of pioneers, but also
of the larger work of the prophet and minister of the
Gospel . 86
William O. Shepard
There will be no need of argument for the worth of
morality. Morality is necessary for the health and vigor
and longevity of the individual and the nation. And
morality must be propagated by religion. The best teachers and thinkers of all time have recognized and declared
this truth. Washington said, 'Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of
peculiar structure, reason and experienc