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The Oregon question examined, in respect to facts and the law of nations Twiss, Travers, 1809-1897 1846

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- -W' |.  LONDON:
1846. fSO. 30Q,
& so
r m
London •
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
Ne w- Street- Square. p«
The object which the author had in view, in instituting the accompanying inquiry into the historical facts and the negotiations connected with the
Oregon Territory, was to contribute, as far as his
individual services might avail, to the peaceful
solution of the question at issue between the United
States of America and Great Britain. He could
not resist the conviction, on reading several able
treatises on the subject, that the case of the United
States had been overstated by her writers and negotiators ; and the perusal of Mr. Greenhow's Official Memoir, and subsequent History of Oregon and
California, confirmed him in this impression, as they
sought to establish more than was consistent with
the acknowledged difficulty of a question, which has
now been the subject of four fruitless negotiations.
He determined, in consequence of this conviction,
to investigate carefully the records of ancient discoveries and other matters of history connected
with the north-west coast of America, concerning
which much contradictory statement is to be met
with in writers of acknowledged reputation.    The
result is the present work, which has unavoidably
a 2 IV
assumed a much larger bulk than was anticipated
by the author when he commenced the inquiry : it
is hoped, however, that the arrangement of the
chapters will enable the reader to select, without
difficulty, those portions of the subject which he
may deem to be most deserving of his attention.
The expeditions of Drake and of Gali have thus
necessarily come under consideration ; and the
views of the author will be found to differ, in
respect to both these navigators, from those advanced by Mr. Greenhow, more especially in respect to Drake. Had the author noticed at an
earlier period Mr. Greenhow's remark in the Preface to the second edition of his History, that he
has I never deviated from the rule of not citing
authorities at second-hand," he would have thought
it right to apologise for attributing the incorrectness of Mr. Greenhow's statements as to the respective accounts of Drake's expedition, to his
having been misled by the authority of the article
" Drake," in the Biographie Universelle. He
would even now apologise, were not any other
supposition under the circumstances less respectful
to Mr. Greenhow himself.
In regard to Juan de Fuca, if the author could
have supposed that in the course of the last negotiations at Washington, Mr. Buchanan would have
pronounced that De Fuca's Voyage I no longer
admits of reasonable doubt," he would have entered into a more careful analysis of Michael Lok's
tale, to show that it is utterly irreconcileable with mm
ascertained facts. As it is, however, the author
trusts | that enough has been said in the chapter
on the Pretended Discoveries of the North-west
Coast, to convince the reader that both the stories
of Juan de Fuca and Maldonado*, to the latter of
whom Mr. Calhoun, at an earlier stage of the same
negotiations, refers by name as the pioneer of
Spanish enterprise, are to be ranked with Admiral
Fonte's account, in the class of mythical discoveries.
In regard to Vancouver, the author, it is hoped,
will be pardoned for expressing an opinion, that
Mr. Greenhow has permitted his admitted jealousy
for the fame of his fellow-citizens to lead him to
do injustice to Vancouver's character, and to assail
it with arguments founded in one or two instances
upon incorrect views of Vancouver's own statements. Mr. Gallatin expressed a very different
opinion of this officer, in his Counter-statement,
during the negotiation of 1826, when he observes
that Vancouver " had too much probity to alter his
statement, when, on the ensuing day, he was informed by Captain Gray of the existence of the
river, at the mouth of which he had been for several days without being able to enter it."
The chapter on the Convention of the Escurial
is intended to give an outline of the facts and negotiations connected with the controversy between
* Maldonado's pretended Voyage bears the date of 1588. In the
copy of Mr. Calhoun's letter, circulated on this side of the Atlantic, it
is referred to the year 1528. VI
Spain and Great Britain in respect to Nootka Sound,
and the subsequent settlement of the points in dispute. The arguments which the author conceived
them to furnish against the positions of the Commissioners of the United States, have been inserted,
as the opportunity offered itself, in the chapters on
the several negotiations. The author, however, has
introduced in this chapter, what appears to him to
be a conclusive refutation of Mr. Buchanan's statement, | that no sufficient evidence has been adduced
that either Nootka Sound, or any other spot on the
coast, was ever actually surrendered by Spain to
Great Britain."
The chapter on the Columbia River attempts to
adjust the respective claims of Heceta, Gray, and
Broughton to the discovery and exploration of that
A few chapters have been next inserted on points
of international law connected with territorial title,
which, it was thought, might facilitate the examination of the questions raised in the course of the
negotiations by the Commissioners of Great Britain
and the United States. They do not profess to be
complete, but they embrace, it is believed, nearly
all that is of importance for the reader to be familiar with.
The chapters on the Limits of Louisiana and the
Treaty of Washington were required to elucidate
the " derivative title" of the United States.
If the author could have anticipated the publication of the correspondence between Mr. Pakenham PREFACE.
and the Plenipotentiaries of the United States, he
would most probably have adopted a different arrangement in his review of the several negotiations,
so as to avoid an appearance of needless repetition»
His manuscript, however, with the exception of the
two last chapters, was completed before the President's message reached this country. As the earlier
sheets, however, were passing through the press,
one or two remarks have been inserted which have
a bearing on the recent correspondence ; but it should
be observed, that a separate review of each negotiation was designedly adopted, for the purpose of
enabling the reader to appreciate more readily the
variety of phases, which the claims of the United
States have assumed in the course of them.
Some observations have been made in Chapter
XII. and other places, upon 'the general futility
of the argument from maps in the case of disputed
territory. The late negotiations at Washington
have furnished an apposite illustration of the truth
of the Author's remarks. Mr. Buchanan, towards
the conclusion of his last letter to Mr. Pakenham,
addressed an argument to the British Minister, of
the kind known to logicians as the argumentum
ad verecundiam :—" Even British geographers have
not doubted our title to the territory in dispute.
There is a large and splendid globe now in the
Department of the State, recently received from
London, and published by Maltby and Co., manufacturers and publishers to [ The Society for the
Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,' which assigns this Vlll
territory to the United States." The history, however, of this globe is rather curious. It was
ordered of Mr. Malby (not Maltby) for the Department of State at Washington, before Mr. Everett
quitted his post of Minister of the United States in
this country. It no doubt deserves the commendation bestowed upon it by Mr. Buchanan, for Mr.
Malby manufactures excellent globes ; but the globe
sent to Washington was not made from the plates
used on the globes published under the sanction of
| The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,"
though this is not said by way of disparagement to
it. The Society, in its maps, has carried the boundary
line west of the Rocky Mountains, along the 49th
parallel to the Columbia River, and thence along
that river to the sea ; but in its globes the line is
not marked beyond the Rocky Mountains. Mr.
Malby, knowing that the globe ordered of him was
intended for the Department of State at Washington, was led to suppose that it would be more
satisfactorily completed, as it was an American
order, if he coloured in, for it is not engraved, the
boundary line proposed by the Commissioners of
the United States. The author would apologise
for discussing so trifling a circumstance, had not
the authorities of the United States considered
the fact of sufficient importance to ground a serious
argument upon it.
Two maps have been annexed to this work. The
map of North America is based chiefly upon that
published by " The Society for the Diffusion of
" *■''»-*-' ** Til I iV" PREFACE.
Useful Knowledge," but considerable alterations
have been made in the parts westward of the Rocky
Mountains and south of the Columbia River, in
accordance with the results of recent researches in
that country. The map of the Oregon Territory
itself has been copied from one lately published in
the octavo edition of Commander Wilkes' " Exploring Expedition." A copy of the larger map attached to the quarto edition of that work, which is
probably the best map extant, has recently been published in this country by Mr. WyId, the geographer*
In conclusion, the Author must beg pardon of
the distinguished diplomatists in the late negotiations at Washington, whose arguments he has
subjected to criticism, if he has omitted to notice
several portions of their statements, to which they
may justly attribute great weight. It is not from any
want of respect that he has neglected them, but the
limits of his work precluded a fuller consideration
of the subject.
Jan. 22. 1846.
The Oregon Territory     -
The Discovery of the North-west Coast of America
The Discovery of the North-westCoast of America
The pretended Discoveries  of the North-west
Coast        -       -       -       -       -       -       -
The Convention of the Escurial        -
The Oregon or Columbia River        -
The Acquisition of Territory by Occupation
Title by Discovery - -
Title by Settlement -
Derivative Title      ------
Negotiations between the United States and Great
Britain in 1818	
The Limits of Louisiana -
The Treaty of Washington      -
Negotiations  between   Great  Britain and the-
United States in 1823-24   -       -       -       -
Examination of the Claims of the United States
Negotiations   between the  United   States  and
Great Britain, in 1826-27
Negotiations between the United States and Great
Britain, in 1844-45 -
Review of the General Question      -  THE OREGON QU.ESTIO
North-west America. — Plateau of Anahuac. — Rocky Mountains. —
New Albion. — New Caledonia. — Oregon, or Oregan, the River
of the West. — The. Columbia River. — Extent of the Oregon Territory.—The Country of the Coliunbia.— Opening of the Fur
Trade in 1786—Vancouver.—Straits of Anian. — Straits of Juan
de Fuca. —Barclay. — Meares.—The American sloop Washington.
— Galiano and Valdés.—Journey o£ Mackenzie in 1793.—Th§
Tacoutche-Tesse, now Frazer's River. — North-west Company in
1805.—The Hudson's Bay Company in 1670. —The First Settlement of the Nerth-west Company across the Rocky Mountains in
1806, at Frazer's Lake.—Journey of Mr. Thomson, the Astronomer
of the North-west Company, down the North Branch of the Columbia River, in 1811. — Expedition of Lewis and Clarke, in 1805.
— The Missouri Fur Company, in 1808. — Their First Settlement
on the West of the Rocky Mountains. — The Pacific Fur Company,
in 1810. — John Jacob Astor, the Representative of it. — Astoria
established in 1811. —Dissolution of the Pacific Fur Company, in
July, 1813.—Transfer of Astoria to the North-west Company, by
Purchase, in October, 1813. — Subsequent "Arrival of the British
Sloop-of-War, the Racoon. — Name of Astoria changed to Fort
NoRTH-WESTp#N America is divided from the other
portions of the continent by a chain of lofty mountains, which extend throughout its entire length in
a north-westerly direction, in continuation of the
Mexican Andes, to the shores of the Arctic Ocean.
The southern part of this chain, immediately below
the parallel of 42° north latitude, is known to the
Spaniards by the name of the Sierra Verde, and the
central ridge, in continuation of this, as the Sierra
de las Grullas; and by these names they are distinguished by Humboldt in his account of New Spain,
(Essai Politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne, 1. i.
c. 3.), as well as in a copy of Mitchell's Map of North
America, published in 1834. Mr. Greenhow, in
his History of Oregon and California, states that
the Anahuac Mountains is " the appellation most
commonly applied to this part of the dividing chain
extending south of the 40th degree of latitude to
Mexico," but when and on what grounds that name
has come to be so applied, he does not explain.
Anahuac was the denomination before the Spanish
conquest of that portion of America which lies
between the 14th and 21st degrees of north latitude,
whereas the Cordillera of the Mexican Andes takes
the name of the Sierra Madré a little north of the
parallel of 19°, and the Sierra Madre in its turn is
connected with the Sierra de las Grullas by an intermediate range, commencing near the parallel of
30°, termed La Sierra de los Mimbres. The application, indeed, of the name Anahuac to the entire
portion of the chain which lies south of 40°, may
have originated with those writers who have confounded Anahuac with New Spain ; but as the use
of the word in this sense is incorrect, it hardly
seems desirable to adopt an appellation which is
calculated to produce confusion, whilst it perpe-
tuâtes an error, especially as there appear to be no
reasonable grounds for discarding the established
Spanish  names.    The plateau of Anahuac, in the wSr'
proper sense of the word, comprises the entire territory from the Isthmus of Panama to the 21st
parallel of north latitude, so that the name of
Anahuac Mountains would, with more propriety,
be confined to the portion of the Cordillera south
of 21°. If this view be correct, the name of the
Sierra Verde may be continued for that portion of
the central range which separates the head waters of
the Rio Bravo del Norte, which flows into the Gulf
of Mexico, and forms the south-western boundary
of Texas, from those of the Bio Colorado (del Oc-
cidente), which empties itself into the Gulf of
The Rocky Mountains, then, or, as they are fre- Rocky
quently called, the Stony Mountains, will be the
distinctive appellation of the portion of the great
central chain which lies north of the parallel of 42°;
and if a general term should be required for the
entire chain to the south of this parallel, it may be
convenient to speak of it as the Mexican Cordillera,
since it is co-extensive with the present territory of
the United States of Mexico, or else as the Mexican
Andes, since the range is, both in a geographical
and a geological point of view, a continuation of the
South American Andes.
Between this great chain of mountains and the
Pacific Ocean a most ample territory extends,
which may be regarded as divided into three great
districts. The.most southerly of these, of which
the northern boundary line was drawn along the
parallel of 42°, by the Treaty of Washington in
1819, belongs to the United States of Mexico. The
most northerly, commencing at Behring's Straits,
and of which the extreme southern limit was fixed
at the southernmost point of Prince of Wales's
Island in the parallel of 54° 40' north, by
treaties concluded between Russia and the United
States of America in 1824, and between Russia
and Great Britain in 1825, forms a part of
the dominions of Russia ; whilst the intermediate
country is not as yet under the acknowledged sovereignty of any power.
To this intermediate territory different names
have been assigned. To the portion of the coast
between the parallels of 43° and 48°, the British
have applied the name of New Albion, since the
expedition of Sir Francis Drake in 1578-80, and
the British Government, in the instructions furnished
by the Lords of the Admiralty, in 1776, to Captain
Cook, directed him | to proceed to the coast of New
Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the lati^
tude of 45°. (Introduction to Captain Cook's Voyage
to the Pacific Ocean, 4to. 1784, vol. i. p. xxxii.).
At a later period Vancouver gave the name of New
Georgia to the coast between 45° and 50°, and that
of New Hanover to the coast between 50° and 54°;
whilst to the entire country north of New Albion,
between 48° and 56° 30', from the Rocky Mountains
to the sea, British traders have given the name of
New Caledonia, ever since the North-west Company formed an establishment on the western side
of the Rocky Mountains, in 1806. (Journal of
D. W. Harmon, quoted by Mr. Greenhow, p. 291.) NEW  CALEDONIA.
The Spanish government, on the other hand, in the
course of the negotiations with the British govern-^
ment which ensued upon the seizure of the British
vessels in Nootka Sound, and terminated in the
Convention of the Escurial, in 1790, designated the
entire territory as I the Coast of California, in the
South Sea."   (Declaration of His Catholic Majesty,
June 4th, transmitted to all the European Courts,
in the Annual Register, 1790.)  Of late it has been
customary to speak of it as the Oregon territory,
or the Columbia River territory, although some
writers confine that term to the region watered by
the Oregon or Columbia River, and its tributaries.
The authority for the use of the word Oregon,
or more properly speaking Oregan, has not been
clearly ascertained,  but the majority of writers
agree in referring the introduction of the name to
Carver's Travels.   Jonathan Carver, a native of Connecticut and a British subject, set out from Boston
in 1766, soon after the transfer of Canada to Great
Britain, on an expedition to the regions of the Upper Mississippi, with the ultimate purpose of ascertaining " the breadth of that vast continent, which
extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, in
its broadest part, between 43° and 46° of north
latitude.    Had I been able," he says, " to accomplish this task, I intended to have proposed to
government tô establish a post in some of those
parts, about the Straits of Anian, which having
been discovered by Sir Francis Drake, of course
belong to the English."    The account of his travels,
from the introduction to which the above extract
in his own words is quoted, was published in London
or Oregan.
in 1778. Carver did not succeed in penetrating to
the Pacific Ocean, but he first made known, or at
least established a belief in, the existence of a great
river, termed apparently by the nations in the interior Oregon, or Oregan, the source of which he
placed not far from the head waters of the River
Missouri, | on the other side of the summit of the
lands, that divide the waters which run into the
Gulf of Mexico from those which fall into the
Pacific Ocean." He was led to infer, from the
account of the natives, that this " Great River of
the West" emptied itself near the Straits of Anian,
(Carver's Travels, 3d edit., London, 1781, p. 542.)
although it may be observed that the situation of
the so-called Straits of Anian themselves was not
at this time accurately fixed. Carver, however, was
misled in this latter respect, but the description of
the locality where he placed the source of the
Oregon, seems to identify it either with the Flatbow,
or M'Gillivray's River, or else, and perhaps more
probably, with the Flathead or Clark's River, each
of which streams, after pursuing a north-western
course from the base of the Rocky Mountains,
unites with a great river coming from the north,
which ultimately empties itself into the Pacific
Ocean in latitude 46° 18'. The name of Oregon
has consequently been perpetuated in this main
river, as being really I the Great River of the
West," and by this name it is best known in
Europe ; but in the United States of America, it is
Columbia now more frequently spoken of as the Columbia
River, from the name of the American vessel I The
Columbia," which first succeeded in passing  the EXTENT  OF  OREGON.
bar at its mouth in 1792. The native name, however, will not totally perish in the United States,
for it has been embalmed in the beautiful verse of
Bryant, whom the competent judgment of Mr.
Washington Irving has pronounced to be amongst
the most distinguished of American poets :
" Take the wings
Of morning, and the Barcan desert pierce,
Or lose thyself in the continuous woods
Where rolls the Oregan, and hears no sound
Save his own dashings."       ...
If we adopt the more extensive use of the term Oregon
Oregon territory, as applied to the entire country 3ry'
intermediate between the dominions of Russia and
Mexico respectively, its boundaries will be the
Rocky Mountains on the east, the Pacific Ocean
on the west, the parallel of 54° 40' N. L. on the
north, and that of 42° N. L. on the south. Its
length will thus comprise 12 degrees 40 minutes
of latitude, or about 760 geographical miles. Its
breadth is not so easily determined, as the Rocky
Mountains do not run parallel with the coast, but
trend from south-east to north-west. The greatest
breadth, however, appears to-comprise about 14
degrees of longitude, and the least about 8 degrees;
so that we may take 11 degrees, or 660 geographical miles, as the average breadth. The entire superficies would thus amount to 501,600 geographical square miles, equal to 663,366 English miles.
If, on the other hand, we adopt the narrower use
of the term, and accept the north-western limit
which Mr. Greenhow, in his second edition of his
History of Oregon and California, has marked out
b4] 8
Country of for " thé. country of the Columbia," namely, the
the Colum- / ' J 7
bia. range of mountains which stretches north-eastward
from the eastern extremity of the Straits of Fuca,
about 400 miles, to the Rocky Mountains, separating the waters of the Columbia frdtn those of
Frazer's river, it will still include, upon his authority, not less than 400,000 square miles in superficial extent, which is more than double that of
France, and nearly half of all the states of the
Federal Union. " Its southernmost points" in this
limited extent " are in the same latitudes with Boston
and with Florence ; whilst its northernmost correspond with the northern extremities of Newfoundland,
and with the southern shores of the Baltic Sea."
Such are the geographical limits of the Oregon
territory, in its widest and in its narrowest extent.
The Indian hunter roamed throughout it, undisturbed by civilised man, till near the conclusion of
the last century, when Captain James King, on his
return from the expedition which proved so fatal
to Captain Cook, made known the high prices which
the furs of the sea otter commanded in the markets
of China, and thereby attracted the attention of
Europeans to it. The enterprise of British merchants was, in consequence of Captain King's suggestion, directed to the opening of a fur trade
between the native hunters along the north-west
coast of America, and the Chinese, as early as 1786.
The attempt of the Spaniards to suppress this trade
by the seizure of the vessels engaged in it, in 1789,
led to the dispute between the crowns of Spain and
Great Britain, in respect of the claim to exclusive
sovereignty asserted by the former power over the
port of Nootka and the adjacent latitudes, which
was brought to a close by the Convention of the
Escurial in 1790.
The European merchants, however, who engaged
in this lucrative branch of commerce, confined their
visits to stations on the coasts, where the natives
brought from the interior the produce of their
hunting expeditions; and even in respect of the
coast itself, very little accurate information was
possessed by Europeans, before Vancouver's survey.
Vancouver, as is well known, was despatched in
1791 by the British government to superintend, on
the part of Great Britain, the execution of the CoteP-
vention of the Escurial, and he was at the same
time instructed to survey the coast from 35° to 60°,
with a view to ascertain in what parts civilised
nations had made settlements, and likewise to determine whether or not any effective water communication, available for commercial purposes, existed
in those parts between the Atlantic and Pacific
The popular belief in the existence of a channel,
termed the Straits of Anian, connecting the waters
of the Pacific with those of the Atlantic Ocean, in
about the 58th or 60th parallel of latitude^ through
which Gaspar de Cortereal, a Portuguese navigator,
was reported to have sailed in 1500, had caused
many voyages to be made along the coast on either
side of North America during the 16th and 17th
centuries, and the exaggerated accounts of the favourable results of these voyages had promoted the
progress of geographical discovery by stimulating
fresh expeditions. In the 17th century, a narrative
Straits of
~xm 10
Straits of
Juan de
was published by Purchas, in his | Pilgrims," professing that a Greek pilot, commonly called Juan
de Fuca, in the service of the Spaniards, had informed Michael Lock the elder, whilst he was sojourning at Venice in 1596, that he had discovered,
in 1592, the outlet of the Straits of Anian, in the
Pacific Ocean, between 47° and 48°, and had sailed
through it into the North Sea. The attention of
subsequent navigators was for a long time directed
in vain to the re-discovery of this supposed passage.
The Spanish expedition under Heceta, in 1775, and
the British under Cook, in 1778, had both equally
failed in discovering any corresponding inlet in the
north-west coast, doubtless, amongst other reasons,
because it had been placed by the author of the
tale between the parallels of 47° and 48°, where no
strait existed. In 1787, however, the mouth of a
strait was descried a little further northward, between 48° and 49°, by Captain Barclay, of the Imperial Eagle, and the entrance was explored in the
following year by Captain Meares, in the Felice,
who perpetuated the memory of Michael Lock's
Greek pilot, by giving it the name of the Straits of
Juan de Fuca; - Meares, in his observations on
a north-west passage, p. lvi., prefixed to his Voyage,
published in 1790, states that the American merchant sloop the Washington, upon the knowledge
which he communicated, penetrated the straits of
Fuca in the autumn of 1789, "as far as the longitude of 237° east of Greenwich," (123° west,) and
came out into the Pacific through the passage north
of Queen Charlotte's Island. Vancouver's attention
was directed, in consequence of Captain Meares'
i   r-|ilii- FRAJZER'S  RIVER.
report, to the especial examination of this strait, and
it was surveyed by him, with the rest of the coast, in
a most complete and effectual manner. A Spanish
expedition, under Galiano and Valdés, was engaged
about the same time upon the same object, so that
from this period, i. e., the concluding decade of the
last century, the coast of Oregon may be considered
to have been sufficiently well known.
The interior, however, of the country, had remained hitherto unexplored, and no white man
seems ever to have crossed the Rocky Mountains
prior to Alexander Mackenzie, in 1793. Having Mackenzie,
ascended the Unjigah, or Peace River, from the
Athabasca Lake, on the eastern side of the Rocky
Mountains, to one of its sources in 54° 24', Mackenzie embarked upon a river flowing from the
western base of the mountains, called, by the natives, Tacoutche-Tesse. This was generally sup- Tacoutchc
posed to be the northernmost branch of the Columbia river, till it was traced, in £83^ to the Gulf of
Georgia, where it empties itself in 49° latitude, and
was thenceforth named Frazer's river. Mackenzie,
having descended this river for about 250 miles,
struck across the country westward, and reached
the sea in 52° 20', at an inlet which had been surveyed a short time before by Vancouver, and had
been named by him Cascade Canal. This was the
first expedition of civilised men through the country
west of the Rocky Mountains. It did not lead to
any immediate result in the way of settlement,
though it paved the way by contributing, in conjunction with Vancouver's survey, to confirm the
conclusion at which Captain Cook had arrived, that 12
the American continent extended in an uninterrupted line north-westward to Behring's Straits.
The  result of Mackenzie's  discoveries  was  to
open a wide field to the westward for the enterprise  of British merchants  engaged in the fur
trade ; and thus we find a settlement in this ex*
tensive district made, not long after the publication of his voyage, by the agents of the North-west
.„;„.pf Company.    This great association had been growing up since 1784,. upon the wreck of the French
Canadian fur trade,-and gradually absorbed into
itself all the minor companies.    It did not, however, obtain its complete organisation till 1805,
when it soon became a most formidable rival to the
Hudson's, Bay Company, which had been chartered
as early as 1670, and had all but succeeded in monopolising the entire fur trade of North America,
after the transfer of Canada to Great Britain.   The
(Hudson's Bay Company, with  the  characteristic
| security of a chartered company, had confined their
I posts to the shores of the ample territory which
! had been  granted   to   them   by  the   charter   of
I Charles IL, and left the task of procuring furs to
the enterprise of the native hunters.   The practice
of the hunters was to suspend their chase during
thé summer months, when the fur is of inferior
quality, and the animals rear their young, and to
descend by the lakes and rivers of the interior to
«flie established marts of the Company, with the
produce   of the  past  winter's   campaign.     The
North-west Company adopted a totally  different
system.    They dispatched their servants into the
very recesses of the wilderness, to bargain with the
"Tj'ii T!  ii  l* fl    *    I'
i    i •Ti'fnViiii "7    ~ n
1 o
native hunters at their homes. They established
wintering partners in the interior of the country, to
superintend the intercourse with the various tribes
of Indians, and employed at one time not fewer
than 2000 voyageurs or boatmen. The natives
being thus no longer called away from their pursuit of the beaver and other animals, by the necessity of resorting as heretofore to the factories of
the Hudson's Bay Company, continued on their
hunting-grounds during the whole year, and were
tempted to kill the cub and full-grown animal aMke,
and thus to anticipate the supply of future years.
As the nearer hunting-grounds became exhausted,
the North-west Company advanced their stations
westwardly into regions previously unexplored,
and, in 1806, they pushed forward a post across
the Rocky Mountains, through the passage where
the Peace River descends through a deep chasm in
the chain, and formed a trading establishment on a
lake now called Frazer's Lake, situated in 54° N. L. f™zer'
I This" according to Mr. Greenhow, " was the first
settlement or post of any hind made by British subjects'
west of the Rocky Mountains." It may be observed,
likewise, that it was the first settlement made on
the west of the Rocky Mountains, by civilised men.
It is from this period, according to Mr. Harmon,
who was a partner in the Company, and the superintendent of its trade on the western side of the
Rocky Mountains, that the name of New Caledonia-
has been used to designate the northern portion of
the Oregon territory.
Other posts were soon afterwards formed amongst
the Flat-head and Kootanie tribes on the head 14
waters or main branch of the Columbia ; and Mr.
Mr. David David Thomson, the astronomer of the North-west
Company, descended with a party to the mouth of
the Columbia in 1811. Mr. Thomson's mission, according to Mr. Greenhow, was expressly intended
to anticipate the Pacific Fur Company in the occupation of a post at the mouth of the Columbia.
Such, indeed, may have been the ultimate intention,
but the survey of the banks of the river, and the
establishment of posts along it, was no less the
object of it. Mr. Thomson was highly competent
to conduct such an expedition, as may be inferred
from the fact that he had been employed in 1798
to determine the latitude of the northernmost
source of the Mississippi, and had on that occasion
shown the impossibility of drawing the boundary
line between the United States of America and
Canada, due west from the Lake of the Woods to
the Mississippi, as had been stipulated in the second
article of the treaty of 1783. Mr. Thomson and
his followers were, according to Mr. Greenhow, the
first white persons who navigated the northern branch
of the Columbia, or traversed any part of the country
drained by it.
The United States of America had, in the mean
time, not remained inattentive to their own future
commercial interests in this quarter, as they had despatched from the southern side an exploring party
across the Rocky Mountains, almost immediately after
their purchase of Louisiana in 1803. On this occasion,
Mr. Jefferson, then President of the United States,
Lewis and commissioned Captains Lewis and Clarke | to explore the River Missouri and its principal branches
to their sources, and then to seek and trace to its
termination in the Pacific some stream, whether
the Columbia, the Oregon, the Colorado, or any
other, which might offer the most direct and practicable water communication across the continent for
the purposes of commerce." The party succeeded
in passing the Rocky Mountains towards the end of
September, 1805, and after following, by the advice
of their native guides,  the  Kooskooskee  River, Kooskoos-
kee River.
which they reached in the latitude 43 34, to its
junction with the principal southern tributary of
the Great River of the West, they gave the name of
Lewis to this tributary. Having in seven days
afterwards reached the main stream, they traced it
down to the Pacific Ocean, where it was found to
empty itself, in latitude 46° 18'. They thus identified the Oregon, or Great River of the West of
Carver, with the river to whose outlet Captain Gray
had given the name of his vessel, the Columbia, in
1792; and having passed the winter amongst the
Clatsop Indians, in an encampment on the south
side of the river, not very far from its mouth,
which they called Fort Clatsop, they commenced, cJJJL,
with the approach of spring, the ascent of the
Colombia on their return homeward. After reaching the Kooskooskee, they pursued a course eastward till they arrived at a stream, to which they
gave the name of Clarke, as considering it to be
the upper part of the main river, which they had
previously called Clarke at its confluence with the
Lewis. Here they separated, at about the 47th
parallel of latitude. Captain Lewis then struck across
the country, northwards, to the Rocky Mountains, 16
and crossed them, so as to reach the head waters of
the Maria River, which empties itself into the
Missouri just below the Falls. Captain Clarke,
on the other hand, followed the Clarke River towards
its sources, in a southward direction, and then
crossed through a gap in the Rocky Mountains, so
as to descend the Yellowstone River to the Missouri.
Both parties united once more on the banks of the
Missouri, and arrived in safety at St. Louis in September, 1806.
The reports of this expedition seem to have first
directed the attention of traders in the United
States to the hunting grounds of Oregon. The
Missouri Fur Company was formed in 4808, and
Mr. Henry, one of its agents, established a trading
post on a branch of the Lewis River, the great
southern arm of the Columbia. This seems to have been
the earliest establishment of any kind made by citizens of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains. The hostility, however, of the natives, combined with the difficulty of procuring supplies,
obliged Mr. Henry to abandon it in 1810. The
Pacific Fur Company was formed about this time
at New York, with the object of monopolising, if
possible, the commerce in furs between China and
the north-west coast of America. The head of
John Jacob this association was John Jacob Astor, a native of
Heidelberg, who had emigrated to the United States,
and had there amassed very considerable wealth by
extensive speculations in the fur trade. He had
already obtained a charter from the Legislature of
New York in 1809, incorporating a company, under
the name of the American Fur Company, to compete
with the Mackinaw Company of Canada, within
the Atlantic States, of which he was himself
the real representative, according to his biographer, Mr. Washington Irving, his board of directors being merely a nominal body. In a similar manner, Mr. Astor himself writes to Mr.
Adams in 1823, (Letter from J. J. Astor, of New
York, to the Hon. J. Q. Adams, Secretary of State
of the United States, amongst the proofs and illustrations in the appendix to Mr. Greenhow's work, )
I You will observe that the name of the Pacific
Fur Company is made use of at the commencement
of the arrangements for this undertaking. I preferred to have it appear as the business of a company rather than of an individual, and several of
the gentlemen engaged, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Crooks,
Mr. M'Kay, M'Dougal, Stuart, &c, were in effect
to be interested as partners in the undertaking, so
far as respected the profit which might arise, but
the means were furnished by me, and the property
was solely mine, and I sustained the loss." Mr.
Astor engaged, on this understanding, nine partners in his scheme, of whom six were Scotchmen,
who had all been in the service of the Northwest Company, and three were citizens of the
United States. He himself had become naturalised
in the United States, but of his Scotch partners the
three at least who first joined him seem to have had
no intention of laying aside their national character,
as, previously to signing, in 1810, the articles cf
agreement with Mr. Astor, they obtained from Mr,
Jackson, the British Minister at Washington, an
assurance that " in case of a war between the two
nations, they would be respected as British subjects
and merchants."
.. Mr. Astor, having at last arranged his plans,
despatched in September, 1810, four of his partners,
with twenty-seven subordinate officers and servants,
\f all British subjects, in the ship Tonquin, commanded
by Jonathan Thorne, a lieutenant in the United States
navy, to establish a settlement at the mouth of the
Columbia river. They arrived at their destination
Astoria, in March, 1811, and erected in a short time a factory
or fort on the south side of the river, about ten
miles from the mouth, to which the name of Astoria
was given. The Tonquin proceeded in June on a
trading voyage to the northward, and was destroyed
with her crew by the Indians in the Bay of Clyoquot,
near the entrance of the Strait of Fuca.
In the following month of July Mr. Thomson,
the agent of the North-west Company, to whom
allusion has already been made, descended the
northern branch of the Columbia, and visited the
settlement at the mouth of the Columbia. He was
received with friendly hospitality by his old companion, Mr. M'Dougal, who was the superintendent,
and shortly took his departure again, Mr. Stuart,
one of the partners, accompanying him up the
river as far as its junction with the Okina-
gan, where he remained during the winter,
collecting furs from the natives. The factory
at Astoria, in the mean time, was reinforced in
January, 1812, by a further detachment of persons
in the service of the Pacific Fur Company, who had
set out overland early in 1811, and after suffering
extreme hardships, and losing several of their number, at last made their way, in separate parties, DISSOWÎION  OF  THE  COMPANY.
to the mouth of the Columbia» A third detachment was brought by the ship Beaver, in the
following May. All the partners of the Company,
exclusive of Mr. Agtos, had now been despatched
to the scene of theiî*Juture trading operations.
«Mr. Mackay, who had accompanied Mackenzie in his
expedition to the Pacific in 1793, was alone wanting
to their number : he had unfortunately proceeded
northwards with Captain Thorne, in order to make
'-arrangements with the Russians, and was involved
fe the common fate of the crew of the Tonquin.
The circumstances, however, of this establishment
•underwent a great change upon the declaration of
war by the United States against Great Britain in
June, 1812*' Tidings of this event reached the
factory in January, 1813. In the mean time Mr.
Hunt, the chief agent of the Company, had toled
from Astoria, in the ship Beaver, in August, 1812,
to make arrangements for the trade along the
northern coast; whilst Mr. M'Dougal, the senior
•partner, with Mr. Mackenzie and others, superintended the factory. They were soon informed of
the success* of the British arms, and of the blockade
of the ports of the United States, by Messrs.
M'Tavish and Laroque, partners of the North-west
Company, who vfeited Astoria early in 1813, with
a small detachment of persons in the employment
of that company, and opened negotiations with
M'Dougal and Mackenzie for the dissolution of the
Pacific Fur Company, and the abandonment of the
establishment at Astoria. The association was in Pacific Fur
consequence formally di&olved in July, 1813; anddi^oWeY
on the 16th  of October following, an agreement
€  2 20
of the
-was executed between Messrs. M'Tavish and John
Stuart, on the part of the North-west Company,
and Messrs. M'Dougal, Mackenzie, David Stuart, and
Clarke, on the part of the Pacific Fur Company,
of by which all the establishments, furs, and stock in
Jiand of the late Pacific Fur Company were transferred to the North-west Company, at a given
valuation, which produced, according to Mr. Greenhow, a sum total of 58,000 dollars. It may be
.observed, that four partners only of the Pacific Fur
Company appear to have been parties to this agreement ; but they constituted the entire body which
remained at Astoria, Mr. Hunt being absent, as
jalready stated, and Messrs. Crooks, Maclellan, and
<R. Stuart, having returned over-land tp New York
in the spring of 1813.
The bargain had hardly been concluded when the
British sloop of war, the Racoon, under the command
of Captain Black, entered the Columbia river, with
•the express purpose of destroying the settlement at
Astoria ; but the establishment had previously become the property of the North-west Company,
,and was in the hands of their agents. All that
remained for Captain Black to perform, was to
hoist the British ensign over the factory, the name
of which he changed to Fort George.
Mr. M'Dougal and the majority of the person^
who had been employed by the Pacific Fur Company, passed into the service of the North-west
Company; and the agents of the latter body, with
the aid of supplies from England, which arrived in
1814, were enabled to extend the field of their
operations, and to establish themselves firmly in
the country, undisturbed by any rivals. 21
Voyage of Francisco de Ulloa, in 1539.—Cabrillo, in 1542.—Drake,
in 1577-80.— The Famous Voyage. — The World Encompassed.
Nuno da Silva. — Edward Cliffe. — Francis Pretty not the Author
of the Famous Voyage. — Fleurieu. — Pretty the Author of the"
Voyage of Cavendish.—Purchas' Pilgrims.—Notes of Fletcher.—
World Encompassed published in 1628.—Mr. Greenhow's Mistake
in respect to the World Encompassed and the Famous Voyage. —
Agreement between the World Encompassed and the Narrative of
Da Silva. —Fletcher's Manuscript in the Sloane Collection of the
British Museum. — Furthest Limit southward of Drake's Voyage.
— Northern Limit 43.° and upwards by the Famous Voyage, 48° by
the World Encompassed. — The latter confirmed by  Stow, the '
Annalist, in 1592, and by John Davis, the Navigator, in 1595, and by
Sir W. Monson in his Naval Tracts. — Camden's Life of Elizabeth.
— Dr. Johnson's Life of Sir F.Drake.—Fleurieu's Introduction
to Marchand's Voyage. — Introduction to the Voyage of Galiano
and Valdés.—Alexander von Humboldt's New Spain.
The Spaniards justly lay claim to the discovery of
a considerable portion of the north-west coast of
America. An expedition from Acapulco under Francisco
Francisco de Ulloa, in 1539, first determined California to be a peninsula, by exploring the Gulf of
California from La Paz to its northern extremity.
The chart, which Domingo del Castillo, the pilot of
Ulloa, drew up as the result of this voyage, differs
very slightly, according to Alexander von Humboldt,,
from those of the present day.  Ulloa subsequently
explored the western coast of California.    Of the
c 3
de Ulloa. 22
extent of his discoveries on this occasion there are
contradictory accounts, but the extreme limit assigned to them does not reach further north than
Cape Engano, in 30° north latitude.
In the spring of the following year, 1542, two
vessels were despatched under Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo from the port of Navidad. He examined the
coast of California as far north as 37° 10', when he
was driven back by a storm to the island of San
Bernardo, in 34°, where he died. His pilot, Barto-
lemé Ferrelo, continued his course northwards after
the death of his commander. The most northern
point of land mentioned in the accounts of the ex-
j^edition which have been preserved, was Cabo de
Fortunas, placed by Ferrelo in 41°, which is supposed by Mr. Greenhow to have been the headland
in 40° 20', to which the name of C. Mendocino was
given, in honour of the viceroy, Mendoza. Other authors, however, whose opinion is entitled to consideration, maintain that Ferrelo discovered Cape Blanco
in 43°, to which Vancouver subsequently gave the
name of Cape Orford. (Humboldt, Essai Politique
sur la Nouvelle Espagne, 1. ii|. c. viii. Introduc-
cion al Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas
Sutil y Mexicana en el ano de 1792.)
The Bull of Pope Alexander VI., as is well known,
gave to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain all the New
World to the westward of a meridian line drawn
a hundred leagues west of the Azores. When
England, however, shook off the yoke of the Papacy, she refused to admit the validity of Spanish
titles when based only on such concessions. Eliza*
beth, for instance, expressly refused to acknowledge DRARES  VOYAGE.
" any title in the Spaniards by donation of the Bishop
of Rome, to places of which they were not in actual
possession, and she did not understand why, therefore, either her subjects, or those of any other European prince, should be debarred from traffic in
the Indies."   In accordance with such a policy, Sir Francis
j Drake.
Francis Drake obtained, through the interest of
Sir Christopher Hatton, the vice-chamberlain of the
Queen, her approval of an expedition projected by
him into the South Sea. He set sail from Plymouth
in 1577, passed through the Straits of Magellan
in the autumn of 1578, and ravaged the coast of
Mexico in the spring of 1Ô79. Being justly apprehensive that the Spaniards would intercept him if he
should attempt to repass Magellan's Straits with his
rich booty, and being likewise reluctant to encounter
again the dangers of that channel, he determined to
attempt the discovery of a north-east passage from
the South Sea into the Atlantic by the reported
Straits of Anian.
There are two accounts, professedly complete, of
Drake's Voyage. The earliest of these first occurs in
Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages, published in 1589,
and is intitled " The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis The
Drake into the South Sea, and there-hence about voyage,
the whole Globe of the Earth, begun in the yeere
of our Lord 1577." It was republished, by
Hakluyt, with some alterations, in his subsequent
edition of 1598-1600, and may be most readily referred to in the fourth volume of the reprint of this
latter edition, published in 1811. The other account
is intitled " The World Encompassed by Sir Francis The World
Drake, collected out of the notes of Mr. Francis passed.
c 4 24
Nufio da
Fletcher, Preacher in this employment, and compared with divers others' Notes that went in the
same Voyage." This work was first published in
1628, by Nicholas Bourne, and " sold at his shop at
thé Royal Exchange." It appears to have been
compiled by Francis Drake, the nephew of the
circumnavigator, as a dedication " to the truly noble
Robert Earl of Warwick" is prefixed, with his
name attached to it. It will be found most readily
in the second volume of the Harleian collection of
voyages. There are also to be found in Hakluyt's
fourth volume, two independent, but unfortunately
imperfect, narratives, one by Nuno da Silva, the Portuguese pilot, who was pressed by Sir F. Drake into
his service at St. Jago, one of the Cape Verde islands,
and discharged at Guatulco, where his account
terminates; the other by Edward Cliffe, a mariner on
board the ship Elizabeth, commanded by Mr. John
Winter, one of Drake's squadron, which parted
company from him on the west coast of South
America, immediately after passing through the
Straits of Magellan. The Elizabeth succeeded in
repassing the straits, and arrived safe at Ilfracombe
on June 2d, 1579 ; and Mr. Cliffe's narrative, being-
confined to the voyage of his own ship, is consequently the least complete of all, in respect to
Drake's adventures.
It is a disputed point, whether Drake, in his
attempt to find a passage to the Atlantic by the
north of California, reached the latitude of 48° or
43°. The Famous Voyage is the account on which
the advocates for the lower latitude of 43° rely.
The World Encompassed, supported by Stow the drake's voyage. 25;
annalist and two independent naval authorities, co-
temporaries of Sir F. Drake, is quoted in favour of
the higher latitude of 48°. Before examining the
internal evidence of the two accounts, it may be as
well to consider the authority which is due to them
from external circumstances, as Mr. Greenhow's
account of the two works is calculated to mislead
the judgment of the reader in this respect, s
Mr. Greenhow, (p. 73.) in referring to the Famous The
Voyage, says that it was "written by Francis voyage.
Pretty, one of the crew of Drake's vessel, at the
request of Hakluyt, and published by him in 1589.
It is a plain and succinct account of what the
writer saw, or believed to have occurred, during
the voyage, and bears all the marks of truth and
This statement could not but excite some surprise,
as the Famous Voyage has no author's name attached to it, either in the first edition of 1589, or
in any of the later editions of Hakluyt, the more
so because Hakluyt himself, in his Address to the
favourable reader, prefixed to the edition of 1589,
leads us to suppose that he was himself the author
of the work. "For the conclusion of all, the
memorable voyage of Master Thomas Candish into
the South Sea, and from thence about the Globe of
the Earth doth satisfie me, and I doubt not but
will fully content thee, which as in time it is later
than that of Sir Francis Drake, so in relation of
the Philippines, Japan, China, and the isle of St.
Helena, it is more particular and exact ; and therefore the want of the first made by Sir Francis
Drake will be the lesse ; wherein I must confess to 26
have taken more than ordinary paines, meaning to
have inserted it in this worke; but being of late
(contrary to my expectation) seriously dealt with-
all, not to anticipate or prevent another man's
paines and charge in drawing all the services of
that worthie knight into one volume, I have yeelded
unto those my freindes which pressed me in the
matter, referring the further knowledge of his proceedings to those intended discourses."
Hakluyt, however, appears to have had the narrative privately printed, and, contrary to the intention
which he entertained at the time when he wrote
his preface, and compiled his table of contents, and
the index of his first edition, in neither of which is
there any reference to the Famous Voyage, he has
inserted the Famous Voyage between pages 643. and
644., evidently as an interpolation. It is nowhere
stated that any copy of this edition exists, in which
this interpolation does not occur. It is alluded to
by Lowndes in his Bibliographical Manual, vol. ii.
p. 853,, art. " Hakluyt." It is printed apparently on
the same kind of paper, with the same kind of ink,
and in the same kind of type with the rest of the
work, but the signatures at the bottom of the pages,
by which term are meant the numbers which are
placed on the sheets for the printer's guidance, do
not correspond with the general order of the signatures of the work. This fact, combined with the
circumstance that the pages are not numbered, furnishes a strong presumption that it was printed
subsequently to the rest of the work. On the other
hand there is evidence that it was printed to bind
up with the rest, from the circumstance that at the mm
bottom of the last page the word " Instructions" is
printed to correspond with the first word at the top
of p. 644., being the title of the next treatise,—
" Instructions given by the Honorable the Lords of
the Counsell to Edward Fenton, Esq., for the order
to be observed in the voyage recommended to him
for the East Indies, and Cathay, ApriJÎ9, 1582."
ï It can hardly be doubted that this account is the Hakluyt.
narrative about which Hakluyt himself " had taken
more than ordinary paines." Hakluyt, as is well
known, was a student of Christ Church, Oxford,
who, like his imitator Purchas, was imbued with a
strong natural bias towards geographical studies,
and himself compiled many of the narratives
which his collection contained.
This inference as to the authorship of the Famous
Voyage, drawn from the allusion in HaMuyt's preface to the work, will probably appear to many
minds more justifiable, if the claim set up in behalf
of Francis Pretty can be shown to be utterly with- p™"tcis
out foundation. It may be as well, therefore, to
dispose of this at once. What may have been Mr.
Qyeenhow's authority it would be difficult to say,
though it may be conjectured, from another circumstance which will be stated below, that he has been
misled by an incorrect article on Sir Francis Drake
in the Biographie Universelle. M. Eyriés, the
writer of this article, refers to Fleurieu as his authority. Fleurku, however, who was a distinguished F1
French hydrographer, and edited, in Paris, in the
year VIII (1800) a work îaatitîed "Voyage autour
du monde, par Etienne Marchand," with which he
published some observations of his  own, intitled
euneu. it
Pill   II;
" Recherches sur les terres de Drake," enumerates
briefly in the latter work the different accounts of
Drake's voyage, but he no where mentions the name
of the author of the Famous Voyage. Fleurieu's information, indeed, was not in every respect accurate,
as he states that the edition of Hakluyt which contained the Famous Voyage " ne parut à Londres
• ^i qu'en 1600." What he says, however, of the
author, is comprised in a short note to this effect : —
" Le gentilhomme Picard, (employé sur l'escadre
de Drake) auteur de cette relation, en ayant remis
une copie au Baron de St. Simon, Seigneur de
Courtomer, celui-ci engagea François de Louven-
court, Seigneur de Vauchelles, à en faire un extrait
en Français sous le titre de ' le Voyage Curieux faict
autour du monde par François Drach, Admirai
d'Angleterre,' qui fut imprimé chez Gesselin, Paris,
1627, en 8vo."   .
It might be supposed from this statement, that
the work of M. de Louvencourt would disclose the
name of the gentleman of Picardy, who had been
the companion of Drake ; but on referring to the
edition just cited of the French translation, the
only allusion to Drake's companion which is to be
found in the work, occurs in a few words forming
part of the dedication to M. de St. Simon : — " Or,
Monsieur, je le vous dédie, parceque c'est vous que
m'aviez donné, m'ayant fait entendre, que vous
l'aviez eu d'un de vos sujets de Courtomer, qui a
fait le même voyage avec ce seigneur." Nothing
further can safely be inferred from this, than that
M. de St. Simon received the English copy, which
M. de Louvencourt made use of, from one of his FLEURIEU.
vassals who had accompanied Drake in his expedition ; but whether this Picard subject of the lord of
Courtomer was the author of the narrative, does
-not appear from the meagre dedication, which seems
to have been the basis upon which Fleurieu's statement was founded.
Fleurieu refers to the Famous Voyage as printed
in duodecimo, in London, in the year 1600. This
edition, however, cannot be traced in the catalogue
of the British Museum or the Bodleian Library,
nor does Watt refer to it in his Bibliotheca Britannica: but Fleurieu may have had authority for
his statement, though the size of the edition is
•at least suspicious. Even the French translation of 1627, of which there was an earlier edition in 1613, apparently unknown to Fleurieu, is in
8vo, and an English edition of the Famous Voyage,
slightly modified, which was published in London
in 1752, and may be found in the British Museum,
is a very mean pamphlet, though in 8vo/ The
separate editions likewise of Drake's other voyages
which are to be met with in public libraries are in
small quarto, so that there would be no argument
from analogy in favour of an edition in 12mo. The
fact, however, of its having disappeared, might
perhaps be urged as a sign of the insignificance of
the edition.
It is very immaterial, even if Fleurieu has hazarded a hasty statement in respect to there having
been a separate edition of the Famous Voyage as
early as 1600. TJius much, at least, is certain,
that Fleurieu is incorrect in stating that the edition I of Hakluyt, in which it was inserted, did not 30
appear before 1600; for a careful comparison between the French translation, and the respective
English editions of 1589 and 1600, furnishes conclusive evidence that M. de Louvencourt^ translation was made from the narrative in the edition of
1589. Two examples will suffice. The edition of
JL589 gives 55jLdegrees of southern latitude, and
42 degrees of northern latitude, as the extreme
limits of Drake's voyage towards the two poles,
which the French translation follows ; whilst the
edition of 1600 gives 57^degrees of southern latitude, and 43 degrees of northern latitude, as the
southern and northern extremes. There can therefore be little doubt that the work, which M. de Louvencourt translated, was the narrative about which
Hakluyt himself had taken no ordinary pains ;
and which he printed separately from his general
collection of voyages, so that it might be circulated
privately, though he incorporated it into the work
after it was completed.
So far, indeed, are we from finding any good
authority for attributing the authorship^ of the
Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Francis
Pretty, one of his crew, as unhesitatingly advanced
by Mr. Greenhow, that, on the contrary there is
the strongest negative evidence that it was not
written by a person of that name, unless we are
prepared to admit that there were two individuals
of that name, the one a native of Picardy, and vassal of the Sie~ur de Courtomer, the other an English
gentleman, " of Ey in Suffolke ;" the one a companion of Drake, in Ms voyage round the world in
1577-80, the other a companion of Cavendish, in VOYAGE   OF  CAVENDISH.
his voyage round the world in 1586-88 ; the one
the author of the Famous Voyage of Sir Francis
Drake, the other the writer of the Admirable and
Prosperous Voyage of the Worshipful Master Thomas Candish.
Hakluyt, in his edition of 1589, gave merely Voyaged
" The Worthy and Famous Voyage of Master Cavendish.
Thomas Candishe, made round about the Globe of
the Earth in the space of two yeeres and lesse than
two months, begon in the yeerê 1586," which is subscribed at the end, " written by N. H. ;" but in his
edition of 1600 he published a fuller and more complete narrative, intitled "The Admirable and Prosperous Voyage of the Worshipfull Master Thomas Can-
.$ish, of Frimley, in the Countie of Suffolke, Esquire,
into the South. Sea, and from thence round about
the circumference of the whole earth ; begun in
the yeere of our Lord 1586, and finished 1588.
Written by Master Francis Pretty, lately of Ey, in
Suffolke, à gentleman employed in the same action."
The author, in thé course of the narrative, styles himself Francis Pretie, and says that he was one of the
crew of the. " Hugh Gallant, a barke of 40 tunnes,"
which with the Desire, of 120, and the Content, of 60
tons, made up Cavendisjb's small fleet. This Suffolk gentleman, for several reasons, could not be
the same individual as the Picard vassal of the
lord of Courtomer, nor is it probable that he eve^
formed part of the crew of Drake's vessel in the
Famous Voyage, as he no where alludes to the circumstance, when he speaks of places which Drake
vvisited, nor even when he describes the huJl of a
small bark, pointed out to them by a Spaniard, whom 32
they had lately taken on board, in the narrowest
part of the Straits of Magellan, " which we judged
to be a barke called the John Thomas." Now it
is contrary to all probability that the writer of
this passage should have been one of Drake's crew,
for the vessel, whose hull was seen on this occasion, was the Marigold, a bark of 50 tons, which
had formed one of Drake's fleet of five vessels, and
had been commanded by Captain John Thomas,
which fact would have been known to one of
Drake's companions, who could never have committed so gross a blunder as to confound the name
of the ship with the name of the captain. That the
circumstances of the loss of the Marigold made no
slight impression upon the minds of Drake's companions, is shown from its being alluded to in all
the narratives of Nuno da Silva, Cliffe, and Fletcher, without exception.
Drake had succeeded in passing the Straits of
Magellan with three of his vessels: the Golden
Hind, his own ship ; the Elizabeth, commanded by
Captain Winter; and the Marigold, by Captain
Thomas. On the 30th of September, 1578, the
Marigold parted from them in a gale of wind, and
was wrecked in the straits. On the 7th of October
the Elizabeth likewise parted company from the
Admiral; she, however, succeeded in making her
way back through the straits, and arrived safe at
Ilfracombe on the 7th June, 1579. It is singular
ihat, in all the three accounts, which are known to
be written by companions of Drake, the separation
of the Marigold, as well as of the Elizabeth, is
alluded to ; whereas, in the Famous Voyage, there is "THE FAMOUS VOYAGE " AN ANONYMOUS WORK.
no allusion to the loss of the Marigold, but only
to the separation of the Elizabeth, whose safe arrival
in England made the fact notorious. If Hakluyt
wrote the Famous Voyage, the general notoriety of
the separate return of the Elizabeth would account
for his not overlooking that circumstance, whilst he
omitted all allusion to the Marigold, about which
his information would be comparatively imperfect.
If one of Drake's own crew was the author, it is
difficult to suppose that he would have carefully
alluded to " their losing sight of their consort, in
which Mr. Winter was," who did not perish, and
should omit all mention of the loss of the Marigold,
which is spoken of in the World Encompassed " as
the sorrowful separation of the Marigold from us,
in which was Captain John Thomas, with many
others of our dear friends."
The course of this inquiry seems to justify the
following conclusions : that the " Famous Voyage of
Sir Francis Drake ' is, strictly speaking, an anonymous work ; that it is very improbable that it was
compiled by one of Drake's crew ; on the contrary,
Hakluyt's own preface to his edition of 1589 seems
to warrant us in supposing that he had himself been
employed in preparing the narrative, which he printed
separately from the rest of his work, but subse--
quently inserted into it. Hakluyt had most probably
procured information from original sources, but he
had certainly not access, in 1589, to what he subsequently considered to be more trustworthy sources,
for he made various alterations in his narrative, in
his edition of 1600. There is assuredly not the
slightest ground for attributing it to Francis Pretty;
33 IT
Notes of
and if M. Eyriés was the originator of this mistake, he must undoubtedly have confounded the
Famous Voyage of Drake with the Famous
Voyage of Candish. All that can be inferred from
M. de Louvencourt's dedication of his French translation to M. de St. Simon is, that the Lord of
Courtomer had received the English original from
one of his vassals, who had sailed with Drake ; but
the most ingenious interpretation of his words will
not warrant us in inferring that the donor was
likewise the author of the work.
It may be not unworthy of remark, that Purchas,
in the fifth volume of his Pilgrims, (p. 1181.) gives
a list of persons known to the world as the companions of Drake, in which the name of Francis
Pretty is not found. " Men noted to have compassed the world with Drake, which have come to
my hands, are Thomas Drake, brother to Sir
Francis, Thomas Hood, Thomas Blaccoler, John
Gripe, George a musician, Crane, Fletcher, Cary,
Moore, John Drake, John Thomas, Robert Winterly, Oliver the gunner, &c." It would be a
reflection upon the well-known pains-taking research
of Purchas, to suppose that he would have omitted
from his list the name of the author of the Famous
Voyage, had he been really one of Drake's crew.
The other narrative, which is far more full and
complete than the Famous Voyage, is intitled "The
World Encompassed." It was published under the
superintendence of Francis Drake, a nephew of the
Admiral, if not compiled by him ; the foundation
of it, as stated in the title, seems to have been the
notes of Francis Fletcher, the chaplain of Drake's " THE   WORLD  ENCOMPASSED."
vessel, " compared with divers others' notes that
went in the same voyage." Fleurieu, in speaking of
this work, says: "Celle-ci est le récit d'un témoin
oculaire : et la fonction qu'il remplissait à bord du
vaisseau amiral pourrait faire présumer que, s'il
n'était pas l'homme de la flotte le plus expérimenté
dans l'art de la navigation, du moins il devait être
celui que les études exigées de sa profession avaient
mis le plus à portée d'acquérir quelques connaissances, et qui pouvait le mieux exprimer ce qu'il
avait vu." (Recherches sur les terres australes de
Drake, p. 227.)
Fleurieu, in further illustration of the probable
fitness of Fletcher for his task, refers to the excellent
account of Anson's Voyages, written by his chaplain, R. Walter, and to the valuable treatise on
naval evolutions, compiled by the Jesuit Paul Hoste,
the chaplain of Tourville.
The earliest edition of I The World Encompassed" Jhe World
. Encom-
appeared in 1628, and a copy of this date is to be passed,
found in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford. It was
printed for Nicholas Bourne, as " the next voyage
to that to Nombre de Dios, in 1572, formerly imprinted." A second edition was printed in 1635,
and is in the King's Library at the British Museum.
A third edition was published in 1652, and may be
found in the Library of the British Museum. It
was therefore impossible not to feel surprise at Mr.
Greenhow's deliberately stating, that this work was
not published before 1652, the more so as Wattif
in his Bibliotheca Britannica refers to the first
edition of 1628. It is the coincidence of this
second error, which warrants the supposition that
D  2 36
Mr. Greenhow has placed too implicit a faith in
the writer of the article upon Drake, in the Biographie Universelle. M. Eyriés, the author of
that article, there writes, " Un autre ouvrage
original est celui qui fut composé sur les mémoires
de Francis Fletcher, chapelain sur le vaisseau de
Drake. Ces mémoires furent comparés et fondus
avec ceux de plusieurs autres personnes qui avaient
été employées dans la même expédition ; le résultat
de ce travail parut sous ce titre : The World Encompassed, by Sir F. Drake, collected out of the
notes of Master F. F., preacher in this employment,
and others. Londres, 1652, 8vo." There is another
slight error in this statement, as the work is a
small 4to, not an 8vo.
It has been deemed the more necessary to point
Green- out carefully the errors of Mr. Greenhow, in regard
to these two narratives, because he contrasts theni
expressly (p. 74.), as " the one proceeding entirely
from a person who had accompanied Drake in his
expedition, and published in 1589, during the life
of the hero ; the other compiled from various accounts, and not given to the world until the middle
of the following century."
In respect to the narrative of the World Encompassed, Mr. Greenhow thus expresses himself : — "It
is a long and diffuse account, filled with dull and generally absurd speculations, and containing, moreover, a number of statements, which are positive
and evidently wilful falsehoods ; yet it contains
scarcely a single fact not related in the Famous
Voyage, from which many sentences and paragraphs are taken verbatim, while others convey the FLETCHER S JOURNAL.
same meaning in different terms. The journal, or
supposed journal of Fletcher's, remains in manuscript in the British Museum: and from it were
derived the false statements above mentioned, according to Barrow, who consulted it."
Mr. Greenhow's opinion of the length and dif-
fuseness of the narrative, and of the dullness and
general absurdity of the speculations, will probably
be acquiesced in by those who have read the World
Encompassed, but the rest of his observations have
been made at random. The World Encompassed
does not profess to be an original work, but to be a
compilation from the notes of several who went the
voyage. It is therefore highly probable that the
compiler had before him " The Famous Voyage"
amongst other narratives, and we should be prepared to find many statements alike in the two
accounts. But it seems hard to suppose with Mr.
Greenhow, that, where the World Encompassed
differs from the Famous Voyage, the statements
are " positive and evidently wilful falsehoods."
There are several statements, for instance, where
the two narratives differ, and where the World Encompassed agrees with Nuno da Silva's account, or
with Cliffe's narrative.
For instance, on the second day after clearing the Straits of Magellan, on Sept. 7th, a violent gale came on from the north-east, which drove
Drake's three vessels, the Golden Hind, the Elizabeth, and the Marigold, to the height of 57° south
according to Cliffe, and about 200 leagues in
longitude west of the strait, according to the Famous
Voyage.   They could make no head against the gale
Terra Incognita.
for three weeks, and during that interval there
was an eclipse of the moon, which is alluded to in
all the narratives. According to Nuno da Silva,
they lay driving about without venturing to hoist
a sail till the last day of September, and about this
time lost sight of the Marigold. The Elizabeth
still kept company with the Golden Hind, but on or
before October 7th, Drake's vessel parted from her
consort. We now come to a very important event
in Drake's voyage, which would seem to be one
of the supposed " positive and evidently wilful falsehoods," to which Mr, Greenhow alludes.
The Famous Voyage conducts Sir F. Drake in a
continuous course north-westward, after losing
sight of the Elizabeth, to the island of Mocha, in
38° 30' south, whereas the World Encompassed
says, that " Drake, being driven from the Bay of
the Parting of Friends out into the open sea, was
carried back again to the southward into 55° south,
on which height they found shelter for two days
amongst the islands, but were again driven further
to the southward, and at length fell in with the
uttermost part of land towards the South Pole,"
in about 56° south. Here Fletcher himself landed,
and travelled to the southernmost point of the
island, beyond which there was neither continent
nor island, but one wide ocean. We altered the
name, says Fletcher in his MS. journal, from
Terra Incognita, to Terra nunc bene Cognita. Now
this account in the World Encompassed, varying
so totally from that in the Famous Voyage, is
fully borne out by the positive evidence of Nuno
da Silva, who says, that after losing sight of an- CONFUSION IN  "FAMOUS VOYAGE."
other ship of their company, the Admiral's ship
being now left alone, with this foul weather they
ran till they were under 57°, where they entered
into the haven of an island, and stayed there three
or four days. The Famous Voyage would lead
the reader to suppose, that after leaving the Bay
of Severing of Friends, the Elizabeth and Golden
Hind were driven in company to 57° 20' south ;
but it is altogether contrary to probability that
Cliffe should have omitted the fact of the Elizabeth
having been in company with Drake when he discovered the southernmost point of land, had such
been the case. The author of the Famous Voyage
has evidently mixed up the events of the gale in
the month of September with those of the storm
after the 8th of October. This is a very striking
instance of the truth of Captain W. Burney's
remark, " that the author of the Famous Voyage
seems purposely, on some occasions, to introduce
confusion as a cloak for ignorance."
Again, the World Encompassed mentions that~
Drake was badly wounded in the face with an
arrow by the natives in the island of Mocha, about
which the Famous Voyage is altogether silent, but
Nuno da Silva confirms this statement. Other
instances might be cited to the like purport.
Mr. Greenhow, at the end of his note already
cited, says, " The journal or supposed journal of
Fletcher remains in MS. in the British Museum,
and from it were derived the false statements above
mentioned, according to Barrow, who consulted it."
Mr. Greenhow has nowhere particularised what
these false statements are, unless he means that the
D  4
làiz:? \&:'■'.:''"~"Jt^j^':-'' '"! """.Lljfi:1 i—^_r 40
script of
statements are false which are at variance with the
Famous Voyage. It is evident, however, that such
a view assumes the whole point at issue between the
two narratives to be decided upon internal evidence in favour of the Famous Voyage, which a
careful examination of the two accounts will not
But it is incorrect to refer to Fletcher's journal,
as the source of the assumed false statements in the
World Encompassed. The manuscript to which
Captain James Burney refers, in his Voyage of Sir
Francis Drake round the world, as " the manuscript relation of Francis Fletcher, minister, in
the British Musuem," forms a part of the Sloane
Collection, in which there is likewise a MS. of
Drake's previous expedition to Nombre de Dios.
It is not, however, properly speaking, a MS. of
Fletcher's, but a MS. copy of Fletcher's MS. 1 It
bears upon the fly-leaf the words, " e libris Joh. Con-
yers, Pharmacopolist, — Memorandum, Hakluyt's
Voyages of Fletcher." Its title runs thus: " The
First part of the Second Voyage about the World,
attempted, contrived, and happily accomplished, to
wit, in the time of three years, by Mr. Francis
Drake, at her Highness's command, and his company : written and faithfully laid down by Ffrancis
Ffletcher, Minister of Christ and Presbyter of the
Gospel, adventurer and traveller in the same
voyage." On the second page is a map of England, and above it these words : " This is a map of
England, an exact copy of the original to a hair ;
that done by Mr. Ffrancis Ffletcher, in Queen Elizabeth's time ; it is copied by Jo. Conyers, citizen
m ■»
and apothecary of London, together with the rest,
and by the same hand, as follows."
The work appears to have been very carefully
executed by Conyers, and is illustrated with rude
maps and drawings of plants, boats, instruments of
music and warfare, strange animals, such as the
Vitulus marinus and others, which are referred to
in the text of the MS. opposite to which they are
generally depicted, and each is specially vouched to
be a faithful copy of Fletcher's MS.
There is no date assigned to Fletcher's own MS.,
but we might fairly be warranted in referring it
to a period almost immediately subsequent to the
happy accomplishment of the voyage, from the
leader of the company being spoken of as " Mr.
Francis Drake." The Golden Hind reached England in November, 1580, and Drake was knighted
by Queen Elizabeth in April, 1581 ; there was
then an interval of four months, during which the
circumstances of his voyage and his conduct were
under the consideration of the Queen's Council,
and Fletcher may have completed his journal before
their favourable decision led to Drake's receiving
the honour of knighthood. On comparing the
World Encompassed with this MS., it will be found
that most of the speculations, discussions, and fine
writing in the World Encompassed have emanated
from the nephew of the hero, or whoever may have
been the compiler of the work, and have not been
derived from this MS., which is written in rather
a sober style, and is much less diffuse than might
reasonably be expected. Fletcher's imagination
seems certainly to have been much affected by the 42
giant stature of the Patagonians, and by the terrible
tempest which dispersed the fleet after it had cleared
the Straits of Magellan. In respect to the Patagonians, Cliffe, it must be allowed, says, they were
" of a mean stature, well limbed, and of a duskish
tawnie or browne colour." On the other hand,
Nuno da Silva says, they were " a subtle, great,
and well-formed people, and strong and high of
stature." Whichever of the two accounts be the
more correct, this circumstance is certain, that four
of the natives beat back six of Drake's sailors, and
slew with their arrows two of them, the one an
Englishman and the other a Netherlander, so that
they could be no mean antagonists. In respect to
the tempest, the events of it must have with reason
fixed themselves deep into Fletcher's memory, for
he writes in his journal, " About which time the
storm being so outrageous and furious, the barke
Marigold, wherein Edward Bright, one of the accusers of Thomas Doughty, was captain, with 28
souls, was swallowed up, which chanced in the
second watch of the night, wherein myself and
John Brewer, our trumpeter, being watch, did hear
their fearful cries continued without hope, &c."
Limit of There is a greater discrepancy between the Fa-
expedition mous Voyage and the World Encompassed, as to
north. the furthest limit of Drake's expedition to the
north of the equator, than, as already shown, in
regard to the southern limit. We have here, unfortunately, no independent narrative to appeal to
in support of either statement, as the Portuguese
pilot was dismissed by Drake at Guatulco, and did
not accompany him further.   Hakluyt himself does NORTHERN  LIMIT   OF  DRAKE'S  VOYAGE.
not follow the same version of the story in the two
editions of his narrative. In the Famous Voyage,
as interpolated in the edition of 1589, he gives 55^Q
south, as the furthest limit southward ; but in
the edition of 1600, he gives 571°: in a similar
manner we find 42° north, as the highest northern limit mentioned in the edition of 1589, whilst
in that of 1600 it is extended to 43°. Hakluyt
thus seems to have found that his earlier information was not to be implicitly relied upon, but
we have no clue-to the fresh sources to which he
had at a later period found access. The World Encompassed, on the other hand, continues Drake's
course up to the 48th parallel of north latitude.
The two narratives, however, do not appear to be
altogether irreconcilable.    In the Famous Voyage, Famous
. .    Voyage.
as amended in the edition of 1600, we have this
statement : — " We therefore set sail, and say led
(in longitude) 600 leagues at the least for a good
winde, and thus much we sayled from the 16 of
April till the 3 of June. The 5 day of June, being
in 43 degrees towards the pole arcticke, we found
the ayre so colde that our men, being greevously
pinched with the same, complained of the extremitie
thereof, and the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best
for that time to seek the land, and did so, finding
it not mountainous, but low plaine land, till we
came within 38 degrees towards the line. In which
height it pleased God to send us into a faire and
good baye, with a good winde to enter the same."
It will be seen from this account, that it was in
the 43d, or, as in the earlier edition of 1589, the 44 EXTREME   COLD.
42d parallel of north lat., that the cold was first
felt so intensely by Drake's crew, and that the further they went, the more the cold increased upon
them ; so that from the latter passage it may be
inferred that they did not discontinue their course
at once as soon as they reached the 43d parallel.
It appears, likewise, that Drake, from the nature
of the wind, was obliged to gain a considerable
offing, before he could stand towards the northward : 600 leagues in longitude, according to the
first edition (the second edition omitting the words
' in longitude '), which does not differ much from
The World the World Encompassed. The latter states, —
passed. " From Guatulco, or Aquatulco, we departed the
day following, viz. April 16, setting our course directly into the sea, whereupon we sailed 500 leagues
in longitude to get a wind ; and between that and
June 3, 1400 leagues in all, till we came into 42
degrees of latitude, where the night following we
found such an alteration of heat into extreme and
nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously
complain thereof."
The cold seems to have increased to that extremity that, in sailing two degrees further north,
the ropes and tackling of the ship were quite
stiffened. The crew became much disheartened,
but Drake encouraged them, so that they resolved
to endure the uttermost. On the 5th of June
they were forced by contrary winds to run into
an ill-sheltered bay, where they were enveloped
in thick fogs, and the cold becoming still more
severe, " commanded them to the southward whether they would or no."    " From the height of 48 MR. GREENHOW S   OBJECTIONS.
degrees, in which now we were, to 38, we found
the land by coasting along it to be but low and
reasonable plain : every hill (whereof we saw many,
but none very high), though it were in June, and
the sun in his nearest approach to them, being
covered with snow. In 38° 30' we fell in with a
convenient and fit harbour, and June 17th came to
anchor therein, where we continued till the 23d
day of July following."
The writer of this account, in another paragraph,
confirms the above statement by saying, " add to
this, that though we searched the coast diligently,
even unto 48°, yet found we not the land to trend
so much as one point in any place towards the
East, but rather running on continually north-west,
as if it went directly into Asia."
Mr. Greenhow is disposed to reject the statement Mr. Green-
of the World Encompassed, for two reasons: first
because it is improbable that a vessel like Drake's
could have sailed through six degrees of latitude
from the 3d to the 5th of June ; secondly, because
it is impossible that such intense cold could be
experienced in that part of the Pacific in the month
of June, as is implied by the circumstances narrated,
and therefore they must be "direct falsehoods."
The first objection has certainly some reason
in it; but in rejecting the World Encompassed,
Mr. Greenhow adopts the Famous Voyage as the
true narrative, so that it becomes necessary to see
whether Hakluyt's account is not exposed to objections equally grave.
Hakluyt agrees with the author of the World
Encompassed, in dating Drake's arrival at a conve- 46
nient harbour on June 17. —(Hakluyt gives this
date in vol. iii. p. 524.) — so that Drake would have
consumed twelve days in running back three and a
half degrees, according to one version of the Famous
Voyage, and four and a half degrees according to
the other, before a wind which was so violent that
he could not continue to beat against it. There is
no doubt about the situation of the port where
Drake took shelter, at least within half a degree,
that it was either the Port de la Bodega, in 38° 28',
as some have with good reason supposed (Maurelle's
Journal, p. 526., in Barrington's Miscellanies), or
the Port de los Reyes, situated between La Bodega
and Port San Francisco, in about 38°, as the Spaniards assert ; and there is no difference in the two
stories in respect to the interval which elapsed after
Drake turned back, until he reached the port.
There is, therefore, the improbability of Drake's
vessel, according to Hakluyt, making so little way
in so long a time before a wind, to be set off against
the improbability of its making, according to the
World Encompassed, so much way in so short a
time on a wind, the wind blowing undoubtedly all
this time very violently from the north-west.
Many persons may be disposed to think that the
two improbabilities balance each other.
In respect to the intense cold, it must be remembered that the Famous Voyage, equally with the
World Encompassed, refers to the great extremity
of the cold as the cause of Drake's drawing back
again till he reached 38°. There can, therefore, be
no doubt that Drake did turn back on account of
his men being unable to bear up against the cold, TRENDING OF THE COAST WESTWARD.
after having so lately come out of the extreme heat
of the tropics. Is it more probable that this intense
cold should have been experienced in the higher or
the lower latitude? for the intense cold must be
admitted to be a fact. Drake seems to have been
exposed to one of those severe winds termed
Northers, which in the early part of the summer
bring down the atmosphere, even at New Orleans
and Mexico, to the temperature of winter ; but
without seeking to account for the cold, as that
would be foreign to the present inquiry, the fact,
to whatever extent it be admitted, would rather
support the statement that Drake reached the
48th parallel, than that he was constrained to turn
back at the lower latitude of 43°.
It may likewise be observed, that the descrip- Trending
tion of the coast, " as trending continually north- COast?
westward, as if it went directly into Asia," would
correspond with the 48th parallel, but be altogether
at variance with the 43d ; and it is admitted by
all that Drake's object was to discover a passage
from the western to the eastern coast of North
America. His therefore finding the land not to
trend so much as one point to the east, but, on the
contrary, to the westward, whilst it fully accounts
for his changing his course, determines also where
he decided to return. It should not be forgotten
that the statement in the World Encompassed, that
the coast trended to the westward in 48°, was in
contradiction of the popular opinion regarding the
supposed Straits of Anian, and if it were not the
fact, the author hazarded, without an adequate
object, the rejection of this part of his narrative, and 48
Stow, the
unavoidably detracted from his own character for
We have, however, two cotemporaries of Sir Francis Drake, who confirm the statement of the World
Encompassed. One of these has been strangely
overlooked by Mr. Greenhow ; namely. Stow the
annalist, who, under the year 1580, gives an account of the return of Master Francis Drake to
England, from his voyage round the world. " He
passed" he says, "forth northward, till he came to
the latitude of forty-seven, thinking to have come
that way home, but being constrained by fogs and
cold winds to forsake his purpose, came backward
to the line ward the tenth of June, 1579, and stayed
in the latitude of thirty-eight, to grave and trim
his ship, until the five-and-twenty of July." This
is evidently an account derived from sources quite
distinct from those of either of the other two
narratives. It occurs as early as 1592, in an edition of the Annals which is in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford, so that it was circulated two years at
least before Drake's death.
The other authority is that of one of the most
celebrated navigators of Drake's age, John Davis,
of Sandrug by Dartmouth, who was the author of a
work intitled " The World's Hydrographical Dis-
Hydrogra- covery." It was " imprinted at London, by Tho-
covery. 1S~ nias Dawson, dwelling at the Three Cranes in the
Vine-tree, in 1595," and maybe found most readily
in the 4th volume of the last edition of Hakluyt's
Voyages. After giving some account of the dangers which Drake had surmounted in passing through
the Straits of Magellan, which Davis had himself
sailed through three times, he proceeds to say, that
" after Sir Francis Drake was entered into the
South Seas, he coasted all the western shores of
America, until he came into the septentrional latitude of forty-eight degrees, being on the back side
of Newfoundland." Now Davis is certainly entitled
to respectful attention, from his high character as
a navigator* He had made three voyages in search
of a north-west passage, and had given his name
to Davis' Straits, as the discoverer of them ; he had
likewise been the companion of Cavendish in his
last voyage into the South Seas, in 1591-93, when,
having separated from Cavendish, he discovered the
Falkland islands. He was therefore highly competent to form a correct judgment of the value of the
accounts which he had received respecting Drake's
voyage, nor was he likely, as a rival in the career
of maritime discovery, to exaggerate the extent of
it. We find him, on this occasion, deliberately
adopting the account that Drake reached that portion of the north-west coast of America, which
corresponded to Newfoundland on the north-east
coast, or, as he distinctly says, the septentrional latitude of 48 degrees.
Davis, however, Is not the only naval authority
of that period who adopted this view, for Sir
William Monson, who was admiral in the reign of?" w
Elizabeth and James I., and served in expeditions
against the Spaniards under Drake, in his introduction to Sir Francis Drake's voyage round the
world, praises him because " lastly and principally
that after so many miseries and extremities he enr
dured, and almost two years spent in unpractised
rm 50
seas, when reason would have bid him sought home
for his rest, he left his known course, and ventured
upon an unknown sea in forty-eight degrees, which
sea or passage we know had been often attempted
by our seas, but never discovered." And in his
brief review of Sir F. Drake's voyage round the
world, he says, "From the 16 th of April till the
5th of June he sailed without seeing land, and
arrived in forty-eight degrees, thinking to find a
passage into our seas, which land he named Albion."
(Sir W. Monson's Naval Tracts, in Churchill's Collection of Voyages, vol. iii. pp. 367, 368.)
Mr. Greenhow (p. 75.) says, that Davis' assertion
carries with it its own refutation, " as it is nowhere
else pretended that Drake saw any part of the west
coast of America between the 17th degree of latitude and the 38th." But surely Davis might use
the expression, " coasted all the western shores of
America," without being supposed to pretend that
Drake kept in sight of the coast all the way. The
objection seems to be rather verbal than substantial.
Again, Sir W. Monson is charged by the same
author with inconsistency, because he speaks of C.
Mendocino as the " furthest land discovered," and
the " furthermost known land." But Sir W. Monson is on this occasion discussing the probable advantages of a north-west passage as a saving of
distance, and he is speaking of C. Mendocino, as
the "furthermost known part of America," i.e. the
furthermost headland from which a course might
be measured to the Moluccas, and he is likewise
referring especially to the voyage of Francisco Gali,
so that this objection is more specious than solid. CAMDEN S ELIZABETH.
It should likewise not be forgotten, that in the most
approved maps of that day, in the last edition of
Ortelius, for example, and in that of Hondius, which
is given in Purchas' Pilgrims, C. Mendocino is the
northernmost point of land of North America. It
may also not be amiss to remark, that in the map
which Mr. Hallam (in his Literature of Europe, vol.
ii. c. viii. § v.) justly pronounces to be the best map
of the sixteenth century, and which is one of uncommon rarity, Cabo Mendocino is the last headland marked upon the north-west coast of America,
in about 43° north latitude. This map is found with
a few copies of the edition of Hakluyt of 1589: in
other copies, indeed, there is the usual inferior map,
in which C. Mendocino is placed between 50° and 60°.
The work, however, in which it has been examined
for the present purpose, is Hakluyt's edition of 1600,
in which it is sometimes found with Sir F. Drake's
voyage traced out upon it : but in the copy in the
Bodleian Library, no such voyage is observed ; whilst
the line of coast is continued above C. Mendocino
and marked, in large letters, " Nova Albion." Thus
Hakluyt himself, in adopting this map as " a true
hydrographical description of so much of the world
as hath been-hitherto discovered and is common to
our knowledge," has so far admitted that Nova
Albion extended beyond the furthest land discovered
by the Spaniards. On the other hand, Camden, in Camden.
his Life of Elizabeth, first published in 1615, adopts
the version of the story which Hakluyt had put
forth in his earliest edition of the Famous Voyage,
making the southern limit 55° south, and the northern 42° north, which Hakluyt has himself rejected
£    2
Johnson's life of drake.
in his later edition. There can be little doubt that
Camden's account bears internal evidence of having
been copied in the main from Hakluyt. Purchas,
as we may gather from his work, merely followed
In addition to these, Mr. Greenhow enumerates
several comparatively recent authors as adopting
Dr. John- Hakluyt's opinion. Of these, perhaps, Dr. Johnson has the greatest renown. He published a
Life of Drake in parts, in five numbers of the
Gentleman's Magazine for 1740-41. It was, however, amongst his earliest contributions, when he was
little more than thirty years of age, and therefore
is not entitled to all the weight which the opinion
of Dr. Johnson at a later period of life might
carry with it. But as it is, the passage, as it
stands at present, seems to involve a clerical error.
" From Guatulco, which lies in 15° 40', they stood
out to sea, and without approaching any land,
sailed forward till on the night following the 3d
of June, being then in the latitude of 38°,
they were suddenly benumbed with such cold
blasts that they were scarcely able to handle the
ropes. This cold increased upon them, as they
proceeded, to such a degree, that the sailors were
discouraged from mounting upon deck ; nor were
the effects of the climate to be imputed to the
warmth of the regions to which they had been
lately accustomed, for the ropes were stiff with
frost, and the meat could scarcely be conveyed
warm to the table. On June 17th they came to
anchor in 38° 30'."        §
In the original paper, as published in the Gen- MARCHAND S  VOYAGE,
tleman's Magazine for January, 1741, Dr. Johnson
writes 38° in numbers as the parallel of latitude
where the cold was felt so acutely. This would
be in a far lower latitude than what any of the
accounts of Drake's own time gives; so that it may
for that reason alone be suspected to be an error of
the press, more particularly as Drake is made ultimately to anchor in 38° 30', a higher latitude than
that in which his crew were benumbed with the
cold. We must either suppose that Dr. Johnson
entirely misunderstood the narrative, and inten-
tionally represented Drake as continuing his voyage
northward in spite of the cold, and anchoring in,
a higher latitude than where his men were so
much discouraged by its severity, or that there is
a typographical error in the figures. The latter seems
to be the more probable alternative ; and if, in order
to correct this error, we may reasonably have recourse to the authority from which he derived his*
information as to the latitude of the port where
Drake cast anchor, it is to the World Encompassed,
and not to the Famous Voyage, that we must refer ;
for it is the World Encompassed which gives us
38° 30' as the latitude of the convenient and fit
harbour, whereas the Famous Voyage sends Drake
into a fair and good bay in 38°.
The dispute between Spain and Great Britain
respecting the fur trade on the north-west coast of
America having awakened the attention of the
European powers to the value of discoveries in that
quarter, a French expedition was in consequence
despatched in 1790, under Captain Etienne Marchand, who, after examining some parts of the north-
£    3 $  dp
f,   1
ij '1
. 1
i li 1 fi
i !
j    !
and Val dés.
west coast of America, concluded the circumnavigation of the globe in 1792. Fleurieu, the French
hydrographer, published a full account of Marchanda Voyage, to which he prefaced an introduction, read before the French Institute in July,
1797. In this introduction he reviews briefly the
course of maritime discovery in these parts, and
states his opinion, without any qualification, that
Sir Francis Drake made the land on the north-west
coast of America in the latitude of 48 degrees,
which no Spanish navigator had yet reached. Mr.
Greenhow (p. 223.) speaks highly of Fleurieu's
work, though he considers him to have been careless
in the examination of his authorities. He observes,
that " his devotion to his own country, and his contempt for the Spaniards and their government, led
him frequently to make assertions and observations
at variance with truth and justice." It may be
added, that at the time when he composed his introduction, the relations of France and Great Britain
were not of a kind to dispose him to favour unduly
the claims of British navigators.
The same train of events which terminated in
the Nootka Convention, led to a Spanish expedition
under Galiano and Valdés, of which an account
was published, by order of the king of Spain, at
Madrid, in 1802. The introduction to it comprises
a review of all the Spanish voyages of discovery
along the north-west coast, in the course of which
it is observed that, from want of sufficient information in Spanish history, certain foreign writers had
undervalued the merit of Cabrillo, by assigning to
Drake the discovery of the coast between 38° and HUMBOLDT S  NEW  SPAIN.
48°; whereas, thirty-six years before Drake's appearance on that coast, Cabrillo had discovered it
between 38° and 43°. A note appended to this
passage states, " The true glory which the English
navigator may claim for himself is the having discovered the portion of coast comprehended between
the parallels of 43° and 48° ; to which, consequently, the denomination of New Albion ought to
be limited, without interfering with the discoveries
of preceding navigators." (Relacion del Viage
hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el ano
de 1792.    Introduccion, pp. xxxv. xxxvi.)
To the same purport, Alexander von Humboldt,
in his Essai Politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne,
says, " D'après des données historiques certaines,
la dénomination de Nouvelle Albion devrait être
restreinte à la partie de la côte qui s'étend depuis
les 43° aux 48°, ou du Cap de Martin de Aguilar,
à l'entrée de Juan de Fuca :" (1. iii. c. viii.) And, in
another passage, " On trouve que Francisco Gali
côtoya une partie de l'Archipel du prince de Galles
ou celui du roi George (en 1582). Sir Francis
Drake, en 1578, n'était parvenu que jusqu'aux 48°
de latitude au nord du cap Grenville, dans la Nouvelle Géorgie."
The question of the northern limits of Drake's expedition has been rather fully entered into on this
occasion, because it is apprehended that Drake's visit
constituted a discovery of that portion of the coast
which was to the north of the furthest headland
which Ferrelo reached in 1543, whether that headland were Cape Mendocino, or Cape Blanco ; and
because Mr. Greenhow, in the preface to the second
E   4
55 56
edition of his History of Oregon and Califonia,
observes, that in the accounts and views there
presented of Drake's visit to the north-west coast,
all who had criticised his work were silent, or carefully omitted to notice the principal arguments
adduced by the author. We may conclude with
observing, that on reviewing the evidence it will
be seen, that in favour of the higher latitude of 48°
we have a well-authenticated account drawn up
by the nephew of Sir Francis Drake himself, from
the notes of several persons who went the voyage,
confirmed by independent statements in two cotem-
porary writers, Stow the annalist, and Davis the
navigator, and supported by the authority of Sir
W. Monson, who served with Drake in the
Spanish wars after his return ; and on this side
we find ranked the influential judgment of the
ablest modern writers who have given their attention to the subject, such as the distinguished French
hydrographer Fleurieu, the able author of the
Introduction to the Voyage of the Sutil and
Mexicana, published by the authority of the king
of. Spain, and the learned and laborious Alexander
von Humboldt. On the opposite side stands Hakluyt, and Hakluyt alone; for Camden and Purchas
both followed Hakluyt implicitly, and though they
may be considered to approve, they do not in any
way confirm his account; while Hakluyt himself
has nowhere disclosed his sources of information,
and by the variation of the two editions of his work
in the two most important facts of the whole
voyage, namely, the extreme limits southward and
northward respectively of Drake's expedition, he OF DRAKE S  EXPEDITION.
has indirectly made evident the doubtful character
of the information on which he relied, and has
himself abandoned the version of the story, which
Camden, and the author of the Vie de Drach, have
adopted upon his authority. DO
The Voyage of Francisco de Gualle, or Gali, in 1584. — Of Viscaino,
in 1598. — River of Martin d'Aguilar. — Cessation of Spanish Enterprises.— Jesuit Missions in California in the 18th Century.—-
Voyage of Behring and Tchiricoff in 1741. — Presidios in Upper
California. — Voyage of Juan Perez in 1774; of Heceta and De
la Bodega in 1775.—Heceta's Inlet. — Port Bucareli. — Bay of
Bodega. — Hearne's Journey to the Coppermine River. — Captain
James Cook in 1776. — Russian Establishments, in 1783, as far as
Prince William's Sound ; in 1787, as far as Mount Elias. — Expeditions from Macao, under the Portuguese flag, in 1785 and
1786 ; under that of the British East India Company in 1786. —
Voyage of La Perousein 1786.—King George's Sound Company.—
Portland and Dixon, in 1786.—Meares and Tipping, in 1786, under
Flag of East India Company. — Duncan and Colnett in 1787.—<
Captain Barclay discovers in 1787 the Straits in 48° 30/, to which
Meares gives the name of Juan de Fuca in 1788. — Prince of
Wales's Archipelago. — Gray and Kendrick.
The Spaniards had long coveted a position in the
East Indies, but the Bull of Pope Alexander VI.
precluded them from sailing eastward round the
Cape of Good Hope ; they had in consequence made
many attempts to find their way thither across
the Pacific. It was not, however, till 1564, that
they succeeded in establishing themselves in the
Philippine Islands. Thenceforth Spanish galleons
sailed annually from Acapulco to Manilla, and
back by Macao.     The trade winds wafted them FRANCISCO  GALI.
de Gualle.
directly across from New Spain in about three
months: on their return they occupied about
double that time, and generally reached up into a
northerly latitude, in order to avail themselves of the
prevailing north-westers, which cgfcrried them to the
shores of California.
An expedition of this kind is the next historical
record of voyages on this coast, after Drake's
visit. Hakluyt has published the navigator's
own account of it in his edition of 1600, as Francisco
the " True and perfect Description of a Voyage
performed and done by Francisco de Gualle, a
Spanish Captain and Pilot, &c, in the Year of our
Lord 1584." It purports to have been translated out
of the original Spanish, verbatim, into Low Dutch,
by J. H. van Lindschoten ; and thence into English
by Hakluyt. According to this version of it, Gualle,
on his return from Macao, made the coast of New
Spain " under seven-and-thirty degrees and a half."
The author of the " Introduction to the Journal of
Galiano and Valdés" has substituted 57-^ for 37^
degrees in Gualle's, or rather Gali's, account, without
stating any reason for it. Mr. Greenhow, indeed,
refers to a note of that author's, as intimating that
he relied upon the evidence of papers found in the
Archives of the Indies, but on examining the note
in p. xlvi., it evidently refers to two letters from
the Archbishop of Mexico, thenViceroy of New Spain,
to the King, in reference to an expedition which he
proposed to intrust to Jayme Juan, for the discovery
of the Straits of Anian. It is true that the archbishop is stated to have consulted Gali upon his
project, but the author of the " Introduction" spe- 60
cially alludes to Lindschoten, as the person to whom
the account of Gali's Voyage in 1582 was due, and
refers to a French translation of Lindschoten's
work, under the title of "Le Grand Routier de
Mer," published at Amsterdam in 1638. But
Lindschoten's original work was written in the
Dutch language, being intitled " Reystges-chrift
van de Navigatien der Portugaloysers in Orienten,"
and was published towards the end of the sixteenth
century; and two English translations of Gali's
Voyage immediately appeared, one in Wolf's edition of Lindschoten, in 1598; the other in the
third volume of Hakluyt, 1598-1600. Lindschoten's own Dutch version was subsequently inserted
in Witsen's " Nord en Oost Tarterye," in 1692. All
these latter accounts, including the original, agree
in stating seven-and-thirty degrees and a half as
the latitude where Gali discovered " a very high
and fair land, with many trees, and wholly without
snow." The passage in the original Dutch may
be referred to in Burney's History of Voyages,
vol. v. p. 164. The French translation, however,
which the author of the Introduction consulted,
gives 57^°, the number being expressed in figures ;
but as this seems to be the only authority for the
change, it can hardly justify it. "A high land,"
observes Captain Burney, " ornamented with trees,
and entirely without snow, is not inapplicable to
the latitude of 37J°, but would not be credible if
said of the American coast in 57^° N., though
nothing were known of the extraordinary high
mountains which are on the western side of America
in that parallel.    It may be observed, that  the LE  GRAND  ROUTIER DE  MER.
French translator has likewise mis-stated the course
which Gali held in reaching across from Japan to
the American coast, by rendering " east and east-
by-north" in the original, as " east and north-east"
in the French version, making a difference of three
points in the compass, which would take him much
farther north than his true course.
M. Eyriés, in the article " Gali," in the Biographie
Universelle, puts forward the same view of the
cause of the variation of the latitude in the account
adopted by the author of the Introduction, namely,
that it was derived from the French translation which
he consulted. The words in the French version of
the Grand Routier de Mer are ; " Estans venus
suivant ce mesme cours près de la coste de la Nouvelle Espagne à la hauteur de 57 degrez et demi,
nous approchasmes d'un haut et fort beau pays,
orné de nombre d'arbres et entièrement sans neige."
M. Eyriés, however, has fallen into a curious mistake, as he represents Gali to have made the identical voyage which is the subject of the narrative, in
company with Jayme Juan, in execution of the project of the Viceroy of Mexico, which was never
accomplished, instead of his having made the
account of the voyage for him. That M. Eyriés
is in error will be evident, not merely from the
account of the author of the Introduction, if more
carefully examined, as well as from the title and
conclusion of the Voyage of Gali itself, as given in
Hakluyt's translation of the Dutch version of Lindschoten ; but also from this circumstance, which
seems to be conclusive. M. de Contreras, Archbishop of Mexico, was Viceroy of New Spain for the :f! I
i r
short space of one year only, and the letters which
he wrote to the King of Spain, submitting his project of an expedition to explore the north-west
coast of America for his Majesty's approval, bore
date the 22d January and 8th March, 1585. But
Gali commenced his voyage from Acapulco in March
1582, and had returned by the year 1584, most
probably before the Archbishop had entered upon
his office of Viceroy, certainly before he submitted
his plans to the King, which he had matured after
consultation with Gali. It is difficult to account for
M. Eyriés' mistake, unless it originated in an imper-
fent acquaintance with the Spanish language, as the
statement by the author of the Introduction is by
no means obscure. Gali's voyage was thus a private mercantile enterprise, and not an expedition
authorised and directed by the Government of New
Spain, which the account of M. Eyriés might lead
his reader to suppose. It has acquired, accidentally,
rather more importance of late than it substantially
deserves, from the circumstance of its having been
cited in support of the Spanish title to the northwest coast of America ; it has consequently been
thought to merit a fuller examination on the pre*
sent occasion, as to its true limits northward,
which clearly fall short of those attained by the
Spaniards under Ferrelo, and very far short of those
reached by the British under Drake.
The next authentic expeditions on these coasts
were those conducted by Sebastian Viscaino. The
growing rumours of the discovery of the passage
between the Atlantic and Pacific by the Straits of
Anian,  and the necessity of  providing  accurate SEBASTIAN  VISCAINO.
charts for the vessels engaged in the trade between
New Spain and the Philippine islands, induced
Philip IL to direct an expedition to be dispatched
from Acapulco in 1596, to survey the coasts.
Nothing however of importance was accomplished
on this occasion, but on the succession of Philip III.
in 1598, fresh orders were despatched to carry into
execution the intentions of his predecessor. Thirty-
two charts, according to Humboldt, prepared by
Henri Martinez, a celebrated engineer, prove that
Viscaino surveyed these coasts with unprecedented
care and intelligence. " The sickness, however, of
his crew, the want of provisions, and the extreme
severity of the season, prevented his advancing
further north than a headland in the 42d parallel,
to which he gave the name of Cape Sebastian." The
smallest of his three vessels, however, conducted
by Martin d'Aguilar and Antonio Florez, doubled Martin
Cape Mendocino, and reached the 43d parallel, where A!
they found the mouth of a river which Cabrillo
has been supposed by some to have previously discovered in 1543, and which was for some time
considered to be the western extremity of the long-
sought Straits of Anian. The subsequent report
of the captain of a Manilla ship, in 1620, according
to Mr. Greenhow, led the world to adopt a different
view, and to suppose that it was the mouth of a
passage into the northern extremity of the Gulf of
California ; and accordingly, in maps of the later half
of the seventeenth century, California was represented to be an island, of which Cape Blanco was the
northernmost headland. After this error had been
corrected by the researches of the Jesuit Kuhn, in WW""'#^.-^yi^f
I ■
1709, we find in the maps of the eighteenth century,
such as that of Guillaume de Lisle, published in
Paris in 1722, California a peninsula, Cape Blanco
a headland in 45°, and near it marked " Entrée
découverte par d'Aguilar."
With Gali and Viscaino terminates the brilliant period of Spanish discoveries along the north-west coast
of America. The governors of New Spain during
the remainder of the seventeenth century and the
greater part of the eighteenth, confined their attention to securing the shores of the peninsula of California against the armed vessels of hostile Powers,
which, after the discovery of the passage round Cape
Horn in 1616, by the Dutch navigators Lemaire and
Van Schouten, carried on their depredations in the
Pacific with increasing frequency. The country
itself of California was in 1697 subjected, by a royal
warrant, to an experimental process of civilisation
at the hands of the Jesuits, which their success in
Paraguay emboldened them to undertake. In about
sixty years a chain of missions was established
along the whole eastern side of California, and the
followers of Loyola may be considered to have
ruled the country, till the decree issued by Charles
III. in 1767, for the immediate banishment of the
society from the Spanish dominions, led to their
expulsion from the New World. During this long
period, the only expedition of discovery that ven-
Behring & tured into these seas was that which Behring and
Tchiricoff led forth in 1741 from the shores of
Kamtchatka, under the Russian flag. Behring's own
voyage southward is not supposed to have extended
beyond the 60th parallel of north latitude, where
he discovered a stupendous mountain, visible at the
distance of more than eighty miles, to which he gave
the name of Mount St. Elias, which it still bears.
The account is derived from the journal of Steller, the
naturalist of Behring's ship, whicH Professor Pallas
first published in 1795, as Behring himself died on
his voyage home, in one of the islands of the
Aleutian Archipelago, between 54^ and 55^
degrees north latitude. Here his vessel had been
wrecked, and the island still bears the name of
the Russian navigator. Tchiricoff, on the other
hand, advanced further eastward, and the Russians
themselves maintain that he pushed his discoveries
as far south as the 49th parallel of north latitude,
(Letter from the Chevalier de Poletica, Russian
Minister, to the Secretary of State at Washington,
February 28. 1822, in British and Foreign State
Papers, 1821-22, p. 483.); but this has been
disputed. Mr. Greenhow considers, from the
description of the latitude and bearings of the land
discovered by him, that it must have been one of
the islands of the Prince of Wales's Archipelago,
in about 56°.
The discoveries of the Russians, of which vague
rumours had found their way into Europe, and of
which a detailed account was given to the Academy
of Sciences at Paris, in 17$0, by J. N. de ITsle, the astronomer, on his return from St. Petersburg, revived
the attention of Spain to the importance of securing
her possessions in the New World against the encroachments of other Powers. It was determined
that the vacant coasts and islands adjacent to the
settled provinces of New Spain should be occupied,
} J
1 Presidios'
in Upper
so as to protect them against casual expeditions,
and that the more distant shores should be explored,
so as to secure to the crown of Spain a title to them,
on the grounds of first discovery. With this object
" the Marine Department of San Bias " was organised, and was charged with the superintendence of all
operations by sea. Its activity was evinced by the
establishment of eight " Presidios " along the coast
in Upper California, in the interval of the ten years
immediately preceding 1779. Of these San Diego,
in 32° 3 9' 30", was the most southerly ; San Francisco,
in 38° 48' 30", the most northerly. During the
same period, three expeditions of discovery were
dispatched from San Bias. The earliest of these
sailed forth in January 1774, under the command of
Juan Perez. Juan Perez, but its results were not made known
before 1802, when the narrative of the expedition of
the Sutil and Mexicana was published, as already
stated. According to this account, Perez, having
touched at San Diego and Monterey, steered out
boldly into the open sea, and made the coast of
America again in 53° 53' north. In the latitude
of 55° he discovered a headland, to which he gave the
name of Santa Margarita, at the northern extremity
of Queen Charlotte's Island. The strait which separates this island from that of the Prince of Wales,
is henceforward marked in Spanish maps as the
Entrada de Perez. A scanty supply of water, however, soon compelled him to steer southward, and
he cast anchor in the Bay of San Lorenzo in 49° 30',
in the month of August, and for a short time engaged in trade with the natives. Spanish writers
identify  the bay  of  San  Lorenzo  with   that  to
which Captain Cook, four years afterwards, gave
the name of Nootka Sound. Perez was prevented
from landing on this coast by the stormy state of
the weather, and his vessel was obliged to cut her
cables, and put to sea with the loss of her anchors.
He is supposed, in coasting southward, to have
caught sight of Mount Olympus in 47° 47'. Having
determined the true latitude of C. Mendocino, he
returned to San Bias, after about eight months'
absence. Unfortunately for the fame of Perez, the
claim now maintained for him to the discovery of
Nootka Sound, was kept secret by the Spaniards
till after general consent had assigned it to Captain
Cook. The Spaniards have likewise advanced a
claim to the discovery of the Straits of Fuca, upon
the authority of Don Esteban José Martinez, the pilot
of the Santiago, Perez' vessel ; who, according to Mr.
Greenhow, announced many years afterwards that
he remembered to have observed a wide opening in
the land between 48° and 49° : and they have consequently marked in their charts the headland
at the entrance of the straits as Cape Martinez*
No allusion, however, is made to this claim in the
Introduction to the Voyage of the Sutil and Mexi-
cana, nor in Humboldt's New Spain.
In the following year (1775) a second expedition Heceta,
sailed from San Bias  under  the  orders  of Don an^ ij*£
Bruno Heceta, Don Juan de Ayala, and Don Juan bodega y
» J Quadra.
de la Bodega y Quadra. The Spanish government
observed their usual prudent silence as to the results
of this expedition, but the journal of Antonio Maurelle, " the second pilot of the fleet," who acted as
pilot in the Senora, which Bodega commanded, feH
F  2
■ 68
ill;- 8
into the hands of the Hon. Daines Barrington, who
published an English translation of it in his Miscellanies, in 1781. There are four other accounts
in MS. amongst the archives at Madrid. From one
of these, the journal of Heceta himself, a valuable
extract is given in Mr. Greenhow's Appendix. Their
first discovery north of C. Mendocino, was a small
port in 41° 7'| to which they gave the name of La
Trinidad, and where they fixed up a cross, which
Vancouver found still remaining in 1793. They
then quitted the coast, and did not make the land
again till they reached 48° 26', whence they examined
the shore in vain towards the south for the supposed
Strait of Fuca, which was placed in Bellin's fanciful
chart, constructed in 1766, between 47° and 48°.
Having had seven of the Senora's men massacred by
the natives in the latitude of 47° 20', where twelve
years later a portion of the crew of the Imperial Eagle
were surprised and murdered, they resumed their
voyage northward, though Heceta, owing to the sickness of his crew, was anxious to return. A storm
soon afterwards separated the two vessels, and
Heceta returned southward. On his voyage homewards he first made the land on the 1 Oth of August,
in 49° 30', on the south-west side of the great
island now known as Vancouver's Island, and passing the part which Perez had visited, came upon
the main land below the entrance of the Straits
of Fuca. On the 17th of August, as he was sailing
along the coast, between 46° 40' and 46° 4', according to Heceta's own report, or in 46° 9' according
to the Introduction to the Voyage of the Sutil and
Mexicana, Heceta discovered a great bay, the head HECETA S  INLET.
of which he could no where recognise. So strong,
however, were the currents and eddies of the water,
that he believed it to be "the mouth of some
great river, or passage to another sea." He was
disposed, according to his own statement, to conceive it to be the same with the Straits of Fuca, as
he was satisfied no such straits existed between 47°
and 48°, where they were laid down in the charts.
He did not, however, venture to cast anchor ; and
the force of the currents, during the night, swept
him too far to leeward to allow him to examine it
any further. Heceta named the northern headland of the bay, C. San Roque ; and the southern c San
headland, C. Frondoso ; and to the bay itself he
gave the name of the Assumption, though, in
the Spanish charts, according to Humboldt, it is
termed " l'Ensenada de Ezeta," Heceta's Inlet. ^;tas
Heceta likewise gave the name of C. Falcon to a
headland in 45° 43', known since as C. Lookout ;
and continuing his course to the southward along
the coast, reached Monterey on August 30th.
De la Bodega, in the mean time, had stretched out
to 56°, when he unexpectedly made the coast, 135
leagues more to the westward than Bellin's chart had
led him to expect. He soon afterwards discovered
the lofty conical mountain in King George III.'s
Archipelago, to which he gave the name of San
Jacinto, and which Cook subsequently called Mount
Edgecumb, and having reached the 58th parallel,
turned back to examine that portion of the coast,
where the Rio de los Reyes was placed in the story
of the adventures of Admiral Fonte. Having
looked for this fabulous stream in vain, they landed
F  3 70
and took possession of the shores of an extensive
bay, in 55° 30', in the Prince of Wales' Archipelago, which they named Port Bucareli, in honour
of the Viceroy. Proceeding southward, they observed the Entrada de Perez, north of Queen Charlotte's Island; but, though coasting from 49° within a mile of the shore, according to Maurelle's
account, they overlooked the entrance of Fuca's
Straits. A little below 47° unfavourable winds
drove them off the coast, which they made once
more in 45° 27' ; from which parallel they searched
in vain to 42° for the river of Martin d'Aguilar.
In the latitude of 38° 18' they reached a spacious
and sheltered bay, which they had imagined to be
Port San Francisco ; but it proved to be a distinct
bay, not yet laid down in any chart, so De la Bodega
Port de ia "bestowed his own name upon it, having noted in
his journal that it was here that Sir Francis Drake
careened his ship. Vancouver, however, considered
the bay of Sir Francis Drake to be distinct from
this bay of Bodega, as well as from that of San
Expeditions had been, in the mean time, made
by direction of the Hudson's Bay Company, across
the northern regions of North America, to determine, if possible, the existence of the supposed
northern passage between Hudson's Bay and the
Mr.Samuel Pacific Ocean. Mr. Samuel Hearne, one of the
Company* s agents, in 1771, in the course of one of
these journeys, succeeded in tracing a river, since
The Cop- known as the Coppermine River, to a sea, where
Company, the flux and reflux of the tide was observed.
Hearne calculated the mouth of this river to be in hèarne's journey.
about 72° north latitude ; and he had assured himself, by his own observations, that no channel connecting the two seas extended across the country
which he had traversed. It appears that a parliamentary grant of 20,000/. had been voted, in
1745, by the House of Commons, for the discovery
of a north-west passage, through Hudson's Bay, by
ships belonging to his Britannic Majesty's subjects; and in 1776, this reward was further extended to the ships of his Majesty, which might
succeed in discovering a northern passage between
the two oceans, in any direction or under any
parallel north of 52°. The Lords of the British Admiralty, in pursuance of Hearne's report,
determined on sending out an expedition to explore the north-easternmost coasts of the Pacific;
and Captain James Cook, who had just returned Captain
from an expedition in the southern hemisphere, SSt
was ordered, in 1776, to proceed round the Cape
of Good Hope to the coast of New Albion, in 45
degrees. He was besides directed to avoid all interference with the establishments of European
Powers : to explore the coast northward, after
reaching New Albion, up to 65° ; and there to
commence a search for a river or inlet which might
communicate with Hudson's Bay. He was further
directed to take possession, in the name of his sovereign, of any countries which he might discover
to be uninhabited ; and if there should be inhabitants in any parts not yet discovered by other European powers, to take possession of them, with the
consent of the natives.   No authentic details of any
discoveries had been made public by the Spaniards
p 4 72
since the expedition of Viscaino, in 1602, though
rumours of certain voyages along the north-west
coast of America, made by order of the viceroy of
New Spain, in the two preceding years, had reached
England shortly before Cook sailed ; but the information was too vague to afford Cook any safe directions.
The expedition reached the shores of New
Albion in 44° north, and thence coasted at some
distance off up to 48°. Cook arrived at the same
conclusion which Heceta had adopted, that between
47° and 48° north there were no Straits of Fuca, as
alleged. He seems to have passed unobserved the
arm of the sea a little further northward, having
most probably struck across to the coast of Vancouver's Island, which trends north-westward.
Having now reached the parallel of 49° 30', he
cast anchor in a spacious bay, to which he gave
the name of King George's Sound ; but the name
of Nootka, borrowed from the natives, has since
prevailed. It has been supposed, as already stated,
that Nootka Sound was the bay in which Perez
cast anchor, and which he named Port San Lorenzo ; and that the implements of European manufacture, which Captain Cook, to his great surprise, found in the possession of one of the natives,
were obtained on that occasidh from the Spaniards.
The first notification, however, of the existence
of this important harbour, dates from this visit of
Captain Cook, who continued his voyage northward up to the 59th parallel, and from that point
commenced his survey of the coast, in the hope of
discovering a passage into the Atlantic.    It is un- NOOTKA  SOUND.
necessary to trace his course onward. Although
Spanish navigators claim to have seen portions of
the coast of North America between the limits of
43° and 55° prior to his visit, yet their discoveries
had not been made public, and their observations
had been too cursory and vague to lead to any
practical result. Captain Cook is entitled, beyond
dispute, to the credit of having first dispelled the
popular errors respecting the extent of the continents of America and Asia, and their respective
proximity ; and as Drake, according to Fletcher,
changed the name of the land south of Magellan's
Straits from Terra incognita to Terra nunc bene
cognita, so Cook was assuredly entitled to change
the name of the North Pacific Sea from " Mare in-
cognitum" to " Mare nunc bene cognitum."
On the return of the vessels engaged in this expedition to England, where they arrived in October,
1780, it was thought expedient by the Board of
Admiralty to delay the publication of an authorised
account, as Great Britain was engaged in hostilities
with the United States in America, and with France
and Spain in the Old World.    The Russians in the Russia»
• i i mi i n traders.
mean time hastened to avail themselves of the
information which they had obtained when Captain
King, on his way homewards by China, touched at
the harbour of Petropawlosk, and an association
was speedily formed amongst the fur merchants of
Siberia and Kamtchatka to open a trade with the
shores of the American continent. An expedition
was in consequence dispatched in 1783, for the
double purpose of trading and exploring, and several
trading posts were established between Aliaska and
[ 74
Prince      Prince William's Sound.    Mr. Greenhow (p. 161.)
VV llllflTYl s -* *     ■»
Sound.     assigns to this period the Russian establishment on
the island of Kodiak, near the entrance of the bay
called Cook's Bay, but the Russian authorities refer
this settlement to a period  as remote   as   1763.
(Letter from the Chevalier de Poletica to the Secretary of State at Washington, 28th February, 1822.
British and Foreign State Papers, 1821-22, p. 484.)
The Russian establishments seem to have extended
themselves in 1787 and the following year as far as
Admiralty Admiralty Bay, at the foot of Mount Elias.    The
publication, however, of the journals of Cook's expedition, which took place in 1784-5, soon introduced
Expedi-    a host of rival traders into these seas.    Private
the Portul expeditions were dispatched from Macao, under the
guese ag. portUgUese flag? jn 1785 and 1786, and under the
flag of the East India Company in 1786. In the
month of June of this latter year, La Perouse, in
command of a French expedition of discovery,
arrived off the coast, and cast anchor in a bay near
the foot of Mount Fairweather, in about 59°, which
he named Port des Français. He thence skirted
the coast southward past Port Bucareli, the western
shores of Queen Charlotte's Island, and Nootka,
and reached Monterey in September, where having
stayed sixteen days, he bade adieu to the northwest coast of America. La Perouse seems first to
have suspected the separation of Queen Charlotte's
Island from the continent, but as no account of
the results of this expedition was published before
1797, other navigators forestalled him in the description of nearly all the places which he had visited.
In the August of 1785, in which year La Perouse
had sailed, an association  in London, styled  theKin
King George's Sound Company, dispatched two Sound
vessels under the command of Captains Dixon and ompany*
Portlock, to trade with the natives on the American p^tiodc!
coast, under the protection of licences from the
South Sea Company, and in correspondence with
the East India Company. They reached Cook's River
in July 1786, where they met with Russian traders,
■and intended to winter in Nootka Sound, but were
driven off the coast by tempestuous weather to the
Sandwich Isles. Returning northward in the spring
of 1787, they found Captain Meares, with his vessel
the Nootka, frozen up in Prince William's Sound.
Meares had left Calcutta in January 1