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A residence at the court of London, comprising incidents, official and personal, from 1819 to 1825 :… Rush, Richard, 1780-1859 1845

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Array     A   RESIDENCE
FROM 1819 TO 1825 : Jl if
D 3 3 3 D
3 3 O  DO
LONDON:   v *•;
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1845. ::•;
10914  ft
Introductory Remarks
Interview with Lord Castlereagh on the Affairs of Spanish America.—Dinner, at the Portuguese Ambassador's, to the Archduke
Maximilian of Austria.—Relative Expense of the British and American Army and Navy  ........      1
The Old Bailey, Guildhall, and Doctors' Commons. — Opinion
delivered by Sir William Scott, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty  .        .        .        .        .        ,        .        .        .        .        .    12
Interview with the Marquis of Lansdowne and Mr. Wilberforce
on the subject of the Slave-trade. — Official Correspondence with
Lord Castlereagh on this subject    .        .        .        .        .        .17
Weeks's Museum.—Its Extraordinary Collection.—Royal Chapel,
Whitehall.—Levee at Carlton House.—Austrian Court at the Congress of Vienna. — Interview with Lord Castlereagh on Spanish
American Affairs and other subjects.—The cases of Arbuthnot and
Ambrister to be brought before Parliament.—Dinner at the Marquis
of Lansdowne's. — Sir James Macintosh. —Vote of the  House of IV
Representatives refusing to censure General Jackson. — News of the
Cession of the Floridas to the United States arrives in London. —
Note to Lord Castlereagh, on ExtraDuties charged on Vessels of the
United States Page    34
Dinner at Prince Esterhazy's—Remarkable Incident at it.—Dinner at Lord Teignmouth's.—Interview with the President of the
Board of Trade, relative to the Extra Duties.—Letter to the Consul
of the United States at Liverpool, in connexion with this subject.—
Dinner at the Spanish Ambassador's. — Motion in the House of
Lords, in the cases of Arbuthnot and Ambrister.—Foreign Enlistment Bill.—JParty at the Countess of Jersey's—At Countess Gros-
venor s
Autograph Letter from the President to the Prince Regent.—
Emigrants from England to the United States.—Dinner at Mr.
William Vaughan's.—Dinner at Mr. Inglis's—Mr. Wilberforce—Dr.
Johnson.—Dinner at the Spanish Ambassador's.—Levee at Carlton
House. — Special Audience of the Prince Regent—Conversation on
American Interests at the Levee    ......    70
Marriages of the Dukes of Cambridge, Clarence, and Kent.—
Forms between Governments on such occasions.—Drawing-room on
the Prince Regent's Birth-day.—Court Forms.—Rumour of Ministerial Changes.—Interview with Lord Castlereagh on the West-India
Trade.—Rumours about Cuba.—Dinner at the Russian Ambassador's.—Prince Regent's Drawing-room.—Dinner at Lord Castle-
reagh's,— The Rumour about Cuba.—Lord Castlereagh pays a Compliment to the United States ......    84
Party at Carlton House.—Conversation about Cuba.—Dinner at
Mr. George Phillips's.—Dinner at Mr. Trail's.—The Box presented
by the Earl of Buchan to General Washington. — Note from Lord CONTENTS.
Castlereagh on Special Audiences of the Prince Regent.—Dinner at
the Duke of Wellington's.—Letter to Mr. Gallatin.—Cuba.—The
Florida Treaty. — The West India Trade. — Party at Grosvenor
House. — Arrival of the American Steam-ship Savannah at Liverpool ......... Page    102
Visit to Holkham, the Estate of Mr. Coke, Norfolk County.—The
Sheep-shearing. — Prorogation of Parliament. — Entertainment at
Carlton House.—Lord Castlereagh speaks of the Florida Treaty.—
What he afterwards says on that subject, and on the cases of Ar-
buthnot and Ambrister, at the Austrian Ambassador's     .        .119
Order in Council prohibiting the Exportation of Arms to Spain.
—Party at Prince Leopold's.—Letters to Mr. Gallatin and Colonel
Trumbull. — Dinner at the Vice-Chancellor's. — Notice of certain
Measures of Parliament — Amongst them Mr. Peel's Report on the
Currency. — The River Thames from Westminster Bridge to the
Commercial Docks        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .142
Entertainment at the French Ambassador's.—The Florida Treaty.
Brewery of Truman, Hanbury, and Company.—Dinner at Lord Cas-
tlereagh's, North Cray.—American Flying Squirrels and Humming
Birds. — Anecdote of the Persian Ambassador. — Interview with
Lord CasfrWpa.jcyh nn thft West India Trade and other subjects.—Mr.
Stratford Canning appointed Minister to the United States.—Dinner at Mr. Lyttelton's   .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .166
Dinner at the Travellers' Club.—Armaments in Aid of the Spanish American Cause.—Dinner at Baron Fagel's, Ambassador of the
Netherlands.—Prizes taken by the Spanish Americans not admitted
into English Ports.—Interview with Lord Castlereagh on the Question of the Slave-trade. — Official Notes and Parliamentary Addresses on that subject .        .        .        .        .        .        .197 VI
Number of American Vessels in British Ports. — Dinner at the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's.—Opening of Parliament.—An Early
Session called on account of the Disturbances of the Country. — Levee at Carlton House. — Fete at the Spanish Ambassador's. — The
Horse-Guards called out. — Duty on Tobacco, Snuff, and Hops. —
Dinner at Mr. Colquhoun's.—Interview on Official Subjects with
Lord Castlereagh.—England consents to the Emperor of Russia as
Umpire under the Disputed Article of the Treaty of Ghent.
,^^^^ M Page    220
Death of the Duke of Kent.—Death of George the Third.—Solemnities and Ceremonies connected with the Demise of the Crown.
—The Prince Regent ascends the Throne. — Dissolution of Parliament determined upon.— State of things between the King and
Princess of Wales. — Interview with Lord Castlereagh.—Cato Street
Conspiracy.—Dinner at the Travellers' Club.—Dinner at Mr. Stratford Canning's.—Measures of Parliament under the Disturbed State
of the Country.—Dinner at Sir Edmund Antrobus's, and at Mr.
Holland's    .......... 236
Dinner at the Marquis of Lansdowne's. — Interview with Earl
Bathurst, on the subject of Presents to the American Indians.—Funeral of Mr. West, President of the Royal Academy.—Duels between Naval Officers of the United States, and British Officers, at
Gibraltar.—Interview with the Colonial Secretary of State on this
subject. — Dinner at the Middle Temple with Mr. George Joy. —
Dinner at Lord Harrowby's — At Lord Castlereagh's—At Mr. Robinson's       .      ||j 270
Visit from Mr. Wilberforce.—The Slave-trade.—Piracy.—Impressment. — Cato Street Conspiracy -r- Five of the Conspirators
Convicted and Executed.—Droits of the Crown.—Dinner at Lord
Melville's.—Death of Commodore Decator.—Visit to the Royal
Arsenal at Woolwich.—Arrival of the Queen, late Princess of Wales, CONTENTS.
at Dover. — Special Audience of the King.—Dinner at Prince Leopold's.—Dinner at Lord Castlereagh's.—Unusual Incidents at it.—
The King's Levee.—Conversation with Mr. Canning on the Public
Speaking in the two Houses of Parliament.—Dinner at Mr. Canning's .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        . Page    291
Interview with Lord Castlereagh on the West India Trade, and
other subjects.-—-Umpirage of the Emperor of Russia under the
Disputed Article of the Treaty of Ghent.—Dinner at the Duke
of Wellington's ; at Lord Castlereagh's; at Mr. Planta's ; at the
Duke of Sussex's.—The Dispute between the King and Queen.—
Revolution in Spain.—Course of the British Government in relation to it        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        313
Trial of the Queen. — American Vessels bound to French Ports
permitted to land their Cargoes in England under the Warehousing
System. — Continuation of the Queen's Trial. — Mr. Brougham in
this Connexion.—Dinner at the French Ambassador's at Harrow, in
honour of the Birth of the Duke of Bordeaux.—Ratification of the
Florida Treaty.—Dinner at the Spanish Ambassador's.—Termination of the Queen's Trial.—London Illuminated.—Dinner at Mrs.
Porter's.—Anecdotes of Napoleon.—Dinner at the French Ambassador's, Portland Place.—Dinner at Mr. Coutts Trotter's.—Prorogation of Parliament .        .        .        .        .        .        . 335
Letter to Mr. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury at Washington.—Parliamentary Report on the Foreign Trade of England.—
Interview with Lord Castlereagh, on the Umpirage nn^r thft
Treaty of Ghent.—Correspondence between the Minister of State at
Madrid and Sir Henry Wellesley, British Ambassador, respecting
the Florida Treaty.—Party at the Austrian Ambassador's — At the
Russian Ambassador's.—Language of Official Diplomatic Notes.—
Levee at Carlton Palace.—Special Audience of the King       .    359 Vlll
Coronation of George the Fourth.—Special Ambassadors from the
Courts of Europe come to England to attend it.—All the Foreign
Ambassadors and Ministers are invited to it.—Dinner at the Marquis of Londonderry's, (late Lord Castlereagh).—Fete Champetre
at North Cray, in honor of the Coronation.—Dinner at the King's.-
—Dinner at the Duke of Wellington's.—Ball given by the Duke
de Grammont, Special Ambassador from France, in honor of the
Coronation, which the King attends       .        .        .        Page    372 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
In the Spring of 1833, when I threw out a
volume of the same general nature with this, I
intimated doubts whether the work would be
continued ; and as twelve years have elapsed
without a continuation of it, whilst the materials have been in my possession, it may be inferred that those doubts were sincere. I had
objections to going on with such a work, unless
under the possible hope of public good.
But of late, the relations between the United
States and England, although happily pacific,
have been assuming, in some respects, an aspect less and less friendly; I do not mean as
indicated by any of the official correspondence
or steps between the two Governments, of which
I know too little to speak, but as manifested by
public opinion, and the press, in both countries. International questions of importance
to both, have been advancing to a point, and
producing public discussions in both, under
feelings inauspicious to either party doing jus- X INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
tice to the other. The Oregon question is one
of them, and, at the present juncture, seems
the most important. I have, therefore, been
induced to publish, in connexion with contemporary and explanatory matter belonging to
them, negotiations which I conducted with
England, over and above those described in
the former volume, including the whole subject of the Oregon ; and if by doing so, I may
be able to contribute a mite towards awakening dispositions to calmer inquiry on both sides
of the water, I should consider myself truly
Continuing the work at all, I continue it on
the plan commenced ; that is, by interspersing
social and personal scenes with those that are
official, and for the same reasons. These were
given in the remarks | To the Reader/' in the
former volume; and especially also in the Preface to the Second Edition of it, published in
Philadelphia, July, 1833, and need not here be
repeated. I keep within the same limits, and
lay myself under all the restraints, established
in that volume. In this, there is rather more
both of official and personal matter; and I
have also introduced a little more of the miscellaneous matter of the times, as these are
now growing to be in some degree historical.
If this kind of companionship to the negotia-
tions should gain for the latter any better
chance of being read than they would otherwise ever be likely to have, the knowledge of
them might possibly have some tendency to
place two great and kindred nations in truer
lights towards each other.
The power, intelligence, and high fashion of
the world, are in favor of peace. The King
of the French pays a visit to the Queen of
England, to foster this great object; towards
which the Queen had led the way by going to
Eu. The Emperor of Russia also pays a visit
to the English Queen, " even at a great sacrifice of personal convenience." The Queen, in
the speech to her Parliament from which these
last words are taken, cordially acknowledges
both visits in the spirit of amity in which they
were made. Shall Republican America,—shall
this great and rising nation of the New World,
be behind Europe in fostering this beneficent
spirit ? Will England, when she comes fully
to weigh the immense value of friendly relations with this country, be less anxious to
maintain them, than with the dominions of
these royal and imperial visitors to her shores ?
It cannot be, that either country will be insen-
sible to a duty so precious. The King of the
French is reported to have said, in reply to an
address at Portsmouth, on the occasion of his Xll
visit to Queen Victoria, that he looked upon
the friendship of France and England " as the
keystone of the arch which supported the peace of
the world'9 Let the peace between the United
States and England be broken, and who does
not see that the arch would, as certainly, tumble to pieces ?jt.
Far off be that calamity. With the wisdom
of which the present Premier of Britain has
given such frequent proofs, and the wisdom
which will, guide the counsels of the United
States, a rupture between the two nations is
surely not to be anticipated; against which
their own highest interests and the interests of
the world at large, so powerfully plead. General Jackson, whilst President, had always a
sincere desire to be at peace with England.
In his annual message to Congress, in December, 1882, speaking of the good understanding
which it was the interest of both parties to
preserve inviolate, he strikingly characterised
it as "cemented by a community of' language, MANNERS, AND SOCIAL HABITS ; AND BY
Though I quoted this before, it well merits to
be quoted again ; for we see in it the General's
patriotic judgment, and the frankness ever
belonging to him in the expression of it. It
is well known, that he was in favor of settling the dispute respecting the North-eastern
Boundary, by accepting the award of the King
of Holland, although the Senate was against
it; and although it had been repeatedly declared, at popular meetings and in our legislative bodies, that our title to the whole of the
" disputed territory," was clear. The " London Quarterly Review" for March, 1843, called
General Jackson " a man of resolution and
sagacity ;" and, alluding to " his anxious desire
and laudable ambition," these are also the
words of the Reviewer, to settle the above
Boundary question, remarked, that as he had
" in former days gallantly defeated us (the
English) in the field, he was stronger in public
opinion than any other statesman would have
been for doing us justice in the cabinet."^
Whilst all feel confident that the present
executive head of our happy union will | submit to nothing that is wrong" from Britain,
we may feel equally confident that, adopting
the remaining part of the noble maxim of his
illustrious predecessor and j|iriend, General
Jackson, he will " ask nothing thatJ|is not
right." XIV
In reference to the social scenes recorded in
this volume it may be pardonable if I should,
at this point of time, say a word or two
founded on the experience of the past. I beg,
then, simply to remark, that in the pages of
the former volume more than one hundred
names are mentioned ; and that, coupled with
most of them, portions of conversations were
given, and allusions made to private life in
the mansions and circles of England which I
frequented. Nevertheless, although the book
has been so many years before the public no
complaint has ever reached me, directly or
indirectly, from any one of these sources;
from which I infer that the guards I imposed
upon myself were considered ample, as I intended they should be. If similar guards
were not kept up in the present volume it
should never go to the press. I have been to
England since the publication of the former
volume, and had renewed intercourse with
individuals and families mentioned in it; and
I cannot here refrain from saying that, but for
the entire chasm of more than two years which
occurs in the present volume, and the paramount and absorbing nature of the negotiations filling its latter pages, names which do
not appear in them would have found a place,
merely for the satisfaction of expressing my INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS.
feelings under kind and gratifying hospitalities
received from them. Sir George Staunton,
Mr. Guillemard, the Duke of Somerset, Sir
Alexander Johnson, Mr. Henry St. George
Tucker, Mr. Basil Cochrane, the late Earl of
Morton, and the Buller family, Countess
Mengden, Sir Coutts Trotter, the late Earl of
Clarendon,—these are some of the names not
absent from my grateful recollections.
Nor has the substantial fidelity of the former volume in other respects been impaired,
and my great aim has naturally been to impart
to the present the same character for truth,
which is to be my compensation for the defects
and imperfections in both volumes. A single
page in a great author humbles me to the dust
—under all views of authorship. If Horace
Walpole somewhere says this, tenfold need have
I to say and feel it. Some inadvertencies in
things not very material found their way into
the former volume; but I would fain hope that
the sum of them does not trencji upon that
essential authenticity which is the sole merit I
shall ever aspire to for the work, in its official
or personal incidents.
In the present volume I have perhaps been
more minute in some of the scenes than before ; but it has been remarked that | even
minute things, where they concern great cha-
racters, seem to quit their nature and become
things of consequence, besides that they bring
us nearer to the times and persons they describe." Being farther off now from the times
and persons described than when I ventured
upon the former volume, I must hope for the
shield of this remark if ever going into a little
more detail in parts purporting to be at all
I have written in the unchanged tone of
good feeling towards England and her great
names which characterised the former volume,
and which I desire to cherish as long as we
can honorably keep at peace; never supposing
that this feeling may not be cherished in subordination to that primary and constant love
for his own land which every American must
ever feel, and glory in feeling. Who looks,
therefore, in these limited pages for an array
of the disparaging things in part composing
the mighty aggregate of good and evil in the
national character and condition of England,
like Shakspeare's | mingled yarn" in the life
of man, will not find them. Moreover, they
are so abundantly promulgated by the self-
accusing portion of her own free press, and the
searching self-examinations of her Parliamentary Committees, which probe and blazon them
in the hope of working out ameliorations ; and
they are so fully repeated by writers in other
countries, that their omission from a single
book, if only as novelty, need scarcely be complained of; any more than that the very little
which is said of her character and condition is
on the fair side; which, though rarely held
up, may also be true. Nor will party spirit be
found in this volume any more than in the
former; the work being written with different
objects and feelings.
Having quoted from the " London Quarterly Review," I will close these introductory
remarks with a passage from another work,
long its great rival in Britain, 1 The Edinburgh Review;" the productions of both belonging to the literature of the age. It is
as follows: — "What is told in the fullest
and most accurate annals, bears an infinitely
small proportion to what is suppressed. The
difference between the copious work of Clarendon and the account of the civil wars in
Goldsmith's abridgement, vanishes when compared with the immense mass of facts respecting which both are equally silent. No history,
then, can present us with the whole truth."*
But although no writer, however vast his
compass and ability, would ever be able to
present the whole truth of such a country as
* Volume for 1828, Title History.
England, the humblest may have the chance of
contributing particles to the stock of general
knowledge, by keeping to the truth in what
little he does present, though his representations be in the main favorable. A   RESIDENCE   AT
February Ip 2th, 1819. Had an interview7
with Lord Castlereagh at his private residence,
St. James's Square, on the affairs of Spanish
I informed him that I had received a dispatch
from my Government on that subject, and had
sought an interview with him, to make known
its nature and object. It set out with stating
that the United States continued to consider
the controversy between Spain and her colonies
in the light of a civil war, and then proceeded
to show the duty of a neutral state towards
the parties.    Next, it showed that the conduct
B 2
of the United States had, in point of fact, conformed to this duty, as far as had been practicable. It spoke of the mediation invoked by
Spain for the settlement of the dispute, bringing into view what had also been the uniform
course of the United States in relation to that
mediation. The dispatch; after dwelling upon
the progress which some of the newly-formed
states in Spanish America had made towards
an independent existence, gave in to the hope
that the time was rapidly approaching, if it had
not actually arrived, when the British Government and the powers of Europe generally,
might perhaps see their own interests, as well
as those of Spain, and the fair interests of the
new states, in such a recognition of the latter,
as would bring them within the pale of natitgns.
Finally it declared, that as regarded Buenos
Ayres, the President had come to the determination to grant an exequatur to a consul-
general who had been appointed by the government of that new state, as long ago as
Mayrdast, to reside in the United States; or
to recognise in some other way its independence, should nothing transpire in the meantime to justify a postponement of his intention.
After this general summary of the essential
points, I read to his Lordship the dispatch
itself. 1819.
Some parts of it appeared to take him by
surprise. They were those which seemed to
import that the Government of England was
at bottom inclining to our view of the subject,
as regarded the recognition of the Colonies.
He said he was not aware upon what occasion
he had uttered sentiments leading to this impression, and, at any rate, none such had been
intended. He remarked, on the contrary, that
while Great Britain had, from the first,
anxiously desired to see the controversy between Spain and her Colonies at an end, and
had done her best to effect this result, it had
always been upon the basis of a restoration of
the supremacy of Spain, on an improved plan
of government indeed, especially as regarded
the commercial interests of the Colonies, but
still her entire supremacy; that he thought
this mode of ending the conflict, besides being
the one pointed out to England by the subsisting relations between herself and Spain,
would prove best for both parties, and for other
countries, as the materials of regular self-
government among the Colonies did not appear to exist; which made it impossible to
fore-know in what manner they would be able
to sustain themselves as independent communities, whether as regarded their own happiness and  prosperity, or the principles which
might affect their intercourselfwith other
nations. These he said had been the leading
motives with England for wishing that the
Colonies might be brought back again under
the authority of the parent state ; motives
which still had their operation, and must continue, as long as any reasonable expectation
was left of the result at which they aimed
being accomplished. The intervention of force
as a means of its accomplishment, England
had ever repudiated, as he formerly told me, and
still did; the moral power of opinion and advice
being the sole ground upon which she had acted
hitherto, he admitted to no effective purpose.
It was upon this basis, however, that she had
agreed to become party to the mediation he
had made known to me last summer, and the
relations which bound her to the Allied Powers,
as well as to Spain, held her to this course,
to whatever extent the counsels and conduct of
Spain appeared to frustrate or retard the hope
of success. He remarked, that-things stood
upon the same general footing now as then, in
regard to the mediation; it had been acceded
to by the European alliance, but nothing had
been effected ; the subject had been brought
into discussion at Aix-la-Chapelle, during the
Congress of Sovereigns in November, but
no  act followed ;   Spain  seemed  bent  upon 1819.
continuing the war with her own means, and
clung to the hope of bringing it to a close
upon her own terms. He said that, during
the discussions at Aix-la-Chapelle,he had found
France and Prussia laboring under a belief
that the United States desired to be associated
in the mediation, and willing to accede to it
on the same basis with the European powers,
until he had undeceived them, which my
communications to him in July had enabled
him to do. He particularly mentioned that
the Duke of Richelieu had previously been
very decided in that belief. His Lordship expressed regret that the United States viewed
the question of Independence in the Colonies
differently from England; giving as a reason
the probable weight of their counsels with the
Colonies ; so that, although my Government
was no formal jparty to the mediation, if,
nevertheless, it had harmonized in opinion
with that of England on the question of Independence, the hope would have been increased
of seeing the dispute healed the sooner through
the influence which, from local and political
causes, the United States might naturally be
supposed to have with the Colonies. How far
it was practicable to settle it, giving back
to Spain her supremacy, and granting to the
Colonies a just government under her sway, 6
was not for him to say; but it was the hope to
which the European alliance still clung.
|||iHe admitted that Buenos Ayres had given
better proofs of capacity to exist as an independent community than any of the other
Colonies ; and he fully admitted, also, the present and prospective value of our commerce in
that quarter, when I mentioned to him that it
consisted, on our side, of such articles as naval
stores, ready-built vessels, furniture, timber,
and fish,—without enumerating others. The
whole tone of his conversation was conciliatory,
and he said, in conclusion, that the frank disclosure I had made to him of the President's
views and intentions, would be received Jby his
Majesty's Government in the friendly spirit in
which it had been made.
This was my first interview with his Lordship since the arrival and publication in England of the dispatch which Mr. Adams had
addressed to Mr. Erving, our Minister at
Madrid, on the 28th of November, relating to
the transactions of our army in Florida under
General Jackson, and the execution of Arbuth-
not and Ambrister. It had been sent to Congress the latter end of December, with other
documents on that whole subject; all of which
had been published. The dispatch of Mr:
Adams, as an authentic view of the whole, had 1819.
excited attention in diplomatic circles, and I
was not sure that his Lordship might not allude
to it; but he did not, nor did I. - The names
of the two men executed were glanced at, in
the course of the interview, in an incidental
manner. He was remarking that, notwithstanding the neutrality of England, as between
Spain and her Colonies, the latter had undoubtedly received aid from England in arms, ammunition, and men, in ways which tfce English
laws could not prevent. This led him to
speak of the order of the Court of Madrid, of
the 14th of January, in which heavy penalties
were denounced against all subjects of Foreign
States who joined the standard of the Colonists.
He said that this order had been very much
felt by France; but he added, that England
gave herself no concern about it, to whatever
commentary the principles on which it assumed
to rest, might be open. Those of our subjects, said he, who choose to join the Colonists,
must take all consequences; they go at their
own risk; we can hold out no hand to protect them, any more than we thought ourselves bound to do in the case of the two
men who intermeddled wiih the Indians along
your borders. Such was his frank allusion to
the case. His Lordship hinted at an intention
which  had,  for  awhile,   partially  existed,  of 8
bringing a bill into Parliament to check the
aid which the Colonists derived from England,
founded on the principle of our acts of Congress ; | but remarked, that it had hitherto
been abandoned, from difficulties found to
attend any attempt to reconcile with all other
parts of their system of law any new prohibitory statutes upon this subject.
February 14th. Dined at Count Palmella's,
the Ambassador from Portugal, to whom Mr.
Adams had given me a letter. His residence,
in South Audley Street, No. 74, is in a house
which has been eighty years in the possession
of the Portuguese embassy at London.
The dinner was given to the Archduke
Maximilian, brother to the Emperor of Austria. Besides this Prince and his suite, consisting of several officers in the Austrian
service, there were present the Spanish Ambassador, and the Ambassador from the Netherlands ; the Danish, Neapolitan, ^and Saxon
Ministers ; M. De Neuman, of the Austrian
embassy; Baron Bulow of the Prussian ; the
Duke of Wellington; Mr. Vansittart, Chancellor of the Exchequer ;# Lord Melville,
First Lord of the Admiralty ; and Lord Lyne-
doch, formerly General Graham, distinguished
in the Peninsular war.
On   being   introduced   to   the   Archduke
* Afterwards Lord Bexley. 1819.
Maximilian, he spoke of the United States, introducing the subject himself, and addressing
me in English. Lord Melville took occasion
to say to me, that the Spanish Ambassador
was making frequent complaints to the British
Cabinet of aid sent from English ports to
the Spanish Colonies, and calling for a stop
to be put to it; which, he added, it was extremely difficult to do. I said that our Secretary of State probably received as many complaints from the Spanish Minister at Washington : arms, ammunition, and military stores
were, without doubt, sometimes exported
through evasions of our laws, impossible to
be prevented, and Spain was too weak on the
ocean to capture them on their way to the
Colonies as contraband, which she was at
liberty to do, if able. $ Here was the difficulty, and the law-breakers knew it.
At dinner,* I sat between the Chancellor
of the Exchequer and Lord Lynedoch. Speaking of the property-tax, the former mentioned
that the four largest incomes in the kingdom,
as returned under it while in operation, were
those of the Duke of Northumberland, Earl
Grosvenor, the Marquis of Stafford, and the
Earl of Bridgewater; these, he said, were the
richest Peers in England, and there were no
Commoners whose incomes were returned as
large.    They each went beyond one hundred 10
thousand pounds, clear of everything.* Many
incomes among the Peers, and several among
Commoners of large landed estates, approached
these in amount; but none came up to them
according to the official returns.
Remarking that I found it difficult to arrive
at the precise extent of the poor-rates from
the published accounts, I asked their amount.
He said that in some counties, as Sussex for
instance, they were as high as eight shillings
in the pound; and that they probably amounted to about eight millions sterling for all England. We spoke again of the army of England ; he said that the whole expense of keeping it up at present (one hundred thousand
men), was about eight millions sterling, all
military pensions included; and added, that
it was about as much in pounds sterling as
the expense of keeping up the army of the
United States (ten thousand men at that time)
was in dollars. This he explained, in part
as formerly, by mentioning the very great
preponderance of artillery in our army on a
peace establishment, relative numbers considered. He remarked that our navy was also
much more expensive than the British, which
he ascribed to our having the best of every-
The increasing productiveness of agricultural and mining industry in England since the above date, has, it is understood, doubled some of these incomes. 1819.
thing in it. This was said with his usual
courtesy; though I suppose another, and probably a stronger, cause to be, that we have
not yet arrived at the true practice of economy,—one of the last attainments of experience and skill in armies and navies, when
united with comfort and efficiency. Some of
the battles of the Peninsula were touched
upon: the Duke of Wellington sat opposite
to us, and it was remarked how fortunate it
had been for England that he was not sent
to America after the peace of Paris in 181*4.
I inferred, that there had been an intention
of sending over the Duke to command in
the war against the United States; and I
afterwards heard, more distinctly, that this
measure was in contemplation.
After dinner I had conversation with the
Spanish Ambassador and the Neapolitan Minister. Wilb^the former it was limited to
ordinary civilities; the latter said handsome
things of Mr. Adams's letter to Mr. Erving,
and seemed anxious to learn if England had
taken any serious exception to the proceedings of our army in Florida, and the execution
of the two British subjects. I said that she
had not. " Then," said he, " the newspapers may
go on to bark; they bark dreadfully in England, but the Ministers don't mind them." 12
February 22. Went to the Old Bailey.
Nothing of much consequence was before the
court. A prisoner was on trial for an assault
with intent to kill.
Immediately facing the dock, where the
witnesses stand, I observed the following inscriptions, printed conspicuously in panel work
on the wall:—
" A false witness shall not be unpunished,
and he that speaketh lies shall perish."—
"Ye shall not swear by my name falsely,
neither shalt thou profane the name of thy
Ill** If a false witness rise up against any man
to testify against him that which is wrong,
then thou shalt do unto him as he had thought
to have done unto his brother."—Deut. 19th
chap., 16 and 17 verses. 1819.
I went next to Guildhall, where the courts
of King's Bench and Common Pleas hold their
sittings for the trial of issues; but neither
happened to be in session. Over the outside
door   of   the   building  was   the   inscription,
In the great hall stand monuments to the
Earl of Chatham, Mr. Pitt, and Lord Nelson.
A remarkable portion of the inscription on the
first, has been noticed in the 16th chapter of
the former volume of this work. That on the
monument of Mr. Pitt concludes with these
words, viz., " he dispensed for twenty years
ostentation, and died poor." I next took a
bird's-eye view of three of the Inns of Court,
Bernard's Inn, the Inner Temple, and Middle
'Temple, so associated with sages and ornaments of the law; made short visits to the
Custom House, the Royal Exchange, and
Stock Exchange, and to Lord Nelson's tomb at
St. Paul's, all which the guide-books describe
better than I could, and hastened home to
receive a party engaged to dine at my house,
on this anniversary of Washington's birth-day.
It was composed of members of the diplomatic
corps, and several of my countrymen in London; also Mr. John Penn, of Spring Garden,
descendant   of the founder of Pennsylvania. 14
We had the toast belonging to the day; and
what enlightened man of any nation can fail to
do homage to the great name of Washington ? .
At 1^ at night, when our guests had left us,
we went to a party at the Marchioness of
Salisbury's, Arlington-street, and afterwards to
a masquerade at the Opera. -At the latter, we
were in dominoes, as lookers-on at a scene new
to us in Europe.
IjpFebruary 26. Went to Doctors" Commons,
in the hope of seeing Sir William Scott upon
the Bench, and was not disappointed. I had
read the most of his decisions, and had the
high opinion of his talents common to all.
A salvage case was before the court. The
counsel were, Sir Christopher Robinson, Dr.
Lushington, Dr. Bernaby, and Dr. Dodd,'
each of whom spoke. In delivering his
opinion, Sir William Scott dwelt upon the
merit of the salvors, and ended with a decree,
that one twentieth of the cargo should be
awarded to them.
There is a precision and elegance in the recorded opinions of this celebrated Judge of the
High Court of Admiralty in England, which
induced the Marquis of Lansdowne once to say
of them in the House of Commons, when Lord
Henry Petty, that they might be studied as 1819.
models of classic style, apart from their learning and ability. I had, therefore, been waiting
with curiosity to hear him deliver his opinion.
It disappointed me; perhaps because expectation had been raised too high. It was extemporaneous, or delivered without any notes that
were perceptible from my position ; neither
was it long; but his elocution did not appear
to me the best■; his manner was hesitating;
his sentences more than once got entangled,
and his words were sometimes recalled, that
others might be substituted.
But labor, it would seem, must be the condition of all high excellence; from which the
genius of this great jurist claimed no exemption. At a subsequent day in England, on one
of the many occasions when it was my good
fortune to be at the hospitable table of Sir
Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Coleridge was of the
company. Sir William Scott being spoken of,
and my admiration of his talents expressed,
under the salvo that we, in the United States,
could not always accede to his doctrines on
neutral rights, Mr. Coleridge said, that nothing
could exceed the care with which he wrote out
and corrected his opinions; that to the decree,
as orally pronounced in court, he of course held
himself bound ; but the language and arrangement he would vary at pleasure.    Not only 16
would he change words while the opinion was
passing through the press, but reconstruct
whole sentences ; and an instance was alluded
to in which, after an anxious correction of the
proof sheet, and a revise after that, the type
was nearly all pulled down to be set up again
for some better transposition of the sentences,
or improved juxtaposition of Ahe testimony, at
the last moments before publication. Such
was the severe judgment, even in matters of
style, of this chaste scholar and profound
{(How finish'd with illustrious toil, appears
This small, well-polish'd gem, the work of years !" 1819.
March 4. The Marquis of Lansdowne and
Mr. Wilberforce call upon me on the business
of the slave-trade. The former had written
me a note requesting the interview, and I
named to-day.
He said that, knowing the real anxiety of
the United States to see the downfall of the
slave-trade, the object of his and Mr. Wilber-
force's call upon me, which he remarked was
made in their private capacities, was, to know
whether I thought any mode remained by which
the co-operation of my Government with the
plan proposed to it by Great Britain for suppressing the trade, could still be obtained;
adding, that he believed no step would be
omitted here which might promise the least
hope of such a result; and further remarking,
that it was only of my own unofficial opinion
c 11
that they desired to receive an intimation, if
not objectionable with me to impart it. This
opened the door to general conversation on the
whole subject, in which they both took part.
His Lordship dwelt upon the advantages which
might be expected to flow from the co-operation
of the United States towards suppressing the
traffic, as so prominent a commercial and maritime power of the world; and expressed his
strong belief that the example of their union
with England could scarcely fail to produce,
sooner or later, an important influence upon
other nations. His direct inquiry was, whether
I thought, that if an Act of Parliament were
to pass, constituting all participation in the
slave-trade by British subjects piracy, upon
which an address might afterwards be framed
by both Houses of Parliament to the Crown,
requesting it to renew the proposal recently
made to the United States, there would be
any reason to suppose that they could be
brought to yield, under such a modification of
the overture, and upon such a basis, the right
of search ; or whether it would be best for
Great Britain to pass such an Act of her own
accord, and leave to the operation of time its
effect upon other nations.
.It is hardly necessary for me to speak of
Lord Lansdowne as a distinguished and leading
f # ■•3P
member of the Whig party in the House of
Peers ; or as having shown a desire to carry
forward in that body the anti-slave-trade cause;
or, I may add, as a nobleman possessing in an
eminent degree the respect and esteem of the
party to which he is opposed, while enjoying
the entire confidence of his own. It would be
as superfluous to speak of the philanthropy of
Mr. Wilberforce, or of his long and zealous
exertions in the House of Commons and otherwise, to put an end to the slave-trade. The aid
of such members to any plans of the Ministry
on this subject, (Mr. Wilberforce not being regularly of the ministerial party,) might well be
supposed to secure a support nearly, if not
entirely, unanimous in both Houses of Parliament; and hence, probably, the inducement
with both these gentlemen, in union with their
own sincere zeal in the cause, to this call upon
me. J|' t|| '    '.''.."
. In reply, I said that, speaking for the United
States without any authority, but giving only
my own private impressions, I should say that
the latter course would be best; that is, for
England to pass the piracy act suggested, as
on her own independent footing, and leave its
effects to time. The United States would, in
like manner, act upon their independent views
in a cause to the principles of which they had
c 2 20
already and long shown their devotion by substantial acts of legislation; followed up by
every step practicable, to render their legislation effective. I adverted to the constitutional
grounds which, in themselves, formed an impediment to their assent to the proposed naval
co-operation with Great Britain, and to our
general objections to the right of search. With
all my present impressions I was forced to say,
that I did not think that the United States
would be willing to subject their flag to the
innovation proposed, in time of peace; there
were so many recollections, fresh and painful,
connected with the searching of their vessels
on the high seas b^ the naval officers of Britain, that the renewal of the practice, under
whatever circumstances or for whatever purposes, might naturally be expected to encounter
strong dislike all over our country.
This is the substance of what passed on both
sides during a conversation which lasted about
an hour. I mixed with the expression of my
sentiments all the conciliation towards England proper in itself, and which their own manner inspired.
A few days before these gentlemen called,
Lord Castlereagh had sent me a parliamentary
document, comprising a variety of papers relative to the slave-trade, which exhibited all that 1819.
had then lately been done by the powers of
Europe on the subject. Amongst them was
also the note to me from his Lordship of the
20th of June, 1818, one from me in answer of
the 23rd of the same month, and a second
from me to his Lordship of the 21st of December, 1818. As the first of these notes constitutes the first approach ever made by England
to the United States for concerted naval operations for suppressing the slave-trade, perhaps
this may be a fit place for inserting it, together
with my notes in reply. These will show the
subject historically between the two Governments. It was followed up between them, in
my hands, on the part of our Government,
until near the close of my mission, as future
parts of this work will show, when my connexion with it ceased. The subject, at last,
ended in the eighth article of the Treaty of
Washington in 1842, negotiated by Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton, which provides that
each nation shall keep in service, on the coast
of Africa, a squadron of not less than eighty
guns, to act for the suppression of the trade, in
manner as the article points out—the article
being liable to annulment at the desire of
either party, after the expiration of five years.
His Lordship's first note to me, was as follows :— 22
i <
- f.
Foreign Office, June 20th, 1818.
Sir : ,||      ^ ' §§: :
The distinguished share which the Government of the United States has, from the
earliest period, borne in advancing the cause
of abolition,* makes the British Government
desirous of submitting to their favourable consideration whatever may appear to them calculated to bring about the final accomplishment
of this great work of humanity.
The laudable anxiety with which you personally interest yourself in whatever is passing
upon this important subject, will have led you
to perceive that, with the exception of the
Crown of Portugal, all European states have
now either actually prohibited the traffic in
slaves to their subjects, or fixed an early period
for its cessation; whilst Portugal has also renounced it to the north of the equator. From
May, 1820, there will not be a flag wjiich can
legally cover this detested traffic to the north
of the line, and there is reason to hope that
the Portuguese may also ere long be prepared
to abandon it to the south of the equator;
but so long as some effectual concert is not
established amongst the principal maritime
powers for preventing  their  respective  flags
* This word, as here used, meant abolition of the slave-trade. 1819.
from being made a cover for an illicit slave-
trade, there is but too much reason to fear
(whatever be the state of the law upon this
subject), that the evil will continue to exist,
and, in proportion as it assumes a contraband
form, that it will be carried on under the
most aggravating circumstances of cruelty and
desolation. --.'.,
It is from a deep conviction of this truth,
founded upon experience, that the British
Government, in all its negotiations upon this
subject, has endeavoured to combine a system
of alliance for the suppression of this most
abusive practice, with the engagements which
it has succeeded in lately contracting with the
Governments of Spain and Portugal for a total,
or partial, abolition of the slave-trade. I have
now the honor to enclose to you copies of the
treaties which have been happily concluded
with those powers, together with the acts
which have recently passed the Legislature
for carrying the same into execution. -
jl I have also the satisfaction to transmit to
you a copy of a treaty which has been recently
concluded with the King of the Netherlands
for the like purpose, though at too late a
period in the Session to admit of its provisions
receiving the sanction of Parliament. I am
induced  the more particularly  to call your If I
attention to this convention, as it contains certain provisions which are calculated to limit,
in some respects, the powers mutually conceded by the former treaties, in a manner
which, without essentially weakening their
force, may render them more acceptable to the
contracting parties.
The intimate knowledge which you possess
of this whole subject, renders it unnecessary
for me, in requesting you to bring these documents to the observation of your Government,
to accompany them with any more detailed
explanation ; what I have earnestly to beg of
you is, to bring them under the serious consideration of the President, intimating to hirii
the strong wish of the British Government*
that the exertions of the two states may be
combined upon a somewhat similar principle,
in order to put down this great moral disobedience, wherever it may be committed, to the
laws of both countries. I am confident this
cannot effectually be done, except by mutually
conceding to each other's ships of war a qualified right of search, with a power of detaining
the vessels of either state with slaves actually
on board.
You will perceive in these conventions a
studious, and I trust a successful attempt, to
narrow and limit this power within due bounds, 1819.
and to guard it against perversion. If the
American Government is disposed to enter into
a similar concert, and can suggest any further
regulations the better to obviate abuse, this
Government will be most ready to listen to
any suggestion of this nature; their only object being to contribute, by every effort in
their power, to put an end to this disgraceful
I have the honour to be, with great truth,
Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
Richard Rush, Esq., &c.
The italics are as used in the original note.
The following was my first answer :—
London, June 28rd, 1818.    51, Baker Street.
My Lord :
I have been honoured with your note of
the 20th of this month, enclosing copies of
treaties recently concluded between this Government and the Governments of Portugal,
Spain, and the Netherlands respectively, in relation to the slave-trade, and designed to draw
the attention of the Government of the United
States to this subject with a view to its cooperation, upon principles similar to those held
out in these treaties, in measures that may 26
tend to the more complete and universal abolition of the trade. pf
The United States, from an early day of
their history, have regarded with uniform abhorrence the existence of a traffic attended by
such complications of misery and guilt. Its
transcendant evils roused throughout all ranks
a corresponding zeal for their extirpation ;
one step followed another until humanity
triumphed, and against the continuance of the
trade in any shape by their own citizens, the
most absolute prohibitions of their laws have,
for a period of more than ten years, been
rigorously, and it is hoped effectually, levelled.
This allusion to the earnest efforts of the
United States to put down the traffic within
their own limits, merely falls in with the tribute your Lordship has so justly paid to their
early exertions in helping to dry up this prolific source of human woe.
Whether any causes may throw obstacles
in the way of their uniting in that concert of
external measures in which Europe generally,
and this nation in particular, are now so happily engaged, the more effectually to banish
from the world this great enormity, I dare not,
in the absence of all instructions, presume to
intimate ; much less have I any opinion of my
own to offer upon a subject so full of delicacy
sV- 1819.
and interest. But it is left for me to say, that
I shall perform a grateful duty in transmitting,
by the* earliest opportunity, copies of your
Lordship's note, and the documents which accompanied it, to my Government; and I sufficiently know the permanent sensibility which
pervades all its counsels upon this subject to
promise, that the overture which the former
embraces, will receive from the President the
full consideration due to its importance, and
to the enlarged philanthropy on the part of
this Government by which it has been dictated.
I have the honor to be, with the highest
consideration, your Lordship's obedient faithful Servant, Richard Rush.
The Right Hon. Lord Viscount Castlereagh,
His Majesty's principal Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs.
His Lordship's note and the documents were
promptly forwarded to my Government, and on
receiving its instructions, I addressed to him
the note following: viz.,
The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States, has the honor to present his compliments to Lord Castlereagh.
In the note of the 23rd of June, which the
undersigned had the honor to address to his 28
Lordship in answer to his Lordship's communication of the .20th of the same month, relative
to the slave trade, the undersigned had great
pleasure in giving the assurance that he would
transmit a copy of that communication to his
Government, with the documents which accompanied it, being copies of treaties entered
into, on the part of Great Britain, with Spain,
Portugal, and the Netherlands, for the more
complete abolition of the odious traffic in
slaves. He accordingly lost no time in fulfilling that duty, and has now the honor to inform
his Lordship of the instructions with which he
has been furnished by his Government in reply.
He has been distinctly instructed, in the
first place, to make known the sensibility of the
President to the friendly spirit of confidence
in which these treaties and the legislative measures founded upon them, have been communicated to the United States; and to the
invitation which has been given^that they
would join in the same or similar arrangements, the more effectually to accomplish the
beneficent object to which they look. He is
further commanded to give the strongest assurances, that the solicitude of the United States
for the universal extirpation of this traffic,
continues with all the earnestness which has
so long and steadily distinguished the course
fet. »
of their policy in relation to it. Of their general prohibitory law of 1807, it is unnecessary
that the undersigned should speak, his Lordship being already apprized of its provisions;
amongst which the authority to employ the
national force as auxiliary to its execution will
not have escaped attention. But he has it in
charge to make known, as a new pledge of
their unremitting and active desire for the
abolition of the slave-trade, that, so lately as
the month of April last, another Act of Congress was passed, by which not only are the
citizens and vessels of the United States interdicted from carrying on, or being in any
way engaged in the trade, but in which also
the best precautions that legislative enactments
can devise, or their penalties enforce, are raised
up against the introduction into their territories, of slaves from abroad under whatever
pretext attempted, and especially from dominions which lie* more immediately in their
neighbourhood. A copy of this act is herewith enclosed for the more particular information of his Lordship. That peculiarity in the
eighth section which throws upon a defendant
the labor of proof as the condition of acquittal,
the undersigned persuades himself will be regarded as signally manifesting an anxiety to
suppress the § hateful traffic,   departing as it
mtm ^*"
does, from the~ principle of criminal jurisprudence which so generally requires the independent and positive establishment of guilt as
the first step in criminal prosecutions. To
measures of such a character, thus early
adopted and steadily pursued, the undersigned
is further commanded to say, that the Government of the United States, acting within the
pale of its constitutional powers, will always
be ready to superadd any others that experience
may prove to be necessary for attaining the
desirable end in view.
But on examining the provisions of the
treaties which your Lordship honored the undersigned by communicating to him, it has
appeared to the President, that their essential
articles are of a character not adapted to the
circumstances or to the institutions of the
United States.
The powers agreed to be given to the ships
of war of either party, to search, capture, and
carry into port for adjudication, the merchant
vessels of the other, however qualified, is connected with the establishment, by each treaty,
of two mixed courts, one of which is to have
its seat in the colonial possessions of the parties
respectively. The institution of such tribunals is necessarily regarded as fundamental to
the whole arrangement, whilst their peculiar
I 1819.
structure is doubtless intended, and would
seem to be indispensable, towards imparting
to it a just reciprocity. But to this part of
the system the United States, having no Colonies upon the coast of Africa, in the West
Indies, or elsewhere, cannot give effect.
Moreover, the powers of government in the
United States, whilst they can only be exercised within the grants, are also subject to the
restrictions of the federal constitution. By
the latter instrument, all judicial power is to
be vested in a Supreme Court, and in such
other inferior courts, as Congress may from
time to time ordain and establish. It further
provides, that the judges of these courts shall
hold their offices during good behaviour, and
be removable on impeachment and conviction
of crimes and misdemeanors. There are serious doubts whether, obeying the spirit of these
injunctions, the Government of the United
States would be competent to appear as party
to the institution of a court for carrying into
execution their penal statutes in places out of
their own territory; a court consisting partly
of foreign judges, not liable to impeachment
under the authority of the United States, and
deciding upon their statutes without appeal.
Again : obstacles would exist towards giving
validity to the disposal of the negroes found 32
ori board the slave-trading vessels, condemned
by the sentence of the mixed courts. If they
should be delivered over to the Government of
the United States as freemen, they could not,
but by their own consent, be employed as servants or free laborers. The condition of negroes and other people of colour in the United
States, being regulated by the municipal laws
of the separate States, the Government of the
former could neither guarantee their liberty in
the States where they could only be received
as slaves, nor control them in the States where
they would be recognized as free. The provisions of the fifth section of the Act of Congress
which the undersigned has the honor to enclose, will be seen to point to this obstacle, and
may be taken as still further explanatory of its
These are some of the principal reasons
which arrest the assent of the President to the
very frank and friendly overture contained in
your Lordship's communication. Having their
foundation in constitutional impediments, the
Government of his Britannic Majesty will
know how to appreciate their force. It will
be seen how compatible they are with the most
earnest wishes on the part of the United States
that the measures concerted by these treaties
may   bring about the total  downfall  of the 1819.
traffic in human blood, and with their determination to co-operate to the utmost extent of
their constitutional power towards this great
consummation, so imperiously due at the hands
of all nations to the past wrongs and sufferings
of Africa.
The undersigned prays Lord Castlereagh to
accept the assurances of his distinguished consideration.
Richard Rush.
London, December 21st, 1818.
It was to the non-assent conveyed in this
last note, that Lord Lansdowne had reference,
when he made his inquiries as to the hope of
removing it on the ground stated. It will be
seen hereafter to what extent, and upon what
conditions, the United States yielded up their
refusal. One of the parliamentary documents
sent to me by Lord Castlereagh, attests how
unequivocal had been the refusal of France, at
that epoch, to allow her vessels to be boarded
and searched at sea for slaves. Nevertheless,
it would appear, from a passage in a note from
his Lordship to Lord Bathurst, dated the 10th
of December, at Paris—the last paper in the
series—that the former still indulged a sanguine expectation that the French Government
might be brought, at no distant day, to reconsider its refusal.
D 34
March 5. Visit Weeks's Museum, in Tich-
borne Street, which consists chiefly of specimens of mechanism. There were birds that
not only sung, but hopped from stick to stick
in their cages; there were mice made of pearl,
that could run about nimbly; there were human figures of full-size playing on musical
instruments, in full band—though neither musicians, nor mice, nor birds, had a particle of
life in them. There were silver swans swimming in water, serpents winding themselves 1819.
up trees, tarantulas running backwards and
forwards—all equally without life; in short, a
collection too numerous and curious for me
to attempt to describe. There were clocks
of curious workmanship, and in great variety.
Besides being musical, some of them, in the
shape of temples, were ornamented in the
richest manner. The proprietor said that his
collection in clocks alone was of the value of
thirty thousand pounds sterling. His entire
collection he valued at four hundred thousand
pounds. It was prepared for the Chinese
market, where such articles would be in demand at the prices he put upon them; so he
confidently said, though valuing some of his
birds at a thousand guineas a-piece. He said
that the Government of China would not permit the English to have intercourse with them
for such purposes, and seemed to be in present
despair; but he added, that I one of these
days England will oblige China to receive her
wares, by making her feel the strong arm of
her power." The outside of this museum,
looks like a common shop for umbrellas and
other small wares; as, in fact, it is in front.
No one in passing along would ever dream of
what it contains as you advance inside, and
get towards the rear.
It may  be taken   perhaps as one  of the
D 2
—     —— 36
evidences of the immensity of London, that
although I occasionally spoke of this collection
in society afterwards, I hardly met with any
one who had as much as heard of it. It was
not, to be sure, a place in which to pass whole
days, as in the British Museum, where I have
been—that repository of the memorials of
genius, science, literature, history, and the
arts; but it was a remarkable sample of that
exquisite subdivision in mechanical genius, in
a field bearing neither upon the useful nor
fine arts, to be found only in a vast metropolis. The interior mechanism of the little
spider was said to be composed of more than
one hundred distinct pieces. My attention
had been drawn to the collection by a friend
from Canada, with whom I went to see it.
What the proprietor said about the trade between England and China, I copy precisely as
I wrote down his words, nearly five-and-twenty
years ago; and it would seem as if he had
spoken in a prophetic spirit. He himself is
in all probability no longer among the living,
for he told us that he was seventy-six years
old; but if he left descendants, he may have
indulged in the same prediction to them as to
me ; and if the collection came to their hands,
a market for it in China may give them at last
the benefit of their ancestor's ingenuity in so
sm 1819.
curious a line of British art. The Emperor
Charles the Fifth in his retirement, had,
among his other pastimes, puppets that moved
like men; but it is not added, I believe, that
they could play on musical instruments, like
Mr. Weeks's.
March 14. Went to church at the Royal
Chapel, Whitehall. This was once the great
Banqueting-room of the ancient Palace of
Whitehall. Directly in front of it, before the
large window, on a scaffold erected for the
purpose, Charles the First was beheaded.
The whole service seemed the more impressive,
within a building calculated to call up in the
mind of a stranger, for the first time there,
associations of royal banquets and royal agony.
A regiment of the foot guards attended, and
sat in the gallery.
March 18. Went to the Levee at Carlton
House. It was very full. Being the first held
since the Queen's death, everybody wore mourning. The Archduke Maximilian was there.
Speaking of him with M. De Neuman, the
latter represented him as among the best informed princes in Europe. I again had some
conversation with him about the United States,
on his introduction of the subject. Next I
conversed with Lord Castlereagh, who said
among   other   things, speaking of the Aus- 38
trian Court, that at the Congress of Vienna
in 1815, the Emperor entertained all the
Sovereigns, Princes, and Ministers, then assembled in that capital; keeping them all at his
own expense, as long as they stayed, and providing houses or palaces for their residences.
Some idea, he said, might be formed of the
scale on which it was done, when he mentioned
that the principal Equerry to the Emperor
had orders to have several hundred horses in
readiness daily, for the accommodation and
pleasure of these his distinguished guests, and
all who moved in their train. Not only were
tables provided for all, but each of the guests,
including secretaries, aids, and attaches, were
desired to bring to the tables any of their
friends whom the great events of Europe
might have drawn to that capital. I ventured
to intimate that such imperial hospitality,
having no House of Commons or House of Representatives to call for its items, was doubtless agreeable to those who dispensed, and to
those who received it; at which point of our
conversation, his Lordship's attention being
drawn off by a member of the cabinet, we
separated. He approached me again in an
hour, to request that I would call upon him at
his private residence on the 21st, having something to say to me on Spanish affairs. 1819.
March 21. Call on Lord Castlereagh, according to appointment. His house had just
been undergoing repairs, particularly in window glass, from the effects of some acts of violence committed upon it by the mob at the
recent special election for Westminster.
He informed me that, since our last conversation on Spanish affairs, the subject of the
mediation had taken a decisive turn. Spain
had finally declined all mediating offices; there
seemed, therefore, to be an end of the whole
matter, as regarded any further steps to be
taken by England, or by the powers of Europe.
He recapitulated the history of this proffered
mediation, now come to nothing ; he went over
grounds connected with its origin and progress ; adverted to what had passed at Aix-la-
Chapelle, and said, that if the mediation had
been acted upon, the plan of the Allies was,
that Spain should concede to such of her Colonies as had not been in general revolt, the
same terms, as far as applicable to their future
government, as were proposed to be granted
to those which had openly resisted her authority. He also said, that it had been suggested
that some individual, in whom Spain herself,
as well as the Allies, had confidence, should be
selected to go to Madrid, with full powers
from the latter in the whole business of the 40
mediation. The Duke of Wellington had
been designated as the person ; but Spain had
not acceded to the proposition. He observed,
further, that Spain had made a request to send
a representative to the Congress at Aix-la-
Chapelle ; but this was not deemed of a nature
to be acquiesced in. These were the main
points mentioned by his Lordship, not stated
to me on former occasions. He remarked,
that the inference from all was, that Spain had
now resolved to rely upon her own efforts by
sea and land, and on the supplies of her own
treasury, for putting down rebellion throughout all the dominions of Ferdinand. This
resolution had come about, he added, through
the change of ministry in that country; an
event which took place at about the time of
the assemblage of the Sovereigns at Aix-la-
Chapelle. His Lordship concluded by remarking, that this rejection of the mediation
would not influence the course which Great
Britain would otherwise have adopted under
the communication I made to him last month,
about our intended recognition of Buenos
Ayres; meaning, as he explained, that it had
created no unfriendly sensibility in the British
Cabinet towards Spain, however inexpedient
her course might be thought.
This subject being disposed of for the pre- 1819.
sent, I took the opportunity of bringing to his
Lordship's notice some additional proof of the
guilt of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, applicable,
in this instance, chiefly to the former. It was
contained in a printed document received in
a late dispatch, from the Secretary of State,
presenting the I Talk" sent by Oponey, a chief
of the Upper Creek Indians, in March 1817, to
the Big Warrior, principal chief of that nation.
I described the nature of this talk, and its
unequivocal bearing upon Arbuthnot's guilt.
His Lordship not being certain whether Mr.
Bagot had transmitted the pamphlet which
contained it, I put a copy into his hands, with
references to the proper passages. He listened
to all I said, and not without interest; remarking, that the subject would come before Parliament, Lord Lansdowne having intimated
to Lord Liverpool his intention of moving it
in the House of Peers. He further remarked,
that the course which the investigation had
taken in the House of Representatives at
Washington, was calculated to embarrass the
Cabinet of England, the speeches of our own
members having sharply denounced General
Jackson. These, he said, were cited and dwelt
upon in the English journals, and cast by the
Opposition into the teeth of the Ministry, who
had viewed the subjects in lights different
from those members of Congress. 42
I next made his Lordship acquainted with
the circumstances of the outrage committed
upon the Consul of the United States at Tripoli, in September, by some negro slaves of an
officer of the Bashaw, and of the part acted by
the British Consul on the occasion ; to whom
a declaration was imputed, that all that he
had done was under the orders of his Government. : I found that the matter was new to
Lord Castlereagh ; but he said at once, that
there never could have been any orders or in-
structions of any description whatever, going
to sanction unfriendly treatment towards our
public officers, or any of our citizens in that
quarter. He added, that the concerns of the
British Government with the Barbary powers
were under the more immediate cognizance of
the Colonial department, and referred me to
Lord Bathurst for further conversation respecting this case, or whatever representations
it might call for.
Before our interview closed, I spoke of the
right of search; I said it was in vain to disguise the sensitive feeling which the people
of the United States had, whenever its exercise on the high seas was proposed, no matter what the object; and consequently my
fears for the result of his proposal to us about
the   slave-trade.     He  replied,   that   he  was 1819.
aware of our objections, but added, that as
he did not despair of France and Russia conceding it in the end, notwithstanding all that
had passed at Aix-la-Chapelle, he would not
surrender the hope that we too would give
up our scruples, at a future day, for the sake
of carrying forward so great a cause.
March 22nd. Dined at the Marquis of
Lansdowne's. The Duke of Bedford, Prince
Poniatowski, Sir James Macintosh, Count Lu-
dolf, Mr. Adair, former Ambassador from England at Constantinople, and Mr. Alexander
Baring* were of the company. I sat next
to Sir James Macintosh. He spoke in the
highest terms of our host, remarking, that his
talents were of the first order, and his temper and discretion equal to his talents.
All my impressions go to confirm these
opinions; yet, I fear that he means to take
part against us in the case of Arbuthnot and
Ambrister, not only from what Lord Castlereagh said yesterday, but other indications.
Before going to dinner, his servant brought
in one of the evening papers. His Lordship
opening it for a moment, noticed the news
which had arrived in the morning, of the
House of Representatives having refused to
pass a vote of censure on General Jackson.   He
* Since Lord Ashburton. 44
simply read over the vote, the Duke of Bedford, Mr. Baring, and Sir James Macintosh,
listening. The majority against censuring
him, being forty-six, his Lordship supposed it
to be small, and looked to me for information.
I remarked, that it would rather be considered
large for our House of Representatives; a
body much less numerous than the House of
Commons. No comments were made, or any
political subject alluded to afterwards in that
classic dining-room, where it was not for the
first time I had been a guest.
After dinner I had renewed conversations
with Sir James Macintosh. Alluding to the
style of speaking in the House of Commons,
he characterised it by saying, that " the true
light in which to consider it, was as animated conversation on public business;99 and
he added, that it was "rare for any speech
to succeed in that body which was raised on
3,ny other basis." He thought Mr. Brougham
the first man in the house for various and
universal information on political subjects;
Mr. Canning and Mr. Plunkett, on the whole,
the first orators. Mr. Canning, he said, excelled all the rest in language.
So spoke, in few and significant words, oh
an ample subject, this deep and calm observer
of men and  things, this  profound  master in 1819.
speculative thought; to me ever instructive
when I meet him; the modern Burke, for so
I must consider him; wanting, to be sure,
his diligence and energy in carrying onward
great public affairs, but scarcely inferior in
mental powers under the highest state of
discipline; in conversation, uniting, condensation to knowledge the most abundant and
various, and so benignant in temper that
you never hear him harsh upon any one ; his
powers of analysis seeming to delight (so it
has ever been when I have heard him talk)
in justly discriminating the talents and virtues
of his great contemporaries; nor does he keep
back the merit of political opponents, whilst
true to his own faith. How rare such a man,
and what a model for politicians ! -,#.;"■
March 23rd. The vote of the House of
Representatives, refusing to pass censure on
General Jackson, has produced a slight depression in the English funds. The newspapers break out into violent language! Some
of them, in attempting to account for the
injustice and ferocity with which, as they say,
it brands our character, insist that it must
arise from the existence of negro slavery
among us. The Morning Chronicle, a jour-?
nal of deservedly high character with the
Whigs, seems of this opinion. Strange opinion! 46
when the southern planters in the states
where slavery exists as planted by the laws of
England, yield to no part of our population in
solid virtues, and in all the elements which
go to make up that high character—the gentleman. That Washington was the growth of
our southern soil, ought, of itself, to save it
from such inconsiderate denunciations.
March 25. News arrives of the cession of the
Floridas by Spain to the United States. The
English papers raise a clamor, charging ambition and rapacity upon the United States.
They say nothing of the acquisitions which
England has been making in all parts of the
globe, by her arms or policy, since the days
of Elizabeth and Cromwell. Even if we were
to show some tincture of this quality, still, as
her own children, disposed to act in her own
spirit, her journalists might make allowances;
but, in fact, we acquire Florida by fair treaty;
we give Spain the quid pro quo to the uttermost farthing; and the last thing that I anticipate is complaint from a mind like Lord
Castlereagh's.        ^  ■■ --W    - - -        *
So expressing myself of Lord Castlereagh, I
will go farther. In the preceding volume of
this work I have borne testimony to what I
believe to have been the liberal views of this
Foreign Secretary of England in regard to the
tL 1819.
relations between our two countries; and I now
desire to do it again, on authentic grounds.
The convention of last October produced
complaint among portions of the people, both
of England and the United States; as is apt
to be the case after air treaties between ambitious nations approaching, in any points, to
rivalry. There were parts of the convention
hot relished on our side; and those who were
interested in the British North American
fisheries, clamored exceedingly at the article
about the fisheries, alleging that England had
surrendered everything to the United States.
They even asked pecuniary indemnification
from the English Governihent for what it had
given up. Lord Castlereagh, in alluding to
these clamors, said to me, that his Government was unmoved by them; and that he
thought it of less moment which of the parties
gained a little more or lost a little more by
the compact, than thattso difficult a point
should be adjusted, and the harmony of the
two countries, so far, be made secure; adding his belief, on full examination, that each
party had gained every substantial advantage
needed. This was true wisdom. I did not
fail to communicate his sentiments to my Government. Out-door clamor lis little aware
of the difficulties which Governments often 48
experience in arranging clashing interests between great nations; and too little inclined
to ask, whether it is not better, sometimes, for
each to abate a little, than determine to face
all the consequences of standing out too stiffly
on ground taken at first.
April 27. Having received information
through our consul at Liverpool, and the
American Chamber of Commerce of that
town, that the collectors of light money and
pilotage continue to demand on all vessels
from the United States frequenting that port
the rates of light money and pilotage payable
on foreign vessels, I this day wrote Lord
Castlereagh, the subjoined note:
The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States, has the honor to present his compliments to Lord Castlereagh.
On the 28th of September last, the undersigned had the honor to address a note to
Lord Bathurst respecting certain extra duties
and charges which, notwithstanding the provisions of the convention of the 3rd of July
1815, were levied upon vessels of the United
States entering the ports of Great Britain, to
the contents of which he prays at this time
to call the attention of Lord Castlereagh. 1819.
It is with renewed concern that the undersigned is obliged to state, that, since the
period of his above note, information has
reached him, that the collectors of light
money and pilotage at Liverpool have continued to demand on all American ships ; and
that the masters or consignees of the latter
have ever since been forced to pay the rates
of light money and pilotage payable on foreign
vessels, instead of those payable on British
vessels, as stipulated by the convention. These
extra duties, it is true, are refunded to the
American claimants, on application being
made to that effect; but it is distinctly represented to the undersigned, that the return cannot be had until the application has
been made by the claimants, first at Liverpool,
and afterwards in London, at an expense, including the whole proceeding, of not less than
ten per cent, upon the amount due to them.
It is plain that so long as they are put to
any expense whatever in recovering back sums
which, under the convention, were not originally due, its provisions are not substantially
executed; and it seems alike obvious, that
more or less expense must always be incurred, as long as the necessity and burden of
the application for refunding is made to fall
upon the claimants.
E ■-
The undersigned has been specially instructed
by his Government to draw the attention of
Lord Castlereagh to this subject; and he is
persuaded that nothing beyond this is necessary to induce his Lordship to cause the necessary orders to be issued to the proper
officers at all the ports of the kingdom, but
more especially at Liverpool, to exact in future no other or higher duties or charges on
American vessels, for any purpose whatever,
than those fixed by the convention between
the two countries; a measure becoming the
more important from the duration of that instrument having been happily extended to a
further term of ten years.
The undersigned takes advantage of this
opportunity to tender to Lord Castlereagh the
assurances of his distinguished consideration.
Richard Rush.
To the Right Honourable Lord Viscount
Castlereagh, his Majesty's principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 1819.
May 3. Dined with Prince Esterhazy, the
Austrian Ambassador. The dinner was given
to the new French Ambassador, the Marquis
Latour Maubourg, lately arrived at the English court as successor to the Marquis d'Os-
mond, recalled, it was understood, at his own
request, not wishing to remain after the Duke
of Richelieu ceased to be Minister of Foreign
Affairs in France. The company was large,
consisting of ambassadors, ministers, plenipotentiary and charges; the Marquis of An-
glesea, the Prince of Hesse Philippsthal, and
other guests. *&
Dinner was announced at eight o'clock, and
E 2 ^J*""8"
after the company were seated, an incident
probably struck all. On the right of Prince
Esterhazy sat the new French Ambassador,
as chief guest, and on his left were the Prince
of Hesse Philippsthal and the Marquis of An-
glesea. Amongst these three, there were but
three legs. The French Ambassador had lost
one of his in the French service at the battle
of Leipsic; the Prince of Hesse Philipsthal,
one of his, at the battle of Borodino, in the
Russian service ; and the Marquis of Angle-
sea, one of his, at the battle of Waterloo.
When I attended the Prince Regent's first
levee, my attention was drawn to the number
of maimed and wounded English officers present ; and here, this evening, were accidentally assembled, side by side, three of different
nations, each without a limb.
Getting back to the drawing-rooms to coffee,
I made the acquaintance of the French Ambassador. His fame as a general of cavalry in
the armies of France, is a part of history.
His friends dwell with pride on the charge
he made upon a body of horse at the battle
of Leipsic; upon which occasion the Emperor
of Russia was in danger of captivity. His
troops called him the Bayard of France ; and
he appears as attractive by his gentle manners,
as he was formidable in war. 1819.
In conversation with the Marquis of An-
glesea, he asked whether the United States
had not lost much of the carrying trade since the
general peace; and while on this topic, also
asked whether large portions of the seamen
in our public ships during the war had not
been British. I said, in reference to the
latter, that the impression seemed very general in England, to be such as his question
implied, but was not borne out by facts;
many British seamen were, undoubtedly, found
in our merchant vessels in time of peace, as
ours were found in the merchant vessels of
other nations, though not in such numbers ;
but from our public vessels, we carefully excluded foreign seamen, and had done so in
ah especial manner, by positive orders, during
the late war; doubtless some had got on
board, notwithstanding, but the number was
extremely small.
: As to the carrying trade, I remarked, that
we had lost much of it, but our tonnage held
its own through the increase of the coasting
trade, and increasing export of our home productions ; which, being generally bulky, called
for a large amount of tonnage for their transportation.
May 6. Dined at Lord Teignmouth's.
The  Bishop of Doyne,  Lord Gambier,  Mr. 54
Grant; Mr. John Owen, and a few others, in
addition to the family of Lord Teignmouth,
were of the company.
I asked Mr. Grant, who was a Director of
the East India Company, if it were publicly
known what objects, commercial or other,* had
brought to London the Persian Ambassador—
Mirza Abul Hassan Khan. He said that he
was not informed of them; that from Great
Britain to Persia, not a ship sailed at present,
as far as he knew, and there was not much,
if anv, communication between the two coun-
tries over-land. The only intercourse which
existed, was that of a few vessels going from
British India to the coasts of the Gulf of
Ormus, and Persian Gulf, where they carried
articles of British manufacture. For these,
payment was made in the gold coins of Venice,
which had continued to circulate in that part
of Persia, since the days when Venetian commerce took the lead in the East. Lord Teignmouth said that the sequin was still struck
at Venice, and found its way through Turkey
into Persia. His Lordship could well join
in this part of the conversation, having been
a traveller into Persia, and understanding its
After dinner we found a party assembling
in   the   drawing-rooms,  amongst  whom   was 1819.
Lord Hill, whose acquaintance I made, and
whose military reputation in England seems
scarcely second to any but the Duke of Wellington. ' ■ ib.  .     ._ :||:
I count it a good fortune to have enjoyed
the acquaintance of Lord Teignmouth, and
to have lived in his neighbourhood in London.
Not speaking of him here as Governor-General
of India whilst Sir John Shore, and performing great duties in the empire which Clive
founded and the Wellesleys extended, or as
a scholar and author, I will barely say that,
besides the hospitalities acceptable to a stranger
which I received from him, I would gratefully
allude also to other and more touching kindnesses from himself and Lady Teignmouth
when death entered our domicile. It was
then that they did what only the kindest
friends do.
May 7. Called on Mr. Robinson, President
of the Board of Trade, under a special appointment : he is now also of the Cabinet.
I represent to him the inconvenience to which
our citizens are put by the demands still made
at Liverpool for extra duties and charges upon
their vessels, and request that the practice
may cease, as matter of right to the American
merchant and ship-owner. He informs me
that he was devising a plan which he hoped
MW'jjLJW^^Sj 56
to mature very soon, the object of which was,
not to require payment in the first instance
of any alien duties or port charges by our
vessels ; as the obtaining of them back must
always be attended with trouble, even if expense could be avoided. I said that this was
the only course to be taken, and the one which
our citizens claimed under the convention of
1815. He agreed to this construction of it,
and gave me to understand that it would be
brought about.
May 8. It does not come within my intention to notice the correspondence I carried
on during my mission with the consuls of the
United States residing at the ports of Great
Britain, the extent and importance of whose
duties are not perhaps sufficiently considered
by our Government. My correspondence with
them was far too frequent to attempt even
summary allusions to it, though sometimes it
embraced subjects of high and delicate international concern ; but a letter to the consul
at Liverpool written to-day is inserted, relating, as it mainly does, to the construction of
the convention between the two countries, and
following up, as it also does, the subject of
the preceding memorandum, and of my note
to Lord Castlereagh of the 27th of April. I
give it therefore entire.
'V^fcS-* 1819.
Legation of the United States,
London, May 8th, 1819.
Dear Sir,
Unavoidable Icauses have prevented my
answering at an earlier day several of your
late communications : I now proceed to do so.
Respecting the demands still made upon
our vessels at Liverpool of alien duties for
pilotage and light money, of which American
citizens, or those representing them in this
country, with so much reason complain, I have
addressed a note to Lord Castlereagh, requesting that the practice may cease.
It is not the first time I have had occasion
to address this Government officially to the
same purport. I have also called upon Mr.
Robinson, President of the Board of Trade
and a member of the Cabinet, and had a conversation with him on the subject. My application to him distinctly was, that our citizens
be freed altogether from any demand whatever for these extra duties. It is to this complete exemption that they are entitled under
the convention. If they are made to pay in
the first instance, it cannot be expected that
the amount can be refunded to them without
trouble, even if expense could be avoided ;
and it is as little just to expose them to the
one as the other.    Mr. Robinson promised ah 58
early attention to my application ; and I hope
that the result may prove satisfactory to the
just expectations of our citizens, as I shall feel
at a loss, in a contrary issue, what further measures to take on their behalf without new instructions from home. But I cannot doubt
the friendly dispositions of this Government,
and of course its desire to do all that is just
and proper on the occasion. This will be an
answer to your letter of the 17th of April,
which enclosed a copy of the memorial from
the American Chamber of Commerce at Liverpool to the Lords of the Treasury.
I do not feel so clear as to the ground on
which our ship-owners stand, respecting the
export duty upon coals, as set forth in the
paper accompanying your letter of the 28th
of April. The convention protects us against
any higher duties than could be laid on an
exportation of the article to any other foreign
country; and places vessels of the United
States in all respects upon the same footing
with British vessels. But it seems that twenty-
two shillings sterling a chaldron is not higher
than the sum charged on an exportation to
other countries; and that this sum is to be
charged when the article is taken to the
United States in a British, in the same manner as when taken in an American ship.    I
I 1819.
therefore have my doubts at present in what
particular the convention is violated, and will
come to no final opinion, but wait further explanations.
As regards the point stated in your letter
of the 13th of April, I do not feel free to
express an opinion upon it. It grows out of
an Act of Congress long in operation, but differently viewed, it seems, by our different consuls in these dominions, and the construction
of which has now been submitted to the Secretary of State for his decision. In this state
of the question I cannot interpose.
On the case presented by your letter of
the 6th of this month, I am of opinion that
where the facts establish a mutiny, the men
are not entitled to three months extra wages
on being discharged by the captain in a foreign port. The Act of Congress never could
have intended that American seamen should
be allowed to make profit of their crimes.
This would be the case if, when the master
is obliged to discharge them for criminal conduct, they could demand this bounty. The
entire spirit of the Act imports that their
title to it was to rest on other grounds, and
it is of the essence of every law not to be
construed in a manner to work consequences
pernicious or absurd.    The documents which 60
you  transmitted  to  me  on  this  subject  are
I examined your accounts for the quarter
ending on the 31st of Mairch, and have given
Mr. Williams a draft in your favour upon the
Messieurs Barings for 609/. 14*. 5d., the sum
appearing to be due to you.
Your letter of the 1st of this month, and
the dispatches to me which it announced from
the department of State, came safely to hand.
With great respect and esteem, I am, dear
Sir, your obliged servant,
Richard Rush.
James   Maury,  Esquire,  Consul of the
United States, Liverpool.
In regard to the accounts of the consul
above referred to, it may be stated that it devolved upon me to examine those of all the
consuls of the United States in Great Britain
and Ireland every quarter, and pay them the
money due which Congress provided; the
whole of which fund, as far as concerned our
consuls in Great Britain, was subject to my
drafts in the hands of our bankers in London,
the Barings, Brothers and Company. This
was a most inappropriate duty with which to
charge the Minister, and from which, I believe,
he has of late years been absolved.    The chief 1819.
expenditures of the consuls were, indeed, in
advancement of a highly useful policy in the
Government of the United States, viz., the support and relief of destitute or distressed American seamen in any of the ports of Great
Britain or Ireland. Without consulting documents enabling me to be accurate, I should
probably be within bounds in saying, that the
aggregate of my payments to all these consuls
in the course of a single year sometimes exceeded twenty thousand dollars.
May 11. Dined with the Spanish Ambassador, the Duke of San Carlos. The dinner
was given to the Marquis and Marchioness
Latour Maubourg. All the diplomatic corps ;
the Duke of Wellington; Count Chickanaro;
Mr. Hamilton, one of the Under Secretaries
of State for the Foreign Department; and several others were of the company. With the
Duke of San Carlos I had an exchange of congratulations on the prospect of seeing Spain
and the United States placed by the late
treaty of Florida upon friendly terms, though
the treaty is yet unratified. ||
His approach to me for this purpose, a
minute or two after I entered the room as
his guest, was with a grace noticed by some
of the diplomatic corps, none of whom, probably, were strangers to the diplomatic cool- &*%
ness between the two nations at Washington,
before the treaty was concluded. All see in
this Ambassador from the still proud old Court
of Madrid, a high specimen of the Spanish
At dinner, I was next to the Neapolitan
Minister, and Mr. Hamilton. Amongst other
topics, we had that of the Persian Ambassador's
visit to London. Mr. Hamilton supposed that
one of its objects was to obtain, through the
good offices of England, some modification of a
treaty of peace, concluded a few years ago
between Persia and Russia, which Sir Gore
Ouseley, then English Ambassador in Persia,
aided in ■ negotiating under the mediation of
England. The treaty was a good^one for
English and Russian interests at that time;
Russia being at war with Persia, but on the
eve of her great struggle against the French
in 1812, inasmuch as it liberated some seventy
thousand Russian troops from Asiatic objects ;
but experience showing that some parts of the
treaty were likely to bear hard upon Persia, a
mitigation of the terms was sought by her,
through the instrumentality of England. It
was so that I understood Mr. Hamilton.
I had conversation, in the drawing-room,
with Mr. Ramadani, charge d'affaires from Constantinople, on our admission to the commerce 1819.
of the Black Sea. I adverted to the reciprocal
advantages which might be expected to flow
from opening commercial intercourse by treaty,
between the United States and Turkey, —
Britain, France, Russia and Austria, having
the privilege of sending their vessels to the
Black Sea; I reminded him that the United
States had a larger foreign commerce than any
one of these nations—Britain excepted ; and
might, therefore, as I thought, for reasons
operating both with his country and mine,
naturally seek participation in the trade of that
sea. He listened with apparent attention to
what I said, but was backward in reply, having
no instructions from his Court on the subject.
In the course of our conversation, he mentioned
that Turkey had diplomatic representatives
only in London, Paris, and Vienna.      l^ll1
The Portuguese charge d'affaires, Chevalier
Guerrein, manifesting a desire to know the intentions of the United States respecting Buenos
Ayres, I informed him of the probable recognition of the Independence of that new
State at an early day, by my Government; a
communication which I thought he received
with satisfaction. He then informed me, that
Count Palmella, who was in Paris on the affair
of Montevideo, had little hope of succeeding in
the object of his visit;   and  that the  grand 64
armament fitting out at Cadiz against Montevideo, was getting ready to sail with all expedition, or making demonstrations to that effect.
The Chevalier appeared under no alarm at the
threatened hostility of Spain, and referred with
complacency to the treaty between Portugal
and England, in which the latter guarantees
the European possessions of Portugal.
I had also conversation with Count Chicka-
naro, President of the Academy of Arts at
Vienna, and author of the work on ancient and
modern sculpture ; who spoke in high commendation of the talents and acquirements of
Mr. Ticknor, of Boston, whom he had met in
May 12. Yesterday the Marquis of Lans-
downe made his promised motion in the House
of Lords, for Ministers to produce the correspondence between the two Governments in the
cases of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. After
debate, it was negatived without a division.
His lordship spoke with his usual ability and
dignity, but not without misapprehension as to
some parts of our system of government and
law ; particularly our Act of Congress, relative
to private citizens who carry on correspondence with foreign Governments ; andfalso
as to our Articles of War relating to courts
*t\ 1819.
The United States were sufficiently put in
the right on the broad merits of the transaction by the Ministers of the Crown, Lord
Liverpool and Lord Bathurst, who spoke in
reply to Lord Lansdowne. It is satisfactory
to remark, that the grounds upon which they
justified England in abstaining from interference, are the same in effect with those which,
in fulfilment of my instructions, I had laid
before the British Cabinet, as seen in the 22nd
chapter of the former volume of this work. I
need say no more on a subject which, under
some of its aspects, was painful; a subject
which called for wisdom and firmness in the
King's Ministers to get the better of a widespread clamour in England when news of the
execution of those two men first arrived ; and
which, gathering aggravation from the power
and passion of the British press, which knew
not the merits of the transaction, threatened
for a short time, to interrupt the peace of the
two countries. Happily it went off without any
such consequences. They would, indeed, have
been far too momentous for the occasion; yet
how often have nations been thrown into collision through slighter causes ? History is full
of such examples. The progress of the transaction cost me much solicitude, and I hailed,
with unmingled satisfaction, its favorable issue.
jfl May 14. I have a request from Mr. Hamilton, to refer him to all our Acts of Congress for
maintaining more effectually.our neutral relations ; but chiefly the act known to have been
intended for Spain and her colonies, though
general in its terms. I accordingly send it to
him, being the Act of the 20th of April 1818;
and give him references to our earlier acts,
particularly the Act of June 1794, passed when
the wars of the French Revolution were raging,
and complaints were made by one or other of
the belligerents, that privateers were fitted out
in our ports, and other armaments prepared
within our jurisdiction. The motive for Mr.
Hamilton's request, may be seen in yesterday's
proceedings in the House of Commons. It
appears that the Attorney-General has asked
leave to bring in a bill, called the Foreign
Enlistment Bill, the object of which is to prevent, as far as possible in future, the departure
from British ports, of any men, or military
supplies for the Spanish colonies. England is
thus going at last to try the effect of special
legislation on this subject, with a declaration
from Lord Castlereagh, made in the House of
Commons, that his Majesty's Ministers owed an
apology to the House and country, for not
adopting the measure sooner. I was not prepared to see him go to this extent in his decla- 1819.
ration; nor for the measure itself. It has
certainly been the effect of a recent determination. The policy of it may, perhaps, be called
generous, considering the weakness of Spain,
and how fast she is tottering to a fall from her
colonial power. This, none can see more
clearly than the English Ministers. The
measure may have been urged on by the
course of the United States. Whether a special
Act of Parliament can stop supplies, and thence
also the complaints from the Duke of San
Carlos, to which Lord Melville alluded at the
Portuguese Ambassador's, in February, time
will show.
It is among the permanent instructions to
me from my Government to keep all our
ministers, at whatever places we may have
them in Europe or America, informed of any
events coming under my knowledge in London, which may bear upon any part of our
foreign relations, or otherwise be interesting
to the United States. Thus broadly did Mr.
Adams view diplomatic duty under this, as
all aspects; and it may be in place here to
say, that I made known to Mr. Erving, our
Minister at Madrid, my communication to
Lord Castlereagh in February, of the intention
of the United States to recognise the independence of Buenos Ayres.    I was also informed by
F 2 \l
Mr. Erving, that the knowledge of it had
been transmitted to the English Embassy at
Madrid, by a courier extraordinary from London. This will manifest the interest which
the English Court took in that communication,
as well as the relations of amity which bind
England to Spain; and thence also may render
it the less difficult to imagine a motive for the
Foreign Enlistment Bill, which the Ministers
have at length determined to pass.
May 18. Went to a party last night at the
Countess of Jersey's, Berkeley Square. The
rooms presented a large array of Whig nobility,
amongst them, some of the most enlightened
men of England. I next went to Countess
Grosvenor's, where a party still larger was
assembled. Four rooms were open, the walls
of each covered with paintings, Grosvenor
House being celebrated for its large collection.
I could do no more than glance at them last
night, seeing them better on subsequent occasions. In the principal room, a large one, and
very lofty, and which from abundant light had
a sun-like brightness, were four large paintings
by Reubens—scripture pieces, besides other
productions of the masters. These four I was
informed had been recently purchased by
Lord Grosvenor, for five thousand pounds sterling.    In another of the rooms, my attention
Ps«SSS 1819.
was called by one of the guests, to a landscape
by Paul Potter, small in size, for which it was
said a thousand guineas were given. There
were historical pieces, fancy pieces, family
pieces, landscapes, portraits, — making the
walls on all sides glow with this rich and
beautiful collection of works of art. On the
side-board and tables where refreshments
stood, massive plate arrested the eye; whilst
from another of the rooms which looked into
the gardens, you saw lamps through foliage
and flowers, and heard music from bands.
It was near two o'clock when we got home
from this attractive entertainment. &m
L May 19. Having received from the Secretary of State an autograph letter, addressed
by the President to the Prince Regent, in
answer to one addressed by the Prince to the
President, announcing the death of the Queen,
I wrote the following note to Lord Castlereagh :—
London, May 19, 1819,
51, Baker Street.
My Lord, W-
I have received from the Secretary of
State a letter addressed by the President of
the United States to his Royal Highness the
Prince Regent, in answer to one from his
Royal Highness to the President, dated the
16th of November last. 1819.
Having the President's directions to deliver
this letter, a copy of which is enclosed, I have
to request that your Lordship will be so good
as to ask on my behalf the honour of a special
audience of his Royal Highness, or inform me
in what other manner it may be the pleasure
of his Royal Highness that it should be presented.
I have the honour to be, with distinguished
consideration, your Lordship's obedient servant,     ||
£ Richard Rush.
The Right Honourable Lord Viscount Castlereagh, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
May 21.   Receive the following in reply :—
The undersigned, his Majesty's principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the
honour to acknowledge the receipt of Mr.
Rush's letter of the 19th instant, enclosing the
copy of a letter of condolence, from the President of the United States to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, on the death of her
late Majesty the Queen; and requesting an
audience of his Royal Highness for the purpose of delivering the original.
The undersigned hastens to acquaint Mr.
Rush, that the Prince Regent will grant him if
if III
an audience for that purpose on the next
levee day; and requests he will accept the
assurances of his high consideration.
Foreign Office, May, 1819.
May 21. Few subjects continue to press
more frequently, and, I add, needlessly, upon
my time in this capital, sometimes by personal
applications, but oftener by letters, than that
of emigration to the United States. I am
heavily tasked for information on this subject;
sometimes even called upon to give advice !
The subjoined answer sent to day to one of
these applications, is given as illustrative of
the mode in which I deal with all:—
Legation of the United States,
London, May 21, 1819.
I received your letter of yesterday's date,
and have to say that I have no authority to
treat with you upon the subject to which it
relates. The United States have never heretofore, by any direct or indirect interference
on the part of their Government, invited emigrants from other countries to their shores.
Their laws, it is true, are in a high degree
liberal towards the foreigner, giving him full
protection   on  his  arrival, and  clothing  him 1819.
afterwards with the rights of a citizen upon
easy terms. But they leave him wholly to his
own impulse whether to go or not, abstaining
from all engagements or promises with him
beforehand, beyond those which their permanent laws imply. I am not at present aware
of any considerations connected with the late
acquisition of the Floridas, to authorise an
expectation that there will be any departure
by the United States from this, their habitual
course of policy ; and therefore I do not think
it necessary, even if I felt at liberty, to transmit your proposals to my Government. The
climate and soil of those provinces may indeed
favour the cultivation of the articles you have
indicated; but this has already been more or
less the case with other parts of the territorial
dominion of the United States.
In affording you this early and unreserved
answer, I have the honour to remain your
obedient servant, Richard Rush.
To Mr. Melton.
May 25. Yesterday we dined with Mr.
William Vaughan, residing at Clapham, a
merchant of great worth, long and well known
for his kindness and hospitalities to Americans.
To me and my family, they were extended
with great cordiality and warmth. 74
The party consisted of a few of his neighbours, all my family, and Mr. and Mrs. * * * *
a well informed couple, who gave to conversation a sprightly and, in part, literary turn.
They had recently been to Brighton, the seashore residence of the Prince Regent, and
visited the Pavilion, a sort of marine palace
built by the Regent; of the classic architecture of which fame, it is true, does not give
the best account, being fashioned after Chinese models, or that of the Kremlin at Moscow;
or partaking of both. With the mention of
this building, the Prince Regent himself became a topic, and was spoken of without any
gre^t reserve; the disposition to do which, is
not uncommon when his name comes on the
tapis, out of Government circles. There is
no rule to which I hold myself more strictly,
than that of not intermingling in party politics
in this kingdom. Silence is my resource on
any signs of that kind of conversation breaking
out; more especially when members of the
Government or Court to which I am accredited, are aimed at.#Our benignant host seconded my reserve on this occasion, and the
topic was not much extended, but gave way to
others in which all were able to share.
In the dining-room of Mr. Vaughan stood
a piece of furniture in which as a Briton he 1819.
naturally took pride, and which everybody
might look at with interest. It was a sideboard, formerly belonging to Lord Nelson,
which he informed us he had purchased at a
sale after his death. §§
m May 28. Visit the Duke of Kent at Kensington Palace, and afterwards go to dinner at
Mr. Inglis's,# Battersea Rise, West End of
Clapham Common. Lord and Lady Compton,
Mr. Wilberforce, Sir Thomas Ackland, Mr.
and Mrs. Morier, Mr. Stratford Canning, and
others were of the company. The name of
Ackland brings historical recollections to an
American that border on romance, recalling
the sufferings and dangers of that devoted
wife and herokie, Lady Harriet Ackland, told
in so touching a way by General Burgoyne in
his narrative of the surrender and misfortunes
of his army at Saratoga. The gentleman of
our party, was the present head of the ancient
family in Devonshire to which the husband of
Lady Harriet Ackland belonged.
Mr. Wilberforce had much of the conversation, all appearing to desire that he should
lead it. Sir Thomas Ackland, Lord Compton,
and Mr. Inglis, were well able to sustain and
draw him out. He told anecdotes of Mr.
Windham ;   said   that   he   hadjfleft   behind
* Since Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Bart. 76
him numerous manuscript books made up of
loose memoranda, political and literary, various journals begun and discontinued, with
other occasional notes and reflexions growing
out of his active Parliamentary life; the whole
showing great labour—but never the steady
pursuit of it; | that deficiency," he added in his
musical intonations of voice, | which stops short
so many men capable of the greatest achievements." Speaking of the administration of
justice he said, that he looked upon the custom of men of independent estates in the
country becoming justices of the peace, and
doing all the duties of the office without fee
or reward, as that part of their system in England from which consequences the most beneficial were constantly though silently flowing.
" Mischief always made a noise," he said; and
sometimes a case of oppression was charged
upon some one or other among the magistrates
of this description, which may, in fact, have
happened; but he believed the good which, as
a body, they did throughout the whole country,
incalculably predominated over any occasional
The evening was rich  in topics, in which
* The same kind of magistracy prevails in the State of Virginia,
where respectable and independent citizens discharge the duties of
justices of the peace, without pay or reward. 1819.
all took part as the wine went round, or rather as it seemed forgotten. Johnson's life
and character were among them; and I might
have been surprised to learn that Mr. Wilberforce knew nothing of Johnson personally,
although they were contemporary, if I had
not remarked since being in England, how
separate as a class their public and parliamentary men, however literary, as well as private persons who are literary, are from the
class of authors. The cause becomes obvious
when you get a close view of the multiplied
sub-divisions of society in London. English
statesmen and orators, and men of literary attainments in that large class where permanent
fortunes are possessed, pursue literature as an
accomplishment. To some of the former, it is
the necessary auxiliary of public life ; strength
alone, in the vast competition of strong minds,
not being sufficient without something to give
it polish. To the mere men of fortune, literature becomes, very largely, the needful ornament of private life, so many persons having
permanent wealth, that it disappears, as a
title by itself, to distinction; whilst the professional author, pursues literature as a profession. A more marked illustration of the
separation of the two classes could not easily
be selected perhaps, than that such a man as 78
Mr. Wilberforce should never have met Dr.
Johnson, both being social in their habits.
Johnson, it is true, being in advanced life,
(though he was still in full fame, writing his
Lives of the Poets,) and Wilberforce in early
life; at which epoch to each it was, that they
were contemporary. Their political creed was
also much the same.
There is doubtless more of approximation
now between these two classes in England,
than in Johnson's time, and prior to his time.
Their still nearer approach might improve
authors in their intercourse with the world,
and strengthen literature and science in the
circles of influence and power; each class
lending aid to the other, as in all intercourse
among the enlightened.
May 29th. Went to see the cork models
in Lower Grosvenor Street. There was a representation of the Amphitheatre at Verona,
and that of Rome; of Virgil's Tomb ; of the
Cascade near Tivoli; of the Grotto of Egeria;
of Vesuvius in a state of eruption, arid various
other things of antiquity. ,1 rank it among
the curious exhibitions I have happened to
see in London. The Neapolitan Minister had
drawn my attention to it by remarking that
representations of the ancient buildings of
Italy, were thought to be better in  cork than 1819.
perhaps any other material — particularly of
the colour of some of them ; a sort of duskiness, or brown this side of it.
May 30th. Dine at the Spanish Ambassador's. It was a sumptuous entertainment
given in honour of his Sovereign's birth-day.
The entire diplomatic corps were present;
also the Duke and Duchess of Wellington;
Sir Benjamin Bloomfield, Chief Secretary of
the Prince Regent ;* some Spaniards of note,
military officers chiefly; the ladies of all the
Ambassadors and Ministers, and other prominent persons.
I had Prince Esterhazy on one side of me,
and on the other Sir Benjamin Bloomfield.
The former reiterated the wishes he had expressed to me on former occasions, for the
opening of diplomatic intercourse between
Austria and the United States. He spoke
of the pending discussions in Paris between
Spain and Portugal, and thought that they
would come to nothing. Spain relying too
much on her own exertions without the ability to make them effective. He told me
that Lord Castlereagh had made him acquainted with my communication to him of the
intention of the United States to recognise
Buenos Ayres, and seemed desirous  to know
* Afterwards Lord Bloomfield, British Minister at Stockholm. 80
whether I supposed our acquisition of the
Floridas would change that intention. I said,
I had no belief that it would ; but added,
that I had an impression, that our acquisition
of them, coupled with our intention to recognise Buenos Ayres, had induced England to
her late determination, to pass the Foreign Enlistment Bill, as something in favour of Spain,
nominally at least; remarking further, that
this was only a conjecture, as I had heard
nothing of the sort from this Government,
and had no right to inquire. . In speaking
thus, I desired to invite some communication
from him on the subject, knowing his intimate relations with the English Government and Court; but either he knew nothing,
or was not at liberty to let me hear it. He
remarked, that he thought it natural in the
United States to contemplate the recognition
of Buenos Ayres, and said that whatever differences of opinion might exist as to the
principle of the struggle going on in Spanish
America, nothing seemed more certain to all
observers out of Spain, than that it must end
sooner or later, in the separation of the Colonies from the parent state.
In conversation with lithe French Ambassador in the drawing-rooms, I alluded to the
good wishes, if not good offices, of Mr. Hyde 1819.
de Neuville, French Minister at Washington,
in aid of our treaty for the Floridas; upon
which he asked if the British Government
had complained of our acquisition of these
provinces.   I said not to me.
June 3. Attended the Levee, and had my
audience of the Prince Regent, as promised by
Lord Castlereagh, for the purpose of delivering an autograph letter of condolence from
the President on the death of the late Queen.
The audience took place before the general
Levee commenced, and in the Regent's private
apartment, or closet. Lord Graves was in
waiting to introduce me. In the room with
the Prince, I found Lord Castlereagh. I delivered the original letter to the Prince, saying, that it was in answer to one which his
Royal Highness wrote to the President on the
afflicting occasion of the death of her late Majesty the Queen; and that, in delivering it, I
had the President's commands to say, that,
taking an interest in whatever affected the
happiness of his Royal Highness and that of
his illustrious House, he had received the intelligence with deep regret, and desired to
Qffer his sincere condolence to his Royal Highness. I added words respectful towards the
virtues and character of the Queen, such as
appeared appropriate.
second series.—I.
G 1
The Prince seemed to feel what I thus said
in the name of the executive head of my
country, of the Queen his mother. He replied,
that he was much indebted to the President
for sentiments so obliging ; that it was indeed
true that her Majesty had been remarkable
throughout life for her virtues; that none
had known her worth as well as her family;
and that they, therefore, had been naturally
most afflicted at her loss ; and not one of them
more than himself. The interview here closed.
On coming out, I observed that the Persian
Ambassador was waiting for an audience after
mine was over. Glittering with gems, he entered the Regent's apartment as I left it.
The Levee afforded the opportunity of attending to other business. The President of
the Bdard of Trade was there, and I renewed
with all earnestness my application relative to
the extra duties. He gave me assurances that
he was devising a mode by which I might feel
satisfied, that the American ship-owners would
no longer be called upon to pay them; he
found that an Act of Parliament would be necessary ; and he added, that he would make it
his particular care to have it carried through
at the present session.
I had also a conversation with Lord Bathurst*
the Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs, on
»#kii|^ 1819.
the subject of the outrage upon the American
Consul at Tripoli. He said unhesitatingly,
that the shelter afforded to the offenders by
the British Consul in manner alleged, if such
had been the fact, was as far from being under
orders from the British Government, as from
any wishes which it could possibly entertain
on such an occasion: he was totally unacquainted with the transaction, but added that
he would cause the proper inquiry to be made
into it, and have any steps taken that might
be necessary. After so unequivocal a disclaimer from two Cabinet Ministers, one of
them the Foreign Secretary, this matter, under
my present instructions, will now rest.
G 2 84
According to form, I had furnished Lord
Castlereagh with a copy of the autograph letter
from the President to the Prince Regent,
delivered at the audience described in the
preceding chapter, but did not retain one
myself § Having a copy of one delivered
formerly, similar in purport, though not in the
occasion calling it forth, for the incidents were
those of gladness not grief, I will here give it
insertion. It was a letter from the President
to the Prince Regent in answer to two letters
addressed to him by the Prince, announcing
the marriages of the Dukes of Cambridge,
Clarence, and Kent.    In the  insertion of this
mt- HB*W
document, which is on the archives of both
Governments, there can be nothing improper.
It is, in its nature, public; and time seems
now almost to have invested it with an historical character. It may serve to make known
a little more largely, the form and spirit in
which the executive heads of nations, a Republic being one, address each other directly
when there is no intervention of secretaries or
ministers. The words which they use, if no
more than words, are kind ones; and such
words, fitly spoken, we are told, are as " apples
of gold in pictures of silver." I gave in chapter eighth of the former volume, an autograph
letter which shows how heads of nations address
each other, when charging their representatives
with the transaction of grave matters of international concern. The letter now inserted
may serve as a sample of the mode in which
courteo^isness and good-will are reciprocated
between them in the sphere of personality.
Here is the copy of the letter Iff:
To His Royal Highness  the Prince Regent,
acting in the name and on behalf of His Ma-
jesty, the King of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland.
Our Great and Good Friend,
I have received two letters which your Royal
Highness was so good as to address to  the 86
United States, dated the 1st and 12th of
July last, by which your Royal Highness was
pleased to communicate to us information of
the nuptials of their Royal Highnesses your
much respected Brothers, the Dukes of
Cambridge, Clarence, and Kent; the Duke
of Cambridge, with hep Serene Highness the
Princess Augusta Wilhelmina Louisa of Hesse
Cassel; the Duke of Clarence, with her Serene
Highness the Princess Adelaide Louisa Catherine of Saxe Meinengen ; and i the Duke of
Kent, with her Serene Highness Victoria Maria
Louisa of Saxe Cobourg; all recently solemnized at the Queen's Palace. Feeling a sincere
and lively interest in the happiness of your
Royal Highness and of your August Family, I
offer to your Royal Highness on these joyful
events, my cordial congratulations; and I
earnestly pray that they may be productive of
the truest felicity to the parties themselves,
and of permanent benefits to the British
I pray God, Great and Good Friend, to have
you always in his holy keeping,
James Monroe.
Written at Washington, this Third day of
December, in the Year of Our Lord
One Thousand Eight Hundred and
Eighteen, and of the Independence of
the United States, the Forty-third,
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State. 1819.
From one of these marriages has sprung a
Queen, who now reigns over the British realm.
From that fair stock is likely to spring a race
of Sovereigns: and may not all breathe hopes
in unison with President Monroe's letter ?
Besides the " permanent benefits to the British
nation," for which that good man and sterling
patriot expressed his wish, while conveying his
congratulations on the marriage of the Duke
of Kent, may not all hope, that it may tend
also to the benefit of the family of nations ?
The wish, or prayer, as given out by President
Monroe, if but a formulary, is enlightened, for
this reason, that the prosperity of one great
nation is that of others. England's prosperity
flows over upon us, as ours upon England: and
thus, international courtesy, when assuming
this form, embodies international wisdom.
June 4. Receive a note from Sir Robert
Chester, the master of ceremonies, informing me that the Prince Regent's birth-day
would be kept on the 17th of this month,
and that a Drawing-room would be held on
that day. Regular notices of this kind from
the Court, are sent to the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, although the ceremonials of which they give information, are
always announced in the newspapers. I give
a copy of his note: 88
Sir Robert Chester presents his compliments
to Mr. Rush, and has the honour to acquaint
him that the Prince Regent's birth-day will be
kept on Thursday, the 17th instant; when his
Royal Highness will hold a Drawing-room at
Buckingham House.
68 South Audley Street, June 2> 1819.
P. S. Carriage Tickets for Constitution-hill
will be sent to the Foreign Ambassadors and
Ministers the day before the Drawing-room.
I acknowledged the note as follows:—
Mr. Rush presents his compliments to Sir
Robert Chester, and has the honour to return
his thanks for the information he has been so
good as to send him of its being intended to
keep the birth-day of the Prince Regent on
the 17th instant, and that his Royal Highness
will hold a Drawing-room on that day at Buckingham House.
The postscript to the note, has reference to
a carriage entrance into St. James's Park,
through a gateway from which are excluded
all other carriages, unless the owners have some
personal privilege, or hold some station, giving
them the claim to it. This seems a small detail on papery but it may serve to illustrate
that remark in Burke's speech on economical 1819.
reform and retrenchment, where, in the midst
of his pruning, he is still for retaining those
stations intended, as he says, | for the public
decorum, and for preserving the grace and
majesty of a great people." Since being in
England, I have chanced to hear a gentleman
of consideration give expression to regrets at
having resigned a situation in the household of
the Queen—simply because it had lost his carriage the privilege of going to Levees and Drawing-rooms by Constitution-hill! I add, that to
Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, the privilege is convenient, from the multitude of carriages which, on these occasions, throng other
approaches to the Palace.
June 7. ******** of the diplomatic
corps, paid me a visit. He talked on several
subjects. He thinks there is something in the
wind about a change of Ministry. He said
that the Duke of Bedford, the Earl of Besbo-
rough, and the Earl of Darlington, all Whigs,
dined with the Prince Regent yesterday, a circumstance that has not occurred for a long
time before. It seems that the Duke of Bedford was at Brighton lately, where he had gone
for the benefit of his health. The Prince
being there, sent a message to inquire how he
was. In return, the Duke called at the Pavilion and inscribed his name in the Prince's fit
I Up
book. No intercourse had, for some years,
passed between the parties. On coming to
town, the Prince sent for the Duke and kept
him in conversation a couple of hours at Carlton House, saying, as he was going away, that
he had not for a long time been so happy as in
the renewal of a friendship which he had formerly prized so much. He afterwards gave
him a special invitation to dinner, joining with
him the friends above-named. My visitor exercised his ingenuity for a key to all this,
which, he said, .excites attention. He summed
up with saying, that if no general change be in
contemplation just now, which, however, he
rather* inclined to believe, the Prince must
design to give some of his Ministers 1 the fidgets," possibly from having been thwarted in
some of his wishes; and, as he also assured me
that the affair was a topic in high circles, and
believed in some of them not to be without
meaning, I make a note of what he said.
But by as much as I can see, the present
Ministry appears to be as strong throughout
the country, as in Parliament. To me, there
appear no signs of change, and it is so that I
write to my Government. The prudence and
firmness of Lord Liverpool as Premier, seem
pledges for the stability of the Ministry; not
to speak of the weight it acquired by being the
Via^ 1819.
Ministry in power when Napoleon was overthrown, lit was to this effect, that I talked to
my visitor. I said also, that to my speculative
observation, it seemed as if a Tory Administration was rather the most in unison with a
country, the institutions of which were essentially aristocratical and monarchical; just as in
the United States, where our constitution began
with the words "we the people," where suffrage was nearly universal, and nearly every
office elective, or depending on the issue of
elections, democratic Administration seemed the
most natural. My visitor and I discoursed of
these things in good part; he, as a Monarchist;
I, as a Republican.
June 9. We were at a rout at Mrs. Henry
Baring's last night, Berkeley Square.
#####* *? an American present, bore hard
upon the United States. What was said, was
little to the advantage of the head or heart of
the speaker. I will not repeat or comment
upon it. It is the first instance of the kind I
have yet met with from an American in England ; and let it be charitably hoped that they
were only sallies of the moment.
June 10. Last night we went to Covent
Garden to see Mrs. Siddons in Lady Randolph. Her fame had been familiar to me
from youth;   and her  appearance upon  the I
stage is still imposing, I may say superb;
though of late years she has ceased to act
almost entirely. Her enunciation was highly
eloquent and impressive. Charles Kemble
played young Norval; Macready, Glenalvon ;
and Young, the Stranger. Altogether, it was
a dramatic treat.
June 13. Desiring to see Lord Castlereagh
on the business of the West India Trade, I
wrote him the following note :—
Mr. Rush presents his compliments to Lord
Castlereagh, and begs he will be so good as to
appoint a time when it will be convenient to
allow him the honour of an interview.
June 9, 1819.    51 Baker Street.
To which I received the following answer:—
Lord Castlereagh presents his compliments
to Mr. Rush, and will be happy to receive him
at his house, in St. James's Square, to-morrow
at twelve o'clock.
Foreign Office, June 12, 1819.
The interview accordingly took place to-day,
the 13th. It was the mode in which all official
interviews between us were appointed, unless,
meeting in society, we arranged them verbally.
I began by reminding him of the point at
which the discussions respecting the West-
India Trade, had left  off at  the negotiation •mm
between our two Governments last autumn,
and by assuring him of the President's earnest
desire to see the trade opened upon a footing
of entire and liberal reciprocity, rather than
suffer it to stagnate; or to be crippled by
countervailing laws and regulations. In this
spirit I was instructed to offer a projet which
had been carefully drawn up upon the basis of
a compromise between the pretensions of the
two countries, and which would be found to
fall in so fully with the propositions of Great
Britain in some respects, and make such an
approximation to them in others, that a hope
was cherished by my Government of its proving
In particular, it would be found to adopt
the description of naval stores and lumber, as
articles to be exported from the United States,
upon which the British Plenipotentiaries had
themselves insisted last autumn ; confining the
former to pitch, tar, and turpentine, and the
latter to staves, heading, and shingles; contrary to the more enlarged signification, which
it had been the desire of Mr. Gallatin and
myself to give to the list. That it acquiesced
also in the exclusion of all salted provisions,
including the important article of fish. That
it moreover came wholly into the British views
in consenting to the exclusion of sugar and
coffee, as articles  to   be  imported into  the
mmiwjM<m+ 4^1 94
United States directly from the British West-
Indies; it being understood that the above
traffic was to be open upon equal terms, in all
respects, to American and British vessels.
In return for such an accommodation to the
colonial views of Great Britain, the projet
asked on our side, that the list of articles to
be exported from the United States to thq
West Indies, should be the same as to Bermuda, and to the British North American
Colonies ; that the articles to be exported to
the United States, should be confined to such
as were of the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the above islands or colonies; and
that the same duties and no more, should be
payable on importations from the United
States into the West Indies, whether the articles were brought directly or indirectly, as
on similar articles imported into the West
Indies from any foreign country ; or from any
of the British Colonies^
With this outline of the substantial part of
its contents, I handed his lordship a copy of
the projet.
The discussions between the Plenipotentiaries of the two Governments last autumn,
having been ample on the matters which the
projet embraced, I thought that nothing was
likely to be gained by leaving room for the 1819.
hope that any of its essential provisions would
be departed from ; and I, therefore, deem it
best to say with frankness in the first instance,
that, as it was offered, so it was to be taken;
as my present instructions would not allow me
to deviate from it, unless on points verbal or
otherwise immaterial.
He received it with an assurance that a full
and candid consideration would be given to it.
The pressure of parliamentary business might,
he said, delay an attention to it perhaps for
some weeks; but that it should be taken up
at as early a day as practicable. I said that
every necessary object would be attained on
our side, if a decision were communicated to
me in time to be made known to my Government before the meeting of Congress, which
would take place early in December, I added,
that should our propositions prove acceptable,
I was empowered to make them supplementary to the convention of the 20th of October,
which Mr. Gallatin and I had signed with the
Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain; subject always to the ratification of the Senate of the
United States. iH
There were no other express matters of
business necessary to be gone into at this interview; but before it ended, I adverted to
other  things.    Amongst them,  the  state  of ■M
the Foreign Enlistment Bill in the House of
Commons; which his Lordship gave me to understand* left no doubt of its becoming a law ;
and next, the rumours about Cuba. On the
latter I remarked, that I should be under no
anxiety, if the newspapers had not ascribed to
the Duke of San Carlos, the declaration that
it was about to be added to his Majesty's
colonial dominions in America; but I hoped
[the newspapers were mistaken ! His lordship
replied, that the Duke of San Carlos probably
knew as little of it as he did.
The Foreign Enlistment Bill, finally, did
pass both Houses of Parliament, but not without strong opposition, on the ground of trenching too much on the regular laws of England,
and on public law; and as not called for by
England's- treaty with Spain, or any of her
international duties or obligations.
June 15. Dined at the Russian Ambassador's. We had, among others, Mr. and Mrs.
Dashkoff, lately arrived from the United States,
where Mr. Dashkoff was Minister Plenipotentiary from Russia. Went next to a rout at the
Persian Ambassador's in Charles Street, where
five hundred were present; and afterwards to
a party at Lansdowne House, more agreeable
from being smaller.
June 17.     Attended the  Prince   Regent's 1819.
xlrawing-room. It was extremely full; three
thousand were said to have been there. It was
a birth-day celebration, though not the actual
anniversary, as mentioned formerly.
I presented General Harper, of Maryland, and
late of the United States Senate, to the Prince
Regent; also to the Duke of Kent, and the
Princess Augusta; happy to have done so in
the case of this distinguished American.
The Duke and Duchess of Bedford, the
Duke of Grafton, the Marquis of Lansdowne,
and Earl Grosvenor, were present; which, to
those inclined to think any change of Ministry
in contemplation, as ******* ten days ago,
I might be taken as omens; the first two not
having been at Court for years, it is said, and
the others coming very seldom.
At seven, I went to the large dinner given
by Lord Castlereagh to the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, in celebration of the day.
France, Austria, Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Saxony, Wirtemberg,
Spain, Portugal, Naples, Sardinia, and some of
the smaller Courts, were represented at the
table, each Ambassador and Minister being in
the diplomatic dress of his country. There were
also present, two Princes of Hesse; Count Woron-
zoff; General Woronzoff, the latter commander-
in-chief of the late Rufesian army of occupation
H 98
in France ; Sir Gore Ouseley, late Ambassador
from England to Persia; Mr. Bagot, .late British Minister at Washington; Mr. Lamb, late
British Minister at Munich; Mr. Frere, the
same at Madrid; Mr. Thornton, the same at
Rio Janeiro; Mr. Onis, late Spanish Minister at
Washington ; Lord Clanwilliam, Mr. Planta,
Mr. Morier, and Mr. Hamilton. Altogether,
there was an assemblage of functionaries from
other nations, and ofeBritish Foreign Ministers
returned from service abroad, or at home on
leave, larger than I had before seen on any
similar occasion in England.
We went to dinner a little before eight, according to the precedence observjed at entertainments of this nature. At table, I had on
my left the Saxon Minister, Baron Just. On
my right was Baron Fagel, Ambassador from
the Netherlands. Next to him sat Lord Cas-
tlereagh, who, on this occasion, took the middle
of his table. On his right was Count Lieven, the
Russian Ambassador; and next to him Prince
Esterhazy, the Austrian. Amidst the profusion
of plate for such a dinner, some of it, I observed,
had the royal arms* but generally those of
his Lordship's family. The table ornaments*
abundant light, and variegated national costumes^ presented, as we took our seats, an array
very striking.   It might have given the idea of ^*s«rfMNaa»***r*5S5
an European Congress for that evening, to
which the United States had been also invited.
Baron Just inquired of me for Mr. Adams,
whom he had known well, and of whom he
spoke highly. He said, that he knew the politics of all Europe. He described his letter to
our Minister at Madrid, on the cases of Arbuth-
not and Ambrister, as one of great ability;
and asked, whether, after4 that transaction,
followed up by adding the Floridas to our
dominion, I did not suppose England would be
likely to aim at obtaining Cuba from Spain, if
she had not already, of which there were strong
rumors ? This question was in a tone, not te
carry it beyond my ear. Mr. Onis sat on the
left of Baron Just, and I said to the latter that
I would be happy if he would make that inquiry of his neighbour, and favor me with the
result! The Baron did—carrying it off well;
Mr. Onis said, just loud enough for me to hear,
i The American Minister may feel easy, Spain
has not ceded Cuba to England, and does not
mean to;" an item of information which, however informally derived, it may be imagined
the American Minister imparted to his Govern-
mentin due time afterwards.
And now I will allude to an incident which
also couples itself with the " American Minister,"   yet in a light so truly national, that he
H   2 100
must not  drop it from this day's memorandum.
After the principal courses were over, and
the single toast had been given by Lord Castlereagh, viz. "His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent," without further word, the company all
rising in due form as he gave it, conversation
opened between his Lordship and Baron Fagel
on the state of tranquillity which now reigned
in Europe. It was remarked by them, how
happily it contrasted with the bloody wars
which had so recently raged; and how interesting was the spectacle of beholding Ambas--
sadors and Ministers from all Europe assembled
in amity and peace at that table, instead of
being engaged in the work of counteracting
each other, as all had so lately been doing, is|
hostile camps and cabinets. Sitting next to
Baron Fagel, the opportunity was afforded me
of sharing a little in this conversation. At its
point of chief interest, Lord Castlereagh, bending forward so as to give me his voice, said,
"Yes, and may the happy tranquillity we are
speaking of, long continue ! Europe requires
repose; each state has had enough of war, and
enough of glory, and ought to be content."
Here he paused an instant, but, resuming, he
proceeded, f and you too, you of America, Mr.
Rush, ought also to be satisfied;   you left off
IJ ^«yA
W.'/ m%*
very well, and ought to wish for nothing but a
continuance of peace."
I felt this delicately conveyed compliment to
my country. He knew that our war with
Britain had terminated in victory on our side,
by sea and land. I could not fail to perceive?
that the compliment passed in under tones
along the table, the side at least on which I
was, though heard at first only by the few near
Lord Castlereagh. Acceptable to me, it bespoke conscious patriotism in him. He felt
that Britain's ample renown in arms could
spare the compliment to the free and martial
race she founded in America ; therefore, with
the manly grace belonging to him, he uttered
it, the representatives of the crowned heads of
Europe sitting by as his guests. It was high
official courtesy, and I record it with as much
pleasure as I experienced it.
Rising from table, the company returned to
the drawing-rooms, where coffee was handed,
and conversation continued in the harmonious
feeling of the day. In an hour all adjourned
to Prince Esterhazy's, with a ball at whose
house the festivities of this birlh-day celebration wound up. The Prince Regent was at it,
the ladies of all the Ambassadors and Ministers,
with a large assemblage in addition. 102
June 19. Went to Carlton House last
night. The lower rooms were full; Foreign
Ambassadors and Ministers, Members of the
Cabinet, Members of Parliament, and numerous official and otitled persons, forming tb§
company. Conversed half an hour with Lord
Liverpool and Lord Harrowby; with the lat:
ter on Gibbon's style, and with both about
Bonaparte. ^Neither of them ^admired his
character. They $poke as British statesmen
who had been long opposed to him; nor did
I think thjat they said too much of his inordinate  ambition.     Taking   all   his   career ■■
into view, they agreed,   that wanton  cruelty
could not be made out against hirm
Finding myself in accidental conversation
with two members of the cabinet, the Premier
and the President of the Council, I improved
the opportunity of alluding to Cuba. I said
to Lord Liverpool, that I was glad to infer,
from some transient words falling from Lord
Castlereagh, &hat the newspaper rumors of
that island being about to change owners
were not to be regarded. He replied, that
newspaper rumors here, as with us probably,
were often very idle; and that if GovernmAt
undertook to notice them all, it would have
its hands full. Although he was no more
explicit than this, Lmake the same inference
from his words as from Lord Castlereagh's;
and am therefore still disposed, in the language of Mr. Onis, to " feel easy." I catch
a general sentiment in the diplomatic corps,
that none of the great powers would desire
to see Cuba ceded to England, considering
the vastness of her colonial dominion already;
and I cannot think that hA-Ministers would
wish to go against this general sentiment, to
say nothing of the objections which the United
States would naturally have to the measure.
This is the tone in which I have written to
my Government so far, upon this subject; and, 104
with my present knowledge and impressions,
I shall continue it.
June 20. Dined at Mr. George Phillips's
yesterday, Member of the House of Commons,
Mount Street. We had Mr. Brougham, Mr.
Cavendish, Mr. Chinnery, Mr. Erskine, Mr.
Abercrombie, and other Members of Parliament; and among the ladies, Mrs. Erskine,
and Lady Cork. The evening passed off well.
Mr. Brougham contributed largely to the
conversation. He talked with his usual animation and promptness. Nothing could be
alluded to which he did not seem to know;
or any person mentioned of whom he was
ignorant. He told anecdotes of public men,
rapidly glancing at things which seemed to
spring up in his memory after he began. As
for example: speaking of Lord Chancellor
Eldon, {bags they call him, said he, great a
man as he is,) and then went on with his anecdote. So when he happened to have the Vice
Chancellor in hand, (and he, what should
they call him, but reticule,) and after thus
throwing him also into a parenthesis, proceeded with his narrative.
fe| June 21. Dine at Mr. Trail's, Upper Brook
Street. We had the Earl of Buchan, (to
whose letter to me, Lord Erskine alluded at
the   Duchess   of Cumberland's,)    Mr.  David m
Montagu Erskine, Mrs. Erskine, Miss Erskine,
and others.
With Lord Buchan, the incident of the
lost letter, mentioned in Chapter X. of the former volume, was not forgotten in our conversation. He was pleased to speak kindly of my
father, saying, besides other things grateful
to a son, that he had known him in Scotland,
whilst there to receive his education, and been
in correspondence with him nearly fifty years;
and that nothing struck him more than the
identity of character kept up throughout all his
letters. He regretted the loss of the " box,"
all the circumstances of which, I explained.
He spoke of General Washington, as others
present did, paying tributes to his great name.
He said that he was related to him through
the maternal stock, Washington's mother, like
his own, being of the Fairfaxes'. The Washington family, from which the General sprung,
he added, was related to the family oJslEarl
Ferrers. Cordial things were said of our country by several of the company. Mrs. Erskine
was born there; and it was delightful to find,
doubly so to those who remembered her young
and beautiful as Miss Cadwallader of Philadelphia, that though a good Englishwoman,
which her marriage made a duty, she had a
heart not to forget her native land. II
This estimable woman died not long since
at one of the German Courts, as Lady Erskine,
her husband, Lord Erskine, then being British
Minister there.
The " box " alluded to, was one made out of
the oak that sheltered Wallace after the battle
of Falkirk. It had been presented to General
Washington by the Earl of Buchan, wifeh a request that the General would give ill at his
decease, to the man in his country fsvho should
appear to merit it best. General Washington
did not decide that question; but in his wffl|
restored it to the Earl, with expressions of
respect and thankfulness. His Lordship, having it again, sent it to aoay father, so long
his American correspondent. The gentleman
charged to convey it to him from Scotland,
had the misfortune to lose it while coming td
Philadelphia from New York, where he landed.
The stage was robbed during the night, and
his trunk, which contained the " box," carried
off. Every effort was made to regain it, but
in vain.
June 23. Mr. and Mrs. Dashkoff, General
and Mrs. ^Harper, Miss 1 Caton, Mr. John
Adams Smith, and others, dine with us. Conversation runs on the United States and England ; Mr. Dashkoff, apparently full of good
feeling towards the United States, produced *m
by his residence among us as Minister from
Russia; and General Harper giving out remarks on what has struck him in England,
showing his enlightened and discriminating
June 24.   Receive the following note from
Lord Castlereagh, on a point of ceremony.
.- Lord Castlereagh presents his compliments
to Mr. Rush, and in consequence of the inconvenience which has occasionally arisen from
the Master of the Ceremonies not being apprised in time of the wish of the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers to obtain audiences of
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, begs
to suggest to Mr. Rush, as the best mode of preventing such inconvenience in future, that he
should, at the same time that he intimates his
request for such an audience to his Majesty's
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, have the
goodness to acquaint the Master of the Ceremonies that he has made that communication
to the Secretary of State.
Lord Castlereagh requests Mr. Rush to accept the assurances of kis high consideration.
Foreign Office, June 21, 1819.
A similar note was sent to all fehe Members
of the Diplomatic Corps.    I feply to mine. If rl
Mr. Rush presents his compliments to Lord
Castlereagh, and has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his note of the 21st of this
month, suggesting that, in consequence of the
inconvenience which has occasionally arisen
from the Master of the Ceremonies not being
apprized in time of the wish of the Foreign
Ambassadors and Ministers to obtain audiences
of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, it
would be desirable that they should, while requesting an audience through his Majesty's
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, inform
at the same time the Master of the Ceremonies of such request, as the best mode of preventing, for the future, the inconvenience alluded to. Mr. Rush begs to say, that he will
have great pleasure in conforming to this suggestion, and has the honor to tender to Lord
Castlereagh the assurances of his distinguished
London, June 24, 1819,
51 Baker Street.
§|june 25. Dined yesterday at the Duke of
Wellington's. Besides the Duke and Duchess,
we had General and Mrs. Harper, Mr. Percy,
Mr. Gerald Wellesley—a brother of the Duke,
and two gentlemen from the Continent. The
Duke had written me a courteous note, to say
& sawae"
that General and Mrs. Harper were to dine
with him, and asking my wife and self to meet
them at short notice; which we were the more
happy to do, as it bespoke a dinner of the less
form.    It was at Apsley House.
. A colossal statue of Bonaparte, presented to
the Duke by the King of France, stands in
the hall. In the library there was also a full
| length painting of him, said to be an excellent
likeness; and, among other busts in the same
room, one of Cicero, which the Duke spoke of
as an original, as far as could be ascertained.
It was of marble, showing the marks of time.
The blemish, cicer, was observable on the face.
In the drawing-room was a likeness of Shak-
speare, taken from a picture, believed to be an
original, found many years ago in an old alehouse in the neighbourhood of Stratford-
upon-Avon, under the paper on the wall.
As it devolved upon me to take the Duchess
in to dinner, the honor of sitting next to her
at table was also mine. She told anecdotes
of Madame de Stael, whom she had known
while the Duke was Ambassador at Paris after
Bonaparte's overthrow. They were very characteristic of that remarkable woman, whose
pen handled Napoleon in a degree only second
to the Duke's sword.
The Duke took the head of his table.    The 110
Duchess wa^ opposite. The Duke talked
with the ease which' a long intercourse with
the world in its greatest circles gives. The
quantity of food necessary for soldiers being
spoken of, he said that he had commandM
them of many different nations, and never
knew any that could long subsist, under the
trials of a campaign, with less than two pounds
a-day, whether bread of some kind altogether,
or a mixture of bread with animal food; and
added, that this applfed to the native troops of
India, who required their two pounds of rice
in the twenty-four hours. Of the population
of India then subject to England, he remarked
that it had always seemed to him overrated;
he could not pretend to accuracy, but he
doubted if it exceeded twenty millions. This?
struck me very much, having been under the
more prevalent belief that it was greatly beyond that amount. Perhaps there might be
seen in the remark a characteristic of the
Duke's mind, not to be led away by exaggerations. More conversation passed, which had
the greater charm from the company being
small, and without ceremony, beyond that intrinsically belonging to the table of such a
masi. In the course of it, a newspaper paragraph was alluded to, which mentioned a
curious* spectacle lately witnessed at the seat BWS9
of the Marquis of Anglesea. One of the Marquis's brothers, who was a captain of the navy,
Lord Uxbridge, the Marquis's son, and also
one of his daughters* being all at his country
seat, it was stated that the Marquis had but
one leg, his brother but one arm, that his son
was on crutches from a wound in the knee,
and that his daughter had lost her right hand
whilst attending her husband at one of the
battles in Spain. The Duke said it was not
true that the lady had lost her hand. The
rest he believed was. We had a Spanish ham
on table. It is a common remark, that each
country thinks it has the best hams, but the
Spanish seem preferred in England at luxurious dinners—they say from being fed on
At coffee in the drawing-room, the social
tone seemed to relax even more agreeably.
We were shown by the Duchess a set of
French breakfast china belonging to Joseph
Bonaparte while King of Spain, which the
Duke took in one of his campaigns; and under
such hot pursuit that grounds were still in the
coffee-pot, and warm. Anecdotes growing out
of this little incident were told, showing the
risks which royalty has to run in war; so also
in Pompey's days, when Caesar took his camp,
he found   sideboards  loaded  with  plate,  all ! If
ready for a festival to celebrate the victory
Pompey had expected. The interest of the
evening increased when General Harper and
the Duke got upon Bonaparte's campaign to
Moscow. My countryman was fond of military history, and no tyro in it, It became him
indeed to speak cautiously before the Duke, as
he did; but his knowledge was subservient
towards drawing out a little this great commander. I was of the knot where the conversation was going on; it touched things and
characters belonging to the late European wars
generally. Amongst names brought up, was
that of the Archduke Charles of Austria. General Harper spoke favorably of him, though
with guards to leave room for the Duke's
opinion. The Duke took up the commendation of him decidedly. As regarded military
science, he said that he probably had more
than any General in Europe; there were reasons why he had not succeeded against Bonaparte as fully as he otherwise would have
done; one perhaps was, from overrating him;
but it was chiefly from being subject to fits,
which were apt to come upon him after he had
been fighting a few hours. His powers then
failed him—great as they otherwise were. It
was to this effect he spoke of him. Of the virtuous  character and  good  intentions of the 1819.
Emperor of Austria he spoke  in the highest
It was in this manner the evening passed.
I had  seen  and   conversed   with   the   Duke
frequently before ; but not so fully, or when
reserve had so much worn off.    In his whole
conversation there was a  simplicity delightful to witness in a man whose name in arms
surpasses Marlborough's, by the amount  and
splendor  of   his   deeds,   both   in   Asia   and
Europe;   whose   knowledge   is   so  extensive
and various; and to whose  statesmanship the
powers of Europe have deferred as much as
to  his military renown;  of whom it can be
said also, in a  sphere of  praise  still higher,
that, tried by the ordinary standards of great
men, his career has been unusually pure ;  no
improper   ambition;   no   corruption  of   any
kind; no intrigue ; no discontent; no double
dealing, ever chargeable upon him;   on   the
contrary,  everything  honest,  straightforward,
and brave, whilst serving his country, no matter where or how.   Such fame is rare.   Britain
has a right to be proud of it, and all nations
may respect it.    Before coming away, he invited my wife  and self  to  visit him at his
country estate, Strathfieldsay.
June   29.      Prince   Esterhazy   visits   me.
Says  that  by   all   his   information,  obtained
second series.—i. i -
here or from Madrid, there is no truth in the
rumor of the cession of Cuba to England;
he finds it discredited by those likely to be
best informed. I agree with him in his disbelief, and in talking the subject over, our
reasons are much the same.
June 30. The subjoined letter to Mr. Gallatin, relating to international affairs heretofore referred to, is inserted to keep up the
connexion of them.
London, June 30, 1819.
Dear Sir,
You will probably know more ^f the state
of affairs in Spain, as far as they may be likely
to effect us, than I do. The rumor of Mr.
Onis being about to succeed the Marquii
Yrujo in the ministry, was afloat here on
the first arrival of the former in this capital
from the United States, and was even repeated by the Duke of San Carlos.
Whether the Florida treaty is to be rati-
lied by Spain, seems now the question ; and
it is one which excites some interest here.
I find it surmised that this Government is
using its influence to prevent the ratification;
but I have no evidence of it. Mr. Onis when
here, was very confident in his assertions that
it   would  be   ratified.      The   Duke   of   San 1819.
Carlos continues to hold language to the same
The Duke is also equally unequivocal in
his declarations of disbelief that Cuba is to be
ceded to Great Britain. No credit is given
to this rumor in any well-informed circle in
London. Many reasons are opposed to it, one
of which^ however, would probably be weakened should the late change of ministry in
Spain have brought with it any decline of
Russian influence at Madrid.
It has only been since Mr. Sheldon's arrival in London that I have heard from our
Government respecting the unfinished subjects
of our negotiations last autumn.
As regards the West India trade, I am
authorised to accept the restricted list of articles proposed by the British Plenipotentiaries
in their projet offered at the eighth conference; also to submit to the exclusion of all
salted provisions, fish included, and to the confined list of naval stores and lumber among
the importable, and to the exclusion of sugar
and coffee from the list of exportable articles in
American vessels, in the direct trade. But
with the express condition, that the list of importable articles to the West Indies shall be
the same as that to Bermuda and to the British North American Colonies; and that the !
exportable articles shall be confined to such
as are of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the British West India Islands and
North American Colonies ; and that no other
or higher duties shall be payable on importations from the United States, directly or indirectly, than on similar articles imported from
any foreign country, or from any of the British
Colonies themselves.
The foregoing is the substance of my instructions. I have submitted articles to Lord
Castlereagh in conformity with them, to whicB
an answer is promised after Parliament rises.
I doubt their being accepted. If they should
not be, I fancy that our Government has made
up its mind to go on with the system of countervailing laws. The opinion at home I find
rather is, that we are likely to succeed if w§
persevere. 1 inclose you a report made to
the Senate on this subject last winter.
Nothing has been said to me about impressment, or the slave question. Both points
therefore rest for the present, where our joint
negotiations last autumn left them.
I am to be at the Spanish Ambassador's tomorrow night. Should I hear anything material, and Mr. Sheldon have gone, I will drop
you a line by post.
Accept assurances of the respect and friend- wv
ship with which I am, dear Sir, your obedient
servant,   i Richard Rush.
To Albert Gallatin, Esq. Envoy Extraordi- ^|
nary, and Minister Plenipotentiary from
the United States, Paris.
July 2. Went to a party at Grosvenor House
last night; the rooms filled and looking as before. Go afterwards to the Spanish Ambassador's. Some Cabinet Ministers are there, and
most of the Diplomatic Corps. Owing to the
crowd and other hindrances, I collected no
information for Mr. Gallatin. Made attempts,
but was cut off from all opportunities.
July 3. In the course of a dispatch to the
Secretary of State of this date, I mention that
the American steam-ship Savannah, Captain
Rogers, arrived at Liverpool on the 20th of
last month, to the surprise of the people of
that town, as she came up the river under the
power of steam. She is a vessel of above three
hundred tons burden, as Captain Rogers, who
has been to see me, states; and is the first
that has crossed the ocean by steam. He also
stated that she worked with great ease and
safety on the voyage, and used her steam full
eighteen days. Her passage was twenty-six
days, the weather, in general, having been very
unfavorable;   besides that  she was   detained
• TTHrirfHTH« •
five days in the Irish Channel until she could
get fresh coal, his own giving out "when she
entered the channel. He had laid in fifteen
hundred bushels. Her engine is equal to a
seventy-two-horse power, and acts horizontally. Her wheels are on the sides, made
of iron, and removable at pleasure. These
particulars he mentioned, which I repeated in
my dispatch.
%4a5L^ 1819.
July 12. Yesterday I returned from a
visit to Mr. Coke, of Holkham, Norfolk
county. He invited me last year; but unable,
from duties under an approaching negotiation
to leave town at that time, I was forced to
decline, which gave me double pleasure in
accepting this year. I met a large company.
We had the Duke of Bedford, the Earl of Albemarle, Lord Huntingfield, Sir Henry Fane,
Sir Henry Erne, Sir Jacob Astley, Sir John
Sinclair, Sir William Bolton, General Fitzroy,
Captain Edgell of the navy, Mr. Wilbraham of
Cheshire, Mr. Beckford of Suffolk, Mr. Maude
of Yorkshire, Mr. Beaumont of the House
of Commons, Dr. Rigby, Mr. Owen, Mr. Bennett, Sir Robert Harland, the Marquis of
Tavistock, Lord Barrington, the Earl of Brad-
r— jiea \
ford, Lord Nugent, and many others, whose
names I cannot recal. Of my countrymen,
there were General Harper of Maryland,
General Boyd of Boston, Mr. Oliver and Mr.
Patterson of Baltimore, Mr. Somerville of
Maryland, and Mr. Ogle Taylor of Virginia,
the latter an attache to my legation.
Holkham is among the best cultivated
estates in England. Of the entire system of
agriculture by which Mr. Coke has so greatly
improved it, as well as benefited England by
his example of good farming during more than
forty years, thus increasing the public wealth
as well as his own, I am not qualified to speak
properly. The whole has been well described
by Dr. Rigby, of Norwich, in his excellent
little work, entitled, " Holkham and its agriculture ;" but I may note in general terms
a few of the things which struck me as an
American and stranger, in my visit of a week
to this celebrated estate.
The occasion on which we were assembled,
was called " The Sheep-shearing." It was the
forty-third anniversary of this attractive festival; attractive even to Englishmen, accustomed
as they are to agricultural beauty, and to fine
old country homesteads, established and maintained throughout ages, in so many different
parts of England.   The term | Sheep-shearing," ■■■■
conveys, by itself, but a limited idea of what
is witnessed at Holkham. The operations
embrace every thing connected with agriculture in the broadest sense; such as, an inspection of all the farms which make up the Holkham estate, with the modes of tillage practised
on each for all varieties of crops; an exhibition of cattle, with the modes of feeding and
keeping them; ploughing matches; haymaking ; a display of agricultural implements,
and modes of using them ; the visiting of
various out-buildings, stables, and so on, best
adapted to good farming, and the rearing and
care of horses and stock; with much more
that I am unable to specify. Sheep-shearing
there was, indeed, but it was only one item
in this full round of practical agriculture.
The whole lasted three days, occupying the
morning of each, until dinner-time at about
five o'clock. The shearing of sheep was the
closing operation of the third day.
Such is the general scene, as far as agriculture is concerned, which is its primary object.
Mr. Coke explains to his guests and friends,
all his processes and results. This is' done
without form, in conversation on his grounds,
or at the dinner-table; and, even more impressively, on horseback. Then it is that you
have  more of the  port  of the  old  English ;23§S;
country gentleman as he rides from field to
field, and farm to farm, attended by his
friends, who are also mounted. From these
also, he invites inquiry and criticism; and,
from those agricultural in their pursuits, a
communication of their modes of farming,
that results may be compared, and truth the
better arrived at, in this great science.
Of the social scene whieh goes hand in hand
with it all, I hardly dare trust myself to speak,
lest I should seem to exaggerate. The number of Mr. Coke's guests, meaning those lodged
at his mansion, was, I believe, about fifty, comprehending those I have named and others, as
I could scarcely know all in a visit of a week.
But his (friends and neighbours of the county
of Norfolk, and other country gentlemen and
visitors from parts of England farther off, ar-'
riving every morning after breakfast in carriages or on horseback during the continuance
of the scene under invitations from Mr. Coke
to be present at it and stay to dinner, amounted
to about six hundred each day. On the second day I was informed that, including the
home' guests, covers were laid down for six
hundred and fifty. All were comfortably accommodated, and fared sumptuously. Holkham House covers an acre of ground. Looking at it on one of the mornings with the 1819.
Duke of Bedford and others, and viewing its
imposing centre, ftiom which proceed four
wings connected by corridors, the general conjecture seemed to be that such an edifice could
scarcely be built at the present day for less
than half a million of pounds sterling. It
was built, I understood, in the middle or early
part of last century, by Lord Leicester, who
was many years in Italy, where he studied
the models upon which, after his return to
England, it was erected.      ;      :*
Of the furniture in such a mansion, the
paintings, tapestry, mirrors, rural ornaments,
and all else, it need but be said that it is
adapted to the mansion. The library, of
many thousand volumes, is a treasure; and
(shall I tell it ?) there, on one of the days
when I entered it during a short interval between the morning excursions and the dinner
hour, did I catch stragglers of the home guests,
country gentlemen too, who had not been out
to the fields or farms at all, though they had
come all the way to Holkham to attend the
sheep-shearing. And no wonder ! iln part,
they were of the younger portion of the guests
(Young-uns, as Mr. Coke slily said in jeering
them), not long from the University; so recently, that the love of practically inspecting
wheat-fields, even if they had yielded  twice i»J5
twelve combs the acre, or of seeing turnips
drilled in ridges on the Northumberland
method, or of walking upon lawns of grass
produced by dotting, had not yet so deadened
classical ardor as to keep them from stealing off to where they could find curious editions of Pliny, and Ovid, and the Georgics;
or, if they liked Italian better, lay their hands
on the Boccaccio which Cosmo de Medici sent
as a present to Alphonso, King of Naples ; or
turn to something else seducing in literature.
Mr. Coke was, I believe, himself a Cambridge
man. He has been forty years in Parliament,
and to this day proclaims that he voted on
the side of America during the war of our
revolution throughout the whole contest; even
at a time when only two or three others in
the House of Commons besides himself continued to stand up for our cause.
On the first day after my arrival, the company at dinner consisted of the home guests
only, the agricultural scenes not beginning
until the day following. Among other massive plate upon the table was a large fabric
of silver in the form of an urn, highly ornamented. It stood conspicuously as the centre
piece, and was a present to Mr. Coke by the
inhabitants of* Norfolk, as a mark of their
gratitude for the good he had done the county
mn 1819.
by improving the condition of its agriculture,
and contained appropriate emblems and an
inscription. Among the former was a representation of the mode of cultivating by drill;
a Southdown sheep; a North Devon cow;
and other figures illustrative of improvements
in husbandry introduced or successfully practised by Mr. Coke. The inhabitants of the
county having, at first, opposed many of the
improvements, and especially on the ground
that his innovations trenched upon the labor
and comforts of the poor, the inscription embraced an acknowledgment of their error, in
terms complimentary to him and very honorable to them.. It was a beautiful trophy all
On the first of the festival days, the  company in the statue-gallery, a very large room,
amounted  probably to a couple of hundred.
All were accommodated at two  tables. | Mr.a
Coke presided at one; the Duke of BedfordH
at the other.    It was my fortune to be at thil
former, and next to Mr. Coke.    Throughout
successive   rooms   communicating with   eacfrfl
other and with the statue-gallery, tables were;
laid for all the other guests ; therefore, though
none of the  tables were  in  sight from  our,;
room, which opened to the others from doormat the end, voices could be heard from them allr
3      O ^5?p?
The dinner courses being finished, Mr. Coke
rose to bid all his guests welcome, and express
the pleasure he felt in seeing them at Holkham.
His first toast was "live and let live."
This was known to be applicable to his own
system, which was to let his farms at moderate rents under leases not too long, and not
be hard with his tenant; a system which, in
the long run, had benefited equally himself
and his tenants. ¥M
The toast was received with  rapturous applause   from   room   to  room;   as  the  voices
pealed through all, the effect was highly animating.    It was not less so when the  Duke
of Bedford was given as a toast, with allusions
by Mr. Coke to the services of his family in
the cause of public liberty.    The shouts that
:"/'followed each toast, echoing through the apart-
:: ments of this stately mansion  standing alone
:-:i*n  the midst of a rural  domain,  andf^heard
• •  •
•/•Somewhat faintly in our statue-gallery from
:..!the distant rooms, but still heard, had some-
y:$hing in them to fill the fancy. The whole
••{scene  seemed   to   recall   baronial   days,  the
." moated ramparts, embattled towers, and tro-
":.j)hied halls." It brought back the remembrance of feudal banquets, as if here seen in
"alliance with modern freedom and refinements.
WH&& 1819.
So at least I felt. Others may have had less
of this feeling, or none of it, unless my own
countrymen present. Perhaps more of the
romance of English history is apt to linger
about an American than an Englishman. To
the former the whole is an abstraction, like
ancient history, until he gets to England;
then, Waterloo Bridge, built yesterday, and
any vestige of the days of the Plantagenets
are equally new to his senses. Saxon days,
Norman days, and modern days, seem to burst
upon him at once, and, for a while, all engross
his thoughts together.
Mr. Coke gave my name as a toast, to
make it the medium of friendly sentiments
towards the United States, which he strongly
expressed, and which were echoed from room
to room in tones gratifying to me and my
countrymen. In the course of his remarks
he paid a tribute to the character of Washington. I rose to make my acknowledgements ; and, in reference to his notice of
Washington, I said, that it was indeed a
name to which every American looked with
as much of veneration as might be paid to a
mortal, and that the manner in which it had
just been alluded to, and received before so
numerous and distinguished an assemblage in
England, was a new proof that his fame was a
■ w
part of .history, and his virtues the property of
mankind. I spoke of Mr. Coke as the friend
of America, whom we honored as such, yet ever
true to his own country whilst loving ours;
and I asked permission to propose as a toast
"Mr. Coke and the Holkham agriculture,"
not merely as a high gratification to my own
feelings, but from being sure, also, that my
countrymen would all eagerly join in it. The
toast was kindly received.
The Holkham estate commands in part a
view of the sea, to which some of its boundaries
extend. Although the sittings at dinner each
day were not short, under the abundant topics
and occasional speeches (happily none of them
long) which the festivities drew out, there is
yet so prolonged a twilight in England at this
season, that a remnant of time was on hand
for walks or drives, after rising from table.
On leaving it one of the evenings, Mr. Coke
invited me to a seat with him in his carriage.
After our active campaign on horseback all the
morning, and the exciting scene at the dinner-
table during several hours, a quiet drive in
the cool of the evening through beautiful
scenery and grounds, with such a host, was a
delightful recreation with which to close such
a day, and fill up the measure of its agreeable
recollections.   We went in the direction of the 1819.
gea. Still full of the topics of the day, he
could not speak but to impart information.
He said that his timber, by careful planting,
annually yielded almost as large a revenue as
the whole of his estate when he first came to
the possession of it. It was chiefly the chestnut and black Italian poplar that he planted,
— sometimes other sorts, and always in
quantities to replace, as each year came round,
the number of acres annually deprived of timber. Time thus kept up the supply* planting
keeping even pace with cutting down ; a process
the more striking to an American, in whose
country timber, for the most part, is removed
to get at the soil—instead of being grown as
an agricultural crop, to yield its annual harvests. Something else he said that may deserve a memorandum. It was, that although
banking along the sea-side was considered the
hardest work done in Norfolk county by laboring men, those who followed it drank nothing
but water; they had plenty of animal food,
but found their strength fail them if they
drank either beer or spirits.
As the chariot drove on, we forgot agriculture in other and easy talk. He told anecdotes. We had been out an hour. Presently
we approached the little town of Wells, near
the sea,—a fishing town.    The wind freshened,
and we drew up the glasses as night came on.
He asked if I knew anything of *##*•***
I replied that I did by rumor; it was a South
Carolina story—a sad one. There, he said, in
that little town, the person lives unknown to
all. We staid a few minutes in the town, and
could hear, as darkness was closing around us,
the surging of the waters on the shore. Seated
again in the chariot, our familiar conversation
was resumed. We were soon in view of Holkham House once more, the twinkling lights^
showing that its festivities were not yet all at
an end. When we got in, it was past ten.
The general dinner company had dispersed;
but of the home guests, a number still remained
in the drawing-rooms ; some conversing in
little knots, others seated at whist tables. By
eleven, most of them had dropped off to their
bed-rooms. The few left had a summons to
supper in the statue-gallery. Our table, to be
sure, was of dimensions different from those at
dinner; but we were headed by our host.
Lord Nugent was of the small group, and well
able to help keep the ball of conversation in
motion at a late hour. It was in courtesy to
me, that he made Commodore Perry, of our
navy, one of his topics. He said that, when
travelling in Italy, he had met him, and on his
invitation, took a little trip with him from one 1819.
of the ports in his frigate—then the Java.
He was struck with his chivalrous character;
and, for his seamanship, mentioned this incident : that whilst attempting to beat his
frigate through the Straits of Gibraltar, a
British frigate was close in view. Some of the
officers in the latter, not thinking it could be
done, as the wind set, made bets upon the
issue. The Java did it handsomely, which
drew loud hurras from the winners on the
English deck. Midnight passed before we
went to bed.
The foregoing comprise some of the recollections of my visit. They give but an inadequate description of the interest and beauty of
the whole scene. Of the manner in which
Mr. Coke dispensed the hospitalities of the
week, it would be impossible to say too much.
All received *from him the greatest attention
and kindness. His landed property in Norfolk
comprehends, I understood, more than thirty
thousand acres, and he has estates in other
parts of England. His income from the
whole is rated, I believe, at 60,000/. sterling a
year, going higher when agricultural prices are
high. On one of the days we were shown
through all the offices of the basement story of
the house, and taken into the cellars. The
latter were filled with the abundant and various
K   % ' ^w
stores and wines to have been expected at a
country homestead in England, long the seat
of that species of hospitality where it would be
hard to decide whether the eye is most struck
with what is munificent, or the heart with
what is kind. I had reason to know that, at
Christmas and other seasons devoted to country
festivities in England, although Holkham
House was not indeed filled as I lately saw
it, its hospitalities were bravely kept up. Mr.
Blakie, the steward of Mr. Coke, informed us
that the annual cost of malt liquors used for
the entire Holkham establishment, including
the working people out of doors, as well as
servants of the household, was 3000/. This
included the taxes upon it. The enclosure
round the Park, is ten miles in extent. The
arrangement and beauty of the gardens, and
extent and productiveness of * the kitchen
garden, may be conceived better than I could
describe them.
As to field-sports, fox-hounds are no longer
kept, Mr. Coke having given them up in the
early part of his life, But as for game, that
pursuit goes on, con amore, as may be inferred
when I venture to repeat what he told me;
viz., that a few years ago, himself and friends
had shot upon his grounds during the shooting season, twelve thousand rabbits and three 1819.
thousatid hares, with   the full  proportion of
pheasants and partridges.
Here I must end my little record of the
Holkham Sheep-shearing. It has been faithfully but imperfectly made from notes taken
on my return from it. Excellent as the Holkham agriculture was reputed to be in its day,
what have not been the intermediate improvements? "Science with Practice," to take
the appropriate motto of the Agricultural
Society, now established and in operation for
all England, instead of letting agriculture
depend only on the local societies as formerly,
seems to have been working almost the same
proportional results for the productiveness of
the soil of late years in that country, that
steam has been effecting in commerce and the
mechanic arts, there, and every where. May
other countries profit by her example in agriculture—the great foundation of the world's
wealth, and which, under growing improvements, seems to give promise on grounds not
irrational, that Britain's home dominions may
sustain ajlpopulation of eighty or even a
hundred millions a century hence, more
easily than thirty millions now. But no matter what the subsequent advancement of
English agriculture or its results, Mr. Coke
will  ever    take  honorable  rank   among  the ^
pioneers in the great work. Come what will
in the future, the "Holkham Sheep-shearings'
will live in English rural annals. Long will tradition speak of them as uniting improvements
in agriculture, to an abundant, cordial and
joyous hospitality.*
July 13. A note from the Master of Ceremonies having informed me that the prorogation of Parliament takes place by the Prince
Regent in person to-day at two o'clock, I go
to the House of Lords to witness it. Forms!
were much the same as last year when Parliament was dissolved. Novelty therefore did
not attract me, and I will not repeat the description ; but being notified of the ceremonial by an officer of the Royal Household, I
attended, as did the other Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers. A similar notice is given
to them at the opening of Parliament, whenever the Sovereign attends in person.
July 16. Went with my wife to a " fancy
ball," at Carlton House last night. The
company consisted of probably more than a
thousand. A fancy ball means, that dresses
are to be worn not solely in the fashion of
the present day in England, but at the fancy
of the wearer ; and accordingly, the fashions
* Mr. Coke died as Earl of Leicester about two years ago. 1819.
of past ages and different nations are adopted.
The effect is picturesque. A feudal baron of
King John's time ; a Crusader of the train
of Richard Coeur de Lion; an English archer
and French knight of the thirteenth century,
the Black Prince himself, and a modern Tyro-
lese rifleman, may all be seen inithe same
As to the ladies, one may be dressed like
a Shepherdess of the Alps; another to personate the Maid of Orleans ; a third, move in a
state under a full court dress of the days of
Queen Elizabeth ; a fourth be in character as
the Lady Phillipa of Hainault; a fifth as a
flower-girl, and so on, throughout an endless
variety of characters. I am not meaning to
say, exactly, how portions of the company last
night, were dressed, but to give a general idea
of the I fancy ball." If any of the characters
last night violated the proprieties of the age
into which they stepped, educated eyes would
detect them; which obliged the groups of
patrician dramatis personam, to revive their
antiquarian learning in the field of costume.
It may be inferred, that no cost was spared to
meet the requisitions of this emulous scene at
the domicile of an English Sovereign; and that
among the many voluntary participants in it,
resources  of   art  and  taste were  sometimes ,
|i I ■
drawn upon in ways to attract favorable notice.
The Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, Members of the Cabinet, and other official persons,
were dressed as usual. These or portions of
them, appeared to be occupied in beholding
the pageant; or, it may be, that some were
freshening their historical recollections under
these outward characteristics of some six hundred years, personified before their eyes in the
royal apartments. Mr. Canning, with whom I
talked, appeared to enjoy it all, with quite a
zest; as did probably other grave Members of
both Houses of Parliament, who were present
in the usual dress for evening entertainments in
the Court circles. And why not enjoy it ?
The Speaker of the House of Commons in his
address to the Prince Regent when the prorogation took place, had, only a day or two
before, declared it to have been one of the
longest and most arduous sessions known to
the records of England; and is not recreation
due after such labors ?
Public men, however, think of public affairs
at all times, and last night was no exception.
More than one member of the diplomatic corps
asked me in whispers, if I felt sure that England had no hand in stopping the ratification
of the Florida Treaty ? I replied, that I was
very unwilling  to believe it.     One of them
aife|*& 1819.
said, that the rumors of the day were strong
to that effect.
But why should the matter remain in doubt,
when it might be made certain ? Lord Castlereagh was present. See him when you
would, he had always an ear for public affairs.
I sought him in the glittering throng ; but
to be able to speak to a Minister of State at
such a time in the way you desire, is not always easy: others seek him as well as yourself. There is always something to be said
to the Foreign Secretary* of a great nation,
when the representatives of other nations and
his own official colleagues surround him, even
though it be at a "fancy ball." Some go to
such scenes with perhaps no other object than
to put a question to him, better so asked than
under circumstances more formal: hence, you
have to watch your chance. Mine came at
last, when the entertainment was well nigh
over. Then, after an introductory remark, I
said to his Lordship, how much the interest
of the evening would be increased to me, if
he would put it in my power to say to my Government, that it was through no wish of His
Majesty's Government that delays occurred
in the ratification of our treaty, that thus my
own belief might be confirmed.
He  replied, that the  difficulties, of what- [
ever nature they might be, rested with Spain
entirely, for that England was doing nothing
to delay the ratification; I?and that of this
I might feel assured.
It was very satisfactory to me to come away
with such an assurance from Lord Castlereagh.
The pleasure of mingling in a scene otherwise attractive, would have been marred by
any intimation to the contrary.
July 19. Went to 'Prince Esterhazy's last
night, the entertainment being in honor of
the birth-day of his Sovereign. The Prince
Regent was there, and in compliment to the
occasion wore the uniform of an Austrian Field-
marshal, the Duke of Wellington doing the
same. There were present also, the Duke and
Duchess of York, the Duke and Duchess of
Kent, the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester,
the Princess Augusta, Prince Leopold,* the
Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, and their
ladies, and Lord and Lady Castlereagh, with
several of the Cabinet Ministers and their
ladies ; the company not being numerous, but
of much distinction.
I had a conversation with Lord Castlereagh,
more than commonly interesting; for a notice
of which, other incidents of the entertainment
will be passed over.
* Afterwards King of Belgium. 1819.
I improved a convenient moment for approaching him, to express the pleasure I had
derived from what he said at Carlton House
a. few evenings before, about the Florida
He now remarked, with all friendliness
of manner, that His Majesty's Government
neither had done, nor would do, any thing
whatever to prevent or retard its ratification.
I here renewed the expression of my satisfaction ; telling him also, that I had already
reported to my Government the assurance,
transient and informal as it was, which he had
given me at Carlton House.
He then recurred, of his own accord, to the
affair of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. He remarked, that it had been a case of no common
difficulty ; the Cabinet had found it so, and he
hoped that the proper inferences would be
drawn by the Government of the United
States, respecting the conciliatory dispositions
of England on that occasion.
I replied, that I believed my Government
would not fail to draw the proper inferences,
and that certainly I had not failed in making
communications calculated to lead to them;
for that here, on the spot, I had seen, and
fully appreciated the difficulties which encom- 140
passed His Majesty's Ministers; whose wisdom
and firmness throughout that whole transaction,
if I might presume to say so, I considered a
blessing to both countries. He then added
these words : That had the English Cabinet
felt and acted otherwise than it did, such was
the temper of Parliament, and such the feeling of the country, that he believed war might
HAVE BEEN PRODUCED BY HOLDING UP A FINGER ; and he even thought that an address to
the Crown might have been carried for one,
These words made their impression upon
me. I thought them memorable at the time :
I think so still. They were calmly but deliberately spoken. Lord Castlereagh was not
a man to speak hastily. Always self-possessed,
always firm and fearless, his judgment was the
guide of his opinions, and his opinions of his
conduct, undaunted by opposition in Parliament or out of it. Political foes conceded
to him these qualities. What he said to me
on this occasion, I have reasons for knowing
he said to others in effect, if not in words;
and I wrote his words to my Government.
The lapse of a quarter of a century ought
not to diminish the feeling properly due to a
British Ministry which, by its single will, resisting the nearly universal feeling of the two 1819.
great parties of the kingdom, in all probability prevented a war; a war into which passion might have rushed, but for the preponderating calmness and reason in those who
wielded at that epoch the executive power of
England. 1
July 20. By an Order in Council passed
last week, the exportation of gunpowder, saltpetre, or of arms and ammunition of any description from the ports of Great Britain, to
any ports within the dominion of the King of
Spain, is prohibited. This interdict comes opportunely after the Foreign Enlistment Bill.
It takes the ground, as far as it goes, of neutrality in substance as well as name between
Spain and the Colonies ; there having been an
order in force for some time prohibiting the
exportation of the same things to Spanish
July 23. Last night we were at Prince
Leopold's—Marlborough House.    The Prince wmmmimm
Regent and most of the Royal Family were
there; a great assemblage of nobility: the
Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers, with many
others of the Court circle.
This Prince, consort of the late heiress presumptive to the throne, long in retirement
after her death, returns to society, and Marlborough House, built for the great Duke of
Marlborough, becomes his residence and scene
of his hospitalities. Being there, for the first
time, last night, I could not divest myself of
the historical associations which belong to the
house. The spacious hall is ornamented with
paintings illustrative of the Duke's victories.
Among them is the great battle of Hochstadt,
where the French commander, Tallard, was
taken ; and where he, the Duke, and Prince
Eugene, are all represented. In the principal
drawing-room, hangs a full-length portrait of
the late Princess Charlotte, by Sir Thomas
One anecdote connected with the edifice is,
that, when first erected, it so overshadowed St.
James's Palace, which it adjoins, as to excite
the jealousy of Queen Anne. Others are told,
pointing to the supposed avarice of the Duke
whilst it was building, which need not be
repeated; the less, as in a conversation I had
the honor to hold with the Princess Sophia of 144
Gloucester, she spoke of Coxe's Life of Marlborough lately published, where the Duke's
private correspondence, given with all apparent
fidelity, does not seem to show any traces of
the disposition to avarice so long and generally
imputed to him. Her Royal Highness spoke
of Evelyn's Memoirs, a recent attractive publication which she had also been reading, and
which she commended highly.
July 24. Yesterday Mr. Bourke, the Danish
Minister, and Mrs. Bourke: Count Ludolf, Neapolitan Minister, and Countess Ludolf; Baron
Langsdorff, Minister from Baden and Hesse;
Baron Bulow, Prussian Charge d'Affaires;
General Cadwalader; Mr. David Parish ; and
Dr. Bollman; the three last of the United
States, dine with us. Count Ludolf tells me
that Sir Henry Wellesley, British Ambassador
at Madrid, writes word to his Government
that the Florida Treaty will be ratified. He
also mentions a report that the Chevalier de
Onis has been forbidden to enter Madrid;
and informs me that affairs between Spain
and Portugal remain unsettled, the former
still refusing an adjustment upon the basis
proposed by the Allied Powers at Aix-la-Cha-
July 25.    Write the following letter to Mr. 1819.
Gallatin, which belongs to the topics of that
of the 30th of June.
London, July 25, 1819.
Dear Sir :
Your letter of the 9th instant was delivered to me by Mr. Gibbs, and I am under
obligations to you for the views which it presents of our affairs. It was a relief to me in
the present state of them, to be favored with
your opinions.
I have to thank you also for the copy of Mr.
Forsyth's letter,* which you were so good as
to enclose. I pray you to excuse my now
troubling you with one for him, which I venture to do from supposing that you may be
able to command better means of forwarding
it to Madrid than I possess.    \J'
Although your letter seemsffto take for
granted that ******* is here, I have not
yet been able to ascertain the fact. The newspaper notice of his arrival, I have reason to
know, rested on conjecture only. Nevertheless,
he may be here; and, if it be a part of his purpose to keep out of view, I need not say to you
how many chances of success London will afford
But, perhaps, it will be deemed more im-
* Mr. Forsyth succeeded Mr. Erving, as United States Minister,
to Spain.
portant when I inform you, that I have had
two interesting conversations with Lord Castlereagh himself, on the subject of our treaty
with Spain ; and I am happy to add, that he
assures me this Government has taken no steps
whatever to prevent its ratification, and does
not mean to give us any trouble on this head.
Such assurances have not been limited to me
alone. I have reason to believe that he has
uttered similar sentiments in some of the circles of the diplomatic corps. The enclosed
letter to Mr. Forsyth conveys to him, the information of these assurances.
I have waited for a private opportunity to
send this letter, and will be sure to afford you
any further information I may acquire, which
I think may be acceptable to you.
I am, dear Sir, in great respect and friendship, your obedient servant,
Richard Rush.
To Albert Gallatin, Esquire, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States.    Paris.
July 28. I give place to a letter below, addressed to Colonel Trumbull, President of the
Academy of Fine Arts in New York, relating
to a full length portrait of Mr. West, President
of the Royal Academy in London, by Sir
Thomas  Lawrence;   towards the painting of 1819.
which the New York Academy had asked my
superintendence. This I was happy to give,
glad that so rising an institution in our country
dedicated to the Fine Arts, should have been
ambitious of obtaining the likeness of Mr.
West, whom America claims as a native son.
The letter may serve in some degree to show
the nature and extent of the employments of
the first portrait painter in England at that
London, July 28, 1819.
Dear Sir :
It is with great concern I have to state, that
the portrait of Mr. West still remains unfinished. Sir Thomas Lawrence left London for
Aix-la-Chapelle, shortly after my communication to you in August last, with a view, I believe, to take the likeness of some of the Sovereigns of Europe, expected to assemble there.
He proceeded thence to other parts of the
Continent, and to this day has not got back to
England. It is painful to me to inform you,
that Mr. West again lies ill, and that there are
but feeble hopes of his permanent recovery. I
understand that Sir Thomas says, that the picture is sufficiently advanced in its essential
points to be completed with every advantage,
in the event of Mr. West's death ; but on this
subject I cannot at present speak with Cottle   2 11 i
i 11 IIIM
fidence, and as little can I make inquiry of the
venerable President himself. I cannot affirm,
with accuracy, how many pictures were left by
Sir Thomas in an unfinished state when he
went away; but in such universal demand is
his pencil in the leading classes throughout
England, that I remember it was a current
saying that he had begun more than a life of a
hundred years would enable him to complete.
These seem peculiarly strong reasons why the
Academy at New York ought not to be among
the disappointed, and I will cherish the hope
that this is not to be the case.
As soon after Sir Thomas's return as I may
find it practicable to obtain an interview with
him, I will again write to you; and in the
meantime, have the honor to be, with great
respect, your obedient servant,
Richard Rush.
To J. Trumbull, Esquire, President of the
Academy of Fine Arts, New York.
fcl add, that the picture was, in the end,
finished, and safely received by the Academy
in New York.
July 29. Dine with the Vice-Chancellor,
Sir John Leech. His Royal- Highness the
Duke of Gloucester, General Matthews, Sir
Archibald Murray, the Marchioness of Down- 1819.
shire, Lady Clare, Mr. and Mrs. Stanhope, and
others were of the company.
The Duke of Gloucester had been on a visit
to Holkham since the sheep-shearing, and we
spoke of it. He agreed to the description
given of it by Sir Benjamin Hobhouse, namely*
that " all Mr. Coke's farms seemed like horticulture upon a large scale;" and added that
the Holkham estate could hardly be better
described in a few words.
The Vice-Chancellor is among the many
instances illustrating the democratical part of
the British Constitution, as does the present
Lord Chancellor; both these high functionaries, the latter uniting the highest honors of
the state with those of the law, having risen to
their posts without any aids from family, or
fortune ; relying upon nothing but their
talents, industry, integrity, and unshaken perseverance.
July 30. Under this date, I write a dispatch
to the Secretary of State, with some account of
the measures of the Session of Parliament
lately ended; limiting it to those which bear
upon the interests of the United States, and to
a few of those subjects of primary importance
affecting the home interests of this Kingdom.
Under the former head I mention the
act for carrying into more full effect the con- ! nil
r»\ 1
vention which Mr. Gallatin and I negotiated
with this Government last October, the eighth
section of which provides that no higher duties
are henceforth to be laid, under any pretext
whatever, on American vessels entering British
ports than are payable on British vessels; the
act thus redeeming the promises made to me by
Mr. Robinson under my remonstrances to the
British Government on this subject.
1. I mention the resolution which passed
each House of Parliament to present an
address to the Prince Regent, requesting that
his Majesty's Ministers would renew their
efforts with foreign powers, and particularly with France and the United States, for
rendering the laws passed against the slave-
trade more effectual; stating that it was on
the Marquis of Lansdowne's motion that the
resolution passed the House of Lords in this
form, and on the motion of Mr. Wilberforce
that it passed the House of Commons.
As regards the principal home measures, I
mention, first, the Levying of New Taxes.
The whole expenses of the year up to April,
being in round numbers, 67,000,000/. (including 15,000,000/. applied towards reducing
the national debt,) and the income 54,000,0Q0/.
I state that a loan of 12,000,000/. was, in this
condition of the finances,   negotiated  daring
o%^ 1819.
the year ; and new taxes imposed in the shape
of excise on consumable articles, and new duties
levied at the custom-herase, in expectation that
the whole would add 3,000,000/. to the revenue.
2. I speak of the Poor Laws, and sums
raised under tbem, being an aggregate of about
8,000,000/. sterling for the year; saying that it
seems agreed on all hands to be the heaviest
pecuniary burden, as a single one, which England has to bear; and that how to get rid of,
or mitigate it, seems to perplex her wisest
men. And I state, that, in the midst of conflicting and anxious opinions, taken up, independent of party, the plan of Mr. Robert Owen
has been deemed of sufficient interest, from its
novelty, to become a subject of investigation
and debate in the House of Commons. I
briefly describe the plan as one for gathering
together all the destitute of the manufacturing
and laboring classes into regular villages or
districts of country, in the proportion of one
person to every acre of land, with some established police or authority for enforcing within
these villages a proper routine of agricultural,
horticultural, and manufacturing labor; in
which general plan the projector supposes a
cure is to be found for the present evils of
pauperism. I add in my dispatch, that whatever may be the benevolent intentions of Mr.
BLA^ 152
Owen, or the ingenuity of some of his suggestions, and however successful the plan may
have been upon his own estate in Scotland,
where it is stated to have succeeded, I find that
those who have examined it with most care,
and whose judgments are entitled to deference,
are of opinion that it never can be extended to
the nation at large.    •
3. I speak of the Navy ; simply mentioning,
on this occasion, in addition to accounts which
I have transmitted to President Monroe and
to different branches of our .Government, of the
improvements steadily going on in this grand
arm of England's strength, that 6,400,000/.
was the sum appropriated for its service this
year ; and that the number of vessels in actual!
commission was one hundred and thirty-seven,
twenty-four being of the line, and forty-five
frigates. For the Army, I mention, that the
appropriation for the year was 8,900,000/.; its
whole force, at home and abroad, being computed at one hundred and four thousand men.
4. I speak of the Currency ; and the shape
which this subject has assumed under the full
and able report which Mr. Peel, as head of a
Committee in the House of Commons, made
upon it. I state, that the paper system, which,
amidst the shocks and trials of war during
twenty years, had alternately upheld England 1819.
by its benefits and afflicted her with its evils,
had been finally condemned by Parliament;
and that, with a view to the resumption of
cash payments, both Houses came to a resolution, that on the 1st of February, 1820, the
Bank should be under an obligation to deliver
gold in bars of not less than sixty ounces for a
proportionate amount of its notes, at 4/. Is. an
ounce; that on the 1st of October of the same
year, it must make similar payments at the
rate of Si. I9s. 6d. an ounce ; and on the 1st
of May, 1821, make them at the mint price of
SI. 111. \0d. an ounce ; the last part of the
system to continue in operation not less than
two, nor more than three years, when the
Bank, in place of bullion or bars for its paper/
is to pay specie. I mention that various and
very discordant opinions were expressed in
the progress of the discussion, as to the quantity of gold which the country would require
to sustain the resumption of cash payments,
some estimating it as high as forty-five millions, and some as low as twenty millions; and
lastly, I mention, that the resolution for resumption was carried through both Houses of
Parliament, almost unanimously, in the face of
opposition from the Bank of England, and the
great body of London merchants and bankers.
5. I allude to the Criminal Law ;   saying, _-■■■
that its sanguinary character scarcely found an
apologist in all the discussions respecting it;
and I spe#k of the enlightened labors of SM
James Macintosh to lessen its severity, stating,
that the report which he made upon the subject, concludes with recommending jfche abolition of a list of capital felonies amounting in
number to between thirty and forty ; which
report was not, however, acted upon.
6. I mention that the Catholics preferred
their annual claims to be relieved from the
disabilities under which they have so long
labored, and that the discussions had been conducted with their usual scope and animation ;
that in the House of Lords, their cause was
|§st by a majority of 41 ; but that in the
House of Commons it came extremely near to
success, the majority beiag but two against it.
I add, that this near approach to success in
the popular branch of the Legislature, had
filled this class of British subjects with new
hope, and might be expected to impart to
their future efforts new activity. In regard
to the number of Catholics, I mention, that, in
England alone, whilst they were computed
to have amounted to not more than seventy
thousand when the present King aScended the
throne, they were now supposed to be half a
million in number; and tkat at Stoneyhurst, 1819.
in Lancashire, where a college of Jesuits was
established, the pupils, including those at a
preparatory school adjoining, amounted to five
7. I notice the Corn-Laws ; this subject of
parliamentary inquiry and debate, grown stale
by frequency, yet ever fresh in existing interest ; an interest which extends beyond England,
to countries having commercial intercourse
with her. I mention that these laws were left,
for the present Session, upon the old footing of
allowing importations of wheat from foreign
countries as long as the price of native wheat
in England was above 80s. the quarter. Under
this regulation, the ports of England having
remained open to bread stuffs from abroad
during 1818 ; I also mention that by official
returns to the House of Commons, it was found
that the total value of all the wheat and other
grain, including flour, imported into the kingdom during that year from the colonial possessions of Great Britain and from foreign
countries, rose as high as 13,000,000/. sterling;
a sum which appeared to have struck everybody by its large amount. I added, that I
had no means of ascertaining accurately what
portion of this foreign wheat and flour came
from the United States; but that conjectures
from persons having a  annexion with § this ■
branch of the American trade, put it under
than above, five hundred thousand barrels.
8. Education. I notice the Report to the
House of Commons, by which it appeared how
this great work is advancing in England; for
that, whilst in 1812 the number of schools
under the national-school system was only
fifty-two, and the pupils eight thousand, this
report shows that the former had risen, ins
1818, to above fourteen hundred, and the
number of pupils to two hundred thousand.
9. The Duke of York. I mention the
parliamentary grant of 10,000/. sterling a year
to the Duke of York, as Custos of the person of
the King, under his continued state of mental
incapacity; and I speak of the opposition
which it encountered, it being asked why should
a son, already receiving an income of more
than 30,000/. from the nation, be thus additionally paid from its purse, for performing a
natural duty to a parent ? and the measure
having been otherwise strongly denounced.
10. Lord Camden. Acts of individual virtue and disinterestedness, being no less worthy
to be told than those of an opposite complexion, I mention, that the Marquis Camden,
(a title dear to America,) weighing the distresses of portions of his countrymen, came
forward with a  truly   noble  contribution  to 1819.
their relief. I state that he did this, by the
voluntary surrender to the public of a salary of
9,000/. sterling a year, to which he was entitled
by legal and hereditary claim as one of the
Tellers of the Exchequer, and of which he had
long been in the enjoyment. I add, that the
House of Commons marked this example of
generosity in an individual in full life, and
moving in its highest and most expensive walks,
by a vote of approbation which places it for
ever upon their journals. Mr. Tierney pronounced it | a magnificent donation to the
country," and paid other tributes to the noble
The foregoing is a summary of the dispatch;
and after presenting under each general head
the statements and remarks belonging to it, I
briefly subjoined other matter of a public
nature, of which the following is an outline.
I mentioned that the Parliament being a
new one, to ascertain the relative strength of
parties in the House of Commons seemed
desirable to both sides; to which end, a trial
was made on the motion of Mr. Tierney, (the
recognized leader of the Whigs,) on the state
of the nation; that this led to a debate of the
usual scope under such a motion, the avowed
object being to obtain a vote of condemnation
on the whole course of policy pursued by Mi- ill'
nisters, whether regarding home affairs or th&
foreign relations; and that on an unusually
full attendance of the members, the Ministers
triumphed, the vote in their favor being 357,
and against them but 178.
Regarding the affairs of Europe gen6rally,
as existing in connexion with those of Britahi§
or bearing at all upon American interests, I
stated, that the debate, although taking wide
scope, brought little to light that was important,
or that I had not already noticed in former communications to the department; but I gave a
passage from Mr. Tierney's description of the
Holy Alliance. This animated speaker said,
that " at first it consisted of but four powers;
that these four had considered it their duty to
impose upon France the yoke of maintaining
foreign armies upon her territory, to preserve
order within it, and keep the reigning family
upon the throne ; but that France having conducted herself to the satisfaction of her four
masters, they had, at Aix-la-Chapelle last
autumn, determined not only to remove the
yoke but take her into partnership, and that
she now constituted a fifth member of the
Giving this extract from Mr. Tierney's
speech assailing the Ministry, I deemed it right
to hold up, on the other hand, (passing over
L^i 1819.
Lord Castlereagh's reply to the speech in the
House of Commons,) the declarations made by
Lord Liverpool, the Premier, in the House of
Lords on the 21st of January, in reference to
the Holy Alliance ; with which declarations my
dispatch to the Secretary of State concluded.
They were, that he, (Lord Liverpool,) "felt
bound in conscience to affirm, that, so far as
he knew, there never Was a time in the history
of the world when so general an anxiety prevailed to preserve peace; when the causes of
disturbance were so completely removed ;
when nations and sovereigns were more divested of ambition and the love of undue influence,
and when the spirit of conciliation and the
necessity for repose, were more thoroughly acknowledged and acted upon over the whole
European community."
Throughout my mission, I wrote the Secretary
of State an annual dispatch after Parliament
rose, on the model of the foregoing, more or
less full according to circumstances; in addition
to noticing, from time to time, in weekly dispatches, such of the proceedings of either
House, or speeches of individual or official
members, 4as seemed appropriate to public
obligations devolving upon me.
August 6.    Go to Deptford, Greenwich and
Blackheath; my main object being to visit the lilt It
naval arsenal at Deptford in the vicinity ;  as
I did, fully.
August 9. Go to the counting-house of
Barings, Brothers, and Company, Bishopsgate-
street. I am shown their orderly arrangements
for business, the daily routine of which is under
the direction of Mr. Holland, an accomplished
merchant, agreed by all to merit the confidence
he enjoys from the great firm with which he is
August §19. Go to St. Paul's, the present
season allowing some few intervals for sight
seeing. One of the Foreign Ministers told me
soon after my arrival, that he had been eight
years in London without seeing the inside of
Westminster Abbey; declaring that he had
never been able to command the time for it,
other engagements always stepping in with
prior claims—if not of business, those of ceremony, which he was not at liberty to forego.
August 20. Devote the day to visiting the
London, West-India, and East-India Docks.
J. Adams Smith was with me. Instead of
going by land, we took a boat near Westminster Bridge, for the sake of going down the
Thames. We passed under the other bridges
that cross the route, viz., Waterloo, Blackfriars,
and Southwark Bridges, got out at London
Bridge, which you cannot safely shoot with a
^te-^  . 1819.
flowing tide, and took a fresh boat on the
other side. This brought under our view all
the shipping, boats, and craft of every description, moving about the river, or stationary on
its surface, and the whole river population and
scene. It was an immense panorama. We
had the Tower before us—that remnant of a
feudal age, going back a thousand years, but
now shorn of importance amidst the vast appearances of a commercial age. Below London Bridge, there was, for miles, a black forest
of masts and spars. Most of the ships are at
anchor, in solid tiers, in the stream, with
lighters at hand to put in and take out cargoes ; and thousands seemed to be at that
work. What struck me most was the coal
ships. There was no counting them. In some
parts they seemed to choke up the river, and,
although coasters, were stout, heavy, black
looking vessels, square rigged. These vessels
of themselves bespoke the preponderance of
the home trade of London over the foreign
trade, great as were signs of the latter. Ships
loaded with timber, seemed to come next in
number. There was a Thames Police ship for
the river Magistrates; and the hulk of another
ship, fitted up as a church for seamen. We
passed docks for building, and dry docks for
repairing merchant vessels. One of the latter
second series.—I. m mwm
was of odd construction. It was the hulk of
an old Dutch ship of the line, half sunk near
the shore on the Surrey side, and in that way
converted into a dry dock, in which a vessel
was undergoing repairs. Sometimes you passed
the decayed remains of old men-of-war, which
seemed to tell you of battles and storms, in
other ages. Some were in decay, though not
old. This was the case with a large frigate
built of fir, in 1813, to match, so it was said,
the American frigates. Getting lower down
the stream, straggling ships of war were seen
lying in ordinary; one had a plank stripped
off from stem to stern near the water's edge to
let in air to prevent rot. But I never should
finish if I glanced at only a tithe of the
multitude of things to strike the eye of a
stranger. The scene occupied me more than
the Docks, which I had set out expressly to
visit. The Docks indeed, with all they contain, present imposing images of commercial
power; but to pass in review that portion of
London, on the north bank of the Thames,
from Westminster Bridge to the Docks, with
its piles of buildings, its spires, its domes, its
monuments, its manufacturing establishments,
and other works and edifices ; taking in also
the solid bridges, packed with human crowds
incessantly  moving,   with   the   immensity  of
%& 1819.
shipping after you reach London Bridge, and
all else arresting attention on the river and on
both shores,—is to behold tokens of every
other kind of power. You behold industry
and art under a thousand forms; you behold
the accumulated capital of ages, all in activity;
all teeming with present results. You behold,
in every direction, signs of national energy,
enterprise, and opulence ; much of it as if just
bursting out. Such, to me, was the real scene
of yesterday, keeping this side of all exaggeration. It was said by one of the Popes, a century
ago, that if the treasury of Augustus had been
put up to sale, London could have bought it—
a strong figure of speech; but what are not its
riches now, increasing as they have been ever
since under new sources of trade and industry;
and more of late years than ever ? New buildings, new bridges, and other new improvements
in all ways, attest the extent of its modern, and
daily increasing prosperity and wealth.
I need not go into detail about the Docks.
Like the river, they were filled with vessels,
except the East India Docks. These had
comparatively few; but they were large, and,
at a distance, looked like frigates. The London
Docks can receive, it is said, five hundred
merchantmen; and as many, if not a greater
M   2 164
number, are accommodated in the export and
import West India Docks.
I close this brief notice of the scene on the
Thames by mentioning, that a London merchant likely to be well informed, with whom I
was afterwards talking about it, said, that upwards of 8,000,000/. sterling had been expended
since 1800, on docks, bridges, custom-house
buildings, walls, and other establishments connected with the port and commerce of this
great city.
It may be added, that since the epoch to
which the foregoing notice refers, St. Katharine's Docks, the largest of all the commercial docks, have been built, at an expense of
2,000,000/. sterling; and that the Thames
Tunnel has also been constructed, which, in
some respects, may be considered as the greatest of all the public works connected with the
river. It was the man whom Sir James Macintosh in the House of Commons pronounced
| the soldier, the sailor, the historian, the poet,
and the statesman," it was that man, Sir Walter Raleigh, who said, that "whosoever commands the sea, commands the trade of the
world; whosoever commands the trade of the
world, commands the riches of the world, and
consequently the world itself."    England does 1819.
not forget this; and whoever will descend the
Thames even from London Bridge to the
Docks, and keep looking all around, and when
at the latter, see also the immense warehousing
system in full and successful operation, with
the many other facilities and sources of a
vast commerce, from this great metropolitan
city of England without considering her other
ports—may mark how steadily she moves forward on the road which Sir Walter Raleigh so
epigrammatically pointed out two centuries
ago. And it is remarkable, that her advance
in commercial power goes on at an even pace
with predictions from the writers of other
countries and her own, that her ruin or decay
is fast approaching. The predictions began, at
least, as long ago as Queen Anne's time, with
her own Davenant. f
August 26. Last evening, the French Ambassador celebrated the birth-day of his Sovereign by an entertainment. The Duke and
Duchess of Kent, Lord Castlereagh, and other
Cabinet Ministers, the Diplomatic Corps, and
other company, were present.
Again I had opportunities of informally
conversing with Lord Castlereagh.
Salutations over, I began conversation with
him by alluding to the strong rumors I had
heard in the diplomatic circle, of Mr. Bagot
being about to succeed Lord Cathcart as Ambassador at St. Petersburg. I then asked, if he
would put it in my power to announce to my
«\x 1819.
Government who was likely to take Mr. Bagot's
place at Washington ?
His Lordship replied, that Mr. Bagot's appointment to Russia, although not yet publicly made known, was, he believed, a measure
determined upon by the Prince Regent. He
had the more pleasure in saying so to me, because he felt that it would be taken as a
new proof of the importance attached to the
American Mission, when faithful services in it
became the passport to an Ambassador's post
at so leading a Court in Europe; that as to
Mr. Bagot's successor in the British Mission
at Washington, one had not yet been named;
they felt an anxious desire that the choice
should fall upon a person endowed with every
suitable qualification, and as soon as it was
made he would inform me of it.
This topic ended, "No ratification of our
treaty yet, my Lord," was my next remark.
"So it appears," was his reply; "but I hope
you are well convinced, that the ratification
does not linger through our means?"
I answered, "Certainly, after what your Lordship said to me at Carlton House and Prince
Esterhazy's, I feel entirely convinced that it
does not; and I have had great pleasure in
communicating to the President what you said
on both occasions."
I §
< ; I
" I will say more," he continued. " As far
as we have given expression to any opinion or
wish to Spain, it has been the other way; it
has been that the treaty may be ratified!9
"This then," I rejoined, "is a communication which I shall make to my Government
with increased satisfaction."
" Let me deal candidly," he proceeded. " It
can little be supposed, were it an open question, that we would not prefer that Spain
should own the Floridas to their falling into
your hands. She is weak — you are strong;
but the treaty has been made, and we prefer
its ratification to the possibility of any serious
disturbance to the pacific relations between
the United States and Spain. These we are
sincerely desirous to see maintained, from the
propitious influence that it will continue to
shed upon the general repose of the world."
I said that I was sure my Government would
hear with great satisfaction the expression of
such sentiments.
Pursuing the subject, he remarked, that
whenever it appeared to this Government that
the United States were really manifesting u
spirit of encroachment at which other nations
might justifiably take exception, it might perhaps feel itself called upon to utter other
opinions; but he did not think  the present
v '«a 1819.
case open to such views. I again rejoined
how happy I was to hear him express himself
in this manner in relation to the Florida
Treaty, and agreed that principles of moderation were those by which it would be best for
all nations to steer.
The United States manifesting a spirit of
encroachment! England to think this! England, whose empire encircles the globe! But
it was not for me to reason with the sentiment
as it then fell upon me from Lord Castlereagh.
It was neither the occasion nor place. Had
England intervened to frustrate or retard the
ratification of our treaty, the United States
would have had ground of complaint; but as
she was doing the reverse, the moment would
have been ill-chosen for commenting upon her
own boundless dominion and power. We had
no claim, of right, to the good offices, or even
good wishes of England, towards hastening the
ratification. Neutrality was all we had a right
to ask. The voluntary interposition of her
good wishes, whatever the motive, was to be
well received; and I hold it to have been
another instance of the wisdom of the Foreign
Secretary who then so largely swayed her foreign counsels; nor did I suffer a day to pass
without transmitting what he said on this occasion to the Secretary of State. ill
August 29. Mr. Lowndes and Washington
Irving, two of our countrymen, dine with us;
the former a prominent Member of the House
of Representatives from South Carolina, the
latter distinguished by his literary talents.
The conversation was of the United States and
England, Mr. Lowndes having lately arrived.
From both, there was a flow of patriotism,
mingled with liberal feelings towards England.
September 3rd. Mr. * * * * * * | who is
closely connected with some of the Cabinet,
informs me that a British squadron, consisting
of two seventy-fours, and two frigates, is in
active preparation at Plymouth, whence it is
expected to sail very shortly for the South
Seas, and that Sir' Thomas Hardy is to command it. He says, that it was destined for
this service in consequence of the operations
of Lord Cochrane's ships in those seas, and
the decree of Bernardo O'Higgins, Supreme
Director of Chili, of the 20th of April last,
relating to blockade, which has laid the foundation for some of Lord Cochrane's proceed-
said,   that  the British
v       jit      it      *JL       v»        ajl      jy»
■ "A       Tv      v*       "TV      7*        <rv      w
squadron would be there to watch events, not
intending to let Lord Cochrane have sole
command in the Pacific.
September 5th.    Mr. Irving dines with us,
to our renewed pleasure.    His social benevo- 1819.
lence is equal to his good humor.   He speaks
ill of no one, so that the poet's line,
I The tongue which where it could not praise was mute,"
might describe him.
September 7th. Write to Mr. Forsyth, informing him that since my letter of the 24th
of July, transmitted through Mr. Gallatin, I
have assurances from Lord Castlereagh, that
England not only takes no steps to defeat our
treaty with Spain, but desires and seeks to
promote its ratification. I especially give him
the information, as, by a letter from him, he
appears to labor under opposite suspicions
very strongly, not having received my former
September 9. Visit the brewery of Truman,
Hanbury, and Co. Young Mr. Hanbury conducted us through it. I will note a few
I asked if they ever got hops from the
United States. The answer was, only in years
when the crop was short in England, the duty
upon our hops being so high as to amount to
prohibition. The price in England for their
own hops was stated to be, SI. per hundred
weight: this was in good seasons; last year
being a very bad one, the price rose greatly
higher. This had brought American hops
into demand, the quality of which was better i! Bill
for brewing than the English; but it was said
that they were injured for the English market
by being dried, as was supposed, with pine
wood, this being the only way in which a bad
flavor imparted to them could be accounted
for. We were told that there had been
brewed at the brewery last year, two hundred
and ten thousand barrels of beer, each containing thirty-six gallons. The whole was performed by a steam-engine, equal to a twenty-
six-horse power. There were eighty vats, and
three boilers.
We understood that the whole cost of
the establishment, including the building,
machinery, implements, horses, and verything
else, together with the capital necessary to
put the brewery into operation, was upwards
of 400,000/. And was this investment necessary before beginning the business, I asked?
The answer was — yes, on the scale that I
The stable was scarcely the least curious
part of the establishment. Ninety horses of
the largest breed were employed, not as large
as elephants, it is true, but making one think
of them; and all as fat as possible. Their
food was a peck and a half of oats a day,
with mangers always kept full of clover, hay,
and  cut straw, chopped  up together with  a ■*****•-
machine, and hay in their racks throughout
the night. It was among the largest breweries in London, but not the largest, Barclay's,
established by an American, taking the lead.
After going through it all under the good
auspices of Mr. Hanbury, who hospitably
gave us a collation, we went to Spitalfields.
There, through like obliging attentions from
Mr. Hale, an eminent manufacturer, we saw,
in several of the houses and workshops, the
whole process of weaving silk, satin, and velvets. - ,      : ■    '.
September 12. Dined with Lord Castlereagh yesterday at his country seat, North
Cray, where he goes occasionally to pass a
few days at this season of relative rest to
Cabinet Ministers, being the beginning of the
shooting season. It was a dinner given to
a portion of the Diplomatic Corps and their
ladies; we had also Mr. Planta, and Lord
Ancram, and were invited at six o'clock. This
was early for England, and may have been
to afford opportunity for taking a turn before
dinner along the sweet-briar walk, alluded to
in Chapter XVIII., of the former volume; but
if so, unhappily, we lost that chance! An
accident to my carriage obliged us to stop on
the road, and the consequence was, that, although the speed of the horses was increased
«&£** 174
after repairing the accident, we arrived after
our time. The fifteen minutes usually allowed at English dinners, had far more than run
out. As we drove up, we saw that the servants
had all left the hall, and we feared that the
company had gone to dinner. Entering the
drawing-room, we found this not quite the
case, but they were on the eve of going, and
we had been waited for. As I advanced to
Lord Castlereagh, to make the explanation,
he at once put all apology aside by saying
playfully, " Never mind—it is all as it should
be—America being farthest off, you had a
right to more time in coming!" This relieved
us; and our associates of the corps, who were
standing by, in anxious silence at our dilemma,
all witnessed the ingenious excuse which the
good breeding of our host suggested for our
very late arrival.
I remember nothing that better matches it
than an anecdote I have heard of the Lord
Leicester who built Holkham ; one of whose
dinner guests, on entering the room, unluckily
struck a barometer hanging near the door. It
fell down, breaking the glass, and scattering the
mercury all over the floor; on which his Lordship congratulated his company on the certainty of a change of weather, then much
wanted,  remarking that he   had  never   seen 1819.
the mercury in his barometer so low. Happy
thought! but did not Lord Castlereagh, in his
reception of me meet the occasion as well ?
We went to dinner a minute or two after
our arrival, one of the Ambassadors, Baron
Fagel, taking Lady Castlereagh on his arm,
and my wife going in with Lord Castlereagh,
Two pet dogs had the run of the rooms, Venom
and Fury—in name only, not conduct.
If I came too late to go to the menagerie
before dinner, its inmates were not forgotten
at table. Lady Castlereagh said that she had
now two of my countrymen in the collection,
a mocking-bird and a flying squirrel; but the
bird, vexed perhaps at being stolen from its
native woods, would neither mock anything,
nor sing a note of its own ; and as to the squirrel, none of her efforts had been able to make
it fly ; still there was one other thing she
wanted from the United States,—a hummingbird, having never seen one. I said it would
make me most happy to procure one for her, if
possible. 3 Thank you," she said, | but will it
hum in England ?" I said I would disown it as
a countryman if it did not. IHereupon I was
questioned as to the habits of this little frequenter of our arbors and porticos, where
honeysuckles hang, but had to confess my
shallow  knowledge  on   this   item of natural &%££\f*i?*' .f ■?.-■
history ; on which her Ladyship hinted that I
was holding back, for the honor of the hum-
ing-bird, not wishing to promise too much beforehand, lest it should refuse to hum when it
got to North Cray !
Lord Castlereagh seemed quite disposed to
indulge in a similar vein ; as if invited to it by
the rural and quiet scenes around him,—in
such contrast to his daily battles in the House
of Commons. He told anecdotes of the last
Westminster election, and confirmed what is
said in Chapter XVI. of the former volume, of
his escape from the mob, with additional and
diverting particulars, narrated with a familiarity that could mingle with his bland dignity when among the Foreign Ministers, without overstepping it. We had personal anecdotes from him also of the Sovereigns of Europe. One or two had reference to the Emperor of Austria's fondness for hunting wild
boars, and his success in that sport. His
guests fell in with his own vein, and none
seconded it better than Mr. Planta; a gentleman of native urbanity, and long enjoying all
advantages of society.
We had one anecdote relished above all the
rest. I need have the less scruple in telling
it, as it may be inferred that the distinguished
personage to whom it relates, would himself
K& 1819.
have had no objection to its publicity. It was
mentioned, that two of the servants of the
Persian Ambassador having offended him lately
in London, he applied to the British Government for permission to cut off their heads.
On learning that it could not be granted, he
gravely remonstrated ! In the sequel, he was
ill able to comprehend how the laws of England could deny his request. Finding, however, that his hands were tied up, he told his
servants, " it was all one; they must consider their
heads as being off, for off they would come when
he got them back to Persia /"
It was so the dinner moved along. I give
little specimens only, ill-told, apart from their
oral spirit. We left the table at nine o'clock,
and were an hour in the drawing-room afterwards. Here Mr. Planta mentioned to a little
knot of us, that Lord Castlereagh had once
crossed with Lady Castlereagh from Ireland to
Scotland in an open row-boat,—a distance of
twenty-five miles. It was thought something
of an adventure.
With the cup of delicious Mocha coffee in
our hands, I had conversation with the Saxon
Minister, Baron Just; and I must here mention, having omitted a note of it under its date,
that this experienced member of the corps paid
me a visit in the spring or summer, to talk
about our intended recognition of Buenos
Ayres. He said that he would not conceal his
wish on that subject, having received a dispatch from his Court, in which it was stated
that I had made some communication to Lord
Castlereagh in relation to it in the winter.
The precise nature of my communication his
Court did not know; and it was thence his
desire to learn it through me, a§ he had no
claim to seek it through Lord Castlereagh. I
frankly told him all; and it struck me as curious, that an official communication which I
had made to the Foreign Secretary of England
respecting a measure of foreign policy contemplated by the United States, should have
passed from Cabinet to Cabinet in Europe, or
from one Ambassador to another, until, somehow or other, for it was not said exactly how,
it reached the ears of the King of Saxony,
whose Plenipotentiary in London thus hears it
for the first time by way of Dresden! Had
the movements of the United States become so
important with Europe? or were its smaller
Courts, like Saxony, the more prone to political curiosity, from being able to do nothing
important themselves, since the Holy Alliance
existed ? (When could the smaller Courts ever
do anything important ?) Be these things as
they may, the veteran diplomat thanked me 1819.
again this evening for having put it in his
power to enlighten his Court on this intended
step of the Government of the United States,
respecting Buenos Ayres.
In a few brief words with Lord Castlereagh,
I touched upon the non-ratification of our
Florida Treaty. He again merely said, his
other guests dividing his attention, that he
wished it Bad been otherwise, adding, that
he was led to infer, from the communications
of Sir Henry Wellesley, their Ambassador at
Madrid, that the refusal of Spain was not
absolute, but that she only waited for some
further explanations.
Before coming away, I asked it as a favor
that he would name as early a day as his
convenience would allow for letting me know
the views of his Government on the renewed
proposals that I submitted in June, on the
West India trade; on which he appointed
the 16th instant, requesting I would call on
him at his residence, St. James's Square.
It was now ten o'clock. Our carriages were
all in waiting, the night was fine, the road
good, and we got back to town at midnight
from this agreeable dinner-party; a delightful form of society of which the English are
chiefly fond, and all the unwritten arcana of
which  they understand;   a form  of society
N 2 I
where restraint and ease go hand in hand,
to unite the pleasures of conversation in its
lighter spheres with the rational enjoyments of
the table, heightening and refining both; and
where, as the condition of the conversation
being general, there must be a disciplined
forbearance under the golden requisition of
which none talk too much. This, indeed,
points to a high state of manners; and what
training to produce it! How often have the
young and unpractised held back, where all
are listening while only one speaks, lest they
should fail in the apt thought and proper
expression of it! These are sensibilities, this
the kind of culture, out of which such society grows, until at last, as the effect of
both, it becomes an unconstrained and natural
scene, where there is no jarring, blended with
one of intellectual accomplishments and grace;
a scene, not for conflict of minds, not for
bending the bow of Ulysses, but for easy
colloquy and reciprocal pleasure; where the
strife is that of concession, if there be any
strife; where some minds, to be sure, will be
superior to others; some able to sparkle and
others not; but none struggling for mastery,
or breathing a contentious spirit; where wit
itself must be as the lightning of a summer's
evening, diffusing gleams which never burn. 1819.
To reconcile with all these restraints mental enjoyments in a sphere peculiarly its own
and eminently delightful, is the end aimed at,
and are the general characteristics of dinnerparties in England in their enlightened and
polished circles. *1
There is a charm in such society for all
nations. Its standard is of intrinsic worth and
beauty. It "is of all times and countries advanced into high civilization. The educated
and accomplished everywhere, appreciate its
meliorating influences; rich and flourishing
Republics have the elements of it; and it
raises the moral tone of conduct in other
spheres, by the restraints which it imposes
upon the temper and the feelings, laying a
curb upon both, on the important occasions of
life, such as is seen in the intercourse of refined, social life.
September 16. The scene changes. It is
no longer the tranquil hospitality of North
Cray. Lord Castlereagh and his guest of last
Thursday meet to day, by appointment, to discuss matters of international concern; in the
|jspirit, indeed, in which his Lordship discusses
|and transacts all business—that of courtesy;
but when, like his guest, he has important interests of his country in charge, which guest
and host are primarily bound to look to, nei- ■**-<
ther giving way to the other but as public
duty may dictate.
His Lordship began the interview by taking
from his table the proposals I submitted to
him respecting the West India trade on the
13th of June. He premised, that it would be
more convenient, perhaps, to answer them as
the British articles submitted through my
predecessor in London, in 1817", had been
answered ; namely, without any formal written
communication, but simply in conversation
with me. I said that the form of the answer
would, I was sure, make no difference with my
Government; its communication, in any mode,
would answer.
He proceeded to inform me, that our proposals were not of a nature to form the basis
of an agreement between the two countries for
the regulation of this trade; they would effect,
if adopted, an entire subversion of the British
Colonial system ; from which system they were
not prepared to depart. Their Colonies were,
in many respects, burdensome, he said, and
even liable to involve the parent state in wars.
Garrisons and other establishments were constantly maintained in them, at heavy expense.
In return, it was no more than just that they
should be brought under regulations, the
operation of which would help to meet in part
[S-iiiJI 1819.
the expenses which they created. The great
principle of these regulations was known to be,
the reservation of an exclusive right in the
governing power to the benefit of the trade
of the Colonies—a principle relaxed, it was
true, by the Free Port Acts; but it had never
been the intention of his Majesty's Government to do anything more than make us the
offer of a participation in those acts. Some
modifications of them would have been acquiesced in, suggested by local causes, and an
anxious desire that our two countries might
come to an understanding on this part of their
commercial intercourse ; but our proposals
went the length of breaking down the system
entirely, and could not therefore be accepted.
Such were his remarks.
I said, that to break down the system was
no part of our aim. All we desired was, that
the trade, as far as opened to us at all, should
be open to the vessels of both nations upon
terms that were equal. If the system fell
under such an arrangement, it was as an
incident, and only served to show how difficult it seemed to render its longer continuance consistent with a fair measure of commercial justice towards the United States.
His Lordship's rejection of our proposals
was so broad and  decided, that it  appeared
I '    raftt'i
J  :
at first almost superfluous to ask him to be
more particular; yet, on my wish, he went on
to assign reasons, remarking, that the discussion of the whole subject by the British Plenipotentiaries, and by Mr. Gallatin and myself
on the side of our Government, a twelvemonth ago, would render it unnecessary for
him do so in much detail.
The first objection then to our proposals
was, that we asked a specification of all the
ports in the West Indies to which we desired
the privilege of admission.
We had asked, secondly, that the trade
between the United States and the British
Colonies on the continent of North America,
and with Bermuda, should be confined within
the same limits as the trade between the
United States and the British West Indies,
carried on in the direct path.
And, in the third place, we had asked that
the duties on articles imported from the
United States into the British West India
Islands in American vessels, should be no
higher than on the same articles when imported from the United States in British vessels, or when imported from any other country,
without saying any other foreign country.
These three points, especially the third and
second,  formed, he said, insurmountable ob- 1819.
stacles to any convention or arrangement with
the United States, purporting to embrace them.
In reply, I remarked that, as to the first
objection, it was plain that if the ports were
not specifically named, the privilege of admission to them might at any time be recalled when Great Britain thought fit to
exclude from them any other foreign vessels;
it would be a privilege with nothing certain ;
vessels of the United States beginning a lawful voyage, might find it unlawful before it
ended. As to the second objection, I said,
that should an indirect trade be opened with
the Islands in any greater extent than the
direct trade, nothing appeared more obvious
than that the greater part or whole would
soon flow in the channel of the former, to the
manifest disadvantage of American, and preference of British vessels.
The stress, I admitted, was on the third objection ; and as to that, an explanatory remark
or two was all that I would add to what we
had urged heretofore. That the United States
should ask, or expect, to cut Britain off from
exercising her undoubted right of protecting
the industry of her own subjects in any part
of her dominions by establishing discriminating
duties in their favor, might be thought, at first
blush, altogether indefensible; but, on exami- 186
nation, we believed that it would be found
otherwise under all the actual circumstances
of this trade. The system built up by Great
Britain in relation to her Colonies, must be
viewed altogether. It was so artificial, that
principles not disputed in the abstract, lost
that character in their practical application to
other nations. Though one and all of these
Colonies were, indeed, of her own dominion,
yet they were made, by British legislation, to
stand, with respect to the United States, on
the footing of separate and independent nations. Jamaica, for example, was as one country to them; Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
as another ; whilst the whole of the United
States were made to present to Great Britain
but one country, commercially; although the
extremes of their widely extended territory
comprised almost as great a variety of industry
and productions as Great Britain proper and
her West India Islands. This was the root of
the difficulty. To the British West * India
Islands certain supplies were desirable, which,
if they did not get from their own North
American Colonies, they could get nowhere
else upon terms to invite an advantageous
trade, except from the United States. If,
therefore, we agreed not to impose upon articles   imported into  the United States from 1819.
the British West Indies any higher duties
than upon similar articles coming from any
other foreign country, an agreement by Great
Britain, not to impose on articles exported
from the United States to her Islands any
higher duties than on similar articles when
brought from any other foreign country, would
be one of only nominal reciprocity; because,
after her own dominions on the continent of
North America, there was no other foreign
country, except the United States, from which
such articles would be sent. Thus it was, that
our third proposition, combined with the two
others, was indispensable to enable the United
States, whilst carrying on trade with the British West Indies, to place their navigation on
a footing of real equality, not that which was
merely verbal. The former was the only footing upon which any compact between the two
countries could be satisfactory or lasting.
His Lordship did not accede to these views;
and each Government appearing to have made
up its mind on the subject, the discussion was
not prolonged. He did not suffer it to close
without adding, that although our proposals
were declined, it was in a spirit no other than
friendly and frank ; we might resort to any
just and rightful regulations of our own, to
meet those which Britain deemed it necessary 188
to adhere to, in regard to her West India
Islands ; it would form no ground of complaint whatever on the part of his Majesty's
Government. I also said, in conclusion, that
this might naturally be expected to be the
course which the United States would adopt,
as had before been intimated to his Majesty's
Government; and adopted, certainly, in no
unfriendly spirit, but with a view to secure for
their citizens what their Government believed
to be equal rights in trade. The subject was
now disposed of. It remained at rest until
revived at a subsequent negotiation to be mentioned hereafter ; each nation, in the meantime, pursuing its own independent policy.
His Lordship passed to another subject. He
adverted spontaneously to the Florida Treaty.
He did so, to corroborate his former communications to me. He took from his table some of
Sir Henry Wellesley's dispatches from Madrid,
and read passages from a couple of them, showing that that Ambassador had made known to
the Spanish Cabinet the wishes of the British
Government for the ratification of our treaty.
He also read me a passage from one of his own
dispatches to the Ambassador, in which an
unequivocal opinion was expressed, that the
true interests of Spain would be best promoted
by a ratification. 1819.
He next asked me if I had heard, during
the summer, of an intended visit of a Mr.
****** to London. I replied, that I had.
He said that he had too, but that he had
not, in fact, arrived. The Spanish Government
knew too well the opinion of his Majesty's
Government, to imagine that the propositions
with which I If ft 1 j * was charged could
ever be countenanced. These, he continued,
were, to ask a loan of money from England
to pay the American claims recognised by the
Florida Treaty; and also to inquire, if Great
Britain would consent to make common cause
with Spain, in the event of a rupture between
the latter and the United States.* His Lordship then stated, that the willingness of the
British Court to acquiesce in our possession of
the Floridas might be inferred from the indirect offer which it had made two years
ago to mediate between the United! States
and Spain, which we had declined. This
offer, he remarked, was made on the supposition that the cession of these provinces to
us would have formed the basis of the negotiation ; and to such a basis Britain was pre-
* This sheds some light on the anonymous communications mentioned in chapter xv., of the former volume. I naturally supposed
that Britain would countenance no such propositions, though not
then knowing what Lord Castlereagh told me in this interview. at
pared at that time to consent, whatever her
opinions formerly.
His Lordship also put into my hands at this
interview, something not to have been read
without the interest attaching in diplomatic
life to what proceeds from high sources. It
was a letter addressed to him by Sir Charles
Stuart, the British Ambassador in Paris, relating an anecdote in which the Duchess d'An-
gouleme and Mr. Gallatin were the parties.
It stated, that at a Court just held by the King
of France, the Duchess pointedly asked Mr.
Gallatin, in the hearing of others of the Diplomatic Corps, if British interference had not
been at the bottom of the rejection of our
treaty with Spain! Mr. Gallatin replied no;
that so far from it, Great Britain had endeavoured to promote an issue directly the contrary. Sir Charles adds, that he thanked Mr.
Gallatin for the justice rendered his Court, but
hinted a wish that the contradiction might
not be urged further. The meaning of this
caution I inferred to be, that as the Duchess
ought not to have harbored the suspicion
which her question implied without adequate
grounds, the question publicly proceeding as
it did from a source in such close connexion
with the French throne, had little claim to
more than one contradiction. 1819.
In the course of the interview, his Lordship
glanced at the pretexts under which Spain
withheld her consent to the treaty, as he had
learned them through Sir Henry Wellesley.
These, in a word, were, though his Lordship
did not go into them, an allegation by Spain
that the United States desired to alter one of
the articles of the treaty, by making certain
declarations as to its meaning when the ratifications were to be exchanged; and next, that
the Government of the United States had
sanctioned an expedition against the Spanish
province of Texas ; both which allegations
were shown in the end to be groundless.
September 18. Had another interview with
Lord Castlereagh, on his invitation sent to me
this morning. It was for the purpose of informing me, that the choice of the Prince Regent had fallen upon Mr. Stratford Canning,
as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from England to the United States,
in the room of Mr. Bagot, who was appointed
Ambassador to the Court of St. Petersburg.
In selecting this gentleman, his Lordship
said that the Prince Regent had been actuated
by an anxious desire to keep up the system of
conciliation which had been acted upon with
so much advantage to both countries by Mr.
Bagot; and his Royal Highness had the best 192
reasons for believing that he possessed every
qualification for treading in the same path.
In speaking more particularly of Mr. Canning, he carried back his narrative to 1812.
That year found him, he said, in the post of
Secretary to the British Embassy at Constantinople. The Ambassador being called away,
Mr. Canning, under dormant credentials, which,
according to usage in the diplomatic service of
England, he was possessed of, stood at the head
of the Embassy, with the rank and functions
of Minister Plenipotentiary. In this situation,*
important duties fell upon him, which he performed in a manner highly satisfactory; but
he attracted the favorable notice of his Government chiefly by services which he rendered as
auxiliary to the conclusion of a treaty between
the Ottoman Porte and Russia; accomplishing an object dear at that time to Great
Britain .# He was soon afterwards appointed
Minister to Switzerland. This, although not
generally a leading station, was converted by
events into a conspicuous theatre for the display of his fitness for a high diplomatic trust.
Being there when the Sovereigns of Europe
* Russia and Turkey being at war, this treaty effected peace between them, thus liberating Russian troops from that service to go
against Napoleon ; as the treaty, between Persia and Russia already
mentioned had disengaged them from service against Persia.
' ^^gJk.^''-; 1819.
were assembled at Vienna in 1815, and questions of interest as well between the States of
Switzerland themselves as between some of
them and France, coming up for consideration,
Mr. Canning was requested to give his attendance at the Congress. Thither be repaired,
and from the usefulness of his information and
discretion of his counsels, left upon all minds
the best impressions. Returning to his station, he remained until a few months ago,
faithfully and ably discharging his duties;
when, as was believed for some domestic reasons, he requested his recall.
Such was the account his Lordship gave me.
He added, that his appointment to the United
States was to be considered as the proper reward of past services. He mentioned that he
would be made a Privy Councillor, the Prince
Regent intending to annex that dignity to his
Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States.
He further spoke of Mr. Canning as joining to
his abilities, personal dispositions kind and
I thanked him for his communication, telling
him of the pleasure I should have in imparting it to my Government.
In the evening I dined with Mr. Lyttelton at
Putney. 1 We had a small but agreeable party.
It could not have been otherwise in a circle
o iTI
where Lady Sarah; Lyttelton lent her aid to
the cordial hospitality of Mr. Lyttelton. Captain Spencer, of the Navy, was of the company.
He expected soon to sail in his frigate, the
Owen Glendower, for the Bacific, as part of Sir
Thomas Hardy's squadron. This frigate was
built with the round stern, the first of that
description, according to the plan of Sir Robert
Seppings, which the Admiralty had adopted.
The "round stern" was talked of, and conversation enlivened and diversified by many topics.
Mr. Lyttelton afterwards became Lord Lyttelton, heir of Hagley, and Lady Lyttelton,
mistress of that elegant abode. . There, at
that classic seat, it was once my lot to pass
a Christmas-week, with a youthful son; the
mansion enlivened by other company, and
everything to render hospitality attractiva
Lord Lyttelton died soon afterwards, to the
unfeigned regret of his American guest and
friend, who would here pay a fleeting but sincere tribute to his virtues. After the death
of Lord Lyttelton, the accomplished mind of
Lady Lyttelton, pure principles, and mingled
sprightliness and dignity, pointed hereout,
among the illustrious matrons of England, for
the high trust of governess to the children of
the present Queen ; a situation which she now
holds in the Palace. 1&I9.
September 29.w Mr. Stratford Canning, the
newly-appointed Minister to the United $ttfSes,
and several of the Diplomatic Corps, dine with
Us; also Mr. Planta. Mi*. Canniiig maiilf<gsl$
in conversation every desire to render the mis^"
sion in his hands subservient to harmony antl
good will between the two countries.
October 2.    Mr.
%\       v*       T%       "S*       7v
visits mei   Hi*
says that the Spanish Ambassador is very tiii-
easy under the armament fitting out in Ireland in aid of the revolted Colonies. HW
remonstrates, but ineffectually, against it|-He
adds that the subject makes a talk in the Diplomatic Circle.
Getting  on other topics, he   was   led   to
speak  of allowances  to some of the Ambassadors.    The Austrian Ambassador,   he  said,
received  ten thousand  ducats  a year.    The
Russian, got more;  but the Austrian, besides
the above sum from his Government, had the
same  amount  annually allowed  him  by his
father,   the    elder   Prince   Esterhazv.    The
French  Ambassador,    he   believed,   received
twelve thousand sterling a year, with an allowance  for occasional entertainments.    The
Foreign Secretary of England, he added, was
also allowed for entertainments.    He further
stated, that France gave her Ambassador in
London, 2000/. a  year  more   than   her  Am-
o 2 196
bassadors at any other Court. Speaking of
British Ambassadors abroad, he said, that a
service of plate as a personal gift to them,
had lately been discontinued. The plate was
now considered as attached to the embassy,
and had the public arms engraved upon it.
To her Ministers Plenipotentiary England|
gave no service of plate, but made some extra
allowance in lieu. This was the information
he gave on these matters, saying that by asv
much as he had heard, he believed it not far.
from the truth. 1819.
October 4. Dine at the Travellers' Club.
A party of about ten are at table, made up of
English gentlemen and the Diplomatic Corps.
This Club consists, I was told, of four hundred
members, noblemen and gentlemen. One of
the requisites to mtembership is, that the applicant should have travelled at least five hundred miles out of England. The club-house
is a large one in Waterloo Place, not far from
Carlton House. Besides the library of the
Club, the rooms are supplied with the newspapers, periodical works, chess-boards, a billiard-
table, and all things else necessary to such
establishments* as they exist in London. The
rent of   the   house,  without  furniture,  was
1 ifl
stated to be a thousand guineas a year. Looking at the regulations, I observed that one of
them prohibited dice, and allowed no game
of hazard in the rooms of the Club. -
At seven we sat down to a dinner served
on silver, and attended by liveried servants.
Every body seemed at home. Mr. Planta was
of the party, and a good contributor to the
conversation.* Talking with Mr. ***** on
that rule of the Club by which one black ball
excludes, he agreed to what I had heard remarked at Lord Westmoreland's, namely, that
to have had two duels would be likely to exclude any candidate for membership, without
further scrutiny. He adnjjjtted duelling to be
unavoidable in the ex%ty^g state of manners ;
feut said that experience proved it to be very
gpe in private society amoijg the best gentlemen in England, who always understood each
othey, All the members of the Diplomatic
jQorps had the freedom of this Club extended
to them; and thjg was far from being the
only time I dined there in the midst of enlightened and agreeable: circles.
October 5. I l§&fn from good authority that,
4$i addition to an armarjaent already dispatched
from Irelaia^ to a&d the Spanish Cfelc^usts, from
* There was no swearing, any more than  at private  tables in
England, a thing I have never heard. 1819.
two to three thousand men will soon follow,
their first destination to be Margaritta. They
will be under the command of General De-
vereaux, a native of Ireland, but long a citizen of the United States resident in Baltimore, an honorable man and a good soldier.
He intends to embark in personrwith this force.
The law is evaded by the men going out
under ciolor of settling as farmers and laborers
in the province of Venezuela. The better to
mask this project, it is said that General De-
vereaux has received either an actual or ostensible grant from General Boliver of fifty square
leagues of land in that province.
It has been remarked quaintly, as illustrating the difficulty of framing penal statutes
which could not be evaded in England, that
the only statute out of which the subject
cotfid not creep, was the old one for burying
in woollen. It is a hard task to execute laws
where public opinion is against them. In Ireland, it is known that attachment to the cause
of the Colonists has became very general. In
England, it is strong in powerful commercial
circles, and even in some others. But whence
are derived the pecuniary supplies necessary
for so large an expedition as the one now fitting
out in Ireland, seems not easy to discover.
It is said that General Devereaux does it on 200
his own means ; but troops are raised and
equipped, transports hired, munitions provided,
and a large enterprise in all things completed
for active military operations. All this would
appear to be an undertaking too much for
private means. The General has his headquarters at a hotel in Dublin, wears a military
dress, and has aids about him. It seems, difficult to reconcile all this with the strict enforcement of the Foreign Enlistment Bill,
passed to stop aid from going to the Spanish
Colonists; but facts must speak for themselves, and my informant can scarcely be in
error, having seen part of what he mentions,
and being too honorable to misstate things. I
communicate to my Government all that he
tells me. j§
October 6. Dine with Baron Fagel, Ambassador from the Netherlands. The company
was composed of foreigners chiefly, with some
English gentlemen. Amongst the former was
a youth fof about fifteen, a native of Java,
dressed in the fashion of his country, who had
lately come to London with a public functionary of Holland, arrived from that island. His
behaviour was remarkable. At table, he retained his self-possession with entire modesty ;
and what was more striking, seemed at fault
in none of the conventional forms of the din- 1819.
ner. This was observed by all. So it is, that
native aptitudes will sometimes greatly supply
the want of previous training, even for the
nicest occasions of social life; like those intellects which, in regions of thought more important, can go on from conclusion to conclusion, without the intermediate processes
necessary to others.
Mr. Barrow, of the Admiralty, was of the
company, and talked with his usual command
of resources for conversation. Ship-building
being spoken of, one of his remarks was, that
as a science it was still in its infancy; hitherto, in England, it had been in the hands,
almost exclusively, he added, of practical men
merely. Mr. Hammond, British Minister to
the United States in General Washington's
time, was among the guests. I found him
still familiar with some of the incidents of our
Government at that early day, when the French
Revolution raged, and party spirit among us
rested chiefly on an espousal of the cause of
one or other of the great belligerents, France
or England.
October 8. I am informed that Mr. Irisari,
a Deputy from Chili, has had an informal interview with Lord Castlereagh. He asked
whether the vessels of Chili would not be admitted into the ports of Britain ?    His Lord- !
ship replied, certainly—at all times. Would
their prizes also? Here Lord Castlereagh
made objection, saying that such a permission
might give cause of complaint to Spain. His
Lordship then said, that Sir Thomas Hardy,
who was appointed to command the squadron
destined to act in the South Seas, was charged
to attend to British interests in that quarter,
and would be the medium of any communications necessary between his own Government and the authorities of Chili, and thus
exercise, in effect, Consular functions. The
Deputy inquired if Great Britain would not
in return receive a Consul from Chili ? His
Lordship answered that such reciprocity did
not appear to follow as a duty, Chili being
not yet recognised by other nations as an established power; but he said that the instructions to Sir Thomas Hardy directed him to
pay respect to all the just regulations of trade
and commerce established by those exercising
the powers of Government in Chili.
October 10. We were at Drury Lane last
night. Guy Mannering was the play, and
" Scots who have with Wallace bled," was sung
by Braham, long a famous singer, whom we
had not heard before. The song, which
breathes the spirit of freedom and heroism,
was  enthusiastically applauded, and  encored
Iv -4lLAJ
L 1819.
twice. The Duke of Kent was present. " God
save the King" was sung by all the performers,
the band playing it, and the curtain rising, as
well as ihe audience, when he first entered his
bofe This member of the Royal family seems
a favorite. General Harper remarked, after a
conversation of a few minutes with him at the
Levee, that, although unable to judge of his
intellectual powers in an interview so brief, he
was struck with his well-selected words and
clear enunciation of them ; the latter iiot being
Characteristic of all the Royal Dukes.
November  9.     On  the  4th  instant,  Lord
Castlereagh wrote me the following note :—
Lord Castlereagh presents his compliments
to Mr. Rush, and will be happy to have the
hoaaor of seeing him at eleven o'clock, a.m., the
5th instant, if that hour is not inconvenient to
Mr. Rush.
Foreign Office, November 4th, 1819.
Through an aqcident, the note did iiot get to
my hands u&til the evening of the Stii, and
intermediate notes between us having arranged
$ms day (the 9th) for the interview, it accordingly took place. Ifcwas on a subject his
lordship had much at heart—that of the slave-
ti&de.    After a word of explanation on  the i'H
'« !i
short notice given in his first note, which arose
from his being still partly at North Cray and
partly in town; he remarked, that the Government of Great Britain had lost none of its
anxiety to see a more universal and effective
cooperation among independent states for
putting down the traffic. It was still carried
on, he said, to a lamentable extent; and, in
some respects, as evidence collected by the
African Institution and from other sources
would show, was marked by more than all its
original outrages upon humanity. It was th&
intention of the Prince Regent again to invite
the United States to negotiate upon the subject, in the hope, notwithstanding what had
hitherto passed, that some practicable mode
might yet be found by which they could yield
their assent to an association with other
powers for accomplishing the object which all
had in view. That I was aware of the addresses to the Prince Regent, presented by
both Houses of Parliament at the close of the
last session, for the renewal of negotiations
with foreign powers, naming especially the
United States and France, for rendering more
effectual the laws passed for abolishing the
trade ; and that in consequence of this step it
was his intention to enclose to me, at an early
day, copies of these addresses, as the founda-
■w 1819.
tion of a new endeavour which his Majesty's
Government was now about to make with that
of the United States. In doing so, his purpose, at present, merely was to bespeak my
interposition towards making known to the
President the measures contemplated, it being
intended that all future negotiation should be
carried on at Washington. This he thought
indispensable after the past failure, as it could
not be supposed that I was prepared with any
new authority or instructions to resume negotiations on this side of the water. That their
newly-appointed Minister, Mr. Canning, who,
his Lordship now informed me, would embark
early in the spring, would accordingly have the
subject in charge, and be prepared to enter
upon it on his arrival at Washington, under
hopes the most anxious of an auspicious termination to his labors. §jr
I replied that I would, as before, be happy
to make known to my Government whatever
communication he might honor me with. I
adverted again to the obstacles which the constitution of the United States interposed to the
project of naval concert with foreign powers,
and to the peculiar and extreme caution with
which the question of search would be viewed
throughout our country. I said that these
reasons strongly superadded themselves to the 206
failure of the attempt already made hfere, to
give a propriety to changing the place of negotiation, and, therefore, I was very glad to learn
that the new endeavour was to be made at
Washington. I believed that the President
had all his original sensibility to the importance
of the subject, and I could not doubt but thai!
he would receive an^i proposals from his
Majesty's Government, differently modified
from the last, with an earnest d&sire ta turn
them to good ends, as far as might be
practicable, towards suppressing the traffic I
remarked, that as England had declared that
the principles of the Holy Alliance had her approbation, though she was no formal party to
it, so the United States, acting wiAin their
constitutional limits, had long and earnestly
desired, as much so as the powers of Europe
possibly could, to see the slave-trade abolislted,
although unable to be a formal party with them
in the work. Here I adverted to what Lord
Liverpool said last winter in the House of
Peers; viz., that as the signature of the
European Sovereigns to the S Holy Alliance
were all by their own hands, England could
not join in it, as the Prince Regent was restrained, by the fundamental doctrine of the
British constitution, from giving his autograph
signature, without the intervention of a re- 1819.
sponsible Minister. With such an illustration
as this, I remarked to his Lordship, that the
embarrassment which met us under our constitutional system of government, might perhaps be the more readily seen. He admitted
it, but expressed hopes that such and all other
embarrassments might in the end be overcome
by proper modifications of the plan in question.
The interview, after some incidental conversation growing out of the general subject, here
In the evening I dined with my friend, Mr.
George Marx, Bedford Place, a merchant connected with the American trade; known for
his mercantile intelligence, and general information, not less than for his private worth, and
hospitable attention to Americans.
November 14. Received a note from Lord
Castlereagh, dated the 11th instant, in fulfilment of his intention, made known to me in
the foregoing interview. It covered manuscript copies of the address presented to the
Prince Regent by both Houses of Parliament,
to which his Lordship had referred. The
following is a copy of his note :—
The undersigned, His Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the
honor to transmit to Mr. Rush by command
■n 208
of the Prince Regent, a copy of addresses
which were presented by both Houses of Parliament at the close of the last Session to his
Royal Highness, which his Royal Highness
has to request Mr. Rush will lay before the
President, with an intimation that it is the
Prince Regent's earnest desire to enter without delay into discussion with the Government
of the United States upon the important subject to which these addresses refer, and in the
successful accomplishment of which, the common feelings and reputation of both States,
are equally and deeply involved. ||r
It has occurred to the Prince Regent that
the difficulties which have hitherto operated
to prevent a common system of concert and
prevention between the two Governments, as
directed against the illicit slave-trade, could
be most satisfactorily examined by selecting
Washington as the seat of deliberation. Under
this impression, the undersigned has delayed
to transmit to Mr. Rush the addresses in question, till he could accompany them with some
proposition to be conveyed to the Government
of the United States, for giving practical effect
to the views of Parliament. The undersigned
having lately had the honor of acquainting
Mr. Rush that Mr. Stratford Canning had
been selected by the Prince Regent to replace 1819.
Mr. Bagot as his Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary in America, and as that gentleman
will proceed to his mission early in the spring,
and will carry with him full instructions on
this subject, the undersigned has to request
Mr. Rush will invite his Government on the
part of the Prince Regent, to enter, as soon as
may be after Mr. Canning's arrival, upon the
proposed discussions.
Upon a subject so deeply interesting to
humanity, the Government of the United States
can never require any other impulse than that
of its moral principles to awaken it to exertion ; but whatever of aid good offices can
contribute to smoothe the way for an amicable
and advantageous proceeding on such a matter,
the undersigned is convinced will be supplied
by Mr. Rush's zeal, and enlightened attachment to the success of the great cause which
the inquiry involves; and in this view the recommendation is specially recommended to his
personal support and protection.
The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew to Mr. Rush the assurances
of his distinguished consideration.
Foreign Office, 11th November, 1819.
November 16. To the above note, I returned the following answer :—
I , 210
Ill The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States, has the honor to present his compliments to Lord Castlereagh, and to acknowledge the receipt of his note of the 11th of
this month.
The copy of the addresses to the Prince
Regent from both Houses of Parliament at
the close of the last Session respecting the
slave-trade, which, by command of his Royal
Highness, came enclosed in his Lordship's
note, with a request that they might be laid
before the President, the undersigned will
lose no time in transmitting to the Secretary
of State with that view. The intimation of
its being the earnest desire of the Prince
Regent to enter without delay into discussions
with the United States upon the important
subject to which these addresses refer, and in
the successful accomplishment of which the
two nations have a common interest, will, the
undersigned is persuaded, be met by his Government in the same spirit which has given
birth to the desire in the mind of his Royal
The undersigned cannot avoid expressing
his acquiescence in the opinion, that the difficulties which have hitherto operated to prevent  a system   of concert  between  the two VI
Governments against the illicit slave-trade, are
most likely to be satisfactorily examined by
selecting Washington as the seat of deliberation. If, happily, they are of a nature to be
removed, it is by such a transfer of the seat of
a new endeavour, that the best hopes may be
formed; and it is hence with peculiar satisfaction that the undersigned learns that Mr.
Canning when proceeding on his mission to
the United States, will carry with him such
full instructions on the whole subject, as may
prepare him for entering upon the interesting
duty of giving effect to the views of Parliament. The undersigned will not fail to make
known this intention to his Government, by
the earliest opportunity he can command.
Upon a subject so universally interesting to
humanity, Lord Castlereagh has justly inferred that the Government of the United
States can never require any other incentive
than that of its own moral impulse to awaken
it to exertion. But if, upon the present occasion it needed anyltother, the undersigned
must be permitted to say, that it would be
abundantly found in the friendly and enlarged
spirit of this renewed overture from his Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, and in the
liberal justice rendered to the early and steadfast efforts of the United States to abolish the
p 2 Hi
[    r
slave-trade by the addresses in question from
the Parliament of this realm.
Following up their uniform policy in this
great cause, never tired of adopting new expedients of prohibition where new evasions
have pointed to their necessity, the undersigned
is happy to be able to state, feeling sure that
the information cannot be otherwise than acceptable to the unwearied and useful zeal of
his Lordship in the same cause, that besides
the law of April 1818, of which the undersigned
had the honor fro speak in his note of the 21st
of December of that year, a subsequent Act
of Congress, of date so recent as last March,
has raised up additional means for the extirpation of the traffic. By this Act, the President
is specially authorised to employ armed vessels
of the United States to cruise upon the coasts
of Africa, and other new provisions are introduced for intercepting and punishing such
delinquent citizens of the United States as
may be found engaged in the traffic. It is
well known that the sentiments of the President are in full harmony with those of Congress
in the beneficent desire of putting a stop to
this deep-rooted evil. With such pledges before the world, the undersigned cannot err in
confidently anticipating that the fresh proposals
of  his   Royal   Highness the   Prince   Regent 1819.
will be promptly taken up at Washington,
under the deepest convictions of their importance, and with every anxious desire for such
favorable results as can be made compatible
with the constitution, and other essential interests of the Republic.
The undersigned is happy to embrace this
occasion of renewing to Lord Castlereagh the
assurances of his distinguished consideration.
Richard Rush.
London, November 16, 1819.
Allusion being made in the above answer to
the jilstice which the Parliamentary addresses
render to the United States in connexion with
this subject, I insert one of them, that its
words may be seen. I take the one from the
House of Lords.
Die Veneris, 9 Julii, 1819.
Ordered, nemine dissentiente, by the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled, that an humble Address, &c.
That an humble Address be presented to his
Royal Highness the Prince Regent to assure
his Royal Highness that we acknowledge with
becoming thankfulness the zealous and persevering efforts which, in conformity with
former addresses of this House, his Royal Highness has made for accomplishing the total an- 1*8   v
nihilation of the African Slave Trade by all
the Foreign Powers whose subjects had hitherto
been engaged in it.
That we also congratulate his Royal Highness on the success with which his efforts have
been already attended, that guilty traffic having
been declared, by the concurrent voice of all
the great powers of Europe assembled in Congress, to be repugnant to the principles of
humanity and of universal morality.
That, in consequence of this declaration, all
the states, whose subjects were formerly concerned in this criminal traffic, have since prohibited it;—the greater part absolutely and
entirely; some for a time, partially, on that
part of the coast of Africa only, which is to the
north of the Line. Of the two states which
still tolerate the traffic, one will soon cease to
be thus distinguished; the period which Spain
has solemnly fixed for the total abolition of
the trade being near at hand. One power
alone# has hitherto forborne to specify any
period when the traffic shall be absolutely
That the United States of America were
honorably distinguished as the first which pronounced the condemnation of this guilty traffic;
and that they have since successively passed
* Portugal.
1 Nf 1819.
various laws for carrying their prohibition into
effect; that, nevertheless, we cannot but hear
with feelings of deep regret that, notwithstanding the strong condemnation of the crime by
all the great Powers of Europe, and by the
United States of America, there is reason to
fear that the measures which have been hitherto
adopted for actually suppressing these crimes,
are not adequate to their purpose.
That we never, however, can admit the persuasion, that so great and generous a people as
that of France, which has condemned this
guilty commerce in the strongest terms, will be
less earnest than ourselves to wipe away so
foul a blot in the character of a Christian
That we are, if possible, still less willing to
admit such a supposition in the instance of the
United States,—a people derived originally from
the same common stock with ourselves, and
favored, like ourselves, in a degree hitherto
perhaps unequalled in the history of the world,
with the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty,
and all their attendant blessings.
That the consciousness that the Government
of this country was originally instrumental in
leading the Americans into this criminal course,
must naturally prompt us to call on them the
more importunately to join us in endeavour-
j£A I
ing to put an entire end to the evils of which
it is productive.
That we also conceive that the establishment
of some concert and co-operation in the measures to be taken by the different powers for
the execution of their common purpose may,
in various respects, be of great practical utility;
and that, under the impression of this persuasion, several of the European states have already
entered into conventional arrangements for
seizing vessels engaged in the criminal traffic,
and for bringing to punishment those who shall
still be guilty of these nefarious practices.
That we, therefore, supplicate his Royal
Highness to renew his beneficent endeavours,
more especially with the Governments of France
and of the United States of America, for the
effectual attainment of an object which we all
profess equally to have in view; and we cannot
but indulge the confident hope that these
efforts may yet, ere long, produce their desired
effect; may ensure the practical enforcement
of principles universally acknowledged to be
undeniably just and true ; and may destroy
for ever that fatal barrier which, by obstructing
the ordinary course of civilization and social
improvement, has so long kept a large portion
of the globe in darkness and barbarism, and
rendered its connexion with the civilized and 1819.
Christian nations of the earth a fruitful source
only of wretchedness and desolation.
That the said address be presented to his
Royal Highness  the   Prince  Regent  by  the
Lords, with white staves.
The address from the House of Commons
was the same, or with no substantial variations.
November 17. The following letter to Mr.
Gallatin, belonging to subjects on which I
have heretofore addressed him, is inserted as
closing the information I gave him respecting
our joint negotiation.
London, November 17, 1819.
Dear Sir :
I reproach myself for having so long delayed apprizing you of the issue of my attempt
to arrange the subject of the West-India trade
with this Government. Considering all that
you did a twelvemonth ago here, upon that
and other branches of our joint negotiation, I
think that you have a fair claim to know how
it has ended. I cannot put you in possession
of this information better than by conveying
to your hands a copy of my report to the
Department of State, drawn up the day after §
my interview with Lord Castlereagh on the
16th of September : it is accordingly enclosed
in this letter.
My last dates from the department are to
the 23rd of August. I am informed by them,
as doubtless you have been, of the course to be
pursued, so far as the executive determination
is concerned, under the refusal by Spain to
ratify the Florida Treaty. Mr. Forsyth
writes to me that Ferdinand persists in his
llr *
I believe I have not yet thanked you for
your favor of the 12th of September, which
gave me valuable information. I had never
before heard with certainty, that pending the
negotiation at Washington about the Floridas,
we had unequivocally refused to connect with
it any question about recognizing the Spanish
Colonies. The contrary, you may recollect,
was affirmed in Parliament, and almost universally in the British journals. I never believed
it, and so expressed myself on all occasions,
but had not the means of positive contradiction.
We are all well and unite in remembrances
v 4*sJ
J  il
November 19. In a dispatch of to-day to
the Secretary of State, I mention the following
facts: viz., that at the close of last month
there were but two vessels of the United
States in the port of Liverpool; and during
the first week of the present month, only a
single one in the port of London.
The number of United States vessels annually arriving at Liverpool before and since
the war of 1812, has frequently been from
three to four hundred, sometimes more, the
most  of them  ships  of good size ; and the 1819.
arrivals at London since the spring of 1815
until the close of 1818, have been sixty-four
annually, taking the average.
The extraordinary falling off is ascribed to
the numerous commercial failures, and to the
depression of business generally in the United
States ; of which the condition of the State
Banks, and Bank of the United States, is given
as one of the causes. Many of these institutions have failed, and others been greatly
embarrassed in their affairs; whilst all the
resources and energies of the country remain
the same, indued with their intrinsic principle
of increase.
At seven in the evening, I went to dinner
at the Chancellor of the Exchequer's, where
we had several of the Diplomatic Corps and
other company. Again we were in the dining-
room of Mr. Pitt and Sir Robert Walpole,
with memorials of the times of each around
and none were better able to call them
up, with appropriate anecdote and allusions, at
his table, than our hospitable entertainer.
November 24. Parliament was opened yesterday by the Prince Regent in person. I was
in the Ambassador's box, with the rest of the
Diplomatic Corps. As the Regent read his
Speech, the Duke of Wellington stood on the
Throne by his side, holding the sword of state.
• 222
The Speech began as usual with announcing, in
terms of regret, the continued indisposition of
the King; and it told both Houses that his
Royal Highness continued to receive from
Foreign Powers the strongest assurances of
their friendly disposition towards England.
Parliament has been opened at a day unusually early, and the Speech assigns the disturbed state of the country as the cause. Seditious practices stated to have been prevalent
in some of the manufacturing districts, (Manchester, and the riots in that vicinity in August,
being chiefly meant,) had led Ministers to
make some addition to the military force, with
a view to their more effectual suppression. For
this step, they desire the sanction of Parliament, as well as for other measures contemplated by them in aid of the public tranquillity, and due execution of the laws.
The usual Address, reflecting back the Speech,
and adopting its sentiments, was moved in both
Houses, but strongly opposed by Earl Grey in
the House of Lords, and Mr. Tierney in the
House of Commons; each of whom moved an
amendment. After debate, the Ministers
triumphed by large majorities in both Houses,
thus carrying the Address as it stood.
The Speech had also a paragraph relating to
the depression existing in certain branches of 1819.
the manufactures, and consequent distress
among those connected with them. Speakers
in both Houses, whilst handling that part of
it, made allusions to distresses existing in the
United States, some of them alleging that they
were more general and severe than in England.
Even the Speech from the Throne stated that
the depressed condition of the manufactures
was in a great measure to be ascribed to the
embarrassed situation of other countries.
It is worthy of remark, on the other hand,
that in the United States, our newspapers and
public documents ascribed our distresses in a
great degree to the depressed condition of
business and industry abroad, but chiefly to
the distresses in England.
Both to a certain extent were true ; and
what can more show the dependence of countries one upon another? And may I not, in
this connexion, be allowed to recall the declarations made to Mr. Gallatin and me by Lord
Castlereagh, when opening an important negotiation between the two countries at North
Cray ? Upon that occasion, amongst other
sentiments which he uttered, he said, " Let us,
in short, strive so to regulate our intercourse in
all respects, as that each nation may be able to
do its utmost towards making the other rich
and happy." .
A liberal sentiment, and wise as liberal;—one
in unison with the spirit of an age which seeks
to lessen the causes of national dissension and
war ;—a sentiment, than which no better motto
could be chosen by all nations entering upon
negotiation, and most especially suited to the
United States and England, as having common
interests and sympathies perhaps beyond all
others existing.
November 26. Attend the Levee at Carlton
House. Converse with Mr. Robinson, Mr.Van-
sittart, Lord Westmoreland, the Duke of Wei*
lington, Mr. Stratford Canning, and several of
the Diplomatic Corps. Hear nothing of our
own affairs. Topics are general. The disturbed state of the country is one; the weather
another; the weather — always a topic in
England, because, as Johnson says, it is always
uncertain; and this season especially a topic,
winter having set in uncommonly soon; which
as one remarks it to another, the ball of conversation thus gets its first motion. And before
any one pronounces it an unapt topic, let him
turn to Johnson's essay on the subject in the
November 29. Mr. Coke dines with us. He
is all cordiality and good spirits. His conversation is of England, English persons, and
English things.    He told anecdotes—some of
Klfe&L < 1819.
the Royal Family. There was this of the late
Queen : that on the evening after the duel
between the Duke of York and Duke of Richmond, then Colonel Lenox, the Queen met the
latter in one of the Court circles, and was more
than usually gracious, offering her hand as she
first addressed him. He told some of the
Prince Regent, who used to be his guest at
Holkham, when Prince of Wales. Speaking of
the nobility, he said, that of the eighteen Dukes
in the three kingdoms, nine were on the
Ministerial side, and nine in opposition ; he
enumerated the latter, most of whom were his
friends; and added that two of the Royal
Dukes, the Duke of Kent and Duke of Sussex,
usually voted also with the Opposition. Speaking of the taxes, he said^ that himself and
others of his county, whom he named, (opulent
landholders,) had resolved that they would pay
no more; that is, if they were taxed higher in
some things, they would retrench their consumption in others, so as to keep at the point
where they stood.
How Mr. Coke would have reconciled retrenchment anywhere, with all his munificent
and long-indulged hospitalities, was not for me
to inquire. The Duke of Medina Celi, in
Spain, once finding his expenses too great,
determined on retrenchment.    Calling up his
Q 226
butler, chamberlain, equerry, and all others, he
desired to know what could be dispensed with;
and, upon receiving reports from all, it was
ascertained that the only item which could
possibly be struck from the annual expenses,
consistently with the comforts and dignity.of
his household, was one lamp in the hall!
Would the noble-hearted proprietor of Holkham, whom I am proud to have called my
friend, have retrenched after that fashion ?
December 16. The Spanish Ambassador
gave a grand entertainment last night in honor
of the marriage of his Sovereign to a Princess
of Saxony. The Prince Regent, the Dukes of
York, Clarence, Kent, and Gloucester; Prince
Leopold; the Duke of Wellington ; the members of the Cabinet; the Foreign Ambassadors,
and Ministers, and their ladies; many of the
nobility, and other persons of distinction, were
My carriage arrived at the door about half-
past ten, when we witnessed an unexpected
scene. Inside and out, the Ambassador's whole
domicile was illuminated. In front of it, on
the wide flag pavement, was drawn up a strong
detachment of the Horse Guards, their heels
close upon the iron palisades, and heads facing
the street. Every sword was drawn. The bright
steel, the scarlet uniforms and jet-black horses* 1819.
were imposingly shown by a thousand lamps;
and, although the crowd in Portland-place
seemed immense, through the glasses of our
carriage, all was silence. As we got out, not a
word was heard from! the assembled mass. All
seemed gazing at the Ambassador's domicile,
blazing with light, and the array of cavalry
under its windows. The scene was inexplicable until we entered. I then learned that the
l^overnmentjJhaving ibeen warned of a probable
disturbance, owing to the high names which
it was supposed this fete would bring together,
had trailed out these Horse Guards.
All was tranquillity inside: the banquet was
sumptuous. Amidst the iirain of servants were
two called running footmen, in livery different
from the rest, and wearing plumes. One stood
behind the Prince Regent's chair, the other
behind that of the Duchess of San Carlos. Besides other arrangements which the Ambassador had made for the pleasure of his guests,
there was one as precautionary against accident ; he had caused ;fire-engines, and a supply
of/firemen', to be stationed close at hand in case
of fire, so profuse were the lights inside and
out of the mansion.
The Prince Regent went away before the
general company. None go while he remains
—this would not be in proper form;   and it
Q  2 1
was observed that a party of the Horse Guards
attended him to Carlton House, as his carriage
drove off.
December 20j| In my dispatch of this date
to the Secretary of State, I mention that a Bill
has been brought into the House of Commons
for continuing the duty on tobacco, snuff, and
hops for the ensuing year. Hops are charged
with a specific duty on importation from foreign
countries, of five pounds eight shillings sterling
the hundredweight. This amounts to a prohibition of our hops, as Mr. Hanbury told me,
unless in years when the English crop fails, or
is short. There is no duty, strictly speaking,
on the importation of tobacco, but when delivered for home consumption in England from
a ship arriving from foreign parts, it is immediately subject to an excise, many hundred per
cent, above the orignal cost of the article ;
which bears hard upon it, as one of the pro-;
ductions of our old southern states, and some
of our new states.
December 22. Dined at Mr. Colquhoun's,
St. James's-street, author of " The Power and
Resources of the British Empire," "Police of
London," and other works. Of the company
were Major General Wittingham, the newly
appointed Governor of Dominica, with some
West India proprietors and other gentlemen,
IN. 1819
and the son of Mr. Colquhoun, Consul-general
from the Hanseatic Republic.
We had much conversation; and the table
displayed honorable tokens of merit in silver
vases and other ornamental articles, presents
from the Senate of Hamburg, the Island of St.
Vincent's, and other communities, to the elder
Mr. Colquhoun, for faithful services rendered
in the management of their affairs, private or
political, in the course of a long and active life
in London. For wines, we had them of quality
and variety to suit all. There was old hock, a
present from the Senate of Hamburg; and
claret was produced, that had been seven years
under water. It was in an outward bound
Indiaman, going as part of a stock to the
Marquis of Wellesley, when Governor General
of India. The vessel being wrecked, the wine
was brought up by a diving machine, after that
lapse of time. Being in bottles well corked,
it remained sound, and in the opinion of the
table, had not lost its flavor. All agreed, that
its original destination was a fair pledge of its
good quality when shipped.
" Bacchus and fostering Ceres, powers divine,
Who gave us corn for mast, for water wine !"
Than the classic statesman for whom this
wine was first intended, none could better have
parodied this tribute to Bacchus, by chaunting 230
in verse how delicious it continued, even after
rising from its watery bed !       ,
During the evening, the conversation turned
on West India interests ; in which, under appeals to me, I participated as fltr asrl justly
might. There was a desire to learn froiBifne the
state of the negotiations between the United
States and England under this head;i? I stated,
in a word, the views of the former asn&closed
in the negotiations of last year, the result having been published at Washington ; but did not
speak of the recent communications^ had made
to Lord Castlereagh, and received from him.
1820./ January 13. Had an interview with
Lord Castlereagh atec my request, the object
in part being to determine upon an umpire
itnder the first article of the Treaty of Ghent.
As the United States construed the article^ ii
threw an obligation upon England to make
compensation for all .i slaves the property of
their citizens, who, at the date of the ratifications, were in any territory or places directed
by the treaty to be restored, but were then still
occupied by the British, whedther the slaves
were on shore at that date, or on board of
British vessels lying within our waters.
England objected to so broad a construction,
alleging that she was absolved from making
compensation for any of the slaves who, at that \
date, had been  transferred from our territoi
to her ships of war, still lying within our waters!6
And now, at this interview with Lord Castlereagh, I proposed the Emperor of Russia as the
umpire, under the provisions upon this subject
in the fifth article of the Convention of October 1818. He replied that he would lay
my proposal before the Prince Regent, and
furnish me with an answer at as early a day as
was in his power.
I next broached the subject of the interference, on the part of the British authorities in
Upper Canada, with the Indians presiding
within our territory, stating in general terms
the extent and injurious consequences of it.
I said that my Government had no belief that
a proceeding so unfriendly had its foundation
in any act or intentions of his Majesty's Government ; but that harmony would be best
promoted through its suppression by his Majesty's Government. I told his Lordship that
I would, at an early day, put into his hands
documents on this subject, showing how the
facts were>f He promised that all proper attention should be paid to it.
I also read to him the copy of a letter from
the Navy Department, written by order of the
President to Commodore Stewart, commander
of our squadron in the Mediterranean, on the 232
subject of ttie duels between certain officers of
the sloop of war Erie, belonging to the squadron, and certain British officers of the 64th
regiment, belonging to the garrison at Gibraltar. The latter conveyed the President's
disapprobation of such practices, with the expression of his hopes that they would not be
repeated, and that all causes of them might be
These matters disposed of, I referred incidentally to the President's Message to Congress at the opening of the Session last month,
remarking to him, " You see, my Lord, that
the Government of the United States is for
acting upon the principles of an English court
of equity—good authority, we hope it is, for
carrying our agreement with Spain into specific
execution." "So I perceive," he replied;
" but do you consider it a part of national
law, that if one party refuse to ratify a treaty,
even admitting no departure from instructions by the Minister negotiating it, that the
other party may go on to act as if the provisions were in full force?" I said No, and that
no such principle was asserted, or, as I apprehended, implied in the message; the measure
had been taken on a basis of its own, and was
thought to be justifiable by the long and injurious delays practised by Spain in regard to 1820.
all the matters in dispute; delays which we
believed the whole world, when well informed
of them, would admit to have been unjust.
His Lordship barely rejoined, that he supposed our explanation would be to that effect.
January 17. The weather, for upwards of
a month, has been very cold. The thermometer has been nearly all the time from 15
to 25 degrees below the freezing point. The
Thames is frozen over. In the neighbourhood of Kew Bridge the ice is stated to be
eighteen inches thick, and in some places near
Woolwich four feet. Snow has fallen in great
quantities. The papers contain accounts of
persons having been frozen to death in different parts of the country, and of great suffering
among the poor from the severity of the
January 20. I addressed a note to Lord
Castlereagh on the 15th instant, requesting an
interview for the purpose of putting into his
hands a copy of the papers which make known
the interference on the part of the British
Colonial authorities in Upper Canada with
the Indians within our limits. His Lordship
being out of town, I was invited to-day to the
Foreign Office by Mr. Planta, as representing
He acknowledged, on behalf of Lord Castle- /
reagh, the receipt of my note, and said that
his Lordship would appoint a time for seeing
me as soon as he returned to town. He then
made the following communications under instructions from Lord Castlereagh.
He said that his Lordship had taken the
commands of the Prince Regent as to the
umpire on the point in controversy respecting
the slaves carried away under the Treaty of
Ghent, and that his Royal Highness assented
to the President's desire, that the true construction of the treaty in this particular should
be referred to the decision of the Emperor of
Russia. His Lordship being desirous that I
should be informed without loss of time of
this assent, would not leave town without
causing it to be thus imparted to me; and
Mr. Planta added, that as soon as his Lordship
returned, he would suggest such official steps
as it appeared §to the British Government
proper for both Governments to adopt with a
view to give effect to their mutual desire.
The other communications which Mr. Planta
made to me were embraced in a dispatch received
by Lord Bathurst as Secretary of the Colonial
Department, from the Governor of New Providence. This paper he read to me at the instance of Lord Castlereagh. It bore date,
Nassau,  September  the 30th, 1819,  and in- 1820.
formed Lord Bathurst, that the Seminole King,
Kenadjie, had arrived at that island with six
Indian chiefs and seventeen attendants ; that
all these Indians had merit in the eyes of Great
Britain from having rendered assistance to the
British forces in the attack upon New Orleans,
and that they claimed the countenance and
support of the Governor, as representing the
British Government in that quarter; nevertheless the Governor replied, that he would not
interfere in any way in their behalf during a
state of peace with the United States, and
sent them home again, with no other relief
than that which humanity prescribed to their
immediate and pressing wants.
I thanked Mr. Planta for the communications, begging him to assure Lord Castlereagh
that I would promptly make known both to my
Government, as I accordingly did. I also in
due time apprized Mr. Campbell, Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States at St. Pe-
tersburgh, of the assent of the British Government to the Emperor Alexander, as umpire;
and I gave the same information to Mr. Gallatin at Paris. RESIDENCE AT
January 28. On the 23rd of this month,
died at Sidmouth, in Devonshire, the Duke
of Kent, the fourth son of the King, in the
fifty-third year of his age. A character of
him in " The Times" of a few days ago, enumerates, among topics of eulogy, that he was
" a kind master, and a punctual and courteous
correspondent." Referring to his rigor as a
disciplinarian, even to things the most minute,
while in military command, the same article
has the following remarks : " His attention to
the appearance and discipline of his regiment
was unremitting; but, as he could not inspire
BS__aiajgljiliiii~Hagj 1820.
all the military world with an equal sense of
the solid value of those dry details which
ought to employ so large a portion of military
life, or with an equal taste for those minutiae
of the service, of which, nevertheless, when
considered in the aggregate, the correct performance adds so much to the precision and
efficacy of military tactics, he was, for some
time, an unpopular commander. Every military man is not capable of discovering, in the
best conceived order or wisest rule laid down
for his observation by superior authority, the
direct relation of the means to the end. It
may not be thought, at first, of serious importance that an officer's coat or sword-belt
should be of a specific fashion or color ; but
let us consider that the excellence of an army
consists in its susceptibility of collective and
uniform impulses ; and we must admit that
uniformity in smaller things—in hourly occupations and objects of attention—nay, in the
form of hats, or a boot, may contribute to enforce upon common minds the main principle
of harmony in action."
The Grecian Phalanx, the Roman Legion,
and the army of Frederick, sustain the spirit
of these remarks, which forcibly express and
condense the maxims of military wisdom.
January 31.#On the evening  of the 29th 238
instant, the King died at Windsor Castle, in
the I eighty-second year of his age* This event
was announced to the Foreign Ministers !|yj a
note ifrom the Secretary for> Foreign Affairs
yesterday. The following is a copy of the one
I received :— J > <-■=.'.;  -J
It is with the deepest concern that Viscount
Castlereagh, one of his late Majesty's Principal Secretaries for Foreign Affairs, has the
honor to acquaint Mr. Rush that it has pleased
Almighty God to take unto himself his late
most gracious and excellent Majesty, George
the Third. His Majesty expired at the Castle
at Windsor yesterday evening, at thirty-five
minutes past eight o'clock, to the grdat affliction of all the Royal Family, and of all classes
of his Majesty's subjects. 4Viscount Castlereagh is persuaded that Mr. Rush will participate in the general grief which this melancholy event has occasioned, and requests that
he will accept the assurances of his high consideration. ".-;: ■.  -J&'.'..:.,'i^pi  -.,:   ■- •  •■■••'.
Foreign Office, January 30th, 1820.
The King's long reign of sixty years made
the earlier parts of it historical to the generation that now witnessed his death. This
was the case with all Americans born at the
■Hi 1820.
close of the American Revolution, and was
my case. To this English Monarch's well-
known remark on receiving the first Minister
from the United States (Mr. Adams), viz., that
as he had been the "last man in his kingdom
to consent to our Independence, so he would
be the last, now that it was established, to call
it in question." I can add another anecdote,
derived from an authentic source. Mr. West,
the painter, whose patron and friend the King
was, being with him during the American War,
on an occasion when news came of a victory
over the Americans, the King gave expression
to his feelings. 1 Observing Mr. West to remain
silent, while all was gladness in the palace,
he remarked, "Why so silent, Mr. West?—
why not rejoice ?" The latter replied, " I
hope that your Majesty will not take it amiss
if I cannot feel pleasure inAhearing of misfortunes to those amongst whom I was born, and
passed my early days." "Right, right, West
—a good sentiment: I honor you for it," was
the King's reply.
These anecdotes might have been sufficient,
had there not been other duties prompting
to it, to secure a respectful answer to Lord
Castlereagh's note, responding to the forms
of his own. I accordingly sent one of that
kind.    The venerable age of this King, and If
the affliction with which he was visited during
so many of the latter years of his life, made
him largely an object of sympathy with all
classes in England. He seems to have out*
lived political animosity, and to have closed
his long and eventful reign amidst the general
good-will of his people; a feeling that was
extended and strengthened by the purity of
his private life. Jfc .  "■?
Besides the foregoing note from Lord Castlereagh, there came enclosed to me by his
Lordship a copy of the London Gazette Extraordinary of the 30th of January, containing
a letter from the Duke of York, dated at
Windsor, to Lord Sidmouth, Home Secretary,
announcing the King's death as soon as it happened, and enclosing the statement of his phy-^
sicians. A copy of the Gazette of the 31st was
also sent to me, mentioning that on the information of the King's death reaching London, the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and those of the
Privy Council, and other persons named, assembled at Carlton House, and duly published and
proclaimed George IV., late Prince of Wales,
as lawful King of the Realm; and that the
same authority had given orders for proclaiming him in proper form. The Gazette further
contained the declaration of the new King
to the people of the realm; in which, amongst 1820.
other things, he pledges himself to use his endeavors to promote their happiness and prosperity, and to maintain unimpaired the religion, laws, and liberties of the country.
February 1. Yesterday the new King was
proclaimed in due ceremony, with processions,
civil, military, and heraldic, in different parts
of the metropolis. First, in front of his own palace, Carlton House ; next, near King Charles's
statue, Charing Cross ; next, in the City, Fleet
Street, after some strange old forms at Temple
Bar between the local authorities of the City
and the herald king-at-arms on the part of
the King, before the gates were thrown open
to the King ; and finally, at the Royal Exchange. The Park and Tower guns were
firing all the while, and trumpets sounding,
and divers other manifestations of joy going
on ; all which, to a Republican of another
hemisphere, might have seemed in contrast
with the tolling of the great bell of St. Paul's
for the death of George III., the solemn
sounds of which were still in the public ear.
The foregoing ceremonial would have taken
place the day after the death of the late King,
but that the 30th of January is still observed
under an Act of Parliament as a solemn fast-
efey, being the anniversary of the execution
of Charles I., and church service is prescribed
for the day, so that the joyous ceremonial was
deferred until yesterday. . 1
The Cabinet Ministers of the late King
resigned their appointments, on the morning after his death, into the hands of the
Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth, when the
new Sovereign immediately reappointed them
all. | I      .;, ii
The letters of credence of all the Foreign
Ministers being, in form, to the late King,
though the present King as Prince Regent
administered the government in his name, the
death of the former vacated these also; but
Lord Castlereagh gave an intimation that it
was the desire of the new King that they
should all be considered as in full force and
virtue, until the respective Governments of
the Foreign Ministers were heard from.
February 2. I receive from the office of the
Lord Chamberlain the following paper, relative
to a Court mourning. A similar one was sent
to all the Ambassadors and Ministers ; I copy
it word for word.
Orders for the Court's going into mourning on Thursday next, the 3rd instant, for our
late Most Gracious Sovereign King George the
Third, of blessed memory, viz.; the ladies to
wear black bombazines; plain muslin or long 1820.
linen, crape hoods, shamoy shoes and gloves,
and crape fans. Undress — Dark Norwich
The gentlemen to wear black cloth, without buttons on the sleeves and pockets; plain
muslin or long lawn cravats and weepers ;
shamoy shoes and gloves, crape hat-bands, and
black swords and buckles. Undress—Dark
grey frocks.
I had received, a few days before, the orders
for a Court mourning, in terms somewhat similar, for the Duke of Kent.
These are forms incidentally set down here,
not for comment, but as things existing in
great nations. They may thence arrest a momentary attention. Motives may be perceived
why the Foreign Ministers residing at the
English Court, and in amicable intercourse
with the circles composing it, would incline to
fall in with the external symbols of mourning
even to the extent of Hamlet's description of
them all, should the Court itself choose to
adopt them at the decease of a revered Monarch of their own, and a well-loved member
of their own Royal Family—more especially
when both were lying dead at the same time.
Conformity in these things belongs to the
class of sympathies embraced in the autograph.
R 2 244
letters of President Monroe, and republics
not inclining to conform should keep their
Ministers at home. It might not be as generally imagined, that, within the compass of a
few brief years, the same Foreign Ministers
and their wives in London, were called upon
to appear in the habiliments of grief for a
King of Sweden, a Grand Duke of Tuscany,
the King of Spain's mother, the King of
Saxony's aunt, a Princess of Saxe Hilbourg-
hausen, a Prince of Conde, a King of Sardinia, and for a long list in addition, as European royalty, direct, collateral, and remote,
from time to time, passed to the tomb. But
so it was.
February 5. The new King has been very
ill since his accession. All the Diplomatic
Corps have made inquiries at Carlton Palace
daily for the last three or four days. The
carriages of the nobility have also thronged his
residence. The answers to inquiries to-day
were, that he was better.
February 10. At an informal assemblage of
some of the Diplomatic Corps at the Saxon
Minister's, it was agreed that their servants,
more especially their coachmen and footmen,
should all be put in black for the late King.
It was understood that the members of the
Corps   not  present  would   all   concur.    The
~^i 1820.
venerable Saxon Minister remarked, that as
it would be " an extra expense, of course our
Courts would make a suitable allowance for
it!' The American Minister, who was at the
meeting, made no objection to the step, and
put his servants in black accordingly ; but as
to his " Court," at Washington, it is certain
that he never troubled it with any such item
of expense.
February 11. I transmit to the Department
of State, the Report and Appendix laid before
Parliament on the subject of weights and measures. Also information and communicatioris
from Sir Joseph Banks on this subject, with
which he obligingly furnished me—Sir Joseph
(the President of the Royal Society) having
been placed by the Prince Regent last year at
the head of a commission in relation to the
subject. The ancient models of weights and
measures deposited in the English Exchequer
at Guildhall, and other places, having by lapse
of time and other causes varied from each
other, so as to render perfect accuracy unattainable, the object of the commission was, to
seek the right modes of rendering them accurate, and preserving them so. I send also to
the Department various books; among them,
Hansard's Parliamentary History, and Parliamentary Debates, and Pickering's edition of 246
the Statutes at Large; all this under the instructions of Mr. Adams, who is engaged in
preparing, by order of Congress, a report on
weights and measures.
February 16. This day the funeral of
George III. took place at Windsor. The shops
in London were all shut, the streets deserted,
and the tolling of the great bell of St. Paul's
was heard at intervals throughout the whole
day. I pass over the description of the funeral
solemnities, given in all the chronicles of the
What a reign has been this monarch's! The
publications of the last fortnight have teemed
with notices of it; of the mighty scenes and
revolutions which it has witnessed in both
hemispheres; the strife of arms throughout
the world, with which it has been identified ;
the dominion lost and gained to Britain during
its term; the stupendous results thence flowing and to flow; and the revolutions in science
and other things which it has also witnessed !
These things, and much more, the press has
been recalling. History will take account of
them all. But that which was most calculated
do occupy the thoughts of an American Minister when George III. died, was the fact that
his own country had been politically -born
after   this   extraordinary  reign   commenced;
mm 1820.
and the recollection of its astonishing increase*
and increase of Britain also, whilst the same
Monarch still continued upon the throne,—an
increase in resources and power far transcending that of any other two nations of the globe
during the same period. Their increase in
population/throwing into the scale the Colonial
and Oriental subjects of Britain, seems to
stagger belief. Their aggregate increase in all
ways has given earnest that Britain and th£
United States are destined to become, to an
extent not easy to estimate, the predominating
nations of Christendom ; as already their joint
commerce and tonnage, those fruitful causes
and sure evidences of power in modern times,
overmatches that of all Christendom. The
demonstrations are in steady progress, and the
death of George III. naturally recalled them,
that the Anglo-Saxon race is to rule in the
Western hemisphere, as the spirit of the same
race rules in Asia. From east to west, the
language, laws, commerce, and freedom of that
great race are extending with resistless force,
and must overspread, in primary activity and
in civilizing power and influence, the face of
the globe. If any thing could add to the
force of such thoughts, crowding into the mind
of a citizen of the United States officially witnessing the close of the reign of George III. 248
in his own kingdom, and called upon to join
in badges of mourning at the termination of
his mortal career, it would be a recollection of
the prophecies at the close of the American
revolution, made by master minds in both
hemispheres, that the independence of the
United States could not last, and that the
downfall of Britain would date from that memorable dismemberment of her own empire.
Short-sighted prophecies! Each an incumbrance to the other when together, their severance seems to have been the signal for unequalled progress, and boundless prospects to
each; not more in material dominion than in
the solid and durable glory of widening the
empire of rational freedom throughout the
February 19.   It has been determined that
Parliament is to be dissolved, instead of wait-
for the period when it would expire by
law. This period is six months from the
demise of the Crown. The Opposition strongly object to this course, saying that it covers
an intention in the Ministry to set out with
some high-handed acts of taxation or power
under the new reign, which a Parliament, on
the eve of responsibility to the people, would
be reluctant to adopt. The Ministers reply,
that they advise a dissolution for the public 1820.
convenience, as time might fail them if they
attempted to go through all the business
which the first session of the new reign will
call for, if restricted to the six months; and
also, that they advise it for the sake of avoiding those drawbacks to business in the House
of Commons, and agitations to the country,
always incident more or less to a general election in England.
Beyond this I hear, through a good source,
that Ministers are uneasy at the state of things
between the King and Princess of Wales, now
become Queen. As Queen Consort in the eye
of the law, by his accession to the Throne, she
also succeeds to the rights and dignities of
the station. The King is known to be opposed to her being invested with these, and is
understood to desire a divorce. His constitutional advisers reply, that in no part of her
conduct that has yet come to light do they
discover a sufficient warrant for prosecuting
adversely such a measure against her. So
matters are said to rest at present, the new
Queen being still out of the realm. I even
hear, through another source, that the Ministers are prepared to withdraw from their posts
rather than depart from the opinion which
their duty has pointed out to them, perceiving
no alternative course in any lights which they 250
can yet command; and that this their determination has been made known to the King,
who, for the present, submits himself to their
guidance. It is thus that I write to my Government on the state of things since the
demise of the Crown.
February 24. Going to Lord Castlereagh's
at eleven this morning by appointment, the
servant at the door informed me that he was
not up. I expressed a hope that he was not
unwell. The servant replied, that he did not
know ; on which I handed him my card, telling
him to give it to Lord Castlereagh, and say
that I had called according to appointment.
The servant immediately requested me to walk
into the reception room, while he went up
stairs with my card. He returned with a request from his Lordship that I would go up to
his chamber ; on which I said that I should be
most unwilling to disturb him if unwell. The
servant repeated his Lordship's request and
desire to see me, and accordingly I went up.
There I found him sitting before the fire on a
sofa, in his flannel gown. With his wonted
courtesy, he apologized for giving me the trouble of coming up stairs; to which I answered
how happy I was to do so, unless I found him
unwell, in which case I would not say a word
on business, but have the honor of calling some 1820.
other time. He said No, he was quite well, but
fatigued from being kept up until nearly daylight through a cause he would mention ; but
requested I would first proceed to the object of
our interview, which he had not forgotten, and
desired to hear from me the disclosures I had
to lay before him.
My call related to a subject I had broached
last month, further attention to which had been
suspended by the King's death; viz. interference, by the British authorities in Canada, with
the Indians living within the boundaries of the
United States; and I now handed him the
documents which went to show the facts. It
appeared from the documents that an extraordinary number of the Indians within our limits,
chiefly those inhabiting the region between
Detroit and the Mississippi, had repaired by
invitation during the last season to Maiden,
where supplies in great amount and variety,
but chiefly arms, ammunition, and clothing,
had been dealt out to them by the British
authorities at that Canadian town and fort.
That the number thus receiving supplies was
thought to have exceeded all former example
during any one year of peace or war hitherto,
and had probably been little short of three
thousand; that the supplies had been in the
nature of pure gifts, no equivalent appearing to 252
have passed from the Indians in land sold, or
services rendered; that their journeys to and
fro,   were   fraught   with   inconvenience   and
danger to the inhabitants of the United States
dwelling within the region through which they
passed, their   property being trespassed upon
and  their quiet invaded   by  their  irregular,
riotous, and often nocturnal marches; that they
travelled in gangs large enough to intimidate,
and, as the natural effect of the presents they
received at Maiden, and perhaps of counsels
given  to them by the ill-disposed, uniformly
returned through the United States territory
with growing indications of ill-will towards our
people.    That my Government had no belief
that such proceedings were, or could be, countenanced   by   his   Majesty's Government,   or
known to it; but that long experience of the
past had admonished us of  the fatal consequences of this kind of intercourse with the
Indians within our limits.   That it was sure to
sow the  seeds of   hostility   in   their   minds,
and,  sooner  or later,  bring on   murder  and
plunder, and often wide-spread desolation, to
our frontier inhabitants;   the final result of
which was, when the United States were compelled to call out a force, the destruction of the
Indians, whom it was never their wish to see
destroyed, but to let them live in peace and
& 1820.
contentment. That it was in vain that we excluded British traders from the Indians within
our limits, if multitudes of our Indians were
invited to British depots in Canada to be supplied with all they wanted ; since it was obvious
that such practices were far worse for us than
if a solitary British trader, here and there,
stationed himself within our line, and thence
entered upon his traffic with the Indians. That,
in fine, the conduct complained of looked like
systematically attracting formidable bodies of
them from our territory for no other purpose
than to receive annual subsidies, and train their
passions for future and fatal mischief.
The documents which I put into his Lordship's hands consisted of communications from
Governor Cass, Governor of the territory of
Michigan, and residing in Detroit, to the
Secretary of War, covering a great body of
written evidence to substantiate the above
facts. I concluded with an earnest request,
in the President's name, that his Majesty's
Government would issue the proper orders to
the Colonial authorities or agents in Canada
for putting a stop to the practices complained
of, reminding his Lordship of the strong title
which the United States had to ask such interposition, from having invariably on their part
forborne to entertain intercourse with the In-
, 254
dians living within the limits of British possessions, anywhere along the line dividing the
territories of the two nations.
He replied, that the subject was new to him
until I had opened it last month; that he
would carefully read the documents I had
handed him, and then submit them to Lord
Bathurst, to whose official province the subject
primarily belonged; after which I might feel
assured that such a course would be taken by
his Majesty's Government as the nature of the
complaint appeared justly to call for.
The subject was now gone through. I will
own that I was not without curiosity to learn
how it had come to pass that I was called upon
to explain it in his Lordship's chamber; and
now my curiosity was to be satisfied. He proceeded, with all calmness, to let me know the
cause, and I had from him>the following narrative:—   V    . •   &....,.;    , - . :-   '  ' .: t:
He said that he and his colleagues of the
Administration had been kept up all night and
almost until dawn by the affair of Thistle-
wood's conspiracy,—Thistlewood and his accomplices having been arrested and the plot
crushed only since the preceding night had
set in. This man, he said, with others, had
formed a plot for murdering the whole of the
Ministers,  the perpetration of which was to 1820.
have been effected last evening; and, daring
as it might appear, effected in the dining-room
of Lord Harrowby, where it was known the
Cabinet were all to have been together at
dinner yesterday. The Members did not go
to the dinner as intended, one of the conspirators having warned Lord Harrowby of the
danger, though only yesterday, while he was
riding on horseback in the park. He gave no
countermand to his butler respecting the dinner, but suffered the arrangements for it to go
on as if nothing had happened, until between
seven and eight o'clock in the evening. Twelve
Members of the Cabinet would have dined
there, but for the warning. They assembled
elsewhere; and a little before the time when,
according to the warning, the conspirators
were to have issued from their rendezvous,
caused a force, civil and military, to be sent to
the spot designated. This was a stable, to be
entered through an archway, in an obscure
street, called Cato Street, near the Edgeware
Road, about two miles from Grosvenor Square,
where LordJHarrowhy resided; and in the
loft of that stable, sure enough, the conspirators were found, fully armed, and ready to
sally forth on their work of blood at the hour
agreed upon. Fifteen or twenty were congregated.    On a demand to surrender, they re-
I .
sisted fiercely, and the civil officers being in
advance, one of the latter was killed, others
wounded, and all would probably have been
overcome, but for the arrival of the military.
The military coming up, led by Captain Fitz-
clarence, succeeded in capturing about one-
half; the remainder escaped after fighting
their way as well as they could. The arms
found upon them, and in the place where they
were captured, consisted of pistols, swords,
daggers, and hand-grenades, the latter formed
in a way to produce great destruction if thrown
into a room.
This is the narrative I had from his Lordship. It fixed my attention, and I heartily
congratulated him on his escape, and the escape of his colleagues, from so barbarous a plot.
Our conversation was prolonged on some of its
incidents as far as then brought to light, and
on the supposed inducements to so bloody-
minded a crime. His Lordship's conjectures
were, that by murdering all the Ministers in a
single night, the conspirators possibly imagined
they could overturn the Government; but perhaps thought it more likely that by taking
advantage of the first moments of consternation and tumult which would have followed
the deed, they might have brought about
scenes of temporary plunder and desolation in 1820.
London,.and then escape loaded with  booty,
before the law could overtake them.
Before coming away after this unusual interview, his Lordship asked me if I had seen
General Vives, the new Minister from Madrid
to the United States, then in London on his
route to Washington. I said that I had not.
He replied that he had, and that he had not
failed to say to him everything of a healing
nature as between the United States and
Spain, adding that he continued to look to an
accommodation of all the differences with the
same wishes as formerly.
February 27. Dined at the Travellers' Club,
We had Mr. Bagot, Mr. Stratford Canning,
Lord Dartmouth, Mr. Planta, Sir Edmund
Antrobus, Mr. M'Kenzie, Mr. Chad, Count
Ludolf, and others.
Conversation was various, the Cato-street
conspiracy not being forgotten. All seem to
believe in its verity, of which the circumstances,
already disclosed hardly leave a doubt; the
men being found at the place pointed out by
their accomplice—their being armed — their
fierce resistance, until the military arrived—
and then their flight—all pointing to a guilty
purpose: to which effect was the conversation.
, Talking with Count Ludolf, before we sat
down, he mentioned the following anecdote of
s m
Louis XVIII. When the news of the late
assassination of the Duke of Berri was brought
to him, he was in bed. He immediately rose,
but, before he would repair to the scene, ordered one of his state dresses to be brought,
which he put on, and afterwards waited for his
barber, saying, that it was not proper for a
King of France to appear otherwise before his
subjects. He made it three-quarters of an
hour before he could get off. The Duke was
not quite dead when the King arrived, but
every moment was expected to be his last!
The company rose from table at about ten,
when most of us went to Lady Castlereagh's*
where a party was beginning to assemble. Several of the Ministers were at it, the Duke of
Wellington among the number. The conspiracy appeared to be the topic first spoken of
by all, ladies as well as gentlemen ; and the
Ministers were .congratulated by those who had
not seen them before, on their escape.
iPMarch 3rd. Dined at Mr. Stratford Canning's, Great Cumberland-street. Of the guests
were Mr. Bagot, Mr. Planta, Sir Edmund An-
trobus, Mr. Inglis, Count Ludolf, and Mr. I.
Adams Smith.
The clubs of London were spoken of, particularly some of the older ones, as White's,
Brooks's, the Arthur, Boodle's, the Cocoa Tree, 1820.
and the Thatched House. White's, the Tory
club, established in the time of Charles II.,
consisted of five hundred members, and there
was said to be considerable difficulty in getting
admission, as it was generally full. The place
of head waiter at this club was said to be worth
five hundred guineas a-year. Brooks's, the
Whig club, was not so numerous; it consisted
of four hundred members. Boodle's was chiefly
for independent country gentlemen, and was
stated to exceed both the others in comfort.
Things were mentioned of some of these clubs,
and others more modern in their establishment,
showing the large moneyed resources which
they have at command, and the luxurious accommodation thence seen in their arrangements, not merely, if even primarily, as regards
the table, wines, furniture, and so on, but in libraries, maps, and other intellectual appliances.
Incidents of the Cato-street conspiracy came
before us; and we had plenty of conversation
on other subjects, intermingled with anecdote.
One which our host told, I must venture upon
repeating, though I shall not be able to give it
with the point he did. It related to Lord
Byron, and was only one of several which were
told of him. His Lordship happened to be at
Constantinople in 1810 or 1811, when some
grand procession was on foot, he, Mr. Canning,
s 2
■>* K
:$ Ij
then being Secretary of the British Embassy in
that capital. . His Lordship inclining, rather
perhaps as British peer than poet, to take part
in the procession, applied to the Secretary of
the Embassy to know where his place would
be, with an intimation that he supposed his
rank in England would not be overlooked.
The Secretary naturally referred him to the
Ambassador on a point that might not under
all the circumstances be of very easy adjustment. The Ambassador was embarrassed between a real desire to oblige his Lordship, and
the real difficulty of placing him where the
noble poet himself might have imagined he
ought to be. At length the day arrived, and
Byron made his appearance with his broad
cocked-hat on, and otherwise ceremoniously
equipped. He stood waiting to have his
place assigned him, not doubting but that
he would move with the embassy, and perhaps conspicuously in it. This was found
impossible, under official arrangements common to all the embassies, and his Lordship had to follow behind and make out
as well as he could. When it was all over,
the Ambassador, still anxious to smoothe
matters, wrote him a courteous note, explanatory of his inability to procure him any
other place ; letting drop the idea also, that 1820.
his Lordship had given rank to whatever place
he had. §In reply, Byron sent a note of equal
courtesy, saying that he had no complaint
whatever to make, and withal assuring the
Ambassador that he would ever be happy on
such occasions to walk after him, " his ox, his
ass, or any thing that was his.99
With such anecdotes was the evening enlivened. It had the charm of small dinner
parties lin England, where the very fixed
seats, and vis-a-vis arrangement of a company,
seem to give to this form of social assemblage
chosen facilities for conversation; before the
attractions of which, the ancient worship of the
bottle has so happily disappeared.
March 7. Parliament was dissolved the last
of February, not by the new King in person,
but by commissioners, and the work of electing
a House of Commons has already been actively
The assassination plot has continued to be a
prevailing topic in all circles since its discovery
and suppression. It has caused great excitement, it may almost be said some dismay, so
foul was its nature, and so near did it appear to
have advanced to success. Thanks were offered up at the Royal Chapel, St. James's, for the
escape of those whose lives were threatened.
Different uses are made of the event according 1:1
to the different opinions and feelings of the people in a country where the press speaks what it
thinks, and no tongue is tied. The supporters of
Government say that it was the offspring of a
profligate state of morals among the lower
orders, produced by publications emanating
from what they called the " cheap press," which
the late measures of Parliament aimed at putting down ; and added, that it vindicated the
necessity and wisdom of those measures. The
opponents of Government, who vehemently resisted the measures, insisted in reply, that it
was wrong to suppress, or even attempt to
interfere with, such publications, since, if irritated feeling, however unjust might be deemed
its causes, were not allowed vent in that way,
it would find modes more dangerous; and that
although a check might perhaps be given to
the " cheap press," other presses in England
would hold whatever language they pleased
against the Government.
Even in a debate in the House of Lords three
days after the event, Earl Grosvenor, a nobleman deeply interested by his great possessions
in seeing the public tranquillity maintained,
declared that there would not be wanting persons who would regard it as "the offspring
of an erroneous system of coercion ;'' but afterwards, fearing   that   what   had   fallen   from 1820.
him, might possibly be misconstrued into an
intended mitigation of the crime, he explained
away the force of his remark.
The measures of Parliament alluded to, were
matured in the early part of the Session, and I
made a report of them to my Government in
January. They aimed at abridging, first, the
circulation of cheap publications ; secondly, the
freedom of public meetings; and thirdly, they
invested magistrates with certain powers to
disarm the people to a limited extent, by clothing them with authority to search suspected
places for arms. The measures were not
designed to be permanent, and have since, I
believe, been superseded in most of their provisions, or passed away altogether ; but as
showing the state of the times, I will introduce
from my report some of the forebodings that
were uttered.
In the House of Peers, Lord Sidmouth, in defending the measures, said, that " the constitution of England was in greater danger than it
had been in any other time since the accession
of the House of Brunswick to the Throne."
Lord Grenville said, that "nothing could
equal the imminence of the peril which impended over the country."
Earl Grey, in opposition, thus expressed
himself: he declared that the measures " took
M 'I
away the protection allowed to free discussion, and aimed a blow at one of the most
valuable rights- of Englishmen, such as the
most arbitrary Minister in the most arbitrary
times never proposed to Parliament."
In the House of Commons Mr. Plunkett said,
that I in the present state of the country the
slightest cause might be sufficient to unsheathe
the sword of civil discord."
And Mr. Tierney exclaimed, " I can see
on the part of Government a determination
to resort to nothing but force; they think of
nothing else; they dream of nothing else;
they will try no means of conciliation; they
will make no attempt to pacify ; force, force,
nothing but force—that is their cry."
Thus much for Parliament. Turning to outdoor indications, I take the following as only
a single specimen. On the 24th of January
a very large meeting of Whigs was held at
Norwich, to celebrate the birth-day of Charles
James Fox, the great Whig statesman and
Parliamentary leader, during and before the
French Revolution. Amongst those present
were the Duke of Norfolk, Premier Peer of
England, the Duke of Sussex, and Mr. Coke.
One of the avowed objects of the meeting was,
to mix with the anniversary celebration a
denunciation of the measures of Parliament:
'ty. 1820.
Mr. Coke called them " Bills of Blood " and
the Puke of Sussex pronounced them "violent,
unnecessary, and unconstitutional." He also invoked the opinions of the Duke of Kent, which
he affirmed to be the same as his own. It is
remarkable, that the Duke of Kent was then
lying, unknown to his Royal brother, a corpse
in another part of the kingdom.
It may, perhaps, be new to many of the
present generation that such accumulated
and portentous dangers existed in England
in 1820. The opinions and assertions from
sources so high, and which no doubt were
sincerely uttered at the time, of the reality
of their existence, may serve to show of how
little account such forebodings generally are
in that country, when a few years so generally
put them to flight. The certainty of her
advancing prosperity might almost, it would
seem, he assumed, from assertions and predictions coming from herself to the contrary ;
since the absence of these might foreshadow
that the active spirit of her people was abating, under enervating influences creeping upon
her to stifle the boldness of speech inherent
in her freedom, and always sure to break out
in complaints of her condition, and accusations
against her rulers. Similar complaints and
accusations   must  ever   have   existence,  to  a jf
greater or less extent, in all free and great
nations during their onward progress in resources and power. They are witnessed in the
United States. Such onward progress cannot
but be attended by clouds and vicissitudes,
affording to the restless a large field, and even
to the intelligent and patriotic, plausible
ground, on divers occasions, for inveighing
against the exercise of power and exaggerating adverse appearances.
Other nations are apt to be misled in regard
to England by this accusing, and denouncing,
and often despondent voice, ever ready to be
uttered, to its very largest extent, in her Parliament, her press, and throughout the ranks
of her people. When, three years ago, she
sent her Ambassador, Lord Ashburton, to
Washington, to negotiate respecting the North
Eastern Boundary, it might be instructive to
recall, even at this short interval, all that was
said, within her own borders at that moment,
of the Chartist excitement; of the O'Connell
movement ; of the human misery (too real)
just then discovered in her collieries; of the
disasters to English arms in Affghanistan, and
of her upproaching war with China. From
these things, all co-existent at that precise
epoch, and dwelt upon with intensity of emphasis  throughout  great classes  in  her own 1820.
dominions, many of our own people were inclined to infer the probability—almost certainty—that she would yield to us ; yet, what
was her actual course in that important negotiation, and what is her situation at present,
in reference to those sources of difficulty and
darkly-painted dangers ? Where are they
now? Some disappearing—others tending to
an augmentation of her power ! Making this
incidental allusion to Lord Ashburton, I cannot avoid saying, what I believe Americans of
all parties who knew him in Washington,
would be ready to say ; namely, that it would
be difficult to determine which was most conspicuous in him, superior intelligence of mind
with skill in affairs, or an uniformly discreet
and most conciliating temper to co-operate
with the powers of his understanding, in dealing with affairs. A stranger to the existing
generation among us on his first arrival, he
left our shores with universal public respect;
although all did not like the Treaty which
he, and the highly-gifted negotiator on the
American side, concluded. It experienced a
fate common to most treaties between ambiT
tious and powerful nations—was inveighed
against on both sides ; thereby starting the
inference of there being redeeming characteristics in it for both. '
March 10. Dined with Sir Edmund Antro-
bus. We had the Earl of Hardwicke, the Earl
of Caledon, Lord Binning, Sir George Warren-
der, Mr. Bagot, Mr. Stratford Canning, and
others. fl|
Cobbett's name was mentioned. Lord Hardwicke spoke of the esteem in which he was
held in England many years ago, particularly
by Mr. Windham, and told the following anecdote ; that Mr. Pitt once came up to Windham
in the House of Commons, and said : "Windham, do you dine at home to day ? "—11 do,"
said Windham. "Then," said Pitt, "I will
come and dine with you."—" Agreed," said
Windham; " but I fear you wont like your
company, for Cobbett is to dine with me."—
" Never mind that," said Pitt, " as I do not
take him at breakfast," (meaning that he did
not take his paper) " I shall have no objection
to meeting him at dinner," and accordingly
went. This was during the time when Cobbett's extraordinary pen was defending the
March 11. Dined at Mr. Holland's, Russell
Square—formerly mentioned as of the firm of
Messieurs Barings. The company consisted of
Dr. Holland; Mr. Lenox, of New York ; Mr.
Greeg ; Mr. Park ; and a few more.
Dr.  Holland is known by his  professional \
eminence, and as having been travelling physician to the Princess of Wales, now Queen ;
and equally known by the accomplishments of
his mind. His conversation marks his knowledge on literary and other subjects. We had,
as a topic, the authorship of Junius, no new
light appearing as yet to have been shed upon
the question by the death of George III.,
as was once anticipated. Dr. Holland represented the public belief as at length, in a
great degree, settled down on Sir Philip
Francis. The best informed men in England
who had attended to the subject, were beginning to think so; and, for himself, he considered the evidence as good as it could be,
this side of positive proof.
Speaking of Mr. Walsh's book on the United
States and England, his opinion was, that it
would do good ; and so thought others, he
added, with whom he was in intercourse. It
would spread much information, new to English readers, and at least show on how many
points America was misunderstood ; and both
from misinformation, and want of information,
erroneously judged in England. I said that I
had read the work with great interest, under
hopes of its spreading useful light before both
countries. 270
March 18. Dined at the Marquis of Lans-
downe's, where we had Mr. De Neuman, of
the Austrian Embassy, Mr. Lamb, of the Melbourne family, and several Members of Parliament.
Before going to dinner, Lord Lansdowne, referring to the late revolution in Spain, men-
tioned that the King had consented to accept
the Constitution of 1812. Such, he said, were
the accounts of the day.
* We were soon at table, and the dinner
moved on as all dinners do in that classic
dining-room, where elegant hospitalities are so
often dispensed.
4a 1820.
The courses over, and servants out of the
room, the conversation grew to be general; this
marking the time when it usually becomes the
most completely so at English dinners.
"What subject should then come to be talked
over, but the old Spanish Armada ? How it got
uppermost, or who introduced it, I scarcely
know. It seemed to have slipped itself in by
some chance, possibly from the Cato-street
conspiracy having produced an allusion to Ba-
bington's conspiracy. Instead of crossing our
path transiently, and disappearing, it got to be
the topic, excluding others for its time. My
curiosity was awakened to know what would
be said. The Armada had been in my fancy
since school-days ; I had got passages of Elizabeth's speech to her troops by heart, as thousands of American boys probably also had;
and had settled it, as part of a boy's creed, not
only that the invincible Armada was beaten,
but that, if the Spaniards had landed, they
would have been beaten still worse on terra
fir ma.
Not so thought the company—at least, not
all; opinion was divided; in fact, the preponderance was decidedly with Spain. I took
no part. I left all to the English gentlemen,
sufficiently engaged in listening to the topic
thus  handled in the heart  of Old England. 272
Those who sided with Spain, held that the salvation of England had turned upon the death
of the Spanish Admiral, and Vice-Admiral, before the sailing of the Armada, which accounted
for its disasters, the command getting into
inexperienced hands; the soldiers on board
would otherwise most probably have been
landed; these, when reinforced by greater
numbers from the Netherlands, all of them
Spanish veterans, and joined by the Catholics
of England, then secretly inflamed by the execution of Mary of Scots, and the whole led by
the Duke of Parma, must have overwhelmed
England; some unknown chance might have
saved her—nothing short of it. .
So they viewed the subject; so they seemed
to settle it, as matter of conversation. I listened with a sceptic's ears; for what would the
English armies have been doing all the while ?
what, the descendants of men who had fought
at Cressy, Poictiers, Agincourt ? Such thoughts
passed in my mind. There was no need of
uttering them, however; for our noble host
dissented. He had left the conversation very
much to his guests, content with occasionally
throwing in a suggestion, as it was in progress;
but, in the end, he gently and (according to
my poor thoughts) effectually, overset the
whole   hypothesis  by  asking, Why § England 1820.
could not have resisted the Spaniards then, as
well as the people of the Low Countries ?
Such were some of the historical speculations
of the evening. fOthers engaged us a little.
Leland's History of Ireland was spoken of, and
the portion of Irish history written by Spenser.
Of the former, Lord Lansdowne expressed
favourable opinions; and the " Fairie Queen "
vouched the merit of the latter.
The general election in progress being
touched upon, something curious was mentioned ; viz., that at Preston, the place where
Mr. Hunt, the reformer, was a candidate,
universal suffrage prevailed, no freehold or
other qualification of any kind, save that of
sleeping six nights in the place, being required
in a voter. How this came about, was not
explained, or I did not catch the explanation.
It was remarked upon as a curious anomaly in
the English system of elections.
March 27. Had an interview with Earl
Bathurst at the Colonial Office, Downing
Street, on the subject of the presents given to
our Indians by British Agents in Canada. His
Lordship had on his table all the papers which
I had put into the hands of Lord Castlereagh
on this subject, and had been examining them.
He began the conversation by assurances of
its being the desire of his Majesty's Govern-
ment to avoid all disturbance in that quarter
to the general harmony subsisting between the
two countries, and declared that it was neither
under any instructions nor wishes emanating
from the Government here, that the Indians
living within our limits had resorted to MaL
den last year in the numbers stated. On the
contrary, it was the desire of this Government
that they should not repair thither, or to any
of the British posts, but keep altogether within
our territory. If such bands of travelling
Indians were an annoyance to our people on
the way, it might be supposed that their concentrated numbers, when they reached Maiden,
must prove more highly so to the British inhabitants of that place. That this, in fact,
was the case. Still less, he observed, were the
views of his Majesty's Government carried
into effect, if, when they arrived at Maiden,
any incitements to hostility or ill-will of any
kind against the United States were infused
into their minds by the Colonial officers or
agents. Upon this point he was willing to
hope that there had been misconceptions in
the accounts furnished to the Governor of the
Michigan Territory, and by him transmitted to
the Secretary of War. " But," continued his
Lordship, "although we do not invite the
Indians to that station and should be glad if 1820.
they would not frequent it, we are not at
present prepared to go the length of a positive
interdiction. We will write to our proper
officers in that quarter and instruct them to
use the strongest expostulations to put a stop
to their visits; but should the Indians nevertheless come, we cannot at this moment say
that we should feel justified in withholding
presents which we have been in the habit of
distributing among all the Indians, our own as
well as others, who during a long course of
time have resorted to our posts. He here put
into my hands a paper purporting to be a return, dated the 30th of August, 1819, to the
Store-Keeper-General in London, from the
Store-Keeper's Office in Quebec, containing a
list of all the presents issued to Indians of
every description from the Indian Department
at Montreal, between the 25th of June and
24th of August, 1819} which covered the
period during which it appeared, by the representations submitted, that the greatest number of our Indians had assembled at Maiden.
He pointed to the items respecting rifles, common guns, powder and shot: and inferred
from the small quantities of each dealt out
within that period, how inconsiderable must
have been the share falling to our Indians, and
that what they got could only have been for
the purpose of hunting. The return was an
original, but he allowed me to bring it away
to be copied.
I replied, that I would take care that my
Government should be distinctly informed of
all he said, remarking, however, that it would
form a communication of a different nature
from the one which I had hoped to make.
The expectation of my Government undoubtedly was, that the intercourse would be wholly
prohibited. It could not, I remarked, be necessary for me to say, that to give presents
to the Indians when arriving from our limits,
was, in effect, to invite them: the amount of
gifts bestowed in the present instance was
of slight moment; it was the influence thence
created, and all collateral consequences thence
resulting, that we desired to avoid.
His Lordship remarked, that it appeared
that the Secretary of War had, by a letter
of the 26th of last August, authorised Governor Cass to adopt measures for putting a
stop to the intercourse in future; and added,
that it would be highly agreeable to his Majesty's Government if they proved successful.
The immediate safety of our inhabitants, I
rejoined, dictated such measures ; but it must
be obvious at what expense to the United
States they would have to be adopted, when
tu 1820.
the Indians came to understand that we intended thus to cut them off from their presents ; whereas the presents being withheld,
there would be no motive to the intercourse.
I therefore felt sure, that my Government
would indulge the hope that the past policy
of his Majesty's Government in this respect
would be reconsidered, and abandoned. So
the subject was left for that occasion.
March  30.    Yesterday   I  attended the funeral of Mr. West.    It proceeded from Somerset House to St. Paul's, where the interment
took place, and was a public funeral by decree
of the Royal Academy, of which the deceased
was President.    It  was understood  that the
King's desire was the same, his Majesty being
patron of the  Institution.    It was therefore
conducted under the immediate superintendence of the Royal Academy.    Between forty
and fifty mourning-coaches, the horses of each
having covers of black velvet over them, made
part of the train.    There were the usual ceremonies in other respects of a funeral of this
description in London ; such as marshal-men,
cloak-men  on  horseback,  mutes,   and  pages.
The hearse was drawn by six horses covered
with black velvet; and the mourning coaches
being also entirely black as well as the horses,
the harness, and all the feathers and plumes, 278
gave a solemn air to this pomp for the dead.
The effect of the whole was heightened as
the corpse was slowly borne into the immense
Cathedral of St. Paul's, pronounced the most
imposing edifice for size and grandeur reared
in Europe by Protestant hands.
Mr. West being a native of my country, I
was invited by the Council and officers of the
Royal Academy to the funeral as a pall-bearer,
and attended in that capacity. The other
pall-bearers were, the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir
William Scott, Sir George Beaumont, General
Phipps, the Honourable Augustus Phipps,
Sir Thomas Baring, and Sir Robert Wilson.
When the body reached the choir, the bier
was set down and an anthem sung. It was
then conveyed to the vault door, attended
by the pall-bearers and mourners, and interred
next to that of Sir Joshua Reynolds, the funeral church service being performed at the
perforated brass-plate under the centre of the
dome. The chief officiating clergyman was
the Reverend Gerald Wellesley, brother of
the Duke of Wellington. Altogether the
scene was of much solemnity, and attested
the honors paid by this distinguished Society
to departed genius. Large and distinguished
portions of the Society of London responded
to the   feeling which dictated them,  as was 1820.
manifested by the private carriages belonging to the nobility and others seen in the procession, which exceeded the mourning-coaches
in number. #
Two of the mourning-coaches were appropriated to the pall-bearers. The one in which
I was, conveyed also the Earl of Aberdeen,
Sir William Scott, and General Phipps. The
first, besides his eminence as a statesman, is
distinguished by attainments in the arts; a
testimonial of which is, his classical Treatise
on Architecture, prefixed to an edition of
Vitruvius, written during or after his travels
in Greece. The slow pace of the procession
until we arrived at the Cathedral was favorable to quiet conversation. The crowd along
the Strand, and on passing Temple Bar, was
very great. The appearance of the streets
served to call up historical recollections; as
when Charles II. passed along the same
streets, thronged with multitudes, at the Restoration, and when the French King was led
through them, as the captive- of Edward III.
Sir William Scott, who recalled these things,
alluded also to the famous fracas which
took place in this line of street a couple of
* George III. allowed Mr, West a thousand pounds sterling a
year, and had paid hirn forty thousand pounds for the encouragement
of the fine arts. f            =*<f1
centuries ago, between the retinue of the
Spanish and French Ambassadors, on a struggle for precedence, when the traces of the
carriages of the latter were cut by the servants
of the former—an incident familiar to diplomatic literature. On the late revolution in
Spain favorable to the Constitution of 1812
being spoken of, General Phipps remarked,
that it had moved along with great tranquillity.
Sir William Scott, pausing a moment, replied,
"as yet." The classical brevity of this great
civilian is known.
I found that both he and Lord Aberdeen
had been reading Mr. Walsh's book. They
said that it contained much information. Sir
William asked what pursuit Mr. Walsh was
engaged in. I said, "None, that I know of,
being, I believe, in easy circumstances." As
the Cathedral came in full view, he remarked,
that he understood that the edifices in England which made most impression upon Americans were the Gothic, as we had none in
the United States — none, at least, that were
ancient. I replied, that such was probably the
case. He then remarked, that although we
had no antiquities among us, we had a long
race to run, which he hoped would prove fortunate.     I said  that we  were  proud of the 1820.
stock we came from; on which Lord Aberdeen
threw in the courteous quotation, matre puU
chrdfilia pulchrior.
As we entered the Cathedral, the procession
halting a moment, Sir William, next to whom
I stood, cast his eye around, and in a low voice
cited the celebrated inscription which appears
in it to Sir Christopher Wren, " Si queris mo-
numentum, circumspice." He added, that Sir
Christopher was one of their greatest men, a
great mathematician as well as architect, besides having various other merit.
March 31. In the course of a communication to the Secretary of State of this date, I
mention two recent trials-at-law, which, from
their connexion with public events and public
feeling, seemed to claim a passing notice. One
was that of Mr. Henry Hunt, a reformer, and
popular leader of the day. He had acted as
chairman of a great public meeting held near
Manchester last August, to disperse which the
military were called out in aid of the civil
authority, and lives lost. He was tried at
York, under charges of a riot and conspiracy,
and for assembling an unlawful multitude with
a view to stir up hatred and contempt against
the Constitution and Government. The trial
lasted nine days, was said to have been impar- 282
tial, and ended in his conviction on the third
charge ; the jury acquitting him of the
The other trial was that of Sir Francis Bur-
dett, also a popular leader of high personal
standing, a Member of Parliament, and an ancient Baronet of large estate. Being at his
seat in Leicestershire, in August, when the
news of what had happened at the Manchester
meeting reached him, he addressed a letter to
the electors of Westminster, whose representative he was in the House of Commons, condemning, in sharp and inflammatory terms,
the conduct of the Government. It was on
some parts of this letter that the prosecution
was founded; which took the shape of an ex
officio information against him for a libel tending to bring the Government into contempt,
and excite sedition. The trial was held at Leicester, and resulted in his conviction. Sir
Francis conducted his own defence with his
usual ability and spirit. Both defendants were
punished by the Court by fine and imprisonment.
April 13. Had an interview with Lord
Bathurst at the Colonial Office. It related to
fresh disputes between officers of our squadron
in the Mediterranean, and British officers of
the garrison at Gibraltar.
--wnw 1820.
His Lordship said, that he had requested me
to call for the purpose of some conversation on
this subject, and especially to inform me that
the order which Governor Don, the British
Commander-in-Chief at the garrison, had issued, forbidding the squadron to enter the
port in consequence of these disputes, had not
been ratified by his Majesty's Government —
but, on the contrary, would be revoked. But
he added, that being sincerely anxious for the
restoration of harmony between our respective
officers, he thought that the interdict had perhaps better not in prudence be recalled, until
after the lapse of some little interval—a month
or two, he intimated—that feeling on each side
might have time to cool. He handed me the
correspondence between Governor Don and
Captain Brown, of our sloop the Peacock, in
March, which treats of the disputes, and particularly of the duel between Lieutenant
Downing, of the frigate Guerriere, and Lieutenant Smith of the garrison. His Lordship
desired to be understood as having no complaints to allege on behalf of his Government,
and expressed regret that Governor Don, who
had acted from the best motives, had not been
furnished with a copy of the proceedings of
the Court-Martial by which Mr. Downing had
been acquitted.    He concluded by referring to 284
the letter addressed by the Navy Department
to Commodore Stewart, by order of the Presi-
dent, in September last (the same which I read
to Lord Castlereagh), respecting the former
duels; a copy of which had also reached this
Government through Governor Don. His
Lordship said, that the sentiments of the President, so appropriate and conciliatory, had
made upon his Majesty the impression they
were justly calculated to produce, and requested that I would convey this assurance to
my Government.
i April 15. Dined at the Middle Temple
with Mr. George Joy, formerly of Boston. It
was a bachelor's dinner. The room in which
we dined claimed the double distinction of
having been the one in which Rogers wrote
the "Pleasures of Memory," and which the
late Lord Chief Justice Ellenborough occupied
when at the bar.
|§i General Sir George Walker, Mr. S. Williams
of Boston, and Mr. J. Adams Smith, the Secretary of my Legation, were our party. The
first had served in the wars of the Peninsula,
under the Duke of Wellington, and was at the
storming of Badajos in 1812. His brigade
was of the fifth division and nine hundred
strong; and of this number, five hundred fell.
The other four hundred mounted the bastion
&4 1820.
from the river-side by ladders, and were among
the successful.    These were some particulars
which he mentioned of that fearful night for
it was a night assault. The whole loss to the
British Army he stated at about five thousand,
including three hundred officers. Sir George
himself received a musket-ball in his body
and five bayonet wounds. His shattered frame
sufficiently bespoke how he had suffered; but
he seemed to have lost none of the animation
of his mind.
Until this occasion, I was under an impression that the Duke of Wellington never was
wounded; but Sir George Walker said, that
not long after the storming of Badajos, he was
struck by a random musket-ball in the side,
in an affair with the French on the borders of
France. It was merely a slight wound, and
dressed on the spot. The Duke on receiving
it exclaimed, "Hit at last!" and seemed much
April 18. Dined at Lord Harrowby's, who
entertained the Diplomatic Corps. If Mr.
Joy's dining-room was immortalized by the
" Pleasures of Memory," his Lordship's dining-room came near to gaining a very different kind of immortality,—it being the one
in which the Cabinet were to have dined with
him on the evening that Thistlewood had fixed RESIDENCE AT
upon for murdering them all. This was not
overlooked in our conversation ; but we had
other and more cheerful topics. Among the
varieties of wine, we had hock of the vintage
of 1648, of which it was remarked by our accomplished host, that King Charles might have
drunk it. / : [
April 20. Dined at Lord Castlereagh's. We
had the Diplomatic Corps, and several foreigners of distinction.
His Lordship informed me that he had mentioned to Count Leiven, the Russian Ambassador, the desire of our two countries to ask the
friendly umpirage of his Sovereign respecting
the contested point between us under the
Treaty of Ghent; and that the Count had,
within a few days, showri him a dispatch from
Count Nesselrode, by which it appeared that
the Emperor would probably not object to
lending himself to the joint wish of the two
nations. His Lordship added, that Mr. Bagot,
who is expected to set out on his embassy in
about a month, would be instructed to make
the proper application to the Emperor on the
part of Great Britain, as soon as the Minister
of the United States at St. Petersburgh was
prepared to unite in it. I replied, that Mr.
Campbell had already been, as I believed, instructed to do so; on which his Lordship re- 1820.
marked, that he was not aware of any other
steps necessary for either party to take at
present. :
The Minister from ******* told me
that the Ottoman Porte had recently been
supplying Algiers with additional munitions of
war, and avows a determination to protect the
Barbary States ; and that this determination
would restrain the European Alliance from
any measures of immediate coercion against
those states. I asked, Why restrain ? He
answered that, The Sovereigns probably had it
in mind to hold the Porte ultimately responsible for such a line of policy; %..
April 22. Dined at Mr. Robinson's, Somerset Place. Besides Mr. Robinson, we had, of
the Cabinet, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Mr. Vansittart; the Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster, Mr. C. Bathurst; and Lord Mul-
grave; also, Sir William Grant, late Master of
the Rolls; Mr. Planta; Mr. Hobhouse, of the
Home Department; Mr. Angerstein ; and other
gentlemen ; and the presence of Lady Sarah
Robinson, and other ladies, added to the attractions of the table.
In the course of the evening, conversation
turned on the Cato-street conspiracy, the trial
of the offenders being in progress at the Old
Bailey, and  two  of them,  Thistle wood   and i
Ings, having been convicted of high treason.
What follows was mentioned in connexion
with this plot: viz., that, as soon as the precise knowledge of it came to the ears of the
Cabinet through the disclosures made to Lord
Harrowby in the Park, the Members met to
determine upon their course. Some were for
going to the dinner at Lord Harrowby's in the
face of it all. They reasoned thus: that it
seemed so desperate, that it would not be believed unless the conspirators actually came to
Lord Harrowby's house ; that they therefore
ought to be allowed to do so, if such were
really their intention ; otherwise, the public
might have room to say that the Ministers had
been over credulous, and disposed to make the
plot appear so very horrible, only to excite indignation, and gain strength by suppressing it;
and as to their personal safety, that might be
secured by arming themselves, in addition to
stationing proper guards in and near the
house ; and that the latter also would be the
most certain way of capturing the whole of
the conspirators, so that none might escape.
Those who took a different view of the subject said, that his Majesty's Ministers being
in possession of evidence to satisfy reasonable
men that a guilty purpose existed, they ought 1820.
not to wait for the consummation of the crime,
but arrest it in its progress; that public justice,
and even humanity itself dictated this course,
as life might be endangered, no matter what
precautions were taken beforehand, if the conspirators were allowed to go on to the last
step; that Ministers, conscious of the rectitude of their intentions, and not acting hastily,
but on full deliberation and advice, must not
regard public clamor, but consign the whole
transaction to the judicial tribunals of the
country without any delay that could be
avoided, and abide the issue.
This is the course which it is known was
adopted. It was further mentioned that Lord
Castlereagh was for going to the dinner in the
face of it all at the hour invited, as if nothing
had happened, and letting each gentleman arm
himself if he thought proper; whilst the Duke
of Wellington counselled to the course that
was taken. The civilian and warrior would
here seem to have changed places! We had
delicious wines to add to the zest of all the
Mr. Robinson's residence is in one of the
buildings within the quadrangle of Somerset
House. When we had gone up to coffee, I
approached, with some of the company, one of
the back windows of the drawing-room which
overlooks the Thames, where you here see
three of the great bridges: Waterloo, Black-
friars, and Westminster. All were illuminated, which makes this city-view very striking by night, to those who see it for the first
time. 1820.
April 24. To-day I had a visit from Mr.
Wilberforce. He touched upon several subjects,—amongst them, Mr. Walsh's book. I
found that he did not like the parts about
slavery, and so expressed himself, in regret
rather than censure. I remarked," that I
thought allowances were to be made for us
on that subject, considering the history of it
from the day we were part of the British empire. He asked where Mr. Walsh received
his   education.     I  told  him|pn   the United
u 2 ;
States.    He admitted that he was a man of
I asked him if there was no philanthropist
in England disposed, at this season of general
peace, to exert himself for the abolition of
privateering, as he had done to put down the
slave-trade. He replied, that civilization and
Christianity seemed equally to call for it. I
said, " Let England, as the greatest maritime
power, set the example, and other nations will
follow."    ■ •      '!^9Mpt 'lp;   1
I next asked, "And is there no man among
you willing to devote himself to another labor
of humanity, the abolition of impressment?'
He joined in lamenting the evils to which
it led, and said that he had hoped Sir Thomas
Ackland would take it up in the House of
Commons. I said, that if an end were put
to it in England, as a home measure, an immense good would follow internationally, by
the extinction of a cause of dissension, the
most formidable that could exist between our
two countries. He rejoined, that it was deeply
important under that view.
After Mr. Wilberforce left me, I called on
Sir Thomas Lawrence, (who had recently returned from the Continent,) for the purpose of
obtaining information respecting the portrait
of Mr. West.   He remarked, that the death of
<JH 1820.
Mr. West would not rob the picture of any
advantage, the likeness having been complete,
as far as he could render it so, before he died.
He further said, that the last injunction he
had received from Mr. West before setting out
upon his tour was, " on no account to touch
the head again,"—" the venerable President
being pleased to add," continued Sir Thomas,
that it was "already perfect." || ■%?
Should these last lines ever chance to meet
the eye of any Member of the Academy of
Fine Arts in New York, whose walls, I suppose, still to be graced with this portrait of so
distinguished a native son of America, it may
not be unwelcome to him thus to know what
his own opinion of it was, as thus expressed to
Sir Thomas Lawrence before he died. ff||
April 28. Parliament was opened yesterday
by the King in person. I attended under the
usual notice to the Foreign Ministers from
the Master of Ceremonies. The Speech was
general in its terms; so much so, that the Address to the Throne in reply to it passed both
Houses without opposition. The New House
of Commons is considered to be as favorable
to the Ministry as the last, if not more so.
April 29. In my dispatch to the Secretary
of State I mention, as marking the end of the
Cato-Street conspiracy, that five of the con- 294
spirators, including Thistlewood, the ringleader, had been convieted of high treason;
that the remainder, six in number, had pleaded
guilty; and?fthat the five convicted by the
jury had confessed, after conviction^ that it
was their intention to murder the Ministers.
Their plan, it seems, was, that if they had got
to the house of Lord Harrowby, some one of
their number was to knock at the door with a
note in his hand, under pretence of dfesiring it
to be delivered to Lord Harrowby, doing this
in a manner to excite no suspicion in case of
any one accidentally passing along the pavement. The rest of the band, from twenty to
thirty in number, were to be close at hand, but
subdivided into squads the better to be out of
view, which the night would have favored.
-The servant opening the door, was to have
been instantly knocked down by this leader
who carried the feigned note; and the opening
of the door was to be the signal for the whole
band to rush forward, enter the house, make
for the dining-room, and had they found the
Ministers there, kill the whole, if possible, and
as fast as possible, not sparing one, or even
the servants who might have attempted to
obstruct their passage onward. They had
counted on the presence of from twelve to
fifteen Members of the Cabinet at the dinner- 1820.
table. Thistlewood had once been an officer
in the Militia, and afterwards, for a short time,
in the line of the British Army in the West
Indies, and was a daring, desperate man.
May 1. Thistlewood and four of the conspirators are hung, |j| ; II
! May 7. Write to Mr. Crawford, Secretary
of the Treasury. Inform him that I will, in
future, send, for the library of his department,
all the documents published by both Houses
of Parliament, every Session, according to his
request. I call his attention to the debate
in the House of Commons on the droits of
the Crown, pointing out the speech of Sir
James Macintosh from the justice it renders
to the United States, at the breaking out of
the war of 1812, in not seizing the property
of the co-belligerent found within their jurisdiction; but, on the contrary, allowing six
months after the declaration of war for all
British merchant-ships to get off, and afterwards even enlarging that period; which Sir
James characterised as conforming to the beneficent old common-law principle of Magna
Charta, which England, he said, had departed
May 16. Dined at Lord Melville's, the First
Lord of the Admiralty. Mr. Rose, British
Minister at Berlin, and Mrs. Rose—the Russian 296
Ambassador and Countess Leiveh—-Lord and
Lady Binning—Lady Castlereagh, the Ambassador from the Netherlands, Mr. Planta, Mr,
Bagot and others—made the company. Among
the table ornaments, was a very beautiful representation of Neptune, in alabaster, holding
in his hand the trident of the ocean.
Topics during the dinner and evening were
such as the new reign suggested. One other,
a foreign topic, shared attention—the death of
Commodore Decatur; the account of whose
fall in a duel with Commodore Barron, near
Washington, the latter being severely wounded,
had just become known in London. To Mr.
Bagot, who sat next to me, I spoke of him,
lamenting in his death the loss of a personal
friend, and old schoolfellow, besides his loss
to his country. It was known to me that Mr.
Bagot had made his acquaintance in Washington, as well as that his accomplished wife was
known to Mrs. Bagot. Mr. Bagot spoke of
him in the handsomest terms, not for my ear
alone, but for that of the company also. His
closing words were, " All that he said or did,
was ever carried off with a soldierly grace."
And let that old schoolmate and friend pay
him the passing tribute of adding to words
so true, that a lofty patriotism ever animated
all his thoughts  and deeds;   that he was a 1820.
shining example to others in a profession
which he desired to lift up to the highest pitch,
not only by his valor and naval accomplishments, but by the noble ambition of intellectual improvement in other fields, which he
seemed to cherish but the more with advancing years; so that, had he lived longer, his
country might have beheld in him a fame
even more full-orbed than that which his untimely death cut short.
May 17th. Attended the King's Levee,
though not yet having received my new letters
of credence. One of my objects was to see
the Duke of Wellington, and endeavour to
obtain some information respecting the course
of education pursued with the military cadets
in England, as far as the system was in print
or its rules otherwise made public. I saw the
Duke, who said he was not sure that there
was much in print on the subject, but promised me all that was to be had, saying that
there were no secrets about it.
May 26th. Visited the Royal Arsenal and
other military establishments at Woolwich.
Taking letters from the Duke of Wellington
to Lieutenant-General Ramsay, and to the
Lieutenant-Governor of the Royal Military
Academy, I saw everything; and to far more
advantage than I could undertake to describe
; -
what I saw. The cannon foundry—the places
for smiths' work, carpenters' work, and for
making cartridges, bomb-shells, grenades, and
shot—the various machinery—the barracks, and
places for manufacturing Congreve rockets—the
boring-houses and model-houses,—any single
one of these items, not to mention others, might
overtask my powers of minute description.
There seemed to be stores and military supplies of every description for all the exigencies of war, even to sand-bags, fascines and
scaling-ladders, and whether for land or sea-
service, accumulated in vast quantities. The
cannon in depot amounted to from twenty-
five to thirty thousand pieces. The whole
number, it was said, would cover fourteen
acres. It is known that not only did the
British army draw its supplies from this great
establishment during the late European wars,
but that the troops of the Continental powers
were largely supplied also from its almost inexhaustible stores. It was stated that often,
whilst hostilities were going on, a million of
ball-cartridges for muskets were among the
weekly issues from the proper workshop.
The party with me consisted of Mr. M'Ken-
sie and other gentlemen. Rockets were let
off, about a dozen in number, under the direction of Sir William Congreve, that we might 1820.
see the effect of horizontal firing with them.
Those designed to be thrown into towns, or
otherwise, to produce a conflagration, were in
part composed of combustibles prepared by
Dr. M'Culloch, the chemist of the establishment, which are scarcely to be extinguished
by water, resembling in this respect the Greek
fire. One was ignited Sfor our inspection,
upon which water was thrown without putting
out the flame. Some of the artillery were
exercised daily in firing atjba target with
ball-cartridge. The artillery, now reduced to
seven or eight thousand, had amounted to
thirty thousand during the war. The woodwork for the carriages and other apparatus
was of oak, ash, or elm. We visited the range
of stables where the artillery-horses were kept.
They were fine-looking animals, and we were
told cost the Government about fifty pounds
Sterling a-piece. |||
The barracks for the troops were extensive,
and seemed highly complete and comfortable.
The dining-room of the officers with two
drawing-rooms adjoining, were spacious and
well furnished. Another part of the building
has the advantage of an extensive library and
a reading-room. At a little distance from
the principal barracks, stands a row of small
brick   houses, all white,  looking   very   neat. ft
These were built for such of the common
soldiers as were married ; and we learned that
the number of schoolmistresses attached to
the whole British army for instructing children born in the families of the common
soldiers, was very great.
In the model-room we saw various weapons
of different ages and countries. They were
chiefly brought from Paris after the conquest
of 1814, and had been accumulated in that
capital from all parts of the world, as French
trophies. Enough there was to fix the eye
of the warrior, and raise reflections in the
moralist. We saw the armour of the Chevalier Bayard, and the identical mask worn
by the I Man in the Iron Mask." The latter was wholly closed up in the face, except
a small aperture, made to open and shut,
through which food was introduced. In the
same room was a plan, upon a large scale, of
Quebec. #
Repairing to the Military Academy, we were
shown that part of the system. We saw plans
and drawings of all kinds of fortifications, and
all manner of instruments necessary for carrying on a military-education. Models of Gibraltar and Bergen-op-Zoom were in view, executed in wood like that of Quebec. The
cadets were at their studies, sitting at forms in
^ v»
three rows; their uniform, blue, faced with
red. Their hours of study in presence of a
professor were from nine until twelve in the
forenoon, and from three until five in the
afternoon. A lieutenant-governor, an inspector, and four professors, were the officers of
the Institution. The cadets receive from
Government two shillings and sixpence sterling a day, which supplies them with clothes
and pocket-money, and in all other respects
are found by the Institution. The situation is
in much request, and the Institution contained
about one hundred and fifty cadets. Besides
their own exercises in the field, they have the
advantage, from being close to the Royal Artillerists at the Barracks, of witnessing all the
evolutions of the latter. The Military Academy at Sandhurst, designed chiefly for the
sons of British officers who fell in battle, or
otherwise perished in the service, contained,
we were informed, about three hundred cadets,
and fifteen or twenty teachers. The branches
taught at each were much the same, and consisted mainly of ancient and modern history,
modern languages, fortification, gunnery, drawing, and mathematics. ■:'§;
We finished the visit by partaking of a collation at the quarters of Colonel Bingham,
whose obliging attentions we all experienced.
I 302
June 6. Went to the House of Lords under
a notice received from Sir Robert Chester, to
witness the ceremony of the King giving his
assent to some bills. It seems that, by ancient
usage, the Sovereign gives his assent, in person,
to the first bill which Parliament passes after
the commencement of a new reign. On this
occasion, it was the bill establishing the Civil
List to which he assented; and some others
being ready, he assented to them also. In the
Ambassador's box we had, besides the Corps
proper, Count Rostopehin, Governor of Moscow when it was burnt during the invasion of
Napoleon in 1812. He came with the Russian
Ambassador; and we had also Prince Lichen-
stein, who came with the Austrian Ambassador.
There was a thinner attendance than usual
of Members of the Cabinet in the House of
Lords, and about the Throne. This was noticed in our box; and there seemed something
of coldness in the whole ceremony; for which,
perhaps, the Queen's arrival at Dover yesterday served to account.
June 14. Had a special audience of the King
to deliver my new credentials. I had written
to Lord Castlereagh to ask it, and his answer
was fixed for to-day, of which I informed the
Master of Ceremonies. The latter conducted
me to the door of the audience-room  in the 1820.
Palace. The King was attended by Lord
Bathurst. I delivered the President's autograph letter to his Majesty, using much the same
language as when delivering my credentials to
him as Prince Regent, mentioned in Chapter
VIII., and was received in the same way.
R The new Spanish Ambassador, the Duke de
Frias, also had his audience of reception, as
successor to the Duke of San Carlos, re-called
since the change of Government in Spain.
In the evening, I dined at Prince Leopold's,
Marlborough House, who entertained a portion
of the Diplomatic Corps and other guests ;
amongst them, the Bishop of Salisbury, who
superintended the education of the late Princess
Charlotte. Our distinguished host dispensed
his attentions cordially to his company. The
appointments of the table were beautiful; the
plate and other ornaments having been selected
for the Heiress Presumptive to the Throne on
the occasion of her marriage to Prince Leopold.
June 15. Attended the Drawing Room, and
at seven in the evening dined at Lord Castlereagh's. We had all the Foreign Ambassadors
and Ministers, with other guests, Lord Strang-
ford of the number, whose literary accomplishments make him so well known*
A very few minutes  after the last course,
Jjj Ir
Lord Castlereagh, looking to his chief guest for
acquiescence, made the signal for rising, and
the company all went into the drawing-rooms.
So early a move was unusual; it seemed to cut
short, unexpectedly, the time generally given
to conversation at English dinners after the
dinner ends. It was soon observed that his
Lordship had left the drawing-rooms. This
was still more unusual; and now it came to be
whispered, that an extraordinary cause had
produced this unusual scene. It was whispered
by one and another of the corps that his Lordship had retired into one of his own apartments to meet the Duke of Wellington as his
colleague in the Administration, and also Mr.
Brougham and Mr. Denman as counsel for the
Queen in the disputes pending between the
King and Queen.
The Queen's arrival in England was unexpected to the King and his Ministers, and well
understood to have been against the strong
wishes of both. The event produced much excitement, and suspended, in a great degree, the
interest of other political topics. As soon as
she landed, the Ministers took their measures
for instituting proceedings against her in Parliament on the ground of imputed misbehaviour
since she was last abroad. She denied the imputations and called for proof.    The proceed- 1820.
ings against her, which originated in a message
from the King to both Houses, had actually
commenced, but were arrested in the House of
Commons by a portion of the Members, purporting to be common friends of both King
and Queen, who desired that a subject so unfitted for public discussion should, if possible,
be compromised. The dinner at Lord Castlereagh's was during this state of things, which
explains the incidents at its close, the disputes
having pressed with 'anxiety on the King's
Ministers. That his Lordship did separate
himself from his guests for the purpose of
holding a conference in another part of his
own house, in which the Duke of Wellington
joined him, as representing the King, with Mr.
Brougham and Mr. Denman as representing
the Queen, was known from the formal protocol
afterwards published of what took place on
that very evening. It was the first of the conferences held with a view to a compromise between the Royal disputants.
June 27. I learn from a good source, that
the dissolution of the late Government at
Buenos Ayres has been attended with circumstances so important as to induce Sir Thomas
Hardv, the British naval officer in command in
that quarter, to dispatch one of the vessels of
X 306
his squadron to England with a special account
of them.
June 28. Attend the Levee at Carlton
Palace. Converse with several of the Diplomatic Corps on the state of things between the
King and Queen. All are full of the topic.
******** sayS> tjjat the sensibilities   of
the King are intense and vehement; nothing
can ever reconcile him. He also says, that, of
the Royal Dukes, * * * * and ****** and
one other, go with the King; not so certain
as to the rest. And he adds, that the Ministers, almost unanimously, are now satisfied that
there are grounds to go upon against the
Queen. None of the corps dare touch the subject—at least, in the present stage of it—with
any of the Cabinet; so I suppose, it being none
of their concern; but things leak out, for in
England everything soon becomes public.
I converse with Mr. Canning on the speaking in the House of Commons. I mention to
him Sir James Mackintosh's remark ; he accedes to it; says it is true as a general rule,
that their speaking must take conversation as
its basis, rather th^n anything studied, or
stately. The House was a business-doing body,
and the speaking must conform to its character ; it was jealous of ornament in debate,
which, if it came at all, must come as without 1820.
consciousness.!* There must be method also;
but this should be felt in the effect, rather than
seen in the manner; no formal divisions, set
exordiums or perorations, as the old rhetoricians taught, would do. First, and last, and
everywhere, you must aim at reasoning ; and
if you could be eloquent, you might at any
time, but not at an appointed time. To this
effect he expressed himself, though I do injustice to his language. Foremost as a speaker
in the House of Commons for his day, perhaps
in its most brilliant sphere of oratory, I listened
with interest whilst such a master casually
alluded to its rules.
I spoke of the House of Lords; remarking,
that in that body, indeed, I had anticipated
a style of speaking somewhat more like conversation, not only from its fewer numbers,
but component materials; but that, to my
observation, as yet its oratory seemed rather
elaborate and ambitious, with much that
would seem to indicate painstaking, in a degree beyond that which I had witnessed in
the House of Commons. He acquiesced; but
added, that some of its chief speakers had
been formed in the House of Commons. I
replied, that perhaps that might account for
what had also struck me so far, in listening to
the debates of each House—namely, that the
x 2 ID
average speaking among the Peers was best.
He agreed to it, as a present fact; remarking, that another reason perhaps was, that the
House of Peers, for its numbers, was better
stocked with men thoroughly educated.
The day was hot—excessively so for England. The King seemed to suffer; he remarked upon the heat to me and others. It
is possible that other heat may have aggravated, in him, that of the weather. Before he
came into the entree-rooms from his closet,
# # * # # #? 0f ^e Diplomatic Corps, taking me
gently by the arm, led me a few steps with
him, which brought us into the recess of a
window. " Look," said he. I looked, and
saw nothing but the velvet lawn, shaded by
trees, in the Palace gardens. " Look again,"
said he. I did, and still my eye took in only
another part of the same scene. " Try once
more" said he, cautiously raising a finger in
the right direction. #*#### had a vein of
drollery in him. I now, for the first time, beheld a peacock displaying his plumage. At one
moment he was in full pride, and displayed it
gloriously; at another, he would halt, letting
it droop, as if dejected. In his wake, a smaller
bird, of glossy feathers (female as he declared),
followed, teasing and annoying the peacock at
every  turn.      " Of  what   does   that   remind 1820.
you ?" said *#####. « Of nothing," said I,
" Honi soit qui mal y pense," for I threw the
King's motto at him; and then added, that /
was a republican, he a monarchist; and that
if he dreamt of unholy comparisons where
royalty was concerned, I would certainly tell
upon him, that it might be reported to his
Court! He quietly drew off from me, smiling,
and I afterwards saw him slyly take another
member of the Corps to the same spot, to
show him the same sight.
July 10. Dined at Mr. Canning's, Gloucester
Lodge. We had Sir William Scott; Sir William Grant; Mr. Wilmot, of the House of
Commons ; Mr. Planta; Mr. Backhouse; Mr.
Stratford Canning; Mr. Smith, of the House of
Commons ; Mr. Frere, British Minister in
Spain during the campaign of Sir John
Moore ; and the Marquis of Tichfield.
The conversation was in part literary. Mr.
Canning, Mr. Frere, Sir William Scott, and Sir
William Grant, were all members of the Literary Club, so well known in Johnson's time,
and still kept up. Its number is limited to
forty, and its meetings are held at the
Thatched House. Sir William Scott was intimate with Johnson and one of his executors. ,
The authorship of Junius became a topic,
the death of George III. having  occasionally
II i 310
revived it.f|Most of the company held the
belief, or inclined to it, that Sir Philip Francis
was the man. I observed that Sir William
Scott did not join in this opinion, but expressed no open dissent. It seemed with him,
Curia advisare vult. He remarked, that it was
no new thing in English literature for the
author of a celebrated work to remain unknown ; this was still the case with the book
entitled " The Whole Duty of Man," written
in the time of Charles I.
Mr. Canning related an anecdote pertinent
to the topic, derived from the present King
when Prince of Wales. It was to the following
effect:—the late King was in the habit of going
to the Theatre once a week at the time Junius's
Letters were appearing, and had a page in his
service of the name of Ramus. This page always brought the play-bill in to the King, at
tea time, on the evenings when he went. On
the evening before Sir Philip Francis sailed for
India, Ramus handed to the King, at the same
time when delivering the play-bill, a note from
Garriek to Ramus, in which the former stated
that there would be no more letters from Junius.
This was found to be the very night on which
Junius addressed his laconic note to Garriek,
threatening him with vengeance. Sir Philip
did embark for India the next morning, and, 1820.
in point of fact, the letters ceased to appear
from that day. The anecdote added, that there
lived with Sir Philip at the time, a relation of
Ramus's, who sailed in the morning with him.
The whole narrative excited much attention,
and was new to most of the company. The first
impression it made was, not only that it went
far towards showing, by proof almost direct,
that Sir Philip Francis was the author, but
that Garriek must have been in the secret.
The style of the letters was criticised. Mr.
Canning did not think very highly of it; nor
did Sir William Scott, though not going as far
in dispraise as Mr. Canning. Sir William
Grant also said, that Fox never admired the
Mr. Canning asked me if Mr. Walsh would
not be satisfied with what the Edinburgh Review had said of his work. Sir William Scott
said, that he thought he ought to be. Sir
William admitted that he had read it, and that
it was a book that ought to be read. He expressed no further opinion. Mr. Canning said
that he had looked into it, without yet having
been able to go through it as he wished. Sir
William Grant mentioned that he was ^at
Quebec when it was attacked by our troops
under Montgomery, in '75. He remarked that
Montgomery had fallen gallantly, but added 312
that the attack was very desperate. I said that
his name was still dear to us; it lived in our
patriotic celebrations.
We sat at table until past eleven, and I only
give scraps of the conversation. It flowed
tranquilly on, with unstudied point and ease,
the whole time, from a company than which it
would perhaps not have been easy to assemble
in England one of the same size, comprising
more of intellectual power, in union with personal accomplishments.
July 12. Went with my family last night to
see the " Comedy of Errors." We were in the
private box of Mr. Coutts. Jones and Comer
performed the two Antipholis, and Liston and
Farren the two Dromios. Miss Stevens gave
us the echo song.#
* Hunting Chorus in Der Freischutz. 1820.
July 13. Had an interview with Lord Castlereagh at his house, St. James's Street. It was
for the purpose of expressing to him the sentiments of my Government in regard to the
commercial intercourse between the United
States and the British West Indies and North
American Colonies. I said, that after the unfortunately abortive discussions between the
two countries on this subject, it might seem
almost superfluous to recur to it again; but
that I had the instructions of my Government
to do so. I was merely told to reiterate assurances ; and that the supplementary Act of
Congress, passed on the 15th of May, with a
view to render more complete the prohibitions 314
which the United States had found it necessary
to impose on this intercourse, had been adopted
in no unfriendly spirit, but solely in the hope
of securing to their citizens that equal share of
the shipping employed in the trade which substantial reciprocity was thought to call for ;
and that whenever a disposition was felt by his
Majesty's Government to allow this object to
be secured to us by a commercial arrangement
between the two countries, it would be met
by the President with an earnest wish to substitute a system of the most liberal intercourse,
in place of the interdictions by statute, to which
we had finally, though with reluctance, had
His Lordship replied, that no unfriendly policy, on our part, was inferred by his Majesty's
Government from the measure in question;
far from it. It was considered simply as a commercial regulation of our own, adopted to meet
theirs; and in no wise incompatible with the
relations of harmony subsisting between the
two nations, which, he hoped, might long continue.
I now introduced the subject of the design
imputed to France, to erect a Throne at Buenos
Ayres, and place a Prince of the Bourbon line
upon it. I said that I had no information
from my Government on this subject; but that 1820.
if the accounts were well founded, I knew
how my Government and country would deplore such a course on the part of France. His
Lordship replied, that it was a total surprise
upon England; that the Cabinet had heard
nothing of it until very recently, and were still
willing to hope that it might not prove true
to the extent stated, otherwise it showed a
spirit of intrigue, which he had hoped had gone
out of fashion among nations. It was the more
strange in the eyes of England, as it had been
going on, if true, at the very time when the
Foreign Enlistment Bill was brought before
Parliament. I remarked upon the difference
between the course of the United States and
France ; for that whilst we had expressly disclaimed all intention of accepting any special
advantages over other nations, from the new
South American communities, it appeared, if
the accounts were true, that France was for
appropriating every advantage to herself. He
admitted that the disclosures wore that appearance, but again expressed the hope that they
might not prove well founded.
I mentioned to his Lordship, before coming
away, the arrival of Mr. Middleton in London,
on his way to St. Petersburg as successor to
Mr. Campbell, our present Minister at that
Court, who was about to retire from the mis-
ijtiV' 316
sion at his own request; and asked leave to
introduce him to his Lordship, at any time
when convenient; on which he named the day
July 14. Call on Lord Castlereagh with
Mr. Middleton. After the introduction, Mr.
Middleton mentioned his desire to arrange,
with the aid of my instrumentality, should any
correspondence or other official acts with his
Majesty's Government be required (he not
being accredited to the English Court), such
preliminary points respecting the umpirage at
St. Petersburg on the slave question under the
Treaty of Ghent, as might be necessary to
bring it before the Emperor for his decision.
His Lordship expressed his readiness to forward whatever objects Mr. Middleton had in
view, that could be effected here ; and it need
scarcely be added, that my co-operation, whenever it could in any way be rendered useful,
was as fully tendered.
July 15. Dined at the Duke of Wellington's. The Right Hon. W. W. Pole, of the
Cabinet, and Mrs. Pole; Lady Ann Cullen
Smith; Colonel Percy; Mr. and Mrs. Pater-
son, of Baltimore, and Miss Caton, of Annapolis ; the Duchess of Wellington ; my wife;
the Rev. Gerald Wellesley ; and other gentlemen were of the company. 1820.
We went to dinner punctually a few minutes after seven, and what follows passed at
table, or afterwards in the drawing-room.
Speaking of the Royal Military Academy at
Woolwich, when I alluded to my visit there,
under the Duke's obliging auspices, he said
that one hundred and fifty cadets (a number
which to me had appeared small for the whole
British army) were found enough; as it was only
for the artillery and engineers that the academy
educated young men. The military school at
Sandhurst was designed, he said, for young
men who went into the line. The establishment at Woolwich, he thought, on the whole,
as complete as any one of a similar nature
known to him in Europe. Speaking of the
Russian army, he said that it might probably
be put down at from eight to nine hundred
thousand men, and its annual expense at
about 9,000,000/. sterling. The Russian soldiers, he added, were now well fed, well clothed,
and well found in all respects. He remarked
that the British army was the most expensive
in Europe, and the Dutch next.
General Moreau was spoken of, who fell at
Dresden. I said that when he was in the
United States, I had once passed an evening in
his company; and that he spoke of his sensations of delight on gaining  his  first  victory, 318
saying that he then " felt on a level with his
profession." The Duke remarked, that were
he to speak of his feelings when it had been
his fortune to gain a battle, he would say that
they had generally been painful; for there
was grief for those who had fallen ; and next,
it imposed instantly the necessity of doing
more, as no commander could remain quiet
after victory; a larger view opened to him,
often causing anxiety from the difficulties to
be overcome for insuring further advantages.#
I said that it was a remark of Moreau's, made
on the same occasion, that the fault with most
commanders, however brave, was backwardness
in taking the last step to bring on a battle,
especially when armies were large, arising from
deep moral anxiety ; and, after all, the uncertainties of the issue. The Duke said it was a
just remark.
The Archduke Charles of Austria being
spoken of, the Duke repeated in effect what
I had heard him say to my distinguished
countryman, General Harper, of Maryland—|
namely, that he probably had more military
science than any of the generals of  Europe
*The reader will recall one of Suetonius's remarks of Caesar :
that when he defeated his enemy, he also drove him out of his camp,
and followed up the victory so warmly as to give him no time to
rally. 1820.
contemporary with him. The conversation
proceeding, the Duke remarked, in this connexion, that a general might stand too much
upon the rules of science while an engagement
was going on; there could not be too much
attention to them in all his arrangements
beforehand, he said; but the battle once begun "the main thing to think of was hard
The Thistlewood conspiracy was touched
upon, and some particulars related. One was,
that on the night of #the Duke of San Carlos's
entertainment in Portland-place, when the
Horse Guards were called out, it was believed
that Thistlewood was in the crowd, intending
mischief; but the presence of the Horse Guards
had kept all quiet. When the daring character
of the plot was spoken of, the Duke's opinion
was, that if the conspirators had got into Lord
Harrowby's dining-room and found the Cabinet
all at dinner, most of them would probably
have been killed; " how," said he, taking a
table-knife in his hand, " could we have defended ourselves with a weapon like this, against
men rushing in to murder us, armedilwith
swords, pistols, and hand grenades ?" He said
that, having taken off the Ministers, their first
step would probably have been to rob the
banks in the Strand. 320
He asked me if there was any foundation for
the rumor of our having any serious misunderstanding with France;—he here alluded to a
late Act of Congress imposing a duty of
eighteen dollars a ton upon French vessels in
our ports. I said No, it was merely a measure
of commercial policy—a countervailing measure on our side. He said that, as far as he
understood the question, we appeared to be in
the right.
If the Duke's guests found his conversation
interesting, his table called up historical reminiscences. When the dessert courses came,
the fruit-dishes, plates, vases, and other ornamental pieces of a service of china presented
to him by the King of Prussia, were illustrative
of his own life. Each piece represented some
passage in it. It began with a view of Dengan
Castle in Ireland, where he was born ; gave you
Eton in England, where he was educated;
took you to India, and showed you Poonah,
Assaye, Seringapatam, and other places, marking his career of victory and fame in that
country; brought you back to Europe, and gave
you his achievements in the Peninsular war,
Vimiera, Talavera, the lines of Torres Vedras,
Badajoz, Vittoria, and so on, until, finishing the
story of renown in the Peninsula, you come up
to Belgium, where the overthrow of Napoleon
Ji 1820.
at Waterloo, closes the long scene of glory.
One of the dessert-plates set before me, had the
view of Busaco; another that of Salamanca.
Thus, all his campaigns were traced; and
with them, an outline of European and Asiatic
history for a quarter of a century in many of its
momentous and decisive events. The paintings
and scenery on each piece were beautifully
executed. Pieces of another service, made at
Dresden, and presented to the Duke by the
King of Saxony, were on the table, and also
I should sin almost against my country, to
close the recollections of an evening so passed
without saying, that none at table were better
fitted to win favorable opinions, by all attractiveness and grace, than our fair countrywomen, Mrs. Patterson and Miss Caton, of Annapolis, granddaughters of the illustrious Carrol
of Carrolton. The former subsequently married the Marquis Wellesley; the latter, Lord
Stafford. ''      "       ' jSj|p
I take occasion to add, that the Duke sent
me, with a courteous note, a paper containing
the regulations which apply to the age and
course of study in detail necessary to the
admission of cadets to the Royal Military
Academy at Woolwich;  which I transmitted
to   my Government for the use  of the War
Department. *
July 19. I yesterday received in a communication from Mr. Goulbourn, of the Colonial
Department, the copy of a dispatch addressed
on the 16th of June to Lord Bathurst by
the Governor of Gibraltar, respecting the differences which have existed between the officers of our squadron in the Mediterranean,
and the British officers of that garrison. Annexed to it was also a copy of a letter of the
3rd of June from Governor Don to Commodore Bainbridge, of our flag-ship Columbus.
From these documents it appeared that Go-
vernnor Don considered the differences as all
happily settled. I forwarded them to my
July 20. In a dispatch sent to the Secretary
of State, I mention that Mr. Stratford Canning
had had his audience of leave of the King, and
might be expected to embark soon for Washington, I also transmit to the Department a
pamphlet containing all the documents published in London, on the imputed designs of
France to establish a throne at Buenos Ayres,
and place upon it a Prince of the House of
Bourbon, the subject having awakened attention in the highest political circles. I mention that the Duke de Cazes, the" newly-arrived
IL 1820.
Ambassador from France, did not admit the
documents to be genuine, and disavowed ever
having seen the South American Envoy,
Gomez ; but that whether he had disavowed
for the Marquis Desolles also, I had not been
informed. I allude to the debate in the
House of Commons on the call for information relative to these documents; in the course
of which Dr. Lushington argued the broad
principle that England ought to recognize,
immediately and fully, the independence of
Buenos Ayres; but that Lord Castlereagh had
dissented from such a policy; and that Sir
James Mackintosh, in his speech, had intimated, that since the altered state of things in
Spain, the question of desiring a separation of
the Colonies from the parent state had essentially changed. I also call attention to what
Mr. Canning said in the debate,—viz., that as
history had shown the condition of Colonies
to be more acquiescent and servile under the
government of popular assemblies than under
the authority of even absolute monarchies,
(quere—has it?) all those who had wished to
see the Colonies emancipated from monarchical
Spain, ought to cherish the wish more strongly
now that Spain had established a popular Government.
Y   2
Mj 324
\^I mention further, that ourpMinister in
Spain, Mr. Forsyth, had written to me, that he
understood that the informal agents in London, from Caraccas, Buenos Ayres, and Chili,
had held a meeting in May, at which it was
determined to address applications to Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, desiring that Princes of
their families might be given to Spanish America generally; and that one might be specially selected from the Brazils for Buenos
Ayres—for so I read his letter; but I add,
that as it came in cipher, there may have been
some inadvertence in his copyist. I go on to
inform the Secretary that I was not aware of
the facts mentioned in Mr. Forsyth's letter;
but had been informed, that since the establishment of the constitution of 1812 in Spain,
the agents of Chili, Buenos Ayres, and Venezuela, did meet in London, though with a very
different object; that it was jointly to sign.
as they did sign, according to my information,
an address to the King of Spain, asking that
their independence might be acknowledged;
that this address was transmitted to Ferdinand through the Duke of San Carlos, then
Spanish Ambassador in London, and that the
answer received through the same channel in
London was, that no proposition would be
listened to, by the Cortes or King, that had not 1820.
for its basis the return of the Colonies to their
subjection to the mother country.
At seven in the evening, dined at the Russian Ambassador's, where we had the Duke of
York, the Duke de Cazes, new French Ambassador, with nearly all the Diplomatic Corps;
also Lord Castlereagh, the Marquis and Marchioness of Stafford, Lord Palmerston and
some others. Conversation could not keep
clear of the case of the Queen ; not, indeed, as
a general topic, but sometimes in under tones,
two and two—so it was in my neighbourhood.
July 22. Dined at Lord Castlereagh's. The
dinner was given to the new French Ambassador. We had all the Foreign Ambassadors and
Ministers, the Duke of Wellingtbn, Lord Melville, Mr. Canning, Mr. C. Bathurst, Mr. Wel-
lesley Pole, Lord Amherst, Mr. Planta, Lord
An cram and others.
I sat next to the Duke of Wellington, and
had much conversation with him, the dinner
lasting a good while, and being too large for
general conversation. He spoke of parts of the
war in the Peninsula, in ways greatly to interest me. He also adverted to the designs of
France upon Buenos Ayres, as imputed, which
he hoped might not be true; if true, they
would show an intrigue, he said, which England
would not like, and not belonging to the age, 326
which had "excluded double-dealing from
public affairs." I give his emphatic words.
The member of the Bourbon family whom it
was said France desired to put on a throne at
Buenos Ayres, the documents stated to be the
Prince of Lucca, nephew to the King of Spain.
July 24. Dined at Mr. Planta's, New Burlington Street. We had Lord Strangford;
Mr. Stratford Canning; Mr. de Neuman, of
the Austrian Embassy; Baron Bulow, of the
Prussian; Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. Gordon, and
other English gentlemen.
Many subjects were touched: the Queen ;
Junius; Cobbett; the London newspapers.
Regarding the last, the amount of capital, in
money and mind, embarked in some of the
leading ones, struck me as very remarkable, on
facts which were mentioned; meaning by capital in mind, the men of education and talents,
formed at the universities or otherwise, who
are silently auxiliary to the Editors. Lord
Strangford, who had been British Minister at
Rio Janeiro, told me that he knew Mr. Sump-
ter, of South Carolina, our Minister at that
Court, and esteemed him highly. His conduct
in the affair of the Queen's carriage at Rio
Janeiro, which he narrated, was, he said, perfectly correct, to which the company appeared
to assent. 1820.
July 26. Mr. and Mrs. Middleton, Mr.
Stratford Canning, and Mr. Planta dine with
us. Mr. Canning's prospects in the United
States, in the mission to which he is destined,
becomes a topic, and Mr. Planta enlivens us
with pleasant sallies on the whole subject.
July 27. Dine with his Royal Highness the
Duke of Sussex at Kensington Palace. The
Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Thanet, Lord
Ebrington, the Marquis of Tavistock, Lord
Anson, Mr. Coke, General Fitzroy, and others,
made the company.
At table, I was between the Duke of Sussex
and Duke of Hamilton. The latter had been
much abroad, and talked on continental affairs,
especially of the growing power of Russia.
The Duke of Sussex sat at the head of his
table, in true old English style, and was full of
cordiality and conversation. I cannot resist the
satisfaction of putting down a small part of
what fell from him. General principles of
government coming to be spoken of, he expatiated on the benefits of free government; declaring, that as all men, Kings as well as others,
were perpetually prone to abuse power when they
got to the possession of it, the only safe course,
was, to limit its exercise by the strictest constitutional rules. In the palace of Kings, and from
the son and brother of a King, I should not 328
have been quite prepared for this declaration,
but that it was not for the first time I had
heard him converse. - The sentiments which it
embodied, even with new strength and precision, I now listened to with renewed pleasure.
If such sentiments flourished so near the British Throne, what may we not be allowed to
think of the race of sturdy and spirited Englishmen who settled the United States in the days
of Elizabeth, Cromwell, and the Stuarts ?
August 12. The case of the Queen excites
an interest so absorbing, that I thus reported
to the Secretary of State its position and
I mentioned that all attempts at a compromise having failed, her case was transferred
from the House of Commons to the House of
Lords; that there was no abatement of the
heats which it had produced ; that the proceedings had taken the shape of a Bill of Pains
and Penalties, which a Committee of the Lords
reported against her, and that it was under the
allegations of this Bill that she was to be put
upon her trial; that its provisions went to deprive her of all her rights and prerogatives as
Queen Consort of the Realm, and to dissolve
the marriage between herself and the King;
and that the charge laid against her, was that
of misconduct with Bartholomew Bergami, an
E=JL*» 1820.
Italian, whom she took into her service, and
advanced to a high station in her household.
I mentioned that these proceedings were
strongly objected to, whatever might have been
her misconduct. Hit was alleged, that they
overthrew the fundamental rule of British
jurisprudence, which separated judicial from
legislative powers; that in this respect, a bill
of pains and penalties was like acts of attainder and confiscation, which were odious in
English history, as associated with arbitrary
times; that it overstepped all the ordinary
barriers of the law, and was wounding to the
Constitution ; that no private subject in Britain
could obtain a sentence of divorce judicially,
for the cause mentioned in the bill, without
allowing to the respondent the right of recrimination ; but that the Queen was entirely
cut off from it. That she had also been refused
a list of the witnesses against her, as well as a
specification of the place or places where, or of
the time when, her imputed misconduct had
taken place; all parts of the continent of Europe, which she had visited during a space of
six years, having been left open to her accusers
on both those material heads; but in this connexion I mention also, that her accusers had
given assurances that the proceedings against
her would not be hurried to her disadvantage; ll
for that after the testimony against her was
closed, she would be allowed full time for
taking measures to repel it.
I mentioned, that when the bill was reported
in the House of Peers, Earl Grey declared, that
their Lordships, in consenting to act upon it,
had placed themselves, for all that concerned
the Queen's hopes of justice, and their own
responsibilities, in the threefold and awful situation of legislators, prosecutors, and judges ;
and that in the House of Commons, amongst
other vehement denunciations of the bill from
different Members, Mr. Bennet had warned the
Ministers against going on with a proceeding,
at the consequences of which the boldest mind
might shudder.
I remarked, that whilst it belonged to the
English, in Parliament and out of it, to exaggerate incidents of political danger, the
question of the Queen's trial was, without
doubt, one which seemed to be rising in importance under the keen personal sensibilities
embarked in it on both sides ; that there were
not wanting persons who said, that, should the
Queen be degraded, and the King embrace the
option which would then be open to him of
another marriage, and issue spring from it, the
very succession to the monarchy might become
endangered,   as   succeeding  Parliaments had 1820.
often been known to undo the acts of prior
Parliaments passed in violation of received
opinions of constitutional right; and because,
not only the immediate brothers of the King,
but their descendants, male and female, would
have the great stake of a throne in the inculcation of that doctrine.
Such was the purport of my communication.
I stated also, that the Session of Parliament
might be considered as substantially at an
end; that it had stood adjourned since the
middle of July, and although to meet again in
a week from the time I wrote, it was not supposed that any further business would be done,
beyond that which related to the Queen ; her
case occupying, since it first arose, so much of
the time of both Houses, as to have abridged
in amount and interest all other proceedings.
That even the Coronation, a ceremony which it
was believed the King had much at heart,
from the long interval since there had been
one in England, was postponed on this ground;
and that thus the calls of public business and
desire of kingly display, were alike held in
suspense by the dispute.
August 14. On the 11th instant Mr. Stratford Canning embarks on his mission to the
United States, in the Spartan frigate, from
Portsmouth. <
August 17. Lord Holland rose in the House
of Lords yesterday, and stated that he designed, at an early day, to put certain questions to Ministers, for the purpose of obtaining
information on the existing relations between
Russia and England on the one hand, and between Russia, England, and Spain on the other.
His reason for desiring the information arose,
he said, from the manifesto recently issued
by Russia on the subject of the revolution in
Spain ; the principles contained in which his
Lordship denounced, as calculated to involve
Europe in endless wars, and to endanger the
peace and happiness of future generations.
Lord Liverpool replied, that when the questions were put in a regular form, he would be
ready with the proper explanations, adding,
that there was nothing in the relations between England and Spain that was likely to
lead to a renewal of hostilities.
Subsequently, Lord Liverpool, in the House
of Lords, and Lord Castlereagh, in the House
of Commons, gave their explanations, on the
part of the Ministry, respecting Spanish affairs.
They were, that Great Britain was no party to
any league among the Sovereigns of Europe
for interfering with the cause of self-government in Spain ; and that the communications
from the British to the Spanish Government 1820.
had been bottomed upon a desire to keep up
the relations of amity between the two countries, as well as a wish that the proceedings
going on under the Cortes, might end in the
establishment of a just and rational system of
government for Spain; explanations which I
communicated to the President, with the addition, that Lord Castlereagh had expressed, in
conversation, similar sentiments to me.
August 18. Mr. George Washington Campbell, our late Minister at Petersburg, here on
his return to the United States, Mr. J. Adams
Smith and myself, pass the day in visiting
Kew, Richmond, Twickenham, Hampton Court,
and Windsor. At Windsor we went through
the principal part of the Castle. In the church
near Richmond, we saw the monument to Pope,
and the one he erected to his nurse; at Twickenham, his villa, his grotto, the stump of his
old willow, the column raised in honour of his
mother, et cetera. We went to Strawberry
Hill, and had a rapid glance at that beautiful
little Gothic residence, rendered immortal by
the prince of letter-writers, Horace Walpole.
At Hampton Court, we saw the Maze ; the
enormous grape-vine; and all the rooms of the
palace. At Kew, the gardens, and rooms of the
old palace, the furniture of which had all been
left as when they were last occupied by the 1:1
Royal Family, the late Queen having died there.
We went also to Runnymead, the famous scene
of Magna Charta, which we were especially
anxious to see. All this was a good day's occupation ; but having on this occasion only one
day to give to it, we were industrious, and, at
least, had a bird's-eye view of things, though
certainly not more. The day was fine, we were
off by six in the morning, and got back to town
at eight in the evening. 1820.
August 26. Went to the House of Lords
to attend the trial of the Queen. The attend-
|aice of Peers was very full. Lord Grenville,
Lord Erskine, Lord Redesdale, Lord Liverpool, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Ellenbo-
rough, spoke to a point respecting the cross-
examination of witnesses. No decision was
pronounced upon it. Mr. Brougham, leading
counsel of the Queen, also addressed the
House, after which an adjournment took place
until Monday.    I was immediately under the 336
Throne, being the place where the Foreign
Ministers go, if inclining to attend.
August 30. Attend the trial of the Queen,
the examination of witnesses still going on.
The testimony is taken down by a short-hand
writer, and printed every day, from his notes,
for the use of all parties. Counsel as well
as Peers are thus spared the labor of writing
it down, and can be employing their minds
instead of their hands.
September 4. Attend again ; the examination of witnesses continues. Several Peers
took part in the examination,—Lord Liverpool, Earl Grey, Earl Grosvenor, the Duke
of Hamilton, and others.
September 9. The House of Lords adjourn,
to afford an interval for the Queen to prepare
for her defence, the case having now been
seventeen days under hearing.
September 20. Mr. Middleton left London
yesterday. I communicate to my Government
a full account of all that was done with the
British Government during his stay of more
than two months, towards previous arrangements for bringing the Slave Question under
the Treaty of Ghent, before the Emperor of
Russia as umpire; arrangements which would
have been sooner perfected, but for impediments to business created by the case of the 1820.
Queen. The precise nature of these arrangements need not be stated, any more than additional ones which afterwards became necessary, as the award was in our favor, and was
followed by a satisfactory settlement of the
whole case, as already mentioned in Chapter
XIX. of the former volume.
September 24. Dined with the French Ambassador, the Duke de Cazes, ten miles from
town, at the seat of Lord Northwick, near
Harrow. We had a portion of the Diplomatic
Corps and other company ; the attractiveness
of the dinner being increased by the rural
scenery surrounding us.
September 30.1 Having heard that some of
our vessels bound to French ports had been
permitted to land their cargoes at British out-
ports under the warehousing acts, the heavy
tonnage duty in France causing the American owners to suspend their original destination, I went to the Office of the Board of
Trade to make application on the subject, and
learned that it was the fact. I communicated
the information to the Secretary of State, saying that I had reason to know that this Government was not inattentive to the progress
of our disputes with France respecting tonnage
duties ; and if they were not adjusted, would
naturally turn  them to account, more espe-
cially as they were occurring at a time when
an extension of the warehousing system, with
a view to making England a centre of trade
for the rest of the world was becoming, as past
communications from me had made known,
more than ever a favorite object of her commercial policy.
October 3. The House of Lords re-assembled in continuation of the trial of the Queen.
After some introductory remarks from Lord
Liverpool, disavowing on the part of the Government all improper dealing with the witnesses (a disavowal induced by the published
letter of a Mr. Marietti), and stating his readiness to exhibit an account of all the moneys
paid to the witnesses in support of the bill,
Mr. Brougham, as counsel for the Queen,
opened her case with great power and boldness. He declared that nothing should check
him in fulfilling his duty, and that he would
recriminate upon the King, if necessary. He
said that an English advocate could look to
nothing but the rights of his client; and that
even should the country itself suffer, his feelings as a patriot must give way to his professional obligations. This I thought too strong,
if interpreted in the broad sense of which it
is susceptible.
It is worth a passing  notice  that, during 1820.
the adjournment of this momentous trial, Mr.
Brougham attended the assizes at Yorkshire,
and engaged in a cause on behalf of a poor old
woman, upon whose pig-cot a trespass had been
committed. It was on the side of a common
of upwards of one hundred acres, upon about
five yards of which the pig-cot was alleged to
have encroached. The poor woman had paid
the lord of the manor a yearly rent of sixpence
for it, and sixpence on entering. The pig-cot
having been pulled down, the jury found for
the old woman, and gave her forty shillings
damages. To have been counsel for the
Queen of the realm, and in such a case as this
at the same time, is illustrative of the English
Bar, and, individually, of Mr. Brougham.
October 6. Go to the House of Lords. The
Earl of Llandaff, Lady Charlotte Lindsay, the
Honorable Keppel Craven, and Sir William
Gell, are examined on the part of the Queen,
several Peers taking part in the examination ;
amongst them Lord Erskine, the Earl of Rose-
berry, and Earl Grosvenor.
October 9. Go again. Dr. Holland, Mr.
Mills, and other witnesses are examined in her
behalf. The testimony has assumed aspects so
much in her favor, that I hear from high
sources that the Ministers are doubting, and
that probably the bill will not be persisted in.
z 2
m 340
^pr   ^?   ^p   t^t    *^    ^p   ^F
of the Corps, thinks that it will
October 10. After getting from the House
of Lords yesterday, I went to dinner at the
French Ambassador's, at Harrow. It was an
entertainment on a brilliant scale, given in
honor of the birth of the Duke of Bordeaux',
a new heir to the throne of the Bourbons.
The Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers were
there, the Earl of Mansfield, Lord Northwick,
and others. A band of music was in attendance, playing at intervals, and the bells of
Harrow rang merry peels. After dinner, from
which we did not rise until a late hour, the
house and grounds were illuminated, and the
entertainment closed with an exhibition of
fireworks at the bottom of the lawn. The inhabitants of Harrow and the neighbourhood
were out in great numbers on the skirts of the
lawn, gazing at the spectacle.
Lord Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and other
members of the Cabinet had been expected to
this entertainment, and their absence was a
great disappointment to the distinguished host.
Dinner waited for them; none knew the cause
of the delay, when at length a messenger came
with an apology. It appeared that a Council
of the Ministers had been unexpectedly sum- 1820.
moned to meet at the Palace on the case of
the Queen.
October 14. The trial of the Queen proceeds. John Powell, Filippo Pomi, and others
are examined.
I October  16.   Admiral Sir John  Beresford
and others are examined.
October 20. This morning I receive information from the Spanish Ambassador of the
ratification of the Florida Treaty, and forthwith communicate it to my Government, sending the dispatch to Liverpool to go by the first
ship, that it may have the chance of conveying
the information to Washington before it can
arrive direct from Madrid.
October 24. The trial of the Queen goes
on. Although I had information a fortnight
ago that Ministers were deliberating as to an
abandonment of the bill, subsequent testimony
proving less favorable to her case, they determined to let it take its course; and I now
write to my Government that there seemed
no certainty what would be the result. ||
November 11. Dined with the Duke de
Frias, Spanish Ambassador. We had the Diplomatic Corps in part, and several English
gentlemen. With the Spanish Ambassador I
had an exchange of congratulations on the final
ratification at Madrid of the Florida Treaty.
\ 342
Mr. ****** told anecdotes of the Queen;
amongst them, that when she lived at Black-
heath she had many a time played blindman's
buff with Sir William Scott, Mr. Canning, and
others who made up her parties. He also said
that Bergami had declared that if he ever
caught Alderman Wood in Italy, he would
kill him, as he had been the means of making
the Queen refuse fifty thousand pounds sterling a-year from the Government; of which
sum, had it come into her hands, he, Bergami,
would have had a handsome portion annually
for life.
November 14. The trial is over which has
so intensely riveted public attention in England, and excited, to some extent, the attention of Europe. The report to my Government of the final proceedings and result, was
to the following effect:
§||I mention that the entire evidence and
speaking being closed on the 30th of October*
an adjournment of the House of Lords took
place until the 2nd of November; the testimony alone, independent of the speeches of
counsel and all interlocutory debates among
the Peers, having extended to upwards of nine
hundred pages folio ; that from the 2nd of
November to the 6th> the Peers were occupied 1820.
in debates upon the evidence, almost every
Member assigning reasons for the vote he intended to give; that on the 6th the vote was
taken and the bill passed to a second reading
by a majority of twenty-eight. That on the
8th of November, another vote was taken,
as to whether the clause providing for a
divorce should be maintained in the bill, and
passed in the affirmative; that in regard to
this vote, several of the Peers who were opposed to the principle of the Bill, gave their
votes in favor of the clause for a divorce, in
the hope, which they avowed, of rendering
the bill still more exceptionable with some
of the Members, (meaning the Bishops,) and
thus increasing the chance of its ultimate
defeat; and I also mention that the Ministers,
who perceived this course, and were probably
apprehensive of its effect, voted for striking
out the divorce clause (otherwise known to
be desired by the King) and found themselves
in the minority.
I go on to state, that on the 10th of November, the bill, with the divorce clause retained, was put to vote for a third reading;
and that on this final vote it passed, by a
majority of nine, one hundred and eight voting
for it, and|ninety-nine against; and that
amongst those who voted in its favor, were
. 344
included the nine Peers who were Members of
the Cabinet, and the whole Bench of Bishops,
except four; that the majority being thus
slender, and thus composed, Lord Liverpool,'
as head of the Ministry, rose and abandoned
all further prosecution of the bill, declaring
that he did so on the double ground of the;
smallness of the majority, and the strongly expressed sense of the country against the measure. I add, that a large number of the Peers
who voted against the bill, did not give their,
votes> as they expressly stated, on any clear
belief in the Queen's innocence, but voted on
the ground of the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of the bill; and I state further, as
a curious fact, that the parts of the evidence
which had borne hardest upon the Queen, and
on which those who supported the bill were
driven in the end to rely most, had come from;
witnesses called and examined in her defence.
Such is a synopsis of the account I trans-,
mitted. The debates among the Peers grew
stormy as the case approached its close. Earl
Grey declared, that if their Lordships passed
the bill, it would prove the most disastrous
step the House had ever taken. Earl Gros-i
venor said, that feeling as he did the evils,
which the erasure of the Queen's name from &<i
the Liturgy (a measure taken before her trial
came on) was likely to entail upon the nation,
as well as its repugnance to law and justice,
he would, had he been Archbishop of Canterbury, have thrown the prayer-book in the
King's face, sooner than have consented to
it. On the other hand, the Duke of Montrose said, even after the Ministers had abandoned the bill, that so convinced was he of
her guilt, that whatever others might think fit
to do, he, for one, would never acknowledge
her for his Queen.
London was illuminated, more or less, for
three successive nights, under edicts put forth
by popular feeling, at the overthrow of the bill.
The streets, the theatres, the highways, gave
testimony of the popular joy at the Queen's
triumph; for so her friends and partisans
called it, notwithstanding the loud assertions
to the contrary kept up by those who took
part against her.
An impartial spectator of the whole scene,;
admonished by his public situation to side
with neither party, may be allowed to say,
(what he thought and felt,) that the Ministry
showed great wisdom in surrendering up their
measure as an offering to popular feeling,
though they had carried the bill. Lord Ros-
slyn, in the course of his powerful speech, put £*mC
their wisdom in a strong light by saying,
amongst his other objections to the measure,
that, had it passed, it would have become a
formidable rallying point for disaffection
throughout the kingdom, and have tended to
bring the House of Lords into disrepute at a
time when that branch of Parliament ought
specially to desire and deserve popular approbation.
The trial exemplified striking characteristics
of the English nation. A majority of the
Peers held on to it with a firmness that the
patricians of Rome could not have exceeded,
until they carried their point by a conviction.
Their sense of justice and pride satisfied, they
allowed the popular part of the constitution
to have play. The people, inflamed by wrongs
done to a woman, as they viewed her cause,
took it up with the unconquerable resolution
of Roman plebeians, and would probably not
have yielded. But that which was perhaps
most remarkable throughout the fierce encounter, was the boundless range of the press,
ajid liberty of speech. Every day produced
its thousand fiery libels against the King and
his adherents, and as many caricatures, that
were hawked about all the streets. The
Queen's counsel, Mr. Denman, addressing himself to the assembled Peerage of the Realm,
h 1820.
denounced, in thundering tones, one of the
brothers of the King, as a slanderer :—"Come
forth," said he, " thou slanderer ;" a denunciation the more severe, from the sarcasm with
which it was done, and the turn of his eye
towards its object; and even after the whole
trial had ended, Sir Francis Burdett, just out
of prison for one libel, proclaimed aloud to his
constituents, and had it printed in all the
papers, that the Ministers all deserved to
be hanged! This tempest of abuse, incessantly directed against the King, and all who
stood by him, was borne, during several months,
without the slightest attempt to check or
punish it; and it is too prominent a fact to
be left unnoticed, that the same advocate who
so fearlessly uttered the above denunciation,
was made Attorney-General when the Prince
of the Blood who was the object of it, sat
upon the Throne; and was subsequently
raised to the still higher dignity of Lord Chief
Justice, where he still remains—an honor to
the kingdom.
November 15. Dined yesterday at Mrs. Porter's, Upper Norton Street. We had Colonel
Wilkes, who, as English Governor at St.
Helena, first had charge of Bonaparte; Mr.
Boswell, brother to Johnson's Boswell, and a
few others—gentlemen and ladies. 348
Colonel Wilkes told anecdotes of Bonaparte.
The one which struck me most was, that a
frequent pastime with him after his arrival at
St. Helena, was to play blindman's buff with
the ladies and children; and that he entered
fully into the spirit of it.
Is this the game of the great names of the
earth ? Last month I heard, that the profound jurists of Britain, her statesmen and
orators, her Cannings, and Scotts, played it
with the Queen ; now I learned, and through
a channel equally authentic, that Napoleon
was addicted to it!
In connexion with this personal anecdote of
him from such a source, I am led to relate
what I heard Baron Just say at a subsequent
day, when dining with him in Portman Street.
The Baron was Minister from the King of
Saxony at Napoleon's Court, saw him often,
and, on two occasions, had special audiences,
which lasted an hour each. " And I had occasion to remark," said he, | first, that he was not
hurried in conversation ; but composed and
master of himself. Second, that his manner,
instead of overawing, was so remarkably calculated to put you at ease, that I was forced
to recollect myself," said the venerable diplomat, " after being some time in his presence,
lest things might fall from me not proper to 1820.
be said in consequence of feeling myself so
entirely at ease." On my remarking that these
attributes had not generally been ascribed to
him, he replied, that, by his experience on
both occasions, they were, nevertheless, strikingly observable. He then added, that he
once saw him in anger, and that he never had
beheld an eye and countenance so fierce.
It was on the occasion of his marriage to the
Empress Maria Louisa, (the Baron being at
the ceremony;) and his anger was produced
by perceiving that some of the Princesses of
his family, who were to act as train-bearers,
were not in their places; and that certain
chairs assigned for some Cardinals were vacant, and the Cardinals not there.
Here, again, what have we ? The greatest
man of ten centuries, as Lord Holland once
called him in the House of Lords, and certainly the man who was always collected in
the field of battle in proportion as danger
thickened, and who could be himself under
the most complicated difficulties of Civil Government, is fired with anger at breaches of
personal etiquette!
November 17. Dined at the French Ambassador's, Portland Place, his domicile being
removed to town. We had the Diplomatic
Corps; also the Duke of Wellington, the Earl 350
of Liverpool, the Earl of Westmoreland, the
Earl of Mansfield, Lord Melville, and other
I had much conversation with ****** of
the Diplomatic Corps. He said, that he did
not anticipate any great results from the deliberations at Troppeau; the Emperor Alexander had been educated in liberal principles,
and still had them in his head — whether in
his heart or not, he could not say; his Minister, Capo' DTstria, was very able; his other
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Nessel-
rode, not so able perhaps, and less liberal in
his principles; both would be with him at
Troppeau; the Emperor of Austria would be
attended by Prince Metternich, who " hated
all Constitutions," he said, and the Emperor
Alexander " had no love for him;" the King
of Prussia would be attended by the Prince
Royal; abo by Prince Hardenburg, and M.
de Bernstoff— the two latter being in the interest of Austria. England would be represented only by Lord Stewart, English Ambassador at Vienna. He also told me, that Russia had obtained a loan of forty millions of
rubles from the Barings and Hopes, and that
Austria had got a small one from Rothschild,
but none whatever from the British Government, or under its, guarantee ; adding his be- 1820.
lief that the British Government had refused
either to lend or guarantee, as the object of
the loan connected itself with meditated hostilities by Austria against Naples.
At table I had Lord Mansfield next to me;
he stands next but one, in that title, to Lord
Chief Justice Mansfield, who has so much fame
with the Bar and Bench in the United States
as well as England, having succeeded to the
title as his great nephew. I asked if the destruction of the Lord Chief Justice's papers
had been entire, in the attack upon bis house
in Bloomsbury Square during the riots of Lord
George Gordon. He said, Yes; nothing had
been saved. I then, as a topic for conversation, referred to Bissett's account of that transaction in his | history of George III,, recalling
the incident of the Chief Justice having found
refuge with the Royal Family at Buckingham
House, for the first few days after the burning
of his own; where the Queen had been so
charmed with his conversation. His Lordship,
smiling, said, that the incident, however prettily related, as far as he was informed, had never
happened! #
Some fine Burgundy circulating round the
table, it.was said to be the product of a vineyard in France eight hundred years old.
November 22.   Dined at Mr. Coutts Trot-
M 352
ter's, at his villa, Barnsbury, three miles from
town, where we had Lord Erskine, Sir Edmund Antrobus, Mr. Planta, Captain Lindsay,
and the ladies of Mr. Trotter's family, my wife
being also of the party. Lord Erskine did us
the favor to take a seat in my carriage.
On the way out he was full of sprightliness.
Always straightforward and powerful at the
Bar and in Parliament, this distinguished Peer
indulges in eccentricities in conversation.
"England" said he, " is a blackguard country."
"A great country," I rejoined. " Yes," said he,
" a great blackguard country ; a boxing, fighting,
country, and don't you call that blackguard?9
I said that he jumped to his conclusions faster
than I could follow. "Aye" said he, "you are
accredited to the King ; but for all that, the King
has been constantly fighting with^^Providence ;
Providence gave him high endowments, with a
fine person, and had been trying to make him the
head of a great and glorious people ; but the King
had been for ever battling it with him, and at the
end of about the thirteenth round, with the advantage of good bottle-holders, he had now fairly
beaten Providence off the ground." Here he was
alluding to the case of the Queen, whose cause
his Lordship had defended stoutly. Continuing this lively strain, he said that he had
received many letters from the King in the 1820.
course of his life, and that nothing would now
gratify him so much as an audience of half an
hour with his Majesty, provided he would
suffer him to talk to him as he formerly did—
as a friend ; otherwise, he would make his bow
after the first salutation ; but he humbly
thought he could render him so popular, that
he might dismiss his royal stud of horses, and
trust to his people in all parts of the kingdom
to draw his carriages wherever he wanted to
g°V -      ' f§
When we got to Mr. Trotter's, his Lordship
kept up his sprightly vein at table.    He gave
us an account of his country seat at Hamp-
stead,  where Burke used  to visit  him.     " I
believe," said Mr. Trotter, " the soil is not the
best, in that part of Hampstead where your
seat is."    " No, very bad," he replied;   " for
although my grandfather was buried there an
Earl   near  a  hundred  years ago,   what   has
sprouted up from it since but a mere baron ?"
He alluded to his own title.    He mentioned a
fact,  however, going to show that,  although
the soil yielded no increase in titles of nobility*
it did in other things; for in his description
he referred to a chesnut tree upon it, which,
when he first went to live there, his gardener
bought at a nursery-garden for sixpence, and
that it now yielded him thirty pounds a-year.
Conversation like this, and more from him on
other subjects, was intermingled with g#od
contributions from the rest of the company.
His Lordship returned with us in our carriage,
with no diminution of his sprightliness.
November 23. Parliament was prorogued
until the 23rd of January. An unusual scene
was witnessed in the House of Commons. The
Queen having applied to the Ministry for a
palace to reside in, since the Bill of Pains
and Penalties against her was withdrawn, and
her application being refused, on the ground
that it rested with Parliament to provide an
establishment of that kind, Mr. Denman, as
one of her counsel, and also a Member of the
House, rose and endeavoured to read a message from her Majesty before the usual forms
of prorogation were gone through; but he
could obtain no hearing. Uproar and confusion followed, making it difficult to get through
the forms. The prorogation, however, was, flg|
the end, duly effected. The very fact of her
sending a message to the House, may be considered as in character with the speech she
was said to have made after the bill against
her had passed to a second reading. Her
counsel drew a