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Early western travels 1748-1846 : A series of annotated reprints of some of the best and rarest contemporary… Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 1853-1913 1904

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Array       Early Western Travels
Volume II
I  Early Western Travels
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary Volumes of Travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and Social and
Economic Conditions in the Middle
and Far West, during the Period
of Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites
Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Wisconsin
Historical Collections," "Chronicles of Border Warfare,"
"Hennepin's New Discovery," etc.
Volume II
John Long's Journal, 1768-1782
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Preface.    The Editor  9
Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and
Trader, describing the Manners and Customs of the
North American Indians; with an Account of the Posts
situated on the River Saint Laurence, Lake Ontario,
&c.    April 10, 1768-Spring, 1782.    John Long
Author's Dedication  22
List of Subscribers        ...... 23
Author's Preface  ....... 27
Voyages and Travels                      .        .       .       . 33
English-Esquimeaux  223
English-Iroquois, Algonkin, Chippeway .       . 224
English-Algonkin, Chippeway         .       .       . 238
English-Mohegan, Shawanee  .... 250
English-Mohegan, Algonkin, Chippeway         . 252
English-Iroquois  254
English-French  257
English-Cbippeway  259
Chippeway-English  289
Familiar Phrases:  English-Chippeway .       . 317  ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME II
Facsimile (reduced) of original title-page    .       .       .       .       21
Map:  "Sketch of the Western Countries of Canada, 1791."
Facsimile of original    .        .        .        .        .        .        .        32
1   -
The second volume of our series of Early Western
Travels is devoted to the reprint of John Long's Voyages
and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader, originally published in London in 1791.
Concerning Long, but little is known further than what
he himself relates in his book. Coming from England to
North America in 1768, he passed nearly twenty years
upon this continent, chiefly consorting with the Indians —
learning their languages, wearing their garb, living their
life. An expert woodsman, fur-trader, and explorer, he
penetrated into regions north and west of Canada, that
are still practically unexplored.
At first an articled clerk in Canada, he later was apprenticed to a Montreal fur merchant. Having displayed
an adaptability for Indian philology, Long was sent
to the neighboring mission colony at Caughnawaga,
where he remained seven years, becoming an adept in
the arts and occupations of savage life. His term of
service having expired, the excitements of army life
attracted him. The American Revolution had just
broken out, and volunteering for service with the British he was detailed to lead Indian parties to hang upon
the flanks of the invading American army — one of these
expeditions captured the famous Ethan Allen. After a
year and a half of this service, in which — dressed as
an Indian, and scalping his prisoners in their fashion —
he could scarcely be distinguished from a brave, Governor Guy Carleton appointed Long a midshipman in the
at IO
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
navy. But when his vessel sailed for England, he left
the sea in order to enter upon the more lucrative business
of fur-trading.
In May, 1777, Long left Montreal for Mackinac, engaged as a bourgeois to lead a party of voyageurs into
the far Northwest, and trade with the Indians on then-
own hunting grounds. The independent Canadian merchants of this period were endeavoring to maintain the
old French connections with the Indians of the "upper
country," and at the same time to undermine the trade
of the Hudson's Bay Company, by intercepting the
natives before they reached the posts of the latter. Long
was assigned to the Nipigon district north and northeast
of Lake Superior — a region early occupied by the
French, and the scene of their hardy and audacious enterprises against the Hudson Bay trade.
Cameron1 defines the limits of this region as follows:
a j Bounded on the south by Lake Superior, on the southwest and west, by the northwest road from Lake Superior to the lower end of Lake Ouinipique (Winnipeg);
on the northwest and north by Hayes river and part of
Hudson Bay; and on the north-east by Hudson Bay.
Its greatest length from Pierre Rouge (Red Rock), at
the entrance of Nipigon River, to the Lake of the Islands,
on the Hayes river, is about three hundred and fifty
leagues and its greatest breadth, from Trout Lake to
Eagle Lake, is about one hundred and eighty leagues,
but in most parts not over eighty leagues. The two-
thirds at least of this country are nothing but rivers and
lakes, some fifty leagues long; properly speaking, the
whole country is nothing but water and islands."    Into
1Masson, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest (Quebec, 1890), ii,
pp. 139, 140. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 11
this watery wilderness Long and his voyageurs pushed
their way, literally subsisting on the country. The
bourgeois's chief qualification for the enterprise was his
familiarity with the Indian life and language, and the
fact that he had undergone the ceremony of adoption by
one of the most noted chiefs of the Chippewa nation.
During the French regime, this country was noted for
producing the largest number and best quality of furs
in the Northwest;2 but after the English occupation the
district had been nearly abandoned, the difficulties of
existence proving too great. Four out of eight traders
starved to death in the region in one year, and it was
avoided in favor of the better-provisioned Western districts. Cameron says that in 1785 the whole district
produced but fifty-six packs of furs. We may judge
from this of Long's success as a trader; in the first year,
he not only subsisted himself and a party of eight Canadians, during the "hardest winter ever remembered,"
but rescued a brother trader from destruction by a murderous band of Indians, and brought out a cargo of a
hundred and forty packs of furs all in good condition,
valued between $25,000 and $30,000. For these services he received from his chiefs the salary of $750 a
year, and a supply of Indian corn and "hard grease," or
tallow, as provision.3
At the end of his first year's engagement, Long returned only to Pays Plat, a trading station on Lake Superior. Being there relieved of his furs, and supplied with
fresh provisions, he set out August 15, 1778, for another
2 Alexander Henry, Travels and Adventures in Canada (Bain's ed., Boston,
1901), p. 233.
8 For the wages of voyageurs, see Turner, "Fur Trade in Wisconsin,"
Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1889.
1 12
Early Western Travels
winter in the "inlands," whither, after many hardships
and experiences with murderous Indians, he returned to
Mackinac, and spent the following winter with the Chip-
pewas near that fort.
In June, 1780, he joined a party of Canadians and Indians who were sent from Mackinac to Prairie du Chien
to secure the deposits of furs at the latter place, and
prevent them from falling into the hands of the emissaries of George Rogers Clark from the Illinois, and the
Spaniards from St. Louis. After a march through
Wisconsin, this undertaking was successfully accomplished — the furs that could not be saved being burned
to keep them from the enemy.4
The following autumn, Long returned to Quebec never
again to come to the "upper country." He made one
more successful trading expedition to unknown lands, by
way of the Saguenay River and Lake St. John, penetrating
the country east of Hudson Bay, and bringing back a
rich cargo — in the very year that the Hudson's Bay
Company was pillaged by the French expedition of La
Long returned for a year to England, his mother-land
being entirely strange to him after fifteen years' absence.
He was, therefore, glad to fit out a cargo for another venture in the Indian trade of Canada. But his good fortune seems now to have deserted him — debt, lack of
employment, and other difficulties drove him from one
place to another. In the spring of 1785 he was in New
York, where he pushed the claim of a Huron Indian
through Congress. A fur-trading expedition among
the Iroquois failed, and the British commandant at
Oswego confiscated his goods.   Taking refuge among
4 See Wisconsin Historical Collections, ix, pp. 290, 291. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
his Loyalist friends near Kingston, he received a grant
of land for his services, but debt drove him from that;
and after securing some assistance from the authorities,
he returned to England in the fall of 1788,5 there to write
and publish the volume of his adventures.
He appears to have secured some patronage for this
work, as is evidenced by the list of subscribers, and the
dedication to Sir Joseph Banks. He also consulted the
best available authorities on Indian traditions and Canadian history, and seems to have taken pains to verify his
own experiences and observations, without slavishly
following his authorities.6 In his defense of the Hudson's
Bay Company, there is to be noted either a desire to
secure its favor for future services, or pique in relation
to the new North West Company, under some one of
whose partners he had undoubtedly served. The book,
which was published in 1791, attained considerable
popularity. It was favorably reviewed in the Monthly
Review (June, 1792), and translated into both French and
German. The French translation, made by J. B. L. J.
Billecocq, with notes by the translator (but without the
vocabularies, a fact deplored by French philologists),7
appeared in 1794, and again in 1810. Two German
translations were made, the first by B. Gottlob Hoffmann,
6 The chronology of Long's later years in Canada is confusing. On page
175 of his book, he gives the date of 1786, and after describing ten months'
occupations says on the next page, "the spring of 1786." That this should be
1787, is proved by the fact that when he applied to General Hope for assistance
the next year, the latter had gone to England. As Hope's departure occurred
in June, 1788, Long's mistake of a year in his dates is thus manifest.
6 The following are those to whom he definitely refers: Lahontan, Hennepin, La Salle, Colden, Adair, Carver, Jonathan Edwards, Kalm, Beatty, Rev.
John Sargent, Robson, Umfreville, Karnes, Robert Rogers, Pope's poems, a
novel by Lady Emily Montague, and Justamond's Life of Louis XV.
' Field, Essay toward an Indian Bibliography (New York, 1873).
■M 14
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
issued in 1791; the second by G. Forster, published in
Berlin the following year.
The interest of the work, aside from incidental historical references to expeditions in Canada and Wisconsin during the Revolution, the Loyalist settlements, and
the retention of the Northern posts, lies in the author's
intimate knowledge of Indian life and customs, especially
those of the more primitive and savage tribes of the
North; and in the light he incidentally throws on the history of the fur-trade.8
It is anything but an engaging picture which Long
paints of his Indian friends and companions — they are
in the stage of downright savagery, debauched by contact with the dregs of civilization, learning its vices, appropriating its weapons, and dominating the whites by
sheer force of numbers, and knowledge of the weakness
and greed of the latter. A pleasant contrast is his
account of the Canadian mission Indians; but even these
proved their savagery during the American Revolution.
Of their aboriginal customs, Long's notices of totemism,
religious rites and beliefs, courtship and marriage, social
customs — games, dances, food, dwellings — habits of
hunting, and physical and mental characteristics, are
valuable because original and the result of immediate observation.
Scarcely less dark is the picture presented by Long, of
the fur-trade and the traders. This was the period of unlicensed and almost ruinous competition between the
great company at the North, and the independent merchants from Canada — the latter acting each for him-
8 Long's book is of slight topographic value to the historical student, because
of the apparently uninhabitable nature of the countries through which he passed;
they are nearly as undeveloped now as they were then.
I    < i
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 15
self, with slight regard for the interest of the trade, the
Indians, or the lesser employees.
The fur-trade under the French regime had been under
strict surveillance. All traders were required to purchase
a government license, and the products of their traffic
were closely inspected. By the close of the French rule,
even the lawless coureurs de bois — trading through the
forest at will, and carrying their peltries to the English at
Albany and Hudson Bay — had been quite largely suppressed, and brought into the service of the licensed
After the conquest of New France, a period of cutthroat competition began. The English traders did not
at first dare venture into the wilderness peopled with
Indians faithful to the French; those who did, nearly paid
the penalty with their lives (as witness Alexander Henry,
at Mackinac). But after Pontiac's War, and the gradual
subsidence of Indian hostility, British traders from
Montreal and Quebec began reaching out for this lucrative traffic, and a class of enterprising entrepreneurs was
developed, recruited chiefly from the ranks of Scotchmen.
By them the fur-trade was pushed to its highest development, and the rivers, lakes, and fastnesses of the great
Northwest discovered and explored in rapid succession.
This work was done by such men as the Henrys, Ponds,
Frobishers, Finlays, Camerons, McDonalds — and, greatest of all, Sir Alexander Mackenzie.
By 1780, they began to unite their fortunes, and a
sixteen-share stock corporation was formed of the principal traders.9 A conspiracy of the Indians in the same
year, to massacre all the whites and pillage the posts, was
discovered and averted; but by the following season a
• For list of partners, see Canadian Archives, 1888, p. 61. i6
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
still more terrible scourge had begun. Smallpox appeared among the tribes in the Northwest, and spread so
rapidly that hunting was but languidly carried on, and
profits fell to the zero mark. To avert the chaos into
which the trade seemed falling, the North West Company was established in 1783, for a term of five years. In
1787 its organization was perfected, and the corporate
period of the Canadian fur-trade began; competitors were
gradually bought out — union with the X Y Company
occurring in 1805, and with the Hudson's Bay Company
in 1821.
Long's narrative, therefore, portrays conditions during
the period of the free trader, responsible to no authority,
exploiting the country and the natives for the largest immediate returns, without reference to the preservation
of the hunting grounds or the protection of the hunters.
The frightful debauchery of the Indians by means of
traders' rum, and the necessity for the use of laudanum
to control their drunken excesses, are shown in full by
Long in his simple narrative of events. The dangers,
also, to which this system exposed the trader, are only
too evident from his relation of the case of Mr. Shaw.
As for the competition with the Hudson's Bay Company,
it is plain from Long's narrative that the Canadian traders were encroaching on the hunting grounds of this great
monopoly. The case of M. Jacques Santeron shows
the possibility of dishonest men passing from one employ
to the other.
As for the rest of the picture, Long presents the usual
traits of the trader and interpreter — a certain rude
honesty, taking the form of loyalty to his employer, a disregard of dangers, and small concern for hardships. His
knowledge of wilderness life was intimate, but to this 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
fact he alludes only in an incidental way. In acquaintance
with Indian character, and power of influencing them in a
crisis, he seems to have been superior to the ordinary
trader. His vices were those of his class — slight regard
for laws, either moral or military (witness the incident at
Fort Mackinac), improvidence and wastefulness, restlessness, and dissatisfaction with the routine life of towns.
His literary style, while discursive, is simple, and as clear
as running water. What he wishes to say, he says plainly,
leaving the reader as a rule to draw his own conclusions.
There is an unvarnished, unflinching directness in his
statements, conveying to the reader the impression that
he is concealing nothing, doing nought for effect, but
telling a straightforward story of travels and adventures.
The book forms a contribution of note to this important
class of literature, and will always be readable.
In the preparation of the notes, the Editor has had, as
in the first volume of the series, the assistance of Dr.
Louise Phelps Kellogg, of the Wisconsin Historical
Library. He has also had helpful suggestions from Dr.
James Bain, Jr., of the Toronto Public Library.
R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., February, 1904.  Long's Voyages and Travels'— i 768-1782
Reprint of the original edition:   London, 1791
The Manners and Customs
o p
The Chippeway Language.
Nanus of Furs and Skins, in. English and French.
The Analogy between the Algonkin and Chippeway Languages,
printed for the author; and (old by robson, bond-street; debrett,
f iccadilly ; t. and j. ecerton, ch a r in c-cross ; white and son, fleet,
street; sewbll, cornhill ; edwards, fall-mall; and Messrs. Taylors, HOLBORN,   LONDON!    FLETCHER, OXFORD;   AND BULL, BATH.
OF  THE  ROYAL  SOCIETY,1  &c.   &c.   &c.
I feel the highest satisfaction in being permitted to
dedicate this work to one whose pursuits have ever been
more peculiarly directed to objects of originality, and
whose scientific researches have contributed so largely
to the information and benefit of society.
The public are too well acquainted with your general
knowledge in every branch of literature, to suspect that I
hold the language of adulation. Should I attempt to do
justice to a character so eminently distinguished, my
feeble efforts could only be regarded as the grateful
effusions of a mind proud of a patronage that can ensure
an especial share of public notice and protection.
I have the honour to be, very respectfully,
Your most obedient servant,
February, 1791.
1 Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society from 1778 until his death
in 1820, was the patron of discoverers, having himself voyaged around the
world with Captain Cook (1768-71). He was especially interested in Northwest exploration, and the customs and habits of primitive people, and to him
Alexander Henry dedicated his Travels and Adventures in Canada.— Ed. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS
Addis, Mr. George.
Annereau, Mr.
Banks, Sir Joseph, Bart.
Beaufoy, Henry, Esq. M. P.
Berens, Hermanus, Esq.
Berens, Joseph, Esq.
Boddam, Thomas, Esq.
Bettesworth, Thomas, Esq.
Baker, John, Esq.
Baker, William, Esq.
Baker, Miss.
Batson, Robert, Esq.
Baynes, Burdon, Esq.
Blache, J. F. Esq.
B elf our, John, Esq.
Belfour, Mr. Okey.    3
Belfour, Mr. J. D.
Bird, William, Esq.
Bird, Thomas, Esq.
Bird, Michael, Esq.
Barbe, St. Samuel, Esq.
Bar be, St. John, Esq.
Bingley, , jun. Esq.
Bates, Mr. John.
Birkley, Mr. John.
Bowden, John, Esq.
Brandon, Mr.
Bull, Mr. J. Bath.
Beilby, Mr.   6 copies.
Croft, the Rev. Herbert.
Cornthwaite, the Rev. Mr.
Chalmers, George, Esq.
Culverden, William, Esq.
Corsellis, Nicholas Caesar,
Coussmaker, John, Esq.
Croix, N. D. St. Esq.
Cleaver, Miss.
Cotton, Thomas, Esq.
Cotton, Bayes, Esq.
Chandler, George, Esq.
Coningham, William, Esq.
Cope, Thomas, Esq.
Cleugh, John, Esq.
Clay, Felix, Esq.
Clay, James, Esq.
Clay, William, Esq.
[iv] Clay, George, Esq.
Cooper, Mr.
Cooper, Mr. James.
Corbet, , Esq. 2 copies.
Dawson, William, Esq.
il I
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Dalrymple, Alexander, Esq.
Dicken, John, Esq.
Earle, James, Esq.
Ernes, William, Esq.
Edwards, Charles, Esq.
Etches, R. C. Esq.
Eldridge, Thomas, Esq.
Fraser, Major.
Finch, Thomas, Esq.
Forbes, Thomas, Esq.
Fayle, Benjamin, Esq.
Faden, Mr. William.   6
Fawler, Mrs.
Forsteen, , Esq.
Finch, Mr. John.
Fletcher, Mr. James, Oxford.
Grote, George, Esq.
Gould, Thomas, Esq.
George, C. G. Esq.
Goldthwaite, Thomas, Esq.
George, Mr. Edward.
Graf c, Mr. James.
Hollingsworth, John, Esq.
Hulse, Richard, Esq.
Hulse, Edward, Esq.
Howison, John, Esq. Lisbon.
Hayward, Francis, Esq.    2
Holden, Joseph, Esq.
Haffey, John, Esq.
Hill, Edward, Esq.
Hussey, William Wheatley,
Harper, Mrs.
Hillier, Mr.
Hale, Mr. Harry.    2 copies.
Hill, Mr. John.
Jones, Edward, Esq.
Jeudwine, Thomas, Esq.
Justice, Mr. Richard.
Jacks, Mr.
Knill, John, Esq.
Kensington, Charles, Esq.
Long, Sir James Tylney,
Bart. M.P.  7 copies.
[v] Lake,   Sir   J.   Winter,
Bart. 4 cop.
Langmore, William, Esq.
Legg, Leaver, Esq.
Long, Mrs.
Locke, Miss.
Locke, John, Esq.
Lion, Thomas, Esq.
Lane, Benjamin, Esq.
Lang, Charles, Esq.
Lightfoot, John, Esq. I79I1 y> Long's Voyages and Travels
Lonsdale, Mr.
Mulgrave, the Right Hon.
Monsel, Lieutenant Colonel.
Marsden, William, Esq.
Morris, John, Esq.
Martin, Captain.
Man, Henry, Esq.    6
Mukins, Francis, Esq.
Malleson, John, Esq.
Murray, Mr. J.    2 copies.
Nesbitt, Lieutenant Colonel.
Nesbitt, Arnold, Esq.
Nasmyth, Maxwell, Esq.
Neave, Richard, Esq.
Prescott,  George William,
Pott, Rev. J. H. Archdeacon of St. Albans.
Pott, Percival, Esq.
Pott, E. H. Esq.
Pott, Mrs.
Powell, Baden, Esq.
Powell, James, Esq.
Powell, Thomas, Esq.
Peck, Jasper, Esq.
Pooley, John, Esq.
Perry, John, Esq.
Palmer, Peregrine, Esq.
Pickwoad, Robert, Esq.
Pickering, Thomas, Esq.
Popplewell, Mr.
Roberts, John, Esq.
Rennell, Major.
Robertson, Captain.
Ruspini, J. B. Esq.
Rouse, Benjamin, Esq.
Ross, G. W. Esq.    2 copies.
Rutter, Miss.
Row, William, Esq.
Regail, Alexander, Esq.
Reading Society, Hackney.
Scott, Thomas, Esq. M. P.
[vi] Sneyd, Samuel, Esq.
Symons, the Rev. Mr.
Sheldon, John, Esq. Professor of Anatomy in the
Royal Academy of Arts,
London, and F. R. S.
Shamier, , Esq.
Stoe, Harry, Esq.
Sedgwick, Harry, Esq.
Stone, John Hurford, Esq.
Surman, William, Esq.
Smith, Haskett, Esq.
Scafe, Mr. Richard.
Scargill, Mr. James.
Stable, Mr. William.
Smith, Mr. Thomas.
The reader will naturally expect some account of this
With regard to the historical part, I have endeavoured
to explain the situation of the Posts, which, by Mr. Oswald's Treaty, were stipulated to be surrendered to the
Americans; and pointed out their convenience to Great
Britain in a political and commercial point of view:2 I
have also given a description of the Five and Six Nation
Indians; and endeavoured to shew the usefulness, as well
as necessity, of a strict alliance with them as long as we
retain any possessions in Canada.
With respect to the descriptions of lakes, rivers, &c.
which lie beyond Lake Superior, from Lake Nipegon to
Lake Arbitibis, I have given them as accurately as possible, either from my own knowledge, or the most authentic
Indian accounts; and when it is considered that interpreters in the commercial line seldom have occasion for any
geographical knowledge, the want of better information
will be excused.
The Vocabulary which is subjoined, and on which I
have bestowed some pains, it is hoped will not only
afford information to such as may be desirous of attaining a knowledge of the Chippeway language, but prove
useful to those who are already engaged in traffic with
the Indians.
2 The Treaty of Paris, drawn up between the envoys of the United States
and those of Great Britain (1783), was called "Oswald's Treaty," because
Richard Oswald was chief negotiator for the British ministry. The Northwest
posts were not surrendered de facto, until after Jay's Treaty in 1794.— Ed. 28
Early Western Travels
[viii] As the mode of spelling a language which has never
been reduced to a grammatical system, must be arbitrary,
and principally depend on the ear, I have endeavoured to
use such letters as best agree with the English pronunciation; avoiding a multiplicity of consonants, which only
perplex: and to enable the reader to speak so as to be
understood by the natives, it is necessary to observe that
a is generally sounded broad; and e final never pronounced but in monosyllables.
The following are the motives which induced me to
make the Vocabulary in the Chippeway language so
In the first place it is, strictly speaking, one of the
mother tongues of North America, and universally
spoken in council by the chiefs who reside about the great
lakes, to the westward of the banks of the Mississippi, as
far south as the Ohio, and as far north as Hudson's Bay;
notwithstanding many of the tribes, within the space of
territory I have described, speak in common a different
language.— This observation is confirmed by authors of
established repute, and further proved by the concurrent
testimony of the Indian interpreters.
Baron de Lahontan8 asserts that the Algonkin is a
mother tongue, and that it is in as much estimation in
North America, as Greek and Latin in Europe: this being
3 Louis Armand de Lorn d'Arce, Baron de Lahontan, was a French officer
who served in Canada, in 1683-93. While commanding a small fort on Detroit
River, he started on a journey to the Western country. Going by way of Mackinac, he ascended the Mississippi from the mouth of the Wisconsin, and explored part of Minnesota. In 1703 he published an account of his travels,
which was largely fabulous, although of some value. The work had, however,
great vogue in the eighteenth century, was translated into several languages,
and much studied. He also published a French-Algonquian dictionary, to
which Long here refers.— Ed. i79J] y* Long's Voyages and Travels 29
admitted, I am persuaded the Chippeway language
possesses as much, if not greater merit, as it is in every
respect better understood by the north-west Indians.
But as the'knowledge of both [ix] may not only be useful,
but necessary, I have given a comparative table of about
two hundred and sixty words in both tongues, that the
reader may use either as he shall find it best understood
by the tribes with whom he may have occasion to trade;
though he will find, in a variety of instances, a perfect accordance.
The table of words in the Muhhekaneew, or Mohegan,
and Shawanee tongues, are extracted from the Rev. Mr.
Edwards's publication, and are inserted to shew their
analogy with the Chippeway language;4 and, as he observes that the language of the Delawares in Pennsylvania,
of the Penobscots on the borders of Nova Scotia, of the
Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, of the Shawanees on
the Ohio, and many other tribes of Savages radically
agree, I judged the tables of analogy would not be unacceptable.
In the course of the historical part, several speeches in
the Chippeway language are introduced: and at the end
of the Vocabulary, a number of familiar phrases, which
not only serve to shew the mode of speech, but give a better
idea of the language than single words.
The numeral payshik, or one, is frequently used to
express the articles a and the; and woke is the general
word for the plural number, though not always used.
4 Rev. Jonathan Edwards was much interested in Indian missions; and
having been brought up among the Stockbridges, published (1788) Observations on the Language of the Mukhekaneew Indians. In a republication with
notes by John Pickering, in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 2nd series,
x, pp. 81 ff., the added Chippewa vocabulary is that of Long.— Ed.
mil 3°
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Mr. Carver's Vocabulary will, in many instances, be
found to differ from the Chippeway;6 but when it is considered that though he calls it the Chippeway Vocabulary,
in p. 414 of his work, he says ''The Chippeway, or Algonkin,' ' which [x] evidently proves that he believes them the
same language:—but with regard to the usefulness of
the tongue, there is a perfect corroboration of sentiment;
for he remarks that the Chippeway tongue appears to be
the most prevailing of all the Indian languages.
It may not be amiss to observe, that the Chippeway
tongue, as spoken by the servants of the Hudson's Bay
Company, is somewhat different, though not essentially
so, and is called by them the Home-Guard Language.
With regard to the Iroquois, or Mohawk tongue, which
is peculiar to the Five and Six Nation Indians, it is not
necessary in the fur trade beyond Michillimakinac; and
if it were, there are not wanting printed authorities sufficient to instruct:— this consideration has induced me to
give only the numerals, and a few words in the language.
I have not any thing further to add, but a sincere wish
that my labours may prove useful to the world; and that
whatever defects may be found in the following work,
the Public will look on them with candour; and will
recollect that they are perusing, not the pages of a professed Tourist, but such observations as a commercial
man flatters himself may be found acceptable to the merchant and the philosopher.
6 Jonathan Carver, one of the earliest American explorers of the Northwest, was bom in 1732, and served in the French and Indian War, barely
escaping from the massacre of Fort William Henry. In 1766, he went to
Mackinac, and thence through Wisconsin and Minnesota, and later explored
Lake Superior. His Travels were first published in London in 1778, and
two years later he died there in destitute circumstances. For further details
see Wisconsin Historical Collections, vi, pp. 220-237. Carver gives an account
of Indian manners and customs; chapter 17, devoted to language, includes a
Chippewa vocabulary.— Ed.
~^- JW?
Having engaged myself, at an early period of life, to go
to North America, in the quality of an articled clerk, I
left Gravesend on the ioth of April, 1768, on board
the "Canada," captain Smith, bound to Quebec and
Montreal. We had a pleasant voyage, till we reached the
coast of America, when the weather proving unfavourable,
we were obliged to put into Newfoundland, where we
stayed fourteen days. Nothing remarkable occurred
here, except that a party went on shore to hunt, and one
of them, Mr. Jordan, who was a passenger, bound to
Montreal, finding himself much fatigued, remained in
the woods; the rest returned on board in the evening,
anxiously expecting their companion; but after four days
painful solicitude, not being able to obtain any intelligence of him,' we gave up all hopes of seeing him again;
and as the snow was deep on the ground, and the wild
animals numerous, we supposed him to be either frozen
to death, or devoured by the beasts. Just as the captain
proposed setting sail, an Indian came on board, to whom
we endeavoured to communicate our distress. On this
occasion, he seemed to understand us, and made signs
of his intention to go in search of him; and being furnished
with some rum by way of encouragement, he got into his
canoe and paddled [2] ashore. The captain, with great
humanity, deferred prosecuting the voyage for some
time: but the Indian not returning, we left Newfoundland,
and after a tedious passage of near eleven weeks, arrived
at Quebec, the capital of Canada. 34
Early Western Travels
When the Spaniards (who first discovered this northern
clime) sailed past Cape Rosiers at the entrance of the
River St. Laurence, the mountains, now called the Mountains of N6tre Dame, were covered with snow. Such
a prospect, in the summer season, gave them a very unfavourable opinion of the country, and they were deterred
from going up the river, supposing the land to be too
barren to recompence their labours at present, or afford
any future advantages; and the same impressions induced
them to call it Capo di Nada, or Cape Nothing, by which
name it is described in their charts, and from whence, by
corruption of language, it has derived its present name of
The River St. Laurence takes its rise from Lake Nipis-
sin, north-east of Lake Superior, about the distance of
2000 miles from Quebec.7 The breadth of it is 90 miles
at the entrance, and it is navigable near 500 miles from
the sea.
The Isle of Orleans, which is but a small distance from
the city, is a beautiful spot of ground, about 20 miles in
length, and six in breadth. The fertility of the soil
makes it a useful and valuable garden, insomuch that it
supplies the capital with vegetables and grain in great
abundance. The opposite village of Beauport also
charms the eye, and very much heightens the scene,
which is rich, romantic, and magnificent.
[3] The Fall of Montmorenci particularly attracted my
8 Long is here following the authority of Father Hennepin, who gives this
origin of the name "Canada" in his New Discovery (London, 1698). The
real origin of the word is disputed, some deriving it from an Iroquois term
meaning "village;" others from Indian terms signifying "at the mouth of the
river;'' still others, from a term for '' lakes," i. e., a country full of lakes.— Ed.
7 The author assumes that Lake Huron is the source of the St. Lawrence,
and that Lake Nipissing, which empties into Georgian Bay through the French
River, is the source of Lake Huron.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 35
notice, as it is perhaps the most pleasing natural cascade
in the wOrld; and though its height and width are not to
be compared in point of awful grandeur with the stupendous cataract of Niagara, it is sufficiently wonderful to
shew the power of the great Architect of the Universe;
and its effects are more pleasing than the latter; for while
it produces wonder and pleasure in the highest degree, it
does not strike the beholder with such tremendous ideas.
As our ship was bound to Montreal, as well as Quebec,
and I was under the captain's care and direction, he did
not allow me to go on shore at the latter place; but in a
few days, to my great joy, we arrived safe at Montreal, the
place of our last destination.
Montreal, formerly called Ville Marie, has nothing remarkable in it at present; it was formerly famous for a
great fair, which lasted near three months, and was
resorted to by the Indians, who came from the distance
of many hundreds of miles, to barter their peltry for English goods. It will give pleasure to the reader to be informed, that we received here the agreeable intelligence
that Mr. Jordan was found in the woods, two days after
our departure from Newfoundland, though with the loss
of his feet, occasioned by the severity of the weather: he
went afterwards in a vessel to Trois Rivieres, where he
settled in an iron foundry.
Trois Rivieres,8 is so called from the junction of three
currents which empty themselves into the River St.
Laurence. About a league from the town there is an
iron foundry, which was erected by private [4] persons in
the year 1737, and afterwards ceded to the King.   At first
8 Trois Rivieres, at the mouth of St. Maurice River, where it empties into
the St. Lawrence by three channels separated by islands, was ceded (1634) to
the Jesuits, who built a fort here. See Suite, "La Riviere des Trois Rivieres,"
in Royal Society of Canada Proceedings, 1901, sec. i, pp. 97-116.— Ed. 36
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
cannon and mortars were cast there, but it is now principally used in the manufacture of stoves and kettles.
The ore is taken at a small distance from the works. A
river runs down from the foundry into the River St.
Laurence, which enables the proprietors to send their
manufactures round the country in boats upon very
moderate terms.
This town, which is half way between Quebec and
Montreal, had formerly a very considerable trade in
peltry, and was the second mart in Canada; but in process of time the inhabitants of Montreal contrived to
draw almost all the fur trade to themselves; and though
the residents in Trois Rivieres live by their commerce
with the savages, and the manufacturing of birch canoes,
yet the town has lost that rank and consequence which it
formerly maintained; nevertheless, the advantage of the
iron foundry makes them some amends, and they live,
upon the whole, as happy as any people in Canada.
The inhabitants of Trois Rivieres were formerly very
much incommoded with fleas, which swarmed in great
quantities, and which, Baron de Lahontan humorously
observes, occasioned an inconvenient quickness in conversation.
On my arrival at Montreal, I was placed under the care
of a very respectable merchant to learn the Indian trade,
which is the chief support of the town. I soon acquired
the names of every article of commerce in the Iroqouis
and French languages, and being at once prepossessed in
favour of the savages, improved daily in their tongue, to
the satisfaction of my employer, who approving my assiduity, and wishing me to be completely qualified in the
Mohawk language to enable me to traffic with the Indians
in his absence, sent me to a village called [5] Cahnuaga, or 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Cocknawaga, situated about nine'miles from Montreal, en
the south side of the River St. Laurence,9 where I lived
with a chief whose name was Assenegethter, until I was
sufficiently instructed in the language, and then returned to
my master's store, to improve myself in French, which is
not only universally spoken in Canada, but is absolutely
necessary in the commercial intercourse with the natives,
and without which it would be impossible to enjoy the
society of the most respectable families, who are in general
ignorant of the English language. . .
' A Jesuit mission entitled St. Francois Xavier was founded for Iroquois
converts in 1669. Later it was removed to this village (near Montreal), which
was named for an Indian town in the Mohawk Valley, also the seat of a Jesuit
mission.   The usual orthography is Caughnawaga.— Ed. [6] A Description of the Village and Inhabitants of Cahnu-
aga, or Cocknawaga, who some years since separated
from the Mohawks.
The Savages of this nation, who are called the praying
Indians, from the circumstance of their chiefs wearing
crucifixes, and going through the streets of Montreal
with their beads, begging alms, separated long since from
the Mohawk and River Indians, and for a considerable
time after their separation, carried on an illicit trade between Albany and Montreal. The village contains about
two hundred houses, which, though they are chiefly built
of stone, have a mean and dirty appearance. The inhabitants amount to about eight hundred, and (what is
contrary to the general observation on the population of
the Indians) are continually increasing. It is considered
as the most respectable of all the Indian villages, and the
people are in a great degree civilized and industrious.
They sow corn, and do not depend like other nations
solely upon hunting for support; but at the same time,
they are not fond of laborious work, conceiving it only
suited to those who are less free, and retaining so much
of their primeval valour and independence as to annex the
idea of slavery to every domestic employment. Then-
hunting grounds are within the United States, at a considerable distance from the village, round Fort George,
Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, where they kill beaver
and deer, but not in such great abundance at present as
they did formerly, the country being better inhabited, 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 39
and the wild animals, from the present state of population, being obliged to seek a more distant [7] and secure retreat. The skins they obtain are generally brought down
to Montreal, and either sold for money, or bartered for
goods. It is not improbable, that in a few years there
will not be many good hunters among them, as they are
extravagantly fond of dress, and that too of the most
expensive kind. Their fondness for this luxury, which
the profits arising from the lands they let out to the
Canadians enables them to indulge, contributes to make
them more idle; and in proportion as their vanity increases, ease and indolence are the more eagerly courted
and gratified, insomuch that hunting is in danger of
being totally abandoned. Their religion is Catholic,
and they have a French priest, or, as the Chippeway
Indians term it, "The Master of Life's Man," who instructs them, and performs divine service in the Iroquois
tongue. Their devotion impressed my mind too powerfully to suffer it to pass unnoticed, and induces me to
observe that great praise is due to their pastors, who by
unwearied assiduity, and their own exemplary lives and
conversation, have converted a savage race of beings from
Heathenism to Christianity, and by uniformity of conduct, continue to preserve both their religion and themselves in the esteem of their converts: An example
worthy of imitation, and amounting to an incontrovertible
proof that nature, in her most degenerate state, may be
reclaimed by those who are sincere in their endeavours,
gentle in their manners, and consistent in the general
tenor of their behaviour. And it is to be expected, and
certainly most ardently to be wished, that the savage
temper among them may in time be more effectually subdued, their natural impetuosity softened and restrained, 4°
Early Western Travels
and their minds weaned from their unhappy attachment
to the use of strong liquors; their indulgence in which is
frequently attended with the most melancholy and fatal
consequences. [8] Of the Indians of the Five and Six Nations.
I shall now give a particular account of the Indians of
the Five and Six Nations, and the reasons why they are
so called, in order to enable the reader to form an idea
of their consequence in a political point of view, as well
as their importance on account of the fur trade; because
the vicinity of the American territories from Georgia to
New England, gives the United States a great command
and influence from their situation, and renders them more
to be dreaded than even the French were in the zenith of
their American power, when it was universally known
they had such an interest among the savages, as induced
them to call the French their fathers, and of which so
much yet remains, as to prompt them to retain a predilection in favour of the traders of the Gallic race who are
settled among them.
In 1603, when the French settled in Canada, part of
the Five Nations resided on the island of Montreal, and
were at war with the Adirondacks (who lived on the
Uttawa, or grand river leading to Michillimakinac) ;10
these, considered the Five Nations as very insignificant
opponents, and incapable of serious revenge, and they
were held in as much derision as the Delawares, who were
usually called old women, or the Shawanees (who lived
on the Wabach River), who were obliged to wear petticoats for a considerable time, in contempt of their want
of courage, and as a badge of their pusillanimity and
10 Long uses as his historical authority the work of Cadwallader Colden
(whom he later cites directly), History of the Five Indian Nations (New York,
1727). Colden appears to have taken much of his material from Bacqueville
de la Potherie's Histoire de I'Ame'rique Septentrionale (Paris, 1722). But
Long does not blindly follow Colden, and adds other material.— Ed. 42
Early Western Travels
degradation. But as no people can bear the imputation
of cowardice or effeminacy as a [9] national character, the
chiefs determined to rouse their young men, and stimulate them to retrieve, or establish, a reputation; and inspiring them with heroic notions, led them to war against
the Satanas, or Shaounons, whom they subdued with
great ease. This success revived their drooping spirits,
and forgetting how often they had been defeated by the
Adirondacks, [they] commenced hostilities against them;
and availing themselves of the mean opinion their
enemies entertained of their valour, gained the victory in
several actions: and at last carried on a successful war
against them even in their own country, obliging their
former conquerors to abandon their native land, and seek
refuge on the spot where Quebec is now situated.
Soon after the French arrived and had settled at Quebec,
they formed an alliance with the Adirondacks against the
Five Nations. The first engagement proved decisive in
favour of the Adirondacks, owing entirely to the use of
fire arms having been introduced among them by their
new allies, which the Indians of the Five Nations had
never before seen. This alliance, and the consequent
defeat was far from subduing or disheartening the Five
Nations, but rather seemed to inspire them with additional ardour, and what they were deficient in military
skill and suitable weapons, they supplied by stratagem
and courage. Although the French gained several advantages over them in the course of more than fifteen
years, they at length were glad to bring the contest to a
conclusion, by making a peace with them.
This shews that the Savages of the Five Nations are not
easily to be conquered, and proves the necessity of preserving them in our interest, [10] as long as we shall deem
-— 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
it expedient, from policy, to keep possession of Canada.
This being admitted, it is certain that no method will
more effectually conduce to that end, than retaining such
barriers in our hands as will enable us to afford them protection, and supply them with arms and ammunition,
and other necessaries, in time of danger.
The Indians who lie to the north of Philadelphia, between the provinces of Pennsylvania and the Lakes, consist of three distinct leagues, of which the Senekas, Mohawks, and Onondagoes, who are called the fathers,
compose the first; the Oneidoes, Cayugas, Tuscororas,
Conoys and Nanticokes, which are one tribe, compose
the second, and these two leagues constitute what is
called the Six Nations. The third league is formed of
the Wanamis, Chihokockis, or Delawares, the Mawhic-
cons, Munseys, and Wapingers, to which may be added
the Mingoes. The Cowetas, or Creek Indians, are also
united in friendship with them."
Mr. Colden says, the nations who are joined together
by a league or confederacy, like the United Provinces of
Holland, are known by the names of Mohawks, Oney-
does, Onondagoes, Cayugas, and Senekas; that each of
these nations is again divided into three tribes or families,
who are distinguished by the names of the Tortoise,
Bear, and Wolf; and that the Tuscororas, after the war
11 The Conoys and Nanticokes were fragments of Indian tribes which had
removed from the South — driven forth by the pressure of English population —
and with the consent of the Six Nations had settled on the upper waters of the
In the third league the author probably intends to include the so-called
"Ohio Indians"—the Miami's (Wanamis), Delawares, Mohicans, Munseys
(a sub-tribe of the Delawares), the Wapingers (unidentified), and the Mingoes —
who were all subordinate to the Six Nations. The Creeks were a powerful
confederacy in Alabama, of which Coweta was the principal war-town on the
Chattahoochee River.— Ed.
i 44
Early Western Travels
they had with the people of Carolina, fled to the Five
Nations, and incorporated with them, so that in fact they
now consist of six, although they still retain the name
of the Five Nations.12 This union is of such long duration as to leave little or no traces of its origin.
[n] Baron Lahontan observes, that the Iroquois are in
reality but one nation, divided into five districts; and
which he distinguishes in the following manner:—The
Tsonontouans, the Goyogans, the Onontagues, the
Oneyouts, and the Agnies, who were all settled about
thirty leagues from each other, near the great Lake
Frontenac, now called Ontario.
The Mohawks, or Maquas, are the most warlike among
the Five Nations, and consist of near seven hundred warriors. They are called by the French, Agnies, or Annies,
and were originally settled on the French or grand River,
leading to Michillimakinac, from whence they afterwards
removed to the Mohawk River, near Schenectady, about
sixteen miles from Albany, in the state of New York.
Since the war in 1757 they have separated, and part of
the nation is settled on the grand river, near Niagara,
and the rest at the back of the bay of Quenty, or Kenty,
about forty-eight miles above Cataraqui, the capital of
the Loyalist settlements on the River St. Laurence.13
12 The Tuscaroras joined the Five Nations between 1712 and 1715. See
Wisconsin Historical Collections, xvi, p. 321, for a letter from the governor of
New France, mentioning this fact.— Ed.
18 After the Revolutionary War, nearly thirty thousand Loyalists left the
United States to settle in the Canadian provinces. Of these, about ten thousand
went from the back settlements by way of Lake Ontario, and founded Upper
Canada. General Haldimand was largely instrumental in this movement, and
1784 was the year of its culmination. The Mohawks, also, under the leadership
of Brant, removed about the same time to the two reservations mentioned by
Long. Descendants of this tribe still live in these two localities, although most
of the land has been alienated.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Cataraqui, or Fort Frontenac, is built near to the place
where Lake Ontario discharges itself into the River St.
Laurence. It was erected by Le Comte de Frontenac,
governor general of Canada, to stop the incursions of the
Iroquois, and divert the channel of the commerce in
peltry, which that people carried on with the inhabitants
of New York, and which they bartered for with the
"Savages by merchandize, at a cheaper rate than the
French could supply them.
This fort was at first built of wood and turf, and surrounded with high pickets, but during the mission of
Father Hennepin, it was faced [12] with stone, by the direction of the Sieur Cavelier de la Salle, and enlarged to a
circuit of more than seven hundred yards. The bason
in which it stands is capable of holding a number of vessels of considerable burthen. There is a small garrison
at present, and a commanding officer, to examine all
boats which pass either to the new settlements or the
upper posts.14
The Oneidoes, or Oneyouts, the Onondagoes, Cayugas,
Senekas, or Tsonontouans, and the Tuscororas, who live
with the Oneidoes and Onondagoes, are settled about
thirty leagues distant from each other, and none of them
exceeding two hundred and fifty miles from the Mohawk
River. All these nations express peace by the metaphor
of a tree, whose top they say will reach the sun, and whose
branches extend far abroad, not only that they may be
14 This is a good resume1 of the history of Fort Frontenac, which was built
in 1673, abandoned during the Iroquois War in 1689, but restored in 1695.
La Salle was' for several years proprietor of the fort, the revenues from which
passed afterwards to the royal treasury. In 1758, Fort Frontenac was captured
.and destroyed by a British expedition, after which it fell into disuse, until the
Loyalists re-garrisoned it about 1784.— Ed.
n-rffiffifSP' -         ! 46
Early Western Travels
seen at a great distance, but to afford them shelter and
The Five Nations claim all the country south of the
River St. Laurence to the Ohio, and down the Ohio to
the Wabache, which lies to the westward of the state of
Pennsylvania, near to the borders of Virginia; westerly, to
the Lakes Ontario and Erie, and the River Miamis, and
the eastern boundaries of Lake Champlain, and the
United States.
The firmness of this league, the great extent of land it
claims, the number of great warriors it produces, and
the undaunted courage and skill which distinguish the
members of it in their contests both with the Savages and
European nations, all conspire to prove the good policy
of an alliance with them; as it is an undoubted fact, that
in case of a dispute with the Americans, the posts would
make but a feeble resistance [13] without their exertions;
and deprived of the forts, the fur trade would soon be
lost to this country.
I shall next consider the situation and utility of these
barriers, in a commercial point of view, and endeavour
to shew the propriety of keeping possession of the posts,
notwithstanding by the treaty of peace with the United
States, they were expressly stipulated to be given up;
although it is not probable indeed that the Americans will
be able to fulfil the treaty on their part, so as to entitle
them to make a reasonable demand — I mean such a
claim as government must absolutely admit.
The first post I shall notice is Oswegatche, on the River
St. Laurence, about one hundred and fifty miles above
Montreal, at the mouth of the Black River, where there
are about an hundred Savages, who occasionally fre- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
quent it, and are called Oswegatche Indians, although
they belong to the tribes of the Five Nations.16 To this
fort the inhabitants of New England may with ease
transport goods, to supply the Mohawks, Cahnuagas,
Connecedagas, St. Regis, and some straggling Messesaw-
ger Indians, who live near the Detroit,18 at a smaller
expence than they can possibly be obtained from the
merchants at Quebec or Montreal, but particularly
Rum, which is now become an essential requisite in
every transaction with the Savages; for though they
used formerly often to complain of the introduction of
strong water by the traders (as appears by the language
of their chiefs in council) to the prejudice of their young
men, yet they have not now the resolution to refrain from
the use of it;—on the contrary, it is become so familiar,
and even necessary to them, that a drunken frolic is
[14] looked upon as an indispensible requisite in a barter,
and anticipated with extreme delight.
Carlton Island is higher up the river, and has greater
"This was the site of Father Picquet's mission and fortified post, La Presentation. This Sulpitian missionary came to Canada in 1734, and after several
years' service in the colonies founded this establishment in 1749, where the
city of Ogdensburg, New York, now stands. He was successful in attracting
the Iroquois thither, and had in his settlement nearly three thousand Indians,
who espoused the French cause in the French and Indian War. In 1760, Picquet
retired to New Orleans, and thence to France. The English, on taking possession, changed the name of the post to Fort Oswegatchie. It was garrisoned and
maintained until after Jay's Treaty in 1794-
In 1792, the site had been purchased by Ogden, and the settlement of the
modern city was begun four years later.— Ed.
18 The Mississagua Indians were first met by the French on the north shore
of Lake Huron, and formed part of the Sault Ste. Marie mission (1670-73).
Later, they removed to the lower Michigan peninsula, and some settled at
Detroit. They now have a reservation in Eastern Ontario, and number about
eight hundred.
The other Indians mentioned are those of the Jesuit mission villages. See
Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's ed., Cleveland, 1896-1901), index.— Ed.
gSK2g**^g£^^BS| 48
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
conveniences annexed to it than Oswegatche, having an
excellent harbour, with a strong fortification well garrisoned.17 It affords excellent accommodation for shipping, and may be considered as the naval storehouse for
supplying Niagara and the other posts. There are vessels of considerable bulk continually sailing from thence
to Niagara, Oswego, &c.— There is also a commodore
of the Lakes, whose residence is on the island.
Fort Oswego, on Lake Ontario, formerly called Lake
Frontenac, is a good fortification, and capable of containing six hundred men. This post is particularly
important, as it is the key to the United States, and commands the opening to the North, or Hudson's River,
protecting the trade with the Indians who live on the
banks of the River St. Laurence, and the whole extent
of the great sheet of water near which it stands, reckoned
about eighty leagues in length, and in some places from
twenty-five to thirty broad.18
When the English were in possession of the Colonies,
17 Haldimand fortified Carleton Island at the mouth of Lake Ontario, by
sending thither (1778) three companies of the 47th regiment to erect a post.— Ed.
18 The mouth of the Oswego River was early noted as an important station
in relation to the Iroquois country and the fur-trade. Champlain passed here in
1615, and Frontenac in 1692. In i72r, Governor Burnet of New York secured
permission from the Iroquois to erect a trading post at this spot, and despite
the protests of the French built a fort in 1726-27. This post of Choueguen
(so called by the French) was especially obnoxious to the French fur-traders;
all the more so, when (1743) Sir William Johnson built his trading post beneath
its walls. Montcalm organized an expedition, and captured it in 1756; but
was compelled to retreat when Forbes penetrated Pennsylvania. It was also
the rendezvous for the successful British attack on Fort Frontenac in 1758.
After the fall of New France, the British garrisoned and repaired the fort, and
it was from here that St. Leger started on his expedition up the Mohawk Valley
in 1777. It was headquarters for the Indian and Tory scalping parties — Butler, Brant, and Johnson started thence on their raids. It was in British hands
at the close of the Revolution, and not delivered to the Americans until 1796.
Traces of the British fort were to be seen in 1839.— Ed.
___ 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Albany commanded the trade with the Indians; and it is
well known that no place in America furnished such a
quantity of furs and skins, not even the Hudson's Bay
settlements, whose utmost extent of trade is far inferior
to the produce collected here. These furs and skins were
procured from Canada, and brought to Fort Oswego by
the Indians, who disposed of them to the agents sent
there by the merchants of Albany. [15] Besides, Indian
goods may be conveyed from Albany to Fort Oswego at a
cheaper rate than from Montreal to the new settlements
at Cataraqui and the head of the Bay of Kenty, and at
less risk, because the stream of the Mohawk River is not
so strong as that of the Cataraqui River, between the
Lake and Montreal, and there are not so many falls of
Fort Niagara is on tiie same lake, where there is also
a good garrison.19 This lake takes its rise from Lake
Erie, and after a course of fifteen leagues, empties itself
into Lake Ontario. About four leagues before it enters
the lake, it is intercepted by the great fall which is mentioned by various authors, who do not agree in opinion
respecting its height; but from the most authentic ac-
19 Fort Niagara, one of the chain of posts established by the French, and
later maintained by the British to protect Canada, has had a long and interesting
history. Hennepin and La Salle were there in 1679, when a small blockhouse
was constructed, which was later burned by the Senecas. Denonville erected
a fort here in 1687, which was abandoned September 15, 1688. No permanent
establishment was made on the spot until 1726, when Governor Beauharnais
ordered a fort built to counteract that of the English at Oswego. This was
garrisoned and maintained by the French, until Sir William Johnson captured
it in 1759. At Niagara, in 1764, Johnson met the Indian nations in a general
treaty of peace. During the Revolution, the post was steadily maintained by
the British, and proved an important base of supplies for the Western forts.
After the Revolution, it remained in British hands until 1796. In the War of
1812-15, it was captured by the British, and restored to the Americans at the
close of the conflict. For further details see Severance, Old Trails on the
Niagara Frontier (Buffalo, 1899).— Ed.
Ill 5°
Early Western Travels
counts, joined to my own observations, I am inclined to
coincide with the judgment of captain Pierie, who made
an actual survey, and describes the height to be one
hundred and forty-six feet, and the width one thousand
and forty, which proves that the accounts of Father
Hennepin and La Salle were erroneous, who both agree
in calling the perpendicular height six hundred feet.
The distance from Fort Niagara to Fort Stanwix20 is about
two hundred and eighty miles, through the Jenesee
country, which I" travelled with great ease in about eight
days. This post therefore is of the most essential importance to protect the Indians who are in alliance with
Great Britain, and to secure the valuable and undivided
advantage of their trade.
The Detroit is so called from being a strait between
Lake Erie, and Lake Huron, and commands the trade
from the Ohio, Illinois, Mississippi, and the Upper
Lakes, which post is resorted to by the Uttawas, [16] Hu-
rons, Miamis, Ohio, Mississippi, Delaware, and Tusco-
rora Indians, besides the Messesawgas.21
These five posts are situated at the back of the three
states of New England, New York, and Pennsylvania,
and at a very small distance from the Loyalist settlements.
20 Fort Stanwix was built by the British at the head of navigation on the
Mohawk River (where the city of Rome, New York, now stands), in 1758, at a
cost of $266,000. Here was held the treaty of 1768, by which a general purchase
of Indian lands was made, and the Iroquois boundaries settled. Early in the
Revolution it fell into American hands, and was re-christened Fort Schuyler,
which withstood the siege of St. Leger and his Indian braves in 1777. It is
claimed that the present national flag, as adopted by Congress in 1777, was first
raised over the battlements of Fort Schuyler. After the Revolution, the fort
was rebuilt, and reverted to its original name. Here were held important
treaties with the Iroquois in 1784 and 1788, in the latter of which much land in
the Mohawk Valley was ceded to the whites. The settlement about the fort
was made in 1785, by Connecticut emigrants.— Ed.
21 For history of Detroit see vol. i of the present series, p. 55, note 18.— Ed.
	 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 51
The last post is Michillimakinac, which is situated between Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, upon an isthmus,
about one hundred and thirty leagues long, and twenty-
two wide, and is the last fortress towards the north-west.
This point of land is on the north of the straits through
which the Lake of the Uinois, or Michigan, three hundred
leagues in circumference, empties into Lake Huron,
which is of equal extent. The strait is about three
leagues long, and one broad, and half a league distant
from the mouth of the Irinois.22
This is perhaps the most material of all the barriers,
and of the greatest importance to the commercial' interest
of this country, as it intercepts all the trade of the Indians
of the upper country from Hudson's Bay to Lake Superior, and affords protection to various tribes of Savages,
who constantly resort to it to receive presents from the
commanding officer, and from whence the traders, who
go to the north-west, take their departure for the grand
portage, or grand carrying place, which is nine miles in
length, before they enter on the waters communicating
with the north-west.28
22 For the history of Mackinac, see '' Story of Mackinac,'' in Thwaites's
How George Rogers Clark won the Northwest, and Other Essays in Western
History (Chicago, 1903). By the "isthmus" the author means the Upper
Peninsula of Michigan; the "point of land" must signify the island of Mackinac.    The "mouth of the Illinois" is the outlet of Lake Michigan.— Ed.
28 Grand Portage was the route by the Pigeon River (the present boundary
between Minnesota and Ontario) to the lakes and streams of the Northwest.
The term was first applied to the carrying place, nine miles long, and later
to a landing place somewhat south of the mouth of the river. This route was
first explored by La Verendrye in 1731 — (see Wisconsin Historical Collections,
xvii, for a map of this region drawn by an Indian for La Verendrye). It became
the established fur-trade route to the Northwest, and a place of great importance
as a rendezvous for voyageurs. For a description of the route and the traders
gathered here in the latter part of the eighteenth century, see Mackenzie,
Voyages through North America (London, 1801).— Ed. 52
Early Western Travels
Were the English to remain in possession of every part
of Canada, except the posts, numberless doors would be
left open for the Americans [17] to smuggle in their goods,
and in process of time the illicit trade would supersede
the necessity of the exportation of British goods from
England to Canada, and the commercial benefits arising
from the consumption of our manufactures would be entirely lost.— In that case, Canada would be of little service to England in a commercial point of view: How far
it is worth the expence of retaining, politically considered,
is not for me to discuss.24
u For the British determination to retain the Northern and Western posts,
and arguments in regard to their legal right, see "Calendar of Haldimand
Papers," Canadian Archives, 1885-89, also McLaughlin, "Western Posts and
the British Debts," in American Historical Association Report, 1894.— Ed. [18] Indian Scouts, and Manner of Scalping.
Having endeavoured to explain the nature and importance of the Five and Six Nation Indians, and described the situation of the posts, and the probable consequences of complying with the treaty, I shall return to
my situation at Montreal.
Having stayed with my employer seven years, and not
being willing to enter into a new agreement, I determined
to pursue the bent of my inclinations; and being naturally
of a roving disposition, which was increased by my
frequent associations with the Savages, I entered a volunteer at the head of a party of Indians, thinking that
my country might at some future period derive advantage
from my more intimate knowledge of the country and its
My entrie was in 1775, when a party of about thirty of
the Americans, commanded by the famous Ethan Allen,
appeared at Long Point, about two miles from Montreal,
intending to plunder the town; they were however disappointed in their expectations by the good conduct of
captain Crawford of the twenty-sixth regiment, who
with about forty regulars and some volunteers sallied out
and made the enemy retreat to a barn, where an engagement took place, in which major Garden, Mr. Paterson,
a volunteer, and three privates were killed, and I was
wounded in the foot; but on the arrival of a field piece,
the enemy surrendered.28
[19] Being beloved by the Indians, and preferring active
service with them to any other mode of life, I accom-
*• This action took place September 24, 1775* and was the occasion of the
capture and imprisonment of Ethan Allen. For his own narrative of this event,
see Hall, Ethan Aden (New York, 1892), pp. 110-119.— Ed.
tas 1
f       .
Early Western Travels
panied lieutenant Peter Johnson and lieutenant Walter
Butler, with a few Mohawks, to attack the Americans
at Isle au Noix, whom we defeated, taking a great many
prisoners. During the engagement we lost two volunteers
and three privates. In this action I received a wound in
the head from the butt-end of a musket.28
I then joined the eighth regiment of foot, commanded
by captain Foster, to attack the Americans at the Cedars,
whom we also defeated. The prisoners were left at
Fort St. Vielle, or Prison Island, at the foot of the Falls,
under a proper guard; and the remains of our small
army, consisting of about one hundred and fifty men,
went down to La Chine to engage another body of Americans; but finding them too strongly entrenched, we retreated to Point Clair, where we stayed till we received
intelligence that general Arnold, with four thousand men
were at Isle au Noix, and that major Gordon was killed
in his way to St. John's, about two miles from the fort.27
28 General Richard Montgomery, the commander of the American forces at
Isle aux Noix — an island in Richelieu River about ten miles from the head of
Lake Champlain — wrote September 12, 1775, concerning the skirmish here
mentioned: "I went down the river the other day with 800 or 900 men, in order
to cut off the communication between St. Johns and Montreal. The detachment marched off from the boats at night, and in less than half an hour, returned
in the utmost confusion.''— Biographical notes concerning General Richard
Montgomery (Poughkeepsie, 1876), p. n.
Lieutenant Walter Butler was a New York Tory, son of Colonel John
Butler, who led the Indians to the Wyoming Valley massacre. Walter Butler
was with St. Leger in 1777, and was captured soon after the siege of Fort Schuyler. Escaping from prison at Albany, he led the Iroquois to the Cherry Valley
massacre (1778). He seems to have been despised for his cruelty, even by his
own associates. Brant said he was "more savage than the savages themselves.' ' He was killed and scalped at Butler's Ford, in the retreat from Johnstown in 1781, by an Oneida, who called out as he fell, "Cherry Valley!"— Ed.
"Long was a member of the party of forty regulars detached from the
8th regiment under command of Captain Foster, with a large body of Indian
auxiliaries led by Brant, which descended upon the American detachment at
the Cedars, forty-three miles above Montreal, and captured the whole number 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 55
On this occasion it may not be amiss to observe, that the
custom adopted by the Americans, and with so much
success, of levelling their pieces at the officers, originated
with the Indians, who are possessed with an idea that the
men will naturally be thrown into confusion when then-
leaders are dead. This however is not without exceptions: the Mattaugwessawacks, whose country lies westward of Lake Superior, hold the persons of officers
sacred; and Josepsis, one of their tribe, who was taken
prisoner, and sold to the Penobscot Indians, says that the
Savages they were at war with have adopted the same
[20] I was immediately ordered on a scout, at the head
of ten Connecedaga or Rondaxe Indians, with captain La
Motte, a Canadian gentleman,28 in search of the person
who had killed major Gordon, and to reconnoitre the
woods, in hopes of gaining information of the real force
of the Americans at Isle au Noix. To avoid suspicion,
we were all dressed like Savages; and as captain La
Motte and myself were well acquainted with the Iroquois
language, it was impossible to distinguish us from the
natives.   We were out six days and nights, with very
(April 19,1776). For further details of this, and the following movements, see
Jones, Campaign for the Conquest of Canada (Philadelphia, 1882), pp. 54-65.
Major Gordon, who had recently been made brigadier-general, was shot
from ambuscade, July 24, 1776, while returning to his headquarters well within
British lines. His fellow officers were exceedingly indignant over it, and
Washington appeared to deprecate the matter; although General Gates promoted the American officer involved. See Sparks, life and Writings of Washington (Boston, 1855), iv, pp. 56-59.— Ed.
28 This was probably Captain Guillaume Lamothe, who during this period
led so many Indian scalping parties from Detroit while Hamilton commanded
at that place. Lamothe accompanied Hamilton on the tetter's expedition to
Vincennes, and was captured there by George Rogers Clark (February, 1779).
After the surprise of Vincennes he was sent in irons to Virginia, and kept in
close confinement. In April, 1780, he accepted a parole, and returned to
Canada.— Ed.
J 56
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
little provision, living chiefly on the scrapings of the inner
bark of trees and wild roots, particularly onions, which
grow in great abundance, and are not disagreeable to the
palate. Hunger reconciles us to every thing that will
support nature, and makes the most indifferent food
acceptable. From my own woful experience I can assert,
that what at any other time would have been unpleasant
and even nauseous, under the pressure of hunger is not
only greedily eaten, but relished as a luxury. Those who
are acquainted with the nature of roving in the woods in
time of war, know the necessity of travelling light, and
particularly on an Indian scout, as the Savages seldom
take any thing but a small quantity of Indian corn and
Maple sugar, which, after beating the corn between two
stones, they mix with water, and on this they subsist*
During this expedition, as the business was urgent, and
the enemy near at hand, we depended on adventitious
On the last day's march, returning without being able
to obtain any intelligence, one of the Indians heard a
noise resembling the breaking of a stick; the chief of the
band sent out a scout, who soon returned with a prisoner.
The man appeared much frightened, imagining himself
in the hands of Savages only. Having bound him to a
tree, I [21] being the only one of the party who understood English, questioned him very closely respecting the
situation and force of the enemy, and interpreted the
conversation. When he heard me talk his own language
he was agreeably surprised, and bis fears in some degree
giving way to hope, he begged me to save him from the
fury of the Indians, whose general conduct in war had
filled his mind with the most dreadful apprehensions. I
assured him, that if he would faithfully satisfy all my
 — 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
inquiries, his life should be spared. He cheerfully complied with the requisition, and directed me to a place
from whence we might have a clear view of the Americans, who were encamped on the opposite shore.
Having left him bound, we proceeded about two miles
through swamps, till we came in sight of the enemy.
The Indians immediately panted for action, but captain
La Motte thought it prudent to restrain their ardour,
and ordered them to retreat into the woods, still keeping
our object in view. Soon after, a boat full of men crossed
the river, and landed without perceiving us. The
Indians instantly kindled a fire, and each man filled his
blanket with rotten wood and leaves, till it was extended
to the size of a man; then placing them near the fire, to
appear like Indians asleep, they retired to a small distance,
to give the Americans an opportunity of coming up unmolested, not doubting but they would immediately
fire at the blankets. The manoeuvre succeeded to our
expectation; for the Americans discovering the smoke
advanced towards the fire, and perceiving the blankets, discharged their muskets. The Savages immediately rushed
from their ambush, and setting up the war-hoop, fell upon
the enemy, scalped seven of them, and took five prisoners,
whom we painted like ourselves. We then returned,
released the prisoner from the tree, and conducted them
all to St. John's, [22] where they were examined by colonel
England, who ordered me to take them to Sir Guy Carle-
ton without delay.
Having executed this commission to the satisfaction of
the commander in chief, I remained some time with my
old friends, till I received a message from Sir Guy Carle-
ton to attend him; when he ordered me to join brigadier
general Nesbit, with the twenty-ninth and forty-seventh MnMliWtlHIIItW
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
regiments; in the latter of which I served as a volunteer a
considerable time; but finding no vacancy, and having
no allowance for my services, to enable me to live and
appear as I wished, I quitted the regiment to enjoy my
favourite Indian life; and as I knew their manner of
living, and could accommodate myself to their diet, I
thought I might probably continue serviceable to my
country in scouting parties, and accordingly accompanied
a party of Savages to the Lake of the two Mountains,
fifteen leagues above Montreal, a village belonging to the
Connecedagas, carrying a scalp as a trophy of my services.29
Scalping is a mode of torture peculiar to the Indians.
If a blow is given with the tomahawk previous to the
scalp being taken off, it is followed by instant death; but
where scalping only is inflicted, it puts the person to
excruciating pain, though death does not always ensue.
There are instances of persons of both sexes, now living
in America, and no doubt in other countries, who, after
having been scalped, by wearing a plate of silver or tin
28 The Lake of Two Mountains is an enlargement of the Ottawa River, near
its mouth, above Montreal. On this lake is situated the Sulpitian mission
town of Oka. This is a union of two early missions — one, founded about
1677 on Montreal Island for Iroquois converts, weakened during the Iroquois
War, and removed in 1704 to the Sault au Recollet, being finally located on
the Lake of Two Mountains about r72o; the second, or Algonkin mission, was
first called La Presentation and situated on Montreal Island near Lachine;
the site was abandoned in 1685, and the remnants of the mission Indians gathered
at Bout de l'Isle (the other end of the same island), where the mission was called
St. Louis. Again removed (1706-07) to the Isle aux Tourtres, it was permanently located on the Lake of Two Mountains between 1721 and 1726. There
are still about four hundred Indians located on the reserve at the lake. See
Canadian Department of Indian Affairs Report, 1901, p. 49. The account
given by Long in the following pages, of the Chippewa division of this mission,
is the best known — their intermarriage with the Indians of the other mission
villages at Caughnawaga and St. Regis, their cultivation of the soil, and their
semi-dvilized habits.— Ed.
— 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 59
on the crown of the head, to keep it from cold, enjoy
a good state of health, and are seldom afflicted with pains.
When an Indian strikes a person on the temple with a
tomahawk, the victim instantly drops; he then seizes his
hair with one hand, [23] twisting it very tight together, to
separate the skin from the head, and placing his knee on
the breast, with the other he draws the scalping knife
from the sheath, and cuts the skin round the forehead,
pulling it off with his teeth. As he is very dexterous, the
operation is generally performed in two minutes. The
scalp is then extended on three hoops, dried in the sun,
and rubbed over with vermilion. Some of the Indians
in time of war, when scalps are well paid for, divide one
into five or six parts, and carry them to the nearest post,
in hopes of receiving a reward proportionate to the number.
When the scalp is taken from the head of one of their
own people, they frequently make the dead body of advantage to them, by dressing it up and painting it with
vermilion; they then place it against a tree, with weapons
in its hand, to induce the Indians to suppose it an enemy
on the watch; and round the body they set spears in the
ground, so as scarcely to be discernible. The Indians,
on seeing the person against the tree, and anxious to
make him a prisoner, in the eagerness of running fall
on the points of the spears, and being disabled from proceeding, are easily made prisoners.
Before I close this subject I shall relate an anecdote of
two Savages of different nations, in the time of Sir William Johnson.
A Mohawk, of the name of Scunnionsa, or The Elk, and
a Chippeway Indian of the name of Cark Cark, or the
crow, having met at a council of war near Crown Point, Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
in the year 1757, were extolling their own merits, and
boasting of their superiority in taking scalps. The Mohawk contended that he could take a larger scalp than
the Chippeway warrior; [24] who was very highly offended,
and desired that the experiment might be made. They
parted, each pursuing a different route, Mter having first
agreed to meet at a certain place, on a particular day,
when a council was to be held. At the time appointed
they returned, and appeared at the council. The Mohawk laid down his scalp, which was the skin of the head
and neck of a man stuffed with fine moss, and sewed up
with deers' sinews, and the eyes fastened in. The chiefs
expressed their approbation, and pronounced him to be
a great and brave warrior. The Chippeway then rose,
and looking earnestly at the Mohawk, desired the interpreter to tell him that it was an old woman's scalp, which
is considered as a term of great reproach, and called to
one of his sons to bring forward his scalp; when instantly
he exhibited to their view the complete skin of a man,
stuffed with down feathers, and sewed very close with
deers' sinews. The chiefs loaded him with praise, and
unanimously acknowledged his superiority. The Mohawk warrior, fired with resentment, withdrew from the
council meditating revenge; and as soon as he saw the
Chippeway come forth, he followed him, and watching
a convenient opportunity, dispatched him with his
tomahawk, rejoicing that he had, even in this dastardly
manner, got rid of a victorious rival. il
[25] Some Account of the Character and Disposition of the
Connecedaga, or Rondaxe Indians; with Remarks
on the Iroquois and Cherokee Nations.
The Savages of this nation are of the Chippeway
tribe, and speak a mixture of the Iroquois and Chippeway tongues: they were driven from the upper country at
the time of the great Indian war, about the year 1720,
and settled on the Lake of the two Mountains. There
are about two hundred inhabitants, who are very industrious, and cultivate the land in the manner of the Cahnu-
agas; they also breed cattle, and live in a degree of civilization unknown to most of the Chippeway tribes. There
is also a town near Lake Erie, in the limits of the United
States, which is inhabited by about fifteen hundred of this
nation, of whom the Reverend Mr. Charles Beattie gives
a very favourable account.
Since the settlement of the Connecedagas they have
intermarried with the Cahnuaga, St. Regis, and Mohawk
Indians, which is the reason why their language is less
pure, though some of them speak the original tongue,
which in my frequent communications with the Chip-
peways beyond Michillimakinac, I found in every respect
perfectly understood. It was among these Indians that
I first acquired the rudiments of a language which, from
long habit, is become more familiar to me than my
own; and I hope I shall not be accused of vanity, in
asserting that the vocabulary and familiar phrases, subjoined to this [26] work, are more copious than will be
found in any former publication. In spelling them I
have been particularly careful in using such letters and
accents as best express the Indian words, according to our
pronunciation.   To lay down general rules for the orthog- 62
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
raphy of a language which has never been reduced to a
system, I do not pretend: my endeavours may perhaps
assist those who are better informed in the principles of
universal grammar.
The Connecedagas are esteemed brave warriors; and
my opinion, founded on long experience of their conduct
and bravery, coincides with that which the English, from
report only, entertain of them. No nation of Savages
were ever more true to the British interest, not even
the Mohawks, whose fidelity is become almost proverbial.
During the continuance of the American war, they
neglected their families and domestic concerns to fight
for the English, which the Cahnuagas (though descendants of the Mohawks and Munseys, or Mawhiccon
Indians, commonly called River Indians) did not with so
much cheerfulness; perhaps the relationship of the latter
to the Delawares before their defection, whom the Indians
by way of derision used to call old women, might occasion
this temporary reluctance; but if that was the cause, it
was but of very short duration; for to do them justice,
when they took up the tomahawk they behaved with great
intrepidity, and proved that the blood of the ancient
Mohawks still ran in their veins. Some have, though I
think without much candour, imputed their services to
the fear of our government, and the resentment of the
Savages in our interest on the one hand, and the hopes of
considerable rewards on the other; but as such reflections
may be far from the truth, it cannot answer any purpose
to comment severely on their conduct: [27] it is sufficient
to know they were our allies, and in all probability will
continue friendly to the British nation. Great praise is
due on this account to major Carlton, a brave and experienced officer, whom they loved with a Roman friendship;
— 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 63
they flew to his standard with alacrity, obeyed him with
cheerfulness, and never deserted him: no instance of
friendship or attachment, either ancient or modern, could
surpass it.
It requires good natural sense, and a thorough knowledge of the dispositions of the Indians, to persuade them
to place unlimited confidence in their European or
American leaders; to which must always be added, a
seeming approbation of their advice, and an endeavour
to conform to their wishes, never obstinately pursuing a
design either offensive or defensive, contrary to their
opinion. How fatal a different line of conduct may
prove, the destruction of general Braddock is a melancholy
instance: by his haughty demeanour, and strict adherence
to his own plan, in direct opposition to the counsel of experienced chiefs, he lost their friendship, and died unla-
mented, confirming them in an opinion they had before
often hinted, ' f that he wanted both skill and prudence in
war." Even the great Washington incurred their censure by his conduct, and gave occasion to an Indian chief,
of the name of Thanachrishon, of the Seneka tribes,
judging him by their own rules, to say, "that he was a
good natured man, but had no experience.''
An impartial mind will require but little to be persuaded
that the Indians are superior to us in the woods: it is
their natural element (if I may be allowed the expression),
and a tree or river, of which their [28] recollection never
fails, guide them to the secret recesses of a deep wood,
either for safety, or the purpose of ambush. As they
pay little attention to the rising or setting sun, it at first surprised me, by what method they traveled from place to
place, without any material aberration; but this they soon
explained, by assuring me, that they had not the least «n
Early Western Travels
difficulty in going from one spot to another, being governed by the moss on the trees, which always remains on
the north side, but on the south it wastes and decays: they
remark also, that the branches are larger, and the leaves
more luxuriant on the south than on the north side of the
tree. The most enlightened part of mankind, I am persuaded, cannot be more exact in their mode of judging,
nor more attentive to the works of nature.
To prove further, if there are any who doubt it, that
the Indians possess strong natural abilities, and are even
capable of receiving improvement from the pursuits of
learning, I shall relate a story from Kalm's Travels.30
"An old American Savage being at an inn at New York,,
met with a gentleman who gave him some liquor, and
being rather lively, boasted he could read and write English. The gentleman, willing to indulge him in displaying his knowledge, begged leave to propose a question, to
which the old man consented. He was then asked, who-
was the first circumcised ? the Indian immediately replied,
father Abraham:— and directly asked the gentleman,
who was the first quaker ? He said it was very uncertain,
that people differed in their sentiments exceedingly. The
Indian perceiving the gentleman unable to resolve the
question, put his fingers into his mouth, to express his
surprize, and looking [29] stedfastly, told him, that
Mordecai was the first quaker, for he would not pull off
his hat to Haman.''
Mr. Adair31 says, the Cherokees are very apt at giving
80 Peter Kalm, Swedish naturalist and botanist, was sent to America to-
study its flora, and travelled extensively between 1748 and 1751. The English
edition of his travels was published in London in 1772.— Ed.
31 James Adair, a trader among the Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians,
x73S-75- He published a History of the American Indians (London, 1775),
which attempts to prove their relationship to the Jews. It contains, notwithstanding, much valuable information, particularly in regard to the Southern
tribes.— Ed. fl
1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 65
people nicknames. A dull stalking fellow, they call a
turkey buzzard; an ill tempered man, a wasp; a talkative
person, a grasshopper; a hoarse voice, they say resembles
a bull; and an interpreter whose manners and conversation are obscene, they call a smock interpreter.
The disposition of the Indians is naturally proud and
self-sufficient: they think themselves the wisest of the sons
of men, and are extremely offended when their advice is
rejected. The feats of valour of their ancestors, continually repeated and impressed upon their minds, inspire
them with the most exalted notions of their own prowess
and bravery; hence arises the firmest reliance on their own
courage and power; and though but a handful of men,
comparatively speaking, they are vain enough to think
they can overthrow both French and English whenever
they please. They say, the latter are fools, for they hold
their guns half man high, and let them snap; but that they
themselves take sight, and seldom fail of doing execution,
which, they add, is the true intention of going to war.
These exalted notions of self-consequence are more
peculiar to the Five Nations, and for which they are more
eminently distinguished than other tribes of Savages,
although none of them are deficient in this respect. Such
sentiments as these have made the Iroquois dreaded and
revered by others, for their superior understanding and
valour, and likewise has a tendency to increase their
fame. Although they [30] decrease in numbers daily, the
thirst'of glory will never be extinguished among them,
whilst there is a breast to nourish it: they will never shrink
from danger when honour is at stake.
The Iroquois laugh when you talk to them of obedience
to kings; for they cannot reconcile the idea of submission
with the dignity of man.   Each individual is a sovereign 66
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
in his own mind; and as he conceives he derives his freedom from the great Spirit alone, he cannot be induced to"
acknowledge any other power.
They are extremely jealous, and easily offended, and
when they have been once induced to suspect, it is very
difficult to remove the impression. They carry their
resentments with them to the grave, and bequeath them
to the rising generation.
Those who have associated with. them, though they
may admire their heroism in war, their resolution in supporting the most excruciating tortures, and the stability of
their friendships, cannot but lament the dreadful effects
of their displeasure, which has no bounds. It is this
violence of temper, which is generally in the extreme,
that makes them so difficult to subdue, and so dangerous
to encourage; too much indulgence they attribute to fear,
and too much severity brings on resentment.
To remove these strong prejudices (which, however
prone human nature may be to encourage them, would
never prove so prejudicial to society, unless continually
promoted by the advice and example of the aged), has
been the constant endeavour of those nations who have
been [31] in alliance with them, and some attempts have
been made to soften their manners by the introduction
of the Christian religion, whose precepts are so wonderfully calculated to destroy every blood-thirsty sentiment,
and make mankind happier in themselves, and better
members of the community. In this laudable pursuit our
neighbours the French have been most successful, at
least so far as an alteration in external behaviour may
be considered as an indication of the amendment of the
heart. The good conduct of the inhabitants of several
Indian villages in Canada bears testimony to this obser- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 67
vation. Nevertheless, in contradiction to this remark,
Mr. James Adair observes, that the French Canadians
are highly censurable for debauching our peaceable
Northern Indians with their "infernal catechism."
Though I am not an advocate for creeds inimical to the
peace of society, I believe the censure is too severe, for
however formerly they might have been influenced by
bigotted priests instilling into their minds sentiments
unfavourable to the subjects of Great Britain, I am
clearly of opinion, that they have for many years used
their best endeavours to inculcate the principles of the
Gospel: indeed, it is always to be lamented when either
politics or religion are made subservient to each other:
this being properly considered, perhaps the French are
not more blameable than other nations. We are too
apt to involve others in our disputes, and religion is
too frequently introduced by bigots to assist the cause
they wish to support.
With regard to those Indians who have been accustomed to the society of English traders, and even preachers (sorry am I to observe it), their sentiments, manners,
and practices are very different. The [32] alteration is
manifestly for the worse; they have become more degenerate, and added to the turbulence of passions unsubdued
by reason the vices of lying and swearing, which unfortunately they have learned from us.
The testimony of Mr. Sargeant, a gentleman of New
England, supports this assertion; who relates, that in a
journey to the Shawanese Indians (the allies and dependants of the Six Nations),82 and some other tribes, when he
offered to instruct them in the Christian religion, they
82 This was Rev. John Sargent, missionary to the Stockbridge Indians, in
Western Massachusetts.— Ed.
i-3* 68
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
rejected it with disdain; they even reproached Christianity, told him the traders would lie, cheat, and debauch
their young women, and even their wives, when the husbands were from home. They further added, that the
Senekas had given them their country, but charged them
never to receive Christianity from the English.
I shall subjoin one more proof to this. Governor
Hunter, by order of Queen Anne, presented the Indians
with cloaths, and other things of which they were extremely fond; and addressing them at a council, which was
held at Albany, told them that their good mother the
Queen had not only generously provided them with fine
cloaths for their bodies, but likewise intended to adorn
their souls by the preaching of the Gospel, and that some
ministers should be sent to instruct them. When the
governor had finished his speech, the oldest chief rose up
and said, that, in the name of all the Indians, he thanked
their good mother the Queen for the fine cloaths she had
sent them; but that in regard to the ministers, they had
already some of them, who, instead of preaching the
Gospel to them, taught them to drink to excess, to cheat
and quarrel among themselves, and entreated the governor [33] to take from them the preachers, and a number
of Europeans who came among them; for before their
arrival, the Indians were honest, sober and innocent
people; but now most of them were rogues; that they
formerly had the fear of God: but that now they hardly
believed his existence.
To extenuate as much as possible this charge against the
English, let it be observed, that the vice and immorality
complained of, is to be attributed in a great measure to
the traders, who used to purchase convicts, and hire men
of infamous character to carry up their goods among the 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Indians, many of whom ran away from their masters to
join the Savages: the iniquitous conduct of those people
essentially injured the English in the opinion of the
Indians and fixed an odium which will not be soon or
easily removed. [34] Description of the Indian Dances, &c.
Having finished this long digression, I shall continue my history from the time of going to the village of
the Connecedagas, where I stayed some months, making
several excursions in scouting parties, and frequently
bringing in prisoners, which did not escape the notice of
Sir Guy Carleton, who at the next interview approved my
conduct, and wished me to serve again in his regiment.
I told him I was extremely happy I had rendered myself
useful to my country, and considered myself highly
honoured by so flattering a mark of his approbation; but
that the life of a volunteer, though very honourable,
would not entitle me to pay, and there was not a vacancy
in any of the British regiments: he then appointed me a
midshipman on board the ship Fell, commanded by captain Barnsfer, lying in the river St. Laurence, in which
service I continued till she was ordered for England.
As soon as I quitted the navy, I returned to the Lake of
the Two Mountains, and continued doing my utmost, in
the line of an interpreter, and at intervals perfecting myself
in the Indian languages, particularly in the Chippeway
tongue, as I purposed engaging in the service of a merchant, to go to the north west the first convenient opportunity. I also applied myself sedulously to obtain a complete knowledge of their manners and customs, and with
that view partook of their amusements, and was soon
noticed as a good dancer. To this [35] qualification I also
added the perfect notes of the different war hoops, as
naturally as a Savage; and by conforming to their ways,
and taking pleasure in their diversions, I was soon endeared to them, and left them with regret.
m 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
The dances among the Indians are many and various,
and to each of them there is a particular hoop.83
1. The calumet dance.
2. The war dance.
3. The chief's dance.
4. The set out dance.
5. The scalp dance.
7. The prisoner's dance.
8. The return dance.
9. The spear dance.
10. The marriage dance.
11. The sacrifice dance.
6. The dead dance.
All these I was perfect master of, frequently leading the
sett.    If accidentally a stranger came among us, (unless
I chose to be noticed) no one could distinguish me from
the Indians.
Presuming on my appearing exactly like a Savage, I
occasionally went down in a canoe to Montreal, and frequently passed the posts as an Indian. Sometimes I would
distinguish myself at a charivari, which is a custom that
prevails in different parts of Canada, of assembling with
old pots, kettles, &c. and beating them at the doors of
new married people; but generally, either when the man
is older than the woman, or the parties have been twice
married: in those cases they beat a charivari, hallooing
out very vociferously, until the man is obliged to obtain
their silence by pecuniary contribution, or submit to be
[36] abused with the vilest language. Charivari, in
French, means a paltry kind of music, which I suppose is
the origin of the custom.
Not content with being a proficient in their sports, I
learnt to make a canoe, bark a tree for the purpose, and
perform the whole business as regular as the natives. I
also made makissins, or Indian shoes, of deer skins,
drest and smoked to make the leather soft and pliable,
33 On the subject of Indian dances see Jesuit Relations, index. Also Grant,
in Masson, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest, ii, pp.335-337.— Ed.
m 72
Early Western Travels
and worked with porcupine quills and small beads, to
which are sometimes suspended hawk bells. Those made
by the Mohawks, at the Grand River near Niagara, are
preferred for their superior workmanship and taste, and
are sometimes sold so high as four dollars a pair, but in
general they may be purchased, without ornaments, for
one dollar: they are more pleasant to wear than English
shoes: in summer they are cooler to the feet, and in winter,
from being made roomy, they will admit a thick sock, to
prevent the excessive cold from penetrating. The Indians,
in their war dances, sew hawk bells and small pieces of
tin on them to make a jingling noise, and at a dance where
I was present, these, with the addition of a large horse
bell, which I gave the chief who led the dance, made a
noise not much unlike a Dutch concert.
The Savages are esteemed very active and nimble
footed, but admitting this general opinion to prevail, it is
well known the Europeans are more swift in running a
small distance: their chief merit, I am of opinion, consists
in their being able to continue a long time in one steady
pace, which makes them useful in going express through
the woods; and as they require little sleep, and can subsist
on roots and water, which they take en volant, they do
not waste much time in refreshment. [37] They are also
admirable swimmers, and are not afraid of the strongest
current. With these qualifications they are certainly a
very useful race of men; and as long as the English retain
any possessions in Canada, should be considered as the
most valuable acquisition; indeed, as indispensibly
necessary; and every endeavour should be exerted to
retain them in our interest.
With regard to bodily'strength, they are excelled by
many; and even in hunting, the Virginians equal them in
■Hi 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
every part of the chace, though all the world allow them
the merit of being good marksmen. I remember seeing
some Americans shooting at a loon, a bird nearly the
size of an English goose. This bird is remarkable for
diving, and generally rises some yards from the place
where it dips. They fired at the distance of one hundred
and fifty yards with a rifle, several times without success: an Indian standing by, laughed at them, and told
them they were old women: they desired him to try his
skill, which he instantly did: taking his gun, and resting
it against a tree, he fired, and shot the loon through the
neck. I confess I never saw a better shot in my life, and
was highly pleased, as it gratified my pride, in giving the
Americans a favourable opinion of the Savages, for whom
I always entertained a predilection.
The loon is a very remarkable bird, from the formation
of its feet: but having no anatomical knowledge, I cannot
describe it technically. They are so made, that it can
scarcely walk; it is therefore seldom seen on land. In
calm weather it rises from the water with great difficulty,
and flies as impelled by the wind, on which it seems to
depend. The method usually adopted by the Indians to
kill these birds, is by fixing [38] a large bough at the head
of the canoe, to conceal themselves till they paddle near
the place where they are; when at a convenient distance,
they fire, though not always with success. In the Chippeway language it is called a maunk, which agrees with
the French word manquer, to fail; it being, from its shyness, very difficult to kill. The skin, which is very tough
and thick, is dried and made use of as cases to cover their
guns, to prevent the wet from spoiling them.
Having grown tired of living entirely with the Savages,
I made an excursion to Montreal, where I met with an
1 74
Early Western Travels
offer to go as interpreter to the north, which, at first, I did
not care to accept; but as the salary proposed was handsome, upon mature deliberation, I embraced the opportunity of entering into that way of life, from which I fully
expected profit at least, if not pleasure; but alas! I had
often abundant reason to repent the pursuing the bent
of my inclinations.
On the fourth of May, 1777, I left Montreal, with two
large birch canoes, called by the French, maitre canots,
having ten Canadians in each, as the number of portages
require many hands to transport the goods across the
landings, which can only be done on men's shoulders.
As their voyage is so essentially different from the English manner of travelling, I shall relate it particularly.
The canoes are made at Trois Rivieres; they are, in
general, eight fathoms long, and one and a half wide, covered with the bark of the birch tree, and sewed very close
with fibrous roots; and of this size they will carry four
tons weight each. As early in the spring as the ice will
permit, they are brought up to La Chine, a village nine
miles above Montreal.
[39] La Chine takes its name from the following story.
Le Sieur La Salle, who was afterwards murdered by two
of his own party, in Canada, in the year 1686, was very
intent on discovering a shorter road to China than was
then known, but his project failing by an accident which
happened to him at this place, he was obliged to postpone his journey to the east, which induced the Canadians,
by way of derision, to call it La Chine, or China; and by
that name it has ever since been known.34
At this place the Indian goods are put on board very
84 This origin of the name La Chine is generally accepted by historians.
See Girouard, Lake St. Louis and La Salle (Montreal, 1893), pp. 32, 33.— Ed. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
carefully; the dry merchandise in bales about eighty
pounds weight, the rum, powder, and shot, in small
kegs. The voyage from Trois Rivieres to La Chine is
tedious and troublesome, as there is a strong current to
combat^ and without a fair wind, and occasionally a brisk
gale to assist or relieve the constant use of the paddles, it
would be impossible to make any way. Where the water
is shallow, the canoes must be forced forward with long setting poles, while the men wade knee deep, and pull against
the current with ropes; this is a labour and fatigue beyond
what will be easily imagined. Custom has however made
the Canadians very expert, and I must do them the justice
to say they encounter these difficulties with uncommon
chearfulness, though they sometimes exclaim, "C'est la
misere, mon bourgeois.' '85
From La Chine to Michillimakinac, there are thirty six
portages; the distance by land and water is about nine
hundred miles: in favourable weather the journey is frequently performed in about a month. Great care is
necessary to steer the canoes up the strong rapids; to
labour and care must also be added experience to keep
them upright, and prevent their striking or rubbing
against the stones, as they are very slight, and [40] easily
damaged. Whenever by accident they receive an injury,
as they frequently do, the hole is stopped with gum,
melted with a piece of charcoal; the gum by wetting immediately becomes hard, and is capable of resisting the
impression of the water. When the hole is too large to be
stopped by gum only, the inner bark of the birch tree,
86 The "bourgeois" was the chief trader, to whom the voyageurs were
bound by engagements for service. The term was also often applied to the
trader's agent or clerk, when the latter was in command of the expedition.
See Turner, "Fur Trade in Wisconsin," Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1889, pp. 77-82.— Ed. 76
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
pounded and tempered like mortar, is put on the aperture,
this is covered by a linen rag, and the edges firmly cemented with gum.
We continued our voyage to La Barriere, at the head of
the Long Saut, or long water fall, a very dangerous current from the extreme rapidity of the fall. At the top
of this fall there are some traders settled, but they are
not of any consequence either for the extent of their commerce, or the profits arising from the peltry they collect,
the Savages in those parts being too well acquainted with
the value of furs and skins to be imposed upon, unless
when they are intoxicated, an advantage I must confess
too frequently taken.
From this fall we proceeded to the Lake of the two
Mountains, where there is a village belonging to the Con-
necedaga Indians, already described. At this place I
stayed a day among my old friends, which was all the
time my engagements would allow, as it is of the most
material consequence in this branch of trade to be early
at the wintering ground.
We proceeded to the Uttawa, or Grand River, coasting
all the way till we came to Lake Nipissin, from whence
the River St. Laurence takes its rise. We then entered
the French River, leading to Lake Huron, and proceeded
with very favourable weather to Michillimakinac, where
we arrived on the 17th of June.36
[41] The country every where abounds with wild animals,
particularly bears, moose and other deer, beavers, beaver
eaters, lynx, foxes, squirrels, fishers, otters, martins, minx,
86 For a description of the trade route by way of Ottawa River, Lake Nipis-
sing, Georgian Bay, and Lake Huron to Mackinac, see H. H. Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast (San Francisco, 1886), i, pp. 561-564. Also, for a
personal narrative, see that of Captain Thomas G. Anderson, in Wisconsin
Historical Collections, ix, pp. 138-143.— Ed. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
wood cats, racoons, wolves, musquashes, &c. There
are scarce any but savage inhabitants to be found, who
rove from place to place for subsistance, feeding on the
animals they kill, except the skunk, or pole cat, which
they riever eat, unless pressed by the most extreme hunger.
Monsieur La Salle relates, that in his voyage on the
banks of the Mississippi, among the nation of the Oumas,
who live on a river of the same name, he saw a most extraordinary animal between the wolf and the lion; the
head and shape resembling the former, and the tail and
claws like those of the latter: he asserts it would attack
all other animals, but was never known to hurt a man;
that sometimes it would carry its prey on its back, and
when it had eaten till satisfied, it concealed the rest under
the leaves, or other cover; that every animal dreaded it
to such a degree, that they would not touch any part of
the prey it had left; and that the Indians called it Michi-
bichi, which is an animal of the species of the tiger, but
smaller and less speckled, and is now known to be the
The beaver is a curious animal, but it has been described
by so many authors, that I shall only observe what I
believe they have not yet mentioned.— It is seldom seen
in the day time: After sun set it leaves its habitation, and
ventures abroad either to work, or procure food. It also
takes this opportunity to wash itself. But the most
remarkable singularity of this animal, is, that it lies with
its tail constantly in the water, to prevent its getting stiff.
The flesh of it is very good, either [42] boiled or roasted,
but the tail is the best part.37 While I am upon the subject of dainties, I may add, that the snout of the moose is
87 On the habits and uses of the beaver (castor Canadensis), see Martin,
Castorologia (Montreal and London, 1892).— Ed. 78
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
also highly esteemed. Not any of the animals in North
America are to be dreaded, except the grizzled bear,
which generally keeps in as warm a climate as possible:
wherever it comes it makes dreadful havock, destroying
men, and even frequently whole families.
During the time I stayed at Michillimakinac, a remarkable circumstance of bravery and generosity was
communicated to me, which may not be unentertaining
to the reader.
An Indian boy, about fifteen years of age, was standing
at some distance from the fort, when a Savage fired his
gun, and accidentally killed an Englishman. As he was
advancing, he discovered the boy leaning against a tree,
and not being of the same nation, he formed the resolution of taking him prisoner: having no suspicion of the
boy's intention, he went up to him, and took him by the
arm; the boy very artfully drew back, and shot the Indian
through the chin: this so incensed him, that he was raising
his hand to tomahawk him, when another Indian instantly coming up, asked his companion who had wounded him? he replied, the boy, adding, that he would immediately take his scalp: the other prevented his bloody
purpose, and told him he would protect the lad, for he
was too brave to die. He carried him to the fort, where
he was purchased by the commanding officer, to prevent
the Indian whom he had wounded from killing him. [43] Description of Lake Superior, with the Ceremony of
Indian Adoption.
Having taken in Indian corn, and hard grease, (the
food all traders carry to the upper country) and exchanged my large canoes, or maitre canots, for smaller
ones, the latter being more convenient to transport across
the carrying places, and better calculated to run into small
creeks, we proceeded to the Falls of St. Mary, (a strait so
called) which is formed by two branches that separate
from each other at the furthest point of the lake. Here
is a small picketted fort built by the Indians, and about
ten log houses for the residence of English and French
traders. The nation of the Sauteurs formerly were settled at the foot of the Falls, and the Jesuits had a house
near them.38 At this place there is abundance of fine
fish, particularly pickerill, trout, and white fish of an
uncommon  size.    From  this place we  continued  our
88 The normal food of those who wintered in the woods was Indian corn
and tallow.    See Turner, "Fur Trade in Wisconsin," pp. 78, 79.
The Falls of St. Mary, or Sault Ste. Marie, were visited by traders as early
as 1616. The Jesuit Relation of 1640 gives a partial description of this place.
Radisson and Groseilliers were here between 1658 and 1660; and here (1669)
a Jesuit mission was established by Allouez and Dablon. After 1689, the mission and trading post were abandoned in favor of Mackinac; but Sault Ste.
Marie continued to be a station on the Northwestern fur-trade route; and in
1750 the land thereabout was granted to De Repentigny on condition that he
erect a fort at that place. After the English occupation, a French Canadian,
J. B. Cadot, had a trading post here, which was probably the one mentioned by
Long. Later, the North West Company occupied the spot; but in 1814 its
post was burned by a detachment of American troops, commanded by Major
Holmes, who afterwards fell at the unsuccessful attack on Mackinac. The
first military post and Indian agency of the United States at Sault Ste. Marie
was established in 1822.
The Saulteurs were a Chippewa tribe, so called by the French from having
been first encountered at the Sault. The name afterwards was employed to
designate all the Chippewa nation. A pretty Indian legend of the origin of
these falls, is found in Jesuit Relations, liv, p. 201.— Ed.
../ 8o
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
voyage to Lake Superior, formerly called Lake Tracy,
in honour of Mons. de Tracy, who was appointed viceroy
of America by the French king in June, 1665. It is
reckoned six hundred leagues in circumference, and on
it are a great number of large and small islands. At
the entrance of this lake is a high rock, somewhat in the
shape of a man, which the Chippeway Indians call
"Kitchee Manitoo," or the Master of Life. Here they
all stop to make their offerings, which they do by throwing
tobacco, and other things, into the water: by this they
intend to make an acknowledgment to the rock, as the
representative of the Supreme Being, for the blessings
they enjoy, cheerfully sacrificing to [44] him their ornaments, and those things which they hold most dear.38 An
example worthy of imitation, so far as respects the good
intention of the creature to the Creator, exhibiting an
evident proof that man in his natural state, without any
of the refinements of civilization, is sensible of his depend-
ance on an invisible power, however ignorantly, or unworthily, he may express his belief. God alone knoweth
the heart, and will judge every man by the knowledge he
Superstition is a noxious plant, but it hath flourished in
every climate from the torrid to the frigid zone. If its
effects have proved so pernicious among civilized nations,
as we know they have, is it to be wondered that barbarians
have suffered by it? The poor untutored Indian will
not incur a great degree of censure for obeying the dictates
of his uninformed nature, and following implicitly the
custom of his ancestors. Revealed religion has not been
given to all, and it is a melancholy reflection that those
89 On the offering of tobacco to "Manitous," see Jesuits Relation, x, p. 324.
See, also, caption "Manitou," in index thereto.— Ed. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
who have been enlightened by it, are not so superior to
the Savages as one should naturally expect to find them.
In this rock there are several cavities near a mile in
length, and about twenty feet in width, arched at the top.
The lake freezes only close to the shore, the water being
constantly in a swell, and the waves frequently mountains
high, which is easily accounted for, when we consider its
immense extent. On a calm day, a little distance from
shore, sturgeon may be seen in very deep water. The
surrounding land is high and rocky, and the woods extremely thick. The palm, birch, ash, spruce, and cedar,
grow large, and in great abundance. The North-west
Company, established at Montreal, keep a vessel on [45]
the lake to transport their goods from Michillimakinac
to the grand portage on the north-west side, and return
with the peltry collected in the inlands.40
On the 4th of July we arrived at Pays Plat,41 on the north
east side of the Lake, where we unpacked our goods, and
made the bales smaller, having, by the Indian accounts,
one hundred and eighty carrying places to the part where
I intended to winter. On our landing we discovered at
some distance a number of Indians, which induced us to
accelerate the arrangement of the cargo, in case of barter,
and be prepared to embark when the business was finished.
Every thing being properly secured, I made up to the
Savages, and calculated their number at one hundred and
40 Probably the "Athabasca," one of the first schooners of the North West
Company on Lake Superior. See Masson, Bourgeois, ii, p. 149. The French
had a sailing vessel on Lake Superior as early as 1735. See Wisconsin Historical Collections, xvii.— Ed.
a Pays Plat was the fur-trade station near the Nipigon River, about one
hundred miles east of Grand Portage. It was situated on one of the islands of
Nipigon Bay, and so named because of the low land and shoal water in the
vicinity.   See Bigsby, Shoe and Canoe (London, 1850), p. 223.— Ed. 82
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
fifty: most of them were of the Chippeway tribes; the rest
were of the nation of the Wasses. They gave me fish,
dried meat, and skins, which I returned with trifling
presents. The chief, whose name was Matchee Que-
wish,42 held a council, and finding I understood their
language, proposed to adopt me as a brother warrior.
Though I had not undergone this ceremony, I was not
entirely ignorant of the nature of it, having been informed
by other traders of the pain they endured in their adoption, though they declared they were favoured exceedingly; I determined however to submit to it, lest my refusal of the honour intended me should be attributed to
fear, and so render me unworthy of the esteem of those
from whom I expected to derive great advantages, and
with whom I had engaged to continue for a considerable
The ceremony of adoption is as follows. A feast is
prepared of dog's flesh boiled in bear's grease, with huckle
berries, of which it is [46] expected every one should
heartily partake. When the repast is over, the war song
is sung in the following words.
I * Master of Life, view us well; we receive a brother warrior who appears to have sense, shews strength in his arm,
and does not refuse his body to the enemy."
After the war song, if the person does not discover any
signs of fear, he is regarded with reverence and esteem;
courage, in the opinion of the Savages, being considered
not only as indispensible, but as the greatest recommendation.   He is then seated on a beaver robe, and presented
42 For a history of the Chippewa Indians, see Minnesota Historical Collections, v.
This noted chief, Matchekewis, was the captor of Mackinac during Pon-
tiac's War. For a sketch of him, see Wisconsin Historical Collections, vii, pp.
188-194.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
with a pipe of war to smoke, which is put round to every
warrior, and a wampum belt is thrown over his neck.
The calumet, or Indian pipe, which is much larger than
that the Indians usually smoke, is made of marble, stone,
or clay, either red, white, or black, according to the custom of the nation, but the red is mostly esteemed; the
length of the handle is about four feet and a half, and
made of strong cane, or wood, decorated with feathers of
various colours, with a number of twists of female hair
interwoven in different forms; the head is finely polished;
two wings are fixed to it, which make it in appearance not
unlike to Mercury's wand. This calumet is the symbol
of peace, and the Savages hold it in such estimation, that
a violation of any treaty where it has been introduced,
would in their opinion be attended with the greatest misfortunes.43
Wampum is of several colours, but the white and black
are chiefly used; the former is made of the inside of the
conque, or clam shell; [47] the latter of the muscle: both
are worked in the form of a long bead, and perforated
in order to their being strung on leather, and made up in
These belts are for various purposes: When a council
is held, they are given out with the speeches, and always
proportioned in their size, and the number of the rows of
wampum which they contain, to the idea the Indians entertain of the importance of the meeting; they frequently
consist of both colours. Those given to Sir William
Johnson, of immortal Indian memory, were in several
48 For a description of Indian pipes and smoking habits, see U. S. National
Museum Report, 1897, pp. 351 ff. The material for the red calumets is called
"catlinite," from George Catlin, who described it in 1836. It is found in the
pipestone quarries of Pipestone County, in Southwestern Minnesota. See
Jesuit Relations, lix, p. 310.— Ed.
■'! 84
Early Western Travels
rows, black on each side, and white in the middle: the
white being placed in the centre, was to express peace,
and that the path between them was fair and open. In
the centre of the belt was the figure of a diamond, made
of white wampum, which the Indians call the council fire.
When Sir William Johnson held a treaty with the
Savages, he took the belt by one end, while the Indian
chief held the other: if the chief had any thing to say, he
moved his finger along the white streak; if Sir William
had any thing to communicate, he touched the diamond
in the middle.
These b ~lts are also the records of former transactions,
and being worked in particular forms, are easily deciphered by the Indians, and referred to in every treaty with
the white people. When a string or belt of wampum is
returned, it is a proof that the proposed treaty is not accepted, and the negotiation is at an end.
But to return from this digression. When the pipe has
gone round, a sweating-house is prepared with six long
poles fixed in the ground, [48] and pointed at the top; it is
then covered with skins and blankets to exclude the air,
and the area of the house will contain only three persons.
The person to be adopted is then stripped naked, and
enters the hut with two chiefs; two large stones made red
hot are brought in, and thrown on the ground; water is
then brought in a bark dish, and sprinkled on the stones
with cedar branches, the steam arising from which puts
the person into a most profuse perspiration, and opens the
pores to seceive the other part of the ceremony.
When the perspiration is at the height, he quits the
house, and jumps into the water; immediately on coming
out a blanket is thrown over him, and he is led to the
chief's hut, where he undergoes the following operation. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Being extended on his back, the chief draws the figure
he intends to make with a pointed stick, dipped in water
in which gunpowder has been dissolved; after which, with
ten needles dipped in vermilion, and fixed in a small
wooden frame, he pricks the delineated parts, and where
the bolder outlines occur, he incises the flesh with a gun
flint; the vacant spaces, or those not marked with vermilion, are rubbed in with gunpowder, which produces
the variety of red and blue; the wounds are then seared
with punk wood, to prevent them from festering.
This operation, which is performed at intervals, lasts
two or three days. Every morning the parts are washed
with cold water, in which is infused an herb called
Pockqueesegan, which resembles English box, and is
mixed by the Indians with the tobacco they smoke, to
take off the strength. During the process, the war
songs are sung, accompanied by a rattle hung round with
hawk bells, called chessaquoy, [49] which is kept shaking,
to stifle the groans such pains must naturally occasion.44
Upon the ceremony being completed, they give the party
a name; that which they allotted to me, was Amik, or
In return for the presents given me by Matchee Que-
wish, which I had only acknowledged by some trinkets,
and to shew how much I was pleased with the honour
they had conferred on me, I resolved to add to my former
gifts; I accordingly took the chiefs to a spot where I had
directed my men to place the goods intended for them,
and gave them scalping knives, tomahawks, vermilion,
tobacco, beads, &c and lastly rum, the unum neces-
sarium, without which (whatever else had been bestowed
** For a description of the rattle called'' sysyquoy,'' see Wisconsin Historical
Collections, xvi, p. 367; and Masson, Bourgeois, ii, p. 333.— Ed. 86
Early Western Travels
on them) I should have incurred their serious displeasure. Our canoes being turned up, and the goods properly secured, I told the Canadians to keep a constant
watch, night and day, while we were encamped. This
precaution is absolutely necessary, as the Indians generally do mischief when they are intoxicated. On this
occasion our care was of infinite service, for with the
rum we gave them, they continued in a state of inebriety
three days and nights, during which frolic they killed
four of their own party; one of whom was a great chief,
and was burnt by his son: having been a famous warrior,
he was buried with the usual honours peculiar to the
Savages, viz. a scalping knife, tomahawk, beads, paint,
&c. some pieces of wood to make a fire, and a bark cup
to drink out of in his journey to the other country.
On the 21st we embarked, leaving the band extremely
well satisfied with our conduct, which they acknowledged
in the most expressive language; but as it was customary
to take conductors from one Lake to another, I engaged
twenty of the Chippeways to accompany me in passing
[50] by land the Grande C6te de la Roche, which is the
rout that all the traders are obliged to take, on account
of the great cataract, which is reckoned six hundred feet
in height near the entrance of the Nipegon River. This
journey is extremely fatiguing to the men, who are
obliged to ascend a steep hill with considerable burdens,
and for this reason it is customary to rest two or three days
to recruit their strength.
We left la Grande C6te de la Roche in good spirits, and
continued our voyage to Lake Alemipigon, where we met
another band of Savages of the same nation. A council
was held, and mutual presents exchanged. We stayed
here ten days, encamped by the side of the Lake; during 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
which time a skirmish happened among the Indians, in
which three men were killed, and two wounded, after a
dreadful scene of riot and confusion, occasioned by the
baneful effects of rum.
Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon,45 is about one hundred
miles in length, and supplies the Savages with great
quantities of fish. The land affords abundance of wild
roots, and the animals are very numerous. The Indians
who hunt here are in number about three hundred, and
are remarkably wild and superstitious.
tt The Nipigon River is the largest and most northerly tributary of Lake
Superior, and the outlet for Lake Nipigon. Its region, until the building of the
Canadian Pacific Railroad, was almost as wild and unknown as when visited
by the French explorers in the seventeenth century. Perrot mentions this
river and lake in his Mimoire (1658); and Duluth (1684) wrote to De la Barre
of the "fort which I have constructed near the River a la Maune, at the bottom
[the north end] of Lake Alemipigon," as a barrier to the English trade from
Hudson Bay. In 1687, Duluth's brother traded with fifteen hundred Indians
in the Lake Nipigon region. The furs from this district were especially rich
and valuable, and the trading post on the lake appears to have been maintained
throughout the French occupation. La Verendrye was commandant here in
1728, when he became fired by the reports of the savage Ochagach, with zeal
for Western exploration. See Northern and Western Boundaries of Ontario
(Toronto, 1878), pp. 68-80.
In 1757, Bougainville describes this post as follows: "Les Nepigons, a post
established to the north of Lake Superior; the commandant is its farmer and
pays for that privilege about 4,000 francs; it includes the Lake a la Carpe. . .
The post produces generally every year from eighty to one hundred bundles of
fur." After the British occupation the productiveness of the region declined.
Duncan Cameron says that when he first went to this country (1785), the whole
district produced but fifty-six packs of fur, although it had no opposition from
Hudson Bay, and part of the Lake Winnipeg department was included in the
Nipigon district. See Cameron, "The Nipigon Country," in Masson, Bourgeois, ii, pp. 231-300. The North West Company considered this to be its
territory, but later the Hudsdn's Bay Company built a post at Red Rock, near
the mouth of the river — now a station on the Canadian Pacific Railway.
The Hudson's Bay Company still maintains a wintering post, known as Poplar
Lodge, on the east shore of Lake Nipigon. See Canadian Bureau of Mines
Report, 1901, p. 212. The Nipigon River is now noted as a fisherman's paradise. For a description of the route from the mouth of the river to the lake, see
Canadian Geological Survey Report, 1867-69, p. 336.— Ed. 88
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
On the first of August we departed with fifteen Indians, not only to serve as guides, but to assist us across
the portages. We lived on animal food and roots, reserving our corn and hard grease for the winter. Every
evening at sun set we encamped, and got into our canoes
at break of day. We continued our march to Lac
Eturgeon, or Sturgeon Lake, but did not stay there a
sufficient time to enable me to give a particular account
of it; I have, however, described it in the narrative [51]
of my journey to Lake Manontoye, where I encamped for
three days on account of the badness of the weather.
On the twenty fifth of September we arrived at Lac la
Mort, or Dead Lake, situate to the north-east of Lake
Alemipigon. This Lake is about sixty miles in circumference, the land low and swampy, and the water very
unpleasant to the palate: it has been much frequented by
the Indians, for, during the time I wintered there, I discovered no less than thirty-five different roads, about three
feet wide, leading from the woods to the Lake side: it
abounds with fish, and is frozen over in the winter, the
ice not breaking away till April. The Indians who
resort to it are good hunters, but very wild. The Chip-
peways are not so fond of dress as the other Savages, particularly those tribes who live very remote from Michilli-
makinac; this is easily accounted for; as the ice remains
almost to the last spring month in England, and the winter
season begins early in the month of October, the intermediate time is employed in making and repairing canoes,
taking short excursions for food, amusing themselves in
swimming, and other pastimes peculiar to the Savages.
The luxury of dress can be little regarded by those whose
constant necessities require the utmost exertions for their
mkWSk 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
daily supply, and who are not provident enough to lay
up a store of provisions for winter. Indians in general
are extremely indolent, from the wildest to the most civilized, and value themselves upon being so; conceiving it
beneath the dignity of a warrior to labour, and that all
domestic cares and concerns are the province of women
alone. This aversion for labour does not arise from dread,
or dislike of fatigue; on the contrary, no people encounter
or endure it with more chearfulness, particularly in their
amusements, which are of various kinds, and many of
them [52] violent and laborious. They are calculated
to make them athletic, and at the same time by the profuse perspiration which they occasion, they render the
joints supple, and enable them to hunt with more
Playing at ball, which is a favourite game,, is very
fatiguing. The ball is about the size of a cricket ball,
made of deer skin, and stuffed with hair; this is driven
forwards and backwards with short sticks, about two
feet long, and broad at the end like a bat, worked like a
racket, but with larger interstices: by this the ball is impelled, and from the elasticity of the racket, which is
composed of deers' sinews, is thrown to a great distance:
the game is played by two parties, and the contest lies
in intercepting each other, and striking the ball into a
goal, at the distance of about four hundred yards, at the
extremity of which are placed two high poles, about the
width of a wicket from each other; the victory consists
in driving the ball between the poles. The Indians play
with great good humour, and even when one of them happens, in the heat of the game, to strike another with his
stick, it is not resented.   But these accidents are cau-
^M 9°
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
tiously avoided, as the violence with which they strike
has been known to break an arm or a leg.46
Athtergain, or miss none but catch all, is also a favourite
amusement with them, in which the women frequently
take a part. It is played with a number of hard beans,
black and white, one of which has small spots, and is
called the king: they are put into a shallow wooden bowl,
and shaken alternately by each party, who sit on the
ground opposite to one another; whoever is dexterous
enough to make the spotted bean jump out of the bowl,
receives of the adverse party [53] as many beans as there
are spots: the rest of the beans do not count for any
The boys are very expert at trundling a hoop, particularly the Cahnuaga Indians, whom I have frequently seen
excel at this amusement. The game is played by any
number of boys who may accidentally assemble together,
some driving the hoop, while others with bows and arrows
shoot at it. At this exercise they are surprisingly expert,
and will stop the progress of the hoop when going with
great velocity, by driving the pointed arrow into its
edge; this they will do at a considerable distance, and on
horseback as well as on foot. They will also kill small
birds at fifty yards distance, and strike a halfpenny off
a stick at fifteen yards. Spears and tomahawks they
manage with equal dexterity.
46 This is the game of lacrosse, a modification of which has become the
Canadian national game. For an historical account of this game, see Jesuit
Relations, x, pp. 326-328; Henry's Travels (Bain's ed.), p. 77; Masson,
Bourgeois, ii, pp. 337, 338.— Ed.
47 For a similar game with slight modifications, see Masson, Bourgeois,
ii, p. 340.— Ed.
m [54] Settlement at Lac la Mort, with the Proceedings of a
Trading Party.
The fatigue my Canadians had undergone rendered
it necessary to prepare for wintering, and induced me
to settle at Lac la Mort. The weather was also setting in cold, and threatened to be very severe, which was
an additional motive. Having refreshed ourselves, and
secured the canoes, I took two Indians to shew me a spot
proper for building upon. We fixed close to the lake
side, where we erected a loghouse, thirty feet long, and
twenty feet wide, divided into two apartments, into which
we deposited our goods. The next concern was to conceal our canoes in the woods, and to hide the rum under
ground, except a small quantity for immediate use,
knowing by experience the necessity of keeping it from the
Indians, as our safety so essentially depended on it.
Having arranged every domestic concern, and spread
our table in the wilderness, we prepared our winter firing,
as wood is very difficult to bring home in severe weather.
At leisure times we hunted, to increase our stock of provisions, which would not have been sufficient to support
our household, and not choosing to risk the uncertainty of
the arrival of Savages, who sometimes bring animal food
to the traders. As the snow began to fall very heavy, we
were prevented from making [55] long excursions,without
using snow shoes. For the space of a fortnight we hunted
with great success, and caught a number of small animals,
on which we feasted daily; these proved a seasonable
relief, and saved the corn and grease. We had been
settled about three weeks, when a large band of Savages
arrived; having only eight Canadians with me, I desired
them to act with the utmost precaution, as our number
H 92
Early Western Travels
was comparatively small, and in case of a drunken frolic,
the property might be pillaged, and our lives sacrificed:
fortunately for me I had very steady men, who were well
accustomed to the Northwest Indians. We were mutually
pleased with each other, as no trader had wintered there
before. The great chief, whose name was Kesconeek,
made me a present of skins, dried meat, fish, and wild
oats; a civility which I returned without delay, and in a
manner with which he seemed highly gratified. The rest
of the Savages then came into my house, one by one,
which is called Indian file, singing war songs, and dancing. All of them, except the chief, placed themselves on
the ground; he, standing upright with great dignity in
the centre of the tribe, delivered the following speech.
"Angaymer Nocey, wa haguamissey kaygo arwayyor
kee zargetoone oway barthtyage Nishinnorbay nogome
cawwickca kitchee Artawway winnin, kitchee morgussey
cargoneek neennerwind zargetoone artawway neenner-
wind debwoye Nocey barthtyage meekintargan omar ap-
peemeenequy, mackquah, amik, warbeshance menoach
"It is true, Father, I and my young men are happy to
see you:— as the great Master of Life has sent a trader
to take pity on us Savages, we shall use our best endeavours to hunt and bring you wherewithal to satisfy you in
furs, skins, and animal food."
[56] This speech was in fact intended to induce me to
make them further presents; I indulged them in their
expectations, by giving them two kegs of rum of eight
gallons each, lowered with a small proportion of water,
according to the usual custom adopted by all traders,
five carrots of tobacco, fifty scalping knives, gun-flints,
powder, shot, ball, &c.   To the women I gave beads, 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
trinkets, &c and to eight chiefs who were in the band,
each a North-west gun, a callico shirt, a scalping knife
of the best sort, and an additional quantity of ammunition. These were received with a full yo-hah, or
demonstration of joy.
The women, who are on all occasions slaves to their
husbands, were ordered to make up bark huts, which
they completed in about an hour, and every thing was
got in order for merriment. The rum being taken from
my house, was carried to their wigwaum, and they began
to drink. The frolic lasted four days and nights; and
notwithstanding all our precaution (securing their guns
knives, and tomahawks) two boys were killed, and six
men wounded by three Indian women; one of the chiefs
was also murdered, which reduced me to the necessity
of giving several articles to bury with him, to complete the
usual ceremony of their interment. These frolics are
very prejudicial to all parties, and put the trader to a considerable expence, which nevertheless he cannot with
safety refuse. On the fifth day they were all sober, and
expressed great sorrow for their conduct, lamenting
bitterly the loss of their friends.
On the 26th of October they departed for the hunt,
which gave us great satisfaction, as we had scarcely rested
during their abode with [57] us. When they got into
their canoes, they sung the dead war song.— •' Wabindam,
Kitchee Mannitoo, haguarmissey hapitch neatissum^'—
or, "Master of Life, view me well, you have given me
courage to open my veins.''
Having piled the winter's firing at a convenient distance from the house to prevent accidents, we prepared
the nets for fishing. The ice was three feet thick, and the
snow very deep; this we were obliged to clear away, before
I 94
Early Western Travels
we could cut holes in which to put our nets. For the
space of two months we had uncommon success, having
caught about eighteen thousand weight of fish, which we
hung up by the tails across sticks to freeze, and then laid
them up for store. This was to us an important acquisition, as fishing in the middle of winter is precarious, and
the return of the Indians to supply the wants of the traders
very uncertain.
In summer the fishers go up the lakes, as well as rivers,
and are generally most successful at the foot of a deep
stream, or the mouth of a creek. In the beginning of
winter they cut a large opening, and set nets. In the
depth of winter they make a small hole, in which they
.angle; and sometimes they cut two holes in a right line
through the ice, and pass a line at the end of a stick from
hole to hole, by which they haul the net under the ice,
frequently with good success. In winter, fishing is the
daily employ of half the men, though in very severe
weather it is a fatiguing service.
In the beginning of January, 1778, our provisions run
short, having nothing left but some spawn of fish, which
we beat up with [58] warm water and lived upon. The
intense severity of the weather would not allow us to
look after the nets; and although thus distressed for want
of better food, we were obliged to stay at home, keeping a
large fire, and lying almost continually on our blankets,
which weakened us exceedingly. Having remained in
this inactive state for some time, and hunger pressing
hard, I roused myself, and proposed to my men to make
marten traps, which they went about with the utmost
cheerfulness. When they had finished a sufficient number, they set them in the woods, at the distance of about
two miles from the house.   While they were employed in 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
this service, I was left alone, it being necessary for some
one to remain, in case of the arrival of Savages. The
first day my men were successful, and returned with two
racoons, three hares, and four musquashes; on these we
feasted the next day; and though'we were not satisfied,
they proved a seasonable relief, and enabled us to pursue
the business we were engaged in with greater spirits,
fondly expecting more prosperous days.
In a little time we were again destitute, and the men
became disheartened; this induced me to propose a
journey to Lake Manontoye, where we knew Mr. Shaw,48
a brother trader, had wintered, to endeavour to procure
some wild rice, which the Indians told me grew in the
swamps at that place. The Canadians approved of the
plan, and said they hoped they should be able to provide
for their subsistence till my return. Previous to my departure, we were compelled to kill a favourite dog, belonging to Joseph Boneau, one of my people, which most
sensibly affected us, because, independent of the attachment we had towards him, he was a very useful animal.
The next morning I put on my snow shoes, and persuaded an Indian and his wife, who were with [59] me
occasionally, and had accidentally come in from the hunt
with six hares, to accompany me, promising them payment in rum at my return: they agreed to go, and it was
very fortunate they did, as I could not have found the
way without a guide.
We set off with the six hares, and travelled four days
without killing any thing; this was a disappointment, but
with the little stock we carried with us, we subsisted
tolerably well.   About an hour before sunset on the
48 Mr. Shaw was an independent trader, father of Angus Shaw, partner and
agent of the North West Company.— Ed.
i 96
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
fourth day, we stopped at a small creek, which was too
deep to be forded, and whilst the Indian was assisting
me in making a raft to cross over, rather than swim
through in such cold weather, against a strong current,
I looked round, and missed his wife: I was rather displeased, as the sun was near setting, and I was anxious
to gain the opposite shore, to encamp before dark. I
asked the Indian where she was gone; he smiled, and told
me, he supposed into the woods to set a collar for a
partridge. In about an hour she returned with a newborn infant in her arms, and coming up to me, said in
Chippeway, "Oway Saggonash Payshik Shomagonish,"
or, "Here, Englishman, is a young warrior." It is said
that the Indian women bring forth children with very
little pain, but I believe it is merely an opinion. It is
true they are strong and hardy, and will support fatigue
to the moment of their delivery; but this does not prove
they are exempt from the common feelings of the sex on
such trying occasions. A young woman of the Rat
Nation has been known to be in labour a day and a night,
without a groan. The force of example acting upon their
pride, will not allow these poor creatures to betray a
weakness, or express the pain they feel, probably lest the-
husband should think her unworthy of his future attention, and despise both mother and child: at any rate, he
would tell her the infant, [60] if a boy, would never be a.
warrior; and if a girl, would have a dastardly spirit, and
of course neither of them be fit for a Savage life.
I believe it will not be disputed that the Indian women
love their children with as much affection as parents in the
most civilized states can boast; many proofs might be
adduced to support this assertion. A mother suckles her
child till it attains the age of four or five years, and some- 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
times till it is six or seven. From their infant state they
endeavour to promote an independent spirit; they are
never known either to beat or scold them, lest the martial
disposition which is to adorn their future life and character, should be weakened: on all occasions they avoid every
thing compulsive, that the freedom with which they wish
them to think and act may not be controuled. If they die,
they lament their death with unfeigned tears, and even
for months after their decease will weep at the graves of
their departed children. The nation of Savages called
Biscatonges, or by the French, Pleureurs, are said to
weep more bitterly at the birth of a child, than at its
decease; because they look upon death only as a journey
from whence he will return, but with regard to his birth>
they consider it as an entrance into a life of perils and misfortunes.49
As soon as a child is born, if in summer, the mother goes
into the water, and immerses the infant; as soon as this is
done, it is wrapped up in a small blanket, and tied to a
flat board, covered with dry moss, in the form of the
bottom of a coffin, with a hoop over the top, where the
head lies, to preserve it from injury. In winter it is clad in
skins as well as blankets. In the heat of summer gauze
is thrown over the young Savage, to keep off the mus-
quitoes, which are very troublesome [61] in the woods.
The board, on which the child is placed, is slung to the
mother's forehead with a broad worsted belt, and rests
against her back.
When the French took possession of Canada, the women
had neither linen, nor swaddling cloaths; all their child-
40 This is a citation from the New Discovery of Hennepin, who gives the
first account of the tribe, apparently a branch of the Sioux, whose custom of
weeping he so fully describes in connection with his captivity among the Issati
Indians.— Ed.
i.Sl I
Early Western Travels
bed furniture consisted of a kind of trough, filled with
dry rotten wood dust, which is as soft as the finest down,
and well calculated to imbibe the moisture of the infant;
on this the child was placed, covered with rich furs, and
tied down with strong leather strings. The dust was
changed as often as necessary, till the child was weaned.50
Among the Indians who are in any degree civilized, the
women feed their children with pap made of Indian corn
and milk, if it can be obtained; but in the parts more
northern, and remote from Europeans, wild rice and oats
are substituted, which being cleansed from the husk,
and pounded between two stones, are boiled in water
with maple sugar: this food is reckoned very nourishing,
and with broth made from the flesh of animals and fish,
which they are frequently able to procure, cannot fail
of supporting and strengthening the infant. Among
several of the tribes of Indians, pap is made of sagavite,
from a root they call toquo, of the bramble kind; this is
washed and dried, afterwards ground, or pounded, and
made into a paste, which being baked is pleasant to the
taste, but of a very astringent quality. It is their common
On our arrival at Lac Eturgeon, as the weather was
bad, we encamped three days, which gave me an opportunity of making some observations [62] on this Lake,
which I could not do when I passed it in my way to Lac
la Mort.
This Lake, by the Indian accounts, is about five days
journey by water: the width in some parts is about thirty
miles. There are a number of small islands on it which
abound  with hares,  partridges,  and  wild  fowl.    The
60 The early cradles of the Chippewa Indians are described in more detail
by Grant,'' The Sauteux Indians,'' in Masson, Bourgeois, ii, pp. 322, 323.— Ed. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Indians who frequent it are the Hawoyzask or Musquash, who speak the Chippeway language. They are
usually more stationary than the generality of the Chippe-
ways; they seldom leave the inlands, and are excellent
hunters. Mr. Carver, in his chart, points out a village
leading to Riviere St. Croix, which he says belongs to the
roving Chippeways; but I believe all the nation, with
very few exceptions, may be called rovers in the strictest
sense of the word.81
The first day of our encampment we killed a hare, made
fish-hooks of the thigh bones, and baited them with the
flesh. The lines were made of the bark of the willow
tree cut into slips, and twisted hard together. Success
crowned our endeavours, for we not only caught sufficient
for present use, but enough for the remainder of the
journey to Lake Manontoye.
The day before our arrival we killed two otters, which
I intended as a present to Mr. Shaw, not doubting but
any animal food would be acceptable from the severity
of the season, concluding that his situation was as bad
as our own, except in the article of wild oats. When
arrived within about six miles of the lake, we met a small
party of Indians, who alarmed us by an account of a
dreadful confusion among their tribe, occasioned by the
Hudson's Bay Savages having killed three of their [63]
band; and they said they believed Mr. Shaw had fallen
a sacrifice to their fury, as they had heard them consult
61 This is true not only of the St. Croix River (Wisconsin) Chippewas, but
of nearly all the tribe up to the present time. The "woods Indian" north of
Lake Superior is usually a Chippewa (Ojibwa), and a large portion of those
under the care of the Canadian government are still hunters. The Canadian
Department of Indian Affairs, in its Report for 1900, represents the modern
Ojibwa as little changed, except from general inability to obtain liquor as freely
as in the olden days of the fur-trade.— Ed.
-a^ IOO
Early Western Travels
together to plunder the trader. They lamented exceedingly their inability to assist him, not being even strong
enough to resent their own personal injury; however, they
promised to accompany me on the way, as near to Mr.
Shaw's house as their safety would admit.
Having taken refreshment, we pursued our journey till
within two miles of the house, when they thought it
prudent to leave me, and wishing me success, retired
into the woods, out of the track, to avoid being seen,
where they promised to stay till my return. My Indian
and his wife did not choose to proceed any farther, being
also afraid of the Hudson's Bay Savages. I confess my
situation was very unpleasant, and I debated in my mind
what steps to take to attempt the relief of a brother
trader, and at the same time avoid injury myself. Relying on my usual success in suppressing these kind of
tumults occasioned by intoxication, and conscious that I
knew as well as any man the nature of the Indians when
under Jts pernicious influence, I did not doubt, however
unsuccessful my^ endeavours might prove as to rescuing
Mr. Shaw from his perilous situation, but that I should
certainly be able to effect an escape myself in case of an
attack; and as one favourable suggestion frequently gives
birth to another, and establishes by degrees a confidence in
the mind, I anticipated Mr. Shaw's delivery to my entire
satisfaction. Fortified by these flattering hopes, I determined to exert my best and speediest endeavours in his
behalf, and pursued my journey without delay. When I
arrived within a quarter of a mile of the scene of discord,
I heard the war-hoop in a manner very loud and clamorous; and though I had been accustomed [64] to such
sounds, I was very much alarmed, and felt my resolution
rather staggered; sensible that the rage of drunken Indians, 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
when it has risen to a certain pitch, knows no bounds, and
of the extreme difficulty of reconciling them to any person
to whom they had unfortunately taken a dislike. Animated, however, with the idea of behaving like a warrior,
and recurring to the time when I was adopted at Pays
Plat, I conceived it unmanly to shrink from danger, and
pushing through the woods, had soon a full view of the
infernal spirits, for I could give them no better name.
I lay some minutes in ambush, listening with great attention, till I heard one of them cry out in the. Chippeway
language, ?' Haguarmissey momooch gunnisar Cushec-
ance-" or, "I do not mean to kill the Cat;" which was
a name given to Mr. Shaw by the Indians, from his
speaking in a feeble voice. This convinced me he was
alive, though in imminent danger. I made all possible
haste up to the house, and found the Savages, both men
and women, completely drunk. The huts had been
knocked down, the canoes adrift, and the whole formed
the most dreadful scene of confusion I had ever beheld.
There were also an old Indian and a woman, who I afterwards learned was his mother, lying dead upon the snow
by the lake side. I made several efforts to get into the
house, but was prevented by the Savages, who kept me
back, kissing me, and telling me they loved me, but that
I must not attempt to relieve the Cat. At last, with inconceivable difficulty, I persuaded them to attend to me,
and felt the most extreme satisfaction in having succeeded,
at least so far, in an attempt which would have been dangerous to any one to have undertaken who was not fully
master of the language and character of the Savages, and
[65] at the same time cool and dispassionate enough to
hear their nonsense with patience and temper.
I then addressed myself to the most sober of the chiefs,
if 102
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
and inquired of him the cause of the dispute; he told me
Mr. Shaw was a dog instead of a cat, for that he had refused them rum; and that though he and the rest of the
tribe were happy to see me, because they had heard I
always had a good heart towards the Savages, I should
not go in to assist the trader, for they were the masters of
the wigwaum, and not he, and that they were resolved
to have all the rum in his possession before break of day.
Mr. Shaw's house might very properly be styled a fort,
being secured by high pickets, which made it difficult for
the Indians to approach it, and he had taken the precaution to fasten the outer gate as well as the door. I told
the chief it was not my intention to interfere, that I passed
accidentally in my way to Lac le Rouge, and should only
stay to refresh myself. This information pleased him
exceedingly, as he knew Mr. Shaw had only one man in
the house, the rest, with the interpreter, being out in
search of provisions, so that at my departure there would
not remain force sufficient to obstruct their proceedings.
I perceived them so fully bent on accomplishing their
purpose, that had I betrayed the least intention or inclination to relieve the unhappy man, I should most probably
have been dispatched without much ceremony. The
effects of the rum they had already drank, had so elevated
their spirits, that nothing less than the full possession of
the whole stock would satisfy them; and I am persuaded
that if half of them had perished, the rest would without
hesitation have risked their lives in the attempt. To
avoid all suspicion, [66] which would probably have been
fatal both to Mr. Shaw and myself, I left the chief, and
watched an opportunity of returning undiscovered.
Fortunately the Indians had not drank all the rum Mr.
Shaw had given them, and the chief as soon as I had left »
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 103
him went back to his hut to increase his intoxication, and
communicate the conversation which passed between us,
the rest of the band having retired soon after the conference began.
Observing the coast clear, I walked unobserved to the
fort, and spoke loud both in French and English: Mr.
Shaw and his man heard me, and recollecting my voice,
were transported beyond measure. The man, who
was a Canadian, was most delighted, as his fears were very
strong, it being the first year he had wintered among the
Savages. On my approach, I heard him cry out with
the greatest vehemence, llMon Dieul que je suis content!
Notre ami est arriv6, autrement nous serions foutu. Je
conte assurement, que nous serons bientdt libre, mon cher
bourgeois." He instantly opened the gate; I entered
precipitately, and congratulated him on the prospect of
counteracting the designs of the Indians, being resolved
to exert my best endeavours, and to live or die with them.
Mr. Shaw thanked me for my professions of friendship,
and immediately gave me a concise account of the disturbance. He said the Hudson's Bay Indians had come
to him with very little peltry, and after trading for it, he
had given them more rum than they had any right to
expect; that instead of being content with this, they insisted on more; that in a fit of intoxication they had killed
an Indian and his mother; and had attempted to set fire
to his house with punk wood, which they shot at it lighted,
fixed to the points of arrows. Having heard his story,
I encouraged him to keep up his spirits, and advised [67]
him, when the Indians returned to execute their purpose,
to appear indifferent to their menaces.
Whilst we were in deep discourse, I discovered three
chiefs at a small distance from the house, in very earnest
I 104
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
conversation, and was convinced they were devising some
scheme to effect their design. As they approached, I
called to them, and desired them to come into the house:
they immediately advanced, and walked in one by one,
with looks of treachery, which the earnestness of the
business to be executed would not allow them to conceal.
I talked to them without the least reserve, and in apparent good temper: I asked them if they were sober; but
before they could give me an answer, the rest of the band
came to the door, but did not enter; the head chief then
told me they were very sober, and expressed great concern for their conduct, but that now the strong water had
lost its influence, they saw their folly, and were sure the
bad spirit had left their hearts.
I told them the Master of Life was angry with them,
and that they did not deserve success in hunting, for their
bad behaviour to the trader, who had been a kind father
to them, and supplied all their wants. I then presented
them with some tobacco to smoke in council, which was
well received, and looking earnestly at the chief, addressed
the band to the following effect.
II Keennerwind Ojemar woke, kee wabindan inden-
endum kee kee noneydone Kitchee Mannitoo, ojey
candan opin weene aighter ojey petoone nowwetting
guyack debarchemon kaygait nin oathty hapadgey nee
woke keennerwind equoy kee janis goyer metach nogome
gudderbarchemon [68] hunjyta O, nishshishshin artawway winnin kaygait nee zargetoone artawway winnin
metach kakaygo arwayyor Matchee Mannitoo, guyyack
neennerwind oathty mornooch kee appay omar nee gee.'''
"You chiefs, and others of the tribe whose eyes are
open, I hope you will give ear to the words of my mouth.
The Master of Life has opened my brain, and made my 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 105
breath blow good words. My heart feels for you, your
wives, and children; and what I now speak proceeds
from the root of my friend's sentiments, who owns this
house, and who has told me that his heart was opened to
you on your arrival; but notwithstanding his kindness,
the bad spirit got possession of you, which made him very
unhappy, though he hoped the Master of Life would
change your dispositions, and make you good Indians, as
you used to be." To this speech one of the chiefs made
'' Kaygait Amik, kee aighter annaboycassey omar
liapadgey; O, nishshishshin kee debarchemon nogome
neennerwind ojey stootewar cockinnor nee doskeenner-
waymug kee debwoye neecarnis hapadgey sannegat neennerwind ha nishinnorbay kaygwotch annaboycassey ozome
Scuttaywabo ojey minniquy neennerwind angaymer Amik,
shashyyea suggermarsh cockinnor nogome mornooch
toworch payshik muccuk Scuttaywabo ojey bockettynan
Cushshecance warbunk keejayp neennerwind ojey boossin;
— haw, haw, haw.''
"It is true, Beaver, you have strong sense, it sweetens
your words to us, and we all understand you. We know,
friend, your lips open with truth. It is very hard for us
Indians, who have not the sense of the white people to
know when we have had enough of the strong [69] fiery
water; but we hope the Cat will throw off the film from
bis heart, as ours are clear: we also hope he will open his
heart once more, and give us a small keg of the strong
water, to drink to the health of our brother and sister,
whom we have sent to the far country, and tomorrow at
break of day we will depart.''
Mr. Shaw, by my advice, promised to comply with
their request, on condition of their being true to their en-
il io6
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
gagements, and that they should forbear even tasting the
rum while they remained on the ground. This determination I acquainted them with, and they retired to their
huts, leaving us in quiet possession of the fort.
The Indians remained quiet all night, which induced me
to hope that my promise of rum to them, on their departure, had accomplished the desired effect: but I flattered
myself too much, as the storm was not yet even at the
height. At break of day they assembled, and asked for
the rum, which was immediately given them; and they
got into their canoes, and went off without burying then-
dead. This being very uncustomary, alarmed me, as no
people are more particular in paying the greatest respect
to the remains of the deceased. Suspecting the bad
spirit was still in them, and that they were only gone a
short distance to drink the rum, we prepared for an
attack, loading twenty eight north-west guns, and a brace
of pistols, and sat down by the fire expecting their return
to compleat the design my fortunate arrival had hitherto
prevented. In about an hour they returned very much
intoxicated, singing their dead war songs, and every
warrior naked, painted black from head to foot: as they
approached the house in Indian file, each one repeated
the following words; clMornooch toworch gunnesar [70]
cushshecance neennerwind ojey dependan O wakaygan:"
or, "Nevertheless we do not mean to kill the Cat, we only
own this fort, and all that is in it."
Whilst they were singing, we were preparing our guns,
and placing them so as to be ready for immediate use, if
necessary; being determined to make a vigorous resistance, although there remained only Mr. Shaw and myself, the Canadian having fled to the woods.
I assumed the character of commander in chief, and 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 107
desired Mr. Shaw to obey my orders implicitly, and by
no means to fire till I gave the signal; well knowing that
the death of one of the Savages, even in our own defence,
would so exasperate the rest that there would not be a
possibility of escaping their fury. As our situation was
truly critical, we acted with as much coolness as men
devoted to destruction could. A fortunate thought came
into my head, which I instantly put in practice: I went
into the store, and rolling a barrel of gunpowder into
the outer room, knocked out the head. I had scarcely
finished it, before the Savages arrived, and advancing to
the door, armed with spears and tomahawks, said to each
other, "keen etam," or, "you go first." We stood ready
to receive them, and gave them to understand we were
not afraid of them. One of the band entered the house,
and I said to him sternly, "Ha wa neyoe shemagonish
equoy kee tertennin marmoV or, "Who now among you
old women is a brave soldier ?" and immediately pointing
my pistol cocked to the barrel of gunpowder, cried out
with great emphasis,'' Cockinnor marmo neepoo nogome;''
or, "We will all die this day." On hearing these words
they ran from the door, crying, "Kitchee Mannitoo ojey
petoone Amik O mushkowar haguarmissey yang:" [71]
or, "The Master of Life has given the Beaver great
strength and courage.'' The women fled with the utmost
precipitation, pushed their canoes into the water, and
got off as fast as they could: the men, who before were
intoxicated, became sober, and making as much haste as
possible, paddled to an island opposite the house. Soon
after a canoe came on shore with six women, to endeavour
to make up the breach; but I refused all reconciliation,
telling them that they might have known me before; that
my name was Beaver; that all the Indians knew me to be
mm io8
Early Western Travels
'   f:<
a warrior; and that my heart was not easily melted.
The women immediately returned, carrying with them
the dead, which satisfied me they did not intend to trouble
us again.
Thus, by an happy presence of mind, we were saved
from almost inevitable destruction, and probably from
ending our lives under the most excruciating torture.
It may not be improper to observe the necessity there is
for a trader to be cool, firm, and, in case of emergency,
brave, but not rash or hasty. The Indians are just observers of the human mind, and easily discover true from
affected courage, by that apparent tranquillity which
clearly distinguishes the former from the latter. It is
well known that no people in the world put courage to so
severe a trial, and watch at the executions of their enemies
with such savage curiosity, the effects of the tortures they
inflict; even the women exult in proportion to the agony
betrayed by the unhappy sufferer; though it frequently
happens thro' the same spirit operating on both parties,
that the most excruciating torments cannot extort a sigh.
An example or two from Mr. Adair's History of the
American Indians, will shew the firmness of an Indian
[72] mind, and prove beyond a doubt that such anecdotes
are not exaggerated. Truth should be the standard of
history, and guide the pen of every author who values his
Some years ago the Shawano Indians being obliged to
remove from their habitations, in their way took a Mus-
kohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner;
they bastinadoed him severely, and condemned him to
the fiery torture. He underwent a great deal without
shewing any concern; his countenance and behaviour
were as if he suffered not the least pain.   He told his
m 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
persecutors with a bold voice, that he was a warrior; that
he had gained most of his martial reputation at the ex-
pence of their nation, and was desirous of shewing them,
in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headed his gallant countrymen against
them: that although he had fallen into their hands, and
forfeited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when carrying the holy ark of war against
his devoted enemies, yet he had so much remaining virtue
as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely
than all their despicable ignorant crowd possibly could;
and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red hot gun-barrels
out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address,
appeared so exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his
request was granted. Then suddenly seizing one end of
the red hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side?
he forced his way through the armed and surprised multitude, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a
branch of the river, dived through it, ran over a small
island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of
bullets; and though numbers of his enemies were in close
pursuit of him, he got into a bramble swamp, [73] through
which, though naked and in a mangled condition, he
reached his own country.
The Shawano Indians also captured a warrior of the
Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according
to their usual cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly
suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did
not know how to punish a noted enemy; therefore he was
willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his
assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which
/\H 1
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
was given him; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat down,
naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that
were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe
without the least discomposure: on this a head warrior
leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a
warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died,
only that be was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted
to it by their laws; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it
should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even
in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of
many of the lives of their beloved kindred; and then, by
way of favour, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly
put an end to all his pains. Though the merciful but
bloody instrument was ready some minutes before it gave
the blow, yet I was assured, the spectators could not perceive the sufferer to change either his posture or his steadiness of countenance in the least.
Death, among the Indians, in many situations is rather
courted than dreaded, and particularly at an advanced
period of life, when they [74] have not strength or activity
to hunt: the father then solicits to change his climate, and
the son cheerfully acts the part of an executioner, putting
a period to his parent's existence.
Among the northern Chippeways, when the father of a
family seems reluctant to comply with the usual custom,
and his life becomes burdensome to himself and friends,
and his children are obliged to maintain him with the
labour of their hands, they propose to him the alternative,,
either to be put on shore on some island, with a small
canoe and paddles, bows and arrows, and a bowl to
drink out of, and there run the risk of starving; or to
suffer death according to the laws of the nation, manfully.
"i':H m
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
As there are few instances where the latter is not preferred,
I shall relate the ceremony practised on such an occasion.
A sweating house is prepared in the same form as at
the ceremony of adoption, and whilst the person is under
this preparatory trial, the family are rejoicing that the
Master of Life has communicated to them the knowledge
of disposing of the aged and infirm, and sending them to
a better country, where they will be renovated, and hunt
again with all the vigour of youth. They then smoke the
pipe of peace, and have their dog feast: they also sing the
grand medicine song, as follows.
"Wa haguarmissey Kitchee Mannitoo kaygait cockinnor nishinnorbay ojey kee candan hapadgey kee zargetoone
nishinnorbay mornooch kee tarpenan nocey keen aighter,
O,  dependan nishinnorbay,  mornooch  towwarch weene
ojey mishcoot pockcan tunnockay. The  Master  of
Life gives courage. It is true, all Indians know that he
loves us, and [75] we now give our father to him, that he
may find himself young in another country, and be able
to hunt.''
The songs and dances are renewed, and the eldest son
gives his father the death-stroke with a tomahawk: they
then take the body, which they paint in the best manner,
and bury it with the war weapons, making a bark hut
to cover the grave, to prevent the wild animals from disturbing it.
Thus do the unenlightened part of mankind assume a
privilege of depriving each other of life, when it can no
longer be supported by the labour of their own hands, and
think it a duty to put a period to the existence of those to
whom they are indebted for their own, and employ those
arms to give the fatal stroke, which, in more civilized countries, would have been exerted for their support.
■■m I 12
Early Western Travels
I remained with Mr. Shaw until the return of his men,
and took an Indian slay, loaded with wild rice and dried
meat, and two of his Canadians to assist me. In my way
I called at the place where I left the Indians who communicated to me the first account of the tumult at Mr.
Shaw's but they were gone. My Indian and his wife
waited for me, and were rejoiced to see me again. On
my return to Lac la Mort, I found all my men in good
health and spirits, having been well supplied with provisions by the Savages, during my absence, and had increased my stock of peltry by barter. Mr. Shaw's men
rested at my house one night, and the next morning set off
for Manontoye. [76] Indian Manner of going to War, &fc.
Lake Manontoye, where Mr. Shaw wintered, is not
so large as Lac Eturgeon: it abounds with excellent fish
and wild fowl; and oats, rice, and cranberries, grow
spontaneously in the swamps. There are very few
islands on it. There are about three hundred of the
Chippeway nation who resort to it; they are very wild,
and delight in war, which they sometimes wage against
the Sioux, on the Mississippi; and they are frequently
absent from their families fifteen months, scarce ever returning without a prisoner or a scalp.52
It is very strange that the thirst of blood should stimulate the human mind to traverse such an amazing extent
of country, suffering inexpressible hardships, and uncertain of success, to gratify a passion, which none but an
infernal spirit could suggest; and when success has
crowned his labours, that he should return with inconceivable satisfaction, and relate the transactions of his
journey, with the greatest exultation, smiling at the relation of agonies which he alone occasioned. The most
dreadful acts of a maniac cannot exceed such cruelty:
happy those, who enjoy the benefits of society, whose
civilization, and whose laws protect them from such
detestable outrages.
Previous to their going to war, the head chief calls a
council, and each chief has a belt of wampum, and a war
pipe: the belt to remind [77] them of former transactions
relative to the nation they intend to commence hostilities
against, and the pipe to smoke at the council fire.   When
62 For the hereditary enmity between the Chippewas and the Sioux, and the
particularly fierce encounters of this period, see Warren, "History of the Ojib-
ways," in Minnesota Historical Collections, v, pp. 72, 95, 222-241.— Ed. ii4
Early Western Travels
they have determined to make war, they send the belts and
pipes to their enemies; and if a similar compliment is returned, they instantly prepare for blood, with the most
steady and determined resolution.
The novel of Emily Montague affords a striking example of this strong propensity for blood, which I shall
relate in the author's own words.
"A Jesuit missionary told me a story on this subject,
which one cannot hear without horror. An Indian
woman with whom he lived on his mission, was feeding
her children, when her husband brought in an English
prisoner; she immediately cut off his arm, and gave her
children the streaming blood to drink. The Jesuit remonstrated on the cruelty of the action; on which, looking sternly at him — I would have them warriors, said
she, and therefore feed them with the food of men."
When I was at Cataraqui, the capital of the Loyalist
settlements in Canada, a party of Mohawks and Mes-
sesawgers accidentally met, and having bartered their
skins and peltry with the traders, sat themselves down to
drink the rum their merchandize had produced. As the
liquor began to operate, their imaginations suggested to
them that they were of different nations, and as the
Mohawks always claimed a superiority, intoxication
made them proud: at last a dispute arose, and a Mes-
sesawger Indian was killed, and his heart taken out,
which the [78] Mohawks intended to have broiled, but
they were prevented by a gentleman who accidentally
passed by their hut, and prevailed upon them to give it up.
It seems to be the constant attention both of the male
and female part of the Indians to instil ideas of heroism
into the minds of the rising generation, and these impressions they carry far beyond the line of reason or of 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
justice. Is it then surprising that every action of then-
lives should tend to satisfy their thirst for revenging
offences committed against them, and that these sentiments should operate so powerfully in directing then-
future conduct? There is, nevertheless, one exception
to these observations — their conduct to traders, who are
obliged on some occasions, when intoxication runs high,
to beat them very soundly;—to their credit, in these
instances, I must confess I never knew them to resent this
severity when sober. The only remark they have made
has been —'' Friend, you beat me very severely last night
— but I do not mind, I suppose I deserved it — it was
the liquor made me offend.'' Or if they betray any dissatisfaction, one glass of rum will reconcile all differences.
With regard to severity when they are perfectly sober, I
am convinced it would be highly dangerous, and should
be cautiously avoided.
But although they often express these blood-thirsty
sentiments, and too frequently put them in execution,
yet there are occasions when they exercise both temper
and reason.
When I was at Pimistiscotyan Landing, on Lake
Ontario, I had a large dog, to protect myself and property; an Indian came in rather [79] in liquor to ask for
rum, and probably might strike the animal; the dog instantly seized him by the calf of the leg, and wounded
him dreadfully. He returned to his hut, and made no
complaint till the next morning, when he desired to speak
with me: I went to him, and he told me how the dog had
used him, saying, he hoped I would give him a pair of
leggons, to supply those which the dog had torn; but that
with regard to his leg, he did not trouble himself much
about that, as he knew it would soon be well.   I imme-
■:-.». !
m n6
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
diately granted his request, and added a bottle of rum,
with which he seemed well pleased, and I heard no more
of it.
But to return to the subject of going to war. The
women and children sometimes go forward in their canoes
singing the war songs, and encamp every evening at sunset, having a great dislike to travelling in the dark.
Forty-eight young warriors are placed, in four divisions,
to keep guard at night, armed with guns, bows and arrows,
and some scotte" wigwas, or fire bark, to light in case of
sudden surprise.
This bark is taken from the birch tree, and being properly dried, is used by the Indians to light them to spear
fish: it is fixed on a stick about seven feet long, and either
put at the head of the canoe, or carried by the person who
attends upon the man that spears, and whose business it is
also to steer the canoe.
At day break the Indians depart, and pursue their
journey regardless of the weather, till they arrive in the
enemy's country, when the utmost precaution is adopted
that it is possible for human invention to suggest.
[80] When war is made against the Mississippi Indians,
they endeavour to kill the men and women, and bring
away the children to dispose of to the traders, who send
them down to Montreal for servants. The boys are not
so much to be depended upon as the girls, being more
stubborn, and naturally disdaining the idea of slavery;
they are also full of pride and resentment, and will not
hesitate to kill their masters in order to gratify their
revenge for a supposed injury. The girls are more docile,
and assimilate much sooner with the manners of civilization. Being unaccustomed to domestic life, they are
at first sick and unhealthy; but the change soon becomes '■'
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
familiar to them, and they then prefer it to the uncultivated manner of living in which they were brought up.63
A few days after my return to Lac la Mort, a band of
Savages arrived from the Red Lake, called by the Indians, Misqui Sakiegan, and some from Lake Shabee-
chevan, or the Weed Lake, about five days march beyond
Lake Manontoye. Red Lake is so called on account
of a remarkable circumstance which happened to two
famous warriors of the Chippeway nation, who were
hunting by the lake side, and as they were looking out
for game, perceived at some distance an enormous beast,
that appeared much larger than any animal they had ever
seen; his pace was slow and heavy, and he kept constantly
by the water side. They followed him as close as they
thought prudent, determined at all hazards to use their
best endeavours to kill him. As they approached, they
had a clearer view, and discovered that his body was
covered with something like moss; this increased their
surprise, and after consulting together, they continued
advancing towards the beast, and fired large shot, without appearing to make any impression. They [81]
fired again with as little effect as before; then retreated
some distance, sat down and sung their war songs, addressing themselves to the Master of Life, and desiring
his assistance to enable them to conquer it, as they believed it to be the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, in the
shape of this monster. They then got up and pursued
him, both firing at the same time: the shot proved Sue's Indian slavery among the French was first practiced in the Illinois country,
and (1709) was authorized by edict for Canada. Slavery was abolished for
Upper Canada in 1793; and by 1800 had ceased in Lower Canada. See Lafon-
taine, "L'&clavage en Canada," Montreal Historical Society Proceedings,
1858; Canadian Institute Transactions, 1889-90 (Toronto, 1891); and Proceedings, 1897, p. 19.— Ed. n8
Early Western Travels
cessful, and caused the animal to turn round, which induced them to keep up their fire till the beast jumped into
the water, and they lost sight of him. From the circumstance of his blood dyeing the water red, this lake has ever
since been called the Red Lake.
Fish is caught here in great abundance, and wild rice
grows in very great plenty in the swamps. The country
likewise abounds with all sorts of animals for hunting.
There are several rivers and falls of water on the northwest part. The Indians are very fond of fishing and
hunting here during the winter season, as they are generally very successful even in the most severe weather.
From Red Lake to Lake le Sel, or Salt Lake, by the Indian accounts, there are fourteen short portages, and
twenty-two creeks. Lake le Sel is very small, and the
water shallow and muddy. It does not exceed three miles
in length. There are few fish except eels, cat fish, and
pike; but it abounds with musquashes and wild fowl.
From this lake to Lake Caribou, or Rein-deer Lake, is
eight days march across five creeks and three portages.
Lake Caribou, or, in the Indian language, Ateeque, is
about thirty miles long, with several small islands, resembling the Mille Isles, in the River St. Laurence, above Montreal. The water is deep and clear, [82] and the bottom
hard. It abounds with large trout, white fish, pickerill,
pike, and sturgeon. It is surrounded by a chain of high
mountains. Some years ago a French trader settled here,
but of late it has been deserted. The Indians reckon it
ten days march to Lake Schabeechevan, across thirteen
portages, and as many creeks; but as I wintered here the
following year, though I went to it by a different track, I
shall not describe it till I give an account of the occurrences of  that  time.   From Lake  Schabeechevan  to 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 110
Lake Arbitibis are three small lakes, eight creeks, and
five portages. Lake Arbitibis is very large, and the surrounding land rocky and mountainous. This Lake furnishes the Indians with fish and wild fowl. The aquatic
race abound in this part of the world, doubtless so appointed for the support of the numerous tribes of Savages,
who are obliged to resort to the lakes for food. At the
northern extremity of this Lake is a large fall of water,
which flows from a river whose current is rapid for about
twenty miles. On this river there are also dangerous
rapids; the land upon its banks is low, and the beach
sandy. From Lake Arbitibis to Crow's-nest Lake,
called by the Indians, Cark Cark Sakiegan, is a short distance. The utmost circumference of Crow's-nest Lake
scarcely exceeds two leagues, and is only remarkable for a
small island in the middle, with about forty high palm
trees, where the crows build their nests, which is called
Cark Cark Minnesey. The fish in this Lake are very indifferent, being mostly of the sword-fish kind, which the
Indians seldom eat. From this Lake is a long portage,
and about half way a high mountain. At the end of the
carrying place is a river called Cark Cark Seepi, or Crows'
River, which runs with a strong current for about thirty
miles, from Neeshshemaince Sakiegan, or the Lake of
the Two Sisters; so called from the meeting of two currents, which form one grand discharge into [83] the
lake. The Hudson's Bay Indians hunt here with great
success. At the end is a carrying place about a quarter
of a mile long, that leads to a remarkably narrow river,
which runs with a strong current for about fifty leagues:
the land on each side being very high, makes the navigation dark. The Indians in going up this river travel as
light as possible, to enable them to combat the strong cur- 120
Early Western Travels
rent. The Hudson's Bay Company are supplied with a
considerable quantity of peltry from this river.
As the description of this country, hitherto so little explored, is a principal part of what I intended in this publication, I have described it either from my own knowledge, or the most authentic information I was able to procure from the Savages. In this respect I have followed
Carver, who on his arrival at the grand portage, met a large
party of Killistinoe and Assinipoil Indians, from whom
he received accounts of several lakes and rivers, which
he describes agreeable to the information he obtained.
It is necessary to observe, that though the Indians are
very expert in delineating countries upon bark, with
wood coal mixed with bears' grease, and which even the
women do with great precision, the length of a day's
march is very uncertain, and consequently cannot afford
any geographical information. This remark, I trust,
will be found to want no farther proof than the consideration that their drafts consist principally of lakes and rivers,
as they seldom travel much by land; and when their track
over land is described, it is perhaps only a short portage
which they cross, in order again to pursue their journey on
their favourite element. But as few persons will probably
read this account [84] with a view of going into this
country, the description I have been able to give will be
sufficient for the generality of my readers. I lament
exceedingly my inability to make this work more perfect,
but trust that it will be found highly useful to those whose
avocations may induce them to have recourse to it for
information and guidance in commercial pursuits. If
an Indian goes with the stream, or against it, from sunrise to sun-set, it is called a day's march. This uncertainty makes it very difficult for any one who travels as a 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
trader to ascertain any thing more than the Indian distance from one lake to another.' As Mr. Carver, in his
map, says that the branches which run from Rivi6re St.
Louis, at the end of West Bay, in Lake Superior, are but
little known, I can with equal propriety observe that
those from Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon, both east and
west, are very difficult to describe geographically. The
known candour of my countrymen, will, I am persuaded,
pardon any errors of this sort, as I can assure them I have
exerted my best endeavours to render the description of
places, with respect to distances and situation, as clear
as possible, which the chart I hope will more fully explain.64
M In the language of James Bain, Jr., librarian of the Toronto Public Library, "Long is the most indefinite of travellers, and English names of lakes
and rivers unstable." It seems an almost hopeless task to localize several of
his geographical names by the aid of modern maps. As a matter of fact this
part of Northwestern Ontario from Lake Nipigon to Lake Abittibi is still
almost terra incognita. For the best current maps and descriptions, see Canadian Department of the Interior Report, 1890, part v; also Ontario Bureau of
Mines Report, 1900.— Ed.
I it
[85] Further Transactions with the Indians; their Superstition, Jealousy, dfc.
Having given an account of the different lakes,
rivers, &c. from Lac la Mort, I shall continue the narrative from my return from Lake Manontoye, where I
relieved Mr. Shaw.
A few days after, another band of Savages arrived with
skins, furs, and some provisions; they stayed with me two
days, making merry with what rum I could spare them,
without doing any mischief, and departed at last very
peaceably. On the twenty-third of February another
band came in, consisting of about eighty, men, women,
and children, who brought dried meats, oats, bears'
grease, and eight packs of beaver, which I purchased,
giving them rum, as usual, with which they got intoxicated. In this frolic one woman was killed, and a boy
terribly burnt. On the third day they departed, well
pleased with their reception, leaving us plenty of provisions. The weather being more moderate, I sent my
men to the lake to look after the nets, which had been under
the ice a considerable time, the severity of the season not
having allowed us to examine them for near a month,
when, to our great mortification they were found almost
rotten, and not a single fish; but as one of the Canadians
could make nets as well as myself, we repaired the
damage; and caught plenty of fish to support us till
The severity of the season was sensibly felt by Mr.
James Clark, belonging to the same company, who had
five men starved at Lake Sayan, [86] a bad lake for fish,
about three hundred and fifty miles from my wintering 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 123
ground;65 the Indians being obliged to hunt so far back
in the woods that they could not give him any assistance;
and from the concurrent accounts of the traders in the
north-west, as well as from the Savages who resorted to
my house, it was the hardest winter they ever remembered.
About this time a large band of Chippeways arrived,
traded with me for their hunt, and finished their frolic
in a peaceable manner. While this band was with me,
a curious circumstance occurred, which I shall relate.
One part of the religious superstition of the Savages,
consists in each of them having his totam, or favorite
spirit, which he believes watches over him. This totam
they conceive assumes the shape of some beast or other,
and therefore they never kill, hunt, or eat the animal
whose form they think this totam bears.
The evening previous to the departure of the band, one
of them, whose totam was a bear, dreamed that if he
would go to a piece of swampy ground, at the foot of a
high mountain, about five days march from my wigwaum,
he would see a large herd of elks, moose, and other animals; but that he must be accompanied by at least ten
good hunters. When he awoke he acquainted the band
with his dream, and desired them to go with him: they
all refused, saying it was out of their way, and that their
hunting grounds were nearer. The Indian having a superstitious reverence for his dream (which ignorance, and
the prevalence of example among the Savages, carries to a
great height), thinking himself [87] obliged to do so, as
his companions had refused to go with him, went alone,
" Lake Savanne lies northwest of Lake Nipigon, on a tributary of the Albany
River. A brief account of a voyage thither is given by Duncan Cameron, in
Masson, Bourgeois, ii, p. 271. Cameron also says that four out of eight traders
starved there in one year (ibid., p. 242).— Ed.
> 124
Early Western Travels
and coming near the spot, saw the animals he dreamed
of; he instantly fired, and killed a bear. Shocked at the
transaction, and dreading the displeasure of the Master of
Life, whom he conceived he had highly offended, he fell
down, and lay senseless for some time: recovering from
his state of insensibility, he got up, and was making the
best of his way to my house, when he was met in the road
by another large bear, who pulled him down, and scratched
his face. The Indian relating this event at his return,
added, in the simplicity of his nature, that the bear
asked him what could induce him to kill his totam; to
which he replied, that he did not know he was among the
animals when he fired at the herd; that he was very sorry
for the misfortune, and hoped he would have pity on
him: that the bear suffered him to depart, told him to be
more cautious in future, and acquaint all the Indians
with the circumstance, that their totams might be safe,
and the Master of Life not angry with them. As he entered my house, he looked at me very earnestly, and
pronounced these words; "Amik, hunjey ta Kitchee
Annascartissey nin, O Totam, cawwicka nee wee geossay
sannegat debwoye:"—or, "Beaver, my faith is lost, my
totam is angry, I shall never be able to hunt any more.''
This idea of destiny, or, if I may be allowed the phrase,
" totamism,',SB however strange, is not confined to the
Savages; many instances might be adduced from history,
56 Long was the first to apply the word "totamism" to that system of beliefs
and family relationships, now recognized as the basis of primitive society.
The theory of clan relationships, as expressed by totems, was first developed
by M'Lennan in a series of articles published in the Fortnightly Review, 1869-71.
On the general theory, see Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion (London, 1887),
i, pp. 58-81. On the totemism of the American Indian there is a large literature. The following are useful: Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of the United
States (Philadelphia, 1851-57); Brinton, Myths of New World (Philadelphia, 3d
ed., 1896).— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 125
to prove how strong these impressions have been on minds
above the vulgar and unlearned. To instance one, in the
history of the private life of Louis the XV. translated by
Justamond, among some particulars of the life of the
famous Samuel Bernard, the Jew banker, of the court of
France, he says, that he was superstitious [88] as the
people of his nation are, and had a black hen, to which he
thought his destiny was attached; he had the greatest
care taken of her, and the loss of this fowl was, in fact,
the period of his own existence, in January, 1739.
Dreams are particularly attended to by the Indians,
and sometimes they make an artful use of the veneration
that is paid to them, by which they carry a point they
have in view: I shall relate an instance for the satisfaction of the reader.
Sir William Johnson, sitting in council with a party of
Mohawks, the head chief told him, he had dreamed last
night, that he had given him a fine laced coat, and he
believed it was the same he then wore; Sir William
smiled, and asked the chief if he really dreamed it; the
Indian immediately answered in the affirmative: Well
then, says Sir William, you must have it; and instantly
pulled it off, and desiring the chief to strip himself, put
on him the fine coat. The Indian was highly delighted,
and when the council broke up, departed in great good
humour, crying out, who-ahl which is an expression of
great satisfaction among them.
The next council which was held, Sir William told the
chief that he was not accustomed to dream, but that since
he met him at the council, he had dreamed a very surprising dream; the Indian wished to know it; Sir William,
with some hesitation, told him he had dreamed that he
had given him a tract of land on the Mohawk River to 126
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
build a house on, and make a settlement, extending about
nine miles in length along the banks: the chief smiled,
and looking very cheerfully at Sir William, [89] told him, if
he really dreamed it he should have it; but that he Would
never dream again with him, for he had only got a laced
coat, whereas Sir William was now entitled to a large bed,
on which his ancestors had frequently slept. Sir William took possession of the land by virtue of an Indian
deed signed by the chiefs, and gave them some rum to
finish the business.57 It is now a considerable estate, but
since the war the Americans have deprived him of it,
with all the buildings, &c. which are very valuable. It
lies on the opposite shore to the German Flats, but the
land is by no means equal in goodness with the soil there.
Perhaps no part of America produces land better calculated for cultivation than the German Flats.
During the American war, the best Loyalist troops were
collected from the Mohawk River, and it was agreed on
all hands that for steadiness, bravery and allegiance,
they were not to be excelled. Government has done its
utmost to reward many of them for their services, by
giving them land in Canada and Nova Scotia; and to
those whom poverty obliged to solicit them, implements of
husbandry. They are now in a very flourishing state,
and there is no doubt but they will prove valuable friends
and supporters of Great Britain on any future emergency.
During the severe weather, I had a narrow escape from
a contrivance of the Indian who was occasionally with me,
and whom I employed in hunting, and making marten
57 This was the grant made to Sir William Johnson in 1760, of sixty-six
thousand acres, now within Little Falls Township on the Mohawk River.
The grant was confirmed by the crown in 1769, and Johnson Hall, a large portion
of which is still standing, was built thereupon. See vol. i of this series, p. 88,
note 48.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 127
traps: this was occasioned by jealousy, on account of his
wife, who was a pretty young Squaw, of the Rat nation,
and whom he suspected of infidelity.
[90] Being short of provisions, and having only one
faithful Canadian in the house, except the Indian and his
wife, I desired him to make a number of marten traps,
and set them in two different roads, called a fork. Having finished about two hundred, and set them in the woods,
baited with fish heads, which these animals are very
fond of, he returned, and I gave him some rum for his
trouble. Every day, for a considerable time, he went
regularly to examine them, and when successful, was
always rewarded to his satisfaction. Having been unfortunate several days, I charged him with doing other business, instead of examining the traps, to which he made
no reply. I communicated my suspicions to my man,
and desired him to watch the Savage. The next day the
Canadian discovered him in the woods dressing some
partridges:68 when he returned home in the evening he
asked for rum, which I refused, telling him he did not
deserve any. This answer displeased him; and looking
earnestly at me, he replied, that I did not use him well;
for though he had been unsuccessful with his traps, his
trouble was the same; and that he generally found them
out of order, which obliged him to set them right, and
employed him the whole day. This excuse did not make
any alteration in my conduct, and I told him the weather
was too bad to get at any rum. He then began to imagine
that I suspected him, and knew of his laziness, and immediately opened his mind, telling me very frankly that
68 Henry says, "In North-America there is no partridge; but the name is
given to more than one species of grouse.'' This was probably the Canace or
Dendragapus Canadensis, black or spotted grouse.— Ed. w
Early Western Travels
he was jealous of me; and that his reason for not going to
examine the marten traps, was to prevent any communication between me and his wife, which, had he been far
distant from home, might have been easily effected; and
for this reason he kept near the house to watch her,
knowing that she was fond of me; but that if I would give
him some rum, to drive away the bad spirit from his
heart, he would endeavour to forget the injury I had done
[91] Judging it prudent to remove his suspicions, I
gave him two gallons of rum, a carrot of tobacco, a shirt,
a pair of leggons, a scalping knife, &c. and several articles to his wife. Having received the presents, he called
her to drink with him, and thank the trader with a cheerful heart for his great kindness. When they were a little
merry he began to sing, and I heard him repeat these
words: "Mornooch Amik kee zargetoone mentimoyamish;"
or, "I do not care though the Beaver loves my wife."
This did not please me, as I knew his jealousy would increase in proportion to the quantity of liquor he drank.
However, I used the utmost precaution, securing his
weapons to prevent his doing me any injury. His wife
hearing him repeat the words so frequently, began to be
angry, and pulled his hair and scratched his face. I
thought this a favourable opportunity to express my dislike, and told him he was a fool to be jealous; that I gave
him the rum to drive away the bad spirit, but it had a
contrary effect; that I never wanted any thing of his wife
but to make or mend snow shoes, and always paid her for
her trouble. Yes, cries the wife, he is a fool, Beaver, and
I will beat him; which she instantly did, and cut his head
with a glass bottle.   I then interfered, and parted them.
The moment I was gone, he began the old song, and 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
continued singing till he was sober; when getting up, he
came to me and said, "Beaver, I have seen the bad spirit
in my dream, who told me that the trader had robbed me."
Irritated at the expression, I told him his lips never spoke
truth, and that he had no sense; and thinking it right to
suppress this humour, beat him very severely. When he
had recovered his reason, he said to me, "Beaver, you
have sense, though you have spotted my carcase." I
then remonstrated with him on the great [92] folly of
being jealous; but he was sullen, and made no reply. He
then called his wife, but she being asleep did not hear him;
he called a second time, and asked for his gun, tomahawk, and scalping knife; but not receiving any answer, he
was very angry, and said to me, "Beaver, I will throw
away my body;" to which I did not tbink it prudent to
make any reply. He then laid himself down on the ground,
and called his wife a third time. She came to him, and
observing displeasure in his countenance, told him not
to be angry with the Beaver, for he was a great warrior,
and always opened his heart to them. He ordered her
to bring him a bark bowl full of water, and set it down
carefully between the Beaver's legs. Whilst she was
gone for the water, he said to me, \' Come here, Beaver,
and I will shew you that I have nothing sweet on my lips,
but will speak the truth.'' The wife returned and placed
the bowl of water as her husband directed; when it had
stood some time he said, "Beaver, put your finger in the
water, and let it remain till I tell you to take it out.'' I
obeyed him with the utmost cheerfulness, and in a few
minutes, by bis desire, withdrew it. He then said,
"Beaver, you know that a husband is so called because he
is the master of weakness, and for that reason he should
protect his wife; and at the same time, you, as a trader,
m 13°
Early Western Travels
should not injure me: but that I may not accuse you unjustly, I will try you by my own thoughts. Beaver, look
at my wife, and look at the water, and tell me where you
put your finger; if you cannot tell, you have certainly
robbed me.'' I then put in my finger again, and pointed
out the place. "No;" said he, looking earnestly at me
and his wife, \' as you cannot be certain that it is the exact
place where you first put in your finger, neither can I be
certain that you have robbed me; though I as much believe it, as you do that the place you pointed out was the
exact spot.'' I [93] confessed myself surprised at his disbelief; but not willing to incense him, I told him I was
sorry he should imagine me capable of such wickedness
as to be guilty of injuring him, for my mind was as calm
as the water in an undisturbed state; and after giving him
a few presents, sent them away, injoining him to use his
wife well, as she was perfectly innocent. As they departed, he said to me smiling, "Beaver, you must get
somebody else to look after your marten traps.''
Adultery among the northern Savages is generally punished in a summary way by the husband, who either beats
his wife very severely, or bites off her nose. It is extremely dangerous for a trader to be suspected, for when
the husband is intoxicated, his jealousy rises into madness; and revenge, whether the party suspected be innocent or guilty, is continually to be expected. When the
mind of an Indian is once affected, his passion increases
in proportion to the quantity of rum which he drinks,
though he has the art to conceal it when he is sober. It
is the baneful effects of rum which puts every jealous
thought in motion, and then it knows no bounds, till
intoxication completely overpowers him, or returning
sobriety restores his lost reason. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 131
Early in the month of April, I received a letter from
Monsieur Jaques Santeron at Lake Schabeechevan, in
the same employ as myself, to inform me that he was
tired of being a servant, and thinking his labours not
sufficiently rewarded, had determined to make a grand
coup, having a number of fine packs which he purposed
selling to the Hudson's Bay Company: that he should
leave his wintering ground next morning with four birch
canoes, and would write further particulars on bark,
which he should nail against one of the crooked trees at
the foot of [94] the Grand Rapid, in case I should be disposed to come that way, and concluded with great gaieti
de ceeur, wishing me and all my friends very well.
I was greatly surprised on receiving this unpleasant intelligence, and particularly as I had never heard of his
integrity being impeached in the smallest degree; and I
was disappointed, as I expected him to pass my wintering
ground on his return to Pays Plat.
Conceiving it my duty to exert my best endeavours to
prevent the loss of so much property to my employers, I
engaged Kesconeek the chief, and twenty Savages, under
promise of being satisfied for their trouble, to conduct me
to the crooked trees. We went off with the utmost expedition, and in a few days arrived at the spot, where I saw
the piece of bark, as he described, and the following words
written with charcoal, "Adieu, mon cher ami, je prends
mon depart avec courage, et j'attends une bonne vente pour
ma pelleterie. De bon cceur je vous souhaite la prosperity;
faites mes complimens a tous mes amis — au revoir mon
cher companion.''
Having perused it, and explained it to the chief; he
said he was a bad spirit, and that as he had been gone
six days before our arrival, it would be impossible to over- rill
Early Western Travels
take him, as he could not be far from the entrance of the
North River, leading to Hudson's Bay, and if I pursued
him, I should not get back in time to trade with the
Indians for their great hunt. We therefore returned, after
a fruitless expedition, extremely mortified at the disappointment, as I was very sensible he would never return
to Canada, to make satisfaction to his employers.
[95] Soon after my return the grand band came in with
all their winter's hunt, which they call Kitchee Artawway.
They consisted of about thirty families, of twenty in each.
He who has most wives is considered the best hunter,
being obliged to provide for their maintenance by his
own industry. The Indians laugh at the Europeans for
having only one wife, and that for life, as they conceive
the good spirit formed them to be happy, and not to continue together unless their tempers and dispositions were
Having bartered for their skins and furs, they asked for
rum; I told them I had only one small keg left, which I
would give them at their departure, which satisfied them:
and when they were ready to embark, I ordered a Canadian to put it into the chief's canoe.
Having disposed of all my merchandise except a few
articles, and a small quantity of rum, to barter with any
Indians I might happen to meet with in my return to Pays
Plat, we baled up our peltry, and on the 23d of May
left Lac la Mort, with four small birch canoes richly
laden with the skins of beavers, otters, martens, minx,
loup senders, beaver eaters, foxes, bears, &c.59
Before I proceed to relate the particulars of my voyage,
68 The loup-cervier is the Canadian lynx; the beaver-eater, the wolverine
(gulo luscus), or "carcajou." For a description of the latter, see Martin,
Castorologia, pp. 147-151.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 133
I shall mention the Indian manner of killing the white
bear and the buffalo. The large white bear, commonly
called the grisly bear,80 is a very dangerous animal; when
the Indians hunt it they generally go six or eight in a
band; the instant they see one, they endeavour to surround it, by forming a large circle: if it is on the march
they fire at it;— but it is most frequently discovered in the
winter season sucking its paws; in [96] that case they approach nearer, and form a double row for the animal to
run between. One of the party is then sent out, who
fires at the bear and generally wounds it: this rouzes it to
pursue the Indian, who runs between the ranks, and the
rest of the band fire and soon dispatch it.
The buffalo I need not describe; it is well known to be a
remarkably strong animal; the Indians say its head is
bullet proof, and therefore they always fire at the body,
endeavouring to hit the heart. When they are in pursuit
of this animal they make up small huts of snow in different places, for near a mile in length on each side of the
road; in each of these huts an Indian stands with a bow
and arrow, to shoot at it as it passes, preferring that
mode to powder and ball, as it does not alarm the rest
of the herd. The snow prevents the buffalo from smelling
the Indians, though their scent is very strong and quick.
The instant the animal drops they tomahawk it.
On the 2d of July we arrived at Portage Plain, so called
on account of its being a barren rock, near a mile long,
joining to Lake Alemipigon: it was sun-set when we encamped. Besides the sixteen Canadians, our party was
increased considerably by about twenty of the Sturgeon
•° The grizzly bear (ursus ferox), was first adequately identified and described by Lewis and Clark. See Thwaites's ed. of Original Journals of Lewis
and Clark (New York, Dodd, Mead & Co., 1904).— Ed. if
Early Western Travels
and Nipegon Indians, who accompanied us according to
the usual custom of following the trader to assist at the
carrying places. The day previous to our departure some
traders overtook us, and encamped also. They informed
us of a band of Indians who were enemies to the Nipegons
being near at hand, and desired me to acquaint the
Savages with it. Before their arrival the Sturgeon
Indians left us, and the other band would fain have
quitted the ground; but upon telling them I wanted [97]
their assistance on my journey, they agreed to stay, though
I thought very reluctantly.
We soon discovered several canoes, and in about half an
hour the Indians landed. They were of the nation of the
Wasses, and always at war with our Savages.61 Being
a select people, they seldom associate with other tribes,
and are continually on the hunt, only making their appearance in spring and autumn. We received them very
cordially, and after the usual forms of salutation, made
mutual presents to each other: they told me they had
heard of me by some Indians at Lac la Mort, and were
desirous of seeing me before my return to Michillimak-
inac, or in their language Tecodondoraghie.
I soon perceived the uneasiness of my Indians, and was
careful to keep them at some distance from each other;
but all my precaution was ineffectual, and before my departure a most dreadful catastrophe was the consequence
of their mutual hatred.
91 Dobbs, Account of the Countries adjoining Hudson's Bay (London, 1744),
gives a map of these regions "as described by Joseph La France, a French
Canadese Indian, who Traveled thro those Countries and Lakes for 3 years
fromj|i739 to 1742,'' on which he places '' Ouassi Indians" between the Michipi-
coten and Nipigon rivers on the north shore of Lake Superior. He also says
(P- 32)> "There are two Indian Nations upon this North Coast, the Epinette
. . . and the Ouassi, both tribes of the Sauteurs." The tribe designated
by this term seems to have disappeared in the nineteenth century.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Our Indians having made up huts, began to sing their
medicine songs to induce the Wasses to partake of a
feast which they said they intended to make, with a view
of preventing any dispute with them; but knowing that
the Nipegons had no provisions but what I found them,
I suspected their intentions were not so pacific as they
pretended: this induced me to ask a boy belonging to the
band, why they pretended to make a feast, without having
any provision to do it; he replied, that the Wasses had
made them a present of dried meat, and with this and
some huckle berries they had saved, they intended to
make their visitants merry. This answer confirmed my
suspicions, as no feast is [98] ever made, where friendship
is intended, without inviting the trader; and as no notice
was sent me, I dreaded the evil consequence of their meeting.
Deliberating with myself on the unpleasant prospect,
and considering how to act to prevent mischief, I was
interrupted in my meditations by a Savage (Ayarbee, or
the big man), who came to give me intelligence of an intended plan to destroy the Nipegon Indians, and which
was communicated to him by an old woman who belonged to the band of Wasses.
In about an hour the Nipegon huts were in order to
receive their intended guests, who were encamped in a
hollow, surrounded with cedar trees and bushes, close
to the lake side. The Nipegons being determined to
Counteract the designs of their deceitful visitors, and
punish their intended perfidy, made holes in the bark of
their huts, in which they placed their guns, loaded with
swan shot. Each man taking his station; the Wasses, to
the number of eighteen, ascended the hill, and were
coming prepared to partake of the feast, with knives and
1 Early Western Travels
wooden bowls, intending to overpower the Nipegons on
a given signal; but they were fatally disappointed, for
when they got within thirty yards of the Nipegon huts,
they were fired at, and all the band, except a girl about
fourteen years of age, killed on the spot; she was dangerously wounded, but advanced with a gun, which she
snatched from an Indian who was preparing to dispatch
her, and shot Ayarbee through the head, and was herself
soon after tomahawked and scalped by a Nipegon boy
about the same age, who at such an early period of life
displayed all that ferocity which marks the most determined chief.
[99] Thus was treachery rewarded: and though in my
heart I could not but approve of the conduct of the Nipegon Indians, I was afraid of trusting to them, and had
resolved on taking my leave of them, when the chief came
up and informed me, he was very sorry that his band could
not accompany me any farther, for being afraid of the
resentment of the nation of the Wasses, when they came
to hear of the transaction, notwithstanding they had done
it in their own defence, they had determined to depart;
and soon after pushed off their canoes, and left me, a
circumstance which pleased me exceedingly. The next
day a party of Indians met us, to whom I related the
disaster. They were very much shocked, and said the
Nipegon Savages might repent their rash conduct, though
at the same time they acknowledged them right in guarding against the designs of the Wasses. They asked me if I
had got their packs, as they assured me they had made a
good hunt, and had rich peltry. This information vexed
me exceedingly, as I should certainly have increased my
cargo had not the affair happened, and likewise have
— 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 1 37
given more satisfaction to my employers, though I had
already a large quantity of goods, and had every reason
to be pleased with my success. The Nipegons made up
fourteen bales of dried meat, which they took with them;
but the furs and skins were hidden in the woods, and
never afterwards found that I heard of.
We continued our journey to Lac Eturgeon, where soon
after our landing, we killed a great many wild fowl, and
caught plenty of fish. Here we met about fifty of the
Hawoyzask or Rat Nation Indians,62 with whom I made
a small barter, chiefly with rum, having disposed of all
my Indian goods.
[100] Our journey was retarded for some time in order
to gratify my curiosity. A young Indian girl fell sick,
and the chief desired me to stay to see the wonderful
effects of their medicines, as she was very bad, and
without immediate assistance, he said, must soon change
her climate. The physician who attended her said, that
the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, had put the bear's
claws into her, and his medicines would remove them.
A hut was prepared, and the girl stripped to her matchee-
coaty or under petticoat; she was then painted with vermilion, and daubed over with soot and bears' grease,
and profusely sweated, which soon relieved her pain.
During the operation, the physician addressed himself to
the Master of Life, begging his assistance, and thanking
him for giving knowledge to restore health: then giving
her a decoction of roots, he made a perfect cure. I could
not help admiring his skill and manner of proceeding,
62 The Rat Indians are those of Rat Portage, on the Lake of the Woods,
apparently a branch of the Chippewas. Their name is taken from the muskrat
{ondatra zibethicus). See Coues, Henry-Thompson Journals (New York,
1897), i, p. 26.— Ed. i38
Early Western Travels
though I attributed her recovery solely to the plentiful
perspiration she underwent.63
Previous to our departure, one of their women was delivered of a fine boy, and I was highly delighted with the
mother's tenderness, as the infant sucked the milk, which
in their language is called tootooshonarbo, or the sap of the
human breast, an expression which struck me forcibly.
The husband was also very attentive, and performed the
part of an affectionate parent, which induced me to give
him some rum to cheer his heart, and drink my health.
He seemed pleased with the present, and addressing himself to the Great Spirit, thanked him for the safe delivery
of his mentimoye:—then looking very earnestly at me,
told me how much he was indebted to me for the comfort
that I had afforded him, and that he was sure that I was a
brave warrior, for my generosity to him and his wife, when
they so much wanted assistance. When the young [101]
warrior cried, he observed, that he wished to be grateful
to me for my attention to his parents, and that it was only
the echo of his breath, (meaning his voice) to praise
the goodness of the Saggonash, or Englishman. As I
got into my canoe, he said, ' \ Beaver, be strong, you will
always have a public road among the Nipegon Indians,
therefore return as soon as you can; in the mean time,
I shall take care to acquaint all the Indians with your
goodness, and I hope when we see you again, we shall
have had a good hunt, and be able to give you furs and
skins to repay your kindness." I told him I always
loved the Indians, that I was adopted by the Chippeways,
and considered myself as one of their tribe; that I would
63 On Indian medicine-men and their skill as physicians, see Brinton,
Myths of the New World, pp. 304-328; and Jesuit Relations, index, caption
"Medicine-men." See also Hoffman, "The Midewinin of the Ojibwa,"
United States Bureau of Ethnology Report, 1885-86.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 139
return as soon as possible with plenty of goods for their
families; that my heart was melted by his regard for me,
and giving him and his wife each a parting glass of the
strong water, took my leave, and pursued my journey.
We arrived at Pays Plat on the 10th of August, where I
met some brother traders, who had been in different parts
of the inlands, particularly the North-west. Here we
waited for fresh goods from our employers, and enjoyed
ourselves-with the remains of our different provisions,
which we threw into a common stock, and made ourselves
merry with the scanty pittance, recounting our several
adventures: but none of them had suffered the difficulties
I had experienced, except Mr. Shaw, whom I happily
relieved at Lake Manontoye; the rest of the traders having
wintered very remote from me, by the way of the Grand
Soon after our arrival, our employers sent their agents
with a fresh assortment of merchandize and provisions,
which rejoiced us exceedingly, [102] having been a considerable time without corn or grease, and absent from
Michillimakinac about fourteen months. I delivered my
cargo of furs, consisting of about one hundred and forty
packs, in good condition,64 and loaded the canoes with
the fresh goods; then taking leave of my companions, prepared for my departure for the Inlands, to winter another
year among the Nipegon Savages. But before I begin
to relate my second adventure, I cannot forbear making
some observations on the hardships attending an Indian
life, particularly as an interpreter and trader.
My salary was about one hundred and fifty pounds per
64 According to Count Andrani of Milan, who was at Grand Portage in
1791, each pack was valued at £40 sterling, making the total value of Long's
first season nearly $28,000. On the expenses of such an outfit, see Canadian
Archives, 1888, p. 69.— Ed. 140
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
annum, which I certainly deserved, considering the knowledge I had of the Chippeway language.
I was sent into the Inlands with only corn and hard
grease, without any other provisions I could rely on; for
as to fish and other animal food, the former in a great
measure depends on the season, the latter on the arrival
of Savages; and though in general I was successful in
aquatic pursuits, and received frequent supplies from the
Indians, it was a precarious mode of subsistence, and at
Lac la Mort I suffered great hardships.
I had sixteen men, and an Indian and his wife occasionally with me, to feed and govern, and on the continuance of their health my existence in a great measure depended. As it was my constant duty to be in the way,
in case of the arrival of Savages, being the only one who
could talk their language, I had few opportunities of
hunting, neither could I go far abroad to examine whether
the Canadians did their duty or not: I [103] was therefore
always full of anxiety, and rejoiced when the spring returned to set me free.
The constant attention necessary in taking care of the
goods to prevent depredations, the continual fears and
apprehensions of being plundered by a set of intoxicated
beings; always liable to insults, without daring to resent
them; and when I had bartered all my merchandize, and
made a successful trip — feeling a painful solicitude till
the fruits of my labours were safely delivered to my employers. Upon the whole, perhaps no situation can be
more distressing, and it has often filled my mind with
surprise when I reflected on the engagement I entered
into, which consumed the prime of my days in a traffic,
the dangers and fatigues of which scarce any salary could
compensate.    I believe nothing but the flattering idea 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
of thinking myself superior to others as an interpreter,
prompted me to continue in a station so fatiguing to support, and so difficult to execute; and I cannot but conclude with this observation:—That however censurable
a man may be for indulging even this degree of pride,
the liberal mind will easily pardon the presumption, as
they know he alone is the sufferer; and as self-opinion
governs the pursuits of mankind, the individual who is
most influenced by it, must stand or fall by the consequences. SECOND   EXPEDITION
[104] Proceed to winter again among the Nipegmi Indians;
— Design of an Indian to plunder us;—unfortunate
Accident happens to an Indian Chief;— narrowly escape
being assassinated by an Indian Straggler; Murder of
Joseph la Forme, a Trader.
On the 15th of August I left Pays Plat, with four
birch canoes, and the same men who wintered with me
at Lac la Mort, and arrived at Riviere la Pique, which
runs into Lake Superior: this river is very crooked for
about seven miles, and extremely deep; it abounds with
fish, particularly pike, from which it takes its name.65
On our landing, we found a large band of Chippeways,
and some of the Rat nation, who immediately prepared a
feast for us of dried meat, fish, &c. Among them was an
Indian named Ogashy, or the horse; he was reckoned,
even by his own tribe, a bad Indian, which put me on my
guard during my encampment there. I traded for their
skins and furs, and gave them some rum, with which they
had a frolic, which lasted for three days and nights; on
this occasion five men were killed, and one woman
dreadfully burnt. When the fumes of the liquor had
evaporated, they began, as usual, to reflect on the folly
of their conduct, and all except Ogashy expressed great
concern; he seemed rather to be pleased at the mischief
which had happened, and before my departure, I was
informed that he intended to destroy me, and plunder the
property. To frustrate his villainous intention, I kept
him in good humour, and made [105] him sleep in my hut,
65 This is not the river now known as Pic River, which is east of Pays Plat,
but one of the shorter streams between this and Nipigon River, probably the
one now called Gravel River.— Ed. 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels
a compliment he seemed highly pleased witia, and which
I believe for the time diverted him from his purpose; and
though by no means fond of his company, I judged it most
prudent to have my enemy in sight. In the morning I
gave him a glass of rum, and promised him a two-gallon
keg to carry off the ground, which, as the Indians express themselves, drove the bad spirit from his heart.
When my men had prepared every thing for embarkation,
I gave the chief of the band the liquor, and a single bottle
of rum more than I promised to Ogashy, unknown to the
rest, in which I had infused a considerable quantity of
laudanum. Unsuspicious of what I had done, he put the
bottle to his mouth, and shaking me by the hand, said to
me, "Kee taUnimanco negee," or, "your health, friend,"
and immediately took a hearty draught which soon stupi-
fied and lulled him into a profound sleep, in which, I was
afterwards informed, he remained twelve hours, depriving
him of the power of doing harm, and that soon after, an
Indian who had an antipathy against him, and only
sought an opportunity of gratifying his resentment,
tomahawked him. His eldest son burnt him, and fixed
his bones on a high pole, as he was the head chief of the
We proceeded on our voyage, and arrived at a short
carrying place, called Portage la Rame, where we encamped for nine days, being wind bound; here we found
a number of Indians in the same situation.
As soon as Lake Superior was passable with safety, we
continued our journey through strong and dangerous
rapids, which kept us continually in the water, and very
sensibly affected our limbs; on these occasions, [106]
where great exertion is necessary, all distinction is laid
aside, and it is tel maitre, tel valet, the bourgeois must 144
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
work as hard as the engages, to encourage them to do
their duty with more alacrity, and avoid all cause of complaint.
The wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Cranberry Lake, so called from the great quantity of cranberries growing in the swamps. We stopped here two
days to refresh ourselves after the great fatigue we had
undergone in struggling against the rapids. Being
sufficiently recovered, and having nothing to detain us,
we proceeded to a short carrying place called La grande
Cdte de la Roche, near the entrance of the Nipegon River,
which is a high ridge of rocks that must be passed to
avoid the great cataract which I mentioned in my former,
voyage. At this time we had very little animal food, but
fortunately killed three large bears in the middle of the
portage, which supported us several days, besides which,
we reserved some of the meat we had smoked and dried
to carry with us.66
From La grande Cdte de la Roche we proceeded to Lac
le Nid au Corbeau, or Crow's Nest Lake, which is about
two hundred miles in circumference, and supplied by a
number of small rivers; there are also several islands on
it which furnish the Indians with great plenty of wild
fowl: bears are also found here in abundance, and a surprising number of beaver dams, running in a crooked
direction about ten miles. The Chippeways hunt here,
and find a great deal of game.
The reader will observe that in the first voyage I gave
an account of another Crow's Nest Lake, which is very
small, with an island in the [107] middle with high palm
86 For the difficulties of this passage from Pays Plat to Nipigon, see the
account of the building of this section of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, in
Ingersoll, Canadian Guide-Book (New York, 1892), ii, pp. 29, 30.— Ed.
if' 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
trees: in such an extent of country it is not surprising that
there should be two places of the same name.67
During our stay a band of Indians arrived from Lake
Arbitibis, who probably were dissatisfied with the trader
they dealt with, and intended to go to Michillimakinac,
but finding that I understood their language, they bartered with me, and made me a present of meat and fish.
An accident happened here which had nearly proved fatal,
and which was of infinite service to me ever after, by putting me more on my guard in all transactions with the
Some of the chiefs being desirous of seeing my Northwest guns, I was obliged to open a case for their inspection; this I did unwillingly, as the weather was fine, and
I was extremely anxious to get to the wintering ground
before a heavy fall of snow: having shewn them the guns,
they loaded four, and laid them down by the cases, intending to try them; during the time they were thus employed I was busy in arranging the goods that had been
displaced in getting at them; but as soon as I was at
leisure, I took up one of the guns in a careless manner,
not knowing it was charged, and snapped the lock, which
most unfortunately shot off the ear of one of the chiefs,
and I also received some injury by the powder flying in
my face, and almost depriving me of sight. The discharge was so instantaneous, and appeared so premeditated that the chief reproached me in very severe terms
for the injury I had done him, and threatened revenge;
however, I soon convinced him it was an accident, and
giving him some presents, he consoled himself for the
loss of his ear, which was very large and handsome, and
•' For this lake, see Cameron,
ii, pp. 242, 244.— Ed.
'Nipigon Country," Masson, Bourgeois, Rfl
Early Western Travels
without a single break, which made it very valuable in
his estimation. It was fortunate [108] I did not kill him,
as in all probability we should have been sacrificed to the
resentment of the band.
The Indians pride themselves in having large ears, and
extended as wide as possible, which renders them liable
to be pulled off. It is very common in drunken frolics
to lose them; but when they are only torn, they cut them
smooth with a knife, and sew the parts together with a
needle and deers' sinews, and after sweating in a stove,
resume their usual cheerfulness.
The next day we took our leave, and pursued our
journey to Shecarke Sakiegan, or the Skunk's Lake,
which runs with a strong current. In the fall it abounds
with geese and ducks: here we hunted one day, and with
good success. The next morning at break of day we
embarked, and had favourable weather till we arrived
at Lake Schabeechevan, or the Weed Lake. This lake
is about one hundred and eighty miles in circumference,
and full of small islands; it abounds with fish, and the
swamps are full of wild rice and cranberries; it is about
six days march from Lac la Mort.
This lake was an unfortunate situation to my employers last year, when one of their servants, Jaques San-
teron, went off with a valuable cargo. On my arrival,
I looked out for the house he had erected, but could not
discern the least trace of it; probably he was so elated
that he made a feu de joye on the prospect of being his
own master. At the extremity of this lake is a fall of
water, which runs from a river of the same name, and
has a direct communication with the waters leading from
Fort Albany, within the boundaries of the Hudson's
Bay territories: [109] it is about thirty days march across 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
nineteen portages and creeks, besides fourteen rapids,
which are a great hindrance to the journey. The Indians run down the strong currents without the least fear,
and seldom meet with any accident, performing the voyage in one third part of the time they take in ascending,
and without any damage to their canoes, which in going
against the stream are frequently rendered useless, and
they are obliged to make new ones, before they can pursue
their voyage; but it is a most convenient circumstance
that they are no where at a loss for birch bark, and being
also very expert, they will make a canoe in three days
sufficiently large to carry three people with necessaries
for their support, and room to stow their furs and skins.68
On this lake there are about one hundred and fifty good
hunters, who make a great many packs of beaver, &c.
and this was one inducement for settling here, which was
increased by the prospect of a plentiful supply of fish,
rice, and cranberries, which are winter comforts of too
great consequence to be slighted.
Having secured the canoes, and refreshed my men with
good soup, I left them in charge of the goods, and took
two Indians to shew me a convenient place to build a
house, which having fixed on, a building was erected,
fifty feet long, and twenty feet wide, divided into two
separate apartments, one for merchandise, and the other
for common use. The rum being concealed in the woods,
and every thing properly arranged, we put the fishing
tackle in order; and as the lakes began to freeze very fast,
I divided my men into two parties, one half to be employed in fishing, the remainder (except one man whom
I always kept in the house) in providing fuel for winter.
68 For a brief description of the process of making a birch bark canoe, see
McKinney, Tour of the Lakes (Baltimore, 1827), p. 319.— Ed. Early Western Travels
In about three weeks a sufficient quantity of wood was
piled near the house, and the wood [no] cutters joined
the fishing party: they proved very successful, so that
our minds were more at ease than in the preceding year,
not having the dread of famine.
In about ten days a numerous band of Indians arrived
with their fall hunt, none of whom I had ever seen, not
having wintered so far inland before. They seemed well
pleased to find a trader settled among them, and particularly as I spoke the language; but when I informed them
that I was a brother warrior, and shewed the marks of
adoption in my flesh, they were highly delighted. The
women were immediately ordered to make up huts, and
prepare a feast; whilst this was doing the Indians came
into my house, one by one, and seating themselves on the
floor, began to smoke, and looked very cheerful. When I
had given them tobacco and other Indian goods, the old
chief, whose name was Mattoyash, or the Earth, took me
round the neck, and kissed my cheek, then addressed me
in the following words.
"Meegwoitch kitchee mannitoo, kaygait kee zargetoone
an Nishinnorbay nogome, shashyyar payshik artawway
winnin tercushenan, cawween kitchee morgussey, an
Nishinnorbay nogome cawwickar indenendum. Kaygait
kitchee mushkowway geosay haguarmissey waybenan
matchee oathty nee zargetoone Saggonash artawway;
winnin kaygait hapadgey kitchee morgussey an Nishinnorbay; kaygwotch annaboycassey neennerwind mornooch
towwarch nee zargey debwoye kee appay omar, cuppar
bebone nepewar appiminiqui omar.''—j T thank the Master
of Life for loving us Indians, and sending us this day an
English trader, who will open his heart to me and my
young men.   Take courage, young men, suffer not your 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 149
hearts to be bound [in] up, and throw away the bad
spirit from you: we all love the English traders, for we
have heard of their pity to Savages; we believe that they
have an open heart, that their veins run clear like the
sun. It is true we Indians have but little sense when
drunk, but we hope you will not think of this, and if
you will stay with us, we will hunt with spirit for you.''
When he had finished his speech they all got up, and
taking me by the right hand, conducted me to their
hut; immediately on entering, one of the warriors placed
me on a large beaver robe which was prepared for me, and
put a wampum belt round my neck, singing all the time to
the Master of Life, while myself and the chief were
eating. When the feast was over, I took two of the
Indians to my house, and gave them two kegs of rum, and
ten carrots of tobacco, with other articles, for which they
gave me all their peltry. They then began to frolic,
which continued three days and nights: the only accident which happened was to a little child, whose back
was broke by the mother. When they had rested a day
after intoxication, I supplied them with plenty of ammu-'
nition for their winter's hunt, and they departed perfectly satisfied with their reception. I cannot help
relating the method I was obliged to adopt to quiet an
old Indian woman, who was more troublesome than the
rest, and continually importuned me for liquor.
I infused forty drops of the tincture of cantharides, and
the same quantity of laudanum, into a glass of rum, and
when she came to me soliciting very earnestly for the
strong water, I gave her the dose which was prepared for
her: she drank it without hesitation, and being already
much intoxicated, it made her stagger. But this did not
satisfy her, and [112] she still asked for more; I then re- IS°
Early Western Travels
peated the dose, which she also drank, and then fell on
the floor. I ordered my Canadian to carry her out of
the house, and lay her carefully near her own wigwaum,
where she remained twelve hours in a deep sleep, to my
entire satisfaction. I have always found laudanum
extremely useful; in general it may be considered an
essential article in the commerce with the Indians, as it
proves the only method of overcoming their intoxicated
senses, and making the life of a trader more tolerable, by
putting a stop to their impertinence.
On the 19th of November a band of about forty Indians
came in with a few skins and a great quantity of dried
meat, with some bears' grease, which I purchased for a
little rum, and advised them to carry it along with them
off the ground; they complied with my wishes and embarked perfectly sober.
It was always my custom to endeavour to persuade
them to take away the rum, though I seldom succeeded.
The fatigue of watching them when the liquor begins to
operate is inconceivable, besides the risk of our lives
and property.
After their departure I was left for near a month with
only one man, the rest being employed in fishing and
watching the marten traps: in both pursuits they were successful, but particularly in the former, having brought
home near eight thousand, trout, pike, pickerill, and
white fish, which we hung up as usual to freeze. When
the severe weather sets in every man has his allowance
served out twice a day, and this rule is constantly adhered
to even though the stock be very considerable.
[113] In the beginning of December a new married
couple arrived, and having given them a little rum, they
got very merry; and perceiving the woman was in great 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 151
good humour, I desired her to sing a love-song, which
she consented to with cheerfulness.
"Debwoye, nee zargay ween aighter, payshik oathty,
seizeebockquoit shenargussey me tarbiscoach nepeech cassa-
wicka nepoo, moszack pemartus, seizeebockquoit meteek.''
' Tt is true I love him only whose heart is like the sweet
sap that runs from the sugar-tree, and is brother to the
aspin leaf, that always lives and shivers.''
I thanked her for her song, and giving the husband a
bottle of scuttaywabo,60 left them together to enjoy then-
hearts' delight; and as there was not sufficient to intoxicate them, I was not afraid of a jealous fit. I always
bore in mind the circumstance at Lac la Mort, and my
fortunate escape. In the morning they departed, paying
me well for my presents with some beaver, bear, and
otter skins.
A few days after an Indian arrived, with his two wives
and three children; they immediately came into my
house, and sat down by the fire. I thought I discovered
deceit in his countenance, and watched him very narrowly. I asked him what success he had met with in his
hunt? He told me he believed the Master of Life was
angry with him, for he had fired at several animals, and
expended all his ammunition, without doing execution.
This was a figurative mode of expression, [114] and
convinced me that he was lazy, and could not get credit
for what he wanted: he added, that his family had been
without provisions some days, and hoped I would cheer
their hearts, and be a friend to them.   I then ordered a
69 Scuttaywabo is rum or brandy.    See Long's Chippewa vocabulary, at the
end of the present volume.— Ed. M2
Early Western Travels
large kettle to be put on the fire, and boiled some fish,
which they ate of very heartily, particularly the women
and children.
I questioned him concerning his hunting grounds: he
told me he was from Hudson's Bay, and had come so
far, hearing some traders were settled at Skunk's Lake,
and as he knew there were plenty of animals, he expected
to get a great many skins. This I was convinced was
false, and I immediately considered him as a straggler, or
he certainly would not have travelled so far, unless he
had done something to displease the servants at the Company's forts, and could not obtain credit. Looking at
me very earnestly, he asked me to trust him a gun,
blanket, and ammunition; but I refused him: this displeased him; and going out of the house, one of them
called him, the other followed him out, and said something
*to him in a low tone of voice: this appeared to me like a
confederacy, and put me on my guard. In a few minutes
he returned, and renewed his solicitations; saying,
"Are you afraid to trust me forty skins ? I will pay you
in the spring."—I told him I never gave credit to any
but good hunters, and I was sure he was an idle straggler, who lived without industry, and advised him to return to his own tribe, and solicit their assistance who
knew him better than I did. So severe a check to his
application (and which I was afterwards sorry for)
seemed to rouze the bad spirit in his heart, and he left
me under the influence of the Matchee Mannitoo, and
went down to his canoe, seeming to be in deep discourse
with his wives.
[115] My man observing them, watched them very narrowly, and saw the Indian endeavouring to file off the
end of his gun, to make it convenient to conceal under his 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
blanket; having shortened and loaded it, he returned with
it hid under his dress. This transaction being a convincing proof of his diabolical intention, I directed my
man to stand on one side of the door, and I took my post
on the other, waiting his entrance into the house. Just
as he passed the threshold, I knocked him down with a
billet of wood, and taking his short gun from him, beat
him so much that we were obliged to carry him down to
his canoe, where his family were waiting for him, and
ordered them all off the ground, threatening that in
case of refusal his canoe should be instantly broken to
pieces, and his family turned adrift. The squaws and
children appeared very much distressed, and with great
reluctance obeyed my orders. Thus I got rid of an unprincipled set; and, as will soon appear, escaped a danger which was certainly intended to involve me and my-
men in utter ruin.
A few days after their departure, an Indian arrived and
informed me that Mr. Joseph la Forme, a brother trader
who was settled at Lac le Sel, was killed by a Savage,
and described bis person. I had no doubt but he was
the same man who attempted to destroy me. I communicated every circumstance of his conduct, and the revenge I took on the occasion. The Indian congratulated
me on my happy escape, as he was known to be a bad
man by all the tribe, having killed his brother and one of
his wives last fall, which was the reason that the band
he belonged to would not suffer him to stay among them.
As I was anxious to know the particulars, I desired him
to relate them. He told me that he was informed by a
Savage whom he accidentally met, and [116] to whom
the murderer had revealed the particulars, that the
Indian being disappointed in his design against me, pur- M|
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
sued his journey with the bad spirit in his heart, and
arrived at Joseph La Forme's house, which he entered,
and asked for rum and tobacco, which was given
him; but observing he had not any thing to trade with,
La Forme was suspicious of him: whilst he was smoking
he asked for credit, but was refused, and told that he was
not only a bad hunter, but that he had a heart of lead.
This imprudent reproach incensed him, and observing
no one in the house but the trader, (the men being fishing) he watched a convenient opportunity, and when
La Forme stooped to light his pipe, shot him through
the head, plundered the house of a few things, and went
On this information I dispatched six Indians, with a
trusty Canadian, to endeavour to secure the property, in
which they fortunately succeeded, and brought away all
the peltry, merchandise, &c. and the deceased trader's
men, whom I engaged in my service. About six weeks
after, one of the tribe whom he had formerly offended, and
who had heard of this recent act of villainy, after repeated
reproaches for his baseness, tomahawked him, cut off his
head, and brought it to my house to shew my Indians.
The unhappy fate of Joseph La Forme affords a
melancholy example of the precarious situation of all
Indian traders; and furnishes a useful lesson of instruction to those who may in future be engaged in commerce
with the Savages — that it is frequently more prudent to
conceal resentment than to gratify it. [117] We are reduced to great Hardships for want of Provisions;— relieved by the fortunate Arrival of some Indians.— Narrative of a most shocking Transaction perpetrated by one Janvier, belonging to a Mr. Fulton, a
Trader — Mr. Fulton takes Means to induce a Confession, and punishes him accordingly.— Visit from a
Trader belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company —
some Observations concerning that Trade, and the Conduct of the Company towards their Servants.
The latter end of January, 1779, a band of the Rat
Nation arrived, belonging to Shekarkistergoan, or the
Skunk's-head Lake, which is between Lake Nipegon and
Lake Manontoye. They brought me provisions and
furs, which I bartered for; giving them rum, as usual, of
which they drank freely without doing any mischief.
After their departure we were short of provisions, having
a larger household to provide for, by taking La Forme's
men into my service. We were reduced to a few fish
and some wild rice, or menomon (which are kept in muc-
cucks, or bark boxes), to support myself and seventeen
men; the allowance to each being only a handful of rice
and a small fish, about 21b. weight, which is boiled
together and makes pleasant soup. I have often been surprised that fish-broth is not more generally used, as it is
certainly very palatable; but I am not sufficiently informed
in medical knowledge to speak either of its wholesomeness
or nutritive qualities. Sturgeon broth is delicious, and
leaves a pleasing taste on the tongue; but as it rather increases the appetite for food, [118] as I have experienced,
it should not be taken but when there is plenty of meat to
be got. This fish is very common in Albany, and is sold at
id. per lb. York currency. The flesh is called Albany beef. ■I
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
The frost continuing very severe, and no appearance of
Indians to supply our wants, we were obliged to take off
the hair from the bear skins, and roast the hide, which
tastes like pork. This, with some tripe de roche boiled,
was all our nourishment.70
Tripe de roche, or hawercoon, is a weed that grows to
the rocks, of a spongy nature, and very unwholesome,
causing violent pains in the bowels, and frequently
occasions a flux. I am informed the traders in the Northwest, have often experienced this disorder; and some of
them, in very severe weather, have been compelled to eat
it for fourteen days successively, which weakened them
exceedingly. When the disorder does not terminate in a
flux, it occasions a violent vomiting, and sometimes
spitting of blood, with acute spasms in the bowels.
After suffering great hardships, I advised my men to
make marten traps, and set them in the woods as they
did last winter at Lac la Mort, which supplied us occasionally, but very short of our real wants. At last a band
of Indians arrived with ten slay load of meat and furs,
which relieved us, and gave us fresh spirits. My men discovered them at a distance, and, though much enfeebled
by severe hunger, put on their snow-shoes to meet them.
It is surprising what efforts nature makes to support
distress, and how cheerfully she struggles when the prospect of relief is near at [119] hand; every painful recollection of past sufferings quickly 4vanishes, and new
life seems to breathe through every vein. Those who live
in constant luxury, and are ignorant of the meaning of
the bread of carefulness, are strangers to the joy arising
from an unexpected supply, and sitting down to a table
'"Tripe de roche is a lichen, which Henry calls waac in Chippewa. See
Henry, Travels (Bain ed.), pp. 2T4, 215.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
in the wilderness. Hunger needs not the borrowed aid
of sauce; and, in the language of Pope, "To enjoy, is to
obey.''— How delightful is such obedience!
The Indians seeing our distress by our looks, which
were very meagre, gave us all their provisions, consisting
of bear, racoon, and moose. The kettle was soon put
on the fire, and we made a comfortable repast, with
cheerful hearts; the Indians during the time enjoying the
happiness of relieving our wants.
Notwithstanding the cruelty of Savages, they possess
virtues which do honour to human nature, and exhibit
instances of generosity and kindness which the most
philanthropic soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant
of those mean sordid sentiments which disgrace many
more enlightened, and more wealthy; and from the
knowledge I have of their disposition, I am sure they
would blush at the parsimonious conduct of those whom
Providence hath blessed with affluence.
After the repast, the chief (not willing to disturb us before) asked for some tobacco, and having smoked some
time, said he had bad news to tell me, which some Indians
had informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then at
Shekarkistergoan, and which he was sorry to relate, as it
affected him exceedingly. I desired him to finish his
pipe, and drink a glass of rum before he began the story;
and at the same [120] time mentioned my surprise at
not hearing of any remarkable circumstance, having
traded with a band of the Rat nation within a few days,
who came from that Lake. He told me he had met the
band, and related the affair to them, who were much
astonished; but as Mr. Fulton's men were not returned
from fishing when they left the place, the transaction was
not known till after their departure.
HUH i58
Early Western Travels
Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men into two
parties, which is called the cawway, or casting lots, which
party shall hunt and fish, and which shall stay with the
master, did so accordingly. The fishing party consisted
of Charles Janvier, Francois St. Ange, and Lewis Du-
fresne, all natives of Canada, who, being provided with
axes, ice-cutters, and fishing materials, set off, and at the
expiration of eight days arrived at a convenient place,
where they built a hut, in which they lived for some time
tolerably well; but fish failing them, and having no success in hunting, they were almost starved. In this
situation, said the chief, the bad spirit had entered into
the heart of Janvier, and he being the strongest man,
supported hunger better than his companions, by which
he was enabled soon after to effect a diabolical purpose
he had formed, of killing the first Indian who should
come in his way, and which he had declared he would
do. In the height of their distress Janvier perceived a
Savage at some distance, with a load at his back, and
instantly returning to the hut, told his poor dispirited
partners of their approaching relief. They instantly
got up, though very weak, and came out of the hut as
fast as their feeble limbs would allow them. The Indian
arrived, took off his load, which was only two otters, and
two hares, and gave them to Janvier, who received them
with great satisfaction; and when he had skinned them,
boiled [121] them in the kettle without cleansing them, so
extreme was their hunger. This seasonable relief was
soon devoured, and from the eagerness with which Janvier
eat, and the satisfaction which appeared in his countenance when he looked at the Savage, the men were in
hopes he had forgot the rash determination he had
formed, and flattered themselves his mind was not so 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 159
depraved as to entertain a thought of doing an injury
to the man whose timely assistance had saved their lives.
The next morning the Indian told them he was sorry
he could not assist them further, having no ammunition,
but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a supply.
Janvier's heart being inexorable even to the kindness
he had received, desired the Savage to assist him in placing a large log of wood on the fire, as his companions were
unable to do it. The Indian cheerfully complied, and
stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him down with
an axe and dragged him to the door of the hut, cut him
up, and with the most unfeeling barbarity put as much
of the flesh of his deliverer into the kettle as he thought
sufficient for a meal. When it was dressed, he compelled
Francois St. Ange, and Louis Dufresne, to partake of it,
and obliged them to kiss the cross which hung at his
breast, and swear by all the saints never to reveal the
transaction; threatening, at the same time, that if they
did they should share the same fate. Intimidated by
his threats, and the certainty that he would fulfil them,
they solemnly promised perfect compliance with his injunctions. Having overcome their first aversion, which
extreme hunger had occasioned, they ate immoderately
of the horrid meal, and soon after fell sick, with violent
Teachings. During their indisposition they complained
to each other softly, that it was eating the Indian's flesh
[122] which had occasioned their sickness: Janvier overhearing them, called them fools and rascals, and asked
them if they were afraid the Savage would come to life
again; and with an insolent sneer desired them to tell
him which they thought the best part of a man? The
poor fellows only replied they were very sick and could
not tell the cause.    In a few days (having no other pro- i6o
Early Western Travels
vision) the Indian was eaten up, and Janvier determined
to have human flesh if no other could be obtained. To
this end he sought an opportunity to quarrel with St.
Ange — Dufresne not daring to interfere in the dispute.
Janvier willing, however, to appear as plausible in the
eyes of Dufresne as possible, widened the breach very
artfully, till pretending he was no longer able to contain
his anger, asked Dufresne if he did not think St. Ange
deserved the Indian's fate, for daring to say he would
reveal the circumstance he had so solemnly sworn to conceal. Dufresne dreading the consequences of differing
with him in sentiment, said he thought St. Ange was to
blame; upon which reply, Janvier immediately struck
him with an axe, and killed him: he then cut him up, and
boiled a part, of which he obliged Dufresne to partake,
he not daring to shew any reluctance. Fortunately for
Dufresne the weather became more moderate, and having
caught plenty of fish, they proposed to return to then-
master. Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his superiority, obliged Dufresne to drag liim in an Indian slay
to Mr. Fulton's house — a cruel imposition upon him,
and a dreadful service to a weak emaciated man! but
knowing he was unable to resist, he made a virtue of
necessity, and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerfulness. On the journey he was frequently reminded of his
oath, and the fatal consequences that would attend him
if he should ever divulge the secret, which Janvier assured
him would produce instant death.
[123] Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their return,
being in want of his men, as the Indians were daily coming
in with their winter hunt. Soon after their arrival he made
enquiry after St. Ange — but no answer was given. He
then addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, who 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 161
said he was gone on the hunt with a chief of the name of
Onnemay, or the Sturgeon, whom Mr. Fulton knew, and
that he would soon return. One of the Canadians contradicted him by saying that could not be true, as Onnemay left Mr. Fulton's house the day before their return.
Janvier then said he might be mistaken in the chief's
name, as he was not well acquainted with the Indian
language, and Dufresne, for fear of a discovery at that
time, changed the conversation in hopes of pleasing
Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not returning, Janvier was again questioned, who told them as before, and
appealed to Dufresne for the truth of his assertions, which
he was obliged to confirm.
Mr. Fulton not being perfectly satisfied, examined them
apart; from Janvier he could not get any information, but
Dufresne hesitated, and at last said he had sworn not to
reveal — but that St. Ange would never return.— Mr.
Fulton endeavoured to convince him that the breach of
an oath, so imposed, was no crime; and in the end he
convinced the Canadian that it was so far from being
obligatory in the sight of God, that it would be a sin of
the most heinous nature in him to conceal the truth; artfully adding, as an additional argument to induce him to
reveal the transaction, that if he had no doubt he was
himself perfectly innocent, he could not have any honest
motive for secrecy, and that he had no occasion to dread
the resentment of Janvier, as he would engage to [124]
protect him from all hazard by the discovery. Thus
persuaded and encouraged, Dufresne disclosed the whole
affair, but requested Mr. Fulton's secrecy, which he
promised until the conversation should be renewed,
when it was agreed that he should relate every particu- Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
lar in Janvier's presence. Janvier was repeatedly urged
by the rest of the men to give them some information
respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he remained obstinately silent: some of them went so far as to accuse
him in pretty plain terms of knowing too much about
him, but he treated their insinuations with indifference.
Mr. Fulton having disposed of all his goods, prepared
to leave his wintering ground, and every thing being
properly arranged they departed. The first night after
their departure Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of pistols,
and having previously acquainted his men with the discovery Dufresne had made, and the punishment he intended for the villain, came out of his tent and stood by
the fire round which the Canadians were seated. The
conversation about St. Ange being purposely renewed,
Mr. Fulton remarked it was cruel to leave him in the
woods with the Indians, and blamed Janvier particularly,
as he was the foreman of the party, and therefore the
more responsible. Janvier nettled at the repetition of the
subject, (for guilt is soon angry) replied that St. Ange
was able to take care of himself, and that he had not any
controul over him. Dufresne was then censured; upon
which, agreeably to the plan settled with Mr. Fulton, he
divulged the whole transaction, and gave a full account of
every particular of Janvier's conduct. Janvier attempted
to take instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it,
and denied the charge with the most hardened effrontery
and solemn asseverations. Mr. Fulton then thought
it a proper time [125] to interfere; and to cover him
if possible with confusion, asked him "which was the
best part of a man ?'' Janvier replied, with ready insolence, that those who had eaten human flesh could easily
tell: but being repeatedly urged, and at length thrown 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 163
off his guard, he replied in great wrath, the feet. The
party encouraged by this confession, pressed the charge,
till at last he confessed the facts he was accused of, and
declared that in a similar situation he would kill his
Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his resentment,
and going up to Janvier, told him he was an abandoned
villain, first for killing a harmless Indian who had generously relieved his wants, and afterwards eating him
like a cannibal; that not content with these atrocious
acts, he had encreased his guilt by another deliberate
murder on a defenceless man, his companion, his fellow-
labourer, and friend; that he was a disgrace to human
nature, and ought not to be suffered to live a moment
longer; and without allowing him time to reply, shot him
through the head. The men were ordered to bury him,
and in the morning Mr. Fulton continued his journey to
MichUlimakinac, where on his arrival he surrendered
himself to the commanding officer, who on a close examination of the men, honourably acquitted him; but recommended him not to venture again into those parts, where
the Indian was killed, lest the Savages should hear of the
transaction, and resent the death of one of their tribe,
whereby the innocent might suffer for the acts of the
In the month of February I had a visit from a trader,
dressed in a smoked leather shirt; who was accompanied
by three Indians, and had been absent five days from
Fort Albany.72   He said he was induced to come [126]
71 On the subject of justice in the forest, as exercised by the British companies, see Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i, pp. 538-542.— Ed.
12 Fort Albany was built by the Hudson's Bay Company in the seventeenth
century. It was in a sheltered inlet, forty yards from the borders of James Bay
on the south side of Albany River.   In 1686 it was attacked and captured by 164
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
from a motive of curiosity to see me, not having heard of
any person wintering so far inland before, except the
servants belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. At
that time I had very little provisions, and eight men to
maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme's Canadians;
our chief food was tripe de roche) on his arrival the kettle
was on the fire with the leaves: he asked what food I had;
I ordered some to be taken out of the pot, and put into a
bark dish, which he tasted, but could not swallow. I
informed him that it had been a principal part of our
diet for many days, and in the best of times we had
nothing but wild animal food, and seldom any flour, as
the quantity of Indian corn we were able to bring along
with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient to last the winter.
When I had given him a description of my mode of living, which he confessed was very different from the comforts he enjoyed, I took him into my store, and shewed
him the packs of beaver I had collected: this increased
his surprise, as he could not conceive how it was possible
to transport a sufficient quantity of goods to barter for the
value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked me to
return with him, and promised to supply me with provisions; but I told him I was engaged in an employ, and
had supported the same disagreeable situation the preceding winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not expect
to pass my life among the Indians with so much ease as in
England, my duty obliged me to remain till the season
was over, when I should return and endeavour to make
myself some amends for the hardships I had endured, by
Troyes's expedition; and Iberville re-christened the post, Fort Ste. Anne. It
remained in French hands until 1693, when retaken by the English, who never
again lost it, although besieged by the French in 1704. The later fort was
built on Factory Island, in the mouth of the river, about two and one-half
miles from the old fort on the mainland.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 165
giving a good account of the merchandise intrusted to
my care, and receiving a reward for my labours. In the
morning he took his leave, wishing me the speedy arrival
of some Indians who might be able to relieve me from
such pressing necessity by supplying me with plenty of
more nourishing and palatable food.
[127] This civility from one of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants leads me to make some few observations
in vindication of that respectable body, whose character
has been so severely, and I think so unjustly, censured.
Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the company's servants,
who resided in their factory six years as surveyor and
supervisor of the buildings, in a work published by him
some years since,7* animadverts in very strong terms on
the mode in which the governors of forts exert what he
calls their uncontroulable authority, and asserts that their
extreme tyranny is a perpetual source of personal disgust.
He also says, that "the overplus trade is big with iniquity,
and no less inconsistent with the company's true interest,
than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it are
become more and more alienated, and are either discouraged from hunting at all, or induced to carry all
their furs to the French." It may be necessary here to
observe, that the overplus trade arises from the peltry
which the company's servants obtain in barter with the
™ Joseph Robson went out to Hudson Bay in 1733, as a stone-mason, and
was employed in the construction of Fort Churchill. He appears to have had
disagreements with the governor, and returned to England in 1736. In 1744,
he was again sent out as surveyor and superintendent of buildings at York
factory, and explored the Nelson River. Returning to England in 1747, he
testified on behalf of the Company in 1749, before the House of Commons
committee; but some years later published a work, An Account of Six Years'
Residence in Hudson's Bay (London, 1752), in which he animadverts against
the treatment of servants and Indians by the Company's governors. Long
attempts to controvert him in this paragraph; but on p. 170 he uses his testimony in favor of the management of the Company.— Ed. i66
Early Western Travels
natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the company, and
which belongs to themselves.
This is a heavy charge, and, if true, a very proper cause
of complaint; but it should seem there is not sufficient
ground for the accusation, for Mr. Robson afterwards
says that this overplus trade is of little advantage to them,
for "that part of it, they always add to the company's
stock, for the sake of enhancing the merit of their services, and apply the remainder to their own use, which is
often expended in bribes to skreen their faults, and continue them in their command." What a strange degree
of folly, as well as of guilt! that the governors are so
[128] weak and so wicked as to commit enormities only to
make a temporary advantage, and are obliged to distribute the wages of iniquity in order to skreen themselves
from its consequences among the company, and their
confederates in vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they
would be equally rich, more respected, and also feel an
inward satisfaction of mind from the consciousness of
having discharged their trust with integrity; ideas too
absurd to be admitted. With regard to the company, it
cannot be supposed they are ignorant of this "overplus
trade," or the means by which their servants obtain the
advantages arising from it; if they are not, and no impartial person will suppose they are, they not only allow but
approve of the conduct of their governors, from a conviction of its being beneficial to the interests of the company; a proper reward for the labours of their servants, or
from some other motive, which because it is adopted by
men so respectable, and so much above reproach, must
be allowed to be wise and prudent.
In the next place, I believe it will be very difficult to
prove that the conduct of the governors has "alienated 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 167
the natives from the company's interest, and discouraged
them from hunting." The former is at present by no
means clear, as I am credibly informed the New Northwest Company,74 whose trade extends to the boundaries
of the settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company, find
very little encouragement from the Indians; if therefore
the natives were disgusted, they would embrace the
first opportunity of shewing their dislike, by carrying
their peltry to the new traders; nothing can be more natural
than to expect that this would be the consequence; but as
they have not done so, the inference is fair that they are
not disgusted.
[129] Another observation is, "that the cruel and oppressive behaviour of the governors and captains towards
the inferior servants, not only deters useful people from
engaging in the company's service (a circumstance they
should attend to for their own interest), but furnishes one
pretext for the bad character that is given of the company.' '
Though in the particular department in which I have
been many years engaged as an Indian interpreter and
trader, I have had few opportunities of a personal and
intimate acquaintance with many of the company's servants (having been in a commerce in direct opposition
to their interest), yet I can speak with confidence in regard to some of them whom I have conversed with; that
in every point of view I believe them to be useful servants, and well skilled in the language of the natives.—
So far in answer to the assertion | j that useful people are
deterred from entering into the service." And by way
of refuting the charge of "cruelty and oppression," I
74 For the history of the formation of the North West Company, see preface,
ante, p. 16.— Ed. 68
Early Western Travels
?.* a
need only add, what none I think will deny, that they
have been so well satisfied with the conduct of their
superiors, that many of them have continued in the service more than twenty years.
I believe, upon the whole, it will appear that the conduct of the governors at home and abroad, is perfectly
consistent with the true interests of the company, and
that any other mode of behaviour would tend to anarchy
and confusion; and I must declare for my own part that
I never heard of that personal disgust which Mr. Robson
so much complains of, but have rather found an anxious
solicitude to be employed in their service.
[130] Mr. Carver, in his history of North America, observes, ' j that on the waters which fall into Lake Winne-
peek, the neighbouring nations take a great many furs,
some of them they carry to the Hudson's Bay Company's
factories, situated at the entrance of the Bourbon River,
but this they do with reluctance on several accounts; for
some of the Assmipoils and Killistinoe Indians,75 who
usually traded with the company's servants, told him
that if they could be sure of a constant supply of goods
from Michillimakinac, they would not trade any where
else; that they shewed him some cloth, and other articles
purchased at Hudson's Bay, with which they were much
dissatisfied, thinking they had been greatly imposed on
in the barter."
75 The Cristinaux (Kiristinou, Killistinoe) Indians, now known as Crees, are
Algonquian tribes who have always been associated with the Assiniboins (Assi-
nipoils), a Siouan tribe derived early from the Yankton Dakotas. Their habitat
has been the wilderness between Lake Superior and Hudson Bay, and the land
to the west as far as the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers. They were well
known to the early French explorers (see Wisconsin Historical Collections,
xvi), and were the chief Indians with whom the Hudson's Bay Company traded.
They still number over twelve thousand. See Henry, Travels (Bain ed.), p.
249.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 169
To this Mr. Carver adds, "that allowing their accounts
true, he could not help joining in their opinion;" but
afterwards he admits that this dissatisfaction might
probably proceed, in a great measure, from the intrigues
of the Canadian traders; and that the method they took
to withdraw the Indians from their attachment to the
Hudson's Bay Company, and to engage their good
opinion in behalf of their new employers, was by depreciating, on all occasions, the company's goods, and
magnifying the advantages that would arise to them
from trafficking entirely with the Canadian traders: in
this they too well succeeded; and from this, doubtless,
did the dissatisfaction which the Assinipoils and Killis-
tinoes proceed." But, says he, further, "another reason
augmented it, the length of the journey to the Hudson's
Bay Factories, which they informed him took up three
months during the summer heats to go and return, and
from the smallness of their canoes they could not carry
more than one-third of the beaver they [131] killed, so
that it is not to be wondered at that the Indians should
wish to have traders come to reside among them." As
Mr. Carver did not travel in the interior parts as a trader,
he could not have any interested commercial motives; on
that account he is certainly entitled to credit as an impartial observer: the public will judge of his remarks, and
how far they tend to censure, or approve, the conduct of
the Hudson's Bay Company.
I am induced to indulge this digression in consequence
of a new publication on the present state of Hudson's Bay
by Mr. Umfreville.79
'" This was the work of Edward Umfreville, Present State of Hudson's Bay
(London, 1790), written with a view of opposing the continuance of the Company's charter, and exposing the practices of the officers. Umfreville had been
in the service of the Company from 1771 to 1782.— Ed. am
Early Western Travels
It has unfortunately happened that the company's
enemies have been frequently of their own household, persons in whom they placed confidence and to whom they
entrusted the mysteries of their commerce. Differences
will naturally arise, and doubtless have arisen between
the governors and their servants, in which case no man
is, or ought to be, obliged to stay in a service that is
disagreeable to him; but then it is certainly sufficient to
leave the employ, and highly improper to endeavour to
prejudice the interest he once thought and felt it his duty
to promote; and I am of opinion that not a single transaction, or circumstance, should be revealed that has
not an immediate reference to the cause of the disagreement, or is necessary to support or vindicate a reputation.
The present governors are men of great probity, and
probably may not condescend to take notice of these
heavy charges against them; but as the most exalted
virtue may be injured by groundless assertions, I trust
the public will not be displeased with any endeavours,
however feeble, to vindicate the character of so respectable a body. As I do not intend to enter on the subject
more fully, I shall only entreat the reader, if [132] he
wishes further satisfaction on this head, to peruse the
publication of Mr. Robson, who was one of the company's
servants, and who, Mr. Umfreville acknowledges to be
a true and impartial writer. From his account the reader
will judge of the propriety of Mr. Umfreville's censures
on the conduct of the governors of the Hudson's Bay
Company. A more copious examination of Mr. Umfreville's publication would exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I cannot but think that those who
peruse it will readily perceive how much injustice he has
done to the governors and the company.
1   i [133] Arrival of more Indians.— Rum gets short; adopt the
usual Mode to encrease the Stock, which enables us to
conclude our Traffic for the Season.— Take leave of the
Indians, and proceed on our Journey homewards.—
Account of an Indian Courtship.— Servile State of the
Women after Marriage.— Observations on the Confidence which the Indians put in the Master of Life,—
dfc.— Arrive safe at Pays Plat.
Soon after the departure of the trader, a large band,
consisting of about 100, came in; my stock of rum
was very small, which was a misfortune, as rum is too
important in treaties with the Indians to be easily dispensed with. On their arrival they wished to drink, but
I continued to barter for all their furs before I gave them
any rum: having finished the business, they grew clamorous, when I gave them as much rum as I could spare,
upon receipt of which they embarked in tolerable good
In the month of April the last band came in, and I was
extremely perplexed how to act, having a very small portion of rum, and no prospect of encreasing my stock; I
was therefore obliged to dilute it so as to make it about
one-fifth part weaker than usual, which made twenty
gallons of very passable Indian rum. Having supplied
them [134] with wearing apparel, &c. and received their
peltry, I gave them a taste of the scuttaywabo, and just
before my embarkation made the following speech:
" Haguarmissey cockinnor an Nishinnorbay kee wa-
bindan cawwickcar nin serpargussey nee zargetoone, keennerwind kaygo kee cushkendum webatch neennerwind
tercushenan nepewar annacotchigon nin ojey petoone. Wa
haguarmissey   cockinnor   meenwendesay   bazam   Ebeck- 172
Early Western Travels
check megoyyack debwoye neegee kaygo arwayyor matchee
oathty, kee carmawendan cockinnor, mokoman, baskeyzegan
goyer becka, kee minniquy kaygo arwayyor annascartissey
woke, mornooch kee permartissyan cockinnor an Nishinnorbay nogome debwoye negee nepewar artawway winnin
ojey zargetoone an Nishinnorbay, keshpin suggermarch
wennewar metach nin ojey debarchemon kitchee ojemaw
awassa woity kitchee wakaygan Michillimakinac metach
kaygoshish ween ojey bockettywaun keennerwind.
"Now, my friends, take courage, I have always shewn
you a good heart, and you all know I am full of pity
for you, your wives, and children; therefore do not be
uneasy, or think the time long I shall be absent from you.
I hope the Master of Life will give me courage and
strength to return to you, and bring you goods. Now,
as you know I have no sugar on my lips, nor any spear
at my tongue, and that my ears are not stopt, nor my
heart bound up, I hope you will deliver up your knives,
guns, and tomahawks, and have no bad heart before you
begin to drink, so that on my return I may find you all
well. I shall speak with [135] courage to the great English chief, at Michillimakinac, and he will open his heart
to you.''
Having finished my speech, the weapons were collected
and delivered to me. I then gave them a considerable
quantity of rum, after which I returned their knives, &c.
to convince them of the good opinion I entertained of
them, and that I had no doubt but they would attend to
the advice I had given them. I then got into my canoe,
and waving my hand, was saluted by a discharge of 200
guns, which I returned by one volley, and pursued my
journey in good spirits, heartily pleased at leaving my
winter quarters. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels ij?
We continued our voyage without meeting with any
occurrence worth relating till we arrived at the Skunk's
River, where I had unfortunately shot off a chief's ear,
as I have before related. Here I met with the new-married couple, and some of the same band to whom I was
so much obliged in the preceding December for singing
the love-songs; and being desirous of obtaining a perfect
knowledge of their manners and customs, I made many
inquiries, and among other knowledge gained information of the Chippeway form of courtship, which I presume will be acceptable to those who have as much
curiosity as myself.77
When an Indian wishes to take a wife, and sees one to
his mind, he applies to the father of the girl, and asks his
consent in the following words:
[136] "Nocey, cunner kee darmissey kee darniss nee
zargayyar kakaygo O waterwarwardoossin cawween peccan
-weettey gammat ottertassey memarjis mee mor.''
"Father, I love your daughter, will you give her to me,
that the small roots of her heart may entangle with mine,
so that the strongest wind that blows shall never separate
If the father approves, an interview is appointed, for
which the lover prepares by a perspiration; he then comes
into her presence, sits down on the ground, and smokes
his pipe: during the time of smoking, he keeps throwing
small pieces of wood, of about an inch in length at her
one by one to the number of one hundred. As many as
she can catch in a bark bowl, so many presents her lover
77 On this subject of courtship and marriage, see also Grant, "Sauteux
Indians," in Masson, Bourgeois, ii, pp. 319-321.— Ed. J74
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[Vol. 2
\    I    i
must make to her father, which he considers as payment for his daughter. The young warrior then gives
a feast, to which he invites all the family — when the
feast is done, they dance and sing their war songs.— The
merriment being over, and mutual presents exchanged
between the lover and her relations, the father covers
them with a beaver robe, and gives them likewise a new
gun and a birch canoe, with which the ceremony ends.
When the French became masters of Canada, the
ceremony of marriage between the Savages was very
When a lover wished his mistress to be informed of his
affection, he procured an interview with her, which was
always at night, and in [137] the presence of some of her
friends; this was conducted in the following manner:
He entered the wigwam, the door of which was commonly a skin, and went up to the hearth on which some
hot coals were burning; he then lighted a stick of wood,
and approaching his mistress, pulled her three times by
the nose, to awaken her; this was done with decency, and
being the custom, the squaw did not feel alarmed at the
liberty. This ceremony, ridiculous as it may appear,
was continued occasionally for two months, both parties
behaving during the time in all other respects, with the
greatest circumspection.
The moment she becomes a wife, she loses her liberty,
and is an obsequious slave to her husband, who never
loses sight of his prerogative. Wherever he goes she
must follow, and durst not venture to incense him by a
refusal, knowing that if she neglects him, extreme punishment, if not death, ensues. The chief liberty he allows
her is to dance and sing in his company, and is seldom
known to take any more notice of her than of the most
ilTf 1
	 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 175
indifferent person: while she is obliged to perform the
drudgery of life, which custom or insensibility enables her
to do with the utmost cheerfulness.
A circumstance of this kind I recollect reading which
happened at Beaver Creek, about twenty-five miles from
Fort Pitt. An Indian woman observing some white
men to carry fire-wood on their shoulders, took up her
hatchet, and brought them in a short time a great burden
on her back; and throwing it down by the fire, said, she
not only pitied [138] them, but thought it was a great
scandal to see men doing that which was properly the
work of women.
The men consider women as of no other use but to
produce them children, and to perform the drudgeries of
life; as to the offspring, he prefers the sons to the daughter, because he expects they will all prove warriors. The
daughters they do not value for the same reason that
they subjugate their wives, deeming them worthy only
to wait on warriors and do those things which would disgrace the male sex.
We pursued our journey to Lac le Nid au Corbeau,
where we killed some wild geese and ducks, which at this
season of the year have a fishy taste. Here we rested
two days to enable us to pursue the remainder of our
voyage with greater vigour. The third morning, at daybreak, we embarked, and arrived at La grande C6te de la
Roche, where we were fortunate enough to kill two bears,
which eat remarkably fine, and having some leisure time
to spare in the cookery, we enjoyed them with as high a
relish as in better situations we had done more luxuriant
We proceeded to Cranberry Lake, where we caught
some fish, and picked as many cranberries as we could
J 176
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
conveniently carry; from thence we continued our route
to Portage la Rame, where we were again wind-bound
for some days; but during our stay we had not a single
visitor to disturb us. At length the wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Riviere la Pique; on my arrival I
was immediately struck with the remembrance of the
escape I had from Payshik Ogashey [139] last year; but
my mind was almost as instantly relieved by the recollection of his being killed, and no longer a terror to
This was one among many instances in which I found
that when the heart is oppressed with unpleasant recollections, or forebodings, the Author of our Being conveys
relief to the mind very unexpectedly. This sudden transition we are too apt to impute to our own wisdom, and
to attribute the escape from dangers we have experienced,
or the hopes of deliverance which we form, entirely to
our own sagacity and foresight. The Indians, on the
contrary, think more properly; they say it is the Master of
Life from whom we derive that presence of mind which
has extricated or procured us relief. To the Master of
Life the Indian addresses himself even for his daily
support.— To him he imputes his victories and his success; and when subdued, and fastened to the stake, he
thanks him for giving him courage to open his veins.— It
is this confidence which enables him to bear the severest
tortures with composure, and in the height of anguish, to
defy the utmost malice of his enemies.
Notwithstanding the Chippeways, as well as the greater
part of the Indian nations, of North America, think so
justly, it is to be lamented that it is not universally so.
The Mattaugwessawauks, it is said, do not worship a
Supreme Being, and that when success attends them in
If if I- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 177
war, they attribute the merit of the victory to their own
valour and skill. But notwithstanding their disbelief
of a Master of Life, in some respects, they are not less
superstitious than other Savages, for they think that certain places are haunted by evil spirits, whose power they
dread, and impressed with these ideas cautiously avoid
them. Another proof [140] of their superstition is, if one
of their people is killed by accident, they preserve a hand
or a foot, which they salt, and dry, and keep as a charm
to avert calamities; by which it appears, that although
they do not acknowledge a dependance on a good spirit,
they entertain fears and apprehensions of a bad one;
which induces one to hope that such a deviation from the
common belief of mankind may never be confirmed, as
it would stamp human nature with an odium too horrid
to think of. But to conclude this digression — we continued our voyage to Pays Plat, where we stayed some
days in the society of traders, who had also wintered in the
inlands, and others who arrived with goods to supply
those who were engaged to return; but as my time was
expired, I returned to Michillimakinac. After waiting
on the commanding officer, and giving an account of my
stewardship to my employers, I retired to Chippeway
Point, a spot of ground out of the Fort, where I lived
with an Indian family, who occasionally made me mackis-
sins, and other parts of Indian dress.78
78 The British fort at Mackinac was still upon the south shore of the strait,
where Mackinaw City now stands; but the governor, Patrick Sinclair, had already begun the erection of a new fort on the island, to which the establishment moved in the spring of 1781. See "Story of Mackinac," in Thwaites':;
How George Rogers Clark won the Northwest.— Ed.
—^ ——i^=r^ !
[141] Remain some Time at Chippeway Point.— Account of
a whimsical Circumstance, whereby I had nearly incurred
the Displeasure of the Commanding Officer.— Narrative of the fortunate Escape of a Mr. Ramsay, a Trader.
— Undertake to escort a Quantity of Merchandise from
the Mississippi to Michillimakinac, which I perform
with Success.—Return to Montreal; from thence to Quebec,
where I engage with a new Employer.
During the time I remained at Chippeway Point,
I had frequent offers from the officers to sleep at then-
quarters within the fort; but being accustomed to lie in
the woods, I generally preferred that situation. A circumstance happened soon after my arrival, which I shall
In consequence of Indian treachery in the year 1764,
(when the Savages, commanded by Pontiac the chief,
under the pretence of a game at ball, formed a plan to
destroy the inhabitants, and take possession of the fort,
and in which they unfortunately succeeded, to the extreme
mortification of the English), there was a standing order
that no Indian should be permitted to enter the fort with
fire-arms; nor any squaw, or Indian woman, allowed to
sleep within the walls of the garrison on any pretence
whatever; and for the better security of the inhabitants,
when a council is held with the chiefs, double sentries
are always placed.79
[142] Having  a  strong  desire  to  introduce  a  great
78 For a contemporary account of this well-known incident, see Henry,
Travels, chaps. 8, 9, and 10.— Ed. 79
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
chief's daughter and her sister, (notwithstanding the
governor's orders) I communicated my intentions to an
officer, and desired his assistance to complete the plan.
He very politely told me that he could not appear to
countenance my scheme, but would give me every possible assistance consistent with his station. I assured him
that they were a great chief's daughters, and that I
would be answerable for their conduct.
With his consent I applied to two soldiers, and asked
them if they could spare time to roll a large hogshead
of bottled porter from Chippeway Point to the Fort;
they told me whenever it suited me they would be ready
to assist. Having purchased the hogshead, and got it
rolled down the hQl whilst the officers were at dinner, I
told the squaws of my plan, and having knocked out the
head and bung, and bored several holes to admit as much
air as possible, desired them to get in, which with some
difficulty I persuaded them to do. I then replaced the
head, and ran immediately to the soldiers to acquaint
them that the porter was ready, and desired their assistance without delay, as I was afraid some of the bottles
were broken, and it would be proper to examine them as
soon as possible.
The soldiers immediately returned with me, and applying their shoulders to the cask, rolled it up the hill with
great labour and fatigue, continually observing that it
was very heavy. Just as they arrived at the gate, the
commanding officer and the commissary were coming
through, and seeing the hogshead, asked the soldiers
what they had got there? they replied it was bottled
porter for a trader, who had desired them to roll it from
the Point. As a vessel had just then arrived from the
Detroit, [143] the commanding officer was so satisfied with "WM
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
the account the soldiers gave, that he observed it was
very fortunate, for they now should have plenty of good
beer to drink. The soldiers had scarcely roiled another
turn, when unluckily one of them kicked his foot against
a stone, who with the extreme pain he suffered, fell down.
The other, not being able to sustain the whole weight,
let go his hold, and the hogshead rolled down the hill
with great velocity. Just as it came to the bottom the
head fell out, and the squaws exhibited the deception.
Unfortunately the commanding officer was near at hand
when the accident happened, and though it was a manifest breach of his orders, he could not help smiling at
the conceit; and looking at the imprisoned females, said
to them, "pretty bottled porter indeed!" The squaws
were so confused that they ran with the utmost precipitation into the woods, and did not make their appearance
for several days.
On the commanding officer's return to the fort, enquiry was made for me, and I was under the necessity
of obeying his summons, although I confess my situation
was very unpleasant. As soon as I came into his presence, assuming a look of displeasure, he asked me how I
could dare to disobey the orders of the garrison, which
I knew were issued to prevent the most serious consequences; that I was more culpable than another person,
knowing the nature and disposition of the Indian women,
and the impropriety and danger of confiding in them,
adding that for the sake of example, and to prevent others
from acting so inprudently, he believed he should send me
down to Montreal in irons.
Alarmed at my situation, I made the best apology in
my power, and assured him I was extremely sorry for
my conduct, but hoped he would [144] pardon it.    This 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 181
acknowledgment of the offence induced him to forgive
me, and as he said he considered it a frolic of youth, he
would pass it over, but cautioned me against playing such
tricks again. I felt myself extremely obliged by his
lenity, and promised to conduct myself with more
propriety in future, which promise I faithfully kept: for
though the experiment to admit the squaws would not
have been attended with any bad consequences, I did not
chuse again to risk the commanding officer's displeasure.
On the nth of August, the traders arrived from the
Mississippi, and brought an account of an extraordinary
escape which a Mr. Ramsay and his brother had from
a tribe of the nation of the Poes, in their way to St.
. The Poes are a very wild savage people, have an aversion to Englishmen, and generally give them as much
trouble as possible in passing or repassing the Fort of
St. Joseph's, where some French traders are settled by
their permission.80
It seems the Canadians were invited by the Savages to
land, and Mr. Ramsay supposing they had some furs to
dispose of, ordered his men to go on shore; when standing
up in his canoe just before his debarkation, three of the
warriors waded through the water neck-high, dragged
him out of his canoe, and carried him on shore. Mr.
Ramsay's men immediately landed, and were preparing
to follow their master, but observing eleven Indians
near at hand, and perceiving the bad intention of the
chiefs, got again into their canoes, leaving the one in
which Mr. Ramsay and his son were, on the beach, and
80 The "Poes" were the Potawatomi Indians (called Poux by the
French). For their history and that of Fort St. Joseph, see vol. i of this
series, pp. 115, 117.— Ed.
J *ni
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[Vol. 2
paddled to an adjacent [145] island, waiting the event
of a circumstance which threatened death to their
Mr. Ramsay being tied to the stump of a tree, and his
son narrowly watched, the Indians rummaged the canoe,
and brought up as much rum as they thought they could
drink; they then began to sing their war songs; and
making a large fire near the stump to which Mr. Ramsay
was tied, they sat down on the ground, and began to
insult him, telling him he was an old woman, and obliged
his brother to join in the derision.
The usual mode of execution among the Savages, is as
When a warrior is taken, he is brought into a hut, and
tied with small cords made of the bark of trees, about the
size of a cod-line: he is then fastened to a stump, and a
small rattle put into his hand, called chessaquoy, which
he shakes while he sings the dead war song:
"Wabindan payshik shemagonish kitchee mannitoo; nee
wee waybenan nee yoe Matchee Mannitoo.''
"Master of Life, view me well as a warrior; I have
thrown away my body against the bad spirit.''
When the song is finished, the prisoner is untied, and
made to run the gauntlet through two ranks of women,
who are provided with small sticks to beat him. After
this punishment a dog-feast is prepared with bear's
grease and huckleberries, of which he is obliged to eat.
He [146] is then brought again to the stake, when wood
is placed round him. He now sings his war-song, and
the women set fire to the pile, the prisoner singing as it
burns. The bones are then collected and fixed to the
war-standard, which is a high pole painted with vermillion.
It is said that the nation of the Followens, or Wild 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 183
Oats,81 kill their wives and children before they go to
battle, that in case of a defeat the enemy shall not have
any prisoners of their nation.
The Poes, beginning to feel the effects of the rum,
examined the cords, which were made of the bark of the
willow-tree, and ordered some wood to be put round the
stump, to be ready when they should find themselves
disposed to burn him. Soon after they untied him, and
brought him to the war-kettle to make his death-feast;
which consisted of dog, tyger-cat, and bear's grease,
mixed with wild oats, of which he was compelled to eat.
Mr. Ramsay, knowing the nature of Indians, complied
with seeming cheerfulness, and said he was satisfied.
He was taken back to the intended place of execution, and
tied again to the stump, from which, with great composure, he desired permission to make his speech before
he changed his climate, which being granted, he immediately spoke to them to the following effect:
" It is true the Master of Life has sent me here to those
Indians whose hearts are full of poisoned blood, and as
they mean me to change my climate, I shall go with
courage to a better trading ground, where I shall find
good Indians. They have always known me to have had
pity on them, their wives, and children, since I have been
81 The Menominee Indians were called Folles-Avoines by the French, a
name by which the latter designated both the grain (srizania aquatica), and
this tribe of Indians whom they first found using it. They are Algonquian in
language, and were originally encountered by Nicolet (1634) on the shores of
Green Bay. This remained their habitat until they were removed to their
present reservation in Shawano County, Wisconsin. For history of this tribe,
see Wisconsin Historical Collections (especially vols, xvi and xvii); Hoffman,
"Menomini Indians," U. S. Bureau of Ethnology Report, 1892-93; Jenks,
'Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes," ibid., 1897-98.
No mention of such a barbarous custom as this is made by other writers.
Long may have been misinformed.— Ed. 184
Early Western Travels
a trader, and to have opened my heart to them on all
occasions; but now the [147] bad spirit has joined his
heart with theirs, to make me change my climate, which
I am glad of, for I am better known in the country I am
going to, and by greater warriors than ever these were.
I now look on all the chiefs as old women; and as I am
the Peshshekey (or buffalo), I shall chink my last with
them, and carry the news to the warriors in the other
Having attentively heard his speech, they prepared for
his death; which he perceiving, immediately told his
brother not to be disheartened, as he had hopes of overcoming their fury, and desired him to ply them with rum,
and keep their kettles constantly filled. His brother
followed the instructions he gave him, and distributed
the rum among them very plentifully. When Mr. Ramsay discovered that they were sufficiently intoxicated to
be incapable of doing mischief, he desired his brother to
cut his cords; and being released, assisted in pouring rum
down their throats till they were quite insensible. Fired
with resentment at their intended barbarity, he and his
brother cut all their throats, loaded his canoe with the
articles they had taken out, and paddled from shore as
fast as they could. The men hailed him at some distance, and were rejoiced to see him safe; and after arranging their cargo, pursued their journey into the Indian
country, by a different course.
I was informed Mr. Ramsay returned afterwards to
Michillimakinac, where he was congratulated by the
commanding officer on his fortunate escape; but he
never thought it prudent to go that route again.
About this time the Indian traders formed a company
of militia, which I joined with the rank of adjutant and 1768-1782]     y. Long's Voyages and Travels 185
lieutenant, under Captain [148] John Macnamara. In
the month of June 1780, news was brought from the
Mississippi, that the Indian traders had deposited their
furs at La Prairie des Chiens, or Dogs' Field, (where there
is a town of considerable note, built after the Indian
manner) under the care of Mons. Longlad, the king's
interpreter;82 and that the Americans were in great
force at the Illinois, a town inhabited by different nations,
at the back of the Kentuckey State, under the Spanish
government, who have a fort on the opposite shore, commanded by an officer and about twelve men, to prevent
illicit trade.88
The commanding officer at Michtllimakinac8* asked me
to accompany a party of Indians and Canadians to the
Mississippi, which I consented to with the utmost cheerfulness. We left the post with thirty-six Southern
Indians, of the Ottigaumies and Sioux nations, and
twenty85 Canadians, in nine  large  birch canoes, laden
82 On the cause of this action of the Indian traders, alarmed at the reprisals
being made by Spanish and Americans for the unsuccessful attack on St. Louis
by the British party from Mackinac, see Wisconsin Historical Collections, vii,
p. 176, note.
For biography of Charles Langlade, first Wisconsin settler, see Tassels
"Memoir," ibid., pp. 123-185.— Ed.
83 This is a somewhat confused reference to George Rogers Clark's occupation of the Illinois country, and alliance with the Spaniards who controlled
Louisiana. The fort here mentioned is St. Louis, for whose early history see vol.
iii of this series, Andre' Michaux's Journal, note T38. Spaniards were incensed
at the British traders' methods in Upper Louisiana during this period.— Ed.
84 The commandant at Mackinac was Patrick Sinclair, for whose biography
see Wisconsin Historical Collections, xi, p. 141, note. For documents dealing with
the Revolution in this region, see ibid., xi, pp. 97-212; and xii, pp. 49-55.— Ed.
86 The Outagamies, or Fox Indians (French, Renards), were first encountered by the French on Fox River, Wisconsin. A proud and warlike nation,
they refused to yield to the French yoke. The long series of wars waged by
them with the French was a great source of weakness to the colony of Canada,
and prepared the way for its downfall.    For the documents on these wars, see i86
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
■ fBsa
with Indian presents. After a march of three days I
was taken ill, which I attributed to hard living in the
Nipegon Country; considering, however, the urgency of
the business, and that there was not any one of the party
capable of acting as interpreter, I struggled with my indisposition; apprehending, also, that if I could not pursue
the journey, I should be exposed to great inconveniences;
and therefore I encreased my endeavours, determined to
risk my life at all hazards.
The fourth day we encamped at Lac les Puans, so
called, I apprehend, from the Indians who reside on the
banks being naturally filthy86— here we got plenty of
Wisconsin Historical Collections, xvi and xvii. Driven from their habitat in
Eastern Wisconsin, about 1740, the Foxes joined with their kindred, the Sauks,
and settled on the Mississippi, siding alternately with the British and Americans
during the wars of the Revolution and of 1812-15. One band of the Sauks
participated in the Black Hawk War (1832). At present the combined population of the Sauks and Foxes is about four hundred, located on a reservation
in Iowa.
The Sioux were the Minnesota branch of f\m. nation, under their chief
Wabasha, g\. v., post, note 87.— Ed.
88 Lac les Puans (Stinking Lake) was a name used by the French for Green
Bay. The origin of this term was long supposed to be either in the ill-smelling
shores or the filthy character of the native Puants (*. e., Winnebagoes). In
Wisconsin Historical Collections, xvi, p. 360, however, an early writer testifies
to the cleanliness of the Puants.
It appears that the original Algonquian name for these people, who are an
offshoot from the Sioux, was Ouinepeg, a word which has come down to us
in two forms — Winnipeg and Winnebago. The meaning of Ouinepeg was,
■' men of (or from) the fetid (or bad-smelling) water.'' It is probable that these
people may at one time have lived near a sulphur spring or on the shore of a
salt lake. The earliest French inferred that the allusion was to the ocean;
hence Nicolet's appearance among the Winnebagoes on Green Bay (1634)
attired as a mandarin, under the apprehension that these "Men of the Sea"—
as they were called in some of the earlier French accounts — were Chinamen.
Herein we have an illustration of the tenacity of the old theory that America was but an outlying portion of Asia. La Salle's post at La Chine, near
Montreal, which was so nicknamed because some thought it to be on the road
to China, is another case in point. When the "Men of the Sea" were discovered to be ordinary Indians, their Algonquian appellation Ouinepeg was trans- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
deer and bears, Indian corn, melons and other fruit.
The Southern Indians have more villages, and are better
civilized than the Northern, the climate being warm, and
nature more prolific, which [149] enables them to raise the
fruits of the earth without much labour. Their houses
are covered with birch bark, and decorated with bows and
arrows, and weapons of war. Their beds are bark and
matts made of rushes.
We pursued our voyage to Ouisconsin, a fine River,
with a strong current for about sixty leagues, which our
canoes ran down in a day and a half; and upon which we
saw an immense quantity of ducks, geese, and other
fowl. On this river we were obliged to unload our
canoes, in order to transport our goods across the portage,
about two miles in length. We encamped on the banks,
and intended setting off at break of day, but one of the
Indians was bitten by a rattlesnake, which Mr. Adah-
calls the bright inhabitant of the woods, and which had
fourteen rattles.
Mr. Beatty relates that as he was preaching to the
Indians and others, at a small house near Juniata River,
a rattle-snake crept into the room, but was happily discovered and killed; and before the people could well recover themselves, a snake of another kind was discovered
among the assembly, which was also killed without any
other detriment than disturbing the congregation, which
surprised him very much, as it was a matter of astonishment how these reptiles could crawl into the house without
lated by the French into a less complimentary term, "Puants" (Stinkards).
Given the name, the reputation of uncleanliness soon followed. The Jesuit
Relations frequently mentioned the matter; but by the time of the missionaries
the old term of "Men of the Sea" appears to have been forgotten. See Wisconsin Historical Collections, xvi, p. 3, note, for citations; also Thwaites, Stories
of the Badger State (New York, 1900), p. 30, for brief recital of the case.— Ed.
f 88
Early Western Travels
being offended by some one, and which also excites them
to bite.
The Indians say that when a woman is in labour, holding the tail of a rattle-snake in her hand, and shaking the
rattles, assists her delivery. It is always observable that
the Indians take out the bag which contains [150] the
poison of this venomous reptile, and carry it alive in their
medicine box when they go to war.
This unfortunate accident retarded our journey till
the unhappy sufferer relieved himself by cutting out the
wounded part from the calf of his leg, and applying salt
and gunpowder, and binding it up with the leaves of the
red willow tree; he was soon able to proceed, bearing the
pain with that fortitude for which the Savages are so
eminently distinguished.
At the close of the next day we encamped near the
river, and it rained very hard: the Indians made some
bark huts. One of them walking some distance in the
woods, discovered a small loghouse, in which he found a
white man, with his arms cut off, lying on his back. We
conjectured he had been settled at the spot, and killed by
a bad Indian, which must have happened very recently, as
he was not putrid.    Before our departure we buried him.
The next day we arrived at the Forks of the Mississippi,
where were two hundred Indians of the nation of the
Renards, or Foxes, on horseback, armed with spears,
bows and arrows. They did not seem pleased with our
appearance, which Warbishar, the chief of our band, told
me.87   Just before we landed they dismounted, and sur-
87 The Foxes had been largely won to the American interest by the efforts
of Godefroy Linctot, Sr., their trader at Prairie du Chien, and the emissaries of
George Rogers Clark from the Illinois country.
Wabasha was a famous Sioux chief, first mentioned by the French com- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
veyed us. The Sioux asked me if I was afraid; I told
them I had seen a greater number of Savages before, and
more wild than any of the Southern Indians. Warbishar
gave orders to strike ashore. As soon as we landed, the
Renards took our Indians by the hand, and invited them
into their camp. In the space of an hour they prepared a
feast, which consisted of five [151] Indian dogs, bear,
beaver, deer, mountain cat, and racoon, boiled in bear's
grease, and mixed with huckleberries. After the repast,
the Indians danced and sung. A council was then held,
when the chief of the Renards addressed Warbishar to
this effect.
"Brothers, we are happy to see you; we have no bad
heart against you; although we are not the same nation
by language, our hearts are the same: we are all Indians,
and are happy to hear our great Father has pity on us,
and sends us wherewithal to cover us, and enable us to
To which Warbishar made answer.—"It is true, my
children, our great Father has sent me this way to take
the skins and furs that are in the Dog's Field, under
captain Longlad's charge, least the Great Knives (meaning the Americans)88 should plunder them. I am come
with the white man (meaning me) to give you wherewithal to cover you, and ammunition to hunt.''
When the speech was finished, we immediately dis-
mandant in 1740. Being devoted to the British side, he was dignified with the
title of "general," and was received with honors of war at Mackinac. He
also visited Quebec several times, and was decorated by the British officials.
His village was near the present site of Winona, Minnesota. A son of the same
name participated in the War of 1812-15. The French called both these chiefs,
'' La Feuille.''— Ed.
88 On the origin of this term for Americans (Great Knives, Long Knives, or
Big Knives, indifferently) see Thwaites, Daniel Boone (New York, 1902), p.
in, note.— Ed. ■wl
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
tributed the presents, got our canoes into the water, and
left the Renards in the most friendly manner.
After seven days journey we arrived at La Prairie des
Chiens,*9 where we found the merchants' peltry, in
packs, in a loghouse guarded by captain Longlad and
some Indians, who were rejoiced to see us. After resting
some time, we took out about three hundred packs of the
best skins, and filled the canoes. Sixty more which remained, we burnt, to prevent the enemy from taking
them, having ourselves no [152] room to stow any more,
and proceeded on our journey back to Michillimakinac.
About five days after our departure, we were informed
that the Americans came to attack us, but to their extreme mortification we were out of their reach. Seventeen days after leaving La Prairie des Chiens, we arrived
at Lac les Puans, where we found a party of Indians encamped. The next day we embarked, and arrived at
Micliillimakinac, after an absence of eighty days. Soon
after my return, I waited on the commanding officer,
expecting payment for my services; but was referred for
satisfaction to the Indian traders, from whom I never
received any compensation.
By this means I was left destitute even of the necessaries
of life; but I did not remain long in this uncomfortable
situation, for I soon found protection and support among
the Indians; but as their assistance would not afford the
means to appear in civil society, I was under the necessity
of soliciting friendship from the merchants, to enable me
to return to Montreal, which I fortunately obtained.   I
88 This must mean seven days' journey either from Mackinac or Green
Bay, for Prairie du Chien is situated at the confluence of the Wisconsin with the
Mississippi. On the early settlement of Prairie du Chien, which was named
for a chief of the Fox tribe called "Chien," see Wisconsin Historical Collections, ix, pp. 282-302.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
left Michillimakinac in the beginning of September, and
arrived at Montreal on the 27th of the same month.
I embraced the first opportunity to call on my old
master, expecting to find him in good health, but alas!
he had paid the debt of nature, and was succeeded by his
nephew, who had been cotemporary clerk with me.
He permitted me to lodge at his house for a fortnight, but
a few days after my abode with him, my situation being
different from what I had experienced during the life
of my old master, I asked him to fit me out with an assortment of goods for the Indian trade, and promised to remit
him payment in furs. He told me I was welcome to any
[153] goods he had in his store that would suit me, but on
examining the stock, all the merchandise proper for the
Savages was disposed of, and nothing left that would answer any profitable purpose.
I then left his house, returning him thanks for his
civility; and having procured pecuniary assistance from
a friend, took lodgings in the town, where I stayed some
time. I then went to Quebec, where a gentleman accidentally hearing that I was out of employ, and knowing
that I could speak the Indian languages, sent for me and
engaged me in his service, to go among the Indians at
Lake Temiscaming,90 or any other situation I might think
most eligible for commerce.
•"Lake Temiscaming lies near the source of the Ottawa River, on the
boundary between Quebec and Ontario. The savages near here were wandering tribes of rude Algonkins, who traded indifferently with Canada or Hudson
Bay.— Ed. 4
m, t     in ml
[154] Leave Quebec — Description of the Loretto Indians;
some Remarks relative to an Assertion, that the American
Indians have no Beards.— Mistake the Mercury Packet
of Quebec for an American Privateer.— Proceed on our
Journey, and arrive at our Winter Residence.— Description of several Sorts of Snakes.— Meet with great
Success, and soon complete our Traffic.— Return to
Being furnished with a proper assortment of merchandise, I left Quebec, and proceeded to Tadousac,81 which
is at the end of the Saguenay River, near the River
St. Laurence. About nine miles from Quebec there is a
village inhabited by the Loretto Indians, who are properly of the nation of the Hurons.*2 They embraced
Christianity, through the means of the Jesuits, and
follow the Catholic religion. The women have remarkable good voices, and sing hymns in their own language
most charmingly. They cultivate the ground, and bring
the produce to market; and in their manners they are the
most innocent and harmless of all the Savages in North
America. Their houses are decent, and built after the
Canadian fashion; they are an exception to the generality
of Indians,- seldom drinking any spirituous liquors; they
are for the most part tall, robust people, and well shaped;
have short black hair, which is shaved off the forehead
from ear to ear, and wear neither caps nor hats.   With
81 Tadoussac, at the entrance of the Saguenay River, is one of the oldest
trading stations on the St. Lawrence, having been founded before Quebec. It
was the site of an early Jesuit mission begun before 1642. A church built for
the mission (1747-50), is still standing.— Ed.
82 The mission colony of the Hurons at Lorette was established by the
Jesuits on their seigniory in 1673. There is still a settlement of these Indians
near this place.— Ed.
m 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
regard to their beards, though they are scarcely visible,
they have them in common with all the tribes of Savages;
but having an aversion to excrescences, they carefully
pluck [155] out every hair from the upper jaw and chin
with brass wire, which they twist together in the form of
pincers; and it is well known that all traders carry out
that article of commerce for this express purpose.
Baron de la Hontan seems to have been much mistaken
when, in speaking of the Savages, he says that they have
no beards. Lord Kaims was also in the same error, when
he asserted there is not a single hair on an Indian's body,
excepting the eyelashes, eyebrows, and hair of the head,
and that there is no appearance of a beard.
This observation Mr. James Adair remarks is utterly
void of foundation, as can be attested by all who have
had any communication with them; and major Robert
Rogers,93 who certainly knew the Indians as well as any
man, says that they totally destroy their beards; which
proves beyond a doubt that they are not naturally imbarbes-
I have been led into these observations from the perusal
of Lord Kaims's Sketches of the History of Man,94 who
not only insists that the Indians have no beards, but
builds on the hypothesis to prove a local creation.
Tadousac is on the sea side, north of the River St.
Laurence, and inhabited by a few Indians called mountaineers, who live chiefly on fish;95 and one trader, clerk
to the gentleman in whose service I was engaged.
83 For biographical sketch of Robert Rogers, see vol. i, Croghan's Journals,
note 61. Long here refers to his work, Concise Account of North America
(London, 1765).— Ed.
94 Henry Home, Lord Karnes, a famous Scotch jurist, published Sketches
of History of Man (Edinburgh, 1774).— Ed.
96 The Montagnais Indians — so called from their habitat, the mountainous
country north and east of Quebec — were an Algonquian tribe, much in con- 194
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
There is a French clergyman and a church for the
Indians, who are all Catholics. At this village I remained
a fortnight, during which [156] time the American privateers were continually cruizing about. One morning
there was a great fog, but we could just discern at a small
distance a vessel: this alarmed the priest and the Indians.
My brother Englishman (the trader who was settled here)
joined with me in soliciting the Indians to stand their
ground, which the priest strongly opposed, though paid
by the British government. This incensed me, and I
insisted on taking some of his flock with me to reconnoitre,
and endeavour to discover what vessel she was, though I
had strong suspicions she was an American privateer.
We went towards the shore, but could not discover the
number of guns she mounted; we returned to our camp,
and all the Indians at my request accompanied me to
attack her. We embarked in canoes, dressed alike, and
as we approached perceived she lay at anchor, and was a
vessel of inconsiderable force, mounting only eight small
swivels. I immediately went on one side of her, and
directed the Indians to the other, to inclose her as much
as we could. Having reached the vessel, I took hold of a
rope and went on board; the captain was alarmed, and
his fears were increased when he saw himself surrounded
with canoes, filled with Savages armed with guns and
tomahawks; however, he advanced towards me, and
clapping me on the shoulder, asked what I wanted ? I
was too politic to make any reply at that time. He then
asked me, if I would have some biscuit? I replied,
caween, or no.   He shook his head, as much as to say, I
tact with the French colonists. They still roam through their ancient territory,
hunting and fishing, and acting as guides to scientific and sporting parties.
They have a reservation on Lake St. John.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
wish I could know what you want. The Indians then
came on board, and the captain having only seven men,
and our number being upwards of forty, well armed, did
not know how to act, but, probably willing to please me,
ordered his men to get some biscuit and rum. Whilst
the sailors were gone, I perceived she was an English vessel, and then asked the captain in English to whom she
belonged; he was very agreeably surprised, [157] told
me his name was Allcrow, and that he commanded the
Mercury Packet of Quebec. This information gave me
occasion to rejoice we did not take rough means; and
when I communicated the intelligence to the Indians they
were highly pleased, and shook hands with the captain.
The captain then accompanied us to shore in our
canoes, and we landed at our encampment. We afterwards went to the priest's house, where we dined. Mr.
Martin, the priest, and myself were invited on board the
next day, when we had an excellent repast, with plenty of
wine and other liquors. Unfortunately we drank too
freely, and returning in the evening, the priest began to
be very angry with me for encouraging the Savages; this
reprehension, with his former conduct, incensed me exceedingly, and in the heat of passion I threw him overboard, but by the assistance of the sailors he was saved.
On our landing, our contest led us to blows, but we were
soon parted. When we were recovered from intoxication, we shook hands, and afterwards remained good
The next day the Indians were seized with an epidemic
fever, which deprived them of the use of their limbs, and
occasioned a delirium. The disorder attacked me very
severely, but by the friendly assistance of Mr. Martin, who
had a medicine chest, in about three weeks I recovered.
■ail 196
Early Western Travels
The winter now advancing very rapidly, and the unavoidable delay at this post, obliged me to proceed on my
journey on snow shoes, carrying all my goods on Indian
slays, through the woods, and over [158] high mountains.
We travelled twenty-one days, on a deep snow, about
one hundred leagues through the Saguenay country,
which was very fatiguing, till we arrived at a place called
Ghecootimy;98 about half way up the river on which it
stands the salt water ebbs and flows. Only a few Indians
reside here, and one Indian trader, with whom I wintered,
and hunted, killing a great many animals. Early in the
spring I took my leave of him, and being furnished with
canoes, pursued my journey to St. John's Lake; from
thence to Panebacash River, to Lake Shaboomoochoine,
which lies north-east of Lake Arbitibis about the distance
of seven days Indian march.97
Near the Falls of Panebacash River I landed, and
ascended a high mountain, to survey a large cave, about
two hundred yards deep, and three yards wide at the
mouth. Here I picked up a piece of ore, about three
inches square; the exterior crust was black and very thin,
and when broke, appeared yellow. I brought it to Quebec,
but by some accident lost it, which I lamented exceedingly,
88 Chicoutimi, at the head of navigation of Saguenay River, was early settled, a mission church being built there in 1726. It has but recently become
a place of importance, being not only the chief trading station for the entire
Saguenay region, where settlement has commenced to be permanent, but the
seat of large salmon fisheries and of extensive wood-pulp mills; small ocean
vessels are now laden with pulp at Chicoutimi docks, carrying the product to
English, French, and American ports.— Ed.
87 After leaving Lake St. John, Long followed its sources westward, and
portaged over the Height of Land into the present Northeast Territory — a
region now nearly as unknown and unexplored as it was then. Modern maps
are not helpful regarding Long's route.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
as some of my friends to whom I shewed it were of opinion
that it was very valuable.
This journey was farther inland, by near eighty leagues,
than any trader had ever been, the only settlement in that
part of Canada being at St. Peter's Lake, where a French
house was formerly established, and where an English
trader, who was employed by the merchants in whose
service I was engaged, resided.
I arrived at Lake Shaboomoochoine on the 26th of
May, 1781, where I intended only to stay a few days;
but some Indians arrived who assured me that it would
answer my purpose to winter, and promised [159] to supply me with fish, furs, and skins. This induced me to remain here; and I built a house suitable for my business,
and kept two Indians with their wives to hunt for me.
On the 29th we set our nets, and in about four hours
caught abundance of large trout, pike, maskenonjey,
pickerill, and white fish, and as the country abounded
with wild fowl, we were never without two courses at
table, with roots for garden stuff.
On the 17th of June a band of Indians arrived, who
were agreeably surprised to see a trader at a place
where no one had settled before, and they were particularly delighted when they heard me speak their own
During my residence here I saw a great many snakes;
and one day in particular as I was walking in the woods,
I discovered one of those reptiles in the grass; the instant
I perceived it, I cut a long stick and dropt it gently on
the snake's head; it immediately moved, and I could hear
the rattles very distinctly. Whilst I was surveying the
brightness of its colours, which were inexpressibly beautiful, it was coiling itself round like a rope to dart at me;
m± 198
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
this warned me of my danger, and I took the taper end of
the stick, and let the heavy end fall on its head; the weight
of the blow stunned it, and seizing this opportunity, I
struck it again, which killed it. I measured it, and
judged the length to be at least five feet and an half, and
the thickest part about four inches in circumference,
with nine rattles on the tail, which agreeable to the
general observation, made his age nine years; but I believe this is not an established fact, as it is uncertain at
what time the rattle begins to appear.
[160] The flesh of this reptile is delicious, and I have
frequently eaten of it with great gout. I have seen the
Indians poison it with the juice of tobacco.
Whilst I am on the subject, though not quite connected with it, I shall make some observations on the
turkey and black water snake.
The turkey snake is longer than the rattle snake, with
stripes on the back, and a spear at the end of its tail like
an anchor, and a double row of teeth in each jaw. It
takes its name from its voice, which resembles the note of
a wild turkey. In the Mississippi it feeds on wild rice,
which grows among long grass, bearing its head frequently erect, and makes a noise like a turkey to decoy
it; as the bird approaches, the snake darts its tail into
it, and makes it an easy prey.
Trie black water snake is used by the Indians when
they go to war; they pull out the teeth, tie the head and
tail together, and fasten it round their bodies, which soon
kills it. They take it off every night, and put it on every
In travelling from Toniata Creek, on the River St.
Laurence to Pimetiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario,
I saw one of these snakes swimming with a flat fish in its 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
mouth, which I had the good fortune to shoot, and released the prisoner from the jaws of death.98
I kept a flag constantly flying at my little fort, which the
Indians paid respect to by a salute from their guns.
The band who were at this time with me held a council,
and made me a present of two very large [161] beaver
robes, and several valuable skins, with plenty of provisions, for which I supplied them with tobacco, rum,
trinkets, and ammunition. Two days after they left me,
and desired me to wait their return, which I promised,
provided they would bring me furs and skins to load the
canoes, and they should be repaid with Indian goods. As
I depended on their punctuality, I remained perfectly
I was then left with two white men, and two Indians
and their wives. We passed our time in hunting and
fishing; and as there were a great many small islands near
us, we made frequent trips to shoot wild fowl, which
enabled us to keep a good table. On one of the islands
we discovered two Indian huts, but from their appearance no person had visited them for a length of time.
About half a mile from the place we saw a high pole,
daubed over with vermilion paint; on the top were placed
three human skulls, and the bones hung round: the
Indians supposed it had been erected many years. About
an hour before sun setVe returned to our wigwam. The
next morning, in the absence of the Indians, the Canadians assisted me in mixing the rum, and assorting the
goods,   to   be   prepared   against   the   arrival  of   the
88 The true rattlesnake (crotatus horridus) is not found in Canada. The
one here alluded to is the cauMsona tergemina. The age is not indicated by the
number of the rattles. The black water-snake was probably the tropidonatus
sipedon, which feeds on fish, and is an expert swimmer, although not a true
water-snake.   The "turkey snake" cannot be identified.— Ed.
l 200
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Savages, and to fill up the time, which hung heavy on
our hands.
On the 24th of June, a band of Indians arrived from
Lake Arbitibis, who brought a considerable quantity
of excellent furs and skins, with dried meat, which I
bartered for. When the bargain was made, I gave them
some rum, as usual upon such occasions, which, after
their long march, highly delighted them. They drank
very plentifully, as I had exceeded the common donation,
but their cargo deserved it; and I always found it my
interest to be generous to them upon a barter.
[162] On their departure, taking an Indian for my
guide, I made a visit to a brother trader, one hundred and
fifty miles from my settlement. I stayed with him about
a fortnight, and was on the point of returning, when two
Indians came to inform me, by the desire of my Canadians, that a band of Savages waited for me. In about
five days we returned, and I bartered for all their furs.
On the 16th of July, about fifty Savages came with their
spring hunt, which I also bartered for, though the peltry
was very inferior to what is collected in winter; but as I
was determined to make as good a season as possible, I
was eager to avail myself of every opportunity to increase
my stock.
The latter end of the month, the band who had promised to return came in, and fulfilled their promise, bringing a large quantity of furs, which, with the stock I had
collected during their absence, was as much as my canoes
would hold. They also brought intelligence that the
Hudson's Bay Company had been pillaged of their furs
by the French.99
99 This was the expedition of La Perouse, who in the summer of 1782
captured Fort Prince of Wales and York factory. See Wilson, The Great
Company (Toronto, 1899), pp. 320-326.— Ed. BHHi
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Early in the month of August I made up my packs, and
embarked for Quebec, where I arrived in about six weeks,
to the great joy of my employers, who, from my long absence, were very uneasy; however, the cargo fully satisfied
them, and convinced them of my industry and integrity
in their service. Being persuaded I had undergone great
fatigue, they made me a handsome present above my
salary, and I quitted their service, and the Indian life,
with a resolution to endeavour to procure an employ less
hazardous, and where I could partake [163] of the pleasures of society with less fatigue both of body and mind.
I remained some time at Quebec, and intended to pass
my winter there, but my money being nearly exhausted,
and my mind not reconciled to another Indian voyage, I
returned to Montreal, where I found friends to supply
my wants till the spring following.
I [164] Visit Fort George.— Remarkable Instance of Courage in a Mohawk Indian.— Return to England.— Enter into a new Engagement, and return to Canada, with
Merchandise for the Indian Commerce.
In May I took a trip to Fort George, situated on a lake
of the same name, called by the French, Saint Sacrement,
where I stayed with some of the Mohawks, who were
encamped there.100 In the beginning of the French and
Indian war in 1757, there was a remarkable instance of
resolution and cool deliberate courage in one of these
Savages, occasioned by a sentence being passed upon a
soldier to receive five hundred lashes for intoxication.
An Indian known by the name of Silver Heels, from
his superior agility, as well as his admirable finesse in
the art of war, and who had killed more of the enemy than
any one of the tribes in alliance with Great Britain, accidentally came into the fort just before the soldier was
to receive his punishment, and expressed his displeasure
that a man should be so shamefully disgraced. He went
up to the commanding officer, and asked him what crime,
the soldier had committed: the officer not chusing to be
questioned, ordered one of his men to send Silver Heels
away, and to inform him that the company of Indians
100 Lake George was originally named Lac du St. Sacrement; by the Jesuit
missionary and martyr Isaac Jogues, who was there in 1646. On his expedition of 1755, Sir William Johnson changed the name in honor of his king.
Lakes George and Champlain were of strategic importance in all the French
wars, and that of the Revolution. Fort George was a small post on an
eminence a half mile southeast of- Fort William Henry, built in 1759 after
the destruction of the latter. Abandoned temporarily during Burgoyne's
invasion, the garrison were surprised and captured by Carleton (October,
1780), and the fortification destroyed. New York State has appropriated the
land around the ruins of this fort for Fort George Battle Park.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
was not agreeable on such occasions; Wal wat or, Oh!
oh! replied the Savage, but what is the warrior tied up
for? For getting drunk, answered [165] the soldier:—
Is that all ? said Silver Heels, then provide another set of
halberts, and tie up your chief, for he gets drunk twice a
day. Having said so, he instantly left the fort, telling
the soldier he should quickly return, to endeavour to
prevent the punishment being inflicted. Soon after the
delinquent was tied up, and the drummers in waiting to
obey orders, Silver Heels returned; and going up to the
officer, with a tomahawk and scalping knife, said to him,
Father, are you a warrior, or do you only think yourself
so ? If you are brave, you will not suffer your men to
strike this soldier whilst I am in this fort. Let me advise
you not to spill the good English blood which to-morrow
may be wanted to oppose an enemy.— The officer, turning
upon his heel, answered with an indignant look, that the
soldier had transgressed, and must be flogged.— Well!
replied Silver Heels, then flog him, and we shall soon see
whether you are as brave a warrior as an Indian.
About two days after the officer was riding some distance from the fort, and Silver Heels was lying flat on his
stomach, according to his usual custom when he watched
to surprize an enemy. The officer passed without perceiving him, when he instantly sprung up, and laying
hold of the horse's bridle, told the officer to dismount and
fight him. The officer judging it improper to risk his life
against a Savage, refused to dismount, and endeavoured
to spur his horse. Silver Heels perceiving his intention,
tomahawked the horse, who fell down suddenly, and the
officer rolled on the ground without being hurt. Now,
says Silver Heels, we are on equal terms, and, as you have
a brace of pistols and a sword, you cannot have any ob-
1 i :
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[Vol. 2
jection to fight me. The officer still refusing, Silver
Heels told him, that he thought himself a warrior when
he ordered one of his white slaves to be flogged for a [166]
breach of martial law, but that he had now forgot the
character he then assumed, or he certainly would have
fought him: and looking very sternly, added, that he had a
great mind to make him change his climate; but as that
mode of proceeding would not answer his purpose, and
sufficiently expose him among his brother warriors, he
might walk home as soon as he pleased; and that to-morrow morning he would come to the fort with the horse's
scalp, and relate the circumstance. The officer was
rejoiced to escape so well, though he was obliged to walk
a distance of three miles.
The next morning Silver Heels arrived, and asked to
see the officer, but was denied admission into his presence.
Some of his brother officers came out, and enquired his
business; he related to them the circumstance between
the officer and himself, and exhibited the trophy; adding,
that to-morrow he intended going to war, and should
make a point of taking an old woman prisoner, whom he
should send to take the command of the fort, as the great
chief was only fit to fight with his dog, or cat, when he was
eating, lest they should have more than him. Then
asking for some rum (which was given him), he left the
fort to fulfil his promise, but was soon after killed in an
engagement, fighting manfully at the head of a party of
Mohawks, near the Bloody Pond, joining to Lord Loudon's road, in the way to Albany.
Just before the frost set in, I returned to Montreal, and
visited my old Cahnuaga friends, where I amused myself
in the Indian way, as I always preferred their society to
the Canadians; notwithstanding, I occasionally mixed in 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
more civilized amusements, and as I danced tolerably
well, my company was generally sought after.
[167] The Canadians are particularly fond of dancing,
from the seigneur to the habitant; and though the meaner
sort of people do not excel in it, there is a peculiar ease,
and careless indifference, which, though it appears too
rustic, is far from being disagreeable. The beverage on
these occasions is sour Spanish red wine, called black
strap; and this, homely as it would be thought in more
refined assemblies, is there considered as a very handsome manner of treating their friends.
The winter being passed, I determined to go to Quebec,
and endeavour to get a passage to England, not having
any prospect of a permanent settlement in Canada. On
my arrival I put up at a tavern, and lived as moderately
as possible, from necessity more than inclination; for
every one knows that Indian traders, like sailors, are
seldom sufficiently prudent to save much money. Fortunately for me, I met with an old school-fellow at Quebec, a captain of a ship, whom I had not seen for sixteen
years. To him I communicated my distressed situation,
and by him was generously relieved. In addition to this
act of kindness, he promised me a free passage to England
on board his vessel, which offer I accepted with pleasure
and gratitude.
Having fixed the time of his departure, I took the post,
and went to Montreal to settle my affairs: I then returned
to Quebec, from whence we sailed the nth day of October, 1783, and put into Newfoundland. When we came
in sight of harbour, several of us requested permission to
take the long boat, and row on shore, which was granted;
but it being a dead calm, we made very little way. We
had not left the ship more than a league, when a south-
m 2o6
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[Vol. 2
west wind sprang up, and retarded us considerably. In
the evening the wind abated, and with hard rowing [168]
we reached the shore about midnight, both fatigued and
hungry. Early in the morning the ship came into harbour, and had suffered some damage by beating about in
the night, which induced the captain to dispose of the
cargo. On the 9th of November we felt Newfoundland,
on board another vessel: our passage was favourable,
without any remarkable occurrence, and we arrived in
London the 30th of the same month.
My native city, upon my arrival, appeared like a new
world to me, having been absent from England fifteen
years; and it was with difficulty I found any of my old
friends,' the greatest part of them in such a length of
time being dead.
In February, 1784,1 entered into an engagement with a
relation to return to Canada; and being furnished with a
cargo, left London on the 15th of April following. On
the 20th we got under weigh, and put into Portsmouth,
to take in wines. After a bad and tedious passage of
eleven weeks, we arrived safe at Quebec, from whence
my goods were sent to Montreal in small craft. Unfortunately the season was too far advanced to suffer me
to attempt going to MichiUimakinac, and wintering in
the inlands, as I had no prospect of providing suitable
canoes; nor were my goods properly assorted, and there
was not time sufficient to arrange them, so as to make
the intended voyage. This induced me to consult a
friend upon the occasion, who advised me to dispose of my
goods at public vendue, which I did, at very great loss, so
that I could only remit my friend in London a very small
sum in part of payment. In this adventure nothing succeeded to my wishes, for by my credulity, and being will- 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 207
ing to retrieve, if possible, the loss I had sustained, I soon
[169] increased my difficulties, so that in a few months
after my arrival, all my schemes failing, I was left totally
In February, 1785, I quitted Montreal, and walked
from La Prairie to St. John's,101 where I accidentally
found a friend who supplied me with money to go to
New York. I proceeded to Stony Point, where I
stayed two days with some loyalist officers, some of whom
accompanied me to Crown Point, where we also stayed
three days.102 We then parted company, and I hired a
slay, which carried me safely to New York, where I
took a lodging, and lived as moderately as I could.
During my residence there, I met a Loretto Savage,
called Indian John, who had been in the American service all the war, and who waited to receive a reward
for his fidelity, as the Congress were then sitting. He
told me he had been at war for them nine years, had
killed a great many of their enemies, and had only received a gun, two blankets, three pieces of Indian gartering, and one hundred dollars in paper money, which
he could not make use of; and as I understood his language
he desired me to render him service by interpreting for
101 For a description of the road from St. Johns on the Richelieu River, at
the outlet of Lake Champlain — where the French built a fort in 1748 — to
La Prairie on the St. Lawrence, see Kalm, Travels in North America (London,
2nd ed., 1772), ii, pp. 2T9-223.— Ed.
102 Crown Point, called by the French Pointe au Chevalure (scalp point),
was fortified by the latter nation in 1731, as their advanced post (Fort St.
Frecleric) on the northern frontier. During the French and Indian War it
was twice attacked by the English; but the French retained possession until
Amherst's expedition (1759), when Fort St. Fre'deric was abandoned and
destroyed. Amherst began here extensive fortifications, the ruins of which
still exist. Crown Point was captured by the Americans in 1775, and restored
to the British in 1776. After 1780 it was dismantled and fell into decay, so that
Long could have found but deserted quarters at this place.— Ed.
m I
s=- .     -   „- = 208
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I if:
him to the governor. I desired him to call at my lodgings, and in the mean time I wrote down the circumstances
he had related to me, that I might be prepared, in case I
was sent for at a short notice.
A few days after he explained to me more fully the
nature of his claim, and how he had been trifled with by
Congress. I asked him his reasons for engaging in the
American service; he told me that at the commencement
of the war, the Big Knives (meaning the Americans), had
advised him to turn his heart from the English, and promised to supply all his [170] wants; and, as an additional
inducement, that they would pay a better price for a
scalp than had been usually given, and at the close of the
war he should have land and stock sufficient to maintain
himself and family: but he was now convinced they only
meant to serve themselves, as he had frequently applied
for a performance of their promises without success; and
that he was determined to get satisfaction some way or
I told him I was not sorry for his disappointments;
that he was a bad Indian for deserting his good father,
who lived on the other side the great water, and who
was universally beloved by all who knew him, particularly by the Loretto nation; and as the subjects of this
great and good father lived near his village, and gave
every proof of their love and friendship to his nation,
which he could not be ignorant of, I was surprized that
he should suffer his heart to be moved by the changeable
winds, and was sorry to add, that I believed he was the
only Loretto Indian with two minds, and therefore
I was unwilling to say any thing in his behalf before
These remarks on his conduct seemed to affect him, 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
and he replied, that he hoped, notwithstanding he had
deserted the cause of his great father, he should find me
his friend to attend him when his affair should be taken
under consideration by Congress, as he had not any one
in New York who could serve him so essentially. I told
him, that in spite of my just displeasure, his situation had
melted my heart, and I would not refuse his request.
In about four days he came to acquaint me that Congress were then sitting, and he believed they would pay
his demand if I would go [171] with him, and interpret to
the governor; but having taken an active part against the
Americans during the war, I would willingly have been
excused. On bis urging my promise to him, I could not
resist, and immediately accompanied him to the council,
where Governor Franklin was president, who asked me if
I knew Indian John; I told him, only by seeing him at
New York, and that I came at his particular request to
speak in his behalf. He desired me to assure the Indian
that he might depend on having his demand satisfied
in a few days, and to make his mind easy: this I communicated to him, with which he seemed perfectly
Soon after he was sent for, and he received an order
on a merchant for one hundred dollars, which being
presented for payment, was not honoured: this incensed
John, and he desired me to tell the merchant, that the
Congress and their agents were all thieves. The merchant excused himself by saying that the treasury was
very poor, and could not immediately satisfy every demand.
The next day John went again to the governor, and
having acquainted him with the refusal of the draft, received an order on another merchant, which was duly M'<M
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honoured.108 John's heart was quite elated, and in less
than ten days he had disposed of all the money, like a
true Indian, principally in drink.
My interference in favour of the Indian made me well
known, and procured me an introduction to a respectable
mercantile house, from which I got credit for the Indian
trade. Having arranged my cargo, I proceeded in a
vessel to Albany, where I arrived on the 18th of June.
[172] At this place I unloaded my goods, and got them
conveyed in a waggon to Schenectady, where I purchased
two boats. On the 6th of July I proceeded up the Mohawk River, to the German Flats, where I stayed three
days; during which time a band of Oneida Indians came
and solicited me to winter at their village, which was
about ten days march from Fort Stanwix. I complied
with their request, and set off with twenty-eight horses to
carry my baggage, being obliged to travel through the
woods, and sold my boats to satisfy those from whom I
hired the horses. I arrived safe at the village with all my
goods, but finding the plan was not likely to turn out
advantageous, after a residence with them three weeks,
I bartered for the few skins they had, and having re-purchased my boats, I left my Indian friends, proceeding
immediately to the Jenesee Lake, where I arrived on the
14th of September.
Having landed and secured my goods, I ordered my
men to prepare a house.   The chiefs, on hearing of my
108 This incident indicates the low state of the credit of the United States.
Congress passed the act for the relief of this Indian, April 8, 1785, as follows:
"On report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Howell, Mr. Long, and Mr.
Holton, to whom was referred a petition of John Vincent, an Indian of the
Huron tribe, Resolved, That in consideration of the faithful services of John
Vincent, an Indian of the Huron tribe, in the course of the late war, he be
allowed and paid by the commissioners of the treasury, the sum too dollars."—
Journals of Congress (Philadelphia, 1801), x, p. 82.— Ed. WBflj
1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 211
arrival, assembled, and came up to me, accompanied by
their young men, expecting presents, which I was obliged
to make; and I asked permission to stay on their ground.
Some consented, and others disapproved; at the last,
after consulting each other, they told me I might go on
with the building. The men immediately proceeded
with cheerfulness and dispatch, in hopes of finishing the
business before their return; but how transitory are all
human events! whilst the men were at work, some Indians
came in great haste to desire my attendance at the council
fire, which was at a small distance from my intended place
of residence. I obeyed the summons, and sat down by
the chiefs, when one of them rose up, and addressed me
to the following effect.
[173] "You are the Sugar, for so you are called in our
tongue, but you must not have too much sweetness on
your lips. All the Oneida Indians say they have heard
that you are only come under a pretence to get our lands
from us; but this must not be, my young warriors will
not suffer any Englishman to settle here. You are like
the great chief, General Johnson, who asked for a spot
of ground, or large bed, to lie on; and when Hendrick, the
chief of the Mohawks, had granted his request, he got
possession of a great quantity of our hunting grounds;
and we have reason to think that you intend to dream us
out of our natural rights.104 We loved Sir William, and
therefore consented to all his requests; but you are a
stranger, and must not take these liberties: therefore,
104 Hendrick was the well-known Mohawk chief, born about 1680, whose
friendship for the English and especially for Sir William Johnson kept his tribe
firm in the English alliance during the French wars. Hendrick lived at Cana-
joharie in the Mohawk Valley. At the Albany Conference (1754). be was one
of the most prominent negotiators; but was killed in the battle of Lake George
the following year.— Ed.
I 212
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[Vol. 2
my advice is, that you depart to-morrow at break of day,
or you will be plundered by the young warriors, and it
will not be in our power to redress you.''
As I have mentioned a council, I shall describe the
form of a house erected for that purpose near Fort Pitt.
The building is long, with two fires in it at a proper distance from each other, without any chimney or partition:
the entry into the house is by two doors, one at each end:
over the door the figure of a turtle was drawn, which is
the ensign of the particular tribe: on each doorpost was
cut out the face of an old man, an emblem of that gravity
and wisdom that every senator ought to be possessed of.
On each side, the whole length of the house witbin, is a
platform, or bed, five feet wide, raised above the floor
one foot and a half, made of broad pieces of wood split,
which serves equally for a bed to sleep on, and a place
to sit down. It is covered with a handsome mat made of
rushes, and at the upper end of the building the king, or
great chief sat.
[174] To return from this digression,— We baled up our
goods, and proceeded to Fort Oswego, which I attempted
to pass, but was prevented by a centinel, who informed me
that no batteau with goods could pass without the commanding officer's permission. I told him I was not an
American, and would wait on him to know if he had issued
such orders. I travelled in my Indian dress, and left my
men at the landing, about a mile and a half from the
garrison. I paid my respects to him, and acquainted
him with my situation: he told me he should be very
happy to oblige me, but that it was impossible to pass the
fort without proper credentials; and as I had them not,
he desired me to return to the United States, to prevent 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 213
my goods being seized. Notwithstanding this friendly
advice, I was determined to run the risk, and, to my
extreme mortification, they all were seized by the customhouse officers, by them deposited in the king's warehouse,
and afterwards condemned.
In this distressed situation, and very ill in health, I went
down in a king's boat to Cataraqui, where I arrived on
the 8th of November, and took up my abode at Mr.
Howell's tavern. My indisposition increasing, T was
obliged to keep to my blankets, and had only one faithful
squaw to attend me. In this miserable state I lay some
time, expecting every hour to change my climate, though
determined to use every endeavour to effect a recovery.
At this interesting period my correspondent arrived from
England, and notwithstanding the losses he had sustained by my imprudence, performed the part of a good
Samaritan, pouring oil and wine into my wounds; and
finding my disorder required medical assistance, desired
a surgeon to attend me, and I was soon sufficiently recovered to pursue my journey to La Chine, where I
remained some months in preparing the goods which he
brought from England [175] for a North-west journey
among the Indians, intending to go next spring to Michillimakinac; mais la mauvaise fortune qui nous poursuivit
toujours, frustrated all our schemes, and obliged us to
leave La Chine on the 26th of May, 1786, from whence
we proceeded in a large Schenectady boat105 to Oswe-
gatche, where we stopped a few hours, and landed at a
place called Toniata Creek, where I determined to apply
106 Schenectady boats were long, narrow, flat-bottoms, propelled by small
and ungainly sails, or by iron-shod poles. They were so named from being
first built at Schenectady, and were much used in the shallow water navigation
of Western New York and the Upper St. Lawrence.— Ed. 214
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[Vol. 2
for five hundred acres of land as a loyalist settler;109
which being granted me by government, I immediately
felled timber to build a house for the accommodation of
Indians, in hopes of deriving considerable advantages by
In a few days the Indians came to trade with us, which
gave us encouragement, and at the same time flattered
us with the pleasing ideas of succeeding in commerce:
but some affairs requiring my friend's attendance at
Montreal, trade suffered a temporary suspense, and at
bis return he told me that we must leave our quarters,
for he was apprehensive of a seizure for an English debt.
In this cruel dilemma, flight was our only security,
and we embarked all our goods on board a large batteau,
and proceeded to Pimitiscotyan landing upon Lake
Ontario, where we entered a creek, and found accommodation at a trader's house. The next morning we prepared a house for trade, and for some days went on successfully; but our happiness was of short duration, for an
officer pursued us, and took possession of all the effects
he could find, even to the tent which sheltered us from
the weather, and carried them down to Montreal, where
they were sold for less than one fourth part of their
original cost and charges.— Thus circumstanced, without any property to trade with, we came down [176] to
the Bay of Kenty, and resided there ten months among
the loyalist settlers, whose hospitality tended to soften the
rigour of distress, and alleviate my sorrows.   Early in
too -j<ne Canadian government was at this period granting large areas of
land north of the St. Lawrence, and of Lake Ontario, to the Loyalists of the
United States, who were removing thither. Two hundred acres were given
to each settler; and higher amounts, according to rank, to those who had served
in the British army. See Canniff, History of the Settlement of Upper Canada
(Toronto, 1869).— Ed. 1768-i 782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 215
spring, 1786, we crossed over to Carlton Island, and from
thence to Fort Oswego, intending to go into the United
States by that post; but not having any pass, we were not
allowed to pursue our journey. In this mortifying
situation I advised my friend to adopt another plan, and
procured a conveyance to Salmon Creek, about twenty
miles from the Fort. Here we rested one day, and with
five pounds of pork, and two loaves of bread, we set off
on foot, escorted by a squaw, expecting to reach Fort
Stanwix in about four days; but the old path was entirely obliterated, and we were obliged to return in the
evening to the creek, disappointed in the attempt. Unwilling to make another effort, we agreed to return to
Fort Oswego, and though the distance was not more than
twenty miles, we were six days before we reached the
In this expedition my friend suffered great hardships,
not being accustomed to sleep in the woods; and having
also a knapsack with about thirty pounds weight to carry,
grieved him exceedingly: the shortness of provisions increased the distress, for it cannot be supposed that five
pounds of pork, and two loaves of bread, would last
three persons any length of time.
Previous to our journey's end, we were twelve hours
without any sustenance, except wild onions; but fortunately we found on the sand about one hundred and forty
birds eggs, which we boiled, and eagerly devoured, notwithstanding the greatest part had young birds in them,
with small down on their bodies.
[177] On our arrival at the fort, the commanding officer
rallied us on our attempt; and taking my friend aside, advised him either to return to Montreal, or go up to Niagara,
as he was sure he was not equal to the fatigue of an Indian 2l6
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
11111 <
life. He followed the officer's advice, and left me at the
fort, which I soon afterwards quitted, and went down to
Montreal; from thence I got a conveyance to Quebec; and
being greatiy distressed, applied to Lord Dorchester for
relief, who generously directed his aid de camp to accompany me to Lieut. General Hope,107 and strongly recommended me to his notice, to be employed in an Indian
capacity. Being in some measure relieved, and supplied
with a few dollars and other necessaries, I was sent up to
I left Quebec, and arrived at Montreal on the 14th
of July: the next day I pursued my journey on foot, but
seeing two Indians of my acquaintance in a canoe, and
having some money in my pocket to buy rum, I hired
them to convey me to Cataraqui, and in our way we
killed plenty of game.
On the 19th of August I delivered my credentials to
the proper officer, but he could not render me any service; however, he recommended me, by letter, to bis
friend at Carlton Island, where Sir John Johnson108 was
107 Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester, served with Amherst at Louisburg, in
1758. The next year he was wounded at the siege of Quebec. In 1766 he
was made governor of Quebec, and was governor of Canada, 1767-70.    In
1775, he was again made governor of Quebec, and defended Canada against
the American forces until relieved by Haldimand in 1778. In 1782, he succeeded Clinton as commander-in-chief of the forces in America, and having
evacuated New York in T783, returned with the troops to England. He was
created Baron Dorchester in 1786, and appointed governor-general of Canada,
whither he arrived in October, serving as the ruler of t-hi« province until 1796,
when he retired to England, where he died in 1808.
Henry Hope, lieutenant-colonel of the 44th regiment, came to America in
1776, and served throughout the war. In November, 1785, he was made lieutenant-governor of Canada, and served as acting governor until the arrival of
Dorchester, under whom he continued as lieutenant-governor until his death
at Quebec, April 13, r78o.— Ed.
108 Sir John Johnson was the son and heir of Sir William Johnson, the New
York Indian agent.    Bom in the Mohawk Valley in 1742, he received part of 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 217
waiting for a vessel to convey him to Niagara, to hold a
council with the Indians: fortunately I procured an interview with him, and communicating to him my situation, he ordered me to be in readiness to assist as interpreter at his return. On the 18th of September, Sir
John Johnson met us at the head of the bay of Kenty; the
instant the Indians heard of his arrival, they saluted him
with a discharge of small arms, and having received
some rum, they danced and sung all night [178] their
war songs; one of them I particularly noticed, which was
to the following effect:—
"At last our good father is arrived, he has broken the
small branches, and cleared his way to meet us. He has
given us presents in abundance, and only demands this
large bed (meaning a considerable tract of land which
was described on a map)."
At twelve o'clock the next day a council was held, and
Sir John laid his map before them, desiring a tract of land
from Toronto to Lake Huron. This the Indians agreed
to grant him, and the deed of gift being shewn them, it was
signed by the chiefs' affixing the emblem, or figure of
their respective totams, as their signatures.
Sir John Johnson then left them, and embarked for
Cataraqui, the capital of the loyalist settlements.
Previous to his departure, I made him more fully acquainted with my distressed situation, and procured from
him a temporary supply, which enabled me to go down
his education in England, and was knighted there in 1765. He succeeded to
his father's position and estates in 1774; and on the outbreak of the Revolution
escaped to Canada, where he was made colonel in the British army. His services during the war, leading Iroquois against the border settlements in the
Mohawk and Cherry Valley, are well known. His estates were confiscated
by the State of New York, and he retired to Canada, where he was made superintendent general of Indian affairs in British North America. His death
occurred at Montreal in 1830.— Ed. 2l8
Early Western Travels
i i i
to the third Township in the Bay of Kenty,109 where I
stayed with my loyalist friends till the spring of 1787;
during which time I had frequent opportunities of making
observations on the flourishing state of the new settlements.
The settlements of loyalists in Canada, bid fair to be a
valuable acquisition to Great Britain; and in case of a
war with the United States, will be able to furnish not
only some thousands of veteran troops, but a rising generation of a hardy race of men, whose principles during [179]
the last war stimulated them to every exertion, even at
the expence of their property, families, and friends, in
support of the cause they so warmly espoused. There
was, however, when I resided in the country, one cause
of complaint, which, though it may not immediately
affect the welfare and prosperity of the present inhabitants, or prevent an encrease of population, in proportion
to the unlocated lands, is big with impending danger, and
which, for the satisfaction of the public, I shall endeavour to explain.
All the land from Point au Baudet (the beginning of
the loyalist settlements on the River St. Laurence), to
the head of the bay of Kenty, which at this period I am
informed, contains at least ten thousand souls, is said
to be liable to the old feudal system of the French seigneu-
ries; the lords of which claim title to receive some rent,
or exercise some paramount right, which, though it may
be at present very insignificant, and which perhaps may
never be insisted on, renders  every man dependent on
109 In the surveys made in 1783-84, preliminary to the Loyalists' settlement,
ten townships were set off in Quinte' Bay, which were long known by their
respective numbers. The third township was that now called Fredericks-
burgh, and was chiefly settled by Johnson's disbanded soldiers.— Ed. 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels
the lord of the manor, and, in process of time, as land
becomes more valuable, the raising these rents, or the
exercise of these rights, may occasion frequent disputes:
I think therefore, with submission to our government,
that as many hundreds of Americans are now settled
there, and doubtless many more may occasionally migrate
from the United States, either from being disgusted with
the polity of the country, or from an idea of reaping
greater benefits as subjects of Great Britain, it behoves
us to remove every obstacle of subserviency, and either
by purchase, or any other mode Administration shall
think fit to adopt, render all the lands in Canada, granted
to loyalist subjects, or others who have, or may voluntarily
take the oaths of allegiance, as free as those in Nova
[180] Men who have been engaged in their country's
cause from the best of principles, should have every
possible indulgence; and in proportion as they have been
deprived of comforts by the desolation of war, they
should be recompensed without any partial restrictions,
and the remainder of their days rendered as happy as
the government they live under can make them.
The population of these new settlements, and their
parallel situation with Fort Oswegatche, Carleton Island,
Oswego, and Niagara, evince, perhaps, more forcibly
than ever, the propriety of retaining these barriers in our
possession, which, in the former part of this work, I
have fully explained; and as the third Township alone
(which is nine miles square) contained, in the year 1787,
u0 On the land system of Canada, see Canniff, History of Settlement of
Upper Canada; and Kingsford, History of Canada (London and Toronto,
1894), vii, pp. 300-313. The feudal tenure was not abolished in Quebec until
1854; but the Act of 1791, separating Upper from Lower Canada, decreed a
modern system for the Loyalist settlements.— Ed.
■:i: 220
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
l! I
about seventeen hundred inhabitants, it is difficult to
say what number of valuable subjects that country may
hereafter produce; certain it is, that it is capable of supporting multitudes, as the land is in general fertile, and
on an average produces about tliirty bushels of wheat
per acre, even in the imperfect manner in which it is
cleared, leaving all the stumps about three feet high, and
from five to ten trees on an acre. This mode of clearing
is in fact absolutely necessary, because new cultivated
lands in hot climates require shelter, to prevent the
scorching heat of the sun, which, in its full power, would
burn up the seed. It has also been found expedient in
stony ground to let the stones remain, as they retain a
moisture favorable to vegetation.
In the month of May I left the new settlements, and
went down to Montreal, and from thence to Quebec,
where I waited on Lord Dorchester, but could not gain
admittance. I was afterwards informed [181] that his
lordship was indisposed. I then went to Lieut General
Hope's, but he had embarked for England.
So many mortifying disappointments affected me very
sensibly, but as discouragements generally encreased my
exertions, I was more assiduous in my endeavours to
live, and whilst I was contriving schemes for future support, I received a supply from a friend: so seasonable a
relief braced up all my nerves, and I felt a pleasure that
can scarce be conceived by any but such as have experienced hardships and difficulties similar to mine.
My heart being cheered, and every gloomy thought
dispersed, I determined to leave the country whilst I had
money in my pocket. Having found another friend to
sign a pass, I went on board a ship then lying in the River
St. Laurence, on the 25th of  October, and arrived in 1768-1782]    y. Long's Voyages and Travels 121
London the beginning of December following, rejoiced
at again setting foot on my native shore.
Having finished the historical part of my work, I have
only to solicit the candid indulgence of the public for any
literary errors I may have been guilty of; and with great
respect to convey to them an humble hope that the
Voyages and Travels, together with the Vocabulary
subjoined, may not be found totally unworthy their
attention. *l
' i 1 )]
it if
\ m
Micke, or Timitok
Killick, or Shik
Four (number)
Taktuck, or Nabugakshe
One (number)
Shikonac, or Sakaknuc
Two (number)
Three (number)
N. B. Esquimeau, in the singular Number, means an
Eater of raw Flesh. 224
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
[184]   English
Oyery uskat yawarey
Oyery tekkeny yawarey
Oyery aghsey yawarey
Oyery kayeery yawarey
Oyery wisk yawarey
Oyery yayak yawarey
Oyery tsyadak yawarey
Oyery sadego yawarey
Oyery tyoughtow yawarey
Twenty one
Towwaghsey uskat yawarey
Twenty two
Towwaghsey tekkeny .yawa
Twenty three
Towwaghsey aghsey yawarey
Twenty four
Towwaghsey kayeery yawa
Twenty five
Towwaghsey wisk yawarey I79I3 y> Long's Voyages and Travels
[185]   Algonkin
Metassoo ashy payjik
Metosswoy asshea payshik
Metassoo ashy ninch
Metosswoy asshea neesh
Metassoo ashy nissoo
Metosswoy asshea neesswoy
Metassoo ashy neoo
Metosswoy asshea neon
Metassoo ashy naran
Metosswoy asshea narnan
Metassoo ashy ningootwas
Metosswoy asshea negutwos
Metassoo ashy ninchowas
Metosswoy asshea neesh
Metassoo ashy nissowassoo
Metosswoy asshea swosswoy
Metassoo ashy shongassoo
Metosswoy asshea shangos
Neesh tanner
Ninchtana ashy payjik
Neesh tanner asshea payshik
Ninchtana ashy ninch
Neesh tanner asshea neesh
Ninchtana ashy nissoo
Ninchtana ashy neoo
Neesh tanner asshea neesswoy
Neesh tanner asshea neon
Ninchtana ashy naran
Neesh tanner asshea narnan 226                  Early
Western Travels                [Vol. 2
[186]   English
Twenty six
Towwaghsey yayak yawarey
Twenty seven
Towwaghsey tsyadak yawa
Twenty eight
Towwaghsey sadego yawa
Twenty nine
Towwaghsey   tyoughtow
Aghsey newaghsey
Thirty one
Aghsey    newaghsey    uskat
Thirty two
Aghsey newaghsey tekkeny
Thirty three
Aghsey newaghsey aghsey
Thirty four
Aghsey newaghsey kayeery
Thirty five
Aghsey newaghsey wisk ya
Thirty six
Aghsey newaghsey yayak
Thirty seven
Aghsey newaghsey tsyadak
Thirty eight
Aghsey newaghsey sadego
Thirty nine
Aghsey  newaghsey  tyough
tow yawarey
Kayeery newaghsey
Forty one
Kayeery newaghsey uskat
 " 1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels 227
[187]   Algonkin Chippeway
Ninchtana ashy ningootwas- Neesh tanner asshea negut-
soo wosswoy
Ninchtana ashy ninchowas- Neesh tanner asshea neesh-
soo swosswoy
Ninchtana ashy nissowassoo Neesh tanner asshea swosswoy
Ninchtana ashy shongassoo Neesh tanner asshea shan-
Nisso metana Neess semmettenner
Nissoo metana ashy payjik   Neess semmettenner asshea
Nissoo metana ashy ninch    Neess semmettenner asshea
Nissoo metana ashy nissoo   Neess semmettenner asshea
Nissoo metana ashy neoo      Neess semmettenner asshea
Nissoo metana- ashy naran    Neess semmettenner asshea
Nissoo metana. ashy ningoot- Neess semmettenner asshea
wassoo negutwosswoy
Nissoo metana ashy nincho- Neess semmettenner asshea
wassoo neeshswosswoy
Nissoo metana. ashy nisso-    Neess semmettenner asshea
wassoo swosswoy
Nissoo metana ashy shon-    Neess semmettenner asshea
gassoo shangosswoy
Neoo metana Neon mettenner
Neoo metana ashy payjik     Neon mettenner asshea payshik 228
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Forty two
Kayeery newaghsey tekkeny
Forty three
Kayeery newaghsey aghsey
Forty four
Kayeery newaghsey kayeery
Forty five
Kayeery newaghsey wisk
Forty six
Kayeery newaghsey yayak
Forty seven
Kayeery newaghsey tsyadak
Forty eight
Kayeery newaghsey sadego
Forty nine
Kayeery newaghsey tyough
tow yawarey
Wisk newaghsey
Fifty one
Wisk newaghsey uskat ya
Fifty two
Wisk newaghsey tekkeny
Fifty three
Wisk newaghsey aghsey ya
Fifty four
Wisk newaghsey kayeery
Fifty five
Wisk newaghsey wisk yawa
Fifty six
Wisk newaghsey yayak ya
warey 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Neoo metana ashy ninch       Neon mettenner asshea neesh
Neoo metana ashy nissoo      Neon mettenner asshea nees
Neoo metana ashy neoo
Neon mettenner asshea neon
Neoo metana ashy naran      Neon mettenner asshea narnan
Neoo metana ashy ningoot- Neon mettenner asshea ne-
wassoo gutwosswoy
Neoo metana ashy nincho-   Neon     mettenner     asshea
wassoo neeshswosswoy
Neoo metana ashy nisso-      Neon mettenner asshea swos-
wassoo swoy
Neoo metana ashy shongas- Neon mettenner asshea shan-
soo gosswoy
Naran metana Nar mettenner
Naran metana ashy payjik   Nar mettenner asshea payshik
Naran metana ashy ninch    Nar mettenner asshea neesh
Naran metana ashy nis-    Nar mettenner asshea nees-
soo swoy
Naran metana ashy neoo      Nar mettenner asshea neon
Naran metana ashy naran    Nar mettenner asshea narnan
Naran metana ashy ningoot- Nar mettenner asshea negut-
wassoo wosswoy
l»1 23°
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Fifty seven
Wisk newaghsey tsyadak
Fifty eight
Wisk newaghsey sadego ya
Fifty nine
Wisk newaghsey tyoughtow
Yayak newaghsey
Sixty one
Yayak newaghsey uskat ya
Sixty two
Yayak  newaghsey   tekkeny
Sixty three
Yayak newaghsey aghsey
Sixty four
Yayak   newaghsey   kayeery
Sixty five
Yayak newaghsey wisk ya
Sixty six
Yayak    newaghsey    yayak
Sixty seven
Yayak   newaghsey   tsyadak
Sixty eight
Yayak   newaghsey   sadego
Sixty nine
Yayak newaghsey tyoughtow
Tsyadak newaghsey
Seventy one
Tsyadak   newaghsey   uskat
yawarey C79i]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Algonkin Chippeway
Naran metana ashy nincho- Nar mettenner asshea neesh-
wassoo swosswoy
Naran metana ashy nisso- Nar mettenner asshea swos-
wassoo swoy
Naran metana ashy shon- Nar mettenner asshea shan-
gassoo gosswoy
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana.
Ningootwassoo metana
Ningootwassoo metana
Negutwoss semmettenner
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea payshik
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neesh
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neesswoy
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neon
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea narnan
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea negutwosswoy
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neeshswosswoy
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea swosswoy
ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea shangosswoy
Ninchowassoo metana Neeshswoss semmettenner
Ninchowassoo metana ashy Neeshswoss     semmettenner
payjik asshea payshik Ik
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Seventy two
Seventy three
Seventy four
Seventy five
Seventy six
Seventy seven
Seventy eight
Seventy nine
Eighty one
Eighty two
Eighty three
Eighty four
Eighty five
Eighty six
Tsyadak newaghsey tekkeny
Tsyadak newaghsey aghsey
Tsyadak newaghsey kayeery
Tsyadak   newag[h]sey wisk
Tsyadak  newaghsey  yayak
Tsyadak newaghsey tsyadak
Tsyadak newaghsey sadego
Tsyadak newaghsey tyoughtow yawarey
Sadego newaghsey
Sadego    newaghsey    uskat
Sadego newaghsey  tekkeny
Sadego   newaghsey   aghsey
Sadego  newaghsey  kayeery
Sadego     newaghsey     wisk
Sadego    newaghsey    yayak
K"?3^ c79i]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Ninchowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea neesh
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea neesswoy
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea neon
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea narnan
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea negutwOsswoy
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea neeshswosswoy
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea swosswoy
Neeshswoss     semmettenner
asshea shangosswoy
Swoss semmettenner
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner as[s]hea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
negatwosswoy 234
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Eighty seven
Sad6go  newaghsey  tsyadak
Eighty eight
Sadego   newaghsey   sadego
Eighty nine
Sadego  newaghsey  tyough
tow yawarey
Tyoughtow newaghsey
Ninety one
Tyoughtow newaghsey uskat
Ninety two
Tyoughtow newaghsey tek
keny yawarey
Ninety three
Tyoughtow newaghsey agh
sey yawarey
Ninety four
Tyoughtow  newaghsey  ka
yeery yawarey
Ninety five
Tyoughtow newaghsey wisk
Ninety six
Tyoughtow newaghsey yayak
Ninety seven
Tyoughtow newaghsey tsya
dak yawarey
Ninety eight
Tyoughtow newaghsey sade
go yawarey
Ninety nine
Tyoughtow newaghsey
tyoughtow yawarey
One hundred
Uskat towaneyow
Two hundred
Tekkeny towaneyow
Three hundred
Aghsey towaneyow
Four hundred
Kaveery towanevow £79*] y> Long's Voyages and Travels
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Nissowassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Shongassoo metana ashy
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
Swoss semmettenner asshea
semmettenner as
semmettenner as
semmettenner as
semmettenner as
Shangoss semmettenner as
shea neeshswosswoy
Shangoss semmettenner as
shea swosswoy
Shangoss semmettenner as
shea shangosswoy
Metassoo metana Negut wauk
Metassoo ninchtana metana Neesh wauk
Metassoo nissoo metana       Neesswoy wauk
Metassoo neoo metana Neon wauk English
Five hundred
Six hundred
Seven hundred
Eight hundred
Nine hundred
One thousand
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Wisk towaneyow
Yayak towaneyow
Tsyadak towaneyow
Sadego towaneyow
Tyoughtow towaneyow
Oyery towaneyow 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Metassoo naran metana
Metassoo ningootwassoo
Metassoo ninchowasso
Metassoo nissowassoo
Metassoo shongassoo
Nar wauk
Negutwoss wauk
Neeshswoss wauk
Swoss wauk
Shangoss wauk
Metassoo metassoo metana   Metosswoy kitchee wauk A  TABLE  OF  WORDS
[196] Shewing, in a variety of Instances, the Difference as
well as Analogy between the Algonkin and Chippeway
Languages, with the English Explanation.
To abandon, or
To  arrive  at  a
To assist
To alter, or change Miscoush
To amuse, or play Packeguay
To beat, or bruise
To believe
Tilerimah, or tike
- Indenendum  gwo
To be willing
Cannar, or cunner
To call
To carry
Petou, or peta
To dance
To do, or make
Ojeytoon, or Tojey
To dwell, or stay
To drink
To eat
Wissinnin C791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
To freeze
To fall
To find
To go by water     Pimmiscaw
To go by land
To give
To govern
To have
To hunt
To hate
To keep
To kill
To know
Pamiskian, or pe-
To love, or love     Sakiar
To lose
To laugh
To lie down
To meet
To marry
To make water
To make fire, &
To pay
Zargay, or zargey-
Pooterway   che-
II 240
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
To please
To perspire
To run
To row
To sit down
To seek
To sing
To steal
To sleep
To smoke a pipe
To speak
Debarchim, or de-
To see
Wabemat, or wabe-
To take
To think
Indenendum, or in-
To tell
To throw away,
To understand
To vex
To walk, or go
To win
Annascartissey,   or
Warmatt [791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels 241
Above, or high
After,   or   after
Gaye, or mipigaye
Again, or yet
Always, wherever Kakeli
Cargoneek, or me-
Breech clout
Kepokitty kousah
Ball, or large shot Alwin
Kitchee anwin
Beaver skin
Peckqueen dorsow
Bear cub
Mackconce, or
Bread, or flour
Broth, or soup
Bark bowl, or cup
» Oulagan
Shemayn 242
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Birds, or fowl
Companion,    or
Neejee, or Neecar-
Captain, or chief
Okemaw,  or Oje-
Captain, or head
Kitchee okemaw
Kitchee Okemaw
Child, or children
Taguamissy,    or
Duck, wild
Dog, puppy
Day, or days
Devil,    or   Bad
Matchee   Manni
Matchee     Manni
Dance of Savages
Shessaquoy i79J] y~ Long's Voyages and Travels 243
Squibby, or Os-
Done, it is
or past
Outsakamink da-
Mee, or mimilic
Fire steel
Squittycan, or Sco-
Scotay or squitty
Fish, white
Flesh of animals
Fork   or
Cawmeek meteek
Fat, or he
is fat
Female, or woman Ickwer
Free, generous
Far off
Awassa, or Awassa
woyta 244
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Nepish, or mejask
God,   or   Great
Kitchee Mannitoo Kitchee   Mannitoo
Pingo Mackate
Mackcutty, or Pin-
go Mackcutty
House, or hut
Hair, human
Hair, of beasts
Heaven,   or  the
Pockcan   worrock-
other   world
ey, or pockan tun-
Husband, or mas
ter of weakness
Heart                 •
Home, or dwell
Akonda, or ako-
M 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
English Algonkin Chippeway
How   much,   or   Tantasou, or tar-   Tawnymilik ?
how many ? nimilik ?
Indian corn
Idle, or lazy
Knife, crooked
Kettle, or pot
Looking glasses
Kitchee Gammink Sakiegan
Leggons, or stock
Light (clear)
Long since
Little, small, few
Pongay,  or hagu
Moon,  or night
Debikat Ikisy
Mistress, or wife
Huncushigon, or
t 246
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Male deer, or stag
Ayarbey awaskesh
Nepewar, or
Needle   to   sew
Near, or nigh
Cawwickca, or cas-
Cawween, or ka
Not yet
Old, he was old
Portage, or carry
ing place
People, or nation
Paddle, or small
Pike (a fish)
Meecho 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Ring, for the fin
Rice, wild
Rum, or brandy
Squittywabo,   or
Roots of trees
Robe of peltry
Woygan, or oako-
Misquoy,   or  mis
Sword, or
Kitchee mokoman
Sense,   to
Sea, or unbound
Agankitchee gam-
Kitchee gammink
ed lake
1 248
Early Western Travels
Sun, or great light
Shoes (Indian)
Ship, or great ca
Kitchee cheeman
Kitchee Naber-
Soldier, or war
Smoke, or fire fog
Summer, or spring
■ Merockamink
Tongue, human
Tobacco pouch
Woity, or awoity
Too much
Too little
Ozame mangis
Ozome pangay
Thank you
Meegwotch .
....un ■■■■3J 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Wine,   or  blood
Shoemin aboo
Mishquoy      shoa-
red broth
Weary, or tired
Where is he ? or
where does he
Tanepy appy
Tannepy Appay
What is that?
what ? or what
Waneweenay ?
Waygonin ?
Who is that ?
Waneweenay ma-
Hawaneeyau ?
Mi, or Minkooty
Angaymer, or Nan-
Pitchynargo 25°
Early Western Travels
[209] English
A bear
A beaver
My grandfather
My grandmother
My grandchild
He goes
A girl
He (that man)
His head
His heart
Her husband
His teeth
I thank you
My uncle
Elder sister
Thepee I
vi.i; 252
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
[210]   English
Dead, he is dead
Nboo, or Neepoo
Devil, or Bad Spirit
Dress the kettle, (make a
Give it him
Go, or walk
The sun
Sit down
N. B.   The e final is not sounded except in
i 1791]
y. Long's Voyages ana Travels
[211]   Algonkin
Matchee Mannitoo
Matchee Mannitoo
Pooterway Chebockwoy
Scotay or Squitty
Meteek 254
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
[212]   English
Yackta oharlogh
Abuse, to
Accept, to
Account, to
Accuse, to
Add to
Admire, to
Agree, to
Yackta oya
Amuse, to
Answer, to
A, an, or the
Ne, ne
x: iiA
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Give me
How much, or how many
King, or great chief
Rose (a flower)
Silver works
Wisstar noolone
Thank you
There is
Understand, to
II Ti   I
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Win, to
Yackta satoakha
Wine, or blood red soup
Who was
Ungka ne
What was
Your health
Honoroquennyee 1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels 257
[216] Names of Furs and Skins in English and French
Fat winter beaver
Castor gras d'hiver
Fat summer beaver
Castor gras d'6t€
Dry winter beaver
Castor sees d'hiver
Dry summer beaver
Castor sees d'6t€
Old winter beaver
Castor vieux d'hiver
Old summer beaver
Castor vieux d'&e'
Raw stag skins
Cerfs verts
Prepared stag skins
Cerfs passes
Rein deer skins
Raw hind skins
Biches vertes
Prepared hind skins
Biches passees
Mush rats
Rats musques
Prepared roebuck skins
Chevreuils passes
Unprepared roebuck skins
Chevreuils verts
Tanned roebuck skins
Chevreuils tanes
Southern, or Virginia foxes
Renards du sud ou Virginie
White,   from   Tadousac,
Renards blancs de Tadousac
Loups de bois
Beaver eaters
Squirrels, black
Ecureuils, noirs
Squirrels, grey
Ecureuils, argent6s
Bears, Cub
Loups cerviers
I i
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Foxes, red
Foxes, cross
Foxes, black
Foxes, grey
North Case Cat
South Case Cat
Renards, rouges
Renards croises
Renards noirs
Renards argentes
Visons, ou Fourtreaux
Pichoux du nord
Pichoux du sud
w m
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
[218] Parts
0} the Human Body
Arm, broken
Nowwetting,   or  nowwetty-
Peckqueen dorsow
Eye that squints
Foot, or feet
M 'i
u Early Western Travels
Head, bald
Nails of fingers and toes
Weebdrso, or neatissum
Annank i79i]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels 261
of Animals, &G.
Animal between a dog and
a wolf
Ants, and all small insects
Buck, or male deer
Ayarbey awashkesh
Beaver robe
Amik woygan, or amik oak-
Bear, cub
Mackquacdnce or mackdnce
Beaver skin
Beaver eater
Birds, all small
Cat, wild
Cat, tame
Cark cark
Kitchee carbo
Duck, wild
Dog, puppy
Flesh of animals
Fur of animals
1 262
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Feathers of birds
Fowl, or birds
Fish, white
Goose, wild
Hair of animals
Hide of animals
Musquash, or mush rat
Partridge Peenay
Pickeril Ogance
Peltry, or robe made of fur Woygan
Pike Keenonjey
Plover Gueveshew
Skunk, or pole cat
Sheecark i79i]"
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Skin of animals
Kitchee meework
Tongue of animals
Tail of animals
Wing of birds
il 264
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
[224] Merchandise
Arm bands
Kitchee waybesun
Ball, or large shot
Kitchee anwin
Brass wire
Mannetoo menance
Breech clout
Canoe awl
Fire steel
Finger ring
Gun flint
Gunpowder, or black dust
Mackcutty,  or mackcutty
Gun worms
Hair plates
Hawk bells
Kettle, or pot
Akeek iiT*
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Knife, or knives
Knife, crooked
Lines for a net
Leggons, or stockings
Looking glasses
Net for fishing
Ribbons, or silk
Rum, or brandy
Scdtaywabo, or Squittayw£bo
Stroud, blue
Stroud, red
Mannetoo woygan
Warcdckquoite, or Warcdck-
quoite Opoygan
Annan Kir!) tii
[227]   English
Army, or number of people
assembled together
Arch (part of a circle)
Abuse, to abuse
All together
Ashamed, to be ashamed
Alike, or equal
Again, or yet
Alone, at, or only
Always, or wherever
After, or afterwards
A and The
Alone, or I myself
Above, or high
Also, too
Pamdtay waybegun
Cawween appay
Cockinndr marmd
Apackcan, or han
Aighter or unter
Cargon6ek, or memarmo
Nin aighter
Book, letter, paper
Bread, or flour
^m t79i]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Broth, or soup
Branches of a tree
Bark of a tree
Bark, fire bark
Basket, or hand bowl
Bay, or road for vessels
Box of wood, or bark, or
rum keg
Bad, or wicked
Bright, or light
Barren, not bearing fruit
Big, or great
By and by
Scdtay wigwass
Meteek mushcomat, or muc-
Matchee waybegun
m 268
Early Western Travels
K     I
I I.
Beyond, or far off
Chief, or captain
Cup, or bark bowl
Cloud, or grand cover
Cable, or big rope
Copper, iron, or brass
Cabin, hut, or house
Current of water
Companion, or friend
Child, or children
Corn, Indian
Covetous, or greedy
Coarse (not fine)
Come here
Can it, is it, was it
Carrying place, or portage
Awassa, or awassa woy'ta
Icktum guichum
Metach, or menoche
Ojemaw, or O'kemaw
Kitchee assubbub
Neejee, or Neecarnis
Hagua*missey or Taguamis-
Matchee weebezesay
Matchee arpeech
l\ 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Devil, or Bad Spirit
Matchee Mannitoo
Indongway, or Darniss
Dust, or powder
Day, fine
Meeno geesshegat
Day, bad
Matchee geesshegat
Day, or days
Day, dawn of
Debt, or trust
Marsennahatch, or Marsen-
Door, shut the door
Down (on the ground)
Dear, or too much
Done, gone, or past
Shyyar, or sMrshyyar
Squibby, or Osquibby
Dressed, or ripe
Drowsy, (I am drowsy)
Dry, or thirsty
Enemy, or bad heart
Matchee Oathty
■* 270
Early Western Travels
Cawween mooshkenay
Equal, or alike
Flour, or bread
Fat, oil, or grease
Fear, to fear, he is afraid
Friend, or companion
Neejee, or Necarnis
Fool, he is a fool
Flood of water
French, or builders of ves
sels 1
Fathom (a measure)
Female, or woman
Fork, or prong stick
Cawmeek meeteek
Scdtay, or squitty
Flint stone
Fort, or tower
Fond, I am fond
Free, or generous
Fine (not coarse)
Fresh (not stale)
Formerly, long time ago
Maywisher I
1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels 271
Grease, fat, or oil
God, or Great Spirit
Kitchee Mannitoo
Gold, or fine yellow metal   Kitchee jdnia
Great, good Kitchee, or nishshishshin
Green Achib
Great, or big Menditoo
Globe, the earth Warbegun
Gone, past, or done Shyyar, or sharshyyar
Herb, or grass
Hell, or place of bad spirits
Half, or part
Home, or dwelling
Husband,   or   master   of
Hard, cruel; it is hard or
Hot, or warm
Hungry, thin, lean
He, him, she, or her
How, or how do you do ?
Nepish, or mejdsk
Kitchee squittyung
Omar, or oway
Waygush, or way way
f R
Iff Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
How many, or how much
Here and there
Pay payshik
Have, had
High, or above
. Fshpemeg
Journey, to go a journey
Justice, or truth
Idle, or lazy
I, me, or my
Nin, nee, or nee, nee
I, myself, or alone
Nin aighter
Immediately, or very soon
It is true, or right, or very
Kaygait,  kay,  or meeg-
I have
I have not
Ka, kaygo
Is it, was it, can it
Knot of wood
King, or great chief
Lightning, or quick fire
Squitty annacook
Loss, to lose
	 179*]           y. Long's
Voyages and Travels           273
Love, to love
Zargay, or zargeytoon
Lean, hungry, or thin
Little, small
Light (not heavy)
Cawween pesterquan
Light, or bright
Lazy, or idle
Ingwitch, or awass
Long since
Lately, or now
Lewd, or unwise
Cawween annobdycassey
Huncushigon,   or   annacdt-
Milk, or the sap of
Mistress, or wife
My wife, or mistress
Mat made of rushes
m 274
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Montreal (a town in Canada)
Much, or a great deal
Mine, belonging to me
Make haste
Me, my, or I
News, or intelligence
Nest, bird's nest
Nothing, no, or not
New, or strange
Near, or nigh
Not yet
Now, or lately
Oil, fat, or grease; or to be
Old, he is old
Out, or without
Oh! oh!
Nepewar, or gwotch
Weebittan, or ha weebittan
Nin, nee, or nee, nee
Cawween, or Ka
Nobeetch, or pockcan
Cawwickcd.,   or   cassawick-
Taw! waw!
JSs I79I] y* Long's Voyages and Travels
Only, at, or alone
Our, us, or we
One, the, a, or an
Pity, or sorrow
Part, or half
Portage, or carrying place
Poison, or the taste of the
bad swelling
Paddle, or small oar
Priest, or Master of Life's
Pack, or bundle of skins
Present, or gift
Price,   what   price,   how
many, or how much
[238]   "
People, or nation
Aighter, or unter
D aggow'wemeech
Matchee pattso
Kitchee Mannitoo Ninnee
Kitchee Mdrgussey
Mooshkey ■■ -
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Past, gone, done
Shyyar, or shashyyar
Quiet, all is quiet
Rock weed, or tripe de
Rice, Indian
Robe made of peltry
Raft of wood
Roots of trees
Roots, a figurative expression for the affections
of the heart which entwine about each other
Rapid, or strong current of
Raw, or unripe
Ripe, or dressed
Woygan, or oakdnus
Misquitty, or misquy
« C791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels 277
Soup, or broth
Sense, or understanding
Sap of the breast, or milk
Sugar, or sweet
Soldier, warrior, or brave
Strong, or strength
Summer, or spring
Stumps of trees
Slay, an Indian carriage
Ship, or great canoe
Shoes (Indian)
Sword, or great knife
Sea, or great unbounded
Smoke, or fire fog
Seezeebdckquoit,   or   seeze-
Matchee geeshegar
Kitchee n&berquoin
Kitchee mdkoman
Kitchee gammink
"Ii 278
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
!(. H
Sail of a ship
Sun, or great light
Sorrow, or pity
Savage, or wild
Small, or little
Strange, or new
She, her, he, or him
Tower or fort
Truth, or justice
Tobacco pouch
Thief; he is a thief
Trees, or wood
Thing, or tilings
Kitchee naberquoin parbdckerwoyan
Hagushenonce, or pongay
Nobeetch, or pockan
Artawway winnin
Waybissay, or waybeezezay
I 179I] y> Long's Voyages and Travels 279
Thin, hungry, or lean
True; to be true
This, or that
They, them, or ye
There, at that place
The, a, an, or one
Thou, or you
Too little
Too, or also
Too much
Thank you
Voice, or the echo of the
Unripe, or raw
Unwise, or lewd
Unlucky, or unfortunate
Unjust, or wrong
Very well, or it is true, or
Mor, or morndar
Woity, or awoity
Keen, kee, or kee kee
Ozdme pongay .
Cawween annaboycassey
Cawween gwoyack
Meegwoyyack, kay, or kaygait
V 28o
Early Western Travels
Very soon, or immediately
Us, we, our, all of us
Wife, or mistress
War, to go to war, to fight,
or quarrel
Wine, or blood red broth
Whore, or bad woman
Winter, or year
Well of water
Witness, you are a witness
World, the other world
Weary, or tired
Wild, or savage
Warm, or hot
Willing, to be willing
We, us, or our
Who, or who is that ?
Matchee mdyamee
Pockcan worroc'kay, or pock-
can tunnoc'kay
Can'nar, or cun'ner
Cawween mush'kowar
k 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
What, or what now ?
When, or whence
Wherever, or always
Was it, is it, can it
Young (offspring)
Young man, or men
Ye, they, or them
Ye, your
Yet, or again
To amuse, or play
To account
To approve; I approve
To assist
To alter, or change
To affront
To answer, or attend to
To ask, I ask
To ascend
To abandon, or forsake
To arrive at a place
To arrive by land
To arrive by water
Hawwaneeyaw, tar'nin, tar'-
neyau, or way'gonin
Cargoneek, or memar'mo
Angay'mer, or Nan'gaymer
Mornooch nezar'gay
Nindooton, or nindootimond
Sharshyyar' new'ebens
* •!
1 % I
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
;    f
E *
\ I:
To avoid
To attack
To be vexed; I am vexed
To believe
Indenendum gwoyack
To bawl
To be told
To begin
Ethetum war'march
To bend
To be willing
Can'nar, or cun'ner
To betray all
Matchee arpeech chickwar'
To beat, or bruise
To bring, or fetch
Nartin, or Petoon
To bind, or tie
To break, or tear
To bite
To build
To barter
To boil
To borrow
To burn
Squitty arbach
To beg (you beg)
To bathe
To be unconcerned, or in
different about a thing
Mornooch towwdrch
To cut
To call
To choose
To cure
^Ac, 1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels
[246]   English
To catch
To clean
To chew
To come on
To carry
To close
To converse
To conquer
To dance
To drown
To divide
To dig
To dwell, or stay
To defend
To dream
To drop
To depart
To drink
To dip
To elect
To embark
To experience
To expect
To eat
To freeze
To find
To fast
To fish
To feel
Debarchim, or debarchemon
Tarpin, or peach
Uifl 284
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
I Ii
To fall
To float
To follow
To forget; I forgot
To foretell; I foretell
To fetch, or bring
Nartfn, or petoon
To fly
To grow
To grind
To give
To go, I will go
Es'zar, or Guddeszar
To go by water
Pamiskian, or pemiskar
To go by land
To get up, or rise
To govern
To hide
To hold
To hate
To hear
Stootewar, or nondagaitch
To hurt
To hang
To hunt
To hit
To have
To interpret
Kitchee ungwoitch undarje-
To jump
To join, I join
HHl 1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels
To keep
To kill
To know, you know
To kick
To lend
To love; love
Zargay, or zargeytoon
To long to see, or wish
To lose; loss
To lift
To learn
To lead
To lie down
To lie, a falsity
Cawween deb'woy
To laugh
To meet
To make fire and cook
Pooterway chebdckwoy
To make, or do
Ojeytoon, or tojeytoon
To measure
To melt
To mend
Packquoy mowachin
To mix
To marry
To make water
To neglect
To own
Guddypen'dan, or dependan
To open
Pameech, or hapitch
To place, or put
Acktone, or neech
H 286
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
To pull
To pay
To please
To push
To pass
To pierce
To pinch
To promise
To perspire
To return
To raise
To receive
To row
To rejoice
To run
To read
To revolt
To ride
To release
To rise or get up
Tercus'henan, or guabeeche-
To repudiate, to throw away Waybenan
To shake
To stand up
To sail
To spit
To seek
To stand
To seize
— 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
To stab
To split
To shew
To shut
To sing
To sink
To satisfy
To sit down, or
sit you
To send
To smoke a pipe
To swim
To see
Wabema't, or wabemdr
To speak
DeMrcbim, or debarchemon
To smell
To say; what did
you say I
when spoke angrily
To stink; you stink
, or your
sentiments are offen
To strike
To steal
To sleep
To tie, or bind
To touch
To tell
To think
In'denind, or indenendum
To throw away; to
To take
m Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
To understand
To view, or examine well
my mind
To vex
Annascar'tissey, or nishcar'-
To win
To watch
Warbennis, or warbenn£t
To wash
To work
Tojeytoon, or gtisketoon
To want
To weep
To walk, or go
To weigh
To wish, or long to see
""    nr~ I
[253]   Chippeway
Ayarbey awashkesh
Annacdtchigon, or huncu-
Paddle, or small oar
Sense, or understanding
Beaver skin
Buck, or male deer
Bay, (harbour for canoes)
Dog, puppy
Eye that squints
White fish
Half, or part
Home, or dwelling
Kettle, or pot
Net for fishing
I 290
Early Western Travels
if II
Present, or gift
An'dersoy, or tawnymilik -
Price;   what price?  how
many? how much?
Amik woygan, or amik oak-
Beaver robe
Artawway winnin
Free, or generous
I  Si
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Chippeway English
Ac'ktone, or neech To place, or put
Annascar'tissey, or nishcar-
tissey To vex
Acheemeech To melt
Cark cark
Cawmeek meteek
Cawween, or ka
Cawween dppay
Cockinndr marmd
Winter, or year
Army, or number of people
assembled together
Hungry, thin, lean
Unlucky, or unfortunate
To break, or tear
To fast
To stab
To long to see, or wish
To fish
To embark
Sorrow, or pity
Tame cat
Flood of water
Fork, or prong stick
Nothing, no, not
All together
Deaf WM
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Cawween mooshkenay
Cawween pesterquan
Light (not heavy)
Cawween annaboy'cassey
Lewd, or unwise
Char beech
Cawween gwoyack
Unjust, or wrong
Cawween mush'kowar
Cargoneek, or memarmo
Always, wherever
Cawwickd, or c&ssawick-
Can'ner, or cun'ner
Willing, to be willing
To experience
To dream
To drop
To hide
Cawween deb'woy
To lie (a falsity)
To pierce
To pinch
To split
To shut
To touch
To borrow
Young man, or men
If* 294
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Dar'niss, or indong'way
Down, on the ground
True, to be true
To close
Debarchim, or debar'che-
To converse
To read
Depen'dan, or guddypendan To own
To give
Fathom "(a measure)
Woman, or female
Es'zar, or guddeszar
To go; I will go
Ethetum war'march
To begin
To lift
To learn
To revolt
To be told
King, or great chief
Eyebrow C79I] y. Long's Voyages and Travels 295
Gwotch, or nepewar
Guabeecheway,  or tercti-
Guddypen'dan, or d^pendan
Gusketoon, or tdjeytoon
Gtiddeszar, or Es'zar
Justice, or truth
Sun, or great light
Wing, of birds
Hot, or warm; to make hot
or warm
Also, too
Much, or a great deal
To barter
To return
To build
To depart
To want
To hunt
To keep
To kill
To pay
To own
To tell
To rise, or get up
To work
To go, I willjgo
I 1
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Huncush'igon, or annacotch
Hagua'missey,   or  tagua-
Musquash, or musk rat
Tripe de rdche, or rock weed
Hawwaneeyaw, tarnin, tar-
neyau, or way'gonin
What, or what now ?
Han, or apackcan
Hapitch, or pameech
To open
Ha weebittan, or weebittan
Make haste
Indong'way, or dar'niss
High, or above
Ingwitch, or awdss
Icktum guichum
In'denind, or indenen'dum
To think
To expect
To attack
To hold 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Chippeway ■
Indenen'dum gwoyack
Kitchee anwin
Kitchee carbo
Kitchee assubbub
Kitchee mannitoo
Kitchee jdnia
Kitchee squittyung
Kitchee mannitoo ninnee
Kitchee meework
Kitchee mdkoman
Kitchee gammink
Kitchee  n£berquoin  par-
Kitchee naberquoin
To raise
To smell
To believe a thing true
To say; what did you say ?
when spoken angrily
Broken arm
Ball, or large shot
Crane (a bird)
Cloud, or grand cover
Cable, or big rope
Fool; he is a fool
God, or Great Spirit
Gold, or fine yellow metal
Hell, or place of bad spirits
Pike, a fish
Priest, or Master of Life's
Sword, or great knife
Sea, or great unbounded lake
Smoke, or fire fog
Sail of a ship
Ship, or great canoe
Thief; he is a thief
f f 1
m 298
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Bf !
[263]   Chippeway
Kitchee, or nishshishshin
Kitchee way'besun
Kitchee mor'gussey
Keen, kee, or kee kee
Ka, or ca'wween
Kaygait, kay, or meegwoy-
Kitchee ungwoitch, undar'-
Tobacco pouch
Fear; to fear; he is afraid
Witness; you are a witness
Great, or good
Idle, or lazy
Old, he is old
Raw, or unripe
Ripe, or dressed
Thou, or you
No, not; nothing
Thing, or things
It is true, or truly
Not yet
Ye, your
I have
I have not
To beg; you beg
To catch
To arrive by land
To cut
To carry
To elect
To interpret
To steal
1  3°°
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Meeno geesshegat
Fine day
Matchee geeshegat
Bad day
Matchee oathty
Enemy, or bad heart
Knife, or knives
Leggons, or stockings
Loon, (a bird)
Wife, or mistress
My wife, or mistress
Mackcutty, or mackcutty
Gunpowder, or black dust
Matchee pattso
Poison, or the taste of the
bad swelling
f 1 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Mannetoo woygan'
Blue stroud
Red stroud
Summer, or spring
Stumps of trees
Strength, or strong
Matchee geesshegar
Montreal, a town in Canada
Indian shoes
Trees, or wood
War; to go to war; to fight,
or quarrel
Wine, or blood red broth
Matchee mdyamee
Whore, or bad woman
Bad, or wicked
Matchee way'begun
Barren, or not bearing fruit
Big, or great
Matchee arpeech
Coarse, not fine
Matchee weebeezesay
Fresh, not stale
Light, or bright
m 3°2
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Misquy, or misquitty
Savage, or wild
Maunder, or mor
This, or that
Metach, or menoch
Again, or yet
Memar'mo, or cargoneek
Always, wherever
Long time ago, formerly, or
is it long since ?
Meegwoyack, kay, or kay
It is true, or right, or very
Thank you
To alter, or change
To send
To sit down, or sit you down
To push
To please
To account
Mornooch nezar'gay
To approve; I approve
To assist
To bend
Matchee arpeech chickwar
To betray
Matchee arpeech chickwar7
- To betray a number of peo
To weep
Mornooch towwarch
To be unconcerned, or in
different about a thing 1791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels 303
To defend
To hit
To drink
To lend
To dip
To freeze
To perspire
Arch, part of a circle
Nowettywich, or nowwetting Breath
Carp, a fish
Neejee, or neecarnis
Friend, or companion
Nepish, or mejask
Herb, or grass
Husband, or master of weak
Nails of fingers and toes
Wild goose
Neatissum, or weebor'so
Veins of the body
People, or nation
Raft of wood
Skin of animals
i 3°4
Early Western Travels
ft i'J/J
Nepewar, or gwotch
NishsMshshin', or kitchee
Nobeetch, or pockcan
Nin, nee, or nee nee
Nin aighter
Nangay'mer,or angay'mer
Nishcartissay, or annascar-
Ashamed; to be ashamed
Fond, I am fond
Much, or a great deal
Good, or great
New, or strange
Weary, or tired
Drowsy; I am drowsy
I, me, my
I myself, or alone
We, us, or our; all of us
Now, or lately
Afterwards, or after
Is it, was it, can it
To affront
To hate
To be vexed; I am vexed
To vex 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Nindooton,   or   nindooti-
Nartfn, or petoon
Nondagaitch, or stootewar
Neech, or acktone
Oakdnus, or amik woygan'
To ask; I ask
To ascend
To bathe
To understand
To conquer
To dance
To drown
To fetch, or bring
To hurt
To join
To lie down
To forget; I forget
To foretell; I foretell
To hear
To meet
To put, or place
To promise
To sing
To sink
To satisfy
To sleep
To call
Bark bowl, or cup
Beaver robe
Brain 306
Early Western Travels
Breech clout
Ojemaw, or O'kemaw
Day, or days
Foot, or feet
Fur of animals
Fisher, an animal
Hair of animals
Portage, or aurrying place
Pickerill, a fish
Sturgeon, a fish
Too much, or dear
Ozdme pongay
Too little
Omar, or oway
Under I79I] y> Long's Voyages and Travels
. To
Come here
Osquibby, or squibby
To grind
Ojeytoon, or ogubbetoon
To make, or do
To come on
All small birds
Pamdtay way'begun
Peckqueen dorsow
Brass wire
Wood cat
Copper, iron, or brass
Dust, or powder
Fowl, or birds
Flour, or bread
Pequim •
Feathers of birds
Flint stone ]
Gun flints
Rapid or strong current of
Hawk bells
'X tt^T"
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
UP'TJ  1
[274]   Chippeway
Oil, fat, or grease; or to be
Skin (human)
Pockcan    worrockay,   or
pockcan tunnockay
The other world or country
Pongay, or hagush'enonce
Little, small
One, the, a, or an
Pockcan, or nobeetch
Strange, or new
Near, or nigh
By and by
Pay, payshik
Here, and there
To abandon, or forsake
Peach, or tarpin
To feel
To fall
Pamiskian, or pemiskar
To go by water
To go by land  3io
Early Western Travels
Squitty, or scotay
Scotay wigwass
Squitty annacook
Scdtaywa'bo, or squittywa'-
Seezeebockquoit, or seeze-
Fire steels
Fire bark
Hair plates
Lightning, or quick fire
Lines for a net
Ribbands, or silk
Rum, or brandy
Skunk, or pole cat
Sugar, or sweet
Well of water
Soldier,   warrior,   or   brave
Tongue of animals
Greedy, or covetous
Hard, cruel; it is hard, or
— 179I] y> Long's Voyages and Travels 3 j 1
Quiet; all is quiet
Shyyar, or shar'shyyar
Past, or gone, or done
Squibby, or Osquibby
Thirsty, or dry
Sharshyar' newebens
To arrive by water
To burn
To smoke a pipe
To swim
To shew
Stootewar, or nondagaitch
To hear
To run
Long since
Taguainissey, or haguamis-
Gun worms
Tar batch
Milk, or sap of the breast
Tarbinnack •
Indian slay
Dawn of day
Voice,  or the echo  of the
Equal, or alike
•I 12
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
I Hi
When, or whence
Tar'nin, tar'neyau, way'go-
nin, or hawwaneeyaw
What, or what now ?
Tawnimilik, or andersoy
How many, what price, how
Taw! waw!
Oh! oh!
To take
To arrive at a place
To bind, or tie
To choose
To govern
To marry
To bawl
Tercush'enan, or guabee-
To return
Tarpin, or peach
To feel
Tdjeytoon, or gusketoon
To work
Unter, or aighter
Only, at, or alone
Way'bissay, or waybeezesay
Warcockquoit, or warcock-
quoit opoygan
An animal between a dog and
a wolf
w  3J4
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
Way'gonin, hawwaneeyaw
Waygush, or way way
Woity, or awoity
Weebittan', or ha, weebittan'
Wabemat, or wabemdr
Young, offspring
Roots; a figurative expression
for the affections of the
heart, which entwine
about each other
He, him, she or her
Ye, they, or them
Who, or who is that ?
What, or what now ?
How, or how do you do ?
There, at that place
Immediately, or very soon
Mine, belonging to me
Plural number
Make haste
To clean
To chew
To eat
To follow
To find
To neglect
To spit
To view, or examine well my
To see 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
To seek
To win
Warbennis, or
To watch
To throw away, to repudiate
To avoid
Finger rings
Zargay, or zar:
Love; to love
Paint; to paint
To boil
To cure
To fly
To wash h M
[284] English
How do you do, friend ?
In good health, I thank you.
What news ?
I have none.
Have you had a good hunt this winter ?
Yes, a very good hunt.
What lake did you hunt at last winter ?
At the Skunk Lake.
What is there at that lake ?
Beaver, but not much.
How long were you there ?
Only one month.
They say there are no fish in that lake;
That is hard.
There has been a great deal of snow lately;
We have all found it hard this winter.
Did you see any strange Indians on the way ?
Yes, I met five going to Lake Sturgeon.
Had they any thing with them ?
No, I did not see any thing but slays.
I long to see spring, that we may go a fishing.
What lake will you fish at ?
The Red Lake.
Our canoes are broken;
We must make new in the spring.
There is great quantity of birch bark at the Red Lake;
Yes, but the trees are small. AND  CHIPPEWAY LANGUAGES
[285] Chippeway
Way, way, nee neejee ?
Meegwotch ndbum pemartus.
Ta'rnin mergummegat ?
Caw'ween a'rwayyor.
Nishshishshm geosay ndgone bebdme ?
Anga'ymer, O, nishshishshin.
Hawwaneeyaw sakiegan kee geosay awa'ss bebdne ?
Sheecark Sakiegan.
Way'gonin woity ha sakiegan ?
Amik, cawween gwotch.
Maywisher kee appay ?
Payshik geezus aighter.
Eca'rto ca'wween ka'ygo keegdnce woity sakiegan;
Nepewar going nogdme;
Cockinndr marmd ojey candan sannegat nogdme bebdne.
Pdckcan nishinnorbay kee warbema't nar ?
Anga'ymer,  na'rnan nee warbemdr  onnemay  sakiegan
ojey eszar.
Ka'ygoshish arthty w6enewar nar ?
Ca'wween, nin ojey warberma't a'rwayyor tarbinna'ck.
Ba'dash mendkemeg bdckettywaun neennerwind.
Ta'rneyau sakiegan keen bdckettywaun ?
Misquittyyang sakiegan.
Cdckinnor neennerwind, O, chema'n ojey bowwiskar;
Pdckcan in gar ojeytooh mendkemeg.
Nepewar wigwass woity Misquittyyang Sakiegan;
Anga'ymer, hagushenonce meteek. 32°
Early Western Travels
How many fathom long will you make your canoe ?
Perhaps three fathom.
There are many rapids at the Red Lake;
Are they hard rapids ?
Here and there.
How long are you going up them ?
Fifteen days.
That is long.
Bring me some tobacco;
Here is some for you.
This is English;
Yes, it is.
Sit down.
I want to smoke a pipe.
I am tired.
I will lie down.
I will get up..
I want to eat.
I want to drink.
We will make fire and cook our kettle;
It is ready;
Let us eat;
It is very good.
I will go.
Are you going, friend ?
Yes, but I shall return soon.
Have you any good guns ?
Let us see them ?
This is broke.
Here is another;'
1  322
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
This, I think, is a good one.
I want a paddle;
Here is one for you.
Thank you, friend.
Where is your wife ?
She is dead.
Is it long since ?
Last winter.
Have you any children alive ?
Only one boy.
Can he hunt ?
Not yet.
Where is your brother ?
I saw him last winter at the Skunk's Lake;
He was killed there by an Indian when he was drunk.
He was a bad Indian, and they should have killed him
An Indian just now told me he is killed.
That's right.
Was he old ?
He had three packs of beaver skins, and ten bags of dried
meat, besides fish, when he was killed:
Oh! that was hard.
Who is that corning ?
A strange Indian:
I will go and see him.
Are you come from far, friend ?
No, a little way from hence.
2«2*Ejjgej£gy£jjJ 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Maunder payshik O, nishshishshin indenendum.
Ab'boy nee guyyossay;
Oway payshik.
Meegwotch, neecarnis.
Adnday keen O, mentimdyey ?
Sharshy'yar nepoo.
Maywisher nar ?
Pa'yshik bebdne shy'yar.
Ar'thty O, janis nogdme pemartus ?
Payshik oskendygay aighter:
Geosay ween nar ?
Atinday chemayn ?
Nee warbemdr awass bebdne woity Sheecark Sakiegan;
Payshik nislrinnorbay ojey gunnissar ween osquibby.
Ween O, mdtchee nishinndrbay, meegwoyack O, gtm-
niesar ween guyyea;
Shashy'yar   ojey   gunnesar,   ween   nogdme   me   ecarto
Keewaency nar ?
Ween arthty neesswoy meekintargan appiminiquy metds-
swoy mushcomat weass sparchtay metach keegdnce
Taw! waw! sannegat.
Hawwaneeyaw tercushin ?
Pdckan Nishinno'rbay:
Nin eszar gar warbem'or
Awassa nar kee tercushin, neegee ?
Cawween, payshew omar. 3 24
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
What have you brought ?
A small pack of beaver.
What will you want ?
I have none but small for your children.
What is your trader's name at the Red Lake ?
The Good Heart.
Has he many goods there ?
Five large canoes full.
Have you any bears' grease ?
One box only.
I will trade with you for it;
Very well, friend.
How many beaver skins did you give for that blanket ?
I want to buy such;
You will get such at the English trader's.
How many beaver skins will you take for this ?
Take them, friend.
Will you trade for those otter skins ?
No, not now; I must pay my credit to the Good Heart.
What did you take from him ?
Some small things.
Fetch me some water.
Make haste.
Do you hear me ? s>
I791] y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Wa'ygonin kee ogubbetoon ?
Hagdshenonce meekinta'rgan appiminiquy.
Wa'ygonin kee gdyyossay ?
Ca'wween kaygo wa'rpewoyan hagdshenonce kee janis
Ta'rnin sheneca'zeau keennerwind arta'wwaywinnin Misquittyyang Sakiegan ?
Nishshishshin oa'thty.
Nepewar huncushigon a'rthty nar ?
Na'rnan kitchee cheeman mo'oshquenay.
Mackqua'h pimmethy a'rthty nar ?
Pa'yshik muccuck a'ighter.
Nee wee arta'wway;
Meegwoyack, negee.
An'dersoy appiminiquy kee, kee, arta'wway, wa'per
Meto'sswoy asshea pa'yshik.
Nee wee arta'wway shenargussey;
Sa'ggonash a'rthty shena'rgussey.
An'dersoy appiminiquy keetarpena'n mor ?
Neesh tanner:
Tarpena'n neeca'rnis.
Cunner kee wee arta'wway maunder nekeek woygan ?
Cawween, nogdme; nee wee gudderpa'rhan nee marsey-
na'ygan nishshishshin o'athty.
Wa'ygonin kee tarpena'n ?
Pdngay ka'ygoshish.
Nippee nartin.
Ha, webitta'n.
Cunner kee sto'otewar ?
P !26
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
I hear you.
Come here;
I am coming.
What kind of a hunt had the Fox last winter ?
The winter was bad indeed.
What did he hunt for ?
I wish this was spring, and all the Indians would come
and trade their winter's hunt;
They will come soon:
I think they will have a great many packs.
What will you ask to take me by water from Montreal to
Michillimakinac ?
One large keg of rum, one gun, one blanket, one kettle,
and one knife; that is all I want:
That is too much, as you will eat and drink the same as
us, and will not work, but only shew the way.
Will you go directly ?
No, I shall stay till to-morrow, and then embark.
I left my wife and children at a place four days march
from hence.
I want to see them.
To-morrow, at the dawn of day, we will embark.
Take courage; farewell, friend.
Very well, I will be true to my word.
All is quiet.
I will go to bed.
Get up, friend.
I am lazy. 1791]
y. Long's Voyages and Travels
Kee, kee, no'neydone.
Nin tercushin.
Ta'rnin shena'rgussey geosay Assinbo awa'ss bebo'ne ?
Hapadgey maitchee bebo'ne.
Wa'ygonin ween geosay ?
Ba'dash meno'kemeg ha cockinno'r marmo nishinnorbay
tercushin ojey arta'wway awass bebo'ne O, wo'ygan;
Weeba'tch tercushin we6nnewar:
Nepewar meekinta'rgan indenendum weennewar.
Wa'ygonin kee nindootymond monyny'yank woity Michil-
lima'kinac pamis'kian ?
Pa'yshik kitchee muckcuck scotaywa'bo, pa'yshik bas-
keyzegan, payshik wa'perwoyan, pa'yshik akeek, pa'yshik mo'koman; me cockinno'r:
Ozo'me kee tabisco'ach wissinnin neennerwind minniquy
ca'wween a'rwayyor kee gusketoon meekan mee aighter
unter wabindan'.
Weebatch guddeszar keen ?
Ca'wween, omar ojey appay; warbunk boossin.
Mee woity ojey appay,  mentimdyamish,  ja'nis woke,
guyyea neon ogunnegat
Nee, nee, warbema't weennewar.
Warbunk thurensera boossin.
Hagua'rmissey, way, way, negee.
Meegwoyack, nee gar debwoy.
Peshshemo nin gama'rchar.
Gonishcar, neegee.
Kittim nin. 328
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 2
I am sick.
I am vexed.
I am cold.
I am hot.
I am hungry.
I am dry.
I am well.
I love you.
Your health, friend.
I do ndt understand you.
•itieafa\i^'^:i&&xiiitobi^ i<*a&A* „.-..    m
lit « * The bare title hardly conveys an idea of the interesting lore embraced in this admirably carried out study of the roads and their part in the development of the country."—Boston Globe.
The Historic Highways of America
by Archer Butler Hulbert
A series of monographs on the History of America as portrayed in the evolution of its highways of War, Commerce, and Social Expansion.
Comprising the following volumes:
I—Paths of the Mound-Building Indians and Great Game Animals.
II—Indian Thoroughfares.
Ill—Washington's Road: The First Chapter of the Old French War.
IV—Braddock's Road.
V—The Old Glade (Forbes's) Road.
VI—Boone's Wilderness Road.
VII—Portage Paths: The Keys of the Continent.
VIII—Military Roads of the Mississippi Basin.
IX—Waterways of Westward Expansion.
X—The Cumberland Road.
XI, XII—Pioneer Roads of America, two volumes.
XIII, XIV—The Great American Canals, two volumes.
XV—The Future of Road-Making in America.
Sixteen volumes, crown 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. A limited edition
only printed direct from type, and the type distributed. Each volume handsomely printed in large type on Dickinson's hand-made paper, and illustrated with maps, plates, and facsimiles.
Published a volume each two months, beginning September, 1902.
Price, volumes 1 and 2, £2.00 net each; volumes 3 to 16, $2.50 net
Fifty sets printed on large paper, each numbered and signed by the
author. Bound in cloth, with paper label, uncutj gilt tops. Price, #5.00
net per volume.
" The history of American trails and carries in colonial times; of paths, roads, and highways
in our national beginnings; and of our great lake, river, and railroad traffic in later times is and
has been of the first importance in our social and political history. Mr. Hulbert has shown
himself abundantly able to investigate the subject and put in good form theresults of his labors."
—Professor William M. Sloans, Princeton University.
"Mr. Hulbert has evidently mastered his subject, and has treated it very ably and enthusiastically. History is too frequently a mere collection of dry bones, but here we have a book
which, when once begun, will be read eagerly to the end, so vividly does the author bring
scenes and personages before us.   — Current Literature.
"As in the priorvolumes, the general effect is that of a most entertaining series. The charm
of the Style is evident. "—American Historical Review.
"His style is effective ... an invaluable contribution to the makings of American History."—New York Evening Post.
" Should fill an important and unoccupied place in American historical literature.
—The Dial. I
" The most important project ever undertaken in the line of Philippine
history in any language, above all the English."—New York Evening Post.
The Philippine  Islands
Being the history of the Philippines
from their discovery to the present time
EXPLORATIONS by early Navigators, descriptions
of the Islands and their Peoples, their History, and
records of the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political,
economic, commercial, and religious conditions of those
Islands from their earliest relations with European Nations to the end of the nineteenth century.
'translated, and edited and annotated by E. H. Blair and
J. A. Robertson, with introduction and additional notes by
E. G. Bourne.
With Analytical Index and Illustrations. Limited edition,
55 volumes, large 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt top. Price $4.00
net per volume.
"The work is second in importance only to the original documents; to
the student it is even of greater value, since it places before him translations
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"In addition to its value as accurate history, the work is full of interest
and of suggestions of thrilling mediseval romance and adventure among
strange scenes and wild people."—Philadelphia Telegraph.    H
f fkxm
KM '
•' 73


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