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Early western travels 1748-1846 : a series of annotated reprints of some of the best and rarest contemporary… Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 1853-1913 1904

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       Early Western Travels
Volume I Of this work seven hundred and fifty complete sets are
■printed, each numbered and signed.
This set is No.
^Ê/.(ÂémyM:^Âm,.-<^rz-   T
Early Western Travels
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and Social and
Economic Conditions in the Middle
and Far West, during the Period
of Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introduftions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites
Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Wisconsin
Historical Collections," "Chronicles of Border Warfare,"
"Hennepin's New Discovery," etc.
Volume I
Journals of
Conrad Weiser (1748), George Croghan (1750-1765)
Christian Frederick Post (1758), and
Thomas Morris (1764)
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1904 Copyright 1004, by
Preface.    The Editor n
Introductory Note.   The Editor 17
Journal of a Tour to the Ohio;  August 11-October
2, 1748.   Conrad Weiser 21
Introductory Note.   The Editor 47
A Selection of Letters and Journals relating  to
Tours into the Western Country.   George Croghan
Croghan to the Governor of Pennsylvania; November
16, 1750 S3
Proceedings of Croghan and Andrew Montour at
[the] Ohio; May 18-28, 1751 ...        58
Letter of Croghan to the Governor, accompanying
the treaty at Logstown; June 10, 1751     .       .       70
Croghan's Journal; January I2-February3,1754   .       72
Croghan to Charles Swaine, at Shippensburg; October 9, 1755 82
Council held at Carlisle; January 13, 1756     .       .       84
Croghan's Transactions with the Indians previous
to Hostilities on the Ohio; [June, 1757]   •       .88
Croghan's Journal;   October 21, 1760-January 7,
1761 100
Croghan's Journal; May 15-September 26,1765     .     126
List of the different Nations and Tribes of Indians in
the Northern District of North America, with
the number of their fighting men     .       .       .     167
Croghan to Sir William Johnson; November, 1765 .      170 Contents of Volume I
Introductory Note.    The Editor 177
Two Journals of Western Tours.  Charles Frederick Post
1. From Philadelphia to the Ohio, on a meffage
from the Government of Pennfylvania to the
Delaware, Shawnefe, and Mingo Indians; July
15-September 22, 1758 185
z. On a meffage from the Governor of Pennfylvania to the Indians on the Ohio, in the latter
part of the fame year; October 25, 1758-
January 10, 1759 234
Introductory Note.    The Editor 295
Journal [of a Tour on the Maumee]; Detroit, September 25,1764. Captain Thomas Morris, of his Majefty's
XVII Regiment of Infantry  301 ILLUSTRATION TO VOLUME I
Portrait of Captain Thomas Morris. Photographic facsimile
of steel plate in original edition of "Miscellanies in Prose and
Frontispiece,    f  PREFACE TO VOLUME I
In planning for this series of reprints of Early Western
Travels, we were confronted by an embarrassment of
riches. To reissue all of the many excellent works of
travel originally published during the formative period
of Western settlement, would obviously be impossible.
A selection had therefore to be made, both as to period
and material. The century commencing with Conrad
Weiser's notable journey to the Western Indians in 1748,
set convenient limits to the field in the matter of time.
The question of material was much more difficult.
It being unlikely that any two editors would choose the
same volumes for reprint, criticism of our list will undoubtedly be made. It should, however, candidly be explained
that the matter of selection has in each case necessarily
been affected by two important considerations — (1) the
intrinsic value of the original from the historical side, and
(2) its present rarity and market value. The Editor
having selected a list of items worthy of a new lease of
life, the Publishers, from their intimate knowledge of the
commercial aspect of rare Americana, advised which of
these in their opinion were sufficiently in. demand by
libraries and collectors to render the enterprise financially
productive. It is believed that this co-operative method
has resulted in an interesting collection, and given point
to the descriptive sub-title: "Some of the best and
rarest contemporary volumes of travel. . . in the Middle and Far West, during the period of early American
settlement. ' '
M Early Western Travels [Vol. i
The first volume of our series is necessarily more varied
in composition than any of its successors, it having been
deemed important to present herein several typical early
tours into the Indian country west of the Alleghenies.
That of Conrad Weiser, occurring in August and
September of 1748, was the first official journey undertaken at the instance of the English colonies, to the
west of the mountain wall. His purpose was, to carry to
the tribesmen on the Ohio a present from the Pennsylvania and Virginia authorities. The results were favorable to an English alliance, but they were partially
neutralized by the French expedition headed by Céloron
the following year.
The journals of George Croghan (1750-65) are an
epitome of the Indian history of the time. The first
three documents deal with the period of English progress—
in 1750, Croghan was on the Ohio en route to the Shawnee
towns and Pickawillany; the next season, he outwitted
Joncaire on the Allegheny. The four succeeding documents are concerned with the period of hostility to the
English — in 1754 he was on the Ohio after Washington
had passed (December, 1753); the letter from Aughwick,
in 1755, tells of affairs after Braddock's defeat; in 1756,
we learn particulars of Indian affairs; and in 1757 is
. given a résumé of past events. The last two journals are
the longest and most important — that of 1760-61 is concerned, topographically and otherwise, with the trip to
Detroit via Lake Erie, in the company of Rogers's Rangers,
and the return by land to Pittsburg; that of 1765, with a
tour down the Ohio towards the Illinois, where the writer
is captured and carried to Ouiatanon — in due course
making a peace with Pontiac, and returning to Niagara.
The journals of Christian Frederick Post and Thomas ^748-1765] Preface 13
Morris are interludes, as to time, in the Croghan diaries.
Post's two journals cover the months of July to September, 1758, and October, 1758 to January, 1759. He
"was at first sent out, by the northern trail, in midsummer,
as an official messenger to the hostiles, among whom he
succeeded in securing a kind of neutrality — a venturesome expedition into the neighborhood of Fort Duquesne,
whose French commandant offered a price upon his head.
The second journey, in the autumn, was undertaken to
carry the news of the treaty of Easton (October, 1758),
and pave the way for General Forbes's advance. In the
course of his journey he proceeded to the Indian towns
on the Ohio and its northern tributaries, and returned
to the settlements with Forbes's army.
Captain Morris accompanied Bradstreet (1764) on the
latter's expedition towards Detroit. Being dispatched
from Cedar Point on a mission to the French in the
Illinois, Morris was arrested and maltreated at the
Ottawa village at Maumee Rapids. He saw Pontiac,
went to Fort Miami, narrowly escaped being burned at
the stake, and finally made his escape through the woods
to Detroit. His journal presents a thrilling episode in
Western history.
It is our purpose, in these reprints, accurately to republish the original volumes, with all of their illustrations
and other features. While seeking to reproduce the old
text as closely as practicable, with its typographic and
orthographic peculiarities, it has been found advisable
here and there to make a few minor changes; these consist
almost wholly of palpable blemishes, the result of negligent proof-reading — such as turned letters, transposed
letters, slipped letters, and mis-spacings. Such corrections "will be made without specific mention; in some
1 14 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
instances, however, the original error has for a reason been
retained, and in juxtaposition the correction given within
brackets. We indicate, throughout, the pagination of
the old edition which we are reprinting, by inclosing
within brackets the number of each page at its beginning,
e.g. [24]; in the few instances where pages were, as the
fruit of carelessness in make-up, misnumbered in the
original, we have given the incorrect as well as the correct
figure, e.g. [25, i.e. 125]. In two or three instances,
where matter foreign to our purpose was introduced in
the volume as originally published — such as the journal
of a voyage not within our field, or an appendix of irrelevant or unimportant matter — we have taken the liberty
of eliminating this; in such cases, however, especial attention will be called to the omission.
An analytical index to the series will appear in the
concluding volume.
In the preparation of notes for the present volume,
the Editor has been assisted by Louise Phelps Kellogg,
Ph.D., of the Division of Maps and Manuscripts in the
Wisconsin State Historical Library. He has also been
favored with valuable information on various points, from
Colonel Reuben T, Durrett of Louisville, Mr. Frank H.
Severance of Buffalo, the Western Reserve Historical Society at Cleveland, and Dr. Ernest C. Richardson and
Dr. John Rogers Williams of Princeton University.
R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., January, 1904. Conrad Weiser's Journal of a Tour to the Ohio
August ii-October 2, 1748
Source:   Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 348-358; with
variations from Pennsylvania Historical Collections, i, pp. 23-33.  ta
Conrad Weiser, one of the most prominent agents in
the management of Indian affairs during the later French
wars, was a native of Wurtemberg, being born November
2, 1696. When Conrad was but fourteen years old, his
father, John Conrad Weiser, led a party of Palatines to
America where they lived four years on the Livingston
manor in New York, and in 1714 removed to Schoharie.
There young Weiser came in close contact with the
Mohawk Indians, was adopted into their tribe, and living
among them for some years became master of their
In 1729, he and his family, consisting of a wife and five
young children, removed to Berks (then Lancaster)
County, Pennsylvania, where a number of Weiser's
countrymen had preceded them. The new homestead
was a mile east of the present town of Womelsdorf, and
became the centre of an extended hospitality both for
Pennsylvania Germans and visiting Indians. When
Reading was laid out (1748), Weiser was one of the commissioners for that purpose, building therein a house and
store that are still standing.
His first employment as an interpreter was in 1731,
when forty shillings were allotted him for his services.
From this time forward he was official interpreter for
Pennsylvania, and for thirty years was employed in every
important Indian transaction. The Pennsylvania Council testified in 1736 "that they had found Conrad faith-
full and honest, that he is a true good Man & had Spoke 18 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
their words [the Indians'] & our Words, and not his
own.m Again in 1743, the governor of Virginia requested
the province of Pennsylvania to send their "honest interpreter," Conrad Weiser, to adjust a difficulty with the
Iroquois Indians; whereupon he proceeded to Onondaga
with a present of £100 on the part of Virginia, and made
peace for the English colonists.2 The following year,
Weiser was chief interpreter at the important treaty of
Lancaster; and throughout King George's War was
occupied with negotiations with the Six Nations, detaching them from the French influence, and keeping the Pennsylvania Delawares quiet "upon their
After the journey to the Ohio, described in the following diary, Weiser's Indian transactions were largely confined to the province of Pennsylvania; Montour and
Croghan taking over the business with the Ohio Indians
until the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Weiser
now assumed duties in a military capacity. He raised
a company of soldiers for the Canadian expedition
(1755), and later was made lieutenant-colonel, with the
care of the frontier forts under his charge. At the same
time the New York authorities besought his influence
with the Mohawks and Western Iroquois; and he assisted
in arranging the treaty at Easton, which prepared the
way for the success of Forbes's expedition (1758).
Weiser was the most influential German of his section,
possibly of all Pennsylvania; but his religious affiliations
and enmities interfered with his political ambitions.
Originally a Lutheran, in 1735 he became concerned
with the movement of the Seventh Day Baptists, which
1 Pennsylvania Colonial Records (Harrisburg, 1851), iv, p. 88.
; ' Ibid., pp. 660-669, for journal of this tour. 1748] Weiser's Journal 19
led to the establishment of the community at Ephrata,
where he was known as Brother Enoch, and consecrated
to the priesthood. These sectaries charged that the
bribe of official position tempted him to forsake his vows;
certain it is that in 1741 he was appointed justice of the
peace for Berks County, and left Ephrata, later (1743)
sending a letter requesting his former brethren to consider
him a "stranger." The opposition of this sect of Germans, the indifference of the Moravians, and the alienation
of his earlier Lutheran friends, lost him his coveted election
for the assembly; and he afterwards withdrew from politics to remain the trusted adviser of the government upon
Indian and local affairs. His sincerity, honesty, and
trustworthiness made him greatly respected throughout
the entire province, and his death, July 13,1760, was considered a public calamity.
The journey undertaken to the Ohio, which the accompanying journal chronicles, was the first official embassy
to the Indians who lived beyond the AUeghenies, and was
undertaken for the following reasons.
The efforts of the English traders to push their connections among the "far Indians" had been increasingly
successful, during the decade 1738-48, and the resulting
rivalry with the French had reached an intense stage.
The firm hold of the latter on the Indian nations of the
"upper country" had been shaken by a long series of
wars with the Foxes and Chickasaws, accompanied by
humiliating defeats. In 1747, the most faithful of the
French Indians — those domiciled at Mackinac and
Detroit — had risen in revolt; and George Croghan sent
word to the council at Philadelphia that some nations
along the shore of Lake Erie desired the English alliance,
having as an earnest thereof sent a belt of wampum and
tÊÊÊ 2o Early Western Travels [Vol. i
a French scalp.3 The Pennsylvania authorities voted
them a present of £200, to be sent out by Croghan. About
the same time, a deputation of ten Indians from the Ohio
arriving in Philadelphia, the council considered this "an
extraordinary event in the English favor," and not only
secured a grant of £1,000 from the assembly, but applied
to the governors of the Southern provinces to aid in this
work; in accordance with which request, Virginia replied
with an appropriation of £200.* Croghan set off in the
spring of 1748, and informed the Allegheny Indians that
Weiser, the official interpreter, would be among them
during the summer. Meanwhile, the latter was detained
by a treaty with the Twigtwee (Miami) Indians, who had
come unexpectedly offering to the English the alliance of
that powerful nation;5 so that it was not until August
that he was able to start on his mission to the Ohio.
In addition to the delivery of the present, he was also
instructed to secure satisfaction for the attack of some
Northern Indians upon the Carolina settlements; wherein
one Captain Haig, with several others, had been carried
off prisoners — supposedly by some Ohio Indians.6 The
success of this mission was most gratifying to the English
and the frontier settlers. The Virginia authorities
were more active than those of Pennsylvania in following
up the advantage thus gained; and under the leadership
of the Ohio Company sought to secure the Forks of the
Ohio, with the ensuing consequences of the French and
Indian War.
  R. G. T.
3 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 72.
4 Ibid., pp. i2!, 140, 145-152; 189, 190, 257.
6 Ibid., pp. 286-290, 307-319.
8 Ibid., pp. 290-293, 304. THE JOURNAL OF CONRAD WEISER,
Augst nth. Set out from my House & came to James
Galbreath8 that day, 30 Miles.
12th.  Came to George Croghans,9 15 Miles.
13th.  To Robert Dunnings, 20 Miles.
14th. To the Tuscarroro Path, 30 Miles.
15th and 16th. Lay by on Account of the Men coming
back Sick, & some other Affairs hindering us.
17th. Crossed the Tuscarroro Hill & came to the
Sleeping Place called the Black Log, 20 Miles.
18th. Had a great rain in the afternoon; came within
two Miles of the Standing Stone, 24 Miles.
19th. We travelled but 12 Miles;10 were obliged to
dry our Things in the afternoon.
. ' There appear to have been two copies of this journal prepared, one as the
official report to the president and council of Pennsylvania, which was published
in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 348-358. A reprint from the same
manuscript appeared in Early History of Western Pennsylvania (Pittsburg and
Harrisburg, 1846), appendix, pp. 13-23. The other copy seems to have been
preserved among the family papers; and was edited and published by a descendant of Weiser—Heister M. Muhlenberg, M.D., of Reading, Pennsylvania—in
Pennsylvania Historical Society Collections (Philadelphia, 1851), i, pp. 23-33.
We have followed the official copy, indicating by footnotes variations in the
other account.— Ed.
8 Weiser's house was about one mile east of Womelsdorf, now in Berks
County, Pennsylvania. James Galbreath was a prominent Indian trader, one
of those licensed by the government of Pennsylvania.— Ed.
8 Croghan lived at this time just west of Harrisburg in Pennsboro Township,
Cumberland County.—Ed.
10 There were three great Indian paths from east to west through Western
Pennsylvania. The southern led from Fort Cumberland on the Potomac, westward through the valleys of Yougbiogheny and Monongahela, to the Forks of
I 22 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
20th. Came to Franks Town, but saw no Houses or
Cabins; here we overtook the Goods,11 because four of
George Croghan's Hands fell sick, 26 Miles.
21st. Lay by, it raining all Day.
the Ohio, and was the route taken by Washington in 1753, later by Brad-
dock's expedition, and was substantially the line of the great Cumberland
National Road of the early nineteenth century.
The central trail, passing through Carlisle, Shippensburg, and Bedford, over
Laurel, Mountain, through Fort Ligonier, over Chestnut Ridge, to Shannopin's
Town at the Forks of the Ohio, was the most direct, and became the basis of
General Forbes's road, and later of the Pennsylvania wagon road to the
Ohio. Gist took this trail in 1750.— See Hulbert, Old Glade Road (Cleveland,
The northern, or Kittanning trail, was the oldest, and that most used by
Indian* traders. It is this route that Weiser followed. From Croghan's, he
passed over into the valley of Sherman's Creek (in Perry County), crossed the
Tuscarora Mountains at what was later known as Sterritf s Gap, and reached
the Black Log sleeping place near Shade Valley in the southeastern part of
Huntingdon County. This was a digression to the south, for in an extract
from his journal in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 13, Weiser says: " The Black Log
is 8 or 10 miles South East of the Three Springs and Frank's Town lies to y*
North, so that there must be a deduction of at least twenty miles.' ' From here,
following the valley of Aughwick Creek, he crossed the Juniata River, and
approached the "Standing Stone." This was a prominent landmark of the
region, and stood on the right bank of a creek of the same name, near the
present town of Huntingdon. It was about 14 feet high, and six inches square,
and served as a kind of Indian guidepost for that region. From this point,
the trail followed the Juniata Valley, coinciding for a short distance with the
line of the Pennsylvania Central Railway, but turning off on the Frankstown
branch of the Juniata at the present town of Petersburg.
There was also a fourth trail, still farther north, by way of Sunbury and
the west branch of the Susquehanna to Venango. This was Post's route in
1758.— Ed.
11 Frankstown was an important Indian village in the county of Blair, near
Hollidaysburg. The present town of this name lies on the north side of the
river, whereas the Indian town appears to have been on the south bank. Remains of the native village were in existence in the early part of the nineteenth
century. The Indian name was "Assunepachla," the title "Frankstown"
being given in honor of Stephen Franks, a German trader who lived at this
place.—See Jones, History of Juniata Valley (Harrisburg, 1889, 2nd éd.),
pp. 298-303. The cause of its desertion when Weiser passed, is not known-
The other edition of the journal says, "Here we overtook one half the goods,"
which seems more correct in view of the succeeding a 1748I
Weiser's Journal
22d. Crossed Alleghany Hill & came to the Clear
Fields, 16 Miles.12
23d. Came to the Shawonese1* Cabbins, 34 Miles.
24th. Found a dead Man on the Road who had killed
himself by Drinking too much Whisky; the Place being
very stony we cou'd not dig a Grave; He smelling very
strong we covered him with Stones & Wood & went on
our Journey; came to the 10 Mile Lick, 32 Miles.
25th. Crossed Kiskeminetoes Creek & came to Ohio
that Day, 26 Miles."
12 Of the place where the Kittanning trail crosses the Allegheny Range,
Jones writes (op. cit.), that the path is still visible, although filled with
weeds in the summer. "In some places where the ground was marshy, close
to the run, the path is at least twelve inches deep, and the very stones along
the road bear the marks of the iron-shod horses of the Indian traders. Two
years ago we picked up, at the edge of the run, a mile up the gorge, two gun-
flints,— now rated as relics of a past age.' ' Clear fields was at the head waters
of Clearfield Creek, a branch of the Susquehanna River, in Clearfield Township, Cambria County. This is not to be confused with Clearfield (Chinkla-
camoos), an important Indian town farther north. See Post's Journal, post.—
18 The Shawnees (Fr., Chaouanons), when first known, appear to have been
living in Western Kentucky; they were greatly harassed by the Iroquois, and
made frequent migrations which are difficult to trace. In 1692, they made
peace with the Iroquois and the English, and portions of the tribe settled in
the Ohio country and Western Pennsylvania. Intriguing with both English
and French, they were treacherous toward both nations. The location of
the cabins mentioned here- by Weiser is not positively known — it was in the
northern part of Indiana County; somewhere on the Kittanning trail.— Ed.
14 Weiser turned aside from the regular trail that ended at the Delaware
Indians' town of Kittanning, and followed a branch of the path that turned
southwest; crossed the Kiskiminitas Creek at the ford where the town of
Saltzburg, Indiana County, now stands; and reached the Allegheny River
(then called the Ohio) at Charter's Old Town, now Chartier's Station, Westmoreland County. It was at this point that in 1749, the French explorer, Céloron
de Blainville, met six traders with fifty horses laden with peltries, by these
sending his famous message to the governor of Pennsylvania to keep his traders
from that country, which was owned by the French. Weiser calculated the
distance of his journey by land as one hundred and seventy miles, and by deducting twenty miles for the detour at Black Log, made the distance from the
settlements one hundred and fifty miles.— Ed.
■ 24 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
26th. Hired a Cannoe; paid 1,000 Black Wampum for
the loan of it to Logs Town. Our Horses being all tyred,
we went by Water & came that Night to a Delaware
Town; the Indians used us very kindly.15
27th. Sett off again in the morning early; Rainy
Wheather. We dined in a Seneka Town, where an old
Seneka Woman Reigns with great Authority;19 we dined
at her House, & they all used us very well; at this&
the last-mentioned Delaware Town they received us by
firing a great many Guns; especially at this last Place.
We saluted the Town by firing off 4 pair of pistols;
arrived that Evening at Logs Town, & Saluted the
Town as before; the Indians returned about One hundred Guns;17 Great Joy appear'd in their Countenances.
18 This was the Delaware village known as Shannopin's Town, from a chief
of that name, who died in 1749. It was situated on the Allegheny River in the
present city of Pittsburg, and contained about twenty wigwams, and fifty or sixty
natives.   See Darlington, Gist's Journals (Pittsburg, 1893), pp. 92, 93.—Ed.
16 The reference is to Queen Aliquippa, whose town, directly at the Forks of
the Ohio, was called by Céloron "the written rock village." The writings
proved on examination to be but names of English traders scrawled in charcoal
on the rocks. See Father Bonnécamps's Relation, Jesuit Relations (Thwaites's
éd., Cleveland, 1896-1902), brix, p. 175. Céloron says of the Seneca queen:
"She regards herself as a sovereign, and is entirely devoted to the English."
Upon the advent of the French, she removed her village to the forks of the
Monongahela and Youghiogheny, where she told Gist in 1753 she would
never go back to the Allegheny to live, unless the English built a fort. Céloron
says of the site of her first village: "This place is one of the most beautiful I
have seen on the Beautiful River [la Belle Rivière, the French name for the
"Logstown (French, Chinnigné, Shenango) was the most important
Indian trading village in that part of the country. It was a mixed village composed of Indians of several tribes — chiefly Iroquois, Mohican, and Shawnee.
When Céloron visited it a year after Weiser's sojourn, he spoke of it as "a very
bad village, seduced by the desire for the cheap goods of the EngUsh." He
was near being attacked here, being saved by discovering the plot, and displaying the strength of his forces. Like Weiser, he was received with a salute
of guns, but feared it was more a sign of enmity than amity. Later, the Indians
of this village returned to the French alliance, and after the founding of Fort 1748] Weiser's Journal 25
From the Place where we took Water, i. e. from the old
Shawones Town, commonly called Chartier's Town,18
to this Place is about 60 Miles by Water & but 35 or 40
by Land.
The Indian Council met this Evening to shake Hands
with me & to shew their Satisfaction at my safe arrival;
I desired of them to send a Couple of Canoes to fetch
down the Goods from Chartier's old Town, where we
had been oblig'd to leave them on account of our Horses
being all tyred. I gave them a String of Wampum to
enforce my Request.19
28th.  Lay still.
29th. The Indians sett off in three Canoes to fetch
the Goods.   I expected the Goods wou'd be all at Char-
Duquesne, houses were built by the French for its inhabitants. With the
restoration of EngUsh interest, the importance of the place diminished, and by
1784 it is spoken of as a "former settlement." The site of Logstown is about
eighteen miles down the river from Pittsburg, just below the present town of
Economy, Pennsylvania. It was on a high bluff on the north shore. For the
history of this place, see DarUngton's Gist, pp. 95-100.— Ed.
18 There were two Indian towns called by this name — one at the mouth
of Chartier's Creek, Allegheny County, three miles below Pittsburg; the other
opposite the mouth of Chartier's Run, which falls into the AUegheny in Westmoreland County. Weiser refers to the latter of these. Charrier was a
French-Shawnee half-breed that had much influence with his tribe. In 1745,
he induced most of them to remove to the neighborhood of Detroit, on the orders
of the governor of New France.   See Croghan's Journals, post.—Ed.
19 The other edition of the journal adds, that the horses were ' ' all scalled
on their backs.' '
The importance of "wampum" m aU Indian transactions cannot be overestimated. It was used for money, as a much-prized ornament, to enforce a
request (as at this time), to accredit a messenger, to ransom a prisoner, to
atone for a crime. No council could be held, no treaty drawn up, without a
Uberal use of wampum. It was used also to record treaties, as the one described
by Weiser between the Wyandots, Iroquois, and governor of New York. Hale
—"Indian Wampum Records," Popular Science Monthly, February, 1897—
thinks that it was a comparatively late invention in Indian development, and
took its rise among the Iroquois. Weiser's Ust of the wampum used and
received in this journey is to be found in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 17.— Ed.
to 26 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
tier's old Town by the time the Canoes wou'd get there,
as we met about twenty Horses of George Groghan's at
the Shawonese Cabbins in order to fetch the Goods that
were then lying at Franks Town.
This Day news came to Town that the Six Nations
were on the point of declaring War against the French,
for reason the French had Imprison'd some of the Indian
Deputies. A Council was held & all the Indians acquainted with the News, and it was said the Indian Messenger was by the way to give all the Indians Notice to
make ready to fight the French.20 This Day my Companions went to Coscosky, a large Indian Town about
30 Miles off.21
30th. I went to Beaver Creek, an Indian Town about
8 Miles off, chiefly Delawares, the rest Mohocks, to have
some Belts of Wampum made.22 This afternoon Rainy
Wheather set in which lasted above a Week.   Andrew
20 The French had retained the Iroquois deputies in order to secure from
them the French prisoners in their hands. La GaUssonière, the governor
wrote to his home government in 1748, that he should persist in retaining their
(the Iroquois) people, until he recovered the French. The governor of New
York demanded the Mohawks, on the ground of their being British subjects,
a claim the French refused to admit. The matter was finaUy adjusted without
an Indian war, although it caused much irritation. See O'Callaghan (éd.),
New York Colonial Documents (Albany, 1858), x, p. 185.— Ed.
21Kuskuskis was an important centre for the Delaware Indians, on the
Mahoning Branch of Beaver Creek, in Lawrence County, Pennsylvania. It
consisted of separate viUages scattered along the creek, one of which, called
"Old Kuskuskis," was at the forks, where New Castle now stands. See
Post's Journal, post.— Ed.
a The Indian town at the mouth of Beaver Creek, where the town of Beaver
now stands, was known indifferently as King Beaver's, or Shingas's Old Town
(from two noted Delaware chiefs), or Sohkon (signifying "at the mouth of a
stream"). This was a noted fur-trading station, and after the building of
Fort Duquesne, the French erected houses here, for the Indians. It was the
starting place for many a border raid, that made Shingas's name "a terror to
the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania." See Post's experiences at this place
in 1758, post.— Ed. 17481 Weiser's Journal 27
Montour23 came back from Coscosky with a Message
from the Indians there to desire of me that the ensuing
Council might be held at their Town. We both lodged
at this Town at George Croghan's Trading House.
31st. Sent Andrew Montour back to Coscosky with a
String of Wampum to let the Indians there know that it
was an act of their own that the ensuing Council must
be held at Logs Town, they had order'd it do last Spring
when George Croghan was up, & at the last Treaty in
Lancaster the Shawonese & Twightwees24 have been
told so, & they stayed accordingly for that purpose, &
both would be offended if the Council was to be held at
Coscosky, besides my instructions binds me to Logs
Town, & could not go further without giving offence.
Sepf. 1. The Indians in Logs Town having heard of
23 Andrew Montour was the son of a noted French half-breed, Madame
Montour, who being captured by the Iroquois in her youth married an Oneida
chief and was a firm adherent of the EngUsh. Montour's services for the EngUsh
were considerable. He was an expert interpreter, speaking the languages of
the various Ohio Indians, as weU as Iroquois. First mentioned by Weiser in
1744, when he interpreted Delaware for his Iroquois, he assisted in nearly all
the important Indian negotiations from that time until the treaty of Fort Stanwix
in 1768, being employed in turn by the Pennsylvania, Virginia, and New York
governments, and the Ohio Company. In 1754, he was with Washington at
the surrender of Fort Necessity. Several times he warned the settlements of
impending raids, among other services bringing word of Pontiac's outbreak.
He accompanied Major Rogers as captain of the Indian forces, when the latter
went to take possession of Detroit; and in 1764 commanded a party against
the recalcitrant Delawares. He received for his services several grants of land
in Western Pennsylvania, as weU as money. For a detailed biography see
DarUngton's Gist, pp. 159-175.— Ed.
24 Twigtwees was the EngUsh name for the Miamis, a large nation of Algon-
quian Indians, that were first met by the seventeenth century explorers in
Northern Illinois. But later, they moved eastward into the present state of
Indiana, and settled on the Maumee and Wabash rivers, also on St. Josephs
River in Michigan. The French had had posts among them for two generations, but from 1723 the EngUsh traders had been seeking a foothold in their
midst. Their adherence to the EngUsh in 1748 was a blow to the French
trade.— Ed.
^^^^^^^^^ 28                     Early Western Travels               [Vol. i
I ^	
' the Message from Coscosky sent for me to know what I
was resolv'd to do, and told me that the Indians at Coscosky were no more Chiefs than themselves, & that last
Spring they had nothing to eat, & expecting that they
shou'd have nothing to eat at our arrival, order'd that
the Council should be held here; now their Corn is ripe,
they want to remove the Council, but they ought to stand
by their word; we have kept the Twightwees here & our
Brethren the Shawonese from below on that account, as
I told them the Message that I had sent by Andrew
Montour; they were content.
2d. Rain continued; the Indians brought in a good
deal of Venison.
3d. Set up the Union Flagg on a long Pole. Treated
all the Company with a Dram of Rum; The King's
Health was drank by Indians & white men. Towards
Night a great many Indians arrived to attend the Council.
There was great firing on both sides; the Strangers first
Saluted the Town at a quarter of a Mile distance, and at
their Entry the Town's People return'd the fire, also the
English Traders, of whom there were above twenty.
At Night, being very sick of the Cholick, I got bled.
4th. Was oblig'd to keep my bed all Day, being very
5th. I found myself better. Scaiohady25 came to see
me; had some discourse with him about the ensuing
6th. Had a Council with the Wondats, otherways
called  Ionontady Hagas, they made a fine Speech to
25 Scarroyahy was an Oneida chief of great influence with the Ohio Indians,
especially at Logstown. He remained firm in the EngUsh interest, and in 1754
moved to Aughwick Creek, to get away from the French influence, and to
protect the settlements. His death the same year, was imputed by his friends
to French witchcraft.— Ed. 1748]
Weiser's Journal
me to make me welcome, & appeared in the whole very
friendly.26   Rainy Wheather continued.
7th. Being inform'd that the Wondats had a mind to
go back again to the French, & had endeavour'd to
take the Delawares with them to recommend them to the
French, I sent Andrew Montour to Beaver Creek with
a string of Wampum to inform himself of the Truth of
the matter; they sent a String in answer to let me know
they had no correspondence that way with the Wondats,
and that the aforesaid Report was false.
8th. Had a Council with the Chiefs of the Wondats;
enquired their number, & what occasion'd them to come
away from the French, What Correspondence they had
with the Six Nations, & whether or no they had ever
had any Correspondence with the Government of New
York; they inform'd me their coming away from the
French was because of the hard Usage they received from
them; That they wou'd always get their Young Men to
go to War against their Enemies, and wou'd use them as
their own People, that is like Slaves, & their Goods
were so dear that they, the Indians, cou'd not buy them;
that there was one hundred fighting Men that came over
28 The Wyandots, or Tobacco Hurons, or Petuns, were of Iroquois stock,
but nearly destroyed by that nation in the seventeenth century. Fleeing westward, they placed themselves under French protection, and, after its founding
in 170T, were settled chiefly about Detroit. In the early eighteenth century
they straggled eastward along the south shore of Lake Erie, and began to open
communication with their ancient enemies, the Iroquois. In 1747, occurred
the rebeUion of their chief Nicholas, who built a fort in the marshes of the
Sandusky, and defied the French soldiers. The chiefs whom Weiser met,
were deputies from this party of rebels.
The other edition of Weiser's journal does not mention the "Wondats"
until September 7; and has the foUowing entry for September 6: "One canoe
with goods arrived, the rest did not come to the river. The Indians that brought
the goods found our casks of whiskey hid by some of the traders; they had
drunk two and brought two to the town. The Indians aU got drunk to-night,
and some of the traders along with them.   The weather cleared up."— Ed.
i! h 30 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
to join the English, seventy were left behind at another
Town a good distance off, & they hoped they wou'd
follow them; that they had a very good Correspondence
with the Six Nations many Years, & were one People
with them, that they cou'd wish the Six Nations wou'd
act more brisker against the French; That above fifty
Years ago they made a Treaty of Friendship with the
Governor of New York at Albany, & shewed me a large
Belt of Wampum they received there from the said
Governor as from the King of Great Britain; the Belt
was 25 Grains wide & 265 long, very Curiously wrought,
there were seven Images of Men holding one another by
the Hand, the 1st signifying the Governor of New York
(or rather, as they said, the King of Great Britain), the
2d the Mohawks, the 3d the Oneidos, the 4th the Cajugas,
the 5th the Onondagers, the 6th the Senekas, the 7th the
Owandaets [Wyandots], the two Rows of black Wampum
under their feet' thro' the whole length of the Belt to
signify the Road from Albany thro' the 5 Nations to the
Owendaets; That 6 Years ago, they had sent Deputies
with the same Belt to Albany to renew the Friendship.
I treated them with a quart of Whiskey & a Roll of
Tobacco; they expressed their good Wishes to King
George & all his People, & were mightily pleas'd that I
look'd upon them as Brethren of the English.
This Day I desir'd the Deputies of all the Nations of
Indians settled on the Waters of Ohio to give me a List
of their fighting Men, which they promis'd to do. A
great many of the Indians went away this Day because
the Goods did not come, & the People in the Town
cou'd not find Provision enough, the number was so
The following is the number of every Nation, given to Il
1748] Weiser's Journal 31
me by their several Deputies in Council, in so many
Sticks tied up in a Bundle:
The Senacas 163, Shawonese 162, Owendaets 100,
Tisagechroanu 40; Mohawks 74; Mohickons 15; Onon-
dagers 35; Cajukas 20; Oneidos 15; Delawares 165; in
aH 789."
9th. I had a Council with the Senakas, & gave them
a large String of Wampum, black & White, to acquaint
them I had it in Charge from the President & Council
in Philadelphia to enquire who it was that lately took
the People Prisoners in Carolina, one thereof being a
Great man, & that by what discovery I had already
made I found it was some of the Senekas did it; I therefore desir'd them to give me their Reasons for doing so,
& as they had struck their Hatchet into their Brethren's
Body they cou'd not expect that I could deliver my
Message with a good heart before they gave me Satisfaction in that Respect, for they must consider the English, tho' living in several Provinces, are all one People, &
doing Mischeif to one is doing to the other; let me have
a plain & direct answer.
10th. A great many of the Indians got drunk; one
Henry Noland had brought near 30 Gallons of Whiskey
to the Town. This Day I made a Present to the old
Shawonese Chief Cackawatcheky, of a Stroud, a Blanket,
"The Tisagechroanu were "a numerous Nation to the North of Lake
Frontenac; they don't come by Niagara in their way to Oswego, but right
across the Lake."—Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 85. Probably
they were a party of the Neutral Hurons.
The other edition adds after the Mohawks, "among whom there were 27
French Mohawks." The Mohicans were a wandering tribe, whose original
home was on the banks of the Hudson, and in the Connecticut VaUey. Charlevoix found them in the far West in 1721. These on the Ohio were called
"Loups" by the French.— Ed. 32
Early Western Travels
a Match Coat,28 a Shirt, a Pair of Stockings, & a large
twist of Tobacco, & told him that the President &
Council of Philadelphia remember'd their love to him
as to their old & true Friend, & wou'd Cloath his Body
once more, & wished he might weare them out so as to
give them an opportunity to cloath him again. There
was a great many Indians present, two of which were the
big Hominy & the Pride, those that went off with Char-
tier, but protested against his proceedings against our
Traders. Catchawatcheky return'd thanks, & some of
the Six Nations did the same, & express'd their Satisfaction to see a true man taken Notice of, altho' he was
now grown Childish.
nth. George Croghan & myself staved an 8 Gallon
Cag of Liquor belonging to the aforesaid Henry Norland,
who could not be prevail'd on to hide it in the Woods,
but would sell it & get drunk himself e.
I desir'd some of the Indians in Council to send some
of their Young Men to meet our People with the Goods,
and not to come back before they heard of or saw them.
I begun to be afraid they had fallen into the Hands of the
Enemy; so did the Indians.
Ten Warriors came to Town by Water from Niagara;
We suspected them very much, & fear'd that some of their
Parties went to meet our People by hearing of them."*
12th. Two Indians and a white man30 went out to meet
our People, & had Orders not to come back before they
saw them, or go to Franks Town, where we left the
indof c
loth made for the use of t
oat worn by the Indians,
2 Stroud was
trade.   A match-coat was a large loos
made of skins, later of match-cloth.— Ed.
29 The other edition adds, ' ' coming down the river.' '— Ed.
80 His name is given in the other edition as Robert CaUendi
panied Croghan and Gist on their journey to the Ohio in 1750-5:
riginahy 1748] Weiser's Journal 33
Goods. The same Day the Indians made answer to my
Request concerning the Prisoners taken in Carolina:
Thanayieson, a Speaker of the Senekas, spoke to the
following purpose in the presence of all the Deputies
of the other Nations (We were out of Doors): "Brethren,
You came a great way to visit us, & many sorts of Evils
might have befallen You by the way which might have
been hurtful to your Eyes & your inward parts, for the
Woods are full of Evil Spirits. We give You this String
of Wampum to clear up your Eyes & Minds & to remove all bitterness of your Spirit, that you may hear us
speak in good Chear." Then the Speaker took his
Belt in his Hand & said: "Brethren, when we and you
first saw one another at your first arrival at Albany we
shook Hands together and became Brethren & we tyed
your Ship to the Bushes, and after we had more acquaintance with you we lov'd you more and more, & perceiving that a Bush wou'd not hold your Vessel we then tyed
her to a large Tree & ever after good Friendship continued between us; afterwards you, our Brethren, told
us that a Tree might happen to fall down and the Rope
rot wherewith, the Ship was tyed. You then proposed
to make a Silver Chain & tye your Ship to the great
Mountains in the five Nations' Country, & that Chain
was called the Chain of Friendship; we were all tyed by
our Arms together with it, & we the Indians of the five
Nations heartily agreed to it, & ever since a very good
Correspondence have been kept between us; but we are
very sorry that at your coming here we are oblig'd to
talk of the Accident that lately befell you in Carolina,
where some of our Warriors, by the Instigation of the
Evil Spirit, struck their Hatchet into our own' Body like,
for our Brethren the English & we are of one Body, & 34 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
what was done we utterly abhor as a thing done by the
Evil Spirit himself; we never expected any of our People
wou'd ever do so to our Brethren. We therefore remove
our Hatchet which, by the influence of the Evil Spirit, was
struck into your Body, and we desire that our Brethren
the Govr. of New York & Onas81 may use their utmost
endeavours that the thing may be buried in the bottomless
Pit, that it may never be seen again — that the Chain of
Friendship which is of so long standing may be preserv'd
bright & unhurt." Gave a Belt. The Speaker then
took up a String of Wampum, mostly black, and said:
"Brethren, as we have removed our Hatchet out of your
Body, or properly speaking, out of our own, We now
desire that the Air may be clear'd up again & the wound
given may be healed, & every thing put in good understanding, as it was before, and we desire you will assist
us to make up everything with the Govr. of Carolina;
the Man that has been brought as a Prisoner we now
deliver to You, he is yours" (lay'd down the String, and
took the Prisoner by the Hand and delivered him to
me).32 By way of discourse, the Speaker said, "the
Six Nation Warriors often meet Englishmen trading to
the Catawbas, & often found that the Englishmen
betrayed them to their Enemy, & some of the English
Traders had been spoke to by the Indian Speaker last
Year in the Cherrykees88 Country & were told not to do
81 "Onas" was the Indian term for the governor of Pennsylvania — first
used for Penn in his treaty with the Delawares, in 1682.— Ed.
82 Apparently this was a lad named William Brown, whom Croghan sent
to the settlements, October 20, 1748.— Pennsylvania Archives, n, p. 17.— Ed.
88 The Catawbas were a powerful Indian tribe of South Carolina, thought
by PoweU — "Indian Linguistic FamiUes of North America," in U. S. Bureau
of Ethnology Report, 1885-86 — to be of Siouan stock. They inhabited the
western portion of the CaroUnas, and were traditional enemies of the Iroquois.
The Cherokees were a settled tribe in North CaroUna and Tennessee, and at
this time in the EngUsh interest.— Ed. i748l
so; that the Speaker & many others of the Six Nations
had been afraid a long time that such a thing wou'd be
done by some of their Warriors at one time or other."
13th. Had a Council with the Senekas and Onon-
tagers about the Wandots, to receive them into our
Union. I gave a large Belt of Wampum and the Indians
gave two, & everything was agreed upon about what
sho'd be said to the Wandots. The same Evening a
full Council was appointed & met accordingly, & a
Speech was made to the Wandots by Asserhartur, a
Seneka, as follows:
"Brethren, the Ionontady Hagas:34 last Spring you
sent this Belt of Wampum to Us (having the Belt then in
his hand) to desire us and our Brethren, the Shawonese &
our Cousins the Delawares, to come & meet you in your
retreat from the French, & we accordingly came to your
Assistance & brought you here & received you as our
own flesh. We desire you will think you now join us, &
our Brethren, the English, & you are become one People
with us"— then he lay'd that Belt by & gave them a
very large String of Wampum.
The Speaker took up the Belt I gave & said : ' ' Brethren: the English, our Brothers, bid you welcome & are
glad you escaped out Captivity like: You have been
kept as Slaves by Onontio,35 notwithstanding he call'd
You all along his Children, but now You have broke the
Rope wherewith you have been tyed & become Freemen,
& we, the united Six Nations, receive you to our Council
Fire, & make you Members thereof, and we will secure
your dwelling Place to You against all manner of danger. "
— Gave the Belt.
84 " Jonontady Hagas" was the Iroquois phrase for the Wyandot or Huron .
88 " Onontio ' ' was the Indian term for the governor of Canada.— Ed. -
36 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
"Brethren: We the Six United Nations & all our
Indian Allies, with our Brethren the English, look upon
you as our Children, tho' you are our Brethren; we desire you will give no ear to the Evil Spirit that spreads
lyes & wickedness, let your mind by easy & clear, &
be of the same mind with us whatever you may hear,
nothing shall befall you but what of necessity must befall
us at the same time.
"Brethren: We are extremely pleased to see you
here, as it happened just at the same time when our
Brother Onas is with us. We jointly, by this Belt of
Wampum, embrace you about your middle, & desire
you to be strong in your minds & hearts, let nothing
alter your minds, but live & dye with us." Gave a Belt
— the Council broke up.
14th. A full Council was Summon'd & every thing
repeated by me to all the Indians of what pass'd in Lancaster at the last Treaty with the Twightwees.
The News was confirm'd by a Belt of Wampum from
the Six Nations, that the French had imprisoned some of
the Six Nations Deputies, & 30 of the Wandots, including Women & Children.
The Indians that were sent to meet our People with the
Goods came back & did not see any thing of them, but
they had been no further than the old Shawonese Town.
15th. I let the Indians know that I wou'd deliver my
Message to morrow, & the Goods I had, & that they
must send Deputies with me on my returning homewards,
& wherever we shou'd meet the rest of the Goods I
wou'd send them to them if they were not taken by the
Enemy, to which they agreed.
The same Day the Delawares made a Speech to me
& presented a Beaver Coat & a String of Wampum, & 1748]
Weiser's Journal
said, "Brother: we let the President & Council of Phila.
know that after the Death of our Chief Man, Olomipies,
our Grand Children the Shawnese36 came to our own
Town to condole with us over the loss of our good King,
your Brother, & they wiped off our Tears & comforted
our minds, & as the Delawares are the same People
with the Pennsylvanians, & born in one & the same
Country, we give some of the Present our Grand Children
gave us to the President & Council of Philda. because
the Death of their good Friend & Brother must have
affected them as well as us."— Gave the Beaver Coat &
a String of Wampum.
The same Day the Wandots sent for me & Andrew &
presented us with 7 Beaver Skins about 10 lbs. weight, &
said they gave us that to buy some refreshments for us
after our arrival in Pennsylvania, wished we might get
home safe, & lifted up their Hands & said they wou'd
pray God to protect us & guide us the way home. I
desir'd to know their names; they behav'd like People of
good Sense & Sincerity; the most of them were grey
headed; their Names are as follows: Totornihiades,
Taganayesy, Sonachqua, Wanduny, Taruchiorus, their
Speaker. The Chiefs of the Delawares that made the
above Speech are Shawanasson & Achamanatainu.37
16th. I made answer to the Delawares & said, "Brethren the Delawares:   It is true what you said that the
86 Olumpias was principal chief of the Delawares. He had formerly Uved
in the SchuylkiU VaUey, and signed the treaty of purchase by which the Germans came into possession of their lands in that region (1732). He died in
the autumn of 1747, the president and council of Pennsylvania being asked to
name his successor. The Delawares considered themselves the aborigines of
Pennsylvania, and spoke of the Shawnees, whom they had permitted to come
among them, as "grandchildren."—Ed.
87 These names are given in the other edition as "Shawanapon and Acha-
mantama.' '— Ed. 11;
38 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
People of Pennsylvania are your Brethren & Countrymen; we are very well pleas'd of what your Children
the Shawonese did to you; this is the first time we had
publick Notice given us of the Death of our good Friend
& Brother Olomipies. I take this opportunity to remove the remainder of your Troubles from your Hearts
to enable you to attend in Council at the ensuing Treaty,
& I assure you that the President & Council of Pennsylvania condoles with You over the loss of your King our
good Friend and Brother."— Gave them 5 Strouds.
The two aforesaid Chiefs gave a String of Wampum &
desir'd me to let their Brethren, the President & Council,
know they intended a Journey next Spring to Philadelphia to consult with their Brethren over some Affairs of
Moment; since they are now like Orphan Children,
they hoped their Brethren wou'd let them have then-
good Advice and Assistance, as the People of Pennsylvania & the Delawares were like one Family.
The same Day the rest of the Goods arriv'd the Men
said they had nine Days' Rain & the Creeks arose, &
that they had been oblig'd to send a sick Man back from
Franks Town to the Inhabitants with another to attend
The neighboring Indians being sent for again, the
Council was appointed to meet to-morrow. It rain'd again.
17th. It rained very hard, but in the Afternoon it held
up for about 3 hours; the Deputies of the several Nations
met in Council & I delivered them what I had to say
from the President & Council of Pennsylvania by Andrew
"Brethren, you that live on Ohio: I am sent to You
by the President & Council of Pennsylvania, & I am
now going to Speak to You on their behalf I desire You ijl
1748] Weiser's Journal 39
will take Notice & hear what I shall say. ' '— Gave a
String of Wampum.
"Brethren: Some of You have been in Philadelphia
last Fall & acquainted us that You had taken up the
English Hatchet, and that You had already made use of
it against the French, & that the French had very hard
heads, & your Country afforded nothing but Sticks &
Hickerys which was not sufficient to break them. You
desir'd your Brethren wou'd assist You with some Weapons sufficient to do it. Your Brethren the Presid*. &
Council promis'd you then to send something to You
next Spring by Tharachiawagon,38 but as some other
Affairs prevented his Journey to Ohio, you receiv'd a
Supply by George Croghan sent you by your said Brethren; but before George Croghan came back from Ohio
News came from over the Great Lake that the King of
Great Britain & the French King had agreed upon a
Cessation of Arms for Six Months & that a Peace was
very likely to follow. Your Brethren, the President &
Council, were then in a manner at a loss what to do. It
did not become them to act contrary to the command of
the King, and it was out of their Power to encourage you
in the War against the French; but as your Brethren
never miss'd fulfilling their Promises, they have upon
second Consideration thought proper to turn the intended
Supply into a Civil & Brotherly Present, and have
accordingly sent me with it, and here are the Goods before
your Eyes, which I have, by your Brethren's Order,
divided into 5 Shares & layd in 5 different heaps, one
heap whereof your Brother Assaraquoa sent to You to
remember his Friendship and Unity with You; & as
you are all of the same Nations with whom we the Eng-
88 This was Weiser's Indian name.— Ed.
M t
Early Western Travels
lish have been in League of Friendship, nothing need be
said more than this, that the President & Council &
Assaraquoa39 have sent You this Present to serve to
strengthen the Chain of Friendship between us the
English & the several Nations of Indians to which You
belong. A French Peace is a very uncertain One, they
keep it no longer than their Interest permits, then they
break it without provocation given them. The French
King's People have been almost starv'd in old France
for want of Provision, which made them wish & seek
for Peace; but our wise People are of opinion that after
their Bellies are full they will quarrel again & raise a
War. ' All nations in Europe know that their Friendship
is mix'd with Poison, & many that trusted too much on
their Friendship have been ruin'd.
"I now conclude & say, that we the English are your
true Brethren at all Events, In token whereof receive
this Present." The Goods being then uncover'd I proceeded. "Brethren: You have of late settled the
River of Ohio for the sake of Hunting, & our Traders
followed you for the sake of Hunting also. You have
invited them yourselves. Your Brethren, the President
& Council, desire You will look upon them as your
Brethren & see that they have justice done. Some of
your Young Men have robbed our Traders, but you will
be so honest as to compel them to make Satisfaction.
You are now become a People of Note, & are grown
very numerous of late Years, & there is no doubt some .
wise Men among you, it therefore becomes you to Act
the part of wise men, & for the future be more regular
89 The Virginians were caUed by the Indians "Long Knives," or more
Uterally "Big Knives." Ash-a-le-co-a is the Indian form of this word, which
Weiser spells phoneticany.   He means that the present was sent by both
md Virginia.— Ed. 1748]
Weiser s Journal
than You have been for some Years past, when only a
few Young Hunters lived here. "— Gave a Belt.
"Brethren: You have of late made frequent Complaints against the Traders bringing so much Rum to
your Towns, & desir'd it might be stop't; & your Brethren the President & Council made an Act accordingly &
put a stop to it, & no Trader was to bring any Rum or
strong Liquor to your Towns. I have the Act here with
me & shall explain it to You before I leave you;40 But
it seems it is out of your Brethren's Power to stop it*
entirely. You send down your own Skins by the Traders
to buy Rum for you. You go yourselves & fetch Horse
loads of strong Liquor. But the other Day an Indian
came to this Town out of Maryland with 3 Horse loads
of Liquor, so that it appears you love it so well that you
cannot be without it. You know very well that the
Country near the endless Mountain affords strong Liquor,
& the moment the Traders buy it they are gone out of the
Inhabitants & are travelling to this Place without being
discover'd; besides this, you never agree about it — one
will have it, the other won't (tho' very few), a third says
we will have it cheaper; this last we believe is spoken from
your Hearts (here they Laughed). Your Brethren,
therefore, have order'd that every cask of Whiskey shall
be sold to You for 5 Bucks in your Town, & if a Trader
offers to sell Whiskey to You and will not let you have it
at that Price, you may take it from him & drink it for
nothing."— Gave a Belt.
SI Brethren : Here is one of the Traders who you know
to be a very sober & honest Man; he has been robbed of
the value of 300 Bucks, & you all know by whom; let,
40 For this proclamation against the sale of Uquor to Indians, see Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 194-196.— Ed. 42
Early Western Travels
therefore, Satisfaction be made to the Trader."—Gave
a String of Wampum.
[ ' Brethren, I have no more to say. ' '
I delivered the Goods to them, having first divided them
into 5 Shares — a Share to the Senekas another to the
Cajukas, Oneidos, the Onontagers, & Mohawks, another
to the Delawares, another to the Owendaets, Tisagechroanu, & Mohickons, and the other to the Shawonese.
The Indians signified great Satisfaction & were well
pleased with the Cessation of Arms. The Rainy Wheath-
er hasted them away with the Goods into the Houses.
18th. The Speech was delivered to the Delawares in
their own Language, & also to the Shawonese in their's,
by Andrew Montour, in the presence of the Gentlemen
that accompanied me.41 I acquainted the Indians I was
determined to leave them to-morrow & return homewards.
19th. Scaiohady, Tannghrishon, Oniadagarehra, with
a few more, came to my lodging & spoke as follows:
"Brother Onas, We desire you will hear what we are
going to say to You in behalf of all the Indians on Ohio;
their Deputies have sent us to You. We have heard
what you have said to us, & we return you many thanks
for your kindness in informing us of what pass'd between
the King of Great Britain & the French King, and in
particular we return you many thanks for the large
Presents; the same we do to our Brother Assaraquoa,
who joined our Brother Onas in making us a Present.
Our Brethren have indeed tied our Hearts to their's.
We at present can but return thanks with an empty hand
till another opportunity serves to do it sufficiently.    We
a One of those who accompanied Weiser was WiUiam, son of Benjamin
FrankUn, who later became governor of New Jersey. See Pennsylvania
Archives, n, p. 15.— Ed. lU
1748] Weiser's Journal 43
must call a great Council & do every thing regular; in
the mean time look upon us as your true Brothers.
"Brother: You said the other Day in Council if any
thing befell us from the French we must let you know of it.
We will let you know if we hear any thing from the French,
be it against us or yourself. You will have Peace, but it's
most certain that the Six Nations & their Allies are upon
the point of declaring War against the French. Let us
keep up true Corrispondence & always hear of one
another. "— They gave a Belt.
Scaiohady & the half King, with two others, had inform'd me that they often must send Messengers to Indian
Towns & Nations, & had nothing in their Council Bag,
as they were new beginners, either to recompense a Messenger or to get Wampum to do the business, & begged
I wou'd assist them with something. I had saved a
Piece of Strowd, an half Barrell of Pow[d]er, 100 pounds
of Lead, 10 Shirts, 6 Knives, & 1 Pound of Vermillion, &
gave it to them for the aforesaid use; they return'd many
thanks and were mightily pleased.42
42 Here occurs the foUowing, in the other edition: "The old Sinicker Queen
from above, abeady mentioned, came to inform me some time ago that she
had sent a string of wampum of three fathoms to Philadelphia by James Dun-
nings, to desire her brethren would send her up a cask of powder and some
small shot to enable her to send out the Indian boys to kiU turkeys and other
fowls for her, whilst the men are gone to war against the French, that they
may not be starved. I told her I had heard nothing of her message, but if
she had told me of it before I had parted with aU the powder and lead, I could
have let her have some, and promised I would make inquiry; perhaps her
messenger had lost it on the way to Philadelphia. I gave her a shirt, a Dutch
wooden pipe and some tobacco. She seemed to have taken a Uttle affront
because I took not sufficient notice of her in coming down. I told her she
acted very imprudently not to let me know by some of her friends who she was,
as she knew very weU I could not know by myself. She was satisfied, and went
away with a deal of kind expressions. The same day I gave a stroud, a shirt,
and a pair of stockings to the young Shawano, King Capechque, and a pipe
and some tobacco.' '— Ed. iff
•]/ m
Early Western Travels
The same Day I set out for Pennsylvania in Rainy
Weather, and arrived at George Croghan's on the 28th
Conrad Weiser.
Pennsbtjry, Sept*' 29th, 1748.
48 The foUowing description of the homeward journey is contained in the
other edition:
"The 20th, left a horse behind that we could not find. Came to the river;
had a great rain; the river not rideable [fordable].
"The 21st, sent for a canoe about 6 miles up the river to a Delà1
An Indian brought one, we paid him a blanket, got over the rivei
o'clock. Crossed Kiskaminity creek, and came that night to the r<
about twelve miles from the river.
"The 22d, the weather cleared up; we traveUed this day about 35 miles, cai
by the place where we had buried the body of John Quen, but found the be<
had puUed him out and left nothing of him but a few naked bones
and hole,
I The 23rd, crossed the head of the West Branch of the Susquehi
noon came to the Cheasts [Chest creek, Cambria County]. This nig
great frost, our kettle standing about four or five feet from the fire,
over with ice thicker than a brass penny.
' ' The 24th, got over AUegheny hill, otherwise caUed mountains, to Franks-
town, about 20 miles.
"The 25th, came to the Standing Stone; slept three miles at this side; about
3r miles.
"The 26th, to the forks of the wood about 30 miles; left my man's horse
behind as he was tired.
"The 27th, it rained very fast; traveUed i
"The 28th, rain continued; came to a pfc
to settle, and arrived at George Croghan'!
after dark; came about 35 miles that day, but
"The 29th and 30th, I rested myself at George Croghi
our baggage was sent for, which arrived.
"The 1st of October reached the heads of the Tulpenhocken.
' ' The 2nd I arrived safe at my house.' '— Ed.
a aU day; came about s
e where white people now
in  Pennsbury, about  an
mm II
A Selection of George Croghan's Letters and
Journals Relating to Tours into the Western
Country—November 16, 1750-NovEMBER, 1765.
Sources: Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 496-498, 530-
' 536> 539. 540, 731-735; vi. PP- 642, 643, 781, 782; vii, pp. 267-271.
Massachusetts Historical Collections, 4 series, ix, pp. 362-379. Butler's History of Kentucky (Cincinnati and Louisville, 1836), appendix, with variations from other sources. New York Colonial
Documents, vii, pp. 781-788.  INTRODUCTORY   NOTE
Next to Sir William Johnson, George Croghan was the
most prominent figure among British Indian agents during
the period of the later French wars, and the conspiracy of
Pontiac. A history of his life is therefore an epitome of
Indian relations with the whites, especially on the borders
of Virginia and Pennsylvania and in the Ohio Valley. A
pioneer trader and traveller, and a government agent, no
other man of his time better knew the West and the
counter currents that went to make up its history. Not
even the indefatigable Gist, or the self-sacrificing Post,
travelled over so large a portion of the Western country,
knew better the different routes, or was more welcome
in the Indian villages. Among his own class he was
the " mere idol of the Irish traders." Sir William Johnson appreciated his services, made him his deputy for
the Ohio Indians, and entrusted him with the most delicate and difficult negotiations, such as those at Fort Pitt
and Detroit in 1758-61; and those in the Illinois (1765) by
which Pontiac was brought to terms.
Born in Ireland and educated at Dublin, Croghan
emigrated to Pennsylvania at an early age and settled just
west of Harris's Ferry in the township of Pennsboro, then
on the border of Western settlement. The opportunities
of the Indian trade appealed to his fondness for journeying and sense of adventure. His daring soon carried him
beyond the bounds of the province, and among the | far
Indians " of Sandusky and the Lake Erie region, where
he won adherents for the English among the wavering 48 Early Western Travels [Vol. r
allies of the French. His abilities and his influence over
the Indians soon attracted the attention of the hard-headed
German, Conrad Weiser, who in 1747 recommended him
to the Council of Pennsylvania. In this manner he entered
the public service, and continued therein throughout the
active years of his life.
Croghan was first employed by the province in assisting Weiser to convey a present to the Ohio, whither he
preceded him in the spring of 1748.1 The following year
he was sent out to report on the French expedition whose
passage down the Ohio had alarmed the Allegheny
Indians, and arrived at Logstown just after Céloron had
passed, thus neutralizing the latter's influence in that
The jealousy of the Indians over the encroachments of
the settlers upon their lands west of the mountains on the
Juniata, and in the central valleys of Pennsylvania,
determined the government to expel the settlers rather
than risk a breach with the Indians. In this task, which
must have been uncongenial to him, Croghan, as justice
of the peace for Cumberland County, was employed during
the spring of 1750.8 The autumn of the same year,
found him beginning one of his most extensive journeys
throughout the Ohio Valley, as far as the Miamis and
Pickawillany, where he made an advantageous treaty
with new envoys of the Western tribes who sought his
alliance. To Croghan's annoyance, the Pennsylvania
government in an access of caution repudiated this treaty
as having been unauthorized.
1 See Weiser's Journal, ante; and Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 287,
2 Ibid., v, p. 387; Pennsylvania Archives, ïï, p. 31.
8 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 432-449. 1750-1765] Croghan's Journals 49
In 1751 Croghan was again upon the Allegheny, encouraging the Indians in their English alliance, and
defeating Joncaire, the shrewdest of the French agents in
this region, by means of his own tactics. The next year,
he was pursuing his traffic in furs among the Shawnees,
but without forgetting the public interest;4 and the following year finds him assisting the governor and Council
at the important negotiations at Carlisle.5 This same
year (1753) Croghan removed his home some distance
west, and settled on Aughwick Creek upon land granted
him by the Province. His public services were continued
early in the next year by a journey with the official
present to the Ohio, where he arrived soon after Washington had passed upon the return from the famous
embassy to the French officers at Fort Le Bœuf.
The outbreak of the French and Indian War ruined
Croghan's prosperous trading business, and brought him
to the verge of bankruptcy. While at the same time a
large number of Indian refugees, desiring to remain under
British protection, sought his home at Aughwick, where
he felt obliged to provision them, with but meagre assistance from the Province. To add to his troubles, the Irish
traders, because of their Romanist proclivities, fell under
suspicion of acting as French spies, and Croghan was
unjustly eyed askance by many in authority.6 Although
he was granted a captain's commission to command the
Indian contingent during Braddock's campaign, he resigned this office early in 1756, and retired from the
Pennsylvania service.
About this time he paid a visit to New York, where his
4 See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 568.
8 Ibid., p. 665.
8 Pennsylvania Archives, u, pp. 114, 689. r;o Early Western Travels [Vol. i
distant relative, Sir William Johnson, appreciating his
abilities, chose him deputy Indian agent, and appointed
him to manage the Susquehanna and Allegheny tribes.7
From this time forward he was engaged in important
dealings with the natives, swaying them to the British
interest, making possible the success of Forbes (1758),
and the victory of Prideaux and Johnson (1759). After
the capitulation of Montreal, he accompanied Major
Rogers to Detroit. All of 1761 and 1762 were occupied
with Indian conferences and negotiations, in the course
of which he again visited Detroit, meeting Sir William
Johnson en route.8
Late in 1763, Croghan went to England on private
business, and was shipwrecked upon the coast of France;9
but finally reached London, where he presented to the
lords of trade an important memorial on Indian affairs.10
Upon his return to America (1765), he was at once dispatched to the Illinois. Proceeding by the Ohio River,
he was made prisoner near the mouth of the Wabash,
and carried to the Indian towns upon that river, where
he not only secured his own release, but conducted
negotiations which put an end to Pontiac's War, and
opened the Illinois to the British.
A second journey to the Illinois, in the following year,
resulted in his reaching Fort Chartres, and proceeding
thence to New Orleans. No journal of this voyage
has to our knowledge been preserved.
Croghan's part in the treaty of Fort Stanwix (1768) was
7 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vu, p. 355; New York Colonial Documents,
vii, pp. 136, 174,196,21t.
8 Stone, Life of Johnson, n, app., p. 457.
9 New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 624.
10 Ibid., p. 603. 1750 Ct
Croghan in behalf of the Honourable James Hamilton,
Esquire, Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania:
"Brethren the Six Nations: Hear what I am
going to say to you. Brethren: it is a great while since
we, your Brothers the English, first came over the great
Water (meaning the Sea); as soon as our ship struck the ■■    t|
Land you the Six Nations took hold of her and tyed her
to the Bushes, and for fear the Bushes would not be
strong enough to hold her you removed the Rope and
tyed it about a great Tree; then fearing the winds would
blow the Tree down, you removed the Rope and tyed it
about a great Mountain in the Country (meaning the
Onondago Country), and since that time we have lived
in true Brotherly Love and Friendship together. Now,
Brethren, since that there are several Nations joined in
Friendship with you and Us, and of late our Brethren
the Twightwees: Now, Brethren, as you are the Head of
all the Nations of Indians, I warmly recommend it to
you to give our Brethren the Twightwees your best advice that they may know how to behave in their New
Alliance, and likewise I give our Brethren the Owendatts
in charge to you, that you may Strengthen them to withstand their Enemies the French, who I understand treat
them more like Enemies than Children tho' they call
themselves their Father.
"Brethren: I hope we, your Brothers the English,
and you the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts, and Twightwees, will continue in such Brotherly
Love and Friendship that it will be as strong as that
Mountain to which you tyed our Ship. Now, Brethren,
I am informed by George Croghan that the French
obstruct my Traders and carry away their Persons and
Goods, and are guilty of many outrageous Practices, 68 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Whereby the Roads are rendered unsafe to travel in,
nor can we ask our Traders to go amongst you whilst
their Lives and Effects are in such great Danger. How
comes this to pass ? Don't this proceed from the Pride
of Onontio, whom the Indians call their Father, because
they don't see his ill Designs? The strong houses you
gave him Leave to erect on your Lands serve (As your
Brethren the English always told you) to impoverish
You and keep your Wives and Children always naked
by keeping the English Traders at a Distance, the French
well knowing the English sell their Goods cheaper than
they can afford, and I can assure You Onontio will never
rest while an English Trader comes to Ohio; and indeed
if you don't open your Eyes and put a Stop to his Proceedings he will gain his Ends. Brethren: I hope you
will consider well what Onontio means or is about to do.
To enforce what I have been saying to you on your minds,
I present this Belt of Wampum."— Gave a Belt. They
received this Belt with Yo-hah.
The Speaker of the Six Nations made the following
Speech to Monsieur Ioncoeur in open Council; he spoke
very quick and sharp with the Air of a Warrior:
"Father — How comes it that you have broke the
General Peace ? Is it not three years since you as well as
our Brother the English told Us that there was a Peace
between the English and French, and how comes it that
you have taken our Brothers as your Prisoners on our
Lands ? Is it not our Land (Stamping on the Ground and
putting his Finger to John Coeur's Nose) ? What Right
has Onontio to our Lands ? I desire you may go home
directly off our Lands and tell Onontio to send us word
immediately what was his Reason for using our Brothers
so, or what he means by such Proceedings, that we may 1751] Croghan's Journals 69
know what to do, for I can assure Onontio that We the
Six Nations will not take such Usage. You hear what
I say, and that is the Sentiments of all our Nations; tell
it to Onontio that that is what the Six Nations said to
you."— Gave 4 Strings of black Wampum.
After which the Chief of the Indians ordered the Goods
to be divided, and appointed some of each Nation to
stand by to see it done, that those that were absent might
have a sufficient Share laid by for them.
After which the Chiefs made me a Speech and told me
it was a Custom with their Brothers whenever they went
to Council to have their Guns, Kettles, and Hatchets
mended, and desired I might order that done, for they
could not go home till they had that done. So Mr. Montour and I agreed to comply with their Request, and
ordered it done that they might depart well satisfied. Letter op Croghan to the Governor, accompanying THE FOREGOING TREATY28
Pennsboeo', June 10th, 1751.
May it please your Honour: Inclosed is a Copy of
the Treaty held on Ohio by your Honour's Instructions
on delivering your Honour's Present to the several Nations
of Indians Residing there. I hope your Honour on perusing the Proceedings of the Treaty will find that I have
observed your Honour's Instructions in every Speech
that I delivered from your Honour. I took all the
Pains I could to make the Present have its full Force
and Weight with the Indians, and I have the Pleasure of
assuring your Honour that the Indians were all unanimously well pleased at your Honour's Speeches, and
likewise acknowledged it was a great Present, and the
Chiefs of the Six Nations took great Pains with me in
dividing it amongst the other nations, that it might have
its full force with them, which I assure your Honour it
had, for every man I saw there was well satisfied with
his share of the Present; the Indians in general expressed
a high Satisfaction at having the Opportunity in the
Presence of Ioncceur of expressing their hearty Love
and Inclinations towards the English, and likewise to
assure your Honour what Contempt they had for the
French, which your Honour will see by the Speeches they
made.   Ioncceur-Ioncceur has sent a Letter  to  your
28 This letter accompanied the preceding journal, and was written on
Croghan's return to the settlements. Pennsbcro was the district in Cumberland County west of the Susquehanna, in which Croghan's home was at this
time situated.— Ed. i75i]
Croghan's Journals
Honour, which I enclose here.29 Mr. Montour has
exerted himself very much on this occasion, and he is not
only very capable of doing the Business, but look'd on
amongst all the Indians as one of their Chiefs, I hope your
Honour will think him worth notice, and recommend it
to the Assembly to make him full Satisfaction for his
Trouble, as he has employed all his Time in the Business
of the Government. I hope your Honour will recommend it to the Government of Virginia to answer the
Speech sent them now in answer to their own Speech
sent last Fall, as soon as possible. May it please your
Honour, I make bold to send down my Account against
the Province for what Wampum I delivered Mr. Montour to make the Speeches last Fall and this Spring, delivered by your Honour's Instructions. Mr. Montour is
at my House and will wait on your Honour when you
Please to appoint the time. I hope what has been transacted at this Treaty will be pleasing to your Honour, as
I am sure the Present had its full Force, and shall defer
any farther Account till you have the opportunity of
examining Mr. Montour.
I am your Honour's most obedient, humble Servant,
George Croghan.
29 The letter from Joncaire here referred to, is printed in French in Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 540. It consists merely of a statement of the
French right to the Ohio Valley, and of the orders of the governor of Canada to
permit no English to trade therein.— Ed.
1 Croghan's Journal, 1754.80
January 12th, 1754.— I arrived at Turtle Creek about
eight miles from the Forks of Mohongialo, where I was
80 This journal is reprinted from the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 731-
735 (also found in Early History of Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 50-53), and
chronicles a material change of affairs on the Ohio since the last account written
by Croghan. Then the EngUsh interests were in the ascendency, and the French
were .being flouted and driven from the headwaters of the Ohio. But the division in English councils, the supineness of the colonial assemblies, and the active
preparation and determined advance of the French into the upper Ohio Valley
had had its effect upon the Indian tribes. Two years before, Trent had reported
all the Ohio tribes secure in the English interest; but the same year an expedition from Detroit had moved against the recalcitrant Miami's (Twigtwees)>
and after inflicting a severe chastisement had secured them again to the French
control, as Croghan herein reports. Early the following year the French
expedition under Marin had advanced to take forcible possession of the Ohio
country, and begin the chain of posts necessary to its defense. Presqu'isle
and Le Bœuf had been built, while a deputation under Joncaire had seized
the English trader's house at Venango, and placed a French flag above it. A
large number of the Indians, frightened at this show of force, yielded to the
threatenings and cajoleries of the French officers. A small party, hoping to
obtain aid from the English colonists, had sent off a deputation in the autumn
of 1753 to meet the Virginia authorities at Winchester, and those of Pennsylvania at Carlisle, at both of which conferences Croghan was in attendance-
The present which the Assembly of Pennsylvania had voted the preceding May
(Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, p. 617) was cautiously given out, most of it
consisting of powder and lead; it was feared with reason, that it might be used to
the disadvantage of the back settlements. Croghan himself, although using every
endeavor to fortify the Indians in the English alliance, lost heart at the dilatoriness
of the Pennsylvania Assembly, some of whose members even doubted whether
the land invaded did not rightfully belong to the French. He could wish with
all his " hart Some gentleman who is an Artist in Philadelphia, and whos Acount
wold be Depended on, whould have ye Curiosety to take a Journay in those
parts," in order to prove to the province (by means of a map) that the lands
on which the French were building lay within their jurisdiction — (Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 132). Meanwhile, Washington had been sent out by Din-
widdie to summon the French to retire. Croghan, who reached this territory
soon after Washington's return, reports in the following journal the conditions
on the Ohio.— Ed. 1754]
Croghan's Journals
informed by John Frazier, an Indian Trader,81 that Mr.
Washington, who was sent by the Governor of Virginia
to the French Camp, was returned. Mr. Washington
told Mr. Frazier that he had been very well used by the
French General; that after he delivered his Message the
General told him his Orders were to take all the English
he found on the Ohio, which Orders he was determined
to obey, and further told him that the English had no
business to trade on the Ohio, for that all the Lands of
Ohio belonged to his Master the King of France, all
to Alegainay Mountain. Mr. Washington told Mr.
Frazier the Fort where he was is very strong, and that
they had Abundance of Provisions, but they would not
let him see their Magazine; there are about one hundred
Soldiers and fifty Workmen at that Fort, and as many
more at the Upper Fort, and about fifty Men at Weningo
with Jean Coeur; the Rest of their Army went home last
Fall, but is to return as soon as possible this Spring;-
when they return they are to come down to Log's Town
in order to build a Fort somewhere thereabouts. This
is all I had of Mr. Washington's Journey worth relating
to your Honour.82
81 A year and a half after this visit of Croghan's, Turtle Creek was the site
of Braddock's defeat. For a description of the battle, and the present appearance of the site, see Thwaites, How George Rogers Clark won the Northwest
and other Essays in Western History (Chicago, 1903), pp. 184, 185.
John Frazier, who had his house at the mouth of Turtle Creek, was a Pennsylvania trader, gunsmith, and interpreter, who had lived twelve years at Venango,
whence hë was driven by the invading French expedition the summer previous.
He assisted Washington on his journey, and the next year (1754) was commissioned lieutenant of the militia forces under Trent's command, that were
to fortify the Forks of the Ohio.— Ed.
82 The journal of Washington on this journey was on his return printed in
Winchester (only two copies of which edition are known to be extant), also in
London (1754). Frequent reprints have been made, and the journal has been
edited by Sparks, Rupp, Craig, Shea, and Ford. The journal of Gist, who
accompanied Washington, is found in Darlington's Gist, pp. 80-87. Croghan
gives a concise summary of Washington's mission and its results.— Ed. 74 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
On the thirteenth I arrived at Shanoppin's Town,
where Mr. Montour and Mr. Patten overtook me.88
On the fourteenth we set off to Log's Town, where we
found the Indians all drunk; the first Salutation we got
was from one-of the Shawonese who told Mr. Montour
and myself we were Prisoners, before we had time to
tell them that their Men that were in Prison at Carolina
were released, and that we had two of them in our Com- *
pany. The Shawonese have been very uneasy about
those Men that were in Prison, and had not those Men
been released it might have been of very ill consequence at
this time; but as soon as they found their Men were
released they seem'd all overjoyed, and I believe will
prove true to their Alliance.84
On the fifteenth Five Canoes of French came down to
Log's Town in Company with the Half King85 and some
more of the Six Nations, in Number an Ensign, a Serjeant, and Fifteen Soldiers.
83 John Patten was a Pennsylvania Indian trader, who was captured in
the Miami towns by the order of the French governor (1750). He and two
companions were carried to Canada, and afterwards sent to France, being
imprisoned at La Rochelle, whence they appealed to the English ambassador
who secured their release. See New York Colonial Documents, x, p. 241.
Patten had at this time been sent to the Ohio with the Shawnee prisoners
from South Carolina.   See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp- 730, 73 t.— Ed.
84 Six Shawnee Indians had been arrested on suspicion of being concerned
in a raid, and confined in the Charleston, South Carolina, jail. On the request
of Governor Hamilton, two were released and sent to Philadelphia to be delivered to their kinsfolk. The other four made their escape. See Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, v, pp. 696-700.— Ed.
86 The Half-King was a prominent Seneca or Mingo chief, whose home was
at Logstown. He was faithful to the English interest, and accompanied Washington both on his journey of 1753 and his expedition of 1754; upon the latter,
he claimed to have slain Jumonville with his own hand. He was decorated by
the governor of Virginia in recognition of his services, and given the honorary
name of " Dinwiddie "in which he took great pride. When the French secured
the Ohio region, he removed under Croghan's protection to Aughwick Creek,
where he died in October, 1756.— Ed. 1754]
Croghan's Journals
On the sixteenth in the morning Mr. Patten took a
Walk to where the French had pitched their Tents, and
on his returning back by the Officer's Tent he ordered
Mr. Patten to be brought in to him, on which Word came
to the Town that Mr. Patten was taken Prisoner. Mr.
Montour and myself immediately went to where the
French was encamped, where we found the French
Officer and the Half King in a high Dispute. The
Officer told Mr. Montour and Me that he meant no hurt
to Mr. Patton, but wondered he should pass backward
and forward without calling in. The Indians were all
drunk, and seemed very uneasy at the French for stopping Mr. Patten, on which the Officer ordered his Men
on board their Canoes and set off to a small Town of
the Six Nations about two Miles below the Log's Town,
where he intends to stay till the Rest of their Army
come down. As to any particulars that pass'd between
the Officer and Mr. Patten I refer your Honour to Mr.
By a Chickisaw Man who has lived amongst the Shawonese since he was a Lad, and is just returned from the
Chickisaw Country86 where he has been making a Visit to
his Friends, we hear that there is a large Body of French
at the Falls of Ohio, not less he says than a thousand Men;
that they have abundance of Provisions and Powder and
Lead with them, and that they are coming up the River
to meet the Army from Canada coming down. He says
a Canoe with Ten French Men in her came up to the
88 The Chickasaws were a tribe of Southern Indians, domiciled in Western
Tennessee and Northern Mississippi, who were traditional allies of the English
and enemies of the French. After the Natchez War in Louisiana, the remnant
of that tribe took refuge with the Chickasaws, who inflicted a severe defeat upon
the French (1736), capturing and burning a Jesuit priest and several well-known
officers.— Ed. »
1 yd Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Lower Shawonese Town with him, but on some of the
English Traders' threatning to take them they set back
that night without telling their Business.
gy a message sent here from Fort De Troit by the
Owendats to the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese,
we hear that the Ottoways are gathering together on this
Side Lake Erie, several hundreds of them, in order to
cutt off the Shawonese at the Lower Shawonese Town.87
The French and Ottoways offered the Hatchet to the
Owendats but they refused to assist them.
We hear from Scarrooyady that the Twightwees that
went last Spring to Canada to counsel with the French
were returned last Fall; that they had taken hold of the
French Hatchet and were entirely gone back to their old
Towns amongst the French.
From the sixteenth to the twenty-sixth we could do
nothing, the Indians being constantly drunk.
On the twenty sixth the French called the Indians to
Council and made them a Present of Goods. On the
Indians Return the Half King told Mr. Montour and me
he would take an Opportunity to repeat over to Us what
the French said to them.
On the twenty-seventh We called the Indians to Council, and cloathed the Two Shawonese according to the
Indian Custom, and delivered them up in Council with
your Honour's Speeches, sent by Mr. Patten, which Mr.
Montour adapted to Indian Forms as much as was in his
Power or mine.
On the twenty-eighth We called the Indians to Council
87 The Ottawas were an Algonquian tribe, domiciled in Michigan about the
posts of Mackinac and Detroit. Faithful to the French interests, they were
doubtless acting under the directions of their commandants in gathering to
attack the Shawnees on the Scioto.— Ed. 1754]
Croghan's Journals
again, and delivered them a large Belt of Black and White
Wampum in Your Honour's and the Governor of Virginia's Name, by which we desired they might open
their Minds to your Honour, and speak from their Hearts
and not from their Lips; and that they might now inform
your Honour by Mr. Andrew Montour, whom You had
chosen to transact Business between You and your
Brethren at Ohio, whether that Speech which they sent
your Honour by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council
or not, and assured them they might freely open their
Minds to their Brethren your Honour and the Governor
of Virginia, as the only Friends and Brethren they had
to depend on.    Gave the Belt.
After delivering the Belt Mr. Montour gave them the
Goods left in my Care by your Honour's Commissioners
.at Carlisle, and at the same time made a Speech to them
to let them know that those Goods were for the Use of
their Warriors and Defence of their Country.
As soon as the Goods were delivered the Half King
made a Speech to the Shawonese and Delawares, and
told them as their Brother Onas had sent them a large
Supply of Necessaries for the Defence of their Country,
that he would put it in their Care till all their Warriors
would have Occasion to call for it, as their Brethren the
English had not yet got a strong House to keep such
Things safe in.
The Thirty-First A Speech delivered by the Half King
in Answer to your Honour's Speeches on delivering the
« I Brother Onas :— We return You our hearty Thanks
for the Trouble You have taken in sending for our poor
Relations the Shawonese, and with these four Strings
of Wampum we clear your Eyes and Hearts, that You
km y S Early Western Travels [Vol. i
may see your Brothers the Shawonese clear as You used
to do, and not think that any small Disturbance shall
obstruct the Friendship so long subsisting between You
and us your Brethren, the Six Nations, Delawares, and
Shawonese. We will make all Nations that are in Alliance with Us acquainted with the Care You have had of
our People at such a great distance from both You and
Us. "— Gave Four Strings of Wampum.
A Speech Delivered by the Half King
"Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia: You desire Us to open our Minds to You and to
speak from our Hearts, which we assure You, Brethren, we
do. You desire We may inform you whether that Speech
sent by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council or not,
Which we now assure You it was in part; but that Part
of giving the Lands to pay the Traders' Debts We know
nothing of it; it must have been added by the Traders
that wrote the Letter;38 but we earnestly requested by
that Belt, and likewise we now request that our Brother
the Governor of Virginia may build a Strong House at
the Forks of the Mohongialo, and send some of our young
Brethren, their Warriors, to live on it; and we expect
our Brother of Pennsylvania will build another House
somewhere on the River where he shall think proper,
where whatever assistance he will think proper to send
38 Lewis Montour, a brother of Andrew, had come the previous autumn to
the governor of Pennsylvania, with a message purporting to have been sent by
the Ohio Indians; they were represented as requesting help against the French,
and the building of forts on the river, and as offering all the lands east of the
river to pay the debts of the traders. As the character of those who claimed to
have obtained this treaty was open to suspicion, the governor had sent Croghan
and Andrew Montour to ascertain the truth of the matter. The unauthorized
insertion of so great a land grant, is a good specimen of the methods by which
the unprincipled traders sought to take advantage of the Indians. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 691-696.— Ed.
1 1754]
Croghan's Journals
us may be kept safe for us, as our Enemies are just at
hand, and we do not know what Day they may come
upon Us. We now acquaint our Brethren that we have
our Hatchet in our Hands to strike the Enemy as soon as
our Brethren come to our assistance."
Gave a Belt and Eight Strings of Wampum.
Delaware George.
After the Chiefs had signed the last Speech, the Half
King repeated over the French Council, which was as
"Children: I am come here to tell you that your
Father is coming here to visit you and to take You under
his care, and I desire You may not listen to any ill News
You hear, for I assure you he will not hurt You; 'Tis true
he has something to say to your Brethren the English,
but do you sit still and do not mind what your Father does
to your Brothers, for he will not suffer the English to
live or tread on this River Ohio;"—on which he made
them a Present of Goods.
February the First.— By a Cousin of Mr. Montour's
that came to Log's town in company with a Frenchman
from Weningo by Land, we hear that the French expect
Four Hundred Men every Day to the Fort above Weningo,
and as soon as they come they are to come down the
River to Log's town to take possession from the English
till the rest of the Army comes in the Spring.
The Frenchman that came here in company with Mr.
1 8o Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Montour's Cousin, is Keeper of the King's Stores, and I
believe the chief of his Business is to take a view of the
Country and to see what Number of English there is
here, and to know how the Indians are affected to the
February the Second.—Just as we were leaving the
Log's Town, the Indians made the following Speech:
"Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia: we have opened bur Hearts to You and let you
know our Minds; we now, by these two Strings of black
Wampum, desire You may directly send to our Assistance
that You and We may secure the Lands of Ohio, for there
is nobody but You our Brethren and ourselves have any
Right to the Lands; but if you do not send immediately
we shall surely be cut of[f] by our Enemy the French. "—
Gave two Strings of black Wampum.
February the Second.— A Speech made by Shingass,
King of the Delawares.
"Brother Onas: I am glad to hear all our People
here are of one mind; it is true I live here on the River
Side, which is the French Road, and I assure you by
these Strings of Wampum that I will neither go down or
up, but I will move nearer to my Brethren the English,
where I can keep our Women and Children safe from the
Enemy."39— Gave Three Strings of Wampum.
80 Shingas, brother of King Beaver, was one of the principal leaders of the
Delaware Indians on the Ohio, where he had a town at the mouth of Beaver
Creek. Shortly after this meeting with Croghan, he deserted to the French
and his braves were a terror to the border settlers. Governor Denny of Pennsylvania set a price of £200 upon his head. Post had a conference with Shingas
(1758), and persuaded him to return to the EngUsh alliance; nevertheless, at
the occupation of the Forks of the Ohio by the English, Shingas with his band
retreated to the Muskingum. The last mention of him seems to be in 1762
(Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 690), and he appears to have died before
the conspiracy of Pontiac (1763), in which his tribe took part.— Ed. 1754]
Croghan's Journals
The above is a true account of our Proceedings, taken
down by Your Honour's most obedient humble Servant.
George Croghan.
3d February, 1754.
The Honourable James Hamilton Esquire. Croghan to Charles Swatne at Sfhppensburg40
Aughwick, October 9th, 1755.
Dear Sm: On my return home I met with an Indian
from Ohio who gives me the following accounts: That
about 14 days ago he left Ohio, at that time there was
about 160 Men ready to set out to harrass the English
which probably they be those doing the Mischiefs on
Potomack. He says the French Fort is not very strong
with men at present. He likewise says that he is of
opinion the Indians will do no mischief on the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania till they can draw all the Indians
out of the Province and off Sasquehanna, which they are
now industriously endeavouring to do; and he desires me
as soon as I see the Indians remove from Sasquehanna
back to Ohio to shift my quarters, for he says that the
French will, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruins
this Winter.
This man was sent by a few of my old Indian Friends
to give me this caution, that I might save my scalps,
which he says would be no small Prize to the French;
40 This letter is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi, pp. 642
643. In the interval between this and the preceding document, momentous events,
*n which Croghan had a full share, had occurred on the Ohio. The governor of
Virginia had engaged him to act as interpreter in Colonel Washington's army
— see ' ' Dinwiddie Papers,' ' Virginia Historical Collections (Richmond,i883-84),
h p. 187 — and he had been present at the affair of the Great Meadows. During the period between this and Braddock's expedition, Croghan had been
busily employed in bringing over as many Indians as possible to the English
cause, and he had led the Indian contingent to Braddock's aid (see post).
After the battle of the Monongahela, Croghan returned to his home at Aughwick Creek, caring at his own expense for the few Indians who remained firm
in the EngUsh interest, and planning to defend his settlement by a stockade
fort. A biU for his reUef (he had lost aU of his trading equipment) passed
the Pennsylvania Assembly. Although holding no provincial office, his knowledge of the frontier situation was much reUed on in this extremity.— Ed. 1755]
Croghan' s Journals
and he has ordered me to keep it private so that I don't
intend to communicate it to any body but you. I don't
know whether the Governor should be made acquainted
with it or no; but if you judge it proper write the Governor the whole, but at the same time request him to keep
it a secret from whom he had his Information, for if it
should be made publick to the Interpreters or Indians it
may cost me and the man I had my Information from
our Lives; and, moreover, the best method to frustrate
their Designs will be for the Governor not to let the Indians
know that he is acquainted with their design, but to
conduct the affair privately, so as not to let the Indians
know he has any suspicion of them. Indeed it is only
what I thought the Indians always aimed at, and what
I feared they would accomplish, for I see all our great
Directors of Indian affairs are very short sighted, and
glad I am that I have no hand in Indian affairs at this critical time, where no fault can be thrown on my shoulders.
I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant,
Geo. Croghan.
To Mr. Charles Swaine.
P. S.— Sir, if you could possibly Lend me 6 guns with
powder, 20 of lead by the bearer, I will return them in
about 15 days, when I can get some from the Mouth of
Conegochege. I hope to have my Stockade finished by
the middle of next week.41 G. C.
41 This stockade fort was built on Aughwick Creek, where stands the present
town of Shirleysburg. It was known first as Fort Croghan, then a private
enterprise; but later in the same year (1755), a fort was built on this site by
order of the government and named for General Shirley, commander-in-chief
of the British forces in North America. Governor Morris wrote, after a visit
to this fort in January, 1756, that seventy-five men were garrisoned therein
(Pennsylvania Archives, ii, p. 556). It was appointed as the rendezvous for
Armstrong's expedition against Kittanning in August of this same year; but by
October 15 the site had grown so dangerous that the governor ordered it abandoned.— Ed.
.!'>■• A Council Held at Carlisle, Tuesday the 13TH
January, 1756 **
The Honourable Robert Hunter Morris,48 Esq.,
Lieutenant Governor.
James Hamilton William Logan, j -p
Richard Peters, I
Joseph Fox, Esquire, Commissioner,
Mr. Croghan.
Mr. Croghan having been desired by the Governor in
December last to do all in bis Power to gain Intelligence
of the Motions and Designs of the Indians, and being
now in Town was sent for into Council, and at the Instance of the Governor gave the following Information,
viz: "That he sent Delaware Jo, one of our Friendly
Indians, to the Ohio for Intelligence, who returned to his
House at Aucquick the eighth Instant, and informed
him that he went to Kittannin, an Indian Delaware Town
on the Ohio about forty Miles above Fort Duquesne, the
42 This account of the situation on the Ohio, obtained from the journey of a
Delaware Indian, is reprinted from Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vi, pp. 781,
782. Since the last letter written by Croghan, the Assembly had passed a militia
biU (November, 1755), and Franklin had been commissioned to take charge of
the erection of a series of frontier forts. Croghan was commissioned captain,
and promptly raising a company, entered with zeal upon the work. For his
instructions, see Pennsylvania Archives, n, p. 536.— Ed.
48 Robert Hunter Morris, son of Lewis Morris, prominent colonial statesman
" and governor of New Jersey, was born at Morrisania, New York, about 1700.
Having been educated for the law, he became chief-justice of New Jersey (1738)1
a position held until his death in 1764. The Pennsylvania proprietors chose
him as Ueutenant-governor to succeed Hamilton in 1754; during his term of
office he vigorously defended the province, but engaged in constant disputes
with the Quaker party in the Assembly. The annoyance arising from this
caused him to resign in 1756.— Ed. 1756]
Croghan's Journals
Residence of Chingas and Captain Jacobs, where he found
one hundred and forty Men cniefly Delawares and Shawonese, who had then with them above one hundred English Prisoners big and little taken from Virginia and
That there the Beaver,44 Brother of Chingas, told him
that the Governor of Fort Duquesne45 had often offered
the French Hatchet to the Shawonese and Delawares,
who had as often refused it, declaring they would do as
they should be advised by the Six Nations; but that in
April or May last a Party of Six Nation Warriors in
Company with some Caghnawagos49 and Adirondacks
called at the French Fort in their going to War against the
Southern Indians, and on these the Governor of Fort
44 King Beaver (Tamaque) was head chief of the Delaware Indians on the
Ohio, with headquarters at the mouth of Beaver Creek. He was somewhat
half-hearted in the English service, but protested his desire to preserve the
alliance until after Braddock's defeat, when he openly took the hatchet against
the English settlements. Post met him upon the Ohio in 1758, and secured
a conditional agreement to remain neutral; but after the English occupation
of the Forks of the Ohio, he retreated to the Muskingum, where a town was
named for him. He took part in the treaties with the English in 1760 and 1762;
but was one of the ring-leaders in the conspiracy of Pontiac (1763). After
Bouquet's advance into his territory, he reluctantly made peace, and delivered
up his English prisoners. He died about 1770, having in his later years
passed under the influence of the Moravian missionaries, and become one of
their most eminent disciples.— Ed.
45 Fort Duquesne, built at the Forks of the Ohio in 1754, was first commanded by Contrecœur; but in the September following the battle of the
Monongahela, Captain Dumas, who had distinguished himself at that engagement, was made commandant. He was an officer of great abiUty, and while
he sent out parties against the frontier, his instructions to one subordinate
(Donville, captured in 1756) were to use measures "consistent with honor and
humanity." Dumas was superseded in 1756 by De Ligneris, who remained in
command at Fort Duquesne until ordered to demolish the post, and retire
before Forbes's advancing army (1758).—Ed.
48 The Caghnawagos (Caughnawagas) were the Iroquois of the mission
village of that name, about six miles above Montreal.— Ed. 86 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Duquesne prevailed to offer the French Hatchet to the
Delawares and Shawonese who received it from them
and went directly against Virginia.
That neither the Beaver nor several others of the Shawonese and Delawares approved of this measure nor had
taken up the Hatchet, and the Beaver believed some of
those who had were sorry for what they had done, and
would be glad to make up Matters with the English.
That from Kittannin he went to the Log's Town, where
he found about one hundred Indians and thirty English
Prisoners taken by the Shawonese living at the Lower
Shawonese Town from the western Frontier of Virginia
and sent up to Log's Town. He was told the same thing
by these Shawonese that the Beaver had told him before
respecting their striking the English by the advise of some
of the Six Nations, and further he was informed that the
French had sollicited the Indians to sell them the English
Prisoners, which they had refused, declaring they would
not dispose of them, but keep them until they should
receive Advice from the Six Nations what to do with them.
That there are more or less of the Six Nations living
with the Shawonese and Delawares in their Towns, and
these always accompanied them in their Incursions upon
the English and took Part with them in the War.
That when at Log's Town, which is near Fort Duquesne,
on the opposite Side of the River, he intended to have
gone there to see what the French were doing in that
Fort, but could not cross the River for the driving of the
Ice; he was, however, informed the Number of the French
did not exceed four hundred.
That he returned to Kittannin, and there learned that
Ten Delawares were gone to the Sasquehannah, and as
he supposed to persuade those Indians to strike the Eng- !	
1756] Croghan's Journals 87
lish who might perhaps be concerned in the Mischief
lately done in the County of Northampton.47
No more than Seven Indians being as yet come to
Carlisle Mr. Croghan was asked the Reason of it; he said
that the Indians were mostly gone an hunting, but he
expected as many more at least would come in a day or
Mr. Weiser was then sent for and it was taken into
Consideration what should be said to the Indians.
47 This reference is to the massacre of the Moravian settlers at Gnaden-
hûtten, in November, 1755.— Ed.
1 m
Croghan's Transactions with the Indians Previous
to Hostilities on the Ohio ia
In November 1748 M* Hamilton arrived in Philadelphia, Governor of Pennsylvania.   During the late war
48 This paper is reprinted from New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp.
267-271. It accompanied a letter from Croghan to Sir William Johnson, in
which he says, "Inclosed you have a copy of some extracts from my old
journals relating to Indian Affairs, from the time of Mr. Hamilton's arrival
as Govemour of this Province till the defeat of General Braddock; all which
you may depend upon are facts, and wiU appear upon the records of Tndian
Affairs in ye several Governments."
After Croghan had been commissioned captain by the Pennsylvania authorities, "he continued in Command of one of the Companies he had raised, and
of Fort Shirley on the Western frontier about three months, during which
time he sent, by my direction, Indian Messengers to the Ohio for Intelligence,
but never procured me any that was very material, and having a dispute with
the Commiss" about some accounts between them, in which he thought himself ill-used; he resigned his commission, and about a month ago informed me
that he had not received pay upon Gen1 Braddock's warrant, and desired my
recommendation to Gen1 Shirley, which I gave him, and he set off directly
for Albany, & I hear is now at Onondago with Sr W" Johnson."—(Letter of
Governor Morris, July 5,1756, in Pennsylvania Archives, ii, pp. 689, 690.)
Sir WiUiam Johnson, having more penetration than the Pennsylvania authorities as to the value of Croghan's services, immediately appointed him his
deputy, in which position he continued for several years. When he presented
himself to the governor's council in Philadelphia, December 14, 1756, "the
Council knowing Mr. Croghan's Circumstances was not a little surprised at
the Appointment, and desired to see his Credentials"— (Pennsylvania Colonial
Records, vii, p. 355).   In regard to his services during this period, see New
York Colonial Documents, v
sylvania Colonial Records, 1
Archives, in, pp. 319, 544.
Sir WilHam Johnson was
early age, and settled as a tr
,.pp. 136, 174, :
196» =
'. PP- 435. 465, 484. S«>6;
, 246, 277, 280; Penn-
.'iii, 175; Pennsylvania
in Ireland in 1715, came to New York at an
a the Mohawk VaUey. He was adopted into
the Iroquois nation, and acquired power in their national councils, retaining
them in the EngUsh interest during the French and Indian War. After the
battle of Lake George, Johnson was rewarded with a baronetcy, and secured
the surrender of Niagara in 1759. From that time until his death in 1774, he
was occupied with Indian negotiations, chief of which was the treaty of Fort
Stanwix (1768).— Ed. 1757]
Croghan's Journals
all the Indian tribes living on the Ohio and the branches
thereof, on this side Lake Erie, were in strict friendship
with the English in the several Provinces, and took the
greatest care to preserve the friendship then subsisting
between them and us. At that time we carried on a
considerable branch of trade with those Indians for
skins and furrs, no less advantagious to them than to us.
We sold them goods on much better terms than the French,
which drew many Indians over the Lakes to trade with
us.' The exports of skins and furs from this Province at
that time will shew the increase of our trade in them
In August 1749. Governor Hamilton sent me to the
Ohio with a message to the Indians, to notifie to them
the Cessation of Arms, and to enquire of the Indians the
reason of the march of Monsieur Celaroon with two
hundred French soldiers through their country (This
detachment under Monsieur Celaroon had passed by
the Logs Town before I reached it.)
After I had delivered my message to the Indians, I
inquired what the French Commander said to them.
They told me he said he was only come to visit them,
and see how they were cloathed, for their Father the
Governor of Canada was determined to take great care
of all his children settled on the Ohio, and desired they
wou'd turn away all the English traders from amongst
them, for their Father would not suffer them to trade
there any more, but would send traders of his own, who
would trade with them on reasonabler terms than the
I then asked them if they really thought that was the
intention of the French coming at that time: They answered, yes, they believed the French not only wanted oo Early Western Travels [Vol. i
to drive the English traders off, that they might have the
trade to themselves; but that they had also a further
intention by their burrying iron plates with inscriptions
on them in the mouth of every remarkable Creek, which
we know is to steal our country from us. But we will
go to the Onondago Council and consult them how we
may prevent them from defrauding us of our land.
At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed
between the Indians and me.
This year the Governor purchased a tract of land on
the East of Susquehannah for the Proprietaries, at which
time the Indians complained that the White People was
encroaching on their lands on the West side of Susquehannah, and desired that the Governor might turn them
off, as those lands were the hunting-grounds of the Susquehannah Indians.
At that time the Six Nations delivered a string of Wampum from the Connays, desiring their Brother Onas to
make the Connays some satisfaction for their settlement
at the Connay Town in Donegal,49 which they had lately
left and settled amongst the Susquehannah Indians which
town had been reserved for their use at that time their
Brother Onas had made a purchase of the land adjoining
to that town.
In November [1750] I went to the country of the '
Twightwees by order of the  Governor with a small
present to renew the chain of friendship, in company
49 Donegal was an old town on the east side of the Susquehanna, situated
between the Conewago and Chiques creeks, in the northwestern angle of the
county of Lancaster (ScuU's Map of Pennsylvania), where these Indians have
left their name to the Conoy, or as it is now caUed, Coney Creek. Memoirs of
the Pennsylvania Historical Society, iv, part n, p. 210. The Conoys were originally from Piscataway, in Maryland, whence they moved to an island in the
Potomac, and, on the invitation of WiUiam Penn, removed to the Susquehanna —
(Pennsylvania Colonial Records, iv, p. 657).— E. B. O'Caixaghan.
; 1757]
Croghan's Journals
with Mr Montour Interpreter; on our journey we met M*
Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who
was sent to invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Commissioners of Virginia at the Logs town in the Spring
following to receive a present of goods which their father
the King of Great Britain had sent them.80 Whilst I
was at the Twightwee town delivering the present and
message, there came several of the Chiefs of the Wawi-
oughtanes and Pianguisha Nations, living on Wabash,
and requested to be admitted into the chain of friendship
between the English and the Six Nations and their allies;
which request I granted & exchang'd deeds of friendship with them, with a view of extending His Majesty's
Indian interest, and made them a small present. On
my return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Governor. On his laying it before the House of Assembly, it
was rejected and myself condemned for bad conduct in
80 Christopher Gist was of EngUsh descent, and a native of Maryland. In
early life he removed to the frontiers of North Carolina, where he became so
expert in surveying and woodcraft, that he was employed for two successive
years by the Ohio Company in inspecting and surveying the Western country-
It was on his first journey (1750-51) that he encountered Croghan, when they
traveUed together to PickawiUany (the Twigtwee town), and Gist continued via the Scioto River and the Kentucky country back to Virginia. On
the second journey (1751-52), he explored the West Virginia region. His
most noted adventure was accompanying Major George Washington in
the autumn of 1753 to the French forts in Northwest Pennsylvania. Earlier
in the same year, Gist had made a settlement near Mount Braddock, Fayette
County, Pennsylvania, and under the auspices of the Ohio Company was enlisting settlers for the region. Eleven came out in the spring of 1754, and a
stockade fort was begun. This was utilized during Washington's campaign,
but burned by the French after the defeat at Great Meadows. Gist later
petitioned the Virginia House of Burgesses for indemnity, but his request was
rejected. Both Gist and his son served with Braddock as scouts, and after
his defeat, raised a company of miUtia to protect the frontiers. After serving
for a time as deputy Indian agent for the Southern Indians, he died in 1759,
either in South Carolina or Georgia. One of his sons was kUled at the battle
of King's Mountain (1780).— Ed.
m I:
92 Early Western Travels [Vol. :
drawing an additional! expence on the Government, and
the Indians were neglected.51
At the time that the Secretary, the provincial Interpreter, with the Justice of Cumberland County and the
Sheriff were ordered to dispossess the people settled on
the unpurchased lands on the West side of Susquehannah,
and on their return to my house, they met a deputation
of the Ohio Indians, who told the Secretary that they had
heard of a purchase that the Governor had made on the
East side of Susquehannah, and said they were intitled
to part of the goods paid for that purchase, but had received none, that they were come now to desire the
Governor to purchase no more lands without first acquainting them, for that the lands belonged to them as
well as to the Onondago Council; on which they delivered
a Belt of Wampum, and desired that the Governor might
send that Belt to Onondago to let them know that the
Ohio Indians had made such a complaint.
In April 1751 the Governor sent me to Ohio with a
present of goods; the speeches were all wrote by the
Provincial Interpreter Mr Wiser. In one of the speeches
was warmly expressed that the Govr of Pennsylvania
would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians,
as well as the English Traders, from the insults of the
French. On the Governor perusing the speech he thought
it too strongly expressed, on which he ordered me not
to make it, but ordered me to sound the Chief of the
Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agreeable to them or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in
the presence of Mr Montour sound the Half King Scarioa-
81 For a copy of this treaty see Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 522-
525. In regard to the rejection thereof, note that the governor in the speech
made to the Twigtwees says it is approved.   See ante.— Ed. 1757]
Croghan's Journals
day and the Belt of Wampum, who all told me that the
building of a Trading House had been agreed on between
them and the Onondago Council, since the time of the
detachment of French, under the command of Monsp
Celaroon, had gone down the river Ohio, and said they
would send a message by me to their Brother Onas, on
that head.
After I had delivered the present and done the chief
of the business, the Indians in publick Council, by a
Belt of Wampum, requested that the Governor of Pennsylvania would immediately build a strong house (or Fort)
at the Forks of Monongehela, where the Fort Du Quesne
now stands, for the protection of themselves and the
English Traders.
But on my return this Government rejected the proposal I had made, and condemned me for making such
a report to the government, alledging it was not the intention of the Indians. The Provincial Interpreter, who
being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that
he knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians
for building a Trading House, though he wrote the speech
himself, and further said he was sure the Six Nations
would never agree to have a Trading House built there,
and Governor Hamilton, though he by his letter of instructions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head,
let the House know he had given me no such instructions: all which instructions will appear on the Records
of Indian Affairs.52
82 The records appear to bear out Croghan's contention that he was given
instructions to discuss the erection of a fort. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records,
v, pp. 522, 529. Historians admit that this neglect of the Indians' request was
attended with evil consequences to the EngUsh colonies, and Pennsylvania
in particular. Consult Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v, pp. 537, 547, for the
Indian demand and the Assembly's refusal.— Ed. 94
Early Western Travels
The 12th June 1752, the Virginia Commissioners met
the Indians at the Logs Town and delivered the King's
present to them. The Indians then renewed their request
of having a fort built as the government of Pennsylvania
had taken no notice of their former request to them, and
they insisted strongly on the government of Virginia's
building one in the same place that they had requested
the Pennsylvanians to build one; but to no effect.53
In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of
Ohio and built fort Preskle on the Lake, and another
fort at the head of Venango Creek, called by the French
Le Buff Rivere.54 Early in the fall the same year about
one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winchester in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there who
did not come, but ordered Coll. Fairfax to meet them.
Here again they renewed their request of having a Fort
built, and said altho' the French had placed themselves
on the head of Ohio, that if their Brethren the English
would exert themselves and sent out a number of men,
that they would join them, & drive the French army
away or die in the attempt.
From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland
County where they were met by Commissioners from
Governor Hamilton, and promised the same which they
had done in Virginia;55 but notwithstanding the earnest
solicitations of those Indians, the governments neglected
building them a fort, or assisting them with men; believ-
88 On this conference at Logstown see Diwwiddie Papers, i, pp. 6, 7, 11, 22;
Trent's Journals, pp. 69-81; Gist's Journals, pp. 231-234.— Ed.
84 For the French sources of this expedition see New York Colonial Documents, x, pp. 255-257; Pennsylvania Archives (2d series), vi, pp. 161-164.— Ed.
88 On the conferences at Winchester and CarUsle (1753), see Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, v, pp. 657, 665-684.— Ed. 1757] . Croghan's Journals 95
ing or seeming to believe that there was no French there;
till the Governor of Virginia sent Col. Washington to the
heads of Venango Creek, where he met the French
General at a fort he had lately built there.
In February 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth
of Red Stone Creek, building a Store house for the Ohio
Company, in order to lodge stores to be carried from
there to the mouth of Monongehela, by water, where he
had received orders in conjunction with Cresap56 and
Gist to build a fort for that Company. This Creek is
about 37 miles from where fort Du Quesne now stands.
About the 10th of this month he received a Commission
from the Governor of Virginia with orders to raise a
Company of Militia, and that he would soon be joined by
Col. Washington. At this time the Indians appointed
to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela in order to
receive a present which he had brought them from Virginia. Between this time and that appointed to meet the
Indians he raised upwards of twenty men & found them
with arms ammunition & provisions at his own expence.
At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should set
his men at work, which he did,.and finished a Store House,
86 Colonel Thomas Cresap was a Yorkshireman who came to Maryland at
an early age. Having settled within the territory in dispute between Maryland
and Pennsylvania, he became an aggressive leader of the forces of the former
and was arrested by the Pennsylvania sheriff of Lancaster, where he spent
several months in jail. Being released by an agreement between the proprietors of the two colonies (1739), he moved westward, and became the first permanent settler of Maryland beyond the mountains, taking up land at a deserted
Shawnee village now caUed Oldtown. An active member of the Ohio Company,
he was assisted by the Indian NemacoUn in blazing the first path west to the
Ohio (1752). After the defeat on the Monongahela, Cresap moved back to
the settlements on Conococheague Creek; but on the return of peace sought his
former location, where he became a noted surveyor and frontiersman. His
son Michael was Ukewise a well-known borderer and Indian fighter. For a
complete biographical account, see Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications (Columbus, 1902), x, pp. 146-164.— Ed. 96 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
and a large quantity of timber hew'd, boards saw'd, and
shingles made. After finishing his business with the
Indians he stayed some time in expectation of Col.
Washington joining him, as several accounts came of
his being there in a few days. As there was no more
men to be had here at this time, there being no inhabitants in this country but Indian traders who were scat-
• tered over the country for several hundred miles, & no
provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied
to the Indians, who had given him reason to believe they
would join him and cut off the French on the Ohio,
but when he proposed it to the Half-King, he told him
that had the Virginians been in earnest they wou'd have
had their men there before that time, and desired him
to get the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions.
Agreeable to his instructions he went and recruited his
company, but before he could get back, it being no
miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the French
came and drove his people off.
In June following when the Indians heard that Coll.
Washington with a Detachment of the Virginia troops
had reached the great Meadows, the Half-King and
Scaruady with about 50 men joined him — notwithstanding the French were in possession of this country with
six or seven hundred men; so great was their regard for
the English at that time.
After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came
to Virginia, where they stayed some time, & then came
to my house in Pennsylvania and put themselves under
the protection of this Government.
As soon as possible they sent messengers to call down
the heads of the Delawares and Shawnese to a meeting
at my house, and at the same time they desired the Gover-
M 1757]
Croghan's Journals
nor of this Province, or some Deputy from him, to meet
them there to consult what was best to be done.
The Governor sent Mr Wiser the Provincial Interpreter; the Chiefs of those Indians came down and met him
and offered their service, but it was not accepted by Mr
Wiser. He in answer told them to sit still, till Governor
Morris arrived, and then he himself wou'd come and let
them know what was to be done. They waited there till
very late in the fall, but received no answer, so set off
for their own country.57
This Government continued to maintain the Indians
that lived at my house, till the Spring, when General
Bradock58 arrived; they then desired Governor Morris
to let me know they would not maintain them any longer;
at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them
to Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I
did;— On my arrival at Fort Cumberland General Braddock asked me where the rest of the Indians were. I
told him I did not know, I had brought but fifty men
which was all that was at that time under my care, and
which I had brought there by the directions of Governor
Morris. He replied that Governor Dinwiddie told me
[him] at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would
be here before me. I answered I knew nothing of that
but that Captain Montour the Virginia Interpreter was
in camp & could inform His Excellency. On which
Montour was sent for who informed the General that
Mr Gist's son was sent off some time agoe for some
87 The official report of these affairs is ir
150-161,180, 181, 186-191.— Ed.
88 On Croghan's relations
Colonial Records, vi, pp. 372, 38
1 Braddock's expedition,  see  Pennsylva
398; New York Colonial Documents, vi iff!
g 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Cherokee Indians, but whether they would come he
could not tell. On which the General asked me whether
I could not send for some of the Delawares and Shawnese
to Ohio. I told him I could; on which I sent a messenger
to Ohio, who returned in eight days and brought with
him the Chiefs of the Delawares. The General held
a conference the Chiefs in company with those fifty I had
brought with* me, and made them a handsome present, &
behav'd to them as kindly as he possibly could, during
their stay, ordering me to let them want for nothing.
The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the
General on the road, as he marched out with a number
of their warriors. But whether the former breaches of
faith on the side of the English prevented them, or that
they ch(3ose to see the event of the action between General
Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disappointed the General and did not meet him.
Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp
at Fort Cumberland, Mr Gist's son returned from the
Southward, where he had been sent by Govr Dinwiddie,
but brought no Indians with him.
Soon after, the General was preparing for the march,
with no more Indians than I had with me; when Coll.
Innis59 told the General that the women and children of
the Indians that were to remain at Fort Cumberland,
would be very troublesome, and that the General need
89 Colonel James Innes was an elderly Scotch officer, who had served under
the king's commission in the West Indies, and had settled in North CaroUna.
He commanded the contingent from that colony that came to the assistance
of Virginia in 1754. On the death of Colonel Joshua Fry, Dinwiddie appointed
Innes, who was his personal friend, to the position of commander-in-chief of
the colonial army, of which Washington was acting commandant. Innes got
no further than Fort Cumberland, where he remained as commander of the
fort, alternately appealing to his former royal commission, and to his colonial
authorization, for authority to maintain his rank.— Ed.
1 1757]
Croghan's Journals
not take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he
took more he would find them very troublesome on the
march and of no service; on which the General ordered
me to send back all the men, women and children, to my
house in Pennsylvania, except eight or ten, which I should
keep as scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did.
(Indorsed:    "Recd with Sr W Johnson's letter of the 25 June,
,      i^ 'r'
Croghan's Journal, 1760-6160
October 21st 1760.—In pursuance to my Instructions
I set of[f] from Fort Pitt to join Major Rogers61 at Presqu'
Isle62 in order to proceed with the Detachm* of his Majes-
tys Troops under his Command to take possession of
Fort D'Troit.
25th.— I joined Capt Campbell at Venango who was
60 The years between the last document (1757) and the commencement of this
journey (October 21, 1760) had been eventful ones for the future of American
history. The French and Indian War, which until the close of 1757 had
resulted only in a series of disasters to the EngUsh, was pursued with greater
vigor when a change of administration sent able officers and leaders to America.
The evacuation of Fort Duquesne (1758), the capture of Niagara and Quebec
(1759), and the final capitulation of aU Canada at Montreal (1760) gave the
mastery of the continent to the EngUsh, and opened the portals of the West.
Croghan was occupied during these momentous years with Indian negotiations
of great importance. As deputy of Sir WiUiam Johnson, he endeavored to
hold the Six Nations firm in their alUance, to pacify the frontier tribes, and
finaUy to announce to the expectant savages the EngUsh victory, and their
transfer to British authority. In 1757, he was employed in making peace with
the Susquehanna Indians (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vn, pp. 517-551,
656-714; Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 248, 319; New York Colonial Documents, vu, pp. 321-324); and made a journey to Fort Loudoun, in Tennessee
to sound the disposition of the Cherokees — (Pennsylvania Colonial Records
vn, pp. 600, 630). His influence was reUed upon to pave the way for Forbes's
army (1758), and he was present at the important treaty at Easton, in October
of this year—(Pennsylvania Archives, in, p. 429; Pennsylvania Colonial ■
Records, vni, pp. 175-223; Stone, Life of Sir William Johnson, n, p. 389).
Croghan also accompanied Forbes's expedition, and assisted in pacifying the
Allegheny Indians. The journal in Pennsylvania Archives, in, pp. 560-563,
designated as Journal of Frederick Post from Pittsburgh, 1738, is really Croghan's
journal, as a comparison with Post's journal for these dates wiU reveal. Early
in the next year we find Croghan at Fort Pitt, holding constant conferences
with Western Indians (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vni, pp. 387-391; Pennsylvania Archives, in, pp. 671, 744), where he remained until ordered to join
the expedition sent out under Major Rogers to secure possession of Detroit
and other Western posts, included in the capitulation at Montreal. The diary
of this journty, which we here pubUsh, is reprinted from Massachusetts Historical Collections, 4th series, ix, pp. 362-379.   Other letters of Croghan's are 1760-1761] Croghan's Journals 101
on his march to Presqu' Isle with a Detachment of the
Royal Americans to join Major Rogers.63
found in the same volume, pp. 246-253, 260, 266, 283-289. These aU relate
to Indian affairs, and the information being brought in by his scouts and messengers of conditions in the country lying westward — of the agitation, alarm,
and confusion among the Indian hostiles, who were eager to give in their
aUegiance to their conquering EngUsh "brothers." This journal of the voyage
to Detroit admirably supplements that of Major Robert Rogers, commandant
of the party which Croghan accompanied, whose account has been the standard
authority. It was pubUshed in DubUn, 1770, and several reprints have been
issued, the best of which is that edited by Hough, Rogers's Journals, 1755-1760
(Albany, 1883).— Ed.
61 Major Robert Rogers, the noted partisan leader, was born in New Hampshire. On the outbreak of the French and Indian War he raised a company
of scouts known as "Rogers's Rangers," who did great service on the New
York frontier. After receiving the surrender of Detroit and attempting in vain
to reach Mackinac, he was again sent to Detroit to reUeve the garrison in
Pontiac's War, after which he proceeded against the Cherokees in the South.
About this time he was retired on half pay, and visited England, where he
pubUshed his journals, and a Concise Account of North America. In 1766, he
was assigned to the command of the important post of Mackinac, and there
schemed to betray the fort to the Spaniards. The plot having been discovered,
he was tried in Montreal, but secured an acquittal, when he visited England
a second time, only to be thrown into prison for debt. During the Revolution
he led a body of LoyaUsts, and having been banished from New Hampshire
retired to England (1780), where he died about 1800.— Ed.
82 Fort Presqu' Isle was buUt by the French expedition under Marin in
the spring of 1753, on the site of the present city of Erie, Pennsylvania. It
was a post of much importance in maintaining the communication between
Niagara, Detroit, and the Forks of the Ohio. After the faU of Fort Duquesne
at the latter site (1758), a large garrison was coUected at Fort Presqu' Isle,
and a movement to re-possess the Ohio country was being organized, when
the capture of Niagara (1759) threw the project into confusion. Johnson sent
out a party to reUeve the French officer at this place, and a detachment of the
Royal Americans commanded by Colonel Henry Bouquet advanced from Fort
Pitt and took possession of the stronghold. The fort was captured by Indians
during Pontiac's conspiracy (June 17, 1763), as graphicaUy related by Park-
man. After this uprising, a British detachment controUed the place until the
final surrender of the posts to the United States in 1796. Within the same
year, General Anthony Wayne, returning from his fruitful campaign against
the Indians, died in the old blockhouse of the fort. Some remains of the
works are still to be seen at Erie.— Ed.
83 Captain Donald CampbeU was a Scotch officer who came to America
with the 62nd regiment in 1756, and was made captain of the Royal Americans io2 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
26th.— I halted at Venango as the French Creek was
very high, to assist in getting the Pack Horses loaded
with Pitch & Blanketts for the Kings service over.64
27 th.— Left Venango.
30th.— Got to La'Bauf.65
in 1759. After accompanying this expedition to Detroit (1760), he was left
in command of that post (see letter from Campbell, Massachusetts Historical
Collections, 4th series, ix, p. 382), and when superseded by Major Gladwin
remained as Ueutenant-commander. Leaving the fort on an embassy, during
the Pontiac uprising (1763), he was treacherously seized, made captive, and
crueUy murdered by the Indian hostiles. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac
(Boston, 1851), chaps, n and 14.— Ed.
64 Marin's expedition (1753), that erected forts Presqu' Isle and Le Bœuf,
intended to plant a fort at Venango, at the junction of French Creek with the
.Allegheny; the first detachment sent out for that purpose was, however, repulsed
by the Indians. When Washington visited the place (December, 1753), he
found the French flag flying over the house of an EngUsh trader, Frazier, who
had been driven from the spot. The foUowing year, the French built an outpost on this site, and named it Fort Machault. When Post passed by here in
1758, he found it garrisoned by but six men and a single officer; see post.
The French abandoned Fort Machault in 1759, and early the foUowing spring
the EngUsh buUt Fort Venango, about forty rods nearer the mouth of the creek.
At the outbreak of Pontiac's War, the latter fort was commanded by Lieutenant Gordon, and he with aU the garrison were captured, tortured, and
murdered by Indian foes. No fort was rebuilt at this place until late in the
Revolution, when Fort FrankUn was erected for the protection of the border,
being garrisoned from 1788-96. The present town of FrankUn was laid out
around the post in 1795.— Ed.
88 The French Fort Le Bœuf (technicaUy, "Fort de la Rivière aux Bœufs")
was built by Marin (1753) on a creek of the same name, at the site of the present
town of Waterford, the terminus of the road which Marin caused to be constructed south from Presqu' Isle. This was the destination of Washington's
expedition in 1753, and here he met the French commandant, J^egardeur de
St. Pierre. The fort at this place was farmed out to a French officer, who
superintended the portage of provisions from Lake Erie to the Ohio. Post
found it garrisoned by about thirty soldiers in 1758; see post. The foUowing
year, after the French had abandoned it, a detachment of the Royal Americans
went forward from Fort Pitt to occupy this stronghold; and three years later
.Ensign Price was beleaguered therein by the Indians, and barely escaped with
his life after a brave but futile defense. The Indians destroyed Fort Le Bœuf
by fire, and it was never rebuUt. In 1794, another fort with the same name
was erected near the old site, and garrisoned until after the War of 1812-15.
Subsequently the structure was used as a hotel, until accidentaUy burned in
1868.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
31st.— Arrived at Presqu-Isle where I delivered Major
Rogers his Orders from General Monckton.66
November 3d.— Cap1 Brewer of the Rangers with a
Party of forty Men set of[f] by Land with the Bullocks with
whom I sent fifteen Indians of different Nations, to pilot
them, with Orders that if they met with any of the Indians
of the Western Nations hunting on the Lake Side to tell
them to come and meet me.67 This Evening we loaded
our Boats & lay on the shore that night.
4th.— We set sail at seven o'clock in the morning &
at three in the afternoon we got to Siney Sipey or Stoney
Creek about ten Leagues from Presqu' Isle where we
went ashore in a fine Harbour and encamped.68
68 General Robert Monckton, a son of the Viscount of Galway, began bis
military career by service in Flanders (1742). He came to America about 1750,
and was stationed at Halifax, being appointed governor of Nova Scotia (1754-56).
After being transferred to the Royal Americans (1757), he was at the siege
of Louisburg in 1758, and the foUowing year was made second in command
for the capture of Quebec. Promoted for gallant services, he was placed in
control of the Western department, and had headquarters at Fort Pitt, where
Rogers had been detaUed to seek him for orders with reference to the latter's
Western expedition. General Monckton was miUtary governor of New York
City, 1761-63. During that time he made an expedition to the West Indies,
and captured Martinique. Returning to England he was made governor of
Berwick (1766), and later of Portsmouth, which he represented in ParUament.
He refused to take a commission to serve against the Americans in the Revolutionary War.— Ed.
87 Captain David Brewer joined Rogers's Rangers as ensign in 1756, and
three years later was promoted for gaUant services on Lake Champlain. He
appears to have been one of the most trusted officers of this company. Rogers
left him to bring up the troops to Presqu' Isle, whUe he hastened on to Fort
Pitt, at the beginning of the expedition; after the capitulation of Detroit, he
sent the larger portion of the Rangers back to Niagara under Brewer's command.   See Rogers's Journal, pp. 152,198.— Ed.
88 The topography of this voyage is a disputed question. Croghan is the
only contemporary authority who gives details. Siney Sipey is probably the
present Conneaut Creek, about twenty miles from Presqu' Isle. Rogers says
"by night we had advanced twenty miles." "Sinissippi" is frequently used
for Stoney or Rock Creek; the present Rock River, Illinois, claims that for its
Indian title.   In 1761, Sir WiUiam Johnson describes this place (without io4 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
5 th.— At seven o'Clock in the Morning we set sail,
about 12 we were met by about thirty Ottawas who had
an English Flag, they saluted us with a discharge of their
fire Arms, we then put ashore shook hands and smoked
with them out of their Council Pipe, we drank a dram
and then embarked, about two o'Clock arrived at Wajea
Sipery or Crooked Creek, went ashore in a good Harbour
and encamped, this day went about seven Leagues.
After we had encamped I called a meeting of all the Indians
and acquainted them of the Reduction of Montreal,
and agreeable to the Capitulation we were going to take
possession of Fort D'Troit, Misselemakinack, Fort St
Joseph's &c. and carry the French Garrisons away
Prisoners of War & Garrison the Forts with English
Troops, that the French Inhabitants were to remain in
possession of their property on their taking the Oath
of Fidelity to his Majesty King George, and assured them
by a Belt of Wampum that all Nations of Indians should
enjoy a free Trade with their Brethren the English and be
protected in peaceable possession of their hunting Country
as long as they adhered to his Majestys Interest. The
Indians in several Speeches made me, expressed their
satisfaction at exchanging their Fathers the French for
their Brethren the English who they were assured were
much better able to supply them with all necessaries,
and then begged that we might forget every thing that
happened since the commencement of the War, as they
were obliged to serve the French from whom they got all
their necessitys supplyed, that it was necessity and not
choice that made them take part with the French which
naming it) as foUows: "Encamped in a very good creek and safe harbor.
The creek about fifty yards wide, and pretty deep; two very steep bills at the
e thereof, and the water of it of a very brown color."— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
they confirmed by several Belts and Strings of Wampum.
The principal Man of the Ottawas said on a large Belt
that he had not long to live & said pointing to two Men
"those Men I have appointed to transact the Business
of my Tribe, with them you confirmed the Peace last
year when you came up to Pittsburg, I now recommend
them to you, and I beg you may take notice of them and
pity our women and Children as they are poor and naked,
you are able to do it & by pitying their Necessitys you
will win their Hearts." The Speaker then took up the
Pipe of Peace belonging to the Nation and said Brother
to Confirm what we have said to you I give you this
Peace Pipe which is known to all the Nations living in
this Country and when they see it they will know it to be
the Pipe of Peace belonging to our Nation, then [he]
delivered the Pipe.
The principal Man then requested some Powder &
Lead for their young Men to stay there and hunt for the
support of their familys as the Chiefs had agreed to go
with us to D'Troit, and a little Flower which I applyed
to Major Rogers for who chearfully ordered it to me as I
informed him it was necessary & would be for the good
of his Majestys Indian Interest.69
69 Roge
nstead of
•s in his Journal
the fifth of Nove
s this me
, and loc
ththe Otta
•upposed 1
vhich is s
This is th
0 be Cuyahoga,
more detailed,
uffidently crook
î traditional me
ed ii
Wajea S
1 its com
for the
ght to 1
pery" 1
îrst tim
>e Grand I
at the tin
nake this
e, with Po
±ief.   Pai
kman's weU-kn
iccount 0
f the h
Mighty bea
demands 0
Pontiac at
1 account.   In
all, as he here s
' ÎS
be dou
If asar
with Crog
btèd whet!
old man.
m 106 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
6 th.— At seven o'Clock we set sail in Company with
the Indians arrived at a pretty large Creek called Onchu-
ago or fire Creek70 about twelve Leagues from Crooked
Creek, where we went ashore and incamped, a fine Harbour; here we met seven familys of Ottawa Indians
7 th.-1- We loaded our Boats, sent of[f] the Battoes with
the Provisions and some Whale Boats to attend them,
but before they had got two Miles they were obliged
to return the Wind springing up so high that no Boat
could live on the Lake. Continued our encampment
here the whole day.
gth çth g. I0th — yje contmued here the Wind so high
could not put out of the Harbour here the Indians gave
us great quantitys of Bears & Elks Meat, very fat.
11th.— About One o'Clock P.M. set sail, a great swell
in the Lake, at Eight o'Clock got into a little Cove went
ashore & enoamped on a fine strand, about six Leagues
London (1765), when the exploits of Pontiac were causing much attention,
Rogers represents himself as having encountered that chief on his way to
Detroit, and that the latter asked him how he dared to enter that country without
his (Pontiac's) leave. This was probably a flight of the imagination, consequent upon his representing the Indian chief as the hero of the tragedy in the
verses he was then preparing, known as Ponteach, or the Savages of America
(London, 1766). See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, i, p. 165, u, appendix
B. The plain, unadorned account of Croghan, and the begging attitude of
the Ottawa chief, are probably more in accordance with historical verity than
Parkman's and Rogers's more romantic accoWSts.— Ed.
70 The creek which Croghan caUs "Onchuago" was Grand River, whose
Indian name was "Chaeaga" (Sheauga), and which is thus designated on
Evans's map of 1755, and Hutchins's map of 1778. Whittlesey, Early History
of Cleveland (Cleveland, 1867), thus identifies this stream. Baldwin, in his
'"Early Maps of Ohio and the West" Western Reserve Historical Society
Tracts, No. 25, thinks it is the Conneaut Creek; but that would be too far east
to correspond with this description, and the present Geauga County takes its
title from the Indian name of Grand River.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
from fire Creek, where Mr Braam with his party had
been some time encamped.71
12th.— At half an hour after Eight A.M. set sail, very
Calm, about 10 came on a great squawl, the Waves run
Mountains high, about half an hour after twelve we got
into Gichawaga Creek where is a fine Harbour, some of
the Battoes were forced a shore on the Strand and received considerable damage, some of the flower wet and
the Ammunition Boat allmost staved to Pieces, here we
found several Indians of the Ottawa Nation hunting,
who received us very kindly they being old Acquaintances
of mine, here we overtook Cap* Brewer of the Rangers
with his party who set of by Land with some Cattle, this
day came about four Leagues.72
13th.— We lay by to mend our Boats.
14th.— The Wind blew so hard we could not set of[f].
This day we were allarmed by one of the Rangers who
reported he saw about Twenty French within a Mile of
our encampment on which I sent out a party of Indians
and Major Rogers a party of Rangers, both partys
returned without discovering any thing, but the
Tracts of two Indians who went out a hunthig that
15th.— Fine Weather   we set sail and at twelve o'Clock
71 Lieutenant Dietrich Brehm (Braam) was a German engineer who came
to America in 1756 with the 32nd regiment (later the 60th or Royal Americans).
Little is known of his miUtary career, save that in the Une of promotion he
was captain in r774, and major in 1783.— Ed.
72 Probably "Gichawaga" was Cuyahoga River, the site of the city of
Cleveland, and a weU-known rendezvous of the Ottawa Indians, who had a
viUage some miles up its banks. Rogers speaks of it as Elk River, which by
some geographers is placed east of Cuyahoga River; but Rogers's list of distances, aUowing for much tacking, would indicate that the expedition had by
this time certainly come as far beyond Grand River as Cuyahoga.— Ed. }%\
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
came to Sinquene Thipe or Stony Creek73 where we met
a Wayondott Indian named Togasoady, and his family
a hunting. He informed me he was fifteen days from
D'Troit, that before he left that the French had Accounts
of the reduction of Montreal & that they expected an
English Army from Niagara to D'Troit e^ery day; that
M. Balletre,74 would not believe that the Governor of
Montreal had Capitulated for D'Troit; that he had no
more than fifty soldiers in the Fort; that the Inhabitants
and Indians who were at home were very much afraid
of being plundered by our Soldiers, and he requested
that no outrage might be committed by our soldiers on
the Indian settlements, as the chief of the Indians were
out a hunting. I assured them that there should be no
plundering. This afternoon we came to Nechey Thepy
or two Creeks,75 about Nine Leagues from Gichawga,
73 Stony Creek was the present Rocky River, about five miles west of Cleveland. Near this spot a part of Bradstreet's fleet was wrecked in 1764. See
Western Reserve Historical Society Tracts, No. 13.— Ed.
74 Marie François Picoté, Sieur de BeUestre, was born in 1719, and when
about ten years of age emigrated with his father to Detroit. Entering the
army, he held a number of commands — in Acadia (1745-46), and at the
Western posts, especiaUy at St. Josephs, where he had much influence over the
Indians. In the Huron revolt (1748), his bravery was especiaUy commended.
During the French and Indian War he led his Indian aUies on various raids —
one to Carolina in 1756, where he received a sUght wound; and again in New
York against the German Flats (1757). BeUestre was present at Niagara
about the time it was attacked; but Pouchot detailed him to retire with the
detachments from forts Presqu' Isle and Machault to Detroit, and he was
commanding at this post when summoned to surrender to Major Rogers.
After the capitulation of Detroit, he returned to Canada, and became a partisan
of the British power, captured St. John, and defended Chambly against the
Americans in 1775-76. He was made a member of the first legislative council
of the province.— Ed.
75 The encampment for the night of November 15 seems to have been
made between two smaU creeks that flow into the lake near together, in Dover
Township, Cuyahoga County.— Ed 1760-1761] Croghan's Journals 109
high banks all the way & most part of it a perpendicular
Rock about 60 feet high.
16 th.— a storm so that we could [not] stir.
17th.— The Wind continued very high, stayed .here
this day, set of[f] the Cattle with an escort of Souldiers
and Indians.
18th.— Set Sail came to Oulame Thepy or Vermillion
Creek a narrow Channel about Eight foot Water a large
Harbour when in, about four o'Clock came to Notowacy
Thepy a fine Creek running through a Meadow about
Eighteen foot Water, this day came about seven Leagues;76
here I met three Indians who informed me that the
Deputys I sent from Fort Pitt had passed by their hunting
Cabin Eight days ,agoe on their way to D'Troit in order
to deliver the Messages I sent by them to the several
Indian Nations.
19 th.— Several Indians came down the Creek to our
encampment and made us a present of dryed Meat, set
of[f], came to the little Lake just as the Cattle set over
from thence, set of[f] from here came to a Creek which
runs through a marchy Meadow, here we encamped,
came this day about six Leagues.77
20th.— Mr. Braam set of[f] to D'Troit with a Flag of
Truce and took with him Mr Gamblin a French Gentleman an Inhabitant of D'Troit.78   This day about One
78 VermilUon Creek or River retains its name. The river where the expedition encamped ("Notowacy Thepy") was probably that now known as the
Huron River, in Erie County, Ohio. Rogers's Journal mentions these rivers
without giving names.— Ed.
77 Rogers names the lake here mentioned, as Sandusky. It is difficult to
teU from this description whether or not the flotilla entered the inner Sandusky
Bay. Probably the encampment for the nineteenth was on the site of the
present city of Sandusky, at MiU or Pipe Creek.— Ed.
78 Médard GameUn was the son of a French surgeon, and nephew of that
Sieur de la Jémerais who accompanied La Vérendrye on his Western explora- no Early Western Travels [Vol. i
o'Clock we met a Canoe of Wayandott Indians who
informed us that the Deputys I sent to ye several Nations
living about Fort D'Troit, from Fort Pitt had got there
and collected the principal Men of the several Nations
together and delivered their Messages which were well
received by the Indians, and that a Deputation of the
Indians were appointed to come with my Deputys to
meet us at that place which was the Carrying place from
Sandusky into the Lake, we put into the Creek called
Crambary Creek, went a shore & encamped to wait the
arrival of those Deputys; we sent over the Carrying place
to two Indian Villages which are within two Miles of
each other to invite the Indians to come & meet the
Deputys at our Camp.79   This day came four Leagues.
21st.— Towards Evening some of the Indians from
the two Villages came to our Camp; just after dark a
Canoe came in sight who immediately saluted us with
three discharges of their fire Arms, which was returned
from our Camp, on their arrival we found them to be
the Deputys sent from the Nations living about D'Troit
with the Deputys I had sent from Fort Pitt, as soon as
they landed the Deputys I had sent introduced them to
Majr Rogers, Cap* Campbell and myself & said they
had delivered their Messages [to] the several Nations
tions, and died (1735) in the wilderness west of Lake Superior. GameUn was
born two years before this event. Emigrating to Detroit, he employed himself
in raising and training a militia company composed of the habitants, which he
led to the reUef of Niagara (1759). There he was captured and kept a prisoner
until released by the orders of General Amherst in order to accompany Rogers's
expedition, and pacify the settlers at Detroit. He took the oath of aUegiance
and remained in that city after its capitulation to the British, dying there about
1778.— Ed.
79 The present Cranberry Creek is east of Sandusky. The creek which
Croghan mentions was some smaU tributary of Portage River (the Carrying-
place), or directly beyond it. Rogers says they went "to the mouth of a river
in breadth 300 feet," which is evidently Portage River.— Ed. 1760-1
Croghan's Journals
ns which came with them we
î would be to our «
round we dismissed 1
and that the
to return Answers wb
ing & they hoped thei
tations   after drinking
& gave them Provisions.
22d.— About 9 o'Clock the Indians met in Council,
though several of their People were in Liquor, & made
several speeches on strings and one Belt of Wampum all
to the following purport.
Brethren: We your Brethren of the several Nations
living in this Country received your Messages well and
return you thanks for sending us word of what has happened and your coming to remove the French Garrison
out of our Country and putting one there of our Brethren
the English; your Conduct in sending us timely notice
of it is a Confirmation of your sincerity & upright intentions towards us and we are sent here to meet you & bid
you welcome to our Country.
Brethren all our principal Men are met on this side
the French Garrison to shake hands with you in Friendship & have determined in Council to abandon tjie
French Interest and receive our Brethren the English as
our true Friends & establish a lasting Peace with you &
we expect you will support us and supply us with a fire &
open Trade for the Cloathing of our Women and Children. Then they delivered two strings of Wampum to
the Six Nations and Delawares returning them thanks for
sending Messages to them with the Deputys I had sent
& desired those strings might be delivered to them in
Council. Then the Speaker spoke on a Belt & said
Brethren the Chief of our young People are gone out a
hunting and our Women have put up their Effects &
Corn for the maintainance of their Children in the Houses
•Jn ftf
ii2 Early Western Travels [Vol. r
about the French Fort and we know that all Warriors
plunder when they go on those Occasions, we desire by
this Belt that you will give orders that none of our Houses
may be plundered as we are a poor People and cannot
supply our Losses of that kind. Then I acquainted
them of the Reduction of all Canada and the terms of the
Capitulation & when I met their Chiefs I would tell
them on what terms the Peace was confirmed between
all Nations of Indians and us. Then Major Rogers gave
them a string by which he took all the Indians present by
the hand & lead them to D'Troit where he would have
a Conference with them and deliver them some speeches
sent by him to them from General Amherst.80 At 10
o'Clock we embarked sailed about five Leagues and en-
campd on a Beach.
23d.— We embarked sailed about three Leagues and
an half to Ceeder point where is a large Bay, here was
a large encampment of Indians Wayondotts and Ottawas
who insisted on our staying there that day as it was raining
and a large Bay to cross which Major Rogers agreed to.81
80 Rogers's Journal (p. 191), gives his own speech. He indicates in his
account that the Indians were preparing to resist the EngUsh advance; but
Croghan does not mention any such suspicions.
General Jeffrey Amherst was an EngUsh soldier of much distinction, who
after serving a campaign in Flanders and Germany, was commissioned by
Pitt to take charge of the mflitary operations in America (1758). His first
success was the capture of Louisburg, foUowed by the campaign of 1759, when
he reduced Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and moved upon Montreal, which
capitulated the foUowing year. He was immediately made governor-general
of the British in North America, received the thanks of ParUament, and was
presented with the order of the Bath. It was in obedience to his orders that
Rogers undertook this westward expedition. Amherst's later career was a
succession of honors, emoluments, and high appointments in the British army.
He opposed the cause of the colonies during the American Revolution. Late
in Ufe he was field-marshal of the British army, dying (1797) at his estate in
Kent, as Baron Amherst of Montreal.— Ed.
81 Cedar Point is at the southeastern entrance of Maumee Bay. Rogers's
Journal for November 23 says that an Ottawa sachem came into their camp;
' possibly this was Pontiac.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
24th.—We set of[f] at Eight o'Clock across the Bay
in which is an Island the day was so foggy that the Drum
was obliged to beat all day to keep the Boats together, this
day we went about Eight Leagues. Where we encamped
there came to us five Indian familys.
25 th.— The Indians desired Major Rogers would order
the Boats into a Cove as it was likely to be bad Weather &
lay by that day & they would send some men to where
their Chiefs were collected to hear News which was
26 th.— The Wind blew so hard that we could not put
out of the Cove, the Messengers the Indians sent returned
and informed us that the French were very angry with
the Indian Nations for meeting us and threatned to
burn their Towns; that the Commanding Officer would
not let us come to D'Troit till he received his Orders
from the Governor of Canada and the Capitulation to
which we answered the Indians that they might depend
on it, that if any damage was done them by the French
that we would see the damage repaired.
27 th.— In the Morning a Cannoe with two Interpreters
and four French came to our Camp with Letters from
Monsieur Balletré. We decamped and came into the
mouth of the River where we met the Chief of the Wayon-
dotts, Ottawas & Putawatimes who bid us welcome to
their Country and joined us, we went up the River about
6 miles where we met a French Officer who hoisted a Flag
of Truce and beat a parley here we encamped on an
Island and sent for the French Officer who delivered his
82 From the distances given in Rogers's Journal it would appear that
the expedition encamped the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth in the entrance
of Swan Creek, Monroe County, Michigan, a short distance north of Stony
Point.— Ed. ii4 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
28th.— Capt. Campbell was sent of[f] with a Flag of
Truce to give M. Balletré his orders to give up the Place
soon after we set of[f] up the River and encamped at an
Indian Village, at Night Capt. Campbell joined us and
informed us that Monsieur Balletré behaved very politely
on seeing M. Vaudreuils83 Orders & desired we would
proceed the next day and take possession of the Fort &
29th.— We set of[f] and arrived about twelve o'Clock
at the place where we landed and sent and relieved the
30th.— Part of the Militia lay down their Arms and
took the Oath of Fidelity.
December ist.— The rest of the Militia layed down
their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.
2d.— Lieu1 Holms was sent of[f] with M. Balletré and
the French Garrison with whom I sent 15 EngUsh Prisoners which I got from the Indians.
3d.— In the Morning the principal Indians of 3 different
Nations came to my Lodgings & made the following
Speech on a Belt of Wampum.
Brethren:—You have now taken possession of this
Country, While the French lived here they kept a smith
to mend our Guns and Hatchets and a Doctor to attend
83 Pierre François Rigault, ChevaUer de Cavagnal, Marquis de VaudreuU,
was Canadian born, and entered the miUtary service at an early age. In 1728
he was in the present Wisconsin on an expedition against the Fox Indians;
some years later, he was governor at Trois Rivières, and in 1743 was sent to
command in Louisiana, where he remained nine years, until appointed governor
of New France, just before the outbreak of the French and Indian War. As
the last French governor of Canada, his term of service was embittered by
quarrels with the French generals, and disasters to French arms. After his
capitulation at Montreal, he went to France, only to be arrested, thrown into
the Bastile, and tried for malfeasance in office. He succeeded in securing an
acquittal (1763); but, broken by disappointments and enmities, died the foUowing year.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
our People when sick, we expect you will do the same
and as no doubt you have something to say to us from
the English General and Sir William Johnson we would
be glad [to know] how soon you would go on business as
this is our hunting season.
Fort D'Troit December 4th 1760. We met the Wayon-
dotts, Putawatimes and Ottawas84 in the Council House,
with several of the principal Men of the Ohio Indians
who accompanied his Majestys Forces there when the
following speeches were made to them.
Brethren Chiefs & Warriors of the Several
Nations now Present : You have been made acquainted with the success of his Majestys Arms under the Command of his Excellency General Amherst and the Reduction of all Canada & now you are Eye Witnesses to the
surrender of this place agreeable to the Capitulation as I
sent you word before the arrival of his Majestys Troops;
you see now your Fathers are become British Subjects,
you are therefore desired to look on»them as such & not
to think them a separate People; and as long as you adhere to his Majestys Interest and behave yoursel[ves]
well to all his subjects as faithfull allies, you may depend
on having a free open Trade with your Brethren the
English & be protected by his Majesty King George now
your Father & my Master.— A Belt.
Brethren : At a Conference held with several Chiefs &
Deputys of your several Nations at Pittsburg this Summer, you told me that all our Prisoners which have been
taken since the War, yet remaining in your possession
84 The Potawotami Indians are an Algonquian tribe, being fir* encountered
by French explorers on the borders of Green Bay; but later, thej had viUages
at Detroit, St. Josephs River {southeast Michigan), and Milwaukee. They
were devoted to the French interests, and easily attracted to the vicinity of
the French posts.    For the Wyandots (Hurons) and Ottawas, see ante.— Ed. 116 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
were then set at Liberty to return home if they pleased,
now I have received by Major Rogers the Commanding
Officer here, General Amherst and Sir William Johnson's
Orders to demand due performance of your promise &
desire that you may forthwith deliver them up as that is
the only way you can convince us of your sincerity and
future intentions of living in Friendship with all his
Majestys Subjects in the several British Colonies in
America.— A belt.
Brethren: On Condition of your performance of
what has been said to you I by this Belt renew and
brighten the Ancient Chain of Friendship between his
Majestys Subjects, the Six United Nations and our
Brethren of the several Western Nations to the Sun setting and wish it may continue as long as the Sun and
Moon give light.— A belt.
Brethren: As my orders are to return to Pittsburg
I now recommend Capt. Campbel to you as he is appointed
by his Majestys Commander in Chief to be Governour
of this place, with him you must transact the publick
business and you may depend he will do you all the service in his power and see that justice is done you in
Trade.— A belt.
Brethren Chiefs and Warriors: As the Ancient
Friendship that long subsisted between our Ancestors
is now renewed I was[h] the Blood of[f] the Earth, that
has been shed since the present War, that you may smell
the sweet scent of the Springing Herbs & bury the War
Hatchet in the Bottomless Pitt.—A belt.
Brethren: I know your Warriors have all a martial
spirit & must be employed at War & if they want diversion after the fatigue of hunting there is your natural
Enemies the Cherookees with whom you have been long 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
at War, there your Warriors will find diversion & there
they may go, they have no other place to go, as all Nations
else are become the subjects of Great Britain.— A belt.
Brethren: As I command this Garrison for his
Majesty King George I must acquaint you that all the
Settlers living in this Country are my Master's subjects
therefore I take this opportunity to desire you our Brethren
of the several Nations not to take any of their Effects from
them by force, nor kill or steal any of their Cattle, as I
shall look on any insult of that kind as if done to me, as
they are under my protection. I desire you will encourage
your young Men to hunt and bring their Meat to me for
which they shall be paid in Powder and Lead.—A belt.
Major Rogers acquainted the Indians that he was going
to Misselemaknach to relieve that Garrison and desired
some of their young Men to go with him, whom he would
pay for their Services and that he was sending an Officer
to S*' Josephs and the Waweoughtannes85 to relieve their
Post & bring of[f] the French Garrisons & desired they
88 The French fort of St. Josephs was estabUshed early in the eighteenth
century, on the right bank of the river x>{ that name, about a mfle from the
present city of Niles, Michigan. Its commandant was the "farmer" of the
post — that is, he was entitled to what profits he could win from the Indian
trade, and paid his own expenses. After the British took possession of this
fort, it was garrisoned by a smaU detachment of the Royal Americans. When
Pontiac's War broke out, but fourteen soldiers were at the place, with Ensign
Schlosser in command. The fort was captured and eleven of the garrison
kiUed, the rest being carried prisoners to Detroit. During the Revolution,
Fort St. Josephs was three times taken from the British — twice by parties
from the Illinois led by French traders (in 1777, and again in 1778); and in
1781, a Spanish expedition set out from St. Louis to capture the stronghold,
and take possession of this region for Spain. See Mason, Chapters from
Illinois History (Chicago, rgoi). The United States faUed to garrison St.
Josephs when the British forts were surrendered in 1796, and built instead
(1804) Fort Dearborn at Chicago.
Ouiatonon (Waweoughtannes) was situated at the head of navigation on
the Wabash River, not far from the present city of Lafayette, Indiana. The
French founded this post about 1719, among a tribe of the same name (caUed I
118 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
would send some of their young Men with him who
should likewise be paid for their services.— A belt.
Then we acquainted them by a string that as they had
requested a Smith to mend their Guns as usual & the
Doctor to attend their sick that it was granted till the
Generals pleasure was known.— A string.
December the 4th.— A Principal Man of the Wayon-
dotts spoke and said Brethren we have heard and considered what you said to us yesterday and are met this
day to return you an answer agreeable to our promise.
The Wayondott Speaker addressed his speech to
Major Rogers, Capt Campbel and myself.
Brethren: We have heard what you said to us
yesterday, we are like a lost People, as we have lost many
of our principal Men, & we hope you will excuse us if
we should make any Mistakes, but we assure you our
Hearts are good towards our Brethren the English when
your General and Sir William Johnson took all Canada
they ordered you to send us Word, we received your
Messages & we see, by your removing the French in the
manner you have from here, that what you said to us by
your Messengers is true. Brethren be it so, and continue
as you have begun for the good of us all. All the Indians
in this Country are Allies to each other and as one People,
what you have said to us is very agreeable & we hope
you will continue to strengthen the Ancient Chain of
Friendship.—A belt.
Weas by the EngUsh); and kept an officer stationed there until its surrender
to the EngUsh party sent out by Rogers (1761). The smaU garrison under
command of Lieutenant Jenkins was captured at the outbreak of Pontiac's
conspiracy; but through the intervention of French traders their Uves were
spared, while the fort was destroyed by burning, and never rebuUt. See Craig,
"Ouiatonon," Indiana Historical Society Collections (IndianapoUs, 1886),
v, n.   See also Croghan's description when he passed here five years later, 1760-1761]
You desired us yesterday to perform our promise &
deliver up your Prisoners, it is very true we did promise
to deliver them up, and have since delivered up many,
what would you have us do there is very few here at
present they are all yours & you shall have them as soon
as possible tho' we do not choose to force them that have
a mind to live with us.— A belt.
Brethren: Yesterday you renewed and brightened
the Ancient Chain of Friendship between our Ancestors
the Six Nations & you. Brethren I am glad to hear that
you our Brethren the English and the Six Nations have
renewed and strengthened the Ancient Chain of Friendship subsisting between us, & we assure you that if ever
it be broke it will be on your side, and it is in your power
as you are an able People to preserve it, for while this
Friendship is preserved we shall be a strong Body of
People, and do not let a small matter make a difference
between us.— A belt.
Brethren: Yesterday you desired us to be strong
and preserve the Chain of Friendship free from rust,
Brethren look on this Friendship Belt where we have the
Six Nations and you by the hand; this Belt was delivered
us by our Brethren the English & Six Nations when first
you came over the great Water, that we might go &
' pass to Trade where we pleased & you likewise with us,
this Belt we preserve that our Children unborn may
Brethren: We heard what you said yesterday it
was all good but we expected two things more, first that
you would have put it out of the power of the Evil Spirit
to hurt the Chain of Friendship, and secondly that you
would have settled the prices of goods that we might
have them cheaper from you than we had from the
'«<   1 ijï|F
120 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
1/ 'i i I if   ■ ~~   ~~
French as you have often told us.    Brethren you have
renewed   the   Old   Friendship   yesterday,   the  Ancient
Chain is now become bright, it is new to our young Men,
and Brethren we now take a faster hold of it than ever
we had & hope it may be preserved free from rust to our
posterity.— A belt [of] 9 rows.
Brethren: This Belt is from our Warriors in behalf
of our Women & Children and they desire of us to request
of you to be strong & see that they have goods cheap
from your Traders & not be oppressed as they have been
by the French.86— A belt [of] 7 rows.
Brethren:—Shewing two Medals those we had from
you as a token that we might remember our Friendship
whenever we should meet in the Woods and smoke under
the Tree of Peace, we preserved your token and hope
you remember your promise, it was then said that this
Country was given by God to the Indians & that you
would preserve it for our joint use where we first met
under a shade as there were no Houses in those times.
The same speaker addressing himself to the six Nations.
Brethren: I am very glad to hear what our Brethren
the English have said to us, and I now send this string by
you, and take the Chiefs of the six Nations by the hand
to come here to Council next spring.
Brother addressing himself to me
You have been employed by the King and Sir William
Johnson amongst many Nations of Indians in settling
this Peace, now you are sent here where our Council fire is,
88 The speculation and corruption of the French officers at the Western
posts, was notorious. BeUestre was not free from suspicions of taking advantage of his official position to exploit the Indian trade. See Farmer, History
of Detroit and Michigan (Detroit, 1884), p. 766.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
the Smoke of which ascends to the Skies you are going
away and all Nations to the Sun sitting are to meet here
to see their Brethren the English in possession of this
place and we desire that you may stay here till that Council, that you may take your Master Word of what is to
be transacted here.— A belt.
Brethren: By this String we request you will consider it will be difficult for us to understand, each other.
It would be agreeable to us if you would continue our old
Interpreter as he understands our Language well.— A
December the 5 th the Principal Man of the Putawatimes
Brethren: Yesterday our Uncles of the Six Nations
spoke to you for us all; do not be surprised at it, they have
more understanding in Council affairs than us, we have
employed them to speak for us all, and Confirm what
they have said by this Belt.— A belt.
Brethren: Be strong and bring large quantity s of
goods to supply us & we will bring all our Furs to this
place. We are glad you acquainted us that the Inhabitants of French here are become English subjects, we shall
look on them as such for the future and treat them as our
Brethren.— A belt.
Brethren: Our Uncles gave us this String of Wampum and desired us to be strong and hunt for you, we
should be glad [if] you would fix the price to be given
for a Deer of Meat, then insisted strongly that the six
Nation Deputys should press their Chiefs to attend the
General meeting to be held here in the spring by a Belt.
The principal Man of the Ottawas got up and made
two speeches to the same purport as above.
Then I made them the following speech.
iWl w
122 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
Brethren: I return you thanks for the several affectionate speeches you made us yesterday. To day it is
agreed that he [the interpreter] be continued till General
Amherst and Sir William Johnson's pleasure be known;
you likewise desired I might stay here till your General
Meeting in the Spring, I am not my own Master so
you must excuse me till I receive further Orders.— A belt.
Then the Present of Goods was delivered to each
Nation in his Majestys Name, for which they returned
their hearty thanks.
Then Major Rogers spoke to them.
Brethren : I return you thanks for your readiness in
joining his Majestys Troops under my Command, on my
way here, as I soon set out to execute my orders and
relieve the Garrison of Misselemakinach I take this
opportunity of taking my leave of you, and you may be
assured I will acquaint General Amherst and Sir William
Johnson of the kind reception I have met with amongst
your Nations and recommend your services.— A belt.
Then the Council fire was covered up & the Conference ended.
7 th.— Mr Butler of the Rangers set of[f] with an officer &
party to relieve the Garrison at the Milineys87 [Miamis]
87 The French fort among the Miamis (EngUsh, Twigtwees) was situated
on the Maumee River, near the present site of Fort Wayne. The date of its
founding is in doubt; but the elder Vincennes was there in 1704, and soon
after this frequent mention is made of its commandants. During the revolt
of the French Indians (1748), the fort was partially burned. When Céloron
passed, the succeeding year, he described it as in a bad condition, and located
on an unhealthful site. About this time, the Miamis removed to the Great
Miami River, and permitted the EngUsh to build a fortified trading house at
PickawiUany. But an expedition sent out from Detroit chastised these recalcitrants, and brought them back to their former abode, about Fort Miami —
which latter is described (1757) as protected with palisades, on the right bank
of the river. The garrison of the Rangers sent out by Rogers from Detroit
to secure this post, was later replaced by, a small detachment of the Royal 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
with whom I sent an Interpreter and gave him Wampum
and such other things as was necessary for his Journey
and Instructions in what manner to speak to the Indians
in those parts.
The 8th.— Major Rogers set of[f] for Misselemachinack
with whom I sent Cap* Montour and four Indians who
were well acquainted with the Country and the Indian
Nations that Inhabit it.88
The 9th & 10th.— Capt Campble assembled all the Inhabitants and read the Act of Parliament to them &
setled matters with them to his satisfaction, they agreeing to ye billiting of Troops and furnishing fire Wood &
Provisions for the Garrison, and indeed every thing in
their power for his Majestys service.
The 11th.— In the Evening Capt. Campble finished his
Letters when I set off leaving him what Wampum, Silver
Truck & Goods I had for the Indian service.
The 16th.— We came to the little Lake called Sandusky
which we found froze over so as not to be passable for
some days.
The 22d.— We crossed the little Lake on the Ice which
is about 6 Miles over to an Indian Village where we
found our Horses which we sent from D'Troit, there
Americans, under command of Lieutenant Robert Holmes, who notified Gladwin of Pontiac's conspiracy, but nevertheless himself feU a victim thereto.
See Morris's Journal, post. The fort destroyed at this time was not rebuilt.
Croghan (1765) speaks of it as ruinous. In the Indian wars of the Northwest,
Wayne, perceiving its strategic importance, built at this site the fort named in
his honor (1794), whence arose the present city.— Ed.
88 The expedition of Major Rogers to reUeve the French at Mackinac,
failed because of the lateness of the season, and the consequent ice in Lake
Huron. Rogers returned to Detroit December 21, and two days later left for
Pittsburg, where he arrived January 23, 1761, after a land march of just
one month. The fort at Mackinac was deUvered over to an EngUsh detachment under command of Captain Balfour of the Royal Americans, September
28,1761.—Ed. t HIT
124 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
were but five Indians at home all the rest being gone a
23d.— We came to Chenunda an Indian Village 6 miles
from Sandusky.89
24th.— We stayed to hunt up some Horses.
25th.— We came to the Principal Mans hunting Cabin
about 16 miles from Chenunda level Road and clear
Woods, several Savannahs.
26th.— We came to Mohicken Village, this day, we
crossed several small Creeks all branches of Muskingum,
level Road, pretty clear Woods about 30 Miles, the Indians
were all out a hunting except one family.
27 th.— We halted, it rained all day.
28th.— We set of[f], it snowed all day & come to
another branch of Muskingum about 9 Miles good
Road where we stayed the 29th for a Cannoe to put us
over, the Creek being very high.
30th.— We set of[f] and came to another branch of
Muskingum about 11 Miles and the 31st we fell a Tree
over the Creek and carryed over our Baggage and encamped about one Mile up a Run.
January the ist.— We travelled about 16 Miles clear
woods & level Road to a place called the Sugar Cabins.
2d.— We came about 12 Miles to the Beavers Town
clear Woods and good Road.
3d.— Crossed Muskingum Creek and encamped in a
fine bottom on this side the Creek.'
4th.— Set of[f] and travelled about 20 Miles up a branch
of Muskingum good Road.
88 The place here mentioned was a Wyandot town shown on Hutchins's
map (1778). Probably this was the vUlage of the chief Nicholas, founded in
1747 during his revolt from the French.     See Weiser's Journal, ante.— Ed. 1760-1761]
Croghan's Journals
125 .
5th.— Travelled about 18 Miles and crossed a branch
of little Beaver Creek clear Woods & good Road.
6 th.— Travelled about Eighteen Miles and crossed two
Branches of little Beaver Creek good Road & Clear
7th.— Crossed the mouth of big Beaver Creek at an
Indian Village and came to Pittsburg about 25 Miles
good Road & Clear Woods.90
90 Croghan returned to Pittsburg by the "great trail," a famous Indian
thoroughfare leading from the Forks of the Ohio to Detroit. For a description
of this route, see Hulbert, Indian Thoroughfares (Cleveland, 1902), p. 107;
and in more detail his article in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society
Publications (Columbus, 1899), vni, p. 276.
Mohican John's viUage was on White Woman's Creek, near the site of
Reedsburg, Ohio. Beaver's Town was at the junction of the Tuscarawas and
the Big Sandy, the antecedent of the present BoUvar; for the town at the mouth
of Big Beaver Creek, see Weiser's Journal, ante.— Ed. Croghan's Journal, 1765 91
May 15th, 1765.— I set off from fort Pitt with two
batteaux, and encamped at Chartier's Island, in the Ohio,
three miles below Fort Pitt.92
16th.— Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas,
Shawnesse, and Delawares, that were to accompany me,
91 The manuscript of the journal that we here reprint came into the possession of George WiUiam Featherstonhaugh, a noted EngUsh geologist who came
to the United States in the early nineteenth century and edited a geological
magazine in PhUadelphia. He first pubUshed the document therein (The
Monthly Journal of American Geology), in the number for December, 1831.
It appeared again in a pamphlet, pubUshed at BurUngton, N. J. (no date) ; and
Mann Butler thought it of sufficient consequence to be introduced into the
appendix to his History of Kentucky (Cincinnati and LouisviUe, 2nd éd., 1836).
Another version of this journey (which we may caU the official version), also
written by Croghan, was sent by Sir WiUiam Johnson to the lords of trade, and
is pubUshed in New York Colonial Documents, vn, pp. 779-788. Hildreth pubUshed a variant of the second (official) version "from an original MS. among
Colonel Morgan's papers," in his Pioneer History of the Ohio Valley (Cincinnati,
1848). The two versions supplement each other. The first was evidently written
for some persons interested in lands in the Western country — their fertility,
products, and general aspects; therefore Croghan herein confines himself to
general topographical description, and omits his journey towards the IUinois,
his meeting with Pontiac, and aU Indian negotiations. The official report,
on the other hand, abbreviates greatly the account of the journey and the
appearance of the country, and concerns itself with Indian affairs and historical
events. We have in the present pubUcation combined the two journals, indicating in foot-notes the important variations; but the bulk of the narrative is
a reprint of the Featherstonhaugh-Butler version.
With regard to the circumstances under which the official journal was
transcribed, Johnson makes the foUowing explanation in his letter to the board
of trade (New York Colonial Documents, vn, p. 775) : "I have selected the principal parts [of this journal] which I now inclose to your Lordships, the whole of
his Journal is long and not yet coUected because after he was made Prisoner, &
lost his Baggage &ca. he was necessitated to write it on Scraps of Paper procured
with difficulty at Post Vincent, and that in a disguised Character to prevent
its being understood by the French in case through any disaster he might be
again plundered."
The importance of this journal for the study of Western history has frequently been noted.    Parkman used it extensively in his Conspiracy of Pontiac. I76S]
Croghan's Journals
we set off at seven o'clock in the morning, and at ten
o'clock arrived at the Logs Town, an old settlement of
the Shawnesse, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt,
where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that
village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south
side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At
n o'clock we re-embarked and proceeded do-vv* the Ohio
to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, about ten miles below
the Logs Town: this creek empties itself between two
fine rich bottoms, a mile wide on each side from the banks
of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the
mouth of Beaver Creek we passed an old settlement of the
Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for
that nation. On the north side of the river some of the
stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands
come close to the banks and continue so for about five
miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms
on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver
Creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver Creek. A
number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side.
From thence we sailed to Yellow Creek,93 being about
Winsor in his Critical and Narrative History of America, v, p. 704, note, first
pointed out in some detail the differences between the two versions. He errs,
however, in confusing the letters Croghan wrote from Vincennes and Ouiatonon.
Many secondary authorities also wrongly aver that Croghan on this journey
went as far as Fort Chartres.— Ed.
92 Croghan arrived at Fort Pitt, February 28, 1765, and from then until his
departure was constantly occupied with Indian transactions in preparation for
his journey. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ix, pp. 250-264; also Withers's
Early History of Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 166-179.— Ed.
98 Little Beaver Creek (near the western border of Pennsylvania) and YeUow
Creek (in Ohio) were much frequented by Indians. On the former, Half King
had a hunting cabin. Logan, the noted Mingo chief, Uved at the mouth of
the latter. Opposite, upon the Virginia shore, occurred the massacre of Logan's
family (April 30, 1774), which was one of the opening events of Lord Dun-
more's War. See Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare (Thwaites's éd.,
Cincinnati, 1895), p. 150, notes.— Ed.
I iff
128 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek; here and
there the hills come close to the banks of the river on each
side, but where there are bottoms, they are very large,,
and well watered; numbers of small rivulets running
through them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. We
encamped on the river bank, and found a great part of the
trees in th% bottom are covered with grape vines. This
day we passed by eleven islands, one of which being about
seven miles long. For the most part of the way we made
this day, the banks of the river are high and steep. The
course of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Beaver
Creek inclines to the north-west; from thence to the two-
creeks partly due west.
17th.— At 6 o'clock in the morning we embarked: and
were delighted with the prospect of a fine open country
on each side of the river as we passed down. We came
to a place called the Two Creeks, about fifteen miles from
Yellow Creek, where we put to shore; here the Senecas
have a village on a high bank, on the north side of the
river; the chief of this village offered me his service to go
with me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fear
of giving him offence, although I had a sufficient number
of deputies with me already.94 From thence we proceeded down the river, passed many large, rich, and fine
bottoms; the highlands being at a considerable distance
94 The viUage here described was Mingo Town on Mingo bottom, situated
at the present Mingo Junction, Ohio. It is not to be confused with the Mingo
bottom opposite the mouth of YeUow Creek. The former town was prominent
as a rendezvous for border war-parties in the Revolutionary period. From this,
point, started the rabble that massacred the Moravian Indians in 1782. Colonel
Crawford set out from here, in May of the same year, on his iU-fated expedition
against the Sandusky Indians.   See Withers's Chronicles, chap. 13.
Possibly the chief who joined Croghan at this point was Logan, since
the former had known him in his eariier home on the Susquehanna, near
Sunbury.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo Creek,
being about ten miles below the Seneca village; and from
Buffalo Creek, we proceeded down the river to Fat Meat
Creek, about thirty miles.95 The face of the country
appears much like what we met with before; large, rich, and
well watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinching close on the river; these bottoms, on the fiorth side,
appear rather low, and consequently subject to inundations, in the spring of the year, when there never fail to be
high freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows.
This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatest
part of them are small. They lay much higher out of
the water than the main land, and of course less subject
to be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped near
an Indian village. The general course of the river from the
Two Creeks to Fat Meat Creek inclines to the southwest.
18th.— At 6 o'clock, A.M. we set off in our batteaux;
the country on both sides of the river appears delightful;
the hills are several miles from the river banks, and consequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber, and banks
of the river, much like those we have before described;
about fifty miles below Fat Meat Creek, we enter the
long reach, where the river runs a straight course for
twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks
continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and
well watered. At the lower end of the reach we encamped.96 This day we passed nine islands, some of
which are large, and lie high out of the water.
98 Buffalo Creek is in Brooke County, West Virginia, with the town of Wells-
burg located at its mouth. The first settlers arrived about 1769. Fat Meat
Creek is not identified; from the distances given, it might be Big Grave Creek,
in MarshaU County, West Virginia, or Pipe Creek, nearly opposite, in Belmont
County, Ohio.— Ed.
98 The "Long Reach" Ues between Fishing Creek ar.d the Muskingum,
sixteen and a half miles in a nearly straight Une to the southwest.— Ed. Wl
130 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
19th.— We decamped at six in the morning, and sailed
to a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteen
miles from our last encampment; here the highlands come
close to the river banks, and the bottoms for the most
part — till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk)97 river —
are but narrow: this river empties itself into the Ohio
about fifteen miles below the Three Islands; the banks of
the river continue steep, and the country is level, for
several miles back from the river. The course of the
river from Fat Meat Creek to Elk River, is about southwest and by south. We proceeded down the river about
fifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa River, with
little or no alteration in the face of the country; here we
encamped in a fine rich bottom, after having passed
fourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lying
high out of the water.98 Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys,
with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty.
97 The French caUed the Muskingum Yanangué-kouan — the river of the
Tobacco (Petun-Huron) Indians. Céloron (1749) left at the mouth of this
river, one of his plates, which was found in 1798, and is now in possession of
the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester, Massachusetts. Croghan
had frequently been on the Muskingum, where as early as 1750, he had a trading house. The inhabitants at that time appear to have been Wyandots; but
after the French and Indian War the Delawares retreated thither, and built
their towns on the upper Muskingum. Later, the Moravian missionaries
removed their converts thither, and erected upon the banks of this river their
towns, Salem, Schônbrunn, and Gnadenhtitten.   In 1785, Fort Harmar was
«Tins placed at its mouth; and thither, three years later, came the famous colony of
New England Revolutionary soldiers, under the leadership of Rufus Putnam,
which founded Marietta.— Ed.
98 The Little Kanawha was the terminus of the exploring expedition of
George Rogers Clark and Jones in 1772. They reported unfavorably in regard
to the lands; but settlers soon began to occupy them, and they were a part of
the grant given to Trent, Croghan, and others at the treaty of Fort Stanwix
(1768) as a reparation for their losses in the previous wars. About the time
of Croghan's visit, Captain BuU, a weU-known Delaware Indian of New York,
removed to the Little Kanawha, and in 1772 his viUage, BuUtown, was the
scene of a revolting massacre of friendly Indians by brutal white borderers.— Ed . 176S]
Croghan's Journals
A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, could
here supply daily one hundred men with meat. The
course of the Ohio, from Elk River to Little Conhawa, is
about south.
20th.— At six in the morning we embarked in our
boats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hochocken
or Bottle River,99 where we were obliged to encamp,
having a strong head wind against us. We made but
twenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands,
the country the whole way being rich and level, with high
and steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatched
an Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to the
French traders from the Illinois residing there, amongst
the Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at the
mouth of Scioto, in order to proceed with me to their
own country, and take the oaths of allegiance to his
Britannic Majesty, as they were now become his subjects, and had no right to trade there without license.
At the same time I sent messages to the Shawnesse Indians
to oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal.
21 st.— We embarked at half past 8 o'clock in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, about
thirty-five miles below Bottle River. The course of the
Ohio, from Litde Conhawa River to Big Bend, is about
south-west by south.   The country hereabouts abounds
99 Hockhocking is the local Indian name for a bottle-shaped gourd, to
which they likened the course of this river. Its chief historical event is connected with Lord Dunmore's War. Nine years after this voyage of Croghan,
Dunmore descended the Ohio with his flotilla, and disembarking at the river
with his army of regulars and frontiersmen — Clark, Cresap, Kenton, and
Girty among the number — marched overland to the Scioto, leaving Fort
Gower here to guard his rear. Signs of the earthwork of this fortification are
stiU visible. At this place, on the return journey, the Virginia officers of the
army drew up resolutions of sympathy with the Continental Congress then in
session at Philadelphia.— Ed. Rff
132 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in such
plenty, that we killed out of our boats as much as we
wanted. We proceeded down the river to the Buffalo
Bottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the Big
Bend, where we encamped. The country on both sides
of the river, much the same as we passed the day before.
This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of the
22d.— At half an hour past 5 o'clock, set off and sailed
to a place, called Alum Hill, so called from the great
quantity of that mineral found there by the Indians; this
place lies about ten miles from Buffalo Bottom;100 thence
we sailed to the mouth of Great Conhawa River,101
being ten miles from the Alum Hill. The course of the
river, from the Great Bend to this place, is mostly west;
from hence we proceeded down to Little Guyondott
River, where we encamped, about thirty miles from Great
Conhawa; the country still fine and level; the bank of the
river high, with abundance of creeks and rivulets falling
into it. This day we passed six fine islands. In the
evening one of our Indians discovered three Cherokees
near our encampment, which obliged our Indians to keep
100The "Big Bend" of the river is that now known as Pomeroy's Bend,
from the Ohio town at its upper point. Alum HiU was probably West Columbia, Mason County, West Virginia. See Lewis, History of West Virginia
(Philadelphia, 1889), p. 109.— Ed.
101 The Kanawha takes its name from a tribe of Indians who formerly Uved
in its vaUey, but they were destroyed by the Iroquois in the early eighteenth
century. Céloron called it the Chinondaista, and at its mouth buried a plate
which is now in the museum of the Virginia Historical Society, at Richmond.
Gist surveyed here for the Ohio Company in 1752; later, Washington owned
ten thousand acres in the vicinity, and visited the spot in 1774. That same year,
the battle of Point Pleasant was fought at the mouth of the Kanawha by Colonel
Andrew Lewis's division of Lord Dunmore's army; and the succeeding year,
Fort Randolph was built to protect the frontiers. Daniel Boone retired hither
from Kentucky, and Uved in this neighborhood four years (1791-95), before
migrating to Missouri.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
out a good guard the first part of the night. Our party
being pretty strong, I imagine the Cherokees were afraid to
attack us, and so ran off.
23d.— Decamped about five in the morning, and
arrived at Big Guyondott, twenty miles from our last
encampment: the country as of yesterday; from hence we
proceeded down to Sandy River being twenty miles
further; thence to the mouth of Scioto, about forty miles
from the last mentioned river. The general course of
the river from Great Conhawa to this place inclines to
the south-west. The soil rich, the country level, and
the banks of the river high. The soil on the banks of
Scioto, for a vast distance up the country, is prodigious
rich, the bottoms very wide, and in the spring of the year,
many of them are flooded, so that the river appears to
be two or three miles wide. Bears, deer, turkeys, and
most sorts of wild game, are very plenty on the banks of
this river. On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto,
on a high bank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawnesse town, called the Lower Town, which was all carried away, except three or four houses, by a great flood
in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though the
banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet
on the top, which obliged the whole town to take to their
canoes, and move with their effects to the hills. The
Shawnesse afterwards built their town on the opposite
side of the river, which, during the French war, they
abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the
plains on Scioto. The Ohio is about one hundred yards
wider here than at Fort Pitt, which is but a small augumen-
tation, considering the great number of rivers and creeks,
that fall into it during the course of four hundred and
twenty miles; and as it deepens but very little, I imagine
11 !34
Early Western Travels
the water sinks, though there is no visible appearance of
it. In general all the lands on the Scioto River, as well as
the bottoms on Ohio, are too rich for any thing but hemp,
flax, or Indian corn.102
24th, 25th, and 26th.— Stayed at the mouth of Scioto,
waiting for the Shawnesse and French traders, who
arrived here on the evening of the 26th, in consequence
of the message I sent them from Hochocken, or Bottle
27th.— The Indians requested me to stay this day,
which I could not refuse.
28th.— We set off: passing down the Ohio, the country
on both sides the river level; the banks continue high.
This day we came sixty miles; passed no islands. The
river being wider and deeper, we drove all night.
29th.— We came to the little Miame River, having proceeded sixty miles last night.
102 The word Scioto probably signified ' ' deer, ' ' although it is said by David
Jones to mean "hairy" river, from the multitude of deer's hairs which floated
down the stream. The vaUey of the Scioto is famous in Western annals. During the second half of the eighteenth century it was the chief seat of the Shawnees
whose lower, or ' j Shannoah,' ' town has been frequently mentioned in the Indian
transactions which we have printed. The Shawnees, on their withdrawal
up the vaUey, built the ChiUicothe towns, where Pontiac's conspiracy was largely
fomented. These were the starting point of many raids against the Kentucky
and West Virginia settlements. From these viUages Mrs. Ingles and Mrs.
Dennis made their celebrated escapes in 1755 and 1763 respectively. During
aU the long series of wars closing with Wayne's victory in 1794, the intractable
Shawnees were among the most dreaded of the Indian enemy.— Ed.
103 The result of this message in regard to the French traders, is thus given
in the official version of the journal:
"26th. Several of the Shawanese ca
French Traders which they deUvered to r
their ViUages, & told me there was just si
that on their return to their Towns they would go to the Delawares & get them
to send those French Traders home, & told me they were determined to do
everything in their power to convince me of their sincerity & good disposition
to preserve a peace.' '— Ed.
î there & brought with them 7
, those being aU that resided in
s Uving with the Delawares,
L 1765I Croghan's Journals 135
30th.— We passed the Great Miame River, about
thirty miles from the little river of that name, and m the
evening arrived at the place where the Elephants' bones an
found, where we encamped, intending to take a view of
the place next morning. This day we came about
seventy miles. The country 00 both sides level, and rich
bottoms well watered.
31st.— Early in the morning we went to the great Lick,
where those bones are only found, about four miles from the
river, on the south-east side. In our way we passed
through a fine limbered dear wood ; we came into a large road
which the Buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two
waggons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick.
It appears that there are vast quantities of these bones lying
five or six feet under ground, which we discovered in the
bank, at the edge of the Lick. We found here two tusks
above six feet long; we carried one, with some other bones,
to our boats, and set off.10' This day we proceeded down
the river about eighty miles, through a country much the
same as already described, since we passed the Scioto.
In this day's journey we passed the mouth of the River
Kentucky, or Holstcn's River.105
IM Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky, was visited by the French
in the early eighteenth century. It was a landmark for early Kentucky hunter*,
who describe it la terms similar to those used by Croghan. At the beginning
of the nineteenth century, scientists took much interest in the remains of the
mammoth (or mastodon) — the "elephant's bones" described by Croghan.
Thomas Jefferson and several members of the American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia, attempted to secure a complete skeleton of this extinct
giant; and a number of fossils from the lick «ere also seat to Europe. Dr.
Gofotth of Cincinnati undertook an exploration to the lick at his own expense
(tSot), but was later robbed of the result. The store of huge bones is not ret
entirely exhausted, specimens being yet occasionally excavated — the present
writer having examined some there in 1804.— Ed.
"* It is a curious mistake on Croghan's part to designate the Kentucky
as the HolstoB River.    The latter it a branch of the Tennessee, flowing through Ill
i 36 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
June 1st.— We arrived within a mile of the Falls of
Ohio, where we encamped, after coming about fifty
miles this day.
2d.— Early in the morning we embarked, and passed
the Falls. The river being very low we were obliged to
lighten our boats, and pass on the north side of a little
island, which lays in the middle of the river. In general,
what is called the Fall here, is no more than rapids; and
in the least fresh, a batteau of any size may come and go
on each side without any risk.106 This day we proceeded
sixty miles, in the course of which we passed Pidgeon
River. The country pretty high on each side of the River
3d.— In the forepart of this day's course, we passed
high lands; about mid-day we came to a fine, flat, and
level country, called by the Indians the Low Lands; no
hills to be seen. We came about eighty miles this day,
and encamped.
4th.— We came to a place called the Five Islands; these
islands are very long, and succeed one another in a chain;
the country still flat and level, the soil exceedingly rich,
and well watered.   The highlands are at least fifty miles
3 of Tennessee, North CaroUna, and Virginia. Its vaUey was
early settled by Croghan's friends, Scotch-Irish from Pennsylvania. It is
probable that, as the Kentucky's waters come from that direction, he had a
confused idea of the topography.— Ed.
106 One of the earUest descriptions of the Falls of the Ohio. Gist was
ordered to explore as far as there in 1750, but did not reach the goal. Findlay
was there in 1753. Gordon gives an account similar to Croghan's in 1766.
Ensign Butricke made more of an adventure in passing these falls — see Historical Magazine, vin, p. 259. An attempt at a settlement was made by John
ConnoUy (1773); but the beginnings of the present city of LouisviUe are due
to the pioneers who accompanied George Rogers Clark thither in 1778, and
made their first home on Corn Island. For the early history of Louisville,
see Durrett, Centenary of JLouisville, Filson Club Publications, No. 8 (LouisviUe, 1893).— Ed. i76s]
Croghan's Journals
from the banks of the Ohio. In this day's course we
passed about ninety miles, the current being very strong.
5th.— Having passed the Five Islands, we came to a
place called the Owl River. Came about forty miles this
day.   The country the same as yesterday.
6th.— We arrived at the mouth of the Ouabache,107
where we found a breast-work erected, supposed to be
done by the Indians. The mouth of this river is about
two hundred yards wide, and in its course runs through
one of the finest countries in the world, the lands being
exceedingly rich, and well watered; here hemp might be
raised in immense quantities. All the bottoms, and
almost the whole country abounds with great plenty of
the white and red mulberry tree. These trees are to be
found in great plenty, in all places between the mouth of
Scioto and the Ouabache: the soil of the latter affords
this tree in plenty as far as Ouicatonon, and some few
on the Miame River. Several large fine islands lie in the
Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Ouabache, the banks of
which are high, and consequently free from inundations;
hence we proceeded down the river about six miles to
encamp, as I judged some Indians were sent to way-lay
us, and came to a place called the Old Shawnesse Village,
107 Colonel Reuben T. Durrett, of LouisviUe, thinks Croghan "must have
meant Salt River when he spoke of passing Pigeon River during his first day's
journey after leaving the Falls of the Ohio." The Owl River he identifies with
Highland Creek in Kentucky, between the mouths of the Green and Wabash
The Wabash River was early considered by the French as one of the
most important highways between Canada and Louisiana. Marquette designates it on his map as the Ouabouskiguo, which later Frenchmen corrupted
into Ouabache. The name was also appUed to that portion of the Ohio below
the mouth of the Wabash; but James Logan in 1718 noted the distinction.
See Winsor, Mississippi Basin, p. 17. Croghan was probably the first Englishman who had penetrated thus far into the former French territory, except
Fraser, who had preceded him to the Illinois.— Ed.
;m mm
138 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
some of that nation having formerly lived there.108 In
this day's proceedings we came about seventy-six miles.
The general course of the river, from Scioto to this place,
is south-west.
7th.— We stayed here and despatched two Indians to
the Illinois by land, with letters to Lord Frazer, an English officer, who had been sent there from Fort Pitt, and
Monsieur St. Ange,109 the French commanding officer at
Fort Chartres, and some speeches to the Indians there,
letting them know of my arrival here; that peace was made
between us and the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawnesse, and of my having a number of deputies of those
nations along with me, to conclude matters with them
also on my arrival there. This day one of my men went
into the woods and lost himself.110
8th.— At day-break, we were attacked by a party of
Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kiccapoos
108 The Shawnees had formerly dwelt west and south of their habitations
on the Scioto. The Cumberland River was known on early maps as the
"Shawana River;" and in 1718, they were located in the direction of Carolina.
Their migration east and north took place about 1730. The present Illinois
town at this site, is stiU caUed Shawneetown.— Ed.
109 Being able to speak French, Lieutenant Alexander Fraser of the 78th
infantry had been detailed to accompany Croghan. He went in advance of
the latter, and reached the IUinois, where he found himself in such danger that
he escaped to Mobile in disguise. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, n, pp.
276, 284-286.
Captain Louis St. Ange de BeUerive, was the son of a French officer who
came to Louisiana early in the eighteenth century, and commanded in the
IUinois country in 1722 and again in 1733. St. Ange had himself seen much
pioneer service, having been placed in charge of a fort on the Missouri (1736),
and having succeeded Vincennes at the post bearing the latter's name. St.
Ange remained at Vincennes until summoned by De ViUiers, commandant at
Fort Chartres, to supersede him there, and spare him the mortification of a
surrender to the EngUsh. After yielding Fort Chartres to Captain Sterling
(October, 1765), St. Ange retired to St. Louis, where he acted as commandant
(after 1766, in the Spanish service) until his death in 1774.— Ed.
110 This man. was in reaUty captured. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, ii, p. 289, note.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
and Musquattimes,1" who killed two of my men and three
Indians, wounded myself and all the rest of my party,
except two white men and one Indian; then made myself
and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of every
thing we had. A deputy of the Shawnesse who was shot
through the thigh, having concealed himself in the woods
for a few minutes after he was wounded — not knowing
but they were Southern Indians, who are always at war
with the northward Indians — after discovering what
nation they were, came up to them and made a very bold
speech, telling them that the whole northward Indians
would join in taking revenge for the insult and murder
of their people; this alarmed those savages very much,
who began excusing themselves, saying their fathers, the
French, had spirited them up, telling them that the Indians
were coming with a body of southern Indians to take
their country from them, and enslave them; that it was
this that induced them to commit this outrage. After
dividing the plunder, (they left great part of the heaviest
effects behind, not being able to carry them,) they set off
with us to their village at Ouattonon, in a great hurry,
being in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians
they suspected were coming after me. Our course was
through a thick woody country, crossing a great many
swamps, morasses, and beaver ponds. We traveled this
day about forty-two miles.
111 The Kickapoos and Mascoutins were aUied Algonquian tribes who were
first encountered in Wisconsin; but being of roving habits they ranged aU the
prairie lands between the Wisconsin and Wabash rivers. In 1712, they were
about the Maumee and at Detroit. Charlevoix describes them (1721) as Uving
near Chicago. Being concerned in the Fox wars, they fled across the Mississippi; and again, about the middle of the eighteenth century, were with thé
Miamis on the Wabash, where they had a town near Fort Ouiatonon. They
were always somewhat intractable and difficult to restrain. The remnant of
these tribes Uve on reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma.— Ed. 140
Early Western Travels
9th.— An hour before day we set out on our march;
passed through thick woods, some highlands, and small
savannahs, badly watered. Traveled this day about
thirty miles.
10th.— We set out very early in the morning, and
marched through a high country, extremely well timbered,
for three hours; then came to a branch of the Ouabache,
which we crossed.112 The remainder of this day we
traveled through fine rich bottoms, overgrown with reeds,
which make the best pasture in the world, the young
reeds being preferable to sheaf oats. Here is great
plenty of wild game of all kinds. Came this day about
twenty-eight, or thirty miles.
nth.— At day-break we set off, making our way
through a thin woodland, interspersed with savannahs. I
suffered extremely by reason of the excessive heat of the
weather, and scarcity of water; the little springs and runs
being dried up.   Traveled this day about thirty miles.
12th.— We passed through some large savannahs, and
clear woods; in the afternoon we came to the Ouabache;
then marched along it through a prodigious rich bottom,
overgrown with reeds and wild hemp; all this bottom is
well watered, and an exceeding fine hunting ground.
Came this day about thirty miles.
13th.— About an hour before day we set out; traveled
through such bottoms as of yesterday, and through some
large meadows, where no trees, for several miles together,
are to be seen. Buffaloes, deer, and bears are here in
great plenty. We traveled about twenty-six miles this
112 This branch of the Wabash is now caUed the Little Wabash River. The
party must have taken a very circuitous route, else Croghan greatly overestimates the distances. Vincennes is about seventy-five miles from the point
where they were made prisoners.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
14th.— The country we traveled through this day,
appears the same as described yesterday, excepting this
afternoon's journey through woodland, to cut off a bend
of the river.   Came about twenty-seven miles this day.
15th.— We set out very early, and about one o'clock
came to the Ouabache, within six or seven miles of Port
Vincent.118 On my arrival there, I found a village of
about eighty or ninety French families settled on the east
side of this river, being one of the finest situations that can
be found. The country is level and clear, and the soil
very rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think the
latter preferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. The
French inhabitants hereabouts, are an idle, lazy people, a
parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worse
than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our
misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to
the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder.
As the savages took from me a considerable quantity of
113 The date of the founding of Vincennes (Post or Port Vincent) has been
varyingly assigned from 1702 to 1735; but Dunn, in bis Indiana (Boston and
New York, 1888), p. 54, shows quite conclusively that François Margane,
Sieur de Vincennes, went thither at the request of Governor Perier of Louisiana
in 1727, and founded a fort to counteract the designs of the EngUsh against the
French trade. The French colony was not begun until 1735, and the next year
the commandant Vincennes was captured and burnt by the Chickasaws, whUe
engaged in an expedition against their country. Louis St. Ange succeeded to
the position of commandant at Vincennes, which he continued to hold until
1764, when summoned to the IUinois. He left two soldiers in charge at Vincennes, of whom and their companions Croghan gives this unfavorable account.
No EngUsh officer appeared to take command at Vincennes until 1777; meanwhile General Gage had endeavored to expel the French inhabitants therefrom
(1772-73). It is not surprising, therefore, that they received the Americans under
George Rogers Clark (1778), with cordiaUty; or that after Hamilton's re-capture of the place, they were unwilling to aid the EngUsh in maintaining the post
against Clark's surprise (February, 1779), which resulted in the capture of
HamUton and aU the British garrison. After this event, Vincennes became
part of the Illinois government, until the organization of a Northwest Territory
in 1787.— Ed.
iff*: 142 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
gold and silver in specie, the French traders extorted ten
half Johannes1" from them for one pound of vermilion.
Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws,115
who were much displeased with the party that took me,
telling them that "our and your chiefs are gone to make
peace, and you have begun a war, for which our women
and children will have reason to cry." From this post
the Indians permitted me to write to the commander, at
Fort Chartres, but would not suffer me to write to any
body else, (this I apprehend was a precaution of the
French, lest their villany should be perceived too soon,)
although the Indians had given me permission to write
to Sir William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march,
before we arrived at this place. But immediately after
our arrival they had a private council with the French, in
which the Indians urged, (as they afterwards informed me,)
that as the French had engaged them in so bad an affair,
which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they now
expected a proof of their promise and assistance. Then
delivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, and
wanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws, but
they refused to accept of any, and declared they would not
be concerned in the affair. This last information I got
from the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquainted
with them several years before this time.
Port Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade,
being a fine hunting country all along the Ouabache, and
too far for the Indians, which reside hereabouts, to go
114 A johannies was a Portuguese coin current in America about this time,
worth nearly nine doUars. The Indians, therefore, paid over forty doUars for
their pound of vermiUion.— Ed.
116 The Piankeshaws were a tribe of the Miamis, who had been settled near
Vincennes as long as they had been known to the whites.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
either to the Illinois, or elsewhere, to fetch their necessaries.
16th.— We were obliged to stay here to get some little
apparel made up for us, and to buy some horses for our
journey to Ouicatonon, promising payment at Detroit,
for we could not procure horses from the French for hire;
though we were greatly fatigued, and our spirits much
exhausted in our late march, they would lend us no assistance.
17th.— At mid-day we set out; traveling the first five
miles through a fine thick wood. We traveled eighteen
miles this day, and encamped in a large, beautiful, well
watered meadow.
18th and 19th.— We traveled through a prodigious
large meadow, called the Pyankeshaw's Hunting Ground:
here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears like
an ocean: the ground is exceedingly rich, and partly
overgrown with wild hemp; the land well watered, and
full of buffalo, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game.
20th and 21st.— We passed through some very large
meadows, part of which belong to the Pyankeshaws on
Vermilion River; the country and soil much the same as
that we traveled over for these three days past, wild hemp
grows here in abundance; the game very plenty: at any
time, in half an hour we could kill as much as we wanted.
22nd.— We passed through part of the same meadow
as mentioned yesterday; then came to a high woodland,
and arrived at Vermilion River, so called from a fine red
earth found here by the Indians, with which they paint
themselves. About half a mile from the place where we
crossed this river, there is a village of Pyankeshaws, distinguished by the addition of the name of the river. We
then traveled about three hours, through a clear high
fi 144
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
woody country, but a deep and rich soil; then came to a
meadow, where we encamped.
23d.— Early in the morning we set out through a fine
meadow, then some clear woods; in the afternoon came
into a very large bottom on the Ouabache, within six
miles of Ouicatanon; here I met several chiefs of the
Kickapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young
men who had taken us, and reprimanded them severely
for what they had done to me, after which they returned
with us to their village, and delivered us all to their chiefs.
The distance from port Vincent to Ouicatanon is two
hundred and ten miles. This place is situated on the
Ouabache. About fourteen French families are living
in the fort, which stands on the north side of the river.
The Kickapoos and the Musquattimes, whose warriors
had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the
river, where they have two villages; and the Ouicatanons
have a village on the south side of the river. At our
arrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans, (or
Ouicatonans) with whom I had been formerly acquainted,
came to visit me, and seemed greatly concerned at what
had happened. They went immediately to the Kickapoos and Musquattimes, and charged them to take the
greatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the
Illinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago,
and who were entirely ignorant of this affair, and said the
French had spirited up this party to go and strike us.
The French have a great influence over these Indians,
and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice
of his majesty's interest, by making the English nation
odious and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficulties in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a
weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily im- 1765]
Croghan's Journals
posed on by a designing people, who have led them
hitherto as they pleased. The French told them that
as the southern Indians had for two years past made war
on them, it must have been at the instigation of the English, who are a bad people. However I have been fortunate enough to remove their prejudice, and, in a great
measure, their suspicions against the English. The country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and
clear for many miles; the soil very rich and well watered;
all plants have a quick vegetation, and the climate very
temperate through the winter. This post has always been
a very considerable trading place. The great plenty of
furs taken in this country, induced the French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, and by
a very advantageous trade they have been richly recompensed for their labor.
On the south side of the Ouabache runs a big bank, in
which are several fine coal mines, and behind this bank,
is a very large meadow, clear for several miles. It is
surprising what false information we have had respecting
this country: some mention these spacious and beautiful
meadows as large and barren savannahs. I apprehend
it has been the artifice of the French to keep us ignorant
of the country. These meadows bear fine wild grass,
and wild hemp ten or twelve feet high, which, if properly
manufactured, would prove as good, and answer all the
purposes of the hemp we cultivate.116
July ist— A Frenchman arrived from the Illinois with
a Pipe and Speech from thence to the Kickapoos &
116 The entries from July 1 to 18, inclusive, are here inserted from the second
(or official) version in the New York Colonial Documents, vu, pp. 781, 782;
hiatuses therein, are suppUed from the Hildreth version.   See note 91, ante, 146 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
Musquattamies, to have me Burnt, this Speech was said
to be sent from a Shawanese Indn who resides at the
Ilinois, & has been during the War, & is much attached
to the French interest.' As soon as this Speech was delivered to the Indians by the French, the Indians informed
me of it in Council, & expressed their great concern for
what had already happened, & told me they then sett me
& my people at liberty, & assured me they despised the
message sent them, and would return the Pipe & Belt to
their Fathers the French, and enquire into the reason of
such a message being sent them by one of his messengers,
& desired me to stay with them 'till the Deputies of the
Six Nations, Shawanese & Delawares arrived with Pon-
diac at Ouiatonon in order to settle matters, to wh I
From 4th to the 8th— I had several Conferences with
the Wawiotonans, Pyankeeshas, Kickapoos & Musqua-
tamies in which Conferences I was lucky enough to
reconcile those Nations to his Majesties Interest & obtain
their Consent and Approbation to take Possession of any
Posts in their country which the French formerly possessed
& an offer of their service should any Nation oppose our
taking possession of it, all which they confirmed by four
large Pipes.
11th—Mr Maisonville117 arrived with an Interpreter &
117 François Rivard dit MaisonviUe was a member of one of the first famiUes
to settle Detroit. He entered the British service at Fort Pitt as an interpreter,
accompanying Lieutenant Fraser to the IUinois in that capacity. In 1774,
MaisonviUe was Indian agent on the Wabash with a salary of £100 a year.
When George Rogers Clark invaded the IUinois country (1778), MaisonviUe
carried the first intelUgence of this incursion to Detroit. The next year General
Hamilton employed him on his advance against Vincennes; but on Clark's
approach he was captured, while on a scouting party, and cruelly treated by
some of the American partisans. He made one of the party sent to Virginia
as captives, and the foUowing year committed suicide in prison.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
a message to the Indians to bring me & my party to the
Ilinois, till then I had no answer from Mr St. Ange to
the letter I wrote him of the 16th June, as I wanted to go
to the Ilinois, I desired the Chiefs to prepare themselves &
set off with me as soon as possible.
12 th— I wrote to General Gage118 & Sir William Johnson, to Col° Campbell at Detroit, & Major Murray at
Fort Pitt & Major Firmer at Mobiel or on his way to
the Mississipi,119 & acquainted [them with] every thing
that had happened since my departure from Ft. Pitt.
July 13 th— The Chiefs of the Twightwees came to me
from the Miamis and renewed their Antient Friendship
with His Majesty & all his Subjects in America & confirmed it with a Pipe.
18th—I set off for the Ilinois with the Chiefs of all
those Nations when by the way we met with Pondiac
together with the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares
& Shawanese, which accompanied Mr Frazier & myself
down the Ohio & also Deputies with speeches from the
118 General Thomas Gage was at this time British commander-in-chief in
America, with headquarters at New York. Having come to America with
Braddock, he served on this continent for twenty years, in numerous important
offices. After the surrender of Montreal he was made governor of that city
and province, until in 1763 he superseded Amherst as commander-in-chief, in
which capacity he served until the outbreak of the Revolution. His part in
the initial battles of that conflict about Boston, where he commanded, is a
matter of general history. After his recaU to England his subsequent career
was uneventful.   He died as Viscount Gage in 1787.—Ed.
119 Major WiUiam Murray of the 42nd infantry succeeded Colonel Henry
Bouquet as commandant at Fort Pitt, in the spring of 1765.
Major Robert Farmer was sent to receive the surrender of Mobile in 1763.
For a description by Aubry, the retiring French governor of Louisiana, of
Farmer's character and manner, see Claiborne, History of Mississippi (Jackson, 1880), p. 104. Late in this year that Croghan wrote (1765), Farmer
ascended the Mississippi with a detachment of the 34th infantry, and took over
the command of the IUinois from Major Sterling, being in turn reUeved (1767)
by Colonel Edward Cole.   Farmer died or retired from the army in 1768.— Ed. 148
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 1
four Nations living in the Ilinois Country to me & the
Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, on which we
return'd to Ouiatonon and there held another conference,
in which I settled all matters with the Ilinois Indians —
Pondiac & they agreeing to every thing the other Nations
had done, all which they confirmed by Pipes & Belts,
but told me the French had informed them that the English intended to take their Country from them, & give
it to the Cherokees to settle on, & that if ever they suffered the English to take possession of their Country
they would make slaves of them, that this was the reason
of their Opposing the Englifh hitherto from taking possession of Fort Chartres & induced them to tell Mr. La
Gutrie & Mr Sinnott120 that they would not let the English come into their Country. But being informed since
Mr Sinnott had retired by the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, that every difference
subsisting between them & the English was now settled, they were willing to-comply as the other Nations
their Brethren had done and desired that their Father the
King of England might not look upon his taking possession of the Forts which the French had formerly possest
as a title for his subjects to possess their Country, as they
never had sold any part of it to the French, & that I
might rest satisfied that whenever the English came to
take possession they would receive them with open arms.
July 25th.121—We set out from this place (after set-
120 La Guthrie was the interpreter sent with Lieutenant Fraser. Sinnott
was a deputy-agent sent out by Stuart, agent for the Southern department to
attempt conciUation in the IUinois. His stores had been plundered, and he
himself having escaped with difficulty from Fort Chartres, sought refuge at
New Orleans.   See New York Colonial Documents, vn, pp. 765, 776.— Ed.
121 We here again resume the first (Featherstonhaugh-Butler) version of the
journal, which continues through August 17.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
tling all matters happily with the natives) for the Miames,
and traveled the whole way through a fine rich bottom,
overgrown with wild hemp, alongside the Ouabache, till
we came to Eel River, where we arrived the 27th. About
six miles up this river is a small village of the Twightwee,
situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bank
of the river. The Eel River heads near St. Joseph's, and
runs nearly parallel to the Miames, and at some few miles
distance from it, through a fine, pleasant country, and
after a course of about one hundred and eighty miles
empties itself into the Ouabache.
28th, 29th, 30th and 31st.— We traveled still along side
the Eel River, passing through fine clear woods, and some
good meadows, though not so large as those we passed
some days before. The country is more overgrown with
woods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered with
August ist.— We arrived at the carrying place between
the River Miames and the Ouabache, which is about nine
miles long in dry seasons, but not above half that length
in freshes. The head of the Ouabache is about forty
miles from this place, and after a course of about seven
hundred and sixty miles from the head spring, through
one of the finest countries in the world, it empties itself
into the Ohio. The navigation from hence to Ouicatanon,
is very difficult in low water, on account of many rapids
and rifts; but in freshes, which generally happen in the
spring and fall, batteaux or canoes will pass, without
difficulty, from here to Ouicatanon in three days, which
is about two hundred and forty miles, and by land about
two hundred and ten miles. From Ouicatanon to Port
Vincent, and thence to the Ohio, batteaux and canoes may
go at any season of the year.   Throughout the whole
J rr'l
150 Early Western Travels [Voir
course of the Ouabache the banks are pretty high, and in
the river are a great many islands. Many shrubs and
trees are found here unknown to us.
Within a mile of the Twightwee village, I was met by
the chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly.
The most part of these Indians knew me, and conducted
me to their village, where they immediately hoisted an
English flag that I had formerly given them at Fort Pitt.
The next day they held a council, after which they gave
me up all the English prisoners they had, then made
several speeches, in all which they expressed the great
pleasure it gave them, to see the unhappy differences
which embroiled the several nations in a war with their
brethren, the English, were now so near a happy conclusion, and that peace was established in their country.
The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a
river, called St. Joseph's. This river, where it falls into
the Miame river, about a quarter of a mile from this
place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which
stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.
The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty
cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway
colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they
were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment,
came to this post, where ever since they have spirited
up the Indians against the English. All the French
residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding
mischief, and spiriting up the Indians against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here.
The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered.
After several conferences with these Indians, and their
delivering me up all the English prisoners they had, —
[blank space in MS.] 1765] Croghan's Journals 151
On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the
Miames river in a canoe. This river heads about ten
miles from hence. The river is not navigable till you
come where the river St. Joseph joins it, and makes a
considerably large stream. Nevertheless we found a
great deal of difficulty in getting our canoe over shoals,
as the waters at this season were very low. The banks
of the river are high, and the country overgrown with
lofty timber of various kinds; the land is level, and the
woods clear. About ninety miles from the Miames or
Twightwee, we came to where a large river, that heads
in a large lick, falls into the Miame river; this they call
the Forks.122 The Ottawas claim this country, and hunt,
here, where game is very plenty. From hence we proceeded to the Ottawa village. This nation formerly lived
at Detroit, but is now settled here, on account of the
richness of the country, where game is always to be found
in plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes,
and drag them eighteen miles, on account of the rifts
which interrupt the navigation.128 At the end of these
rifts, we came to a village of the Wyondotts, who received
us very kindly and from thence we proceeded to the
mouth of the river, where it falls into Lake Erie. From
the Miames to the lake is computed one hundred and
eighty miles, and from the entrance of the river into the
lake to Detroit, is sixty miles; that is, forty-two miles up
va This is the Auglaize River. On the site called the Forks, Wayne built
Fort Defiance during his campaign against the Indians (1794)-—Er>-
m The rapids of the Maumee were famous in the later Indian wars. There,
in 1794, the British built Fort Miami, almost within the reach of whose guns
Wayne fought the battle of FaUen Timbers. Fort Meigs was the American
stockade built here during the War of 1812-15; and this vicinity was the scene
of operations during aU the Western campaigns ending with Perry's victory on
Lake Erie, and the re-taking of Detroit.— Ed. IC2 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
the lake, and eighteen miles up the Detroit river to the
garrison of that name. The land on the lake side is low
and flat. We passed several large rivers and bays, and
on the 16th of August, in the afternoon, we arrived at
Detroit river. The country here is much higher than
on the lake side; the river is about nine hundred yards
wide, and the current runs very strong. There are several
fine and large islands in this river, one of which is nine
miles long; its banks high, and the soil very good.
17th.— In the morning we arrived at the fort, which
is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses, it
stands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank,
commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above,
and nine miles below the fort; the country is thick settled
with French, their plantations are generally laid out about
three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty
acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of
grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches,
and consist of three or four hundred French families, a
lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages for
their subsistence; though the land, with little labor, produces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as will
supply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whose
manners and customs they have entirely adopted, and
cannot subsist without them. The men, women, and
children speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In the
last Indian war the most part of the French were concerned in it, (although the whole settlement had taken
the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty) they
have, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the English clemency in not bringing them to deserved punishment. Before the late Indian war there resided three
nations of Indians at this place: the Putawatimes, whose -<*■*
Croghan's Journals
village was on the west side of the river, about one mile
below the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three
miles above the Fort; and the Wyondotts, whose village
lies on the east side, about two miles below the fort.
The former two nations have removed to a considerable
distance, and the latter still remain where they were, and
are remarkable for their good sense and hospitality.
They have a particular attachment to the Roman Catholic
religion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncommon pains to instruct them.
During my stay here, I held frequent conferences with
the different nations of Indians assembled at this place,
with whom I settled matters to their general satisfaction.
August 17 th124—I arrived at Detroit where I found
several small Tribes of Ottawas, Puttewatamies &
Chipwas waiting in Consequence of Col° Bradstreets
Invitation to see him.125   Here I met Mr DeCouagne and
m AU that foUows, until the conclusion of the Indian speeches, is inserted
from the second (official) version of the journals, found in the New York Colonial Documents, vn, pp. 781-787.— Ed.
126 Although EngUsh born, Colonel John Bradstreet Uved all his mature Ufe
in America, and distinguished himself for his military services in the later
French wars. He was in the campaign against Louisburg (i74S)> and was
promoted for gaUantry, and given the governorship of St. John's, Newfoundland. The outbreak of the French and Indian War found him at Oswego,
where with great bravery he drove the French back from an attack on a convoy
(r7s6). On the organization of the Royal Americans, Bradstreet became
Ueutenant-colonel, and served with Abercrombie at Ticonderoga (1758). His
most renowned exploit was the capture, the same year, of Fort Frontenac,
which severed the connection between Canada and its Western dependencies.
After the close of the war, Bradstreet received a colonelcy. When the news
of Pontiac's uprising reached the East, he was detailed to make an expedition
into the Indian territory by way of Lake Erie. His confidence in Indian promises proved too great; he made peace with the very tribes who went murdering
and scalping along the frontiers as soon as his army had passed. Bradstreet
was made a major-general in 1772; but two years later, died in the city of New
York. The Indians whom Croghan found at Detroit were smaU bands from
the north and west, who had not received Bradstreet's message, in time to
attend before that officer's departure from Detroit.— Ed.
l\\ !54
Early Western Travels
Wabecomicat with a Deputation of Indians from Niagara,
with Messages from Sir William Johnson to Pondiac &
those Western Nations.126
23d—Colo Campbell127 & I had a Meeting with the
Twightwees, Wawiotonans, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos and
Musquattamies, when they produced the several Belts
sent them by Col° Bradstreet, in consequence of which
Invitation they came here.
Then they spoake to the Six Nations Delawares &
Shawanese on several Belts & Pipes, beging in the most
abject manner that they would forgive them for the ill
conduct of their Young Men, to take Pity on their Women
& Children & grant ym peace.
They then spoake to the Col0 & me on several Pipes &
Belts Expressing their great satisfaction at a firm and lasting Peace settled between their Bretheren the English, &
the several Indian Nations in this Country, that they saw
the heavy Clouds that hung over their heads for some
time past were now dispersed, and that the Sun shone
clear & bright, & that as their Father the King of England had conquered the French in that [this] Country &
taken into his Friendship all the Indian Nations, they
hoped for the future they would be a happy people, &
that they should always have reason to call the English
their Fathers & beged we would take pity on their
126 In the Hildreth version these names are speUed "Duquanee" and "Wao-
becomica." The former was a Detroit habitant Dequindre, who had brought
messages from the IUinois to Pontiac during the siege of Detroit. Waobecomica
was a Missassaga chief, weU-affected toward the EngUsh, whom Johnson had
sent in the spring of 1765 with messages to Pontiac. See New York Colonial'
Documents, vn, p. 747.— Ed.
127 This was Lieutenant-colonel Alexander CampbeU, formerly commander
of the 95th regiment, who succeeded Major Gladwin in command of Detroit
(1764). He is not to be confused with Captain Donald Campbell, the earUer
commandant, who was killed by the Indians during Pontiac's conspiracy.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
Women & Children, & make up the difference subsisting between them and the Shawanese, Delawares & Six
Nations, and said as they were come here in consequence of
Col0 Bradstreet's Invitation, & that he had not met them
they hoped their Fathers would pity their necessity &r
give them a little clothing, and a little rum to drink on the
road, as they had come a great way to see their Fathers.
Then the Wyondats spoake to the Shawanese, & all the
Western Nations on several! Belts & strings, by which
they exhorted the several Nations to behave themselves
well to their Fathers the English, who had now taken
them under their Protection, that if they did, they would
be a happy People, that if they did not listen to the Councils of their Fathers, they must take the Consequences,
having assured them that all Nations to the Sun rising
had taken fast hold of their Fathers the English by the
hand, & would follow their Advice, & do every thing they
desired them, & never would let slip the Chain of Friendship now so happily renewed.
August 24th—We had another Meeting with the
Several Nations, when the Wawiotonans, Twightwees,
Pyankeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamies made several
speeches to Col° Campbell & me, in presence of all the
other Nations, when they promised to become the Children of the King of Great Britain & farther acknowledged
that they had at Ouiatonon before they came there [here]
given up the Soverignty of their Country to me for His
Majesty, & promised to support his subjects in taking
possession of all the Posts given up by the French their
former Fathers, to the English, now their present Fathers,
all which they confirmed with a Belt.
25 th— We had another meeting with the same Indians,
when Col0 Campbell & I made them several speeches in m
156 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
answer to theirs of the 23 & 24th then delivered them a
Road Belt in the name of Sir William Johnson Baronet,
to open a Road from the rising to the setting of the Sun
which we charged them to keep open through their
Country & cautioned them to stop their Ears against the
Storys or idle reports of evil minded People & continue
to promote the good Works of Peace, all which they promised to do in a most sincere manner.
26th—Col0 Campbell & I made those" Nations some
presents, when after taking leave of us, they sett off for
their own Country well satisfied.
27 th—We had a Meeting with Pondiac & all the
Ottawa Tribes, Chipwaes & Puttewatamies wth the
Hurons of this Place & the chiefs of those settled at
Sandusky & the Miamis River, when we made them the
following Speeches.
Children Pondiac & all our Children the Ottawas, Puttewatamies, Chtpways & Wyondatts: We
are very glad to see so many of our Children here present
at your Antient Council Fire, which has been neglected
for some time past, since those high winds has arose &
raised some heavy clouds over your Country, I now by
this Belt dress up your Antient Fire & throw some dry
wood upon it, that the blaze may ascend to the Clouds so
that all Nations may see it, & know that you five in
Peace & Tranquility with your Fathers the English.— A
By this Belt I disperse all the black clouds from over
your heads, that the Sun may shine clear on your Women
and Children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessings
of this General Peace, now so happily settled between
your Fathers the English & you & all your younger
Bretheren to the Sun setting.— A Belt. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
Children : By this Belt I gather up all the Bones of
your deceased friends, & bury them deep in the ground,
that the herbs & sweet flowers of the earth may grow
over them, that we may not see them any more.— A Belt.
Children: with this Belt I take the Hatchet out of
your Hands & I pluck up a large tree & bury it deep, so
that it may never be found any more, & I plant the tree
of Peace, where all our children may sit under & smoak
in Peace with their Fathers.— A Belt.
Children: We have made a Road from the Sun rising
to the Sun setting, I desire that you will preserve that
Road good and pleasant to Travel upon, that we may all
share the blessings of this happy Union. I am sorry to
see our Children dispersed thro' the Woods, I therefore
desire you will return to your Antient Settlements & take
care of your Council Fire which I have now dressed up, &
promote the good work of Peace.— A Belt.
After which Wapicomica delivered his Messages from
Sir William Johnson to Pondiac & the rest of the several
Aug. 28th— We had a Meeting with Pondiac & the several Nations when Pondiac made the following. Speeches.
Father: We have all smoaked out of the Pipe of
Peace its your Childrens Pipe & as the War is all over, &
the Great Spirit and Giver of Light who has made the
Earth & every thing therein, has brought us all together
this day for our mutual good to promote the good Works
of Peace, I declare to all Nations that I had settled my
Peace with you before I came here, & now deliver my
Pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson that he may know
I have made Peace, & taken the King of England for my
Father, in presence of all the Nations now assembled, &
whenever any of those Nations go to visit him, they may 158 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
smoak out of it with him in Peace. Fathers we are
oblidged to you for lighting up our old Council Fire for
us, & desiring us to return to it, but we are now settled
on the Miamis River, not far from hence, whenever you
want us you will find us there ready to wait on you, the
reason I choose to stay where we are now settled, is,
that we love liquor, and did we live here as formerly, our
People would be always drunk, which might occasion
some quarrels between the Soldiers & them, this Father
is all the reason I have for not returning to our old Settlements, & that we live so nigh this place, that when we
want to drink, we can easily come for it.— Gave a large
Pipe with a Belt of Wampum tied to it.
Father: Be strong and take pity on us your Children
as our former Father did, 'tis just the Hunting Season of
our children, our Fathers the French formerly used to
credit his Children for powder & lead to hunt with, I
request in behalf of all the Nations present that you will
speak to the Traders now here to do the same, my Father,
once more I request you will take pity on us & tell your
Traders to give your Children credit for a little powder &
lead, as the support of our Family's depend upon it, we
have told you where we live, that whenever you want us &
let us know it, we will come directly to you.— A Belt.
Father: You stoped up the Rum Barrel when we
came here? 'till the Business of this Meeting128 was over,
128 There were present at this treaty about thirty chiefs and five hundred
warriors. A Ust of the tribes is given, and the names of the chiefs. This was
the last pubUc transaction in which Pondiac was engaged with the EngUsh.
The year foUowing, in a council with the Indians on the IUinois, this noted
chief was stabbed to the heart, by an Indian who had long foUowed him for that
purpose.— Hildreth.
Comment by Ed.— Hildreth is mistaken in caUing this the last pubUc transaction of Pontiac. He was at Oswego and treated with Johnson in the spring
of 1766.-   See New York Colonial Documents, vn, pp. 854-867. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
as it is now finished, we request you may open the barrel
that your Children may drink & be merry.
August 29th—A Deputation of several Nations sett
out from Detroit for the Ilinois Country with several
Messages from me & the Wyondats, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese & other Nations, in answer to theirs
delivered me at Ouiatonon.
30th— The Chiefs of the several Nations who are settled on the Ouabache returned to Detroit from the River
Roche, where they had been encamped, & informed
Col° Campbell & me, they were now going off for their
own Country, & that nothing gave them greater pleasure,
than to see that all the Western Nations & Tribes had
agreed to a general Peace, & that they should be glad [to
know] how soon their Fathers the English, would take
possession of the Posts in their Country, formerly possessed by their late Fathers the French, to open a
Trade for them, & if this could not be done this Fall,
they desired that some Traders might be sent to their
Villages to supply them for the Winter, or else they
would be oblidged to go to the Ilinois and apply to their
old Fathers the French for such necessarys as they might
They then spoke on a Belt & said Fathers, every thing
is now settled, & we have agreed to your taking possession
of the posts in our Country, we have been informed,
that the English where ever they settle, make the Country their own, & you tell us that when you conquered the
French they gave you this Country.— That no difference
may happen hereafter, we tell you now the French never
conquered us neither did they purchase a foot of our
Country, nor have they a right to give it to you, we gave
them liberty to settle for which they always rewarded us,
m 'Ill
Early Western Travels
[Vol. ;
& treated us with great Civility while they had it in then-
power, but as they are become now your people, if you
expect to keep these Posts, we will expect to have proper
returns from you.— A Belt.
Septbr 2d — The chiefs of the Wyondatts or Huron, came
to me & said they had spoke last Summer to Sir Willm
Johnson at Niagara about the lands, on which the French
had settled near Detroit belonging to them, & desired
I would mention again to him. they never had sold it
to the French, & expected their new Fathers the English
would do them justice, as the French were become one
People with us.— A Belt.
4th — Pondiac with several chiefs of the Ottawas,
Chippawaes & Potowatamies likewise complained that
the French had settled part of their country, which they
never had sold to them, & hoped their Fathers the
English would take it into Consideration, & see that a
proper satisfaction was made to them. That their
tCountry was very large, & they were willing to give up
such part of it, as was necessary for their Fathers the
English, to carry on Trade at, provided they were paid
for it, & a sufficient part of the Country left them to hunt
on.— A Belt.
6th — The Sagina Indians came here,129& made a
speech on a Belt of Wampum expressing their satisfaction on hearing that a general Peace was made with all
the Western Nations & with Pondiac, they desired a
little Powder, Lead & a few knives to enable them to
129 The Saginaw Indians were a notoriously turbulent band of Chippewas,
who had a viUage on Saginaw Bay. They had assisted in the siege of Detroit;'
and going to Mackinac to secure recruits to continue their resistance, they
attempted to kUl the trader Alexander Henry. See Bain (éd.), Henry's Travels
and Adventures (Boston, 1901), pp. 148-152, an admirably-edited work, containing much valuable information.— Ed. 1765].
Croghan's Journals
hunt on their way home, & a little rum to drink their new
Fathers health.— A Belt.
9th — Altewaky and Chamindiway Chiefs of a Band
of Ottawas from Sandusky with <2o Men came here and
informed me that their late conduct had been peaceable,
that on hearing there was a great Meeting of all Nations
at this place, they came to hear what would be done, &
on their way here they had been informed that a General
Peace was settled with all Nations to the Sun setting, &
they now came to assure us of their attachment to the
English Interest, & beged for some Powder, Lead,
some Blankets and a little rum to help them to return to
their town.   A String.
Septbr 11th — Col0 Campbell & I gave the above parties some presents & a little rum & sent them away well
12 th — The Grand Sautois180 came with his band and
spoke as follows.
Father: You sent me a Belt from the Miamis, &
as soon as I received it, I set off to meet you here, on my
way I heard what had past between you & the several
Tribes that met you here, you have had pity on them, &
I beg in behalf of myself & the people of Chicago that
you will have pity on us also, 'tis true we have been
Fools, & have listened to evil reports, & the whistling
of bad birds, we red people, are a very jealous and foolish
people, & Father amongst you White People, there are
bad people also, that tell us lyes & deceive us, which has
130 According to Parkman, Le Grand Sauteur was Pontiac's chief coadjutor
among the northern Indians in his attack on the EngUsh. His Indian name
was Minavavana, and he was considered the author of the plot against Mackinac.
This has been since attributed to Match-e-ke-wis, a younger Indian; but Le
Grand Sauteur remained an inveterate enemy of the EngUsh, and was at length
stabbed by an EngUsh trader.   See Henry, Travels, pp. 42-47-— Ed-
m IÔ2 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
been the occasion of what has past, I need not say much
on this head, I am now convinced, that I have been
wrong for some years past, but there are people who
have behaved worse than I & my people, they were pardoned last year at this place, I hope we may meet with
the same, that our Women & Children may enjoy the
blessings of peace as the rest of our Bretheren the red
people, & you shall be convinced by our future conduct
that we will behave as well as any Tribe of Inds in this
Country.— A Belt.
He then said that the St. Joseph Indians would have
come along with him, but the English Prisoner which
their Fathers want from them, was some distance off a
hunting, & as soon as they could get him in, they would
deliver him up and desire forgiveness.
14th — I had a private meeting with the grand Sautois
when he told me he was well disposed for peace last Fall,
but was then sent for to the Ilinois, where he met with
Pondiac, & that then their Fathers the French told
them, if they would be strong to keep the English out of
possession of that Country but this Summer, That the
King of France would send over an Army next Spring, to
assist his Children the Indians, and that the King of
Spain would likewise send troops to help them to keep
the English out of their Country, that the English were a
bad people, & had a design to cut off all the Indian
Nations in this Country, & to bring the Southern Indians
to live & settle there, this account made all the Indians
very uneasy in their minds, & after holding a Council
amongst themselves, they all determined to oppose the
English, & not to suffer them to take Possession of the
Ilinois, that for his part he behaved as ill as the rest to
the English Officers that came there in the Spring, but 1765]
Croghan's Journals
since he had been better informed of the goodness of the
English, & convinced the French had told lyes for the
love of their Beaver, he was now determined with all his
people to become faithfull to their new Fathers the English, & pay no regard to any stories the French should
tell him for the future.
Sepr 15 th — Col0 Campbell & I had a meeting with
the Grand Sautois, at which we informed him of every
thing that had past with the several Nations & Tribes &
told him that we accepted him and his people in Friendship, & would forgive them as we had the rest of the
Tribes, & forget what was past provided their future
conduct should convince us of their sincerity, after which
we gave them some presents, for which he returned
thanks & departed very well satisfied.
19 th — I received a letter by express from Col0 Reed
acquainting me of Capt Sterlings setting out from Fort
Pitt, with 100 men of the 42d Reg1 to take possession of
Fort Chartres in the Ilinois Country
20th — I sent of[f] Huron Andrew Express to Cap'
Sterling131 at the Ilinois, & with messages to the several
131 Sir Thomas Stirling, Bart., obtained his company in July, 1757, in the
42d, or Royal Highland, regiment, which accompanied Abercromby in 1758,
and Amherst in 1759 in their respective expeditions on Lakes George and
Champlain; was afterwards detailed to assist at the siege of Niagara, and
accompanied Amherst from Oswego to Montreal in 1760. Knox. Captain
Stirling was appointed a Major in 1770, and Lieutenant-colonel of the 42d in
September, 1771. He was in command of his regiment in the engagement on
Staten Island, and in the battle of Brooklyn Heights, in 1776; was afterwards
at the storming of Fort Washington and accompanied the expedition against
Philadelphia. He became Colonel in the army in 1779, and was Brigadier,
under Sir Henry Clinton, in the expedition against Charleston, S. C, in 1780.
Beatson. He succeeded Lieutenant-general Frazer as Colonel of the 71st Highlanders, in February, 1782, and in November following, became Major-general.
He went on the retired Ust in 1783, when his regiment was disbanded. In 1796
he was appointed Lieutenant-general; was created a Baronet some time after,
and became a General in the army on the first of January, i8or. He died in
1808.  Army Lists.— E. B. O'Callaghan. uFt
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 1
Nations in that Country & those on the Ouabache, to
acquaint them of Cap1 Starling's departure from Fort
Pitt for the Ilinois Country.
25 th — The Chiefs of the S* Joseph Indians arrived
and addressed themselves to Col0. Campbell & me as
Fathers: We are come here to see you, altho' we
are not acquainted with you, we had a Father formerly,
with whom we were very well acquainted, & never differed with him, you have conquered him some time ago, &
when you came here first notwithstanding your hands
were all bloody, you took hold of us by the hands, &
used us well, & we thought we should be happy with our
Fathers, but soon an unlucky difference happened, which
threw us all in confusion, where this arose we don't
know but we assure you, we were the last that entered
into this Quarrel, the Inds from this place solicited us
often to join them, but we would not listen to them, at 1
last they got the better of our foolish young Warriors, j
but we never agreed to it, we knew it would answer no
end, & often told our Warriors they were fools, if they
succeeded in killing the few English in this Country, they
could not kill them all because we knew you to be a great
Fathers: you have after all that has happened, received all the several Tribes in this Country for your
Children, we from St. Joseph's seem to be the last of
your Children that come to you, we are no more than.
Wild Creatures to you Fathers in understanding therefore
we request you'l forgive the past follies of our young
people & receive us for your Children since you have
thrown down our former Father on his back, we have been
wandering in the dark like blind people, now you have dis- 1765] Croghan's Journals 165
persecfall this darkness which hung over the heads of the
several Tribes, & have accepted them for your Children,
we hope you will let us partake with them of the light,
that our Women & Children may enjoy Peace, & we
beg you'l forget all that is past, by this belt we remove all
evil thoughts from your hearts.— A Belt.
Fathers, When we formerly came to visit our late
Fathers the French they always sent us home joyfull, &
we hope you will have pity on our Women & Young Men
who are in great Want of necessarys, & not let us return
home to our Villages ashamed.
Col0 Campbell & I made them the following answer.
Children: I have heard with attention what you
have said, & am glad to hear that you have delivered up
the Prisoners at Michillimakinac, agreeable to my desire,
as the other Prisoner who I always thought belonged to
your Nation does not, but the man who has him resides
now in your Country, I must desire you'l do every thing
in your Power to get him brought to me, nothing will give
me greater pleasure than to promote the good Works of
Peace, & make my Children the Indians happy as long
as their own Conduct shall deserve it. I did not know
what to think of your conduct for some time past, but to
convince you of my sincere desire to promote Peace, I
receive you as Children as I have done the other Nations, &
hope your future Conduct may be such, as will convince
me of your sincerity.— A Belt.
Children: Sometimes bad people take the liberty of
stragling into your Country, I desire if you meet any such
people to bring them immediately here, likewise I desire
that none of your Young Men may steal any Horses out
of this settlement as they have done formerly, we shaU
see always strict justice done to you, & expect the same il
166 Early Western Travels [Vol. r
from you, on that your own happiness depends, & as
long as you continue to merit our friendship by good
actions in promoting Peace & Tranquility between your
Young People & His Majesties Subjects, you may expect
to be received here with open arms, & to convince you
further of my sincerity, I give you some cloaths, powder,
lead, vermillion & 2 cags of rum for your young People,
that you may return home without shame as you desired.
Children, I take this oppertunity to tell you that your
Fathers the English are gone down the Ohio from Fort
Pitt to take possession the Ilinois, & desire you may
acquaint all your people of it on your return home, & likewise desire you will stop your Ears against the Whistling
of bad birds, & mind nothing else but your Hunting to
support your Familys, that your Women & Children
may enjoy the Blessing of Peace.— A Belt.
September 26th.132—Set out from Detroit for Niagara;
passed Lake Erie along the north shore in a birch canoe,
and arrived the 8th of October at Niagara. The navigation of the lake is dangerous for batteaux or canoes, by
reason the lake is very shallow for a considerable distance from the shore. The bank, for several miles, high
and steep, and affords a harbor for a single batteau. The
lands in general, between Detroit and Niagara, are high,
and the soil good, with several fine rivers falling into the
lake. The distance from Detroit to Niagara is computed three hundred miles.
132 The entry for September 26, and the Ust of tribes foUowing, are taken
from the Featherstonhaugh-Butler edition of the journal.— Ed. -a
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Croghan to Sir William Johnson 133
Sir: In the scituation I was in at Ouiatonon, with
great numbers of Indians about me, & no Necessaries
such as Paper & Ink, I had it not in my power to take
down all the speeches made by the Indian Nations, nor
what I said to them, in so particular a manner as I could
wish, but hope the heads of it as I have taken down will
meet with your approbation.
In the Course of this Tour through the Indn Countrys
I made it my study to converse in private with Pondiac, &
several of the Chiefs of the different Nations, as often as
oppertunity served, in order to find out the sentiments
they have of the French & English, Pondiac is a shrewd
sensible Indian of few words, & commands more respect
amongst those Nations, than any Indian I ever saw could
do amongst his own Tribe. He and all his principal men
of those Nations seem at present to be convinced that the
French had a view of interest in stirring up the late dif-
ferance between his Majesties Subjects & them & call it a
Bever War, for neither Pondiac nor any of the Indians
which I met with, ever pretended to deny but the French
were at the bottom of the whole, & constantly supplyed
them with every necessary they wanted, as far as in their
power, every where through that Country & notwithstanding they are at present convinced, that it was for
their own Interest, yet it has not changed the Indians
affections to them, they have been bred up together like
Children in that Country, & the French have always
133 This letter is reprinted from New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 787,
788. It was evidently written after Croghan's return from the West, and
accompanied the official version of his journal, which Johnson sent to England
November 16, 1765.    See New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 775.— Ed. 1765]
Croghan's Journals
adopted the Indians customs & manners, treated them
civily & supplyed their wants generously, by which means
they gained the hearts of the Indians & commanded
their services, & enjoyed the benefit of a very large Furr
Trade, as they well knew if they had not taken this measure they could not enjoy any of those Advantages. The
French have in a manner taught the Indians in that
Country to hate the English, by representing them in the
worst light they could on all occasion, in particular they
have made the Indians there believe lately, that the English would take their Country from them & bring the
Cherokees there to settle & to enslave them, which report
they easily gave credit to, as the Southern Inds had
lately commenced war against them. I had great difficulty in removeing this suspicion and convincing them of
the falsity of this report, which I flatter myself I have
done in a great measure, yet it will require some time, a
very even Conduct in those that are to reside in their
Country, before we can expect to rival the French in their
affection, all Indians are jealous & from their high
notion of liberty hate power, those Nations are jealous
and prejudiced against us, so that the greatest care will
be necessary to convince them of our honest Intention by
our Actions. The French sold them goods much dearer
than the English Traders do at present, in that point we
have the advantage of the French, but they made that
up in large presents to them for their services, which they
wanted to support their Interest in the Country, & tho'
we want none of their services, yet they will expect favours, & if refused look on it in a bad light, & very likely
think it done to distress them for some particular Advantages we want to gain over them, they are by no means
so sensible a People as the Six Nations or other Tribes IJ2.
Early Western Travels
[Vol. m
this way, & the French have learned them for their own
advantage a bad custom, for by all I could learn, they
seldom made them any general presents, but as it were fed
them with Necessaries just as they wanted them Tribe
by Tribe, & never sent them away empty, which will
make it difficult & troublesome to the Gentlemen that
are to command in their Country for some time, to please
them & preserve Peace, as they are a rash inconsiderate
People and don't look on themselves under any obligations to us, but rather think we are obliged to them for
letting us reside in their Country. As far as I can judge
of their Sentiments by the several Conversations I have had
with them, they will expect some satisfaction made them
by Us, for any Posts that should be established in their
Country for Trade. But you will be informed better by
themselves next Spring, as Pondiac & some Chiefs of
every Nation in that Country intend to pay you a visit.
The several Nations on the Ouiabache, & towards the
Ilinois, St. Josephs, Chicago, Labaye, Sagina & other
places have applyed for Traders to be sent to their settlements, but as it is not in the power of any Officer to
permit Traders to go from Detroit or MichUUmackinac,
either English or French, I am of opinion the Ind3 will
be supplyed this year chiefly from the Ilinois, which is
all French property & if Trading Posts are not established at proper Places in that Country soon the French
will carry the best part of the Trade over the Missisipi
which they are determined to do if they can, for I have
been well informed that the French are preparing to
build a strong trading Fort on the other side Missisipi,
about 60 miles above Fort Chartres,13* and have this
184 Fort Chartres was originally built as a stockade post in 1720; but in r7s6
was rebuilt in stone, and became the most important French fortification in the
j 1765]
Croghan's Journals
Summer in a private manner transported 26 pieces of
small canon up the River for that purpose.
G. Croghan.
November, 1765.
West. It was an irregular quadrangle, with houses, magazines, barracks, etc.,
defended with cannon.—See Pittman, Settlements on the Mississippi (London,
1770), pp. 45, 46. After its surrender by the French, the English garrisoned the
stronghold until 1772, when the river's erosion made it untenable. For the
present state of the ruins, see Mason, Chapters from Illinois History, pp. 241-249.
The French trading post sixty miles above Fort Chartres, on the western
bank of the river, was the beginning of the present city of St. Louis, which was
founded in April, 1764, by Pierre Laclede. Upon the surrender of the Illinois
to the English, St. Ange, with the garrison and many French families, removed
to this new post, in the expectation of living under French authority. To their
«hagrin the place was surrendered to the Spanish the following year.— Ed.  n
Two Journals of Western Tours, by Charles Frederick: Post: one, to the neighborhood of Fort
Duquesne (July-September, -1758); the other, to
the Ohio (October, 1758-jANUARY, 1759)
Source:   Proud's History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1798),
ii, appendix. ri
Christian Frederick Post, author of the following
journals, was a simple, uneducated missionary of the
Moravian Church. His chief qualifications for the
perilous journeys herein detailed, were his intimate
acquaintance with Indian life and character, the belief
of the tribesmen in his truthfulness and honesty, and his
own steadfast courage and trust in the protection of a
higher power. Born in Polish Prussia in 1710, Post early
came under the influence of the Moravians, whose remarkable missionary movement was just beginning to
The first attempt of this church to christianize
the American Indians in Georgia having failed because
of Spanish hostility, the Moravian disciples removed
to Pennsylvania (1739), and were granted land on
which to establish their colony at Bethlehem. Thither
in 1742 came Post, eager to join in evangelizing the
Indians; for which purpose he was sent the following
year to assist Henry Rauch in his mission to the Mohe-
gans and Wampanoags. This mission had been established about 1740, Count Zinzendorf, the great Moravian
bishop, having visited its site at Shekomeko (Pine Plains,
Dutchess County, New York) and baptized three Indians
as its first fruits. The work spread to the neighboring
Indian villages of Connecticut, and Post was assigned to
a circuit in Sharon Township, Litchfield County, consisting of the villages of Pachgatgoch and Wechquad-
nach.   Here, in his zeal for the service, he married a con- ft
178 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
I verted Indian woman (1743), and endeared himself to all
the tribe.
But persecutions began to assail the humble brethren
and their converts; they were accused of being papists,
arrested and haled before local magistrates, by whom
they were no sooner released than a mob of those whose
gain in pampering to Indian vices was endangered by
Moravian success, set upon them and rendered their lives
and those of their new converts intolerable. Post, who
had been on a journey to the Iroquois country (1745),
was arrested at Albany and sent to New York, where he
was imprisoned for seven weeks on a trumped-up charge
of abetting Indian raids.
The situation made retreat necessary; therefore, in
1746, the Shekomeko and Connecticut settlements were
broken up, and the Christian Indians with their missionaries moved in detachments to Pennsylvania, where, after
kindly entertainment at Bethlehem, a town called Gnaden-
hutten (huts of Grace), was built for them, at Weisport,
Carbon County. It was during their stay at Bethlehem
that Rachel, Post's Indian wife, died (1747), and there
two years later he married a Delaware convert, Agnes,
who lived only until 17 51.
Meanwhile, Post was employed as missionary assistant,
going to Shamokin in 1747 to aid the missionary blacksmith established there, to clear and plant more ground.
Again in 1749, he revisited the scene of his early labors,
and helped David Bruce to re-establish a mission among
the remnant left at Pachgatgoch. Two years later he
was summoned to a more distant field on the dismal
shores of Labrador, where a company of four Moravian
brethren were sent to begin a mission to the Eskimos.
An untoward accident rendered this project futile; the
ttlBI n
Post's Journals
major part of the crew of the vessel which had transported them having been lost, the captain impressed the
missionaries to carry his ship back to England.
Thereupon Post again sought his home in Pennsylvania, dwelling principally at Bethlehem, until called
upon by the Pennsylvania authorities to assist in public
affairs. There is no certain information of his introduction to the managers of Indian matters in Pennsylvania;
but several Christian Indians from his flock had been
utilized as interpreters, and the Friendly Association of
Quakers, which was assuming so large a rôle in treating
with the natives, was well-inclined toward the Moravian
The first mention of Post in the public records is in
connection with a message which he was employed to
carry (June, 1758) in conjunction with Charles Thomson to Teedyuscung at Wyoming.1 On his return to
the settlements, he was immediately commissioned to
go back to Wyoming with a message from the Cherokee
auxiliaries, who had come to join the army of Forbes,
and whose presence caused consternation among Pennsylvania's savage allies. With but five days' respite, Post
again started on a journey beset with perils on every side,
through the wilderness of Northern Pennsylvania.2 At
Teedyuscung's cabin he met two Indians from the Ohio,
who declared that their tribes were sorry they had gone to
war against the English; they had often wished that messengers from the government would come to them, for
then they should long before have abandoned war.
On the receipt of this important information, the council
1 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 132; Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp.
2 Journal of this journey in Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, pp. 142-145. s
180 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
at Philadelphia debated to what use it might be put in
furthering the plans for Forbes's advance. "Post was
desired to accompany the Indians, and he readily consented to go."3
Antiquarians and historians have alike admired the
sublime courage of the man, and the heroic patriotism
which made him capable of advancing into the heart of a
hostile territory, into the very hands of a cruel and
treacherous foe. But aside from Post's supreme religious
faith, he had a shrewd knowledge of Indian customs, and
knew that in the character of an ambassador requested
by the Western tribes, his mission would be a source of
protection. Therefore, even under the very walls of Fort
Duquesne, he trusted not in vain to Indian good faith.
The results of this embassy were most gratifying. The
report of his mission coming during the important negotiations at Easton, aided in securing the Indian neutrality which made the advance of Forbes so much
less hazardous than that of Braddock.
But the work was only begun; and to complete it
Post's renewed co-operation was necessary. This time
he was not to venture alone. Two militia officers,
Captain John Bull and Lieutenant William Hays, volunteered for the service,4 and having joined Post at Reading,
all proceeded with Indian companions in their van, to
overtake the army and reach the Ohio in advance of
the column.
Their mission was not in time to save the Indian
ferocity at Grant's defeat; but it contributed to assure the
French that aid from the neighboring Indians was
dubious,   and  that  in  retreat  lay  their  only  safety.
3 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 147.
4 Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 556, 557.
-— 1758-1759]
Post's Journals
Through the simple narrative of Indian speeches and
replies, one feels the intensity of the strain: the French
captain "looked as pale as death;" "we hanged out the
English flag, in spite of the French, on which our prisoners folded their hands, in hopes that their redemption
was nigh." Then the news came "which gave us the
pleasure to hear, that the English had the field, and that
the French had demolished and burnt the place entirely
and went off."
Of Post's later life and its vicissitudes, we get but scattered glimpses. For the two years succeeding these adventurous journeys, he served the Pennsylvania authorities as messenger and interpreter, at the same time begging to be allowed to go and preach to the newly-appeased
Indians on the Ohio. The last official act of Governor
Denny was the affixing of his signature to a passport for
Post, of whose loyalty, integrity and prudence he testifies to have had good experience.5
This desire to begin a mission to the Western Indians
was consummated in 1761, when Post proceeded alone
to the Muskingum and built the first white man's
house within the present limits of Ohio. The following spring, he applied to the Moravian brethren for
an assistant; whereupon John Heckewelder was assigned
to this service, and in his Narrative describes their
courteous reception by Bouquet at Fort Pitt, the restless conditions among the Delawares and Shawnees,
and the warnings against the storm of fire and blood
which was so soon to break over the frontier. Heckewelder retreated in due season; Post barely saved himself
by a sudden flight.
6 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, -\
sylvania Archives, iii, pp. 581, 582, 6
i, pp. 341, 419, 463, 466, 469, 491; Penn-
h 7°2> 7°3- l82
Early Western Travels
In 1764, the ecclesiastical authorities saw fit to send
this intrepid missionary to the Mosquito Coast, where he
stayed two years, making a second visit in 1767. Toward
the close of his life he retired from the Moravian sect,
and entered the Protestant Episcopal Church. His
death occurred at Germantown in 1785.
The journal of the first tour to the Ohio Indians (July
15 - September 22, 1758), was printed in the appendix to
An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest
(London, 1759; reprinted Philadelphia, 1867). This
book was published anonymously, but was known to be
the work of Charles Thomson, a prominent Philadelphia
Quaker, later secretary of the Continental Congress.
Thomson gives a brief preface to Post's journal, and the
matter in the notes thereof is evidently by his hand; it
is probable that the notes to the second journal are also
by him. The first journal was reprinted by Proud,
History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1798), ii, appendix, pp. 65-95, fr°m which edition our reprint has been
made. Craig also published this in The Olden Time, i,
pp. 99-125, following almost verbatim the edition of
Thomson and Proud. Rupp, Early History of Western Pennsylvania (Pittsburg and Harrisburg, 1846)»
appendix, pp. 75-98, gives the same journal. The Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 520-544, also contains this
journal, evidently taken from the same manuscript, with
but slight variations in the spelling of proper names.
Heckewelder, Narrative of the Mission of the United
Brethren (Philadelphia, 1820), pp. 55, 56, says: "To
enumerate all the hardships, difficulties and dangers,
Frederick Post had been subjected to on these journies,
especially on the first, in the summer of the year 1758, is
II i'!
H 1758-1759]
Post's Journals
at this time both impossible and needless. Suffice it to
say, that what he intended the public should know, was
published in the year after, in England, under the title
of 'Christian Frederick Post's Journal from Philadelphia to the Ohio,' &c. His original manuscript journal, however, which had for some time been placed in
the hands of the writer of this narrative, was far more
interesting, and evinced that few men would be found
able to undergo the fatigues of a journey, bearing so
hard on the constitution, or a mind to sustain such trials
of adversity — at least not with that calmness with which
Mr. Post endured it. ' '
The diary of the second journey of Christian Frederick
Post to the Ohio, October 25, 1758-January 8, 1759,
was first printed in London, 1759, for J. Wilkie; see
Field, An Essay towards an Indian Bibliography (New
York, 1873), p. 315. Proud, History of Pennsylvania,
ii, appendix, pp. 96-132, also reprints Post's second journal, and from this our reprint is made. It appears also
in The Olden Time, i, pp. 144-177; and in Rupp, Early
History of Western Pennsylvania, appendix, pp. 99-126.
The extract from a journal in the Pennsylvania Archives,
iii, pp. 560-563, entitled "Journal of Frederick Post
from Pittsburg, 1758," is in reality that of Croghan's
— see ante, p. 100. For an example of the form and
spelling of the original manuscripts of these journals
before they were rigorously edited, see letter of Post's in
Pennsylvania Archives, iii, pp. 742-744. The following
is a sample extract therefrom:
To his honnour da Governor of Pansylvanea:
Broder, I cam to Machochlaung, wa mane Indeans
luve, I cald dam all togader, and I told dam wat we bous
had agread on wan we sa one anoder last, and wat you Early Western Travels
ar sorre for and have so mouts at hart, and dasayrt me
to mack it avere war noun avere war, and dasayrd dam
to be strong and sea dat your flasch and blod may be
rastord to you; now br'r, you know dat it is aur agrea-
mand, dat as soun as I hoar any ting, I geave yu daracktly
notys of, and as I am as jat closs bay you, so I sand daes
prasonars to you which da daleverat to me, and I geave
dam to Papunnahanck to dalever dam to you; br. I do
not sand daes poepel daun, da have had damself a long
dasayr to go daun to sea dar br. da Englesch, so I tot it
proper to sand dam along; I hop you will rajoys to sea
dam and be kaynd to dam, and allso to dam poepel dat
bryng dam daun; wan I am farder from you and I schall
meat wit som, I schall bryng dam maysalf daun wan I
com along; br. you know aur worck is grat, and will tack
a long taym befor we coan com back, I salud all da
schandel pepel, and dasayr you to be strong.
Ye 20 Day of May, 1760, rot at Machochloschung.
Ordinarily, the modern historical student very properly
deprecates any tampering with original manuscripts; but
an examination of the foregoing inclines one not only to
forgive but to thank the early editors for having translated
Post's jargon into understandable English.
R. G. T.
July the 15th, 1758.— This day I received orders from
his honour, the Governor, to fet out on my intended
journey, and proceeded as far as German Town, where I
found all the Indians drunk.6 Willamegicken returned
to Philadelphia, for a horfe, that was promifed him.7
16th.— This day I waited for the faid Willamegicken
till near noon, and when he came, being very drunk, he
could proceed no further, fo that I left him, and went to
17th.— I arrived at Bethlehem, and prepared for my
* All Indians are exceffivê fond of rum, and will be drunk whenever they
can get it.— [Charles Thomson ?]
7 Willamegicken (WellemeghiMnk), known to the whites as James, was
a prominent brave of the Allegheny Delawares, who had been employed as a
messenger between them and the Susquehanna tribes of the same race. He
had agreed to accompany Post on this journey, for which the Pennsylvania
Council had voted to supply him with a horse. Pennsylvania Archives, iii, p.
415; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, viii, p. 148.— Ed.
* Bethlehem is a Moravian town built in 1741-42, after the retreat of these
people from Georgia. Count Zinzendorf organized the congregation at this
place, and named the settlement (1742). For the first twenty years a community system prevailed among the inhabitants, called the "Economy."
Portions of the buildings erected under that régime are still standing. See
"Moravians and their Festival," in Outlook, August 1, 1903. In 1752, the
brethren built a large stone house for the accommodation of Indian visitors,
and those who escaped the massacre of 1755 were domiciled there when Post
passed through.— Ed.
«i Early Western Travels
18th.— I read over both the laft treaties, that at
Eafton, and, that at Philadelphia, and made myfelf
acquainted with the particulars of each.9
19th.— With much difficulty I perfuaded the Indians
to leave Bethlehem, and travelled this day no further
than Hayes's having a hard fhower of rain.
20th.— Arrived at fort Allen.10
21ft.— I called my company together, to know if we
fhould proceed. They complained they were fick, and
muft reft that day.   This day, I think, Teedyufcung11
9 These two treaties were made with Teedyuscung: the first at Easton in
July and August, 1757, whereby the neutrality of the Susquehanna Indians and
the Six Nations was secured (Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vii, pp. 649-714);
the second at Philadelphia in April, 1758 (see Id., viii, pp. 29-56, 87-97.— Ed.
10 After Braddock's defeat, the ravaging of the frontiers both west and north
of the settled portions of Pennsylvania became so serious that the colonial
government appointed a commission, headed by Franklin, to take means to
protect the settlers, and defend the territory. Franklin proceeded into Northumberland County, and made arrangements to fortify the point on the Lehigh
where Weisport, Carbon County, now stands. But before the stockade was
completed a body of Indians fell upon and seriously defeated a party of militia
from the neighboring Irish settlements, led by Captain Hayes (January, 1756).
The works were pushed rapidly after this setback, and the fort was named in
honor of William Allen, chief-justice of the province. This post was garrisoned
until after Pontiac's War, and probably throughout the Revolution. See
Franklin's Writings (New York, 1887), ii, pp. 449-454.— Ed.
11 Teedyuscung, one of the most famous of Delaware chiefs, was born in
Trenton about 1705. When nearly fifty years old, he was chosen chief of the
Susquehanna Delawares, and being shrewd and cunning played a game of
diplomacy between the Iroquois, the Ohio Indians, and the authorities of
Pennsylvania, by which he managed largely to enhance his own importance,
and to free the Delawares from their submission to the Six Nations. His
headquarters were in the Wyoming Valley, whence he descended to the Moravian
settlements, and even to Easton and Philadelphia, to secure supplies from the
Pennsylvania authorities. In 1756 a truce was patched up with this chief at
Easton, after he had bitterly complained of the "Walking Purchase" of 1737,
and the white settlements on the Juniata. His loyalty to the English was
doubtful and wavering, and his opposition to Post's journey was probably due
to fears that his own importance as a medium between the Ohio Indians and
the EngUsh would be diminished by the former's success.   His cabin at Wyom- 1758]
Post's Journals
laid many obftacles in my way, and was very much
againft my proceeding: he faid, he was afraid I fhould
never return; and that the Indians would kill me. About
dinner time two Indians arrived from Wyoming12 with
an account that Teedyufcung's fon, Hans Jacob, was
returned, and brought news from the French and Allegheny Indians. Teedyufcung then called a Council, and
propofed that I fhould only go to Wyoming, and return,
with the meffage his fon had brought, to Philadelphia.
I made anfwer, that it was too late, that he fhould have
propofed that in Philadelphia; for that the writings containing my orders were fo drawn, as obliged me to go,
though I fhould lofe my life.
22d.— I defired my companions to prepare to fet out,
upon which Teedyufcung called them all together in the
fort, and protefted againft my going. His reafons were,
that he was afraid the Indians would kill me, or the
French get me; and if that fhould be the cafe he fhould
be very forry, and did not know what he fhould do.   I
ing having treacherously been set on fire, during one of his drunken sleeps,
Teedyuscung was burned to death in 1763. The Iroquois, who were the guilty
party, threw the obloquy upon the Connecticut settlement, whereupon Teedyuscung1 s followers murdered all the band.— Ed.
12 Wyoming Valley was the bone of contention between the Connecticut
and Pennsylvania colonies, each claiming that it was within their charter
limits. The Connecticut agents succeeded in securing an Indian title at the
Albany conference (1754); but their first settlement being effaced by an Indian
massacre (see preceding note), their next body of emigrants did not proceed
thither until 1769. Meanwhile, on the strength of the Indian purchase at
Fort Stanwix (1768) the Pennsylvanians had occupied the valley; and a border
warfare began, which lasted until the Revolution. The massacre of 1778, by
the Tories and British Indians, is a matter of general history.
The Indians of the valley were of many tribes — Oneidas, Delawares,
Shawnees, Munseys, Nanticokes, etc. The Moravian Christian Indians
settled at Wyoming in 1752. After the murder of Teedyuscung they fled, but
returned to found the town of Wyalusing (1765), where the missionary Zeis-
berger Uved with them until their removal, three years later to the Ohio.— Ed.
Early Western Travels [Vol.
gave for anfwer, "that I did not know what to think of
their conduct. It is plain, faid I, that the French have a
public road19 to your towns, yet you will not let your own
fief h and blood, the Englijh, come near them; which is
very hard: and if that be the cafe, the French muft be
your mafters." I added, that, if I died in the undertaking, it would be as much for the Indians as the Eng-
lifh, and that I hoped my journey would be of this
advantage, that it would be the means of faving the lives
of many hundreds of the Indians : therefore, I was refolved
to go forward, taking my life in my hand, as one ready to
part with it for their good. Immediately after I had
fpoken thus, three rofe up and offered to go with me the
neareft way; and we concluded to go through the inhabitants, under the Blue mountains to fort Augufta, on
Sufquahanna; where we arrived the 25th."
It gave me great pain to obferve many plantations de-
ferted and laid wafte; and I could not but reflect on the
diftrefs, the poor owners muft be drove to, who once
lived in plenty; and I prayed the Lord to reftore peace
and profperity to the diftreffed.
At fort Augufta we were entertained very kindly, had
our horfes fhod, and one being lame, we exchanged for
13 An Indian exprefCon meaning free admiffion.— [C. T. ?]
14 Post, after leaving Fort AUen, passed through the present Carbon County,
crossed the headwaters of the SchuylkiU, and traversed Northumberland County
to Fort Augusta. On the massacres in that region see Rupp, History of Northumberland, etc., (Lancaster, 1847), pp. 100-116. Fort Augusta, at the forks
of the Susquehanna, was built in 1756, at the request of the Indians settled j
there under the chieftainship of Shickalamy. It was not a mere stockade and
blockhouse, but a regular fortification, provided with cannon, and was commanded at first by Colonel Clapham, succeeded by Colonel James Burd.   This
f stronghold was garrisoned until after the Revolutionary War; but before that
time settlement had begun to spring up about the fort, and the town of Sunbury
was laid out in 1772 — Ed.
— 1758] Post's Journals
another. Here we received, by Indians from Diahogo,15
the difagreeable news that our army was, as they faid,
entirely cut off at Ticonderoga,1" which difcouraged one
of my companions, Lappopetung's fon, fo much, that he
would proceed no further. Shamokin Daniel here asked
me, if I thought he fhould be fatisfied for his trouble in
going with me. I told him every body, that did any
fervice for the province, I thought, would be paid.
27th.— They furnifhed us here with every neceffary
for our journey, and we fet out with good courage. After
we rode about ten miles, we were caught in a hard guft
of rain.
28th.— We came to Wekeeponall, where the road turns
off for Wyoming, and flept this night at Queenafhawakee."
29th.— We croffed the Sufquahanna over the Big
Ifland. My companions were now very fearful, and this
night went a great way out of the road, to fleep without
fire, but could not fleep for the mufquetoes and vermin.
30th & 31ft.— We were glad it was day, that we
might fet out. We got upon the mountains, and had
heavy rains all night. The heavens alone were our
covering, and we accepted of all that was poured down
from thence.
Auguft ift.— We faw three hoops18 on a bufh; to one
16 An Indian fettlement towards the heads of Sufquahanna.— [C. T. ?]
16 The reference is to Abercrombie's defeat and retreat from Fort Ticonderoga in July, 1758.— Ed.
17 The Indian trail foUowed by Post, passed up the West Branch of the
Susquehanna, through a region which had earUer been thickly sprinkled with
Indian towns. The Moravian missionaries had been here as early as 1742, and
had been hospitably received by Madame Montour, whose town was at the
mouth of Loyalsock Creek, opposite the present village of MontoursviUe. This
was probably Post's "WekeponaU," ' as the path to Wyoming led northeast from
this place. Queenashawakee (Quenslehague) Creek is in Lycoming County,
with the town of Linden at its mouth.— Ed.
18 Little hoops on which the Indians ftretch and drefs the raw fcalps.—[C. T. ?]
! 190
Early Western Travels
of them there remained fome long white hair. Our
horfes left us, I fuppofe, not being fond of the dry food on
the mountains: with a good deal of trouble we found them
again.   We flept this night on the fame mountain.
2d.— We came acrofs feveral places where two poles,
painted red, were ftuck in the ground by the Indians, to
which they tye the prifoners, when they ftop at night, in
their return from their incurfions. We arrived this night
at Shinglimuhee,19 where was another of the fame pofts.
It is a difagreeable and melancholy fight, to fee the means
they make ufe of, according to their favage way, to dif-
trefs others.
3d.— We came to a part of a river called Tobeco, over
the mountains, a very bad road.
4th.— We loft one of our horfes, and with much difficulty found him, but were detained a whole day on that
I had much converfation with Pifquetumenf of which
I think to inform myfelf further when I get to my journey's end.
5th.— We fet out early this day, and made a good long
ftretch, croffing the big river Tobeco, and lodged between
two mountains. I had the miffortune to lofe my pocket
book with three pounds five fhillings,21 and fundry other
19 Big Island is at the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, in Clinton County. From
that point the trail led up the creek to a point above Milesburg, Center County,
then turned almost due west across Center and Clearfield counties to Clearfield (ShingUmuhee). This was the " Chinklacamoos path," north of the
Kittanning trail foUowed by Weiser in 1748. The word "Chinklacamoos"
is said to signify "it almost joins," in allusion to a horseshoe bend at this
place. See Meginness, Otzvnachson: A History of the West Branch Valley
(rev. éd., WiUiamsport, Pa., 1889), p. 272.— Ed.
*° An Indian Chief, that traveUed with him.— [C T. ?]
21 The money of Pennjylvania, being paper, is chiefly carried in pocket
' books.— [C. T.?] 1758I Post's Journals 191
things. What writings it contained were illegible to
any body but myfelf.
6th.— We paffed all the mountains, and the big river,
Wefhawaucks, and croffed a fine meadow two miles in
length, where we flept that night, having nothing to eat.22
7th.— We came in fight of fort Venango, belonging to
the French, fituate between two mountains, in a fork of
the Ohio river. I prayed the Lord to blind them, as he
did the enemies of Lot and Elifha, that I might pafs unknown. When we arrived, the fort being on the other
fide of the river, we hallooed, and defired them to fetch
us over; which they were afraid to do; but fhewed us a
place where we might ford. We flept that, night within
half gun fhot of the fort.
8th.— This morning I hunted for my horfe, round the
fort, within ten yards of it. The Lord heard my prayer,
and I paffed unknown till we had mounted our horfes to
go off, when two Frenchmen came to take leave of the
Indians, and were much furprifed at feeing me, but faid
By what I could learn of Pifquetumen, and the Indians,
who went into the fort, the garrifon confifted of only fix
men, and an officer blind of one eye.23    They enquired
22 From Chinklacamoos the Indian trail crossed Clearfield, Jefferson, and
Clarion counties, over Little Toby's Creek (Tobeco), the Clarion River (big
river Tobeco), and east Sandy Creek (Weshawaucks). That no Indians were
met through all th.s region is proof of its deserted condition, its former frequenters having withdrawn to the French sphere of influence.—Ed.
23 The officer commanding Venango at this time was Jean Baptiste Boucher
Sieur de Niverville, a noted border ranger and Indian raider. Born in Montreal in 1716, he early acquired an ascendency over the Abenaki Indians, which
was utilized in leading their parties against the EngUsh settlements of New
England. In King George's War, bands under his command ravaged New
Hampshire and Vermont, and penetrated as far as Fort Massachusetts in the
Berkshire Hills (r748). During the French and Indian War, he was similarly
employed, and after Braddock's defeat, conducted a winter campaign of thirty-
mm Il
Early Western Travels
much of the Indians concerning the Englifh, whether they
knew of any party coming to attack them, of which they
were apprehenfive.
9th.— Heavy rains all night and day: we flept on
fwampy ground.
10th.— We imagined we were near Kufhkufhkee; and
having travelled three miles, we met three Frenchmen,
who appeared very fhy of us, but faid nothing more than
to enquire, whether we knew of any Englifh coming
againft fort Venango.
After we travelled two miles farther, we met with an
Indian, and one that I took to be a runagade EngUfh
Indian trader; he fpoke good Englifh, was very curious
in examining every thing, particularly the filver medal
about Pifquitumen's neck. He appeared by bis countenance to be guilty. We enquired of them where we
were, and found we were loft, and within twenty miles
of fort Duquefne. We ftruck out of the road to the right,
and slept between two mountains; and being deftitute of
food, two went to hunt, and others to seek a road, but
to no purpofe.
nth.— We went to the place where they had killed two
deers, and Pifquetumen and I roafted the meat. Two
went to hunt for the road, to know which way we fhould
go: one came back, and found a road; the other* loft him-
12th.— The reft of us hunted for him, but in vain; fo,
as we could not find him, we concluded to fet off, leaving
fuch marks, that, if he returned, he might know which
three days, in the direction of Fort Cumberland on the Potomac, bringing off
numerous EngUsh captives. At Lake George in 1757, he led the Abenaki
auxUiaries, and was present at the massacre of Fort WiUiam Henry. The last
that is known of his military exploits is during the siege of Quebec, when he
defended dangerous outposts with the aid of savage allies.— Ed. 1758]
Post's Journals
way to follow us; and we left him fome meat. We came
to the river Conaquonafhon [Conequenessing Creek],
where was an old Indian town. We were then fifteen
miles from Kufhkufhkee.
There we ftopt, and fent forward Pifquetumen with
four firings of wampum to apprize the town of our coming,24 with this meffage :
"Brother,25 thy brethren are come a great way, and
want to fee thee, at thy fire, to fmoak that good tobacco,29
which our good grandfathers ufed to fmoak. Turn thy
eyes once more upon that road, by which I came.27 I
bring thee words of great confequence from the Governor, and people of Pennfylvania, and from the king of
England. Now I defire thee to call all the kings and
captains from all the towns, that none may be miffing.
I do not defire that my words may be hid, or fpoken under
cover. I want to fpeak loud, that all the Indians may
hear me. I hope thou wilt bring me on the road, and
lead me into the town. I blind the French, that they may
not fee me, and ftop their ears, that they may not hear
the great news I bring you.
About noon we met fome Shawanefe, that ufed to live at
Wyoming. They knew me, and received me very kindly.
I faluted them, and affured them the government of
Pennfylvania wifhed them well, and wifhed to live in
peace and friendfhip with them.   Before we came to the
2*Acco ding to the rules of Indian poUtenefs, you muft never go into a
town witl ut fending a previous meffage to denote your arrival, or, ftanding
at a diftaj ce from the town, and haUooing tiU fome come out, to conduct you
in.   Othf wife you are thought as rude as white men.— [C. T. ?]
25 W .en the people of a town, or of a nation, are addreffed, the Indians
always ufe the fingular number.— [C. T. ?]
28 i. e.   To confer in a friendly manner.— [C. T. ?]
27 i. e.    Call to mind our ancient friendly intercourfe.— [C. T. ?]
! if
194 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
town, two men came to meet us and lead us in. "King
Beaver fhewed us a large houfe to lodge in.28 The people
foon came and fhook hands with us. The number was
about fixty young able men. Soon after king Beaver
came and told his people, "Boys, hearken, we fat here
without ever expecting again to fee our brethren the
Englifh; but now one of them is brought before you,
that you may fee your brethren, the EngUfh, with your
own eyes; and I wifh you may take it into confideration.''
Afterwards he turned to me and faid,
"Brother, I am very glad to fee you, I never thought
we fhould have had the opportunity to fee one another
more; but now I am very glad, and thank God, who has
brought you to us. It is a great fatisfaction to me. ' ' I
faid, "Brother, I rejoice in my heart, I thank God, who
has brought me to you. I bring you joyful news from
the Governor and people of Pennfylvania, and from your
children, the Friends:29 and, as I have words of great
confequence I wfll lay them before you, when all the kings
and captains are called together from the other towns. I
wifh there may not be a man of them miffing, but that
they may be all here to hear. ' '
In the evening king Beaver came again, and told me,
they had held a council, and fent out to all their towns,
but it would take five days before they could all come
together. I thanked him for his care. Ten captains
came and faluted me. One faid to the others; "We
never expected to fee our brethren the Englifh again,
but now God has granted us once more to fhake hands
28 Every Indian town has a large cabbin for the entertainment of ftrangers
by the pubUc hofpitaUty.— [C. T. ?]
29 That is, the Quakers, for whom the Indians have a particular regard.—
[C. T. ?] 1758]
Post's Journals
with them, which we will not forget. ' ' They fat by my
fire till midnight.
14th.— The people crowded to my houfe; it was full.
We had much talk. Delaware George30 faid, he had not
flept all night, fo much had he been engaged on account
of my coming. The French came, and would fpeak
with me. There were then fifteen of them building houfes
for the Indians. The captain is gone with fifteen to
another town. He can fpeak the Indian tongue well.
The Indians fay he is a cunning fox; that they get a
great deal of goods from the French; and. that the
French cloath the Indians every year, men, women and
children, and give them as much powder and lead as they
15th.— Beaver king was informed, that Teedyufcung
had faid he had turned the hatchet againft the French,
by advice of the Alleghany Indians; this he blamed, as
they had never fent him fuch advice. But being informed
it was his own doing, without any perfuafion of the
Governor, he was eafy on that head. Delaware Daniel
prepared a dinner, to which he invited me, and all the
kings and captains; and when I came, he faid, "Brother,
we are as glad to fee you among us, as if we dined with
the Governor and people in Philadelphia. We have
thought a great deal fince you have been here. We never
thought fo much before."81 I thanked them for their kind
reception; I faid, it was fomething great, that God had
30 Delaware George was an important chief of that tribe, who had been a
disciple of Post's in his Pennsylvania mission. He maintained friendly relations
with the EngUsh until after the defeat of Braddock. Although closely associated
with King Beaver and Shingas, he seems to have leaned more than they to
the EngUsh interest.— Ed.
31 That is, we look on your coming as a matter of importance, it engages our
-[C. T.?] 196 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
fpared our lives, to fee one another again, in the old
brother-like love and friendfhip. There were in all
thirteen, who dined together.
In the evening they danced at my fire, firft the men,
and then the women, till after midnight.
On the 16th, the king and captains called on me privately. They wanted to hear what Teedyufcung had
faid of them, and begged me to take out the writings. I
read to them what Teedyufcung had faid, and told them,
as Teedyufcung had faid he would fpeak fo loud, that all
at Allegheny, and beyond fhould hear it, I would conceal
nothing from them. They faid, they never fent any fuch
advice (as above mentioned), to Teedyufcung, nor ever
fent a meffage at all to the government,82 and now the
French were here, their captain would come to hear, and
this would make difturbance. I then told them I
would read the reft, and leave out that part, and they
might tell the kings and captains of it, when they came
17th.— Early, this morning they called all the people
together to clean the place, where they intended to hold
the council, it being in the middle of the town. Kufh-
kufhkee is divided into four towns, each at a distance
from the others; and the whole confifts of about ninety
houfes, and two hundred able warriors.
About noon two public meffengers arrived from the
Indians at fort Duquefne and the other towns.   They
32 At the Easton treaty in the autumn of 1757, Teedyuscung had 'promised
to "halloo" to aU the far Indian tribes, and bring them to an understanding with
the EngUsh. In January, 1758, he reported to the governor that " aU the Lidian
Nations from the Sun Rise to these beyond the Lakes, as far as the Sun setts,
have heard what has passed between you and me, and are pleased with it,"
and urged him to continue the work of peace. Teedyuscung was evidently
enlarging upon his own importance, and to this end giving unwarrantable
information.— Ed.
*■—• j 1758]
Post's Journals
brought three large belts and two bundles of ftarings;88
there came with them a French captain, and fifteen men.
The two meffengers infifted that I fhould go with them
to fort Duquefne; that there were Indians of eight nations,
who wanted to hear me; that if I brought good news, they
inclined to leave off war, and live in friendfhip with the
Englifh. The above meffengers being Indian captains,
were very furly. When I went to fhake hands with one
of them, he gave me his little finger; the other withdrew
his hand entirely; upon which I appeared as ftout as
either, and withdrew my hand as quick as I could.
Their rudenef s to me was taken very ill by the other captains, who treated them in the fame manner in their turn.
I told them my order was to go to the Indian towns,
kings and captains, and not to the French; that the Englifh
were at war with the French, but not with thofe Indians,
who withdrew from the French, and would be at peace
with the Englifh.
King Beaver invited me to his houfe to dinner, and
afterwards he invited the French captain, and faid before
the Frenchman, that the Indians were very proud to fee
one of their brothers, the Englifh, among them; at which
the French captain appeared low fpirited, and feemed to
eat his dinner with very little appetite.
In the afternoon the Indian kings and captains called
me afide, and defired me to read them the writings that
I had.   Fir ft I read part of the Eafton treaty to them;
33 Thefe belts and ftrings are made of fheU-beads, caUed wampum. The
wampum ferves, among the Indians, as money; of it they alfo make their necklaces bracelets, and other ornaments. Belts and ftrings of it are ufed in all
pubUc negotiations; to each belt or ftring there is connected a meffage, fpeech,
or part of a fpeech, to be deUvered with a belt by the meffenger, or fpeaker.
Thefe belts alfo ferve for records, being worked with figures, compofed of beads
of different colours, to affift the memory.—[C. T. ?] Early Western Travels
but they prefently ftopped me, and would not hear it; I
then began with the articles of peace made with the
Indians there. They ftopped me again, and faid, they
had nothing to fay to any treaty, or league, of peace,
made at Eafton, nor had any thing to do with Teedyufcung;
that, if I had nothing to fay to them from the government,
or Governor, they would have nothing to fay to me; and
farther faid, they had hitherto been at war with the Englifh, and had never expected to be at peace with them
again; and that there were fix of their men now gone to
war againft them with other Indians; that had there been
peace between us, thofe men fhould not have gone to
war. I then fhewed them the belts and ftrings from the
Governor; and they again told me to lay afide Teedyufcung, and the peace made by him; for that they had
nothing to do with it.84 I defired -them to fuffer me to
produce my papers, and I would read what I had to fay
to them.
18th.— Delaware George is very active in endeavouring
to eftablifh a peace. I believe he is in earneft. Hitherto
they have all treated me kindly.
In the afternoon, all the kings and captains were called
together, and fent for me to their council. King Beaver
firft addreffed himfelf to the captains; and afterwards
fpoke to me, as follows:
"Brother, you have been here now five days by our
fire.86 We have fent to all the kings and captains, de-
firing them to come to our fire and hear the good news
34 The peace made with Teedyufcung, was for the Delawares, &c. on Sufquahanna only, and did not include the Indians on the Ohio; they having no deputies at the treaty- But he had promifed to halloo to them, that is, fend meffengers to them, and endeavour to draw them into the peace, which he accordingly
did.—[C. T.?]
36 A fire, in pubUc affairs, Cgnifies, among the Indians a coundl.— [C. T. ?] 1758]
Post's Journals
you brought. Yefterday they fent two captains to
acquaint us, they were glad to hear our Englifh brother
was come among us, and were defirous to hear the good
news he brought; and fince there are a great many nations
that went [want] to fee our brother, they have invited
us to their fire, that they may hear us all. Now, brother,
we have but one great fire; fo, brother, by this ftaring we
will take you in our arms, and deliver you into the arms
of the other kings, and when we have called all the nations
there, we will hear the good news, you have brought."
Delivers four ftrings.
King Beaver, Shingas, and Delaware George, fpoke as
"Brother, we alone cannot make a peace; it would be
of no fignificance; for, as all the Indians, from the fun-
rife to the funfet, are united in a body, it is neceffary
that the whole fhould join in the peace, or it can be no
peace; and we can affure you, all the Indians, a great
way from this, even beyond the lakes, are defirous of,
and wifh for a peace with the Englifh, and have defired us,
as we are the neareft of kin, if we fee the Englifh incline
a peace, to hold it faft. ' '
On the 19th, all the people gathered together, men,
women, and children; and king Beaver defired me to
read to them the news I had brought, and told me that
all the able men would go with me to the other town.
I complied with his defire, and they appeared very much
pleafed at every thing, till I came to that part reflecting
the prifoners. This they difliked; for, they fay, it
appears very odd and unreafonable that we fhould
demand prif oners before there is an eftablifhed peace;
fuch an unreafonable demand makes us appear as if we
wanted brains.
iijraF I 11
2oo Early Western Travels [Vol. i
20th.— We fet out from Kufhkufhkee, for Sankonk; my
company confifted of twenty-five horfemen and fifteen
foot. We arrived at Sankonk, in the afternoon. The
people of the town were much difturbed at my coming,
and received me in a very rough manner. They fur-
rounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in fuch a
manner, that I could hardly get along; running up againft
me, with their breafts open, as if they wanted fome pretence to kill me. I faw by their countenances they
fought my death. Their faces were quite diftorted with
rage, and they went fo far as to fay, I fhould not live long;
but fome Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted,
coming up, and faluting me in a friendly manner, their
behaviour to me was quickly changed.
On the 21 ft, they fent Meffengers to Fort Duquefne, to
let them know I was there, and invited them to their fire.
In the afternoon, I read them all my meffage, the French
captain being prefent; for he ftill continued with us: upon
which they were more kind to me. In the evening, fifteen
more arrived here from Kufhkufhkee. The men here
now [were] about one hundred and twenty.
22d.— Arrived about twenty Shawanefe and Mingos.
I read to them the meffage; at which they feemed well
pleafed. Then the two kings came to me, and fpoke in
the following manner:
"Brother, we, the Shawanefe and Mingos, have heard
your meffage; the meffenger we fent to Fort Duquefne,
is returned, and tells us, there are eight different nations
there, who want to hear your meffage; we will conduct
you there, and let both the Indians and French hear what
our brothers, the Englifh, have to fay. ' '
I protefted againft going to Fort Duquefne, but all in
vain; for they infifted on my going, and faid that I need 1758]
Post's Journals
not fear the French, for they would carry me in their
bofoms, i. e. engage for my fafety.
23d.— We fet off for Fort Duquefne, and went no
farther this night than Log's town, where I met with
four Shawanefe, who lived in Wyoming when I did.
They received me very kindly, and called the prifoners to
fhake hands with me, as their countryman, and gave me
leave to go into every houfe to fee them, which was done
in no other town befides.
24th.— They called to me, and defired that I would
write to the general for them. The jealoufy natural to
the Indians is not to be defcribed; for though they wanted
me to write for them, they were afraid I would, at the
fame time, give other information, and this perplexed
We continued our journey to the fort; and arrived in
fight, on this fide the river, in the afternoon, and all the
Indian chiefs immediately came over; they called me
into the middle, and king Beaver prefented me to them,
and faid, "Here is our Englifh brother, who has brought
great news." Two of them rofe up and fignified they
were glad to fee me. But an old deaf Onondago Indian
rofe up and fignified his difpleafure. This Indian is
much difliked by the others; he had heard nothing yet,
that had paffed, he has lived here a great while, and con-
ftantly lives in the fort, and is mightily attached to the
French; he fpoke as follows, to the Delawares:
"I do not know this Swannockf3 it may be that you
know him. I, the Shawanefe, and our father87 do not
know him.   I ftand here (ftamping his foot) as a man
m ! i
361 e.   This Englifhman.— [C. T. ?]
37 By father, they exprefs the French.— [C. T. ?] Early Western Travels
on his own ground;88 therefore, I, the Shawanefe and my
father do not like that a Swannock come on our ground. ' '
Then there was filence awhile, till the pipe went round;89
after that was over, one of the Delawares rofe up, and
fpoke in oppofition to him that fpoke laft, and delivered
himfelf as follows:
"That man fpeaks not as a man; he endeavours to
frighten us, by faying this ground is his; he dreams; he
and his father have certainly drunk too much liquor;
they are drunk; pray let them go to fleep till they are
fober. You do not know what your own nation does,
at home; how much they have to fay to the Swannocks.
You are quite rotten. You ftink.40 You do nothing
but fmoke your pipe here. Go to fleep with your father,
and when you are fober we will fpeak to you. ' '
After this the French demanded me of the Indians.
They faid it was a cuftom among the white people when a
meffenger came, even if it was the Governor, to blind his
eyes, and lead him into the fort, to a prifon, or private
room. They, with fome of the Indians infifted very
much on my being fent into the fort, but to no purpofe;
for the other Indians faid to the French; "It may be a
rule among you, but we have brought him here, that all
the Indians might fee him, and hear what our brothers
the Englifh have to fay; and we will not fuffer him to be
blinded and carried into the fort." The French ftill
infifted on my being delivered to them; but the Indians
38 By I, he here means, I, the Six Nations, of which the Onondagoes are one
of the greateft. This was, therefore, a claim of the Ohio lands, as belonging
to the Six Nations, exclufive of the Delawares, whom they formerly caUed
women.- [C. T. ?]
89 The Indians fmoke in their councils.— [C. T. ?]
40 That is, the fentiments yon exprefs, are offenfive t
> the company.— 1758] Post's Journals 203
defired them, to let them hear no more about it; but to
fend them one hundred loaves of bread; for they were
25th.— This morning early they fent us over a large
bullock, and all the Indian chiefs came over again, and
counfelled a great deal among themfelves; then the
Delaware, that handled the old deaf Onondago Indian fo
roughly yefterday, addreffed himfelf to him, in this
manner; "I hope, to day, you are fober. I am certain
you did not know what you faid yefterday. You endeavoured to frighten us; but know, we are now men,
and not fo eafily frightened. You faid fomething yefterday of the Shawanefe; fee here what they have fent
you, ' ' (prejenting him with a large roll of tobacco.)
Then the old deaf Indian rofe up, and acknowledged
he had been in the wrong; he faid, that he had now
cleaned himfelf,*1 and hoped they would forgive him.
Then the Delaware delivered the meffage, that was
fent by the Shawanefe which was, "That they hoped the
Delawares, &c. would be ftrong,42 in what they were
undertaking; that they were extremely, proud to hear
fuch good news from their brothers, the Englifh; that
whatever contracts they made with the Englifh, the
Shawanefe would agree to; that they were their brothers,
and that they loved them. ' '
The French whifpered to the Indians, as I imagined,
to infift on my delivering what I had to fay, on the other
fide of the water. Which they did to no purpofe, for
my company ftill infifted on a hearing on this fide the
water.   The Indians croffed the river to council with
a That is, he had changed his offenfive fentiments.— [C. T. ?]
42 That is, that they would act vigoroufly.— [C. T. ?]
m 204 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
their Fathers.48 My company defired to know whether
they would hear me or no. This afternoon, three hundred
Canadians arrived at. the fort, and reported that fix
hundred more were foon to follow them, and forty battoes
laden with amunition. Some of my party defired me
not to ftir from the fire; for that the French had offered
a great reward for my fcalp, and that there were lèverai
parties out on that purpofe. Accordingly I ftuck con-
ftantly as clofe to the fire, as if I had been chained there.
26th.— The Indians, with a great many of the French
officers, came over to hear what I had to fay. The
officers brought with them a table, pens, ink and paper.
I fpoke in the middle of them with a free confcience, and
perceived by the look of the French, they were not pleafed
with what I faid; the particulars of which were as follows;
I fpoke in the name of the government and people of
"Brethren at Allegheny, We have a long time defired
to fee and hear from you; you know the road was quite
ftopt; and we did not know how to come through. We
have fent many meffengers to you; but we did not hear
of you; now we are very glad we have found an opening
to come and fee you, and to fpeak with you, and to hear
your true mind and refolution. We falute you very
heartily. ' '   A ftring, No. 1.
"Brethren at Allegheny, Take notice of what I fay.
You know that the bad fpirit has brought fomething
between us, that has kept us at a diftance one from
another; I now, by this belt, take every thing out of the
way, that the bad fpirit has brought between us, and all
the jealoufy and fearfulnefs we had of one another, and
whatever elfe the bad fpirit might have poifoned your
43 The French, at the fort.—[C. T. ?] 1758]
Post's Journals
heart and mind with, that nothing of it may be left.
Moreover let us look up to God, and beg for his affif-
tance, that he may put into our hearts what pleafes him,
and join us clofe in that brotherly love and friendfhip,
which our grandfathers had. We affure you of our love
towards you. ' '   A belt of eleven rows.
"Brothers at Allegheny, Hearken to what I fay; we
began to hear of you from Wellemeghihink, who returned from Allegheny. We heard you had but a flight,
confufed account of us; and did not know of the peace,
we made twelve months paft, in Eafton. It was then
agreed, that the large belt of peace fhould be fent to you
at Allegheny. As thefe our two old friends from Allegheny, who are well known to many here, found an opening to come to our council fire, to fee with their own eyes,"
to fit with us face to face, to hear with their own ears,
every thing that has been tranfacted between us; it gives
me and all the people of the province great pleafure to
fee them among us. And I affure all my brethren at
Allegheny, that nothing would pleafe me, and all the
people of the province better, than to fee our countrymen
the Delawares well fettled among us. "   A belt.
"Hearken, my brethren at Allegheny. When we
began to make peace with the Delawares, twelve months
ago, in behalf of ten other nations, we opened a road, and
cleared the bufhes from the blood, and gathered all
the bones, on both fides, together; and when we had
brought them together, in one heap, we could find no
place to bury them: we would not bury them as our
grandfathers did. They buried them under ground,
where they may be found again. We prayed to God, that
he would have mercy on us, and take all thefe bones
away from us, and hide them, that they might never be
1 u
f= »
206 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
found any more; and take from both fides all the remembrance of them out of our heart and mind. And we
have a firm confidence, that God will be pleafed to take
all the bones and hide them from us, that they may never
be remembered by us, while we live, nor our children,
nor grand children, hereafter. The hatchet was buried
on both fides, and large belts of peace exchanged. Since
we have cleared every thing from the heart, and taken
every thing out of our way; now, my brethren at Allegheny, every one that hears me, if you will join with us,
in that brotherly love and friendfhip. which our grandfathers had, we affure you, that all paft offences fhall
be forgotten, and never more talked of, by us, our children and grand children hereafter. This belt affures
you of our fincerity, and honeft and upright heart towards
you. ' '   A belt of feven rows.
"Hearken, brethren at Allegheny. I have told you
that we really made peace with part of your nation,
twelve months paft; I now by this belt open the road from
Allegheny to our council fire, where your grandfathers
kept good councils with us, that all may pafs without
moleftation or danger. You muft be fenfible, that
unlefs a road be kept open, people at variance can never
come together to make up their differences. Meffengers
are free in all nations throughout the world, by a particular token. Now, brethren at Allegheny, I defire
you will join with me in keeping the road open, and let us
know in what manner we may come free to you, and what
the token fhall be. I join both my hands to yours, and
will do all in my power to keep the road open." A
belt of feven rows.
"Now, brethren at Allegheny, Hear what I fay-
Every one that lays hold of this belt of peace, I proclaim 1758]
Post's Journals
peace to them from the Englifh nation, and let you
know that the great king of England does not incline to
have war with the Indians; but he wants to five in peace
and love with them, if they will lay down the hatchet, and
leave off war againft him. ' '
"We love you farther, we let you know that the great
king of England has fent a great number of warriors into
this country, not to go to war againft the Indians, in
their towns, no, not at all; thefe warriors are going againft
the French; they are on the march to the Ohio, to revenge
the blood they have fhed. And by this belt I take you
by the hand, and lead you at a diftance from the French,
for your own fafety, that your legs may not be ftained
with blood. Come away on this fide of the mountain,
where we may oftener converfe together, and where
your own flefh and blood lives. We look upon you as
our countrymen, that fprung out of the fame ground
with us; we think, therefore, that it is our duty to take
care of you, and we in brotherly love advife you to come
away with your whole nation, and as many of your
friends as you can get to follow you. We do not come
to hurt you, we love you, therefore we do not call you to
war, that you may be flain; what benefit will it be to you
to go to war with your own flefh and blood ? We wifh
you may live without fear or danger with your women
and children. ' '   The large peace belt.
"Brethren, I have almoft finifhed what I had to fay,
and hope it will be to your fatisfaction; my wifh is, that
we may join clofe together in that old brotherly love and
friendfhip, which our grandfathers had; fo that all
the nations may hear and fee us, and have the benefit
of it; and if you have any uneafinefs, or complaint, in
your heart and mind, do not keep it to yourfelf.   We have
Wlë i
Early Western Travels
[Vol. :
opened the road to the council fire, therefore, my brethren, come and acquaint the Governor with it; you will be
readily heard, and full juftice will be done you." A
"Brethren, One thing I muft bring to your remembrance. You know, if any body lofes a little child, or
fome body takes it from him, he cannot be eafy, he will
think on his child by day and night; fince our flefh and
blood is in captivity, in the Indian towns, we defire you
will rejoice the country's heart, and bring them to me;
I fhall ftretch out my arms to receive you kindly." A
After I had done, I left my belts and ftrings ftill before
them. The Delawares took them all up, and laid them
before the Mingoes;** upon which they rofe up, and
fpoke as follows:
"Chau, What I have heard pleafes me well; I do not
know why I go to war againft the Englifh. Noques,
what do you think? You muft be ftrong. I did not
begin the war, therefore, I have little to fay; but whatever you agree to, I will do the fame." Then he ad-
dreffed himfelf to the Shawanefe, and faid, "You
brought the hatchet to us from the French, and per-
fuaded us to ftrike our brothers the Englifh; you may
confider (laying the belts, &c. before them) wherefore
you have done this. ' '
The Shawanefe acknowledged they received the hatchet
from the French, who perfuaded them to ftrike the Englifh; that they would now fend the belts to all the Indians,
and in twelve days would meet again.
Prefent at this council, three hundred French and
Indians.   They all took leave, and went over again to
44 The Six Nations.— [C. T- ?]
Post's Journals
the fort, but my companions, who were about feventy in
Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to
the fort by himfelf, (which my companions difapproved
of) and counfelled with the Governor; who prefented him
with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, fhirts, ribbons, a
new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was
quite changed, and faid, "See here, you fools, what the
French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never
received a farthing;" and, directing himfelf to me, he
faid, "The Englifh are fools, and fo are you." In
fhort, he behaved in a very proud, faucy and imperious
manner. He further faid, "The Englifh never give the
Indians any powder, and that the French would have
given him a horfeload, if he would have taken it; fee that
young man there, he was in Philadelphia and never got
any thing; I will take him over to the French; and get
fome cloathing for him. ' '
Three Indians informed me, that as foon as the French
got over, they called a council, with their own Indians,
among whom there happened accidentally to be a Delaware captain, who was privately invited by one of his
acquaintances to hear what the French had to fay; and
when they were affembled, the French fpoke, as
"My children, now we are alone, hearken to what I
have to fay. I perceive the Delawares are wavering;
they incline to the Englifh, and will be faithful to us no
longer. Now all the chiefs are here, and but a handful,
let us cut them off, and then we fhall be troubled with
them no longer." Then the Tawaas [Ottawas] an-
fwered, "No, we cannot do this thing; for though there
is but a handful here, the Delawares are a ftrong people, Il
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
and are fpread to a great diftance, and whatever they
agree to muft be. ' '
This afternoon, in council, on the other fide of the
river, the French infifted that I muft be delivered up to
them, and that it was not lawful for me to go away; which
occafioned a quarrel between them and the Indians,
who immediately came away and croffed the river to me;
and fome of them let me know thet Daniel had received
a ftring from the French, to leave me there; but it was
to no purpofe, for they would not give their confent; and
then agreed that I fhould fet off before day the next
27th.— Accordingly, I fet out before day, with fix
Indians, and took another road, that we might not be
feen; the main body told me, they would ftay behind,
to know whether the French would make an attempt to
take me by force; that if they did, they, the Indians, would
endeavour to prevent their croffing the river, and coming
fecretly upon me. Juft as I fet off the French fired all
their great guns, it being Sunday (I counted nineteen) and
concluded they did the fame every Sabbath. We paffed
through three Shawanefe towns; the Indians appeared
very proud to fee me return, and we arrived about night
at Sawcunk, where they were likewife very glad to fee
me return. Here I met with the two captains, who
treated me fo uncivilly before; they now received me very
kindly, and accepted of my hand, and apologized for their
former rude behaviour. Their names are Kuckque-
tackton and Killbuck.*5   They faid,
45 Kuckquetackton (Koquethagechton) was the Indian name of the famous
Delaware chief Captain White Eyes. About 1776, he succeeded Netawatwes,
of whom he had been chief counseUor, as head of the nation Heckewelder first
met him at this same town, where Post encountered him in 1772, and says
that he strove to keep the neutraUty during both Lord Dunmore's War and the 1758]
Post's Journals
"Brother, we, in behalf of the people of Sawcunk,
defire that you will hold faft what you have begun, and
be ftrong.46 We are but little and poor, and therefore
cannot do much. You are rich, and muft go on and be
ftrong. We have done all in our power towards bringing
about a peace: we have had a great quarrel about you
with the French; but we do not mind them. Do you
make hafte, and be ftrong, and let us fee you again."
The faid Killbuck is a great captain and conjurer; he
defired me to mention him to the Governor, and afk him
if he would be pleafed to fend him a good faddle by the
next meffenger; and that he would do all in his power
for the fervice of the Englifh.
28th.— We fet out from Sawcunk, in company with
twenty, for Kufhkufhkee; on the road Shingas addreffed
himfelf to me, and afked, if I did not think, that, if he
came to the Englifh, they would hang him, as they had
offered a great reward for his head. He fpoke in a very
foft and eafy manner. I told him that was a great while
ago, it was all forgotten and wiped clean away; that the
Revolution. Finding that impossible, he joined the American cause (1778), and
brought an Indian contingent to the aid of General Mcintosh at Fort
Laurens; dying, however, before the attack was made on the Sandusky towns.
He was always a firm friend of the Moravians, and though of smaU stature
was one of the best and bravest of Delaware chiefs.
There were two chiefs known by the name of KiUbuck, the younger of
whom was the more famous. His Indian name was Gelelemend, and he was a
grandson of the great chief Netawatwes. Born near Lehigh Water Gap in the
decade 1730-40, he removed to the AUegheny with the Delawares, and later
to the Muskingum, where was a viUage caUed KiUbuck's Town. Like White
Eyes, he was a firm friend of peace and of the whites, and his life was imperiUed
because of this advocacy. He joined the Moravians, and was baptized as
WiUiam Henry, about 1788. Later he removed to Pittsburg to secure protection from his enemies, but died at Goshen in 1811. A Uneal descendant of
KiUbuck is at present a Moravian missionary in Alaska.— Ed.
46 That is, go on fteadUy with this good work of eftabUfhing a peace.—
C. T.?] m
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
Englifh would receive him very kindly. Then Daniel
interrupted me, and faid to Shingas, "Do not believe
him, he tells nothing but idle lying ftories. Wherefore
did the Englifh hire one thoufand two hundred Indians"
to kill us." I protefted it was falfe; he faid, G-d d-n48
you for a fool; did you not fee the woman lying [in] the road
that was killed by the Indians, that the Englifh hired ?
I faid, "Brother do confider how many thoufand Indians
the French have hired to kill the Englifh, and how many
they have killed along the frontiers." Then Daniel
faid, "D-n you, why do not you and the French fight
on the fea? You come here only to cheat the poor
Indians, and take their land from them. ' ' Then Shingas
told him to be ftill; for he did not know what he faid.
We arrived at Kufhkufhkee before night, and I informed
Pifquetumen of Daniel's behaviour, at which he appeared
29th.— I dined with Shingas; he told me, though the
Englifh had fet a great price on his head, he had never
thought to revenge himfelf, but was always very kind to
any prif oners that were brought in;49 and that he affured
the Governor, he would do all in his power to bring
about an eftablished peace, and wifhed he could be certain of the Englifh being in earneft.
Then feven chiefs prefent faid, when the Governor
fends the next meffenger, let him fend two or three white
men, at leaft, to confirm the thing, and not fend fuch
a man as Daniel; they did not underftand him; he always
47 Meaning the Cherokees.— [C. T. ?]
48 Some of the firft Englifh fpeech, that the Indians learn from the traders,
is fwearing — [C. T. ?]
49 Heckewelder testifies that Shingas, though a dreaded foe in battle, was
never known to treat prisoners crueUy. See his Indian Nations, Historical
Society of Pennsylvania Memoirs (Philadelphia, 1876), xu, pp. 269, 270.—Ed. 1758]
Post's Journals
fpeaks, faid they, as if he was drunk; and if a great many
of them had not known me, they fhould not know what
to think; for every thing I faid he contradicted. I
affured them I would faithfully inform the Governor of
what they faid, and they fhould fee, as meffengers, other
guife Indians than Daniel, for the time to come; and I
farther informed them, that he was not fent by the Governor, but came on his own accord; and I would endeavour
to prevent his coming back. Daniel demanded of me
bis pay, and I gave him three dollars; and he took as
much wampum from me as he pleafed, and Would not
fuffer me to count it. I imagined there was about two
About night, nine Tawaas paft by here, in their way
to the French fort.
30th and 31ft.— The Indians feafted greatly, during
which time, I feveral times begged of them to confider and
difpatch me.
September ift.— Shingas, King Beaver, Delaware
George, and Pifquetumen, with feveral other captains faid
to me,
"Brother, We have thought a great deal fince God
has brought you to us; and this is a matter of great con-
fequence, which we cannot readily anfwer; we think on
it, and will anfwer you as foon as we can. Our feaft
hinders us; all our young men, women and children are
glad to fee you; before you came, they all agreed together
to go and join the French; but fince they have feen you,
they all draw back; though we have great reafon to
believe you intend to drive us away, and fettle the country;
or elfe, why do you come to fight in the land that God
has given us?"
I faid, we did not intend to take the land from them;
§ 214
Early Western Travels
but only to drive the French away. They faid, they
knew better; for that they were informed fo by our
greateft traders; and fome Juftices of the Peace had told
them the fame, and the French, faid they, tell us much the
fame thing,—"that the Englifh intend to deftroy us,
and take our lands;" but the land is ours, and not theirs;
therefore, we fay, if you will be at peace with us, we will
fend the French home. It is you that have begun the
war, and it is neceffary that you hold faft, and be not
difcouraged, in the work of peace. We love you more
than you love us; for when we take any prif oners from
you, we treat them as our own children. We are poor,
and yet we clothe them as well as we can, though you fee
our children are as naked as at the firft. By this you
may fee that our hearts are better than yours. It is plain
that you white people are the caufe of this war; why do
not you and the French fight in the old country, and on
the fea ? Why do you come to fight on our land ? This
makes every body believe, you want to take the land from
us by force, and fettle it.60
I told them, "Brothers, as for my part, I have not one
foot of land, nor do I defire to have any; and if I had any
land, I had rather give it to you, than take any from you.
Yes, brothers, if I die, you will get a little more land from
me; for I fhall then no longer walk on that ground,
which God has made.   We told you that you fhould keep
60 The Indians, having plenty of land, are no niggards of it. They fome-
times give large tracts to their friends freely; and when they feU it, they make
moft generous bargains. But fome fraudulent purchafes, in which they were
groffly impofed on, and fome violent intrujions, imprudently and wickedly
made without purchafe, have rendered them jealous that we intend finally
to take aU from them by force. We fhould endeavour to recover our credit
with them by fair purchafes and honeft payments; and then there is no doubt
but they wiU readily fell us, at reafonable rates, as much, from time to time, as
we can poffibly have occafion for.—[C. T. ?] 1758]
Post's Journals
nothing in your heart, but bring it before the council fire,
and before the Governor, and his council; they will
readily hear you; and I promife you, what they anfwer
they will ftand to. I further read to you what agreements
they made about Wioming,51 and they ftand to them."
They faid, "Brother, your heart is good, you fpeak
always fincerely; but we know there are always a great
number of people that want to get rich; they never have
enough; look, we do not want to be rich, and take away
that which others have. God has given you the tame
creatures; we do not want to take them from you. God
has given to us the deer, and other wild creatures, which
we muft feed on; and we rejoice in that which fprings out
of the ground, and thank God for it. Look now, my
brother, the white people think we have no brains in our
heads; but that they are great and big, and that makes
them make war with us: we are but a little handful to
what you are; but remember, when you look for a wild
turkey you cannot always find it, it is fo little it hides
itfelf under the bufhes : and when you hunt for a rattle-
fnake, you cannot find it; and perhaps it will bite you
before you fee it. However, fince you are fo great and
big, and we fo little, do you ufe your greatnefs and
ftrength in compleating this work of peace. This is the
firft time that we faw or heard of you, fince the war
begun, and we have great reafon to think about it, fince
fuch a great body of you comes into our lands.52 It is
told us, that you and the French contrived the war, to
.wafte the Indians between you; and that you and the
French intended to divide the land between you : this was
w \m
61 The agreement made with Teedyufcung, that he fhould enjoy the Wioming
lands, and have houfes built there for him and his people.— [C. T. ?]
62 The army under General Forbes.— [C. T. ?] Ii;
Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
told us by the chief of the Indian traders; and they faid
further, brothers, this is the laft time we fhall come among
you; for the French and the Englifh intend to kill all the
Indians, and then divide the land among themfelves.
Then they addreffed themfelves to me, and faid,
"Brother, I fuppofe you know fomething about it; or
has the Governor ftopped your mouth, that you cannot
tell us?"
Then I faid, "Brothers, I am very forry to fee you fo
jealous. I am your own flefh and blood, and fooner than
I would tell you any ftory that would be of hurt to you,
or your children, I would fuffer death: and if I did not
know that it was the defire of the Governor, that we
fhould renew our old brotherly love and friendfhip, that
fubfifted between our grandfathers, I would not have
undertaken this journey. I do affure you of mine and
the people's honefty. If the French had not been here,
the Englifh would not have come; and confider, brothers,
whether, in fuch a cafe, we can always fit ftill. ' '
Then they faid, "It is a thoufand pities we did not
know this fooner; if we had, it would have been peace
long before now. ' '
Then I faid, "My brothers, I know you have been
wrongly perfuaded by many wicked people; for you muft
know, that there are a great many Papifts in the country,
in French intereft, who appear like gentlemen, and have
fent many runaway Irifh papift fervants58 among you,
who have put bad notions into your heads, and ftrength-
ened you againft your brothers the Englifh.
63 The Indian traders ufed to buy the tranfported Irifh, and other convicts,
as fervants, to be employed in carrying up the goods among the Indians. The
iU behaviour of thefe people has always hurt the character of the Englifh among
the Indians.— [C. T. ?] 1758]
Post's Journals
' j Brothers, I beg that you would not believe every idle
and falfe ftory, that ill-defigning people may bring to
you againft us your brothers. Let us not hearken to
what lying and foolifh people may bring to you, againft
us your brothers. Let us not hearken to what lying and
foolifh people fay, but let us hear what wife and good
people fay; they will tell us what is good for us and our
children. ' t
Mem. There are a great number of Irifh traders now
among the Indians, who have always endeavoured to
fpirit up the Indians againft the Englifh; which made
fome, that I was acquainted with from their infancy,
defire the chiefs to enquire of me, for that they were certain I would fpeak the truth.
Pifquetumen now told me, we could not go to the
General, that it was very dangerous, the French having
fent out feveral fcouts to wait for me on the road. And
further, Pifquetumen told me, it was a pity the Governor
had no ear,54 to bring him intelligence; that the French
had three ears, whom they rewarded with great prefents;
and fignified, that he and Shingas would be ears, at the
fervice of his honour, if he pleafed.
2d.— I bade Shingas to make hafte and difpatch me,
and once more defired to know of them, if it was poffible
for them to guide me to the General. Of all which they
told me they would confider; and Shingas gave me his
hand, and faid, j j Brother, the next time you come, I will
return with you to Philadelphia, and will do all in my
power to prevent any body's coming to hurt the Englifh
more. ' '
3d.— To-day I found myfelf unwell, and made a little
tea, which refrefhed me: had many very pretty difcourfes
64 No fpy among his enemies.— [C. T. ?]
1 Early Western Travels
[Vol. i
with George. In the afternoon they called a council
together, and gave me the following anfwer in council;
the fpeaker addreffing the Governor and people of
1 ' Brethren, It is a great many days fince we have feen
or heard from you.55 I now fpeak to you in behalf of all
the nations, that have heard you heretofore.
"Brethren, it is the first meffage which we have feen
or heard from you. Brethren, you have talked of that
peace and friendfhip which we had formerly with you.
Brethren, we tell you to be ftrong, and always remember
that friendfhip, which we had formerly. Brethren, we
defire you would be ftrong, and let us once more hear
of our good friendfhip and peace, we had formerly.
Brethren, we defire that you make hafte, and let us hear
of you again; for, as yet, we have not heard you rightly."
Gives a ftring.
"Brethren, hear what I have to fay: look, brethren,
we, who have now feen and heard you, we, who are
prefent, are part of all the feveral nations, that heard you
fome days ago; we fee that you are forry we have not
that friendfhip, we formerly had.
"Look, brethren, we at Allegheny are likewife forry
we have not that friendfhip with you, which we formerly
had. Brethren, we long for that peace and friendfhip
we had formerly. Brethren, it is good that you defire
that friendfhip, that was formerly among our fathers and
55 That is, fince we had a friendly intercourfe with each other. The frequent
repetition of the word, Brethren, is the effect of their rules of poUtenefs, which
enjoin, in aU converfations, a conftant remembrance of the relation subfifting
between the parties, efpecially where that relation impUes any affection, or
refpect. It is Uke the perpetual repetitions among us, of Sir, or, Madam, or,
Your Lordfhip. In the fame manner the Indians at every fentence repeat,
My Father, My Uncle, My Coujin, My Brother, My Friend, &c— [C. T. ?]
Ill 1758]
Post's Journals
grandfathers. Brethren, we will tell you, you muft not
let that friendfhip be quite loft, which was formerly
between us.
"Now, brethren, it is three years fince we dropt that
peace and friendfhip, which we formerly had with you.
Brethren, it was dropt, and lay buried in the ground,
where you and I ftand, in the middle between us both.
Brethren, I fee you have digged up, and revived, that
friendfhip, which was buried in the ground; and now you
have it, hold it faft. Do be ftrong, brethren, and exert
yourfelves, that that friendfhip may be well eftablished
and finifhed between us. Brethren, if you will be ftrong,
it is in your power to finifh that peace and friendfhip
well. Therefore, brethren, we defire you to be ftrong
and eftablifh it, and make known to all the Englifh this
peace and friendfhip, that it may embrace all and cover
all. As you are of one nation and colour, in all the
Englifh governments, fo let the peace be the fame with
all. Brethren, when you have finifhed this peace, which
you have begun; when it is known every where amongft
your brethren, and you have every where agreed together
on this peace and friendfhip, then you will be pleafed to
fend the great peace belt to us at Allegheny.
"Brethren, when you have fettled this peace and
friendfhip, and finifhed it well, and you fend the great
peace-belt to me, I will fend it to all the nations of my
colour, they will all join to it, and we all will hold it
"Brethren, when all the nations join to this friendfhip,
then the day will begin to fhine clear over us. When
we hear once more of you, and we join together, then the
day will be ftill, and no wind, or ftorm, will come over
us, to difturb us. i
220 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
"Now, brethren, you know our hearts, and what we
have to fay; be ftrong; if you do what we have now told
you, and in this peace all the nations agree to join. Now,
brethren, let the king of England know what our mind is
as foon as pof f ibly you can. "5 8   Gives a belt of eight rows.
I received the above fpeech and belt from the underwritten, who are all captains and counfellors.
Beaver, King, Captain Peter,
Delaware George, Macomal,
Pisqtjettjmen, Popatjce,
Tasucamin, Washaocatjtatjt,
awakanomtn, cochqtjacaukehlton,
Keyheynapaltn, Kill Buck.
Delaware George fpoke as follows:
"Look, brothers, we are here of three different nations.
I am of the Unami nation:571 have heard all the fpeeches
that you have made to us with the many other nations.
"Brothers, you did let us know, that every one that
takes hold of this peace-belt, you would take them by the
hand, and lead them to the council fire, where our grandfathers kept good councils. So foon as I heard this, I
took hold of it.
66 In this fpeech the'Indians carefuUy guard the honour of their nation, by
frequently intimating, that the peace is fought by the Englifh: you have talked
of peace: you are forry for the war: you have digged up the peace, that was buried,
&c. Then they declare their readinefs to grant peace, if the EngUfh agree to
its being general for all the colonies. The Indian word, that is tranflated, be
ftrong, fo often repeated, is an expreffion they ufe to fpirit up perfons, who have
undertaken fome difficult task, as to lift, or move, a great weight, or execute a
difficult enterprise; nearly equivalent to our word, courage ! courage !— [C. T. ?]
57 The three tribes of the Delaware nation — the Unamis, Unalachtgo,
and Minsi — were designated by the totems turtle, turkey, and wolf. The
chief of the first of these was the head chief of the nation, being chosen and
instaUed with great ceremony and rejoicing. See Heckewelder, Indian Nations,
PP- m S3-— Ed. 1758]
Post's Journals
' ' Brother, I now let you know that my heart never was
parted from you. I am forry that I fhould make friendfhip with the French againft the Englifh. I now affure
you my heart fticks clofe to the Englifh intereft. One
of our great captains, when he heard it, immediately
took hold of it as well as myfelf. Now, Brother, I let
you know that you fhall foon fee me by your council fire,
and then I fhall hear from you myfelf, the plain truth, in
every fefpect.
"I love that which is good, like as our grandfathers
did: they chofe to fpeak the fentiments of their mind: all
the Five Nations know me, and know that I always fpoke
truth; and fo you fhall find, when I come to your council
fire. ' '    Gives a ftring.
The above Delaware George had in company with him,
cushawmekwy, john peter,
Kehkehnopatin, Stinfeor.
Captain Peter,
4th.— Prefent, Shingas, King Beaver, Pifquetumen,
and feveral others. I afked what they meant by faying,
j i They had not rightly heard me yet.' '   They faid,
1 a Brother, you very well know that you have collected
all your young men about the country, which makes
a large body;58 and now they are ftanding before our
doors;50 you come with good news and fine fpeeches.
Brother, this is what makes us jealous, and we do not
know what to think of it: if you had brought the news of
peace before your army had begun to march, it would
have caufed a great deal more good. We do not fo
readily believe you, becaufe a great many great men and
traders have told us, long before the war, that you and
68 Meaning General Forbes's army.— [C. T. ?]
59 i. e.   Juft ready to enter our country.^- [C. T. ?]
■A» I
I,   I Early Western Travels
the French intended to join and cut all the Indians off.
Thefe were people of your own colour, and your own
countrymen; and fome told us to join the French; for
that they would be our fathers: befides, many runaways
have told us the fame ftory; and fome we took prif oners
told us how you would ufe us, if you caught us: therefore,
brother, I fay, we cannot conclude, at this time, but muft
fee and hear you once more. ' '   And further they faid,
"Now, brother, you are here with us, you are our flefh
and blood, fpeak from the bottom of your heart, will not
the French and Englifh join together to cut off the
Indians! Speak, brother, from your heart, and tell us
the truth, and let us know who were the beginners of the
war. ' '
Then I delivered myfelf thus:
"Brothers, I love you from the bottom of my heart.
I am extremely forry to fee the jealousy fo deeply rooted
in your hearts and minds. I have told you the truth;
and yet, if I was to tell it you a hundred times, it feems you
would not rightly believe me. My Indian brothers, I
wifh you would draw your hearts to God, that he may
convince you of the truth.
"I do now declare, before God, that the Englifh never
did, nor never will, join with the French to deftroy you.
As far as I know, the French are the beginners of this
war. Brothers, about twelve years ago, you may remember, they had war with the Englifh, and they both agreed
to articles of peace. The Englifh gave up Cape Breton in
Acadia, but the French never gave up the part of that
country, which they had agreed to give up; and, in a very
little time, made their Children ftrike the Englifh. This
was the firft caufe of the war. Now, brothers; if any
body ftrike you three times, one after another, you ftill 1758]
Post's Journals
fit ftill and confider: they ftrike you again, then, my
brothers, you fay, it is time, and you will rife up to defend
yourfelves. Now, my brothers, this is exactly the cafe
between the French and Englifh. Confider farther, my
brothers, what a great number of our poor back inhabitants have been killed fince the French came to the Ohio.
The French are the caufe of their death, and if they were
not there, the Englifh would not trouble themfelves to go
there. They go no where to war, but where the French
are. Thofe wicked people that fet you at variance with
the Englifh, by telling you many wicked ftories, are
papifts in French pay: befides, there are many among us,
in the French fervice, who appear like gentlemen, and
buy Irifh papift fervants, and promife them great
rewards to run away to you and ftrengthen you againft
the Englifh, by making them appear as black as devils.' '
This day arrived here two hundred French and Indians, on their way to fort Duquefne. They ftaid all
night. In the middle of the night king Beaver's daughter
died, on which a great many guns were fired in the town.
5th.— It made a general ftop in my journey. The
French faid to their Children, they fhould catch me
privately, or get my fcalp. The commander wanted to
examine me, as he was going to fort Duquefne. When
they told me of it, I faid, as he was going to fort Duquefne,
he might enquire about me there: I had nothing at all to
fay, or do with the French: they would tell them every
particular they wanted to know in the fort. They all
came into the houfe where I was, as if they would fee a
new creature.
In the afternoon there came fix Indians, and brought
three German prifoners, and two fcalps of the Catabaws.
As Daniel blamed the Englifh, that they never paid
CI 224 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
him for his trouble, I afked him whether he was pleafed
with what I paid him. He faid, no. I faid, "Brother,
you took as much as you pleafed.' ' I afked you, whether
you was fatisfied; you faid, yes. I told him, I was
afhamed to hear him blame the country fo. I told him,
"You fhall have for this journey whatever you defire,
when I reach the inhabitants. ' '
6th.— Pifquetumen, Tom Hickman and Shingas told
me, *
\ ' Brother, it is good that you have ftayed fo long with
us; we love to fee you, and wifh to fee you here longer;
but fince you are fo defirous to go, you may fet off to
* morrow: Pifquetumen has brought you here, and he may
carry you home again: you have feen us, and we have,
talked a great deal together, which we have not done for a
long time before. Now, Brother, we love you, but cannot help wondering why the Englifh and French do not
make up with one another, and tell one another not to
fight on our land. ' '
I told them, "Brother, if the Englifh told the French fo
a thoufand times, they never would go away. Brother,
yoU know fo long as the world has ftood there has not
been fuch a war. You know when the French lived
on the other fide, the war was there, and here we lived
in peace. Confider how many thoufand men are killed,
and how many houfes are burned fince the French lived
here; if they had not been here it would not have been fo;
you know we do not blame you; we blame the French;
they are the caufe of this war; therefore, we do not come
to hurt you, but to chaftife the French.' I
They told me, that at the great council, held at Onondago, among the Five Nations, before the war began
(Conrad Wei fer was there, and wrote every thing down) 1758]
Post's Journals
it was faid to the Indians at the Ohio, that they fhould
let the French alone there, and leave it entirely to the
Five Nations; the Five Nations would know what to
do with them. Yet foon after two hundred French and
Indians came and built Fort Duquefne.
King Beaver and Shingas fpoke to Pifquetumen.
"Brother, you told us that the Governor of Philadelphia and Teedyufcung took this man out of their bofoms,
and put him into your bofom, that you fhould bring him
here; and you have brought him here to us; and we have
feen and heard him; and now we give him into your
bofom, to bring him to the fame place again, before the
Governor; but do not let him quite loofe; we fhall rejoice
when we fhall fee him here again." They defired me to
fpeak to the Governor, in their behalf, as follows:
"Brother, we beg you to remember our oldeft brother,
Pifquetumen, and furnifh him with good cloathes, and
reward him well for his trouble; for we fhall look upon
him when he comes back.' '
7th.— When we were ready to go, they began to council which courfe we fhould go, to be fafeft; and then they
hunted for the horfes, but could not find them; and fo
we loft that day's journey.
It is a troublefome crofs and heavy yoke to draw this
people: They can punifh and fqueeze a body's heart
to the utmoft. I fufpect the reafon they kept me here fo
long was by inftigation of the French. I remember
fomebody told me, the French told them to keep me
twelve days longer, for that they were afraid I fhould get
back too foon, and give information to the general. My
heart has been very heavy here, becaufe they kept me
for no purpofe. The Lord knows how they nave been
counfelling about my life; but they did not know who
'kfi j|1 I
Early Western Travels
[Vol. 1
was my protector and deliverer: I believe my Lord has
been too ftrong againft them; my enemies have done
what lies in their power.
8th.— We prepared for our journey on the morning,
and made ourfelves ready. There came fome together
and examined me what I had wrote yefterday. I told
them, I wondered what need they had to concern themfelves about my writing. They faid, if they knew I had .
wrote about the prifoners, they would not let me go out
of the town. I told them what I writ was my duty to do.
"Brothers, I tell you, I am not afraid of you, if there were
a thoufand more. I have a good confcience before God
and man. I tell you I have wrote nothing about the
prifoners. I tell you, Brothers, this is not good; there's
a bad fpirit in your heart, which breeds that jealoufy; and
it will keep you ever in fear, that you will never get reft.
I beg you would pray to God, for grace to refift that
wicked fpirit, that breeds fuch wicked jealoufies in
you; which is the reafon you have kept me here fo long.
How often have I begged of you to difpatch me ? I am
afhamed to fee you fo jealous; I am not, in the leaft, afraid
of you. Have I not brought writings to you ? and what,
do you think I muft not carry fome home, to the Governor? or, fhall I fhut my mouth, and fay nothing?
Look into your hearts, and fee if it would be right or
wrong, if any body gives a falutation to their friends,
and it is not returned in the fame way. You told me
many times how kind you were to the prifoners, and now
you are afraid that any of them fhould fpeak to me."80
They told me, they had caufe to be afraid; and then
80 Two of the prisoners mention their plea
that the Indians forbade them t
of Marie le Roy and Barbara Leininger,!
(Harrisburg, 1878), vn, pp. 401-412.— Ed,
; at seeing Post, and the fact
with him. See "Narrative
sylvania Archives, 2nd series
^ in!
1758] Post's Journals 227
made a draught, and fhewed me how they were fur-
rounded with war. Then I told them, if they" would be
quiet, and keep at a diftance, they need not fear. Then
they went away, very much afhamed, one after another.
I told my men, that we muft make hafte and go; accordingly we fet off, in the afternoon, from Kufhkufhkee, and
came ten miles.
9th.— We took a little foot-path hardly to be feen.
We left it, and went through thick bufhes, till we came
to a mire, which we did not fee, till we were in it; and
Tom Hickman fell in, and almoft broke his leg. We had
hard work before we could get the horfe out again. The
Lord helped me, that I got fafe from my horfe. I and
Pifquetumen had enough to do to come through. We
paffed many fuch places: it rained all day; and we got
a double portion of it, becaufe we received all that hung
on the bufhes. We were as wet as if we were fwimming
all the day; and at night we laid ourfelves down in a
fwampy place to fleep, where we had nothing but the
heavens for our covering.
10th.— We had but little to live on. Tom Hickman
fhot a deer on the road. Every thing here, upon the
Ohio, is extremely dear, much more fo than in Pennfylvania: I gave for one difh of corn four hundred and fixty
wampum. They told me that the Governor of fort
Duquefne kept a ftore of his own, and that all the Indians
muft come and buy the goods of him; and when they come
and buy, he tells them, if they will go to war, they fhall
have as much goods as they pleafe. Before I fet off, I
heard further, that a French captain who goes to all the
Indian towns61 came to Sacunck, and faid, "Children,
81 He was fent to coUect the Indians together, to attack General Forbes's
army, once more, on their march.— [C. T. ?]
111 228 Early Western Travels [Vol. i
will you not come and help your father againft the Englifh?" They anfwered, "Why fhould we go to war
againft our brethren ? They are now our friends.' ' " O !
Children," faid he, "I hope you do not own them for
friends." "Yes," faid they, "We do; we are their
friends, and we hope they will remain ours." "O!
Children, faid he, you muft not believe what you have
heard, and what has been told you by that man.' ' They
faid to him, 11 Yes, we do believe him more than we do you :
it was you that fet us againft them; and we will by and by
have peace with them;" and then he fpoke not a word
more, but returned to the fort. So, I hope, fome good is
done: praifed be the name of the Lord.
nth.— Being Monday, we went over Antigoc:02 we
went down a very fteep hill, and our horfes flipt fo far»
that I expected, every moment, they would fall heels over
head. We found frefh Indian tracts on the other fide
of the river. We croffed Allegheny river, and went
through the bufhes upon a high hill, and flept upon the
fide of the mountain, without fire, for fear of the enemy.
It was a cold night, and I had but a thin blanket to cover
12th.— We made a little fire, to warm ourfelves in the
morning. Our horfes began to be weary with climbing
up and down thefe fteep mountains. We came this night
to the top of a mountain, where we found a log-houfe.
Here we made a fmall fire, juft to boil ourfelves a little
victuals. The Indians were very much afraid, and lay
with their guns and tomhocks on all night. They heard
fomebody run and whifper in the night. I flept very
found, and in the morning they afked me, if I was not
82 The creek, here caUed "Antigoc" was probably Venango or the French
Creek, which the Delawares designated as Attigé.— Ed.
I 1758]
Post's Journals
afraid the enemy Indians would kill me. I faid, "No,
I am not afraid of the Indians, nor the devil himfelf: I
fear my great Creator, God." "Aye, they faid, you
know you will go to a good place when you die, but we do
not know that: that makes us afraid.''
13th.— In the afternoon we twice croffed Chowatin,
and came to Poncheftanning,03 an old deferted Indian
town, that lies on the fame creek. We went through a
bad fwamp, where were very thick fharp thorns, fo that
they tore our cloaths and flefh, both hands and face, to a
bad degree. We had this kind of road all the day. In
the evening we made a fire, and then they heard fome-
thing rufh, in the bufhes, as though they heard fomebody
walk. Then we went about three gun-fhot from our
fire, and could not find a place to lie down on, for the
innumerable rocks; fo that we were obliged to get fmall
ftones to fill up the hollow places in the rocks, for our
bed; but it was very uneafy; almoft fhirt and fkin grew
together.    They kept watch one after another all night.
14th.— In the morning, I afked them what made them
afraid. They faid, I knew nothing; the French had fet
a great price on my head ; and they knew there was gone
out a great fcout to lie in wait for me. We went over
great mountains and a very bad road.
15th.— We came to Sufquehanna, and croffed it fix
times, and came to Catawawefhink. where had been an
old Indian town.84 In the evening there came three
Indians, and faid they faw two Indian tracks, which came
to the place where we flept, and turned back, as if to
63 The Indian name of this town, ii
Creek, is usuaUy given as Punxatawny-
JeSerson County, on the Mahoning
64 Probably this w
Clearfield.— Ed.
n caUed j ' Calamaweshink' ' or " Chinklemoose,' '
J 230 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
give information of us to a party; fo that we were fure
they followed us.
16th and 17th.— We croffed the mountain.
18th.— Came to the Big If land, where having nothing
to live on, we were obliged to ftay to hunt.
19th.— We met 20 warriors, who were returning from
the inhabitants, with five prifoners and one fcalp; fix
of them were Delawares, the reft Mingoes. We fat down
all in one ring together. I informed them where I had
been, and what was done; they afked me to go back a
little, and fo I did, and flept all night with them. I informed them of the particulars of the peace propofed;
they faid, "If they had known fo much before, they
would not have gone to war. Be ftrong; if you make a
good peace, then we will bring all the prifoners back
again.' '   They killed two deer, and gave me one.
20th.— We took leave of each other, and went on our
journey, and arrived the 22d at fort Augufta, in the afternoon, very weary and hungry; but greatly rejoiced of our
return from this tedious journey.
There is not a prouder, or more high minded people, in
themfelves, than the Indians. They think themfelves
the wifeft and prudenteft men in the world; and that
they can over-power both the French and Englifh when
they pleafe. The white people are, in their eyes, nothing
at all. They fay, that through their conjuring craft they
can do what they pleafe, and nothing can withftand them
In their way of fighting they have this method, to fee
that they first fhoot the officers and commanders; and
then, they fay, we fhall be fure to have them. They
alfo fay, that if their conjurers run through the middle
of our people, no bullet can hurt them. They fay too,
that when they have fhot the commanders, the foldiers i758] Post's Journals 231
will all be confuted, and will not know what to do. They
fay of themfelves, that every one of them is like a king
and captain, and fights for himfelf. By this way they
imagine they can overthrow any body of men, that may
come againft them. They fay, "The Englifh people
are fools; they hold their guns half man high, and then
let them fnap : we take fight and have them at a fhot, and
fo do the French; they do not only fhoot with a bullet,
but big fwan fhot.' ' They fay, the French load with a
bullet and fix fwan-fhot. They further fay, "We take
care to have the firft fhot at our enemies, and then they
are half dead before they begin to fight.' '
The Indians are a people full of jealoufy, and will not
eafily truft any body; and they are very eafily affronted,
and brought into jealoufy; then afterwards they will have
nothing at all to do with thofe they fufpect; and it is
not brought fo eafy out of their minds; they keep it to
their graves, and leave the feed of it in their children and
grand children's minds; fo, if they can, they will revenge
themfelves for every imagined injury. They are a very
diftruftful people. Through their imagination and rea-
fon they think themfelves a thoufand times ftronger than
all other people. Fort du Quefne is faid to be undermined. The French have given out, that, if we overpower them, and they fhould die, we fhould certainly all
die with them. When I came to the fort, the garrifon, it
was faid, confifted of about one thoufand four hundred
men ; and I am told they will now be full three thoufand
French and Indians. They are almoft all Canadians,
and will certainly meet the general before he comes to
the fort, in an ambufh. You may depend upon it the
French will make no open field-battle, as in the old
country,  but lie in ambufh.   The Canadians are all 232
Early Western Travels
hunters. The Indians have agreed to draw back; but
how far we may give credit to their promifes the Lord
knows. It is the beft way to be on our guard againft
them, as they really could with one thoufand overpower
eight thoufand.
Thirty-two nights I lay in the woods; the heavens were
my covering. The dew came fo hard fometimes, that
it pinched clofe to the fkin. There was nothing that
laid fo heavy on my heart, as the man that went along
with me. He thwarted me in every thing I faid or did;
not that he did it againft me, but againft the country, on
whofe bufinefs I was fent: I was afraid he would overthrow what I went about. When he was with the Englifh he would fpeak againft the French, and when with
the French againft the Englifh. The Indians obferved
that he was a falfe fellow, and defired me, that I would
not bring him any more, to tranfact any bufinefs between
the Englifh and them; and told me, it was through his
means I could not have the liberty to talk with the prifoners.
Praife and glory be to the Lamb, that has been flain,
and brought me through the country of dreadful jealoufy
and miftruft, where the prince of this world has his rule
and government over the children of difobedience.
The Lord has preferved me through all the dangers and
difficulties, that I have ever been under. He directed
me according to his will, by his holy fpirit. I had no one
to converfe with but him. He brought me under a
thick, heavy, and dark cloud, into the open air; for which
I adore, praife, and worfhip the Lord my God, that I
know has grafped me in his hands, and has forgiven me
for all fins, and fent and wafhed my heart with his moft
precious blood; that I now live not for myfelf, but for him 1758]
Post's Journals
that made me; and to do his holy will is my pleafure. I
own that, in the children of light, there dwells another
kind of fpirit, than there does in the children of this
world; therefore, thefe two fpirits cannot rightly agree in
Christian Frederick Post.
mm Ï(A
October 25th, 1758.— HAVING received the orders of
the honourable Governor Denny,051 fet out from Eafton
to Bethlehem, and arrived there about three o'clock in the
afternoon; I was employed moft of the night, in preparing
myfelf with neceffaries, &c. for the journey.
26th.— Rofe early, but my horfe being lame, though I
travelled all the day, I could not, till after night, reach to
an inn, about ten miles from Reading.
27th.— I fet out early, and about feven o'clock in the
morning came to Reading, and there found Captain Bull,
Mr. Hays,00 and the Indians juft mounted, and ready
to fet out on their journey; they were heartily glad to fee
me; Pifquetomen ftretched out his arms, and faid, "Now,
Brother, I am glad I have got you in my arms, I will not
let you go, I will not let you go again from me, you muft
66 The proprietors of Pennsylvania chose WiUiam Denny Ueutenant-gover-
nor (1756), because they wished a "mUitary man with a ready pen." He had
been captain in the British army, and his experience in Pennsylvania gave
opportunity for mUitary talents. But bound by instructions from his principals, and hampered by the hostiUty of the provincial assembly, he made no
headway in his government. Accused of accepting bribes to betray the proprietors' interests, he was removed in October, 1759. Returning to England,
he was given a high position in the army, and died about 1766.— Ed.
86 Captain BuU and Lieutenant Hays were miUtia officers, the latter of
Northampton County, where was an Irish settlement between Bethlehem and
Fort AUen, known as "Hays's." Captain John Bull commanded at Fort
AUen in the summer of 1758. They both volunteered to undertake this hazardous mission of a visit to the Ohio Indians. For the instructions given them,
see Pennsylvania Archives, iu, p. 556.— Ed. 1758]
go with me:" and I likewife faid the fame to him, and
told him, "I will accompany you, if you will go the fame
way as I muft go.' ' And then I called them together, in
Mr. Weifefs houfe, and read a letter to them, which I
had received from the Governor, which is as follows, viz.
"To Pifquetomen and Thomas Hickman, to Totinion-
tenna and Shickalamy, and to Ifaac Still.0''
"Brethren, Mr. Frederick Poft is come exprefs from
the general, who fends his compliments to you, and
defires you would come by the way of his camp, and give
him an opportunity of talking with you.
"By this ftring of wampum I requeft of you to alter
your intended rout by way of Shamokin03 and to go to
the general,89 who will give you a kind reception.   It is a
87 Thomas Hickman was an Indian who had taken an EngUsh name, and
was much employed by the province of Pennsylvania as an interpreter. A
brutal white man murdered Hickman in the Tuscarora VaUey in 176t.
Totiniontenna was a Cayuga chieftain who with Shickalamy was deputed
by the Six Nations to undertake this embassy to the Ohio Indians-
The chief here caUed Shickalamy was the youngest son, of the famous
Oneida of that name, who dwelt so long at the forks of the Susquehanna, and
was friendly to the whites, especiaUy the Moravians. The elder chief died in
1749, his most famous son being Logan.
Isaac StiU was a Moravian Christian Indian, frequently employed as a
messenger and interpreter.— Ed.
88 Shamokin was an Indian town at the forks of the Susquehanna, the
abode of Shickalamy, "vice-king" of the Indians of that region. It was
first visited by the whites in r728. Weiser built a house at this village by request of the chief, in 1744. Frequent visits of the Moravians led to the estabUshment here of a blacksmith's shop, and a quasi-mission. Fort Augusta was
built there in 1756; but on the proclamation of war against the Delawares in the
same year, the Indians abandoned the place and destroyed the settlement.— Ed.
88 The general here referred to was John Forbes, a Scotchman who in 1757
was appointed brigadier-general for the war in America. His first service was
at Louisburg. In 1758, he was appointed to organize the expedition against
Fort Duquesne. After the French on the approach of Forbes's army, had
abandoned that stronghold, the general, suffering from a serious disease, was
carried by slow stages to Philadelphia, where he died in March, 1760. He
was a man of iron purpose, and great strength of character, being popular alike
with his soldiers and Indian aUies.— Ed.
■ if
236 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
nigher way, in which you will be better fupplied with
provifions, and can travel with lefs fatigue and more
fafety. "William Denny.
ltEafton, October 23d, 1758."
To which I added, "Brethren, I take you by this
ftaring,70 by the hand, and lift you from this place, and lead
you along to the general.' '
After which they confulted among themfelves, and foon
refolved to go with me. We fhook hands with each other,
and Mr. Hays immediately fet out with them; after which,
having with fome difficulty procured a frefh horfe, in
the king's fervice, I fet off about noon with captain
Bull; and when we came to Conrad Weifer's plantation,
we found Pifquetomen lying on the ground very drunk,71
which obliged us to ftay there all night; the other Indians
were gone eight miles farther on their journey.
• 28th.— We rofe early, and I fpoke to Pifquetomen a
great deal; he was very fick, and could hardly ftir; when
we overtook the reft, we found them in the fame condition; and they feemed difcouraged, from going the way
to the general; and wanted to go through the woods. I
told them, I was forry to fee them wavering, and reminded
them, that when I went to their towns, I was not fent
to the French, but when your old men infifted on my
going to them, I followed their advice, and went; and as
the general is, in the king's name, over the provinces, in
70 A ftring of wampum beads. Nothing of importance is faid, or propofed
without wampum.— [C. T. ?]
71 The Indians, having learned drunkennefs of the white people, do not
reckon it among the vices. They all, without exception, and without fhame,
practice it when they can get ftrong Uquor. It does not, among them, hurt the
character of the greateft warrior, the greateft counfellor, or the modefteft
matron. It is not fo much an offence, as an excufe for other ofences; the injuries they do each other in their drink being charged, not upon the man, but
upon the rum.— [C. T. ?] 1758] Post's Journals 237
matters of war and peace, and the Indians, at Allegheny,n
want to know, whether all the Englifh governments will
join in the peace with them; the way to obtain full fatis-
faction is to go to him, and there you will receive another
great belt to carry home; which I defire you ferioufly to
take into confideration. They then refolved to go to
Harris's ferry, and confider about it as they went; — we
arrived there late in the night.78
29th.— In the morning, the two Cayugas being mo ft
defirous of going through the woods, the others continued
irrefolute;74 upon which I told them, "I wifh you would
go with good courage, and with hearty refolution," and
repeated what I had faid to them yefterday, and reminded
them, as they were meffengers, they fhould confider what
would be the beft for their whole nation; "confult among
yourfelves, and let me know your true mind and determination;" and I informed them, I could not go with
them, unlefs they would go to the general, as I had mef-
fages to deliver him. After which, having confulted
together, Pefquitomen came and gave me his hand, and
faid, "Brother, here is my hand, we have all joined to
go with you, and we put ourfelves under your protection
to bring us fafe through, and to fecure us from all danger."   We came that night to Carlifle7* and found a
73 An Indian trader, John Harris, built a log house on
which was maintained for three-quarters of a century.   1
present town of Harrisburg.— Ed.
74 They were afraid of going where our people were aU :
the indifcreet foldiers might kfll them.— [C. T. ?]
76 Carlisle, the seat of Cumberland County (erected in i
settled by Scotch-Irish immigrants, who in the decade bet
formed the "back settlements" of Pennsylvania. The ]
tineuished by a treaty in 1736; but when Fort Lowther \ Il
238 Early Western Travels [Vol. 1
fmall houfe without the fort, for the Indians to be by
themfelves, and hired a woman to drefs their victuals,
which pleafed them well.
30th.— Setting out early, we came to Shippenfburg,10,
and were lodged in the fort, where the Indians had a
houfe to themfelves.
31ft.— Set out early; in our paffing by Chambers
Fort,77 fome of the Irifh people, knowing fome of the
Indians, in a rafh manner exclaimed againft them, and
we had fome difficulty to get them off clear. At fort
Loudon we met about f ixteen of the Cherokees, who came
in a friendly manner to our Indians, enquiring for Bill
SockumJ3 and fhewed the pipe78 they had received from
in 1753, there were but five houses in the place. Later it became the eastern
terminus of the Pennsylvania highroad, and the centre of an extensive overland
trade.— Ed.
78 The town of Shippensburg was one of the oldest west of the Susquehanna,
having been laid out in 1749, by Edward Shippen — later chief-justice of Pennsylvania — on land of which he was proprietor. It was the site of two frontier
forts — Franklin, buUt before Braddock's defeat; and Morris, erected after
that disaster. Shippensburg became an important station on the Pennsylvania
state road; and. until the opening of the nineteenth century was the end of the
stage-route from Lancaster westward.— Ed.
77 Chambers's Fort was a private stockade erected (1756) on the Conocochea-
gue Creek, by a Scotch-Irishman, Benjamin Chambers, who for some time had1
had a miU and settlement here. The fort was a large stone buUding, protected by cannon, and considered one of the strongest defenses in that region.
The government attempted to take possession of the guns in 1757, lest they
should be captured and turned against the other forts; but the Scotch-Irish
settlers stoutly resisted this attempt, and it was abandoned. The present city
of Chambersburg occupies the site.— Ed.
78 This should not be confused with the more famous Fort Loudoun, built
the same year (1756) in Tennessee as a check upon the Cherokees. The-
Pennsylvania fort was on the road between Shippensburg and Fort Lyttleton,
about a utile east of the present viUage of Loudon, Franklin County, being,
erected by Armstrong after Braddock's defeat. This was the scene of the
plundering of the Indian goods, dispatched to the Ohio (1765) for Croghan's-
use on his journey to the IUinois.
The Cherokees were employed by the EngUsh as auxiUaries in this campaign.   Their presence had caused much concern among the Northern Indians,. 1758]
Post's Journals
the Shawanefe, and gave it, according to their cuftom,
to fmoak out of, and faid, they hoped they were friends
of the Englifh. They knew me. Pefquitomen begged
me to give him fome wampum, that he might fpeak to
them: I gave him 400 white wampum, and he then faid
to them:— ' 'We formerly had friendfhip one with another;
we are only meffengers, and cannot fay much, but by
thefe ftrings we let you know we are friends, and we are
about fettling a peace with the Englifh, and wifh to be
at peace alfo with you, and all other Indians."—And
informed them further, they came from a treaty, which
was held at Eafton, between the Eight United Nations
and their confederates, and the Englifh; in which peace
was eftablifhed; and fhewed them the two meffengers
from the Five Nations, who were going, with them, to
make it known to all the Indians to the weftward. Then
the Cherokees anfwered and faid; "they fhould be glad
to know how far the friendfhip was to reach; they, for
themfelves, wifhed it might reach from the fun-rife to
the fun-fet; for, as they were in friendfhip with the Englifh, they would be at peace with all their friends, and at
war with their enemies.' '
Nov. 1.— We reached fort Littleton,30 in company with
the Cherokees, and were lodged, in the fort; they, and our
and Post had been sent to Wyoming the previous spring, with reassuring
messages on this account.
BiU Sock was a Conestoga Indian, employed as a messenger to the Six
Nations. He was massacred in the Paxton affair (1763). See Heckeweldert
Narrative, p. 79.— Ed.
79 A calumet pipe; the fignal of peace.—[C. T. ?]
80 Fort Lyttleton was another of the chain of frontier posts built in 1756
for the protection of the frontiers. It was located at the place called by the
Indian traders "Sugar Cabins," near the present McConneUsburg, Fulton
County. A garrison was maintained at this point until after Pontiac's War,
when it graduaUy feU into ruins, some reUcs of its occupation being stiU found
in the locaUty.— Ed. raw
Early Western Travels
Indians, in diftinct places; and they entertained each other
with ftories of their warlike adventures.
2d.— Pefquitomen faid to me, "you have led us this
way, through the fire; if any mifchief fhould befal us,
we fhall lay it entirely to you; for we think it was your
doing, to bring us this way; you fhould have told us at
Eafton, if it was neceffary we fhould go to the general.' '
I told him, "that I had informed the great men, at
Eafton, that I then thought it would be beft not to let
them go from thence, till they had feen the general's
letter; and affured them that it was agreeable to the
general's pleafure.' '
3d.— Pefquitomen began to argue with captain Bull
and Mr. Hays, upon the fame fubject, as they did with
me, when I went to them with my firft meffage; which
was, "that they should tell them, whether the general
would claim the land as his own, when he fhould drive
the French away? or, whether t;he Englifh thought to
fettle the country? We are always jealous the Englifh
will take the land from us. Look, brother, what makes
you come with fuch a large body of men, and make fuch
large roads into our country; we could drive away the
French ourfelves, without your coming into our coun-
Then I defired captain Bull and Mr. Hays to be careful how they argued with the Indians; and be fure to
fay nothing, that might affront them; for it may prove
to our difadvantage, when we come amongft them.
This day we came to Rays-town,31 and with much diffi-
81 Ray's town, so named from its first settler (1751), was the chief rendezvous
for Forbes's army in this campaign, where he had the stronghold of Fort Bedford built, and whence he made his final advance against Fort Duquesne.
From 1760-63, the fort at this place was commanded by Captain Lewis Ourry
of the Royal Americans; and its apparent strength saved it from attack by the —
1758] Post's Journals 241
culty got a place to lodge the Indians by themfelves, to
their fatisfaction.
4th.— We intended to fet out, but our Indians told
us, the Cherokees had defired them to ftay that day, as
they intended to hold a council; and they defired us to
read over to them the governor's meffage; which we
accordingly did. Pefquitomen, finding Jenny Frazer
there, who had been their prifoner, and efcaped, fpoke
to her a little rafhly. Our Indians, waiting all the day,
and the Cherokees not fending to them, were dif-
5th.— Rofe early, and, it raining fmartly, we afked our
Indians, if they would go; which they took time to confult
The Cherokees came and told them, the Englifh had
killed about thirty of their people, for taking fome horfesj
which they refented much; and told our Indians they had
better go home, than go any farther with us, left they
fhould meet with the fame. On hearing this, I tôld
them how I had heard it happened; upon which our
Indians faid, they had behaved like fools, and brought
the mifchief on themfelves.
Pefquitomen, before we went from hence, made it up
with Jenny Frazer, and they parted good friends; and
though it rained hard, we fet out at 10 o'clock, and got
to the foot of the Alleghenny, and lodged at the firft run
of water.
6th.— One of our horfes went back; we hunted a good
while for him.   Then we fet off, and found one of the
Indians of the conspiracy. Bouquet made it the rendezvous in his advance in
1764. Throughout the Indian wars, Fort Bedford was the most important
station between CarUsle and Fort Pitt.   The town of Bedford was incorporated
in 1766.—Ed. 242
Early Western Travels
"1 -.^
worft roads that ever was travelled until Stoney creek.32
Upon the road we overtook a great number of pack
horfes; whereon Pefquitomen faid, "Brother, now you
fee, if you had not come to us before, this road would not
be fo fafe as it is; now you fee, we could have deftroyed
all this people on the road, and great mifchief would
have been done, if you had not ftopt, and drawn our
people back.' '— We were informed that the general was
not yet gone to fort Duquefne, wherefore Pefquitomen
faid, he was glad, and expreffed, "If I can come to our
towns before the general begins the attack, I know our
people will draw back, and leave the French."—We
lodged this night at Stoney creek.
7th.— We arofe early, and made all the hafte we could
on our journey; we croffed the large creek, Rekempalin;
near Lawrel hill. Upon this hill we overtook the artillery,
and came, before fun fet, to Loyal Hanning.33 We were
gladly received in the camp by the general, and moft
of the people. We made our fire near the other Indian
camps; which pleafed our people. Soon after fome of
the officers came, and fpoke very rafhly to our Indians,
in refpect to their conduct to our people; at which they
were much difpleafed,  and anfwered as rafhly,  and
82 Post's testimony as to the condition of the new road cut for the army
west from Fort Bedford is interesting. For an account of the controversy
over the building of this road, see Hulbert, Old Glade Road (Cleveland, 1903),
pp. 65-161.
Stony Creek flows northward through the valley between the Allegheny
and Laurel HiU ranges of mountains.— Ed.
88 The creek caUed "RekempaUn," apparently was Pickings Run in Somerset County — not a large creek, but aU streams were swoUen by unusual rains.
Loyal Hanna was an old Indian town situated on the trail passing west to
Shannopin's Town at the Forks of the Ohio. Upon the advance of Forbes's
army (1758), this was made the last station on the road to Fort Duquesne, and
a fort was built caUed Ligonier. Before the erection of this fort the station
was known simply as the "Camp on Loyal Hanna."— Ed. 1758]
Post's Journals
faid, "they did not underftand fuch ufage; for they were
come upon a meffage of peace; if we had a mind to war,
they knew how to help themfelves; and they were not
afraid of us.' '
8th.— At eleven o'clock the general called the Indians
together, the Cherokees and Catawbas being prefent; he
fpake to them in a kind and loving manner, and bid them
heartily welcome to his camp, and expreffed his joy to fee
them, and defired them to give his compliments to all their
kings and captains:— He defired them that had any love
for the Englifh nation, to withdraw from the French;
for if he fhould find them among the French, he muft
treat them as enemies, as he fhould advance with a large
army very foon, and cannot wait longer on account of
the winter feafon. After that he drank the king's health,
and all that wifh well to the Englifh nation; then he
drank king Beaver's, Shingas; and all the warrior's
healths, and recommended us (the meffengers) to their
care; and defired them to give credit to what we fhould
fay. After that we went to another houfe with the general
alone; and he fhewed them the belt, and faid, he would
furnifh them with a writing, for both the belt and ftring;
and after a little difcourfe more, our Indians parted in
love, and well fatisfied. And we made all neceffary preparations for our journey.
9th.— Some of the colonels and chief commanders
wondered how I came through fo many difficulties, and
how I could rule and bring thefe people to reafon, making
no ufe of gun or fword. I told them, it is done by no
other means than by faith. Then they afked me, if I had
faith to venture myfelf to come fafe through with my
companions. I told them, it was in my heart to pray for
them, ' 'you know that the Lord has given many promifes
mmm If
Early Western Travels
to his fervants, and what he promifes, you may depend
upon, he will perform."—Then they wifhed us good
fuccefs. We waited till almoft noon for the writing of
the general. We were efcorted by an hundred men,
rank and file, commanded by captain Hafelet;8* we paffed
through a tract of good land, about fix miles on the old
trading path, and came to the creek again, where there
is a large fine bottom, well timbered; from thence we
came upon a hill, to an advanced breaft work, about
ten miles from the camp, well fituated for ftrength,
facing a fmall branch of the aforefaid creek; the hill
is fteep down, perpendicular about twenty feet, on the
fouth fide; which is a great defence; and on the weft
fide the breaft-work about feven feet high, where we
encamped that night:85 our Indian companions heard
that we were to part in the morning, and that twelve men
were to be fent with us, and the others, part of the company, to go towards fort Duquefne. Our Indians defired
that the captain would fend twenty men, inftead of
twelve; that if any accident fhould happen, they could be
more able to defend themfelves in returning back; "for
we know, fay they, the enemy will follow the fmalleft
party." It began to rain. Within five miles from the
breaft-work we departed from captain Hafelet; he kept
the old trading path to the Ohio.   Lieutenant Hays30
84 Captain John Haslett was an officer of the Pennsylvania provincial troops,
of which there was in Forbes's army, a contingent of two thousand and seven
hundred. Probably this was the same officer who commanded Delaware troops
in the Revolution, and after conspicuous bravery at Long Island was kiUed in
the battle of Princeton.— Ed.
85 The camping-place for this night, at the advanced breast-work, is identified
as on the Nine MUe Run, in Unity Township, Westmoreland County, being
still locally known as "Breast-work HiU."— Ed.
86 Lieutenant WiUiam Hays, who was later kUled on his return from escorting Post, belonged to the Royal Americans, having been commissioned December n, 1756.— Ed. 1758]
Post's Journals
was ordered to accompany us to the Alleghenny river87
with fourteen men. We went the path that leads along
the Loyal Hanning creek, where there is a rich fine bottom, land well timbered, good fprings and fmall creeks.
At four o'clock we were alarmed by three men, in Indian
drefs; and preparation was made on both fides for defence. Ifaac Still fhewed a white token, and Pefquitomen
gave an Indian halloo; after which they threw down then-
bundles, and ran away as faft as they could. We afterwards took up their bundles, and found that it was a
fmall party of our men, that had been long out. We
were forry that we had feared them; for they loft their
bundles with all their food. Then, I held a conference
with our Indians, and afked them, if it would not be
good, to fend one of our Indians to Logftown and fort
Duquefne, and call the Indians from thence, before we
arrive at Kufhkufhking. They all agreed it would not
be good, as they were but meffengers; it muft be done