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Ethnological survey of Canada. - Report of the committee, consisting of Professor D.P. Penhallow (Chairman),… British Association for the Advancement of Science 1900

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Brittsb association  for tbe Hovara^ment of
Science *. 1
.^^S^k^M^LL^:^.^^^ JSnttsh Hssociatton for the Bovancement of Science
<■/ 4o'8
Ethnological Survey of Canada.—Report of the Committee, consisting
of Professor D. P. Penhallow (Chairman), Dr. George M. Dawson (Secretary), Mr. E. W. Brabrook, Professor A. C. Haddon,
Mr. E. S. Hartland, Sir J. G. Bqurinot, Abbe Cuoq, Mr. B.
Sulte, Abbe Tanguay, Mr. C. Hill-Tout, Mr. David Boyle,
Eev. Dr. Scadding, Eev. Dr. J. Maclean, Dr. Meree Beau-
chemin, Mr. C. N. Bell, Professor E. B. Tylor, Hon. G. W.
Boss, Professor J. Mavor, Mr. A. F. Hunter, and Dr. W. F.
X     Early French Settlers in Canada.    By B. Sulte 470
ITv    Notes on the Sk-qo'mic of British   Columbia, a Branch of the great Salish
Stock of North America.    By C. Hill-Tout .472
IIL    The Hurons of Lorette.   By Leon Gerin 549
Tee work of the past year has furnished conspicuous evidence of the
gieat importance of securing ethnological data with as little delay as
possible. While this is eminently true with respect to the white population, which is experiencing new and marked changes almost every year, in
consequence of the introduction of foreign elements, often in large
numbers, it is more particularly true with respect to the native Indian
population. In many localities the original blood has become so diluted
by intermarriage with whites that it is often a matter of great difficulty
to find an Indian of pure blood. Proximity to settlements of white
people has resulted in a more or less profound impress upon the social
life and tribal customs, which are fast becoming obsolete and forgotten.
The old chiefs who have served as the repertories of traditionary knowledge are rapidly passing away, and with their death there disappears
the last possibility of securing reliable data of the greatest value. Conspicuous instances of this kind have been brought to notice during the
past year, especially in the case of the British Columbia Indians, whose
ethnology is of the greatest interest and importance in consequence of
their possible connection with the people of Eastern Asia. At present
the great difficulty of securing competent and willing investigators is one
of the most serious obstacles to be contended with, and it is believed that
the often considerable expense involved in the prosecution of such work
is largely accountable for this condition of affairs.
It is gratifying to note that the Departoient of Education for Ontario
has lately taken a very practical and active interest in ethnological studies
in that province, and that it provides for the publication of the results of
research in its annual reports. During the past year Mr. A. F. Hunter,
of Barrie—a member of this committee—has thus published the results of
important studies relating to the archaeology of the township of Tay. A
re'sume of this work shows that much light has been thrown upon the
extent, characteristics, and condition of the Indian population in prehistoric
times. Evidence has latterly been accumulating to indicate the presence
at one time of numerous aboriginal settlements in localities which were ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
very sparsely inhabited when first visited by the white explorers. One of
the most fruitful fields in Ontario for the archaeologist is afforded by the
sites of the numerous Indian villages which abound in the northern
portions of Simcoe County, more especially in the townships of Tin^ and
Tay. A very interesting report on the subject was issued last year by
Mr. Andrew F. Hunter, M.A., relating to the Huron Indian relics found
in the former township, which has just been supplemented by a similar
publication in regard to the discoveries in the adjoining municipality of
Tay, both being issued as appendices to the Educational Report. A
special interest attaches to the investigations made in Tiny, as it includes
the spot where Champlain and the early missionaries landed on their
arrival in the Huron country, the researches of Mr. Hunter being carried
on with a view to the identification of those villages described by these
pioneers of civilisation and Christianity. In the territory identified as
occupied by the Bear nation, belonging to the Huron confederacy, which
embraces Tiny and a portion of Tay township, there were no fewer than
forty-nine villages, and twenty-four bone-pits or aboriginal burying-
places, have been unearthed. The villages, however, were not all occupied at the same time. Thirty-nine of the number bear evidences that
the inhabitants had had some contact with Europeans. A detailed
description is given of the various village sites and bone-pits, and the
more interesting and valuable of the relics discovered, with numerous
illustrations. A site to which particular importance attaches is the ruins
of the second fortified Jesuit mission of St. Marie, on Christian Island,
with the remains of an extensive Huron village surrounding it. The
population is estimated to have been from 6,000 to 8,000 in the winter of
1649-50, when it was decimated by famine and disease.
' Considerable difference of opinion has prevailed as to the spot where
the early missionaries Brebeuf and Lallemant were tortured and burned
by the Iroquois during the war which almost exterminated the Hurons,
and those interested will find many facts bearing upon the controversy in
the report dealing with the township of Tay. Mr. Hunter's own view,
after a painstaking survey of all the evidence obtainable, is that the site
of St Louis II., where the missionaries were captured when the village
was burned, is on the farm of John McDermitt, .lot 15, concession IV.,
where extensive ash-beds have been found mixed with relics. The identity
of the village appears to be established by its size, as indicated by the
ground, and its location as described by the old writers. Mr. Hunter is
inclined to regard the site on the farm of Charles E. Newton, lot 11,
concession VI., as that of St. Ignace II., the village to which the captured
priests were taken, and where their martyrdom, so powerfully described
by Parkman, took place. It has been known locally as the % Jesuits'
Field" for many years, and there are the usual traditions of buried
treasure which gain currency wherever relics of the past are brought to
light. Much interesting information with regard to less notable sites and
the frequent discoveries of Indian remains throughout the township are
also embodied in this work.'
In Appendix I. Mr. B. Suite continues his study of the early French
settlers in Canada, covering the period 1632-66. He traces the origin
of these immigrants from different parts of France, and it thus becomes
possible to establish with great accuracy the relative importance of
the various stocks from which the present large French population of
Canada is derived.    These studies will form an important basis for more 470
detailed investigations respecting the effect of environment upon succeeding generations.
In Appendix II. Mr. Hill-Tout follows up his very careful study of
the N'tlaka'pamuQ, appended to last year's report, with a similar close
investigation of another and markedly different division of the Salisb
stock in British Columbia, the Sk'go'mic. These people previously inhabited Howe Sound and Burrard Inlet in large numbers, but they are
now much reduced, and appear to be rapidly passing away. Over ninety
villages at one time inhabited are enumerated. Much attention has been
given to the language, which had not heretofore been seriously investigated, and which shows numerous grammatical and other peculiarities
Mr. Hill-Tout's work, in fact, constitutes a very important local contribution to the ethnology of the native races of the west coast.
This report is accompanied by nineteen photographs of Indians, taken
by Mr. Hill Tout, partly of the Sk'go'mic and partly of neighbouring
tribes, in which he is now further pursuing his investigations.
The ancient settlement of Huron Indians at Lorette, near Quebec,
has always been an object of great interest to the ethnologist, although
prolonged and intimate contact with +he whites of the neighbourhood
has resulted in marked alterations of a physical and social character.
These alterations have progressed so far as to make trustworthy studies
an exceptionally difficult matter, but the Committee felt that no opportunity to secure such data as might yet be available should be lost, and
in Appendix III. Mr. L. GeYin presents the results of a very careful
investigation into the actual social condition of these Indians. He
brings this into comparison with their original condition, tracing out
the influences which have produced great changes among them during
their prolonged residence in the province of Quebec, subsequent to the
abandonment of their old home. The condition of this community of
Hurons offers a marked contrast to that of the originally similar Iroquois
community near Montreal, their evolution in modern times having been
almost in opposite directions ; a circumstance explained by their environment in the two cases. The report is accompanied by photographs
showing the present conditions of village life, which will be kept on file
for future reference.
Early French Settlers in Canada.    By B. Sulte.
Following my statement of last year, I beg to submit, first, the result
of my observations respecting the number of actual settlers in 1632-66.
In 1632 there were twenty-nine men l in the colony, who were either
married or who married soon after, and became heads of families. These
are the roots of the Canadian tree. A few Frenchmen engaged in the fur
trade formed a distinct group outside of the scope of this paper.
In 1640 the ' habitants' numbered 375,1 distributed as follows :
Married men, 64 ; married women (three born in Canada), 64$ widower,
1 ; widows, 4 ; unmarried men, 35 'x boys (30 born in Canada), 58 ; girls
(24 born in Canada), 48 ; nuns, 6 ; Jesuits, 29 ; other Frenchmen, 66 ;
total, 375.
1 I have published a biographical sketch of each of them, ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
According to my calculations, the ' habitants' did not exceed 600 in
1650, besides 40 Jesuits, 40 Jesuits' servants, and 20 other Frenchmen.
The population in 1653 appears to have been distributed in three
groups : Quebec, 400 ; Three Rivers, 175 ; Montreal, 100 ; total, 675.
We must add the usual contingent of French traders, which was very
small at that time on account of the war of the Iroquois.
It is mentioned in letters dated from Canada, 1661-63, that the entire
population (inhabitants, Jesuits, and others) did not exceed 2,500. This
embraces the large immigrations of 1662, 1663, which mark a new departure in the whole affairs of Canada.
The reader is referred to the statement in the last Report, covering the
period of 16U8-1645, with regard to the origin of the 122 men who fir&t
settled in the colony. I will now show the origin of 475 more during
1646-1666. These are men who came from France, were already married
or married in Canada, and founded families in the colony :—
North-west of France.—Bretagne, 20 ; Maine, 22 ; Normandie, 136 ;
Picardie, 10; Ile-de-France, 25 ; Touraine, 8 ; Anjou, 18 ; total, 239.
South-west of France.—Poitou, 60 ; Rochelle, 138 ; Bordeaux, 14 ;
total, 212. *
East of France.—Champagne, 6 ; Nivernais, 2 ; Berry, 3 ; Dauphine,
4 ; Auvergne, o ; Lyonnais, 4 ; total, 24.
During the same period, 1646-1666, I find 100 marriages without any
mention of the origin of the contracting parties ; but we may safely infer,
from the synopsis just given, that they must be added to the 475 whose
origins are known, and distributed according to the relative proportions
of that statistic.
Therefore from 1608 to 1666 we have examined 697 men who came
from France with their wives, or marrying once settled in the colony.
Until about 1645 the greatest number of them came from the north of
river Loire ; after that the south-western provinces gradually balanced
the emigration from the north—
1646-1666. North of Loire, 231 ; south of Loire, 220.
Immigrants from Touraine, Poitou, Rochelle, Aunis, Saintonge, An-
goumois, Bordeaux, found their way to Canada after 1650, so that the
Normandy influence was absolute until about 1660, when Poitou and
Rochelle came in for a large share.
The first official census was taken in 1666, and considered imperfect at
that time.    It gives 3,215 souls for all the New France.
The census (nominal) of 1667 says 3,918 souls. These last figures
represent the 697 heads of families above mentioned. The following
statement is a resume of that valuable document :—-
Families, 668; males, 2,406 ; females, 1,512 ; married (625), 1,250;
widowers, 20; widows, 26 ; boys, 1,762 ; girls, 860.
Ages of the People.
No.    I
5- 6
6- 7
7- 8
8- 9
.   148
I Not given
20 \&M*jmm
REPORT— 1900.
Ages in Relation to Conjugal Condition.
Years           No.
Years           No.
!    21-30
i    41-50
81- 90
The number of arpents under cultivation was 11,448, with cattle 3,107,
and sheep 85. No horses yet in the colony. All the sheep were run on
at River St. Charles, near Quebec.
The land under cultivation shows an average of seventeen arpents per
family.    The census of 1681 has the same small proportion.
Notes on the Sfcqo'mic of British Columbia, a Branch of the great
Salish Stock of North America.    By C. Hill-Tout.
The following notes on the Sk'qo'mic, a division of the Salish stock of
British Columbia, are a summary of the writer's studies of this tribe. While
he has sought to make them as comprehensive and complete as possible, he
is fully conscious that they are far from being exhaustive. There are,
indeed, insuperable difficulties in the way of making really exhaustive
reports on any of our tribes at the present time. There are, in the first
place, many invincible prejudices to be overcome. Then there is the
difficulty of communication, and when these have been partially overcome
there yet remains the difficulty of finding natives who possess the knowledge you are seeking. Not every Indian is an lagoo, a story-teller ; and
only the older men and women remember the old practices, customs,
manners, and beliefs of the tribe, and even these have forgotten much that
is important to know. These and other difficulties stand in the way of
complete and exhaustive investigation ; and I cannot better illustrate the
need of pushing on our work among these interesting peoples without
further delay than by stating that since my last report was sent in my
principal informant among the N'tlaka'pamuQ, Chief Mischelle, from
whom I secured so much valuable information a year or so ago, has passed
away, and can render us no further aid. In a few years, all those who
lived under the old conditions in prse-missionary days, and who now alone
possess the knowledge we desire to gather, will have passed away, and our
chances of obtaining any further reliable information of the past will have
gone with them.
In my work among the Sk'qo'mic I have been more than usually fortunate, and have been able to bring together much interesting matter not
previously known or recorded.
The Sk'qo'mic constitute a distinct division of the Salish of British
Columbia and both in language and customs differ considerably from the
coast tribes on the one hand, and the interior tribes on the other. The
structural differences of their speech are so great as to shut them off from
free intercourse with the contiguous Salish tribes. The tribe to-day
numbers less than two hundred souls, I believe.    Formerly they were a ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
strong and populous tribe, numbering, when white men first came into
contact with them, many thousands. Some of their larger okwumuq, or
villages, contained as many as seven hundred people, and that less than
fifty years ago. We gather this from the early white settlers themselves.
The original homeland territory of the Sk-qo'inic seems to have been
on the banks of the river which gives them their tribal name, and
along the shores of Howe Sound, into which the Skuamish runs. Their
settlements on the river extended for upwards of thirty miles along the
banks. Their northern neighbours were the Lillooets or StlatlumH tribe
and the Tcilkotin division of the Dene' stock. Their southern neighbours
were the Lower Fraser tribes. According to one of my informants the
Indian villages that used to exist on English Bay, Burrard Inlet, and
False Creek were not originally true Sk'qo'mic. They were said to be
allied by speech and blood to the Lower Fraser tribes. How far this is
correct seems impossible now to say. Sk*qo mic is everywhere spoken
throughout this territory, and has been as far back as our knowledge of it
goes ; and the Sk'qo'mic villages, according to my informants, extend to
and include Mafli, at the mouth of the Fraser, which place Dr. Boas was
informed by the River Indians belonged to them, and which he has
accordingly included in their territory. It was probably the dividing
line, and, like Spuzzum, farther up the river, was composed partly of the
one division and partly of the other.
Our first knowledge of the Sk'qo'mic dates back to rather less than a
century ago. The first white man to sail into English Bay and Howe
Sound and come into contact with them was Captain Vancouver. He
recorded briefly his impressions of them in the diary of his voyage to this
coast, a short extract from which may be of interest in this first formal
account of the tribe.    He writes thus :—
Friday, June 15, 1792.1
' But for this circumstance we might too hastily have concluded that
this part of the Gulf was uninhabited. In the morning we were visited
by nearly forty of the natives, on whose approach from the very material
alteration that had now taken place in the f«ce of the country we
expected to find some difference in their general character. This conjecture was, however, premature, as they varied in no respect whatever, but
in possessing a more ardent desire for commercial transactions, into the
spirit of which they entered with infinitely more avidity than any of our
former acquaintances, not only bartering amongst themselves the different
valuables they had obtained from us, but when that trade became slack
in exchanging those articles again with our people, in which traffic they
always took care to gain some advantage, and would frequently exult on
this occasion. Some fish, their garments, spears, bows and arrows, to
which these people wisely added their copper garments, comprised their
general stock-in-trade Iron in all forms they judiciously preferred to any
other article we had to offer.'
They have not altered much in these points of their character since
Vancouver's visit, and many of them have to-day, I am told, snug little
sums judiciously invested by their good friend and spiritual director, the
late Bishop Durieu, in safe paying concerns. It is only fair to say, however, that they deserve to be prosperous.    They are probably the most
1 Vol. i. p. 305. 474
industrious and orderly band* of Indians in the whole province, and reflect
great credit upon the Roman Mission established in their midst.
I obtained the following list of old village sites, not 10 per cent, of
which are now inhabited. The list is not perfectly complete. There
were a few more villages at the upper end of Burrard Inlet which have
been long abandoned, and whose names my informants could not recall.
My enumeration contains in all some ninety-three villages, each of
which, according to Chief Thomas of Qe'qlos and others, was formerly a
genuine Sk'qo'mic o/kwumuqi containing from fifty to several hundred
On Skqo'mic Riveb.
Right Bank*
Tk-takai' = vine-maple.
Kwana'ken = hollow in mountain.
Left Bank.
S'k'lau' = beaver.
Sto'toil = leaning over (a cliff).
Qa'k-sine (on Ma'mukmn Creek).
N,k,a'kapenatc = canoes transformed to
stone (see story of Qais).
K/wo'lan = ear.
Po'kaio'sum = slide.
Sie'tcEm = sandy.
Sk*umi'n = keekwilee-house.
N'pok'wis. '
Tcia/kamic (on creek of that name).
Tokta'kamai = place of thimble-berries.
i Sound.
West Side.
QE'lkEtos = painted.
Sk'u'tuksEn = promontory.
Tumtls — paint.
Stcmk* (Gibson's Landing).
Stcilks = sling.
Ke'tlals'm = nipping grass,   so called   be
East Side,
cause deer come here in spring to eat
K'tlkutwO'm ■» waterfall.
the fresh grass.
Ske'awatsut (Point Atkinson).
Islands in Sound.
Tla'qom (Anvil Island).
Tca'lkunts (Gambier Island).
,^-Qole'laQdm (Bowen Island).
Sau'qtitc (Hat Island).
Ml'tlmetle'ltc (Passage Island).
English Bay, The Nabeows, Bukeabd Inlet, and False Ceeek.
From Coal Harbour to Mouth of North
Arm of the Fraser.
Paplak* (lighthouse).
QoiQoi = masks.
Sqelc = standing up (' Siwash rock').
Helcen = sandy beach ; verbatim, soft to
the foot.
Snauq (False Creek).
Skoatcai/s = deep hole in water.
la'lmuq (Jericho).
QapQapetlp = place of cedar (Point Grey).
U'lk's'n = point (of. radical for nose).
K u'laqEn,
North Stdefrom Point Atkinson, through
the Narrows, up the Inlet.
Homu'ltcison   (Capilano   Creek)  (former
headquarters of supreme chief of the
TlastlEmauq = Saltwater Creek.
Qotlskairn = serpent pond.
Qoa'ltca (Linn Creek).
TcetcilQok (Seymour Creek).
K'laken = palisade, a fenced village.
Social Organisation.
The social organisation of the Sk'qo'mic has been so much broken up
and modified by missionary and white influence that it is difficult now
to learn any details about it. The tribe appears to have been divided,
like the N'tlaka'pamuQ, into a number of o'kwumuq, or village communities, each of which was governed by its own local chief. I could gather
nothing of their beliefs with regard to the origin of their different villages :
they seem to have none or else to have lost or forgotten them. Of the
origin of the tribe as a whole and some of the chief events of their
existence I gathered an account a few years ago from an ancient member
of the tribe, who was born a year or so after Captain Vancouver's visit
"to them m 1792. This was published in the * Proceedings of the Royal
Society of Canada/ 1897-98. . Briefly it tells how the first Sk'qo'mic man
came into existence; how later the tribe was overwhelmed by a flood,
and only one man and his wife escaped in their canoe, which landed on
the mountains contiguous to the present Sk'qo'mic territory ; and how
later again a severe and prolonged snowstorm caused, by cold and famine,
the death of the whole tribe save one man and his daughter. From these
two the Sk'qo'mic trace their tribal descent.
The people were divided into the usual threefold division of chiefs,
nobles, and common people. The lines, however, between these classes
were not absolutely rigid. According to my informants a member of the
lower class, if a woman, could rise to the class above her by marriage
with a member* of that class, the wife usually taking the rank of her
husband if not a slave. But a man of the lower rank, even if he succeeded in marrying a woman of the middle class, could only become a
member of that class by undergoing a long and severe training, in which
daily washings and scrubbings of the body played an important part.
This was evidently a form of initiation the further particulars of which
I could not learn. As a rule the chiefs and their families and immediate
relatives formed a class or caste apart, the title of chief or headman
descending from father to son, patriarchate prevailing among the
Sk'qo'mic. Consequently a chief usually married a chief's daughter or
daughters. But this rule was sometimes broken, and a woman of a lower
class was taken to wife. In these cases the chieftainship would properly
descend to one of the chief's brothers or his son, and not to his own son.
This was the rule. But it was possible to break this also and transmit
the headship of the tribe to his own son by giving many ' potlatch' feasts, 476
and thus securing the goodwill of the tribe in his son's favour. The son,
too, upon his father's death, would also give a feast and make handsome
presents to all the influential men of the tribe, the result of which would
be that he would be elected to the rank of chief, and be allowed to succeed
his father in the chieftaincy of the tribe. From this it would seem that
children took their social rank from their mother rather than from their
father, which looks like a trace of matriarchate, or mother-right. It is
clear from their folk-tales, however, that these class divisions were not
hard and fast, but that members of a lower caste could by the performance of certain acts pass into that above it. Of secret societies I
was unable to obtain any information whatever, and whether such
formerly existed among the Sk'qo'mic—of which I am extremely doubtful—
it seems impossible now to say. Among the chiefs there were some of
higher rank than the others, as among the N'tlaka'pamuQ. The supreme
Sr swfm of the tribe was known by the title Te Kidpilando., and had his
headquarters at the mouth of the Horn ultcison Creek, now called Cagilano
by the whites. He was local chief also of the Hom'ultcison sept. Next
in rank to him came one of the Skuamish River chiefs. He likewise had
a proper title, being known as Te QcUsilando.1 I was unable to learn
what special signification these titles had. It is possible we may see in
them the special names of two powerful gentes. The gentile system of
the Sk'qo'mic, if such existed, is not at all clear. The distinction between
what might be regarded as a gens, or a sept, or a mere tribal division is
very difficult to determine.
I could gather nothing satisfactory from any of my informants on this
head. Heraldic and totemic symbols, according to some of them, were
never used in the old days ; but yet I was informed by others that some
of the old houses had carved posts or columns, and that the figure of a
bird or some other animal would sometimes be placed on a pole in front
of the house or fastened to one of the gable ends. They also, sometimes
at least, used masks in certain of their dances, if we may rely upon the
information on these points in their folk-tales. The tribe, as my ethnographical notes show, was formerly divided into a number of subdivisions,
or o'kwumuq. Whether each of these should be regarded simply as a
tribal subdivision, as among the N'tlaka'pamuQ, or as a gens, as among
the northern tribes, is doubtful. Each division had its proper name—
in every instance, I think, a geographical one—derived from some local
physical peculiarity, exactly as among the N'tlaka'pamuQ. In every
o'kw%imuq there existed the same threefold division of the people into
three classes, and in some instances the total number of souls in each
village would amount to several hundreds. Generally speaking, each
community would be made up of several families or clans. The members
of these clans were not bound together, as the gentes of the northern
1 The distinctive part of this title bears a remarkable resemblance to the esoteric
teim by which one of the Nootka.deities was invoked by the chiefs of that tribe.
Dr. Boas has recorded the name of this being under the form Kd'tse. The two forms
so clearly resemble each other as to suggest some connection between them; and
in this connection I may remark that the more I extend my studies of the Salish
and Kwakiutl-Nootka, the stronger is the conviction forced upon me that between
these two stocks there is a deeper underlying racial connection than the structural
differences of their language would seem to indicate. Morphologically speaking,
they seem to have little in common ; but that little steadily increases with our larger
analytical knowledge of their languages, and their vocabulary resemblances are
tribes, by common totems or crests. They comprised the blood relatives
of any given family on both sides of the house for six generations.
After the sixth generation the kinship ceases to hold good and the
clanship is broken. Under this arrangement an individual's relatives
were legion, and he would often have family connection in a score or
more different o'kwumuq. Among the present Sk'qo'mic almost all of
them are related in this way to one another, and their cousinships are
endless and even perplexing to themselves. Marriage within the family
or clan as thus constituted was prohibited, but members of different clans
in the same village could intermarry with each other. If each village
community is to be regarded as a separate gens having a common origin
from some common ancestor—which I think is extremely doubtfuL—then
marriage among the Sk'qo'mic was not forbidden to members of the same
gens. For my own part I am disposed to regard these separate communities as mere subdivisions of the tribe which were effected at different
periods in their tribal existence, and generally, probably, from the same
causes which have all over the world led to the founding of new homes
and new settlements, viz., increase and stress of population. The evidence
in favour of regarding these divisions as distinct gentes having each a
separate origin and springing from a separate ancestor, as among the
northern tribes, is scanty and doubtful. This view is strengthened by
the traditional origin of the tribe, which makes them all spring from a
common pair. I do not desire to be understood as asserting that totemic
gentes did not formerly exist among the Sk'qo'mic, as Dr. Boas seems to
hold. All I say is that after diligent inquiry from several of the chiefs
and others I could myself find no evidence of it. I could not learn that
any particular group or family bore names peculiar to that group or
family, or possessed privileges not shared by the others other than the
right to certain dances and their accompanying songs, the origin and
source of which was some personal dream, or vision, or experience of their
own or their parents. But the ownership of these dances differed in no
way from the ownership of a canoe or any other piece of property, and
constituted no kind of bond or union between the owner of them and
others of the tribe or o'kwumuq.
The only peculiar name that I could learn other than those of the
supreme chiefs was that borne by the offspring of female slaves by their
masters.    This was the term sHa'cEm, and was a word of reproach.
Polygamy was commonly practised among the Sk'qo'mic, the number
of a man's wives being limited only by his rank and wealth. A chief
would frequently have four or five wives. Each wife had her own
quarters in the house, which included a fire and a bed of her own. A
favourite wife would rank first. She would be regarded in consequence
with jealousy and hatred by the others. The husband would sometimes
eat with one, sometimes with another. Infidelity in. wives was punished
by cutting the soles of their feet, or, in some instances, by stoning them
to death.
Mortuary Customs.
The burial customs of the modern Sk'qo'mic are now commonly conducted in the same way as our own, few, if any, of the older ceremonies,
which are discountenanced by the priests, being observed. In former
days the following customs were universally practised :—When life had
left the body the corpse was taken out of the house and washed by some 478
elderly friends of the family. It was then doubled up and placed in a
box coffin before it had grown rigid. In the case of chiefs the body was
sometimes placed in a canoe instead of a box. It was then taken to the
burial-ground whether it were day or night. If it were night-time
torches would be used. The box containing the corpse was then placed
in a roughly constructed cedar-slab shed, after which everybody returned
home. The immediate relatives of the deceased followed the corpse,
accompanied by the other members of the family or clan, together with
all their friends, and a band of special mourners, who are engaged for the
occasion. All those who followed the corpse to the graveyard must
paint the breasts of their garments with red paint. If this were not
done a scarcity of fish would be the result at the next salmon run. The
mourners are of both sexes, and all cry aloud. The period of mourning
lasted generally about a month. If, however, the deceased were very
dear to the survivors, the mourning would be kept up longer. When a
chief died the whole community turned out to mourn, and almost everybody followed the corpse. The hired mourners are paid for their services
with blankets or skins. If the friends of the deceased are wealthy a
feast is held immediately after the disposal of the body, and the mourners
are then paid. If, however, the relatives of the deceased are poor, then
no feast is given at the time, and the payment of the mourners is also
deferred until such occasion as a sufficient number of blankets and skins
has been collected, and they are in a position to hold the feast. It was
customary to choose the occasion of some big ' potlatch' gathering, when
everybody would be present.
When the relatives of the deceased have returned from the graveyard they burn cedar (Thuyagigantea) and salal-berry (Gaultheria Shallon)
branches and whip the whole dwelling with boughs, particularly that part
where the body lay, to drive away the presence of death, sickness, and
ghosts, all of which are supposed to linger there.
Some three or four days after the burial it was not unusual for the
witches and wizards of the tribe to declare that the ghost of the dead had
returned from the land of spirits for something to eat. The relatives of
the deceased are informed, and they immediately gather all the best food
they can procure, and take it, sometimes to the burial ground and
sometimes into the woods, and spread it out on a big blanket made from
the wool of the mountain sheep or goat. The witches and medicine-men
now Trfvite the shade of thedead to eat. Presently they assure the
relatives that the spirit is satisfied. The food is then either distributed
to the poor and old, or else it is consumed in a fire built for the occasion.
The customs to be observed by the immediate survivors of the
deceased differ somewhat according to sex. If a woman had lost her
husband she must fast for one whole day. At the close of the day a
neighbour would bring in a large piece of dried fish. The widow must
now bite four mouthfuls from this piece of fish, while it is held in the
neighbour's hands, without touching it herself except with her mouth.
After she had eaten her four mouthfuls of fish she might partake of other
food, but must be careful to abstain from eating it before her children.
Should the food be eaten in the presence of the children it was believed
that they would all shortly die, the act being regarded as equivalent to
* eating up their life.' This rule must be strictly observed for the space
of a month. For the same period she must bathe the first thing every
morning and scrub her body with boughs, after which she must blow on ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
the tips of her fingers four times successively if she desired to get stout or
fat, and if she wanted to become thin she must suck in the air from the
tips of her fingers the same number of times. Another practice she must
observe was to place tsutzetcai'e (spruce-boughs) under her bed, and also
hang some at the head of it.1 She must also eat her food off these boughs
for at least a month. The widow always accompanied the corpse of her
husband to the burial-place. Her blanket is painted for the occasion with
streaks of red paint, as is also the crown of her head. Excessive weeping
sometimes made her so weak that she had to support herself with a staff
(t'tcdtc) while walking to and from the graveyard. The customs to be
observed by the widower were simpler. He must likewise bathe every
morning at daybreak, and must also abstain from eating before riis,
children for the space of a month ; but his head was not painted, only his
blanket; and he puts the tsutzetcai'e only at the head of his bed, and not
under it. Some three or four days after the burial all the relatives of the
deceased, except the widow or the widower, must cut their hair. The
severed hair is always carefully collected and buried. After the ceremony
of hair-cutting is over all those who have attended the funeral go in a
line to the river or the inlet, according to the locality, and walk down
into the water till it is up to their breasts ; then at a word they all dip
together once and come out again. If they are wearing blankets at the
time they cast these aside, but otherwise do not trouble to disrobe.
It was customary for widows and orphans some time during the
mortuary rites to take a small white pebble and roll it in their mouths
four times.    This was supposed to prevent the teeth from decaying.
Birth Customs*
It was customary among the Sk'qo'mic women to retire to the woods
when they were about to give birth to their children. Usually a woman
went quite alone or accompanied only by her husband. Midwives were
called in for the first child, but afterwards only in cases of difficulty or
when the labour was unduly prolonged. Usually the woman would fulfil
her daily duties to within an hour of the child's birth, and be ready to
take them up again a few hours afterwards. In the case of first children
parents of standing would engage three or four midwives or experienced
women for the occasion. Each had her own special duties to perform.
These were prescribed by long-established custom. It was the office of
one to sever the umbilical cord and dispose of the after-birth ; of another
to watch and care for the baby ; and of another to ' cook the milk ' and
generally look after the mother. They were paid for their services immediately after the event by the husband with gifts of blankets. This
honorarium was also prescribed by usage, the number of blankets given on
the occasion depending on the husband's social position. Immediately
after the birth of the child it is washed all over in cold water and then
wrapped in the softest slo'wi (inner bark of the cedar—Thuya gigantea—
beaten till soft and fine) and placed in a cradle of cedar-wood. This
cradle was constructed in the following manner :—A piece of cedar-wood
about thirty inches long and ten or twelve inches wide, was first taken ;
a second, and shorter, but considerably broader, piece was then bent over
this in the form of an arch, and fastened in this position to the longitudinal edges of the other, thus forming a kind of pocket.    The lower piece,
1 The object of this was to preserve her from her husband's sickness. 480
or bed of the cradle, extended about four inches beyond the other at the
foot, and about six inches at the head. The extension at the foot was
bent upwards till it reached an angle of thirty or forty degrees, and
fastened in this position to the upper piece by lacing. This formed a kind
of foot-board, the object of which was to keep the baby from slipping
down out of the cradle and allow at the same time the liquids to escape.
The head of the cradle was left open. The child passed the first year of
its life in this receptacle, never leaving it except to be washed twice daily.
It was both fed and dandled in its cradle. If the mother had outside
work to do, the cradle was usually slung to her shoulder or to a swing pole.
In carrying it the weight was borne on the hip. It was during this
cradle existence of the child that the cranial deformation formerly practised
by this tribe took place. This was effected by frontal pressure, pads or
bands of slowi being tied across the anterior part of the cranium and held
there by thongs fastened to the bottom of the cradle. A pad was also tied
across the top of the head about the line of the coronal suture to prevent
the head from rising to a ridge here, as was common among the Siciatl
tribe, the Sk'qo'mic regarding this as ugly and unsightly. The immediate
effect of this pressure was threefold. It caused a flattening of the occipital region by contact with the cradle-board ; it gave a peculiarly receding
sweep to the frontal bone, a line of beauty in Sk'qo'mic eyes ; and it produced a compensatory bulge of the head laterally ; the general effect of
all which was to make the head appear abnormally short and the face
unusually broad. This practice of cranial deformation has now, I believe,
been wholly given up by the Sk'qo'mic, though the infant still passes the
greater part of the first year of its existence in a cradle as formerly. On
one of my visits to the Skqo'mic I observed an Indian mother nursing
her baby in a rush-made cradle with open top. This, I was informed,
was the style now commonly used. Should the birth take place in the
winter, or when it was not convenient for the mother to retire to the
woods, a temporary screen of reed mats would be put up in the general
dwelling, behind which the woman would give birth to her child. A very
peculiar custom obtained among the Sk'qo'mic in the case of first-born
children. The mother might not feed the child from the breast for
four days. Her breasts must first be steamed with a decoction of the rind
of the elderberry (Sambucus raceinosa), and then covered with poultices
of the same material. This was kept up for four days, its object being to
'cook ' the mother's milk. The process, called in the Sk'qo'mic wu'tlkwai
m%ukwum=.i cooking the breast,' was sometimes repeated at the birth of
the second child, only on this occasion the infant was not deprived of the
breast. It was thought that the mother's milk was harmful to the child
before the fourth day and before it had been \ cooked.' This strange
custom amongst others may perhaps have had something to do with the
high death-rate among the old time children. In earlier days, before
contact with the whites, it was not at all uncommon for a mother to give
birth to a dozen children ; but there were few households which contained
a family of children of more than half of that number. It is true female
children were commonly strangled at birth if there were too many girls
in the family. This unnatural practice was effected by the parents themselves—usually by the mother—by stopping the nostrils and placing a gag
of slowi in the child's mouth. My informant was herself doomed to this
fate at her birth, and was only spared at the earnest solicitations of an
After the birth of the child, when the woman had passed the afterbirth, she was taken or went down to the river or inlet and bathed in the
icy-cold water, no matter what time of year or what kind of weather it
was. My informant stated that she had been thus taken to the river and
washed all over after the birth of her first child in the month of January,
when the water was covered with ice and the ground with snow. Ablu-
tive ceremonies played a very important part in the lives of the old-time
Sk'qo'mic, as we may easily gather from their old customs. Men, women,
and children bathed constantly. Among the young men it formed an
important feature in their training. Each sex had its own special bathing
place, men and women, or boys and girls, after childhood never bathing
The birth of twins was a very special event, twins always possessing,
it was believed, supernormal powers, the commonest of which was control
of the wind. It would seem that the birth of twins was usually presaged
by dreams on the part of both parents. In these dreams minute instructions would be given to the parents as to the course they must pursue in
the care and up-bringing of the children. These they must follow implicitly in every particular. If they were neglected it was thought and
believed that the twins would die. If the event took place in winter a
fire must be built in the woods, but the husband must on no account
touch or have anything to do with it.1 Immediately after the birth
both husband and wife must bathe in cold water, using the tips of spruce,
fir, and cedar branches to scrub themselves with. After this they must
remain in seclusion, apart from the rest of the tribe, for a month. Any
breach of this rule was regarded as a grave offence, which was bound to
bring severe punishment upon the offenders. The hair of twins was supposed never to be cut. If for any reason this rule was departed from,
great care had to be taken to bury all that had been cut off. Neglect of
this, it was believed, would bring about a severe winter. Throughout the
whole childhood of the twins the greatest care had to be taken of them.
If at any time wind was desired for sailing, the bodies of the twins would
be rubbed with oil or grease, after which, it is said, the wind would immediately rise. The tsaifanuk, a kind of small fish which I was unable to
identify, and which periodically visits the Sk'qo'mic Biver in large
numbers, are said to be descended from a pair of twins (see the story
of the origin of the tsairanuk below, under ' Folk-lore ?).
When a woman desired to give birth to a son she would place during
her pregnancy a bow and arrows under her bed. If a daughter were
desired a needle and some of the utensils used in weaving would take the
place of the bow and arrows. Another custom to ensure the same end was
for the woman to chew, in the early days of her pregnancy, the leaves of
certain kinds of willow and other shrubs
as ' male ' and J female' leaves.
These leaves were distinguished
Customs practised to prevent Pregnancy.
When a woman desired to bear no more children she adopted one or
more of the following practices. She would get out of bed immediately
after giving birth to her child and stand for some time up to her armpits in the icy cold water of the inlet, or river, or sound, according to her
locality ; or she would bury the after-birth on the beach at ebb-tide just
1 If the husband built the fire a very cold period would follow. 482
at the line of land and water. Another practice was to hang the afterbirth on the branch of a tree and keep it there for a twelvemonth. Still
another was to turn round three times and kick the after-birth before it
was disposed of. Usually the mode of disposing of the after-birth was
by burying it secretly in the ground. Among the Sk'qo'mic it was never
burned, as among some tribes. Io was believed that the mother would
* swell up' and die if the after-birth were burned. It is said that a
woman once destroyed the after-birth in this manner with this melancholy result | hence its disposal in this way was ever afterwards most
carefully avoided.
Marriage Customs.
Formerly, when a young man took a fancy to a girl and desired to
make her his wife, the custom was for him to go to the house of the girl's
parents and squat down with his blanket wrapped about him just inside
the door. Here he was supposed to remain for four days and nights
without eating or drinking. During this period no one of the girl's
family takes the slightest notice of him. The only difference his presence
makes in the house is to cause the parents to keep a bright fire burning
all night. This is done that they may readily perceive that he takes no
advantage of his proximity to the girl to make love to her or otherwise
.molest her during the night. On the fourth day, if the suitor is acceptable to the parents, the mother of the girl asks some neighbour to
acquaint the youth that they are willing to accept him as their son-in-
law, and give him the girl. To himself they still say nothing, nor in any
way take the slightest notice of him ; and as no communication of any
kind can take place between the girl's people and the young man at this
stage of the proceedings, this neighbour now cooks a meal lor the fasting
lover and informs him at the same time that his suit is acceptable to the
family, and that the girl will be given to him in the usual way.
After the young man's acceptance by the girl's parents in the manner
described the youth would then return home, and in a few days come
back for his bride, accompanied by all his friends and relatives. If
he were just an ordinary young man of the tribe, of no particular
standing, he would bring with him one canoe-load of blankets ; but if he
were a person of rank, such as a chief's son, he would bring two canoe-
loads of blankets with him. These he would distribute to the bride's
relatives. He and his friends are now entertained for the rest of the day
by his prospective father-in-law, and accommodation is afforded them for
the night, the inmates of the house sleeping on one side of the building
and the visitors on the other. On the following morning, after a good
meal has been indulged in, all go down to the beach to where the bridegroom's canoe is moored, the parents of the bride taking with them a
number of blankets, which they put in the canoe. If the bride is a person
r of rank the whole course from the house to the beach is covered with a I
line of blankets for her to walk upon, and two old women, as maids-of-
honour, lead her down to the canoe. The bride is dressed for the occasion
in all the bravery of bright-coloured blankets and what other ornaments
she may possess. Over her head, completely enveloping her, a blanket
is thrown as a kind of bridal veil. Behind her come the female slaves of
her father's household, carrying all her personal belongings, such as mats,
baskets, blankets, wooden platters, spoons, &c. The bridesmaids now
place the bride in the bow of the canoe, after which etiquette demands. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
that the bridegroom shall reward them for their services by a gift of one
or more blankets each. When this has been done the parties separate,
the girl's family and friends going back to the village, and the youth with
his bride and friends returning home. If the girl were the daughter of
ordinary parents she would have to dispense with some of these ceremonies, such as the walking on blankets, <fcc. Some days later the bride
and bridegroom and his friends return to the bride's old home, where a
feast is held. After the feast is over they separate again, and some time
later the girl's parents and friends pay a return visit to her husband's
home, bringing with them blankets and other presents equal in number
and value to those bestowed upon themselves. These are distributed to the
son-in-law and his friends, after which all partake of a second feast, which
closes the marriage ceremonies, and thereafter the girl and youth are
regarded by all as man and wife.
Sometimes the suitor is not acceptable to the girl's parents, and after
a family council has been held he is rejected. A friendly neighbour is
called in as before to act as intermediary and convey to him the decision
of the parents, only on this occasion she provides no meal for him. If
the youth has set his heart on the girl he will now try and induce her to
elope with him. If she refuses to do this, he has perforce to give her up
and seek a wife elsewhere. If, however, she consents, he seizes the first
opportunity that offers and carries her off to the woods with him, where
they remain together for several days. If the objection to the young man on
the part of the girl's parents is not deep-rooted, he is now permitted to keep
the girl as his wife on payment to them of a certain number of blankets.
If, however, they object even now to have him as a son-in law, they take
the girl from him, and it is understood on both sides that he is to trouble
her or them no further.
With regard to the suitor's fast of four days and nights I questioned
my informant whether the old-time youths of the tribe really and truly
abstained from food and drink on these occasions. He assured me they
undoubtedly did, and that it was a matter of honour with them to eat or
drink nothing during the whole period, the significance of their abstinence being that they were now men, and could readily endure the hardships and privations incident to manhood. Apropos of this custom he
related to me an instance of what befell a certain luckless youth who
sought surreptitiously to break his fast. The family of the girl whom
he sought to take as wife had all gone out on the third d^y, leaving him
squatting in his place by the door. They had gone across the inlet to
pay a visit to a village on the other side. The absence of the whole
family tempted the famishing youth to take advantage of his temporary
opportunities to satisfy the cravings of his stomach. So he left his post
and ran down to the beach and hastily dug up some clams. As he was
in the act of eating these a little girl told him that the family was
returning on the water. In his haste to eat the clams he had prepared
he swallowed one whole, and it stuck in his throat and choked him so
that he died. His melancholy end was regarded by everybody as richly
deserved, and his fate was held up thereafter as a warning to succeeding
generations of young men.
These customs are no longer kept up among the great body of the
Sk'qo'mic. Marriages among them are now conducted very much after
the manner of the whites and solemnised by the priest. A few of the
heathen Skqo'mic, who still hold by their old tribal customs, continue to 484
marry their daughters in this way ; but these are few in number, and,
generally speaking, the marriage customs as here described are only a
tradition in the tribe.
A child usually received no name in babyhood, but when about three
years old the elders of the child's family or clan would choose a name for
it from among those of its ancestors. This name it would bear through
life if a girl, but if a boy, and the son of some person of rank and wealth,
some years later his parents would give a ' potlatch,' and then he would
receive a new name. This was quite commonly that of his own father or
of his paternal grandfather, whether they were alive or dead.
The names of dead people were tabooed. That is to say, it was a
breach of custom and good manners to mention the name of a dead person
in the presence of the deceased's relatives or connections. This custom
gave rise to inconvenience at times. It was quite common for men to be
called by the name of some implement or utensil. An individual once
bore the name of Sk'u'mEl = 'paddle.' When he died, as they might
not use this term before his relatives, they had to make use of the term
qautllious when they wished to say ' paddle.' I did not get the signification of this new term. Another person bore the name Sluk'CEn=l moccasin.'
When he died a new word had to be coined, and to-day both terms are
in common use for moccasin.
The stories give us examples of the names used formerly. I append a
few specimens of these here :—
Tcia'tmuq = owl.
Sia'tlmEQ m rain-man.
Cauk* = skull.
SQeils = copper.
Puberty Customs.
When a girl arrived at puberty she would call her mother's attention
to her condition. The mother at once informed the father, who calls the
family and relatives together. They discuss the matter and arrange
what course the girl is to follow.1 First of all they take two strands of
the wool of the mountain^ sheep or goat and tie them to her hair, one on
each side of her forehead. This is a public notification of the girl's condition, which everybody understands. She is now set to ' pull' wool or
hair without food or drink for the space of four days. She was kept
without water during this period, because it was believed that if she
drank water when in this condition she would spoil her teeth. She must
abstain from washing or bathing, and must never go near the fire during
the four days.2 When in this condition her mother, or grandmother, or
some other woman would pull out all the irregular hairs from the edges
of her eyebrows so as to make them fine and even. The denuded parts
were always rubbed with the girl's saliva to prevent the hairs growing
again. When the four days were up some old women would take her in
hand, and bathe her head and body in hot water, and scrub her with
1 From this statement it would seem that no two
same procedure.
iris necessarily followed the
It was believed that if she sat near the fire during her menses her skin would
become red, and ever after remain in that condition. ON THE  ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA. 485
branches till her skin was almost torn off and her body was sore and
covered from head to foot with scratches from the severe treatment she
had received. The prickly brambles of the trailing blackberry (Rubus sp.)
were often employed for this purpose, and my informant told me that it
was no uncommon thing for a girl to toss and turn in agony the night
following this bath, unable to close her eyes in sleep for the pain and
smarting of her body.
If she were the daughter of a chief or a noble she would be bathed by
the 8Qd'm'tEn or siu (medicine man or woman). These would be paid for
their services with gifts of blankets or skins.
The object of these heroic measures was to make the girl ' bright and
smart.' After the bath she was given food and drink and permitted to
come to the fire. Sometimes a friend of the family would mark the
occasion by putting a nice new blanket over the girl's shoulders. After
her meal her face would be painced with streaks of red paint, and the
girl would then go to the forest and pull down the branches of all the
cedar and spruce trees she passed and rub her face and body with their
tips, and then let them spring up again. The object of this practice was
to make her charming and attractive in the eyes of men. She would also
take a quantity of fern-roots of the edible kind (Pteris aquilina) and
offer them to the biggest trees she could find. This was supposed to give
her a generous nature and keep her from becoming stingy and mean.
After a girl had arrived at puberty she was never allowed to play or
mingle with the boys. She was kept indoors at work all day long. The
lot of a girl among the Sk'qo'mic in the olden days does not appear to
have been an enviable one.
A girl or woman during her monthly periods was ' bad medicine ;'
that is, she was supposed to carry ill-luck with her. If she entered a
sick-room the invalid was sure to get worse ; and if she crossed the path
of a hunter or a fisher he would get no luck that trip.
When people were sick they were rubbed with dog-fish oil.
When the screech owl (cai'u) was heard hooting around a house it
was regarded as a sure sign that some of the inmates would shortly die.
Cai'u signifies 'rhost,' or ' shade.'
The dwellings of the old Sk'qo'mic were of the communal kind,
whether they were the ordinary-slab and cedar-board structure or whether
they were the winter keekwilee-house. As far as I have been able to
gather, only the upper tribes on the Sk qo'mic River used the sk'umi'n, or
keekwilee-house. That this structure was known to them is clear from
the name of one of their villages, which signifies in English * keekwilee-
house.' The lower tribes commonly used the cedar structure all the year
round. Each village contained one and sometimes two of these placed at
right angles to one another, or in parallel lines according to the local
peculiarities of the village site. Some of them, in the more populous I
villages, were of enormous length, extending in an unbroken line for '
! upwards of 600 feet. Houses of two or three hundred feet in
length were very ordinary dwellings. In width they varied from 20
to 40 feet. The walls, too, were of variable height, ranging from 8 to
15 feet when the roofs were gabled. If the roof contained but one slope,
then the higher side would rise to 25 or even 30 feet. Both sides and
roof were built of cedar boards or slabs split with hammer and wedges 486
from the cedar trunk. The cedar (Thuya giganted) of British Columbia
lends itself readily to operations of this kind, and the task is not as
difficult as might be imagined. The white settlers almost everywhere
build their houses, stables, fences, and barns of cedar split by themselves
in this way. I have seen boards split out as smooth and uniform as if
they had been cut out with a saw and planed. In the native dwellings
the boards were held in place by withes or ropes made from young cedars
or from the branches of older ones. There were no windows in these
buildings ; sunlight and air came in through the doors or by the roof, a
part of which was pulled down a few feet to let the smoke out and the
air and light in during the day in fine weather. These structures are
open from end to end without partitions or divisions of any kind. The
chief quite commonly occupied The centre of the "Swelling. Next to him,
on either side, came his brothers and other notabilities, and beyond these
the baser folk. Each family had its own allotted space at the side of the
dwelling and its own fire. This space was commonly just ample enough
to allow of the beds of the family being arranged around three sides of a
square  with  an  open  front  towards the fire and  centre of  the room
thus I I.   The bed was raised by a kind of platform or bed-stand about
two feet from the ground. In the space beneath were stored roots
and such-like commodities. Above and over the beds shelves were hung.
On these were stored the dried fish and utensils of the family. If the
family were one of position and wealth, several large cedar boxes would
be found lying about. These would contain the blankets and skins and
other valuables of the owners. To separate the beds of one family from
another, hanging curtains of grass and reeds were suspended on either
side, but the front was left open. The beds of the Sk'qo'mic consisted of
reed mats and slowi, i.e., the inner bark of the cedar beaten till fine and
soft. Bolls of the same material formed their pillows. Their coverings
were, for the poorer class, mats of the same materials. For the wealthy
these were supplemented by mountaim.goat iilankets and dressed deerskins. The Sk'qo'mic husband and wife did not sleep side by side, but
feet to feet. If the bed space was confined the feet of one would reach
to the head of the other ; but usually this was not the case, plenty of
room being allowed.
In winter it was customary to keep the fires burning all night, large
logs being placed upon them for the purpose. On the occasion of feasts
and dances the hanging mats about the beds would all be taken down,
the beds themselves serving for seats or platforms for the drummers and
Household Utensils,
The Sk'qo'mic housekeeper possessed cooking pots of both cedar and
basketry. Food was served in large shallow cedar troughs or dishes.
Smaller platters of the same material were also in use, likewise spoons,
though these were also made of horn. When eating they sat on mats or
squatted on their haunches. Of baskets they had a great variety. Some
of these were made from the split roots of young cedar, spruce, or fir trees,
others from the bark of the alder and birch.
The dress of the Sk'qo'mic in prse-trading days did not differ materially
from that of other tribes of this region.    The men commonly wore high ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
leggings and waist-cloth. Over their shoulders, when they wero not
actively engaged, they wore, toga-fashion, a ^native blanket. The women
of the nobler class wore a dressed deer-skin shroucTor smock, which
reached from the shoulders to below their knees; inferior women \*ore
only short petticoats of woven slofwi. Moccasins were worn at times by
both sexes. The women sometimes covered their heads with a plaited
conical hat with broad sloping brim. This served also as a receptacle for
berries and other small things if no basket were at hand. The exterior of
these hats was commonly figured in red and black paints or dyes. Some
of the older women may still be occasionally seen wearing them, but they
have gone out of use generally.
Tattooing and Painting.
In earlier days the men used to paint themselves for dancing and other
ceremonies. I could not learn that the men ever tattooed their bodies.
A favourite decoration was that effected by sprinkling particles of mica
over their faces and bodies upon a groundwork of  grease.    This gave
Markings on right arm above back of the hand.
Colour blue.
Markings on left arm above back of the hand.
+ +
Colour blue.
their bodies a glistening appearance. They obtained the mica for this
purpose from disintegrated granite. The women commonly employed a
kind of red clay for facial decoration. This they smeared over their
cheeks, chins, and foreheads. When confined only to the cheeks and not
too lavishly put on the effect was not displeasing to the eye. It gave
them a ruddy, comely appearance. The old women of pagan habits still
decorate themselves in this way. The women were accustomed to tattoo
themselves on the arm or wrist and lower leg. The markings were
always simple and generally crude, bearing no resemblance whatever to
the elaborate and fanciful designs of the Haida and other northern
Indians. A copy of the markings on the arms of one of my informants,
is given above.
The Sk'qo'mic had a variety of games.    I obtained some information
oh some of these.    The commonest and most popular were the ball games. 488
Of these they had two called k'e'k'qua and tcqui'la. The former was a
kind of lacrosse, and the ball was caught and thrown with an instrument
similar to the lacrosse stick. The other was a kind of football. They
played also a game called tckwie. This was a kind of shuttlecock and
battledore, and a favourite pastime of the girls. They were acquainted
also with ' qauwi'lts,' or the ' cat's-cradle' game. But dancing and
dramatic impersonations of animals were their favourite pastimes, and
these played an important part in the tribal festivities in earlier days.
The Sk'qo'mic had three kinds of dances, called respectively me'tla,
ko'aok's, and skaip. The first was the common dance, which any one
could perform ; the second was characterised by spasmodic shakings of
the head on the part of the dancer j the third had for its distinguishing
feature a shaking or violent trembling of the hand, which was held aloft
in the air during the dance. In this dance the dancer spits much blood,
or something which has the appearance of blood. I have not myself
seen a dance of this kind, so cannot say whether it is really blood or not.
As they appear to be none the worse after the dancing is over they probably do not spit blood. When dancing they invariably sing. These
Ijdance-songs are private property. JSTo one can use another person's song
iuhless permission has been given, or unless it belongs jointly to more
than one person. These dance-songs are acquired by inheritance or they
are learnt in dreams. Dreams or visions are the original source of all
their dances. A person dreams of a certain dance, and on the next
occasion introduces it. Not every one is a dancer ; only those who are
by mental temperament fitted for the part ever become noted dancers.
The reason of this is simple. A dancer during the performance of his
dance is not in a normal condition of mind. He or she is practically in a
hypnotic trance state. On the occasion of a dance the dancers come
forward as they are moved or prompted by self suggestion or the mental
suggestion of the waiting audience. They sit. passive waiting for the
' psychological moment,' just precisely as do the sitters in a 'mediumistic
circle.' The monotonous beating of cedar boards on all sides, which is
their dance music, has the effect of sending some of them into hypnotic
trances. First one and then another heaves a deep sigh, or utters sounds
indicative of mental disorder; some swoon outright, and have to be
brought to a dancing condition by the dashing of cold water over them ;
and some start on in a kind of frenzy, and dance from fire to fire all
round the building till they fall exhausted from their exertions.
Dancers had to undergo a certain training. When young men or women
desired to become dancers they had first to subject themselves to a four
days' fast. In this condition it was easy for them to pass into the
hypnotic state. In the case of the girls in particular they would invariably swoon away on the fourth night, when the dance would be held,
and the soom'tEn and the slu would work upon them to restore them to
consciousness. Presently a girl would come out of her swoon with a
deep sigh and begin singing, and then start off dancing for half an hour.
This dance she is supposed to have learnt in her trance. When she has
finished her performance she is driven out into the forest among the
trees. The purpose of this is that she may learn a new dance from the
bushes and trees, which they think are able to bold communication with
the neophyte in her present state and impart to her some of their know- ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY  OF  CANADA.
ledge. After a while she returns to the building again and performs a
new dance. When a novice performs his or her first dance it is called
their hansa'lktl. Nearly all the spectators of the dances beat time with
sticks on loose cedar boards placed on the beds. The movements of the
dancers are various, agility and endurance being more aimed at than
what we should call grace. Prancing like a high-stepping horse is a
noted feature in some of the men's dances. An old resident of the district, Mr. Jonathan Miller, now postmaster of Vancouver City, but who
formerly had much to do with the Indians in his capacity of provincial
constable, informed me that at the close of one of their dances, which
took place about thirty-eight years ago at the village of QoiQoi (=masks),
in Stanley Park, which then had a population of 700, and now contains ,
but one family, a noted medicine-man, or suom'tEft, gave a performance.
He came into the circle with a small living dog in his teeth. As he
danced he devoured the creature piecemeal. He bit the skin from its
nose and tore it backwards with his teeth till he reached the throat, j
He then tore off piece after piece of the flesh and danced round the ■
building, devouring it as he went. This dance was known as the ' dog-
dance.' This is no longer practised even by the pagan bands, as. far as I
can learn.
There was a custom among the Sk'qo'mic of £ bringing out' a girl, not
altogether unlike the custom among ourselves. In the case of a girl who
had lost her mother when she had reached the age of puberty she was
publicly \ brought out \ at the next dance, and sang and danced her
mother's song and dance before the whole community. She was attired
for the occasion in a special garment or head-dress. When the people
were assembled for the dancing an elderly man of the girl's family would
proclaim aloud that So-and-so was going to dance and sing her mother's
song. Her brothers or her cousins would now prepare and robe her.
This ceremony was called so'yumaitl, and consisted in placing upon her
head a kind of yejl^composed of tails made from the wool of the mountain-goat, which hung down all round her person, and bobbed and
swayed as she moved. The garment was called so'yumEn. If the girl
were a good industrious sister the brothers would show their esteem and
regard for her by seating her on a pile of blankets, afterwards to be
given away to mark the occasion. Usually the ceremony took place in
the house, but sometimes a platform would be erected on several canoes
joined together on the water, and the dance would take place there.
When the announcement would be made of the dance all the people
would show their pleasure by clapping their hands much as a
audience does. In earlier times the girl danced on a blanket,
was afterwards saals, or scrambled for by the onlookers, each
endeavouring to get a piece of it. Every one who secured a grip
blanket was entitled to cut off all he held in his hand. These pieces of
blanket were not prized as mere souvenirs of the occasion, as might be
thought, but rather as precious material to be rewoven into another
blanket. That is the reason why blankets at potlatches and other feasts
were cut into pieces if there were not enough whole ones to go round
among the guests. Mountain-goat wool was a valuable commodity, \
and not easy to secure ; hence the value of even a small piece of blanket.
This sQdls, or scrambling, was always an exciting scene, and because of
an accident that happened on one of these occasions to the debutante by
of the
over-eagerness of
the crowd to sret at the blanket, it was afterwards 490
always suspended over the girl's head while she danced, and when she
had finished it was taken down and thrown to the audience, who
literally cut and tore it to pieces. In later times, after the introduction of Hudson's Bay blankets, the pieces secured from the saals of
these were sewn together to make baby blankets of.
The Sk'qo'mic in common with other tribes of this region were given
to holding [ potlatches.' These have been so often described that it is unnecessary to give an account of them here. They were the occasion of
great gatherings. Whole tribes from long distances would be invited
sometimes. Representatives from Lytton and Kamloops in the interior,
and from the upper coast and Vancouver's Island, were present on one
occasion at QoiQoi. Over 2,000 in all sat down to the feast. An immense
quantity of property was distributed on this occasion, estimated by Mr.
J. Miller, who was present, to be worth over $5,000. On another and
later occasion chief SemEla'no, the head of one of the confederated bands
at the mouth of the Fraser, gave away $3,000 in silver and 2,000
The Sk'qo'mic would sometimes wage war with their northern neighbours the StlatlumH or Lillooets. They had also to defend themselves
from marauding bands of Chilcotins, but their most dreaded enemies were
the U'keltaws, a band of the Kwakiutl tribe. These latter were long the
scourge of the coast from the northern end of Vancouver's Island to the
Columbia, and from the mouth of the Fraser up to Yale. There is not a
tribe on the Fraser that has not memories of evil times and bitter losses
caused by the visits of this band. Only on one occasion is it recorded
that the Sk'qo mic got the better of their foes, and that since the white
man's time and the advent of firearms. It is told that the Sk'qo'mic
scouts brought timely warning of the approach of two war canoes of
U'keltaws. The Sk'qo'mic at that time had a courageous and resourceful
leader in their head chief KiajpJJa'noQ. He assembled a number of the
bravest men and best shots^of thlf tribe and hid them in a log hut built
for the purpose at the mouth of the narrows leading into Burrard Inlet.
On the fiats immediately in front of the hut he placed some of the women
and children, who were to pretend to be gathering drift wood. When
the U'keltaws came into the narrows they at once perceived the women
and children, and, thinking to secure these for slaves in the apparent
absence of the men, they landed. The women and children now fled
towards the woods, drawing their pursuers after them close to the hut.
The hidden Sk'qo'mic now opened tire upon the U'keltaws and killed
every one without harm to themselves. The very name of this band was
a terror to the other tribes, and the mothers would frighten their children
into silence and quiet by saying the U'keltaws were coming for them.
In most of the villages they had palisaded enclosures to retire into when
hard pressed by this enemy.
The principal and staple food of the Sk'6'mic was salmon. These,
fresh in season and dried out of season, were to them what bread is to the
European and rice to the Oriental, and great was the distress and famine ON  THE  ETHNOLOGICAL  SURVEY
if the salmon catch was poor. Their traditions tell of troubles of this
kind occasionally. They also hunted the deer with dogs, and occasionally
secured a mountain-goat or two. In hunting the deer they did not shoot
or trap them. The dogs were trained to drive them into the water, where
they were easily despatched by men in canoes. Some of the men were
skilful with the bow and arrow, and secured by this means many duck,
<fcc., but it was in fishing the tribe excelled. Fruits and roots of various
kinds were also eaten by them. This we may gather for ourselves from
their folk-tales. I was unable to secure the native names of many of
these. Such of those as I did get will be found in my vocabulary of
Sk'qo'mic terms below, with their botanical equivalents. I could not
learn that any family or village had exclusive rights over fishing, hunting,
or berry and root grounds. These seemed to be common to all alike.
Neither could I hear anything of ' First Fruits ' ceremonies as among the
N'tlaka'pamuQ and River Indians. The chiefs used formerly to pray for
the tribe or village to Te tcitl sla'm, the upper chief, but I could learn no
particulars of these prayers. They have been in contact, more or less
close, with white men for over two generations, and this intercourse, with
the influence of the missionaries, has broken down and thrust aside many
of their old pagan beliefs and practices, many of which are not known at
all by the younger men and women, and almost forgotten by the older
ones. Like the other tribes of this region they were fond of fish-oils, and
particularly salmon-oil. They extracted oil from the sturgeon, the seal
the salmon, and the dog-fish. They stored these oils away in bottles made
from the sounds, or air-bladders, of certain fish, They used this oil for a
variety of purposes besides food. One of these was the anointing of
the bodies of sick persons and also the bodies of twins when wind was
Physical Characteristics,
With the exception of about a score of photographs of men and boys
of the Sk'qo'mic I regret to say that I can add no new material to our
knowledge of the physical characteristics of this tribe. Dr. Boas's earlier
work along these lines among them so prejudiced their minds against
anything of the kind that I found it impossible to do anything with them,
more particularly after the death of the late Bishop Durieu, who had a
great influence over them. The good Bishop had made an appointment
with me just before his death sickness, and had promised to exercise his
influence in my behalf, and I was sorely disappointed to learn of his
death. He told me himself that on the occasion of Dr. Boas's visit many
of the Indians ran away and hid themselves in the woods rather than submit to the examinations. I made an effort, however, and chief George
' rounded ' me up a score or so of children of all ages, but the mothers of
them came upon us before I had measured the first boy's head and dragged
them all off. After this I gave up the attempt to do anything with them
in this way. I may say, however, that, like the N'tlaka'pamuQ, they are
clearly a mixed race. We find two distinct facial types among them, one
of which is distinctly and markedly Mongolic. I regret being unable to
secure a good specimen of this type among my photographs.
Archaeological investigation carried on within the territory of the
Sk'qo'mic has resulted in revealing to us, among other things, one fact of 492
special importance. This is that the shores and bays of Burrard Inlet
and English Bay have been occupied by rude communities of people for a
very considerable period of time. The midden heaps here—the chief monuments of the past in this region—are of two kinds or classes, and clearly
belong to two distinct periods. There is the class represented by the
refuse heaps seen in the vicinity of every camp site on the coast, and
which, generally speaking, are composed almost wholly of the shells of
various bivalves, mostly of the clam and mussel kind, and which are
clearly of modern or comparatively modern date; and there is the class
composed of fewer shells, which are mostly fractured and partially decomposed, numbers of calcined stones and large quantities of ashes and other
earthy matter. The latter accumulations bear every characteristic of age,
and are undoubtedly of ancient date. I believe these two classes of
middens are to be found everywhere on this coast. Wherever I have
gone I have always met with them ; and Dr. G. M. Dawson has also
mentioned them as occurring on the Queen Charlotte Islands in his
paper on the Haidas. . At all events they are particularly characteristic of
this region, and are perhaps the most interesting feature of its archaeology.
Evidence of an anatomical kind has been secured from the middens of
this older class in the neighbouring district of the Fraser, which leads us
to believe that a pre-Salishan race once occupied these shores and bays
and formed these heaps. Crania, of a type wholly different from those
recovered from the burial-grounds of the modern tribes, have been dug
up in some of these older heaps. The Sk'qo mie territory is particularly
rich in these evidences of a distant past. On both shores of Burrard
Inlet, on English Bay, and around False Creek, the remains of many of
these ancient middens are to be found. In some instances they have
been partially washed away by the tides, owing to a subsidence in the
land since the heaps were formed. In some places the decaying stumps
of old cedar and fir trees of immense size are seen embedded in the midden
mass. There can be no doubt that many of these stumps are over half a
millennium old. They are the remains of what is locally known as the
first forest. In numerous instances I have found them and the middens
overlying the glacial gravels and clays with no intervening mould or soil
between them, while all around in the same vicinity the vegetable mould
covers both the gravel and the middens themselves to a depth of from
six to twelve inches. Indeed the presence of these old camp sites can
often only be discovered by examining the strata of the banks facing the
There is a second reason which leads me to regard these older heaps
as prse-Salishan formations. They are not included by the Sk'qo'mic
among their old camp sites in the enumeration of their ancient d'k'toumuq,
or villages. There is nothing in the Sk'qo'mic traditions which indicates
that they were ever occupied by members of the Sk'qo'mic tribe. In my
own mind there is no doubt whatever that they are centuries older than
the oldest known Sk'qo'mic refuse heaps or camp sites, and were formed
by a preceding race. The relics recovered from these ancient middens
are not, however, distinguished in any marked manner from those found
elsewhere on more modern sites. They represent the usual specimens
of bone and stone weapons and utensils, rough and crude specimens being
found side by side with finely wrought and polished ones. But if they
do not differ in any special manner from known Sk'qo'mic specimens
neither do they, for the matter of that,  except in the kind of stone ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
employed, from the remains of ancient peoples elsewhere. Many stone
arrow and spear points have been picked up on the beach adjacent to the
heaps, from which they have been obviously washed by the action of the
tides, which have at some points almost demolished the midden piles.
Jade or nephrite adzes, axes, and chisels have also been picked up in the
same vicinity; and large numbers of spear and arrow heads \ in the
rough' are unearthed from time to time. These latter were apparently
hoards or magazines. They can be picked up on the northern shore of
Stanley Park at low tide by the score. They are not to be confounded
with the waste chips of the arrow maker's workshop so characteristic of
some prehistoric camp sites. They are clearly the raw material of the
spear and arrow point maker, all showing evidence of having been skilfully
broken for the purpose from water-worn boulders of dark basalt. No
one could mistake their purpose—their outlines are too obvious. In
form, material, and colour they differ radically from the ordinary pebbles
and stones of the beach.
As these old middens in the Sk'qo'mic territory resemble in most of
their features, except extent and mass, the great middens of the Lower
Fraser, I would refer those who desire to learn more of them to my
paper on ' Prehistoric Man in British Columbia,' published in the ' Transactions' of the Royal Society of Canada for 1896, in which I have treated
of these middens at some length.
Since the Sk'qo'mic have come under the influence of the missionaries
they have not only buried their dead in proper graveyards, but have
also gathered up and interred in the same place such remains of their
dead as could be recovered from their former burial-places. It is difficult,
therefore, to secure anatomical material from this region. Some ten or
twelve years ago, when the Vancouver City authorities were making the
road which now runs round the edge of the penisula which constitutes
Stanley Park, they opened one of the larger of the later or Salish
middens, utilising the material for the road bed. A considerable number
of skeletons was disinterred from the midden mass during the operation,
the larger bones and crania of which were gathered up and placed in
boxes which were afterwards hidden in the forest where I discovered
them a few years later. The crania had then fallen to pieces. A boxful
of these bones I shipped later to the Dom. Geol. Survey Museum
at Ottawa. From the fact of these bones being found thus inhumated
as well as from the recovery of a skeleton in a fair state of
preservation in the same heap by myself, it would seem to appear that
burial by inhumation sometimes took place in former times even by the
Sk'qo'mic themselves, though this was not the prevailing custom when
we first came into contact with them. There is, however, no record of
burials of this kind in the tribal recollection that I could learn, the
traditional method of burial being that already described in my mortuary
notes, and it is quite possible these burials in the midden mass were
due to the presence of some pestilence or epidemic such as their traditions
speak of, and such as we know on good testimony caused the inhumation
of a large number of corpses in the Hammond midden on the Fraser
a few generations ago. The tribe inhabiting this district was almost
decimated by small-pox. So terrible was the scourge that they abandoned
their village site after burying all their dead in a big hole. In digging
the foundations of his house, the rancher who now owns this spot came
upon this pit of bones,  and in consequence chose another site for his 494
dwelling. In the traditional history of the Sk'qo'mic we learn of some
terrible sickness which killed off whole villages and caused the abandonment of many o'kwumuqs. The presence of these human remains in the
midden in the park may be due to this or some similar cause. No
relics, as far as I could learn from the man who had charge of the road
making, were found with the bodies ; which fact would seem to indicate
that they had not been buried in the usual way. I have never discovered
or heard of any mounds or tumuli within the territories of the
Sk'qo'mic such as are found on the banks of the Lower Fraser and
elsewhere. It is extremely doubtful if any such exist among them. Of
the old weapons or utensils the stone pestle-hammer is the only one now
found among them. I have frequently seen the older men using this
tool; indeed they prefer it to our hammers. I once showed some of the
younger men some stone arrow and spear points. They did not know
what they were or what they had been used for. They had a very
ingenious way of keeping their wedges from splitting under the repeated
blows of the hammer when splitting cedar boards, &c. They bound the
head of the wedge in a most skilful manner with a ring of twisted
fibres or split cedar-root which answered the same purpose and almost
as effectively as the iron ring on our mallets and chisels. Besides
wooden wedges they also used horn ones. Several of their modern tools
are fashioned after the pattern of the ancient ones, notably the steel
adze they employ in canoe-making and the women's salmon knife.
The latter is of the half-moon shape, and generally formed from a piece
of a saw, and corresponds in everything but material to the prehistoric
slate knives of the middens.
There is a point in canoe-making which the Sk'qo'mic share in common
with the other coast tribes of this region to which I cannot recall that
any previous writer has drawn attention, but which very aptly illustrates
the skill and judgment displayed by our British Columbia Indians in
their adaptation of means to ends, and upon which a few remarks-
will not be out of place here. In shaping the canoe from the solid log
the outlines marked out by the builder are very different from those
the canoe takes when finished. When looked at from the side just before
the steaming process preparatory to spreading the beam has been
effected it is seen to have distinctly convex gunwales which rise
gradually in the centre six or eight inches above the line of the bow and
stern, while the bottom of the canoe is correspondingly concave. The
object of this is to insure the gunwales having the proper sweep and
curve from bow to stern after the spreading process has taken place,
and to prevent the bottom bellying out in the centre, from the same
cause. The greater the beam is spread the higher must the gunwales
rise at the centre, and the greater must be the concavity of the
bottom. In large canoes where the beam is six or seven feet, and
the log originally perhaps less than five feet through, to allow of
this spread of two feet or so, a very considerable convexity in the
gunwales and a proportionate concavity in the bottom of the vessel are
necessary. This spreading of the canoe is in itself a very nice task,
calling for much judgment and care. It is effected by partially filling
it with water and then dropping in heated stones till the water is at
boiling heat. On the outside of the canoe, and in close proximity to its
sides, fires are also kept up, care being exercised that the sides of the
canoe are not burnt  in  the process.    The heat  of the fires and  the ON THE  ETHNOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OF  CANADA.
steaming and soaking give a certain degree of elasticity to the cedar,
and prevent the thin sides of the canoe from splitting or cracking under
the strain of the spreading. The sides are kept apart and in the proper
position by fixed narrow thwarts. The native canoe-builder knows to a
nicety just what convexity and concavity to allow respectively to the
sides and bottom in every instance, and rarely errs in his calculations.
Not every Indian is a canoe-builder of the first order, the art requiring
nice judgment and an experienced eye, and our admiration may well
be excited by the ingenious method the canoe-builders adopt in overcoming the difficulties imposed upon them by the narrowness of the
log. In the hollowing out of the log the canoe-builder again shows his
skill and nice judgment. The thickness of the sides and bottom of a
canoe is generally under an inch. To the onlooker nothing seems easier
than to miscalculate this thickness, and pare off too much or too little
in places. Yet the native canoe-builder never does this, but chips out
his canoe as uniformly as if it had been turned out of a mould, his only
aid being his finger-tips. He feels the sides and bottom from time to
time as he goes along by the tips of his fingers, placing a hand on each
side of his work. By this means he can tell to a nicety the exact thickness of the shell. The Sk'qo'mic have five different canoes, each called
by a special term. One at least of these, the Chinook canoe, is a
borrowed form. I cannot say if the others originated with themselves.
They have of late years added a sixth to their number. This new one is
a racing canoe, built on the lines of our four-oared outrigger. I saw
one of these at the Mission across Burrard Inlet, the beautiful, graceful
lines of which would do no discredit to a first-class yacht-builder. It
was hollowed from a cedar log in the usual way, and outrigged
like a regular shell, and was altogether a splendid piece of native
The following notes on the languages of the Sk-qo'mic will be the more welcome
inasmuch as they constitute the first serious attempt, as far as the writer has been
able to learn, to give the peculiarities of the structure of this dialect. While the
Sk-qo'mic possesses many of the characteristics common to the Saiish tongue, its
dialectal differences are so many and great as to mark it off into a distinct class of
its own. It shows resemblance to both the Alkome'lEm dialects of the Lower Fraser
on the one hand and to the dialects of the tribes of the interior on the other, but is
quite distinct from any of these, and possesses a grammatical formation, character,
and vocabulary wholly its own, which renders it impossible for its speakers to hold
extended converse with the neighbouring tribes without the aid of the trade jargon.
Though my studies of this tongue have extended more or less over the whole peiiod
of my residence in these parts, it is only during the past year that I have given anything like connected thought to the work. Having found an intelligent helper this
spring in my studies in the person of a half-breed named Annie Carrasco, I have
taken advantage of her assistance to gather a fairly extensive list of phrases and
sentences illustrative of the laws and structure of the language. From these and
from the story of the SmailEtl, which I have written in the original Sk-qo'mic, a fair
knowledge of this dialect may now, with the aid of my notes, be obtained.
My method of working was to supplement the services of Mrs. Carrasco with
those of one or more full-blooded Sk'qo'mic. These were generally a woman named
Annie Rivers and Chief Thomas of Kuk-aio's. My notes, therefore, will, I trust, be
free from those errors which sometimes creep into our studies of the native tongues
when only the services of half-breeds, with limited and imperfect knowledge of the
language, are employed. There are many ways of expressing the same thoughts
and ideas in Sk-qo'mic as in other tor gues. I have, however, in my grammar notes
sought to record at all times the correct or 'classic' forms.    Colloquialisms and 496
' slangey' phrases are quite common, and these are active factors of change in the
Sk-qo'mic language as in others. Chief Thomas and others of the older men informed
me that the language had changed considerably during the past fifty years, and that
every generation of speakers brought in new phrases and expressions, some of which
die out and are forgotten, while others are perpetuated and in time become ' t lassie'
or correct forms of speech. It is clear, therefore, that precisely the same laws
prevail in the speech of barbarous, unlettered peoples like the Sk-qo'mic as in the
language of cultivated and literary stocks.
1 as in
o       „
o        »
u        „
u        „
ai     „
ou     „
oi      „
; as in English h&t
;       „       „      father
I      all
„        „      pen
I      ,,       ,,      flower
|        „      pin
The vowel sounds in Sk-q5'mic are even more indeterminate than in the
N'tlaka'pamuQ. The long vowels are in this respect more at fault than the short
ones : e and ai final I found particularly troublesome, and at first I was constantly
changing from the one to the other, no two Indians uttering them exactly alike. A
similar trouble is found in dealing with au and 0. So marked is this characteristic
of the Sk*qofmic vowel that the vocabularies of different collectors would be found to
agree but rarely, no matter how carefully they might work.
t as in English. Throughout my studies of the Sk-qo'mic tongue I have been
unable to detect the corresponding sonant d. Indeed, I am inclined to think that
sonants, as distinct from sards, are altogether wanting in Sk-qo'mic. In looking
through my collection of terms I find but one single example of g\ and that the
harsh form, which at best is only a surd-sonant; no b at all and no true g, though I
have sometimes written this sonant; and in looting over the short vocabulary of the
Sk'qo'mic tongue given in the Comparative Vocabulary in the Sixth Report on the
N.W. Tribes of Canada, by Dr. Boas, I find that it does not contain a single term
with a sonant in it.
k, as in English.
k', approximately, like the final k in the word kick, uttered forcibly.
g-, rare.   In sound it differs little from k\
•q, as in the German ch in Bach.
«q, approximately like our wh, but with more force.
*H, as in German ch in ich.
h, y, w, m, n, 1, s, as in English ; p sometimes as in English, sometimes with a
suspicion of the corresponding sonant about it; a quality of sound impossible to
Tender by any written symbol; c as in English sh ; tc as in English ch in the word
•church; ts, tz, as uttered in English; tl an explosive 1 approximately like the Welsh
11; sl somewhat as in English, but easily mistaken for tl as uttered by some natives;
kl as in English ; c as in English th, as in the word thin. In uttering s some of the
natives show a tendency to convert it into ts, these two sounds being practically
interchangeable in Sk'qo'mic. The character of the consonants is" not nearly so
indeterminate as the vowels. The commonest interchanges are:—k*, k; k*, q ; q, Q ;
<j, h; H, h. To mark the hiatus which occurs in certain words I have employed the
apostrophic sign; as ts'qamts = sap
Accent and Tone.
Accentuation is a marked feature of the Sk'qo'mic. Every word that contains
more than one syllable has, according to its length, one or more accented syllables.
The importance of the accent is seen in such words as have a common form or sound
but different meaning.   For example, the word sk-o'mai with the accent on the first T«P
syllable signifies ' hair,' but with the accent on the final syllable, sa sk'umai', it means
* dog.' It seems impossible to lay down any general rule for the position of the
accent. In words of two syllables the accent is perhaps oftener placed upon the
former than upon the latter svliable; but the exceptions to this usage are so many
that it hardly constitutes a rule. Speaking generally, the place of the accent may be
said to depend u^on the composition of the word. If the word be composed of
different radicals having special or independent signification, then the accent will be
found on the most important element or radical in the synthesis ; as stlEntlanaio'tl =
girls, where the accented syllable signifies 'youth,' the idea to be brought out in the
compound. If we want to say * women' instead of * girls' this final syllable is
wanting, and the accent falls on the second syllable: as stlEntla'nai. But there
are many exceptions to this rule also, for in the compounds sua-tci'ca = step-mother
and sua-ma'n = step-father we have the accent on 'mother' and 'father' respectively,
and not, as by the rule we should expect to find it, on the first syllable sua- = step, as
in English. An analysis of the 550 words, more or less, of my vocabulary of the
Sk'qo'mic seems to show also that syllables containing a long vowel oftener take the
accent than syllables containing a short vowel; but whether this is a mere coincidence
or due to the superior importance of the syllable in question I am unable to
In monosyllabic terms a tonic accent is at times plainly discernible. It resembles
one of the rising tones in Chinese Father Morice has pointed out the same
peculiarity in several of the dialects of the Den6. There, however, the function of
tone is the same as in Chinese and marks a difference of meaning in words of the
same form and sound; but in Sk'qo'mic this is not so. What purpose this tonic
accent subserves in the Sk-qo'mic dialect is not at present clear to me.
The Sk-qomic contains no true plural: its place is supplied by a distributive formed
as in .N'tlaka'pamuQ by amplification of the stem, either by reduplication, epenthesis,
or diaeresis. Reduplication in the Sk-qo'mic is not so strong a feature as in
N'tlaka'pamuQ, epenthesis and diaeresis occurring oftener. The plurals of both nouns
and adjectives are formed in this way ; as—
old man
youngest (sing.)
bad (sing )
beautiful (sing.)
term of relationship
her or him
old men
youngest (plur.) .
bad (plur.)
beautiful (plur.)
term  of  relationship (plur.)
It is observable that the vowel in the reduplicated syllable is invariably shortened
if long in the singular form. This is a very constant rule in Sk-qo'mic We find
the verb stem is also sometimes amplified by reduplication, though not in any
instance with which I am familiar, for the purpose of expressing number, the reduplicated forms being found in the singular as well as in the plural, thus sqai'aqai,
to laugh tcetcEm, to swim ; k'dk-ot, to strike; tlEtlEm, to rain ; pipld'tdtl, to hunt;
tas-tas, to do, to make. Here the function of the reduplication is clearly to mark
repetition of the action expressed by the verbal stem, and in this respect it agrees
with the N'tlaka'pamuQ.
But besides the above functions it has also an augmentative use ; thus, tsu'tlum —
cold, but tsotso'tlum = very cold ; sta'Qais = a, clift, but sidtd'qais — a, very high cliff*.
I find that the numerals two and ten undergo modification in certain phrases.
For example in the sentence ' I have ten horse?,' dpKn=.ten is thus modified D'opEn; 498
but in the sentence ' I have ten houses,' the numeral takes the common form o'pEn.
It is the same with two = d'nds, which is amplified in the same way by the reduplication of the initial vowel. I could not learn that this modification took place with
other than the word horses, though it is possible my informant's memory may have
been at fault. It is quite clear, however, that these modified forms are not commonly
We find the same suffix -tEK employed in the Sk'qo'mic to mark instrumentality
as in the N'tlaka'pamuQ, though not always applied to corresponding expressions;
tla'tc-£s%, knife, i e., cutting thing.
pa'tc-tffi-w, needle, i.e., piercing thing
tWtc-tun, saw.
Qe'itc-£s%, salmon-knife.
tca'nisu-£z<;%, matting needle.
Qok o'ls-£/m, herb or root basket.
tse'is-z1/?#,, horn.
nukw'iye'utl-£JK'tt, ashes.
hu'm-foiW, a covering.
sq6'm"-£&w, medicine-man.
These terms are very interesting and instructive, throwing much light upon the
method of noun formation which is extremely simple in Sk'qo'mic.
tlEkqai'ts-tffiw, platter,
se'-^&'w, basket,
nuqyi'm-^fiw, belt.
n'ku'p-^/?M, door,
ti-etsipe'tl-^w, nest.
k'we'Ek'-^zm, fur.
cupa'lE-££%, iron,
nukne'tcim-toi, voice.
t'Lu'mk.'-tEn, scissors.
taqu'n-faw, arm.
These nouns are differently formed from the corresponding class in the N'tlaka'-
utl.    Here we find the particle prefixed and quite
pamuQ, which takes a suffix in
different in form ; as—
nuqskoi'lEc, a shooter,
uuqspipi'atotl, a hunter,
nuqstEkw'un'p, a digger,
nuqtze'tzap, a worker,
nuqte'tcEm, a swimmer,
nuqska'tzut, a runner,
nuqslu'lo, a singer,
nuqsq*»i'aqai, a laugher,
nuqea'm. a crier,
nuqsme'tla, a dancer,
from koilac, to shoot
„ pia'totl or pipla'totl,
„ tEkwu'n'p, to dig
,, tze'tzap, to work
„ te'tcEm, to swim
v   „ skatzut, to run
„ slu'Jo, to sing
„ sqai'aqai, to laugh
„ ham, to cry
„ me'tla, to dance
to hunt
While there axe numerous instances of compound terms in the Sk-qo'mic vocabulary, the composite connotive noun is not a distinguishing feature of the language.
An analysis of my collection of words shows that a preponderating number of them
are of the simple, denotive class of monosyllabic or dissyllabic form. Incorporation
or polysyntheticism scarcely finds a place in Sk-qo'mic, the compound forms partaking rather of the character of the Greek and Latin compound terms in English than
the ponderous syntheses of the Dene and Algonkin. The new compound term
employed by the Sk-qo'mic to express the idea of a garden is a fair example of the
formation of their composite terms. Formerly they had no gardens of their own,
and so had to coin a word when they took up horticulture. This term is ns-pEn-
ma'i, which is formed by the juxtaposition of these independent monosyllabic
radicals which signify respectively ' where '' get,' ' fruit' or 'vegetables,' and the
whole thus means ' the place where one gets fruit or vegetables.'
Other examples may be seen in the terms employed to express the seasons of the
year, where we have the same simple juxtaposition of independent radicals. The
analysis of the composite terms in Sk-qo'mic is, therefore, relatively an easy task. For
example, the word sentlqoyotc, meaning ' thumb,' is thus resolved: sentl = first or
oldest; qO = fiuger; yatc = the composite form for 'hand.' This last element is
necessary in the synthesis to distinguish the word from 'big-toe,'which would be thus
written, sentl-qo-cin, cin signifying 'foot.' And so with the word for ' little finger,'
saut-qo-yatc, where saut = 'youngest' or 'last.'   Again, the word expressive of the ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
noise made by people talking, which is sna'-nsut, is thus resolved into two independent radicals: snd' = ' name' or ■ word,' and nsut m ' noise' or ' sound.' Compare
with this the word tce'ansut, which means ' noise' as made by children playing
together.    Numerous other examples may be found in the vocabulary.
Grammatical gender is not entirely wanting in the Sk'qo'mic as amongst the
N'tlaka'pamuQ. The article and the personal pronoun of the third person singular
(which, strictly speaking, is rather a demonstrative than a true pronoun) and the
possessive pronoun of the first person singular have distinct masculine and feminine
forms. Thus tE, ' a' or ' the' (masc), tin, ' a' or * the ' (fern.); tai or te, ' he ;' d'tli,
'she;' tEn, 'my' (masc); Msn, 'my' (fern.). These possessives, monosyllabic
though they be, are compound forms derived from the articles te and He and «, the
characteristic element of the first personal pronoun. It is the same 'n or eu — ' my,'
as we find in N'tlaka'pamuQ, and' which appears so constantly in the irregular verbal
forms of the first person singular in all our Salish dialects. The usage of these
pronouns is interesting. The function of gender is peculiar. As gender is wanting
to the Sk'qo'mic substantive, there can be no agreement between the possessive and
the thing possessed, as in the classic tongues. The gender of the pronoun in any
given sentence depends entirely upon the sex of the speaker. A woman must
always say tlEn, and a man tEn. Thus, tlsn lam, ' my house,' by the woman, and
tEn lam by the man. This is the general usage of the two forms. Even in such
instances as when the speaker uses terms which are applied exclusively to males or
females, such as ' husband,' ' wife,' ' father,' ' mother,' ' brother,' * sister,' &c, where
the distinct form gives a kind of gender to the word, the possessive does not agree
in gender with the substantive, as might, on the analogy of classic usage, be expected. It would be impossible for a man to say ' Ueu tcuwa'c,' 'my wife,' or a
woman to say ' tEn sko','' my husband;' the combination would be ridiculous. There
is, however, an interesting exception to this general rule. Whenever a general term
expressive alike of 'male' and 'female' is employed, then both men and women
place tlEn before the word when they are speaking of a female, and tEn when they
are referring to a male, thus: tlEn mEn, 'my daughter,' and tEn mEn, 'my son,'
the function of the possessive here being to give the gender to the noun.
The function of the article is quite different from that of the pronoun, the form
employed in any given expression depending in no way upon the sex of the speaker.
It conforms rather to classic usage, and its gender is ' governed' by the gender of
the noun it is qualifying. But, as 1 have already stated, as there is no grammatical
gender of the noun in Sk-qo'mic, the division into masculine and feminine terms is
rather a mental than a formal process. Of neuter forms there are none, the distinction being impossible to the Indian mind. In his conception every object in nature,
animate and inanimate, is a sentient being, possessing a character and individuality
of its own, and has therefore male or female attributes. The Sk-qo'mic child karns
to distinguish in his mind masculine ' ideas' from feminine (nes just in the same
unconscious way as he learns his mother's tongue, and in ordinary discourse has no
more trouble over his article than. a French child has over his. Indeed, in the
matter of concord the use of the article in the Sk qo'mic and French closely agrees,
but in Sk'qo'mic the article has usages peculiar to the language, being used in a
variety of ways unfamiliar to us in the French. For example we find it in such
sentences as the following: ' netl tE Harry,' 'it is Harry;' 'netl tlE Mary,' 'it is
Mary.' It is also employed wiih the personal pronouns in certain expressions where
it seems to have a prepositional force, thus : ' hauq mekauq haua He uns ?' (or tm
uns, according as the ' me' is male or female), ' Will you not come with me ?' and
also with the personal and possessive pronouns generally (see under ' Pronouns '). It
is also invariably placed before proper and tribal names, closely resembling in this
respect in form and function the usage of the article in Polynesian. Besides these
grammatical distinctions of pronominal and demonstrative gender we find the
ordinary distinctions of separate words to denote male and female objects,
sue'ka, man; stla'nai, woman;
suekao'tl, boy ; stlanaio'tl, pirl;
sue'wolo's, youth; k-a'mai, maiden;
mama, father ; tci'ca, mother;
se'sae, uncle ; tza'ata, aunt. 509
In animal terms I could not find this distinction. When speaking of animals, if
it is necessary to distinguish sex, it is done by placing modified forms of the terms
for ' man ' and ' woman' before or after the class word, thus:—
sueawe'ka sk-umai', dog stla'tlenai sk'umai', bitch.
sQecen sueawe'ka, deer sQecen stla'tlenai, doe.
In this respect the Sk-qo'mic agrees closely with the N'tlaka'pamuQ. In both
dialects it is observable that the modification of the qualifying word, though an
amplification of it, differs from that which marks the plural. The reason of the reduplication here is not c'ear. There are a few terms used of male and female alike
without distinction of form in the use of which, if there is a possibility of ambiguity,
the pronominal forms tai and a'tli are added, thus :—
stao'tl, child.
sla'atEn, widow (a'tli).
„       widower (tai).
wa'nim, orphan,
sl'ya, lover.
The Sk'qo'mic noun agrees here with the N'tlaka'pamuQ, and ordinarily undergoes no modification for case. In certain expressions modified forms of the
inflectional personal pronouns are added to a word to mark possession or ownership,
as in the N'tlaka'pamuQ, thus :—
tEn, tlEn, or 'n-lam, my house ; lam-tcit, our house;
tE-lam or E-lam, thy house ; lam-yap, your house ;
(tE) lam-s, his house ; (tE) lam-s-wet, their house.
There is a very close resemblance here to the N'tlaka'pamuQ, though some of the
pronominal elements differ and the ' present' and ' absent' forms of the pronoun are
wanting in the Sk-qo'mic.
The object noun when not the name of a part of the body is invariably distinct
from the verb, and undergoes no modification whatever, and commonly follows the
verb as in English, thus :—
nE-qoi'-nuq-uas tEn sk-umai', ' he killed my dog ;'
no'wet yu'itl, ' they are making a fire;'
me'ska tEn ya'slauk', ' give me my hat;'
nE-hoi-nuq-uas tEn lam, 'he has completed my house.*
When, however, the object affected by the verbal action is a personal pronoun
other than the third persons^or is a noun descriptive of a part of the speaker's body,
then the object suffers modification, and is incorporated in the verbal synthesis.
But this incorporation is of a much looser character than in the typical incorporative.
tongues or even in the kindred dialect of the N'tlaka'pamuQ. In the latter the
incorporated object, both noun and pronoun, is placed between the stem of the verb
and the persorial inflection. In Sk'qo'mic the verb stem and subject pronoun are
always found together, and the object, whether noun or pronoun, is added to these
terminally as a suffix, thus :—
Noun Object.
tcin-sa'k*- aiyan,
tcin-sa'k qatc
tcin-sa'k1 -atcd
I hurt my ear;
„     face
I hurt my foot
„     „     neck (side)
henEs     „     „     chest
-sai „     „    elbow
•uk ,,     „     bead
qo-yatc  „     „     finger
Pkonoun Object.
tcin-tle-sfti'wii, I love thee.
tcin-tle-«e'w?£, I love you.
'n-tles tai or tE mEni'tl, I love him.
'n-tles a'tli or a'tli mEni'tl I love her.
'n-tles Itisi mEnsnl'tl, I love them.
tcit-tle-$ftJ ifii, we love thee,
tcit-tle-se'witf, we love you.
tcit-tle's-we£, we love them,
tcit-tles tai or tE mEni'tl, we love him.
tcit-tles a'tli or a'tli mEni'tl, we love her.
(nE-)tle-sfo#'s, he loves me.
£e%-tle's-tum, he loves thee. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
tcap-ua,-tle's-t\mi, he loves you. tcap-tle-s/te, you love me
(nE-)e'uq-tles, he loves them all. tca,ip-tle~stdmutl, you love us.
(nE-)tle's£s (tai), he loves him. tle-sts-as-e'tsl-wet, they love me.
tcuq-tle'-s£s, thou lovest me. tca'jy-ua,-tie's turn, they love you.
tcuq-tle-sto'mutl, thou lovest us.
The Sk-qomic, in common with most of our native tongues, is rich in synonyms
and synonymous expressions. Nearly every one of the above pronominal expressions
can be otherwise rendered.   I append a few of these :—
'n-tles-tcap, I love you ; or, again, tcin-tletcap, I love you ;
wut-tlesas, he loves me; tcuq-ua-tle stum tE etsi-wet, they love thee
tle-sto'mi-tcan-wit, I love you ; tles-tcan-wet, I love thee.
tum-tle-etsi-tlE-nemutl, they love us.
It will be observed that when the object is in the third person no incorporation
takes place. This is the same as in the N'tlaka'pamuQ and other dialects. This is
due to the fact that the personal pronouns for this person are yet scarcely differentiated from the demonstratives from which they are derived. This is plainly seen
in the absence of a distinct and independent subject pronoun for the third person in
the pronominal inflections of the verbs. The Salish dialects are just at that stage
of development when the formation of distinct pronominal forms for the third person
takes place. The N'tlaka'pamuQ has a partially developed subject-pronoun for its
transitive verbs, and is thus a stage in advance of the Sk qo'mic, but neither has
distinct forms for the third person for the ver bum substantivum or for intransitive verbs.
It will be seen in the above incorporative nouns that the synthetic forms differ
less from the independent forms in the Sk'qo'mic than in N'tlaka'pamuQ, and this
holds good of all the nouns. A few are derived from different roots, which it is
interesting to note are often those which belong to independent forms in others of
the Salish dialects. The Sk-qo'mic incorporative noun is generally an attenuated
form of the independent noun. It is interesting to note that in the ' face' synthesis
we have the root as it appears in the N'tlaka'pamuQ compound. It is only in compounds that this radical appears in Sk-qo'mic, and the same may be said of many
others. As I observed in my remarks on N'tlaka'pamuQ, this preference for one
synonymous form over another in the various divisions is one of the chief causes of
the lexicographical dissimilarity in the Salish dialects If we compare, for example,
the words for ' house' in Sk'qo'mic and N'tlaka'pamuQ, we find the vocabulary form
in the former is lam, and in the latter tci'tuQ, of which the essential root is tuQ. I
cannot say if lam appears in any form in N'tlaka'pamuQ, but tuo. certainly does in
various compounds in Sk qo'mic, thus making it perfectly clear that this is one of
the primitive Salish roots expressive of ' house.' Thus, we have it as the suffix in
the class numerals when counting houses: samp-tiiQ, 'two houses'; tcanau-t\\%
' three houses,' &c.; also in the compound signifying' potlatch-house,' tla'anukau^'Q.
Again, a house with carving in or upon it is called stcu'tuQ. It is seen also in the
compound for window and other words. I have dwelt upon this point rather because
it confirms my contention that the only way to institute comparisons in American
tongues is by the resolution of compound terms into their constituent primitive
radicals. Till this is done we can never know what tongues are really related and
what are not.
The independent personal pronouns are:
uns, I;
tE no, thou,
tai, he.
a'tli, she.
ne'mutl, we.
nu'yap, you.
tsi or e'-tsi, they.
All of these may be used objectively as well as subjectively.    There is another
form for the third persons.   I have found it only as an objective, thus:—
Te menl'tl, he; a'tli mEni'tl, she ; etsi mEnEnl'tl, them.    Besides these there is
an • absent' form, thus :—
Kua, he; Q'tla, she.    These latter forms appear in such sentences as the follow^
ing : q'tld noa Esk'o'i na tE Qdau'tua.    ' She is ill at the hospital, or sick-house.'   This 502
is not a common form, and the regular method of marking the absence of the third
person is by prefixing the particle ns (see below).
Possessive Pbonouns.
Singular < tE,
r tE-n (masc), tle-n (fern.), my.
his or hers.
-tcit, our.
-yap, your,
-swet, their.
The distinction in the possessive, marking the absence or presence of the object
seen in N'tlaka'pamuQ, is wanting in the Sk-qo'mic. In the latter dialect there is but
the one common form, but it possesses a masculine and a feminine for the first person
singular, which is unknown in N'tlaka'pamuQ. The function of this gender I have
already dealt with on p. 499. Besides tEn and tlEn we find for this person two
other forms used alike by males and females. These are seu and kosn. According
to my informants they can be used almost in any expression in the place of the regular tEn and tlEn forms. I found them in such expressions as nE-qoi-nuq-uas SEn
sk'umai', ' he killed my dog ;' hoEn mEnmEn, ' my sons.'
In conjunction with the verbum substantivum and a demonstrative, they are thus
netl 'n lamti, this is my house ;
„ u-lam ti,        ,,        thy     „
„ lam-s ti,       „       his     „
netl so'otl lam ti, this is our house.
„ ti lam-yap,      this is your house.
„    ,, lam s-wet, this is their house.
Substantive Possessive Pbonouns.
These forms are used in answer to such questions as ' Whose is this ?'
netl 'n-swa, it is mine; netl so'otl, it is ours,
u-swa, „     thine;    „   u-swayap,     „    yours.
swa-s-wet,   „   theirs.
swa-s (tai)
swa-s (a'tli)
hers ;
Inflectional Subjective Peonouns.
Item-, I.
tcuq-, tauq-, anq- thou.
— he, she (present).
nE       „    (absent).
I tcit-, we.
tcap-, you.
wet, etsi, they (present).
nEwet,       „      (absent).
In the perfect and future tenses and in certain other constructions the tcin and
tcit of the first person singular and plural undergo a modification and change to
team and teat respectively.
There are modifications of all the pronominal forms in the conditional, dubita-
tive, desiderative, and other moods of the verb. For these irregular forms see
under ' Verbs.'
The transitive verb forms are not in Sk-qo'mic distinct from the intransitive and
verbum substantivum forms as in N'tlaka'pamuQ. The only difference between the
two forms is in the third person, which takes the characteristic terminal -s or -ss in
both numbers, and this only in the past and future tenses, thus: nE-k*o'k*ot-.ES, he
struck (it); nm'k'o'k'dt-Es-we't, they struck (it).
It will be observed that the pronoun in Sk-qo'mic precedes the verb in regular
constructions; in N'tlaka'pamuQ it follows it. In certain constructions the pronoun is
placed after the verb in Sk-qo'mic. When so placed a different sense is given to the
expression, thus : ' N&m-tcin tlatown ' means ' I am going to town,' but • tcin-n&m tla
town 'means, on the contrary,' I have been to town,' or, I am going back from town.'
Again, in answering a question, it is usually suffixed ; thus in answer to the question,
' otcuq Esk*oi ?'' are you sick ?' the answer would heu'd-tcan Esfcdi, or shortly u'd-tcan.
In such instances the vowel is always changed to a. This applies equally to the
plural form.
sa-~.„. i„~\ a-**. r> „-u      f suat kue nE-tas ti? who made or did that 1
(Singular) Suat 7 who   <   --,«.*.• r>        --i\i --u. •'«    i    •   ^ ^ <*
v     °       J \suat ti ? or suat kue'tsi ? who is that ? tst
(Plural) Sowat ? who ? sOwat kiie'tsi 1 who are those ?
stam ? what * Stam k*ue'-ua-QOistauq ? what are you eating ?
which ? u'ntca ? nEtl u'ntca kOee' lam ? which is your house ?
Reflexive Pbonouns.
I struck myself,
he    „     himself,
we   „     ourselves.
Demonstbative Pbonouns.
tE (masc), the.
ti, this. that.
tlE (fem.), the.
tsi or e'tsi, these, those.
In Sk'qo'mic there is no difference between 'this' and ' that,' these' and 'those/
as in N'tlaka'pamuQ.
hatl ti lam, that or this house is good.
ti ua lam hatl, this or that is a good house.
haha'tl e'tsi sIwe'Eka, these or those men are good.
Dr. Boas has recorded the form nitl as ' this,' nitl or netl, as I write it, is a compound term, and signifies 'it is' or 'ihis is,' or 'that is,' ne being a form of the
verbum substantivum. He has also recorded in his short vocabulary of the Sk'qo'mic
in the Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Ganada, 1890, masculine and
feminine forms for 'that,' to'nitl (masc), cd'nitl (fem.), I have been unable to discover these myself in the Sk-qO'mic.
Of these there are several classes as in N'tlaka'pamuQ, but they are differently
formed.   The common cardinal numbers are:—
1. 'ntco
2. a'nOs
3. toa'nit
4. qau'EtsEn
5. tse'atcis
6. t'a'qatc
7. t'a'qosatc
8. t'qatc
9. tssEs
10. O'pEn
11. o'pEn Ikwl 'ntco
12. „       ,.    a'nOs
The ' teens' follow regularly.
20. Qotltc
21. „       ikwl 'ntco
The others follow regularly.
30. sau'quaca, tlo'qca
40. qau'EtsEnca
60. suk'tca'ca, tlu(k*ca
60. taqmu'tlca
70. tsuko'lca   .
80. t'ku'tcica
90. tssaw'itc
100. natcawitc
With the exception of ' first' and ' last' the ordinals do not in Sk'qo'mic differ in
form from the cardinals. For ' first' they say ydwu'n, and for ' last' they use the
term aaut or aut.
Class Numebals.
The following forms are employed when counting houses though not exclusively
so; and it would appear that the younger people use the independent forms as often
as the composite.
1 house na'tcatuQ.
2 houses samptuQ (a shortened form of sampautuQ).
3 „     tcanautuQ.
4 „     qauEtsenautuQ. 504
For counting trees they use the following :—
1 tree 'ntce'wa.
2 trees anose'wa.
3 ,,    tcanEte'wa.
When counting canoes the following may be employed:—
1 canoe natcakoitl.
2 canoes Samakoltl
3 ,,     tcanakoitl.
It will be observed that the method of forming the class numerals in the
Sk'qo'mic differs considerably from that employed in N'tlaka'pamuQ. I find no
instance of reduplication of the stem.
It will also be observed that 'two,' &c, is sometimes expressed by a'nOs and
sometimes by sama' or tsama/. The former of these terms is peculiar to the
Sk-qo'mic and their northern neighbours the StlatJumH, according to Dr. Boas's
Salish Comparative Vocabulary. The latter is found in the SEQua'pmuQ of the
interior, and also among the Coast Salish. I could find no trace of either in
N'tlaka'pamuQ, where cai'a is uniformly employed to express ' two' &c.
These are not so regularly formed as in the N'tlaka'pamuQ, though we find the
same characteristic suffix ' -atV in both, thus:—
once natcauq. 9 times tssEsa'tl.
twice tsama'.
thrice tcEnauq.
4 times qauEtsna'tl.
5 „ tsi'etca'tl.
6 „ t'a'qatca'tl.
7 ,, t'a'qosa'tcatl.
8 „ t'qa'tcatl.
' Eleven ' appears under a strange form here.
,      o'pEnatl.
,      slama'tl.
,      a'nos tEslEms.
,      tcanit tE slEms.
„      qauEtsEn tE slEms
,      Qotltcatl.
The regular position of the adjective is before the word it qualifies, thus: totau
tE tlk-aitc, ' bright the moon ;' haha'tl e'tsi siwe'Eka 'good are those men,' baba'tl
siwe'Eka e'tse, good are these men. In such phrases as ' this house is good' and
' this is a good house,' t]aey mark the difference thus : hatl ti ua lam =' this house is
good ;' ti ua lam hatl =' this is a good house.'
The adjective invariably agrees in number with the qualified word, as in the
examples above.   Comparison of the adjective is effected in the following manner :—
hatl, good
yawo'n hatl,   ] •*
-    a   l-Ii       more good
or asa'tc hatl, J &
nao'n hatl, best
The superlative is also expressed by tone, the speaker drawing out the positive
forms on a rising note much as little children do with us in English.
Of the two forms in the comparative the former is clearly the same term as
' first' in the ordinals; the latter is a preposition signifying ' above,'' over,' &c.
The function.and position of the adverb are much the same as in N'tlaka'pamuQ.
When it expresses ' time' it is invariably placed before the verb, thus:—
Tel'at I i'me tce'Ek tE tlk*aitc, ' the moon will rise soon]' tci'atl tcin-I-mim, ' I
must go soon ;' natcauq kiiisE's me tEn lam, * he came to my house once ;' tle'mk't
tcin-t-u'a-nam, 'often I used to go.' ON THE  ETHNOLOGICAL  SURVEY
The inflexion of the verb in Sk'qo'mic is effected partly by affixing particles and
partly by auxiliary verbs. These, in such sentences as we form in English with the
verbum substantivum and a noun or adjective, are : present tense, u'd; past indefinite,
t-u'd; perfect, t-i-ud ; future, sk'.
The Sk'qo'mic employ the regular verb of being characteristic of the Salish
dialects, the simplest and most constant form of which is u'd (see below under the
verbal inflections); but besides this regular form we find three others, e, ne or ri&tl,
and i- (this latter is also seen in the Kwakiutl). Thus: d-tcin-Esfco'i, ' I am sick ;'
e-Esko'i, 'he is sick;' netl tE Harry\ 'it is Harry;' rtetl.'n lam ti, 'this is my
house '; ens-v, ' it is I,' in answer to question ' Who is that ?' ens-i nE tds, or simply
ens-i, ' I did,' or more literally, ' it is I,' in answer to question ' Who did it 1
sick = Esk'o'i, or sk'5'i.
Pbesent Tense.
Ie-tcin-ua Esk'O'i, I am sick.
e-tcuq-ua-Esk'o'i, thou art sick.
e-ua-Esk o'i (tai), he is sick (present).
e-ua-Esk'O'i (a'tli), she is sick (present).
nE-e-ua-Esk-o'i, he is sick (absent).
/e-tcit-ua-Esk-o'i, or sk-uek'o'i, we are sick.
I e-tcap-ua-Esk-o'i, or sk-uek-o'i, you are sick.
Plurali e-wet-ua-Esk-o'i, or sk-uek-o'i, they are sick (present).
i nE-wet-ua-Esk-o'i, or sk-uek-o'i, they are sick (absent).
lor nE-e-wet-ua-Esk'O'i, or sk-uek-6'i, they are sick (absent).
In ordinary speech the adjective or noun is not usually reduplicated for the plural.
In formal speech, however, the plural forms must never be omitted.
These forms may be called the regular or classic forms. It is quite common, however, in ordinary speech to omit one or other or both of the auxiliary verbs e and
u'd, placing the pronoun and adjective in simple juxtaposition, thus: tcm-Esk-o'i,
tcuq-Esk-o'i, &c
In the third person of both numbers the form no'a or nau'a is quite commonly
used, thus: no'a Esk-o'i, 'he or she is sick;' no'a ye'vEk-, 'it is snowing;' no'a
satsauq-wet, ' they are happy' (see other examples below).
Past Indefinite Tense.   I.
e-tcin-t-ua-Esk'o'i, I was sick.
e-tcuq-t-ua-Esk-o'i, thou wast sick.
e-t-ua-Esko'i (tai), he was sick (present).
e-t-ua-Esk-o'i (a'tli), she was sick (present).
nE-e-t-ua-Esk o'i (tai), he was sick (absent).
nE-e-t-ua-Esk-o'i (a'tli), she was sick (absent).
fe-tcit-t-ua-Esk'5'i, or skwek-o'i, we were sick.
J e-tcap-t-ua-Esk'5'i, or sk-wek-o'i, you were sick.
e-t-wet-ua-Esk-o'i, or sk-wek-o'i, they were sick (present).-
nE-wet-t-ua-Esk'oi, or sk-wek'o'i, they were sick (absent).
Past Indefinite Tense.   II.
BE-tcin-t-ua-EskO'i, I was sick, nE-tcit-t-ua-Esk'o'i, we were sick.
The other persons follow regularly.
The difference between these two .tenses is that the former merely makes a statement of a past sickness without implying anything of the present condition of the
patient, while the latter signifies that the person was sick but has since recovered,
and is now well. 506
Peefect Tense.
Ie-tcin-t-I-ua Esk'O'i, I have been sick.
e-tcuq-t-I-ua Esk-o'i, thou hast been sick.
e-t-I-ua Esk-o'i (tai), he has been sick,
e-t-i-ua Esk-o'i  a'tli), she has been sick.
(e-tcit-t-I-ua Esk-o'i, or sk-ueko'i, we have been sick.
Plurals e-tcap-t-I-ua Esk-o'i, or sk-uek'5'i, you have been sick.
(e-t-wet-1-u.a Esko'i, or sk-uek-6'i, they have been sick.
It is not clear to me wherein this form differs in signification from the
forms.    It is the regular perfect of transitive verbs.
Futuee Tense.
Esk'6'i-tcan-Ek-, or tcan-Ek'-Esk-o'i, I shall be sick.
Esk'5'i-tcat-Ek-, or tcat-Ek-Esk'o'i, we shall be sick.
The other persons follow regularly in like manner.
Pebipheastic Futuee.
ens-ko'liian Esk-o'i-En-Ek*, I think I am going to be sick.
tcin-epa'Qotl Esk-o'i-En-Ek-, I am afraid I shall be sick.
ewai'Eti Ek* 'sk'o'i-En, I may or perhaps I may be sick.
„    'sk-o'i-auq, thou may est be sick, &c.
„    'sk-6'i-Es, he may be sick, &c
„    'sk*o'i-at, we may be sick.
„    'sk-o'i-ap, you may be sick, &c
„    'sk'6'i-Es-wet, they may be sick, &c
Conditional Foems.
HEn-tia-Esko'i, if I am or should be sick.
Hat-ua-Esk-6'i, or sk-uek o'i, if we are or should be sick.
KuEns e-ua-Esk'6'i, when I am sick.
kues e-ua-Esk'O'i, when thou art sick.
5-tcuq-Esk'5'i ? are you sick ? (singular).
tcan-uan-Esk'O'i, or simply tcan-uan, I am.
6-tcuq-t-ua-Esko'i? have you been sick ?
tcan-t-ua-Esk'6'i, or simply nE-tcan, I have
Negative Foems.
hauq Ensle'as kuEns Esk'O'i, I don't want to be sick,
hauq Ensle'as kuEns n&m, I don't want to go.
hauq 5q-nam, don't go.
hauq oq-nam sko tai, don't go with him.
Miscellaneous Foems
netl ens-ndm, I am going (in answer to question ' are you going ?' it would be
haua mEn nam-tcan, I shall (determination) go.
nam tcan sk*, I shall go (future).
namEtl, go on.
n&m tuml', go away.
tcin-t-nam, I went.
nB-t-nam, he went.
tcan-tQ-ndm, or tcan-tH-nam, I have gone. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
( tcit-k'6'k'ot, we strike (it).
Plural \ tcap-k-6'k'6t, you    „      „
I k-6'k'ot-e'tsi, they „      „
tcan-tekH-ndm, I had gone.
ewai'Eti Ek- na'm-En, perhaps I shall go.
'n sle kuEns nam, I should like to go.
nam-tcin haua tla no, I will go with you.
hauok* meauq haua tla uns, will you not come with me ?|
nE-tsot kuEs n&ms-e'uk, he said he was going with me.
tcin-tsot kuEns mtm-e'uk^I said I was going.
nE-tsot kuEns k*aiE sue'Eka, he said I was a bad man.
nE-tsot kauq mEn n&m, he said you (sing.) ought to go.
The principal tense signs of the transitive verb are : past indefinite, ns ; perfect,
i; future, Ek*.
Tbansitive Veeb.
to strike (it) k'o'k'otEs.
ftcin-k-o'k-ot, I strike (it).
tcuq-k-6'k-ot, thou strikest (it).
(tai)k-o'k-ot, he strikes (it)
[(a'tli) ko'k-ot, she „ „
This tense is quite frequently employed to express a past action, the context
marking the time quite clearly.
Past Indefinite Tense.
InE tcan-k-6'k-ot, I struck (it).
nE tcuq-k'6'k'ot, thou struck (it).
nE k-6'k-otEs, he (present) struck (it).
nE k*ok Enuquas, he (absent) struck (it).
InE tcat-k-o'kot, we struck (it).
nE tcap-k'5'k-ot, you struck (it).
nE k-6'k'6tEswet, they (present) struck (it).
nE k-6k-Enuquaswet, they (absent) struck (it).
Perfect Tense.
tcan-i-k*o'k'ot, I have struck (it).
tcat-I-k-o'k'ot, we have struck (it).
The other persons follow regularly.
Futuee Tense.
I k-o'k'ot-tcan-Ek', I shall strike (it).
Singular J k'6'k'ot-tcuq-Ek-, thou wilt strike (it).
[ Ek'-k'o'k'otEs, he Vill strike (it).
| k'6'k-ot-tcat-Ek', we shall strike (it).
Plural \ k-o'k'ot-tcap-Ek-, you will strike (it).
[ k-o'k-otEs-wet-Ek', they will strike (it).
Impebative Mood.
kok-o'tka, strike it (singular) k-ok'otka'wit, strike it (plural).
mEn-ko'k6t-tcan-Ek', I must strike (it).
mEn-k*ok6'tka, you must strike (it). #
mEn-k'5'k-ot-tcat-Ek, we must strike (it),
kok-otska, strike me. k-ok'ot-tomEtlka, strike us.
Pbesent Continuous Action.
e-tcin-ua-k'ok-ot, I am striking (it),
e-tcuq-ua-k-ok'ot, thou art striking (it).
e-ua-k'6k'ot, he (present) is striking (it).
no'a-k'okotEs, he   „ „ „
nE-ua=k-6k-ot, he (absent)     „ „
The plural follows regularly. 508
Past Continuous Action
tcan-t-ua-k-o'k'ot, I was striking (it).
tcat-t-ua-k'6'k'ot, we were striking (it).
The other persons follow regularly.
Peefect Continuous Action.
nE-tcan-t-ua-k-6k-ot, I have been striking (it).
nE-tcat-t-ua-k-ok-ot, we have been striking (it).
The other persons follow regularly.
Negative Foems.
hauq Hunk-6k-ot, I did not strike (it).
hau-Ek- Hunk'ok-ot, I will not strike (it),
hau-it Hat-k-ok-6r, we did not strike (it),
hauq auq-k-ok-6t, don't strike (it),
hauq auq-k'ok-ots (ens), don't strike me.
Passive Foems.
tcin-k'6'k', I am struck. tcit-k'6'k', we are struck.
The other persons follow regularly.
ewai'Eti Ek* k'ok'-uan, I may be struck.
,, „   k'ok'-uat, we may be struck.
The other persons follow regularly.
tcin-t-k'ok*, I have been struck.
The other persons follow regularly.
tcit-t-k-ok*, we have been struck.
k*6k -nomot-tcan-Ek', I shall be struck.
k'6k'-nomot-tcat-Ek', we shall be struck.
The other persons follow regularly.
Conditional Action.
Hun-k'6k-6t, if I strike (it),
k'auq-k-ok-ot, if you strike (it).
Hat-k-ok'ot, if we strike (it).
Hun-k-ok-o'tEm, if I am struck.
Reflexive Foems.
tcin-k'ok'-no'mot, I struck myself.        tcit-k'ok-no'mot, we struck ourselves.
The other persons follow regularly.
k-ok'-no'mot-tcauq-Ek', you will strike yourself.
Additional Foems.
mEn-k-ok'ot-tcan-Ek*, I must strike (it).
Hatl kuEs euq tcat-k'ok-ot, let us all strike (it).
m nemutl-ka-kok'ot, let us strike (it).
uns-ka-k'ok'6t, let me strike (it).
nE-k'6k'-6tsis, he struck me with a stick (purposely).
nE-k'ok'-numcis, he struck me with a stick (accidentally),
k-o'k-ot-o-tcin? can I strike it?
ewai'Eti Ek* k'ok-6't-En, I may strike it.
To bring out further the grammatical structure and peculiarities of the Sk'qo'mic
I append a list of general expressions:—
Ensle-i kwe stauq, I should like some water.
En-sle-I kwe e'tlen, 1 should like some food.
En-sle kuEns pEnaquan kwe st'kai'u, I should like to have a horse. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
tcin-koas-nuq, I burnt it; tcin-yeutl-nuq, I burnt it up, i.e., consumed it entirely
by fire.
tcin-koas-atc, I burnt my hand ; tcin-k5askoas, I am burnt.
tci'atl I'-me tceEk tE tlk'aitc, the moon will rise soon.
tcl'atl I'-tleEk, he will come soon.
tci'atl tcin-I-nam, I must go soon.
ens-ku'luan unku Esko'i, I think I am sick.
ens-ku'luan Esk-6'i-En-Ek', I think I am going to be sick.
tcin-maqtl, I am hurt; tcin-tl-maqtl, I have been hurt.
netl Esua st'kai'u, this or that is your horse.
hau'oq or hau'ok* tcetcEm-auq ? can you swim ?
suat kue nE tas ti ? who made that ?
ensl' nE tas, I made it, or shortly, ensl', or mEn uns, or netl. uns, I did.
tcin-tsa-nuq tEn k omoqkcEn, I hurt my ankle (done by self).
'n-tsa tEn kpmoqkcEn, I hurt my ankle (done by some one else).
nE I-qoi-nuq-uas, he has killed it.
nE qoi-nuq-ua-s sEn sk-umai', he has killed my dog.
nE hoi-nuq-ua-s, he has finished it.
nE-hoi-nuq-ua-s-wet-Ek', they will finish it.
netl-sl nao'n hatl, this is the best one.
hauq E'sua se st'kai'u, this is not your horse.
tcin-qo'i-nuq tE mEni'tl, I killed him (a'tli mEni'tl = her).
tcin-qo'I-nuq e'tsi mEnEnl'tl, I killed them.
'ntcauq kiiEsEs me tEn lam, once he came to my house.
'ntcauq ku.Es nE me tEn lam, once you came to my house.
tle'Ek't u'a-tle'Ek tEn lam, he often used to come to my house.
tle'Ek-t tcin-t-ua, n£m, or tle'Ek-t kuEns u'a nam, I often used to go.
no'a or nau'a qeaqaiEm, he or she is laughing.
no'a qEm, he or she is crying.
no'a lo'lEm or yfiwe'nEm, he or she is singing.
pEnaq-iia-s tE a skiia'lEwan, she is sad; verbatim^ she has a sore heart.
tcin-pEna-nuq tE a skiia'lEwan, I am sad; verbatim, I have just got a sore heart.
tcin-e'-apis tE a skiia'lEwan, I am always sad; verbatimt I am holding a sore
e-tci't-t-ua lo'lEm, we have been singing.
no'a satsauq-wet, they are happy.
netl tlE Mary, it is Mary.
netl tE Harry, it is Harry.
me'ska tlEn ya'slauk', give me my hat.
no'wet yu'itl, they are making a fire.
'   yu'itlkaa', make up the fire.
hauq mek-auq hau'a tlE uns ? will you come with me ? (woman speaking).
nE-t-ua tlEtlEmoq, it has been raining.
6-tcuq-ua-kuilic tE sQecen ? did you shoot a deer ?
nuk-tlEk- kwe, it is dark.
no'a te'Ek, or te'kuaiEk, it is cold.
nuk-qE'qEn or EsqE'qEn, it is frosty.
ye yEk*, it is snowing-.
nE mEn tla'tlum kui tci'laqtl, it rained all yesterday.    (In speaking the first
syllable of tla'tlum is drawn out to mark continuity of action.)
stam k'ue'-ua Qoistauq? or stam kua Qoistauq ? what are you eating?
tcin-kuatc-nuq kwlkwokwent, or kokwentl unkuatc-nuq-ua-n, I saw him a long
time ago.
nE u'ntca koEtl no'a na' or nana' ? where do you live ?
QEletEn tai, he is a white man.
pEk stlanai, she is a white woman.
yutl-ka, light a fire.
yakuEtcp-ka, make up the fire.
hau'Ek hauq som-nuq ? can you smell it ?
(N.B It will be noticed in all these questions that the Sk*qo'mic invariably use
the negative forms • can you not,' &c.)
tcin-stcuat kue lo'lEm, I know how to sing.
,.k-eq tEn slel, I have some blankets ; verbatim, plenty my blankets. 510
a'anos tEn st'kai'u, I have two horses, verbatim, two my horses.
hauq Ensuas 'n snukui'tl, this is not my can e.
toitEntsot-tcuq kuEs e-ua-sk o'i, or hatl kuES toitEntsot kuES e'ua-sk'o'i, when
you are sick you should take medicine, or it is good to take medicine when you are
6-tcu.q-Esk-o'i ? are you sick ?
ua-tcan, I am.
o-Esk-o'i 1 is he sick ?
6-tcuq koa'sl ? are you warm ?
kQatlEs kuEs kuail Ek -kuailEs nam-tcit-Ek'pI'atutl, or plpia'ttitl, if it is fine
to-morrow we will go out hunting.
k'auq-tleEk satcit-toml-tcin, if you come I will give it to you.
Esk-6'i-tcan-k- HEnhois ti, if I eat this I shall be sick.
ok'hauqkuatl tE nina' ? is your father dead ? verbatim, is not he-who-cared-for-you
gone by ?
ok* hauq k-'sitl a'tli nina' 1 is your mother dead? verbatim, is not she-who-loved-
you gone by ?
ua-suat lam ti ? whose house is that ? (N.B.—If house be distant from speaker, he
adds ena = yonder.)
ok oEme' or otle'tlEk ? is he coming ?
e-ok* tletlEm-uq ? art thou coming ?
tle'Ek-t tcin-ua Esk-o'i, I am often sick.
ols-ka (from preposition ois=:in), go in.
kuEns-e-6Is nE Esqai'ts tE sue'ka na tE slaue'n, when I came in the man was
lying on the bed.
kuEns nE-nam otsk- e'kue tcinkuatc-nuq nE tai, when I went out I saw him there.
'nsle kuEs nam, I want to go.
me'Eka, come along.
tcin-ua sko tEn etltatc, I live or stay with my parents.
tcin-ua e tlEn (or tEn) tsa'ata, I stay here with my aunt.
tcin-ua nE tlEn tsaata, I stay there with my aunt.
hauq netlEs Enstia 'n skapite'uq, this is not my knife (carving).
tse tlEn sok'oi na tEn lam, I have some fish in the house.
tse tlEn (fem.) smets, I have some meat.
6'pEn te lam nE tanu'k-ua-n, I have built ten houses.
Hoiska tcatui'tl, let us make a canoe.
Hoiska n^mn^m, let us go.
Hoi ketl, all right.
Hoi-ka Hois tsi, let us eat it.
Hoi-sk-it-etlEk-cEn, let us make moccasins.
totau tE tlk-aitc, the moon is bright.
tcin-Etlskais tE stElmuq, I know that person.
me-ka tE st'kai'u, give me the horse.
6'tcuq tso'tlEm ? are you cold ?
o'-tcuq k'6i or koak-oi ? are you hungry ?
tcin-Etlskais kue sk'6'tut, I know how to run.
QEn- or HEn-Etlskais kEs u'ntca tcin-k*-sa'tcit-t6mi, if I knew where it was
would give it to you.
Qes or hes tla'tlumQ hauq ua-n-nsim, if it rains I shall not go.
Ho'iska tE so'koi, eat some fish.
me'kati, come here.
meauka, come.
suat tcuq ? who are you ?
nE-tcan-kwoIts or nE tcan-kwetlEn, I have eaten my dinner.
tEml', go away.
me'ka 6'is, come in.
amo'etka, sit down.
m'eka 6'is, tEn lam, come into the house.
tcin-kwatc-ntiq tE sk-umai', I saw the dog.
me'ka tca'tla o'is tEnlam, come into the house for a little while.
hauo'q nam, don't go.
hauo'qme, don't come.
tcin-k-o'k-ot na tE smos, I struck him on the head.
kok'uen EtlEn kwatc-niiqiian a'tli, I saw her a long time ago* ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
'n sle kuEns nam, I want to go.
hauq kunsle'as kuEns nam, I don't want to go.
nEtl untca koee' st'kai'u ? which is your horse ?
tcin-tEm-cEn, I cut my foot (with axe).
tcin-tlatc-cEn, I cut my foot (with glass, &c.)
tcina'tli, I hurt myself.
tcln-maqtl, I am hurt.
tcin-i-e'tlEns, I made him eat it.
tcin-l-kwl'at, I made him stop.
tcin-mEn-tcisEn, I made him go.
tcin-l-em kuEns nE weuk tEn, I made him tell me.
Of the various particles which enter into verbal syntheses, there are two in
particular which deserve special mention. These are ns and nuq. The former has
an independent existence as an adverb of place, meaning * there.' The latter I have
not found apart from the verb. The functions of nm are various, and at the outset
of my studies I found it very perplexing. It marks, like tlum in the N'tlaka'pamuQ,
the absence of the thing spoken of ; it marks absence in the third persons when they
are the subjects of conversation, and it marks absence in time also, both past and
future. As may be seen from the paradigms of the verbs, it is the regular sign of
the past indefinite. It occurs also in such phrases as * next morning' = nE-k od'il.
Nuq was also a source of trouble to me at first. In writing down phrases to bring
out the inflections of the trans-itive verb, I found that the verb ' to strike' (k'dk'dtss)
was sometimes given to me as k o'k Dt, and sometimes as k'D'k'Enuq. The explanation
given me by one of my informants only misled me. She did not understand it
herself. After further study and comparison it became perfectly clear. I found
that nuq could be affixed to every transitive verb. Its functions are exceedingly
interesting. Primarily it is employed by the speaker to inform you that the action
spoken of took place without his knowledge or observation if done by yourself, and
if done by some one or something else without your knowledge or observation'as
well. For example, I may desire to tell you that I have hurt my face when doicg
something. If you are present at the time and observed the accident I should use
the form e-tcin-maqtlos, but if you had not observed it or were not present when it
happened and I wished to tell you of it, I must then say, e-tcin-nuq-maqtl-os. Again
if I desired to tell you that I killed ten deer yesterday when you were absent, I
must say tcin-koi-nuq tE Dp eh,, &c. Or, again, I have just been told, it may be, that
some one dear to me is dead of whose sickness or condition I was unaware. I am
sad in consequence. If I am questioned as to my sad looks I mu^t reply tcin-pEna-
nuq tE d shua'lEwan, which literally rendered means, * I have just become possessed
of a sore heart.' If my sadness had been of long standing, the cause of which was
known, I should answer tcin-e-apis tE a skua'lEwan, which signifies that ' I am
holding all the while a sore heart.' Other interesting examples may be seen in the
story of the Smai'lEtl, given below, page 512, in the Sk-qo'mic text. In the
paragraph where we are told that the girl saw the following morning that the slave
bore the imprints of her painted hands upon his shoulders, the nE-kwatc-ra^-ua-s
form is employed to express the surprise of the girl in learning that it was the
slave's back she had painted. She had placed her hands knowingly on her ravisher's
shoulders in the dark without knowing who he was, hence nuq was necessary here
to mark her surprise. Another good instance is seen in the paragraph which tells
of the chief's perception of his daughter's condition, nuq bei g necessary here to
show that up to this time he had been unaware of what had taken place. A somewhat
different function is given to it in the concluding paragraph of the story, where the
descendants of the pair are said to be very keen-scented, the term nuq-e'eEks-wet
here literally meaning that they are able to smell things before they can see them
or otherwise know of their presence. One of my informants gave me to understand
that the 'k-okot' form signified an accidental striking, and that 'k-ok Enuq ' implied
intentional or purposive action. I doubt much if this is correct, as the language
contains regular purposive and accidental particles. For example, if I desire to
say that I have been purposely struck by some one, I must use the following form of
expression : 'ntsa-ansas, * he struck me with intention.' If accidentally struck then
I say 'ntsa-numcis, ' he accidentally struck me ' Again, * he struck me with a stick intentionally ' is rendered by nE k'Ok'otsis ; but 4 he struck me with a stick by accident' *smmm
by nE k'ok'-numcis. Another interesting distinction between accidental hurt to
myself by my own action and intentional hurt by the action of some one else is thus
marked. If I want to say I have accidentally struck my eye and hurt it, I say
tcin-tsa tEnk'ulOm, but if I want to say some one else has purposely struck my eye I
must use the expression 'ntsa tEn k'ulom. The difference of action is here brought
out by the use of different pronouns, msn appended to a verb stem signifies duty or
necessity = our * must' or ' ought.' Before leaving the particles it will be of interest
to point out that ho'i, the regular sign of the future in the N'tlaka'pamuQ, is seen in
the Sk'qo'mic dialect only in exhortative forms, while the Sk-qo'mic future sk' is, as
far as I am aware, wholly absent in the N'tlaka'pamuQ.
On the beach, na tE ai'utlk-.
Near the house, tcet tE lam.
In bed, na tE slauwen.
On a stone, na tE smant.
Put him to bed, nam-ka aqe'ts ; verbatim, send him to lie down.
Put it in the box, nuEnka tE kua'kua
Under a stone, lus'iwetl tE smant.
Across the water, tE e'tlaka tE stauq.
On the other side of the waier, tE e'tlaka mins tE stauq.
Far over the water, ruz-quta tsa tE stauq.
Up in the sky, tE teetl skwai'yil.
I found it near the house, tcin-ya'kEnuq tcet tE lam.
Sit on the ground, amo'etka na tE tE'muq.
Come to me, me'ka tla uns.
Go in the house, oiska tE lam.
Go in, o'is-l&.a,.
and, ? ; ikwl, and, plus ; ekwina, then; ydtlsis, so, therefore ; netlmutl, therefore;
smsny so then ; kuEsE's, when.
Te Smai'lEtl Soqwla'm.
(The wild-people story.)
'ntco sla'm nE a'tli-mEns nana' tE skwlo'ts. Te skwlo'ts noa-Esqai'ts
One chief once daughter-his lived (and) a slave. The slave he is lying
usta't'k* na tE watcEns a'tll-ka'mai. Te skwlo'ts no'a-n&m     ekqe'ts. Nam
crosswise at the foot-hers maiden. The slave he-is-going to-ravish-her. He goes to
a'tli ka'mai.    NE-pEna'q-ua-s tE se'aQotl.    Hauq-wetl   sk-e'stEs   kuEs  tE   skwlo'ts
maiden. She-conceived   a   child.        Not yet     she-knows   that the    slave
e'-ua-tle'Ek'unt.       NE-kwa'tc-nuq ii'a-s tE sla'm kuesE's Esk-6'l    a'tll-mEns.
had-been-coming-to-her.        He perceived it   the chief   when    sick     daughter-his.
E'kwina pEna'q-ua-s tEs       e'aqi. Sties kuEs      tEl-nEk-ua-s-Ek*       sua'tEs
Then    he-gets-it the-his shame.    She-desires that she-will-find-out     who-it-is
kua-hEmenit. Yatlsis qE'l-tas tE   naqtc tE spE'tltEn.
that-may-have-been-coming-to-her. So she-makes-paint-on the hands the paint.
Ne'tlmutl kuEss's ku-atle'Ek   e'kwina ka'atctcantEs nok-qE'l       tE
Therefore, when   he-may-come   then   she-puts-her-arms-about-him   marking    the
staitcs.      NE-k'oa'il        nE-kwa'tc-nuq-u'a-s ku.Es netl tE skwlo'ts     nE-sqoqE'l
back-his.   Next-morning       s-he-perceived        that it is the slave     she had marked
tB      staitcs.   Kuese's tEln'Ek-ua^s tE   tcetct e'kwina  o'iyutlstss    tE snukul'tl
on the back-his.    When   he-finds-out the father    then   he-takes-into the   canoe
tlE niELS        I tE sk-vlo'ts.    e'kwina    e'son-wet. SmEn-tse'auq        tE
the daughter-his and the slave.   Then they paddle-off.     So-then-they-arrive-at a ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
stata'Qais.     e'kwina k-om-stum-wet.        SmEn-to'Entsm.
very-lofty-cliff.   Then he-landed-them.    So-then he-left-them.
Qaswitca'nEm     e'kwina  wet-k*qai. SmEn-nam-wet
in-what-manner    then    they-got-up.     So-then-they-went-on
tse'auq-wct       tE  qa'tco.       SmEn-tastas-wet   tE  lam-swet.
they-arrived-at  a lake.      So-then-they-made  a house-their.
tE mEms'n-s-wet. Me'coi.        e'kwina mEn-petwai'-wet.    e1
Hauq suat Eskai's
Not anyone knows
e'mac.       Smsn-
walking.    So-then-
e     me   koqa'i
Here came many
kwina   EsmE'nwet.
the children-their. They-grow-up.   Then they intermarry.    Then they-have-children,
e'kwina   k-qai'-wet   o'k*wumuQ.    Eskoai' kuEs   Qes    tE sne'tcEm-s-wefc.   Sk-qo'mic
Then   they-become a village.      Never    is    lost   the language-their.   Sk-qo'mish
kuEs ua-sne'tcEm.  Hiye'siwe'Eka.    nuq-ee'Ekswet. e'auq    nok'we'ak'tEn
x itisthey-spoke. Very tall men. Very-keen-scented-are-they. They-wear undressed-fur
tE yEkwai-s-wet.      Tema-wetl sua'o tE    sna-s-wet    Smai'lEtl.
the garments-their.     Hence thus the       name-their wild-people.
siwe'Eka or seweEka.
tza'ata (if mother or
father be dead then
stlintla'nai.    [kaO'tl.
the aunt is termed
suekao tl or skue-
sai'uq   or    wotl-
sai'uqatl,but when
both parents and
aunt are dead then
little boy
the aunt is spoken
»   girl
of   again  by the
term tza'ata; the
same   applies   to
stao'tl (se'aQOtl pre
uncle albo).
natal term).
middle-aged person
nuk e'ys.
sua-mE'n (tEn).
old man
(tai) sEtilOqwa, stlmot
sua-mEn (tlEn).
(plu stltlmOt).
„  woman
(a'tli)          sEuIOqwa,
stlmot (plu.  stltl-
son -in -law-elect
very old man
ka'elEn, kaie'lmuq.
tci'ca, ke'la, ta'a.
N.B.—This term
saa   is   changed   to
ma ma, tcetct.
sleak*rvai'tl if relationship be broken bv
mEn (tEn = my).
death of son or dam
mEnmEn (tEn = my).
mEn (tlEn = mv).
uncle s wife
sua-tcica     ( = step
mEnmEn (tlEn = my).
sons and daughters
aunt's husband
sua-man      (= step
kwoto' mps, sko', when
elder brother
called by wife no'a.
elder sister
elder cousin
several wives of one
younger brother
„     sister
wife when called by
,,     cousins
husband is termed
se'la, sil, tse'El (tai).
,,     „    ,i   (a'tli).
N.B.—If aunt and uncle are older than
parents, then cousins are termed ko'pits; if
they are younger than parents, sk-dk:
brothers or sister a
stai'atl, changed to
sonimai'tl if mother
or father be dead. 514
brother-in-law tcima'c (plu. tcimtci- eldest child or first- sentl.
ma'c). born
sister-in-law tcima'c (plu. tcimtci   second child
ma'c). third      „
N.B.-This term is  applied   alike to y°ungest or last
wife's or husband's brothers, sisters, and     XT t>     mU   . ./JL7. ,.  ,
cousins, but when the connection is broken ,f-B;_Ihe ^f^^18 appl'ed gene;
by death they are no longer called tcima'c f11? *°.the middle children, the p ural
but teai'e (plu. tcitcMS) form being ununwi'tl    The younger ones
The relatives of sisters-in-law, brothers- Me also sPoken of °°nectively as «. saut.
in-law and cousins-in-law are termed darihi£
kue'was (plu. skuikue'was), but when connection is broken by death of intermediate
relative they are then called kuintluaqdm,
which signifies that both sides are crying
or grieving.
widow sla'atEn (a'tli).
widower „     (tai).
orphan % wa'nim (a'tli or tai,
according to sex),
lover sl'ya,
s'ko'nuk* (term of endearment used by
mothers in addressing their children
' t'lxn . s'ko'nuk'' =
my pet or darling).
s'ta'cEm (term borne
by children of a
female slave by her
master; also a term
of reproach)
Children of one father by different mothers are known by term sintcd'itl. One
half brother or sister would say of another, in speaking of him, he is my sintcd'itl.
Children of first cousins are all regarded as nephews and nieces, and first cousins'
children's children are consequently regarded as grandchildren. Relational ties
extend with the Sk-qo'mic to six generations on both sides of the family. These are
known under the following terms:—
child. jaw, chin
father. top of the head
mother. side   „ „
grandfather or back „ „
grandmother. tooth
great-grand father or nose
great-grandmother, bridge of nose
great - great - grand- ear
father   or   great- tongue
great-grandmother, eye
great - great - great- mouth
grandfather      or gums
great-great-great- upper-lip
grandmother. lower-lip
princess (a title com- eye-brow
monly   given    to eye-lashes
chief's   daughters skin (human)
and  also  applied     „    (of animals)
to other girls as a th roat
term   of    honour neck
and praise if they back of the neck
were    good    and back
tE tstE'lmuq.
tE O'k'wumuq.
hair (of head)
„   (on body)
„    (i>f animals)
nukau'kuts, n'cauk-s.
slusts or tlusts.
saiks ( = point).
taquntEn, naqtc.
tele'pute, naqtc.
cltlia'met. ON
CANADA.                     5L
neaqO'Etc or
- dawn
ma'tciEk   ( = light
a t
b evening
( = eldest fi]
sk6'eil or skwai'yil.
first finger
tanqo'stsn   (
= *the night
second „
= (one twilight
before the middle noon
tuk skwai'yil.
third   „
unawi'tl     ( =
. ' the mow
middle one
little    „
saut-ko'la, or
- ice
qO'yatc ( = young
• frost
est finger).
stak- or stauk*.
kotlkq, squn.
hl'ye stauk*  ( = big
sole of foot
earth, land
ce'tlos or stce'tlSs.
stone, rock
fat, oil
wood, tree
tsa'li, sk urn.
heart (as seat of the
skua'la wan.
slai, 'puli.
* potlatch-house'
a house with carving
upon it
axe (stone)
tE watsomtl.
tE sis or tsls.
tE tci'laqtl.
next day
nE k-oa'il.
fire-making   imple
next month
koi 'ntco' tlk-aitc.
last year
koit pa'no.
next year
koi 'ntcO' sela'num
nu'qkutc tE tlk
sk atl.
light (of day)
blanket (native)
soK'oetl, si el.
„    (of moon)
„      (white)
„    (of stars)
a covering
„    (of torch, &c.)
„    (opposite     of
A***—7 j
516                                             REPORT—1900.
hunger                       aha'nom.
cai'u ( = screech-owl,
shame                          e'aqi.
see under 'Beliefs.')
love                             instle.
shadow                       kenkenHu'na.
soul, spirit
wisdom                       nEkaie'lES.
tcltl sia'm( = upper or
help                            tcauEltEn.
above chief).
work                            sitsa'p.
noise (made by chil
swamp                        ma'kwom.
spoon                          tcau'ai.
noise (of talking)
soup                             stlom.
sorrow                         sE'sulkQ.
needle (weaving)
joy                               tsa'tsauq.
alder-bark basket
rope                            Qe'lEm.
platter                         tlEk< i ai'tstEn.
tent (of mats)
potato (native)          skaue'setl.
slu or syu.
„    (cultivated)   skauts.
fruit of the elder
spear (salmon)           sEna'm.
snow-shoe                  k la'lcin.
strawberry                  s'tce'i.
promontory (cf. ra
wing                            ye'laEn.
dical for nose)
valley                         nuklEsa/m.
tears                           nEkwo'os.
sweat                         ya'kwom.
cedar kettle
tail                              skwo'kuts.
voice                           niikne'tcimtEn.
barbed spear-point
staff (walking)          t'tcatc.
tcea'k* or tclak*.
a whistle                     sk'wo'kElEm.
maple-tree                  k'u'mElai.
willow-tree                 qai'yai.
cedar-tree                   Qapaiyai.
cedar                           Qapai.
cedar-platter              Qaplyo'itl.
alder-tree                   kl5'lai.
elderberry bush         tse'wok'ai.
salmonberry bush      yittwa'nai.
basket (general term) se'tEn.
basket     (big,     for Qok-o'lstEn.
moccasin <
slu'k'cin (also mu-
gathering   herbs,
bag                             tlapa't.
bay                             sa'tsEnutc.
dew                             stlEmtlEm.
drum                           mEna'tsi.
belt                             nuqyi'mtEn.
eggs                            auQc-s.
bed                             slauwe'n.
box                             koa'koa.
beach                          ai'utlk*.
spring of the year     koa'kOEsi   ( = grow
- happy
ing warm).
summer time           tEmkoa'skoa's,teml6
)'a I am poor
( as hot season).
autumn                      tetakwi        (getting sharp
winter                        tEm teq (== cold sea
- short
time or season           tEm.
down                          ne'ak'O'mai   ( = soft broad
hair, of. hair).
thin, narrow
feathers                     sl'pa'lkEn.
door                           n'ku ptEn.
window                      kwotcOsenan'tq.
garden                       DE-pEnmai'.
fern                            sgotluk*.
large, big
small, liitle
warm, hot
much, many
thus, so
at, on
to cry
,, dance
„ eat
„ come
„ gamble
„ call
I dig
I find
„ hunt
„ shoot
. „ work
I swim
,, run
» sing
„ laugh
,, point at
,, whistle
„ whisper
,, vomit
I am sick
hiye', eya\
k*ai (plu. k-ai'ak'ai)
nEtce'm (plu. nEtc-
k-aq, k*eq.
e, eh.
e'tlEn, Hois.
mekat, tle'Ek, me.
kaiEtEn, o'etka.
bear (black)
zetza'p or 'sitsap.
„    (brown)
„    (grizzly)
slu'lo,   lo'lEm,   yu-
• wolf
qai'hEm, sqai'aqai.
to strike
„ talk
„ boil
„ spoil, waste
„ fi^ht
„ fight in battle
„ see, perceive
„ bruise
„ burn
„ burn up
„ hurt
„ sit
„ cut
„ want, desire
„ kill
„ love, like
„ build
„ know
» give
„ smell
„ get, have, hold
„ finish
„ make
„ think
„ lie down
,, find out
,, paint
„ paddle
„ arrive
,, land
1 „ walk
tE (masc), tlE (fem.) ,, speak
swat. „ leave, quit
swat. ,, lose
u'ntcakoe. „ agree to, consent
e'kwina. animals (as a class)
sua'o. ir g
yatlsi's. duck (generic)
na. eagle
kuesE's. wren
nE. humming-bird
ham. rat
me'tla. mouse
kwo'lts,     kwe(tlEn, Ilea
koatc or kwatc.
sauq, pet.
tsa,' maqtl.
tlatc, tEm.
ko'i, qo'i.
tie, stle.
Etlskai's, Eskai's
tas, ta'stas.
qE'l, qE'ltas.
a'quai (plu.
t'k-ai'a or tEkaiya.
sk'Elo', or sk-Elau?.
Eqa, tlaukqun.
A***—$ >18
salmon ((steel-head')ske'uq.
so'koe, otso'k-oi.
brook      ,,
codfish (black)
„      (rock)
„       (red)
\ tommie-cod'
oolican or candle-fisf
i sltiwas.
s't a'k-um.
tlauqtlauq (cf. tlauq
= hard).
sHoHokwe't cin —
net - maker,      cf.
sHokwe'tcin = net.
eel (conger)
clam (generic)
„    (large kind)
tsitsame'tcin  (name
,,    (small    „   )
has   reference  to
its slender waist).
kapkapsai'tl  ( =
the smotherer, so
called because the
'devil-fish' (octopus)
stloqts, ske'amuq.
Indians    believed
it   would    settle
upon the   moutn
and nostrils of a
big canoes, common
sleeping     person
ly called Chinook
and smother him)
salmon ('spring')
medium-sized canoe
„      (' sockeye')
I      (' cohoe')
„    ('humpback
) tlau'etcin.
„    ('dog
) koa'k-Ems.
Once there were four brothers1 named Qais who went about the
country doing wonderful things. It was very long ago, when the animals
were human beings.2 They usually travelled on the water in a canoe.
This canoe was not an ordinary vessel. It was the youngest of the
brothers transformed to this shape for the accommodation of the others.
One day they came upon Deer, who was filing a bone to make an arrow
point. They watch him at work for some time without speaking.
Presently they ask him why he is filing the bone. Deer replies : ' I am
making a sharp arrow point to kill a chief that lives some little way off.'
From this answer the brothers perceive that he is a wicked person and
deserving of punishment.    So they straightway seize him and pull at his
1 The name Qais in the story seems sometimes to be applied to the four brothers
collectively and sometimes to the eldest only.
2 According to the traditions of the Sk-qO'mic the earliest beings were animals
with human or semi-human characteristics. In course of time the «Great Spirit'
brought the first true man into being, from whom are descended through many
generations all the Sk'qo'mic people (see the writer's paper on • The Cosmogony
and History of the Skuamish,' Trans. Boy. Soc. Can., Section II. 1897-98). ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
ears till they become long and pointed, and at his arms till they equal his
legs in length. They then take the pointed bone he had been at work
upon and thrust it into one of his feet, in consequence of which this bone
(smumk'SEn) is found in the feet of all his bestial descendants to this day.
After this they clap their hands and make a noise like a deer, and he instantly loses his original form and becomes a deer, with antlers springing
from his forehead. Thus did Qais create the degr for the Sk-qo'mic. The
creature starts off in fear and runs from them with the swiftness of the
wind. When he had gone some distance he stopped and looked back,
whereupon Qais beckoned to him to return. Said the eldest : • He runs
too fast; the people who come after us will never be able to catch him.
We must make him go slow7er.' When the deer comes back to them they
take him by the hind h-gs and knock his hoofs together several times.
They then clap their hands again and send him oft' a second time. On
this occasion he does not run so fast. ' That will do,' said they ; i he is all
right now.' From here they paddle on till they come to an old man who
appears to be fishing for salmon with a long double pronged fish-spear.
He carries also a big basket with him. The Qais stop and watch his
proceedings. They find that he does not spear the salmon, but merely
feels for them and rubs his spear against them, bringing away each time
a little of the slime from their bodies. This he wipes off with some moss
into the basket. When they see what he is doing they go up to him and
take his spear away from him. From their pockets they then produce a
mVatc (a barbed spear-point) and put it on the spear, saying as they do
so : ' See, grandfather, this is the proper way to fish.' And as they speak
Qais feels in the water with the blunt end of the spear for the salmon,
and when he touches one he turns the spear quickly about and plunges it
into the salmon. They then return the old man his spear and tell him to
c^tch his salmon as they had shown him. The old man gets angry and
says : ' I don't want you to tell me what I ought to do. I like my own
method best, and I prefer the slime to the fish.' When he makes this
strange statement they are convinced that he must be a person of a very
undesirable character, who ought to be checked in his evil ways. They
therefore take his spear from him and break it in two. The two halves
they set against his legs one on each side. The point of the spear they
push up his nose. They then pull at his head till his neck is much
elongated, after which they clap their hands and utter the cries of a crane,
and the old man is immediately turned into a bird of that species and
flies away.    Thus did Qais bring the crane into being.
They continue their journeyings till they come to a high bluff on the
sea shore. Here they land, and the youngest resumes his own form.
They now build a house for themselves and propose to stay a while there.
When the house was completed the eldest suggests the making of a trap
to catch the Sun. Said he : ' I will make a trap and snare the Sun. I
want to have a talk with him.' He then transforms his youngest brother
into a salmon, and secures him to the shore by a line ; the salmon sports
about in the water and looks a very fine fish. Presently Snu'k'um (sun)
perceives the bait set for him, and descending in the form of an eagle
pounces upon it and carries it off, breaking the line which held the salmon
to the shore as he did so. The three brothers were unconscious of what
was occurring, having been cast by Snu'k'um into a deep trance. When
they awakened from their trance their youngest brother had disappeared.
Qais was not to be beaten by Snu'k'um in this way, so he now transforms o20 REPORT—1900.
the third brother into a whale and secures him in the same manner as the
salmon had been fastened, only with a stouter line.    No very long time
after this Snu k'um seeing the whale in the water came down and seized
it as he had the salmon.    Again the two remaining brothers are cast into
a deep sleep.    When the Sun had got up as far as the line permitted he
was jerked back again to the water screaming.    This continued till the
'brothers presently awoke.    The eagle could not get away from the whale
now because his claws had become entangled in the skin.    So the two
brothers pull on the line and bring the whale to the shore.   Qais now said
to the Sun : ' Don't try to get away, I want to have a talk with you ; that
is why I set those traps for you.7    When the Sun perceived that he had
been outwitted by Qais he consents to stay a little while and talk with
them.    Qais now questions him concerning the place where the salmon
come from.    Snu'k'um points across the water and tells them the home of
the salmon is a long, long way off in that direction.    Qais tells him that
he wants to go to the salmon country, and asks what he must take with
him on the journey.    The Sun instructs him to gather a great quantity of
4 medicine,'and take that with him and all would be well.    Qais now
releases the Sun, who flies off into the clouds.     Qais then set about
gathering   herbs   for   the   ' medicine'  which   Snu'k'um    had   said   was
necessary for him to take, after which  he and many of his people set out
in their canoes for the salmon country.    For many days they paddle in
the direction pointed out by Snu'k'um and finally come to an island.
This they are prevented from approaching by enormous  quantities of
floating charcoal which block the progress of the canoes.    One of the
young men, thinking the charcoal is compact enough to sustain him,
jumps out of  the canoe upon it,  but instantly sinks  through and  is
drowned.    After much trouble they get away from the obstruction and
paddle round to the other side of the island.    Here they perceive what
looks like a settlement.    They see smoke of all the colours of the rainbow
rising into the clouds.    This is the country they are seeking, the home of
the salmon people.    They draw into the beach, which is very broad and
smooth, and leaving their canoe go forward towards the settlement, Qais
taking with him his medicine.    When they arrived at the village Qais
presented the chief, whose name was Kos (spring salmon), with some of
the medicine.    Now at the back of the village was a creek in which Kos
kept a tcea'k' (salmon trap), and just before Qais and his followers landed
Kos had bidden four of his young people, two youths and two maidens,
to go into the water and swim round and enter the salmon trap.    Obeying, they walked into the sea with their blankets drawn up over their
heads, and as soon as the water reached their faces they became salmon
and leaped and sported  together just as the salmon do in the running
season, making their way in their frolics towards the trap in the creek.
When, therefore, Qais and his followers had landed and met the salmon
chief, he ordered some more of his people to go to the trap and take out
the salmon and cook them for his guests.   This they did, cutting them open
and spreading them on a kind of wooden gridiron to roast.1   When the fish
1 This gridiron was formed as follows: A shallow trench was dug about twenty
inches wide, the length varying with the number of fish to be roasted, in which a
fire of dry wood was kindled. On either side of the trench stakes were driven in at
intervals. These were about three feet high. On the top of these, and parallel
with the trench, were then fastened slender poles, and across these again directly
over the flames other transverse ones. On these latter the split salmon were laid
were ready Kos invited his guests to partake of them, begging them at the
same time to set the bones carefully aside and not lose or destroy any.
The visitors accepted the invitation and soon disposed of the cooked
salmon. After they had finished their meal some of Kos's people came
and carefully gathered the salmon bones together, which each of those
who had eaten of the fish had piled in a little heap by his side, and took
them down and threw them into the sea ; whereupon the bones were «
immediately transformed back into the four young people again, who
presently came up out of the water and joined the others. The salmon
chief entertained his visitors with salmon-feasts for four successive days.
Now the care which Kos took over the salmon bones excited the curiosity
of one of Qais's followers, who, on the second day, stealthily hid and kept
back some of the head bones of the salmon he was eating. After the
meal was over the bones were gathered up as before and cast into the
water, but when the four young people came out of the water this time it
was observed that one of the youths was covering his face with his hands.
This youth went up to Kos and told him that all the bones had not been
thrown into the water, and that he was in consequence lacking the bones
of his cheek and nose. When Kos heard this he inquired among his
guests if they had thrown away any of the fish bones while eaning, and
pointed out to them the condition of his young man's face. The youth
who had kept back the bones, alarmed at the consequence of his act, n<»w
brought them forward, pretending to have just picked them up from the
ground. The day following the seagulls were seen to be gathering in
great numbers about some object that was floating on the water a little
distance from the land. Kos sends some of his young men to see what
the attraction is. They presently discover it to be the corpse of a young
man. When Kos is informed of the nature of the floating object he asks
Qais if any of his party had been drowned ; Qais answers that one of
his young men had fallen into the water on the other side of the island
and been drowned. Upon hearing this, Kos bids his young men bring
the floating corpse ashore with ropes. This they do, and Qais discovers
that the seagulls have pecked out its eyes. Now although Qais had
power to restore the corpse to life, he had no power to replace the lost
eyeballs. So when he observes their absence, he asks the salmon chief
if he could supply him with new ones. Kos answers that he can, and
offers him a pair of Tm&'a'i-salmon eyes. Qais tries these and finds them
too small. Kos then offers him a pair of Tsawin-salmon eyes. But these
also are too small. The chief then hands him a pair of Koa'k'Enis-
salmon eyes, and these are found to be just the right size. Qais now
sprinkles the corpse with some of his medicine, and the young man is
immediately restored to life. On the fourth day Kos makes a great
Kid acEn (feast), and gives to every one of his people a little of the
medicine which Qais had presented to him. They were overjoyed to
receive it, having seen its virtue exercised upon the corpse of the drowned
man. During the feast Qais spoke thus with Kos : * I have come to visit
you for the purpose of asking you to let some of your people come to
mine. They are very poor and wretched, and have scarcely anything to
eat/ ' Very good,5 replied Kos, * I will do as you request, only you must
take care of them and be careful not to allow any of their bones to come
near a corpse.' Qais promised compliance with this request, and next
day set out with his followers on his return. To Qais the time spent
with the salmon people seemed only four days, but it was really a whole 522
year. As he was leaving Kos said, ' I and my tribe wiU visit you first
in the season.' ' After Kos,' said the tsuk'ai (popularly known as the
sockeye), ' I will come.' ' And after the tsuk'ai I will arrive,' said the
tsawin (cohoe). t I will follow next,' said the kbak'Enis (dog-salmon).
i I will come last of all,' cried the tlau'etcin (humpback), * and I shall not
come regularly like the others, but just now and again.'
Hence, according to Indian belief, the irregularity of the runs of the
last-named species.
When Qais got back he assembled a great concourse of people and
told them that for the future they would have plenty to eat g that the
Salmon had promised to come to them every year. After this he recalls
that his youngest brother had been carried off by Snu'k'um and seeks to
learn from those present if any of them could climb up beyond the clouds
to Snu k'urn's house. They all reply that no one could climb so far.
But among them was one cleverer and smarter than the rest, named
Tu'mtum (Wren V). He possessed a fine bow and many arrows. He
now comes forward and says to Qais, 'I can shoot up there and make a
chain of my arrows.' Qais was delighted with the plan, and bade him
begin at once. Tu'mtum thereupon shoots an arrow into the clouds, and
they hear it strike against the sky where it remained. He shoots again,
and the second arrow lodges in the notch of the first. He continues
shooting in this way, each arrow striking and fixing itself in the last until
the chain thus formed reached to the ground. Qais now takes some of
his ' medicine' and sprinkles it on the line of arrows, and the whole
becomes rigid and stout and strong.1
Kbd'thn, the mouse-man, now comes forward, and offers to climb up
first. Qais consents, and he swarms up followed by Tb'tlum, the flea,
after whom come Me'tcin, the louse, 'Ske't.ks, the woodpecker, arid the
rest of the company. When they reached the summit of the ladder they
perceive a big house. This was Snu'k-urn's dwelling. They seek to
enter, but find it securely fastened and too strong to break into by main
After some consultation it is decided to leave the matter of forcing
an entrance to Koa/tEn, To'tlum, and Me'tcin. Koa/tEn sets to work
and soon gnaws himself a hole to enter by, and the other two force
themselves through a small crack in the boards. When they get inside
Snu k'um is just getting into bed. The fleas get into his blankets and
worry him, the lice into his head and do the same, and the mice
make such a disturbance that he is unable to get to sleep. They keep
him awake tossing and turning till after midnight, and then being very
weary he falls into a deep sleep in spite of them. They bite him again
and again, but cannot wake him. Koa/tEn then opens the door to Qais
and the others. Qais discovers the head and bones of his brother, and
returns to the ground with them. He now sprinkles some of his
* medicine \ upon them, and his brother comes to life again.
When he had done this he pulled down the ladder, and many of those
who were still upon it fell down and were killed. The Qais having come
together again, the youngest resumes the form of a canoe, and they
paddle away to another part of the country.    On their way they come
1 It is worthy of remark that in one of the Haida folk-tales access to the upper
regions is gained by an arrow rope constructed, as here, by shooting one arrow into
the notch of another (see Second Report of the Committee under the writer's notes
upon a couple of men paddling about in a canoe. One, whose name was
TE'ltcapsum (duck), sat in the bow, and the other who was called
ElaJs (sea-cucumber) in the stern, he being the captain. Said Qais to
them : 'Where are you going?' TVltcapsum replies, 'We are out
trapping,' and becomes so frightened that he immediately dives into the
sea. Qais now takes the bait the pair were using, and when TE'ltcapsum
comes to the surface some little way off throws it at him and strikes him
on the head with it. Where it struck a white spot immediately appeared.
TE'ltcapsum looked round to see what had happened, and Qais throws
a second piece at him, and hits him this time on the nose. Again a
white spot appeared. The duck now takes to flight, crying out in fear
as he goes ' anin, nin. ni?i, nin.J Ela's observing Qais's action now also
takes to the water and dives down to the bottom and remains there.
Qais seeing this calls out to him, ' Very well, my friend, if you want to
stay down there do,' and therewith he transforms him into a sea-
cucumber (Holothurian). Thus originated the white-headed duck and
the sea cucumber.
After these events they went up towards the head of the Sk'qo'mic
River. On their way they perceive a village and three Fort Douglas
men (members of the StlatlumH tribe, whose territory is contiguous to
that of the Upper Sk qo'mic), who are 'packing' something on their
backs. Qais transforms these men and their packs into three big
boulders which are to be seen at this village to this day. Going on
from thence they come to a mountain, down the slope of which they
perceive Skbd'watc (sturgeon) coming Him also they change into stone.
A little after, as they still journeyed on, they come upon K'wirii's (whale),
and he too is transformed by them into a rock. In course of time
they arrived at the spot where the village of 'nku'k Epenatc now stands.
There they saw two men in their canoes. These, both men and canoes,
they turn into stone ; hence the name riku'k'Epenatc, which signifies the
place of the stone canoes. Some time afoer this they meet a man
carrying a spear. They request him to give them his weapon, but he
refuses to do so, and him they likewise turn into stone, where he may be
seen to this day with his spear in his hand. At this point my informant's
memory gave out, and he could tell me no more of the doings and transformations of the Qais.
There was once a man who was the father of twins. One night he
dreamt a strange dream. In his dream he was bidden to collect the
bones of all the fish that frequented the Sk-qo'mic River. He was to
place them in a box divided by partitions, a pattern of wThich was
shown him in his dream. The bones of each kind of fish were to be kept
separate in the divisions of the box. On awaking he set about his task.
When the box was ready he filled each division of it with the bones of
different kinds of fish, and then placed the box in a large hole of a living
tree, whose trunk he had hollowed out for the purpose. He then
covered up the aperture so that the box could not be seen. Shortly after
this he died, and from that time onward no fish came into the river.
Many years later a man chanced to pass by the tree in which the box
of fish-bones was hidden. When he approached the tree, his senses were
taken from him, and he wandered round and round the place in a kind
of trance.    In this state he was shown the box hidden in the tree, and i       ^KS^m^^S^U
524 report—1900.
instructed what to do with it and its contents. When he came out of
his trance, he cut away the bark which had grown over the hole
completely and took out the box and opened it. The various divisions of
the box no longer contained bones, but only a little dust. Some of this
dust got on his hands and fingers, and he took some moss and went down
to the river and washed his hands in the warmer with the moss. As he
washed a gale of wind arose, and little fish darted out from the moss in
hundreds. He now put the box back into the hole in the tree again and
went home. It was evening when he arrived, and his wife, who had been
alarmed at his long absence, asked him where he had been all day. Not
desiring to tell her yet of his strange/adventure he said that he had gone
to the river and had fallen asleep on the bank. Early next morning he
goes down to the river where he had left the moss, and where the little
fish had so suddenly appeared, and found to his great joy that the waters
were teeming with fish, amongst which was a new kind afterwards
called tsai'anuk. It would seem that the people had been aware of the
reason of the disappearance of the fish from the river, and had a tradition
among them that they would return again some day when the dust of
the bones, which had been hidden away by the father of the twins,
should be found and placed in the water. The man now saw from the
quantity of the fish in the river that he had truly brought back the
fish, and ran home and told his wife. From that time on the people of
this village had plenty of fish, which aroused the jealousy of the other
villagers, and one day the box containing the bone dust was stolen by
some one and taken to another village. This brought about the death of
the man who had first found the box, for on its beim* taken from the
tree a gale arose which overwhelmed his canoe and drowned him.
From that time the people on the river every year put a little of the bone
dust in the water and never lacked fish again.
I was unable to identify the tsai'anuk. They are a kind of small
fish like smelts or oolicans, but differ from these in that they are never
found floating dead on the water, and they come and go in a mysterious
manner. The Sk'qo'mic always regarded them as the descendants of the
twins. Twins, according to th^ beliefs of the Sk qo'mic, had power over
the wind; hence the rising of the wind when the bone dust was disturbed.
If any one ate tsai'anuk and swl was (oolicans) at the same meal he
would drop dead, the Sk'qo'mic believed.
Te MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm.
(The Son of the Bright Day.)
Long time ago a shaman named TcuIq had two daughters. One fine
day the two girls got in their canoe and went out on the water. When
they were some distance from the shore they ceased paddling and lay
down in the carioe one at each end. They then began to sing. Their
song was addressed to a certain mysterious youth who was supposed to
live at the bottom of the water. The words of the song which they
repeated many times were as follows : —
Atcina' !    AtcinI' !    Atcina/ !    Kwi'na yatcsi its tEm
Kwina'-si-a/ll - - - i,
which, freely translated, may be rendered as follows :—f O dear !    O ray !
We have been told that a handsome young man lies below !    Oh that he
would come up !'
When they had been singing a little while  they saw a form rising ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
through the water. It was young AiEt (black cod). Said the girls to
him when he came to the surface : ' We don't want a man like you with
big bulging eyes. You can go back again.* They sang again, and
presently Tsacile'uk (rock-cod) came up. As soon as they perceived him
they derided him, saying : ' Do you think we want a man like you 1 Go
down again, you big-mouthed creature/ Rock-cod, much mortified at
their treatment of him, sank slowly to the bottom again as they continued
their song. Presently they perceived a bright and fiery form rising to
the surface. The waters glowed as if a great fire burnt beneath. * This
must be he/ said one to the other. But when this glowing body rose to
the surface they saw it was only Tuk'to'q (red cod). The girls are angry
and disappointed as he appears, and revile poor Tuk'to'q bitterly. * You
big-eyed, gaping-mouthed, short-waisted, ugly creature, get out of our
sight and don't come here deceiving us again.' Tuk'to'q sank slowly to
the bottom again.
And thus it was with one fish after the other that came to the surface
at their singing : each and every one the girls dismissed with scornful,
abusive words. At last came Kos, the prince of fishes (spring salmon),
but he fared no better than the rest. When they saw his graceful silvery
form come shooting through the water they cried out to each other :
' This must be he. How bright and shining he is !' But when he got
close to the canoe they perceived that they had been mistaken. ' We
don't want you, Kos,' cried they. ' You ha^e a black mouth. We don't
like black-mouthed men. Go away and hide your black mouth.' They
continue their singing as Kos disappears. Presently they see an arrow
(sJmd'al) come shooting up out of the water. As it falls back they paddle
towards it, each eager to seize it first. The younger of the sisters grasps
it first. They now sing again, and a little later a second arrow shoots up
as before. This time the elder sister is the first to get it. Then a third
- appears in the same manner, and after that a fourth. Each sister
succeeds in getting one of these, so that they now have two arrows apiece.
They sing their song again, and presently a bow (tb'qbatc) and quiver
(tciau'q) are thrust up. These the younger of the two manages to secure
first. Once again they repeat their song, and a few moments later they
behold a golden form, bright and shining like the sun, coming up from
the lower depths. This at last is he whom they desired. He is Meu-Ue-
iSaielr.m (Son of the Bright Day). They paddle towards him, and when
the canoe has approached near enough he springs into the centre of it.
He looks from one sister to the other to see which possesses most of his
property. Perceiving that the younger sister had most, he goes to her end
of the canoe and sits down by her side, and the girls then paddle back to
their landing. When they arrive the elder sister, who is greatly disappointed and jealous of the other, springs out first and runs to her father
complaining that her sister has taken her si'ya (lover) from her. TcuIq
smiled and told her not to distress herself, that neither of them would
have him long. It would appear that TcuIq used his two daughters as
decoys to attract young men to his house, where he wickedly destroyed
them in various ways by his shamanistic powers. The younger daughter
being well aware of this takes advantage of her sister's absence to warn
her lover of what awaited him at her father's hands. Said she to him as
they were approaching her father's dwelling : * Take care of yourself
when you pass through the door. My father has a magic door that closes
with a spring upon people as they enter, and cuts them in two if they are REPORT—1900.
not wary. He has killed a great many of our lovers that way. When
we get to the door watch how I get through, and follow in the same
manner. If you succeed in getting through safely you must not, however, think you are free from danger. Another danger awaits you. My
father will spread a fine handsome bearskin rug on the ground for you
to sit upon. In the hair of this skin are fixed many sharp claws of the
grisly bear (tlatla'lEm) so skilfully hidden that no one would suspect
their presence. Should any one, however, be unwary enough to throw
himself down on the skin, these claws will tear and rip him to pieces. Be
careful of yourself, therefore, when my father invites you to sit down on
this rug and avoid the claws.' MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm thanks the maiden for
her warning, but tells her not to fear for him ; that his medicine is stronger
than her father's. Before entering the house MEn-tlE Saie'lEm filled his
clothes with pieces of rock and stones. When they got to the door the
girl gave a sudden leap and parsed safely through. MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm,
observing her action, did the same, and passed through without harm to
himself ; but the door springing to after him caught the end of his quiver as
it trailed in the air and cut off the end of it. The shaman looked up and
accosted the youth thus : * Ah ! stuta'tl (prospective son-in-law), you have
arrived, have you ? Come and sit down on this rug.' And with that he
shakes out a fine bearskin and spreads it on the floor. MEn-tlE Saie lEm
throws himself on the skin, as if he had no suspicion of its hidden dangers,
and rolls about upon it as if he sought to find the most comfortable
p >sition, breaking off as he did so all the points of the sharp claws with
the stones he had placed inside his garments He was thus able to lie
upon the rug without harm. They talk together for a while, and then,
as night had come on, they retire to rest, MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm and his bride
occupying the same bed. Before they rose next morning she warns him
that a third trial awaits him. 'Tn the yard yonder,' said she, \ my father
has a big canoe he is in the course of making (tcatwi'tl). It is of rock
and not of wood. In it is a deep crevice or fissure, down which my father
will purposely drop his Qohai't (chisel) to-morrow morning and request
you to dive in and bring it out. When any one does this the crevice
closes over him and he is buried alive in the rock. I am greatly alarmed
for your safety. Hitherto no one has escaped this trap of my father's.'
The young wife is very sad and cries as she tells her husband of the danger
ahead of him. MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm bids her be of good cheer and not to be
anxious for him. * I shall do as your father desires me,' said he ; 'his
medicine cannot hurt me.' Presently the shaman calls out to the young
man : I Saq (son-in-law), I want you to come and get my chisel for me ;
it has dropped down a deep crack in my tcatwi'tl. He got up at once,
but before-leaving his wife'he requests from her some stau'ok' (pipeclay)l
which he hides upon his person. He now goes out to the old man, who
points out to him the deep crevice into which his chisel has, as he declares,
fallen. The young man takes a leap into the fissure, and as he enters he
throws the stau'ok' back over his shoulder, and the next moment the c'eft
closes over him. The shaman perceiving the stau'ok' come from the rock
imagines it to be his son-in-law's brains, which have been squeezed out by
the pressure of the rocks upon his head as they closed upon him, and goes
off laughing, saying as he went : ' I got him that time, sure.'    Meanwhile
1 br. G. M. Dawson obtained a specimen of this substance from the SkqO'mic on
Burrard Inlet in 1875, and found it to be a diatomaceous earth, and not true pipeclay. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
the youth finds himself in a kind of hollow or cave in the rock, on the
floor of which he perceives a great number of human bones, the remains
of the shaman's former victims.
Picking up the chisel he goes to the end of the cave, which opens to
him, and he passed out with the tool in his hand.    He hurries after the
old man and overtakes him before he has reached the house.    * Saq '
(father-in-law), said he, * here is the chisel you lost.'    The shaman takes
the chisel, laughs, and says : 'You beat me that time, son-in-law.'    The
night following this when the others had gone to rest the shaman, who
possesses a little dog, calls the creature to him and holds converse with it
in this wise : ' I am going to transform you into a swd'kwil (loon) and
put you out on the water in the morning for my son-in-law to shoot at.
You must take care to dive when you see his arrows  coming, and each
time you rise to the surface again come up farther off'   MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm's
wife was still anxious and troubled for her husband's safety.    Said she to
him : ' None of our young men ever escaped from the rock-trap before, so
I do not know what mischief my father is plotting against you now.    I
feel sure he will not desist from his attempts to kill you, and I am fearful
of what may befall you.'    MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm comforts her by assuring her
that her father cannot really harm  him, do what he will.    Early next
morning the shaman takes the dog to the beach and, muttering magic
words over it, transforms (siuwen) it into a loon, which enters the wTater
near the shore and begins to swim and dive about just in front of the old
man's landing.    He now returns to the house and bids his daughter wake
her husband and ask him to go to the beach and shoot a loon which is
sporting about there close to the shore.    MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm gets up and
goes to the beach, taking his bow and arrows with him.   His arrows have
the faculty of striking and killing whatever he shoots them at.    He takes
aim at the loon and shoots.    The seeming bird dives as the arrow reaches
it.    To the young man's surprise the loon is not killed, only wounded, the
arrow merely breaking its flesh and passing on beyond.    The youth asks
his wife to get him a second arrow.    The loon having come to the surface
again, though farther off, he shoots the second arrow at it, but meets with
no better success than  before, merely wounding the bird without killing
it.    He asks for a third and yet a fourth arrow, but the loon is still alive
and passing out of sight.    Perceiving now that his father-in-law was
working his medicine against him, and having shot away ail his arrows,,
he adopts another plan.    Said he to his wife :  ' Has your father got a
scum V (big cedar pot or kettle).    'Yes.' replied she.    'Fetch it for me
and bring it down here to the beach.    I will go after the loon in it.'    She
did as he bade her, and he set out after the wounded loon in the tub.
He took his bow with him, and as he passed his arrows which were floating on the surface he picked them up.    He now shot them at the loon
again, but with the same result as before.    He could only wound the loon,
which swam farther out at each shot.    The old shaman had watched the
proceedings thus far without saying a word or doing anything.    As the
loon and his son-in law pass from their gaze he stands up and takes his
bearskin garment, shakes it, and turns it several times and then puts it
on again.    Consequent upon this  action there arose forthwith a great
storm, and the wind caused the waves to rise mountain high.    The young
wife is greatly distressed thereat, and believes that she will never see her
husband again.    She continues for a while to gaze seaward, but nothing
but the mountainous billows meets her eyes, and presently she seeks the :&B££«f&,
shelter of  the house,  believing  MEn-tlE -Saie'lEm  to  have  been  overwhelmed by the waves.   In the meantime the latter pursues and presently
comes up with the loon.    This time he succeeds in killing it.    As it expired it barked like a dog.    'Ah !' said MEn-tlE-SaieTEm, ' now I understand why I could not kill you before.    Yery well, you shall serve my
purpose now.'  By this time the storm has reached him, but he is in no wise
alarmed at it.    He commences to sing, and the tempest at once subsides
immediately about him.    Within a certain radius the water is as calm as
a sheltered pond.    As soon as he had secured the dog-loon he makes for
home again.    On his way he kills a great number of ducks which the
storm had driven shorewards.    He shoots so many that they overfill his
boat.    He utters sluwern words over them and they shrink at once to a
small compass.     He then fills the canoe again,  after which he makes
directly for the shaman's landing-place.    The tempest is still raging all
about him on every hand as before.    Wrhen he reaches the shore he finds
it deserted.    Everybody is indoors, having given him up for lost.    He
enters the house, and when his wife perceives him she is overjoyed at his
return.    He tells her he has killed the loon her father wanted and bids her
go to the scum and bring it up and cook it for her father.    She goes down
to the landing and takes up from the bottom of the tub what appeared to
her to be a single bird.    But when she held it in her hand another
appeared in its place.    She picks up this also only to find the same thing
occur again and again.    Presently her arms are full, and yet a bird remained in the bottom of the tub.    She goes to the house and tells her
husband.    j Take your big basket,' said he, ' and pack them  up on your
back.'    She does so, and when at last she has exhausted the  supply the
house is half full of ducks.    MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm now utters sluwe n words
over them again, and they are reduced to apparently a few only.    These
he takes and plucks and afterwards roasts them.    In plucking the loon
he said to it : ' When your master takes you up to eat you I want you to
bark like a dog.'    When the birds were cooked MEn-tlE-Saie'lEM made a
cedar dish and placed them upon it and laid it before the shaman, who
began at once to partake of them.    When he commenced he thought he
could easily clear the dish, but as soon as he has eaten one, another
appears in its place.    Presently he takes up the loon, and as he was
eating it, it barked like a dog, and the old man knew at once that his son-
in-law had outwitted him  again.    Said he to MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm :  ' You
have beaten me again, son-in-law.'    In his greediness the shaman had
overeaten himself and now became very ill.    Early next morning he calls
out to his daughter to come to him.    ' I am very sick,' said he, 'and I
want your husband to go into the  woods and gather some yit-twd'n
(salmon-berries, Rubus sp.) for me.'    Now it was winter time, and not
even a green leaf could be found, much less fruit.    The daughter tells
her husband what her father had requested him to do.    At first he would
not get up, but lay and thought out a plan of action.    This time his
patience was exhausted, and he determined to punish his wicked, selfish
father-in-law.   When he had thought out his plan he got up and requested
his wife to get him some slb'wi (finely beaten inner bark of the cedar,
Thuya gigantea).    She gives him some.    As he leaves her he tells her
not to be alarmed.    ' I am likely to be delayed in my quest,' said he.
' What your father desires is not easy of accomplishment at this season of
the year.'    He directs his steps towards the forest and pushes his way
through the thick underbush till  he arrives at the foot of a mountain. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
Here he comes to an open glade (swd'wEk) where many yit-twafnai (salmon-berry bushes) are growing. He halts here, procures some bark of
the klb'lai or alder tree (Alnus rubra), and chewing this blows the juice
from his mouth upon his wad of slb'wi, thus dyeing it red. But only the
outer bark is stained red, the inner remaining yellow. He now proceeds
to tie little tufts of it to the salmon-berry bushes, some of the tufts
being red and some yellow. Next he transforms these tufts of slb'wi into
salmon-berries, some of which are red and some yellow. This originated
the salmon-berry, and thus it is that the fruit of one bush is red and that
of another yellow. But the fruit was not yet ripe. To ripen it he needs
some assistance. So he next proceeds to call upon some of his ancestors
to help him. He invokes them in the following terms : ' Come to me,
my grandparents, and help me ripen this fruit !' The grandparents
whom he calls upon for this purpose are the titc-titcEnis, or hummingbird (Trochilus sp.), the S'k'ukumkum, or humble-bee (JBombuS' sp.)9 and
the Qit,1 or wren (Troglodytes hiemalis ?). The two former were males,
the latter a female. The bumble-bee is the first to respond to the
invocation. He buzzes round and round in the air in lessening circles
until he alights upon the salmon-berry bushes. He is followed by the
humming-bird, and he again by the wren. They all three set to work at
once to ripen the berries. He begs them not to loiter over their work,
as he wants the berries in four days at the latest. When the fourth
day arrived all the berries were ripe and ready for picking. He had
brought a small woven basket (lealeuk*) with him. This he soon filled,
putting into it only red berries. When it was full he uttered sluwe'n
words over it, and the berries immediately sank down, leaving room for
more to be added. When it was full the second time he put it aside and
makes another little receptacle from alder-bark (pia'ko). This he fills
in the same way with the yellow berries. When full he sprinkles over
the fruit some of the needles of the hemlock-spruce. As he does so
he converses with the needles and instructs them in this wise: ' Some of
you must stick to the berries, and when my father-in-law eats them you
must stay in his throat and not let him swallow you or spit you out.
You must then begin to grow, and go on growing till you come out
through the top of his head.' On the red berries he sprinkles no leaves,
intending these for his wife and sister-in-law.
He now starts homeward after thanking his grandparents for the
help they had given him. He has not picked all the berries that were
ripened, and as he leaves he bids them enjoy what is left themselves. On
the afternoon of the fifth day he arrives home with' his two baskets of
berries. He calls to his wife and says : ' Has your father any cedar-
plates (Qaplyoitl) ?' The wife answers that he has, and brings him one.
On this he now pours out the yellow berries, some of which have the
little needles of the spruce still sticking to them. The basket of red*
berries he gave to his wife and sister-in-law. He then presents the dish
of yellow berries to his father-in- law, saying as he does so, ' Here, Saq,
are the berries you desired : they have cost me some trouble to procure
for you.'    The old shaman grumbled when he saw how few they seemed.
1 It is interesting to note that a myth of the Haida (Queen Charlotte Tslanders)
makes the wren, called also by them Qit or Whit, the ripener of the wild berries.
She is invoked among them in a song the words of which I have given in the original
with a free translation in my notes on Haida Stories and Beliefs (see Second Report
of the Ethnological Survey of Canada, 1898). 530
* I could eat twice that quantity,' said he. But to his surprise he finds
fche fruit more than he can consume. Eat as many as he will, some still
remain on the platter. Presently he begins to cough and spit. Some of
the spruce needles have got into his throat and he cannot dislodge them.
Between his spasms of coughing he cries out : ' Ah ! son-in-law, you
have beaten me this time.' Saying this his eye (for it seems he possessed
but one) begins to start from his head, and presently a young hemlock-
spruce burst through his crown and speedily grew into a big tree.
MEn-tlE-Saig'lEm then called his wife and sister-in-law, and said to them:
' We will go away and leave your wicked father now.' They forthwith
pack up their belongings and start off. When they get outside of the
house MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm gives a great kick to the back of it, and the
whole structure falls in and is transformed into a big rock with the tree
that grew from the old shaman's head still standing up, and apparently
growing out of it.
This boulder, which the Indians used to look upon as an enchanted
rock, is said to be situated near Nanaimo. Even now the older Indians
believe that the shaman is still shut up in it. They declare they can
sometimes hear him saying, 'You have beaten me this time, son-in-law,'
and if any one passing by on the water were to revile it, or call it
opprobrious names, such as 'old one-eye,' they believe a tempest similar
to that the old shaman brought upon MEn-tlE-Saie'lEm when he went
after the loon would immediately arise and drown all in the canoe.
From the fact that this rock is situated within the borders of the
SnamaimuQ, as well as from the hero's name being doubtful Sk-qo'mic,
it is pretty certain this story has been borrowed from the SnamaimuQ.
Te Qoitcita'l, the Serpent-slayer.
A long time ago many people lived at Stamis, a village at the mouth
of the Sk'qo'mic River. The son of the chief had just been married.
The night following the marriage, just before daybreak, the old people
heard the cry of Te Slno'tlkai (a huge double-headed water-serpent) as he
passed from one side of the mountain to the other. The old people woke
up the young couple who were sleeping together by throwing cold water
over them, and told the young man that he ought to get up and go after
the Smo'tlkai. The youth was deeply offended at this treatment on his
wedding night, and would not at first stir ; but presently he said to his
wife, ' I will do what they wish. I will follow the Slno'tlkai and kill it.
Don't be alarmed during my absence. I shall be away only four days.'
He was really absent four years, though the years seemed to him as
days. So he got up and took his bow and arrows and blanket and went
after the serpent. When he came upon the creature's trail the stench
► which it had left behind it in its passage was so terrible, and the buzzing
of the flies which the smell had attracted so annoying, that he was
obliged to keep some distance off. From time to time as he went along
lie bathed himself. After a while he came upon the serpent, which was
lying lengthwise across a small lake. Its heads rose up on one side, and
its tail on the other. Qoitcita'l would not bathe in this lake where the
serpent lay, but sought out another spot a little way off. The serpent
stayed here testing the lake's capacity for the space of two whole days
as it seemed to Qoitcita'l. In reality a whole year thus passed away.
It  then  went on again followed  by  Qoitcita'l as before,   who bathed ON  THE  ETHNOLOGICAL  SURVEY
himself frequently as he went along. They came to several other &mall
lakes, all of which the serpent tried as before, but none of them was
big enough for its purpose. Thus the third year passed, which to
Qoitcita'l seemed as another day. At last the serpent came to a lake
large enough for it to swim about in. Into this the Smo'tlkai dived. On
the edge of the lake Qoitcita'l built himself a house and watched the
serpent which from time to time came to the surface of the water to
disport itself. One night Qoitcita'l dreamt that he killed the serpent
with a big heavy spear made of resinous pine-wood. In his dream he
seemed to be in a large canoe, and he possessed two of these heavy
spears. So when he awoke he built himself a canoe, and made a couple
of spears after the fashion of those he had seen in his dream. When he
had finished his canoe he launched it on the lake. The serpent was not
visible at the time, so he allowed the canoe to drift about as it would.
By-and-by the serpent came to the surface again at some little distance
from Qoitcita'l. He at once paddled quietly towards it. The serpent's
two large heads were now raised in the air with its great mouths agape.
When it opened its mouths it was like the opening of two fiery ovens ;
and the cries it made on these occasions were exceedingly terrifying.
Qoitcita'l paddled towards the nearest of the heads and struck it just
at the junction of the neck with one of his spears which remained sticking
in it. He then hastily paddled towards the other and did the same with
it, and the serpent sank to the bottom of the lake. Qoitcita'l thereupon went into a trance and remained in that condition for some time.
While he was in this state the water of the lake rose up and carried him
to the top of a high mountain. When he came out of his trance, in
which he had learnt many secrets and much strange knowledge, he
looked intently at the water, which immediately began to sink, and in
a little while the whole lake was dry. He now descended the mountain
and got down to the bed of the lake across which he perceived, stretching
from side to side, the trail of the serpent's bones. These were now clean
and free from flesh, and some of them were curiously shaped. Some
had the form of swords, and some of blanket-pins or brooches. He took
possession of two of these — one of the sword kind and one of the broqcji
kind—and returned to his house on the edge of the lake. Havingriow
accomplished his task he determined to return home. He accordingly
sets his face homewards. To get home he had first to pass over many
mountains and rivers. One day he perceived a tiock of mountain sheep
on a ridge before him. Thereupon he takes his new sword, which
possessed magic properties, and waves it in the air, and all the sheep
straightway fall down dead. He now skins them all, and dries their
hides. When they are dried he packs them up and takes them with
him. There are many hundreds of them, but his magic enables him to
carry them all easily. As he journeyed on he came to a certain mountain
which it was necessary for him to cross But his passage over this was
hindered by the presence of a huge snail which barred his way whenever
he sought to cross it. He tried every means t'o pass this creature, but
always failed. At last it occurred to him to use the Slno tlkai-bone
brooch, which like the sword possessed magic properties. He now points
this at the snail, and it immediately shrivels up like a green leaf in the
fire, and dies. At last after much travelling he comes to the head of
the Sk'qo'mic River, at the mouth of which his own village is situated.
Between the head and the mouth of the river there are many b'kwu/muqi
A***__9 532
or villages, which he has to pass on his way. The first village was on the
side of the river opposite to his own. When he got over against it
he covered himself with a white blanket and sat down to rest and
await events. The people of the village soon perceive him and cry out
to one another wondering what the strange white object is. Said one to
the other, ' Let us go and see what this white thing is on the other side
of the river.' They all come down to the river's edge. Qoitcita'l now
stands up and waves his magic sword in the air, and all the people
shrivel up as the snail had done, and fall down dead. He now crossed
over the river and took a Qok'b'lstEn, or large basket used for gathering
herbs, and filled this with the leaves of certain plants and herbs. He
then broke these up and bruised them, and made therefrom some
powerful medicine the magic properties of which he had learned in his
trance. With this he sprinkles all the dead, and they are immediately
restored to life again. After this the people take a number of canoes
and construct from them a large raft. On this they place Qoitcita'l and
present him with a great number of blankets. They also give him one of
the girls of the village for a wife. Qoitcita'l accompanied by some of the
people of the village now goes down the river. At every village they
come to Qoitcita'l kills all the inhabitants by waving his sword as he
had done at the first place, and afterwards restores them to life. At
each stopping-place he is presented with many gifts, and a girl for wife,
and some of the people accompany him 1 so that by the time he has
reached his own village the raft is loaded with people and presents, and
he possesses nearly two score waves.1 When he arrived at Sta/mis he
loes the same there as at all the other places and kills everybody, his
own parents and first wife included. Then he brings them all back again
bo life except his wife. He does this to impress the people with his
power. His wife had taken another husband, and so to punish her for
her want of trust in him he would not restore her to life. He now takes
all his new wives and presents into his father's big house. A great
feast is then held and all the visitors are generously entertained for
many days. There was no scarcity of food or game, for Qoitclta/l had
only to go into the woods and wave his magic sword before him and
everything immediately fell dead at his feet. From this time on Qoitcita'l
became a great man and the chief of his o'kwumuq.
Te Saoqivd'otl, or the Deserted Youth.
A youth was once undergoing his k'waiyd'sbt, or training for medicineman. He had led an isolated life in the forest, according to the custom
of novices, for some time, and had eaten no food for several days. Now
it happened that just at this time there was a scarcity of food in the
village to which he belonged, and a party of girls had gone into the
woods to dig Subtluk' (Pteris aquilina) for food for themselves. They
had secured some roots and had roasted and eaten them in the woods,
throwing aside the hard cores.2
As the youth was wandering round in the woods he came upon the
1 Wives acquired in this way are called by a special name to distinguish them
from those obtained in the ordinary manner. This term is Amitld'ntEm, and means
' presented ' or ' freely given.'
2 The edible part of this root when roasted, my informant stated, is very like in
ubstance and appearance the flesh or meat of the cocoa-nut.    The outer part only
is eaten, the inner part being a hard core, which is thrown aside.    In times of ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
spot where the girls had roasted their fern-roots. All around him lay
the discarded cores. The sight of these was too much for the young
man's hungry vstomach, and he sought to appease his cravings for food by
gnawing at some of them. This occurred towards the end of his training.
When he had completed his k'waiyd'sbt he returned to the village. Now
when the elders of the village learnt that the girls had been in the woods
roasting SQo'tluk* near where the youth was undergoing his training it
entered their minds that he might break his fast upon the remains of
their meal. So when he returned home his parents undertook to test
him. They did this by drawing scarifying knives all over his body. In
the process one of the fern-root cores was drawn out of his flesh, at sight
of which his father was shocked and scandalised. He informs the people
of his discovery, telling them he is greatly ashamed and grieved at his
son's wicked deception. It is decided that he must go back to the woods
and go through the whole procedure from beginning to end over again.
So he returns to the training-ground and enters upon a second course of
fasting and exercise. No one expresses any sorrow for the youth except
his old grandmother, who cries when she learns that he is sent back in
disgrace to repeat his trying ordeal once more. Among the personal
belongings of the young man was a little dog which was much attached
to him. This dog the old grandmother called to her side one day, and
told it that the people had determined to go away from the village and
abandon her grandson, who had disgraced them by breaking his fast
during his kwaiya'sot. ' When your master returns,' said she to the dog,
1 he will find the village deserted and all the fires out. I am very sorry
for him and want to help him all I can. I intend to keep all the cores of
my SQo'tluk and make them into charcoal and bury it in a big clam-shell,
and when my grandbon returns you can tell him where to find it, so that
he will not be without fire.1 You must stay behind when the people go,
and wait for your master and do as I instruct you. When I have buried
it I wTill show you the spot.'
It was as the old woman had told the dog. The whole village felt
that they could not harbour a youth who had brought such shame upon
them, and so, at the suggestion of Sk'auk*, the Raven, they determined to
go away to another camp and leave the youth to his own resources. To
make their desertion of him the more complete and exemplary, when they
are ready to start they take water and pour it upon all the fires and so
put them dead out. Just before they did this the old grandmother, unobserved by any one, converted her fern-root cores into charcoal and buried
it in a clam-shell near one of the posts of the dwelling and bade the dog,
which was observing her, remember where to bid his master look for it.
They all now go away, taking their belongings with them, the little dog
alone remaining behind. Some time afterwards the youth, having completed his course of training, returns once more to his home. When he
perceives the abandoned state of the village he quickly comprehends what
has happened, and walks up and down, crying, feeling heart-broken at
their desertion of him.    His little dog tried again and again to attract his
scarcity and famine the Indians had frequent recourse to these roots, and dug up
and ate large quantities of them, the old people and children having little else
indeed to subsist upon.
1 It would appear from the precaution here taken by the old grandmother that
the preservation of fire was a matter of supreme importance in the early days of the
tribe, and the piocuring of it afresh a task of much difficulty and trouble. >34
attention and lead him to the spot where the buried cores were smouldering in th^ clam-shell; but for a long time his master would take no notice
of him. Presently, when his grief had somewhat subsided, the importunity
of the dog and its unusual behaviour aroused his attention. For the dog,
on perceiving that it had at length attracted its master's notice, had run
to the foot of the post where the fire was secreted and begun vigorously
scratching there, looking up at its master the while and barking excitedly.
Said the youth to himself : ' I believe my grandmother has buried something there for me.' He then went to the spot and speedily discovered
the hidden charcoal, with which he soon made himself a big fire. He
now made a bow and some arrows for himself, and shot many small birds
and chipmunks (Tamias striatus), and from the skin of these, when dry,
he made himself a garment to cover his nakedness.1 After this he makes
a big box in front of the house, in which he sits and looks about him.
One morning just about sunrise he is sitting with his gay robe wrapped
about him, when he perceives the Sun coming down to him. When his
visitor got near he said to SQoqwa/otl : ' That's a fine coat you have on.
I would like to make an exchange with you. My garment has magic
qualities, and whoever wears it need never want for food.' 'All right,'
said the youth, ' I'll exchange with you. I am badly in want of a coat
of that kind just now.' The exchange is forthwith made, and each puts
on the other's garment. Then, said the Sun to the youth, ' If you dip
one corner of my cloak in the water when you want something to eat, you
will always be able to obtain any amount of slauit (herrings). Be
careful not to dip too much of the garment in, or the fish will choke the
stream.' After this the Sun returned to his own country, carrying with
him the youth's cloak. On the morrow SQoqwa/otl goes down to the
water to try the ' medicine ' of his new garment. He dips one corner in
as the Sun had instructed him, and immediately the wTater swarmed with
line fat herrings. He straightway makes a tlitamEn—a kind of rake, on
the spikes of which the fish are impaled as it is drawn through the water.
Writh this he catches great quantities of the fish, after which he threads
them on strings and hangs them up to dry. He continues at his task till
he has filled his father's house with them. In like manner he then proceeds to fill the houses of all the others in the village except Sk'auk' the
Raven's He had become aware by some means that the proposition to
desert him originated with the Raven, so he would not give him any
herrings. On the contrary, he filled his house with the stinking, rotting
entrails of the fish he had cleaned, by way of taking his revenge upon
him. When he had stocked all the houses with dried herrings, K'ldk'a,
the Crow, paid a visit' to the village one day, and, being hungry, soon discovered the entrails of the herrings and began eating them. When
SQOqwa'otl perceived the Crow, he asked him if he knew where the people
of his village had settled, and whether he had seen his grandmother.
' Yes,' answered the Crow, ' I know where your people went. They are
living on the other side of the water, and every day I hear your grandmother crying for you.' ' Ah ! 'said the youth, 'I am sorry for my grandmother, and I want you to take these four herrings and give them to her,
when she is outside and nobody is looking, and tell her to come over here,
where there is now plenty of food.    I know they haven't much over
1 During his k-wai;
aked the whole time.
'sot the novice must wear no clothes.    He must go entirely ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
there.' The Crow undertook to do as the youth requested, and started off
on his mission. He finds the old woman sitting in the bow of a canoe
crying to herself. He alights on the edge of the canoe and cries out to
her in the following words : ' K'dq, k'dq, tE t'catcEld'tltEn tE um-mun-mats,
kdq'l—' Plenty, plenty food where your grandson is, plenty.' He then
disgorges the fuur herrings which he had carried in his gullet. The old
woman quickly comprehends the message her grandson had sent by the
Crow, secretes the fish on her person, and goes home. At night, when all
were abed and, as she supposed, asleep, the old woman approached the
fire and in the shadow of the big night log 2 produced the herrings and
began to roast them over the embers. She thought that no one would
observe her at this time ; but it so happened that one of the children
woke up and saw her. The child lay near the father's head, which was
raised some little distance from the bed by the head-rest, thus leaving a
space between his neck and the bed. Looking through this space, the
child observed the grandmother cooking and eating her herrings. Sho
presently roused her father and told him what the old woman was doing.
The savoury smell had by this time filled the whole building and aroused
everybody. The father demands from the old woman how she came by
the herrings she had been stealthily cooking. At first she made no reply,
and he had to ask her the same question three times before she would
respond. She then told him that the fish came from her deserted grandson, and that the Crow had brought them to her that afternoon with the
message that there were plenty more at the old village. On the following
morning the chief calls all the people together and teils them of the herring
incident, and that his son whom they had deserted was living at the old
village in plenty. He proposes that they shall all return thither, as food
is scarce in their present quarters. It was agreed that they all return.
So they started off for their old o'kwumuq in their canoes and in due time
arrived at the landing-places. They came in single file, one canoe behind
another. As they drew near the shore, the youth donned his wonder-*
working cloak. To those approaching he now had the glorious, resplendent appearance of the noonday sun. They could not look upon him as
he sat in front of his dwelling for the dazzling splendour of his garment.
Before they landed, those who had kEmkd'mai (daughters) dressed them
in their best and gayest blankets, for the purpose of presenting them to
the youth as wives. Among these was Raven, who had two daughters.
These he not only dressed in their best blankets, but also painted their
foreheads. Presently, when all were ready, they landed, and the chief led
forward his daughter and offered her to the young Shaman as his wife.
The others in turn did likewise, Raven among the rest. He accepts all
but Raven's daughters. These he scornfully rejects, and tells Raven to
keep them, that he doesn't want them, and will have nothing to do with
them. He then bade the people go to their old dwellings and they would
find plenty of food awaiting them there. His many wives he takes to his
own house.    When Raven and his rejected daughteis arrive at their home
1 This is not good Sk-qo'mic. The crow is supposed to have mangled it somewhat. In correct Sk-qo'mic the expression would be thus rendered: Kdq, kdq, tE
stcaie'tlEn tE Hes-ue tE e'mats, k'dq. It is possible that this story is not of Sk-qo'mic
origin, hence the difference in the form of the expression. I called my informant's
attention to this, but his explanation was that this was the crow's way of talking.
2 The old Indians always banked up their fires, before retiring for the night, with
one or more bier log
These kept the lire smouldering till morning. 536
they find it full of the stinking entrails of the fish with which SQoqwa/otl
had filled their neighbours' dwellings. They are so hungry that they are
fain to appease the cravings of their stomach by eating the foetid mass.
Thus did SQoqwa'otl revenge himself upon Raven for his part in the
people's desertion of him.
When everybody had once more assembled about his dwelling
SQoqwa/otl invites them to come down to the water's edge with him.
Upon their arrival there he turns his cloak about and dips one corner of
it into the water, and immediately the spot teems with fish. At first the
people are too astonished to seize the fish, but presently they fill their
canoes with them. From that time onward the people of this village
j j ever lacked for food, and SQoqwa/otl's cloak brought him much honour
and renown, and he became a great man among them.
SmEnd'tly or the Story of the Chief's Daughter.
The chief of a certain large village once possessed a big dog. This
dog was not a common dog. He was really a wizard, who had assumed
this form for evil purposes of his own, though no one in the village was
aware of the fact. One night he stole to the bed of the chief's daughter
and ravished her in her sleep. When some little time had passed the
girl found herself with child without any knowledge of the person who
had brought this shame upon her. Suspecting that her ravisher would
visit her again, she takes some red paint and mountain-sheep's tallow, and,
mixing the two into a paste, smears the palms of her hands with it.
Before she has discovered the author of her trouble her father perceives
her condition and questions her concerning it. She is unable to give him
any satisfactory explanation, and he is much grieved and ashamed. The
following night the dog-wizard visits her again, but before he leaves her
on this occasion she presses her paint-smeared hand upon his shoulders.
In the morning, when all the young men of the tribe are engaged in their
exercise on the village ground, she scrutinises their backs and shoulders
to see if any of them bear the imprint of her hands in red paint. She
passes them all in review before her, but cannot perceive the sign she is
looking for on any of them. The evening of that same day the dog is
lying before the fire, and the girl, wishing to occupy the dog's place, takes
a stick and tries to drive it away. At first the dog will not stir, but
eventually it consents to get up and move off. As it does so, she is greatly
surprised to see marked upon its shoulders the imprint of a pair of hands
in red paint. In her astonishment she cries out, ' Oh ! my father, I have
discovered my ravisher. Look at the dog's shoulders ; it must be he.*
The father looks at the dog and perceives the paint-marks upon his back.
' Very well, daughter,' said he ; 'if that is the father of your child you
cannot live with me any longer.' Thereupon the chief goes some little distance from the village and builds his daughter a house apart by itself. When
it is ready he sends her to live there. The chief is greatly ashamed; and
when later his daughter gives birth to twelve puppies he is so deeply
mortified by the whole circumstance that he calls his people together and
tells them that he wishes to go away out of sight and sound of his disgraced daughter and her unnatural offspring, and proposes a change of
settlement. They agree to his plan, and presently all pack up their
belongings, take their canoes, and paddle away to a near village. Near
their old settlement is a point of land or promontory (Sk''utuks-En, cf.
radical for nose) stretching out some way into the water and hiding the ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
view beyond. They determine to settle beyond this point, where they
will be out of sight of their old camp. In the meantime the poor deserted
girl does the best she can in her lonely state for her strange family. Of
the twelve puppies two only are females, all the rest are males. When
they are old enough to run about the mother returns with them to her
father's house in the abandoned village. One evening she split some
pitch-wood for torches, and, lighting one of these, she went down to the
beach to dig for clams. She had not long been engaged at her task when
she heard sounds of singing and dancing coming from the village. She
rushes back to see what it all means, and as she nears her own dwelling
perceives the sounds to come from it. At the door one of the two young
bitches is standing. When the latter sees her mother approaching she
warns the others within the house, and the sounds at once cease. The
mother's suspicions are, however, roused, and when she enters the house
she asks them who had been singing. She gets no response to her question
from the puppies, who are now speechless. She is sure, however, she
had heard the sound of human voices, which indeed she had, for her
progeny partook of the wizard-nature of their father, and had the power
to throw off their dog-natures at will. This they had done in their
mother's absence, and had sung and danced to the following words : ' Our
mother thinks we are dogs, but we know better.' This they repeated
many times. As soon as the sister who was watching informed them
that their mother was returning they stopped their singing and dancing,
put on their dog-skin coverings, which they had thrown aside for the
occasion, and resumed the form and character of puppies once more.
Hence when their mother questioned them they made no response. After
looking round the place she returned to her work on the beach. This
time she took a mat with her. When she got to the beach she
stuck the torch in the mud and made to go on with her digging as
before. Her intention was, however* to return to the house unobserved,
and learn if possible the meaning of the dancing and singing she had
heard before, and which now began again as soon as she had got to the
beach. To this end she took her skulq (clam-digger) and, planting it
firmly in the ground behind the flaming torch, hung upon it the mat she
had brought for the purpose, thus shutting off the light from the village,
and causing a line of shadow to appear between the beach and the house.
Under cover of this she stealthily makes her way back to her dwelling.
She sees one of the bitches standing in the doorway as before, but, being
in the deep shadow of the mat, she herself is not seen by the watcher.
She is thus able to get close to the building. She steals round behind it
and peeps in through some chink in the wall, and is greatly astonished to
see all her children, except the watcher at the door, in human guise, with
their dog-raiment thrown aside. She enters suddenly from the rear,1 and
before they are aware of her presence, pounces upon their dog-garments
and casts them into the fire, where they are quickly consumed. Thus she
breaks the wizard's charm and overcomes his 'medicine,' and her children
• retain thereafter their human form. She now reproaches them for the
deception they had practised upon her. ' It is entirely due to you and
your dog disguises,' said she, 'that I have been deserted by all my people
and left in my present forlorn condition.'    They all listen in silence for
1 As the old houses had bu,| fne door or means of ingress and egress, this entrance
on the part of the mother from behind is not clear. My narrator was himself aware
of this discrepancy, but was unable to explain it. 533
some time, and then the eldest boy says they are sorry for her and will
now help her and make her happy and comfortable. ' O mother !' said he,
' I know what I will do for you : I will become a great hunter and kill
lots of mountain-goats for you.' The second then chimes in ' O mother !
I know what I will do : I will build you a nice house with carved posts'
(Stutuo). The third then says, j 0 mother ! I will become a great fisher
and catch lots of wThales and seals, &c.' In like manner each declares in
turn what he intends to do for her. The fourth would be a canoe-builder
and build them all canoes. The fifth a bear-hunter and bring them many
bear-skins. The sixth a song-maker and dancer and make songs and
dances. The seventh a bird-hunter and bring home many birds. The
eighth a transformer (suiwe'n) and wonder-worker. The ninth would be
a great chief and look after everything belonging to the village. The
tenth would do a little of everything—in short, would become a ' Jack-of-
all-trades.' The mother listened to them all without making any remark.
The two girls now chimed in, and the elder declared that she would be a
great basket-maker.and make all kinds of baskets for her mother ; and
the younger, that she would be a berry and root gatherer and keep
the house supplied with berries and roots. The day following they
undertook the special task they had allotted themselves. The hunters
brought home their different kinds of games and presented it to their
mother, while each of the others presented her with some specimen of
their craft or handiwork. From this time onward they lived in comfort and
happiness. One day the mother, fearing they might on some occasion go
round the point of land and come in contact with her former associates
and friends, with whom she now desired to have no dealings, warned
them never to go in that direction or they would get into trouble and
danger. This caution served but to awaken their curiosity, and one day,
when they were out on the water in their canoes, one of them remarked to
the others, ' I believe that village round the point belongs to our mother's
people ; let us go round and see.' The others agreeing, they make for
their grandfather's settlement. It was then early in the day, and in
their canoes they had many seal which the fisher brother had caught that
morning. When they had got round the point they perceived an old man
sitting on the beach They direct their canoes towards him and land
close by. The old man observed their movements, but did not speak to
them. Presently one of them accosts him in these words : ' We think
our grandfather lives here and we have come over to see ; can you tell
us 1' The old man then asks them where they come from. They tell
hiiA, from behind the point, where they live alone with their mother. The
old man, who is really the chief, their grandfather, perceived at once that
they must be his daughter's children who were born as puppies, and
declares himself to them, telling them he is their grandfather whom they
are seeking. They are glad to learn this, and present him with all the
seals they had brought in their canoes. The old chief now calls some of
his people and instructs them to unload the visitors' canoes and bring the
seals up to his house. He is feeling very joyful and happy (tsa'stauq). .
' Come into my house, grandchildren,' said he to his grandsons, ' and let
me tell my people of your arrival.' They follow him into his big house,
where the rest of the people soon assemble. The old man presently
informs them that the strangers are his grandsons, the children of his
deserted daughter, and proposes that they shall all go back to the old
settlement.    The idea is accepted, and he tells his grandsons that they ON THE  ETHNOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OF  CANADA. 539
will return to the old village, and will arrive there with all their belongings early next morning. The young men then bid him good-bye, and set
out to return to their mother to tell her the news. It is late in the day
when they arrive, and their long and unusual absence has caused her
much worry and anxiety. She has almost given them up for lost when
they are seen approaching the landing. She questions them concerning
their delay, and learns that they have visited her father and given him
all their seals (d'suq), and that he and all the rest are coming back to
occupy their old quarters on the morrow. Next morning, while they are
busy preparing to receive them, the son, who was a sluwen, said to his
mother : 'What will you do to the people to morrow, mother? I know
what I shall do to make them feel my power.' His mother made no reply,
but, knowing her son's wonder-working abilities, she was curious to see
what he would do. Presently the canoes were seen approaching the chief
landing-place. When they were almost near enough to land, the siuwefn
began to exercise his magic power, and caused a strong out-flowing
current to take the canoes and carry them far out into the gulf and then
bring them back again. This he did four times before he would allow them
to land, and it was evening when they left their canoes. The sons now
make their mother sit down in the foreground of the village on an elevated
seat and pile up heaps of blankets by her side. The sixth son then opened
the reception ceremonies with special songs and dances. In the first
dance two bears appear—one a cinnamon (k'tlalum) and the other a black
bear (miaqutl). This was a bear dance. These are followed by mountain-
goats, after which all the brothers dance and sing together. The second
brother, who was skilled in carving, danced in a mask of his own carving.1
The visitors, who had remained in their canoes, looked on, and pronounced
the entertainment a great success and the character-dancing very fine.
After these performances are over the people land, bring up their belongings, and occupy their old quarters in the village. From this time
onward they live together in amity, and the ten brothers are accorded
by general consent the rank of chiefs.2
Story of SQeils, the Copper-man.
Once there were two brothers named A'tsaian and Qukcuklako's.
Each one had six sons. All the sons were fine tall men except one.
The youngest son of Qukcuklako's was somewhat deformed, having a
large protuberance on one side of his stomach. One day all twelve of
the youths started off into the mountains.   They climbed three successive
1 The Sk'qomic used formerly, according to Chief James of stamis, to indulge in
dramatic entertainments of the kind described in this story, which has apparently
been evolved from the tribal consciousness to account for the origin of these particular masqueradings in which the participants appear under the guise of bears, mountain-goats, &c. I was not able to learn that the right to participate in these
character-dances belonged to any particular family or gens
2 The bestowal of the rank of chiefs as a mark of honour and esteem upon the
ten sons of the chief's daughter, as here related, bears out the statements of my
informants on social customs—viz. that children of a chief's daughter take the rank
of their father. Although their mother was a smend'tl or 'princess,' they could not
take her rank, as their father was of inferior birth. The conferring of this special
privilege upon the wizard's sons shows us also, however, that men of inferior class,
by possession and exercise of superior natural gifts, or by the performance of public
services, could upon occasion be elevated by tribal consent to the rank of chiefs, as
in the case of Te SQoqwa/otl, the hero of the story of that name. £S*3&
mountains, and after they had passed the third they saw in the distance
before them, on the brow of the opposite slope, a strange o'kwumuq
(village). As they stood regarding it and wondering what people lived
there, they presently observed a man rolling a big copper ring down the
mountain-slope opposite them, and, as soon as it had reached the bottom,
'  drawing it back again with his breath.    When they saw this beautiful
ring, which glinted and shone in the sunlight, they determined to possess
themselvesaof  it.    To this end they adopted  the following plan : The
eldest  of A'tsaian's sons was  to go down into  the valley to the spot
where the ring stopped, and seize it  when  next it came  down.    The
brother next to him was to follow after, but was not to go so far.    All
the rest were to do likewise, each being some little distance from the
other,  the deformed youth being last and consequently nearest home.
They adopted  this plan to make sure of  securing the ring, being all
quite well  aware  that  its owner would not lightly part with it, and
that the attempt might end disastrously for some of  them.    A little
while after each had taken his place the ring came rolling down the
hill again.    As soon as it reached the bottom, the youth stationed there
sprang out of his hiding-place and  caught it up and immediately ran
towards his next brother with it.    As he ran he found himself impeded
in his movements by the breath of the man who was pulling the ring
back again, and he had great difficulty in getting along.    The owner of
the ring perceived that something had  gone  amiss with  it, and came
down  to  see  what  was  the matter.     He  soon  discovered  the youth
struggling off with his ring, and straightway made after him to recover
his treasure.    By this time the young man had reached the spot where
his second brother was hiding, and just as the wizard was about to seize
him he threw it to this brother, who immediately ran with it towards the
next.    Being fresh, this one made a good start, the more so as the wizard
stopped to punish his brother by cutting out his heart.    This he ate as
the youth fell dead at his feet.    He then  started after the other, and
came up to him just as he got to the next brother and passed the ring
on to him.    This one met the same fate  as his elder brother, and likewise had his heart cut out and eaten.    And thus it was with all of them
except the last, who, as soon as he obtained possession of the ring, took
the lump which caused his deformity from his side and threw it at the
wizard.    Thereupon a dense fog arose, and while his pursuer tried in vain
to find  him  he  hastened homewards,   recrossed the  three intervening
mountains safely, and presently got near the village.    As heA approached,
he called out to his father Qukguklako's and to his uncle A'tsaian that
all his brothers and cousins were killed.    His father and uncle were in
the house at the time, and when they heard him shouting they climbed
up through the smoke-holel  to  the  roof to hear  what it was he was
saying.    As soon as they understood the full import of his terrible news
they  threw themselves  down into the fire to mark their deep  grief,2
whereupon their eyes shot out like fiery sparks and went, the right ones
northwards, and the left ones southwards.    Immediately upon this the
1 This description seems to suggest a ■ keekwilee-house' rather than the ordinary
lam of the Sk'qo'mic. Some of the upper Sk-qo'mic appear to have made use of
the keekwilee-house, * one of their villages being known by the term Sk'umi'n,
which in Sk'qo'mic signifies a keekwilee-house.
2 This practice would appear to have been unusual. I cannot recall that it has
been recorded of any of our B.C. Indians before.
day became clear and fine. The youth now enters the house and relates
his own and his brothers' and cousins' adventures, and displays the
wonderful copper ring. A'tsaian takes the ring from the lad, and says :
11 know what we will do with this hoop. I will hammer it down thin
into a copper cloth for armour.' He therewith takes the ring and
hammers it down till it is as thin as a piece of cloth. They now
determine to go over the mountains to the strange village and have
their revenge upon the wizard. A'tsaian wraps the copper cloth l about
his body and fastens upon his head a pair of mountain-sheep horns, and
thus equipped they all three start out. They make for a cliff opposite
the wizard's village. When they have reached this spot Qukguklako's
and his son hide themselves, while A'tsaian walks to and fro on the
edge of the cliff on all-fours as if he were a mountain-sheep grazing on
the herbage. He is soon discovered by the wizard, who, faking him for
a sheep, fires his arrows at him. The copper covering A'tsaian has on
prevents the arrows from piercing or injuring him. After the wizard
had shot all his arrows he climbed the cliff to see why the sheep had not
fallen. He walks backwards and forwards upon the brow of the cliff
picking up his arrows. As he does this, A/tsaian runs at him and prods
him with his horns, and finally pushes him over the cliff so that he falls
down and is killed. Qukcuklako's and his son now come out of their
hiding-place, and the three descend the cliff to where the wizard's body is
lying. They now proceed to cut him open, and inside they find the
eleven hearts of their dead children. These they take and convey to
their original places in the bodies of their sons. They then make some
powerful medicine and restore the youths to life again, after which they
all proceed home. When they reach their own village, A'tsaian converts
the copper cloth into the figure of a boy, whom by the utterance of
magic words he presently brings to life. This boy grows into a powerful
man and becomes a great and famous hunter. Being made from copper
gives him a decided advantage over other men, for, however much he
falls or is knocked about, he is never hurt or injured, He is known by
the name Saeils.
Te Skauk-y the Raven.
Once upon a time Raven lived by himself in a village of his own-
Near by his dwelling was a stream in which he bad set his salmon-trap.
One day, on going to the trap, he found a fine salmon in it. When he
took it home, and was cutting it open, he perceived that it contained two
tlkbi (milt, or soft roe). He is delighted, and dances about with joy and
cries Ka ! Ka ! Says he now to himself, ' They shall be my wives.' He
hangs the tlkoi upon the beams of his house, but cooks and eats the
salmon, leaving only the tail end of it. Having eaten so heartily, he feels
dull and sleepy, and throws himself down by the fire, with his back
towards it, and goes to sleep. While he sleeps he calls to the tlkoi to
come down from the beam on which they are hung. They come down
and are changed into two comely young women with very white soft skins.
They laugh at Haven, and make fun of his scorching back and feet, which
are cracking from the effects of the heat.    They presently look about for
1 In the Diary of Captain Vancouver, in his remarks on the Sk'qo'mic, he makes
brief mention of their 'copper garments.' The allusion receives some light from
this story.    These ' garments' were probably of this kind. 54:
something to eat, but can discover nothing but the scanty remains of
Raven's meal, the salmon tail. This they quickly dispose of, Raven
continuing to sleep heavily all the while. Said one to the other, ' I wish
I could find Skauk*'s comb; I should like to comb my hair.' The other
expressed the same wish, and they both look round for Raven's comb.
Presently they discover a little basket containing what they sought, as
well as other of Skauk*'s belongings, such as needles, paint, &c. This
they appropriate. They comb their hair and paint their faces, laughing
all the time at the slumbering Raven, who is snoring heavily. Said one,
' Wrhat is the good of a husband with cracked feet and back 1 Let us go
away and leave him.' The other agrees, and they start off, carrying
Raven's little basket and its contents with them. The day is very hot.
They walk along the beach at the edge of the water towards a distant
promontory. As they proceed they shake out some of the paint which
the basket contains, and which, being fine, is scattered all about the beach.
Since that time the beach always shines and glistens in the sunlight.
Just about the time that they were nearing the distant point of land
Raven wakes up. The first thing he did was to look up and see if his
tlkoi were in their place. He finds them gone. He then looks for the
salmon-tail he had left over from his dinner, but cannot find it either.
Then he searches for his paint-basket, but it, too, is missing. Says he to
himself, ' I think the tlkoi must have taken them. I'll go and see if they
are outside.-' With that he leaves the house and goes down to the water
and looks up and down the beach. He perceived the two young women
just approaching the distant promontory. ' Ah,' said he, ' they are
leaving me. I must go after them and bring them back.' Thereupon he
set out to overtake the fugitives and bring them back. But as the fire
had burnt and cracked his feet badly while he lay in his heavy stupor, he
finds he cannot walk fast. He is obliged to stop frequently and bathe
them in the cold water. In a short time the young women pass from his
sight beyond the point, and he realises that he has lost them. ' I cannot
overtake them,' says he ; ' my feet are too sore.' And with that he hobbles
back to his dwelling again, crying and groaning as he went. In the
meantime, when the young women had rounded the promontory they hear
a peculiar noise. This noise resembled the sounds which a Fort Douglas
(StlatlumH) woman is said to make with her lips when she wishes to
amuse her child or keep it from crying. They look about them, but at
first can perceive no one. Presently, however, they discover two old
women who are trying to stop the crying of a baby they have in charge,
the mother of whom is away in the woods picking berries. Said one of
the girls to the old women, who are both blind, ' You don't seem able to
stop the child from crying. Here, give it to me.' The old women gave
up the child, thinking the girl was the mother returned from her berry-
gathering. The two girls carry off the child. Some little time after the
mother returns and demands her baby from the old women. Not seeing
her child, she cries out, ' What have you done with my baby ^' Replied
one of the old women, 'Why, we gave it to you just now.' This statement makes the mother angry, and she takes a big stick and beats the
old women, crying out that she had been robbed of her child. As she
strikes them, one of the pair turns into a sle'me (some kind of bird which
I was unable to identify), and flies away making the sound peculiar to its
kind ; the other is transformed into a Cauk' (skull). This the angry
mother throws into the woods, saying as she does so, ' You can't stay
here.'1 The mother searches all round for some trace of her child. She
walks all night, and early next morning comes upon the girls' tracks.
Presently she finds the dead body of her child on the ground, but the two
tlkoi women who had taken it had entirely disappeared.
Story, of SmEmEtse'n and Kaiq, the Skunk and the Mink.
Near by the village of Stapas (Gambier Island, Howe Sound) stands
a large isolated boulder. This rock a very long time ago, the old
Indians believe, was a big tla'anukautu'a or potlatch-house, owned by
Mink (Putorius (Lutreold) vison) and his sister Skunk (Mephitis mephitica).
It was transformed into a huge boulder after the occurrence of the
events in the following story. One day Kaiq (Mink) called his sister
SmEmEtse'n (Skunk) to him and bade her store up all her tsu'som 2 in a
number of boxes. SmEmEtse'n did as she was instructed, and filled
several boxes with the pungent fluid. These Kaiq fastened down in an
air-tight manner and stored them in a pile in one corner of the house.
After this he sent out invitations to all the animals and birds and fish of
the district to come to a big potlatch he was going to hold. On the day
appointed the guests gathered in Kaiq's tla'anukautula. The building
was big enough to hold them all easily, but unfortunately for the Whale
the doorway was too narrow for him to get through. Kaiq, prepared for
this dilemma, requested him to put his head and shoulders in and remain
in that position. With some difficulty the Whale complied with Kaiq's
request, and jammed himself in so tight that later, when he wished to
retire, he was unable to do so. Now the Mink was on very bad terms
with his neighbours the Wolves—indeed, he mortally hated the whole Wolf
family, and had actually killed one of them a few days before the feast.
He now takes the tail of the dead Wolf and winds it round his head like a
wreath and opens the proceedings with a dance. The song which Kaiq'
sings as he dances is all about the tsu'som of his sister, Skunk. The visitors
presently remark to one another, ' What a dreadful song Kaiq is singing !'
Kaiq, however, continues to dance and sing, making his way gradually
round the building towards the corner where the boxes of tsu/som were
- stocked. When he is close to the boxes Skunk quickly opens them, as
she had been previously instructed by Kaiq, and lets the tsu'som escape.
No one suspects the vile purpose the two have in view. They think they
are unpacking their blankets and other presents to give them. But
presently the pungent, suffocating effluvium fills the whole building, and
they realise, too late, what has been done. Unable to get out because of
the huge form of the whale blocking the doorway, after many frantic
struggles they nearly all succumb to the terrible choking stench, four of
them only escaping alive. These are little Louse (MEtcin), who crawled
into a crack in the building and thus avoided the effects of the effluvium ;
little Wren (Qit), who escaped through a knot-hole in the side of the
building ; Cod (Ai'Et), who also managed to save his life by throwing
himself into the water, and who has had in consequence to live ever since
at the bottom of the sea ; and Mallard, the duck, who flew up to the roof$
and thence out  through  the  smoke-hole, in consequence  of   which all
1 Hence, say the Indians, arose the custom among them  of picking up  and
throwing away any bones they found lying in their path.
2 The offensive yellow fluid which the skunk secretes for its defence against its
enemies. &w3~ 544
Mallard-ducks since that time always fly skyward when they first rise on
the wing.
After this trick of Kaiq and his sister, his tla'anukautuJ a with all its
contents was transformed into a big boulder, and the tail of the whale
may be .seen, as the old Indians think, to this day stretching out as a
lateral projection beyond the centre of the rock.
Te Sia'tlmEQ, the Rain-Man.
Sia'tlmEQ lived in a big house apart by itself. The inmates consisted of
himself, his son, and two old women, the name of one of whom was Cauk*
(skull). Not very far away in a neighbouring village lived Skauk*, the Rayen.
For some time past Skauk* had been trying to find some way to induce
Sia'tlmEQ to make some rain. The season had been extremely hot, and
the sun had dried and scorched up everything. Everybody had suffered
greatly from lack of water, all the streams in the neighbourhood having
been dried up for some time past. But nothing he had done hitherto had
induced Sia'tlmEQ to take any notice of him or open his door. It was the
opening of the door of Sla'tlmEQ's dwelling that caused the rain. If the
door stood ajar it rained softly ; when it was half open it rained heavily ;
and when it was wide open it came down in torrents. Skauk* sat in the
sweltering heat, parched like the whole land with thirst, revolving in his
mind how to get the rain-maker to open his door, and so save the people
from perishing. Said he to himself, ' I must try and steal his son and
then I can make terms with him, so that we shall not be subject to these
terrible periods of drought.' But Sia'tlmEQ's house was very strongly
built, and for a long time Skauk* does not see how he can manage to
effect an entrance. At length he forms apian. He calls to him Tb'tlum,
the flea, MEtcin, the louse, and Qbd'tEn, the mouse, and reveals to them
his intention and asks for their aid and co-operation. They promise to
assist him and do what he desires of them. One evening they all set out
together in a big canoe, To'tlum, MEtcin, and Qoa/tEn bringing with them
all their relations, so that the canoe was full. They presently ariive at
Sia'tlmEQ's house, which contains no opening save the door, which is
fastened very securely from the inside. It was dusk when they arrived,
and Sia'tlmEQ and his household had just gone to bed. 'Now,' said
Skauk* to the others, ' you must manage to get in and keep Sia'tlmEQ
and his household from going to sleep till towards morning. They will ;
then sleep the heavier, and we shall be able to do what we want without
waking any of them. I will wait outside, and when you have wearied
them out and at last permit them to go to sleep Qoa/tEn must open the
door and let me in and I will carry off the boy, and then we can make
our own terms with his father.' Responded they, \ Oh, we'll get in all
right. Strong as Sia'tlmEQ has made his house, hecannot keep us out.'
Thus saying, To'tlum sought and found a crack m the boards and,
creeping through this, was soon in, followed by all his people. ME'tcin
and his people did the same, while Qoa/tEn and his friends found a knothole, through which they forced their way. When they were all inside
they proceeded without delay to make things uncomfortable for the
inmates. The fleas got into their blankets and bit their bodies, the lice
into their hair and did the same there, and the mice kept up such a
scratching and gnawing that from the three causes together it was impossible for any of them to go to sleep.    They tossed and turned, scratched ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
their bodies and heads, and shook their blankets again and again, but all
to no purpose ; and not until late in the night, when the mice ceased their
noise, and the fleas and lice left them, did they get any sleep. Then, worn
out and heavy with sleep, all sank into deep slumber. Qoa/tEn now
opened the door and let in the waiting Skauk*, who quietly takes the rainmaker's sleeping son in his arms and carries him down to the canoe. In
leaving Sia'tlmEQ's dwelling Skauk* sets the door ajar, and the rain at
once begins to fall lightly. As soon as the child is placed in the canoe
they leave the place and return to Skauk*'s house. When they arrive
Skauk* takes the still sleeping boy to his house and lays him on his bed.
About the time that Skauk* and his friends got home Sia'tlmEQ woke up
and found his door ajar. He soon discovers that his son is missing. He
is much grieved and goes out and looks about. As he does so he opens
the door wide and leaves it in that position, thus causing the rain to
descend in torrents. Suspecting who had robbed him of his child, he
presently takes his canoe and makes for Skauk*'s landing. When he
arrives he anchors his canoe, but does not get out of it. The rain does
not incommode Sia'tlmEQ in the least. Although he has come some
distance in his canoe, and it has been pouring all the while, not a drop has
fallen upon him or in his canoe. Wherever he is no rain falls within
a certain radius of him. The creeks and streams are now full of
water, and the whole land is drinking in the long-desired rain. When
Sia'tlmEQ reached the landing he asked the people if they had seen or
knew anything of his son. 'Yes,' they reply, 'he is here. Skauk* has
him.' 'Tell Skauk* to come to me,' said the rain-maker, who still sat in
his canoe. Skauk* comes down to the water's edge. Said Sia'tlmEQ to
him : ' You have my son here, I learn. Why did you steal him away 1'
'Yes,' replied Skauk*, 'your son is here, but I did not steal him. I only
brought him here because we were badly in want of water, and I did not
know how otherwise to get you to give us rain. I do not wish to rob you
of your child,' continued he. All the people were dying for want of
water. You would not open your dwelling to me, and so I got some of
my friends to help me, and together we found a way to open your door,
and while you slept I brought away your son. But I am willing to
restore him to you if you will be friends with us and give us rain whenever
we want any. I cannot bear to see all the people die and all the berries
and roots fail us for want of water.' Sia'tlmEQ replied : ' Very well, I will
be good friends and do as you request, only give me back my son.' Skauk*
gives the rain-maker back his child, and the two return to their own house.
Before Sia'tlmEQ left he promised to open his door every now and again
from that time on. Said he : ' I will keep my door shut for five or ten or
perhaps twenty days, then I will open it again for a little while and you
shall have plenty of rain.' As soon as he got home he closed his dwelling
and the rain ceased at once. About a week after he opened it again for
some time and the rain again fell. This he did from time to time, and
has ever since continued to do so ; and thus it is that the rain falls on
some days and not on others, and we have periods of wet alternating with
periods of dry weather.
Skauk' and Kwaie'tEk, or the Origin of Daylight.
Yery long ago, in the early days, it was always dark, the daylight being
then shut up in a box and carefully stored away in the dwelling of
K'waietEk,  the  Seagull,   who  alone   possessed  it.     This  condition   of jfe*sr*mti
things had gone on for a long time when Skauk*, the Raven, determined
to make his brother K'waie'tEk share his precioustreasitre with the
rest of the world. So one day he made some torches, and lighting some
went down to the beach when the tide was out and sought for sk'be'tsai
(Echini). Having found as many as he required, he took them home and,
after eating their contents, placed the empty shells, with their spines still
attached to them, on a platter. These he stealthily takes to his brother
K'waie'tEk's house and spreads them over his doorstep so that he cannot
come out without treading upon them and running the spines into his
feet. Next morning when K'waie'tEk came out of his dwelling he trod
upon the sk'be'tsai shells and ran several of the sharp spines into his
naked feet, which made them so sore that he was obliged to keep indoors
and nurse them. Later in the day Skauk* came along ostensibly to pay
his brother a friendly visit, but really to see how far his stratagem for
procuring the Skbail, or Daylight, had been successful. He finds K'waie'tEk
laid up unable to walk, with his feet very painful and much swollen.
' What is the matter, brother K'waie'tEk ?' said the Raven. 'Oh,'
responded he, ' I think some of your children must have been playing on
my doorstep last evening and left some sk'oe'tsai there ; for this morning
I trod upon some as I was leaving the house and the shells must have
pierced my feet, and they are so sore and swollen in consequence that I
can't put them to the ground without pain.' ' Let me look at them,' said
Skauk*; ' perhaps I can find the spines and take them out for you.' So
saying, he took hold of one of his brother's feet and pretended to take out
the sea-urchins' spines, which had embedded themselves in the flesh, with
his knife. He dug the instrument in so roughly, and gave his brother so
much pain, that the latter cried out in his agony. 'Am I hurting you 1'
questioned Skauk*. ' It is so dark I can't properly see what I am doing.
Open your Skoail-box a little and I shall be able to see better.' K'waie'tEk
did as his brother suggested, and opened the lid of the box in which he
kept the Daylight a little way. Skauk* continued, however, to hack
away at his foot under pretence of taking the spines out, and presently
K'waie'tEk cried out again. Said the Raven, ' If I hurt you it is your
own fault. Why don't you give me more light ? Here, let me have the
box.' His brother gave him the box, cautioning him the while to be
careful and not open the lid too wide. 'All right,' said Skauk", and he
opened the lid about halfway. Then he made as if to continue his
operation on his brother's feet, but as soon as he turned round he swiftly
threw the lid of the box wide open, and all the Daylight rushed out at
once and spread itself all over the world, and couldjuever be gathered
again. When K'waie'tEk perceived what his brother had done, and that
his precious Skoail was gone from him, he was much distressed, and cried
and wept bitterly and would not be comforted.
Thus it is that the Seagulls to this day never cease to utter their
plaintive cry of k'n-ni - - - i, k'n-ni i.
TIe Ka'k'laitl, the Witch-Giantess.
Once upon a time a number of children were swimming and playing
about in the shallow water on the beach. The children were of all ages—
some quite young, others older. One of the oldest of them, a big boy
named Tetke'tsEn, was sitting on the beach watching the others, and
making some arrows for himself.    H<*. was sitting with his back to the ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
forest, so did not observe that a Ka'k'laitl, or huge witch, was stealing
upon them out of the woods. When she got to him she caught him up
and threw him over her shoulder into her big tso'maicin (basket made
from woven snakes). The lad retained his hold of his knife when she
dropped him into the basket. She next proceeded to where the other
children were huddled together in a terrified group and threw them also,
one by one, over her shoulder into the tso'maicin, and carried them off*
into the forest. She had not proceeded far, however, when Tetke'tsEn,
making use of his knife, cut a hole in the bottom of the tso'maicin, and
dropped the smaller children one at a time through the opening on to the
ground. They made some little noise as they dropped, thus attracting
the Ka'k'laitl's attention. She called out to Tetke'tsen to know what it
meant. Said she, ' What is that sound (kbmin) I constantly hear ?'
Tetke'tsEn replies quickly, ' It is only the noise of your heels as you
walk,' and continues dropping the little ones through the hole, bidding
them run home as fast as they could as he did so. By the time the
Ka'k'laitl reached her dwelling in the forest none but the bigger children,
who were too stout to pass through the aperture, remained in the basket.
These she takes into her house ; after which she builds an enormous fire,
putting into it a great number of big stones. These soon got red hot
from the fierce heat. Next she takes some pitch and smears it over the
eyes of the children, so that they cannot raise their eyelids or see what
is going on. While she was busy over the fire Tetke'tsEn had warned his
companions against this trick of the Ka'k'laitl, and had instructed them
to screw up their eyes very tight (Yd- Yaf) when she attempted to pitch
them. Some of them were careful to regard his injunctions, but others
were heedless and closed their eyelids but slightly (mukm'uk). When
Tetke'tsEn's turn came he screwed his eyelids together so closely that
but little of the pitch got on the lashes, and, on trying a moment after if
he could open them, found to his great satisfaction that he could without
much difficulty. He then tells the others to open their eyes. Some of
the others are able to do so a little ; others are not able to separate their
lids or see at all. The Ka'k'laitl now places them in a ring round the
fire at some little distance from it. In the space between it and them
she then commences to dance and sing, arranging at the same time the
heated stones as she circles round the fire. The words of her song are
'ntsaqals tE std'bkwitl.1 Tetke'tsEn replies, ' Come opposite me, grandmother, but keep your eyes closed or the heat of the fire will burn them.'
She continues dancing and singing till she gets between him and the fire.
Then he opens his eyes, and, springing forward, gives her a great shove
and pushes her into the fire, and she falls on the burning stones. ' Open
your eyes,' said Tetke'tsEn to the others, ' and come and help me keep
her down.' They respond to his call, and taking up the spare firewood
heap it upon her, covering her up entirely with it. She screams out,
Tldl camps Tetke'tsEn ! Tldl camps Tetke'tsEn /' 'Take me out, Tetke'tsEn ! Take me out, Tetke'tsEn !' Replied he, ' We are trying to, grandmother, but you are so heavy.' They continue to pile on more wood,
which, presently blazing up, consumes the Ka'k'laitl. But even when her
body is consumed her bones still cry out ' Tldl camps Tetke'tsEn !' for she
cannot die. They watch the fire burn down and then collect the ashes.
These Tetke'tsEn blows upon and scatters abroad, and they are turned
1 In good Sk-qo'mic this word is stdo'tl or stauo'tl^ not std'okwitl.
-11 548
into little birds (tcitcb'c) known locally as 'snow-birds.' Those who could
not open their eyes for the pitch now cried out to Tekte'tsEn to help them.
At first he could do nothing for them, but on looking round the Ka'k'laitl's
dwelling he discovers some oil and grease. He rubs their eyelids with
some of this, and thus dissolves the pitch, so that they can again open
them and see. After this he takes them all home to their parents, who
had given them up for lost,
Te Sk'lau, the Reaver.
Once upon a time, long ago, Sk'lau had a large family of boys.    Not
far   off from   Sk'lau's dwelling  there lived all  alone a woman named
QumE'lowit (Frog).    It was winter time and the weather was very cold,
snow covering all the land and thick ice all the water.    Sk'lau called his
sons to him  and bade them go  and gamble (g'd'g'Eltq) with the Ice.
' Play hard,' said he, 'and don't give up till you have won.'    So the boys
gamble with the Ice and play continuously without break for two days
and nights.    On the second night  Sk'lau goes to the dwelling of QumE'
lowit and tells her he wants her for his wife.    QumE'lowit gets angry and
reviles him bitterly.    She strikes him and sends him away.    Sk'lau is
very sad and cries, saying ' c'a'h ! c'a'h !'    As he goes home he hears his
boys singing over their gambling.    ' Hani ua kaitl-kaitl mdiyu !    Hani
ua kaitl-kaitl mdiyu ! '—' Ice crack open !   Ice crack open !'—repeat they.
Presently the ice began to groan and crack, and by morning the water
is open and the ice gone.    When Sk'lau perceives the open water he
plunges in, frisking and leaping like a Salmon.    Presently the rain begins
to fall, increasing in violence as Sk'lau leaps and sings.    In a short time
the water rises and overwhelms the house of QumE'lowit, who becomes
greatly alarmed for her_ safety, and calls out to the Beaver in her fright.
' Anbtltcin, Sk'lau I    Anb'tltcin, Sk'lau !    Anbil, dnb - - - tl'—' I consent, Beaver !    I consent, Beaver ! Consent, consen - - - nt'—screamed
she.    The only notice Sk'lau takes of her now is to call back : ' Co ! co !
I am not such a bad fellow, after all, eh |    Like to marry me now, would
you 1'    QumE'lowit's house is now full of water, and she struggles with
difficulty on to the roof of it.    Sk'lau continues his plunging and leaping,
and when the water is about to wash her off' the roof-top she seizes a log
that is floating by and jumps on to it and is carried away.    After she
had floated about for some time the log is stranded in a strange country.
Not far off* she sees a large house.    She goes forward and peeps in.
Within, reclining on his bed, she perceives a man with a very round head
and big face.    It was the Moon-man.    She enters the building and seats
herself on the side of the fire farthest from the Moon.    Said he now to
her, 'Come and sit at the foot of my bed.'    ' Do you think I came here,'
responded she, ' to sit at the foot of your bed ?'    ' Come and sit on my
lap, then,' returned he.    ' Did I come here for that purpose, do you think 1'
was her reply.    ' Come and sit on my breast, then,' said he again ) ' perhaps
that will please you.'    ' I did not come here for that purpose either,'
was her response to this invitation.    ' Well, come and sit on my forehead
then ?'    To this she consents, and thereupon jumps up on his face, where
she has remained ever since.1
1 This story in part strongly recalls that of * Snuya and the Frog,' which I
collected from the N'tlakapamuQ, and which was published in the lafet Report of the
Committee. Whether we are to regard this as the original and the other as a
variant form is not perfectly clear.   I am myself inclined to regard the N'tlakapamuQ ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
Te Smai'lEtl, or Wildmen Story.
Once there was a chief who had an only daughter. He possessed also
a male slave. Now this slave was accustomed to sleep at the foot of the
daughter's bed, his bed lying crosswise at the foot of hers. One night he
crept to her side and ravished her while she slept. Some little while later
she found herself with 6hild, but was wholly ignorant of the person who
had brought this shame upon her, not knowing that the slave had lain
with her in her sleep. When she once realises her condition she is
anxious to find out who had visited her, and suspecting that the intruder
would pay her another visit some night, she takes some paint and smears
it all over the palms of her hands. Shortly after the slave pays her a
second visit. As it is dark she cannot discover who he is, but before he
leaves her this time she presses her paint-smeared hands upon his shoulders
and leaves thereon an impression of them without his knowledge. In the
morning she is greatly surprised to find that it was the slave who had
visited her and whom she had painted on the shoulders. When the chief
became conscious of his daughter's condition he was overwhelmed with
shame. And, on learning who it was who had caused this disgrace to fall
upon him, he took both the guilty slave and his hapless daughter away in
his canoe, and, arriving at a certain lofty cliff which overhung the water,
he landed them at its base and left them there to perish together. But,
although the cliffl was always regarded as inaccessible, in some mysterious
way the pair managed to climb it. After they had reached the top they
travelled inland amongst the mountains till they came to a lake. Here
they stopped and built themselves a house, and here the girl gave birth
to her child. In course of time many other children were born to them,
and when these had come to maturity, as there were no others with whom
they could mate, they took each other to husband and wife, and in time a
large community grew up around the lake. Though living in a wild state,
without proper tools or other utensils, they never forgot their mother's
speech, but always conversed together in Sk'qo'mic. The men were exceedingly tall and very keen of scent and great hunters. They always
dressed in garments made from the untanned skins of the animals they
had slain. From this habit they were called by the Sk-qo'mic, Smai'lEtl,
or wild people.
The Hurons of Lorette.    By LrioN Gerin.
Two distinct races of aborigines were found by the French explorers
at the opening of the seventeenth century occupying the basin of the
St. Lawrence :
1. The Algonquins, nomadic hunters, roving over the lower valley and
the northern highlands.
2. The Huron-Iroquois, more sedentary, having some development of
version as a borrowed form which has crept up the river. It is doubtful if the frog
is much known within the limits of the ' Dry Belt' in which the N'tlakapamuQ, for
the most part, reside. It will be remembered that the events in the N'tlakapamuQ
version took place near Spuzzum, the lower boundary-line of the tribe which is
immediately contiguous to the upper divisions of the * Stalo,' or lower Fraser tribes.
1 The cliff, at whose base the girl and the slave are said to have been left hy the
irate father, is on the right-hand side of the North Arm of Burrard Inlet. Some
way back in the mountains there is a beautiful little lake, now well known to trout-
A*** lo 550
agriculture and a better defined organisation, settled in the region of the
three great lakes, Ontario, Erie, Huron ; the Hurons, to the north of
Lake Ontario; the Iroquois, to the south of it; the Neutrals, to the
north of Lake Erie ; the Eries (or Cats), to the south of the same lake.
The Hurons (otherwise called Wyandots) alone numbered some
25,000, and their villages were spread from Toronto to the Bay of
Quinte, and from Lake Ontario to Georgian Bay.1 From the northwesterly projection of that territory to which they had been driven by
degrees, the Hurons, after their overthrow by the Iroquois about 1550,
were dispersed in all directions. Broken fragments of the nation became
the foundation stock of the small Wyandot communities still extant in the
Indian Territory of the United States,2 in Essex (Ontario), and at Lorette,
near Quebec.
This paper is the result of an inquiry carried on during the summer of
1899 into the social conditions of the Hurons of Lorette. The object was
specially to ascertain the present status of the race, the degree of its
variation from the primitive type, and the influences which brought about
such variation. The method followed was that of social observation as
initiated by Frederick Le Play, perfected by Mr. Henri de Tourville, and
propounded by VEcole de la Science Sociale of Paris, and its leader, Mr.
Edmond Demolins.
The facts descriptive of the present social conditions have for the most
part been collected by the writer in the course of two short visits to
Lorette. As for the historical and general scientific data which supplement and explain the former, they were obtained from original sources,
reference to which is made.
Physical Features.
Lorette (also called Indian Lorette, or Jeune Lorette, to distinguish it
from l'Ancienne Lorette) lies 46° 51' N. lat. by 71° 21' W. long., on the
north side of the river St. Lawrence, eight or nine miles inland N.W. of
At this point three natural zones are observable in close succession :
1. Lorette itself stands on the brow of an elevated terrace which
marks the southerly limit of the Laurentian formation, and from which
the river St. Charles descends through a steep and narrow gorge.3 That
terrace, which extends some eight or ten miles towards the north, has a
flat and almost horizontal surface ; but its soil, though generally deep, is
sandy and rather poor. The land has been partly cleared of woods, but
agriculture has not developed over it to any great extent. Along the
upper course of the river St. Charles, back of Lorette, no farms are to be
fishers, which answers to the lake of the story. The Sk qo'mic firmly believed in
the existence of these Smai'lEtl. The old Indians say they sometimes saw them
when out hunting. Whether such a community once really existed it is impossible
now to say. But, at any rate, no such tribe or people has ever dwelt in the mountains in the memory of the oldest settlers here.
1 A. F. Hunter, Transactions of Canadian Institute, Toronto, 1889, 1892. G- E.
Laidlaw, Ontario Archceohgieal Report, 1899, p. 46. Compare Champlain (Quebec,
1870), vol. iv. p. 36, vol. v. p. 25 6.   .
2 United States Census, 1890, Indians, p. 248.
8 The water supply of the city of Quebec is taken from this river, a very short
distance back of Lorette. The ' Chateau d'Eau' is said to stand at an altitude
130 feet greater than the citadel built on the rock which overlooks Quebec. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
seen, but instead,  an after-growth of scrubby spruces and the summer
villas of some professional men of Quebec.
2. To the south of Lorette, and overlooked by it, there stretches a belt
of land eight miles wide ; a low plain through which the river St.
Charles slowly winds its way to its estuary \ a valley scooped out between
the sandy terrace just described and a narrow ridge which forms the
north bank of the St. Lawrence. The soil of that second zone is generally
deep, fertile, and particularly well adapted for agricultural pursuits. As
evidence of that, fine expanses of cultivated fields interspersed with
comfortable farmhouses, cosy villages, and glittering church steeples
are to be seen along the lower course of the St. Charles, over its rich bottom
lands or loamy hillsides.
3. Towards the north the sandy terrace of Lorette merges into a vast
mountainous tract which extends to Hudson Bay and the Atlantic
Ocean, interrupted only by the valley of Saguenay and Lake St. John.
These North Laurentian highlands present a succession of rocky, rounded
summits cut by narrow valleys, with sparse, limited areas of shallow soil.
A land well adapted for the production of timber, especially for the
growth, of the Coniferse, and originally a tract abounding in fur-
bearing animals, but over the greater part of its extent offering little
inducement to agricultural settlers, who of late years only have taken a
foothold within its borders.
In other words, Lorette lies at the meeting point of two great regions
widely different in their productions and capabilities : the Champaign
region bordering on the St. Lawrence, and the North Laurentian highlands ; the former restricted and narrowing, the latter, on the contrary,
expanding at this point of the valley. Lorette is still within the Champaign
region, not, however, on its inner fertile zone, but on its outer sandy
zone ; and adjoining it, or in close proximity to it, there are, on the one
hand, a fine agricultural country, on the other a rugged wilderness.1
The geographical position of the Hurons of Lorette is very similar to
that which was occupied by their ancestors, in the vicinity of Lake
Simcoe, during the first half of the seventeenth century. Though some
400 miles to the west of Lorette, and 150 miles nearer to the equator,
the old Huron country was situated alike on the border of that
great Laurentian formation, betwixt mountain and plain, with to one
side a vast natural hunting ground, and to the other deep soils inviting tillage.
However, as regards soil and climate, the habitat of the ancient
Hurons was more favoured than the sandy terrace of Lorette. Cham-
plain and the early explorers who ascended the river Ottawa and its
tributary, the Mattawa, and by way of lake Nipissing, French River and
the shores of Georgian Bay, reached the Wyandot settlements adjoining
Lake Simcoe, were much impressed by the pleasantness and fertility of
that country compared with the rocky solitude they had just traversed.
They write in glowing terms of Huronia, its extensive clearings, its fields
of maize, sunflowers, and pumpkins, its fruit trees, in the midst of gentle
hills and verdant plains watered by many a stream.    The soil, though
1 In the mapping of the natural zones  surrounding Lorette the publications of
the Geological Survey of Canada have been very helpful.    The map showing the
superficial deposits between Lake Superior and Gaspe (Atlas, 1863) and the map of
geological formations in the province of Quebec attached to  Dr. Ells's report for
. 1887, are here specially referred to. 552
somewhat sandy in places, they say, is on the whole well suited to the
growth of Indian corn.1
To-day the counties of East and North Simcoe, which comprise the
greater portion of the later settlements of the Hurons, support a farming
and trading population of over 65,000 whites. They are thriving sections
of a highly prosperous province.2 In contrast the sandy terrace back of
Lorette, even up to this time, is sparsely settled, and, like the Laurentian
highlands to the north, remains almost untouched by agricultural
Sixty-two families, or about 300 men, women, and children, make
up the resident population of Indian Lorette.3 The forms of labour
through which these people support themselves are as follows, in the
order of decreasing importance : (1) Hide-dressing ; (2) moccasin-making ;
(3) snowshoe- and canoe-making; (4) basket-making and fancy wares ;
(5) hiring out as guides ; (6) hunting and fishing * (7) farming.
Hide-dressing.—From 10,000 to 15,000 hides are dressed yearly at
Lorette. These hides are for the most part imported, East India elk
and antelope making, the bulk ; caribou (Tarandus rangifer) and cow, the
produce of the region, are used in certain quantities, as also a few moose
The dressing processes are very simple. The green skins are first
steeped in water, mere barrels sunk in the ground in an open field
serving the purpose. Once thoroughly soaked the skins are scraped ; the
inner (meat) layer and the first outer (hair) layer of the hide are thereby
removed. (The scrapings are sold to manufacturers of glue.) Then
other labourers take the skins and wash them in soap emulsions, and
afterwards sprinkle them with oil. Codfish oil is used for this. The
skins are then rubbed with sand-paper, and finally passed through a
smoke-house, similar to that used in the curing of hams. At various
stages of preparation the skins are put up to dry on scaffolds made of
poles connected by rails to which hooks are attached. These scaffolds, or
* chantiers de peaux,' are a characteristic feature of Lorette. Not only
do they cover two or three large, fields adjoining the village, but, as well,
smaller patches within the village plot. With the smoke-house and the
hide-wringer they constitute practically the whole plant required for the
dressing of hides.
The hide-dressing industry at Lorette is centred in three or four fairly
large establishments managed by private enterprise, and in connection
with which the manufacturing of moccasins and snowshoes is carried on.
The head of each concern owns or rents the grounds and buildings, owns
the plant, purchases the green hides and accessories from importers in
Quebec, and pays his help wages by the day or month. The hides thus
dressed are not sold, but utilised on the same premises, principally in the
manufacture of moccasins.
1 Champlain, ibid., vol. iv. pp. 27, 30, 31; Brebeuf, Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's
edition), vol. viii. p. 115.
2 Census of Canada, 1891, vol. i. p. 66, ii. pp. 66, 174.
8 The writer is indebted to Mr. A. O. Bastien, Government agent at the Huron
Reservation, for much of the information contained in the following pages. Mr.
Cloutier, the owner of a hide-dressing and moccasin-making establishment at Lorette,
kindly supplied many facts relative to the various industries, as did also Mr. Maurice
Bastien, who controls a large concern in the locality. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
Moccasin-making.—The output at Lorette in 1898 was about 140,000
pairs.1 The first operation is the cutting of the hide. It is done, in work
shops connected with the dressing-grounds, by the boss himself or by
specially skilled workmen under his supervision. These workmen are
paid by the day or piece. The work is performed by means of a sharp
knife and various wooden forms. It requires some skill to make the most
of a hide, to cut out of each skin the greatest possible number of bottoms,
tops, and uppers with the smallest possible proportion of useless cuttings.
This is the main operation in the hide-dressing and moccasin-making
business, that which is left to the boss, or head of the industry, whenever
he takes a hand in the work. The three processes which follow, viz. (1)
embroidering of the top piece, (2) turning up of the bottom piece and
sewing-on of the top, and (3) sewing-on of the upper piece, are not accomplished by men at the workshop, but in the village homes by women
making a speciality of one of the above operations. They are paid by the
Moose-hair, dyed in bright colours, serves for embroidering the top
piece. Twenty-five to thirty cents per dozen pairs are the wages paid
for that work, and a woman, besides attending to her daily house-work,
may find time to embroider from one to two dozen pairs a day. The
second and third processes above mentioned are each paid for at about
the same rate as the first, and an equal amount of work may be accomplished by hand at each one of them by one person in a day. By means
of a sewing-machine three dozen pairs of moccasins may be sewed in a
day's work. To increase their earnings in that way, some of the Lorette
women have provided themselves with sewing-machines. When shoemaker's thread is used instead of the ordinary, the wages paid run as high
as one dollar a dozen pairs. The moccasins are then returned to the
central workshop, where, by means of three simple apparatus, holes are
punched through the uppers, eyelets fastened on to one side, and hooks to
the other. Laces are made of strips from the edgings of the hide.
Finally the moccasins are packed and shipped to distant points. They
are sold wholesale to large dealers in towns and cities throughout Canada
and the United States ; in late years large quantities have been forwarded to the Klondike.
S now shoe-making.—Seven thousand pairs of snowshoes were turned out
at Lorette in 1898 ; but the demand was larger than usual that year
consequent on the opening up of the Klondike. That same year as many
as 20,000 hides were dressed in the locality and 12,000 dozen pairs of
moccasins manufactured. The following year there was a marked falling
off in the demand, especially of snowshoes, the Lorette snowshoe not
having been found of as suitable a shape as other makes for use in the
Klondike. Cow-skin is largely used for the netting of the snowshoe, and
ash wood for the frame.
It should be noted that in the various industries carried on at Lorette
there are not only Hurons engaged, but a number, quite as large, of
French Canadians residing at St. Ambroise, across the river. This is
particularly the case with the moccasin-making industry, in which many
French Canadian women take a hand. Snowshoe-making is an exception
to the rule : it is still a distinctive Huron industry, only two French
Canadians being trained in the art.
p. 45
See Dominion Government Blue-book, Indian Affairs, 1898, Bastien's Report, 554
About twenty-five canoes are made and sold every year. Fine birch
bark suitable for canoe-making is not very easily found within reasonable
distance, and most of the canoes turned out at Lorette are made of
canvas purchased from Quebec dealers.
Some years ago lacrosses were manufactured in certain quantities ;
but very few are made now. Toboggan-making is also an industry of
the past here. Competition has killed it, toboggans manufactured at
Montreal and elsewhere being considered of better quality.
Basket-making and Fancy Wares.—With ash wood and sweet hay the
Huron women manufacture baskets of ornamental designs and various
small wares : fans, boxes, reticules, toys, &c. The men occasionally lend
a hand in preparing strips of ash and discs of various woods, but the
women and girls practically have the industry to themselves. Contrary
to the preceding, this industry is not a traditional one of Lorette : it was
introduced here from the Abenakis Reservation of St. Francis (on the
south shore of the St. Lawrence) some fifteen years ago. It has not
developed to the same extent as hide-dressing and moccasin-making, and
is still essentially a home industry. Several families have large displays
of these Indian wares in their houses. Part of the output is disposed of,
as in the case of moccasins and snowshoes, to dealers in large cities ; the
bulk is sold by the Hurons themselves to visitors in their village, or taken
by them to summer resorts and centres of population, and there retailed.
Of late a severe blow was dealt to this businesss through the withdrawal by the United States Government of the privilege exempting Indians
from paying duty on their wares when entering that country.
Guiding.—Several of the Lorette Hurons hire out periodically to
parties of sport seekers on hunting or fishing excursions into the interior.
This is a favourite occupation of many of the men. While thus engaged
they earn one dollar and twenty-five cents per day, besides their living
Hunting and Fishing.—Like the preceding a favourite occupation of
the Hurons, though (except for a very few) it is not any longer an
important means of livelihood. In 1898, the revenue derived from
hunting by the Lorette community was estimated at 800 dollars, and that
from fishing at 100 dollars.1
Beaver, otter, marten, mink, and caribou are still found in fairly large
numbers over the vast unsettled tract which extends towards the north.
The upper courses of the rivers St. Charles, Jacques-Cartier, Ste. Anne,
&c, which lead into that wilderness, are much interrupted by rapids, and
canoes cannot be much used as means of conveyance. The hunters
proceed on foot, sometimes right across the streams. Otter and beaver
are the most valuable of the fur-bearing animals. The furs are generally
sold undressed to large dealers in Quebec. Caribou are found in
abundance, and they provide good meat, but their skin is of little value.
The skin of the moose is worth three or four times as much ; but moose
is scarce now in this part of the country. To find it hunters have to
cross the St. Lawrence and reach the plateaus of Northern New Brunswick
and of Maine.    They do so by railway.
The Hurons of Lorette bitterly complain of interference with their
hunting privileges on the part of the whites through governmental
regulations, leases to clubs, and the creating of a national park north of
1 Indian Affairs, 1898, p. 468. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
Quebec.    Forest rangers are on the look out, and frequently confiscate the
pelts and destroy the traps of the Indian hunters.
Farming.—The Huron villagers do not seek any appreciable part of
their income from agriculture, nor even from those more simple opportunities afforded by country life. Only three or four families, keep a cow
each, and some hens ; only a few have a small kitchen garden ; the others
purchase from French Canadian farmers the very milk, eggs, and vegetables they consume.    Only one of the villagers keeps horses.
Two miles to the west of Lorette village there is a reserve 1,600
arpents (1,350 acres) in area, on which six or seven Huron families are
supposed to be farming. Although they may occasionally turn out a few
pairs of snowshoes, they do not resort to industries in at all the same
measure as do the Lorette villagers. At the same time they can hardly
be considered farmers. Much the greater part of the reserve is still bush.
Each farm comprises a few arpents (at most ten or twelve) of cleared
land, on which the only growth to be observed, apart from a small
garden and potato patch, is a miserable field of very thin hay overrun by
the ox-eye daisy. In rare instances a crop of a few bushels of oats may
be added. Wrhen any farm animals are kept, the stock comprises one
cow (exceptionally two), one horse (if any), one or two porkers, and about
as many hens. Attracted to one of these homesteads by the rather better
appearance of the house and the barn compared with the hovels on most
of the other clearings, we were disappointed to find that the husbandry
there carried on was of the same general undeveloped type. We did not
see any stock, but were met by the fierce barking of three or four dogs
coming out in succession from under the doorsteps. £ They are very good
hunting dogs,' the people told us by way of apology.
For the Hurons of the reserve a more congenial means of living than
agriculture is hunting. We had an hour's chat with Thomas Tsioui, a
typical old Huron. Three of his sons still living are hunters as much as
conditions permit; he himself spent the greater part of his early life in
the woods. At one time he was a noted long-distance runner at the
Quebec and Montreal fairs.
In 1898, the revenue derived from farming by the whole Huron community was estimated at 870 dollars.1 The revenue obtained from their
farms and from the chase are insufficient for the support of these Hurons
of the reserve, and they would be in utter misery were it not for some
additional revenue from various sources : drawing firewood from the
reserve to the Lorette villagers, day labour performed on the railway and
elsewhere in the vicinity, and oftentimes the very material help provided
by their women folk.
. With all that, a large proportion of the Lorette Indians have been
forced to seek elsewhere their means of livelihood. The Huron community reckons 142 absentees against a resident population of 300. That
is to say about one-third of the total number has left for other parts of
Canada or for the United States. Now and then some of these effect
their return to their old abode, while others start out in their turn.
The means of living of our modern Hurons as just described do not at
1 That same year the revenue derived from the various manufacturing industries
amounted to 27,500 dollars, and wages earned to 9,000 dollars, giving tor the Hurons
of Lorette a total income from all sources of 38,000 dollars. The following year
(1899) the returns were as follows : Manufacturing industries, 18,000dollars; wages,
5,000 dollars; hunting and fishing, 1,050 dollars; farming, 1,200 dollars. 556
first sight appear to have any connection either with the previous social
status of the race, or with the physical features of its present habitat.
In a general way, with the ancient Hurons, agriculture and hunting were
the principal means of living ; to-day at Lorette, labour in both these
forms has been almost entirely given up. In their stead manufacturing
industries have giown—industries, besides, which do not depend for their
raw material on the resources of the locality, and which find in the
vicinity a market for only a very small portion of their output.
However, from a perusal of the documentary evidence available, old
and new, and from what could be gathered in conversation with men and
women at Lorette, I obtained some insight into the process of evolution
from which the labour system of the Hurons has resulted.
Their ancestors in Western Ontario supported themselves chiefly by
hunting, fishing, and agriculture. The young men were hunters and
warriors ; the older male members of the tribe, fishermen ; the women,
tillers of the soil, growers of maize, beans, pumpkins, sunflowers, and
tobacco. Besides, the Hurons were trained in the practice of a number
of home industries. The men built huts made of saplings, and which in
the words of Parkman i were much like an arbor overarching a garden
walk.' x The men, as well, made their own bows and arrows, fishing
nets, stone axes, bark canoes, toboggans, snowshoes, and lacrosses. The
Huron women ground the corn, smoked the fish, spun the wild hemp for
the fishing-nets, dressed deer skins, and from them made moccasins, which
they embroidered handsomely, and out of the furs of the beaver, the
porcupine, &c, prepared various articles of clothing.2 In some of these
industries the Hurons were not found as expert as their neighbours of
Algonquin stock, but they surpassed these in commercial aptitudes, having
from time immemorial acted as middlemen between the tribes to the
north and those to the south in the exchange of various commodities, and,
after the advent of the French, becoming the purveyors and carriers of
their fur trade.3
After taking up their abode in the vicinity of Quebec, the Hurons
were subjected to new conditions, the result of the close neighbourhood
and competition of the French colonists, combined with the physical
features of the country. These conditions in the first place tended to
keep them away from agriculture.
The traditional mode of farming of the Hurons was very imperfect.
It consisted in the production through female labour of supplies of
vegetables and maize for family needs. No live stock, no beasts of
burden, were kept. Thus, being without the means of manuring the land
or drawing fuel long distances, they had to change their location as soon
as the fertility of the soil and the supply of firewood within a limited
area were exhausted. Such had been the practice in the old Huron
country ; such it continued to be with the Huron refugees about Quebec.
But here, while the Indians were always free to desert their village site
or a new one farther inland, they were no longer at liberty to retrace
their steps. The influx of white settlers at their back prevented them
from moving in any but one direction. In that way the Hurons, who
after their arrival amongst the French colonists had been located on the
lowlands bordering the river St. Lawrence, receded gradually from the
1 Jesuits in North America, Little Brown, Boston, Int. XXVI.
2 Champlain, vol. iv. pp. 79-82, 101.
front, until in 1697 they found themselves evicted from the fertile belt,
relegated to the sandy terrace close on the mountain tract. Under such
conditions they could not be expected to make any great advance in
While both the social and the physical environment about Quebec
tended to check the agricultural progress of the Hurons, these same conditions at first favoured their propensity for the chase and for warlike
occupations. At their doors that great Laurentian mountain tract
extended, abounding in fish, game, fur-bearing animals ; and for all these
natural productions Quebec offered a near-by and ready market. Besides,
their close association with the white settlers enabled them to obtain
assistance and employment in various forms. As long as the French
re'gime lasted, and for half a century more under the British rule, the
Hurons appear to have supported themselves chiefly through the sales of
furs and allowances for military service. References to them in the
documents of that period (the writings of the missionaries excepted) are
mostly all in connection with the fur trade or with war parties.2 In
1730, a church was built for their use, and their contributions were paid
in furs, apparently their most valuable and abundant commodity.3 A
conspicuous feature of Lorette to the present day is a large, low, massive
stone structure, which is said to have been originally a post of one of the
fur-trading companies, and which subsequently became the property
of a noted Huron chief, Picard, himself a trader in furs.
During the whole of the eighteenth century the traditional industries
of the Hurons do not appear to have been developed beyond the measure
of the family needs. It is not until the early part of the nineteenth
century that we notice a change in this respect. The facts adduced
before a committee of the legislative assembly of Lower Canada in 1819
and 1824 show that for some years previous the Hurons of Lorette had
been sustaining themselves to some extent through the manufacture and
sale of moccasins, snowshoes, toboggans, fur articles of dress, and various
fancy wares.4 This new feature had been brought about as a result of
the constant decline of their agriculture, and more especially, at a
subsequent date, by the decline of the chase itself, as also by the
reduction of the war allowances. It should be noted, moreover, that as
the Hurons, under the influence of environment, were slowly improving
their mode of living, larger and more regular returns than those ensured
by hunting were necessary to keep them in comfort. By manufacturing
they enhanced the value of the furs, and thus made up in part for their
greater scarcity and for the deficiency in the returns from other sources.
For many years these industries were carried on by the Huron families
in a very small way, at first exclusively by the women, and then by both
men and women, but on a small scale. Both hunting and plot farming
were prosecuted in conjunction, but the latter especially remained at a
very low stage, or even decreased, while the manufacturing industries all
the time were growing.5
1 Titres Seigneuriaux, Quebec, vol. i. p. 428; Charlevoix, Journal, p. 83; Peter
Kalm, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1880, p. 124.
2 Documents de la Nouvelle-France, vol. iii. pp. 23, 58, 87, 108, vol. iv. p. 112.
3 Franquet, Journal de. Voyage (MSS. Parliament Library, Ottawa), p. 141.
4 Journals of the Assembly of Lower Canada; Bouchette, Topographical
Dictionary, verbo * Indians.'
5 Journals, Assembly, Lower Canada, 1835; Assembly, United Canada, 1844-5,
1847, 1856. 558
Some twenty-five or thirty years ago there took place an important
social phenomenon which completed the transformation of the labour
system of the Hurons—the spreading throughout T)anada of the worldwide commercial and industrial evolution, the introduction of machinery,
the building of railways, the extension of great transportation agencies.
Man's power of production was thereby^ increased a hundredfold, and
distance suppressed, so to speak. While some of the minor industries of
Lorette, such as toboggan-making and lacrosse-making, received their
death-blow from the new order of things, it instilled a new life into some
others—hide-dressing, moccasin and snowshoe making. No longer
dependent on local conditions, no longer restricted by the short supply of
raw material at hand or by the limited demand from near-by markets,
these industries attained the high degree of development which we have
seen. A new industry, fancy basket-making, was introduced. The
development of manufacturing industries thus brought about, with the
opportunities for constant earning of wages at generally pleasant tasks,
in turn became a further cause of desertion of agriculture. Even hunting
is no longer considered a regular means of livelihood, and is largely
replaced by the more profitable occupation of guiding through the woods
sportsmen from the cities.
A Huron woman, ninety years of age, with whom I conversed at
Lorette, had witnessed many phases of that evolution of labour. She
remembered the time when patches of Indian corn, pumpkins, beans, and
potatoes were grown in connection with almost every home in the village.
The women did most of the garden and field work, while the men did
very little but hunt and play lacrosse. She saw agriculture given up
gradually, while the Hurons were taking more and more to manufacturing.
Notwithstanding the evolution through which their labour system has
been made to pass, the Huron community as a whole exhibit traits
retained from the previous social status. The men are less industrious
than the women : they still entertain a dislike for agriculture and steady
work ; they abstain from working in factories.
The property held in trust for the Hurons of Lorette comprises :
(1) the village site, about 20 arpents in extent; (2) adjoining the latter,
a common, covering 9 arpents ; (3) two miles from the village, the
reserve proper, 1,600 arpents (1,350 acres) in extent ; and (4) some thirty
miles back of Lorette, the Rocmont Reserve, in the county of Portneuf,
9,600 acres in area.
1. The village plot is subdivided into small lots, each family being
entitled to an area sufficient for a house, besides a width of 30 feet in
front and 3 feet at the back of that house.
2. The common was originally, as indicated by its French name, \ Clos
des Cochons,'a pasture for hogs. It still continues to be owned in common
by the Huron community, but is now used almost solely as a hide-dressing
ground by Mr. Maurice Bastien, who has erected thereon sheds and drying
3. The 1,600 arpents reserve also remains undivided. It was granted
to the Hurons for their supply of fuel. The greater part is still bush.
Six or seven families, as we have seen, have taken up their abode there as
farmers ; but the farming carried on is of such a primitive character ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
that it has not been found necessary to trace any boundaries between the
various farms.
The above three areas were allotted to the Hurons about the end of
the seventeenth century, or the beginning of the eighteenth, by the Jesuits,
under whose charge they were placed. The deed confirming the grant
was not passed till 1742 (for the last) and 1794 (for the two others). It
is all that is left to the Hurons of the seigniory of Sillery.1
4. The Rocmont Reserve is wholly a mountainous forest tract set apart
by the Canadian Government in recent times for the support of the
Hurons of Lorette, but neither occupied nor worked by them. However,
they derive some revenue from it, the cut of pine and spruce over its
area being leased out every year to lumbermen, and the proceeds usually
paid to the ' band ' in the form of allowances.
It is a remarkable fact that all this property is still held in common.
With the Hurons of Lorette private ownership of land does not exist.
Neither have they any desire, as far as I could ascertain, to individually
own land. To my knowledge only one Huron to-day holds privately
some land—not in the reserve, but adjoining it. In the past, as well,
such cases of private ownership have been exceedingly rare.
On the other hand, at Lorette, almost every family owns the house in
which it lives, at any rate so long as it continues to occupy it. Movables, wearing apparel, &c, are, of course, also recognised private property,
as are wages and earnings from various sources.
This system of property of the Hurons of Lorette does not differ
materially from that of their forefathers. The ancient Hurons, as we
have seen, did not put much labour on the soil, and correspondingly their
hold on the soil was of a weak and limited sort. From Champlain and
Brebeuf we learn that they had no permanent tenure of land, as evidenced
by their change of abode at frequent intervals. At the same time, with
them all movables—as, for instance, the produce of the chase, the
earnings from trade—were subject to family or individual appropriation.
Inequalities of wealth from this source were quite apparent in the Huron
villages of old. Even monopolies were recognised by the ancient Hurons,
inasmuch as individuals who had opened a trade or discovered a market
were granted for themselves and their kindred the exclusive right of
carrying on that trade or supplying that market, or were permitted to
levy tribute on those desirous of taking advantage of the new opening.
A difference, however, from the conditions of things in existence to-day
at Lorette was the prevalence of theft in the Huron villages of old and
its lax repression.2
After their removal to the vicinity of Quebec, the Hurons, as we have
seen, did not take more energetically to the cultivation of the soil; on the
contrary, under the new conditions they gave up little by little the practice
of agriculture. Similarly they did not develop any greater aptness to hold
land either privately or collectively.
In 1651, the King of France bestowed on the Christian Indians settled
in the vicinity of Quebec (of whom the Hurons were the nucleus) a grant
of land covering three miles in width on the river St. Lawrence by twelve
miles in depth, the seigniory of Sillery.    Of course, the Hurons were
1 The originals of the deeds are in the archives of the Department of Indian
Affairs, Ottawa. I have to thank Mr. Samuel Stewart and'Mr. D. C. Scott for their
kindness in facilitating my inquiry.
* Jesuit Relations (Thwaites), x. pp. 223, 225. 560
quite unprepared to take advantage or retain possession of such an extent
of territory, especially in a region where arable land was rather scarce
and greatly in demand. They allowed themselves to be dispossessed
piecemeal of the land itself, and of the seigniorial dues attached to it as
well, and were left with holdings totally inadequate for their support and
In short, the system of property of the Hurons of Lorette is characterised by the absence of private holdings and the limitation of the collective
holdings. These conditions are the direct outcome of the forms of labour
which they retained or adopted under the combined influence of their own
traditions, of the physical features of the country around Quebec, and of
social environment and competition.
These property conditions, in their turn, have had far-reaching effects
on the further social evolution of the Huron community. They permitted
its being closely surrounded and permeated in its home life by outside
(principally French Canadian) notions and manners. The village of
Lorette is inextensive, and so penetrated by the adjoining settlements,
that on its outskirts, at many points, Huron homes almost join those of
white neighbours, and it is often a difficult matter to say where the line
of demarcation passes. The consequences of this close neighbourhood will
appear presently.
The family group at Lorette is quite restricted. Each household, as a
rule, consists of a single family, comprising only a few persons ; for
instance, the husband, the wife, and two or three young children ; in other
cases an aged couple alone, or possibly assisted by a grown-up daughter or
son. When barely eight or ten years old the Huron boy or girl takes to
manufacturing fancy wares at home, and soon acquires a training in the
various arts. At twenty or twenty-two they marry, and take up house
separately from the parents. If they have decided to remain at Lorette,
and are not already provided with a lodging there, they apply for a lot
from the village council, and build a house for themselves. In recent
years the development of industry has induced several newly married
couples to take up their home in their native village ; a new street, or
rather lane, had to be opened, and still another will be opened soon.
The restricted family group of the Hurons of Lorette is very unlike
the patriarchal household of their ancestors, wherein eight or ten, or even
as many as twenty-four, families lived under one roof.1 Apart from that
close material grouping into large households, there existed, among the
ancient Hurons, social groups much more comprehensive—clans founded
on consanguinity. At one time there were as many as twelve clans,
among which the Huron families were distributed.
' The unit of the Wyandot social and political systems/ writes Mr.
W. E. Connelly, whose knowledge of the Wyandots settled in the Indian
Territory of the United States is most thorough, ' was not the family nor
the individual, but the clan. The child belonged to its clan first, to its
parents afterwards/ 2
The clans were not mere local organisations ; they were ramified
throughout the whole territory, throughout the whole nation ; so that
while the people, for purposes of livelihood, were dispersed in distant
1 Champlain, vol. iv. p. 74.
2 Ontario Arckceological Report, 1899, p. 107. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
villages, and for purposes of government were divided into five or six
tribes or sub-nations, still they held fast together by the strong bond of
the clan founded on family relationship.
A peculiar feature of the Huron-Iroquois clanship was that it existed
and was transmitted, not through the men, but through the women of the
tribe or family. The Huron child did not belong to the clan of his
father, but to that of his mother. In the same way the possessions of a
deceased Huron warrior did not go to his sons, but to his brothers, or to
the sons of his sisters ; that is, to members of his own clan.
At Lorette to-day no trace is to be found of the old Huron clanship
in the social institutions ; even the memory of it is almost effaced. The
members of the band whom I questioned on the subject were not totally
ignorant of the clan system, but they invariably connected it with male
descent. One Huron, ninety years of age, and another seventy-six years
of age, told me they belonged to the clan or 'compagnie' of the Deer,
their reason for saying so being that their father had belonged to it.
Another claimed to be of the ' compagnie J of the Tortoise, also because
his father had been of that clan ; and to remove my doubts he added :
' How could I belong to a Huron clan through my mother, who was a
French Canadian 1'
Old Thomas Tsioui (whose name has been mentioned previously)
expressed somewhat similar views to me. His contention is that the
Tsiouis are the only genuine Hurons at Lorette ; that all the others are
descendants of French Canadians who stole their way into the Huron
community. As I objected that the Tsiouis themselves could not claim
pure Huron extraction, their mothers and grandmothers in most cases
being French Canadian women, the old man argued with great warmth
that man, and not woman, the husband, not the wife, made the race.
He was seemingly unaware that this was the very opposite of the Huron
doctrine, and that his use of such an argument was good proof to me that
he was no longer a Huron in respect to some of the fundamental traditions
of the race.
A simple phenomenon which marks the evolution of our Hurons from
the patriarchal community and clanship of their ancestors to the reduced
family group of to-day is the adoption of distinct family names, transmitted from father to son. With the old Hurons there did not really
exist any permanent family names other than the general designation of
each clan. Each individual was given a name distinctive of himself and
of his clan as well, but which, as in the case of the first name with us, he
did not transmit to his progeny. c Each clan/ writes Mr. Connelly, ' had
its list of proper names, and this list was its exclusive property, which no
other clan could appropriate or use. . . . The customs and usages governing the formation of clan proper names demanded that they should be
derived from some part, habit, action, or some peculiarity of the animal
from which the clan was descended. . . . Thus a proper name was always a
distinctive badge of the clan bestowing it. When death left unused any
of the original clan proper names, the next child born into the clan, if of
the sex to which the temporarily obsolete name belonged, had this name
bestowed upon it.'l
After the missionaries had converted the Hurons to the faith they
introduced  Christian  names,   which  for   many  generations  were   used
Connelly, Ontario Archceoloyical Report, 1899, p. 107. 562
concurrently with clan designations, but in the end superseded them.
Most of the family names at Lorette are Christian names which have
become permanently attached to the various households : Romain, Vincent,
Gros-Louis, Bastien (for Sebastien). It was in the early years of the
present nineteenth century that family names became permanent at
Lorette, and transmissible from father to son. There are to-day 21
families of Tsiouis, 13 Picard, 12 G-ros Louis, 6 Vincent, 4 Bastien, 2
Romain, besides 3 de Gonzague (of Abenakis extraction), and 1 Paul (of
Malecite extraction).
From the organisation of the family group, if we turn to its internal
management, we find, in the first place, that the parents' authority over the
children is of limited extent. Very little restraint is put on the children.
Constant intercourse between the various households in that crowded
village tends to lessen the action of each separate group over its children.
These, at an early age, as we have seen, acquire a training in handicraft
and become important factors in the welfare of the family, or at any rate
independent of it for their livelihood. In that respect the Hurons of
Lorette still resemble to a certain extent their primitive ancestors, who
allowed their children great freedom, and never chastised them.1 Among
the ancient Hurons the laxity of parental rule was the natural result of
the development of hunting and of warlike pursuits, in all of which the
young men had necessarily a superiority over the older members of the
family. With the Hurons of Lorette the same lax family government
continued to prevail, owing to the long maintenance of the chase as their
principal means of living, only to be displaced in recent times by industries
which afford to the young great facilities for the establishment of separate
independent homes.
Nevertheless morals are not bad. They are certainly greatly in
advance on what they were in olden times. But the result is due almost
wholly to outside influences—religious action and social environment. The
morals of the ancient Hurons were* of a very low order : debauchery was
rampant in their villages.2 When, after their overthrow by the Iroquois,
they fell under the rule of the Jesuit missionaries, a strict code of monastic
morality was enforced upon them.3 The greater number submitted to it,
not, however, through any strong personal sense of duty and self-respect, but
impelled by fear of exclusion from the reserve or of the infliction of some
public penance. Accordingly, under the British regime, as soon as the
strong hand of the Jesuit was withdrawn, the Huron morals relaxed, and,
under the influence of the corrupt elements from the near-by city, fell to
a very low plane. In the course of the nineteenth century Lorette
became * the constant resort of the dissipated youth of Quebec, and the
scene of midnight orgies and profligacy of the worst description, until the
extent of the evil attracted the attention of the police authorities, who
took measures to repress the mischief.'4 Since, under the combined
influence of religious preaching and of better social environment, they
have gradually improved in self-restraint and self-respect. Illegitimate
births are now of rare occurrence. Many, however, are still addicted to
1 Champlain, iv. p. 85. 2 Ibid., iv. pp. 82-5.
3 Jesuit Relations, passim; Charlevoix, Journal, p. 82 ; Documents Nouvelle- France,
p. 24 ; Franquet, Journal de Voyage, p. 143.
4 Journals Assembly, 1844-5, Appendix; ibid., 1847, Evidence of Rev. L. Fortier,
Very little, indeed, remains of the old Huron traditions. The tenets
of the Catholic faith have stamped out the pagan myths and superstitions
of primitive times. While these Hurons have not attained a very
high degree of religious development, they have drifted far away from
the beliefs of their ancestors. The only trace—and a doubtful one
at that—I could find of their past faith was the vain boasting of one of
their old men, who wished to impress me with his medical skill: he had
the power, he told me, of stopping or quickening at will the flow of the
blood through the sick man's body. Was this a faint recollection of the
old-time medicine man and sorcerer %
The Huron tongue is no longer spoken at Lorette. French has
replaced it. Even the older members of the tribe, in answer to my
inquiries, had the greatest difficulty in recalling a few disconnected
words. Some of them could barely tell the meaning of their own Huron
name which on exceptional occasions they affix to their every-day French
name. Even the few Huron words thus preserved in their family
nomenclature do not appear to be rightly pronounced by them ; in many
names the letter i L? has been introduced, and this their ancestors did not
make use of. For instance, hahn-yohn-yeh, the old Wyandot word for
bear,1 has been changed at Lorette to hahn-yohn-len; Owawandaronhe,
Odiaradheite', and Teacheandahe'2 have become respectively Wawendarolen*
Ondiarale'te, and Te'achendal^. As far back as fifty years ago, the Huron
tongue was already out of general use at Lorette.3 From Franquet we
learn that about the middle of the eighteenth century a number of the
Hurons could speak French.4
The Huron boys and girls show marked aptitudes for commerce,
industrial arts, and even the fine arts ; but they seldom develop these
talents to any degree, though opportunities are sometimes offered them of
doing so. They nearly all have fine voices and a good ear for music ;
some of them have shown taste as draughtsmen or painters. The greater
number, however, lack the steadiness of purpose which would be necessary to make the most of their talents.
Mode of Living.
As regards food, shelter, clothing, hygiene, recreations, the people of
Lorette may be considered to-day as having the same habits as the French
Canadians of corresponding classes.
The greater quantity of the food consumed by them is obtained from
itinerant traders or from dealers who supply the French Canadians of St.
Ambroise as well. I happened to take a meal at the home of one of the
poorest Huron families settled on the reserve, and still remember how I
enjoyed that simple lunch of milk, butter and bread, cream and preserved
fruit, which was daintily served in clean china or glass and on neat linen.
From the accounts left by Kalm (1749) and Franquet (1752) we may
safely draw the conclusion that, about the middle of the eighteenth
century, after one hundred years' intercourse with the French, the Hurons,
as regards the food consumed and its preparation, retained much of the
tastes and coarseness of their primitive ancestors.5
The houses at Lorette are generally small, low-roofed, wooden build-
1 Connelly, op. cit., p. 103.
3 Report of Special Commissioners, 1856, p,
5 Kalm, p. 124; Franquet, p. 141.
2 Journals Assembly, 1819.
4 Franquet, p. 143.
A***—13 564 report—1900.
ings whitewashed. They are disposed in double rows, along narrow lanes,
and most of them devoid of yard, garden, or outbuildings. Sometimes
these houses are too close to one another for the comfort of their
occupants. On the other hand there is an air of cleanliness about them,
and with few exceptions, they appear to be as well kept as the tidiest
French Canadian farmer's or mechanic's home. The Hurons gave up
their old style of long narrow huts made of bark and saplings, and took
to building, after the manner of the early French settlers, log and board
houses, shortly after their removal (the last in the series) to Jeune Lorette,
that is between the years 1700 and 1720.1 Kalm, in 1749, found them
living in houses comprising each two rooms (kitchen and bedroom), but
very scantily furnished, so much so that the beds were left without sheets
or covering. The Hurons at night were content with wrapping themselves up in the blankets they had worn all day. They were provided with
stoves, says Franquet, but the heat they supplied only served to render
unbearable to all but Indians the filthiness of the surroundings.2
The clothing in use by the Hurons of Lorette is the same as that
of the French Canadian working classes. The old Huron style of
dress, even that of the later period, has been abandoned. I was able to
discover one member only of the band, a Huron lady in the nineties,
^wrho still retained the traditional costume of the last century : the short
skirt, with the * mitasses' (legging ) and the moccasins. The costumes
in which the * warriors ' and chiefs parade on exceptionally solemn occasions, are almost wholly artificial in their make-up. Ordinary cloth and
printed calicoes are used for the purpose, and in the ornamentation of the
various parts no trace is seen of the mythical and symbolic forms characteristic of the primitive art of the Huron-Iroquois. Kalm and Franquet,
about the middle of the last century, found the Huron women of
Lorette still clinging to the old Huron form of dress ; but the men,
though usually wearing the blanket, at times would don articles of dress
borrowed from the French.3
Notwithstanding the close grouping of the houses in the village,
the hygienic conditions at Lorette are fairly good ; a result due in great
part to the measures taken by the village council and the people themselves
for the sanitation of the surroundings. There has been much admixture
of foreign blood. For several generations past the Hurons have intermarried with the whites, principally with the French Canadians. The
Huron physical type has been greatly altered, but not entirely blotted
out. The massive build and high stature which, we are told, were prevalent features among the old Hurons, are not now common at Lorette ;
neither are the cheek bones and nose unduly prominent, as a rule ; but
the rather dark olive complexion, the almond-shaped eyes, and the stiff
flat hair are often observed, and perhaps more so in very young children
than in the grown-up people.
The amusements indulged in are largely the same as those of the
French Canadians in the neighbourhood. A typical initiative on the part
of the young men of Lorette was the organising among themselves and
equipping of a brass band. The numerous dances which were still gone
through on all great occasions, about the middle of the last century,4 have
long since been forgotten.    Shooting the arrow was a favourite sport with
Charlevoix, op. tit.,]*. 83. * Kalm, p. 123 ; Franquet, p. 144.
Franquet, pp. 140, 141, 144 j Kalm, p. 123. 4 Franquet, p. 143. ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA.
the Huron boys, even up to the early years of the nineteenth century. No
more is seen of it now. Even lacrosse, the Huron national game, which
has become the favourite sport of so many Canadians, is no longer played
at Lorette.
Village and State.
Lorette is not well provided with the elements which give variety and
activity to village life, and help to build up the framework of municipal
government. The employers of labour are very few, and nearly all outsiders, French or Scotch Canadians. In the same way the bulk of the
trade which is done at Lorette in connection both with the provisioning
of the families and the output of their industries (the smaller class of
Indian fancy wares excepted) is carried on by their white neighbours of
St. Ambroise.
There is, however, a very notable departure from this condition of
things in the enterprise shown by Mr. Maurice Bastien, of Huron descent,
who operates the largest hide-dressing and moccasin and snowshoe-
making establishment in and about Lorette, and at times gives employment to some fifty people. In other respects also does Mr. Bastien set a
good example for his kinsmen to follow. He is almost a total abstainer
from alcoholic beverages. He has bought and partly cleared and improved^
some fifty arpents of land adjoining the village plot, on which he now cuts
every year about 20 tons of hay, reaps about 150 bushels of oats and
buckwheat, pastures nine cows and some horses. An interesting
experiment which he is carrying on for the firm of Renfrew, fur dealers,
of Quebec, is the breeding of buffaloes from stock obtained in the State of
New York. Mr. Bastien proposes to have one or two of his sons to take
up agriculture as a means of livelihood. A further proof of his spirit of
enterprise and progress is the building, at his own expense, of a system
of waterworks whereby each family in the Huron village is enabled to
secure in its own house, at the low rate of four dollars per annum, an
abundant supply of pure water.
Education does not provide more leaders than do industry and commerce. The school for girls and that for boys are each under the care of
a female teacher paid by the Canadian Government. The school house
is built on the site, and partly out of the material of the priest's house
erected by the Jesuits in the early years of the eighteenth century. The
progress at school of the girls is said to be satisfactory, that of the
boys not so. There are very few persons of culture, or even ordinary
education, at Lorette. The professional men whose services may be
required all reside in neighbouring villages. Mr. Paul Picard, a retired
Civil Service employe of the Quebec Government, and the son of a noted
Huron chief, resides here. He was employed as a draughtsman, and at
one time was a public notary. He is particularly well informed on the
history of the Huron community, and a staunch defender of the rights of
his kinsmen.
A feature of Lorette is its quaint little church, the greater part of which
dates back to 1730.1 There is no resident missionary, but the parish priest
of St. Ambroise, near by, ministers to the religious welfare of the Huron
community. An early morning service, is held every Sunday and a
sermon preached.    The singing and preaching are done in  French.    The
1 L. St. G. Lindsay, Revue Canadienne, 1900, p. 122. 566
priest receives an allowance of 225 dollars from the Canadian Government for his services in this connection.
Five chiefs (one head chief and four second or sub-chiefs) manage the
public affairs of the Huron community under the supervision of the
Department of Indian Affairs. These chiefs in council frame regulations
for the maintenance of order, the repression of intemperance and profligacy, the care of public health, the construction and repairs of school
houses and other public buildings, the locating of land on the reserve,
&c.     They are elective, and their term of office is for three years.
The above system of government is not the traditional one of the
Hurons. It was introduced in recent years by the Canadian Government
under the provisions of the Indian Act.1 In former years the Hurons
elected six chiefs or more : one grand chief, one second chief, two council
chiefs, and two chiefs of the warriors. These chiefs were elected for life.
If we go still further back, to the seventeenth century, we see that the
ancient Hurons had many chiefs ; war chiefs and chiefs entrusted with
various administrative functions; and all were to a certain extent
hereditary and to a certain extent elective.2
At the present time the head chief of the Hurons of Lorette (elected
quite recently) is Francois Gros-Louis. Maurice Bastien, Gaspard Picard,
Maurice Tsioui are three of the sub-chiefs.
The Hurons of Lorette are under the tutelage of the State. Their
landed property is held in trust for them by the Department of Indian
Affairs. The latter also has the management of the revenue derived
from part of these lands, and out of which expenses of a public character
are to be paid. The Department is kept informed, and generally acts
through an agent, who resides on the reservation—Mr. A. O. Bastien, an
intelligent and educated Huron.
There has been of late years much dissatisfaction and strife in the
Huron community over the management of public affairs. A party, consisting chiefly of a large number of the Tsiouis, think they have not had
their proper share of the funds. They find fault with the chiefs, the
agent, and the Department as well. They refuse to attend meetings,
to take part in elections, and are intent on electing chiefs of their own.
A remarkable fact is that the Hurons as a whole show no desire of
being enfranchised. Even the malcontents scorn the idea. Under
present conditions the Government .meets all expenses in connection with
church and school and other matters. Practically they have no taxes to
pay, not even roads to maintain, the way-leave over the reserve being
granted to residents of neighbouring parishes on condition that they
take charge of the road. Enfranchisement, they say, would only add to
their burdens and render them more liable to be swindled out of their
property by the more unscrupulous of their white neighbours.
Before concluding, it will be of interest to make a rapid review of the
influences which, acting on the primitive Huron type, brought it to its
present stage of social transformation. These influences may be classed
under three heads : (1) Early trade relations with the French and
preaching of the Gospel ; (2) physical features of the country about and
back of Quebec ; (3) close neighbourhood and competition of the white
1 "Revised Statutes of Canada, cap. 43. sects. 75 and 76.
2 Brebeuf, Jesuit Relations, Thwaites's edition, vol. x. pp
Jesuits in North America, Introduction, p. lii.
1. The first series of influences (commercial intercourse and religious
preaching) exerted themselves over the ancient Hurons previous to their
leaving their old abode in Western Ontario. Commerce introduced into
the Huron villages by the early French discoverers, or, at least, greatly
developed by them, upset the balance of the traditional system of labour
of the Hurons, by reducing the relative importance of agriculture as a
means of livelihood for them. Thereby the Hurons were rendered less
sedentary, more nomadic, less apt to fortify their villages and to hold
the country against invaders. The young and able-bodied men were kept
much away from home by their hunting and trading expeditions, leaving
the towns insufficiently protected against attack, while themselves heavily
laden with furs or other goods, but scantily equipped with arms and
ammunition, fell an easy prey to Iroquois war parties.
Again, commerce, by reducing the importance of agriculture in the
labour system of the Hurons, weakened the clan organisation, on which
the whole Wyandot social fabric rested. Female clanship was dependent
for its strength on the social prestige of the women ; and this in turn was
largely dependent on the development of agriculture, which was left to
their charge.1 The preaching of the new religious dogmas by the Recollet
and Jesuit missionaries and the conversion to the faith of a number of
the Hurons also tended to undo the binding action of clanship. For
clanship in its origin was blended with the religious beliefs of these
primitive people ; each clan was under the special protection of a pagan
myth, and the preaching of the Gospel released the hold which these
myths had on the minds of the Hurons. In that way were the strong
family ties which bound together the scattered parts of the Wyandot
confederacy loosened, and the Hurons rendered less capable of strong
united action. In that way were the Iroquois enabled to defeat one after
the other the disconnected groups and bring about the utter dispersal of
the Huron nation. Such is the social significance of the facts set forth in
the early accounts.2
Of the five or six tribes, or subordinate nations, which made up the
Wyandot confederacy, only three (the nation of the Bear, that of the
Rock, and that of the Rope) repaired towards Quebec. A few years later
two of these tribes were forced by the Mohawks and the Onondagas to
join their respective nations ; and the nation of the Rope was finally the
only one to remain with the French.3 From this sole tribe, very much
disorganised and reduced in numbers, and still further reduced by sub
sequent wars, did the present Lorette community spring.
2. The physical features of the country about and back of Quebec,
characterised by the restricted area of the arable belt and the development
of the mountain and forest tract, had the effect of keeping the small
Huron group away from agriculture, of turning it more completely towards
the chase and those industries dependent on the chase and the forest for
their raw material. Thereby the Hurons were prevented from acquiring
any greater fitness for heavy and steady labour, and from developing any
greater ability or desire to hold land.
3. The close neighbourhood and competition of the white settlers had
two quite distinct effects on the Hurons.   On the one hand, their influence
1 P. de Rousiers, La Science Sodah, 1890, vol. x. p. 141.
2 ChampTain, iv. pp. 43, 44, 101 ; Jesuit Relations, Quebec edition, 1642, pp. 55.
56; Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 201.
8 Jesuit Relations, 1657, pp. 20 and 23. 568
united with that of physical environment in checking the agricultura.
development of the Hurons and retaining them in the lower forms of
labour and property. On the other hand these conditions of close intercourse with the white settlers—brought about by the reduced area of the
Lorette holdings—transformed the home-life, and in the end materially
improved the entire mode of living, of the Hurons.
The Iroquois community, settled at Caughnawaga, in the vicinity of
Montreal, provides an interesting subject of comparison ; for, though originally of the same social type as the Hurons, their evolution in recent times
has been in quite the opposite direction.
In conclusion, the greatest weakness in the social organisation of the
Hurons, and the one which should be remedied first, is that resulting from
their property conditions. An ever-recurring theme of conversation
among young and old at Lorette is the endless series of their grievances,
all more or less connected with property rights : grievances against the
Jesuits for having dispossessed them, or allowed them to be dispossessed,
of their seigniory of Sillery ; grievances against the British Government
for not having restored them to their rights after the conquest; grievances
against some of their deceased chieftains, for having laid hands, so they
declared, on parts of the common land ; grievances also against some of
the present chiefs for using the common property for private ends ;
grievances against the Provincial Government for invading their hunting
grounds ; and, finally, grievances against the Federal Government and its
agent for alleged maladministration of the reserves and the revenues
therefrom. The limited extent and collective ownership of the holdings
have had the effect, not only of helping to keep the Hurons away from
agriculture and bringing about over-density of population in the village,
but also of concentrating the minds and energies of individuals on petty
common rights and privileges (to the detriment of initiative in more
fruitful pursuits) and of breeding a harmful spirit of discontent.
It seems that much would be done for the betterment of the condition
and the more normal development of these Hurons were it found possible
to carry out the plan suggested by Sir James Kempt as far back as 1830,
and further recommended by the Government Commissioners in 1847 ;
that is, if land in the vicinity of Lorette and suitable for agriculture were,
on proper terms, put at the disposal of the Hurons, on which some of them
at least, under intelligent and kindly supervision, might be made to acquire
proficiency in farming and aptness for the management of property. Thus
would they become a less dependent, a more contented and prosperous
. ^ .*'.  


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