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The quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. Volume XXIII Oregon Historical Society 1922

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Array     THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXIII
March, 1922
Number 1
Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
:   CONTENTS
Pages
C. F. Coan—The Adoption of the Reservation Policy in Pacific
Northwest, 1853-1855   ^^^^^m^'-     "    -      '*^9^^^SÊP^
Howard Malcolm Ballou—The History of the Oregon Missi^^S
Press , f'^'S^âlKB^S^ji^S^^Sî^iâ- " 39~52
T. C. Elliott—Jonathan Carver's Source for the Name Oregon 53-69
Robert Moulton Gatke—The First Indian School of the Pacific
Northwest      BËHR69      " - "   -   70-83
Review—Bell's Opening a Highway to the Pacific, 1838-18 46-7-
By Joseph ScHafer       -     ^^^^^^^^^m^^-^^B^     ~   84-86
PRICE: FIFTY CENTS PER NUMBER, TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR
Entered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter  THE
QUARTERLY
OF THE
VOLUME XXIII
MARCH, 1922-DECEMBER, 1922
Edited by
FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG
Eugene. Oregon
Koke-Tiffany Co.
1922
[l] fÇ6t ^72-
n TABLE OF CONTENTS
Pages
Carver's, Jonathan, Source of the Name Oregon
By T. C. Elliott -     53-69
Education in the Oregon Constitutional Convention of 1857
By Ira W. Lewis 220-229
Indian School, the First, of the Pacific Northwest
By Robert Moulton Gatke     70-83
Kendrick, John, and His Sons
By Judge F. W. Howay. 277-302
Mounds, Prehistoric, Origin of the Oregon
By George William Wright     87-94
Oregon Mission Press, History of the
By Howard Malcolm Ballou  I,    39-52
II, 95-110
Oregon Question—1818-1828
By Verne Blue  193-219
Oregon Caves, Discovery of the
By E. J. Davidson  274-276
Oregon Caves, Exploration of the
By Wm. W. Fidler 270-273
Reservation Policy, Adoption of the, in Pacific Northwest, 1853-5
By C. F. Coan        1-38
DOCUMENTARY
Lincoln, Abraham, Letter of, to James T. Thornton       267
McLoughlin, Dr. John, Letters of, to Edward Ermatinger, with
Introduction by T. C. Elliott. 365-371
Mining Laws of Jackson County, with Introduction by Verne
Blue    138-162
Mission Record Book of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Willamette Station, Oregon Territory, Commenced 1834. Introduction by Charles Henry Carey. 230-266
Ordway, John, of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Letter of,
to His Parents  268-269
Roberts, William  M.,  Third   Superintendent of the  Oregon
Mission, Letters of.   Edited by Robert Moulton Gatke 163-191
Slaves, Ex-, Facts Pertaining to, in Oregon and Documentary
Record of the Case of Robin Holmes vs. Nathaniel Ford.
By Fred Lockley  111-137
WlLLIMETTE   MISSION,   METHODIST   ANNUAL   REPORTS   RELATING   TO,
1834-48.   Introduction and Notes by Charles Henry Carey 303-364
REVIEW
Schafer, Joseph—James Christy Bell's Opening of a Highway to
the Pacific,  1838-1846       84-86
[hi] Table of Contents
AUTHORS
Pages
Ballou, Howard Malcolm—History of the Oregon Mission Press
I, 39-52; II, 95-110
Blue, Verne—Transcripts of the Mining Laws of Jackson County
with Introduction and Notes  138-162
 The Oregon Question, 1818-1828 193-219
Carey, Charles Henry—Introduction to the Mission Record Book of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, Willamette Station,
Oregon Territory, 1834  230-266
 Introduction   to   Methodist  Annual  Reports  Relating   to
the  Willamette Mission   303-364
Coan, C. F.—The Adoption of the Reservation Policy in the Pacific
Northwest, 1853-5        1-38
Davidson, E. J.—Discovery of the Oregon Caves 274-276
Elliott, T. C.—Jonathan Carver's Source of the Name Oregon     52-69
 Introduction to  the Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin to
Edward  Ermatinger    365-371
Fidler, Wm. W.—Exploration of the Oregon Caves 270-273.
Gatke, Robert Moulton—Editing of the Letters of Reverend William M. Roberts, Third Superintendent of the Oregon
Mission    163-191
Howay, F. W.—John Kendrick and His Sons 277-301
Lewis, Ira W.—Education in the Oregon Constitutional Convention
of 1857  220-229
Lockley, Fred—Facts Pertaining to-Ex-Slaves in Oregon and Documentary Record of the Case of Rovin Holmes vs. Nathaniel Ford  111-137
Schafer, Joseph—Review of Bell's Opening of a Highway to the
Pacific, 1838-46      84-86
Wright, George William—The Origin of the Prehistoric Mounds
of Oregon     87-94
[iv] THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Volume XXIII
March, 1922
Number 1
Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
THE ADOPTION OF THE RESERVATION POLICY IN
PACIFIC NORTHWEST, 1853-1855
By C. F. Coan
State University of New Mexico
The Formation of a New Indian Policy for Oregon
Territory.—Anson Dart's failure to secure treaties that the
Senate would ratify resulted in his resignation. Joel Palmer
was appointed March 17, 1853, to succeed him in the work of
forming and administering an Indian policy in Oregon. Palmer
had settled in Oregon in 1845, and had taken an active part in
the Cayuse Indian War. He was generally respected by the
Indians and the settlers. It was his belief that, since the
settlers had occupied the valley lands, the only means of saving
the Indians was for the government to provide reservations
and assistance for them, in order that they might become a
settled people. This plan was adopted, although not without
an armied effort on the part of the Indians to prevent it.*
At the time Palmer took charge, he stated that the Indians
of the Willamette Valley were restless and in a deplorable
state. The causes for this state of affairs were: the non-
ratification of the treaties, which had been made with them;
the belief among the Indians that the treaties would not bie
ratified until they had wasted away; the settling of the lands
which the Indians claimed under the treaties; the decrease
in the supply of roots and game due to the increasing settle-
* Washington Territory was created, March 2, 1853, out of the northern part of
the Oregon country, as limited by the treaty with Great Britain, June 14, 1846.
From 1853 to 1859, the boundary between the Territory of Washington and the
Territory of Oregon was the Columbia River and the forty-sixth parallel of latitude,
from the Pacific Ocean to the main ridge of the Rocky Mountains. C. F. Coan
ments; and the pauperization of the Indians by unprincipled
whites.1
The Willamette Valley Indians had never made any serious
opposition to the settlement of their country, but the Indians
of the southwestern coast of Oregon, of the upper Rogue
River Valley, of the Klamath Lake region, showed a decided
determination to prevent the settlement of their districts. Offences by the Coquille Indians were committed in 1851, such
as the attack upon T'Vault's party. In the winter of 1853-54,
Indians were killed along the Illinois River, at the mouth of
the Chetco River,2 and at the mouth of the Coquille River.3
According to some reports the settlers were the aggressors.
They claimed that the Indians had threatened to destroy the
settlements. In August, 1853, the Rogue River Indians attacked the settlements in the upper Rogue River Valley.4 (The
mounted rifle regiment had been attacked at the crossing of
Rogue River in the fall of 1851, and there had been trouble in
1852 with these Indians.) After an armed conflict the Indians
sued for peace and agreed to cede their lands. Joseph Lane,
who commanded the volunteers, made a treaty with them that
became the basis for the first treaty made with the Oregon
Indians. Later, during the winter, the Indians were attacked
on Cottonwood Creek on the ground that they were planning
to destroy the settlements.5 The emigrant parties of 1853 and
1854 passed through the Klamath Lake region without being
attacked, due to military protection of the volunteers. In
January, 1854, four men were killed near lower Klamath
Lake, and in May the settlers attacked the Indians at Klamath
Ferry.6 In almost every case the Federal authorities reported
that the whites were entirely responsible for the outbreak, and
that the Indians were being exterminated. These reports of
army and Indian officers, accusing the whites of attacking the
Indians, mark the beginning of the quarrel between the people
x Joel Palmer to tire Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 23, 1853, C. I. A.,
A. R., Nov 26, 1853 (Serial 710, Doc. 1), p. 449.
2 Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 11, 1854, C. I. A,, A. R
Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p. 467.
3 F. M. Smith to Joel Palmer, Feb. 5. 1854, C. I. A., A. R„ Nov. 25, 1854
(Serial 746, Dec. 1), p. 476. ]
4 Victor, The Early Indian Wars of Oregon, p. 308.
5 A. J. Smith to George Wright, Jan. 31, 1854» in Message from the President
. . . communtcattng . . . the instructions and correspondence between the
government and Major General Wool, in regard to his operations on the Coast of
the Pacific, Dec. 26, 1854 (Serial 75ii Doc. 16), p. 18.
6 J. C. Bonnycastle to John E. Wool, May 28, 1854, ibid., p. 76. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
of Oregon, and the officers of the military and the Indian
department.
Difficulties with the Indians in the interior were expected
by the military and Indian authorities unless some change was
brought about in their attitude toward settlements that were
being made. Major Rains stated that five Indians had been
killed in the vicinity of Fort Dalles during a short period prior
to January 29, 1854, and that the Indians were so enraged by
the actions of the settlers in taking their lands and committing
crimes that prompt action would be required to prevent an
Indian war, with all the tribes between the Cascade Mountains
and the Rockies united.7 The Indian agent at The Dalles,
R. R. Thompson, wrote that conflicts between the settlers and
the Indians were on the increase caused by ; the whites taking
up claims which included the lands actually occupied by the
Indians, the robbing of the emigrants along the trail, and the
presence of whiskey dealers, who under the guise of settlers,
were carrying on their trade.8 The most serious Indian attack, that occurred during the period under consideration,
happened near Fort Boise. The Shoshoni Indians along the
Snake River were said to have threatened to kill all those who
might fall into their hands, and the fate of the Ward party,
and several men of another party, in the fall of 1854, seemed
to be the carrying out of this threat. Nineteen of the Ward
party were murdered, August 20, 1854, on the Oregon trail,
twenty miles east of Fort Boise.9
It will be seen from this brief survey of the Indian situation,
that difficulties were more numerous, and scattered over a
larger area than in previous years. The obvious reason for
this was the increase of settlements outside of the Willamette
Valley. There were two other causes for the dangerous Indian
situation that existed in the fall of 1854. These were: the
failure of the courts and police to punish offences by the
Indians and the settlers ; and the failure of the military department to inspire the Indians with sufficient fear of the Americans, to prevent attacks.
The Indian policy in Oregon which was adopted in 1854
7 G. J. Rains to E. D. Townsend, Jan. 29, 1854, ibid., p. 16.
8 R. R. Thompson to Palmer, Sept.  3, 1854, C. I. A., A. R„ Nov. 25, 1854
(Serial 746» Doc. 1), p. 486.
9 Ibid., p. 487. C. F. Coan
was based on the recommendations of agents and the superintendent of Indian affairs, in Oregon, and those of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The formation and the adoption
of the reservation policy in Oregon, and in Washington, was
largely the work of Joel Palmer. The plan of removing the
western Indians to eastern Oregon had failed, and the plan of
extinguishing the title, and leaving the Indians to roam as
they pleased, which had been adopted in the treaties of 1851,
had been rejected by the Senate. In commenting on the Indian
situation in California and Oregon, November 30, 1852, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs said :
"Regarding the policy of the rejected treaties [in California]
as finally abandoned, and considering the removal of the Indians from the State as impossible, I suggest, as worthy of
consideration, the plan of forming them into two grand colonies, to be suitably located ; one in the northern and the other
in the southern portion of the State. Like circumstances recommend a like policy in relation to the Indians west of the
Cascade Mountains in Oregon."10
Palmer's first recommendations were made, June 23, 1853,
in which he outlined an Indian policy and suggested a region
which he considered would make a good reservation for the
Indians of western Oregon. He stated that the system adopted
by Gaines and Dart of allowing the Indians to mingle with
the whites would, if put into effect, speedily result in the
extermination of the Indians. He laid down four principles
of policy necessary for the preservation of the Indians, namely :
a home remote from the settlements ; laws guarding them from
degraded whites ; laws governing the Indians in their relations
with one another; and the aid of schools, missionaries, and
instruction in agriculture.11 jWith the above views in mind,
Palmer proposed that the Willamette Valley Indians be located
in the small valleys along the Pacific Coast between the
Yaquina and the Alsea River. A number of reasons were
given for considering this a favorable location. These were:
the friendliness, free intercourse, and similarity in customs
and languages, of the Indians inhabiting the Coast region and
the Willamette Valley; the abundance of game and fish west
io The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial
658, Doc. 1), p. 301.
11 Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 23, 1853, C. I. A., A. R.,
Nov. 26, 1853 (Serial 710, Doc. 1), p. 450. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
of the Coast Range ; the prevalence of small valleys adaptable
to cultivation; the complete separation of the country by the
Coast Range from the Willamette Valley ; the uninviting coast
which repelled ingress from the sea, and the unattractiveness
of the small valleys for white settlements. These recommendations were concluded by the following statement which
described the status of the Indian policy in the summer of 1853 :
"It is evident that a delay in coming to a full and definite
understanding with the Indian bands residing in the settlements serves greatly to increase the difficulty of final adjustment. In the absence of instructions from the department, I
feel much embarrassed how to proceed in adjusting difficulties. My conviction, from what I have said, may be easily
inferred, that these evils can scarcely be mitigated by any
means in my power, and only abated by the removal of the
Indians. The peace of society, the security of property, the
welfare of the Indians, demand it.12
Further recommendations were made by Palmer, October
8, 1853. They were included in his annual report which was
received by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs too late to
be printed in the annual report of the Commissioner for 1853-
This communication has not previously been printed.12' The
importance of the document is, that the recommendations made
in it became the basis for the reservation Indian policy for
the Pacific Northwest. That there were recommendations in
the report urging that treaties be negotiated for the purchase
of the lands from the Indians of Oregon Territory which
would provide reservations for the Indians, and assistance
to them in establishing themselves as settled peoples, is shown
by the reference to them in a special report of the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, February 6, 1854, which will be discussed
a little later.13
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, November 26, 1853,
pointed out the necessity of adopting some systematic policy
in dealing with the Indians of the Far West. He stated that
no plan had been decided upon for any part of the region.    It
12 Ibid., p. 4SI.
\2* Joel Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 8, 1853. Indian
Office, Archives. (Dr. J. Franklin Jameson procured for the writer photostats of
this report, a copy of which is reproduced in the appendix.)
13 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior, Feb. 6,
1854, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior transmitting a report from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs recommending the speedy making of treaties with the
Indian tribes of the Territories of Oregon and Washington, Feb. 9, 1854 (Serial
721, Doc. 55), pp. 1-3. C. F. Coan
was recommended that a commission be appointed to report
on the subject of Indian policy in the territories of New
Mexico, Utah, Oregon, Washington, and the states of Texas
and California. The reasons for urging the immediate adoption of a plan for dealing with these Indians were : the increase
in the number of depredations committed by the Indians on
the settlers; the losses sustained by the government, which
was responsible to the settlers under the law, since it failed to
restrain the Indians; the necessity for the colonization of the
Indians if they were to be saved from extermination ; and the
inexpensiveness of the reservation system as compared with
the constant use of the military force to keep the peace. The
Commissioner was, quite evidently, in favor of colonizing
the Indians.14
A special report was submitted to Congress, February 9,
1854, by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in which he
advised that treaties be speedily made with the Indians of
Oregon and Washington, both east and west of the Cascade
Mountains. It was this report, based on Palmer's report of
October 8, 1853, that determined the policy of treaties and
reservations for the Indians of Oregon and Washington. The
report recommended that Congress appropriate $68,000 to
pay the expenses of negotiating the treaties and to pay the
first installment of the annuities. This action was stated to
be necessary; because the lands of the Indians were being
taken by the whites ; because the government had encouraged
the settlement of the region ; because the prosperity of the country was delayed by the uncertainty of peace; because an
extensive outbreak was probable unless thie Indians were
pacified; because hostilities were caused by the absence of
treaties ; and because it was desirable that there be peace with
the Indians along the routes of the railroad projects.15 This
recommendation led to the decision on the part of the government to make treaties with the Indians of Oregon and
Washington. Later recommendations only tended to strengthen
the belief on the part of the Indian office that the situation
14 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 26, 1853 (Serial
710, Doc. 1), p. 260.
15 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to the Secretary of the Interior, Feb
6, 1854, op. cit., p. 3. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
was serious and that the proper means had been adopted to
remedy it.
J. L. Parrish, the agent for the Oregon coast district, recommended, July 20, 1854, that the Indians be treated as wards,
placed on reservations, protected, and taught the customs of
civilized life; that they be trained to understand the laws of
the land; and that they be persuaded to give up their tribal
relations and customs, in order that they might become capable
of exercising the rights and duties of citizenship.16.
The Indian agent for eastern Oregon, R. R. Thompson,
expressed the belief, July 20, 1854, that the existing unsatisfactory conditions could only be remedied by purchasing the
Indian' title and placing the Indians on reservations.17
Palmer visited the coast district, between the Yaquina and
the Alsea River, in the spring of 1854, and found that it was
less desirable for an Indian reservation than he had supposed. He stated that it would be possible to locate the
Indians in that region if the Indian department would furnish
sufficient employees to manage the Indians in the isolated
valleys which characterized the country.
In the summer of the same year, Palmer visited the Klamath
Lake region and reported that it would be a good location for
the Indians of the Willamette and the Umpqua Valley. The
advantage of this district was its remoteness from other lands
useful for settlements. Objections were found to the plan,
in the cold winters of the Klamath Lake area, and the unwillingness of the Indians to move east of the Cascade Mountains. These, however, were not considered iserious nin-
drances to the plan.
Palmer again recommended, September 11, 1854, that
treaties of purchase be made with the Indians of the Territory
of Oregon. This was an unnecessary repetition of earlier recommendations but he had not been informed that Congress
had passed an Act authorizing the making of treaties and
appropriating money for that purpose, July 31, 1854.18 The
recommendations, however, were important because the policy
16 J. L. Parrish to Palmer, July 20, 1854, C. I.
746, Doc. 1), p. 498.
A., A. R. Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial
17 Thompson to Palmer, July 20, 1854, ibid., p. 485.
18 The Indian Appropriation Act, July 31, 1854, Statutes at Large, X, 330. 8
C. F. Coan
was not determined in detail by Congress or the Indian bureau
but left to the discretion of the superintendents of Indian
affairs in Oregon and Washington. Palmer advised that the
Indians be placed on reservations where they should be governed, at first, by agents of the government; and later, when
they became capable, by members of their own race under
the laws of the United States.19
Several treaties were made by Palmer before the authorization by Congress, July 31, 1854. After the conflict in the
upper Rogue River Valley during August and September 1853,
Joseph Lane, the commander of the Oregon volunteers, made
a peace treaty, September 8, 1853, with the Upper Rogue
River Indians. It defined the boundaries of the lands claimed
by these Indians, and provided that they should accept a
reservation to be designated in the future. They agreed to
surrender their arms, and pay for the destruction of property
in the late conflict with the whites, out of their annuities.20
Palmer made a treaty with these Indians, September 10, 1853,
one provision of which was that $15,000 was to be retained
for the payment of property destroyed as provided in Lane's
treaty of September 8, 1853. The other provisions of the
treaty were, as follows : the Indians agreed to cede the lands
of the upper Rogue River Valley and accept as a temporary
reserve the Table Rock region, with the understanding that
this reservation might be exchanged for another, or divided
into farms for the Indians. They were to receive, $55,000 in
twenty annual installments—in addition to presents received
at the time the treaty was made—and houses for the chiefs.
The Indians also agreed to protect travelers; restore stolen
property; and to submit their grievances among themselves
and with the whites, to the Indian agent for settlement.21
The Cow Creek band of Umpqua Indians, on account of
having participated in the attacks on the settlements in the
upper Rogue River Valley in August and September, 1853,
were forced to cede their lands, September 19, 1853. The
cession was a small region in the central part of southwestern
, 1854, c. 1. A., A. R.,
19 Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept.
Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p. 473.
20 C. J. Kappler, comp., Indian Affairs—Laws and Treaties.   (Serial 4624  Doc
319), II, 1049.
21 Ibid., II, 603*5. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest 9
Oregon. The Indians agreed to remove to the temporary reservation at Table Rock. They were to receive in payment for
the cession $11,000 in twenty annual in stallments of beneficial
objects, and $2,000 in presents and buildings. The other
provisions were the same as those of the treaty with the Upper
Rogue River Indians. These treaties were ratified by the
Senate, April 12, 1854, but, due to the Senate amendment which
was not agreed to by the Indians until November 11, 1854,
they were not proclaimed until February 5, 1855.22
The Indian Policy for Washington Territory.—The Indian
policy for Washington was identical with that adopted for the
Territory of Oregon. This was not due to the action of the
government but rather to the fact that Palmer and Stevens
were, in general, of the same opinion as to the proper manner
of conducting Indian affairs. The situation north of the Columbia River and the forty-sixth parallel of latitude was
similar to that south of the line except that there were fewer
settlements and more powerful Indians, in Washington Territory.
The Indian situation in Washington Territory in 1853 was
more serious east of the Cascade Mountains than west of those
mountains although the settlements were almost exclusively
in the western part of the territory. There was a movement,
in this year, to make settlements in the interior of the territory. The region had been practically closed to settlement
since the Cayuse Indian War. The military commander in the
Puget Sound region stated that the settlers were unjustly
taking lands cultivated by the Indians.23 Colonel Bonneville,
Father Pandory, and Major Alvord, wrote that the Indian
situation in eastern Washington was threatening the peace of
the Pacific Northwest. Bonneville stated, February 23, 1853,
that settlements were to be attempted in the Walla Walla
Valley during the coming summer and that there would probably be trouble with the Indians as they would not peaceably
submit to the occupation of their lands.24 It was stated by
Father Pandory, April 1853, that during the winter of 1852-
22 Ibid., II, 606-7.
23 Floyd Jones to Townsend, Sept. i, 1853, Message from the President . . .
transmitting report in regard to Indian affairs on the Pacific, Feb. 14, 1857 (Serial
906, Doc. 76), p. 9.
24 B. L E. Bonneville to Townsend, Feb. 23, 1853, ibid., p. 76.
IÏÏ
I 10
C. F. Coan
53, there had been rumors that the Cayuse and the Nez Perces
were in favor of a war against the American settlers, and that
feasts had been held by the Nez Perces and the Cayuse in the
spring of 1853 for the purpose of uniting all of the interior
Indians against the whites. Places had been designated for
the gathering of the warriors of the various tribes. The reason
for these plans for hostilities was that the settlers were taking
their lands.25 Major Alvord reported, July 17, 1853: that the
Cayuse were afraid that the Americans would dispossess them
of their lands; and that if settlements were attempted in the
Walla Walla country, under the existing conditions, as had
been planned, war would likely result with the Cayuse and
their sympathizers, the Yakima. These men believed that
some provision should be made for the Indians before the settlement of the region was attempted.26 Bonneville advised
that the Indians be given reservations, and that Indian agents
be appointed to look after their interests. Alvord recommended
that the Indian title to the lands along the Columbia River
between The Dalles and the Cascades be extinguished and
reservations provided for the Indians of that region. He also
suggested that the northeastern part of the Territory of Washington—which at that time extended to the main ridge of the
Rocky Mountains—be reserved as an "Indian Country." These
opinions, with the exception of the last, were in line with the
later policy as developed by Stevens.
It seems evident from the above statements that the Indian
situation in the eastern part of Washington Territory had
reached a critical stage in the fall of 1853. The movement of
settlement had started east from the Pacific, and settlers, coming from the "States," were beginning to stop east of the
Cascade Mountains, due to the occupation of all the lands
thought desirable west of those mountains. Isaac I. Stevens,
the governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for the territory, faced, from the beginning of his administration in the
fall of 1853, the difficult problemi of adopting measures that
25 Father Pandory to Father Mesplie, April 1853, Letter from the Secretary of
the Interior transmitting . . . the report of J. Ross Browne, on the subject of
the Indian war %n Oregon and Washington Territories. Jan. 25, 1858 (Serial q<*
Doc. 38), p. 64. ya3'
26 B. Alvord to Townsend, July 17, 1853, Message from the President . . 3
Feb. 14, 1857 (Serial 906, Doc. 76), p.  11. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
11
would give the settlers the lands, and that would satisfy the
Indians and thus prevent hostilities. This proved to be an
impossible task.
In the fall of 1853, the Indian service for Washington Territory was organized. The superintendent visited the Indians
under his charge as he proceeded westward as chief of the
Northern Pacific Railroad Survey, and became acquainted with
the tribes which he was to manage until 1857. The Act which
created the territory, March 2, 1853, reserved to the Federal
government the control over the Indians; and to the Indians
all the rights that they had had prior to the formation of the
territory. It provided that the governor should be, ex-officio,
superintendent of Indian affairs.27
The instructions issued to Governor Stevens by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 9, 1853, were of a general
nature. The Commissioner stated that the information in the
hands of the bureau concerning the Indians of the new Territory of Washington was of very little value. Stevens was
instructed : to obtain all the knowledge relative to the various
tribes that he could; to report all the informal treaties that
had been made between the Indians and the settlers; to state
the needs of the Indian service in Washington Territory, after
having surveyed the field; to submit estimates of the expenses
necessary for the efficient conduct of the Indian affairs of the
region ; and to make recommendations relative to a change in
the laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indians.
The Commissioner urged that the report on these matters be
made as soon, and as full, as possible in order that he might
make recommendations to Congress, since no money had been
appropriated for the Indian service in the territory. Economy
was necessary because funds appropriated for other purposes
were being used for the Washington superintendency. Stevens
was authorized to appoint temporary special agents.28
The report of Isaac I. Stevens, December 26, 1853, was
received by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs prior to
the report of the latter of February 6, 1854, and influenced
27 An Act to Establish the Territorial Government of Washington, Mar. 2,
1853, Statutes at Large, X, 172. _
28 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to I. I. Stevens, May 9, 1853, C. I. A.,
A. R., Nov. 26, 1853 (Serial 710, Doc. 1), p. 453. 12
C. F. Coan
the Commissioner to include Washington in his recommendation that treaties be speedily made with the Indians of Oregon.
As in the case of Oregon, the formation of the Indian policy
was placed in the hands of the superintendent. Recommendations made after the policy of making treaties had been adopted
by Congress, July 31, 1854, were, therefore, important in
determining the policy. In December, 1853, Stevens stated:
the general policy which he believed should be followed in
dealing with the Indians of Washington Territory; the cost
of making the treaties ; and a plan for the organization of the
Indian service. It was asserted that it would be impossible
to accomplish anything for the Indians unless they were paid
for their lands and placed on reservations where they could
be cared for. This situation was the result of the "Donation
Act," passed by Congress September 27, 1850, which gave the
lands to the settlers without regard to any claim that the
Indians might have. The superintendent urged that the reservations be made immediately, because suitable lands for this
purpose would be difficult to obtain if the matter was delayed,
particularly west of the Cascade Mountains, as that part of the
territory was rapidly filling up with settlers; and that the
reservations be surveyed at once, in order that land disputes,
a common cause of conflicts, between the whites and the Indians, might be settled more readily. It was estimated that
$30,000 would cover the cost of making the treaties with all
of the Indians of the territory. The superintendent recommended that Washington be divided into five districts for
Indian administration purposes; three of which were to be
agencies, and, two sub-agencies. The agencies were to be
the Puget Sound region, the Yakima and the Spokane country,
and the St. Mary's Valley. The sub-agencies were to be southwestern Washington and the Spokane country. These were
definite opinions as to what should be done, and how it should
be done.29
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs recommended, Novem-
29 Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Dec. 26, 1853, Communication from the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
.    .    .    recommending certain appropriations for the Indian service Feb. 9
1854 (Serial 698, Doc. 34), pp. 7, 15; Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Sept. 16, 1854, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p©.
415-62. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
13
ber 26, 1853, that some plan be adopted for dealing with the
Indians of Washington Territory. On the basis of Stevens's
report of December 26, 1853, and the policy outlined by Palmer
for Oregon, the Commissioner urged, February 6, 1854, that
treaties be made with the Indians of Washington and Oregon.
Congress authorized, July 31, 1854, the negotiation of treaties
in these territories and appropriated $45,000 for the making of
presents to, and treaties with, the Indians of Washington.
Congress, however, did not determine the policy, except to the
extent of authorizing the making of treaties and of providing
the money for accomplishing that work.
In a message to the territorial legislature, February 28, 1854,
Governor Stevens urged that a memorial be addressed to
Congress requesting that treaties be made with the Indians
both east and west of the Cascade Mountains in the Terrritory
of Washington.    Concerning the subject, he said :
"The Indian title has not been extinguished east of the
Cascade Mountains. Under the land law of Congress, it is
impossible to secure titles to land, and thus the growth of
towns and villages is obstructed, as well as the development
of the resources of the Territories."30
The Washington legislature accepted the suggestion of the
governor and memorialized Congress, April 12, 1854, relative
to the situation in eastern Washington. The memorial stated
in part:
["The district east of the Cascade Mountains] is occupied
by numerous tribes of Indians, who, although at present are
on friendly terms with the citizens of this territory, yet are
warlike in their dispositions, and may become still more so
should further settlements be made among them without
previous arrangement, and that the interests of this territory require that its citizens should be allowed at once to
occupy that portion of this territory for agricultural and
especially for grazing purposes, without molestation."31
In a report, September 16, 1854, Isaac I. Stevens laid down
certain principles of Indian policy which he believed should be
followed in making treaties with the Indians. He stated that
the aim of the Indian policy should be to prepare the Indians
30 Stevens to the Legislative Assembly, Feb. 28, 1854, Washington Legislature,
Feb. 1854, 1 Sess., House Journal, p. 16.
31 ''Memorial of the Legislature of Washington Territory relative to the extinction of Indian titles to lands in the Territory of Washington," April 12, 1854,
Washington Legislature, Feb. 27, 1854, 1 Sess., House Journal, p. 148. 14
C. F. Coan
to become citizens of the United States. In order to accomplish this they should be provided with reservations of good
lands of sufficient size to allow each head of a family a homestead. The Indians should be supplied with farms, and
farmers to instruct them in agriculture. Many bands should
be concentrated on one reservation in order that the control
of the government over them might be more easily effected.
The authority of the chiefs of the tribes should be increased
so that they could be held responsible to the government for
the conduct of their bands. The Indians should not be excluded from the fisheries. This plan of concentrating the
Indians was probably the best but was difficult to effect without the use of force, as Stevens must have known.32 In the
previous year, while among the Pend d'Oreille, he had been
told of the effort of the Jesuit missionaries to persuade the
Indians to move to a better region, and of their refusal on
the ground of ancestral ties to their own country.33
Thus, during 1853 and 1854, as a result of the increased
settlements in Washington Territory, the Indian service had
been organized; appropriations had been made for making
treaties with the Indians ; and Indian policy recommendations
had been made by the superintendent of Indian affairs for
Washington Territory. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
November 25, 1854 and the superintendent of Indian Affairs,
for Washington Territory, February 28, 1854, 'expressed the
belief that the time had come for the final settlement of the
Indian problem in Washington.34
The Negotiation of the Treaties.—We have seen that during
1853 and 1854 a policy of making treaties with the Indians
had, for the second time, been adopted. The two differences
that marked the later from the early policy were : the absence
of any plan for a general removal of the Indians to an "Indian
Country" and the inclusion of the whole area of the Pacific
Northwest in the plan for the extinguishment of the Indian
title. Between November 1854 and January 1856, fifteen
treaties were made which extinguished the Indian title to all
32 Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 16, iSs*. C I A    A   /?
Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p. 421. * A' "'
33 Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 16, 1854, ibid   p  a.<o
34 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 25, 1854 (Semi
746, Doc. 1), p. 223; Stevens to the Legislative Assembly, Feb. 28, 1854, ibid   p  15 Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
15
of the Pacific Northwest except southwestern Washington,
the Okanogan, Spokane, Coeur d'Alene region, and the Snake
country. They were negotiated by Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon Territory, and Isaac I.
Stevens, who held the same office, for Washington Territory.
These treaties contained provisions for colonization and management of the Indians. It is hardly necessary to consider the
details of each treaty as the general character of all of them
is the same. This can be shown by an enumeration of the
provisions which the treaties had in common. All of the
treaties included : a cession of lands ; payment for the cession in
annuities of beneficial objects; assistance for the Indians in
the form of buildings, mills, instructors, and physicians; a
reservation which the Indians were to occupy within a year
after the ratification of the treaty; provision for the granting
of the reservation lands to the Indians in severalty ; compensation to the Indians for granting rights of way for roads or
railroads through their reservations; the acknowledgment by
the Indians of the jurisdiction of the Federal government over
them ; the submission of disputes among the Indians of a band,
or with other bands, or with the whites, to the Indian agent
for settlement; the non-payment of the debts of individual
Indians from the annuities ; and the reservation of fishing rights
to the Indians. In addition to these, the following provisions
were common to the treaties made with the Indians of the
Puget Sound region: the prohibition of slavery; provisions
for a central agency ; and the prohibition of trade with British
Columbia.
The treaties were negotiated in the following order: three
treaties were made by Palmer, west of the Cascade Mountains
in Oregon, prior to June 1855; second, four were made by
Stevens, west of the Cascade Mountains in Washington Territory, prior to June 1855 ; third, three treaties were made by
Stevens and Palmer jointly, June 1855, east of the Cascade
Mountains, the lands purchased lying partly in each territory ;
fourth, two treaties were made by Stevens after June 1855,
one east of the Cascade Mountains, and one west of those
mountains in Washington Territory ; fifth, three treaties were F
16
C. F. Coan
made by Palmer after June 1855, one east of the Cascade
Mountains, and two west of the mountains in Oregon Territory. The course of the negotiation of these treaties will be
followed according to this grouping.
The first treaty,—exclusive of the Rogue River and the Cow
Creek treaty,—made by Palmer was with the Rogue River
Indians, November 15, 1854, and was supplementary to the
Rogue River treaty, dated September 10, 1853, which, as
we have seen, was made prior to the authorization of the
making of treaties by Congress. It provided that certain bands
of Rogue River Indians, which had not been included in the
original treaty, should remove to Table Rock, and receive
$2,150 in supplies, to be shared with the other bands of that
reservation. In return, the bands of the supplementary treaty
were to share in the provisions of the original treaty. The
above amount was appropriated by Congress, March 3, 1855.35
The Chasta-Skoton Indians were treated with1 by Palmer,
November 18, 1854, at the mouth of Applegate creek on Rogue
River. They agreed to cede their lands in the middle Rogue
River Valley and to remove to the Table Rock Reservation.
Congress appropriated $35,780 for the execution of the treaty,
March 3, 1885.   It was proclaimed, April 10, 1855.36
On November 29, 1854, a treaty was made with the Umpqua
and Kalapuya Indians of the middle Umpqua Valley. The
Indians ceded their lands and accepted a temporary reservation
in the Umpqua Valley. Congress appropriated, March 3,
1855, $23,980 for the first annual payments under the treaty,
which was proclaimed March 30,  1855.37
The Willamette Valley Indians were treated with by Palmer,
January 22, 1855, under the title of the Confederated Bands
of the Willamette Valley. The lands of the valley were ceded
and temporary reservations were set aside for them within
the cession. The first appropriation for the fulfillment of this
treaty amounted to $62,260 and was made by Congress, March
3, 1855.38
35 Kappler, comp., Indian Affairs—Laws and Treaties (Serial 4624, Doc   110)
II» 654-55.
36 Ibid., II, 655-57-
37 Ibid., II, 657-60.
38 Ibid.,  II, 665-69;  Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Act,  Mar.   3    18 s q
Statutes at Large, X, 675. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
It will be noticed in these treaties that the reservations were
temporary. Palmer was instructed to make treaties first with
tiie Indians in the vicinity of the settlements. It was necessary to make the above treaties, therefore, prior to treating
with the Coast tribes, in whose cession the proposed Coast
Reservation was to be located. The temporary reservations
were to continue only until the superintendent was able to make
the treaty with the Coast tribes.
During the winter of 1854-55, Isaac I. Stevens attempted
to make treaties with all the Indians of the western part of
Washington territory. He was successful in purchasing the
Indian title to all the lands bordering on Puget Sound, but
due to the failure of the Chehalis council, the coast district
and southwestern Washington were not ceded. The first
treaty was made with the Nisqually, Puyallup, and others, at
Medicine Creek—now known as McAlister's Creek—December 26, 1854. The Indians ceded the lands of the headwaters of Puget Sound, and received three small reservations
which were later changed, with the exception of Squaxon
Island. The treaty was proclaimed March 3, 1855, and Congress appropriated $16,500 for the first payment under the
treaty on the same day.39
The eastern side of the Puget Sound country was ceded
by the Dwamish, the Suquamish, and other Indians, January
22, 1855, at Point Elliott. Four reservations were provided
for the Indians. This treaty and those which follow were not
ratified until March 1859, due to the Yakima Indian War.40
The Clallam Indians were treated with at Point-no-Point,
January 26, 1855, for the lands bordering on the western side
of Puget Sound and the southern side of the Strait of Juan
de Fuca.    A reserve was set aside at the head of Hood Canal.41
At Neah Bay, the Makah Indians, January 31, 1855, ceded a
small area in the vicinity of Cape Flattery, and received a
reservation of a part of the cession. This was the smallest
area purchased by any of the treaties in the Pacific Northwest.42
A council was held by Stevens and his assistants with the
39Kappler, op. cit., II, 661-64.
40 Ibid., II, 669-73.
41 Ibid., II, 674-77.
42 Ibid., II, 682-84. 18
C. F. Coan
Chehalis, Chinook, Cowlitz, and Quinaielt, February 25, 1855.
It was the aim of this council to extinguish the Indian title
to the coast area and southwestern Washington, and to set
aside a reservation for these Indians between Grays Harbor
and Cape Flattery. The Indians were offered $44,000 in
annuities, and the usual aids of a reservation establishment.
One objection that the interior Indians made was that they
did not wish to occupy a coast reservation, among "canoe
Indians." After the early meetings Tleyuk, a young chief
of the Upper Chehalis, influenced other chiefs to refuse to
sign. Some of the members of the council thought that, had
the reserve proposed been located upon the lands of the
Upper Chehalis Indians and had Tleyuk been chosen head
chief, he would have agreed to the treaty and it would have
been accepted by the other chiefs. The council broke up without effecting anything definite, but the treaty with the Quinaielt, Quillehute, and others, was a direct result of this meeting, the treaty having been explained to them at this council.43
Stevens and Palmer had thus made noticeable headway
toward the extinguishment of the Indian title west of the
Cascade Mountains in Washington and Oregon during the
winters of 1854-55. In June 1855, all arrangements were
completed for the beginning of treaty making east of the
Cascade Mountains. It was planned to inaugurate the work in
the interior by a council with the principal tribes of that
region, namely: the Yakima, Nez Perces, Cayuse, Walla-
walla, and the Umatilla, to be held by the superintendents
Palmer and Stevens, acting jointly, because the lands claimed
by the Indians were partly north of the Columbia and the
forty-sixth parallel, and partly south of that line.
Three treaties were made at Camp Stevens, June 9 to 11,
1855, in the Walla Walla Valley, which were known collectively as the Treaty of Walla Walla. The original plan
was to create two reservations, but in order to overcome the
objection of the Cayuse, Umatilla, and the Wallawalla, they
were allowed a reserve in the Umatilla Valley. The Yakima,
and other Indians, ceded about one-half of the eastern part
43 Hazard Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens, II, 2-8. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
19
of the present state of Washington and received a reservation of fertile lands in the Yakima Valley. The Wallawalla,
Cayuse and the Umatilla ceded lands lying in the northeastern
part of the present State of Oregon, and the southeastern part
of the present State of Washington. They were provided
with a reservation in the Umatilla Valley. -The Nez Perces'
cession included the region of central Idaho, lying between
the Wallawalla cession and the Bitter Root Mountains. The
reservation provided for them in the Clearwater Valley was
one of the largest set aside by any of the treaties made with
the Indians of the Pacific Northwest.
These treaties were not made without the expression of
considerable opposition on the part of the Indians. The
Yakima objected to being limited to a reservation ; the Umatilla,
Cayuse, and Wallawalla demanded an independent location;
and a part of the Nez Perces refused, to the last, to sign the
treaty. The Indians were quite generally opposed to selling
their lands, but almost all the chiefs were finally persuaded to
sign the treaties. Just what the plans of some of these Indians
were at the time of signing the treaty, it is difficult to say,
but it is quite possible that the Yakima Indian War was
agreed upon by some of the chiefs at the council.
The first council was held, May 29, 1855, there being five
thousand Indians present. On the first day, a speech was made
by Stevens explaining the purpose of making the treaties,
after which the council adjourned for the day. On the following day, the council was addressed by Palmer, and by
Stevens who gave the details of the plan that was proposed
in the treaties. On the third day, the superintendents stated
the benefits that the Indians would obtain through the treaties
and the reservations. During the next day, June 1, 1855, the
Indians considered in an Indian council the propositions made
by Palmer and Stevens. The Indians made speeches the
following day in the council. On June fourth, Stevens and
the Nez Perce chief, Lawyer, urged that the treaties be accepted, but the "Council adjourned without having made any
sensible progress." On the following day, Stevens and Palmer
made long explanatory speeches, and June sixth was occupied 20
C. F. Coan
by the Indians in consultation among themselves. The superintendents continued their explanations on the next day.
Speeches were made on June seventh by the Indian chiefs.
Lawyer agreed to accept the treaty for the Nez Perces.
Looking Glass, a Nez Perce chief who arrived after this
agreement by Lawyer, objected strongly and refused to sign.
Young Chief of the Cayuse stated that he could not understand
the treaties; the Wallawalla chief, Piopiomoxmox, said that
he thought that Lawyer had given his lands away. The
Yakima chief, Kamaiakan, when urged to speak, replied, "I
have nothing to say." Owhi, a chief of the Umatilla, said
that his people were far away and, therefore, he could say
nothing. When the council met on the following day, Palmer
urged the Indian chiefs to accept the treaties. It was during
this meeting that Looking Glass created considerable confusion by forcefully objecting to the Nez Perces accepting
the treaty—which had been done by Lawyer. Looking Glass
had not been present at the earlier meetings. These objections were met in part by agreeing to allow the newcomers an
additional reservation. At this stage, all of the chiefs agreed
to accept the treaties except Kamaiakan. The papers were
brought into the council on the following day to be signed.
Stevens explained the reservations which were allowed in the
treaties for the various tribes. This was followed by a speech
from Looking Glass in which he urged the chiefs not to
accept the treaties. The result was that Piopiomoxmox,
Kamaiakan, and Looking Glass refused to sign. When the
council was called together on the following day, these chiefs
suddenly changed their attitude, from what cause it is not
known. After a short speech from Stevens, the chiefs signed
the treaties. That these Indians were unwilling to be restricted to reservations, and were unwilling to have the settlers
occupy the lands, seems evident from their general dissatisfaction with the treaties, their earlier relations with the whites,
and their subsequent hostilities.44
Stevens and  Palmer  separated after the signing of the
treaties at Camp Stevens, Palmer proceeding to The Dalles
44 Lawrence Kip,
•/ Oregon, I, pt. 2, pi
The Indian Council at Walla Walla," Sources of the History
4-28; Kappler, op. cit., II, 694-98; 698-702; 702-6. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
to make a treaty with the Indians of that region under the
title of the Confederated Tribes of Middle Oregon, and
Stevens travelled eastward to make a treaty with the Flathead Indians. The council with the Flatheads and other
Indians was held, July 16, 1855, at Hellgate. They ceded the
region lying between the Bitter Root Mountains and the main
ridge of the Rocky Mountains, and agreed to accept a reservation lying south of Flathead Lake. It was also provided that
a portion of the Bitter Root Valley should be temporarily
withheld from settlement, the Flathead Indians desiring that
this region also be made a reservation, and the superintendent
agreeing to leave the matter open for final settlement at a later
time.45
Stevens negotiated a treaty with the Blackfeet, October 17,
1855, relative to common hunting grounds east of the Rocky
Mountains for the Blackfeet, Nez Perces, and Flatheads. It
was the intention of Stevens to treat with the Coeur d'Alene,
Spokan, Colville, and Qkinagan on his return trip to Olympia,
Washington, but when the Indian war broke out he decided
to postpone the negotiation of these treaties, although he
visited the Indians.46
While Stevens was in eastern Washington in the summer
of 1855, the treaty was made with the Quinaielt, and other
Indians, July 1, 1855, by A. J. Cain. These Indians ceded
the lands lying north of Grays Harbor, on the Pacific Coast of
Washington Territory. A reservation was set aside for them
along the Quinaielt River.47
The treaty made by Palmer, at Wasco near The Dalles,
June 25, 1855, with the Confederated Tribes of Middle Oregon provided for the cession of the lands lying between the
Wallawalla cession and the Cascade Mountains. The Warm
Springs Reservation was designated as the future home of
these Indians. It was located about seventy-five miles south
of The Dalles, on the west side of the Des Chutes River, and
was probably the most isolated region designated in the Stevens-
Palmer treaties as an Indian reservation.48
45 Ibid., II, 722-25.
46 Ibid., II, 736-40.
47 Ibid., II, 719-21.
48 Ibid., II, 740-42. 22
C. F. Coan
During August and September, 1855, Palmer treated with
the Indians along the Pacific Coast of Oregon from the mouth
of the Columbia River to the California border. Several
treaties were made by Palmer between August 11, 1855 and
September 8, 1855, which contained a provision for a Coast
reservation, and for the location of the other Indians of
western Oregon upon it. The cession included all the lands
west of the Coast Range in Oregon Territory. Although this
treaty was never ratified, the reservation was set aside by an
Executive Order, November 9, 1855, and the government
took possession of the region.49
The upper Umpqua Valley was ceded by the Molala Indians, December 21, 1855, in a treaty made with them by
Palmer. The Indians agreed to confederate with the Umpqua
and Kalapuya who had ceded the middle Umpqua Valley in a
treaty dated, November 29, 1854. The Indians agreed to remove to the Yamhill encampment and to move later to the
Coast Reservation, as soon as that location should be sufficiently improved to make it possible for them to obtain a
living in that district.50
The treaty with the Quinaielt which has been negotiated by
A. J. Cain on the Quinaielt River, July 1, 1855, was signed by
the Indians and by I. I. Stevens at Olympia, January 25,
1856.51   This was the last treaty made until 1864.
The Genesis of the Yakima Indian War.—During the period
that the superintendents of Indian Affairs for Washington and
Oregon Territory were making the above treaties, that is;
between the fall of 1854 and the fall of 1855, the agents, in
the various districts into which the territories were divided
for purposes of Indian administration, were meeting with
increased difficulties with the Indians. In the Fort Hall district, the agent for the Snake River country found it unsafe
to remain in that area; in southwestern Oregon, the country
was disturbed by continual robberies committed by the Indians; in western Washington, the Nisqually Indians were
dissatisfied with their reservation; and the Chehalis and the
49 C C. Royce, comp., "Indian Land Cessions in the United States," Bureau
of American Ethnology, Eighteenth Annual Report, II, 812-13.
50 Kappler, op. cit., II, 740-42.
51 Ibid., II, 719-21. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
23
Cowlitz Indians were restless because settlers were taking their
lands ; in eastern Washington, the Klikitat and the Yakima were
preparing to make an attempt to drive all the whites out of
the Pacific Northwest.
Nathaniel Olney, the Indian agent for the Snake River district, accompanied a military expedition which was sent to
punish the murderers of the Ward party and to protect emigrants who were entering the country in the early fall of 1855.
The detachment under Major Haller was in the upper Snake
Valley during August and September. The agent made presents to the Indians in the vicinity of Fort Hall, but returned
to The Dalles with the military force as he considered that
it was unsafe to remain at Fort Hall without military protection.    At The Dalles the Indians were quiet.52
The agent for southwestern Oregon reported that the month
of September 1855 in the Rogue River Valley was passed, "In
one continued series of aggressions." Two men were killed
in the Siskiyou Mountains, September 25, 1855. It was stated
that numerous thefts were being committed by the Chasta-
Skoton bands that had left the reserve at Table Rock, and
taken refuge in the Coast Range. The situation was so serious
that the agent feared that the people would rise against the
Indians unless the thefts were stopped.53
In western Washington, the Chehalis and Cowlitz Indians
were very restless and dissatisfied because the settlers were
occupying their lands. Their situation was difficult because
of their location between the Willamette Valley settlements and
those on Puget Sound ; and because, on account of the failure
of the Chehalis council, no lands were set aside as a reservation for them. The Nisqually Indians were in an unsettled
state due to the dissatisfaction with their reservation, and the
stories circulated by the Nisqually chief, Leschi. J. Ross
Browne stated that Leschi traveled among the Indians west
of the Cascade Mountains during the summer and fall of
1855 telling them that the whites were planning to gather
the Indians together on reservations in order to destroy them,
52 Nathaniel  Olney  to Palmer,  Aug;   31,   1855,  Message  from  the President
.    communicating information relative to Indian hostilities in the territories
of Oregon and Washington, April 17, 1856, (Serial 858, Doc. 93), pp. 96-7; Thompson to Palmer, Sept.  28,  1855, ibid., pp. 61-62.
53 G. H. Ambrose to Palmer, Sept. 30, 1855, ibid., p. 62. 24
C. F. COABT
and appealing to the Indians to make a united effort to drive
the whites from the country.
The Klikitat and the Yakima Indians desired to unite the
Indians of Oregon and Washington in an effort to rid the
country of the American settlers. The Klikitat refused to
participate in the Walla Walla Council of June 1855. A portion of the Klikitat Indians had resided in the Willamette
Valley for many years. These Indians, in the spring of 1855,
were forced by Palmer to return to their own country east of
the Cascade Mountains and north of the Columbia River.
J. Ross Browne stated that from the time of their departure they
were at war with the settlers, and that when the Yakima Indian
war started they joined immediately with the Yakima.54
During September 1855, some miners who were crossing
from the Puget Sound country to the Colville region were
murdered by the Yakima Indians. The Indian agent, A. J.
Bolon, was in the Spokane country at the time arranging for
the council which Stevens hoped to hold with the Indians of
that region on his return from the upper Missouri where he
had gone to treat with the Blackfeet. Bolon returned by way
of The Dalles, to the Yakima Valley where he was murdered
by some of the Yakima Indians. The Yakima chief, Kamaiakan, had been strongly opposed to the Yakima treaty made
in June 1855 at Walla Walla, and was known to be dissatisfied with it. The Catholic missionary in the Yakima country
stated that the Yakima Indians had been talking of nothing
but war with the settlers from the time of their return from the
Walla Walla council until September 1, 1855, after which time
few of the Indians had been near the mission.55 A. J. Bolon
left The Dalles, September 18, 1855, and was not heard from
after that time. Nathaniel Olney, sent out Indian messengers
from The Dalles who brought back the information that Bolon
had been murdered by order of Kamaiakan. About this time,
messengers were sent out by the Yakima Indians to all the
neighboring tribes urging the Indians of the country to join
in the hostilities against the American settlers.56
54 J. Ross Browne to the Commissioner of the Indian--Affairs, Dec 4, i8<;7
Letter from the Secretary of the Interior . . ., Jan. 25, 1858 (Serial 955 Doc!
38), p. 11. '
55 Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 9, 1855, Message from
the Preident   .    .    .    ., April 17, 1856 (Serial 858, Doc. 93), p. 56.
56 Palmer to John Cain, Oct, 3, 1855, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 26, i8s«; (Serial
840, Doc. 1), pp. 514-15. Reservation Pomcy Pacific Northwest
25
The Yakima and Klikitat Indians were in arms by October
1, 1855. They were not joined immediately by any of the
other tribes, although individual members of other tribes
probably did join them. Opinions varied as to the cause of
the outbreak. John Cain believed that it was due to rumors
that were current among the Indians that Stevens^s party
and Haller's command had been murdered by the Blackfeet and
the Shoshoni, respectively; that the whites were about to be
overthrown in every direction ; and that the time had come lor
the Indians to gratify their enmity against the whites.57
Palmer believed that the outbreak was due to the dissatisfaction of the Klikitat and the Yakima with the treaty; the
immigration of settlers into the country before the treaty had
been ratified and carried out; the passing of miners through
central Washington on their way to the Colville mines; and
the stories told the Indians of the increasing value of their
lands due to the discovery of gold.58
The immigration into the eastern part of the territories of
Washington and Oregon had been forbidden between 1848 and
1855. Mrs. Victor stated: "From the spring of 1848, when
all the whites, except the Catholic missionaries, were withdrawn from the upper country, for a period of several years,
or until Government had made treaties with- the tribes- east
of the Cascades, no settlers were permitted to lake up land in
eastern Oregon."59
James G. Swan, writing in 1857 stated that the Indian
trouble began on a border where the Indians south of the
line were under the control of a foreign company—by which
was meant the Hudson's Bay Company. He believed that the
under employees and the half-breeds in the pay of the company were guilty of inciting the Indians against the Americans. Upon this point, however, he admitted that there- was
no evidence. To what extent the company was guilty of selling ammunition to the Indians after the law was passed forbidding the sale of arms to Indians would be difficult, probably
impossible, to determine.   It is probable that Americans were
57 Cain to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Otfb 6j 1855, i&id.».pe 5*3.
58 Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 9, 1855, Message from
the President   .    .    v April 17, 1856 (Serial 858, Doc. 93)> p. 56»
59 Victor, The River of the West, p. 497. 26
C. F. Coan
guilty of this same offence. The arms of the interior Indians
were procured from the Hudson's Bay Company in large
measure, but it is rather absurd to blame the company for
having furnished the savages with arms. The fur trading
period was common to all the northern parts of the continent,
and only as a part of the natural course of events did the
fur traders put guns into the hands of the Indians, although
in some cases the guns were largely obtained by theft, as in
the case of the mountain Snake Indians.60 The Klikitat and
the Yakima Indians were described by Robert Newell, October
13, 1849, as "friendly, warlike and well armed."61 When the
treaties had been made and the settlers began moving into the
country, along with a transient American population of miners,
these Indians became unfriendly, warlike and well armed.
Under such circumstances conflict was inevitable, or practically so. There were only two means of preventing trouble,
namely; the presence of a strong military force that would
inspire the Indians with a fear for the Americans so complete
that the Indians would realize the futility of resistance; or a
change in the attitude of the Indians through peaceful negotiations. The military force was not large enough to affect
the conduct of the Indians, and the treaty method failed to
prevent the conflict. The result was the Yakima Indian War,
which did not end until the country had been occupied by a
strong military force.
George Gibbs believed that the primary cause was not any
immediate offences or policies, but that at the base of the
whole trouble was the land problem. On January 7, 1857, he
wrote, in concluding a letter on the subject of the Indian
War, as follows:
"What I have meant to show was that the war sprung
partly from ill-judged legislation, partly from previous unratified treaties, and partly from recent blunders. Much is
due to the natural struggle between the hostile races for the
sovereignty of the soil. The land is at the root of the war.
Many outrages have been committed since it begun, it is true,
but it was not private wrongs that led to it.    The numerous
6o Swan, The Northwest Coast, p.
6i Lane to the Secretary of War '
(Serial 595, Doc. i), p. 159.
)ct. 13, 1849, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 27, 1850   Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
27
outrages committed by Indians on whites have not been taken
into account by those who bleat about the 'poor Indian'."62
The new Indian policy adopted, in 1854, for the Pacific
Northwest, was thus, put into effect by the negotiation of
fifteen treaties. These provided for the cession of the greater
part of the region; furnished reservations as homes for the
Indians; and supplied twenty annual appropriations of, approximately, five hundred thousand dollars each, for the purpose of aiding the natives in becoming a.settled people. This
peaceful method of solving the problem did not satisfy some
of the Indians, who, when settlers began moving into the
interior in the fall of 1855, instigated a war, which, although
it did not change the policy of the government, delayed the
ratification of the majority of the treaties until 1859.
MAP I.
INLAND LAND CESSIONS PRIOR TO THE YAKIMA
WAR, 1855.1
No.    1.    312—Treaty with the Rogue River, 1853; negotiated
September 10, 1853, ratified April 12, 1854.
No.    2.    313—Treaty  with  the   Umpqua-Cow  Creek Band,
185s; negotiated September 19, 1853, ratified
April 12, 1854.
No.    3.    343—Treaty with the Chasta, etc., 1854; negotiated
November 15, 1854, ratified March 3, 1855.
No.    4.    344—Treaty with the Umpqua and Kalapuya, 1854;
negotiated November 29, 1854, ratified March
3, 1855.
No.    5.    345—Treaty with the Nisqualli, Puyallup, etc., 1854;
negotiated December 26, 1854, ratified March
3, 1855.
No. 12.   352—Treaty with the Kalapuya, etc., 1855;negotiated
January 22, 1855, ratified March 3, 1855.
R
62 Swan op., cit., p. 429.
Note—The numbers designate either a cession, a region occupied by the government without a cession, a reservation, or a change in a reservation. The first
numbers are consecutive for the Pacific Northwest. The second numbers are those
adopted by Royce, Indian Land Cessions in the United States. 28
C. F. Coan
ANNUAL REPORT OF JOEL PALMER, SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN
AFFAIRS FOR OREGON TERRITORY FOR 1853,  PROPOSING
THE RESERVATION SYSTEM
Copy   Office Supt. Ind. Affairs.
Dayton Oct. 8th, 1853.
Sir, In transmitting my annual report at so late a period,
it is proper that reasons for the delay be given; especially in
view of the positive instructions from the Indian Department
at Washington requiring strict compliance with the 19th paragraph of Revised Regulations No. 3.
This "Circular" however, as you were informed by Mr.
Geary Acting Superintendent during my absence to assist in
quelling the disturbances between our citizens and the indians
in the Rogue River country, did not reach this office till the 13th
Sept.
Although aware of the importance of submitting my report
at an early day, little toward its preparation was accomplished
prior to my departure to the scene of Indian war in the South,
as I desired to receive the reports of Agents, and Sub and
Special Agents before its compilation. I also desired to visit
the Coast region between Killamook and Umpqua rivers as
was suggested in my letters of June 23 and August 23 in order
to enable me to speak definitely of the propriety of colonizing
the Valley Indians in that district.
On the eve of starting upon this tour, I was arrested in my
purpose, by intelligence of the indian depredations, and imminent peril.of our citizens, in the Southern part of the Territory. I at once abandoned the expedition and proceeded to
the scene of difficulties, leaving Mr. Geary to perform the
duties of Acting Superintendent during my absence. But,
unfortunately in a few days after my departure Mr. Geary
was prostrated by sickness and wholly disabled from the performance of duty.
I was detained until the 25th September, and on my return
after spending a week in ineffectual efforts to procure a loan
of funds whereby to meet the current expenses of the Office
and the liabilities incurred in holding treaties with the indians,
I was subpoenaed to attend the Court then in Session in
Oregon City, as a witness in a suit therein pending against
Anson Dart Esq. late Supt. of Indian Affairs where I was
detained till the evening of the 7th instant.
I very much regret this delay as I fear it will tend much to
the embarrassment of the indian [sic] department in Oregon Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
29
for the ensuing year; and I deeply regret the circumstances
rendering necessary this long apologetic introduction to my
report I hope the reasons above detailed will prove sufficient
to exhonorate [sic] me from blame in the premises.
Peace at present exists with all the indian tribes in this
Superintendency ; but as heretofore intimated a general feeling of anxiety and distrust pervades the tribes and bands
from the sea-board to the Rocky Mountains. This feeling is
more owing to the conduct of evil-minded whites toward them,
than to any desire on their parts to annoy or injure the whites.
The non-ratification of treaties has done much also to destroy
their confidence in the good intentions of the Government, and
I may say, without expressing any opinion as to the provisions of these treaties, will tend much to embarrass the
action of agents of the Government who may hereafter be
designated to enter into treaty stipulations.
This want of confidence in the declarations of Government
Agents, is not confined to the few tribes with whom treaties
have been negotiated; it extends through the entire country
nor is it presumed that even the ratification of those treaties
at so late a day, would relieve the general distrust.
The importance of entering, at an early period, into treaties
to extinguish the indian title to the lands belonging to the
tribes residing along the Columbia River and the Northern
Oregon road, or so much of said country as is within the
Territory of Oregon, has been repeatedly presented to the
attention of the Department. My convictions of the propriety and necessity of this course are daily deepened, and I
am satisfied that unless early steps be taken to effect such
treaties, serious difficulties, if not a general indian war with
some of those tribes will be the consequence.
It is also important that measures to extinguish the indian
title to the country bordering on the Southern Road extending
from the Sierra Nevada to the summit of the Cascade Range
of Mountains and as far north and south as to give security
to our population constantly pouring upon the western shores
of this Continent, should be speedily taken.
If it become the settled policy of the Government to colonize
the tribes residing west of the Cascade Mountains on the
east side of that Range, the necessity of early exploration and
early treaties to extinguish the indian title to extensive tracts
of land, is apparent The vast district, between the Southern
Oregon Road and the Columbia River—and between the Hum-
bolt and the Cascade Range, is but little known, but is believed 30 C. F. Coan
to contain many valuable tracts of agricultural country of
sufficient extent to invite settlers, and the rapid spread of our
settlements render it more than probable that a brief period
will exhibit those fertile tracts, the seats of a thriving population and blessed with the arts and usages of civilized and
enlightened communities.
Experience moreover has taught us that the settlement of a
country, prior to the extinction of the native title to the soil is,
in most cases attended with serious difficulties and embarrassments to the Government, with annoyance and danger to
the settler ; and proves fatal to the best interests, the improvement and civilization, of the natives.
In connection with the subject of exploring the country and
colonizing the tribes I would add that information derived
from a party in search of gold who traversed the mountainous
region in the neighborhood of Pitts' Peak and the country
between Rogue River and middle Oregon between the 43°
and 44° N. L. induced me to believe that quite extensive valleys, fertile, and well suited to the indian population of the
southern part of our Territory, exist in that region. This
statement is partially confirmed by the Rogue River Chiefs,
who state that persons of their tribe visited some of those
valleys many years ago. It is probable however that the valleys they refer to are east of the summit of the mountains. This
evidence of the existence of such valleys, and of their suitableness to be made the future and permanent home of the tribes
of Southern Oregon would warrant their exploration as well
as those of the interior of middle Oregon above indicated.
A full and complete examination of these portions of Oregon, besides enabling the Government, with a fuller knowledge
of the facts, to fix its permanent policy in regard to the savage
tribes of Oregon, will doubtless tend greatly to bring to light
the vast and various resources of our Territory.
A policy in regard to holding treaties with the Indians of
this Territory, different from that heretofore pursued, seems
called for, not only as a matter of economy, but also on account of the influence exerted on the indians themselves.
The gathering of different bands and tribes from remote
neighborhoods in mass, to be paraded, petted and feasted at
the public expense, has a decidedly demoralizing influence
on the indians, as it inclines them to indolence and extravagance, gives them an importance in their own esteem to which
they ate by no means entitled; and impresses them with the
belief that our Government has a reckless disregard of expenditure. Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
31
At such places many congregate of a class interested in a
large expenditure on the occasion; and for the purpose of
present or ulterior gain, exert an improper influence over
the minds of the indians, disinclining them to treat; or to
demand an exorbitant price for their lands ; to refuse to emigrate, and to demand modes of payment, suiting the sharper,
but at variance with their own real interest.
In treating with the Indians, the season of the year has its
influence. At some seasons their wants are so easily and
abundantly supplied, that no proposition for purchasing their
lands, or for their removal however extravagant would would
receive their favorable regard. At other seasons their wants
are so numerous and pressing, that they yield a ready ear to
terms, and comply with such as may be dictated. This remark
applies only to the tribes of the Lower Columbia and of the
Willamette and Umpqua Valleys.
I would only avail myself of their necessities the more effectually to promote their general welfare, thus conforming
to that humane policy which has characterized the history of
our Government, towards the Indians. They must be removed, and instructed in the arts of civilization and brought
under the influence of wise and wholesome laws, in order to
be perpetuated, otherwise they will speedily perish on the
graves of their fathers; in order to make them the recipients
of these benefits, the period of their most pliant mood must be
seized upon, and all engagements made with them, promptly
carried into effect.
As to the better mode of treating. Nothing I apprehend
could be more ridiculous and absurd than pomp and display in
treating with the miserable bands and remnants of tribes in
the region last referred to. The most simple and economical
approach on our part becomes their condition, and will alone
secure the prompt completion of contracts with families, bands
and tribes so feeble and so numerous. Let their usual places
of residence be visited when practicable, and when they are
so isolated and scattered as to render this impracticable, let
them be collected at places as contiguous to their homes as
possible and there treated with, not with a view of indulging
their savage whims and fancies but with an eye to their real
and permanent good and if possible their elevation in the
social scale of humanity.
Much credit is due General Lane for the explicit and fair
dealing which has always characterized his intercourse with
the indians. He has ever scrupulously avoided making them
promises beyond his confidence of being able to perform.   His 32
C. F. Coan
statements are consequently regarded with confidence by the
indians. The beneficial influence of this sentiment among them
was manifest in the late treaty with the Rogue River Tribes ;
the Chiefs the more readily acceding to terms which they
regarded as having his approbation and sanction.
Tbe practice now so general of making presents to indians
has I believe rather an injurious tendency than otherwise, as
it has created the impression extensively among the indians,
that the Government is bound to continue the practice as long
as tihey remain among us, and while thus supplied they are less
inclined to treat for the sale of their lands and submit to
removal. It also tends to foster indolent habits, as they are
not inclined to industry and economy while their wants can
be otherwise supplied.
Presents in some instances appear necessary and proper to
conciliate the good will of the Indian, reward his good conduct, or incline him to peace; but the practice has evidently
been much abused, and is at best of little utility.
In the selection of a district of country for the colonization
of the various bands and tribes of Indians who inhabit the
country contiguous to the coast attention is required to their
mode of subsistence. They may properly be termed fish-
eaters, and to assign them à country destitute of this this to
them indispensable article of food, would be disasterous to
their existence as a people.
The country between the Killamook and the Umpqua has
already been suggested as among the most desirable locations
for the settlement of the indians of the Willamette and lower
Columbia. Those of the Umpqua may also be added ; but it
is somewhat doubtful whether the country is sufficiently extensive for the settlement of the Coast Indians inhabiting the
country south of the Umpqua. The designation of an additional tract may consequently be necessary for the settlement of the Coast Indians, and two or more tracts east of the
Cascade Mountains for the tribes inhabiting the interior.
I regard it as highly important to the successful maintenance of friendly relations with the Indians that in addition to
the Agencies of Rogue River and the Utilla there be an agency
established for the tribes East of the Cascade Mountains to
include the K-lamaths, Diggers, or Sho sho nes, the Snakes
residing in this territory, and the Bonaks residing along the
Lewis fork of the Columbia and Boise river; and untill the
extinction of the Indian title to the country and the removal of
the Indians, it is important that in addition to the Sub Agencies
of the Willamette Valley Clatsop Plains and Port Orford there Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
33
be an additional Sub Agency including the Umpqua Valley
and the country along the Co-ose and Coquille Rivers, now
in the care of Special Agent William Martin Esq.
The subject of additional compensation to Agents and Sub
Agents is respectfully submitted. That of Sub Agents is
barely the pay of a common laborer and insufficient to secure
the services of competent and reliable men.
A detailed account of the numbers and condition of the
Indians of the Sub Agency of Port Orford is given in the
report of Sub Agent Culver a copy of which is herewith transmitted. By the judicious and untiring attention of Mr. Culver
supported by the military stationed at Port Orford the indians
of that district though numerous and warlike have been kept
quiet.
The recent discovery of gold in that region has has induced
a large number of persons to congregate in the vicinity of
Port Orford which from the number and character of the
Indians dwelling there, is more than likely without the most
unremitting vigilance and care to result in difficulty and
bloodshed.
Many of the adventurers in the mining region are of the
most reckless and desperate character and affected with such
feelings of hostility to the indians, that military restraint alone
seems adequate to the preservation of peace.
My knowledge of the character and condition of these indians as well as of the character of the country they inhabit
is so limited that I am unable to recommend any measure of
policy to be pursued in regard to them. It is evident, however, that delay in assigning them an abode within fixed limits
remote from the mining districts where they can be protected
from encroachment and violence, must tend to their speedy
extinction. Treaties therefore at an early day for the extinction of title to their lands and provisions for their colonization in a suitable country are of the utmost importance.
My letter of the first September informed you that F. M.
Smith Esq. of Port Orford in the absence of a Sub-Agent,
P. F. Thompson Esq. being on duty at the Utilla Agency, was
appointed Special Agent for the tribes of the Port Orford
district.
No information as to his acceptance or refusal has yet been
received. Mr. Smith is recommended as well qualified for
the duties of the station, and I hope the appointment may meet
your approbation.
On my return from Rogue River to this place I received 34
C. F. Coan
information rendering it necessary to dispatch an agent immediately to visit the Indians residing along the waters of the
Co-ose River and Bay, situated some fifteen or twenty miles
south of the Umpqua River. The necessity of the constant
presence of an agent among the tribes in the Rogue River
country rendered it imprudent to call away Agent Culver from
his post though Co-ose Bay is attached to his district ; I therefore deputed William Martin Esq. of Winchester as a special
agent to visit the Indians of Co-ose Bay and on the waters of
the Umpqua River. I transmit a copy herewith of his appointment and instructions.
While on my late expedition I came to the knowledge of the
existence of a tribe of Indians inhabiting the country on the
upper waters of the North and South Forks of the Umpqua
and the headwaters of the Rogue River called the wild Mo-lal-
la-las. The name so nearly resembles that of the Mol-al-las
of the Willamette that they have been confounded with that
tribe; but the information that I have obtained satisfies me
that they are a distinct tribe, speaking an entirely different
language and having no connection whatever with them.
They have had but little intercourse with the whites, being
located in a remote and mountainous region off the line of
travel from Oregon to California. They roam sometimes as
far east and southeast as the headwaters of the Des Chutes
and the Klamath Lake. Their subsistence is chiefly wild game
with which their country abounds, while numerous mountain
streams and lakes afford a rich supply of fish. Some of these
lakes are said to be twenty miles in length, with considerable
margins of fertile land, and surrounded with precipitous mountains. This information though chiefly derived from indians,
is so far corroborated that I put much confidence in its correctness.
The several bands inhabiting the Coast between Killamook
and the Umpqua River, have never been visited by an agent
of the Government. It was indeed represented that but few
Indians dwelt there.
I have however conversed with several of a party who
explored one of the streams emptying into the Ocean on that
Coast, during the summer, who found a village at the base
of the Mountains about 6 miles from the Ocean containing
about two hundred souls.
In the comfort of their lodges and their abundant supply
of provisions they are much in advance of the tribes generally
along the Coast.   They had but little clothing, no fire arms Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest
and were of a lighter complexion than the Indians usually
are. They subsist on wild game, fish, muscles and clams and
have but little intercourse with the whites. The greater portion of the indians fled on the approach of the exploring party.
No detailed report of the condition of the Indians in the
Utilla agency has been received. A copy of a letter from Sub-
Agent P. F. Thompson accompanying this report will give
some idea of the petty annoyance to which the agent is subjected from that proud and naughty tribe.
No report has been received at this office from the Agency
of Puget Sound. My letter of the 22nd August informed you
of the designation of J. M. Garrison, Esq. to that Agency.
Agent Starling was accordingly informed of the fact by letter
from this office and directed to turn over to Mr. Garrison the
papers and property belonging to the Agency upon his executing to him a proper receipt therefor. This Mr. Starling declined doing, on the ground that he was not subject to this
Superintendency and was acting under instructions from Governor Stephens [Stevens] of Washington Territory. Soon
afterward Mr. Garrison returned to this Territory and on
the 15th instant notified this Office, that he had resigned his
office of Indian Agent to take effect immediately.
No reports have been received from Sub-Agent W. W. Raymond of Clatsop Plains nor from J. L. Parrish of the Willamette Valley; but I believe the bands and tribes of these
districts are at peace among themselves and sustain friendly
relations to the whites.
It may not be improper to state that several letters from
various sources have been received interrogating the Superintendent in regard to funds alleged to be due them for past
services in the Indian Department, including salary, traveling
expenses, etc., the amount of which I have no means of ascertaining as no regular bills have been presented.
Among the number of claimants is H. H. Spalding Esq.
claiming one Quarter's salary. E. A. Starling Esq. for salary
traveling and incidental expenses and pay of Interpreter and
A. A. Skinner Esq. for traveling expenses and pay of Interpreter.
The pay of the salary of Superintendent and Agents, of
Sub- and Special Agents, Interpreters, and all traveling and
contingent expenses - since I entered on the duties assigned
me, are unpaid no public funds having been placed in my
hands by which to discharge such liabilities. I will also add
that for the expenses attending my recent trip to Rogue River 36
C. F. Coan
Country and of the treaties with the Rogue River and Cow
Creek Indians, together with all expenses for the transportation of goods promised them, and the expenses incident to the
duties of Superintendent I am now paying at the rate of five
per cent per month interest.
The following estimate of expenses in this department for the
year commencing July 1st, 1854 is respectfully submitted.
Pay of Superintendent, three Agents and four Sub-
Agents  $10,000.00
Pay of 10 Interpreters     5,000.00
Clerk hire, Office Rent, fuel and stationery for Superintendent, and house rent for Agents and Sub-
Agents     4,200.00
Traveling expenses of Superintendent Agents and
Sub-Agents, including exploration of country, in
addition to similar expenses connected with holding treaties   10,000.00
For payment of annuities to Rogue River & Cow
Creek indians and other grants as stipulated in
treaties     7,500.00
Expenses of holding treaties—the purchase of teams
to transport goods and provisions—for presents
and first payment of annuities provided treaties be
ratified  67,350.00
;In the above estimates I have contemplated the appointment
of one additional agent for this territory preserving the original
number, and an additional Sub-Agent as being indispensable
to the maintenance of peace, and to expedite the early extinguishment of the indian title to the country. It also contemplates the employment of one interpreter to each agent and
Sub-Agent, and two for the Superintendent and two for the
Agent stationed East of the Cascade Mountains.
The pay of the Sub-Agents and Interpreters is estimated as
fixed by law, but should the compensation of these officers be
increased, as in justice it should be, an additional amount will
be required.
The amount for travelling expenses is intended to cover the
cost of the purchase of animals and necessary fixtures for
exploring the country with a view to the selection of permanent
homes for the Indian tribes, the pay of employees to accompany those employed in such expedition, and the ordinary
traveling expenses incident to the service.
The amount for the payment of annuities contemplates the
ratification of the treaties of purchase recently entered into
with the Rogue River and Cow Creek indians.   That amount Reservation Policy Pacific Northwest 37
being necessary to carry its provisions into effect, and will be
needed previous to the first of Sept. 1854.
In the estimate for holding treaties is included a sum believed to be sufficient to pay the expenses of holding treaties
for the extinguishing of Indian title to all the land west of
the Cascade Range ; and their assent to remove to such points
as may be selected for them, provided a selection be made
west of said mountains; it also includes an amount sufficient
for presents and a first payment on account of purchase provided the treaties be ratified, for which purpose twelve of
fifteen thousand dollars may be applied; it also contemplates
the purchase of teams and animals for the transportation of
Indian goods to such points as may be necessary, as well as
treating with such of the tribes East of the Cascade Mountains
as may be deemed necessary for the preservation of peace, and
give security to our citizens passing from the Eastern to the
Western boundary of this Territory, and open the way for a
continuous chain of settlements upon the routes usually traveled
by our citizens.
The estimates given above are believed to be the lowest possible adequate to accomplish the objects intended in the most
economical manner. In the exploration of the interior a small
military escort will be essential to the safety of the party, or
the appropriation of an additional sum sufficient for the employment of a suitable number of persons for protection.
I would respectfully suggest to the Department the propriety
and importance of placing at the disposal of the Superintendent
in this Territory in addition to the above estimates a sum of not
less than ten thousand dollars designed as a contingent fund to
meet any sudden emergency, like that in the Rogue River
Country, which might occur. Also that the sum of one thousand dollars be placed at the disposal of each agent and half
that sum in the hands of each Sub-Agent as a contingent fund
for similar purposes. This amount on hand to meet emergencies, might when judiciously expended, be the means often
of preventing a protracted and bloody indian war, and the
expenditure of hundreds of thousands of dollars in military
operations.
The system which requires Agents of the Government to
expend their private funds in meeting the current expenses
incident to the duties of their office, upon this Coast, and await
the auditing of their accounts at Washington City previous to
payment, subjects them to great inconvenience and materially
lessens their influence as Agents.   Some arrangement by which 1
38
C. F. Coan
those employed in the public service may receive their salaries
at the end of each quarter, together with the current expenses
provided for by law, seems called for not only as a matter of
justice to the employees of the Government, but as a means of
insuring energy of action and efficiency in the service. What
may have been the practice heretofore in this Department I
have no means of ascertaining, but as Agents are still claiming
salary due them since the quarter ending September 30th, 1852,
and others claiming traveling expenses for two years past, great
delay in the auditing and settling of accounts, is evident.
As further evidence of this H. H. Spalding Esq. claims one
quarter's salary yet due him as Indian Agent in 1851.
In order that the Department may understand the data on
which is based my estimate of the expense of treating with the
Indian tribes of Oregon generally, I herewith transmit a table
of the estimated expense of treating with the several tribes
East and West of the Cascade Range so far as such treaties
may be deemed necessary.
I am very respectfully,
Your Obt. Servant
Joel Palmer,
Hon. Geo. W. Manypenny Superintendent.
Commissioner of Ind. Affrs.
Washington City D. C. THE HISTORY OF THE OREGON MISSION PRESS
By Howard Malcolm Ballou
Hawaiian Historical Society
The early impression of the first American missionaries to
the Nez Perces tribe of Indians was that it would be unnecessary ever to reduce their language to writing, but instead that
they might be instructed in English and so at once introduced
to the Gospel.
In a letter to the A. B. C. F. M. dated Nez-Perces Mission
House, February 16, 1837, Rev. H. H. Spalding, the missionary in charge of the station at Clear Water or Lapwai says :
"Judging from the present, this people will probably acquire
the English, before we do the Nez-Perces language, though we
flatter ourselves, that we are making good progress. If so,
by the time we are ready to reduce theirs to writing, it will
not be deemed expedient—For why should years be spent in
reducing their language to a written state, which when done,
must necessarily be increased one-third, or one-half, with new
words, in order to embrace the scriptures. And if it is necessary for them to learn so many English words, of course the
most difficult, by reason of having nothing in their language to
explain them, why not learn the other half, easy to be learned,
because they have corresponding words in their own language
that will explain them, & then they are introduced at once into
an inexhausible fountain of religious & scientific reading.
This is my present opinion, but what our duty will be, when we
have acquired their language & are prepared to write and
teach it, or to teach the English to better advantage than we
are now, we wait the future leadings of providence & the better
wisdom than ours, of yourself & coadjutors."
This course was soon found to be not only impracticable,
but absolutely impossible, and at the general meeting of the
Oregon Mission in 1838 it was formally voted:
"That we apply ourselves to the study of the Native Language & reduce it to writing."
The Rev. H. H. Spalding as a preliminary step had devised
an artificial alphabet, in which the English consonants not
needed in the Nez Perces language were used to designate the 40
Howard Malcolm Ballou
different vowel sounds ordinarily expressed in English by the
same letter.
He had also written to Honolulu requesting the donation of a
second-hand press and that the Sandwich Islands Mission
should instruct someone, to be sent there from Oregon, in the
art of printing, and in the meantime print a few small books
in Nez Perces.
On March 15, 1838, he reports as follows ;
"I have completed an alphabet in the Nez-Perces language,
& a spelling book with some 60 or 70 scripture & animal cuts
explained, which I shall send to the Islands to be printed, by
the first opportunity. I hope to complete a small elementary
work to accompany it, & a large one during the year to be
printed at Boston—
Nez-Perces Alphabet
"      n in Note
"       o in Not
"       p in Paint
"      qu in Question
"        i in Time
"       s in Small
"       t in Time
"     oo in Moon
"       o in Note
"      w in World
"      u in Use
I       y in Yoke
"      ou in South
I have given no character two sounds.    I have taken the
English alphabet, as I see no reason why characters very extensively used throughout the world, should be cast away &
others substituted as in the case of the Chocktaw & Ojibwa.
The sounds represented by nine characters, viz, b. c. d. f. j. r.
v. x. z. are not found in this language.    The sounds represented in English.by the consonants—h klmnpqustwy
are found, & I have retained the characters.    To the vowels
a e i o & u. I have given the five vowel sounds that occur most
frequently, for convenience sake, as these letters are most abundant in every printing establishment, especially, at the one we
expect to get our printing done at present.    I have taken 8
of the 9 consonants not required to represent the remaining 8
vowel sounds.    There is but one dipthongal sound, which I
have represented by the letter z.    The hint,  respecting the
A sound of a in Father
N
B           "       a in Hawk
O
C          "       a in Man
P
D          "      e in Men
Q
E          "      e in We
R
F          "       u in Sun
S
G          "      Soft
T
H          "       h in He
U
I           "       i in Pin
V
J            "       a in Name
w
K          "       k in Hawk
X
L          "        1 in Lamb
Y
M         "     m in Man
z Oregon Mission Press
41
importance of giving the most frequent English characters,
to the most frequent sounds in the native language, by missionaries who have not the command of their printing, I
received from a missionary east of the mountains. Mr. Pickering's objections to the c & x seem valid as their place can be
supplied by k & s & ks. To Mr. P.'s objections of substituting the letter u, or letters oo, for w, another might be added,
it would give those characters more than one sound, a fundamental principle laid down by him at the out set (see page 1
& 2) & a principle by which I have been guided. But his
method of disposing of qu, in my opinion, conflicts with the
above important principle, at least so far as this & the English
language are concerned. It gives more than one sound to the
letter u, an evil to be deprecated far more than the addition
of dozen new characters to the alphabet, each having but one
sound. Could you hear the Nez-Perces words, Kui & Qrfs
sounded, you would see the impossibility of making ku take
the place of Q & still the u retain its own sound—The following english words, Quiet & Kumiss may explain what I mean.
To give the ku in Kumiss the sound of qu in Quiet would make
a word which could not be pronounced or if pronounced would
be a very different word from ku-miss. I object to points &
dashes above or below letters, as such letters are always more
difficult to learn & manage, expecially by untutored eyes, than
twice the number of new characters. For instance, a child
will learn & read a word with a & 1 in it easier than with a
& a in it."
A spelling book and an elementary book were soon prepared
by Mr. Spalding to be forwarded to Honolulu to be printed on
the presses of the Mission there. According to the Rev. Myron
Eells, Mrs. Whitman copied a book of seventy-two pages, which
Mr. Spalding intended to send to the Sandwich Islands.
Meanwhile, at the delegate meeting of the Hawaiian Mission, in June, 1838, it was voted in reply to Mr. Spalding's
communication :
"That we comply with his request to print small books for
the Nez Perces missions and also forward a few copies of
scripture and other cuts; also a Ramage press and small font
of types from Lahainaluna, at the discretion of the printer
there."
They discouraged Mr. Spalding's suggestion that he should
send a man on from Oregon to be instructed in printing and 42
Howard Malcolm Ballou
proposed rather to send one of their native assistants to him.
This offer was accepted at a general meeting of the Oregon
Mission held immediately after the arrival on Aug. 29, 1838,
of the reinforcement consisting of Messrs. Walker, Eells, and
Smith, as reported to the A. B. C F. M. by Mr. Walker in a
letter dated Weiletpoo, Oct. 15, 1838, when it was voted:
"That the Press, Printer, Type, Paper & binding Apparatus
offered by the Sandwich Island mission, be accepted."
Mr. Edwin Oscar Hall, a printer, who had sailed from Bos-
con Dec. 5, 1834, in the ship Hellespont, with the sixth reinforcement to the mission, arriving in Honolulu June 6, 1835,
had been stationed at the press in Honolulu, and it was finally
decided that as the health of Mrs. Hall necessitated her temporary sojourn in a cooler climate, and Mr. Hall could well
be spared for a while after the completion of the work then in
hand, it would be best to send him to Oregon for a year to set
up the printing establishment there and instruct those designated to carry on the work.
Although mention is made in letters of manuscripts sent on
by the Oregon mission, and, as stated above, it was voted to
print them on the mission press, no record of any such printing can be found in the very exact record kept of all printing
done by the Hawaiian Mission press.
The cut shown of the Spelling Book (see plate I) is from
a proof discovered in Hilo, island of Hawaii, a few years ago
by Rev. W. D. Westervelt, in the possession of Mrs. Mary T.
C. Hitchcock, the daughter of Mr. S. N. Castle, the assistant
secular superintendent of the Hawaiian Mission in 1839.
It can only be regarded as a printer's proof, however, as the
two pages are printed side by side in the wrong position as
regards each other, the title page being to the left, and, as will
be quoted later, Rev. A. B. Smith writes : "Respecting the book
sent to the Islands to be printed, it came back as it was sent."
In a letter to the secretary of the A. B. C. F. M. dated Tan.
26. 1839. Mr. Hall writes from Honolulu :
"Mr. Spalding" has sent me a small elementary book in the
Nez Perces language in order that I could see the proportions of
the various letters in putting up the type.    He says also, that NEZ-PERCES
SPELLING IB 0 OK,
SCRIPTUEE CUTS EXPLAINED.
n u Hp* i§   :
SP D LIN   TE M IS,
WO
PRPL EFTS WO IMASHNO EFTS.,;
]feMI*Illltgl|j          ^J|é
1839*  UMY T0T11S ALPHABET.
À ft,
ii
Mm
0 o,
V v,
Ff,
Uu,
X X)
2 »,
qs . a .fc. Father, »t^JF
^#f^     hawk, talk,
a  *"4     maiiyaj>e>nr ■— -
a  u    hate, late,
H « i men* ten,
i |    pin^gjfiftif
i   u     tim%J!ic,
o   f    notapt,
o  i    boatajnote,    *
«  |    «un, jhn,
bull Ain moon,
usejfjperty',
(Hi
soum doubt»
G ft
K k,
LI,
M m,
Nn,
P P>
Qq»
S   %j.
T   ty£'
ROCfî MOUNTAINS.  Oregon Mission Press
43
he shall this winter prepare some others, so that thev will be
readv for me to print when I arrive. I have accordingly put
up our old fount of Pica and Long Primer English, and also
the new fount of English, received within a year or two. The
two former are nearly worn out ; but the latter is almost new.
but a small fount, being all contained in one case. This latter
we can dispense with, with some inconvenience; and the two
former are supplied with new founts recentlv received. The
Press designed to be taken is only a small hand card press,
which was a donation to this Mission, and came out with us
in the Hellespont. I have had it put in order, by adding a
frisket, points, etc. and hope to make it answer the purpose till
the wants of those missions shall require greater facilities for
the prosecution of that branch of labor. The type, also, will
probably do till the language is so far reduced to system that
the proper proportions can be sent for of all the letters. This
will be done in the course of year or two."
From Honolulu, Mr. Levi Chamberlain, the secular agent of
the Hawaiian Mission, writes to the Rev. R. Anderson on February 11, 1839:
"The health of Mrs. Hall has been feeble for a long time. A
voyage to the region of Columbia River has been recommended
as a measure of promising benefit. An opportunity now offers
of a passage to Vancouver in one of the Hudson Bay Company's vessels, and Mr. Hall has concluded to avail himself of
it. He will take passage with his wife in the ship Nereide
to sail in about a fortnight. We shall send by him about 50
reams of paper, a small assortment of types and a card press,
being the one which was sent to this mission some years ago,
and for which we have had no use.
Mr. Hall will make himself useful to the Mission in the
Oregon Territory in various ways, and by putting up this press
and printing such little works as the means which we are able
to furnish will admit. His passage and freight of goods will
be $250 payable here."
Rev. Hiram Bingham had greatly interested his church, the
Kawaiahao Church of Honolulu, in the matter of converting
the Indians of Oregon, and the previous year it had made a
small present to assist the missions there.
This year a subscription by the native women of the congregation was used to defray the expenses of sending Mr.
Hall and the little press to Oregon. 44
Howard Malcolm Ballou
In a letter written from Honolulu, April 19, 1839, he informs
Mr. Anderson:
"The church & congregation of which I am pastor has recently sent, a small but complete printing and Binding establishment by the Hand of Brother Hall, to the Oregon mission,
which with other substantial supplies amount to 444.00 doll.—
The press was a small Hand press presented to this mission
but not in use. The expense of the press with one small font
of type, was defrayed by about 50 native females including
Kinau or Kaahumanu 2d. This was a very pleasing act of
Charity. She gave 10 doll, for herself & 4 for her little daughter Victoria Kaahumanu 3d."
The preceding extract can be found printed in Vol. 36,
Missionary Herald, page 188, May 1840.
It is possible that this press is that described among the gifts
to the A. B. C. F. M. in Vol. 29, Missionary Herald, page
296, August, 1833 :
"Middlesex North and vie. Ms. A small printing press and
apparatus, fr. char. so.   $50.00."
Mr. Hall and his wife left Honolulu March 2, 1839, arriving at Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River about April 10,
1839.
According to Mr. George H. Himes in his article, History
of the Press of Oregon, (Quarterly of the Oregon Historical
Society, Volume 3, December 1902, pp. 327-370) an express
was sent to Dr. Whitman at Wai-il-et-pu and to Mr. Spalding
at Lapwai, Clear Water, that Mr. and Mrs. Hall, with F.
Ermatinger as a guide, would leave Fort Vancouver on April
13 with the hopes of reaching Fort Walla Walla April 30.
Mr. Spalding, in a letter begun at Clear Water, March 5,
1839, informs Mr. Greene:
"April 22. Sine writing the above, the Co's vessel has
arrived from Honolulu bring Mr & Mrs Hall with a press,
small font of type, binding materials & a quantity of paper
all which I believe is a donation to this Mission from Rev Mr
Bingham's church & congregation. Also a quantity of sugar,
Molases & salt. Mr Hall has come to this country on account
of Mrs H's health, & while he remains will put our press in
opperation & labor otherwise as he may find occasion.
Fort Walla Walla May 3.    Mrs S & myself arrived hear Oregon Mission Press
45
30 ult & Mr and Mrs Hall with the press &c safe 29, hope to
start tomorrow, Mrs Hall in a canoe effects on horses."
After a week's rest the party started on May 6 for Lapwai,
which was reached on the evening of May 13th.
The journey is thus described by Mr. Spalding in a letter
to the A. B. C. F. M. dated, Clear Water, Oct. 2, 1839:
"My last date left myself & Mrs Spalding at Ft W. W.
expecting soon to leave with Mr & Mrs Hall for this station.
We had a pleasant journey up the river—Mrs Hall alone in
the canoe polled by 3 men—the remainder of us on horses,
obliged frequently to cut high points which presented impassable bluffs by the waters edge. We reached home in 7 days
travel from W. W. Mrs Hall suffered no inconvenience from
the journey Mr Hall arranged our little printing establishment & printed for us the first book in the Nezpercs language.
A few copies are sent you—we hope to have other books ready
for the press during the winter. Mr Rogers, who was employed at this station last year is to spend this winter with
Revd Mr Smith—he is somewhat acquainted with printing &
may be able to render us some assistance in this department
of our labor—The whole donation from the First Native church
at Honolulu to this Mission, consisting of the press, Type,
paper, Ink, Binding aparatus & family supplies, amounted to
about $500 & will be acknowledged by the committee appointed
to write to the Board on the subject, you will recollect that the
same church made a donation to this mission last year of $80,
in money & 10 bushels of salt, with two of their No. a man
& his wife who have given themselves to our work & are
rendering Doct Whitman important assistance in his secular
affairs. Others will doubtless come to our assistance next
season. The same church has offered to sustain a missionary
in this field, which offer has been accepted by our mission &
directions suggested as to the best manner of contributing to
ths object."
On May 16th the press was set up and on May 18th the first
proof-sheet was struck off. By May 24, 1839, four hundred
copies of a small 8-page book in Nez-Perces in the artificial
alphabet devised by Mr. Spalding were printed, this constituting the first book ever printed in the Oregon Territory.
In 1914, Mr. Wilberforce Eames, of the New York Public
Library, discovered the four outer pages of this book used as
a paper cover to a copy of the 20-page Nez Perces First Book 46
Howard Malcolm Ballou
belonging to the library of Oberlin College, and the librarian
at Oberlin afterwards discovered a second similar copy.
The writer has just discovered two more pages of this little
book—pages 5 and 6,—two specimens of which were used in
the binding of the copy of the 20-page First Book presented
by Mr. Hall to Dr. Anderson of the A. B. C. F. M., and the
Library of Congress has made a similar discovery in their copy,
as has also the E. E. Ayer Library of Chicago.
The book is bound in blue paper, strengthened by printed
paper, which on being steamed apart proved to be two copies
of one leaf of the discarded book.
Specimens of the four outer pages have similarly been found
by him at the Massachusetts Historical Society and by the
librarian of Pacific University, Forest Grove, Oregon.
Other owners of the 20-page Nez-Perces First Book in the
original paper binding may find by examination against a
strong light that they too possess pages of the pioneer 8-page
book which were utilized by Mr. Hall when binding his work
of August, 1839.    Pages 3 and 4 are as yet unknown.
The 8-page book was printed in one signature of eight
pages. It was almost immediately abandoned, for reasons
explained in letters following.
Mr. Himes' account, which was based on information furnished him by Dr. Myron Eells, purporting to be a condensation of a diary kept by Mr. Spalding at the time, continues :
"On July 10 the style of alphabet was agreed upon, it having been decided to adopt the one used in the Sandwich Islands.
This was done at Kamiah by Doctor and Mrs. Whitman, Mr.
Spalding and wife, Rev. A. B. Smith and wife and Mr. Hall.
On Aug. 1 the printing of another book was commenced
in the new alphabet and by the 15th, 500 copies were completed."
The statement that the Hawaiian alphabet was adopted by
the missionaries stationed within the sphere of the Nez-Perces
language is of course inaccurate. The Hawaiian alphabet consists of only 12 letters, a, e, i, o, u, h, k, 1, m, n, p, and w,
written in that order, while according to the statement by Mr.
Spalding already quoted the Nez-Perces language required in
addition the letters q, s, t, and y.   FIRST
BOOK.
ah eh
rh
vh uh  f h
gh  ch
dli
ih' oh
xh
ai   el
rl
vl    UÎ    fl
gl   cl
til
il   ol
S
am em tm
an en rn
vm urn fin
g m cm
dm
dn
im om
in on
xm
xn
vn un fm
gn en
ap ep
rp
vp up fu
gp  ep
dp
ip  op
xp
as  es
r$
vs  us  fs.
gs   es
ds
is   'os
xs
at % et
rt
vt    ut    ft
gt   et-
dt
it   ot
xt
HIMT'C
KCSH   I.
.Yak,  n<
tcashvle
kit.
A
En
Cks
Kc ,
Em
Kfl ■
Kum  Mrh       Mfsc         MetéV      Lflh
Nun        Pups  "     '   Ptsh           Prsh '
PishtMPaps           Pflh            Shvli
Tabs      Tak-s          Timsh       Tin
Tel         Tscp     -    Ttks          Tahsh
Ldncl    was kr I eh it
jja has   ,  lia ma        Ha ham     Ifu sh
Ku I'm        Tic kr          Ho Av     Kim c
us
if  Nukfl
Nek a
Mch shcf
i Nu kin
Am a
Fsep
Pe t
Pap a
Pvhvl
Pes
QXa qfr
Shck tit
Sr v
Te mis
Taks pul
Tv yem
Tvhvn
Tapul
Tim r j
*Kmp is I
E net
E m
In pim
*-KaI
Ku nv»
' Kv i
Ka* kctr
Krh
Sov     '
Me àh?
Kcp shse
Tis ko*
Mvl mvi     FIRST BOOK.
*Mj*#f*!fiLer.
À pronounced as a in father.
C     •   î*
as a in man.
D
as e in men.
E
as ein he.
m
as t* pa hut.
' i
as a m name.
H
as in English,,
I
as i in pin.
*
J only used
11
in proper Hames.
1
• m f   pronounced as in English,
mm
*■
o
as ou in south.
♦
p
as in English  •
- a   " i
as qu in question. *..
II    . "
as i in time»
s*1
Ï1
as in .English.
u       1
as où ill moon.
\
V
as .o in note.
f. •  w     •«   •
as J n English.
X
as etc in new.  •
Y  J     |
as y hi you. Oregon Mission Press
47
A plate is shown of the Pickering alphabet as it appears
in the new book, which contained 20 pages.
The account also contains so many minor inaccuracies in
direct contradiction to Mr. Spalding's statements in letters to
the A. B. C. F. M. that the writer cannot accept it as a contemporaneous diary by Spalding.
Nor does the writer believe that the missionaries assembled
at Kamiah on July 10 to change the alphabet. Dr. Whitman's
little daughter was buried on June 29, at Waiilatpu, Messrs.
Spalding and Hall attending the funeral, and while it is possible that Dr. and Mrs. Whitman accompanied them back to
Lapwai and the party proceeded thence to Kamiah, it does not
seem likely, especially as Dr. Whitman makes no mention of a
visit to Kamiah in a list of six absences from his station during
the year, though he does mention a visit to Lapwai to visit
Mrs. Hall, the date not being given. Nor would Mrs. Spalding
have left her bedridden guest, Mrs. Hall, to go with the
others to Kamiah.
This book has a similar title page to that of the abandoned
8-page book, a little wider spacing between the words of
"Designed for children and new beginners" showing that the
page was reset by Mr. Hall.
It is 5;H$x44£ inches in size and printed in five unnumbered
signatures of four pages each.
It is this second book that has commonly been considered
as the first publication from the mission press.
In a letter written by Mr. Spalding to Mr. Walker, who had
not been present at the annual meeting, dated Clear Water,
Sept. 10, 1839, is found this sentence:
"We have taken Mr. Pickering's alphabet as you will see
from the little book."
Tir. Whitman in a letter to Mr. Greene dated Waiilatpu, Oct.
22, 1839, gives the following account of the change of alphabet :
"We have settled upon the Alphabet recommended by yourself & the Board with the exception of v for short u which is
represented by a—All had become weary of the first attempt
at writing with the one fixed upon by Mr. Spalding.
I never consented to it—& on the accession of Mr Smith 48
Howard Malcolm Ballou
to thé Language, laid before him your views on the subject—
After an examination—he said he preferred Mr Spaldings
Method to Mr Pickering—or yourself—and this seemed to
be the only prospect for a time, indeed one book was printed
in that alphabet—But by the judicious advice of Mr Hall—
an easy adjustment was made—& we now have a small book—
printed—which we are teaching—written with Pickering's
Alphabet—"
The Pickering alphabet mentioned by Dr. Whitman was
based on John Pickering's "An essay on a uniform orthography
for Indian languages of North America," Cambridge : 1820.
Mr. Spalding thus informs Mr. Greene from Clear Water,
March 16, 1840:
"We found as you predicted, the alphabet which I had adopted, impracticable by reason of the short vowels. No two persons would spell alike & even the same person would always
be in doubt what vowel to give to a short vowel sound in a
given word—you perceive we have adopted the alphabet you
proposed to Doct. Whitman before he left the States.
As to teaching the English language, a majority of the mission do not think it advisable to make the attempt & we have
resolved to give our attention entirely to the Native as the
only safe way of communicating religious truth to the mind."
At the annual meeting of the Oregon meeting held at the
house of Rev. H. H. Spalding, Clear Water, commencing on
Sept. 2nd, 1839, and ending on the 5th, the following assignments had been made.
"Resolved That Mr Rogers be invited to prepare a small
elementary arithmetic & Mr Smith his reviewer—
Also. That Dr Whitman be appointed to prepare a reading
book & Mr. Rogers his reviewer—
Also. That Mr. Smith be appointed to prepare a book containing religious instruction or translation from the New Testament—-& Mr. Spalding his reviewer—
Also. That Mr. Spalding be appointed to prepare a book
containing religious instruction from the Old Testament &
Mr. Smith his reviewer—
Also. That Messrs Spalding & Smith be a committee to
translate the ten commandments to be published at the Islands
under a cut.
Also. That Messrs Spalding & Smith be appointed to prepare Hymns in the native language & each other's reviewers—1 Oregon Mission Press
The records of the Sandwich Islands press do not give any
evidence that the Ten Commandments referred to in the assignments were ever printed.
Mr. Himes' account continues :
"On Dec. 30th the press was packed with the intention of
sending it to Doctor Whitman's station, Wai-il-et-pu, to print
a book there. The next day it started on its journey and that
evening the pack horse fell down a precipice and it was supposed that the press was dashed to pieces. On Jan. 1, 1840,
Mr. Rogers rode to the scene of the accident, gathered all
the material together and returned. By the 17th the press
was again set up, and it was discovered that nothing was lost
save a few type. By this experience it was found that it would
be easier to send the manuscript to the press than the press to
the manuscript. Printing was resumed on the 20th, and on the
28th, Mr. Hall having started for the Sandwich Islands, Mr.
Rogers who had been taught to set type and operate the press
by Mr. Hall, was employed to take charge of the press and
do the printing for the mission for £30, English money per
year and his board, thereafter, so long as the mission was
sustained, the usual routine of work was pursued."
As Mr. and Mrs. Hall were spending the winter at Dr. Whitman's station at Waiilatpu, where Mrs. Hall had given birth to
a child on Nov. 5, 1839, the reason for the attempt to send
the press there was probably the better to accommodate the
printer, rather than the manuscript, since Dr. Whitman had not
written the book as originally planned, but had deputed the
task to Messrs. Smith and Rogers at Kamiah.
To Mr. Hall's anxiety to return to his wife and infant daughter at Waiilatpu, must also be ascribed his haste in leaving
the completion of the book in the hands of Mr. Rogers, for
he did not leave Dr. Whitman's for Fort Vancouver, on his
way back to the Islands, until February 29, Dr. Whitman accompanying him as far as Fort Walla Walla.
He embarked for Honolulu May 19, 1840, arriving home
safely June 24, with Mrs. Hall's general health much improved.
Dr. Whitman in a letter to Mr. Greene from Waiilatpu,
March 27, 1840, thus describes the new book and its printing :
"The Book which the Anual Meeting of the mission, appointed me to write I employed Mr Smith & Mr Rogers to so
Howard Malcolm Ballou
write as being better qualified to do it than myself & so much
of my time being taken up in making Medical calls for the
mission. It is now printed & makes a fine adition to our
means of instruction, & must supercede the one written by Mr
Spalding, as it is much more correct in language & orthography—It contains fifty two pages & an edition of eight hundred copies are printed.
Mr. Hall commenced printing it but being in haste to return
to the Islands—Mr Rogers, was employed to finish it.
At Mr Halls advise we have employed him to do the printing for the Mission at £30 sterling per anum, & his board—
His knowledge of the Native language makes him very useful
in any department of labour.
Mr Hall was with us at this station six months—but has
now gone to Vancouver to return to the Islands."
Rev. A. B. Smith, the missionary at Kamiah, in a letter to
Mr. Greene dated Kamiah, Oregon Ter'y, Feb. 6th, 1840,
writes :
"On pp. 387 of the Herald for 1838, it is mentioned that 'an
alphabet in the Nez Perces language' is completed, & three
books are mentioned as completed or hoped to be during the
year. That alphabet has been thrown away, it being found
before the reception of your letter, not only 'unclassical & outlandish' but also attended with such difficulties as to render it
entirely impracticable to use it. Respecting the book sent to
the Islands to be printed, it came back as it was sent. Mr.
Hall came last spring with a press, which was kindly presented to us by the members of Mr. Binghams church, & all
the printing that was done during the summer was a small
work of 20 pp. prepared by Mr. Spalding. Before it went to
press it was sent to me for correction. On examining it, I
found scarcely a correct sentence of Nez Perces in the whole
of it. I corrected it as well as I was able to at that time &
sent it back. Some of the corrections were admitted & some
rejected—The book was printed. The result is that the book
is so incorrect as to be almost entirely useless, & has been used
but little. This is all that has appeared of those books. At
our meeting in Sept. last, assignments were made for the preparation of books as you will see from the minutes of the meeting, a copy of which I will send you, among which an elementary reading book was assigned to Dr. Whitman. This of
course was the first book to be needed—In Dec. Dr. W—concluded that he was unable to prepare such a work, & applied Oregon Mission Press
51
to Mr. Rogers & myself to do it for him. We have accordingly
prepared matter for some 50 or 60 pages, which is now in press.
Mr. Rogers with a little instruction from Mr. Hall is printing
the work. He has sent me the first 28 pp. & it appears very
well—This work, tho' not entirely correct, I think to be generally free from grammatical errors, & will answer our purpose tolerably well—I find my own style quite stiff & frequently not according to the idiom of the language—What Mr.
Rogers has prepared, however, is in a more easy style & more
according to the idiom of the language—By travelling with the
people & being much with them, he is able to speak the language
with great ease & propriety—He is a very valuable helper
to us—"
As an assistant to Mr. Hall had been employed a young man
named Cornelius Rogers, who had traveled out to Oregon with
the re-enforcement consisting of Messrs. Eells, Smith and
Walker, which arrived at Walla Walla, August 29, 1838.
According to Mr. Smith he was to have lived with him at
Kamiah, for on August 27, 1839, writing to the A. B. C. F. M.
he says :
"Br Rogers, a young man who came out with us from Cincinnati, is to be associated with me the coming year, & will
engage in teaching & preparing some school books—He is a
valuable helper in the language He. has been with the Indians
to buffalo this season & has made great proficiency in the
language—He has a natural talent for acquiring language & it
is probable that he has surpassed all other white men in the
acquisition of the Nez Perces language."
At the fifth annual meeting at Kamiah, Sept 2, 1840, by vote
of the mission Mr. Rogers was formally placed in charge of
the printing of the mission by the following resolutions :
"Resolved : That as soon as practicable a building, suitable
for the printing establishment be erected at Lapwai, & such
furniture provided as is necessary to carry on the department.
Resolved: That the printing establishment, together with
the erection of a building be entrusted to Mr. Rogers, under the
superintendence of the Pru. Committee—
Resolved : That £30 pr annum be appropriated for the support of Mr. Rogers according to previous arrangements."
Mr. Rogers makes the following report of activities in the
printing department, as quoted by A. B. Smith in his annual 52
Howard Malcolm Ballou
report to the A. B. C. F. M. in a letter dated Kamiah, Oregon,
Sept 28, 1840.
"Since I have had any connection with this department, a
small book of 52 pages has been printed with the assistance of
Mr. Hall, a copy of which accompanies this report. 800 copies
were printed & 250 have been bound.
A room in Mr Spalding's house has been occupied with the
press & types, but it is too small to do anything in to advantage.
A large font of Pica type has not been opened. It is the
type needed for printing school books, but cannot be opened
for want of cases, six pairs of which are needed.
In order to do anything to advantage a suitable building
is needed, together with the furniture as recommended, by
Mr. Hall."
The book is in size 5^ix4j4 inches, and was printed in
thirteen numbered signatures of four pages each.
The books mentioned as bound were furnished with a printed
blue paper cover, a cut of which is shown herewith. (See
plate —).
Mr. Rogers however did not do any further printing for the
Mission, for before the next book was printed he resigned, in
the spring of 1841, on account of disagreements with Mr.
Spalding, causing his late associates much anxiety through the
report that he was engaged to be married to a Catholic, the
quarter-breed daughter of Mr. Pambrun, then recently killed
by a fall from his horse.
Mr. Rogers, however, married the daughter of the Rev.
Mr. Leslie, one of of the Methodist missionaries, and on Feb. 1,
1843, was drowned while landing from a canoe at the falls of
the Willamette.
[To be concluded] JONATHAN  CARVER'S  SOURCE FOR THE NAME
OREGON
By T. C. Elliott
On the outer walls of the Public Library of Portland, a
beautiful building which was constructed within the last twenty years and covers an entire city block in that metropolis of
the state of Oregon, are carved names of men and women who
have attained fame in the various fields of the world's progress ;
and in the group of names of noted explorers—Columbus,
Balboa, Marco Polo, Livingstone, Mackenzie and others—appears the name Carver. The occasion for this honor was a
book written by Jonathan Carver of Massachusetts, which has
been printed in several languages and gone through more than
thirty editions, and which, incidentally, introduced into literature and history the name OREGON.
At the time of its publication in London, in 1778, Captain
Carver's book, entitled "Travels Through the Interior Parts of
North America in the Years 1766, 1767 and 1768," was one
of the best sellers on the London market. That fact, and the
prominence later awarded to it in literature, have occasioned
much inquiry about its author, and opinion, pro and con, as to
the sources of his information and reliability of his statements.
The most prominent contributions on that subject are those of
the late Edward Gaylord Bourne of Yale University, (printed
in volume eleven—1906—of the American Historical Review),
and of Mr. John Thomas Lee of Madison, (printed in the Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for 1909
and 1912), and of Dr. William Browning of Brooklyn (printed
in the Wisconsin Magazine of History in 1920). The present
writer has recently added two chapters to that discussion,
namely, "The Strange Case of Jonathan Carver and the Name
Oregon," and "The Origin of the Name Oregon," both printed
in the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society of December
1920 and June 1921. He now adds a third, in connection with
which it is proper to explain that the documentary material 54
T. C. Elliott
made use of has been cumulative, and was in part not even
known to the writer when the first one was written.
Captain Carver's "Travels" is divided into two parts, and
the extensive plagiarisms which make up much of the second
or descriptive part have already been conclusively pointed out
by Professor Bourne. The purpose of this contribution is to
briefly refer to some statements in the first or journal part
of the book, and to indicate the circumstances under which this
journal came to be written by Carver, and to disclose his entire
dependence upon Major Robert Rogers for the plans and means
for his journey to the West, and for the name Oregon.
Jonathan Carver earned his military title of captain through
efficient, though not distinguished, service in the French and
Indian War of 1755-1763. His enlistment and service were
with various companies of infantry from the "Province of Massachusetts Bay", his home then being in the small town of
Montague, near Greenfield and Deerfield, in the valley of the
Connecticut river. Active fighting in that war was concluded,
for the most part, at thé time of the surrender of Montreal to
General Jeffrey Amherst in the late summer of 1760, iBoth
Major Rogers and Captain Carver were present at that occasion, and, immediately or soon after, the former was dispatched to the West to take over the French posts on the
Great Lakes. Captain Carver was, as far as the record yet
discloses, between that date and the disbandonment of the army
in 1763, stationed in Canada and assigned to engineering work
in the Province of Quebec. In proof of this Mr. Lee has
brought to our attention the second (1776) edition of Thomas
Jeffrey's AMERICAN ATLAS, in which there appears a
finely executed map entitled "A New Map of the Province of
Quebec, according to the Royal Proclamation of the 7th of
October, 1763, from the French Surveys connected with those
made after the War, by Captain Carver, and other Officers in
His Majesty's Service."
It should be stated here that the charge that Captain Carver
was "an unlettered shoemaker" has been disproved by Mr.
Lee and Dr. Browning (see page 344 of Vol. 21 of Oregon
Historical Quarterly).   Carver's education evidently was along Carver's Source for Oregon
55
the lines of surveying and draughting, civil engineering we
would now term it, and was quite equal to that of the youth
of well-to-do families of the period.
When mustered out of the army in the summer or fall of
1763 Captain Carver probably found himself in a poor state of
mind for again taking on the duties of civil and family life,
especially in a country community where opportunity for lucrative practice of his vocation would have been small. He was
not a man of prominence or of property, as far as has yet been
disclosed; in fact he was impecunious. Mr. Lee has found
certain petitions, by himself and by his wife, to the General
Court of Massachusetts for relief ; and in later years his wife
was engaged in school teaching at Montague. As far as is
known to us Captain Carver removed to Boston vicinity; at
any rate there he was in May, 1766, quite ready to accept a
proposition to journey to the West on an enterprise of adventure and exploration. This information comes to us in
Carver's own words, in the petition he presented to the King's
Privy Council in London in 1769, a copy of which has been
printed on page 111 of Vol. twenty-two of this Quarterly.
The offer came to him from one Robert Rogers, the newly
appointed governor and commandant at the important frontier
trading post of Mackinac on Lake Michigan.
At this date, apparently (May 1766), began the active relations between Jonathan Carver, civil engineer, age fifty-six,
formerly captain in the English army but a comparatively
obscure civilian, and Robert Rogers, major, age thirty-five,
with national reputation as an Indian fighter, and a man of
remarkable initiative, forcefulness and audacity. Major Rogers had only recently returned from London, where he had
obtained appointment to the important position above mentioned. While there he had brought out two books, which had
attracted favorable attention ; one being the "Journals" of his
career in the war, and the other being of a descriptive and
historical character entitled "A Concise Account of North
America." In his proposal to Carver he had in mind other
activities than the mere administration of the office at Mackinac, as will later appear. 56
T. C. Elliott
In the introduction to his "Travels," written just prior to
1778, Captain Carver sets up a claim to an original idea of
Western exploration in the interest of his King and Country
as early as 1763, and on that account has been awarded much
credit as a man of vision and foresight. In the light of this
association with Major Rogers in May, 1766, it is well, in a
spirit of fairness at least, to inquire whether Carver may not
at some time have inspired Rogers with this idea; for it will
be remembered, by those who have followed this discussion,
that, when in London in the summer of 1765, Major Rogers
petitioned the King's Privy Council for permission and slip-
port to conduct an expedition across the continent to the Pacific
ocean in search for the river "Ourigan" and the mythical
Northwest Passage.1 The proposal however did not receive
official sanction.
It seems perfectly reasonable to presume that at times during
the French and Indian War these two men fell into each other's
company, though an intimacy is not probable. Carver served
in an infantry regiment, while Rogers was the organizer and
leader of an independent partisan command widely known as
"Rogers Rangers," and was active in scouting duties and daring raids, after the Indian modes of fighting. In 1760 Rogers
was sent, as already stated, to the Great Lakes region, and in
1763 was again sent to Detroit to assist in putting down the
conspiracy under famous Chief Pontiac. Mean time he had
been in service in the South against the Cherokees. But in
the winter of 1764 he retired from active duty, on half pay,
and spent all that year in land speculations in New Hampshire
and Vermont, from Portsmouth as headquarters.2 Future
research may connect these men during that year, but it is
easily recognized that Major Rogers was the dominating character, the one with knowledge of the West and inherent spirit
of adventure. Carver's claim should be regarded as another
of his methods of book writing.
Official  records3  disclose  quite clearly that Gen.  Thomas
i For transcript of this proposal, see Ore. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 2, p   101
2 The authority for this is on pages 02 and 93 of "Ponteach, Or the Savage* of
America," Caxtora Club Edit., by Allan Nevins.
3 Johnson Mss., 12, 22, which is quoted by Nevins on page 104 of "Ponteach." Carver's Source for Oregon
57
Gage, then in command at New York of the British forces in
America, and Sir William Johnson, Supt. of Indian Affairs in
America, were not pleased with the instructions sent them to
appoint Major Rogers to the important position at Mackinac.
They did not consider that his career as a "Ranger" fitted him
for garrison duty or that he had ability or self-control for making a safe administration of civil affairs, and they had knowledge of heavy personal indebtedness and other habits all too
common among army officers. They also feared his influence
among the Indians. They knew that the Indians of the West, as
well as of New York and Canada, held the name of Rogers hi
high esteem, from his bravery, wonderful feats of endurance and
daring, and narrow escapes during the late war. In the eyes
of the Indians Rogers held a charmed life. Supt. Johnson in
particular was very emphatic in his suspicions, and planned to
keep the new governor within bounds by means of written
regulations and instructions as to the conduct of affairs. These
suspicions seem to have been justified, for Major Rogers remained in authority at Mackinac less than a year and a half,
and the manner of his retirement was spectacular. This has
been referred to in a previous chapter of this discussion. But
it should be understood by the reader that Rogers' side to that
story has not yet become fully known and final judgment of his
acts and plans then should be withheld. The authorities used
by the writer have already been mentioned and the theme is
inviting" for further research.
Major Rogers had returned from London in December, 1765,
but consumed nearly six months with preparations fof takirig
up the duties of his position. He needed to see others than
Captain Carver in the development of his plans, and his Wife
had decided to accompany him. She was the daughter of a
prominent clergyman of Portsmouth, N. H., and the undertaking Was a considerable one for her. They probably traveled
by the old Mohawk Trail from the Connecticut Valley to
the Hudson so as to obtain final instructions from Sir William
Johnson at the famous "Johnson Hall," not far from Troy,
New York.    Who "grubstaked" Carver for this journey is 58
T. C. Elliott
unknown but small suggestions here and there indicate that
someone of prominence near Boston did it.
Albany, in 1766, was important as the residence of some of
the merchants who supplied goods to agents at Detroit, Mackinac, and elsewhere. It rivalled Montreal in the fur trade.
The communication between Albany and those Western trading
posts was by the Mohawk River, Oneida Lake, the Onondago
river to the waters of Lake Ontario at Oswego, thence to the
portage at Niagara and the waters of Lake Erie and Lake
Huron. Carriage was by canoes and batteaus, except that on
Lake Erie a single small sailing vessel, named the Gladwyn,
made regular trips during the seasons of open water. By this
route Major Rogers and his wife, and presumably his fellow-
adventurers, traveled; presumably together although there is
no proof of it. A large Indian council between the officers
under Supt. Johnson and Indian chiefs was held at Oswego in
July of that year, and Major Rogers had a part in that, but
arrived at Mackinac early in August.
One of the early acts of Major Rogers after arriving at
Mackinac was to put in motion his plans to send agents into
the Mississippi valley to spend the winter. Such expenditure
of British money was beyond the instructions of Supt. Johnson, but that was then of small concern to the Major. We
are fortunate in being able to present as documents herewith
some of the written instructions given by Major Rogers to
his representatives. The first of these, in the order of printing, is that given to Captain Carver under date August 12th
at Mackinac. It is proper to call attention to two items of
Carver's instructions, namely, the absence of any mention of
the name Ourigan, and the presence of direct orders that the
journals kept by Carver should be delivered to Major Rogers.
One month later, Sept. 12th, 1766, instructions were issued
to two other agents, and these interest us more directly because
both make direct mention of the name OURIGAN, and outline
the search for the river of that name and the Northwest Passage
connecting Hudson's Bay with the Pacific ocean. Incidentally
some deposit of treasure on one of the mythical rivers was to
be visited.   Captain James Tute was to be the, leader of the Carver's Source for Oregon
59
party. This man had been a neighbor of Rogers' in New
Hampshire, and an officer in the "Rangers", and was well
qualified for hardship and danger and dealing with Indians.
Captain Tute's lieutenant was to be Mr. James Stanley God-
dard, an Englishman who had been active in the fur trade
already and was reported to be especially successful in influencing the Indians of Wisconsin. His name appears in other
documents of that period. In one of these documents it will
be noted that Captain Carver is described as being in the
company of a "Mr. Bruce," near the Falls of St. Anthony.
This reference probably is to one William Bruce, who had
been going into that region for a number of years, but whose
name is not mentioned in Carver's "Travels", as published.
In accordance with these instructions Captain Carver, in
company with experienced traders, journeyed to the Mississippi
valley and the Falls of St. Anthony, and wintered somewhere
on the Minnesota river, which enters the Mississippi at Fort
Snelling between the cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis. He
made friends with the Sioux Indians there, and incidentally
Obtained from them a deed for a large tract of land which has
become known in the history of Wisconsin as the Carver Grant ;
and in the Spring of 1767 proceeded down the river to Prairie
du Chien, where many Indians then gathered every year to
meet French and English traders from New Orleans and Mackinac and elsewhere and engage in an annual "rendezvous."
Whether Captain Carver during the winter knew of Major
Rogers plans for Western exploration may be an open question; the following quotation from his original journal will
throw some light upon that subject. It is evident that he had
ingratiated himself with the Sioux chiefs.4
Mention has been made in one of the previous discussions
of the original manuscripts of Carver's book being deposited
with the Sir Joseph Bank's papers in the British Museum at
London. During the summer of 1921 the writer was fortunate
in being able to secure a careful and critical examination of
4 He induced several of their chiefs to go to Mackinac to see Major Rogers, and
also to sign a deed for a large tract of land, for evidence of which see Carver's
"Travels," Third Edit. 60
T. C. Elliott
these manuscripts by Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, editor of the
American Historical Review. Dr. Jameson's letter to the
writer, dated at London on September 21st, 1921, contains,
inter alia, the following excerpt from what seems to be the
original journal of Captain Carver; "May 6 arrived at La
praire Chien or the Dog Plains here I found Capt. James Tute
Mr. James Stanley Goddard and a Party with (sic) some
Goods in order to proceed from this to Find out the Great River
Ourigan that runs into the South sea and a Northwest Passage
if possible their orders was from Major Robert Rogers Commandant of Michillimack-inac who sent orders by Capt. Tute
for me to Joyn this party as a draughtsman" Dr. Jameson adds
that the handwriting is plain.
Dr. Jameson reports this to be the only mention of the
name Ourigan by Carver in this journal. The writer has
since obtained from London a transcript of the journal from
May 6th to its close and the following entries give the further
story of this abortive search for the Northwest Passage : "May
21st. Took my Departure from Ottogaume Town5 in Company with Capt. Tute Commander of the Party Mr. Goddard a
Lieutenant Mr. G—tier6 interpreter and Mr. Reaume having
two cannoes and Eight working People one Chipeway Chief
one guide—with these we proceeded up the Mississippi with
a Determination to Winter at a Place Call'd by the french Fort
Lapraire7 not far from Lake Winepeek it being the Furthest
Trading post the French ever had in the Northwest."   *   *   *
May 28th This day came to where the Chipeway River
Joyns the Mississippi—the same evening we was given to
understand that the Guide and the rest of the Indians with us
declin'd Going any Further up in the Missisipi Capt. Tute call'd
a Counsel to consult upon what method would be most expedient in that case it was Generally agreed to take our course
up the Chipeway River the Reasons was first that we had not
5 Prairie du Chien.
6 Gauthier (or Gautier), a family prominent in the fur trade at that period.
7 Fort La Prairie, a trading post on the Assiniboine or Saskatchewan rivers in
the plains country between Lake Winnipeg and the Rocky Mountains, the exact location of which cannot be stated. See page 90 of Bryce's "Remarkable Hist, of the
Hudson's Bay Company" for possible location. This reference opens a very interesting line of inquiry as to actual trade in the country west of Lake Winnipeg
between 1760 and 1770, prior to the organization of the "Northwest Company." Carver's Source for Oregon
with us preasents Sutable for to pass through the Naudowessee
with—and secondly that as Major Rogers had by Letters informed us/ That he would send us a Supply by the way of
Lake Superior and the Grand Portage of such Goods for
Presents to the Indians when we should have occasion to Pass
as we should stand in need of—thirdly that affirm'd as a
Reason for their not being willing to go by the way of the
Naudowessee was for fear of war parties towards the head
of the Mississippi which often Pass there in the Summer Season—the 29 of May we set of up the Chipeway River.   *   *   *
July 12 arr'd at a small Chipeway Village on the entrance of
the River St. Louis at the Western Extremity of Lake Superior.   *    *   *
July 14 took our Departure from this Town the 19 arrived at
the Grand Portage, August 2nd. Came two canoes in the
morning, in the afternoon four more, these being some traders
bound to the Northwest of the (sic) we procured some supply s
till the Succours Expected from Maj'r Rogers should come.
Aug'st 7th This day Mr. Francis a Trader Bound to the
Northwest Came in and Brought some Letters from
Major Rogers by which we understood we was to have
no supplys this year from him at the same time desired us to
Push on for our Discovery the same day Capt. Tute Call'd a
Counsel to know what was to be done in our then unhappy
Condition No provision or goods to get any with, when it was
universally agreed to Return to Michillimackinac and give over
our intended Expedition accordingly the next day took our
Leave of the King of the Christinoes Came Round on the North
and East Side of Lake Superior and arriv'd to St. Mary's8
August the 27th. Lake Superior from the Western end which
is properly a Bay from the Islands call'd the 12 apostles westward around on the North North East and East to the Straits
of St. Maries it seems to Lye in one Continued Jungle of
Rocks the Land very mountainous for Thousands of acres
together in many places a firm Rock except some chasms where
grow some small scrubby Trees.—the Land about St. Mary's
is tolerable good the Fort consists of only some old Stockades
round a house the whole very much decay'd and Gone to Ruin
8 Sault Ste. Marie. 62
T. C. Elliott
since the French Lost the Command at (sic) the falls of St.
Marys is calld the Best place in all these Lakes on account of
the white fishing Especially in the fall where any Supplys Might
be had—
Augst 29 this Day arrived at Michilimackinac here Ends
this attempt to find out a Northwest Passage.
The entries in this journal were not made every day but
every few days, and in some instances are quite voluminous in
their descriptions of the country or events. Comment and comparison with the text of Carver's "Travels" belongs more properly to the history of Wisconsin than of Oregon and may be
undertaken at another time. It is noticeable that Carver made
no entries at all while returning from Grand Portage to Sault
Ste. Marie although his book contains generous accounts of the
north shore of Lake Superior; also that he was then merely
one of the Tute-Goddard party.
For the better understanding of real conditions something
should be said here as to the delay of Capt. Tute and Mr. Goddard in their movements. In the months of June and July,
1767 there assembled at Mackinac one of the most imposing
and numerously attended Indian councils ever held in that
romantic locality.9 Indians came from all the regions around
to meet the man whose life had been protected by the Gods of
War and who had now come to live among them. This was a
part of Major Rogers' scheme to extend the influence of British
authority and increase the trade and he made special effort
to reach the chiefs of the Mississippi valley and of the country
beyond which was still under Spanish authority. These agents
were evidently instructed, verbally or outside the lines of their
letters, to spend the winter in promoting the attendance at this
council; and their attendance at the rendesvous at Prairie du
Chien was necessary to assure the results.
In these three contributions sufficient evidence has been compiled to indicate that Jonathan Carver was not an independent
traveler or an independent writer. He did not travel to the
West on his own initiative or according to his own plan, he
9 See "Ponteach," page 129, for mention of this. Carver's Source for Oregon
63
did not travel unaccompanied, he did not travel into any unknown country and he did not record geographical information
not already known through the French.10 He also took the plan
for his book and some of the contents thereof from the two
books by Major Rogers which had been published in 1765.
Of special interest is the tracing back to Major Rogers of the
name OREGON.11
But in spite of these disclosures and conclusions, and his
rather low moral standards in respect to some things, let us
not, at this late day, decline to give Jonathan Carver credit for
producing a book which is interesting in its narrative and attractive in its style and which served to bring to public notice
information about America at a time when such information
was in popular demand but hidden in the leaves of other writers.
Jonathan Carver was just then living in London in conditions
of dire distress and want and it is strange if he avoided detention in the debtors prison at times. There is no suggestion of such disgrace and he retained a degree of respectability sufficient to insure the publication of this book and the
placing of his name in the pages of literature and history.
This distinction comes, in part, from such sentences as the following, which appears in his introduction. "But as the seat of
Empire from time immemorial has been gradually progressive
toward the West, there is no doubt that at some future period,
mighty kingdoms will emerge from these wildernesses, and
stately palaces and solemn temples, with gilded spires reaching to the skies, supplant the Indian huts, whose only decorations are the barbarous trophies of their vanquished enemies."
On the cover of one of the editions of the histories of George
Bancroft this sentence was paraphrased as "Westward the
star of empire takes its way," and had been used in similar
verbiage by Bishop George Berkeley of England in 1825.
N. B. The documents immediately following are from the Public
Record Office, London, and were copied by B. F. Stevens and Brown.
T. C. Elliott.
(Document Number One)
P. R. O. Treasury Solicitor.   General series 4957
io The map in Capt. Carver's book could easily have been an adaptation of the
following map, which the writer has examined at the Legislative Library at Victoria,
B. C ; "A Map of North America," by J. Palairet, with considerable Alterations and
Improvements from D'Anville, Mitchell & Bellin by L. Delarochette, 1765.
11 For origin of this name see page 100 of Vol. a», No. 2, of the Oregon Hist.
Quarterly. 64
T. C. Elliott
(In papers rel. to the suit Rogers vs. Gage).
No. 4
Copy of Major Rogers's Commission to Mr. lonathan Carver
Micha 12 August 1766
JBy Robert Rogers Esqr. Agent to the Western Indians and
Governor Commandant of His Majesty's Garrison of Michi-
limakinac and it's Dépendances.
To Captain Jonathan Carver, Esqr.
Whereas it will be to the Honour and Dignity of the Nation
as well as for the good of His Majesty's Service to have some
good Suravies of the Interior parts of North America
Espeeseely to the West and North West of this Garrison
I do by Vartiue of the Authority given me apoint you for
that purpose at eight Shillings Starling p Day until Discharged.
And you are heareby direckd to set out from this Post Emme-
diently and proceed along the North Side of Lake Missigan to
the Bay,1 and from thence to the falls of St. Antinoies on the
Mksipee, taking an exact Plans of the Countery by the way
marking down all Indian Towns with their Numbers, as also to
take Survaies of the different Posts Lakes and Rivers as also
the Mountains.
And at the Falles of St. Antoines and about that as far as
you can explore this Winter. And make your Reports to me
early in the Spring. Should you receive Orders from me to
March further to the Westward with any other Detachment
that I may send this fall or winter you are to do it And send
back your Journals by Mr. Browe (Bruce?) or some other
safe hand—but should you not receive any you are to return
by the Ilun way2 River And from thens to Saint Joseph And
from thence along the East side of Lake Misigan to this place
taking all the way exact Plans of the Country and for so doing
*this shall be your sufficient Warrant.
Given under my Hand at
Michilimakinac ye 12th August 1766
Robt. Rogers.
(Document Number Two)
P. R. O. Treasury Solicitor General series 4957
(In papers relative so the suit Rogers vs. Gage)
N5
Copy of Major Rogers's Instructions and Orders to lames
Stanley Goddard, Micha 12 Septr. 1766.
1 Green Bay, Wisconsin.
2 The Illinois river. Carver's Source for Oregon
65
By the Honourable Robert Rogers, Major & Governor of the
Lakes Huron, Missigan & Superior and the Suronding Country
to the heads of the Several Bays & Rivers that Discharge their
waters into the said Lakes, Subordent Agent and Superintendent to Sr William Johnson for the Western Indians Captn
Commandant of Michilimakinac and its Dependencies &c. &c.
To James Stanley Goddard Esq.
I do by virtue of the Power and authority to me given appoint you secretary to a Detachment under the Command of
Captn James Tute (as also one of the Consill to the said Detachment) ordered for the Discovery of the River Ourigan
and the Northwest Passage at Eight Shillings Sterling p day
and over & above an equal Share of the reward offered by
the Government for that Discovery and you are hereby order'd
to do Act & perform the Office of Secretary for the detachment to the utmost of your power by keeping exact journals
and entering every useful remark that you think can attend to
future knowledge of the Cuntry which you pass through as
also to take down the Talks of the Indians, their numbers &c.
And for so doing this shall be your Sufficient Warrant and
authority to Demand your Payment at your return
Given under my hand and Seal this Twelfth day of
Septr. 1766 at Michilimakinac
Robt Rogers
Reed the 29th Septr. 1767 of Major Rogers a Sett of Bills
of Exchange value One Hundred & forty Sixteen Shillings
Sterg when paid will be in full for Subsistance due to me for
the within warrant the Bills are drawn by Major Robert
Rogers in my favor on Mr. Benjmn Hammet Mercht in London
Street, London
James Stanley Goddard.
(Document Number Three)
P. R. O.    Treasury Solicitor General Series 4957
Suit. King's Bench. 1768
Major Robert Rogers versus Genl. Gage
(Amongst the papers is the following: —)
No. 6.
Copy of Major Roger's Instructions and Orders to Captn.
Tute, Micha, 12th Septr. 1766.
By the Honourable Robert Rogers Major & Governor of
the Lakes Huron, Missigan & Superior and the Suronding
Country to the heads of the several Bays and Rivers that dis- T. C. Eluott
charge their waters into the said Lakes, Subordent Agent and
Superintendent to Sr. William Johnson for the Western Indians
Captn. Commandant of Michilimakinac and its Dependencies
&c. &c..
Instructions to Captn. James Tute Esqr. Commanding a
Party for the Discovery of the North West Passage from the
Atlantick into the Passifick Ocean if any such Passage there be,
or for the discovery of the great River Ourigan that falls into
the Pacifick Ocean about the Latitude Fifty.
You can set out immediately with this Detachment and with
them proceed to La Bay from thence to the Falls of St. An-
tônies and further up the said River to a convenient place to
Winter amongst the Souex carrying with you the necessary
Artickles now delivered to your Care for Boons to gain the.
friendship of they Indians and to retain and dismiss them from
time to time as you approach on your way and pass the Curtry
they are best acquainted with. You are when you arrive at
the Falls of St. Antonies to endeavour to find out where Mr.
Bruce Winteres and from him take Captn. Jonathan Carver
under your Command who is to be Draftsman for the Detachment. He with Mr. James Stanley Goddard and the Interpreter is to make up a Consull, which you may on every occasion that appears necessary Order, that they may with you
consult the Expediency of the Voyage by which with these
Instructions you are to gard yourselves. Mr. Goddard has an
Appointment as your Secretary for Indian Affairs. He is to
be second in Command, Mr. Carver third, Mr. Reaume has my
appointment for your Interpreter & fourth in Command.
You will from where you Winter early in the Spring endeavour to get some good guides from the Souex's and proceed
with your Party to the Northwest and make what discoveries
you can during the Summer and at the Close of which you will
fall in with your Party to Winter at Fort La Parrie1 at which
place you shall have sent you a further Suploy of Goods next
Fall, that you may take them what is ecessary to carry on the
Expedition, & from Fort La Parrie you will travel West bearing to the Northwest and do you endeavour to fall in with the
great River Ourgan which rises in several different branches
between the Latitudes Fifty six and forty eight and runs Westward for near three hundred Leagues, when it is at no great di|fl
tance from each other join'd by one from the South and a little
up the Stream by one from the North ; about these forks you
will find an Inhabited Country and great Riches, the Gold is
up that River that comes in from the North at about three
Days Journey from their great Town, near the mouth of it atfj
i Fort La Prairie, for which see previous note No. 7. Carver's Source for Oregon
67
the South West side of a large Mountain, but there is not any
Iron Ore that is known to be work't among them, from this
Town the Inhabitants carry their Gold near Two thousand
Miles to Traffick with the Japancies and it's said they have
some kind of Beasts of Burthen.
From where the above Rivers join this great River Ourigan
it becomes much larger and about four hundred Leagues as the
River runs from this Town abovementioned it discharges itself
into an Arm or Bay of the Sea at near the Latitude of fifty
four and bends Southerdly and entys into the Pacifick Ocean
about forty eight, nine or fifty, where it narrow, but to the
Northwest where you join this Bay of the Sea at the Entrence
of the River Ourigan the Bay is wide, and supposed to have
a communication with the Hudsons Bay, about the Latitude
of fifty nine near Dobsie's point,2 from the above description
you will do your utmost endeavour to find out and discover
the said Country, and take all possible means to obtain a Draft
of it, as well as by the Way reporting from time to time to me
all your proceedings at every opportunity sending such Scetches
or Plans as your Draftsman has taken, and you are further
desired to make all the Interest you possibly can with the
different Nations that others may pass after your return to open
a Trade across the Continent to those People equally advantag-
ious to themselves as to us ; On your way should have occasion
you may draw Bills on me at any time for the purchase of Goods
and Merchandize of Traders that you may meet or for the
payment of Indians that you may employ for carrying on the
Expedition shou'd your Goods that you have with you, and
those I will send you next Fall to Fort La Parrie not be sufficient, and such Drafts as a small Sight shall meet with due
Honor. And hen you have any thing to send back, as no doubt
they Indians will give you Presents, take care to convey them
to me by some careful person, that will Honorably deliver them
here. And over and above Eight Shillings Sterling p day,
you are intitled, if you discover a North West Passage from
the Atlantick to the Pacifick Ocean, Twenty thousand Pounds3
Sterling to be paid to the Detachment which is equally to be
divided amongst them by the Honorable Lords of His
Majestys Treasury of England and for the other Discovery of
the River Ourigan you will be considered by the Government
and paid according to the value of the discovery that you may
make, to be likewise divided amongst the Detachment.
You must take great care not to be deceaved by the Rivers
Missisure or by that falls into Hudsons Bay or by other Rivers
that Emty into the Gulf of Californie as every attempt of this
2 Evidently refers to some statement by Arthur Dobbs, an Englishman who wrote
much upon the subject of a Northwest Passage.
3 No such reward was ever offered for a land discovery; it was limited to a
discovery by naval vessel or private navigator. 68
T. C. Elliott
kind is attended with som difficulty whenever that appears to
you call to mind your Courage and resulution and not let that
faile you in the Attempt. Consider the honor it will be to
you and the Detachment with you besides the Great advantages that much arrive to the undertakers of it. Believe in it
like a Man that is Devoted to his King and Brave out every
difficulty and you may be sure of Success.
You are to take great care not to leave the least suspicion
among the many different nations of Indians that your design
is any other than to open a Trade with them. Beware of their
Women not to take them without consent of their Chiefs pay
them puntually for what you have of them which is the Sure
way to have Success.
And when you have made all the discovery you can you
must return to this place in the way and manner you think
most conveiant and easy for yourself and party either by Hudsons Bay, or back the way you go out, across the Country
observing proper places for posts going and coming, but I
strongly recommend it to you not to touch at any of our
Hudson Bay Posts as they may detain you and make advantages of your Journey to themselves—but should you fnd out
a North West passage as I do not doubt but you will or a
Short carrying place cross over to Fort la Parrie where you
may be assured to meet relief.
I heartily wish you Success and that God may preserve you
and the detachment through this undertaking and that you may
meet the reward of a deserving officer at your return over and
above the Money offered for the discovery to effect which
may good offices shall not be wanting to every Individual.
You are Strictly commanded to make your report to me at
your return wherever I may be, or in case of my Death to the
Honourable Charles Townsend or in case of both our Deaths
to the Honorable Lords of Trade and Plantations and for so
doing this shall be your Sufficient Warrant and Instructions.
Given under my Hand and Seal at
Michilimakinac this 12th Septembr. 1766.
Robt. Rogers.
No. 7
Copy of Major Rogers's letter to Captn. Tute Micha. ioth
June 1767
Michilimakinac Ye. 10th June 1767
Dear Sir:
I had the pleasure to Receive your Letter dated sometime Carver's Source for Oregon
last winter and am obliged to you for the Intelligance. I have
sent Mr. Boyce to be Stationed at the Lakes La Plu De bocue
to keep that passage open from Lake Wennepeck to Lake Su-
periouer. Mr. Francois is to follow him with ten Canoes,
he sets out the begining of next Month, those last Canoes is
to go to Fort La Pierre and Lake Wennepeck So that you and
your party will have Plenty of Suploys And Mr. Boyce as
allso Mr. Otherington is to give you any Immediate Assistance that you may stand in need of before Francois Arrival.
By Francois you shall have all the News of every kind at
present every thing is Quiet hear I am Sir with Esteem
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
To Captain Toute. Robt. Rogers. THE FIRST INDIAN SCHOOL OF THE PACIFIC
NORTHWEST.
By Robert Moulton Gatke
The first Indian School of the Pacific Northwest was the child
of the Oregon Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
It was conducted at their original station on the banks of the
Willamette River, about ten miles north of the present city
of Salem.
No portion of the Mission work was more important than
its schools. While the work of daily instruction was not begun
until the Fall of 1835, one year after the station was established, the actual work of teaching had been in progress for
some time. In a letter written on September 24th, 1835, Cyrus
Shepard speaks of his plan to teach every day and also mentions the fact that for some time he had been teaching the
halfbreed children every other day, while their Sabbath School,
which had been opened almost as soon as the mission was established, had taught reading as well as religious subjects. Even tho
the missionaries had not planned to take up the teaching work it
would have been forced upon them by the conditions they
faced. They had scarcely erected their first shelter when
Christian love and charity demanded that they receive under
their care Indian children who had no one to care for them,
or who were brought to the Mission by their parents that they
might be instructed in matters relating to the white man's
religion and life. Daniel Lee tells us that the first Indian
lads were left in their care during the Spring when they were
busy planting their first crop upon the Mission farm,1 but he
must have had in mind the work on the field during the winter,
for a letter from Cyrus Shepard, dated Dec. 20, 1834, tells of
the mission having the care of three orphan children. By the
fall of that year, (1835) the mission wards had increased to
five, one having died during August, and Shepard writing to
his brother tells him that they are expecting seven more soon.2
i Lee & Frost, p. 130.
2 Letter  from  Cyrus Shepard  dated September 24,   1835,  quoted  by  Mudge
pp. 156-7. Indian School Pacific Northwest
71
These seven were the three orphan children and four Indian
slaves of one of the French Canadians, who had died a few
days before, and whose estate Jason Lee took charge of when
urged to do so by Dr. McLoughlin. As the one stipulation
insisted upon by Lee was that the slaves should be freed, Lee
and McLoughlin united in a very practical way to try to overcome the somewhat common condition of Indian slavery. A
taste of freedom proved so pleasing to two of these young
Indian slaves that they did not wish to live even under the
kindly control of the Mission home and school and so left
after the proverbial French manner.3
Indeed, from the first, the Mission partook of the nature of
an orphanage. The condition of the orphans among the Indian
tribes was very pitiful. Turning to one of the interesting
letters of Shepard, we find an account of the first Indian children received at the Mission. In a letter to his brother dated
December 20, 1834, and written just after a preliminary visit
to the mission, he says: "We have already three poor Flat-
heads, orphan children, and as soon as circumstances will
permit, shall have a great many more. One of these is a lad
of fourteen or fifteen years of age. After he had been with
us for a short time, news came that his mother was dead ; and
his little sister, about seven years of age (these being the
only children) was left without a friend to take care of her.
Brother Lee, therefore, sent for her and she has since been
one of the mission family. When she arrived she was almost
entirely naked, as were the other children. My first business
was to make her a gown of some tow cloth, which had been
used to cover our goods while on the journey. Though it was
piece upon piece, I finally succeeded in making a considerably
good dress, but not with 'Bishop Sleeves' as my present means
were only adequate to make them about the size of the arms.
Having completed this garment, we cast off her former covering, which was only a small piece of deer-skin, tied over her
shoulders, and another, in strips, tied around the waist, and
clothed her in the dress above described. A day or two after
this, a poor little orphan, with a very flat head, who had neither
3 Lee & Frost, pp. 132-3. 72
Robert Moulton Gatke
brother nor sister, came and in the most innocent and imploring manner, asked to stay and live with us. He is about seven
or eight years old. His request, as you may suppose, was
readily granted. An Indian, soon after, came and claimed
the only article of clothing which the little fellow had, which
was nothing more than a leather shirt; and, while we were
busily engaged at our work, he actually made the boy take it
off, and thus left him entirely naked. Ascertaining that the
shirt probably belonged to the man, brother Lee bought it of
him, and he went away apparently satisfied. Finding that the
new members of our family were covered with vermin and
filth, brother Lee and myself undertook to cleanse them. This
was no desirable task, but we felt happy in the discharge of
duty, and succeeded quite well.
"The only obstacle, to appearance, to prevent our having a
large family of these destitute sufferers, is the lack of the
means to feed them, as provisions are scarce ; but, by the smiles
of kind Providence, we hope, next season, to raise enough to
meet these demands of humanity. ... A great difficulty
in the way of taking these children is that we have not the
suitable means of clothing them; though we shall endeavor
to do the best we can in this way, until our friends and the
friends of humanity in the States, can send us children's clothing ready made."4
The death of one of the Indian wards of the Mission during
the first summer brought to the attention of the workers the
problem they faced by attempting to work among a dying race.
Tuberculosis had fixed its grip upon an alarmingly large percentage of the Indians of the valley and venereal diseases were
common, even among very young children. Fifth, lack of
proper shelter and food, lack of medical knowledge, and the
introduction of many of the diseases common to the white race,
all tended to place the death seal upon the Indians in the
Willamette valley, as well as in many other sections of the
country. Not a few words of severe censure have been applied
to the missionaries by some writers of Oregon history because
these diseased children were housed within close quarters, and
4 Quoted by Mudge, pp. 177-8. Indian School Pacific Northwest
73
undoubtedly the death rate increased, tit was certainly unfortunate that the mission faced the necessity of receiving
more of these poor unfortunate children than it could properly
care for, but any suggestion, even of the most remote kind,
from which it might be inferred that these children would have
been better off if they had not passed into the care of the
mission is too absurd for serious comment. The children came
to the mission diseased. There they were cleansed of their
filth, clothed, and given simple but healthful food. If they
had been untouched by the mission influence, they would have
remained under conditions of filth, exposure, and lack of
proper food, constituting a perfect medium for the development of their diseases. Until May of 1837, no medical care
could be given to the children of the mission family other than
the simple remedies known to the average household of that
day or such as the doctor at Vancouver might suggest; but
after that date the mission had its own physician, Dr. Elijah
White being the first to serve in that important work.
No intimate picture of the life of the school will ever be
written, for the sources are lost. The best we have is a few
letters of Cyrus Shepard and his co-laborers.5
Perhaps the first thing for us to keep in mind is that the
school was more than a mere educational institution teaching
the ordinary branches of elementary knowledge. Most of the
pupils lived at the mission and constituted part of the "mission
family." The life with its new elements of order, its common
obligations and duties, its emphasis upon the necessity of personal cleanliness, and other things which are inherent in the
Christian home were elements of education to the Indian and
half-breed children which even surpassed in value those more
formal elements taught in the class room. The Rev. H. K. W.
Perkins, a member of the mission stationed at The Dalles,
frequently visited the Willamette station, and gives us a description of the home and school. In speaking of the missionaries' care of these children, he says : "They housed them,
fed them, clothed them, instructed them, prayed over them, and
made them as their own children, when they had scarcely food,
and shelter, and clothing for themselves.6
5 "The Missionary teacher: A Memo
Mudge.
6 Quoted by Mudge, pp. 177-8.
of Cyrus Shepard," by the Rev. Z. A. 74
Robert Moulton Gatke
"I wish I could make you acquainted with brother Shepard's
school," says Mr. Perkins, "as it was when I first visited the
country. I wish I could make you see the very log house, the
school-room, the chambers where the children slept, the little
clapboard bedsteads, if bedsteads they could be called, the
loose straw in which they nestled, the dining-room, the table,
the bits of coarse bread, and basins of soup, as they used to
be placed regularly along from one end of it to the other, and
last, though not least interesting, to see the good man quietly
seated at the board, sharing the fare with them. I wish I
could introduce you to them, as he knelt with them and offered
up evening and morning prayers, that you might hear them
while they sing, and listen to the simple, artless instruction
which they receive. The scene would impress upon your mind
a vivid idea of the beauty of goodness."7
The effectiveness of the home training was greatly increased
at the time of the first and second reinforcements of the mission in the year 1837, through the helpful presence of Christian women. This touch was needed not only to make the
home influence ideal but also to relieve Shepard and the others
of work, which even with all of their great effort, they could
do but poorly as compared with those fitted by nature and
training for such work. The marriage of Jason Lee to the
cultured and beautiful Anna Pitman, and of Cyrus Shepard to
the devoted and inspiring Susan Downing caused two Christian homes to be added to those just established by Alanson
Beers and his wife, and Dr. and Mrs. White. Miss Margaret
J. Smith became the assistant teacher for the mission school
and took charge of the girls of the mission home.
Some realization of the new elements introduced is forced
upon us when we read the story of the life and death of one
of the little Indian girls, Sally Soule (so named by the missionaries in honor of the wife of one of the bishops of their
church), who, like so many of the other Indian children entered the school afflicted with tuberculosis. Miss Smith tells
us that the child was so neat and prim that her school mates
termed her "the old maid," and yet she was so much loved
7 Ibid., pp. 196-7. Indian School Pacific Northwest
75
by her rough and tumble friends, that even tho she did not
care to hunt for wrasp's nests (that she might enjoy the Indian
delicacy, toasted wasp larvae) or the "gum" from the evergreen trees, they still sought her company and would even
almost fight to secure her as partner in their games. Her
delight in sewing for her beloved doll knew no bounds, and
she treasured all of the scraps of cloth her teacher could furnish her. But this child had been rescued from the filth and
neglect of the Indian camp too late, as a deadly disease had
already griped her. The Christian love which ministered to
her needs in her new home and cared for her during her last
sickness stands in sharp contrast to the earlier neglect of the
Indian encampment.
Another condition under which the mission was laboring introduced a feature of education which was perhaps more important than the organized instruction of the school room. This
was the necessity of producing most of the provisions used for
the support of the large mission family. The work of the
mission farm was very exacting upon the men who had expected to devote most of their attention to religious teaching
and ministry. It was necessary for all of the older boys to
help with the farm work even as the girls gave their aid in
the work of the household, and in both cases they were more
benefited than by an equal amount of time spent in the class
room. In the report of the government explorer, William A.
Slacum, on the conditions he found in the Oregon country, presented on December 18, 1837, he gives a brief, but h