BC Historical Books

BC Historical Books

BC Historical Books

Report of the Public Archives for the Year 1928 Public Archives of Canada; Doughty, Arthur G. (Arthur George), Sir, 1860-1936 1929

Item Metadata


JSON: bcbooks-1.0308096.json
JSON-LD: bcbooks-1.0308096-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): bcbooks-1.0308096-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: bcbooks-1.0308096-rdf.json
Turtle: bcbooks-1.0308096-turtle.txt
N-Triples: bcbooks-1.0308096-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: bcbooks-1.0308096-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

Keeper of Public Records
Price, 25 cents*  DOMINION OF CANADA
Keeper of Public Records
Few people have made more extensive use of the Archives than Mr. J. S.
Ewart, K.C., of Ottawa. Over a long period of years Mr. Ewart has conducted
research for a comprehensive history of Canada. The result of all this labour
has been classified and arranged in a series of volumes, and these Mr. Ewart
has generously donated to the Archive's for the use of students. Further details
of this valuable work will be given in a subsequent report when all the volumes
are finally arranged.
The additions to the Pamphlet Library are so numerous that it has been
found necessary to prepare a new catalogue. It is a lori*g piece of work but it
is absolutely necessary.
The department has made arrangement with the Public Record Office of
Northern Ireland to publish the Journal of Kelsey which was discovered in
1926 in the Archives of the State. The volume will be printed during the present
Among the many new maps added to our collection might be mentioned a
copy of a French map of Lake Ontario in 1757, showing the two rival forts of
Oswego and Frontenac with colour drawing of the French and English lake
fleets, showing their construction and armament. And an Italian Atlas in four
volumes containing several interesting maps of Canada.
I have the honour to be, sir,
Your obedient servant,
Deputy Minister. CONTENTS
Deputy Minister's Report  3
Reports of Divisions  7
A. Catalogue of J. A. Roebuck Papers  19
B. Journal of Asseline de Ronual in Canada, 1662  27
C. The Beaver Trade Agreement, June 9, 1700 \  32
D. Memorial of Major Paul Mascarene, November 13, 1713  45
E. Some account of the Trade carried on by the Northwest Company (1809)  56
P.   Letter from Charles Buller to John Stuart Mill,* October 13, 1838  74  REPORT OF THE PUBLIC ARCHIVES
I. Customs Department Papers.
The task of classifying the papers of the Customs Department (1841-1867)
has been carried on and much progress was made, but it is not yet quite
The registers and indexes of correspondence are still wanting.
II. Public Works Department Papers.
Several hundred documents have also been added to the early records of
the Department of Public Works.
Ill Posr Office Department Correspondence and Inspectors' Reports.
The Post Office Department has begun the transfer of its old records by-
sending to the Archives its departmental correspondence for the years 1879 to
1901 inclusive, and the inspectors' reports covering the various postal^ districts,
from 1876 to 1900. These reports number approximately 175,760, making about
527 280 documents. The correspondence fyles of the department number 57,900,
each containing, on an average, three documents, making a total of 172,700. The
grand total of papers received from the Post Office Department amounts to over
IV. Militia Records. Bill
In the Military  Records Section, the  classification has  been  continued
throughout the period and is progressing favourably.    The results already appear
in the saving of much time in searching for information.
V. Records of the Great War.
There have been recently received from the Department of National Detence
some 15,000 portfolios of accounts, abstracts and vouchers, covering the war
period of 1914-18 and, subsequently, up to the year 1924 inclusive. Amongst
these papers are many documents that shall prove of much historical value.
Their examination and classification shall be proceeded with at an early date.
The transfer of deceased officers' personal fyles continues, several thousand,
of them having been received during the last twenty months.
There have also been received from the Department of National Defence,
several thousand printed nominal rolls and casualty lists of the different units
which served during the Great War.
The total number of inquiries received through the mails and attended to
since the last report is 1,047, exclusive of verbal inquiries.
These questions covered a wide range of subjects, as United Empire Loyalist
families, geographical names, fur trade, French and American Wars, North-West
Expedition, Fenian Raid, South African War, biographical information, post
offices, appointments, etc.
Historical societies and the press have sought information concerning the
early history of towns, churches and other institutions. The Sixtieth Anniversary of the Canadian Confederation was an event that brought up scores
of inquiries.
A guide to the S. Series (papers received from the Department oi the
Secretary of State in 1904) is being prepared for the use of the department as
well as for that of students of history. 8
Since the last report, 39,119 cards were prepared, sorted and placed in their
respective drawers.   They are subdivided as follows:—
The Quebec Gazette (now indexed up to 1803 inclusive) 20,000
C. or Military Series..  19,000
Canadian biographies  119
Total  39,119
1. Colonies
Series   C11A
2. Marine
3. Nationales
Series Y 15654
|     CF 340
4. St. Sulpice
I. Paris
Vol. 84    Correspondance Generale M. Hocquart
Intendant.    Autres fonctionnaires de
la Colonie 1745.
" 94    Correspondance   Generale   M.   Cugnet
Directeur   du   Domaine.     Actes   de
Vente et Titres de Propriete 1749.
Depenses Generates 1663-1754.
Amerique du Nord.    He Royale 171-4-
Depeches de la Marine de Ponant 1721.
Ordres du Roy et Depeches de la Marine
de Levant.   1721.
Depeches de la Marine de Ponant, 1722.
Ordres du Roy et Depeches de la Marine
de Levant 1722.
252 Service General. Correspondance Ponant, Lorient.    1718.
253 Service General, Correspondance Levant, Toulon, Petits Ports de Levant.
254 Service General. Correspondance Minis-
tres, Clerge, Intendants des Provinces,
Fonctionnaires Divers.   1718.
26 Cotes de France, Cotes D'Angleterre,
Pays-bas Espagnols, Italie, Amerique
du Nord, Mers Orientales 1704.
27 Espagne, Velez, Malaga, Altea, Gibraltar.   1704.
28 Cotes de France, Mer du Nord, Espagne,
Sieges de Gibraltar, de Barcelonne &
de Minorque.   1705.
Scelles du 7 Mars 1767 sur les
laisses par Mr. De Bienville.
Dossier Vaudreuil, 1672-1725.
filoges, 1732.
C. Ministere
1. Des Affaires Etrangbres #
Angleterre Volsiil426-429.   M. Le Due De Mirepoix, 1749-50.
II.   Provinces
A. Archives
2. Maritime
4e Arrondissement Rochefort
Series IA     Vols.     9-11    Lettres du Ministre, 1724-47
a        JE
96-126    Depeches de la Cour, 1721-1735.
1 & 12    Subsistances, Pieces diverses, 1705-1751
& 1718-1724.
1-9    ©evis de Vaisseaux, Formules Impri-
mees, 1751-1759.
14-15    Devis  de Vaisseaux, Formules  Impri-
mees, 1763-1764.
45    Pertes de Batiments, 1725.
a        JR
5. Sarthe, de la
H. 1807 Archives Ecclesiastiques.
Clerge Regulier, Congregation de St. Joseph de la Fleche, Etablis-
sement  d'une  maison  de  la   Congregation   a   Montreal   en
Canada.    1656-1705.
Public Record Office
Military Promiscuous, 1779-80.
" " 1779-81.
Miscellaneous Letters, 1779-94.
Naval Despatches, 1782-84.
Commissions & Instructions, 1734-42.
Instructions, 1763-71.
Commissions & Instructions, Patents, 1770-79.
Instructions, 1771-82.
Commissions & Instructions, 1784.
Despatches to Governors & others, 1706-10.
To Governors & Commanders in N. America, &c,
Despatches to Governors & others, 1759-63.
Drafts, 1759-63.
Instructions,   Reports   of  Board   of  Trade,  &c,
Despatches to Commander-in-Chief, 1768.
. Letters to Board of Trade, 1766-68.
Letters from Secretary of State, 1766-68.
Letters from Secretary of State, (Indian Affairs),
Letters to Secretary of State, 1766-68.
Letters to Secretary of State, 1770-74.
Military Despatches, 1769-79.
" " 1781-82.
3. Colonial Office
C. 0.
5 Vols.
9A0 "
V*   £ •**,,
188 Vol.
218 "
3. Colonial Office
C. 0. 5 Vols.       241-242   Despatches to Governors, 1768-90.
Despatches to Commanding Officers, 1770-83.
Private Letters, 1771-77.
In-letters (Domestic), 1771-82.
Out-letters (Domestic), 1771-82.
Precis, 1774-77.
Letters to Admiralty, 1775-82.
Letters   from   War Office and Ordnance Office,
Public Ofiices, 1837.
Cape  Breton  Letters  from  Secretary  of  State,
" " 17-18   Nova Scotia Letters to Secretary of State, 1766-
| " 25-32   Letters from Secretary of State (despatches), 1768-
"   226   " 53   P.E.I. President Wright, Sir J. Harvey & Miscel
laneous, 1836.
6. State Papers (Domestic).
Vols. 101-102   Treaty Papers, 1712-13.
1. Admiralty
Log of H.M.S. Assistance, 1853.
6. State Papers (Domestic).
Letters re Abbe Le Loutre, 1775-1763.
Department of Marine and Fisheries.
Enquiry into Empress of Ireland Disaster, 1914.
Royal North West Mounted Police.
Explorations Records " The Fram."
Provincial ''*y*»
Province of Quebec.
Archives.   Conseil Souverain, ft 1201-3019, 1750-1758.
.    Register.   Parish of St. Benoit, 1825-27.
Montreal Court House.    Collection Judiciaire, 1712.
Voltigeurs Canadiens, 1812.
"Bataillon de Milice, 1812-1814.
McGill University.   List of de Lery-Macdonald papers.
St. Sulpice Library.   Babv MSS. Miscellaneous Correspondence, 1645-
Province of Nova Scotia.
Archives.   Place Names of Ontario and Quebec.
Genealogical Chart of Chevalier Johnston.
Miscellaneous papers of Sir Sanford Fleming, 1827-1913.
Papers re Manitoba School Question. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 U
Paper re Anti-Confederation League, 1866.
Paper re Chignecto  Marine  Transport Railway  Co.,  1894.    From
Lawrence Burpee.
Children's Aid Society Records, 1922. [
Letter from W. L. Hocker to the Governor General in 1861 asking lor
money.   From John Macoun.
Financial Administration of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada,
12 volumes.   From J. G. Ross.
Specimens Signatures of Officers of Overseas Military Forces of Canada.
From Bank of Montreal.
Memoir on the events of 1837 by T. S. Brown.
Letter from Mgr. Ignace Bourget to Sir H. Lafontaine of 5, Aug. 1855
informing him of his appointment as Chevalier Commandeur de
St. Sylvestre. J
Letters  of  L.  J.  Papineau  at  Paris,  France  1842-44.   From  Miss
Bourassa. 0
Letters from T. D'Arcy McGee to J. G. Moylan between 1857 & 18&*.
Letters from Sir John A. Macdonald to J. G. Moylan between 1863 &
1887.   From J. G. Moylan.
Papers of Hon. R. Wr. Scott re Separate Schools question & other miscellaneous matters 1855-1899.   From R. W. Scott.
Senator   Alphonse   Desjardins   Manuscripts   " Amnesty   North   West
Troubles, 1869."   From Senator A. Desjardins.
Post Office Claim for £725 against Great Britain.   From W. Smith.
Papers of R. Hamilton, 1749-1809.   Queenston, Ont.   From Miss A. M.
Photostat Chart of the Corwin Genealogy.   From Ernest Green.
Photostat Deed of John McLellan, et al.
Brevet accorde par le Roi de France a Thimothe Sylvain.
Brevet de medecin accorde par le Roi de France a, Thimothe Sylvain.
Photographie de Pierre Boucher.
Brevet d'enseigne accordee au sieur de la Generais.
Brevet de Capitaine en pied accordee au sieur de la Generais.
Brevet d'enseigne de vaisseau accordee au sieur de la Generais.
Document relatif a fief de Montarville.
Brevet de major accorde a Joseph Boucher de la Brocquerie.
Brevet de colonel accorde au sieur Bouart.
Brevet d'enseigne accorde au sieur Bouart.
Lettres de noblesse accordees a Pierre Boucher.
Ordres envoyes au sieur Bouart- par le Marquis de la Jonquiere. From
M. Tache.
Manuscript on the case of Gray vs. Grant, 1787. The Law of Succession.
Sundry Manuscripts & Office papers of Messrs. W. J. Sharpies & Co.
1867, 1884-1914.
Sundry Manuscripts of Messrs. Price Brothers, 1811-1906.
List of Sir Edmund Walker Manuscripts,  1867-1924.    From Prof.
Will of Wm. Dunlop of Gairbraid, Colborne, County of Huron, 1842.
From D. MacDonald. 12 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
Sundry Manuscripts from W. C. Milner, 1817-1876.
Commission of David Henderson, 1839-1868.
Letters to Senator Miller from Sir John Thompson & others' between
1877-1893.    From J. A. Chisholm.
Miscellaneous Records of the Archibald Family, 187-^-1924.
Orderly Book Fort Cumberland, N.S., 1759-1760.   From Miss Kinnear.
History of Sunbury County, New Brunswick.    From Mrs. W. D. Smith.
History & Genealogy of the Gorham Family, 992-1919.    From R. P.
Empire Club Papers, 1925.   From J. P. Murray.
Chicago, U.S.
Diary of Josiah Hollister, 1780-1782.   From R. N. Bunn.
From the National Library
Transcripts of Irish Customs Records   of  trade  with  British  North
America, 1782-1823.
From the Registry of Deeds
Transcripts of memorials of deeds connected with the Wolfe and other
From the Quit Rent Office
Transcripts of documents relating to government-assisted emigration
to Canada.
From John Hawkesby-Mullins, Esq., of Newlands, Clondalkin, Co. Dublin
Original letter from W. W. Currie  to   his  father, Dr. James Currie,
dated Edinburgh, 18 February, 1804, containing reference to the
recitation of Grey's  Elegy   before  the  Battle   of   the Plains of
From the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland
Transcripts of the following manuscripts in the Dobbs Collection:
Papers of Henry Kelsey,
Christopher Middleton's Journal of H.M.S. Furnace, 1741-1742,
Francis Smith's Journal of the Ship California, 1746-1747,
Papers of Arthur Dobbs relating to exploration, trade and colonization in America,
Letters and Speeches of Arthur Dobbs,
Dobbs Family Papers,
Anonymous Journal of the Siege of Quebec, 1759.
From Mr. John Robinson, Commissioner, 28 Arthur St., Belfast.
Transcript of a paper on the Stirling Peerage Case.
Private Sources
The Amherst Family MSS.   Packets 29-52, 1758-81.
Canada Company:    Records 1834-1919.
Miss Hall:    Francis Hall's Military & Indian Notes, 1813.
The Douglas Family MSS:    Account of wreck of transport H.M.S. Phyllis,
1795, by Sir Howard Douglas.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Vol. D12, Quebec, Pts. I and II,
H. P. Biggar:   Letters of Samuel Bruce, Fort Garry, 1862. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 13
Since the publication of the last report in 1927, the classification of the
maps has been completed and the listing and arranging of atlases has been commenced. Included in the collection are atlases by many of the foremost cartographers including Blaeu, Sanson, de Lisle, Moll and others.
The classification of the maps has been completed and the maps have been
placed in trays. A catalogue and index became a matter of urgent necessity.
The catalogue is being made on large cards and is convenient in form and complete in description. It gives a correct and complete title, a description of the
map, the size and collations necessary to identify the edition and in the case of
■copies, the source of the map from which the copy was made.
The card index is being made in conjunction with the catalogue and will
add greatly to its usefulness. Up to the present time approximately thirty
thousand cards have been tvped and fyled in the drawers. With the completion of the catalogue and the index a complete bibliography of maps in this
department will be available.
There is a substantial increase in the number of students making use of
maps and in the number of inquiries for information. Maps are used by historical students and professors as an aid to the visualization of history and by
writers to illustrate works on history, economics and settlement. During the
summer of 1927 more than forty professors from Universities in Canada and the
United States, one from Australia and two from Great Britain, consulted maps
and received copies of one hundred and eighteen maps and plans.
In addition to this branch of research work approximately three hundred
searches were made and seven hundred and fifty photostat copies of maps were
supplied to correspondents. These inquiries covered a great variety of subjects among which mav be noted: the location and plans of French and British
forts in the 18th century, the boundaries, etc., under the Treaty of Utrecht, the
boundaries of counties, townships, etc., at different periods, the location of
seigniories in the Province of Quebec, the ownership of certain islands and the
location of the old Crown and Clergy reserves.
It should be mentioned that the interest aroused throughout the country by
the celebration of the Diamond Jubilee of Confederation stimulated a demand
on the part of towns, villages and municipalities for copies of early maps or
plans showing these places as they appeared   in  the  year   1867 and at later
The additions to the collection during the past year number two hundred
and forty titles. Of these additions the Atlas " Atlante Novissimo," published
in Venice by Antonio Zatta in the years 1775-84, is of singular interest. This
unusually fine copy is in four volumes complete with text and plates, bound m
half vellum and is in perfect condition. The report of the Carter Brown
library referring to the copy of this atlas secured by them in 1925 states:—
"Our geographical section received another singularly interesting-addition in the form
of the Atlante Novissimo, an atlas published in Venice by Antonio Zatta in four volumes
in the vears 1775-84. This beautiful atlas is not mentioned by Phillips nor does there seem
to be a copy of it in the British Museum. Many of its eighteen North American maps,
engraved during the Revolution, contain legends that refer to recent military and naval
engagements." "r   f
Alberta, Province of.   Map of Alberta.   No date.
Allumette Island, Que.   Plan of the Township  of Allumette  Island.   D. P.
Papineau, C.C.L.   1846. 14 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
Arrowhead, B.C.    Topographical Map of Arrowhead, B.C.    Dept. of Lands,
B.C. Map No. 4H.    1927.
Atlas.   Reid's Atlas of Modern Geography.   1841.
A New General and Universal Atlas Containing Forty-five Maps.    By
Andrew Drury.   No date.
Walker's International Atlas.   1910.
The Library Atlas of the World.   Rand and McNally.   Vol. 1 and 11.   1912.
Der Weltkrieg.   25 Karten ans E. Debes Neuem Hand Atlas.   4 Auflage.
A Book of Old Maps.    Delineating American History from the Earliest
Days down to the Close of the Revolutionary War.   1926.
Batoche, Battle of.   Plan of the Attack on Batoche.   Under the command of
Gen. Middleton.    12th May, 1885.
Beauce County, Que.     Topographical Map of Portion of Beauce County, Sheet
12.   Natural Resources and Intelligence Branch.   1926.
Bellechasse County, Que.   Topographical Map of Portion of Bellechasse County,
Sheet 12.   Natural Resources Intelligence Branch.   1926.
Belle Isle Straits.   Carte du Detroit de Belle Isle Et Embochure du Fleuve de
St. Laurent tiree a Fair devent du Compas.   1926.
Boston Harbour.   A plan of the Town and Chart of the Harbour of Boston.
British Columbia.   Mineral Reference Map showing surveyed claims.   Dept. of
Lands, Victoria, B.C.   1927.
British Columbia.   Topographical Map of.   Dept. of the Interior.    1927.
Canada, Map of.   Canada by the Proclamation of 1763.   By Darbishire, Oxford,
Canada, Central.   Map of Central Canada, showing Transportation and Commercial Development.   N.D.
Canada, Dominion of.   Indexed Atlas of the Dominion of Canada.   1905.
Map of, Shewing the Establishments and transport routes of the Hudson's
Bay Company, 1927.
Map of, Department of Mines, Geological Survey, 1927.
Geological Map of the Dominion of Canada and Newfoundland, 1927.
Western Canada Atlas.    Issued by direction of the Hon. Clifford Sifton.
Carbonere Island, Nfld.   Sketch of Carbonere Island in Conception Bay, Island
of Nfld.   N.D.
Cathcart Township.    Plan of a Part of each of the Townships of Cathcart,
Chertsey, Rawdon and Kildare and its Augmentation showing especially a portion of the Township of Cathcart.   1846.
Chaleur Bay.   A Draft of the Upper Part of Chaleur Bay, called Restigouche,
in Gulf of St. Lawrence.   N.D.
Churchill Harbour.    Topographical Map of Churchill Harbour and Vicinity.
Colborne District.   Map   of  the  Newcastle   and   Colborne   Districts,   Upper
Canada.- 1848.
Conception Bay, Nfld.   A Plan of Harbour Grace, Carbonere Island, Musketa
Cove &c, in the Island of Nfld.    1926.
Cormorant Lake, Man.   Topographical Map of Cormorant Lake, Man.   1927.
Dorchester County.   Standard Topographical Map of Dorchester County, Que.
Ferryland Harbour, Nfld.   A Report of Ferryland Harbour in the Island of
Nfld. with a sketch thereof taken in obedience to your order, dated at
St. John, 29th Sept. 1762. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 15
Fish Creek, Battle of.   Plan of the Battle of Fish Creek on the 24th April, 1885.
Florida, U.S.A.   A Map of the New Governments of East and West Florida.
Fort du Sault St. Louis.   Plan du Fort du Sault St. Louis avec le Village des
Sauvages Iroquois.   1752.
Fort St. Louis.   A New and Exact Plan of the Harbour of Port Louis with ye
Attack of Fort St. Louis.    1748.
Fort Frederick, Que.    Plan of Richelieu River with Fort Frederick  (Inset).
Frontenac County.   Illustrated Historical Atlas of Frontenac Co., 1878.
Standard Topographical Map of Frontenac County, 1926.
Grand Bend, Ont.   Grand Bend Sheet, Map No. 99.   1927.
Grand Calumet Island, Que.   Plan of the Township of Grand Calumet Island,
21st Sept. 1846.
Halifax, N.S.   Line of Battle—Defences of Halifax—Fort Massey—Defences of
the Town and Defences of the Naval Yard.    1758.
Halton County, Ont.    Historical Atlas of Halton County.    1877.
Hillsborough Bay.   The Great Bay of Hillsborough.   1926.
Kildare Township.   Plan of a Part of the Township of Kildare.   1846.
Labrador.   Map of the Labrador Peninsula.   Map No. 2.
Lennox and Addington Counties, Ont.    Illustrated Historical Atlas of Lennox
and Addington Counties.   1878.
Louisbourg, C.B.   Plan de la Cote de Louisbourg y compris La Riviere Mire
depuis son embouchure jusqu'a Pendroit du Lac de ce nom, ou aboutit
le grand chemin qui y conduit de Louisbourg.   Copied at P.R.O.   Feb.
Lower Canada.   The Two Canadas under Constitutional Act of 1791.
Mallorytown, Ont.   Published by the Geographical Section, Dept. of National
Defence.   1927.
Manitoba, Province of.    Map of the Province of Manitoba and Part of the
Northwest Territories showing Dominion Land Surveys to August,
Maritime Provinces.   Extrema American versus Boream ubi Terra Nova Nova
Francia Adjacentiag.   No. 34.   Amsterdami Io Blaeu, Exc.   1636.
The Two Canadas under the Constitutional Act of 1791, and the Maritime
Provinces.   1791.
Michilimackinac, Ont,   A Plan of the Straits of St. Mary and Michilimackmac
to show the Situation and Importance of the two Westermost settlements of Canada for the Fur Trade.    No date.
Mississippi River.   A New Map  of the River Mississippi from the Sea to
Bayagonlas.   No date.
Montreal, P.Q.   Karte Von Der Insel Montreal.    Inset—Von. N. Bellin.    1760.
Cayenne (Ville Marie) Montreal.   No date.
Newcastle District, U.C.   Map of the Newcastle and Colborne Districts.    1848.
Newfoundland.    Geological Map of the Dominion of Canada and Newfoundland.
New Westminster, B.C.    Map of New Westminster District, B.C.    1886.
New York City.   A Plan of the City of New York and its Environs.   Surveyed
in 1775 by John Montresor.
New York Island.   Topographical   Map   of  the   North   Part   of   New  York
Island, now Fort Knyphausen   Published April 12, 1793.
North America.   Early Map of Northern Part of North America.
Lower Canada and New Brunswick with part of New York, Vermont and
Maine.    (Photostat Copy) Sheet No. 11.
A New Map of North America from the Latest Discoveries.    1763. 16 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
Northwest  Territories.    Map   showing   Mounted   Police  Stations  &   Patrols
throughout the Northwest Territories during the year 1886.
Map of the Northwest Territories.    1926.
Ontario, Province of.   Topographical Map.   No date.
Philadelphia.   A Map of Philadelphia and Parts Adjacent.   No date.
Portage du Fort Islands.   Figurative Plan of Portage du Fort Islands.   No date.
Sketch of Portage du Fort Mill Pond &c.    1854.
Port Hope, Ont.   Map of Port Hope, Canada West.    1853.
Port La Joye, P.E.I.   A Sketch of the Harbour of Port La Joye in the Island
of St. John's.
Port Louis Harbour.   A New and Exact Plan of the Harbour of St. Louis with
ye attack on Fort St. Louis.    1848.
Quebec City.   Plan of Quebec, 1759.
Wolfe's Quebec Campaign of 1759.   From History of the United States by
Elroy M. Avery.
A Plan of Quebec.   The Port and Environs of Quebec, as it was when
attacked by the English 1759.
Plan de la Ville de Quebec indiquant les parties de cette ville qui ont ete
la proie des flammes lors des incendies successifs des mai 28 et juin
28, 1845.
Queen Charlotte Islands.   Preliminary Map of Queen Charlotte Islands.    1927.
Rawdon Township.   Plan of Part of the Township of Rawdon.    1846.
Richelieu River, Que.   Plan of River Richelieu with Fort Frederick.    1926.
Rossland, B.C.   Topographical Map of Rossland, B.C.    1927.
Sackville, N.B.   Photostat from Original.   No date.
St. Andrews, Que.   Railway.   Route of Railway from St. Andrews, N.B. to
St. Lawrence Gulf.   Plan de la Riviere de Canada—St. Laurence River and
Gulf.   1926.
St. Lawrence River.   Plan de la Riviere de Canada.    1926.
St. Mary Straits.   Plan of the Straits of St. Mary and Michilimaekinac.   No
St. Mary's, Ont.   Topographical Map of St. Mary's, Ont.   1927.
Saskatoon, Sask.   Topographical Map of Saskatoon, Sask.    1927.
Stratford, Ont.   Topographical Map of Stratford, Ont.    1927.
Sullivan Lake, Alta.   Topographical Map of Sullivan Lake, Alta.    1926.
Thetford, Que.   Thetford Sheet, Que.   Map No. 89.    1927.
Three Rivers, Que.   Photostat copy of Trois Rivieres, Que.    1667.
Touchwood, Man.   Topographical Map of Touchwood, Man.    1927.
Upper Canada.   The Two Canadas under Constitutional Act, 1791.
Vancouver Island, B.C.   Map of the South Eastern Districts of Vancouver
Island.    1880.
Wentworth County, Ont.   Illustrated Historical Atlas of the County of Wentworth.    1875.
Westport, Ont.   Topographical Map of Westport, Ont.   Sheet No. 100.    1927.
Weyburn, Sask.   Topographical Map of Weyburn, Sask.    Sheet No. 20.    1927.
Yorkton, Sask.   Topographical Map of Yorkton, Sask.   Sheet No. 170.    1926.
The research work assigned to the division has been carried on as fully as
circumstances allowed. Forty-four special investigations were made for departments of the Government or for outside students of Canadian history. Some of
these took several days, or even weeks, of a specialist's time. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 17
Work is progressing in the preparation of the text of another instalment of
the Catalogue of Pictures. Only the plans have as yet been laid down for the
other p*ODlications that are to be prepared by the division.
Pictures received—660
In December, 1926, as a result of the opening of the new wing of the
Archives building and the instalment of suitable filing cases, it was possible
to concentrate all loose unframed pictures in one room. No final arrangement
of these pictsafcs could be made, but a rough temporary index has been prepared
Which facilitates the locating of required material. Work on the permanent
manuscript catalogue of pictures continues. Over 23,000 items have now been
Photostat negatives prepared and indexed—515
Photograph negatives prepared and indexed—371
During the year more than 3,800 photographic and photostatic prints of
material in the Public Archives were supplied by the division in response to
requests from outside. The large majority of these were connected with the
celebration of the Diamond Jubilee of Confederation, and more than half went
to the official Publicity Committee of the celebration. In the work of preparing
photographs for the service of the committee generous co-operation was given
by the Natural Resources Intelligence Service of the Department of the Interior.
Lantern slides prepared, 289
The Department of Public Archives has adopted the policy of preparing
lantern slides, suitable for the illustration of Canadian history, from the material
in its possession, including pictures, maps and manuscripts, and of loaning these
for short periods to responsible teachers and lecturers throughout Canada. The
program is as yet in. its first stages, but already considerable assistance has been
given in this way to university professors and public lecturers.
Books and pamphlets received and card-indexed... 3,986
Index-cards prepared and typed   16,000
Newspaper and magazine articles classified  2,500
Books lent out to students and staff  10,000
Researches for bibliography and information  175
Volumes bound         1,417
Requisitions for repairs, etc  155
Volumes being bound          345
Maps and pictures mounted          155
Considerable time was expended in sorting, arranging and mounting thousands of loose documents for binding as well as in repairing maps and manuscripts.
Pages photostated  19,762
Pictures photographed  669
Prints  photostated  and  photographed  for the  Publicity Division     3,800
The work in this division consists in the restoration of prints and pictures,
the restoration and relining of paintings, the removal of pictures from frames
for photographing, and the general maintenance of the exhibition rooms throughout the building. With the increase of the collections there is always much
work to do of this nature. APPENDIX A
I.   Manuscript of % The Discovery of America ".
II.   Manuscript " Political and Historical Account of Lower Canada".
,  III.    Manuscript " Colonies of England ".
IV.   Manuscript.   Review of Bouchette's Canada.
V.   Letters of L. J. Papineau to J. A. Roebuck.    (1834-1845).    Manuscripts bound.    (Calendared).
VI.   Letter of L. J. Papineau to the Speakers of the Assemblies of British
North America (signed L. J. Papineau).
VII.    Petition of Lower Canada Assembly relating to the removal of Judge
Gale.    1837.
VIII.   Letter from J. A. Roebuck to Lord Melbourne, 1837.   Discusses state
of   Canada;   suggestions   for   settlement,   including   Federation   of
Provinces.    Manuscript copy in Roebuck's hand.
IX.    Papers relating to the appointment of J. A. Roebuck as Agent for
Lower Canada Assembly.
1. Bill of Assembly making the appointment..
2. Copies of resolutions passed by the Assembly and transmitted
to Assemblies of British North America.
X.    Two letters from E. B. O'Callaghan:
1. 10th July, 1838    ]
New York f    To H- S- Chapman.
Narrates and criticizes steps taken against 1837 prisoners and
refugees. Visit of Wakefield to Vermont. Immigration figures for
1837-8.    Disapproval of frontier raids.
2. 13th Nov. 1838    \    _    T    .    *     ,     .
New York \    To J' A' Roebuck-
Narrates events on frontier during days immediately previous.
XL    Letter from J. A. Roebuck to L. J. Papineau.
4th Sept. 1836 j       Informs of State of parties in
Christchurcn, Hants )
England and why Radicals support Whig Administration. Account of his
actions and policy as Agent for Assembly. Suggests Assembly proceed against
Lord Gosford for misappropriation of funds when he ceases to be Governor.
Views on waste lands, royal charters. Comments on proposal to exclude Colonial
Agents from British House of Commons.
XIL^ Three letters from P. de S. La Terriere.
XIII. Papers relating to appointment of J. A. Roebuck as Agent.
In Box. Incomplete correspondence between Roebuck and Colonial
Office relating to non-payment of former's salary as Agent.
Letters from Assembly informing Roebuck of disallowance by
Administration of payment of his salary.
Notes and drafts of letters and speeches on above subject.
XIV. Autograph Letters from Spring Rice and others.    All to J. A. Roebuck.
1. 17th Sept. 1835.    Leopold de Rothschild.
2. 27th March 1837.    James Williams.
3. 21st Sept. 1837.    J. M. Leader.
4. 18th March 1837.    Lord Howick.
5. 8th Oct. '37.    Leader.
72227—2i |9 20
with Dr. Doughty.
6. 28th Dec. '37.   Joseph   Hume.     Views   on   rebellion   in  Lower
Canada.    " If the Yankees will assist them, all will go well."
7. 24 Dec. '37.   Joseph Hume.
8. 28th June '34.   Labouchere.
9. 17th Sept. '35.   A. V. Hitie and L. Letord.
10. 5th Feb. '43.   Joseph Parker.
11. 4 brief notes from Spring Rice.
12. 29th June '39.   Lord John Russell.
13. 8th Feb. '55.    C. de Berguet.
14. 9 May '43.   Cavaignac.
15. Sir R. Peel
16. Lord Durham
17. Undated.   Marquess of Lincoln.
XV.   Printed.   A Bill to make Temporay Provision for the Government of
Canada, 1838.
XVI.   Resolution on Canada to be proposed by Lord John Russell.    1837.
(MS notes by Roebuck).   Printed.
XVII.   Printed.   Contingent Accounts of House of Assembly, Lower Canada.
1834 and 1835-6.
XVIII.   Printed.   Report on Seignorial Rights and Burdens.    1834.
XIX.   Votes and Proceedings of Legislative Assembly.
27th April 1849.
6th August 1851.        {Printed).
XX.   Memoranda prepared for Lord Durham before his sailing for Canada.
Ends to be attained.   Observations on conditions.   Means to attain
desired ends; (a) Provincial Govt,    (b) Federal Govt,    (c) English
Scheme for Government of Lower Canada.    Denies opposition of
interests of English speaking and French speaking Canadians.
Administrative    (a) Governor appointed by Crown.
(b) Executive nominated by Governor.
Salary of Governor and Councillors to be voted by Assembly for
periods of six years.
Legislative   Legislative   functions   of   executive   council   to   include
amendment but not rejection of bills.   No alteration of franchise for Assembly.
Revenue   All provincial revenue to be controlled by Assembly.
There is attached to this paper in error the draft of a speech on
budget proposals to be made in English House of Commons.
XXI.   Petition from Montreal relating to Transported Prisoners.    1843.
XXII.   Papers relating to Transported Prisoners:
1. Liverpool.   22nd Dec.  1838.   J. G. Parker to Lord Brougham.
Statement of his case and protest against treatment received.
2. Liverpool.   22nd Dec. 1838.   Benjamin Waite to Joseph Hume.
Statement and protest.
3. Liverpool.   27th   Dec.   1838.     Petition   of   William   Reynolds,
American, to the Queen.
4. Correspondence among Hume, Lord John Russell and Mr. Rush
relative to American prisoners.
(a) 27th Dec. 1838.   Hume to Russell (copy).
.(b) 28th    "       "       Russell to Hume.
(c) 31st     I       I   •   Hume to American Minister.
(d) 1st Jan.   1839.    Rush to Hume. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 21
5. Undated.   Lord Brougham to Roebuck.   Financial help for pris
6. Liverpool.   28th Dec. 1838.   Livins Miller to Roebuck.   States
case and protests unconstitutional nature of proceedings.
7. Liverpool.   26th Dec. 1838,   Benjamin Waite to Hume.    Protest
of American prisoners.
8. Copy of Law of Upper Canada recognising right of transportation.
Signed by Waite, enclosure in (7).
9. Montreal.   3rd Dec. 1838.   L. H. Lafontaine to Lord Brougham.
Protests unconstitutional proceedings.
10. Ordinance by Colborne and Council, dated 19th March 1839, pro
viding for more speedy attainder of persons indicted for High
Treason, etc.    (Printed).
11. Newspaper report of speech delivered on 4th July 1839 at Spring
field Mass, by Caleb Cushing, member of Congress, relative to
12. 19th Nov. 1839 (postmark).   L. J. Papineau to Roebuck.   Com
ments on Durham and Sir George Arthur, on frontier incidents
of 1838 and treatment of prisoners.
13. Newgate.    10th July 1839.   Signed letter of thanks to Roebuck
from nine prisoners from Upper Canada.
14. Quebec.   25th May 1844.     Chauveau to Roebuck.     Efforts to
accelerate return of prisoners.
15. List of Canadians in Sydney, N.S.W.
16. List of French Canadians pardoned by Sir Charles Metcalfe.
17. London, 26th Nov. 1844.   Lanctot, Huot, and Rochon to Roebuck.
Request help in getting from London to Canada.
18. London, 29th Nov. 1844.   Signed petition from 38 prisoners in
transit from N.S.W. to Canada.
19. London, 30th Nov.   1844.   Ld.  Stanley to Roebuck.   Promises
to advance money for prisoners' passage.
20. Nov. 1844.   Merchant's account for supplies on voyage to New
21. Lawyer's Bill of Costs for services on behalf of Canadian prisoners.
22. Ditto.
23. Notes for speeches (?) in Roebuck's hand.
24. Copies of letters from " J.G.P." (arker?).to Thibledo.   Ham. 7th
Nov. 1837 and 22nd Nov.  1837, relating to preparations for
XXII.   25. Copy of letter from " J.G.P." to I. Williams.   Ham. 1st Dec. 1837.
Preparations for rebellion.   American support.
XXIII.   Manuscripts of Mrs. Roebuck.
1. Copy of J. A. Roebuck's address on Canada at the Bar of the
House of Lords, 5th Feb. 1837.
2. Narrative of  a trip down the St. Lawrence in 1843.    (By  an
English officer).
3. Letter dated  18th May  1849.    Mr.  Hubert Saunders to  J. A.
Roebuck.   Irish land question.
4. Photographs and sketches.
5. Note book.    Parts are copies of letters or diaries of J. A. Roebuck.
Much of this is incorporated in " Autobiography and Letters of
J. A. Roebuck " edited by R. E. Leader (London 1897.) 22
10j-hJan., 1835
(15 pp.)
25th March,
(See interestinj
note on the
back of the
last page.)
(15 pp.)
25th March
(3 pp.)
23rd Oct.
(6 pp.)
(2i pp.)
W9 pp.)
L. J. Papineau to J. A. Roebuck
Disappointment at policy of Spring Rice, Evil state of colony
owing to extensive patronage system under Colonial Office. Advantages of Free Trade over Colonial system of tariff regulation. Reasons
for recall of Viger and invitation to Roebuck to act as Provincial
Agent. Projected duel between Aylmer and James Stuart. Annoyance
at change in date of convoking Assembly. Secrecy of proceedings
before 1834 House of Commons Committee. Speculation as to results
in England of the fall of the Melbourne Ministry. Transmits a
petition (,) signed by four Legislative Councillors with reasons for
paucity of signatures.
Party strength in new Assembly. Complaints of system under
which Lower Canada is governed. Views on Aylmer's use of money
; from military chest, with doubts as to whether he had authority.
Continued determination not to grant supplies unless Assembly has
control of all expenses. Relations between Assembly and Council;
Jury Bill. Possibility of looking to U.S.A. for assistance. Partiality
and inaccuracy of English press in Canada. Desires to see Canadian institutions assimilated to those of U.S.A. Relations between
Assembly and Legislative Council; four bills out of five have been
rejected; difficulties in obtaining passage of Bill to supply felons
with an advocate; Lord Aylmer's action and its possible consequences.
Informs Roebuck of his appointment as Provincial Agent, and
transmits addresses for presentation to Parliament.
(There is a letter missing here.)
Policy of obstinate opposition to Administration may be modified
owing to arrival of Gosford; Papineau inclined to think that supplies
may be granted in view of Gosford's liberal declarations. Views on
Greg, Gipps and status of Commission. Reported statement by
Gipps to W. L. Mackenzie.
Conversation between Gipps and Papineau; Commission will
suggest revenue control by Assembly in return for civil list; Papineau
insists on Elective Council; Gipps says there is no chance of change
in act of 1791, he suggests establishment of special tribunal to try
corrupt officials; Papineau objects that this would remove one of his
reasons for demanding an elective council.
Transmits addresses of the Assembly on the state of the Province.
Government must choose between granting full constitutional rights
to Canada and governing by methods of the Czar in Poland. Observations on the case of Mr. Gale.
Authorizes Roebuck to use a letter of Consul Buchanan's in
order to obtain reforms. Americans covet Canada. Colonial office
ignorance of local conditions. Mackenzie's revelations as to Buchanan.
Views on Gosford's social conduct. Gosford's political conduct; suppression and misrepresentation of his instructions. Complaints of
intrigues against himself on the part of the Commission. Attempt of
Constitutionals to obtain a temporary majority in order to avoid a
call of the House.
Conversation with Sir Geo. Gipps, who says that financial report
of Commission is favourable to Assembly and counsels moderation.
Papineau's intransigent reply.
Interview with Lord Gosford who expresses surprise at what
Gipps had said to Papineau; H. E's conciliatory views; Sir Chas REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 23
Gray's alleged plan of campaign; Gosford's opinion of Gray, "Sir
Charles embarrasses us; he talks too much"; discussion of Cara-
biriiers; Papineau charges Commission with divided views, denied
by Gosford.
[Further interview with H. E. who warns Papineau of alleged
conspiracy to murder him. (This is an interpellation in the account
of the interview above.) ]
, Papineau's constitutional ideas expressed to Lord Gosford;
illegal expenditures of administration; question of establishment of
new parishes; impossibility of continuance of present system of
Gosford's indisposition attributed to strain of this long interview; denied by H. E.
Sir F. B. Head's publication of Glenelg's instructions. Visit from
Mr. Elliot to explain Gosford's attitude; he informs Papineau that
Sir Charles Gray was appointed to Commission on Hume's nomination.   Discussion of Sir Charles Gray.
Views on new Legislative Council; their financial policy and
action with regard to the schools.
Bedard's elevation to the Bench. Land Company, and case of
Colonel MacDougall.    Hudson Bay monopoly.
Extract of letter from Hume to Mackenzie (5 Dec. '35).
Fears lest Sir George Gipps' influence detach Sir F. Head from
Canadian cause.
Morin's proposal to amend provisions of 31 Geo. Ill c31 as to
Legislative "Qouncil; his difficulties; Roebuck may deal with Bill as
if it had passed the Assembly.
Transmits copies of unamended bills.
Complains of Gosford's support of Council.    Action  of local JjjJ^^1886
people to minimise evil effects of the loss of the Schools Bill.   Asks (i4Pp.)
Roebuck to obtain publication of Commission's despatches, and +o
see that Revenue Act of 1831 is not repealed.
Exposition of his constitutional theories. Opinion of Ellice,
McGillivray, Bell, Davidson. Views on cession of Montreal to Upper
Case of Mr. Felton.    Views on Constitutional Convention and
choice of Mr. Porteous as delegate.   Trade relations with U.S.A. and
views on Canadian emigration to New York.
(Letter dated 25th Sept. missing.)
Commission still in Quebec although now recognised by both 22nd Oct. 1836
parties as useless.   Further session on dissolution? aipp?
Effects on U.S.A. of dissension in Lower Canada. Views of
Consul Buchanan on Commission, and his plan for an inquest before
a special committee House of Commons, who would hear twelve
elected delegates from Canada, six from majority, six from minority.
Objections to this proposal.
Attacks .private characters of minority leaders and of members
of the Commission.   Sir F. B. Head's conduct in Upper Canada.
Case of Mr. Chisholm. Glenelg's intention to put into King's
hands nominations for places worth £200 a year.
Mr. Borrough's pamphlet; his character and appointment as
Recorder at Quebec. Irregular conduct of judges in the case of La
Salle Seigneurie.
Views on Ireland, Poor Laws, Education. 24
17th May 1838
(10 pp.)
28th Sept.
(16 pp.)
10th Nov. 1838
(8 pp.)
13th March
(3 pp.)
25 March 1$
(3 pp.)
12 April
(3 PP.)
1st May  1839
(3 pp.)
26th July 1839
(3 pp.)
11th Oct. 1839
(3 PP.)
20th Oct. 1839
(3 pp.)
17 Dec. 1839
(3J pp.)
18 Feb. 1843
<3 pp.)
Prevention of attempts at invasion on the part of refugees in the
U.S.A.; American government determined to conserve peace. Denies
that he had armed resistance in view. Life, in Philadelphia as M.
Louis. Hopes with regard to Lord Durham; abolition of sinecures,
political and judicial reforms outlined; educational projects, waterways.
Views on events in Upper Canada; on emigration to U.S.A.
Narrow escape of England from war with U.S.A. Views on possibility of servile war in U.S.A.
Invective against English system of government, and of Lord
Durham's commission.
Reported conversation of Charles Buller; absolves Papineau
from charge of having started the rebellion; his views on situation in
L. Canada; length of Papineau's exile due to intrigues of his political
enemies; Papineau's conduct during and after the rebellion.
Work of secret societies in America; fears possibility of attempts
against Upper Canada. Invitation from French ambassador to
go to France and interest French press in Canada.
Attacks Lord Durham. Reported conversation between Bishop
of Quebec and Lord Durham. Note on Judge Reid. Frontier incidents and Colborne's military plans for winter. Situation of Bermuda exiles. Reports of R. Neilson's actions. Lord Durham
reported to be asking Ministry to declare war on U.S.A. Remarks
on non-complicity of Viger and others in insurrection. General condemnation of Durham.
Comments on duel between Roebuck and Powerscourt. Plan to
ask Congress for territory for refugees. General political considerations.
Repeats substance of last letter. Comments on Edward Ellice
a propos of primitive measures taken by English in Lower Canada.
Conversation with Leader on Canadian affairs and with reference to a possible meeting with Lord Brougham. Asks Roebuck to
make efforts on behalf of prisoners in Upper Canada. Considers
war between U.S.A. and England very probable; his plans in such
an event.
Engaged in writing on Canadian questions for French press.
Asks for Roebuck's opinion on ministerial plans for Canada.
Views on iniquity of English government. Intention to send for
his family, his son's visit to England.
Informs Roebuck of the arrival of his family in France. Historical studies.   Views on Poulett Thomson.   Introduces his nephew.
Comments on acts of violence during the Jalbert case; on
attempts to implicate himself, O'Callaghan and others in the rising
of autumn 1838. Asks Roebuck to take steps to sell his seigniory
of la Petite Nation, with notes on price of crown lands in the vicinity.
[Letters missing]
Expresses suspicion that his letters to Roebuck are retained by
English government. Comments on Colborne's proclamation of
martial law on 3rd Nov. 1838, and Viger's imprisonment; on proceedings of courts-martial. Transmits remarks of his advocate
Cherrier with regard to process against him in Canada.
Apologies for conduct of his nephew in England. London
Comments-on Queen's visit to France, Anglo-French alliance,■ g^08*-1843
Irish affairs, O'Connell.   Remarks on writ of nolle prosequi entered (3pp.)
m«suit against him and other rebels.
Intention to visit Roebuck in London. "^ Aug. 1845
•r. , •       • T» 1_ 1 > P&T1S   (2i pp.)
Regrets missing Roebuck. 17 Aug 1845
J. G. P.
' John G. Parker was arrested on Dec. 5th 1837 for treasonable
correspondence in connexion with the Rebellion. In November of
the following year he was sent with other prisoners to England.
In December 1838 he writes from Liverpool Borough Gaol to
Lord Brougham and to Joseph Hume, M.P., to enlist their sympathies and aid on behalf of himself and his companions.
The letter to Hume contains a statement of his case in which he
says early in November 1837 he wrote certain letters which were
held to be treasonable; he claims that this correspondence was no
more than excited comment on exciting political events, written to
an intimate friend and requiring no answer. In this connexion it
may be noted that in the letter of 22nd Nov . 1837 addressed to
A. Thibledo, Parker mentions especial pains taken to prevent its
going astray and complains that he has had no answers to previous
letters. May it be assumed that these previous letters were those
which being intercepted were made the basis of the charge of treason
against him? f \t? 5
Parker refers to another " highly censurable " letter that he had
addressed to Messrs Brown of Montreal, and claims that this was
written in order that by political comment on current events he
might stimulate Messrs'Brown to reply to his other letters relating
to a debt which they owed him.
There is a letter dated from Newgate on July 1839 signed by
J. G. Parker and his fellow prisoners. It contains an expression of
their gratitude to J. A. Roebuck for delivering them from prison and
from the prospect of a penal colony.
Treasonable Correspondence of " J. G. P."
Roebuck Papers
In the box labelled " Papers relating to Transported Prisoners "
there are copies of letters written by one J.G.P. from Hamilton during the last davs of November 1837.
" Organisation is the order of the day—form political unions of
40 each, each   union   choosing   their own Secy and leader.    Make
returns to W. A. McKenzie, the corresponding secty.   We are going 7 Nov i837
on well in the G.D.   The House is organizing—the House is already Pnvae
under drill weekly.   There is no time to be lost.
Go steadily and quietly to work let the M.D. come up with the
others and all is well. There is not a soldier in the garrason (sic)
at Toronto. .
Letter sent to Mr. Bradbury as enclosure, owing to fears of post- Jr-™n~(?)
office mistakes.   Requests information as to events at " seat of war." A! Thibledo
Upper Canada radicals sceptical as to pluck of Lower Canadians, h^*0"-
There is a rifle depot in Hamilton   and  most  farmers   are getting J^
rifles.   " There is a nest of Scotch radicals of the worst sort back of
Toronto, and I was told by a man from that quarter that they are
J.G.P. to
Augt Thibledo
Hamilton 26
J.G.P. to
I. WOliar
getting well marshalled and only wailing for good news from L. Canada, when they will enter irthe city." London and western disi^il
said to be boiling over and ready for uniform. Unions. Probable
increase of real estate values. No fear of consequences in Upper
Canada; waiting on news from Quebec. Some officios are of opinion
that the Canadas are lost. Will the Americans help? L. Canadians
reported to be divided and leaderless, and without means.
Requests^information as to evenJ»*4n L. Canada, and as to
situation and prospects of the Rebels. What needs have they and
what help will they get from U.S.A. What prospects for a man
entering their ranks? " U.C. is at this time in a great excitement
and should L.C. revolutionize U.C. would follow at once and join the
Prospects of increase in value of property. APPENDIX B
In 1662 on the twenty-second of May I embarked; the same evening we
set sail and after a crossing of one month we arrived safely at the River St.
Lawrence and we ascended with a favourable wind until off Tadousac, where
the wind became contrary, which forced us to drop anchor.
Tadousac is the first place, that one meets, which has been inhabited. I
do not know how it may be at present but at that time there were a chapel, a
few houses and two water-mills there, all rather in disorder on account of continual bands of* Iroquois, who however live far off, coming from two hundred
and fifty leagues away.
In order to give full satisfaction to the reader, it is right and convenient
that I should not forget to give him a true, just and faithful account of what I
saw during my voyages. I shall begin with what happened at Tadousac when
we were there, as being the first place I passed on making my first voyage.
Two young Iroquois were in love with the daughter of one of their chiefs.
They agreed that he should marry her who first brought back the scalp of a
woman or girl of their enemies, on condition that they should go alone on the
expedition each going his own way. It is to be noticed that they consider it
more courageous to kill a woman or a girl than to kill a man, since one must be
pretty bold to go and look right in their houses or very nearly in order to find
them; because in that country the women hardly go out at all on account of
continual forays of such redoubtable enemies who are always in a bush to catch
someone. They are such patient and such dangerous enemies that if they
thought they could capture anyone, they would remain a week without moving
from one place and eating only a handful of flour a day.
Although their country is very far from Tadousac, nevertheless one of these
lovers went there, and when the bell was ringing for Mass and all the people
assembling, this Iroquois came out off the bush and went on to-a little eminence
which is near the land, and which is covered by the sea at high tide and where
you may go on dry feet when the tide is low. On which eminence he saw two
women looking for shell-fish, when these poor women saw their enemy, they
fled as fast as they could, nevertheless there was one who was unable to escape:
The Iroquois slew her with a spear, he being no more moved by it than if nothing
had happened took her scalp which came off easily and put it at his belt. After
this action it was a question of getting away from the place which the sea had
almost surrounded since he had arrived these. And when he was seeking a passage he was seen by some inhabitants who knew also by the woman who had
escaped when they were going to hear Mass. These men armed ran to him;
after wounding him they took him alive and delivered him next day to some
Algonquin Indians who are our friends and who very conveniently happened to
be there. They put him to death cruelly, he sang until the last breath of his
life, it being their custom to sing during their torment otherwise they would
pass for cowards. It was the Algonquins who told us of the determination of
this Iroquois and of the object that had made him come so far. He must have
been a very passionate lover to take so great a resolution for her.
As soon as the wind was favourable to us, we left Tadousac and went up
the river.   We coasted the Isle of Orleans, on which at that time there was only
1 The present narrative is taken from an original French manuscript, of 438-2 pages, octavo size, acquired
this year by the Public Archives. .It is entitled: "Journal en abreg6 des voyages de Monsieur Asseline de Ronual
tant par terre que par mer avec plusieurs Remarques, Circonstances et ayantures tres Curieuses," (1662-1694).
Here is given only the part of the journal relating to Canada.
27 ■*-f—
one house, belonging to a certain Maheu who was killed in his house with all
his people by Iroquois, after bravely defending themselves; these cruel people
were not content with taking their lives they took the scalps of all of them, in
order to show when they returned home that they had a sure victory. They
only take scalps when they cannot take living people; it is better to be killed or
overcome than to let oneself be taken alive, for when one is unfortunate enough to
be taken prisoner by them, they take their prisoners home to make them suffer
as many cruelties as they can think of. You will know that the Algonquins,
Hurons, Ottawas, and White Fish, not counting those that one does not know,
are all Indians native to that country, with whom we trade and consequently
friendly to us. They inhabit the district round Quebec and are all enemies of
the Iroquois and all as cruel as one another.
These kinds of Indians, two weeks before setting out for war, assemble and
hold a feast. Their most excellent dishes are dog, smoked fish, with fresh and
smoked meat mixed with Indian corn and vegetables; this all cooked together
they call " Sagamite " and after they have eaten they squat on their hindquarters like monkeys, separated half on one side and half on the other side of
their huts; and some of them walk up and down in the middle holding some
weapon in their hand and talk as though very angry, saying that it is necessary
to avenge the death of their kinsmen, and that nothing is more glorious than to
die avenging oneself, to which all the others squatting on their behinds reply
with nods of the head, saying in cadence " he he," meaning thereby that they
are of the same opinion. And a few days before leaving for the war they paint
and colour their faces with various colours which they call " matachev." They
grease their hair which is very long and decorate themselves with collars of
beads also of various colours, which hang from the neck, they also make belts
of them, for their clothes they have beaver skins. When they are ready to set
out for the war they load their weapons and some flour in canoes made of the
bark of trees, which at need they carry on their shoulders although they are big
enough to carry eight or ten men. Ordinarily they march only by night, and
when they rest there are always some on watch lest they be surprised. They
make war very cunningly in order to surprise their enemies, and they try as
far as they can to take them alive. When they are at grips with their enemies,
they fight bravely and shoot very straight. And those who win the victory take
off the scalp from the heads of their dead enemies to signal their victory when
they are back in their country. And those who are unlucky enough not to have
been killed in the fight or not to have been able to flee, are taken to the country
of the conquerors where, as I have said, they are cruelly treated. Their custom
is to sing during their greatest pain right up to the last breath, and those who
do not sing they consider cowardly as hens. They make (their prisoners) put
the end of their finger in their lighted pipes, which they call calumets; they tear
out the nails, they pass through the nerves a stick which they turn as much as
they please so that the legs or arms become what shape they like; and when
they see that one is near dying they make him walk on burning coals, and after
death they never fail to take the scalp which they hang at the top of their huts
to advertise their victories to the public. After the death of their enemies they
rejoice and feast. I finish this treatise full of cruelties, and will get back to the
Isle d'Orleans whence I had unconsciously wandered to speak of the cruelties
of these kinds of Indian.
From the Isle d'Orleans we arrived in a short time at the roadstead of Quebec, there being only two leagues from one to the other. We saluted the fortress
with seven guns and immediately I landed and was at an inn at the house of an
old inhabitant who came from Dieppe, Gloria by name. A day or two afterwards Monsieur D'Avaucour, sent by the King to govern in New France, arrived
there accompanied by a few noblemen and three hundred soldiers. The next
day I had the honour to go and pay my respects to him and to offer him my REPORT FOR THE YMAR 1928 29
humble services. The following day I wient to see the reverend Father Doblon,
a Jesuit, native of Dieppe; he told me that he had only just returned from
preaching the gospel to the Iroquois, who to reward him for his arduous labours
treated him very harshly, but as he knew their language perfectly he came
cleverly out of it.
The city of Quebec is divided into two, namely Upper Town and Lower
Town. In the Upper there are a number of houses and several churches, one
of which is the cathedral, which at that time was governed by my lord Bishop
of Petrsea. The others were those of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers and of the
Reverend Ursuline Mothers & hospitallers. On the right as one goes down into
Lower Town there are many Indian huts which are enclosed in a palisade of
whole trees touching one another into which one could only enter by means of
axes. A Jesuit goes into these huts every morning to seek the Indians and takes
them to Mass and in the evening he does the same in order to take them to
Benediction. The Lower Town is situated on the bank of the St. Lawrence,
which in front of Quebec is at least three times as wide as the Seine opposite
Rouen; it is better built than the Upper Town because it is there that the
dwelling places of the merchants and all the stores are found. Above on the
right facing the river there is a little fortress which faces east situated on a
small mountain, steep on the river side. At that time the country round Quebec
was only cleared as far as the village of St. Francois which is but two leagues
from the city. The cote de Beaupre is much inhabited. There is a river which
falls down from a high mountain, called the Montmorency Falls which is two
leagues from Quebec, whence one can see it as if one was quite close and whence
also one can hear the noise of the fall. All the country produces every necessity
of life, for good wheat grows there abundantly and there are all kinds of meat
and game. The gardens provide all the vegetables one could wish; as for drink,
wine and brandy are brought from France. Among the Jesuit Fathers beer used
to be made. Without doubt there are many vines which might produce a
quantity of grapes,: the land there being good, because Quebec and its neighbourhood are below the latitude of LaRochelle, and (the soil at) Three Rivers and
Montreal of which I shall speak later are much further South, and consequently
more suitable for wine. Fish of all kinds is found there in great quantity, and
they catch eels abundantly which are salted for the whole year. The porpoises
it-here are white as snow, there are mines of tin, copper and coal. Its trade is
well enough known since large numbers of skins of beaver, otter, moose and
(seal) are brought from there to France. The beaver can only live when he
swims with his tail in the water; the tail is three fingers broad by about half
a foot long, almost oval; it is scaly like a fish; in winter the beaver makes his
hut on the edge of the water so that he always has his tail in it. He is low on
his legs and fairly long in the body. He has four teeth in front of the jaw, and
when this animal has set about gnawing a tree, however big it may be, he does
not leave it until he has felled it. One has to go along the side -of the rivers to
catch him, as well as the otter, of which I shall say nothing, since it is commonly
to be seen in France. The moose is as big as a large ox; it has flat horns forked
at the ends, and runs moderately fast. It is most usually captured in winter
on the snow for the animal, being very heavy, sinks so deep into the snow
that it has difficulty in getting out and tires easily and quickly, being pursued
by the hunter mounted on rackets without handles, without which the hunter
could not walk on the snow, into which he would sink too deep. Thds^ animal
being keenly pursued in this manner, is killed when he can flee no further.
Why is it so cold in that country and why does it snow so much since
Quebec is nearly the most northerly of the lands that we inhabit which is
below the same meridian as La Rochelle and the others still further south, is
that the earth being entirely covered with trees, which are there very thick
and tall, the sun cannot heat the earth, as it cannot shine except through all 30 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
the trees; and under the trees where there has never been any sun it is so cold,
that one cannot stay there without freezing, but in places which are cleared
it is hot in summer, as in Europe in the same latitude, and I have several times
bathed there on account of the great heat.
There are also seals there in great numbers; they have short legs and
when they are on land, you may kill them with a stick as they run; if you go
very quietly you may also kill them when they are asleep. On land where
these animals are nearly' always in a herd, they have the instinct when some
of them have been struck, and are bleeding, to approach their comrades and
to cover themselves with their blood after which they lie down as if they also
were dead, which sometimes deceives the hunter; and when he leaves those
which he thinks to be dead in order to go after the others, the ones which
covered themselves with blood escape. There is a pretty cunning instinct for
saving their lives. They have a head shaped like a calf's. Out of their skin
one makes muffs, and one used to make belts of them; they are also made
into the uppers of boots.
Three weeks were spent in excursions and hunting in the neighbourhood of
Quebec, where I noticed that the country is watered by several tributaries which
empty into the river. Wood for heating and for building costs nothing but the
cutting. /
After which I learned in the town that Monsr Davaucourl/ was preparing
to make the journey to Three Rivers and Montreal, sixty leagues above Quebec.
I went and begged him to allow me the honour of accompanying him, which he
granted me. He had several boats made ready to carry three hundred men.
On the day of departure I embarked in the one which he boarded. During this
journey I left nothing undone which might procure me his friendship. He
ordered twenty-two Algonquin Indians to follow him in order to run scouting in
the woods. Throughout all our progress up this river we saw on either bank
nothing but the finest country in the world, and very fertile. There are
very many streams of the river which flow through the meadows to water the
'land, so that it produces all the grass necessary to feed the hordes of wild
animals which alone inhabit this fine country.
We stopped at Three Rivers, thirty leagues above Quebec, half way to
Montreal. It is certainly the finest and best country that one could wish for.
It seems that nature took pleasure in making it. If it were well cultivated and
settled, one could make of it an earthly paradise. Its inhabitants would be
too happy to possess so precious a country, were it not that that they are day
and night in continual peril of losing their lives through frequent raids of the
Iroquois; many as we were, when we were walking near the town we had always
our arms about us. The inhabitants showed us the place, where, a little while
before we arrived, two sawyers had been very subtly captured by the Iroquois,
and this is how they related it to us.
Two sawyers having worked for a long time at sawing wood near their
homes, their long work had produced a large pile of sawdust. At noon the poor
men left their work as usual to go and dine at home. During the interval while
they were eating, two Iroquois from a larger band who had apparently watched
the two poor workmen, went and hid in the pile of sawdust; and when these
two unfortunate fellows, soon after they had begun their task again, were thinking
of nothing but their work, these two rogues came out of the pile of sawdust and
seized them; at once those who were in ambush came out and (fell) upon these
two poor men whom they led among with them and apparently killed them with
tortures similar to those I have reported above, for they never do otherwise.
Our stay at Three Rivers, which name the town bears because three rivers
meet there, was no longer than Monsieur Davaucour found necessary for the
King's service, and we continued our journey to Montreal not without great
difficulty, for the current was always against us, the tide not being able to extend REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 31
so high. That is why we could only get there by rowing. At that time Montreal
was sparsely settled, and nothing was to be seen but a chapel in which two
Jesuit Fathers said M$fetf every day. Ant^t^-Chjiuses though few in number did
not fail to be fine spacious and agreeable. Monsieur Lemoine's, a native of
Dieppe, surpassed all the others. My comrade, Duchesne d'lberville being his
kinsman, we stayed at his house, in which he received us as good friends and as
men of the same country. He begged and obliged my comrade, as his kinsman
to spend the winter with him, but he dad not sta*y there long, because* he was
'•killed: by the Iroquois two or three days after our leaving Montreal; as I learned
at Quebec. . One's life in that district is in greater danger than that of a bird on
a branch. Montreal needs only settlers in order to get them to enjoy the
excellence of its air and to make them cultivate its vast and fertile fields.
Monsieur Davaucour having more urgent business at Quebec than that
which detained him at Montreal, or after finishing it in two weeks, and having
left twenty r ^cjljiers there to increase the garrison of the fort, we departed thence
and in a few days we arrived at Quebec, having a current nearly always favourable. Having arrived there and having no intention of returning to France that
year, I applied myself to acquiring habits with which I went hunting and fishing
every day; and time passed insensibly. And the air getting colder and snow
falling fairly frequently prevented our ordinary exercise, I being obliged to keep
to the house, was much bored. Monsieur Gloria with whom I was boarding told
me that if I spent the winter here, which is very long and rigorous, I should have
plenty of time to be bored in. He advised me to return to France. I believed
him, and a few days later I asked Monsieur Davaucour for permission to leave;
for some time he held out against granting it to me, promising me the first vacant
ensigncy, and after several requests he granted it to me. At the end of October1
I embarked in the vessel St. Pierre aboard which my Lord the Bishop of Fetraea
crossed to France, where we arrived on the twelfth of December in same year
as my departure. After that until I heard that the king was marching troops
to Marsat in Lorraine I stayed with Madame Depreaux, my mother, who
married the Sieur Depreaux as her second husband; he was the eldest brother
of Monsieur de Bulonde, Lieutenant General of the King's armies.
The American Indians who dwell in the country from the district round
Montreal, which is sixty leagues above Quebec, down as far as Quebec and
beyond towards Tadousac, (Ottawas, Algonquins and Hurons by name) who
are all friendly Indians and with whom we trade, know God under the name of
the Great Spirit to whom they pray after their fashion, and this is how.
" Great Spirit, master of our lives, Great Spirit master of things visSSIe and
invisible, Spirit master of other spirits good and evil, command the good to be
favourably inclined to thy children the Ottawas, Algonquins and Hurons, and
command the evil to keep away from them. 0 Great Spirit, preserve the strength
and courage of our warriors to resist the fury of our enemies; preserve the old
men whose bodies are not yet altogether worn out, that they may give counsel
to the young. Preserve our children, increase their numbers, deliver them from
evil spirits and from the hands of wicked men, so that they may provide for us
and delight us in our old age; preserve our harvests and the animals if thou
wouldst not that we die of hunger; guard our villages and the hunters on .the
chase; deliver us from deadly surprise while thou ceasest to give us the light
of the sun which preaches to us of thy greatness and might; inform us through
the spirit of dreams of what it may please thee that we should do or should not
do; when it is thy pleasure that our lives end, send us into the great country of
souls, in which are those of our fathers, mothers, wives, children and other kinsmen. 0 Great Spirit, Great Spirit hear the voice of the Nation; Hear all thy
^iehiliiren and ever remember them.
I Th© Journal des Jesuites. p. 310, states that Mgr. de Laval sailed for France on August 12, 1662. —IF
Special agreement between the Colony of Canada and the Farmer of the
Western Domain to reconcile their interests with regard to the consumption of
the beaver belonging to them by means of a concentration of the beaver of
both parties into one hand, which may re-establish the trade on a good commercial basis both in France and in foreign countries.
Louis Guigue, Farmer General of the Western Domain, obtains from the
King 850,000 beaver fat, dry and muscovite, for the sum of 1,500,000 livres payable in twelve years from the 1st October 1697 at the rate of 125,000 livres
annually, 70,833 pounds of beaver to be retailed annually at the ordinary price
of thirty-five sols a pound.
He has enjoyed his lease from 1st October 1697 to the 1st April 1700 when
there occurred the Decree of Council regulating affairs between the Colony and
the Farmer, the two and a half years at the rate of 70,833 pounds of beaver
annually making a total for two and a half years of 177,082 pounds.
Which quantity subtracted from 850,000 pounds of the King's contract,
there still remains in Guigue's hands 672,928 pounds of this lot, not counting
For which lot of beaver as well as for the Farms of Canada, including the
quarter of beaver in kind, and for the hat monopoly in the Kingdom, Guigue
had to pay to the King the sum of 200,000 livres a year as rent for the farm;
from which the King having had the goodness to grant him a reduction of
30,000 livres a year for the remaining years of his lease, he now pays only
170,000 livres.
Besides the beaver of the King's contract Guigue has further received and
paid for, with his own money, all the following beaver, which belong to him
in his own property.
To wit
From Hudson's Bav year 1697     14,638   )
Id. from M. Desevigny 1698     35,175    I thai/l
Id. from the Iroquois 1698  294    [ ,D
Id. from M. Desevigny 1699     20,507   J
From Canada 1698 and 1699  86,552
Total  157,166
i This document is the translation of an original French manuscript, 19 p. folio size, in the Public
r*0*^*^.^ .<? W "Jdorsed M follows: "Ratification par les habitans de (Canada) du tnufcte fait aveo le
fenni.T  d Occident,  10 octobre 1700."
* The French livie was equivalent to one franc
Which quantity has cost him the following sums which he has paid or is to
pay and which it is to-day a question of reimbursing him.
To wit
Pounds1 Livres
'Hudson Bay 1697       14,638 43,815
M. Desevigny       35,175 127,630   17   6
To him for Iroquois           294 780     7   6
To him for       20,507 98,881    10
To Canada       86,552 330,496     7   7
Total     157,166 601,610
z    /
Guigues must, according to the above calculation, have in his stores the
following beaver.
To wit
Those of the King's Contract     672,918 pounds
Those   which   belong   to   him   in   his   own .
property     157,166      "
Total less waste     830,084
The Colony of Canada, which by the Decree of the Council of 9th February
last has the liberty of trading its beaver for the future independently of the
Farmer, represents that to facilitate its trade both in France and Holland it
would need all the beaver which the Farmer has at present in France and
Holland, and the farms of Canada with that of the hat monopoly in the
Kingdom which is necessary to bring about the consumption of the beaver by
the hatters; to which the Farmer being willing to consent for the good of the
Colony, nothing appeared more just than to agree with the Colony.
To hand over to it the whole lot of the King's beaver of 672,918 pounds
according to the previous statement which is at La Rochelle and Paris in the
state in which they may be found, without being held in any way responsible
for their good or bad quality, together with the farms of Canada and that of
the hat monopoly for the Kingdom, the enjoyment of which will begin on 1st
October 1699, for accounting purposes, the whole for the same sum of 70,000
livres a year for the ten years remaining of Guigue's lease from the said first
day of October 1699, the said sum payable every year quarterly and in advance.
For the execution of which the reconveyance of all these three lots will be
made by the said Guigue purely and simply to the Colony of Canada under
the name of any one it may choose at Paris well and duly bonded for the
security of the said Guigue who will still remain responsible to the King until
it shall have pleased His Majesty to acquit him of these three lots on the
ratification of the present treaty by the Colony.
1 Avoir du poids weight.
72227—3b Prc
Guigue will further hand over to the Colony into the hands of the commissioners in Paris the quantity of 157,166 pounds of beaver belonging to him
in his own property in the qualities and kind as they may be found at La
Rochelle, Holland, and Lyon where they now are, for the sum of 700,000 livres
agreed upon as the price of all these beaver and interest on them, and including
those which are at present in Holland in the hands of M. Scellier; the 10,000
muscovite skins last loaded at La Rochelle which should have arrived at Amsterdam into the hands of Mr. Brian and the Commissioners of the Colony; and those
which were sold at Lyon to Sr. Malgard, merchant hatter, the contract for which
made between him and Guigue will be performed according to its form and
tenor or sent to him for Marseille.
Thus Guigue will hand over to the Colony the following beaver, to wit:
The King's.         672 918 pounds    |    g30 084 lb
The Farmer's     157,166     " )
Likewise all those which may be found in the stores of the said Guigue over and
above the said quantity, to whatever it may amount, as all included in the
present delivery and sale, but in any case the said quantity may not be in total
less than 830,000 pounds.
The beaver in the delivery which will be made by Guigue shall be weighed
standard weight and counted weight for weight without other shortage or make
weight than three pounds a bale for everything, seeing that the King's were
beaten and cleaned and put into condition by Guigue last year, which cannot
have been done without great wastage.
Guigue having borne the expenses of administering the Farm of Canada,
having likewise paid or accepted all the bills of exchange which have been drawn
to meet the expenses of this year, to avoid all discussion between him and the
Colony on this subject, seeing that it is stated above that the enjoyment of
the said farms will begin on the 1st October of last year 1699, it has been agreed
that the Colony will enjoy all the net produce of the farms of Canada, the
quarter of beaver included, from 1st October of last year. For the execution of
which Guigue's Directors, Agents, Receivers and Clerks will furnish their
accounts of receipts and expenses for the said year which will be checked by the
And to enable the Colony to pay to Guigue the equivalent of the yield of
the said farm of Canada for the said year only, the price of the said farms heretofore fixed at 170,000 livres a year will for this first year be 100,000 livres only,
the other 70,000 livres remaining payable with the 700,000 livres agreed upon
above as the price of the beaver in fourteen equal payments at six months interval of 55,000 livres each, the first payment falling due on the 1st of January
of next year 1701.
The Colony for greater security to the said Guigue of the payment of 70,000
livres having now handed to him bearer bills on its commissioners whose note
follows signed by four solvent people. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 35
Although it is stated that the enjoyment of the Farms of Canada is to
begin from the 1st October of the year 1699, that is to be understood only m
respect of the dues that are received in money, and not for the quarter of
beaver, which although received after the 1st October 1699 is considered as of
the revenue of the year 1699 and belongs consequently to Guigue.
All the agreements are void for both parties until it has pleased the King
to ordain by decree that all beaver shipwrecked in the MANON being at Pans
and La Rochelle for the account of Pointeau are to be burnt as spoiled and liable
to upset the consumption of the Colony's beaver.
Guigue remaining in the same position as today until the delivery of the
bearer bills on the Colony's Commissioners to the amount of 770,000 livres,
failing which he can enter into no agreement with the Colony, which bills will
be delivered after the_ delivery of the beaver, until which one key of them will
remain in Guigue's hands.
If the King should suppress the hat monopoly in the Kingdom, Guigue will
make an allowance to the Colony on the said price of 170,000 livres a year of
the same sum by which the King may diminish the price of his farm for the non-
enjoyment of the said hat monopoly, the Colony undertaking at its own risk,
peril and fortune to pay to the said Guigue the said price of 170,000 livres of
rent a year, with the deduction only of the same sum of which the King may
make an allowance to him for non-enjoyment of the said monopoly.
Guigue responsible to the King for the price of the said farms of 170,000
livres a year having great interest in keeping watch in Canada over the security
of the administration of the Farms, will keep an agent general there at his own
expense if he pleases.
The Colony being obliged to pay in Canada every year according to ordinary
custom the expenses of the Budget of each year as a deduction from the 170,000
livres the price of the Farm, and to furnish to Guigue the list of the said expenses
well and duly checked and signed by the Intendant with corroboratory documents from him in good and due form as is done for him, without Guigue being
called upon henceforth to accept in France any bill of exchange to meet the said
The said Guigue reserving to himself the right to have paid and reimbursed
to himself by his Clerks, Agents and Receivers in Canada whatever may be due
to him by them in payment of all accounts passed up to the 1st October of the
said last vear 1699.
And until the entire and full payment of the amount of bearer bills on the
Commissioners of the Colony for the said sum of 770,000 livres, the Colony
still responsible for the validity and value of the said bills will remain the
guarantor of whatever may be found due at the maturity of each of them. r—'n
The Colony will ratify the present agreements by a.deed authenticated in
the presence of the Governor, the Bishop and the Intendant, in the course of the
present year, Guigue keeping until such ratification one key of the stores of
beaver both at Paris and La Rochelle to check at his expense their sale and consumption, which the Commissioners may effect at their pleasure without being
subject to annoyance in any way from Guigue or his officers.
Drawn up and agreed at Paris to serve as a draft for the regulation to be
made in conformity at Paris this 15th May 1700. Signed Richer de Roddes for
Guigue and Pascaud on the draft.
And on the 3rd June of the said year 1700, the said bondsman of the
said Guigue, for whom Monsieur de Roddes signed the above draft, and of the
other parties, not having been willing to sign it with him, owing to the difficulties unexpectedly raised before Monseigneur le compte de Pontchartrain and
Monseigneur de Chamillart before whom they were discussed, after it had been
ordained by My Lords, that the Colony of Canada would pay to the said
Guigue the sum of 750,000 livres for the price of the beaver which Guigue was
to hand over and in the terms of payment agreed upon in the former draft,
instead of 700,000 livres agreed upon in the contract written above, there should
be made between the said Pacaud and Sr. de Roddes several other proposals
on which at length it has definitely been concluded as follows.
That for greater security to the said Guigue and to avoid all discussion
in the future with regard to the payments which should be made this year
only, in equal portions at six months interval, the said sum of 750,000 livres
heretofore agreed upon as the price of the beaver should be reduced to that of
470,000 livres payable in cash at Paris by the Commissioners of the Colony
immediately after the delivery to be made by the said Guigue to the said Commissioners of all the beaver to be taken by them, in the towns, places and
stores where they may be, which delivery will be begun to-morrow and continued without interruption so that it may be completed before the last day
of the present month; and that the said payment of 470,000 livres may also be
made before the last day of the present month.
Guigue handing over to the Colony only the enjoyment of the Farms of
Canada, the quarter of beaver in kind included, from 1st October 1699 for all
the remaining period of his lease for the sum of 70,000 livres annually payable
by the Colony, to wit in Canada the amount of the Budget every year, for
which the Colony will be bound to produce in France the receipts and valid
releases in the usual manner, and the surplus to make up the sum of 70,000
livres rent annually, in cash in France at the end of each year when producing
the budget.
\ But the Colony not finding itself in a position to pay to Guigue the said
sum of 70,000 livres for the enjoyment of the said year from 1st October 1699
to the 1st October next, Guigue in order to please the Colony has consented to
take his payment of the said sum for this year only in seven consecutive years,
so that beginning with 1st January of next year for each of the seven following
years of the said lease of the Farms of Canada, the Colony instead of the
70,000 livres yearly rental will pay the sum of 80,000 livres, and for the other
two years remaining from the said Guigue's lease only the sum of 70,000 livres
set forth above. REPORT FOR  THE YEAR 1928 37
With very express agreement that if, during the course of the ten remaining years of Guigue's lease, the King should happen to cancel the hat monopoly in the Kingdom, the Colony will pay to Guigue the sum of 25,000 livres
beyond the sums fixed above for the price of the said farms of Canada, and
this for each of the remaining years of the lease of the said Guigue in which
he may have ceased to enjoy the said hat monopoly which was given to him
by Ihe King for 75,000 livres a year and which he is willing to keep for 100,000
livres on the above mentioned condition and not otherwise, having hereinbefore
handed over to the Colony both the said hat monopoly and the said farms of
Canada for 170,000 livres.
To ensure the execution of the last two -articles the Colony's beaver both in
Canada and in France will remain by special privilege affected and hypothecated
so far as concerns those only which may be found in kind at the time of and
in case of the non-execution of the articles, not including the beaver sold by
the contract written above, even those sold for the account of the Colony since
1st October last.
As the Colony is to enjoy the farms of Canada for the present year by
means of the above mentioned payment in seven years, it will cause the clerks,
agents receivers and controllers of the said Guigue to account from the 1st
dav of October of last year 1699, being responsible from that day for all the
expenses of the said administration of the said farms for and from which
expenses it promises to guarantee, release and indemnify the said Guigue,
except those of the salary and travelling expenses of Sieur de Villebois which
shall be in no way chargeable to the Colony.
Guigue reserves the right of making the said clerks of Canada account
directly for the sums of money, tools and effects which may be found due by
them for their account of the year 1698, and further for the amount of the bills
of exchange which they have drawn on him to meet the expenses of the present
year, and for the value of which they will furnish to the said Guigue the budget
of the present year, closed in good and due form by the Intendant with corroboratory documents.
The delivery of all the beaver will be made in each of the stores where they
may be found and where the Colony will receive them as they come off the
scales, at its own expense.
Guigue, until the complete payment of these and reckoning as has been
said, keeps one of the keys of the stores from which the Colony will cause the
beaver to be withdrawn, which beaver until the said full payment all remain by
special privilege affected and hypothecated, Guigue remaining in the same position as he is to-day without derogating from his privileges until the said
10. —.
As all these conventions, agreed upon under the authority of my lords the
Ministers for the greater advantage of the Colony, are to be executed without
regard to the contracts which Guigue may have made or caused to be made
concerning Canada, it is hereby expressly agreed that all contracts heretofore
made concerning Canada or which may be made before the present ratification 38 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
by the Colony shall remain null and void, the Colony promising to release, guarantee and indemnify the said Guigue, for and from all demands and claims
against him for their non-execution.
*S* 11.
Likewise to confirm in the Council all the present agreements for their
validity, without which they will remain null.
The said Sieur de Roddes continues guarantor in name of the sale and
delivery of the beaver mentioned in the present contract and in that previously
written, excepting only the expenses of the King.
Drawn up and agreed in duplicate between us the undersigned on the above
mentioned day and year. Thus signed Richer de Roddes, Pascaud, and Bailly
(on the draft.)
To-day there have appeared before the King's Councillors, Notary, Recorders
at the Chatelet in Paris the undersigned Charles Nicholas Richer Sieur de
Roddes dwelling in Paris, Rue de Charenton, faubourg St. Antoine in the parish
of St. Paul, in his name and as sole bondsman of Nicholas Bailly sub farmer
general of the Beaver Farm and monopoly of hats in the Kingdom, having the
rights of Sieurs Orry, Foubert, Le Berger, Tevnar, Menil and Chasseau who
were conjointly with .him all bondsmen of the said Bailly, jointly and severally
liable to Louis Guigue, farmer general of the Western Domain, for the execution of the Contract made in the name of the said Bailly and the said Guigue
on the 21st April 1700, according to the resolution and agreement made between
the said Sieur de Roddes and the gentlemen named above on the 28th day of
last May which was submitted as a draft to Richard one of the undersigned
notaries by deed of to-day in the presence and by consent as far as need be of
the said Nicholas Bailly subfarmer of the said Farm of Beaver and of the hat
monopoly for the Kingdom and of the Domain of Canada, dwelling at Paris in
the house of Sieur Richer de Roddes in the said Rue de Charenton, of the
one part,
And Antoine Pacaud merchant and deputy of the Colony and of the
inhabitants of Canada, in the name and on behalf of the said Colony and
inhabitants, dwelling ordinarily in the town of Montreal in Canada, being lodged
in Paris at the sign of St. James, Rue de la Truanderie, parish of St. Eustache,
of the other part,
Who acknowledge having caused to be written and then having signed with
their ordinary signature the two contracts and agreements of 15th May last- and
of 3rd June the current month, written above in seven sheets not counting the
present, in which there are no other additions nor erasures than those which
are -on the fourth sheet on the right hand side, article 21, where there is a postscript and the approval of an erasure; on the reverse of the fifth sheet Where
there is a postscript and approval of erasure; and on the reverse of the sixth
sheet in article five a postscript, all of which postscripts and erasures h?tjvi
been approved by. the said parties appearing who have put their initials at the
end of them; and which contracts and agreements written above the said Sieurs
de Roddes and Pacaud in their said quality promising respectively to execute
and maintain in all points according to their form and tenour, on penalty of all
expenses, damages and interest; who have chosen their domicile in this city
for the execution of these presents, to wit Sieur de Roddes at the house where
he is dwelling, and the said Sieur Pacaud for the said Colonies and inhabitants
of Canada, at the house of Sieur Jean Pasquier, merchant of Paris at lft^Bt. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 39
Jullien des Menetriers in the parish of St. Nicolas, at which places it has been
agreed that the contract of 15th May last written above shall still be m force
over anything which is not modified by the contract of 3rd June the current
month also written above; and by these same presents the said Sieur Pacaud
in the said quality has ceded and relinquishes to the said Sieur de Roddes
accepting the quantitv of 53,750 pounds weight beaver forming part of those
which have been relinquished and sold by the said contracts and agreements
written above, and which the said Sieur de Roddes declares to be those which
he has declared by the said contracts to be now as follow, 33,750 pounds weight
in Holland in the hands of Brian Freres and Scellier merchants at Amsterdam
and 20 000 pounds weight in the hands of Sieur Malzard merchant hatter at
Lvon which have been sold and delivered to him according to the contract oi
9th April last which the said Sieur de Roddes will be required to perform, with
the delivery of which quantity of beaver the. said Sieur de Roddes is satiated
and releases, the said Sieur Pacaud, taking the said quantity at his own risk and
at fixed price and for his own account without claiming any expenses, as a
consequence of which the said Sieur de Roddes has to deliver of the quantity
of 830,000 pounds of beaver that he has promised by the said contracts only
the quantity of 776,250 pounds of beaver without however modifying what is
expressed in the said contracts.   In case there is found a greater quantity which
shall be credited to the said Colony and inhabitants of Canada, this release
having been made in consideration of the sum of 120,000 livres, from which
the said Colony and inhabitants of Canada remain clear and discharged out of
the amount of 470,000 livres due to the said Sieur de Roddes according as it
is expressed in said contract of the third of the present month, consequently,
there only remains due to him 350,000 livres which will be paid to him as is
stipulated in the above contracts.   Each in his own right promising, binding
and renouncing.
Drawn up and passed at Paris in the house of M. la Vigne secretary to
Monsieur Amelot Councillor of State, in year 1700 on the 9th June before noon
and the said sieurs de Roddes, Pacaud and Bailly signed with the undersigned
notaries the draft of these presents following the said deeds and conventions.
All left in the hands of Richard one of the Notaries.
Sealed at Paris Taboue Richard
9th June 1700.
Before the King's Notaries and Recorders in his city and pre vote of Quebec,
in New France the undersigned in the assembly now held in the great hall of
the chateau of this city summoned by the Governor General and the Intendant
in accordance with the King's letter of 11th June last addressed to them; at
which are present their Lordships the two^bishops, the Procurators of the
ecclesiastical communities, secular and regular, and the better part of the
people of the other estates of this colony to compose and draw up the rules of
the Company which the said Assembly has convenanted to make tor the performance of the contract made between Sieur Antoine Pacaud deputy of this
Colony, and Nicolas Richer de Roddes and Nicolas Bailly in the names and
qualities stated by the said contract made between them at Pans^ under their
private signatures on the 3rd June last, acknowledged beforeMtre Richer de
Roddes and Mtre Taboue King's Councillors and Notaries of the Chatelet on
the Oth of the said month as appears in the copy signed by the said notaries and
written above, produced in the said Assembly; and after all the^contents of!the
said treaty had been distinctly and intelligently read by the King's Attorney
General of the Sovereign Council in the presence of the said assembly, all the
undersigned persons to the number of eighty-eight acting ^J^ff^^
the said colony of this country of Canada, have said and declared that they
have^ompttety understood all the conditions, clauses and agreements of the 40
said contract and that they approve, agree and ratify it in all its content in the
name of the said colony to be carried out according to its form and tenour: of
which the present act of ratification has been drawn up and passed, but nobody
may claim by these presents the ratification of the contract made on 9th June
between the said Sieur Pacaud in the said name with Sieurs Gouet, Pasquier
and Boulet senior of which the said assembly disapproves both thus and for
reasons set forth in the Act of to-day which will be stated in a subsequent act.
In the said Assembly between the hours of 4 and 5 on the 10th Oct. 1700 under
the following signatures.
Approved the erasure of six words
at the end of the present Deed and the
addition as good.
Approved the  erasure of thirteen
words in the tenth line of this page as
of no value and the addition hereafter as
Bochart Champigny
Ruette d'Auteuil
le cheer de Callieres
Jean eveque de Quebec
Fran. anc. eves, de Quebec
R. L. Chartier
de Lotbiniere
D. Riverin
Charles Aubert de
la Chesnaye
Juchereau de St. Denis
F. Hazeur
De Tonnancourt
J. Riverin
J. Lagrange
17     5
Gabriel Duprat
YEAR 1928
Suite des signatures et paraphe de L'acte de ratification
cy a cote
St Romain
Delestarge des]
Jacques Hertel
Lebe pour
M leber par sa procuration
De Cournoyer
Page 28
Eustache Fortin
Alexis Marchand
L. Prat
le Gardeur debeauvais
Jean Giasson
St Simon
'. Braham
C. Villiers
Laurent Pinau
P. Normandin
F Sauvage
C Lefebvre
C Lefebvre
Thibierge                Etienne Thibierge
J. Lajus
N. Gannereau
C. F. Juchereaupachot                 Haimard
G Raeeot          Berthier          P. Lessan
Martel          PeLamoureaux jeune
68                      69
70   .
Beaulieu                      Vital Caron                   Landeron
Prieur                   Perthuis
76                           77
Jean Sebille
G. Gaillard
pfet- ;
Notes on the signatories1
The above agreement between the Lessee of the Rights of the King in the*
Domaine d'Occident, & the inhabitants of Canada, for the transfer to the latter
of the fur-trade monopoly was signed at the Castle of St. Louis, Quebec, by
the leading personages of the Colony, and members of the Sovereign Council
the nobility & the merchants, to the number of 92. It has been thought of
interest to mention, when known, the actual or eventual occupation of the
The Chevalier de Calliere, Governor General;
Jean de St. Vallier, second Bishop of Quebec;
Bochart de Champigny, the Intendant;
Francois de Laval-Montmorency, first Bishop of New France.
Numerical List
1. Francois Ruette d'Auteuil, King's Councillor & Attorney-General.
2. Nicholas Dupont de Neuville—King's Councillor.
3. Charles Aubert de la Chenaye, Agent General of the West Indies Company
(1630-1702)      and later King's Councillor.
4. Rene Louis Chartier, Seigneur de Lotbiniere, King's Councillor.
5. Denis Riverin—King's Councillor.
6. Charles Juchereau* de St. Denis—King's Councillor & Lieutenant-General
(1655-1703)      of the Royal Jurisdiction of Montreal.
7. Duplessis—Quebec merchant.
8. Jean Gobin—Quebec merchant.
9. Aubert'-—Merchant.
10. Jacques   Alexis    Fleury    d'Eschambault—King's   Councillor—Lieutenant-
(1642) General of the Royal Jurisdiction of Montreal.
11. Francois Hazeur—Merchant.
12. Rene Godfroy de Tonnancourt—King's Councillor & Lieutenant General of
(1669-1738)       the Royal Jurisdiction of Three Rivers (1717).
13. Louis Rouer d'Artigny—King's Councillor.
14. Francois Martin de Lino—Merchant.   Delegate to France.
15. Pierre Dupont—Merchant.
16. Pierre de Lestarge, Montreal merchant, 1699.
17. Nicola Pinaut, Merchant.
(       -1722)
18. Joupe Riverin, Merchant & Banker.
18J. Jean Jacques Lebe, Merchant.
19. Peire.
20. Je Lagrange.
20J. Fornel.
20}. Pierre Le Boulanger, Seigneur de St Pierre.
(       -1736)
1 The following notes have been prepared by Rev. N. Dubois. REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 43
21. Foucault.
22. Dupre.
23. Legay.
24. Gabriel Duprat, Merchant.
(1657-       )
25. Francois Chorel de St. Romain.
26 Jean Legros, Merchant.
(1656-       )
27. Rondeau.
28. Nicolas Rousselot de la Prairie.
29  Charles Macart, King's Councillor.
30. Delestarge* Despeiroux.
31. Chartier.
32. Claude Pouperet, Merchant.
33. Cerineul.
34/35. Jacques Hertel de Cournover—Captaifebin the Colonial Troops.
36. Leber, Merchant.
37. Eustache Fortin.
38. Gamelin.
39. Paul   Dupuy,   Seigneur   of   l'llle-aux-Oeufs,   Lieutenant-General    of   the
Prevote of Quebec.
40. Alexis Marchand, Merchant.
41. Jacques Douaire de Bondy, Merchant.
42. Louis Prat, Port Captain.
43. Rene le Gardeur de Beauvais, Captain in the Colonial Troops.
44. Jean Giasson.
(1668-       )
45. Jean Minet, Merchant.
46. Paul Denis, Sieur de St. Simon.   Grand Prevot of the Marshals of France
(1649-1731)      in Canada.
47. Martin Cheron, Merchant; King's Councillor.
48. Lucien Boutteville, Merchant.
49. Peire, Merchant.
50. J. Braham, Merchant.
51. Baudoin.
52. C. Villiers, Montreal merchant.
53. Laurent Pinau.
54. Pierre Normandin dit Sauvage, Merchant.
55. Jacques Sauvage.
56. Lehoux.
57/58. C. Lefebvre.
59. Thibierge.
60. Etienne Thibierge.
(1663-1740) mm
61. Jourdain Lajus, Army surgeon.
62. Jean Soullard.
(       -1710)
63. N. Gannereau.
64. Charlotte Francoise Juchefeau de St. Denis, Comtesse de Saint-Laurent.
65. Pierre Haimard, Merchant.
66. Jean Baptiste Bissot, Sieur de Vincennes.
67. Gilles Rageot, Seigner de St-Luc, Chief Clerk of the Prevote of Quebec.
68. Alexander Berthier, Seigneur de Villemur.
69. Lessan.
70. Raymond Martel, Seigneur de la Chenaye.
71. Pierre Lamoureux St Germain.
72. Pierre Francois Fromage, Clerk of the Prevote of Quebec (1702).
73. Beaulieu.
74. Vital Caron.
75. Etienne Lander on.
76. Prieur.
77. Charles Perthuis, Merchant.
78. Nicolas Volant, Merchant.
79. Dominique Bergeron, Merchant.
80. Bertrand Lalonge dit Le Gascon.
81. Jacques de Lajoue, Lieutenant of the Company for the protection of the
(1665-       )       King's Revenue.
82. Jean Sebille, Quebec merchant.
83. Nicolas Janvrin-Dufresne, Merchant.
(       -1703)
84. Laplante.
85. Guillaume Gaillard, Merchant.    King's Councillor, Seigneur of the Island
(1669-1725)       of Orleans.
86. Louis Chambalon, Royal Notary.
(1663-1716) APPENDIX D
To his Excy  Francis Nicholson Esqr- General and Commdr- injjjjr,e
chief of her Maj*ys- Forces in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland &ca-
May it please your Excy-.
I think I cannot answer more justly to your Excys- Orders than
by laying before you a true and faithful acco*- of all the affairs
relating to her Maj*y's Garrison of Annapolis Royall as far as they
are come within my knowledge beginning from the time that after
the Reduction of it, your Excy left it to the Command of Col1- Sam1-
I shall not take upon me to mark or reflect on any of the acts
as ill or unjust practises, since by my being entirely ignorant and
unacquainted with Col1- Vetches Orders and instructions, whatever
was done by him or his Command may have then appeared to me as
just and reasonable, but your Excy- who left him those orders, and
Instructions must be the only fit Judge and resolve whether punctually executed and duely put in Practise.
After your Departure the Gen1- Notion of the Garrison concerning the Inhabitants of the new conquered Country was that those of
the Banlieue as included in the Capitulation were the only ones of
the French who were to be looked upon as Friends for the first two
years and as for those without the sd- Capitulacon it was then given
out that it was left to Govr- Vetch to treat with them and use them
like Friends till her Majtys- Pleasure should be further known.
Accordingly there were then with Col1- Vetch and I believe had
been before with your Excy- some Deputys from Manis and from
almost all the settlemts- without the Banlieue expecting to learn what
they had to depend upon and how far they would be tolerated under
ye new Governm** Govr- Vetch I may suppose did not think it fit to
give an answer directly to the Deputy's from Manis, but thought it
more convenient to send to the very place.
I was accordingly pitcht upon as being the eldest Captain and
the first in Command and besides having the advantage of the French
Language, and a party of fifty men drawn out of the sev1- Detachments composing ye Garrison was put under my immediate Command—with a Lieut, and a Surgeon; Before I proceed any further,
I must desire your Excy to read a paper under Col1- Vetch's own
hand—hereunto annexed, entituled "Instructions to Cap*- Paul Novr. i, mo
Mascarene to be observed upon his arrival at Manis by Saml. Vetch
Es^f- Adjutant Gen1* of all her Majty- of Great Britain's forces Gen1-
and Comdr- in chief of all her Troops in those parts and Govr- of her
Fort of Annapolis Royall and Country of Accadie and Nova Scotia;
Supposing these Instructions read I'll proceed to give yr- Excy an
acco*- of my voyage and of my Deportment during the same which
cannot be done better than by the Journal I kept, and which I am
going here to set down.
i This Memorial is taken from the Public Archives of Canada, Colonial Office Records, Nova
Scotia, A 4- PP. 166-196. The original is in the British Museum, Additional Manuscripts, No.
19070, f.2. The author of the memorial is Major Paul Mascarene, Huguenot officer of remarkable ability and uprightness, who served with his regiment at the taking of Port Royal and
remained thereafter in the country, being appointed lieutenant governor of Annapolis Royal
in 1740 and of the province in 1744.
45 mm
I went on board the Betty Brig*- Cap*- Blackmore Comdr- the
8th- day of Novr- having a Detachm*- of 25 Marines and as many of
the Country Forces, we fell down in the Bason the 9th- and sail'd out
of it the 11th- early in the morning and anchor'd the same Day
towards the Evening undr- Spencers Island, here we found a little
sloop and having seized the Boat on board of her she proved to be a
French Sloop the Mar- of which came on board the Brig*- at the
return of our Boat, He told me that he came out of Manis that same
Day having on board some few Furrs for a present to the Govr- of
Annapolis I proposed to him to go back again into Manis with me
where he might learn what ye Govrs- Ordrs- to me were in relation to
them to which he gave his Consent the 12th- we set sail again in the
morning and came to an Anchor about 12 of the Clock into Manis
Road from whence I immediately dispatcht a French passenger then
on board the Brig*- who was an Inhabitant of the Place to whom I
gave a paper here annexed translated out of the French Original and
markt No. 2.
The next day, being Monday the 13th- of Novr- I landed about
twelve of the Clock in the flat bottom'd Boat with 42 men officers
included and was reced upon the shore by ab*- 150 of the Inhab*8- with
Demonstrations of Joy, I ordered the men to be marched up to
the house which ye Inhabitants had already appointed for the Officers
Quarters and having considered that it was impossible I should perform ye part of my Instructions wherein I was charged to go on board
every night since the Brig*- anchor'd three Leagues off and the Tide
because of the Flatts is so quick that it doth not serve above one
hour and half to go in and off the Creek I quartered my men in fouthouses round ab*- that which was design'd for the Officers and having
ordered a Guard of a Serg*- and 12 men I went to refresh my self and
after that the Inhabitants being for the most part present, I spoke
to them concerning what I was sent to them for, they desir'd of me
to have the Liberty to choose some particulr* numr- of men amongst
them who should represent the whole, by reason of the most of the
people living scattered far off and not able to attend a Considerable
time, I easily consented to it and accordingly they chose Mr- Peter
Melangon and ye four formerly Capt8- of their Militia with anothr-
man for Manis one for Chicaunecto and one for Copequid being Eight
in all to these I more particularly and plainly told my Instructions
at which they seem'd extreamly concerned and having represented to
me the misery of the Country occasion'd by the Tyranny Mr-
Subercass was wont to oppress them with and concluded it was
impossible the Sum demanded could be made up, the third part of
the Inhabitants being not worth a Groat and actually Beggars they
at last begged of me this Medium that they might be allowed to go
about the finding of means to make up the half of the Sum and in
the mean time peticon the Govr- that in consideration of the miserable
Condition they were in he would be pleas'd to remit the other half
which I thought I could not refuse they further desir'd of me to give
them some shew of power by which they might oblige the meaner
part of the Inhabitants to contribute to the best of their power for
fear that these failing or refusing to give a help in the present
necessity the whole weight should fall upon half a score of the most
publick spirited amongst them and so draw them as they sd- into a
totall Ruin and undr- obligacon of entirely deserting the Country upon REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 47
this their Entreaty I went so far as to give them the paper mark't
No. (2) translated out of the French Original, a Copy of which I
gave to the Representative of Chicannecto directed to Messrs. Mitchel
£oirier and Charles Bourgeois and another to that of Copequid
directed to Mr- Malt. Martin for their Share of half of the Sum that
has been allotted to them by the Eight above mention'd Representatives Immediately after the Six appointed for Manis drew up a List
of their Inhabitants and taxed them and themselves proportionately
in respect both of the Sum they were to make up and of their
Respective Capacity's and having delivered (as it then appeared to
me) chearfully what each of them was able to furnish at that present
time, in Furrs into the hands of the above mention'd Six the whole
was delivered to one of that numr- by name John Landry and the
same who was masr- of the above quoted Sloop in order to carry it
under the Brig8*- convoy to Annapolis Royall; Here it will not be
improper to mention that the evening before I design'd to Embark
I ordered the Soldiers, and told the Inhabitants if any way grieved
by them or not satisfied for what they had furnished them with, to
address themselves to me, and I would do them justice, but no
Compl*- being made and rathr- on the Contrary the Inhabitants
praising the civil Behaviour of the Soldiers, having on my own part
paid Sixteen Livres for the Lodging and Diet of the Lieu*- the
Chirurgeon and myself at break of Day I marched with the party
three miles over Land at a place which I had desired Cap*- Blackmore
to send the Boat and having safely reached the Brig*- we soon set
sail and arriv'd the 20th- of Novr- at Annapolis Royall where I
directly waited on Col1- Vetch, shew'd him this Journall of which he
seemed satisfied and presented to him the above mentioned John
Landry who brought along with him a parcell of Furrs of which
I had but an imperfect Acco*- but which might amount if I well
remember accoring to the sd- Landry's Estimation to 50 or 60 pistols
and withall presented the Govr- a petition from the Inhabitants of
Manis therein entreating to be releas'd of the half of the Sum to
wit three thousand Livres there being Six demanded of them as also
of the twenty pistols demanded of them monthly, What answer that
petition had I cannot justly remember but so far I know that they
never pd* the full sum of 3000 Livres and never pd- any thing towds-
the sd- twenty pistols the way of their payments after this first in
Furrs was in Bills Wheat or peas and the Bills were drawn formerly
by Mr" Subercasse and accepted by Col1' Vetch, by his name being
endorsed on the back of the sd- Bills; the Sum due by Col1- Vetch to
Mr- Subercasse must have been considerable since there was abundance of those Bills.
At my Return from Manis I heard that Majr- Forbes Capt.
Abercromby and Mr- Capon had had Instructions from Col1* Vetch
to demand from the Inhabitants living along the British River without the Limits of the Banlieue the same sum of 6000 Livres and
twenty Pistols a month but how much of that sum was pd- or which
way I am entirely a stranger to.
Winter began to set in hard and the Fort being overcrowded
with Officers and Soldiers made Lodgings very narrow and uncomfortable for both the latter could not easily be contain'd in the
Barracks till the Enginr- having reduced the Chappel into a lesser
Compass form'd two large Barracks of the rest of it in which the
best  part  of the  country Troops  were  quartered,  but  the  Frost Wm
hindering for some time the Chimneys to be built the men were
put to great Streights for want of Fire to cook their Victuals and
to warm themselves, Wood was now mightily in request there being
no less than twenty seven or more Chimneys besides the three Guard
Rooms to be supplyed with Fuel there was but little or no Stock
left at the Reduction of ye- Place, and I must own that it was with
great fatigue Risque and no doubt with great Expence that the
Garrison was supplyed with Firing that Winter tho' the price of
wood was pretty reasonable being cut and ready brought to the
water side for a Crown pr- Cord, but it being on the other side of
the water three flat bottomed Boats were almost continually going
and coming to bring it over one Mr- Wm- Winnet had the direction
and managem*- of that whole affair.
We began now to be pinch'd by other wants that of Bread was
very sensible nothing but pease and Beefe and little or no pork if I well
remember being served to the Garrison, how provisions so soon failed
I can't tell being unacquainted wth- the Quantity left or with the
measures taken for Supplying with Fresh, but I may say that the
taking of little less I believe than 20 French men to work in the,
- Fort, some of whom had double but all in general an allowance of
the provisions did surely contribute to the soon diminishing of them.
However means were contrived to procure Corn from the Inhabitants of the River and Mr- Capon made the Govr- expect that if
permitted to go up at the invitation of the sd- Inhabitants, he might
be serviceable to the Garrison in that Point, if there was any other
Reason made him undertake that voyage, it never hitherto is come
to my knowledge; Col1, Vetch consented to his going and accordingly having five or six of the heads of the Inhabitants up the River
with him he took Water and landed  at the house of one Peter
Le Blanc about nine miles from the Fort where being at Supper
they were at once surprized by three or four Fellows who with their
Firelocks   cocked   Commanded   Mr-.   Capon   to   follow   them,   and
threatned with immediate Death whoever should resist, they carryed
him in the night through the woods and halted at a house to refresh
themselves telling him that they were carrying him to Canada, but
being overtaken by the abovementioned Peter Le Blanc they were
prevail'd upon to release him—for 20 pistols Ransom, which the sd-
Le Blanc advanced then for him, the next Day he came" to the
Fort with this Story which was the first Occasion of Complaint the
French had' given us.
There was immediately a proclamation issued out by the Govr-
agst- these Banditti with a promise of Reward to whoever should
apprehend any of them, the French made shew to do their Endeavours
to catch them but all to no Effect.
'Tis about this time or a little before I am not very certain which
that a Sloop came from Manis laden with Corn part of which was on
the Govrs- Acco** from the Inhabitants but ye- greatest share for the
Inhabitants of the Banlieue. As this has been interpreted several
ways, I think myself oblig'd to give a particular acco*- of it; The
French of the Banlieue raise but very little Corn and are for the
most part supplyed from Manis to which Place they send Effects
to purchase wherewithall to maintain their Familys with Bread, this
is generally transported upon Fr*- by one or two Sloops belonging
to Manis, and when arriv'd at Annapolis delivered to the people
who send for it they allowing so much for the Fr*- the above- REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 49
mentioned Sloop being arriv'd the French of the Banlieue came to
claim their respective shares, and tho' an attempt was made to
seize the whole Cargoe for the use of the Garrison the French made
a great Clamour and claim'd the privilledges of the Capitulation, so
that they could be brought to spare but very little of what they sd-
was their only dependance during the whole Winter, Some time
after Gourdeaus Sloop went to load with pease and Corn at Manis
on the same Lay and on her return was seized entirely for the use
of the Garrison which caus'd a great deal of Clamours and noise.
I have forgot to hint at another thing which I believe contributed
very much to the diminishing of our provisions tho I can't assert
it positively having it only by Report and but little on my own
knowledge. There were two Commissarys appointed for the delivering out provisions one for the Marines and another for the other
Detachm*6* these took the Eighths out of the best part of which
the French were supplyed so that this Practise gave just Grounds
to that notion that whilst the Garrison wanted Provisions the same
were sold to the French Cap** John Alden arriv'd towards the
beginning of Jany 1710/11 at a time when we were reduc'd to a very
low Ebb and when it may be counted as a great Providence of the
Almighty a Sloop could from Boston reach our harbour at that time
of the year, this brought every thing to Rights amongst ourselves
and everything being now pretty easy the Govr* resolved upon a
trip to Boston but first upon these two following points.
1st To revenge the Injury done in the person of Mr- Capon, and
at the same time to have a pledge for the Fidelity of the Inhabitants
and 2d- to find some way for repairing of several Breaches already
in our Ramparts and like to be more in number before the End of
the Spring these two points were communicated as already resolved
upon to the Field Officers and Capt8- of the Garrison.
To put the 1st- of these in Execution Capt. Abercromby with a
party of fifty men went in two flat bottomed Boats up the River on
a Sunday morning and landed at Peter Le Blancs house already
mericone<i an(j directly went to the Chappel which is within half a mile
of it, where he acquainted the priest and four of the heads of the
Inhabitants to wit Peter Le Blanc Wm- Bourgeois and two others
whose names I have forgot that he had ordrs- to bring them down to
the Fort to which they submitted without any Resistance, thus Cap*-
Abercromby returnd with his Party without having comitted any
disords* or done any thing further at least that I know of than what
I here have related.
At his return he presented the priest and the four above men00™3*3
Inhabitants to ye* Gov1'* who told them in the presence of most of the
officers that this was done in reprisals of what they had done to
MT- Capon and that when they should deliver the persons who had
committed the fact he would give them their Liberty, there was a
Room appointed for them and an allowance of the Garrisons Stores
for their Subsistance and in general they were very kindly used.
The 2d- point was towds* the repairing the Breach of the Ramparts
the Earth they are rais'd with all is very sandy and when shook
with the firing of the Guns or after a Frost when a sudden thaw
comes apt to tumble down, We had <at that time one of the Faces
of the Electoral prince's Bastion entirely down and in less than
three months after there was not a curtain nor a Face of a Bastion
without a Breach in it, Majr- Forbes our Enginr- found it impossible
72227—4 rf
to repair these Breaches otherwise than by having streight trees set
ag8*- the walls to support them A French Carpenter was sent along
the 2 Bordrs- of the British River to see whether any quantity of
these Trees might be found scituated so as to be easily drawn down
to the Waterside He performed his message with no little Risque of
being maltreated by the Inhabitants and at his Return brought an
acco** of (If I well remember) upwards of Eight Hundred.
These trees could not be had without the assistance of the Inhabitants, so that some of them were sent for the necessity of this
shown to them, telling them to propose it to the Inhabitants as a
thing the Garrison actually wanted and expected from them. The
further managem*- of this was left to Sr* Cha8* Hobby who commanded
in Chief in the absence of Col1* Vetch.
Sometime before the Govrs- departure he had thought fit to ease
himself of the perpetuall Compl*8- of the French ag8*- one another in
their private Feuds and Quarrels to appoint a certain numbr- who
with the names and Titles of Justices of the peace should regulate
their civil affairs hear their compl*s and administer Justice to every
one of them, accordingly he made choice of Majr* Forbes Capt.
Abercromby Mr- Capon and I, as most versed in the French Tongue
and joyned to us two French men of the Inhabitants Messrs- Cahouet
and St. Scene; we us'd to meet twice a week, summon'd those who
were complain'd agst* to appear, and decide their Differences by the
Easiest ways, there never arose out of the Expences of that Court
so much as to suffice to ye- paying of a Clerk what we had agreed to
give him for his attendance, far from satisfying any of us for the
trouble we were continually at on that acco*-
The Govr- being now on his departure for Boston resolv'd upon
carrying away the French priest to be the more sure as he said of
the Inhabitants fidelity, as also an Indian who some days before
had grossely affronted him, He left in his absence Sr* Chas. Hobby
Comr* in chief.
As soon as Govr* Vetch was gone Sr* Cha8- went to work about
what was now thought the main point the getting of the Trees for
the repairing of ye- Breaches and now the time was come when the
French were to give an answer to what was demanded from them
they seem'd at first to be very willing to comply with every thing
that was in their power to do for the Service of the Garrison but
with all desir'd a little longer time, alledging their Cattle was weak
by reason of the want of Fodder, and the Creeks still full of Ice so
as to hinder the making of Rafts of Trees, with sevrl* other petty
reasons which afterwds- prov'd to be only pretences to lengthen time
to give the better opportunity of putting their projects in Execution
which at that time they began to enter upon.
The French who like any new conquered people were glad to
flatter themselves with ye- hopes of recovering what they had lost
saw with a great deal of satisfaction our moat walls every day
tumbling down, our hospital filling with sick Soldiers and almost a
General discouragem*- through all the Garrison, and thought no
doubt no less than to oblige us to relinquish the Fort, and to fall
undr- their national Governm*- again.
About this time they dispatch't almost unknown to us the priest
from Manis to Canada, with an acco*- (as may be suppos'd) of all
this, and at the same time acertain woman by name Madam Freneuse
came from the other side of the Bay of Fundy in a Birch Canoo REPORT FOR  THE  YEAR 1928 51
with only an Indian and a young Lad her son in the coldest .part of
Winter. This woman as there is a great deal of Reason to believe
was sent by ordrs- from Canada brought by Mr- St. Castine to keep
the French in a Ferment and make them backward in supplying the
Garrison with any Necessarys and pry into and give an acco** of our
Secrets till Occasion should offer of endeavouring to drive us out of
the Country; In all this indeed she was but too lucky tho' she came
with quite another Story at first, she said that want of all manner
of necessarys had put her to the Extremity of venturing all for all
to cross the Bay at that unseasonable .time of the year that • the
Indians of Penobscot were entirely starving and that she was forc'd
to come to try whether she could be admitted to live undr- the new
Governm*- She was upon this relieved very kindly by Sr- Chas. Hobby
and had the Liberty she desir'd granted to her.
In the mean time the French kept to their usual Delays but
their pretences of the Ice and ye; leanness of their Cattle being now
removed, they immediately found another and said that upon the
first motion some of them had made of hawling some of the felled
trees down to the waters edge a party of Indians came to threaten
them with murthering and burning of them if they offered to carry
a single tree towds- the repairing of ye* Fort.
Sr* Chas, seing at last through their Deceit and at the intimation
of the quietest part of the Inhabitants, who desir'd to live in peace
and foresaw the Troubles acoming, and wanted no better than to
have the mutinous part forc'd to comply to furnish their share
as well as they were willing themselves tho' durst not alone for fear
of them resolved to order a party of 50 men undr- Cap*- Bartlet and dat^Tmi
gave me the ordrs* here annexed markd No. (3). signed
In these ordrs* one Le Basque was particularly mentioned whoaHobby
was always reckon'd the most mutinous Spirit amongst ye* French
and liv'd furthest up the River, him and the rest I sent for, from
Peter Le Blanc's house where I landed and they having complyed
with every thing I was ordered to ask and to tell I dismissed them
that night, and having kept a secure Guard I went next morning
accompanyed by.the same French men and a small Detachm*- to visit
some of the places where these trees were cut, and having executed
my ordrs* :n every Respect without any was molesting the Inhabitants
and paid for every thing I had of them, I return'd to the Fort and
gave an acco** of this small Expedition to S1** Chas. Hobby.
This had the Effect we reasonably could have expected and
about the Limited time the Inhabitants began to bring down their
respective shares of these Trees a considerable number of the Soldiers
of the Garrison were sent to work as Labourers to whom I think 15d
pence a Day Boston Money was allowed, some of the Breaches now
began to be repair'd, tho' the numbr* and Largeness of them made it
a long and tedious work and not half over before ye- French took
up arms agst' us.
'Tis about this time (I think or a little before) that provisions
grew very short, and that we were reduc'd almost to the last Ebb
when Jonh' Bull came in a Sloop from Boston and rais'd again the
drooping Spirits of the Soldiers.
Col1' Vetch came soon after I mean towards the latter End of
Apr1' and brought along with him John Alden in a Sloop taken in
her Maj*ys* Service for the carrying provisions to the Garrison, everything now was plenty the French supplying us with fresh provisions
for our money or in truck for our Salt.
72227—4i rlT
As the Govr' was near coming into ye* Gutt otherwise called
Jenny's Streights they spyed from the Brig*' a little Sloop endeavouring to get from them, and running into a Creek, they immediately
manned the Boat and sent after her, she prov'd to be a French Vessel
belonging to the Chicannecto one Gallant Mar' the Comdr' of the
Boat found the French landed' and dragging some of their Goods
into the woods, but upon his calling to them the Mar' and his Son
came and surrendered themselves and the Sloop was brought out of
the Creek and put undr" Convoy of the Brig** Cap** Blackmore having
ordered his Mar' by name Goodrick with a Marine and another
Soldier belonging to my Compa' lent both Saviors to bring the sd'
Sloop up, but as they could not pretend to pilot her up Gallant and
his son were left aboard when the little fleet anchored in the Bason
the French man took his opportunity so well that when the Brig*'
weighed with the tide of Flood undr* her the Sloop was in an Eddy
and undr an impossibility of weighing so that she was forced to
tarry behind, Goodrick seeing he could not set sail till flood was
almost spent left the Marine upon deck and went to take a little
rest as did also the other soldier, but the French man and his Son
having laid their plot at once knock't down the Marine, and as
Goodrick was running up at the noise he reced the same fate and was
knockt clown in the Cabbin, Gallant finding himself Mar- commanded
th'e other soldier to get into the Can'oo, and fetch't Goodrick to get
him in too whilst his Son watch'd the Marine who could hardly
recover of his Blow; All this being perform'd and the Canoo fast
by the painter at the stern of the Sloop, the French man weighed
anchor and was busie in hoisting the Sails, when Goodrick having
• recover'd his Senses with his knife cut the painter and with the help
of the Soldier then with him paddled the Canoo up to the Fort, this
was.in the middle of the night being come to the place where the
Brig*- lay at anchor almost undr' the Fort and being haled and bid
to come aboard he told Cap*'.Blackmore the Story who immediately
manned his Boat and sent her in pursuit of the Sloop the Boat overtook her early in the morning and the French men finding that what
resistance he could make would be in vain surrendered and was
brought up Prisoner in to the Fort, and put undr close Confinement
Paper dated Some days after I had ordrs> to preside at a Court Martial it
mtPril being in my turn, and had accordingly the warrant hereunto annexed
mark'd No. 4* This French man was brought before this Court and
tho' the Govr' thought the man might have been condemned to Death,
yet the Court not finding him Guilty of the same past sentence for
his Imprisonm*' during the Govr8' pleasure however this Sentence
was ordered to be kept secret, and this made abundance of people
believe that the Sd' Gallant had really been condemned to dye.
Some time after the noise of a French privateer being upon
the Coast having been brought and spread by one Baptiste who came
from the other side of the Bay in a Sloop belonging to his Father
in law Gourdeau an Inhabitant of the Banlieue, Capt. Pidgeon was
ordered with a party of 50 men to go on board of the Brig*- but what
ordr8' or Instructions he had I must leave to him to relate as well as
ye' Circumstances of his voyage since I never had a just notion of
There was a little shallop belonging to Six or Seven of us whose
names are specified in ye Certificate we had of her which I joyn
MDec.mo     kere mark,t No. 5 called the Royall Mess because belonging to a
Set of us that messed together.    She was found a Jittlp while after 1\
the Reduction of the Fort in a Creek up the River and without the
Limits of the Banlieue and was given to us by Col1- Vetch, and
tho' she never brought a Farthing profit to the owners yet she proved
very serviceable to the Garrison by the Quantity of Cod and other
Fish that was catch't by the Soldiers in her at the sev1- times the
Garrison was scarce of provisions: This Shallop was sent If I am
not mistaken towds- the latter end of May on the other side of the
Bay with some French men, one of which was the abovemention'd
Baptiste upon what Errand is entirely unknown to me as was also
her going to every one of ye owners M1" Capon only excepted,, and
.when we enquir'd into the reasons of it, the Govr' answered that it
was at ye- sd- Mr- Capons own Proposall, and that he thought every
one of us had been acquainted with it, tho' Mr- Capon afterwd8'
denyed to us when charged with it, ye* former part of this answer.
The shallop when got on the other side of the Bay was seized by
the Indians and serv'd to their use particularly in transporting Capt.
Pidgeon when made a Prison1"-, as he has told me himself.
The repairing of the Breaches went on in the meanwhile but
trees being still in request by reason of some of the French not
having furnished any at all, and some others but half of what was
demanded of them tho' good words and threatnings had been used
particularly agst- one Le Basque already mentioned—accus'd 'by
some of the French themselves of being the promoter and Inciter
of the Indian threats agst* the Inhabitants, these delays and Backwardness put the Govr- on the sending another party up the River
since the releasem*' of the four before mentioned hostages and other
ways before us'd had had no Effect this party was sent with all
possible secrecy since I knew nothing of it till toward ten of the
Clock at night, being in bed and a little out of ordr' Capt. Bartlet
who lodg'd in the same Room with me, and who unfortunately for
him went volunt1" on that Expedition came and took his Leave of me.
What Success that party had or what other ordrs- than ever came
to my knowledge and I have here intimated, Your Excy already
knows or may know by Cap*- Pidgeon who commanded that party
undr' the directions of Maj1" Forbes our Enginr-, What we were
made but too sensible of was it's being entirely cut of, having only
recovered with much adoe the Liberty of the wounded amongst who
was Cap*' Bartlet who pd- for his Ransom 50 lb. Boston money,
and every one of the Soldiers Ten pounds, the sd- Sums were advanced
by Col1- Vetch and pd- in goods to the priest Gaulin who was sent
by the Indians to receive them.
I must however mention that it has always been the Report of
the French that the Party of Indians that so unhappily met with
ours landed but the day before from the other side of the Bay and
had not been joyn'd yet by any of the French Inhabitants tho' one
or two of the before mention'd Madam Freneuses sons were amongst
them and came to fetch their mother from the lower town, the night
that followed the Defeat of our party.
The French after this changed their Countenance at once and
of humble and in appearance obedient turn'd haughty and imperious
and threatned no less than to take us by assault and put every one
of us to the Edge of the Sword.
The Garrison was now reduc'd by Death Desertion and the last
misfortune to two hundred and forty odd fighting men a numr* not
able to cope with the French whom we could reckon no less than 5 54 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
or 600 the best that was thought on was to keep Possession of what
we had to wit ye* Fort and the lower town the latter being thought
necessary to preserve the Brig** and other Vessels in the Road and
to furnish us with fuell for the Garrison, as also with Timber to
repair the best we could many large Breaches we still had in our
walls; The first thing that was done was the cutting a large trench
or Cuvette in the Fosse to which all the Garrison set their hands
and was perform'd in two Days, and in general nothing was left undone
that could tend to the securing ourselves ag8*- any Surprize, which
was the only thing we could be in fear of, and for that end no Officer
but half of the Soldiers and that in their Cloaths and with their arms
by them, were allowed to sleep at night but the Garrison could not
have subsisted long under these fatigues and hardships if the news
of your Excys* arrival at Boston, and the vast fleet that followed had
not rais'd the Spirits now almost entirely sunk.
Col1* Vetch having ordrs- to attend the Expedition left the Command of the Garrison to Sr* Chas. Hobby who soon after had fresh
ordrs* from Gen1* Hill with a Reinforcem** of two Compys- from ye-
Massachusets Governm*- In the mean time the French blocked us
closely up and one morning surprised ye* Guard—We sent every
morning to the lower town for the Reasons above men00™*, they killed
the Serjeant and two of the 4 men who marched with him at some
Paces distance at the head of the Guard out of a house where they
lay in Ambush and oblig'd Lieut. Lyndesay who commanded the
Guard to retire, which they did in good order, as did also another
Party sent out to sustain him, it not being safe to attack the French
who appear'd in great numbers behind the Causeway that runs along
Hogg Island, This Action happened before the aforesd- two Companys
came, but when these were come, there was no keeping of the soldiers
within the Walls who were for fighting the French and pushed their
murmurings so high that Sr- Chas- at last thought fit to agree to it.
Capt, Lyon for that end was detached in the night to endeavour to
surprise some of the French but he not going the right way to work
and being discovered by the Enemy drew a great numbr- of them upon
his Party, which was no sooner percieved from the Fort, but a strong
Detachm*- was sent to sustain him with so good Success, that ye-
French were entirely routed and some of their men dangerously
This flushed our men to such a Degree as made it difficult for
the Officers to bring them off, and at their Return they petition'd so
hard or rather talkt so loud to have the Liberty to go and burn the
house where ye- French made their head Quarters that Sr- Chas. was
in a manner forced to draw out a Detachm*- of 200 men, of which
he gave me the Command as being in my Turn for that Expedition,
which was executed without the least Resistance on the part of the
The Reason of the Misunderstanding I have here intimated
hetween Sr- Chas. Hobby and the Garrison was his not communicating the Ordrs- he rec** from Gen1- Hill to any body besides Capt.
Abercromby and myself the reason of which he may himself give
your Excy. better than I can, as also an acco*- of the Submission of
the French after this.
About this time the Country Galley and two brig*8- came in orde:
to take some stores and follow the Fleet to Quebec, Capt. Abercromby REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 55
and I with Six other Officers had orders to leave the Garrison and
attend the Expedition of Canada, and accordingly we embarked on
board the Galley and left Annapolis Royall the 10th- Sepr* 1711.
I have here given an Acco*- to yr- Excy. of the most remarkable
Passages occurr'd during my attending her Majesty's Service at
Annapolis Royall whether plac'd in their Proper order I cannot
positively answer for two years being now spent since I left that
Garrison and I owing almost entirely to my memory what I have
writ, I can however answer for the Truth and Faithfullness of it,
and dare assure myself of the witness of those who having had an
insight in the Affairs as well as I will relate them in Truth and
without Partiality, and so far I presume to assure yr- Exc1' that during my being in Nova Scotia no private Interest of my own ever
made me act as you may know upon further Enquiry from the
Officers of the Garrison of Annapolis and even the French themselves,
amongst whom I may flatter myself to have kept the Character of a
just and disinterested man, but that her Maj*ys- Service has been
always in my view and if ever mistaken in my notion of it, it never
can be imputed to any fault of my own or to any View of private
Interest, since I can safely say I never had forty Shillings Profit in
the Garrison nor no other dependance than my own proper Pay and
the Provisions then allowed to every Officer and Soldier.
As for the Acco*8 of the Garrison or how the Sums charg'd on
the Contingencys have been disposed of I can give no acco*- to yr-
Excy- having never had an Insight in them further than I have hinted
at and never handled my Mony on that Score but at the time that
Col1. Vetch left the Garrison to attend the Canada Expedition he
ordered me to take from Sr* Chas. and others to the value of near
£200 to deliver to Mr- Davis at sev1* times who was then Pay mar- to
the Workmen an acco*- of which mony your Excy. may see in a
Rec*- undr- Sr- Charles's hand hereunto annexed.
In my next I design to give according to yr- Excy8- Desire an
acco*- of Nova Scotia of its Product the humour and numr* of the
French Inhabitants and how far they may be serviceable to the maintenance of the Garrisons that shall be thought requisite for the
security of the Country and I shall always be willing to shew by my
complyance to yr- Excy8- Ordrs- how far I am wishing to promote her
Majtys- Service and to make you truly sensible that I am with the
utmost Respect,
Your Excellency's
Most humble most Obed*-
and most Dutifull Servant
Boston New England
Nov. 6, 1713. APPENDIX E
This document is reproduced from a photostat copy in the Public Archives
of Canada. The original, 23 pages of folio size, is in the Library of the Royal
Colonial Institute in London. There is also in the Library of the Colonial
Institute a manuscript endorsed in the hand of Wm. M'Gillivray, " M.S. Journal
of the late Duncan McGillivray " of which a photostat copy is in the Archives
at Ottawa. These two documents are in the same hand-writing presumably
that of Duncan, brother of William M'Gillivray, the great protagonist of the
North West Company. It is a fair inference that he was the author of the
" Account " as well as of the " Journal ".
On the fly leaf of the " Journal" is written: " To John Henry Esq6 from
his friend W. M'Gillivray "—This in a bolder coarser hand than that of the
manuscript itself. The script is again that of William M'Gillivray. This same
hand-writing is found throughout the " Account" in corrections, in marginal
notes, in additions on opposite pages, and on the two pages on the South-West
Company added at the end.
There is no date in the manuscript itself but on the back of the document,
Wm. M'Gillivray has written: "Sketch of the Fur Trade of Canada 1809".
This is not necessarily the date of the writing of the " Sketch " but rather that
of the annotations and additions by Wm. M'Gillivray. It seems fair to assume
that the " Account" from the pen of Duncan M'Gillivray, who died on April
9th, 1808, was touched up by Wm. M'Gillivray in 1809, with a view to publication under the title ? Sketch of the Fur Trade ".
It is probable that John Henry of the " Henry Letters episode " in the
months preceding the War of 1812, was presented with this manuscript as well
as " The Journal" and that he was designed to be the author of the publication
to be based upon it. Henry, as may be seen in the Preface to " The Journal
of Duncan M'Gillivray ", edited by Arthur S. Morton, " The McMillan Company, Toronto, (now in the press), had once done some writing in defence of
the fur traders of Montreal and was in high favour with them at this time. He
may have taken the two manuscripts with him to England when he crossed the
Atlantic so that they finally drifted together into the possession of the Royal
Colonial Institute.
Was the work to be based on the " Account " ever published? The pamphlet " On the Origin and Progress of the North-West Co." London, 1811, is based
on the " Account" and embodies whole sentences and paragraphs from'it. This
need not be proved inextenso. It will be sufficient to print side by side the
first sentences in each, italizing the words common to the two.
From the " Account":—■
" This trade, which commenced with the discovery of Canada, and was at
first an insignificant barter, is now the most important branch of commerce
earned on between British America and the Mother Country; Important in
its political consequences perhaps far beyond any other, since it links to the
British empire a race of men (The savage nations) whom no system of Government could preserve either subordinate or faithful; and whose fidelity & attachment are essential to the safety and integrity of the greater part, if not the whole
of his Majesty's dominions in North America."
From the' " Origin and .Progress":—
" The Indian or Fur Trade, Which commenced with the discovery of
Canada, and was at first an insignificant barter, is now very considerable, and
one of the most important branches of the commerce carried on between British
America and the Mother Country. It is this trade which attaches to the British
empire a race of men (the Indians) which no system mere political could mam-
tain, either in subordination or fidelity; but whose fidelity and subordination
are essential to the safety of the greater part of His Majesty's dominions in North
There is, then, no doubt that "Some Account of the Trade of the North-West
Co." was used to write the pamphlet " On the Origin and Progress of the North-
West Company " and there is great probability that Mr. John Henry was the
one who wrote it up under the new title. The copy of "On the Origin and
Progress " in the Public Reference Library of the City of Toronto, has the name
of Nathaniel Acheson written in as though he were the author. But the literary
style of the pamphlet is not that of Acheson.
" Some Account of the trade carried on by the North-West Company " is
an exposition of the operations of the Company, the benefits of the trade to the
Indian, and above all to the English manufacturer. It emphasizes the part
played by the fur-trader in keeping the Indians loyal to the British Empire.
The object of this elaborate propaganda is found in the last sentence.
"All this cannot be accomplished without the aid of the British Government, which will scarcely be withheld from an effort of such commercial and
political consequence." The aid thus vaguely asked of the home authorities,
takes the more definite form in " On the Origin and Progress " of a request for
All the corrections, additions and notes in the handwriting of William
McGillivray either in the body of the text or in the margin or in the foot-notes
are printed in italics for differentiation. 58
Commercial <
This trade, which commenced with the discovery of Canada,
and was at first an insignificant barter, is now the most important
branch of commerce carried on between British America and the
Mother Country;—Important in its political consequences perhaps
far beyond any other, since it links to the British empire a race of
men (The savage nations) whom no system of Government could
preserve either subordinate or faithful; and whose fidelity & attachment are essential to the safety and integrity of the greater part,
if not the whole of his Majesty's dominions in North America. The
influence of traders over those who depend on them for all the
conveniences, which are the result of improvement and civilization;
which impart to the Savages a facility of obtaining food and clothing
in greater abundance than formerly; must be great in proportion to
the change which they find in their condition arising from the
intercourse. Such is the fact, with regard to those Indian tribes
with whom the trade of the North West Company is carried on. We
shall proceed to state the progress of this trade from its commencement by The coureurs de Bois or pedlars, to its present organized
and extensive system
Before the conquest of Canada, atchieved by British valour,
the fur trade of that part of the Country known to the French was
carried on under the superintendance of Government. The country
was divided into trading districts, and the exclusive trade of a district
was given to some meritorious servant or, dependant of the Crown
as a reward for services or a boon of patronage. To prevent abuses
and subject the incumbent to the control of Government, a license was
granted which enabled him to carry on the barter for skins himself
or to parcell out the trade to others in consideration of a portion
of the profits. At each district was a missionary and a small party
of Soldiers, who all acted in subordination to the views of Government, and by the united influence of interest and religion, the Indian
tribes were rendred as much at the disposal of Government, as was
possible in such a state of things; and their obedience and usefulness
in all the subsequent wars with the neighbouring colonies, (2) constitute the best comment on the policy of the measures adopted. The
furs collected at the different post^were sent annually to the King's
Stores at Montreal, and delivered to the Intendant at a fixed
Drice,(3) who delivered them to the Agents of the French East India
Company of whose Commerce they formed a most important branch.
On what conditions the furs were monopolized by the French East
India Company cannot easily be known if the knowledge of it were
important. Be that as it may the whole system for carrying on this
traffic was productive of all the purposes for which it was instituted.
The whole country thus divided into trading districts, was a
very inconsiderable part of that immense extent, to which subsequent
1 Endorsed title: Sketch of the Fur Trade of Canada, 1809.
2 Charlevoix was a great partizan, & jealous of the growing trade of the English at Orange
—The Iroquois tribe with whom the English carried on their greatest trade were always at
war with the French but the trade to Albany after all, could bear no comparison with that
of Montreal.
8 In 1764 Beaver sold a Montreal for £8 p. lib. under the French Gov't, it was fixt by the
Intendant at £4 the lib. so that the 127000 beaver skin of 174S at each £1$ lib. would amount
only to 600000 lb* or about £28,000 Stg. 1*1
discoveries have introduced British manufactures.     There were  in
fact only eight trading establishments beyond Detroit namely—
One at St Mary's.
(!) Three  on the  confines of  lake  Michigan including St. 3.
t ^ Ancient
Joseph      _ extentof
One at Kaministiguia trade.
One at the lake of the woods
One at the Assiniboine and
One at the Shaskatchiwan Rivers
The last the most distant of the posts known to the French
traders is in Lat: 54 North and Lon: 105 West.
Although it cannot be ascertained with much accuracy, what
amounts of Furs were collected from the different Posts, (2) yet it is ^nd value
known that when they came into the possession of the British, the
aggregate of the first returns did not exceed One hundred Thousand
pounds Sterling. Indeed the small extent of Territory and low price
of Beaver skins, which was the principal article transmitted from the
Northern posts will authorise a conclusion, that even this estimate of
the annual value of the returns, is exaggerated.
Although the articles furnished to the savages by the French
.traders, were neither so cheap nor so good as British manufactured
goods, they were of the same species as those now transmitted by the
North West Company; namely coarse woolen cloths; Blankets; arms
and amunition; twist & carrot tobacco; Manchester goods; linnens &
coarse sheetings; thread lines and twine; hard ware & Ironmongery &
copper & brass kettles.—The Rum for presents which according to
imemorial usage is the indespensible precursor of all bargains and
negociations with the savages, formed also a part of their assortments^3) The fur trade of the Canadas did not experience any 5-
considerable suspension by the conquest and transfer of the country.   fooZ^enT
Montreal was taken in 1760 and in the Spring of the following into the n.w.
year some English & French traders sent goods to Lake Superior, and
a few went even as far north as the Rainy lake where they continued
untill 1763 when the Post at Michillimackinac was taken by the
Indians; who from affection to their ancient allies the French, and
instigated by some traders who as well as the savages were unwilling
to recognize the Capitulation, made between the French and English
commanders, made war on all the posts occupied by the British from
Niagara to La Baye(4)—Sir Alexander Mackenzie says the trader-
did not recommence untill 1766.      But from what is above stated Trade comes
which is derrived from authentic sources, it would seem that he is into the hands
not sufficiently accurate.— En^Lh
1 The following note is crossed out:
1 At Michilimackinact
1 In La Baye?
1 On the River Saint Joseph?
There was a Post at St Joseph—certainly.
2 In 1712, Charlevoix complains that almost all the trade was drawn to Albany, on account
of the comparatively cheap rates, at which the English could afford their goods.—Whether this
is probable, considering that in 1743, 127,000 beaver skins were sent to Rochelle? Whether
accounts can be procured of the French & Albany prices to the Indians?
3 The words "and was purchased in Canada" have been struck out.
4The following note is crossed out:—
General Bradstrcet reached Detroit on the 8th of August, 1764,' from Detroit he detached
Captain Howard, with 2 companies 300 Canadian Volunteers, to Michilimackinac where they
arrived on the 16th. Peace concluded. In the spring of 1765, Mr. Henry bought goods at
Michilimackinac with which he embarked 14th July.
The fort was not taken till dfter the arrival of the goods in 1763 & therefore the trade
was suspended for only one season.
And even in the summer of 1764 the French traders had goods at Michilimackinac. Present
description of
description- of
persons &
7Their extension ^ ^e trea,ty wnich was made between Sir William Johnson
ofthegeo-      and General Broadstreet and the tribes actually engaged in hostilities
graphic limits   put end to the war carried on against the British Posts;  but so
clltmZlnles   obstinate was the attachment of the Indians to their former govern-
under which    ment that it was as late as the year 1771 before the British traders
oedo^T'        could safely traffic  as far as the  Shascatchiwan river, the  most
remote of the French posts.   The progress of the Fur traders into the
interior country has regularly corresponded with the wishes of the
Indians and the success which attended the first enterprises into a
new region.    The dangers and privations to which  a  stranger is
exposed in his first attempts to establish a trade with an unknown
tribe;  ignorance of their language &  customs; the probability  of
falling a sacrifice to the. cupidity of savages;  and the  necessary
exposure of life for the protection of property, call for the utmost
firmness and address in the persons employed.   It is now however a
matter  of  less  difficulty  than   formerly:   because  the  Company's
partners and servants go among the Indians so young as to acquire
a perfect knowledge of their language and habits before they are
intrusted  with  with  the  management  of  business.—Formerly   the
whole trade was carried on by the desultory efforts of Individuals.
The trader who passed one Winter with a newly discovered tribe or in
Former a favorable situation, heard the Indians speak of one still more
remote, where provisions for subsistence were easily found, and
trade could be carried on with little danger of competition, thither
he removed, and while he was suffered to remain alone, generally
kept the Indians in good order and obtained their furs at a reasonable rate. But as every individual had a right to sell goods at the
same place, the first who discover'd an eligible situation found after
the first season, that others were ready to undersell him and reap the
harvest which he had sown with so much peril and difficulty. As
possession is the origin of privileges and immunities, the person who
thus found his territory invaded by others, resorted to every means
he could devise to obtain a preferance from the savages and injure
his competitor. This conduct whether justifiable or not provocked
retaliation. The savages were bribed with Rum; and the goods were
bartered at a price below their value. The consequence was they
ruined one another; debauched the natives; and brought the English
character into contempt. In these conflicts blood was often spill'd;
and after a competition injurious & disgracefull to all parties; mutual
interest and convenience suggested the necessity of a common concern, subject to general rules.
Accordingly in the year 1779, nine distinct parties entered into
Vnio^'of an agreement for one year to make the whole trade a common con-
interests. cern. It was divided into shares and the profits were distributed in
portions mutually satisfactory; each party furnishing the outfit and
paying expenses proportioned to his interest in the trade of the association; see agreement entituled "Articles of General Copartnership
at the Grand Portage 1779." ,
This association of Individuals, although made to last only one
year, may be regarded as the nucleus, arround which the North West
d.ed> an<* permanent as it is at present, was originally formed
it might have been foreseen that an agreement for a vear
A.D. 1779
Co. extended, and permanent as it is at present, was originally formed
night have been foreseen that an agreement for a year
lttle better than an armed truce, and incapbable of producing
any permanent benefits, yet it was considered preferable to competi-
iThe date: "In 1776", has been crossed out.
I    *--- ■ft
tion among the traders.   It was renewed in 1780 for three years with A-D-mo
some modifications; but as the members of the Association looked
forward to the termination of a common interest, this agreement
was not productive of all the benefits proposed.   At the end of Two  . D
years it was discontinued and feeble and unprofitable attempts were copartnership
made to carry on the Trade on grounds of separate interest.   But as relinquished.
this threatened a relapse into the former evils and inconveniences;
a new agreement was formed at Montreal in January 1784, which ^Dtl78i
included the principal traders; and this association formed for five renewed
years was denominated the North West Company.    This compact North West
was renewed, and with an unimportant modification continued from   ompanv'
time to time, untill the year 1802, when a more permanent agree- imb
ment was entered into, to last twenty years from 1803.   Under this
agreement the present establishment is in operation.—From 1793 to
1794 there was a partial opposition get on foot by a few inconsiderable
parties, who by corrupting the Indians with (-1) Rum, and such other n.
means as were found necessary, diverted a part of the trade from Opposition
the principal establishment.    It was however found that the more
powerfull party would not yield; and they were left masters of the
feild untill 1799 when a more formidable party was organized for the
purpose of participating in the benefits of the North West trade.—
When we consider by what means the affections of the savages are
engaged, and by what inducements one man can obtain, amidst many
rivals, the fruits of their labours; it is not difficult to imagine the
disorders that' were created tending not only to the distraction of
the trade, but to the morals and fidelity of the Indians.—This competition was confined to two hostile parties, possessed of large Capitals
and stimulated by revenge and interest to rain each other.    The
detail  of their proceedings during five years would  probably  be *
invidious and disagreable.   Instead of providing for their wives and
children, the wretched Indians lay near a Post for weeks together in
a state of intoxication; the contending parties and their servants
were continually quarrelling; and so many acts of violence committed
that a petition was sent to England, in compliance with which an
act of Parliament passed in 1803 putting the whole of the British
Indian territory under the Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in
Lower Canada.   The intention of this law was that men who in the
stripe then existing and which might often occur, should commit
murder should not escape for the want of a competent tribunal to
take cognizance of offences.
In the year 1804, the two contending parties finding that
the struggle only exhausted their capitals and made the natives
idle, debauched and insubordinate, agreed to unite; the ancient
establishment consenting to ingraft on their own original compact,
the concessions (2) made to the other party; Since that time no other
persons have contended with the North West Company for any
share of the trade.—Ignorance of the Indian tongues; and the difficulty of succeeding against a body so(3) powerfull, and well organized, will probably prevent any persons adventuring into the Indian
Country, untill the termination of the existing contract, when a
renewal of the scenes already mentioned may be looked for again
on a more formidable and extensive scale.
1 The words "presents of" are crossed out.
2 The words "intended to be" are crossed out.
3 The word "rich" is crossed out. 62
effects of
confining the
trade to a
Example, As to
The chief benefit in a moral or political view which is derived
from the trade of the North West, being confined to a single company, is, that it renders the Indians dependent; and consequently
industrious & subordinate; and being subordinate they are preserved
faithfull to the Government, and would at their desire at any
moment abandon the chase and take up the hatchet. But as the
agreement already alluded to, will expire in about fourteen years,
it is much to be apprehended, that this influence will be lost in the
contest, which will be the necessary consequence of a separation of
the two branches now united. The organization of the tribes of
Indians will be broken; the trade will diminish; the morals and habits
of the natives will be injured and the British Nation will lose their
power of rendering them obedient.
The effect of competition among the traders, on the Indians with
whom they have intercourse, may be easily ascertained from a comparison of the quantity of Spirituous liquors, which was distributed
among them during the struggle already mention'd with that which
is expended by that body in whose hands the trade is exclusively
Expenditure of Rum & Spirits of all kinds with the Indians k
Servants employed in-their trade from 1793 to 1808 inclusive.
1793 to 1798 inclusive—    average expenditure pr. aim.   9,600 galls
average for 6 years 12,340 galls
1799 .
1800 .
.. 10,098
1 .
.. 10,539
2 .
.. 14,850
3 .
.. 16,299
4 .
5 .
.. 13,500
6 .
.. 10,800
7 .
.. 9,500
8 .
.. 9,000
average for 4 years 10,700 galls
The inconsiderable opposition set on foot in 1793 compelled the old
Company to augment the quantity of spirituous liquors distributed
among the Indians, and that which was commenced in 1799 caused
an augmentation of nearly double in the year 1803, when both parties
were trying their strength against each other. To this if we add the
whole quantity sent into the Indian Country by the party which was
endeavouring to establish itself, we may easily conceive the consequences of this competition, to the natives. (2)
The years 1802, 3 & 4 were those of the greatest straggle in the
North West, the average expenditure(3) of the N.W.Co. was 14,400
gs. and that of the opposed party at least
Gs.          5,000
From this statement it is evident that while the struggle
the two companies existed there was nearly double the usual
i The words "given in present" have been replaced by "is expended".
2 The following note is crossed out:
Is the number of Indians, among whom spirituous liquors were distributed, fi
180'+ inclusive, equally large with that to which they have been given since the Spr,
Are the reduced quantities, of 1807 & 1808, likely to be the average of future
the present system? I suppose 10,000 gls. a moderate average expenditure for all
& the Company servants.
8 The following note is crossed out:
Is this expenditure in spirituous liquors?
om  1799  to
ng of 1805?
years under
the Indian
—	 !
of spirituous liquors consumed in the Indian Country. In examining the moral effects of the intercourse between the traders and
the savage tribes, it is not easy to avoid the political consequences
which present themselves: since the control of the Indians will be
always in the hands of those who supply them with arms and clothing. While the trade is confined to a single company that Company
is bound by every motive which self interest can supply to preserve -
the savages from wars, drunkeness, idleness or whatever else would
divert them from the chase and lessen the quantity of skins annually
received at the different posts. And whenever their services might
be required in War, their obedience and alacrity would be in a direct
ratio of the influence which the traders might possess over them. In
a population of nearly sixty thousand souls between the Straits of
Bellisle in Lat: 48 North Long: 55 West and the Great Bear Lake in
Lat: 57 North Long: 130 West there are least Twelve thousand fit
for war ". And whether their importance has been overrated or not,
it is very certain that nothing was left untried .to make them faith-
full to the ancient Government of Canada as far as the French
were acquainted with them. An outward respect for their habits
and prejudices; annual donations and the establishment of religious
missions were the means they employed. It has however unfortunately happened that the Indians converted to the Christian
religion, unless removed from the vicinity of civil society, have continued without any other improvement in their morals, than forgiveness of injuries; and they are at this moment the most of all the
Indian tribes destitute of the comforts of life and of active virtues, t1)
Such is the effect of. all the pains and expence which have been
employed for the benefit of the savages who live in the neighbourhood of the Canadian settlements. They are timid, lazy and wretched;
dependent on the bounty of Government for their annual supply of
a coarse blanket to each individual; and reduced to extreme scantiness of food: Disinclined to labour in the field; willfully ignorant of
agriculture, and too indolent to encounter the hardships of the chase
since civilization has less'ned the quantity of game; they remain
in their huts almost in a state of inaction unless compelled by hunger
to make sudden and irresolute efforts to support nature:—The savage
of the interior country is on the contrary, brave, active & industrious
fond of the chase which supplies him with food & skins which he
exchanges for British manufactured goods.—The few skins with which
reluctant industry supplies the half civilized Indian, are no sooner
brought within reach of a petty trader, than they are exchanged for
Rum, which he can always procure where every inhabitant is a
dealer in Peltry; and who in the general strife for preference seems
to forget that he has any interest in preventing the deterioration of
the Indian character. The consequence is, that these tribes are of
less political value than an equal number of the Indians of the
interior country, who are qualified for active and efficient warfare
and are a terror to the neighbouring States; who since the rebellion
have been, influenced in all the measures they have pursued in relation to Great Britain by the power which the latter possesses in the
affection and obedience of the Indians.—In the year 1796 when, the
treaty made between the Envoy of the United States and the British
Ministry was under the consideration of the American Senate it met
with the most decided opposition from the people of that country;
i See what Mackenzie says of the Iroquois and Algonquins at the lake of the mountains;
who are nevertheless the most moral and orderly of the tribes in the vicinity of the whites. *w
and no motive to its adoption operated so powerfully as an apprehension of an Indian War. Even the Federal party, always inclined
to cultivate a good understanding with England declared, in the
emphatic language of one of their ablest statesmen, that " they would
adopt the treaty in order to arrest the tomohawk of the savage raised
over the head of the innocent settlers on the frontier.^1)
This important engine in the hands of the British Government,
the integrity of which is essential to the integrity of British America,
is in the hands of the traders; and will continue so, while the present
system of traffic, organized and regulated as it is, is not materially
changed, not withstanding the labours of the ascendent party in
America, to weaken and divide it. Embassies, bribes promises and
experiments, have all been rendered abortive by the vigilance and
influence of the British traders whose interest is inseperable from
that of the Government in relation to the Indians,
The Indians within the territory in which the North West Company trade are not all equally exposed to the machinations of the
American Government. But to understand this, it is first necessary
to give some general description of the Country in which the North
West trade is carried on, and of those who inhabit it.
country of The posts of th6 North   West   Company   commence  at the
the North Streights of Bellisle in Lat: 48 North Long: 55 West and are estab-
west trade. lished at convenient places and distances throughout the British
territory, which includes all the Country North West of a line drawn
from the North West coiner of the lake of the Woods till it intersects,
the head of the Mississippi, then West to the Rocky mountains in
lat: 47 north long, 111 West. The Rocky mountains are correctly
enough called the back bone of the Northern region, as all the waters
descend on either side, west to the Pacific Ocean and east into the
Gulph of Mexico, Hudsons bay & the Northern Pacific. The principal rivers whose sources are in the rocky mountains and its vicinity
are as follows:—   !fe^
The Missouri which rises in the Rocky mountains about lat: 46
and falls into the Mississippi at St. Louis:
The Mississippi which rises about four degrees West of Lake
Superior in about lat: 47 long: 95 and after receiving the waters of
the Ohio Missouri and various other rivers falls into the Gulph of
Mexico near New Orleans.
The Shascatchiwan river also takes its rise in the Rocky Mountains in lat: 53 or 54 long: 117 w.from a junction of several streams
and being joined by the Bow river the most southern branch and
next to the Missouri loses itself in Lake Ouinipigue the waters of
which fall by Nelson's River into Hudsons bay.
The Athabasca river is formed of numerous branches which rise
in the Rocky mountains, not far distant from the northern branches
of Shiscatchiwan river and loses itself in the Athabasca lake near
Fort Chipaweyan in about lat: 60.
The Peace river also takes its rise in the Rocky Mountains in
about the lat: of 56 North and falls into the River leading out of the
Athabasca lake, the waters of which are discharged into the Slave
lake and from thence by McKenzie's River into the Northern Sea
m lat: 70 North.
iSee "Mr. Ame's speech on the British  treaty"V-in a small work called  the Columbian
Urator. n
The Assiniboine River takes its rise in the plains in about the
lat: of 52 N. and 104 W. long: and running eastwardly falls into
Lake Ouinipdgue after being joined by the Red River in lat: 50 N.
long: 97 West.
The Beaver River being the head branch of the Churchill River
rises near the Red Deer Lake in about lat: 55 N; long: 102 West,
runs chiefly thro' the Plains to Isle a la cross where it joins the
waters from Buffaloe lake and which form the Michinippi called by
the voyagers, Riviere des Anglois, and by the English, Ohurchill
River; It discharges itself into Hudsons Bay at the Prince of Wales's
On these Rivers and the Waters with which they are connected
are estamished the trading posts of the North West Company.. They
are 84 in number to wit
(-1) Kings Posts & Seignory of Mingan on the North Banks is.
of the St Lawrence from River Saginn to near the company"
Streights of Bellisle  10 posts
St Maurice—Otherwise called the Cheniaux  3
On the Ottawa River  3
Temiscamingue & Abitabi—to the head of Moose river.. 5
St Maries—east end of Lake Superior  1
Michipicoton, Nipigon & the Pic on the Northern borders
of Lake Superior  12
Ft. Wm the place of depot & general rendezvous for the
North West Trade  1
Mille Lacs—and to Lac de la pluie  4
Lake of the woods—River & lake Ouinipigue  6
Fort Dauphin & the Rivers north side of Lac Ouinipigue.. 4
Assiniboine & Red Rivers  6
Shascatchiwan River.. '  5
Michinippi or Churchill River  8
Lesser Slave Lake  1
On the West side of the Rocky Mountains  3
Athabasca department including the Peace River, Slave lake,
Mackenzie's River &c  12
In all 84
Some account of the nations and tribes who dwell in the vicinity ».
of these Posts and on the Waters already discribed.
The Indians who dwell near the Kings Posts in the
Seignory of Mingan from the Streights of Bellisle
to Sagueny are the most eastern branch of Algonquin
nation and speak a dialect of the Algonquin tongue
—Their number is computed at about       600
They are insolent, timid & of weak constitutions.
The  Indians  who  inhabit the  banks  of the  River  St
Maurice are also Algonquins—their number is       150
They differ very little from those at the Kings Posts.
At Timiscamingue & Abitabie there  are of the same
nation about     1800
There are on the northern banks of Lake Superior and
the adjacent country of the same nation about..   ..    2800
i The King's Domain leased by the NWCO from Gov't for 20 years from 1802 at £1050 pr.
an.—and the seignories of Mingan & Mille Vaches—for £600—for the same space of time.
Nation*. r^lf
They speak the Algonquin tongue with more purity; their features
are better formed; and they are more daring, enterprising and industrious.
At Fort William there are of the same nation       150
The Indians of Mill Lake and from thence to Lake la
pluie are also Algonquins or Ochipoys their number
is about       700
The Indians who inhabit the banks of Lake Ouinipigue
and the River of that name are of the same nation
and in number about 800 or    1000
The lower banks of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers are
inhabited by a vagabond tribe of Chipeway Indians
, who were originally a part of those of the River &
Lake Ouinipigue, as they do not much differ in manners, customs & language, their number is about..   ..      500
Higher up the last mentioned River is a tribe of Knisten-
eaux (1) Indians of about       400
They are less savage than the Chepeways though it is evident
they derive their origin from that tribe, and although their dialect
is not the same they understand one another.
In the Plains through which the Assiniboine & Red Rivers
run is a tribe called the Assiniboine Indians who differ
exceedingly from those already mentioned. They are
a branch of the Scieux Indians who inhabit the plains
West of the Mississippi and Red rivers they are bold
■ and intrepid, but in their intercourse with friends,
mild and hospitable, they are in number about.. .. 1500
The fort Dauphin Posts on the North Western side of lac
Ouinipigue are frequented by Knisteneaux & Ochipoys in number about       600
From the sources of the Shascatchiwan River till it empties itself
into lac Ouinipigue, the 'natives may be said to be numerous; the
population has very much increased since the year of the small pox
1781, which destroyed them by thousands. The different tribes are
classed under the following Heads or Names, viz. Ochipoy's, (2) Knisteneaux, Assiniboines, Cercies, Blackfeet, Piegans, Blood Indians, &
Fall Indians. Those are the tribes who trade at the different settlements along this river. Those tribes are again subdivided into different smaller tribes, arising originally no doubt from party quarrels,
and have all some distinguishing names. The Ochipoys are but a
few emigrants from the Ochipeway countries, led this way from the
' means of subsistence being easier procured them in their own, and
consist of about four & twenty families. They speak their original
language and retain their own customs. The Knisteneaux are dispersed all over the Country and are numerous. Their language is a
dialect of the Algonquin and somewhat different from the Chipeway,
but they understand each other: they consist of about 250 tents or
families: they have their own customs but governed by no particular
laws or persons except in war by their chief; they may be said to
be the most civilized tribe on this river; they are brave and generous
and hospitable to the stranger.—The Assiniboines are emigrants from
l Name by which the Kinnistinaux call themselves? Ni-hi-tha-way Ithinieu
2- Tribes who inhabit the Banks of the Shaskatchvvoan River Ochipuoys or Sauteux, Kinnis-
tineoux   or   Ni-hi-tha-ways,   Assiniboines,   Cercies,   Blackfeet,   Peegans,   Fall   Indians,   Blood
Indians, Gros Ventres.
K—~ 1
the River of that name & originally Scieux, as their manners and
language are the same. They consist in different tribes of about Two
hundred & thirty tents or families, they are reckoned brave in war
and very expert in the chase.—The Cercies are but a few in number
of about 60 families, their language is peculiar to themselves and
very difficult to acquire; they are very brave and tho' but few, carrv
respect among their neighbours.—The Blackfeet, Piegans, & Blood
Indians are unquestionably the same nation, as they speak the same
language and have the same manners & customs. They consist of
about Seven hundred tents or a thousand families. From the circumstance of their being placed near the frontier (1) they are generally
at war with their neighbours and even extend their warfare beyond
the Rocky Mountains and far beyond the Mississouri. They are a
Brutish & stupid nation, have some peculiar regulations amongst
them and are generally governed by their chiefs and great men.
They cannot be reckoned brave, tho' on account of their numbers
they are feared: they have few or no sentiments of generosity common
to the other tribes: they are indolent in the extreme, but inhabiting a
fine country covered with Buffaloe & other animals, they subsist
without difficulty.—The Fall Indians consist of about 200 tents of
families, their country is generally about the heads of the Bow &
Missisouri rivers, they are great warriors from custom, their language
is difficult to acquire, their customs are like those of the Blackfeet
&c. They are, like all the natives who inhabit those plains, perfect
horsemen. expert in war and in the chase. They have a plurality
of wives generally from one to four, and in some instances from five
to ten: they have numerous herds of horses, some of great swiftness^
with which they run down the Buffaloe; they generally make use
of the bow and arrow, tho' firearms are very common amongst them.
Their causes of quarels and war arise generally on account of women
and horses; they are cruel and treacherous in war, sparing neither
age or sex. They are very sensible of the support they get from the
North West Company and are very polite and obedient to the traders
they respect: their country produces but few furs of any value still
they may be considered the happiest natives on the Continent. The
Settlements are kept up principally by the N.W.Co. to procure provisions to enable them to carry on the trade to the northern parts of
the country. From recent discoveries beyond the Rocky Mountains
by the N.W.Co. on the waters of the Columbia, it appears that the
natives are numerous and susceptible of improvement, their counfiry >
is mild, but they find a great difficulty to subsist owing to the
scarcity of Animals, which are principally of the Deer kind.
Next* the Shascatchiwan to the Northward comes in succession
the waters of the Missinippi. (2) (3) The countries thro' which it
runs from the head of the Beaver river and including all its other
head branches to its mouth, are inhabited by the Knisteneaux and
may be in number about 350 families or 2000 souls. Within these
thirty years however the Chepywyan tribes have emigrated in considerable numbers from Athabasca and the barren lands (so weil
described by Mr. Hearne in his journey from Prince of Wales Fort in
1773) to the banks of the Mississippi, finding the country more suited
to their purposes; good hunting grounds and the articles of goods
1 The words "near the frontier" have been substituted for "in more critical; f^tuation".
2 The  following  words  have  been  crossed   out:   "called  by the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's
serts Churchill River, and by the Canadians Riviere des Anglois".
3 Already stated in the description of the great Rivers.
72227—5i -4T
Of the
Indians in
relation to the
Gens des
which they require being at a more reasonable rate than in the most
distant ports where they had been fixed to trade; or by going to
Hudsons Bay for their necessaries, which took them up one > whole
season, besides the dreadful handships and starvation they suffered
in their journies. It is not so easy to ascertain the number of this
tribe who reside on the banks of the Mississipi, as they are continually changing their ground between this and their own country;
they may however be safely computed at 150 families. Their
language is totally different from the Knisteneaux, but they contrive
to make themselves understood by learning the language of Knisteneaux, but these last never learn theirs, The Chipewyans of the
Mississipi are a good industrious people, but timid, and stand much
in awe of the Knisteneaux who are by far a braver and more^ mischievous race than themselves; these two tribes seldom or never intermarry; they also very seldom hunt together; they are not such good
Deer hunters as the Knisteneaux but depend chiefly for subsistance
on the Beaver Hunt & the fish they can catch, at which they are
very expert.
The Indians of the Athabasca department say those of Elk River,
Peace River, Slave lake, Mackenzie river &c &c have been discribed
by Sir Alexander Mackenzie; their numbers cannot be easily ascer-
taind on account of their wandering mode of life, they cannot however comprehending all the tribes be under i1) 10,000 souls.(2)
It remains to make some general remarks on the Indian tribes
in relation to the trade of which we have given a sketch.
With respect to the Fur trade, whatever peculiarities (3) each
tribe of Indians may have, and however various their customs manners and language may be, they are divided by the North West Company into two classes; those who have furs and those who have
none; or, the Indians of the mountaineous & woody regions, and
those of the Plains. The former {*•) furnish the rich and valuable
furs; and being distant from the intrigues and influence of Foreign
(5) emissaries are kept faithfull to- the British Government and
obedient to the Company; on whom they depend for every article
of clothing, arms and domestic utensils which they use, as the officers
(6) of the British Government have never distributed presents or
have hardly even been known among them. The same may be said
of the other class; the Indians of the Plains; but as they inhabit the
borders of the territory conceded to the United States, by the cession
of Louissiana, and have no furs valuable enough to pay the carriage
1 Whole computed population with which the N. W. Co. carry in their trade.
From  the extremity of the Seigniory of Mangan following up the Northern bank
of the water of the St.  Lawrence including  the King's  posts—St.  Maurice— .
Grand   River  and   Timiscamingue   to   Lac   Superior—about      4,000 souls
N. & North West banks of lac Superieur—Nipigon country—Rainy lake—Lake of
the Woods. River & Lake Ouinipique—Lower Red River—Fort Dauphin—Lower
Shaskatchiwan—Banks & waters of the Mississippi—and the woody & Mountainous   Country  in  general         8,000     "
Different parts of Athabasca—comprehending  the whole department       10,000    "
The  Meadows  or Plants—comprehending  the Assinniboine  River—Bow  River and
Shaskatchiwan—all   to   the  North  of  the  Missouri       30,000     "
About       52,000     "
Exclusive of the Indian in the vicinity of Hudson Bay and territory ceded to the U.S.
The Division  is nominal—the Indian of  the  woods  &  lower  Countries  hunt the  valuable
furs—those of the Plains skins of inferior value & provisions.
2 The words: "5 to 6000 souls" are crossed out.
8 Here the  following words have been  crossed  out:   "1° How  divided  by  the N.W.Co.  1.
Gens des Bois Forts.    2. Gens des Prairies".
4 In the margin, the words: "Gens des Bois Forts" are crossed out.
5 The word "Foreign" has been substituted for "the. American".
6 The word "Agents" has been changed to "officers".
to a sea port it would seem extraordinary that they should continue
to be faith full to the Company or to the British Government.—It is
thus accounted for. Although the Indians of the Plains have abundance of food and clothing, (as they inhabit a Country abounding
with Deer & Buffaloe) and want but few manufactured articles;
(-1) they are nevertheless fond of arms, amunition, ornaments &
liquor; and it is to these that a considerable (2) part of the liquor
sent into the Indian Country is distributed (3)—Being from their
situation independant of the North West Company, or indeed of any
other; their principal inducement to perform the services which are
required of them are, the presents of Rum, arms and amunition
which they receive at stated periods. (4) The principal aid given
by these Indians to the Fur trade, is, to kill Buffaloe & Deer and
prepare the flesh and tallow for the Company's servants; who, without this provision, which could not be obtained in any other part of
the Country, would be compelled to abandon the most lucrative part
of the Trade. These provisions the Indians of the Plains prepare
in such quantities as to supply (5) not only the posts established in
or near their country but also to make large depots for the crews
of the Canoes coming from the Northern & woody countries in their
voyages from the wintering grounds to the place of general Rendezvous on Lac Superior and sometimes to have a supply on their
return into the interior. As they are warlike restless and vindictive,'
it is fortunate on every account that the Company have occasion
for their services; as they would regard all strangers and the friends
of strangers as ennemies; and might be more easily gained over to
the American interest. As.it is, however, they are strongly attached
to the North West Company, who always keep partners & clerks
amongst them, and make them an integral part of this extension
concern. Even those who by the cession of Louissiana have been
transferred to the Americans, are still faithful to their old friends the
British traders, and are as much as any description of Indians under
their control.
Value of the returns of the North West Company from the year 18.
1784 to 1807 inclusive, shewing the rise and progress of the trade, 22T-2J-S?*
from its first establishment.— ushment of
Outfit   of   1784   produced   returns   for   £ 30,000   Sterling
1784   produced   returns   for
£ 30,000
7         average
1790 to 1795 average 6 yrs
1796 to 1799       "       4 yrs
1800 to 1804       "       5 yrs
1805 to 1807       "       3 yrs
1 The words: "do not want any" have been changed to "want but few".
2 The words "the greater" has been changed to "considerable".
3 Can the respective quantities be more expressly stated?
4 The truth is they could not be induced to hunt but for the sake of the liquor—I doubt
much if all the other supply they receive would be sufficient to keep them in humour or insure
safety to the People amongst them.
5 The following words have been crossed out: "the different posts in the interior which are
established near their country." 70 PUBLIC ARCHIVES
British manufactures imported each year for the Fur trade of the
North West Company (*) £35,000 Stg.
Duties paid annually on Furs about £15,000 Stg. (2)
J?' . . There is no body of men in British America who have suffered
suffered by the so much by the political arrangements between Great Britain and
ZitTuT^8 ^e United States, as the merchants carrying on the fur trade of
Canada, These arrangements placed the (3) Michillimackinac, or
South Trade, compleatly under the control of the Americans, and
the North West trade partially; by the cession of the Frontier Posts
in 1796, the old carrying place at the Streights of St Mary's, fell within
the jurisdiction of the United States; and the canoes & goods were
immediately subjected, to the exactions of the Custom House Officers
of that Government, whose poverty and principals enabled them to
do illegal and vexatious acts without regard to consequences. To
remedy this enormous evil, the North West Company caused a canal
to be cut, and erected locks, whereby the waters of lake Huron were
united with those of lake Superior and a communication established
within the British boundary. But the inconveniences to which they
have been subjected are not confined to this transaction. By the
Treaty of 1783 (according to the construction given to it by the
Americans) the Grand Portage or place of general rendezvous, where
all the business of the Interior trade was arranged, fell within the
American territory; and rendered the trade subject to the Impositions
of the American Government; they in the year 1803, abandoned the
ancient establishment and opened a new Route to the interior country;
of lake Superior 50 miles east of the grand Portage, at the mouth of
the River Kaministiguia, at an expense of at least ten thousand'
Pounds Sterling. This place the Company have designated Fort
William in compliment to the gentleman who is the principal of
the establishment.
2pr 'ect d That the spirit of commerce is fertile in expedient and unwearied
extension        in pursuit of new sources of wealth, is fully exemplified in the labours
of trade. 0£ ^q North West Company.    Not satisfied with the immense region
on the eastern side of the Rocky mountains throughout which, their
trade is established; they have commenced a project for extending
their researches and trade as far as the South sea; and have already
introduced British manufactured goods, among the natives on the
Western side of the Rocky mountains; intending at some future
period to form a general establishment for the trade of that country
on the Columbia river, which, as has been already observed, receives
and conducts to the Ocean all the waters that rise West of the
Mountains. The trade as it is carried on at present, beyond the
Mountains, instead of yielding any profit, is a very considerable
loss to the Company; as the furs will not pay for transport to Montreal, where they are shipped; nor can any establishment be formed
immediatly on the side of the Western Ocean; as the natives in
consequence of some very ill treatment by some American adven-
i Provisions   purchased   in   Canada—liquors—Canoes—Boats—Servants'   wages   make   up   the
remainder of  the  annual  outfits.
2 The original figures were: "'40,000 & "£6,000".
3 The words "Fur trade" are crossed out.
turers, trading on the coast about ten years ago, are extremely hostile
to the whites. But this prejudice will yield to the Superior conveniences of a hatched & a gun, over a sharp stone and a bow and
arrow (with which the Indians will become gradually acquainted)
and to the kindness and fair dealing of those who intend to make
permanent establishments among them. Should the Company succeed in this project, a new field will be open for the consumption of
British manufactured goods; and a vast country and population
made dependant on the British Empire. It is conceived however that
all this cannot be accomplished without the aid of the British Government; which will scarce be withheld from an effort of such commercial
and political consequence.
(Here ends the narrative, but on the next page of the manuscript
begins in the handwriting of William McGillivray the text that
follows.) (-1)
The same causes which gave rise to the establishment of the
North West Co. in 1784, induced the Traders then engaged in the
South West or Mississipi trade, to form themselves into one body,—
they therefore in 1785 entered into a general Concern for three years—
too limited a Period to expect any permanent Effects from such an
arrangement, they accordingly soon found that partial views influenced
too many of the Partners, which destroyed that confidence in each
other is essential to the general interest—it was also found that they
could not keep the Country clear of other adventurers and that they
were not sufficiently unanimous among themselves to repel these in-
■ vaders. These combined causes occasioned a dissolution of the general copartnership and the different parties continued to carry on the
trade on their separate accounts with various success untill 1806 when
all those engaged in that trade entered into a general Concern for ten
years denominating themselves the Michilimakinac Company. Their
institution is something similar to the North West Co.
On the cession of the frontier ports 1796 to the American Govt,
this trade became immediately under their control and they lost no
time in imposing duties; and such other regulations as they thought
proper—obliging the trader's to take passes without which they were
not allowed to go into the interior country.—While the skins produced
from the South bore a good price the traders were enabled to support
these exactions—but on the French prohibiting all commerce between
England & the Continent—the skins became unsaleable and about the
same period the Americans clearly evinced a disposition of ruining the
trade all together by prohibiting all British subject from trading on
the West side of the River Mississipi under the pretence that this
formed part of Louisiana to which the Treaty of 1794 did not extend.
Under these accumulated misfortunes the traders had no other
resource in order to keep any part of the Trade than to form them-
1,On the left-hand page facing this text, is found the following note:
North  West Co
100  canoes
S255  8/12 pieces (f
selves into a general Concern. And they have hitherto supported the
trade & their influence amongst natives in the hopes of their Govt
making some provision in their favor or any new arrangements with
the U. States of America.
The returns in skins from this country have amounted for many
years to upwards of £100,000
They are composed of Deer skins
The sterling amount of imported goods may be estimated at
£30,000 Stg. and there are now 1,000 men including clerks & Partners
The countries to which the Michilimakinac carry on their trade
Both sides of lac Huron
South & West side of Lake Superior
Both sides of the Michingan St. Joseph
Illinois River
Mississipi River from St. Louis to its headmost branches
Missouri, until prohibited by the United States
Number of Effective Hunters who trade with the Michimakinac
Company, viz-'
Outawas or Courte Oreilles  750
Ochipuoys or Sautteux  800
Poutewatamies  600
Kikapous & Mascoulins  400
Manou—minies or folle avoines  400
Winnibagon or Puants  600
0 tt agamies or Renards  1000
Saakies  1000
Ayawois  250
Sciaux—comprehended under the following
Tribes or Heads.
Gens des Lacs
Gens de la Feuille 5000
Gens de la Feuille tire
Gens de la Rassade
Gens du Bois Brule
10000 warriors REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 73
Mississouries Indians under the following
Heads or Tribes .
Petits 0sages
Grands Osages
Ottos 10000 (•*)
Panies, different bands
Abbaina kii
1-10,000 The numbers of the Mississourie Indians are not so easily ascertained as the
traders have not been so long or so steadily established on the River—They cannot however
be far short if at all of the number stated. And there are several Tribes higher up than the1
Mandannes with which the MichUimakinac Traders never had any connection. The North
West Company carry on some trade with them from the Head of the Shaskatchiwan River.
Their Country is extremely rich in large animals, and towards the sources of the Mississourie
there is no want of Beaver, APPENDIX F
OCTOBER 13, 18381
Most Private
Quebec, Saturdy Octr 13** 1838.
My dear Mill,
I have only the day before yesterday received your long & most satisfactory letter. The subsequent note, which you sent for the purpose of vindicating
Roebuck had reached me before.
The only blunder about the letter was the publishing it in my name instead
of merely quoting the information on my authority, if necessary. I do not
think the publication did harm in spite of this, but rather good. It was calculated to get me a little quizzed: and I see it has excited a good deal of jeal&tifc
on the part of the Ministers, who do not like the Idea of any one in the public
service supplying any one else with information instead of themselves.   Pretty
d d fool a man would be to trust the materials of his defence to them.   At
the same' time I must own that we have done wrong in not supplying them with
better materials of justification than we did. A good full dispatch would have
prevented all this mischief. But I had not time to write a dispatch then. I am
not yet become quite a good man of business, though very sedulous. And the
mere routine work of this confounded office takes up my whole time.
We have come to a different conclusion from yours: & I am sure we are
right. You have I suppose learnt that Ld Durham has publicly expressed his
intention of resigning. His public declaration of his reasons is contained in the
Proclamation, which I send you herewith. The private ones I will now tell
you. But you are to shew this to no earthly soul except my Father & Mother,
& perhaps Charles Austin. For I would not have any one else know that I find
any faults in one for whom I have so sincere a regard as Lord Durham.
The truth is that L*1 D's health & character utterly unfit him for such a
service as the one he is now on. He' would do it better than any other of our
public men, because he is thoroughly honest, & has larger & better views than
any of them. But he is so anxious & so nervous that he literally cannot bear
the burden of distant responsibility. In the interval of suspense before the news
came he was in such a case of dejection that he would for some time do nothing
himself, nor let me do anything. I was in despair: & though by sharp remonstrance I induced him to go right, I was thoroughly convinced that the sooner .
he could get out of the matter with honour the better for him & his friends. In
his place I as Governor Gen1 would not have resigned. But I thought it best he
should. I thought it a good pretext for his doing what I only wanted a pretext
for his doing.
I, in his place would have gone on just as he did before'—legislated boldly
& trusted to the very check he had just received for fighting the imbeciles who
offered it to me. But he would not have gone on boldly. He has plenty of boldness:—boldness of an admirable kind. But he has no constancy. How can a
man whose whole frame is bedevilled by liver & rheumatism be steady & firm?
The effect of this in his case would have been that he would have thrown.
himself on the British party, & made himself more or less their tool.   My sympathies for the Canadians are not a bit diminished.   Justice to them—the great
majority, is still my first principle.   But believe this they can do nothing for
1 This is reproducd from the original in the Public Archives of Canada.
themselves: they have no habits of self-reliance: their friends must serve them
without leaning on them. Woe to the man who trusts to their energy or prudence in their own cause. Hence every man who governs here the moment he
ceases to rely solely on himself is either bullied by the British, who have great
energy & tact, or throws himself on them. hd Durham would have done the last.
With his character it was inevitable. Rather than he should do so it Was better
he should resign: & if he failed, fail without fault^f his own.
Had Ld D. stayed he would have failed. I think therefore that it was a
great thing to get him away when the blame would rest on others. The only
question is whether the circumstances justify him in doing what he has determined to do?
He resigns his Governor-ship. He' says that the mode, in which he has
been assailed by enemies, & betrayed by the Government shew that he is not
the man to carry this Colony by the cordial aid of the Mother Country through
a difficult state' of things. Colborne will repress the insurrection if there is to
be one as well as 1/ D. could. Ld D. cannot with any confidence of being supported at home undertake by the powers of His Special Council to make the
changes in the civil law of the country which must be made in order to ensure
future tranquillity, after the re-establishment of representative Government.
What can U D. do? Propose a scheme for the future settlement of this country.
This he will do: & this is all that is left for him to *do.
You will observe therefore that he says in the Proclamation that while he
abandons the hope of doing any good by continuing to act as Governor, he will
still complete his task as High Commr. He will report on the State of Canada:
report on the mode by which tranquillity can be restored & maintained. He
does not therefore fling up his Mission abruptly: he does not return with his
task uncompleted. He performs the work of the Special Mission, on which he
was sent: & will propose a new constitution for Canada. He cannot as he wished
& attempted stay to accomplish great subsidiary changes, & carry his own
measure into effect. But he returns having accomplished the restoration of
tranquillity;—having disposed of all traces of the past Rebellion,—having
restored a peace & good will with the U.S., & rooted out from that people all
sympathy with Canadian rebellion:—having prepared a full—no, not a full but
a most decisive exposure of existing abuses, & recommended important reforms;
& above all having matured the system, by which in his opinion these Provinces
can be maintained & well governed hereafter.
On these grounds you can defend his returning home,—which must for the
reasons you have so strongly stated to me be defended by good & reasonable
Radicals. I tell you I would have staid in his place: but I do not feel at all
sure that even if I had acted on the principles, & with all the courage & wisdom,
which is easier to determine on displaying, than to exhibit in action—even then
I do not feel at all convinced that success was probable. No .man can blame 1/
D. for not running such risks. And if he does what he still professes to do, he
will have done much more than any other man could have done, & quite enough
to entitle him to the utmost gratitude;
You will see what attitude the Radicals ought to assume with respect to
his returning now at open defiance with Whigs & Tories. I have read with great
interest your views on the general state of politics, which I find corroborated by
all other accounts. Circumstances seem to be approaching, in which it will be
perfectly possible for us to force him into power. The cue of all Radicals then
is to receive him not as having failed but as having done great things—as having
kept Canada quiei^-disposed of the prisoners with unexampled vigor & lenity—
restored amicable relations with America—set about reforming abuses, &
changing the defective Civil laws—& above all prepared a Constitution for
Canada. He has been cut short in this useful career, & deprived of doing the
great good, which he meditated by these imbecile Ministers, who cannot resist
the factious & profligate Tories.
But you know best what is to be done. All I can instruct you on is the
state of feeling here. All about 1/ D. approve of his going home. The first feeling
here at the receipt of the news was that of such disappointment & indignation
as I never witnessed so universal. All—British & Canadians alike resent the
conduct of the Lords. Even those who had most loudly disapproved of L*
Durham's policy are furious at the way, in which these distant & ignorant
authorities have upset his measures. Within 5 days after the news the very
British, who had most condemned the amnesty—who vied most loudly to profess
their loyalty & attachment to British connexion, began to talk familiarly of
separation. When the great British address of regret was presented to Ld D.
three days ago, there was such a feeling that I declare absurd as it may sound,
I do not think it would have been impossible for Ld D. to have made himself
King of Canada, if he had been fool enough to wish it. The French Canadians
in their timid way—in hole-& corner—express the same regret in inane whispers.
A most ridiculous meeting in behalf of Ld Brougham failed. Morin & the other
chiefs in the country will, I think, get up an address of the right sort. In Upper
Canada the people of all parties are perfectly frantic. Reformers, Orangemen,
Family Compact all equally regret. The first expected good things & quiet—
the last looked to Ld Durham as the only person who could prevent their throats
being cut.
All the papers in the States highly approve of Ld D's conduct: all laud his
clemency & right policy: all say he would have saved the Canadas. Papers
that had been dead against the English government turned round & gave in
their adhesion to him. If the American people think our acts favourable to
humanity & freedom, I think we need not mind the accusations of violating
them, which emanate from English Tories, & Brougham & Leader.
What^an ass the last has made of himself! I am so glad that Molesworth
keeps so right. Grote I hear is very wrong. Is this his spite & nonsense, or his
impracticality, or RintouPs influence. But on the whole I am very well satisfied with the conduct of our Radical friends. They have behaved admirably-
most of them,—all that I have for a long time expected common sense, & use-
fullness from.
But you have done nobly: and I feel that on your Review Radicalism now
depends for the expression of itself. In your hands it will do all that is needed.
Your article, (of which we have got extracts without my receiving the number
of the 2nd Edition, which you say you have sent me) has delighted us all, particularly Ld Durham.
Wakefield has been of the greatest service to us. He is very clever—has a
great view of things—but one must be on one's guard against his rashness &
Arthur is acting beautifully: I am really proud of him as a brother. For
we have without exaggeration all of us found his judgement on all points the
most sound, & his courage the most unconquerable.
God bless you:   & pray keep the fight up.
Yours very truly
I have read your article on Bentham, which is admirable. I agree in your
new Conservatism.   I agree in your principle of the necessity of checks on the REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1928 77
ruling majority. But I don't agree in your application of it to the United States.
All the greatest & most admired men there are in opposition to the majority.
But we must not, I think, as I see you are inclined to think, praise the institutions of the United States too much. From all I see it is founded on good principles, but is clumsy & imperfect as all first experimemts are. It is the first
great government that has had the will of the majority as its 'principle. But
though this is the right principle, the Americans have done little toward perfecting the application of it.
J? Durham leaves this on the 27th Montreal on the 31st & then stays in the
States till the first week in December, when he goes home in the Inconstant
frigate from New York, & hopes to reach England by Xmas. I stay here writing
up my reports to the end of November. I shall see nothing of the States, except
just in my way to join him at New York.
^^^ ^.n,^^*^**^.****^    wv-
—J- -*.


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items