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Voyage of the Sonora in the second Bucareli expedition to explore the Northwest coast, survey the port… Mourelle de la Rúa, Francisco Antonio, 1750-1820 1920

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Array  w
The P. W. Howay
and R. L. Reid
Collection  of  Canadiana           THE VOYAGE   OF THE   SONORA
•r-trv This Book
is one of an edition of two hundred and thirty copies, the
impressions being taken upon type cast by the American
Type Founders Company, and set by hand. The pages
were distributed immediately after completion of presswork.
This copy is No.
SlVitvfy * &£€
ns> H^ E
'"^"■"fJt^arw'W VP
The Hon. Daines Barrin
Published b} T. C. RuSSEIX, &„ Francin D BUCARELI
l w    r*ArJuv/lvij
■UTISG    'iS-..i A    D1V
f?34 Nineteenth Avenue
the second pilot of the fleet
constituting the sea division
of the expedition
from the original
spanish manuscript
reprinted line for line and page for PAGE FROM BARRINGTON'S MISCELLANIES
1734 Nineteenth Avenue
1920 Copyright, 1920
By Thomas C. Russell
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America CONTENTS
Frontispiece — Sir Daines Barrington Facing title-page
Publisher's Foreword vii
Preface of Sir Daines Barrington 3
Preface of Don Antonio Mourelle 11
Journal 13
Observations of the Journalist 60
Arising from What Happened during the Course of the Voyage, <with regard to the Best
Method of Making Discoveries on the West Coast of America, Northward of California
Tables of Sailings of the Sonora 66
From the Time of Her Departure from San Bias for the North, until Her Arrival,
on the Return Voyage, at San Bias
Map Facing page 74
Deduced from l'Abbe Chappe d'Auteroche's Observations at San Jose del Cabo
Notes 79
Index 109
Map At end of volume
The De la Bodega Carta General and the Ayala Piano del Puerto de San Francisco
, I Maurelle b Mourelle
The correct spelling of the Journalist's surname is, after much
investigation, found to be Mourelle. See note on page x, post.
A change could not, of course, be made in the Journal, and the
matter was not fully determined when the Notes were made.
THE visitador general, Jose de Galvez, at La Paz, in 1768, when providing,
in "la santa expedition," for the establishing of Franciscan missions at
San Diego and Monterey, was asked by Junipero Serra, ' Nuestro Padre
San Francisco, is he to-have no mission?" To which Galvez replied,"Let him
show us his port, and he shall have a mission."
The port was shown, but in an unexpected way, in that expedition, in 1769.
The founding of the mission was not accomplished so easily. Seven toilsome
years were to pass before that was brought about in 1776. The struggles of that
period are briefly recorded in this volume, in the text and notes.
The indefatigable Serra visited Bucareli in Mexico in 1773, and, among other
matters, impressed upon that great Viceroy of Nueva Espana the necessity of protecting the Franciscan missions and the coasts of the Californias, — the Russians
were threatening from the North, the English seeking a Northwest Passage,—
and the advisability of founding more missions, — two at the new port of San
Francisco. Serra also supported Anza in his proposed plan to establish an overland route from Sonora to the sea, and in the following year —1774—this was
accomplished,— from Tubac in Sonora to Monterey in Nueva California. Serra
returned to California with Perez in the Santiago in 1774, and this voyage — the
first Bucareli expedition — northward of California, in which nothing was accomplished, caused dissatisfaction both in Mexico and in Spain.
Now for the first time in the pages of history is perceived a definite combined
plan for the exploration of and the establishment of fortified ports on the Northwest Coast, and for the establishment of a presidio, pueblo, and Franciscan missions
at the new port of San Francisco,-—the second Bucareli expedition. There is no
evidence in the Journal of Mourelle of the far-reaching purposes of Bucareli in
this expedition. The youthful but heroic piloto had but an eye single to his duties
as a sailor, and to record faithfully in his Journal the happenings on this historic
early voyage on the Californian and northwestern coasts. Although he records
the endeavor to find the port of San Francisco, yet he, like other navigators of that
time, confounds the old port with the new, and he does not state that the comandante of the fleet had orders to survey the new port.    Thus, standing alone, the
vii vm
Journal of a Voyage
Journal is unsatisfying; hence the publisher has, in this new edition, endeavored
to set out, by means of the notes, what was accomplished by the various divisions
of the expedition as planned by Bucareli. Included therein are biographies of the
officers of the expedition, and also records of the vessels employed, with the names
of their officers and chaplains, so far as authentic information was obtainable.
It may be proper here to give an outline of the combined plan of Bucareli for the
expedition of 1775. The sea division consisting of the Santiago and La Sonora,
under the command of Don Bruno Heceta, was to explore the coast northwest
from the port of San Francisco, and, on the return from the north, survey that port.
"It so happened" that the San Carlos, employed as a supply-ship, met with a
mishap in the harbor of San Bias, and, following this, she was ordered to sail with
the Santiago and La Sonora and survey the new port of San Francisco. Ayala, the
comandante of the San Carlos, was also to assist Rivera y Moncada, comandante
militar at Monterey, in the erection of buildings for the use of Anza's troops and
pobladores from Sonora, who were expected to arrive before the completion of the
survey. Padre Presidente Serra, at the Mision San Carlos Borromeo de Monterey,
was to send padres with Indian servants and equipments for the founding of the
missions. Anza, whose second expedition to the sea is considered the land division
of the second Bucareli expedition, was to turn over his command to Rivera upon
his arrival at Monterey and proceed to the new port, assist Ayala in the survey, and
select the sites for the new establishments,—presidio, pueblo, and missions.
But Rivera could not go to San Francisco as planned, neither did Anza arrive as
expected, nor did Heceta pass through the Golden Gate on his return. Thus San
Francisco was not founded in 1775, nor were its military and mission establishments.
Ayala, in the San Carlos, however, surveyed the new port without assistance,—the
first commander of a sea-going vessel to pass through the Golden Gate. The next
year saw the foundation of the new town. How this was at length brought about
is succinctly stated in its proper place in the notes.
It was deemed advisable to include in the notes short accounts of the voyages
on the coasts of the Californias, and of the ports discovered or visited, up to the
year 1775, as all really led up to the settlement of Nueva (or Alta) California by the
Spaniards. Not a little attention is paid to the original place-names, and their mean-
ings too. How many San Franciscans know that the first European to set foot on
the Farallones was Sir Francis Drake in 1579 ? Or that he gave them their first
name,—the Islands of Saint James ? Saint James,—Santiago,—the battle-cry of
the Spaniards when charging the Moors. Those who think the old harbor of San
Francisco was named in honor of Sir Francis Drake will perceive an exchange of
compliments. Wherever the Journal, or the notes thereto by Sir Daines Barrington, called for amplification or explanation or correction, the best authorities were
drawn upon for assistance in annotating. Where there was a conflitt,—and this
was only too common, in all conscience,— it is hoped that a correct decision was
made.    A mere glance at the notes will show the wide field covered. foreword      Northward of California in 1775
Of all the works used for reference purposes in making the notes, not one was
well indexed. Much that is valuable in such works is available only at the expense
of patience and time. It is hoped that the index to this edition of Mourelle will
prove satisfactory. It was thought that the entire work, that is, both the Journal and
the notes, may prove a stimulus to wider reading and research, hence the index was
made as comprehensive as possible. In order to avoid repetition or unnecessary
indexing, the words note on," followed by the page number, is frequently used
in the entries of persons, places, etc.   Altogether, simplicity was the aim.
Sir Daines Barrington,* in his Preface to the Journal of Mourelle, adverts to
the peculiar jealousy of the Spaniards with regard to their American dominions.
They had reason to be jealous, and it would be interesting to know just how this
precious Journal was obtained from the Spanish deposito. Once in England, its
importance was recognized. Greenhow, in his History of Oregon and California
(Boston, 1844), page 117, says of Barrington's Miscellanies (London, 1781), from
which the Journal is here reprinted, that it is a rare book, and that the translation
attracted much attention at the time of its appearance, and from it, and the short
account given in the introduction to the Journal of Galiano and Valdes, all the
information respecting the voyage has been hitherto obtained; and the notices
of this expedition, relative to the Northwest Coast, are, for the most part, taken
directly, or at second hand, from the abstracts of the Journal given by Fleurieu in
his introduction to La Perouse, and his introduction to the Journal of Marchand,
both of which are filled with errors.
The entire text of the Journal, with the notes of Sir Daines Barrington, is, in
this edition, reprinted line for line and page for page, without any changes, except
the substitution of the short s" for the long f." The running-tides in this
edition are an addition, and are an adaptation from the fly-leaf half-title of the
Journal as printed in Barrington's Miscellanies. The original work carried no
running-titles, and the folios were bracketed and centered at the top of the page;
as, [46]. A reprint edition of the Journal was also published, evidently printed
after the forms of the Miscellanies were worked off, and before they were taken
off the press, the folios being changed, as well as the signatures, on the press. The
folios and the signatures of both are reprinted in this edition. There was no title-
page to the reprint, the fly-leaf half-title (page 1, post) serving the purpose. This
edition is repaged throughout, regularly. It may properly be said here that the head
and tail pieces embellishing this edition are new designs, and specially engraved for
ji ii
* Sir Daines Barrington was born in 1727 and
died in 1800. He was the fourth son of John
Shute, the first Viscount Barrington, said to be
descended from Robert Shute, a judge in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth. The family name
was changed to Barrington by royal license.
Sir Daines was an English polyglot lawyer, but
he never got to be any higher than a Welsh
judge. He possessed a versatile mind, and was
the friend of Bishop Percy, Johnson, Boswell,
and other literary men of his time. In 1768 he
conversed with Dolly Pentreath, the last person
who could speak Cornish. This woman died
in 1788, aged 102. X
Journal of a Voyage
that purpose.    No ornaments were used in the original edition of the Journal of
Mourelle.*   The blank spaces over division-heads were relieved by parallel lines.
* Don Francisco Antonio Mourelle was born
in San Adrian de Corme, Coruna, June 21,175 S,
the scion of a noble family, then in reduced circumstances, whose family estate was called La
Casa y Torre de Mourelle ( = the House and
Tower of Mourelle), situate in the jurisdiccion
of Jallas, Coruna. The family name, — Mourelle,— which is said to be derived from the
estate, is inaccurately spelled—Maurelle—in the
Journal; but this error is foundin other Spanish and foreign works, as well as such forms as
Maurello, Maurell, Maurel, Morel, Mourelle
de la Rua. Don Francisco Antonio, in 1768,
when thirteen years of age, entered the Spanish
armada as a pilotin, or apprentice piloto. He
could not have served ten years in the Bay of
Biscay, as stated by Sir Daines Barrington on
page 8, post, as he was not twenty, and had
served in the armada only seven years, when
he was appointed segundo piloto of La Sonora
in 1775. His energy, devotion to duty, and tenacity of purpose, not to say heroism, without
any indication of boastfulness, are everywhere
apparent in the Journal; yet his youthful lack
of vision is also apparent. The San Carlos, lying in the harbor of San Bias with the Santiago
and La Sonora, simply, to him,'' so happened''
to be there, and was \ \ to proceed to the establishment at Monterey." No importa nada. And
the new Puerto de San Francisco, discovered in
1769, which the comandante of his division had
orders to survey, was, to him, the puerto of
that name mentioned by Venegas. But older
heads than that of Mourelle were not a whit
wiser. In recognition of his services in 1775,
Mourelle was, in 1776, promoted alferez de fragata. In the third Bucareli expedition of 1779,
he was segundo capitan of La Favorita, under
De la Bodega, as stated in the note on page 90,
post, and in 1780 was promoted alferez de navio.
He was also highly commended in the naval
records as "sobresaliente en pilotaje y maniobra tactica, disciplina, pertrechos y ordenanza,
valor acreditado, con mucho talento y celo,
buena conducta, nervio y entereza en el servicio." In 1780-81 he sailed from Lisiran de
Luzon to San Bias de California, discovering
the Archipielago Vavao (in the Friendly group),
and other islands in the Pacific. This voyage
resulted in the work enritled Noticia de la navegacion de la fragata Princesa al mando del alferez de fragata D. F. Mourelle desde Manila a
San Bias por el oceano Pacifico en 1780 y 1781.
This work is in the Memorias del Deposito
Hidrografico, Madrid, and was, in part, published by Don Ricardo Beltran y Rozpide in
his La Polinesia (1884), and also in the Voyage of La Perouse. In the year 1787, Maurelle
was promoted teniente de fragata and entered
the cuerpo general de la armada. Going to the
City of Mexico, he served from 1790 to 1793
as the secretary of the Viceroy of Nueva Espana,
Don Juan Vicente Guemez Pacheco de Padilla
Horcasitas, Conde de Revillagigedo. Here he
was active in redeeming the city from its filth
and brigandage. Promoted teniente de navio,
he returned to Spain, and, up to the time of his
death in 1820, distinguished himself in the wars
of that stirring period. In 1799 he was promoted capitan de fragata, and served at the naval station of Algeciras, and in 1802 he was
transferred to the naval station of Cadiz. He
was chief (= jefe) of the Algeciras station from
December, 1804, until February, 1806, in the
latter year being promoted capitan de navio,
and given command of the naval station of
Malaga. In 1806 he was transferred to the
more important naval station of Ceuta, opposite
Gibraltar, and while here greatly distinguished
himself in active service. In 1809 he was made
a member of the Junta de Defensa of Cadiz,
and commander of the light forces of the port.
In that year he went to Vera Cruz and Havana,
returning in 1810 with treasure. From 1810 to
1813 he was at Cadiz, assisting in the defense
of the port, being in 1811 promoted brigadier
(= commodore), made a member of the Consejo de Generales (= Council of Generals) in
Puerto de Santa Maria (Cadiz), a knight of the
Orden Militar de Santiago, and also received
the grand cross of San Hermenegildo. In November, 1818, he was appointed chief of the
naval squadron which was to escort the troops
to be sent to suppress the insurrection at Buenos foreword      Northward of California in 1775
The Carta General of De la Bodega, the comandante of La Sonora, has been
reproduced and inserted in this edition. Showing as it does the old Spanish place-
names from Puerto de Acapulco to the Aleutian Islands, it should, in connection
with the notes* sent to Madrid with the original draft, which was made at San Bias,
Aires. On January 1,1820, when the fleet was
about to sail, the popular insurrection of Rafael
del Riego y Nunez broke out, and Mourelle,
who was not in sympathy with the revolutionists, attacked and defeated them at the island of
Cadiz. The King (Fernando VII), however,
consented to the proposed new constitution,
and Mourelle gave him his support in March,
1820. This insurrection caused the dissolution
of the expedition to Buenos Aires, and Mourelle surrendered his command on April 18th.
After several disappointments, caused by the
new political situation, he died in Cadiz, May
24, 1820.
*The notes referred to above are translated
I rather freely into English and printed here. A
few explanatory facts are bracketed.
Sebastian Vizcaino surveyed the coast from
Acapulco to 43° N. in 1603.
El Golfo de California, or Mar de Cortes,
was surveyed by Padre Consaga in 1745.
El Cabo Mendozino was discovered at the
time Don Antonio de Mendoza was viceroy of
Nueva Espana [1535-1549].
El Puerto de San Francisco was discovered
and surveyed by Don Juan Manuel de Ayala in
1775, although knowledge was had of this port
before that time, but it was not the same [port
as that previously known; that is, it was not the
Puerto de San Francisco of Cermeno. As to
its discovery in 1769, see page 103, post.]
El Puerto de la Bodega was discovered and
entered in 1775 by Don Juan Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra.
El Puerto de la [Santisima] Trinidad was discovered, surveyed, and taken possession of in
1775 by Don Bruno Hezeta and Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega.
La Entrada de Hezeta [the mouth of the Columbia River] was seen from a long distance by
Don Bruno Hezeta in 1775; and although it has
not so far been surveyed, yet we are considering doing so this year.
La Ensenada de los Martires was discovered
in 1775 by Don Juan Francisco dela Bodega y
Quadra, who so named it because seven of his
men were killed there by the Indians.
El Estrecho [= strait] de Fuca, it is said, was
discovered in 1692; and although surveyed and
taken possession of in 1789 and 1790 by Don
Jose de Narvaez and Don Manuel Quimper,
yet one mouth [=voca] has not yet been inspected, but it is purposed to do so this year.
El Puerto de Nuca [Nootka Sound] is the
same name as that applied by the natives. In
La Punta de San Estevan, to the south, Don
Juan Perez anchored in 1774 [in the first Bucareli expedition]. Cook, after this, [in 1778,]
surveyed the puerto, naming it King George [*s
Sound]; but in 1789 Don Estevan Martinez
took possession and erected an establishment,
whereupon the place was named San Lorenzo.
We have now only to determine whether the
place is an island, as some think it is; this,
however, may have already been determined,
as orders were given to survey it.
La Entrada de Don Juan Perez 6 de Font,
although not yet explored, was seen by Perez
in 1774, and, according to the report of the
voyage of Font, which is regarded as chimerical, was discovered in 1640; but we will determine the matter this year.
El Puerto de Bucarely was discovered, surveyed, and taken possession of by Don Juan
Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra in 1775, but
its extent prevented a complete survey. This
puerto is considered of such importance, not
only on account of its size, but also because of
the number of its inhabitants, that orders were
issued to reconnoiter it this year.
La Ensenada del Principe, La Ensenada del
Susto, Cabo de [del] Engafio, Puerto de Guadalupe, and La Isla de Lobos were discovered
and reconnoitered by Don Juan Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra in 1775.
El Puerto de los Remedios was discovered,
surveyed, and taken possession of in 1775 by
Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra.
The natives were few, but warlike, and placed
on the banks of a river teeming with fish. Xll
Journal of a Voyage       publisher's foreword
prove of more than passing interest to the reader and the student of history. The
Piano del Puerto de San Francisco of Ayala (the original survey of the new port
of San Francisco in 1775) is also reproduced, and is added to the Carta. The
Piano, with its old Spanish names of places around the bay, in connection with the
note on San Francisco (post, pages 103 et seq.) should prove equally interesting
with the Carta General, of which it is now a part. The one-page map added to
the Journal on its first publication, is also printed in this new edition.
Although the publisher of this edition of the Journal of Mourelle has personally
performed all the letterpress of the work,—that is, typesetting, proof-reading, and
presswork,—and also compiled the notes and made the index, yet he desires to
express his acknowledgment of much assistance rendered when gathering original
information, or when struggling to settle the questionable or disputed points which
were ever presenting themselves. Such acknowledgment is especially due to Dr.
Herbert I. Priestley of the Academy of Pacific Coast Histoiy, Berkeley. Captain
Henry Taylor, principal of Taylor's Nautical Academy, San Francisco, cleared up
many questionable nautical facts found in the histories. Captain Harry W. Rhodes
of the United States Lighthouse Board was generous in rendering assistance, as
also were Captain Edmund F. Dickins and Fremont Morse of the Coast and
Geodetic Survey. Mr. Robert Ray, librarian of the Public Library, deserves special
mention. To that fine old San Francisco pressman, James E. Benson, a youthful
pioneer of San Francisco, and the son of a pioneer, many thanks are due. It is
to be regretted that whole-hearted acknowledgment cannot be tendered the many
authors consulted in compiling the notes to this work. It so happened that some
of the most useful works were printed in nondescript or job-printing offices. The
strict discipline of a book-printing office is unknown in such places, nor is a proofreader tolerated, and it is impossible for any author to emerge with credit. Many
well-printed works were almost useless by reason of either a poor index or none.
In any case, thanks are due to each and all for what proved to be of any assistance.
San Francisco, July, 1920.
El Cabo de San Elias, La Montana de San
Elias, La Isla del Carmen, La Ensenada de Valdes, and El Puerto de Santiago in La Isla de la
Magdalena, were discovered in 1779 by Don
Ignacio Arteaga and Don Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra, in which voyage [the third
Bucareli expedition] possession was taken at
[El Puerto de] Santiago, survey made of Las
Bocas de Quadra, and also of La Isla de Quiros,
now called [Isla] de Montague.
Las Islas de Regla, which lie at La Entrada
de la Rivera de Cook, were discovered and
taken possession of in 1779 by Don Ignacio
Arteaga and Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega
y Quadra.    In that year, also, the Volcan de
Thomas C. Russell.
Miranda, and several other islands, were discovered.
The two Russian establishments in La Isla
Cadiac and [La Isla de] Onalasca were examined in 1788 by Don Estevan Martinez and Don
Gonzalo de Haro, who took possession thereof,
and of La Isla de [la Santisima] Trinidad.
In 1790, Don Salvador Fidalgo resurveyed
La Ensenada de Valdes, traded with the Russians at the establishments on La Rivera de
Cook and on La Isla Cadiac, but none of the
five which they now possess are worthy of consideration, although they may become respectable in the future, because of the system of
government. JOURNAL
A  Voyage  in  1775.
To Explore the Coast o/America, Northward ©/"California,
By the Second Pilot of the Fleet,
In the King's Schooner, called the Sonora, and commanded by
A1/     [i]/[469]     [1] HSHHSSS PREFACE.
THE following journal having been placed in my hands
for perusal, I conceived it to be so interesting for the improvement of Geography, that I desired permission to translate
and publish it.
I was principally induced to take this trouble, because I supposed, that the Spaniards, from their most peculiar jealousy with
regard to their American dominions % would never permit that
navigators of other countries (particularly the English) should
know the excellent ports of the Western part of America in
high Northern Latitudes, which are here laid down with such accuracy and precision, together with the abundant supply of masts,
fire wood, and water which may be procured in most of them.
a That most able Historian Dr. Robertson, after having mentioned,
that most of the American papers are deposited in the Archivo of
Simanca,   near  Valladolid,   thus   proceeds :
The  prospect   of  such   a  treasure   excited   my   most   ardent   curiosity;
"but   the   prospect   of   it   only  is   all   that   I   have   enjoyed.     Spain,   with
{' an   excess   of    caution,   hath   uniformly   thrown   a   veil   over   her   transactions   in   America:    from   strangers   they   are   concealed   with   peculiar
''solicitude."     Preface   to   the   History  of  America, p.  ix.
a / * O o o 4    iii/471* [3]
It Journal of a Voyage
It appears, by Venegas's History of California, published in
1747b, that great jealousy was then entertained of our discovering a N. W. passaged because they apprehended we should annoy
the coasts of Mexico and Peru.
Nothing however can be more groundless than these suspicions,
for whenever a N.W. or any other Northern communication is
found between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, it may be boldly
pronounced that such passage will be so very precarious, as never
to answer the purpose of expeditions in time of war, or commerce
during peace.
The Spaniards should, after our late voyages of discovery
(which reflect so much honour upon his Majesty's reign), be convinced that the English Nation is actuated merely by desiring to
know as much as possible with regard to the planet which we
inhabit, and to which our geographical inquiries are necessarily
This distrust on the part of Spain would more wisely be directed against the Russians, who from Camskatska might easily
establish themselves on the W. coast of America, and from thence
perhaps in time shake their unwieldy, and already tottering empire'1.
From these ill-founded apprehensions of what the English
may meditate against their American Dominions on the Western
coast of that vast continent, they will not permit an individual,
b Madrid, 3 vol. Quarto.
c Igualmente notorias son las ruidosas, y porfiadas tentativas de los
Ingleses, para hallar un passage al mar del Sur, por el Norte de America.
Ibid. T. III. p. 225.
d I am accordingly informed, that the Empress means to fit out four
vessels on the coast of Camskatska, which are to be employed in discoveries,  during  the   proper   season   of   1781.
ffl«8! V/473*
Northward ^California in 1775
even of our nation, to set his foot in their part of America, even
for scientific purposes6.
Notwithstanding this perpetual distrust of this country in the
Spaniards, and our present war with them, I will venture to
say, that an attack upon the city or province of Mexico, would
not be advisable on our part. If the Spaniards indeed acted
wisely,   they  should   themselves   abandon   it,   for  the   mines
c The transaction I here allude to is the following. Lord Morton,
as President of the Royal Society, applied to the then Spanish ambassador at our Court in 1766, for leave that an English Astronomer might
observe the Transit of Venus (expected in 1769) on some part of California. This was however refused, when his Lordship requested, that
Father Boscowich, a foreigner and good Catholick, might have the same
permission; in which he was at first more successful, but the favour
was even then granted with many clogs, and the permission at last recalled, on account of his being a Jesuit, who were at that time banished
from  Old   and New Spain.
At the same time Chappe Dauteroche obtained this permission, and
for the same purpose; the consequence of which hath been, that a draft
of the city of Mexico, in its present state, was found amongst his
papers, and published by his Catholic Majesty's good allies, the French,
for  the   information   of   his   enemies.
I once applied myself to the late Prince Masserano (so deservedly
esteemed whilst resident as Minister of Spain in England) that an ingenious German, named Kukahn*, might be permitted, under any
restrictions, to go from La Vera Cruz, to any part of the province of
Mexico, merely to collect specimens of Natural History. I was also responsible that he never would attend to any thing, during his journies,
but the animals he might meet with. Though I made this application
by a channel which his excellency would have been desirous to oblige,
yet he excused himself, from its being a fundamental rule with the
Court of Spain, that no foreigner be permitted to pass through any part
of  their   dominions   on   the   continent  of  America.
* See an account of his method of preserving animals, and placing them in their
proper attitudes. (Ph. Trans.) He is now established in Jamaica, and hath succeeded in
raising many European fruits, as also products of our kitchen-gardens, in some ground
which  he   hath   purchased, about  half   way   up   a   mountain.
a 2 / * Ooo 5
'i 6 Journal of a Voyage *474/Vi
within any convenient distance are nearly exhausted, whilst the
charge of bringing quicksilver from La Vera Cruz is thereby
greatly augmented. Venegas therefore informs us, that it is
not worth while to work the more abundant mines of Sonora
to the Northward, from this increase of expense. The silver indeed, at so distant a period as 150 years ago, was chiefly brought from
St. Lewis de Sacatecas, which is nearly 100 leagues N. of Mexico'.
This objection does not hold with regard to the continuing to
work the silver mines of Peru, as the famous one of quicksilver,
called Guanacabelica, is situated in the same province. It is believed also, that the gold mines in America, as they are improperly called, answer as little to the Spaniards. At least I have
been informed, by a person who resided two or three years in
Brasil, which furnishes the greatest quantity of this precious
metal, that those who go in search of it are not paid above a
shilling per day for their labours. Gold is never found in the
state of ore, or by digging deep into the bowels of the earth; the
adventurers therefore go in companies of five or six to explore
those parts where they conceive themselves to have the best
chance of finding it near the surface, but often return after being
out months, with a very small portion, by which the fatigues
and dangers they have incurred are poorly compensated.
As little would it answer to take possession of Acapulco, for
the sake of an annual ship which would presently change its
rendesvouz for another port, or of Panama, in order to inter-
f To this it may be added, that the situation of Mexico is very unhealthy, Gage comparing the many canals to those of Venice, which
are often highly offensive. [See Gage's Survey of the W. Indies. ] It is
also subject to great inundations; and Don Alzate informs the Academy
of Sciences at Paris, that during the years 1736 and 1768 more than
one-third   of  the   inhabitants   died   of  the  black  vomit.
cept vii/47S*
Northward of California in 1775
cept the flotilla,  which by late regulations is never to touch
The Spaniards moreover should learn from what England hath
suffered by conquering Canada for our ungrateful colonies, that
the settlement of a rival nation to the Northward of Mexico,
would possibly operate in favour of the mother country.
We have experienced this most unnatural rebellion within a
few years after we had removed the dread of the French in Canada from them, and after every fostering indulgence on our
part. What may the Spaniards therefore have occasion to dread
from their vast American Empire, the inhabitants of which they
are perpetually oppressing with their enormous duties and taxes ?
Thus much have I ventured to say in hopes that the court of
Spain will rather promote, than obstruct, any future voyage of
discovery, in the Northern parts of the Pacific Ocean.
I am sorry that I have not an opportunity of engraving with
this journal the nine charts which should accompany it; but as
the Latitudes and Longitudes of the new Discoveries on the coast
of America are so accurately stated, I should hope that the publication will at least convince the Spaniards how little it will answer the purpose of mystery to withhold them.
It appears by this journal that the Viceroy of Mexico sent some
other ships on discovery to the Northward in a preceding year, and
e The silver from Peru and Chili is either now sent over part of the
Andes to Buenos Ayres, or otherwise transmitted in single register ships
round Cape Horn. The establishment of Galeons sailing in a fleet
from Cadiz being now also abolished, Carthagena, Porto Bello, and
Panama, are become more than useless to the Spaniards, as the climates
are bad, whilst the civil and military establishment at each is very expensive.
SB :$P
Journal of a Voyage
that they proceded to N. Lat. 55. Don Juan Peres, who was
ensignh on board the Frigate in the present voyage, had some
station in the former, and carried with him a chart of the coast,
in many of the parts which were then explored.
I am sorry not to be able to state any further particulars, but
think it right to mention thus much, in hopes that it may produce some account of this former voyage.
I should conceive, that both the one and the other were produced by our attempts to discover a N.W. Passage; because it
will be found, that wherever the Spaniards landed they were instructed to take possession (though not to keep it) with every possible formality, which undoubtedly was to be set up as a complete
title against future claimants, by right of discovery.
The compiler of the present journal, D. Antonio Maurelle,
served on board the schooner employed on this voyage (together
with a frigate) under the title of Second Pilot of the Fleet'.
In one of the written opinions which he gave whilst thus
employed, he states, that he had served ten years in the Bay of
Biscayk, and seems to have been a most diligent navigator; whilst,
to his honour, he always advises the proceeding to as high a
Northern Latitude as possible, though some of his brother officers
almost despair.
At the close of the journal a very accurate table is given of
the ship's course for each day, with no less than nine columns.
Having however consulted some most experienced and able
sea-officers on this occasion, they have advised me only to print
h Alferez.
! I understand that we have no rank in our marine service which answers at all to this.
k The   expression   in   the   original   is  Golfo de las Yeguas, or the  Gulf of
Mares.    The   Spaniards   also   call  the   gulf  of  Mexico  Golfo de las  Ciervas,
or Gulf of Does.
V a few ix/477*
Northward of California in 1775
a few of these heads', as some of them would not be easily understood by any navigator, who is not a Spaniard.
Upon the whole, it is hoped, that this account of an eight
months navigation on the unfrequented coast of America, will
prove a valuable addition to geography; especially as our immortal Captain Cook had so few opportunities of examining most
parts of the same continent to the Westwardm, though his discoveries to the Northward will prove so interesting.
1 It is right also to observe, that (though I give the column which
states the Variation of the Needle) it is not specified whether the Variation is West or East; I should rather indeed suppose it to be the latter,
on the authority of Dr. Halley, though perhaps the direction may have
altered since the last century. This doubt however will be settled when
Capt.   Cook's   last  voyage   is   published.
m This is said to have been  occasioned  by unfavourable winds.
FOR the better understanding this Journal, it will be proper
to premise the following particulars.
The charts which we used during the voyage were those of
Mons. Bellin, the one published in 1766, and the other in 17—;
the first of which places the port of St. Bias, 110 degrees W.
Long, from Paris, and the second 114, differing consequently
4 degrees. For this reason I have always reckoned the Western
Longitude from St. Biasa, and not from Paris.
At the end there is an accurate table, every page of which includes a month, with an account of the Ship's course each day,
together with the number of leagues sailed, the longitude, latitude, variation of the needle (which last, when attended to, is
marked with an asterisk), and the distance from the nearest
a San Bias is a very small hamlet, on the W. coast of the province of
Mexico, at the mouth of the River S. Pedro. It is but within these
few years that the Spaniards have made a settlement there, for the con-
veniency of transporting the troops and provisions they send to California.
Dr. Robertson's map places it about the 22d degree of N. Lat. and 88th
W. Long from Fero. See also Chappe D'Auteroche's account of his
journey from La Vera Cruz to S. Bias in 1769. The Latitude of this
port is  not settled by this Journal,  nor  Longitude  except by reference.
A 2/    [11J
At 12
Journal of a Voyage
The plans of the ports which have been discovered, follow
these tables, as also a chart of the whole coast, drawn with the
greatest accuracy, as we always marked the most distinguishable
points. In order also that we might be more exact, we compared the ship's course with that of the coast, and repeated our
observations, both in sailing Northwards, and returning to the
We likewise have omitted every longitude, in which we conceived there had been mistakes, by accidents that had happened,
and when we only doubted in distances of no great moment, we
have laid them down, making the proper allowances.
The latitudes of the chartsb are marked with the greatest precision, in those situations where it may be of the most use,
having had sufficient time to make the proper observations, whilst
the allowances for refraction were attended to.
b These charts unfortunately did not accompany the Journal.
west January, 1775.
BEING on board the King's storeship0 the Santa Rica, which
then lay in the port of Vera Cruz, I received on the 10th
of that month an order from his Excellency the Viceroyd Don
Antonio Maria de Bucarely and Orsua, to undertake the function
of first pilot in the expedition, which was then fitting out at the
port of St. Bias for discoveries on the Northern coast of California6.
As I have always had the strongest desire to serve his Majesty
(be the risque what it may) I readily accepted this commission,
and setting out from La Vera Cruz on the 12th of January, I
reached Mexico on the 18th in order to receive his Excellency's
further commands. I left Mexico again on the 16th of February,
and arrived at the Port of St. Bias', putting myself under the
orders of the officer, who was to fit out the expedition, Don
Bruno Heceta. The ships prepared for this purpose were a
frigate and schooner*, the latter being 36 feet longh, 12 feet
wide, and 8 deep, commanded by the Lieutenant Don Juan de
Ayala, assisted by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega, of the same
c Urea.
d Sc.  of  Mexico.
e It should seem from this journal, that the Spaniards deem all
the N. W. coast of America beyond California to be part of that
f The journey from La Vera Cruz to Port S. Bias is supposed to be
300 leagues, thus divided : from La Vera Cruz to Mexico 110 leagues j
and from the latter to S.  Bias 190.
* Goleta.
h 18  codos, each codo being two  feet.
B / P p p    5/473    [13]
TT 14
Journal of a Voyage
rank, and I embarked in the schooner. It so happened that the
pacquet-boat S. Carlos was at this time in the port of S. Bias,
commanded by the Lieutenant D. Miguel Maurrique, who was to
proceed to the establishment at Monterey'.
Whilst we continued here, we laid in provisions for a year's
voyage; all of which were procured from the neighbourhood.
On the 16th of March we had taken on board all such necessaries ; and at 10 o'clock at night the three vessels set sail, steering
N.W. with a gentle land-breeze at N.N.E. but though we did
every thing in our power during the night to keep company
with the other ships, we were not able, which we conceived
to arise from the cargoe not being properly stowed, because the
schooner's reputed rate of sailing, by those who were well-acquainted with her, left us scarcely any doubt with regard to this
being the real cause.
As soon as day appeared on the 17th it grew calm, and continued so till three in the afternoon; when a breeze from the
N.W. arising, we steered N.N.E. and towards the coast, till
sun-set, when the wind fell. At this time we cast anchor, and
found ourselves 4 leagues N. N. E. of S. Bias, and in this manner we prosecuted our voyage, making use of the sea-breeze
during the day, and the land-breeze during the night, gaining
very little to windwardk, and casting anchor when the wind fell,
in order not to lose ground by the currents', after so little
progress, and with such trouble.
1 The latitude of Monterey is settled afterwards by this journal to be
in 36 44 N. Lat. and 17 0 W. Long, from St. Bias. It is situated on the
Western coast of California, and a mission of Jesuits is there established.
k Barlovento.
1 The currents are so strong in this sea that a promontory S. of S. Bias
is  called  Corrientes.
On 7/475
Northward ^California in 1775
On the 13th at three in the evening the S. Carlos Pacquet-boat
made a signal for help, on which our captain sent a boat, in
which DonMignel Maurique (who commanded the Pacquet) was
brought to our ship, when we plainly discovered, by his actions,
that he was out of his senses. On this our principal officers accompanied him on board the frigate, that the captain might give
the proper orders on this occasion, when a council being held,
and the surgeons examined, as well as ocular proofs appearing
of D. Maurique's madness, it was determined to set him on shore,
as also to give the command of the pacquet-boat to Don Juan
d'Ayla, lieutenant of the frigate, and that of the schooner to
Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega and Quadra, who had the same
On the 20th, the breeze being moderate, it was discovered that
the foretopsailm was rent in several places, which defect it was
necessary to repair immediately.
Whilst the wind thus continued, the commander of the
schooner tried many experiments, to make her sail better, one
of which indeed rather improved her rate; but the frigate, notwithstanding, was still obliged to shorten sail, in order to keep
us company, and indeed to take us in towe11.
On the 24th at noon we had sight of the Southernmost of the
Marias0, lying to the N. E. at the distance of three leagues,
which makes the then situation of our ship exactly a degree W.
of S. Bias, according to M. Belin's map of 1756, and in N. Lat.
21. 4. m. Now this differs from my observations, being 26 minutes too far Northwards.
m El mastelero  de velacho.
a In    the    original    another    experiment   is   stated,    which    I    have    not
translated,   as   I   conceive   it   would   be   uninteresting   to   the   reader.
0 There   are   three   islands   thus   called.
B 2 / Ppp 2
^mm 16
Journal of a Voyage
Whilst we were in this situation we lost sight of the pacquet-
boat, but we continued our course steering S.W.P when we observed many birds, some of which were black, with a white
spot on their breast, the wings long, beak rather large, belly
prominent, and tail like a pair of scissarsq; others again were
entirely white ; whilst some were grey, with a single large
feather. We likewise saw other birds, which dived often under
the water, named bobos.
During great part of March the wind freshened in the day,
and fell at night, particularly a little before the new moon',
(which happened on the 29th,) after which we had often calms,
the wind having before blown from the N.W. to the N. on this
same day (viz. the 29th) we saw an island at sunset, which is
said to be called Socorro8, by which name it is not to be found in
the French maps, nor in the History of California'. We had a
view of it whilst it lay to the Eastward at the distance of 9 or 10
leagues, which with difficulty we gained to windwardu, wishing
to sail as nearly as possible upon the meridian of that island.
On the 30th we endeavoured to approach nearer to Socorro,
when it lay W. N. W.x at  the  distance  of  four leagues, but
p Sudoeste   quarta   al   oeste.
4 Tixera.
r Great attention to the moon, and its supposed effects on the weather,
is to be observed in  other parts of this journal.
s This island, in Dr. Robertson's map, is placed in 19 N. Lat. and
94 W.  Long,  from Fero.
1 This is probably the history of that country published by Miguel
Venegas (a Mexican Jesuit) at Madrid, in 1758, which was translated
into English, and printed at London in 1759. It is not at all extraordinary however that this island should not be mentioned in that account,
as Venegas chiefly describes the E. coast of California. Socorro is considerably  to  the  South   of  that  Peninsula.
u Orzando.
x Quarta  al   oeste.
we 9/477
Northward of California in 1775
we could not effect this on account of the currents to the S.
which carried us to Leewardy.
From the 31st of March till the 4th of April we had either
calms or light breezes, on which account we could not sail further from this island than we lost by the currents. For this
reason also we tried by towing the schooner, and using of our
oars, whether we might not make some part of the island, where
we might procure water; but in this we could not succeed on account of the violent currents.
This island, which, as was said before, is not named Socorro
in any maps, is undoubtedly that which was discovered by Hernando Triabba, who commanded a ship dispatched from Guan-
tepeque, by Hernan Cortes, to explore the coast of California.
This  vessel  sailed  300  leagues  z and fell in with an
island named St. Thomas, which is so called in the French maps,
though erroneously placed, because its real latitude is 18° 5V N.
Lat. and W. Long, from S. Bias 5° 18'.
On the 4th of April we lost sight of Socorro to the E. N. E.
and prosecuted our voyage to windward as much as possible,
without any other accident but the frigate's bowsprit being damaged, which we soon repaired.
At this time we found that the sky was not so clear as before,
we approached Socorro, that the sun did not appear so frequently,
that the mists were not so thick, that the wind was much more
cold, and in short we experienced a very different temperature.
Till the 14th, when the full moon happened, the breezes
were  slight, and  the  currents  always to the South, after this
y Sotovento.
z There is a chasm in the MS with regard to the direction in which
she   sailed.
[3 J however
«= 18
Journal of a Voyage
however the wind freshened to the N. N. E. sometimes flitting
to the N.E. and blowng more strongly from that point. By
these means we had an opportunity of trying the sailing capacity
of the schooner, for the rougher the sea the more sail was set, so
that the deck was constantly two planks* under water to leeward;
which thoroughly convinced those on board the frigate of our
determined resolution to prosecute our voyage.
The crews of both ships, who observed what a press of sail
was carried by the schooner, from the determined resolution of
the officers to proceed as far Northward as possible, saw plainly
that they were in some degree mistaken, by conceiving at our first
departure that the schooner would be obliged to return to S. Bias
in a fortnight. They however still shewed their apprehensions if
she pursued her voyage, whilst some of the schooner's company
began to sicken, and wish themselves on board the frigate, where
there were medicines and a surgeon. The surgeon however declared, that if such seamen were removed to the frigate, they
would be probably seized with a fever, on which the Captain thought it right that this opinion should be made known to
the schooner's crew, as he supposed it would have a greater effect than the threats of any punishment. To say the truth, we
could not but be sorry to observe the horror that the crew conceived of the bad condition of the schooner, which afforded
miserable quarters for the sick, as the seamen could not do the
business without being thoroughly wet, except when it was
These distresses would have become insufferable, had not the
commander behaved with the greatest kindness to the crew, he
encouraged them to persist also, by giving them frequently small
a Tablas.
presents, 11/479
Northward of California in 1775
presents, and reminded them of the glory they would obtain on
their return, if they reached the proper latitude6. He added also,
that the risque was nearly equal0 to both vessels, and that as each
ship's company valued their lives, they might be sure that it
would not be attempted to proceed further than was consistent
with their mutual safety. This interposition of the commander
had at length the proper effect, and we agreed to live and dye
On the 11th of May the wind began to veer about, and on
every point to the Eastward, but ended to the E. & S. E. with
many squalls* and mists. The strong currents which we had
before experienced to the S. were now scarcely to be perceived.
On the 21st our commander held a council, in which it was
to be determined whether we should continue our voyage, or put
into the establishment at Monterey, and that the resolutions we
should come to might be the more deliberate, our opinions, with
the reasons on which they were founded, were reduced to writing. As the wind however was very violent, there could be no
personal communication between the officers of the two ships, and
our opinions were therefore transmitted by means of a cask.
[These opinions follow, in the journal at length, but as they
would not be very interesting even to the navigator, I shall only
state that they all agree in advising that they should proceed as
far N. as 43. rather than put into Monterey.    The principal
b It appears afterwards that they were instructed to proceed as far N.
as  65   if  practicable.
c It must be recollected that at this time the frigate towed the
d Chuvascos,   which   is   supposed   to   be  a  term   used   in  the   Mexican
reason 20
Journal of a Voyage
reason for this advice is, that Martin de Aguilar had discovered a
river in this latitude, where they hoped consequently to water,
and repair their vessels6.]
We proceeded on our voyage therefore with brisk winds from
the N. & N.N.E. the sea running high till the 30th, when
the new moon happened during which interval we made many
tacks, and did not accurately observe our longitude or latitude.
On this same day we had gentle breezes between N.W. &
S.W. varying thus for the three following days, after which
the wind was steady in the W. N.W. and blew fresher as the
moon increased.
On the first of June one of our seamen was so drunk with
spirits that we thought it right to remove him to the frigate',
where he afterwards died in less than six hours. On the same
day we observed some sea-weeds, the top of which much resembled an orange', from the upper part of which hung large and
broad leaves.
At the extremity of this plant is a very long tube, which fixes
to the rocks on the coast till it is loosened by the sea, when it
often floats to the distance of 100 leagues. We named this plant
the Orange-head.
The next day we saw another plant, with long, and narrow
leaves like a ribband, which is called Zacate del Mar; we also
saw many sea-wolves, ducks, and fish.
e In the account of this voyage in 1601, added to Venegas's History
of California, this river is said to have been discovered by the pilot
Lopes, and not by Martin de Aguilar. In some maps it is placed in
45   N.   Lat.
' Because there   was   a   surgeon   on   board   that   ship, probably.
E Una  naranja.
On 13/481
Northward of California in 1775
On the 5th our towing ropeh was broke; which indeed had
happened several times before, notwithstanding the greatest care
of both ship's companies, on which accident we resolved to proceed, as well as we could, without this very inconvenient appendage.
On the 7th, from the colour of the sea, we judged ourselves
to be in soundings, and we supposed ourselves to be about thirty
leagues from the coast.
By noon on the same day we distinguished a large tract of the
coast (though at a considerable distance) lying from the S.W.
to the N. E. but we were not able to get nearer to it, by the winds
falling calm during the night and the following day.
On the 8th we saw the coast much clearer at the distance of
about 9 leagues, and the next 24 hours the currents to the S. increased strongly, so that there was a difference in the latitude by
observation and our reckoning of 29 minutes.
The same day the wind freshening, the commander made
signal for the schooner to reconnoitre the coast, which direction
we complied with to our utmost, steering to the N. N. E. and
hoping to do this before the night. In effect, by six in the even-
ning, we distinguished many headlands, bays, plains, and mountains, with trees and green fields.
By eight at night we were not more than two leagues distant
from the land, nor the frigate more than three; we then sailed
towards her, and thus passed the night.
On the 9th at break of day the frigate made us a signal to join
them, and by 10 in the morning we followed their course till we
came to another part of the coast, where we saw, with the
greatest  clearness, the  plains, rocks, bays, headlands, breakers,
b El   remorque.
and 22
Journal of a Voyage
and trees: here we sounded in 30 fathoms, the bottom being a
black sand. At the same time we sailed along the coast, and
endeavoured to find out a port, being at the distance only of a
mile, and approaching to a high cape, which seemed to promise
shelter, though we were obliged to proceed cautiously, as many
small islands concealed from us some rocks, which scarcely appeared above the surface of the sea.
As we now perceived a land-locked harbour to the S.W. we
determined to enter it, making at the same time a signal to
the frigate to lend us an anchor, which however they were not
able to do, from their distance, as well as that the wind blew
fresh. For these reasons the schooner entered the port alone,
sounding all the way, with the greatest care, and the frigate followed in our wake.
Whilst we were thus entering the port, we observed two canoes
from the N. which came close to the frigate, and exchanged
their skins for bugles, and other trifles, with our seamen, whilst
in the mean time the schooner cast anchor opposite to a little
villagek, which was situated at the bottom of a mountain: the
inhabitants however did not send out any canoes to us.
After this we sounded the interior parts of the port, and
we found sufficient depth of water to anchor at a bow's shot from
the land, we saw likewise the frigate at the bottom of the port,
and fastened our cables to some rocks which nature seemed to
have fixed there for this purpose. We took however the precaution to let fall two anchors on the opposite side; (viz. to the
S. and S.W.) on which the frigate followed our example.
k Rancheria.
saft: 15/483
Northward of California in 1775
As soon as We had anchored, some Indians in canoes came on
board, who, without the least shyness, trucked some skins for
And here it may be right to observe the inaccuracies of the
French map', both with regard to the capes, and the lying of
the coast. It should seem indeed that the absolute want of
authentic materials hath been the occasion of laying down at random some large bays, which we neither found to the N. or to
the S. as we must certainly have fallen in with them above Cape
Fortuna, which is placed 18 leagues to the S. of Cape Mendocino m, whereas we were twenty leagues to the N. which makes
an error of two degrees of latitude".
On the 11th we had fixed every thing with regard to our
anchorage, and we determined to take possession of the country,
upon the top of a high mountain, which lyes at the entrance of
the port. For this purpose our crews divided into different parties, which were properly posted, so that the rest might proceed
without any danger of an attack. We moreover placed centi-
nels at a considerable distance, to reconnoitre the paths used by
the Indians, who possessed themselves of those parts from which
we had most to fear. With these precautions the crews marched
in two bodies, who adored the holy cross upon disembarking, and
when at the top of the mountain formed a square, the centre of
which became a chapel. Here the holy cross was again raised,
mass celebrated, with a sermon, and possession taken, with all
the requisites enjoined by our instructions.   We also fired both
1  Of   Mons.   Bellin.
m So called from Mendoza, a Viceroy of Mexico, who sent some
ships on discovery. Most maps place this on the N. W. point of California.
n De  ocho  cavos.
C2 / Qqq 2
— 24
Journal of a Voyage
our musquetry and cannon, which naturally made the Indians
suppose we were irresistible. After they had recovered their
fright however, and found that we had done them no harm, they
visited us again, and probably to examine more nearly what had
occasioned the tremendous noise which they had never heard
before. As we thus took possession on the day when holy mother
church celebrates the festival of the most holy Trinity, we named
the port accordingly0.
The following days were taken up in procuring wood and
water, whilst the schooner was careened. We likewise cut some
masts for her.
We could not but particularly attend to all the actions of the
Indians, their manner of living, habitations, garments, food,
government, laws, language, and arms, as also theirp hunting
and fisheries. The distrust indeed which we naturally entertained
of these barbarians, made us endeavour to get as great an insight
into all these as possible, yet we never observed any thing contrary to the most perfect friendship and confidence which they
seemed to repose in us. I may add, that their intercourse with
us was not only kind, but affectionate.
There houses were square, and built with large beams, the
roofs being no higher than the surface of the ground, for the
0 There is certainly some use to geographers in this custom of the
Spaniards naming places from the Saint's day in which they take possession, or make the discovery, as it points out to posterity the time of the
year  when  the   event  happened.
p Sus cazas, which like the French word chasse and Italian caccia,
comprehends also fowling. In Sir Ashton Lever's most capital museum
may be seen what contrivances are used by the Indians of St. George's
Sound N. Lat. 50. on this same coast and for these purposes. There is
also in the same noble repository some birdlime from the newly discovered
Sandwich   islands.
3/ 17/485
Northward of California in 1775
doors to which they make use of a circular hole, just large
enough for their bodies to pass through. The floors of these
huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole* two
feet deep in the centre, in which they make their fire, and round
which they are continually warming themselves, on account of
the great cold. Such habitations also secure them, when not employed out of doors, from the wind and noxious animals.
The men however do not wear any covering, except the cold is
intense, when indeed they put upon their shoulders the skins of
sea-wolves, otters, deer, or other animals: many of them also
have round their heads' sweet-smelling herbs. They likewise
wear their hair either dishevelled over their shoulders, or otherwise en castanna*.
In the flaps of their ears they have rings like those at the end
of a musquet1.
They bind their loins and legs quite down to the ancles, very
closely, with strips of hide or thread.
They paint their face, and greater part of their body, regularly
either with a black or blue* colour.
Their arms are covered with circles of small points in the
same manner that common people in Spain often paint ships and
4 Oyo   or   eye  literally.
r Una rueda, literally a garland in the form of a wheel.
8 The Spaniards apply castanna to a particular method of dressing
the hair—peinado en castanna, literally signifies, hair dressed to resemble
a   chesnut  tree.
1 I am informed by a gentleman long resident in Spain, that it is not
unusual to have rings so placed, and that they are of use to prevent the
knapsack from falling off.
u Azarcon.
ggMU-Ji 26
Journal of a Voyage
The women cover the tops of their heads with an ornament
like the crest of a helmet", and wear their hair in two tressesy,
in which they stick many sweet-smelling herbs. They also use
the same rings in their caps (which are of bone) as the men are
before described to do, and cover their bodies with the same skins,
besides which they more decently wear an apron of the same kind,
about a foot wide, with some threads formed into a fringe. They
likewise bind their legs in the same manner with the men.
The underlip of these women is swelled out into three fascias,
or risings, two of which issue from the corners of the mouth to
the' lowest part of the beard2, and the third from the highest
point, and middle of that point to the lower, like the others",
leaving between each a space of clear flesh, which is much
larger in the young than in the older women, whose faces
are generally covered with punctures'1, so as to be totally disfigured.
On their necks they wear various fruits0, instead of beads;
some of these ornaments also consist of the bones of animals, or
shells from the sea-coast.
This tribe of Indians is governed by a ruler, who directs
where they shall go both to hunt and fish for what the community stands in need of. We also observed that one of these
Indians always examined carefully the sea-shoar, when we went
* Copa  de  timbras.
■' Colgadas par las  mesillas.
z That  is, I   suppose, what  would  be  beard  in   men.
* I   must   own,   that  I  do  not thoroughly  comprehend   this  description,
though  I  think  I  cannot  have  mis-translated  it.
b Picadura,   so   that   I   conclude   these   swellings   on  the   face,   in   such
forms  as  described, must  be  occasioned  by  a  sort  of  tattooing.
c Rather  seeds  perhaps.
■'■■»—I 19/487
Northward 0/" California in 1775
to our ships on the close of twilighf, the occasion of which probably was to take care that all their people should return safe to
their habitations about that time.
It should seem that the authority of this ruler is confined to a
particular village of these habitations, together with such a district of country as may be supposed to belong to the inhabitants
of such a community, who sometimes are at war with other
villages, against whom they appeared to ask our assistance, making
us signs6 for that purpose. There are however many other
villages which are friendly to each other, if not to these Indians;
for on our first arrival more than 300 came down in different
parties, with their women and children, who were not indeed
permitted to enter the village of our Indians.
Whilst this sort of intercourse continued between us, we observed an infant who could scarcely be a year old, shooting arrows
from a bow proportioned to his size and strength, and who hit
one's hand at two or three yards distance, if it was held up for a
We never observed that these Indians had any idols, or made
sacrifices: but as we found out that they had a plurality of wives,
or women, at least, we inferred, with good reason, that they were
perfect atheists.
Upon the death of one of these Indians they raised a sort of
funeral cry, and afterwards burned the body within the house
of their ruler; but from this we could not pronounce they were
idolaters, because the cry of lamentation might proceed from
affliction, and the body might have been burnt, that the corpse
d A   la   oracion,   in   the   original,   at   which   time   the   Spaniards   usually
make   a   short  prayer.
What   these  were   is   not  stated.
. ^SJOftunjl Jn.41'. •
sa 28
Journal of a Voyage
should not be exposed to wild beasts; or perhaps this might have
been done to avoid the stench of the deceased, when putrefaction
might commence.
We were not able to understand one of their regulations, as
they permitted our people to enter all their houses, except that
of their ruler; and yet when we had broken through this etiquette, we could not observe any thing different between the
palace, and the other huts.
It was impossible for us to understand their language, for
which reason we had no intercourse but by signs, and therefore
both parties often continued in a total ignorance of each other's
meaning: we observed however that they pronounced our words
with great ease'.
Their arms are chiefly arrows pointed with flint, and some of
them with copper or iron*, which we understood were procured
from the N. and one of these was thus marked Q, . These arrows are carried in quivers of wood or bone, and hang from their
wrist or neck.
f From hence it may be inferred, that these Indians pronounce gut-
turally, as all the nations of Europe indeed do, except the English,
French,  and   great   part   of  Italy.
e Such are to be seen at Sir Ashton Lever's Museum from K. George's
sound N. Lat. 50. which confirms the journal in their being brought
from the North. I should conceive that the copper and iron here mentioned must have originally been bartered at our forts in Hudson's Bay,
with the travelling hordes of Indians who resort there at stated times.
Some of our own people are also very enterprizing in their excursions,
as one of them within these few years hath been as far as N. Lat. 72.
W. Long, from Fort Churchill 24. where he saw an open sea. — In the
same noble Museum is a most particular bow from the W. coast of America N. Lat. 50. which exactly resembles one from the Labradore
But 21/489
Northward of California in 1775
But what they chiefly value is iron, and particularly knives
or hoops of old barrels; they also readily barter for bugles,
whilst they rejected both provisions or any article of dress. They
pretended however that they sometimes approved the former, in
order to procure our esteem; but soon after they had accepted
any sort of meat, we observed that they set it aside, as of no
value. At last indeed they took kindly to our biscuits, and really
eat them.
Amongst these Indians there was one who had more familiar
intercourse with us than all the rest, sitting down with us in sight
of his countrymen.
They used tobacco, which they smoaked in small wooden
pipes, in form of a trumpet, and procured from little gardens
where they had planted it".
They chiefly hunt deer, cibulos, sea-wolves, and otters, nor
did we observe that they pursued any others. The only birds we
met with on this part of the coast were daws, hawks, very
small paroquets, ducks, and gulls; there were also some parrots with red feet, bills, and breasts, like lories both in their
heads and flight.
The fish on that coast are chiefly sardines, pejerey', and cod;
of which they only bring home as much as will satisfy the wants
of the day.
We tried to find if they had ever seen other strangers, or ships
than our own, but though we took great pains to inform ourselves
on this head, we never could perfectly comprehend what they
said; upon the whole we conceived that we were the only foreigners
who had ever visited that part of the coast.
h It need scarcely be observed that tobacco is an indigenous plant in
N.  America,  as   it  is   also   of  Asia.
1 In this and other instances where I do not know the animal alluded
to,  I   shall   give   the   Journalist's   name.
D / Rrr 30
Journal of a Voyage
We likewise endeavoured to know from them whether they
had any mines or precious stones; but in this we were likewise
What we saw of the country leaves us no doubt of its fertility,
and that it is capable of producing all the plants of Europe. In
most of the gullies of the hills there are rills of clear and cool
water, the sides of which are covered with herbs (as in the
meadows of Europe) of both agreeable verdure and smell'.
Amongst these were Castilian roses, smallage, lilies, plantain,
thistles, camomile, and many others. We likewise found strawberries, rasberries, blackberries, sweet onions, and potatoes, all
which grew in considerable abundance, and particularly near
the rills. Amongst other plants we observed one which much
resembled percely (though not in its smell), which the Indians
bruised and eat, after mixing it with onions.
The hills were covered with very large, high, and strait pines,
amongst which I observed some of 120 feetk high, and 4 in diameter towards the bottom.
All these pines are proper for masts and ship-building.
The outline of the port is represented in Chart the 6th1, which
was drawn by D. Bruno Heceta, D. Juan Fr. de la Bodega, and
myself. Though the port is there represented as open, yet it is
to be understood that the harbour is well sheltered from the
S.W.W. & N.W. as also from the N.N.E. & E.
[This discovery was made by the schooner on the 9th of
1 Perhaps the accounts given by navigators of the beauty of a country
or its productions after a long voyage may be not entirely relied upon,
as  they  are  commonly  exagerated.
k Sesanta  varas.
1 These Charts, which amount to nine, have never been transmitted to
7 In 23/491
Northward of California in 1775
In the W. part there is a hill 50 fathomsm high, joining to
the continent on the N. side, where there is another rising of 20,
both of which afford protection not only from the winds, but the
attack of an enemy.
At the entrance of the port is a small island of considerable
height, without a single plant upon it; and on the sides of the
coast are high rocks, which are very convenient for disembarking";
goods also may be shipped so near the hill0, that a ladder
may be used from the land to the vessel; and near the sand are
many small rocks, which secure the ship at anchor from the S. E.
and S.W.
We compleated our watering very early from the number of
rills which emptied themselves into the harbour; we were likewise as soon supplied with wood.
We paid great attention to the tides, and found them to be
as regular as in Europe.
We made repeated observations with regard to the latitude of
this harbour, and found it was exactly 41 degrees and 7 minutes
N. whilst we supposed the Longitude to be 19 degrees and 4 minutes W. of S. Bias.
We had thus thoroughly investigated every thing which relates to this harbour, except the course of a river which came
from the S.W. and which appeared whilst we were at the top
of the hill". We took therefore the boat on the 18th, and
found that the mouth was wider than is necessary for the discharge
of the water, which is lost in the sands on each side, so that we
m Tuessas.
fi By the water being deep close to these rocks.
° Sc.  That of fifty fathoms in height.
p The going thither hath been before mentioned.
D 2 / Rrr 2
could 32
Journal of a Voyage
could not even enter it except at full tide. However we left our
boat, and proceded a league into the country, whilst the river
continued of the same width; viz. 20 feet, and about five
On the banks of this river were larger timber trees than we
had before seen, and we conceived that in land-floods the whole
plain (which was more than a quarter of a league broad) must
be frequently covered with water, as there were many places
where it continued to stagnate.
We gave this river the name of Pigeons, because at our first
landing we saw large flocks of these, and other birds, some of
which had pleasing notes.
On the sides of the mountains we found the same plants and
fruits, as in the more immediate neighbourhood of Trinity-
On the 19th of June, at 8 in the morning, we took up our
anchors, and sailed with a gentle breeze from N.W. which had
continued in the same direction all the time we were in port. It
fell calm however at ten, on which we cast anchor about a cannon's shot from the little island, where we had ten fathom water,
and a muddy bottom.
On the 20th in the evening the wind blew again from the N.W.
and we sailed to the E. S.W. & S. E. the wind continuing N.W.
which made the sea run high.
On the 21st was new moon, and the wind veered about to the
W. with small rains and mists, which separated the two ships
for six or eight hours, during which we made our signals by
lights, and firing guns.
In order to get into the course we were to steer, if the wind
proved favourable, I mentioned to our commander what I had
ass 25/493
Northward of California in 1775
read in D. Juan Perez's journalq, which had been delivered to
him, where it was observed that this navigator had the winds
from the S. & S. E. with which it was easy to run along the coast,
to a high Northern latitude, and for that reason Perez was of opinion
that the coast should not be approached till 49, in which I agreed
with him. Our commanders indeed kept as much to windward
as possible in order to take advantage of the wind, when it should
become fair; but it soon changed to the W. & N.W. which
drove us on that part of the coast which we wanted to avoid.
On this same day we repaired several damages which our ship
had suffered, with the greatest alacrity, in hopes of prosecuting
our discoveries, and found that she sailed better comparatively
with the frigate than she had done before'.
On the 2d of July some other damages were repaired.
Although we laid great stress upon getting to the Westward,
in order that we might afterwards proceed N. as also discover
some port in a lower latitude than 65, yet we were not able to
effect this, as the wind from being W. turned to the N.W. and
drove us upon the coast [too early].
On the 9th of July I conceived myself to be in the latitude of
the mouth of a river8, discovered by John de Fuca (according to
the French map) which we therefore endeavoured to make for,
whilst at the same time we observed that the sea was coloured, as
in soundings; many fish', reeds 20 feet long, and the Orange-
4 It appears afterwards that this D. Juan Perez was ensign on board
the frigate, and that he had sailed in a former voyage of discovery to a
considerable  N.  Latitude  on  the W.  coast  of  America.
r The particulars of these repairs, as also in what respect she sailed
better,  are   omitted   as   uninteresting.
s Perhaps gulf [boca].
1  Toninas, supposed   to   be   porpesses.
[4] 34
Journal of a Voyage
heads" likewise appeared; all of which circumstances shewed
that we were not far distant from the coast.
The same day both wind and sea increased so much that our
deck was thoroughly wetted, and our cistern of water also was
much damaged, on which account it became necessary to steer
S.W. from five in the evening till day-break, when the sea
became more calm, and wind more fair; so that we sailed N.and
a point to the E. hoping to discover the land.
At sun-set the horizon was more clear, and the signs of approaching the coast greatly increased; as we could not distinguish
it however we kept in the wake of the frigate, by very clear
On the 11th at day break the sky was very bright, there was
an appearance of soundings, much sea-weed, many birds, and the
greatest signs of being near land. In effect at 11 the sun shone,
and we distinguished the coast to the N. W. when we were about
12 leagues from it.
In the evening both wind and sea rose so much that the frigate
thought it right to keep us in sight, and we were much fatigued
by the violence of the weather.
On the 12th we had got five or six leagues to the N. of the
frigate, whilst we were but three leagues from the land, with a
more favourable wind and calmer sea, so that we joined her by
eleven. At six in the evening the coast was not more distant
than a league, when we distinguished various headlands, many small
islands, as also mountains covered with snow.
We likewise found a barren island about half a league in circumference, which we called de Dolores.
u A  sea-plant before  described.
We 27/495
Northward of California in 1775
We now carried all the sail we could to follow the frigate, but
we could not do so at the proper distance, in so much that at sunset we lost sight of her, and although during the whole night
we hung out lights, fired our guns, as also rockets, she never
answered our signals, from which we concluded that they could
not be distinguished by our companion.
On the 13th however the frigate appeared at a great distance,
and seemed to be making for the coast.
We now sounded, and found 30 fathoms of water, casting
anchor two leagues and half from the land. At twelve on the
same day we saw the frigate still at a greater distance to leeward,
though she endeavoured to approach the coast. On this we set
sail to join her, keeping at the same time as near to the land as
we could, and being not farther distant than a mile, we plainly
distinguished, as we passed to the S.W. the plains, small detached rocks, and low headlands, till six in the evening. As we
could not however find any port, and could not bear to lose the
Northing we had gained with so much trouble, we determined
to cast anchor near a point, where we thought we should be able
to procure wood and water, as well as masts.
The frigate was now not more than half a league distant, and
we therefore made a signal to her to cast anchor, having eight
fathoms of water upon sounding. >
After this I soon went on board the frigate, the Captain of
which told me that the Commander of the schoOner should come
to him, in order to hold a council, whether the schooner should
proceed or not to a higher latitude, as every minute we stayed
longer on the coast, would subject us to greater risques, both
from the winds and sea. This was also the more to be dreaded,
as the whole crew of the frigate had been sick for the two last
days, whilst the commander himself was far from well.   The
captain 36
Journal of a Voyage
captain of the schooner therefore was to keep near, and jointly
take possession of this part of the coast. I accordingly carried these
orders to the schooner, whose captain directed that the next day
we should join the frigate.
In the mean while nine canoes of tall and stout Indians appeared, who invited the crew of the schooner with great cordiality
to eat, drink, and sleep with them.
Our commander took care to regale them in the best manner
he could, and particularly their chieftains, as well as those who
came the most readily on board, giving them whatever they
seemed most to desire.
The Indians, being obliged by these civilities, rowed near to our
ship, making friendly signs, and as we answered by the same
civilities, they left us at nine, and soon returned with fish of
many sorts, pagro, whale, and salmon, as also flesh of several animals, well cured under ground. These presents, in sufficient
abundance, were offered to our commander, after which they
returned to their villages, leaving us in high admiration of their
noble proceedings.
On the 14th in the morning the sea ebbed so low, that the
ridges of rocks appeared along the coast, which prevented us from
then sailing, and obliged us to wait for the full of the tide,
which was to happen at 12 at noon. During this interval the
Indians trafficked with us for various skins of animals, for which
they expected some peices of iron in exchange, which they manifested by putting their hands upon the rudder-ironsx; our people
therefore procured them such, from old chests, after which they
returned to their village, making the same signs as they had done
the day before.
* Los Machos  del timon.
sees 29/497
Northward of California in 1775
On the 1st of July we were to go on shore by order of our
commander; and as we were still to continue our voyage for
some time, it was necessary we should procure a sufficient quantity of water (so much being used since we sailed from Port
Trinity) though hitherto we had not been able to effect this
from want of a proper tide, which at the same time prevented
us from getting wood and a mast. For this reason such part of
the crew was pitched upon who were likely to be most active in
the service, each of them taking a gun and pistol, and some of
them a cutlassy and cartridge-box, the whole party being put
under the command of Pedro Santa-Anaz, who always distinguished himself upon such occasions. They also took with them
hatchets, and were directed to send us back the boat, that we
might fill it with casks, after which they were to carry them to
that part of the coast where they could soonest compleat their
Our detachment therefore contrived to land where there was
the deepest water, and the nearest possible to a river. They had
scarcely done this, however, when the Indians rushed out from
the mountains to the number of 300, and surrounding our seamen immediately, we concluded that the whole detachment
would have been cut off, as we only perceived a single fire from
our people, and that two of them running to the shore threw
themselves into the sea, whose fate we could not know on account
of the shallows of the coast.
As we therefore could not help our comrades, by not having
sufficient depth of sea for our vessel, we fired our great guns and
y Sabre.
z He is stated to have been contro-maestre, or perhaps master's
E / S s s muskets; (
Journal of a Voyage
muskets; but as our shot did not reach the Indians, nor could
they know what damage we might do them at a less distance,
they did not move at all, or desist from their treacherous attack.
On this, not being able to succour our comrades, we hoisted a
signal of distress, which the frigate being so far off could not
distinguish. The Indians however at eleven returned to their
villages, whilst we neither could see our seamen or their
By twelve at noon it was full sea, and we endeavoured to reach
the frigate, every one exerting themselves to the utmost; our
whole crew, indeed, now consisted of but five men and a boy,
who were in health, with four that were sick.
As soon as we had set sail, nine canoes of Indians, with an
increased number of men on board, placed themselves at a fixed
distance from us, whilst one of them, with only nine chieftainsa
on board, rode pretty near to the side of our vessel, offering us,
whilst their bows were unbent, some handsome jackets, and practising their former arts of deceit, by tempting us with the provisions they had before supplied.
But we were now upon our guard, and preparing for our defence, though we still thought it right on our part to entice them
nearer, by shewing bugles and other trifles, which had as little
effect upon our enemies, who contrived however to make signs
that we should go on shore. At last they were tired of these
overtures, and knowing the small number of our crew, they
made a shew of surrounding our vessel; holding their bows bent
against us.
On the other hand, though we had but three on board able
to handle a musquet (viz. our Captain, his servant, and myself)
a So the original; and I conclude the meaning to be, that in this canoe
there were  none   but  chieftains.
saae 31/499 Northward ^California in 1775
yet we soon killed six of the Indians, as also damaged their
canoe. They now experienced how much we were able to annoy
them, and seemed to be astonished. They afterwards covered
their dead with their jackets, and at last returned to such a distance that we could not reach them with our shot; in which
retreat they were assisted by the other canoes, who had not before
supported them. They then held a council, which ended in
their going back to their village.
Our commander, in the mean time, hearing the discharge of
our musquets, thought we should want ammunition, and sent us
some in the launch, in which we cast anchor along side of the
frigate. We then went on board, hoping that we should be
permitted to use the launch, land with an armed force, destroy
the villages of the Indians, and try to recover those of our own
people, who perhaps had hid themselves in the woods, or had
saved themselves by swimming.
On this point we held a council, at which the commander
stated our dangerous situation, the difficulties in landing we were
to expect, both from sea and weather, and the distance of the
village; he also added, that the destruction of our people was
almost distinctly seen, and therefore that there could be little
probability of any one's having escaped.
D. Cristoval de Revilla and D. Juan Perez were of opinion
we should directly sail, although the commanderb and myself
pressed taking some revenge for the butchery of our comrades,
as likewise waiting to know the fate of those who might have
survived by swimming, and who must necessarily surrender themselves to the Barbarians. We also dwelt upon the strong presumption, that it would be agreeable to his majesty that the In-
b The commander seems to have given different advice before.
E 2 / S s s 2
T^ i i u
Journal of a Voyage
dians should feel the superior force of his arms, who would otherwise treat future discoverers in the same manner; we added,that
though the village was not near, yet if we waited till next day we
might reach it, whilst it might be expected that the winds would
not blow with violence at the new moon.
The reasons on both sides having been thus urged, the commander readily consented to follow the advice and wishes of the
When this point was decided, our commander took our opinions with regard to the schooner's proceeding, as she was in so
bad plight; when (except D. Cristoval de Revilla) we all agreed
that she should continue to prosecute her voyage. These our opinions were reduced into writing on the 16th.
[These are again omitted, as probably uninteresting to the
reader: but both the captain of the schooner, and the journalist
agreeing to proceed;]
On the 14th of July we sailed, at five in the evening, from
this road, which lies in 47. 21 N. Latc. the wind being N.W.
and N. N.W. by which we left the coast, steering S.W.
On the 19th our captain received some letters from Don Juan
Perez (ensignd of the frigate) as likewise the surgeon, in which
they stated the then health of their crew, and desiring our opinion
[Here follow the answers of the captain of the schooner and
Maurelle the journalist, who, to their great credit, persist in their
voyage of discovery.]
c The   longitude   is   not  stated, but  by  the   ship's   reckoning  I   find   that
the W.  Longitude   from  St.  Bias   was  21   19.
d Alferez.
sea 33/501
Northward of California in 1775
Till the 24th the wind continued N.W. & N. when the
schooner received from the frigate a cannon, with a box of powder
and ball.
From the 24th to the 30th we steered N.W. when at sunset
there were great threatenings of a storm, and the weather becoming dark, the sea ran so high, that we could not distinguish
the lights of the frigate, and were obliged to make our signals by
guns and rockets.
On the 31st it continued to be so dark that even during the day
we could not see the frigate.
On the 1st of August at day-break we had the same, dark weather, so that we could not distinguish at half a league's distance,
nor had we sight of the frigate: we kept on however (the wind
abating) with a Westerly course, till the 4th, when we supposed
ourselves to be 17 leagues W. of the continent.
On the 5th the wind began to be favourable from the S.W.
and the frigate still not appearing, our captain consulted us
whether we should prosecute our discoveries. We had indeed
for the last two months been reduced to short allowance of provisions, and a quart of water each day, since we left the last land;
our bread also was almost spoiled by the sea getting into the bread-
room, and the season for sailing to the Northward began almost
to end. Yet notwithstanding these, and other objections, we
continued unanimously of opinion to execute our orders; as, if
we did otherwise, his majesty must have incurred the expence
of a fresh expedition, Our crew likewise was now animated, and
every one agreed to contribute proportionably for a solemn mass
to our Lady of Bethlem, intreating her that we might be able to
reach the Latitude enjoined by our instructions. This proposal of
the crew being communicated to the captain, he applauded
much their ardour and devotion, which was rewarded before
evening, by the winds blowing from a favourable quarter.
3 42
Journal of a Voyage
On the 10th there was a full moon, and the wind blew fresh
from the S.W.
On the 13th we conceived ourselves to be in soundings from
the colour of the sea; at the same time appeared Orange heads,
many flags, many birds, with red feet, breast, and beak, as also
many whales; all which were certain signs of our nearer approach to land.
During the. 14th and 15th these signs increased, when we
found ourselves in N. Lat. 56, 8. & 154 leagues W. of the continent, and 69 leagues from an island to be found in our chart6,
which likewise pointed out an archipelago in the same parallel.
This search however was attended with great difficulty, as the
wind blew with great violence, whilst the mists did not permit us
to distinguish any distant object.
At noon on the 16th we saw land to the N.W. at the distance
of six leagues, and it soon afterwards opened to the N. E. presenting considerable headlands and mountains, one of which was
of an immense height, being situated upon a projecting cape, and
of the most regular and beautiful form I had ever seen. It was
also quite detached from the great ridge of mountains. Its top
was covered with snow, under which appeared some wide gullies,
which continue till about the middle of the mountain, and from
thence to the bottom are trees of the same kind as those at
We named this moutain St.yacinthus*and the cape del Engan-
noh, both of which are situated in N. Lat. 57. 2. and by two
e I should rather suppose that this was the chart of D. Juan Perez,
who was on board, and had been on a former voyage of discovery.
' Before described to be pines.
z There is a monastery of <Sf. Jacinthus, at a small distance from
Mexico.     Gage's   Survey   of  the W.  Indies.
h Or of   deceit.
saeai 35/503
Northward 0/California in 1775
repeated observations at a mile's distance we found the W. Long,
from St. Bias to be 34.12.     |
From this cape we fixed the principal points on the coast, as
will appear by our chart.
On the 17th the wind blew moderate from the S. by means
of which we entered a bay that was three leagues wide at its
mouth, and which was protected from the N. by cape del Enganno;
on the opposite side to this cape we discovered a port more than
a league wide at the entrance, perfectly secure from all winds
but the S. We nearly approached the sides of this bay, and
never found less than fifty fathoms in depth; but we could not
perceive any kind of flat or plain, as the mountains come quite
down to the shore. Notwithstanding this we distinguished a
small river, which (it being night) we did not further attend to,
but cast anchor in 66 fathoms, the bottom being a clay, as we
found upon drawing up our anchors.
This port is situated in 57. UN. Lat. and 34. 12. W. Long,
from S. Bias; which, together with the headland, we named
On the 18th we sailed again, with little wind; when two
canoes, with four Indians in each, appeared (viz. two men and
two women) who, however, did not seem to wish to come on
•board us, but only made signs that we should go on shore.
We continued our course however (the wind being N.W.)
till nine in the morning, when we entered another port, not so
large indeed, but the adjacent country much more desirable to
navigators, as a river empties itself here of eight or ten feet wide,
whilst the harbour is protected from almost every wind, by
means of a long ridge of high islands, almost joining each other,
with anchorage of 18 fathoms, the bottom being a sand. Here
we cast anchor at a pistol's shot from the land, where we saw, on
I 44
Journal of a Voyage
the bank of the river, a high house, and a parapet' of timber
supported by stakes drove into the ground, where we observed ten
Indian men, besides women and children.
We named this port de los Remedios, and found that it was
situated in 57. 18 N. Lat. and 34. 12 W. Long, from St. Bias.
The same day, having prepared ourselves for defence against
the Indians, five of us landed about noon, when, having posted
ourselves in the safest place we could fix upon, we planted the
cross with all proper devotion, cutting another on a rockk, and
displaying the Spanish colours, according to our instructions on that
When we had thus taken possession of the country we advanced quite to the bank of the river, in order to fix upon the
most convenient place for water, which we were in great want
of, as well as still greater of wood; so that we were under an
absolute necessity of providing ourselves with both. Having
fixed upon the proper spot, we now returned to the ship, the Indians having not come forth from their parapet.
We soon however perceived them approach the place where we
had fixed the cross, which they took away, and fixed it on the
front of their house, in the proper direction, whilst at the
same time they made us signs with their open arms, that they had
thus taken possession of our cross.
On the 19th we landed at a point somewhat distant, to procure
wood and a mast, whilst we secured our retreat by a proper
disposition of swivels and musquetry.
Afterwards we returned to the mouth of the river, to fill our
barrels with water, when the Indians hung out a white leaf from
1  Probably this was a stage for curing fish, of which  these Indians soon
offered a present to the Spaniards.
k Penna. ' Oia.
\\ ]
Northward of California in 1775
a pole, fixed very near to their house, and advancing to the opposite bank without any arms, they made several signs, which
we did not comprehend. We however signified to them in the
best manner we could that we came only for water™; on which
the chieftain of the Indians, conceiving that we were very dry,
brought with him a cup of it, with some cured fish, as far as
the middle of the river, where it was received by one of our
seamen, who directed the Indian to present the water and fish to
our captain, who immediately returned him in exchange bugles
and small pieces of cloth. The Indians however were not to be
so satisfied, but insisted on other barter for the water, which we
refusing on our part, they threatened us with long and large
lances pointed with flint, which we paid no other attention to
but that of securing our post.   Our assailants at last finding that
m The behaviour of these Indians in their intercourse with the Spaniards seems to prove a rather superior degree of civilization, than is generally   experienced   from   Barbarians.
We find by this account, that the Spaniards, having fixed a cross
upon their ground, the Indians resent this mark of ownership, and (as
a Spaniard would have done in his own country if his neighbour thus
endeavoured to make good a claim) immediately remove the cross; in
which the laws of Europe would certainly have supported them. The
leaving any symbol of possession upon an uninhabited and uncultivated
district may indeed give a right against posterior claimants who cannot
set up a better; but this part of the American continent was not only
peopled, but we are informed a house and fishing-stage had been built
upon   it.
We find by this journal, that the Vieeroy of Mexico most particularly enjoined by his instructions that possession should be thus taken,
conceiving probably that the converting Indians to the Christian faith,
entitles the converter to every thing which may belong to the converts.
This flimsy right however could not be maintained an instant even upon
this ground, in any Court of common sense, for the Spaniards neither
intended then, or hereafter, to make a settlement in this Northern Latitude, without which it is impossible that such pious intentions could be
F/Ttt The
.???g?Kr2?5sa 46
Journal of a Voyage
we did not wish to surround them, but held them in contempt,
went back to their houses, as we did to our ship, having procured
the wood and single mast which we wanted, though not so much
water as would have been convenient; but we did not think it
right to carry away more, that we might not further irritate the
At the mouth of the river there was abundance of fish, of
which our people caught many whilst we were on shore, and we
could have procured a sufficient quantity to have lasted us a great
while, had we been prepared with proper tackle. They were
well tasted, and in vast numbers.
The mountains were covered with the same sort of pines as at
Trinity: the inhabitants also use the same dress, only rather
longer; they likewise wear a cap over their hair, which covers
their whole head.
The Spaniards, after this, inform the Indians, by signs, that they
want water, on which one of the Americans brings a cup thus filled,
with some cured fish, half way across the river, and stops there till
a Spaniard advances the other half to receive it, whilst bugles and
other trifles are offered in exchange by the Spaniards, and refused by the
Indians, who   insist  on   a  better   sort   of   payment.
It is evident, by the presents of the cup of water* and cured fish,
that the Indians wished to supply all the wants of these strangers as
far as they were able, notwithstanding they had thus endeavoured to
gain a wrongful possession of their country; they seem therefore to have
had a right to that species of barter which they stood most in need of.
This contempt for bugles, and other trifles, offered by the Spaniards,
is a further proof of the civilization of these Indians, whose progenitors, it should seem, must be rather looked for on the Asiatic, than
Labradore coast, as I am informed that they have beards, which the
Indians of the central and Eastern coast of N. America have not. It is
said indeed by some, that these Indians eradicate their beard from its
earliest appearance; but I can as little believe that this can be effected
by any industry, as that they could by any art or pains make hair grow
upon the palms of their hands.
* I am informed, that the inhabitants of K. George's Sound, on this same coast, insisted
upon Capt. Cook's paying for the grass he had cut.
3 We 39/507 Northward 0/California in 1775 47
We found the weather excessively cold, with much rain and
fogs, nor did we see the sun for the three days we continued
here. At the same time we had only faint land-breezes; from
all which circumstances, as well as the great fatigue of our
seamen, little cover from the bad weather, and great want of
proper cloaks to keep them warm, our ship's company so sickened,
that we could only muster two men for every watch.
On the 21st we steered N.W. the wind being at S. E. in
order to discover whether there was any land to the E. when we
might reach two degrees of higher latitude to the N. or whether it
did not lie to the W. which we conceived to be more probable.
On the 22d we knew, by our reckoning, that we must be near
the Eastern part of the coastm, as we found ourselves by an observation at noon to be in 57. 18 N. Lat.
At two in the evening the wind blew fresh at N.W. when-we
wanted to gain so much Westing as to permit the reaching a
higher Northern Latitude, in which attempt we must have therefore lost many days, whilst the season for prosecuting our discoveries drew so near to an end. To this it must be added, that
the sickness of our crew increased every day, by their great fatigues, on which account we desisted from our Northern course,
and steered S. E. approaching the coast at a less distance than a
mile, and endeavouring to observe every projection of it.
Though we now therefore determined to return to S. Bias, yet
we comforted ourselves in having reached so high a latitude as
58", beyond what any other Navigators had been able to effect
in those seas, though our vessel sailed so indifferently that we
often had thoughts of quitting her.
m Sc.   as   laid   down   by Bellin.
" By the table only 57. 57. Capt. Cook however is said to have traced
the W. coast of America beyond 60 N. Lat. when it runs for some degrees   nearly   E.
F 2 / T t t 2 In 48
Journal of a Voyage
In sailing along the coast we took indefatigable pains to observe
with precision how it lay, from which innumerable objections
offered themselves to M. Bellin's Charts.
This engineer hath chiefly founded himself upon the tracks of
two Russian Navigators, Beering and Tschirikow, who were sent
upon discoveries in 1741. It is evident however that the Russian
maps are not to be depended upon, for if they had been tolerably
accurate we should have fallen in with the land to the Westward,
more easily than to the East".
Bellin is not less erroneous in laying down the American coast,
and indeed it is not at all extraordinary that his errors should be
so numerous, as he had no materials for his charts, but his
own fruitful imagination; no navigator having visited many
parts of the American continent in these high latitudes but
We now attempted to find out the straits5 of Admiral Fonte,
though as yet we had not discovered the Archipelago of S. Lazarus, through which he is said to have sailed.
With this intent we searched every bay and recess of the coast,
and sailed round every headland, lying to during the night, that
we might not lose sight of this entrance; after these pains
taken, and being favoured by a N.W. wind9, it may be pronounced that no such straits are to be found.
On the 24th at 2 in the evening, and being in 55. 17 N. Lat.
we doubled a cape, and entered into a large bay, discovering to
0 The journalist seems to speak here with regard to the then situation
of the schooner Other objections follow to Bellin s map, which cannot
be   comprehended   without  having  the   chart  before   one.
p Entrada, or entrance into them rather. In a map which I have procured, this entrance is laid down in N. Lat. 48. and said to have been
discovered  by Juan   de   Fuca  in   1592.
9 It must now be recollected that the schooner is returning to S. Bias.
SHS 41/509
Northward (^California in 1775
the N. an arm of the sea, where the temperature was very
unpleasant', but the sea perfectly calm, being sheltered from the
wind. This arm also affords excellent water from rills and pools,
whilst the anchorage is good, with a vast plenty of fish. It is
delineated in one of our charts.
As we were now becalmed, the schooner rowed till we cast
anchor in the entrance or mouth, the water being 20 fathoms,
and the bottom soft mud. At this time we were not more than
two musquet shots from the land, and wished to lay down the
interior parts, but were not able to effect this for want of wind.
We now experienced a pleasant temperature, which probably
arose from some large volcanoes, the light of which we perceived
during the night, though at a considerable distance. This unexpected warmth totally restored the health of our crew8.
As we thus lay at anchor, and so much to our satisfaction, our
Captain gave me orders (being himself indisposed) that I should
land with some of our crew, and with the same precautions as at
Los Remedios. He also directed me to take possession for his
Majesty of this part of the coast, and name it Bucarelly'. I accordingly obeyed his instructions in all particulars, without seeing
a single Indian, though there were the following proofs of the
country's being inhabited; viz. a hut, some paths, and a
wooden outhouse". On the 24th we went a second time on
shore, and provided ourselves with as much wood and water as we
' It is to be supposed on  account of the cold.
* It  must  be   recollected, that  they  were  now  sheltered   from  the  wind
as well as warmed  by the Vulcanoes.
' Then Viceroy of  Mexico.
" Corral.
We 50
Journal of a Voyage
We made two observations on different days, and found our
latitude to be 55. 17. and W. Long, from S. Bias 32. 9.
The mountains near this port or inlet are covered with the same
trees as those at the other places, where we had landed, but I can
say nothing with regard to the inhabitants, from what hath been
before stated.
To the S. we saw an island of a moderate height, at the distance of six leagues, which we named S. Carlos, and sailed on
the 29th with a gentle breeze at N. but which fell calm at noon,
when we were opposite to a bare island, which scarcely appeared
above the sea; there are many rocks however, both to the E. and
W. Here we anchored in 22 fathoms, and about two leagues
distant from the island of S. Carlos.
In this situation we observed a Cape, which we named St.
Augustine, at the distance of four or five leagues; after which the
coast trended to the E. so much that we lost sight of it. We
found also that there were here such violent currents in opposite
directions, that we could not sound. As these currents rose and
fell with the tide, it should seem that this inlet hath no communication but with the sea.
This cape S. Augustine is nearly in 55 N. Lat. and we having
heard that in a former voyage D. Juan Perez had discovered an
arm of the sea in this same parallel, where there were many currents, we justly concluded this must be the same, though several
seamen who were in that voyage, did not recollect either the cape
or mountains in the neighbourhood, but this probably arose from
their not approaching them in the same direction.
What we observed on this part of the coast strongly inclined
us to have a more perfect knowledge of it; the wind however (it
being new moon) became variable, and fixed at last in the
We 43/511
Northward of California in 1775
We concluded that it would thus continue till the full", which
would prevent us from approaching the mouth of this bay, and
consequently make it impossible to explore the sides of it. We
likewise considered that we were now in such a latitude that we
might easily reach 60 degrees if the wind was favourable7, that
moreover we were provided with what we had occasion for, that
the health of our crews was re-established, and that for all these
reasons it would be better to attempt reaching the highest Latitude
we could.
To these arguments it was added, that we should have fewer difficulties in this trial from our knowledge of the coast; and this
measure being thus resolved upon, the two ships divided some
cloaths" (which the schooner had on board, to truck with the Indians at Port Trinity) so that our people seemed now to have forgotten all their sufferings.  We accordingly sailed, steering N.W.
On the 28th the wind was variable, obliging us to approach
the coast at 55. 50. when it fixed in the evening to the S.W. according to our wishes.
On the 29th and 30th the wind was S. though often veering
to the S.W. with occasional squalls and tornadoes, accompanied by high seas, which drove us on the coast in 56. 70. from
whence we clawed off with the land breeze and tornadoes, in
which disagreeable situation we continued till the first of September.
During the two preceding days six of our crew were seized
with strong symptoms of the scurvy, which not only shewed
x The Spaniards, during this voyage, seem to have paid great attention to  the  moon, as  having an  effect upon  the  wind.
y A  S.W. was  so.
z This additional cloathing was probably thought necessary, as the
ships  were   now  to   sail  N.   whilst  the   winter  was   approaching.
itself 52
Journal of a Voyage
itself in their gums, but from the great swellings on their legs
they had lost the use of them. From this calamity we could
only muster two on each guard, one of which steered, and the
other handled the sails. We unfortunately caught this terrible
distemper from the seamen of the frigate, with whom we had
occasional communication. In consequence of this distress we
agreed now to return, making as many observations as we could
in relation to the lying of the coast.
At the beginning of September the wind was variable, but on
the 6th it fixed in the S.W. blowing with such force that at midnight we were obliged to take in all our sails, and turn the
ship's head to the S. whilst the wind and sea increased, in so
much that at two in the morning of the 7th neither vessel could
resist its violence, though we each endeavoured to keep where
we were, on account of the coast being at so small a distance.
Whilst we were thus employed a sea broke in, which damaged
most of our stores. [The particulars of other damage to parts of
the ship here follows, but is omitted for reasons that have been
before mentioned.]
On this same day (viz. 7th of September), both wind and
sea became more calm; on which we steered E. from 6 in the
evening till day-break of the next day, when the wind was
favourable from the N.W. and we pursued our intentions of
falling in again with the coast, in Lat. 55. finding ourselves,
since the storm, with only one seaman who could stand to the
helm, whilst the captain or myself managed the sails.
The wind continuing favourable, our captain endeavoured to
cheer those who were sick, but we could only prevail upon two
of them who were recovering to assist us during the day; as for
the master's mate, we conceived that he would die.
On 45/513
Northward of California in 1775
On the 11th we saw land, at the distance of eight or nine
leagues, and in Lat. 53. 54. but as we wished not to approach so
near as not to be able to leave it, on account of our having so few
hands capable of working, we kept at a proper distance, only
having a view of it from day to day, and not examining its capes,
bays, and ports.
In Lat. 49. however we endeavoured to draw nearer to the
land, both because we were persuaded that the wind would continue favourable, and that some of the convalescents might now
begin to assist us; so that in Lat. 47. 43. we were not farther distant than a mile, when we attended to all proper particulars*, as
On the 20th, at eight in the morning, we were within half a
league, precisely in the same situation as on the 13th of July; we
found however 17 leagues difference with regard to our Longitude.
On the 21st, being still nearer the coast, the wind blew from
the S. & S.W. which, though moderate, obliged us to sail from
the land.
On the 22d the wind was N.W. but as both the captain and
myself were ill of a fever, the ship steered for the port of Monterey. This our sickness made the rest of the crew almost despair ; for which reason the captain and myself shewed ourselves
upon the deck as often as we could, in which efforts the Almighty
assisted us.
On the 24th, finding ourselves somewhat better, we discovered the land in 45. 27. sailing along the coast at about
the distance of a cannon's shot; and as we therefore could distinctly see every considerable object, we lay to during the night,
That is, for laying the coast down in their charts.
G / U u u hoping Journal of a Voyage
hoping thus to find the river of Martin Aquilar, and continued •
this search till we were in Lat. 45. 50. when we distinguished a
cape exactly resembling a round table, with some red gulliesb,
from which the coast trends to the S.W. From this part rise
ten small islands, and some others which are scarcely above the
sea; the Latitude of this Cape hath before been mentioned, and
its Longitude is 20. 4. W. from S. Bias. As we therefore could see
nothing of Martin de Aquilar's River in this second trial, we conclude that it is not to be found, for we must have discovered it,
if any such river was on this part of the coast.
It is said indeed that Aquilar observed the mouth of this river
in 43c, but the instruments of those times'* were very imperfect.
Allowing the error however to have been in making the latitude
too high, and that therefore we might have found it in 42 or
lower; yet this we can scarcely conceive to be the truth, as we
examined all that part of the coast, except about fifty minutes of
After this last return to the coast, we endeavoured to make
for the port of S. Francisco, which having discovered in 38. 18.
we entered a bay which is sufficiently sheltered from the N. and
S.W. We soon afterwards distinguished the mouth of a considerable river, and some way up a large port exactly resembling
a dock6; we therefore concluded this to be the harbour of
S. Francisco (which we were in search of), as the History of California places it in 38. 4.
b Barancas.
c This is stated before, when the river was looked out for in that
d Viz.  in   1603.
e Digue.
We 47/515
Northward of California in 1775
We wished, on this account, to enter this port, which we
should have easily accomplished, if the sea had not run very
high. We began however to doubt whether this was really the
harbour of S. Francisco, because we did not see any inhabitants,
nor the small islands which are said to be opposite. In this state
of suspense we cast anchor near one of the points which we called
de Arenas, in six fathoms and a clay bottom.
A vast number of Indians now presented themselves on both
points', who passed from one to the other in small canoes made
of Fule*, where they talked loudly for two hours or more, till at
last two of them came along side of the ship, and most liberally
presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments
of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they
wore round their head, and a canister of seeds, which tasted
much like walnuts. Our captain gave them in return bugles,
looking glassesh, and peices of cloth.
These Indians are large and strong, their colour being the
same as that of the whole territory'; their disposition is most
liberal, as they seemed to expect no recompense for what they
had furnished us with: a circumstance which we had not experienced in those to the Northward.
We were not able to sound the interior parts of this port, on
account of our sick, who were to be as soon as possible landed
in a place of safety, in order that they might have the better
chance of recovering.
f Sc. Those   just  now   named  by  the  journalist  de  Arenas.
* Some sort of wood, and probably well known in the province of
h In the former intercourse with the more Northern Indians the
Spaniards never produced this article of barter, which seems to have
been ill-judged ceconomy. They were now returning however, and must
have   thrown   away  these   trifles   at  S.  Bias.
j It is not very clear whether the Journalist means by this of Mexico,
or the whole N. Western continent of America.
G 2 / U u u 2 Whilst 56
Journal of a Voyage
Whilst we were in this port (which we did not conceive to
be that of S. Francisco) we had no further intercourse with the
inhabitants, and we prepared to clear the point de las Avenas, in
order that, with a N.W. wind, the next day we might, with
less difficulty, leave this part of the coast. Having effected this,
we cast anchor in six fathoms, the bottom being a clay.
This port, which we named de la Bodega1, is situated in 38. 18
N. Lat. and 18. 4 W. Long, from S. Bias.
On the 4th of October, at two in the morning, on the first
flow of the tide, in a contrary direction to that of the currents,
the sea ran so high that our whole ship was entirely covered by
it, at the same time that the boat on the side of her was broken
into shivers.
There is not sufficient depth of anchorage at the mouth of this
port, for a vessel to resist this violence of surge, when it is occasioned by the causes before-mentioned.
If we had been apprized of this circumstance, we should have
either continued where we were first at anchor, or otherwise sailed
further from the mouth of the harbour.
In all parts of this port, which we had an opportunity of sounding, the bottom is nearly of the same depthk. The entrance is
very easy with the prevailing wind of N.W. but in leaving it,
if the wind blows from the same quarter, it is necessary to get
further out to sea from the Points^. If the wind blows from the
S.W. E. or S. it is not necessary to take this precaution"1.
1 The Captain of the Schooner. The Latitude of this harbour coincides nearly with that discovered by Sir Francis Drake; but the Spaniards
would scarcely  insert this brave heretic in their Calendar.
k A draft was made of this harbour.
1  Sc.  de  las Arenas.
m Because then the wind and  currents  do not oppose  each  other.
We 49/517
Northward of California in 1775
We observed, that the tides in this Latitude are regular, as in
Europe, it being high water at noon, when the moon is new.
The mountains near this port are entirely naked in every part
of them"; but we observed that those more inland were covered
with trees.
The plains near the sea-coast had a good verdure, and seemed
to invite cultivation.
About eight in the morning of the 4th of October the sea
became more calm, on which the Indians came round us as
before, in their canoes, offering us the same presents, which had
the same return.
At nine we set sail, and having doubled the point del Cordon"
we steered S. S.W. the wind being moderate, and at W. in order
to reach a Cape, which appeared to the S. at the distance of about
five leagues.
On the fifth we sailed near those small islands which the charts
and history of California place at the entrance of the harbour of
S. Francisco ; but as we were very clear that the harbour which
we had just left, was not that thus called, we continued to steer
N. E. (and between some of these islands) in order to reach the
Cape before mentioned, when we intended to approach the coast,
and look out for the port of S. Francisco.
At noon on this same day we had an observation, and found
these islands to be in 37. 55. N. Lat. lying to the S.W. of the
Cape at the distance of three leagues.
As soon as we reached the Cape we ran along the coast which
lay to the E. and N.E. about the distance of a cannon's shot;
and by six in the evening we were not above two miles distant
n This  probably arises   from   their being exposed   to   the N.W.  which is
the   prevailing  wind.
0 This   point  undoubtedly   is   marked   in   the   Spanish   Chart.
.-*'-"--■• ■ -.rdjiyj grrr- r—-trr 58
Journal of a Voyage
from the mouth of the harbour of St. Francis; but having no
boatp, or other convenience for this purpose, we resolved to
stand for Monterey, and double another Cape, which projected
still further from the coast \
At ten at night it fell calm; which continued till the 6th at
noon, when the wind was moderate at W. and we steered
S. S.W.
By eight at night the wind freshened from the N.W. with
squalls and mists.
On the 7th, at eight in the morning, we conceived ourselves
to be in the latitude of Monterey, which we endeavoured therefore to keep in, though the weather was so misty, that we could
not see half a league.
At three in the evening we discovered the coast to the S.W.
at the distance of a mile; and finding that we now entered a bay,
we soon afterwards discovered the S. Carlos at anchor, and
therefore knew that we were now in the port of Monterey. On
this we fired some cannon, and boats immediately came out to
us, by whose assistance we anchored in three fathoms, the bottom
being a sand.
This port is situated in 36 44. N. Lat. & 17 W. of S. Bias.
On the 8th we landed our sick, and amongst the rest our
captain and myself, who had suffered more from the scurvy than
any of them. Not one of the whole crew indeed was free from
this complaint.
We immediately experienced the kind offices of the Fathers
established at this mission, who procured for us all the refreshments they were able, with the most perfect charity.   In truth,
p It having been demolished by a heavy sea not long before.
4 That is, than the before-mentioned  Cape.
we 51/519
Northward of California in 1775
we could not possibly have so soon recovered from our distressed
situation, but by their unparalleled attentions to our infirmities,
which they removed by reducing themselves to a most pitiful
Don Fernando de Rivuera, who commanded at this port, was
equally kind, in supplying our wants, so that in about a month
we were pronounced to be so much better in point of health,
that we determined to return to S. Bias.
We sailed therefore from Monterey on the 1st of November,
and D. Bruno Heceta supplied us with some hands from the
Frigate, the crew of which had not suffered so much from the
scurvy as that of the schooner. At the distance however of two
leagues it fell calm so that we continued in sight of the port till
the 4th, the wind being at S. & S.W.
On the 4th at noon the wind was favourable from the N.W.
aud we continued steering S. till the 13 th when we approached
the coast of California in 24. 15. N. Lat. and kept along it till
Cape St. Lucas, which we left at six in the evening on the
We suppose this Cape to be in N. Lat. 22. 49. & W. Long,
from S. Bias 5. 0.
On the 16th we saw the Islands of Maria, and on the 20th
in the evening we cast anchor in the port of S. Bias.
Thus ended our voyage of discovery; and I trust that the
fatigues and distresses which we suffered will redound to the advantage and honour of our invincible Sovereign, whom may
God always keep under his holy protection!
Francisco Antonio Maurelle.
^UMii^ <yuiyt'-4j.mi7j'_ .
Observations of the Journalist D. Antonio Maurelle;
arising from what happened during the course of the voyage,
with regard to the best method of making Discoveries on the
W. coast of America, to the Northward of California.
IT may be objected, at the outset of these Observations, that
the experience arising from a single voyage in those seas is not
sufficient to form any solid advice on this head, which may be
thoroughly depended upon. To this I answer, that our continuance on this coast was for more than eight months, and therefore must have afforded us sufficient grounds on which to build
reasonable presumptions, though I cannot presume to offer them
to future navigators in any stronger light.
There is no occasion to give any directions about the passage
from S. Bias to Monterey, since this course hath been so frequently sailed after the establishment at the latter, and the best
method of making this navigation is therefore so well known.
Suffice it then to say, that the short passage to windward, as
far as the islands of Maria, is necessary, on account of the currents, which would otherwise soon carry a ship in sight of Cape
St. Lucas,, where probably the voyage would be retarded by
Some are of opinion, that you should not sail Northward till
you are considerably to the Windward of these islands; but I do
not see the use of this loss of time, and think that it is sufficient
just to get to the W. of them, and then steer Northerly on the
very day you reach the parallel of the Marias.
In order to effect such voyage of discovery, it is necessary to
gain as much W. Longitude as the winds will permit, which
2/ [60]    520/52 53/521
Northward of California in 1775
blow from the N.W. to the N. as far as 15 degrees W\ and
which only permit a course to the W.N.W. E. or E.S.E.
whilst often such trade wind extends still further to the W.
Notwithstanding this circumstance the ship should never lie to,
much less steer Eastward, as thus the voyage would be much retarded.
From these 15 degrees of Westing, to 30 in the same direction, the wind is generally from N. E. to N. which will permit
a N.W. course. It may perhaps be advisable even to get a
Westing as far as 35 degrees, if the object of the voyage is to
reach 55. 60. or even 65b of Northern Latitude, because the
greater the Westing, the greater is the certainty of S. & S.W.
winds, which will be so favourable to such a destination.
If when this Westing hath been gained, the winds should prove
variable, I should still advise a N.E. course0. Under the supposition that the discoverer wants to fall in with the coast of
America, in 55 N. Lat. he should keep between 35 & 37 W.
Long, till he reaches that Latitude. If, on the contrary, he
wants to explore the same coast in N. Lat. 60. I should then
advise a N.W. course to be pursued till he hath gained a Westing of 39 degrees. If the navigator wishes to make discoveries
even so high as 65 N. Lat. I conceive that he should then have
a westing of 45 degrees, when he hath gained this parallel.
With these precautions I imagine that the persevering navigator
would accomplish the height of his wishes.
a i. e.   probably   from   S.   Bias.
b It appears by the Journal, that they were instructed to proceed
thus far N. if possible, which idea was probably taken from Ellis's Preface to the N. W. Passage, many extracts from which are made by
Venegas, in his Histoiy of California, and particularly what relates to this
supposed   Latitude   of  65.
c en el primer quadrante, as I conceive the Spaniards make the N. E.
the first quarter ; the S. E. the second ; the S. W. the third; and the
N. W. the   fourth.
H / X x x As
; ..mjuia).j.+ lMi,jj.^ 62
Journal of a Voyage
As accidents however will happen in all voyages, which may
drive the ship upon the coast in a lower latitude, I would then
by all means advise to gain a Westing, as far as 200 leagues
from the land. But it must be remembered that at perhaps 150
leagues W. the wind may be variable, though I am confident it
cannot be depended upon, as favourable for any time, and would
soon veer to the N.W. For these reasons I hold it to be absolutely necessary, that a westing of at least 200 leagues should be
procured, till N. Lat. 50 is reached.
If the ship is blown upon the coast in lower latitudes,
the crew not only suffers commonly from fatigue and sickness,
but so much time is lost, that winter comes on before the
great object of such a voyage can be compleated. I would
therefore advise sailing from S. Bias at the end of January,
or at latest the beginning of February; and for this additional
reason, that the crew would not suffer so much from change of
temperature in the different climates, if without stopping in any
lower latitude, they at once come upon the coast of America in
55. Here they might rest a little from their fatigues, procure
water, recover by that fine aird if indisposed; besides, that in this
latitude there would be no occasion to lose time in procuring a
further Westing, as here the winds are very variable.
It need be scarcely said, that the knowing the weather, which
commonly prevails in these seas, is of much importance to navigators ; and it is still less necessary to advise, that particular attention should be paid to the appearances in the horizon which
d The port of los Remedies is here alluded to, which is in 57. 18. and
where the crew recovered very fast from the warmth of the air, attributed to Vulcanoes in the neighbourhood. S. Bias, being in N. Lat.
22. is consequently more cool in January than perhaps any month of
the  year, whilst  they  would  be  in  55  perhaps  at  Midsummer.
threaten 55/523
Northward of California in 1775
threaten a storm. These however are not much to be apprehended till N. Lat. 40. as between S. Bias and that parallel, such
lowering clouds either disperse themselves very soon, or fall in
rain, which lulls the sea.
From 40 to 50 degrees N. (supposing the ship to have gained
a Westing of 200 leagues from the American coast,) these appearances are more to be watched, as in these latitudes the
S. wind blows fresh, though pretty constant.
It is to be observed also, that the S.W. in these parallels is
sometimes stronger than the S. for which reason I would advise
not to carry much sail.
This last precaution is still more necessary in higher latitudes
than 50, since the S.W. often blows so violently that it is prudent to lie to, as these squalls do not last for any time.
I also particularly advise the navigator to guard against the
effects of winds from the E. which sometimes are violent in these
latitudes; not but that sometimes W. winds are equally blustering, )^et they are not so common, nor last so long. It should
also be noticed, that the higher the latitude, the more such weather is to be apprehended.
When the coast of America is very near, there is no regular
wind but the N.W. and this holds to the Southward from 54
N. Lat. it sometimes blows indeed fresh from this quarter, but
there is no objection to this, when the ship is on its return6.
The sea from S. Bias to 40 degrees N. Lat. runs commonly
high, when the wind is at N.W. or N. but as it does not often
blow with violence from this quarter, these seas are generally
c It must be remembered, that for this reason the Journalist advises
the navigator who wants to reach a high N. Latitude, to gain so large a
Westing   from  the   coast   of  America.
H 2 / Xxx 2
wjWMi^javiu 64
Journal of a Voyage
navigable. From Lat. 40 to 50 (when near the coast) the sea
often runs still higher, meeting the tide from the shoar, but I do
not mean to raise too great apprehensions on this account.
At the distance however of 100 leagues from the coast the seas
are often still heavier; so that I would advise lying to, if the
wind is not favourable.
From 50 degrees upwards the seas rise proportionably with
the winds, particularly if they blow from the S. or S.W. but
soon become calm when the weather clears.
[Here follow some observations, with regard to the effect of
the moon upon the weather, which I shall not translate, as the
influence of this planet in such respect seems now to be much
As approaches to the coast ought always to put the navigator
on his guard, he may depend upon the following signs for its not
being far distant.
When the coast is about 80 or 90 leagues to the E. those
sea-plants appear which I have before called Orange heads; but I
must now add, that from the state of them, as they float, one
may sometimes infer, that the land is not so far distant.
Its figure much resembles the fistular stalk of garlicke; and
from the top of its head hang some long leaves, by which the
plant is fixed to the rocks. Now if these leaves are tolerably
perfect, they afford a strong presumption, that they have not
floated far from the coast. On the contrary, those which have
been wafted to a considerable distance, have generally lost this
head, and the stalk becomes more rough, when you may suppose that you are 50 leagues from the land.
e The appearance of this plant on the coast of California, is noticed in
Lord Anson's  Voyage.
6/ At
I 57/525
Northward of California in 1775
At the same distance the sea begins to indicate, by its colour,
that you are in soundings, but this circumstance requires some
attention and habit; when you are not more than 30 or 40
leagues from the coast, this appearance is much more distinguishable, though if you was to cast anchor you would not find
any bottom. In this same situation you will likewise perceive
birds, sea-wolves', otters, and whales, together with the plant
Zacate del Mar before-mentioned, which hath long and narrow
leaves. When these circumstances are observed, you may depend
upon seeing land the same day, or that following.
At the same time you will perceive, that the sea is of an iron
colour, and looks as if it had small boats, with sails upon the
surface2, whilst birds resembling lories, with a red head, bill, and
legs, fly around; their body is black.
As concealed shoals are often so dangerous to the navigator, I
think I may pronounce you may sail in perfect safety at the distance of a league from the most suspicious parts of this whole
If the discoverer should first put into port in N. L. 55.17. he
will find an inleth, which hath good soundings in all parts of it
towards the N. and perhaps the best point' of the whole coast, if
the ship keeps at the distance of three leagues from it.
f Lobos Marinos,   perhaps Seals.
e Unas  aguas  malas de color morado,   que  paracen   unos   barquichuelos,
con  belas latinas.
h Una  entrada.
' The Journalist   does   not  any further   explain  why best. !■■(
Journal of a Voyage
W. Long.
Dist. from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
March 1
21 25
21 34
4 30*
21 39
21 43
21 47
21 14
21 36
21 34
1 20
20 15
20 10
1 59
19 51
19 49
3   2
19 25
19 17
4 10
19 23
19   4
5    1
18 56
18 42
5 37
18 42
18 33
5 37
104 59/527
Northward of California in 1775
W. Long.
Hist, from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
April 1
18 36
18 33
5 37
18 35
18 33
5 48
5 13*
18 56
18 48
5 27
18 36
18 30
6   8
18 25
18 15
6 37
18   2
17 48
7 31i/2
17 48
17 43
8 36
17 42
17 42
9 28
17 43
17 45
10 22i/2
17 42
17 35
11    8
17 47
17 48
12 42
17 54
17 44
12 22i/2
17 49
17 44
13 54
17 55
17 47
14 39
18 28
18 20
15 35
19   6
16 24i/2
19 51
19 50
17 25i/2
20 33
20 19
18 16i/2
20 42
20 37
18 50i/2
20 53
19 14 '
21   8
20 47
21 16
21   4
21 34i/2
21 24
21 21
22 15
21 55
21 47
23 13
23 31
22 32
23    8
23 20
23 22
24 13
24   8
24 14
24 58
24 48
24 50
25 32
25 25
25 17
25 30
26   3
25 57
26 22
Tynjjwa^... 68
Journal of a Voyage
W. Long.
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
May 1
26 29
26 31
27 07
26 45
26 44
27 19
26 55
26 50
27 31
17 39
27 30
28 18
28 39
28 37
28 12
29 30
29 15
30   9
30 14
30 19
30 54
30 36
30 45
31 41
31 18
32 15
32 12
32 10
32 50
33 13
33 15
32 45
33 57
34   3
31 56
34 29
34 35
30 50
34 26
34 30
30 12
34 46
34 54
31   6
34 50
34 50
31 82
34 49
34 49
31 17
35 46
35 45
30 20
36 42
36 45
28 42
37   6
37   1
27 46
37 42
37 46
28 41
38   9
38   8
29 33
37 48
37 46
29 10
183 -
37 29
37 26
29   3
37 14
37 11
28 51
37   6
29 12
37 10
29   3
37 48
37 25
28 15i/2
37 47
37 45
27 21
37 59
26 35
saaa 61/529 Northward of California in 1775
W. Long.
Dist. from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
June 1
38 21
38 14
26 12
39   3
25 26
39 46
39 51
24 38
40 13
23 55
13 30
41 11
41 22
22 58
41 41
41 37
21 15
41 49
41 30
20 19
49 59
41 14
13 13
14 30
41 25
19   4
41 17
41   7
41   7
19   4
40 59
19 21
40 53
19 41
40 59
40   7
20 56
40 25
21 41
40   2
23    1
39 45
39 23
24   7
39 24
39 20
25 40
39 21
39 21
26 40
39 22
26 30
39 51
• 26 45
33 43
26 25
40 26
40 16
I/Yyy 70
Journal of a Voyage
W. Long.
Dist. from
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
July  1
41    2
41    1
26 14
47 17
42 15
26 49
43 25
43 24
26 50
44 21
26 301/
44 27
26 10
44 24
25 47
46 10
26   6
46 59
47   3
25 47
47 44
47 37
24 20
47 45
47 35
23 28i/2
48 32
48 26
22 17
48    1
47 39
21 53
47 41
47 28
21 34
47 24
47 20
21 19
47 23
47   7
21 40
17 30
47 20
47 13
22   3
47 17
47   9
22 22
47   3
46 32
23 32
46 34
46 26
24 28
46 18
46 17
25 29
46   6
45 57
27   5
45 50
45 44
28 18
45 44
45 41
29 24
45 51
45 52
30 32
46   4
46   9
29 59
46 34
46 32
29 52
47   6
47   5
29 19
47 45
47 40
29 41
48 10
47 50
28 44
47 21
47 21
29 32
46 55
30   9
117 63/531
Northward of California in 1775
W. Long.
Dist. from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
Aug. 1
46 34
30 56
46 45
46 40
31 52
46 40
46 35
32 46
46 29
46 16
33 39
46 47
46 47
34   5
47 49
47 50
34   6
48 26
48 24
34 12
48 39
34   7
49 11
49   9
34   7
50 18
34 54
51 24
51 34
34 58
52 18
52 27
53 39
53 54
35 26
54 58
55   4
36   7
55 53
56   8
35 47
56 43
56 44
35 15
56 54
57   2
35 27
57 21
35 27
57 55
57 57
38   2
57 10
57   8
35 50
56   1
33 46
55 17
55 17
33 24
56   6
55   6
33 22
55 36
34 39
55 55
55 55
34 32
56 21
56 41
56 47
35 32
% 72
Journal of a Voyage
W. Long.
Dist. from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
Sept.  1
56 31
16 10
56   5
56   3
36 22
23 30
55 45
55 47
36 39
55 28
36 33
55   8
55   7
37   5
54 40
54 42
36 27
54 53
36 56
55   4
36 56
54 39
54 32
35 22
54   4
54   6
34   6
53 54
53 52
32 19
52 58
31   5
52 11
52   9
51 14
51 16
29 35
50   4
50 12
27   2
49 23
49 21
25 38
48 51
48 53
24 35
48 37
48 33
23 40
47 50
47 49
23 10
47 11
47 12
22 33
46 21
21 58
46 20
22 42
45 38
22 35
44 47
44 47
21 12
44 17
44 19
21   2
43 15
43 16
21 20
42 37
21 41
42 37
21 41
41    1
40 54
21 41
39 38
39 42
21 11
mm 65/533
Northward of California in 1775
the Month
Oct.   1
39 17
38 49
38 16
38 16
37 54
37 45
36 43
36 46
39 15
38 49
38 16
38 16
37 53
37 43
36 42
W. Long.
San Bias
20 26
19 22
19 24
19 4
18 47
17 17
of the
Dist. from
the coast of
gteSSaSSRa! Journal of a Voyage
W. Long.
Dist. from
Day of
of the
the coast of
the Month
San Bias
Nov. 2
36 44
36 42
17   5
36 28
17 27
36   6
36 11
17 42
34 41
34 36
17 25
32 50
32 48
16 58
30 56
30 57
16   2
29 32
15 18
28 52
14 45
28 21
27 52
14 13
27 16
27   8
13 26
26 16
26 12
12 13
25 18
25 16
10 46
24 53
24 37
8 58
24 15
24   1
6 56
23   2
5 25
22 20
22 22
4   3
21 54
21 53
2 38
21 45
21 44
0 46
21 36
21 34
0   2
AD-  I
I ADDENDA to p. 18, note [a]
Having admitted in this note, that I do not thoroughly understand the journalist's description, it is right to add, that the
manner mentioned of disfiguring the face, is illustrated by a
wooden masque in Sir Ashton Lever's Museum, brought from no
distant latitude on this same coast of America.
P. 14. Fifth line from the bottom.
I am informed by a gentleman long resident at Cadiz, that
espiare signifies to warp as well as to spy; and I rather conceive
that in this passage it should have been so translated.
67/552    [75]
[7]  NOTES
Page 3   ni/471*
Archivo of Simanca. The Spanish title is, Archivo General
de Simancas; loosely, in English, the archives of Simancas.
Many of the archives were carried to Paris during the Napoleonic wars, but
some were returned later.    The government has made them now accessible.
Robertson's History of America.
This work was first published in 1777 (2 vols., 4to). Notwithstanding the
statement in the note on page 3, Robertson obtained, through the influence of
friends, much valuable information from Spanish archives. Robertson is reckoned
among the best British historical writers, but it is said of him that he was too apt
to be satisfied with secondary and commonplace authorities. His researches have
been surpassed, or corrected and amplified, by Prescott, in regard to America.
Page 4   *472/iv
Venegas's History of California. The title-page of the original
edition reads: Noticia de la California, y de suConquistaTemporal,
y Espiritual hasta el Tiempo Presente. Sacada de la historia manu-
scrita, formada en Mexico ano de 1739. por el Padre Miguel
Venegas, de la Compafiia de Jesus; y de Otras Noticias, y Rela-
ciones antiguas, y modernas. Anadida de Algunas Mapas Particulares, y uno general de la America Septentrional, Asia Oriental,
y Mar del Sur intermedio, formados sobre las Memorias mas
recientes, y exactas, que se publican juntamente. Dedicada Al
Rey N.110 Sefior por la provincia de Nueva-Espana, de la Compafiia de Jesus. Tomo Primero [Segundo y Tercero]. ConLicencia.
En Madrid: En la Imprenta de la Viuda de Manuel Fernandez,
y del Supremo Consejo de la Inquisicion. Alio de M.D.CCLVII.
79 80
Journal of a Voyage
The title-page of the Spanish edition of Venegas's History of California is here
printed in full, and with all its inaccuracies and eccentricities, with the exception
of lines or single words set in capitals. Printers and authors make changes, seemingly for no better reason than to amend the original to conform to their ideas of
what it should be, whether right or wrong. Barrington's error —1747, instead
of 1757 — in the date of publication of Venegas is easily accounted for. The
English translation of Venegas was published in London in 1759, in two volumes,
and is a miserable piece of work. The reader will look therein in vain for the
part concerning the Northwest Passage; it is omitted. It will be noted that the
quotation on page 4 is from the Spanish edition. Greenhow, in his History of
Oregon and California (Boston, 1844), says of Venegas: —
This work, though usually attributed to Venegas, is doubtless chiefly due to the labors of
Father Andres Marcos Burriel. The portions relating to the proceedings of the Jesuits in California are highly interesting, and bear every internal mark of truth and authenticity. The observations on the policy of the Spanish government towards its American possessions are replete
with wisdom, and indicate more liberality, as well as boldness, on the part of the authors, than
could have been reasonably expected, considering the circumstances under which they were
written and published.
Page 5   v/473*
Chappe Dauteroche = Jean Chappe d'Auteroche.
This eminent French astronomer was sent byl'Academie des Sciences to California in 1769 to observe the transit of Venus, but he died at San Jose del Cabo
shortly after his arrival. His Voyage de la Californie was published in 1772, and
the English translation thereof in 1778. The map in the first edition of Maurelle's
Journal was deduced from observations made by him at San Jose del Cabo.
Page 6   fiftfif
St. Lewis de Sacatecas = San Luis de Zacatecas.
Guanacabelica = Huancavelica. A department and one of the
richest cities of Peru.
Gage's Survey of the West Indies. The general title of this
work reads: A New Survey of the West-India's; or the English
American, his Travail by Sea and Land : containing a Journal of
Three hundred Miles within the main Land of America. By
. . . Thomas Gage, Preacher.
The first edition of this work appeared in 1648. Gage, an English Catholic
missionary to Spanish America, on his return to England embraced Protestantism,
and his work, by showing the defenseless condition of the Spanish possessions, led
to privateering expeditions against them.   Southey the poet wrote in his copy,—
J Notes = 6-8
Northward of California in 1775
Gage was a great scoundrel, and has transcribed part of his book from an old translation of
Gomara [Francisco Lopez de Gomara (1510-1559), author of Historia General de las Indias].
We may trust him, however, for Jamaica, where he was killed when the conquest of that island
was made. There are many curious things in the book, and the author, like others of his stamp,
may be believed in those cases where he had no motives for telling a lie.
Don Alzate = Jose Antonio Alzate y Ramirez, a noted Mexican
scientist, and the author and translator of numerous works.
Page 7   vii/475*
Charts made by Maurelle on the Sonora.
As to the nine charts made by Maurelle, and referred to so often in the Journal, Bancroft (History of the Northwest Coast, vol. i, p. 166) states that they have
unfortunately never been published, and are not even known to exist in manuscript.
Register ship. Sp., registro, a single vessel from the Indies,
with goods registered in port.
Page 8   *476/vm
Don Juan Peres (Perez), the piloto of the Santiago, under
Heceta, in the present expedition, was, like Serra, a Majorcan.
Perez held the rank of alferez (ensign) de fragata in the royal navy, and had
been piloto, or sailing-master, in the Manila service. His MS. documents, etc.,
are much quoted by historians.
In "la santa expedicion" (sacred expedition) of Galvez, for the spiritual conquest of Nueva
California, in 1769, Perez was the commander of the San Antonio (otherwise El Principe), carrying supplies for the foundation of the new Franciscan establishments at San Diego and Monterey, and was the first to reach those ports. Portola, at the same time, going by land to these
ports, missing Monterey, accidentally discovered the Bay of San Francisco. In the first Bucareli
expedition north of California, in 1774, Perez, with orders to follow the coast northward of 60°,
sailed from San Bias on January 24th, in command of the Santiago (otherwise Nueva Galicia),
carrying Serra and officials to San Diego, where they arrived on March 13th. The coast was
surveyed to 55°, but no landing was anywhere made, and on July 22d the return voyage was
begun. Monterey was reached on August 27th, and San Bias on November 3d. In the second
expedition sent northward of California by Bucareli,—that of 1775, in which De la Bodega y
Quadra was in command of the Sonora, and Maurelle, the author of this Journal, was piloto,—
Perez was the piloto primero of Heceta, comandante of the expedition, in the Santiago. Latitude
49° was reached by the Santiago on August 11th,—they had left San Bias on March 16th,—
when they returned south. Monterey was reached on August 29th, where the scurvy-stricken
members of the crew were landed, and all hospitably entertained by the padres of the Mission
of San Carlos Borromeo. The Santiago with Heceta and Perez was at Monterey when the
Sonora with De la Bodega and Maurelle arrived there on October 7th, and both sailed together
for San Bias on November 1st, arriving on the 20th. Perez died on the second day out, in sight
of Mision San Carlos.    He was a friend of the Padre Presidente Junipero Serra.
■w 82
Journal of a Voyage
Notes = 8, 9
Attempts of the English to discover a N.W. Passage.
Alarm was undoubtedly felt by the Spaniards that the English might transfer
the scene of their operations to the coast of California should they discover a
Northwest Passage. The attempts of Arthur Dobbs, and especially the publication in 1748 of Ellis's Voyage, led to the printing of an appendix relating thereto
in Venegas's Noticia de California, but omitted from the English translation, as
stated in the note to page 4 (p. 80, ante).   Ellis's title-page is reprinted below.
A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, by the Dobbs Galley and California, in 1746 and 1747, for Discovering a North West Passage; with An Accurate Survey of the Coast, and a short Natural
History of the Country. Together with A Fair View of the Facts and Arguments from which
the future finding of such a Passage is rendered possible. By Henry Ellis, Gent. Agent for the
Proprietors in the said Expedition. To which is prefixed, An Historical Account of the Attempts
hitherto made for the finding a Passage that Way to the East-Indies. Illustrated with proper
cuts, and a new and correct Chart of Hudson's-Bay, with the countries adjacent. London :
Printed for H. Whitridge, at the Royal Exchange.    M.DCC.XLVIII.
Page 9   ix/477*
Captain James Cook.   Voyage to the Northwest Coast.
This famous English navigator was, like Drake, of obscure parentage, his father
being a farm-laborer. He was born in Yorkshire in 1728. Entering the royal
navy in 1755 as a volunteer, he soon distinguished himself, and promotion followed
recognition of his merits as a navigator of the first order. He discovered the Sandwich Islands on January 18, 1778, proceeding thence to the Northwest Coast,
sighting it just north of California, and, sailing northward, surveyed the whole
coast, including Nootka Sound, Alaska, the Aleutian Islands, and Bering's Strait,
until the ice-barrier prevented farther progress, resulting in his bitter disappointment in not finding a Northwest Passage. Then surveying the northeast coast of
Asia, he returned to the Sandwich Islands, where he was killed by the natives on
the island of Hawaii, February 13, 1779.    The title-page of his voyages follows.
A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Undertaken by the command of His Majesty, for Making
Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere, To determine the position and extent of the west side
of North America; its Distance from Asia; and the practicability of a northern passage to
Europe. Performed under the direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore, in His Majesty's
ships the Resolution and Discovery, in the Years 1776, 1777,1778, 1779, and 1780. Vol. I. and
II. by Captain James Cook, F. R. S. Vol. III. by Captain James King, LL. D. and F. R. S.
Illustrated with Maps and Charts [etc. ] . . . Published by Order of the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty.  .  .  . London:  Printed .  .  .  For G. Nicol, .  .  .  MDCCLXXXIV.
Dr. Halley.   Variation of the needle.
Dr. Edmund Halley (1656—1742), the celebrated English astronomer, better
remembered in connection with the comet which bears his name, published, in
1701, the work entitled A General Chart Showing the Variation of the Needle. notes=ii      Northward ^California in 1775
San Bias. Page n    3/47i
This port, so intimately associated with the early history of the Californias and
the Missions, owed its importance to its naval establishment. The town is built on
a rock 150 feet high, which rises out of a low swampy plain. The Viceroy Bucareli, in 1773, had determined to abandon the port, but Junipero Serra, who visited
him in that year, represented to him, says Forbes in his History of California, that
this was the only place from which a communication could be kept up with California, and so fully impressed him with the importance of the new Missions, that
he not only consented to continue the establishment, but also ordered a frigate (the
Santiago) to be finished for the purpose of exploring the coast of Nueva California.
GCfie Pell* of &an ?Blas
The Last Poem Written by Longfellow — March 15, 1882
What say the Bells of San Bias
To the ships that southward pass
From the harbor of Mazatlan ?
To them it is nothing more
Than the sound of surf on the shore,—
Nothing more to master or man.
But to me, a dreamer of dreams,
To whom what is and what seems
Are often one and the same,— '
The Bells of San Bias to me
Have a strange, wild melody,
And are something more than a name.
For bells are the voice of the church;
They have tones that touch and search
The hearts of young and old;
One sound to all, yet each
Lends a meaning to their speech,
And the meaning is manifold.
They are a voice of the Past,
Of an age that is fading fast,
Of a power austere and grand,
When the flag of Spain unfurled
Its folds o'er this western world,
And the Priest was lord of the land.
The chapel that once looked down
On the little seaport town
Has crumbled into the dust;
And on oaken beams below
The bells swing to and fro,
And are green with mold and rust.
"Is, then, the old faith dead,"
They say, "and in its stead
Is some new faith proclaimed,
That we are forced to remain
Naked to sun and rain,
Unsheltered and ashamed ?
"Once, in our tower aloof,
We rang over wall and roof
Our warnings and our complaints;
And round about us there
The white doves filled the air,
Like the white souls of the saints.
"The saints !    Ah, have they grown
Forgetful of their own ?
Are they asleep, or dead,
That open to the sky
Their ruined Missions lie,
No longer tenanted ?
'' Oh, bring us back once more
The vanished days of yore,
When the world with faith was filled j
Bring back the fervid zeal,
The hearts of fire and steel,
The hands that believe and build.
"Then from our tower again
We will send over land and main
Our voices of command,
Like exiled kings who return
To their thrones, and the people learn
That the Priest is lord of the land !''
O Bells of San Bias, in vain
Ye call back the Past again ;
The Past is deaf to your prayer!
Out of the shadows of night
, The world rolls into light;
It is daybreak everywhere. [ire
Journal of a Voyage
Notes = 11,13
Fero H Ferro, the Spanish Hierro.
The most southwestern of the Canary Islands. The promontory on its west
coast, now called Dehesa, was formerly famous as the point through which the
universal first meridian was drawn.    It is 17   40' west of Greenwich.
Mons. Bellin's charts.
Carte reduite de 1'Ocean septentrional, compris entre l'Asie et 1'Amerique,
suivant les Decouvertes faites par les Russes.    Par N Bellin.    Paris, 1766.
Page 13    5/473
Don Antonio Maria Bucareli and Ursua.
The most popular and the most successful of the viceroys of Nueva Espana,
El Bailio Frey Don Antonio Maria Bucareli y Ursiia was born at Seville, January
24, 1717, and died at Mexico, April 9, 1779. As his paternal surname indicates,
his ancestors on that side were of Italian origin, and on both sides the families
from which he sprang were illustrious, and he nobly upheld the best qualities of
the Latin race. Viceroy from 1771 until his death, he was the friend of Serra
and of the Missions, the indefatigable promoter of shipbuilding and navigation and
discovery on the Californian and Northwest coasts.
His Majesty = Charles III of Spain.
Don Carlos III, one of the Bourbon kings of Spain, was born January 20, 1716;
on February 27, 1767, issued a mandate for the expulsion of the Jesuits from his
dominions, which was confirmed by the pragmatic sanction of April 2d; he was,
at various times, at war with England, France, and the Moors; died at Madrid,
December 14, 1788.
Don Bruno Heceta, comandante of the fragata Santiago.
Heceta was a teniente de navfo, or lieutenant in the royal navy, and was the
comandante of this the second expedition sent out by Bucareli to survey the coast
northward of California. Maurelle, in his Journal, has recorded the movements
of Heceta in the Santiago until she was lost sight of by the Sonora on July 31st.
An extract from the report of Heceta, showing further movements, will be found
farther along in this note. The Santiago had reached latitude 49° on August 11th,
when, the crew being stricken with scurvy, Heceta headed southward, surveying,
as recorded in the report, the coast of the continent. He intended to enter the
new port of San Francisco, but, owing to the fogs, he could not find the entrance,
and Monterey was reached on August 29th. His scurvy-stricken crew being left
in the sympathetic charge of the good padres at San Carlos Borromeo, Heceta notes=i3       Northward of California in 1775
planned to assist Ayala in the survey of the bay and harbor of San Francisco, a
land party for that purpose, promised by Rivera, not having been sent. On the
14th of September they set out, escorted by nine soldiers. Fr. Miguel de la Campa
Cos, a chaplain of the Santiago (the other was Fr. Benito Sierra), and Fr. Francisco
Palou were sent by Junfpero Serra as chaplains, and to select the site for the future
Mission of San Francisco. Following the route of Rivera in 1774, on the 22d they
were at the beach just south of the present Cliff House. Here they found Ayala's
cayuco, the dugout built on the Rio Carmelo; and, following the beach to Punto
de los Lobos, ascended the hill, and on its summit, at the foot of the cross erected
there by Rivera in 1774, they found two letters from Fr. Vicente de Santa Maria,
the chaplain of the San Carlos, Ayala's paquebote. One of these letters directed
the land party to go a league inland and light a fire on the beach, which would be
seen by the San Carlos at her place of anchorage at the Isla de Nuestra Sefiora
de los Angeles in case she had not sailed for Monterey, the survey of the new port
of San Francisco being finished. The other letter was simply a notification of a
successful arrival and anchorage at the port. Heceta proceeded to the Punta del
Cantil Blanco (literally, the point of the precipitous white cliff),—the present Fort
Point,— and, the signals of the party meeting with no response, return was made
to the camp which they had left on the shores of a laguna, which they named La
Laguna de Nuestra Sefiora de la Merced (the lake of Our Mother of Mercy), on
the 24th of September, and from thence proceeded to Monterey, arriving there
on the 1st of October. The San Carlos had left San Francisco on September
18th, and arrived at Monterey the next day. This party of Heceta consisted of
only three sailors and a carpenter, besides the padres and the military escort. On
the back of a mule a small canoe was carried. How the supplies were carried,
history saith not. The party accomplished nothing. The goleta Sonora arrived
at Monterey on October 7th. Her stricken crew and that of the Santiago were
cared for at the Mission of San Carlos Borromeo, the headquarters of the Padre
Presidente Serra, and the command, again united, sailed for San Bias on November
1st, arriving on the 20th, Perez, the piloto primero of Heceta, dying two days out
from Monterey. Heceta's name does not further appear in California history.
Of this second expedition, Bucareli, in letters to Don Carlos III, stated that, if not
wholly disproved by this voyage, it at least has been reduced to a very slender possibility that there leads westward any passage from Hudson's Bay; he approved a
recommendation by Heceta that the port of Trinidad be fortified, and wrote in the
strongest terms of the courage and resourcefulness of De la Bodega y Quadra.
As to Heceta and Perez, on this voyage of the Santiago, must be credited the discovery of the mouth of the Columbia, it will be deemed proper to print, at this
point in these Notes, Greenhow' s translation of that part of Heceta's journal concerning the same, it being the personal narrative of Heceta. At the same time, in
a measure it helps to round out the record of accomplishment of the expedition.
The translation, as made by Greenhow, is not here changed in any way, although
faulty in places. 86
Journal of a Voyage
ExtraSl from the Report of Captain Bruno Heceta, commanding the
Spanish Corvette Santiago, in a Voyage along the North-West Coast of
America, in 1775, containing the Particulars of his Discovery of the
Mouth of the Great River, since called the Columbia.
From the original Report, preserved in the Hydrographical Office at Madrid.
Copied under the Supervision of Don Martin Fernandes de Navarate, the Chief of
that Department, whose  Certificate in Proof of its Authenticity is Appended to
the Copy.
On the 17th [of August, 1775] I sailed along the coast to the
46th degree, and observed that, from the latitude of 47 degrees 4
minutes to that of 46 degrees 40 minutes, it runs in the angle of
18 degrees of the second quadrant,* and from that latitude to 46
degrees 4 minutes, in the angle of 12 degrees of the same quadrant ; the soundings, the shore, the wooded character of the country, and the little islands, being the same as on the preceding days.
In the evening of this day, I discovered a large bay, to which
I gave the name of Assumption Bay, and of which a plan will be
found in this journal. Its latitude and longitude are determined
according to the most exact means afforded by theory and practice.
The latitudes of the two most prominent capes of this bay,
especially of the northern one, are calculated from the observations of this day. f
Having arrived opposite this bay at six in the evening, and
placed the ship nearly midway between the two capes, I sounded,
and found bottom in twenty-four brazas;\ the currents and eddies
* The card of the Spanish compass was formerly divided into four quadrants,
on which the points were counted by degrees.
t In the table accompanying the report, the position of the vessel is given on
the 17th of August, as in latitude of 46 degrees 17 minutes, which is within one
minute of the latitude of Cape Disappointment, (the Cape San Rogue of Heceta,)
the northern point, at the entrance of the Columbia; the longitude is made 15
degrees 38 minutes west of Cape San Lucas, the southern extremity of California,
which is about a degree and a half too far west, yet remarkably near the truth,
considering that the Spanish navigator was obliged to depend entirely on the dead
reckoning for his longitudes.
\ The Spanish hraza, or fathom, contains six Spanish feet, nearly equal to five
feet nine inches English. notes=i3       Northward of California in 1775
were so strong that, notwithstanding a press of sail, it was difficult
to get out clear of the northern cape, towards which the current
ran, though its direction was eastward, in consequence of the tide
being at flood.
These currents and eddies of the water caused me to believe
that the place is the mouth of some great river, or of some passage to another sea.
Had I not been certain of the latitude of this bay, from my
observations of the same day, I might easily have believed it to be
the passage discovered by Juan de Fuca, in 1592, which is placed
on the charts between the 47th and the 48th degrees; where I
am certain that no such strait exists; because I anchored on the
14th of July midway between these two latitudes, and carefully
examined every thing around.
Notwithstanding the great difference between the position of
this bay and the passage mentioned by De Fuca, I have little
difficulty in conceiving that they may be the same, having
observed equal or greater differences in the latitudes of other
capes and ports on this coast, as I shall show at its proper time;
and in all cases the latitudes thus assigned are higher than the
real ones.
I did not enter and anchor in this port, which in my plan I
suppose to be formed by an island, notwithstanding my strong
desire to do so; because, having consulted the second captain,
Don Juan Perez, and the pilot, Don Christoval Revilla, they
insisted that I ought not to attempt it, as, if we let go the anchor,
we should not have men enough to get it up, and to attend to
the other operations which would be thereby rendered necessary.
Considering this, and also that, in order to reach the anchorage,
I should be obliged to lower my long-boat, (the only boat that I
had,) and to man it with at least fourteen of the crew, as I could
not manage with fewer, and also that it was then late in the day, I
resolved to put out; and at the distance of three or four leagues
I lay to. In the course of that night, I experienced heavy currents to the south-west, which made it impossible for me to enter
the bay on the following morning, as I was far to leeward. w
Journal of a Voyage
These currents, however, convinced me that a great quantity of
water rushed from this bay on the ebb of the tide.
The two capes which I name in my plan Cape San Rogue * and
Cape Frondoso, f lie in the angle of ten degrees of the third quadrant.
They are both faced with red earth, and are of little elevation.
On the 18th, I observed Cape Frondoso, with another cape, to
which I gave the name of Cape Falcon, % situated in the latitude
of 45 degrees 43 minutes, and they lay at the angle of 22 degrees of
the third quadrant, and from the last-mentioned cape I traced the
coast running in the angle of five degrees of the second quadrant.
This land is mountainous, but not very high, nor so well wooded
as that lying between the latitudes of 48 degrees 30 minutes, and
46 degrees.
On sounding, I found great differences: at the distance of 7
leagues, I got bottom at 84 brazas; and nearer the coast, I sometimes found no bottom; from which I am inclined to believe
that there are reefs or shoals on these coasts, which is also shown
by the color of the water. In some places, the coast presents a
beach, in others it is rocky.
A flat-topped mountain, which I named The Table, § will enable
any navigator to know the position of Cape Falcon without observing it; as it is in the latitude of 45 degrees 28 minutes, and may
be seen at a great distance, being somewhat elevated.
* Cape Disappointment.
f Cape Adams.
X Cape Lookout.
§ Charke's [Clark's] Point of View.
Frigate (Sp., fragata) —the Santiago, or Nueva Galicia.
This vessel was built at San Bias. When Junipero Serra made his memorable
visit to the Viceroy Bucareli in Mexico in 1773, the port of San Bias was about to
be abandoned, and the Santiago, then on the stocks, would probably never have
been finished, had not Serra impressed upon the Viceroy the necessity of the port,
and the disadvantages attending the transportation overland of Mission supplies.
The Santiago, finished and ready for sea, was ordered by Bucareli on an exploring expedition
northward of California, rumors of encroachments by the Russians causing anxiety in old Spain,
aggravated by the fear that the English might be successful in discovering a Northwest Passage.
On January 24, 1774, the Santiago, under the command of Juan Perez, sailed from San Bias to
execute her commission, with Serra as a passenger to go to Monterey, and with supplies for the
northern Missions; but, says Forbes in his History of California, "Although they were bound Notes=13
Northward <?/~ California in 1775
direct to Monterey, yet, from some of those fatalities which never ceased to attend them, they
were obliged to put into San Diego, where they arrived on the 13th of March. . . . The frigate
afterwards pursued her voyage to Monterey, but Father Junipero chose to go overland for the
purpose of visiting the other Missions.'' The arrival of the Santiago with supplies, at Monterey, on May 9th, occasioned much joy and relieved dire distress. With instructions to reach
60°, and with Padre Juan Crespi and Padre Tomas de la Pefia as chaplains and diarists, Perez in
the Santiago sailed from Monterey on June 11th, surveyed the coast to the extremity of Queen
Charlotte Island in latitude 55°. Heading southwards, he passed the Farallones on August 26th,
and was at Monterey on the 27th; leaving there on October 9th, San Bias was reached on November 3d. Maurelle, in his Journal, having recorded the voyage of the Santiago under Heceta and
Perez, in the second expedition sent out by Bucareli in 1775, until her separation from the goleta
Sonora on July 31st, and her further movements on this voyage being recorded in the notes
(pp. 81, 84 et seq., ante) on Perez and Heceta, further notice thereof is not deemed necessary
here. On March 1, 1777, with Ignacio Arteaga as capitan and Francisco Castro as piloto, the
Santiago left San Bias for San Francisco, and arrived on May 12th,—the first vessel to sail from a
Mexican port direct to San Francisco. She sailed, on the return voyage, on May 27th, stopped
at Monterey on the 28th, and left on June 8th for San Bias. Padre Jose Nocedal acted as the
chaplain on this voyage. On June 17, 1778, with Juan Manuel de Ayala in command, Francisco
Castro and Juan Bautista Aguirre as pilotos, and Padre Jose Nocedal as chaplain, the Santiago
arrived at San Francisco, 105 days out from San Bias (March 8th); sailed on July 27th; stopped
at Monterey on the 31st to discharge supplies. With Serra as a passenger for San Diego, anchor
was weighed on August 25th, but contrary winds prevented sailing until September 6th, and San
Diego was reached on the 15th. On June 26, 1779, the Santiago again arrived at San Francisco,
with Estevan Jose Martinez as capitan, Jose Tobar as piloto, and, as chaplain, Rdo. Nicolas de
Ibera, the first secular priest in Nueva California, bringing information which created consternation among the missionaries,—proposed political changes, involving the erection of a new diocese, and the jurisdiction of the Viceroy of Nueva Espana; leaving San Francisco on July 26th,
the Santiago was nearly wrecked outside the harbor, and again off Punta de Ano Nuevo; she
stopped at Monterey and San Diego, remaining at the latter port till the middle of October.
On October 7,1780, the Santiago arrived at Monterey, with the same capitan and piloto as in
1779, and with a secular priest, Rdo. Miguel Davalos, as chaplain; discharging her supplies, she
immediately returned to San Bias, the supplies for the San Francisco establishment having to be
carried there on muleback. Arriving at San Bias in January, 1781, the Santiago was dispatched
to Peru for a cargo of quicksilver, and her subsequent history is to us unknown.
Schooner (Sp., goleta) = the schooner or goleta Sonora, also
called La Felicidad.
The measurements of this little craft, as well as her crew on this expedition,
are given in an old Spanish work as una goleta de 18 codos de quilla y 6 de
manga, tripulado con un piloto, un contramaestre, un guardian, diez marineros, un paje y un
criado"; which, freely translated into English, is, a schooner of thirty-six feet keel and twelve
feet beam, manned by a mate, a boatswain, a storekeeper (that is, of arms, as well as stores), ten
sailors, a cabin-boy, and a servant.    The depth (eight feet) is omitted in the measurement.
Don Juan de Ayala = Don Juan Manuel de Ayala.
Ayala was born in the historic town of Osuna, Andalucia, December 27,1745;
entered the Marine Corps, September 19,1760; commissioned alferez de fragata,
October 10, 1767;  alferez de navfo, June 15,1769; teniente de fragata, April 28,
[8] 90
Journal of a Voyage
Notes =13
1774, in which year, at Mexico, he was ordered to San Bias, where he was given command of
the Sonora, and later transferred to the San Carlos, as recorded in the Journal. Ayala awaited
the return of the boat which carried his demented predecessor, Manrique, back to San Bias, and
on the 21st of March sailed for the new port of San Francisco. Early in April he was severely
wounded in one foot when a loaded pistol, belonging to Manrique, fell on the floor of the cabin,
and the active work involved in the survey of the harbor of San Francisco necessarily devolved
upon his pilotos, Canizares and Aguirre. Ayala was, however, the first commander of a vessel
to pass through the Golden Gate,—the San Carlos, late in the evening of August 5,1775. (See
notes post, to page 14, on the San Carlos, and to page 58, on San Francisco.) Ayala was afterwards made teniente de navio, February, 1776, and capitan de fragata, December 21,1782. He
returned to Spain, July, 1784; was retired, at his own request, March 14,1785, and was granted,
in consideration of his services in California, full pay as capitan de fragata. He died on the 13th
of December, 1797.
Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega == Don Juan Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra (or Cuadra).
De la Bodega, like Ayala, was a teniente de fragata at the time of the sailing of
the Sonora from San Bias. On the third Bucareli expedition in 1779, he was
comandante of La Favorita, or Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios, a vessel built in
Peru, and Maurelle was segundo capitan. Canizares and Aguirre were pilotos, as
they had been, in 1775, on the San Carlos. Rdo. Cristobal Diaz, a secular priest from Lima, was
chaplain. Don Bruno Heceta (see note ante, page 84), who commanded the Santiago in 1775,
was at first named as comandante of the expedition and also of La Princesa, or Nuestra Sefiora
del Rosario, a vessel built at San Bias, but subsequently, and before sailing, the command was
given to Don Ignacio de Arteaga, although De la Bodega, in consideration of former services,
was entitled thereto. Fernando Quiros y Miranda was segundo capitan of La Princesa, and Jose
Camacho and Juan Pantoja y Arriaga were pilotos. The Padres Juan Garcia Riobo and Matias
Noriega were chaplains. The vessels sailed from San Bias on February 11,1779, under orders to
reach 70° N. They attained about 60°, but, being attacked by scurvy, Arteaga ordered a return,
against the protests of De la Bodega and Maurelle, for which he is severely criticised by historians.
Drakes Bay was surveyed on the way south. La Favorita entered the port of San Francisco on the
14th of September, and La Princesa on the 15th, and an enthusiastic reception was accorded the
officers and crews. The Padre Presidente Serra, then at Monterey, was invited by the officers
of the expedition to come to San Francisco, but, declining, De la Bodega and Padre Palou, with
others, set out to visit him at the Mision San Carlos. Serra, in the mean time, had changed his
mind, and he met his visitors at the Mision Santa Clara. He had walked all the way from
Monterey, and refused the offer of the surgeon of the expedition to treat his ulcerated leg. A
short time after the return of De la Bodega and party, with Serra, to San Francisco, a courier
arrived overland with tidings of the death of Bucareli, and of the declaration of war by Spain
against England. Dreading hostilities on the high seas, La Princesa and La Favorita sailed
hastily for San Bias on October 30th, arriving there on November 21st. De la Bodega, later,
was comandante of the San Bias naval establishment, and while there, in 1791, made the draft of
the Carta General of Spanish discoveries and explorations on the Californian and northwestern
Pacific coast up to that year, which carta is the basis and the principal part of the map accompanying this volume. In 1792, De la Bodega was ordered to Nootka to take command of the
Spanish forces, and to treat with Vancouver in the Nootka convention. He spent the winter of
that year in California, and at Monterey royally entertained Vancouver upon his visit there.
De la Bodega was born in Lima in 1744, and died at San Bias in March, 1794. notes=14      Northward ^California in 1775
Page 14   474/vi
S. Carlos = the paquebote San Carlos, or El Toison de Oro
(=the Golden Fleece).
The San Carlos is famous in the history of California as the first vessel known
to have passed through La Bocana de la Ensenada de los Farallones (so called by
Don Pedro Fages in 1772), the present Golden Gate. The San Carlos, with the
San Antonio or El Principe, was built at San Bias in 1768, as a supply-ship to be
used in connection with the new Franciscan establishments in Nueva California.
She was a boat of eleven sails," of not more than two hundred tons burden, and
had been hastily and imperfectly constructed. Her first voyage was to Guaymas, in Sonora, in
March, 1768, carrying troops thereto for the suppression of Indian uprisings. Returning to San
Bias, she was partially laden with supplies for the proposed new establishments at San Diego and
Monterey, and her consort was the San Antonio. These two vessels constituted the sea division
of "la santa expedicidn'j of Galvez for the spiritual conquest of Nueva California. The San
Carlos was dispatched under the command of Vicente Vila, with orders to touch at La Paz, in
Antigua California, to take on board the members of the expedition who were to go by sea, and
to complete her cargo of supplies. Arriving at La Paz on December 15th in a damaged condition after a stormy passage, necessary repairs compelled her to remain there until January 10,
1769, when she sailed for San Diego, arriving there on April 29th, with scurvy on board, some
of the crew having died therefrom, and the passage being stormy with heavy seas. Conditions
were so bad that the continuation of the voyage to Monterey was abandoned. After lying in
San Diego fifteen months, the San Carlos left there in August, 1770, for San Bias. In February,
1771, the San Carlos left San Bias with missionaries for Antigua California, but was driven by
fierce northwesters nearly to Panama, but reached Loreto on August 23d. The San Carlos was
again at San Diego in August, 1772, under Don Miguel del Pino, together with the San Antonio
under Perez, with supplies for the northern establishments, but, the winds being adverse, the San
Carlos discharged all her cargo at San Diego, although Perez, on the pressing solicitation of the
Padre Presidente Serra, proceeded to Monterey. The San Carlos, with Serra as a passenger on
his way to visit the Viceroy Bucareli at Mexico, sailed for San Bias on October 20th, and arrived
there on November 4th. In the late spring of 1773, the San Carlos, under Don Juan Perez, left
San Bias for San Diego and Monterey, with supplies, but in a storm off Cabo de San Lucas the
rudder was lost and a leak sprung. The vessel was run up the gulf to Loreto, and the cargo
discharged. Return was made to San Bias. This caused a bitter famine at Monterey, which
was not relieved until the arrival of the Santiago, under Perez, on May 9, 1774, on the first Bucareli expedition north of California. On March 16,1775, the San Carlos sailed from San Bias with
the second Bucareli expedition. The fleet leaving San Bias at this time was composed of — 1. The
Santiago or Nueva Galicia, and La Sonora or La Felicidad; and 2. The San Carlos or El Toison
de Oro. The Santiago and the Sonora were on a voyage of discovery, as stated in the Journal,
but it is not evident therefrom that the San Carlos was in any way connected with the other
vessels. The San Carlos, with supplies for Monterey, had run aground in the port of San Bias
on February 1st, and, following this, it was decided that supplies should also be carried for Anza's
Sonora colonists (pobladores) at San Francisco, and for the proposed new Franciscan establishments there, as well as to make a reconnoissance of that port, in order to determine whether the
bocana seen by Fages in 1772 was navigable, and also to seek for the strait supposed to connect
the old harbor of San Francisco with the new. Don Bruno Heceta, the comandante of the expedition, had orders to assist in this reconnoissance, as had also Don Juan Bautista de Anza. The
facts are set out farther along in this note.    Don Miguel  Manrique, the comandante of the 92
Journal of a Voyage
San Carlos, having been declared insane, was sent back to San Bias, and Don Juan Manuel Ayala,
the comandante of the Sonora, was ordered to the command of the San Carlos. On the return
of the launch on March 21st, Ayala set sail. Don Jose Canizares was the primero piloto and
Don Juan Bautista Aguirre the segundo piloto of the San Carlos, and Padre Vicente" de Santa
Maria was chaplain. The passage to Monterey was stormy, slow, and not without incident.
Ayala was seriously wounded in one foot by the accidental discharge of a pistol, and the launch
caught fire while being calked with hot pitch. Punta de Pinos was sighted on June 25th, and
the San Carlos, in the evening, anchored in the port of Monterey, "after one hundred and one
days of navigation," and on the 26th the launch carried the mail ashore. This mail was of
much importance. There was a letter from the Viceroy Bucareli to the Padre Presidente Serra
at the Mision San Carlos, informing him that a land expedition was to leave Sonora, under the
command of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, for Monterey, with troops and their families, and cattle
and supplies, for the proposed new Franciscan establishments at the port of San Francisco. Don
Fernando Xavier de Rivera y Moncada, the comandante militar at Monterey, was also informed
of this expedition, and notified that the same was to be under his command upon the arrival of
Anza, who was to assist Ayala, in the San Carlos, in the survey of the new port of San Francisco,
and also to fix the sites for the proposed establishments. Bucareli did not fail in laying stress
upon the necessity of co-operation, which failed in realization. (See notes post, to page 58, on
San Francisco, to page 59, on Rivera, et passim.) The tempestuous weather encountered after
leaving San Bias had damaged the San Carlos, entailing repairs at Monterey. A cayuco, or dugout, was made on the Rio del Carmelo from the trunk of a redwood, to assist in the work of
exploration. All needed preparations made, the San Carlos, on July 27th, left Monterey for the
new port of San Francisco, and arrived off the entrance on August 5th. The launch, with the
primero piloto Canizares in command, and a crew of ten men, was sent in at eight in the morning to search for an anchorage. Night coming on, and the launch not returning, the San Carlos,
with full sails, and not making more than a mile and a half an hour owing to the swiftness of the
current, sought an anchorage, and, carefully sounding all the way, passed through the narrow strait
now known as the Golden Gate, and, at half-past ten that night,— Saturday, August 5,1775,—
anchored without difficulty within the present Fort Point, named by them Punta de San Jose,—
the first vessel to pass through the strait. The place of anchorage is supposed to have been east
of the punta, off the present Presidio, and a little north of the anchorage indicated on the chart of
Canizares. (See this chart, inset in large map accompanying this volume.) At six o'clock the
next morning the launch came to the San Carlos, having been prevented by whirlpools and eddies
from returning on the day before. The place of anchorage was then changed to one on the
north side of the bay, named by them Ensenada del Carmelita (=Bay of the Carmelite), a rock
therein resembling a friar of that order. The present name is Richardson's Bay. The Indians
everywhere manifested a friendly disposition. Canizares and Padre Vicente de Santa Maria, with
an armed crew, went ashore in the launch, taking beads and trinkets with them as presents;- and
the Indians entertained them with pinole and tamales. A better anchorage was found at a near-by
island, which they named La Isla de Nuestra Sefiora de los Angeles. The name still clings to
this island, but in a clipped and mutilated form,—Angel Island. The place of anchorage was in
the present Hospital Cove, probably. The work of exploration was then begun, principal among
the purposes of which was to discover what connection existed between the new port of San
Francisco and the old port, that is, the Puerto de San Francisco of Cermefio or Drakes Bay.
Canizares, the primero piloto, examined the extension of the bay to the northward, and Aguirre,
the segundo piloto, was sent southward to seek the expected Rivera overland expedition, which
was, among other things, to assist in the survey of the bay. Aguirre, acting under instructions,
examined the southern part of the bay, and bestowed names upon several places, but the overland expedition did not arrive. Don Bruno Heceta, on his return from the north in the Santiago,
had made an attempt to enter the harbor, but dense fogs prevented an entrance.   Later, however, notes=i4      Northward of California in 1775
he headed a party to assist in this survey, but, arriving after the San Carlos had left the harbor, he
is entitled merely to the doubtful honor of rendering socorro de Espana (= assistance that comes
too late). (See ante, page 84, note on Heceta; see also post, note to page 58, on San Francisco.)
The survey completed, and no land expedition having arrived, Padre Santa Maria, the chaplain,
and a party climbed the hill named by them Punta del Angel de la Guarda (the present Point
Lobos), and, at the foot of the cross erected there by Rivera in 1774, deposited two letters to
inform the land expedition, should it arrive later, of the then existing facts. The San Carlos was
not to leave the harbor without a mishap. On September 7th, after weighing anchor to return
to Monterey, the wind failed, and a strong current carried her upon a submerged rock near Punta
Caballo, and her rudder was damaged. She put into what is now known as Horseshoe Bay for
repairs, and while here the entrance to the port was more fully examined. Anchor was weighed
on September 18th. The cayuco was lost on the preceding day. Monterey was reached the
next day, and here Ayala found the Santiago, which had arrived from the north on August 29th.
The Sonora arrived on October 7th. Further repairs on the San Carlos being necessary, Ayala
could not leave for San Bias until October 13th. He arrived there on November 6th, and on the
9th sent his report to the Viceroy Bucareli, and his connection with the second Bucareli expedition
was ended. On March 10,1776, the San Carlos again sailed from San Bias, under the command
of Fernando Quiros, and with Jose Canizares as primero piloto and Cristobal Revilla as segundo
piloto, and Padres Vicente de Santa Maria and Jose Nocedal as chaplains. She arrived at Monterey on June 3d. Besides supplies for the establishments there, she also carried supplies for the
proposed new establishments at San Francisco, and had orders from the Viceroy Bucareli to take
on board the property of the colonists (= pobladores) Anza had recruited in Sonora. Some of
the soldiers for the new Presidio were also carried when she sailed. The voyage from San Bias
had been slow, but after leaving Monterey the San Carlos was at the mercy of unfavorable winds,
which drove her south to San Diego and then far north of San Francisco. Monterey was left on
June 5th, and San Francisco reached on August 18th, when the San Carlos passed through the
Golden Gate for the second time. The land expedition, consisting of Anza's pobladores and
padres for the founding of the new Presidio and Mision, had been anxiously awaiting the coming
of the San Carlos, and her officers, crew, and chaplains assisted in the ceremonies attendant upon
the founding. The comandante Quiros and Jose Joaquin Moraga, Anza's lieutenant, who commanded the land expedition from Monterey, made a reconnoissance to discover another entrance
from the sea, of course with no result. On October 21st the San Carlos sailed for San Bias. In
May, 1778, she was again at San Diego from the home port. In the autumn of 1779 the San
Carlos, again under Ayala, was dispatched to the Philippines, with treasure to cover the expense
of fortifications against the English. No further record of her is found. Her place as a supply-
ship on the Californian coast was taken by another San Carlos, otherwise called El Filipino, and
this vessel was lost in the Bay of San Francisco on March 23, 1797.
Lieutenant D. Miguel Maurrique = Don Miguel Manrique,
teniente de navio.
The rank of Manrique was higher than that of Ayala and De la Bodega, who
were tenientes de fragata. An idea of rank in the Spanish royal navy (= real
armada) may be gathered from the naval record of Ayala, page 89, ante. Manrique's patronymic
is misspelled also on page 15, but the above correction is deemed sufficient.
Monterey, and the Mision San Carlos Borromeo.
The' establishment at Monterey" referred to on page 14 is Mision San Carlos
Borromeo de Monterey, founded on June 3, 1770, the second of the Franciscan d
Journal of a Voyage
Notes = 14-17
establishments in Nueva California. The founders of the Mision were the Padres Junipero Serra
and Juan Crespi. Don Gaspar de Portola and Don Juan Perez, the latter then comandante of the
paquebote San Antonio, with military and naval supports, were present at the foundation ceremonies, after which Portola took formal possession of the country in the name of Don Carlos III.
In December, 1771, Mision San Carlos was moved to the banks of the Rio del Carmelo; hence
the mutilated and now familiar name, "Carmel Mission." Here the Padre Presidente Serra
made his headquarters, and here he died, August 28,1784, and was buried in the Mision church.
Batrington, of course, is in error when he, in the note on page 14, speaks of this establishment as
a '' mission of Jesuits''; the Jesuits had no missions in Nueva California. Monterey, under
Spanish rule, was always considered the capital of Nueva California, military and civil. The Bay
of Monterey is probably the Bahia de los Pinos of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, the discoverer of
Nueva California in 1542. By some writers it is identified as the San Pedro of Sebastian Rodriguez
Cermeno (1595). Don Sebastian Vizcaino, in December 1602, named it Puerto de Monterey, in
honor of the Viceroy, the Conde de Monterey. (See note to page 21, post, on Aguilar.) Don
Gaspar de Portola, in his land expedition of 1769, failed to identify the port, and, passing it and
proceeding northward, the new port of San Francisco was accidentally discovered. Don Juan
Bautista de Anza arrived here in April, 1774, on his memorable journey which established an
overland route from Sonora to the sea, and found the inhabitants on the verge of starvation. He
was here again in March, 1776, on his way to San Francisco, with troops and their families and
colonists for the proposed establishments there.    (See note post, to page 58, on San Francisco.)
Page 15
On the 13th § On the 19th.
Page 17   9/477
Hernando Triabba = Hernando de Grijalva.
Grijalva was sent by the great Cortes, together with Diego Bezerra de Mendoza,
on a voyage of discovery in the year 1533,—Bezerra, in command of the expedition, in La Conception, with Fortuno Ximenez, a Vizcaino, as piloto, and Grijalva in command of
El San Lazaro, with Martin de Acosta as piloto. The vessels sailed from Tehuantepec on the
30th of October, separated the second night out,—by design, it is said, Bezerra being haughty in
disposition. Grijalva discovered the group of islands now called the Revillagigedos, landing on
the island of Socorro on St.Thomas's Day (December 20th), and naming it Santo Tomas. It is
worthy of note here that Bezerra, after the separation from Grijalva, was murdered while asleep,
upon the mutiny of the crew, by his piloto Ximenez, who thereupon took command of La Conception. Returning, he accidentally discovered Baja California, at Santa Cruz Bay, in 1534, and
it was thus that the California of fact — not the fabular or mythical California—became known.
The natives, however, killed Ximenez. Grijalva, in 1535, was the commander of a vessel in a
fleet sailing on an another voyage of discovery, under the personal command of Cortes.
Guantepec = Tehuantepec.
Hernan Cortes.
Both the prasnomen and the patronymic of Cortes are variously spelled; thus,
Hernan, Hernando; Cortes, Cortez. He was born at Medellin, near Badajoz,
Estremadura, in 1485;  died near Seville, December 2, 1547.   His rise, career, and notes=17-20   Northward of California in 1775
end were truly Moorish; elevated from nothing, he conquered kingdoms, trampled on foreign
kings, and was rewarded by his own with ingratitude. He was a fine specimen of a Spanish gue-
rrillero. His types were Sertorious, Al-Mansur, the Cid. His system was a combination of the
Moorish algihad or crusade and the Spanish algara or foray. His were the besetting sins of both
Moor and Spaniard,— avarice, cruelty, bloodshed, bigotry, and bad faith, gilded by a chivalrous,
bold, lofty, adventurous daring and talent. Indignant at the ingratitude of Charles V. (Don Carlos I
of Spain), he returned to Nueva Espana and sought to extend his fame by maritime discovery, particularly in the opening of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and it was in one of the
expeditions fitted out at his expense that the coast of the Californias was discovered, and his
were the ships that first sailed these northwestern seas.
Sotovento — Sotavento.
Page 18   478/10
Errors, typographical or otherwise.
In Barrington's table of Corrections of the more Material Errors," at the end
of his work, he notes one in this page ; namely, that the word the," ending the
sixth line from the foot of the page, should be "their" (their business). This error, it will be
perceived, stands unchanged in this edition. Compared with some errors appearing in the Journal, this one is trifling. Such errors as "blowng," in the second line of page 18, are unchanged
and unnoted, although misspelling etc. of Spanish terms are generally corrected in these Notes,
for obvious reasons.
Page 19   11/479
Chuvascos (pi.) = Chubasco or chubazo (sing.).
A Spanish nautical term.    Its use is not confined to the Mexican seas.
Page 20   480/12
Martin de Aguilar.
Aguilar was the comandante of Los Tres Reyes, with Antonio Florez as piloto,
in Sebastian Vizcaino's expedition to the coast of Nueva California in 1602~03.
This expedition, in which three vessels were engaged, sailed from Acapulco on May 5,1602.
They were at San Diego on November 10th, and this place was so named in honor of their flagship, in disregard of the name of San Miguel given it by Cabrillo in 1542. On December 16th
they were at Monterey, which was so named in honor of the Viceroy, the Conde de Monterey
(Gaspar de Zuniga y Azevedo), and the Rio del Carmelo was also named, in honor of the Carmelite chaplain accompanying them. Here the Santo Tomas was sent back to Acapulco with
the scurvy-stricken, and the expedition sailed northward on January 3,1603. Passing the Farallones (named Frailes on Vizcaino's map), the present Drakes Bay was named Puerto de los Reyes
or Puerto de Don Gaspar. This puerto was named San Francisco in 1595 by Cermeno, and here
his galleon, the San Agustin, was wrecked. Just north of Punta de los Reyes, Vizcaino's vessels
were separated in a storm on January 7th, and he turned back to search for the wreck of the San
Agustin. He afterwards headed north. Both vessels reached the latitude of Cabo Blanco. The
voyage throughout was one of hardship and suffering. The San Diego, under Vizcaino, reached
Acapulco in March.   Aguilar and his piloto Florez died on the voyage home.    Estevan Lopez,
as 1
Journal 0/^ Voyage
Notes = 20-24
listed as a corporal, acted as piloto of Los Tres Reyes, and arrived at Acapulco in February,
with only three men. Sir Daines, in note e to page 20, is incorrect in giving the year of this
voyage as 1601, and also in speaking of the supposed discovery of a river as having been made
'' by the pilot Lopes.'' Florez was the piloto, and it was by him that the supposed discovery
was made, and Venegas is miscited.    The identity of the river is not established.
Page 21    13/481
El remorque = El remolque (=the towing-rope).
Page 22   482/14
We saw likewise the frigate at the bottom of the port.
The first sentence of the last paragraph of this page is rendered obscure either
by mistranslation or mispunctuation. The meaning possibly is, that they found
sufficient depth of water in which to anchor, at a bow's-shot from the land which they, as well as
the frigate, saw at the bottom of the port.    The Sonora, it will be noted, preceded the frigate.
Page 23    is/483
Cape Fortuna —the Cabo de Fortunas of the Spaniards (=the
cape of storms).
The name was applied by Bartolome Ferrelo, the Levantine piloto of Cabrillo,
in the expedition of 1542-43, and the cape is identified by some writers with Cape Mendocino.
Cape Mendocino = the Cabo de Mendozino of the Spaniards.
By whom and when the name of this cape was first applied is not definitely
known; but it was so named in honor of Antonio de Mendoza, the first viceroy of Mexico.
Page 24   484/16
We named the port [Puerto de la Santisima Trinidad].
It will be noted that this port was discovered on the 9th of June, and that possession was not taken, nor a landing made, until the 11th. Sir Daines, in note««,
page 24, recognizes the "use to geographers in this custom of the Spaniards naming places from
the saint's day in which they take possession, or make the discovery." Little, if any, attention
is paid to the distinction here noted, and the 11th of June is usually given as the date of the
discovery of this port, and this, too, by authors regarded as authoritative. (See note to page 30,
post, as to this port.)
St. George's Sound = Nootka Sound.
This sound was discovered by Don Juan Perez in the first Bucareli expedition
in 1774, and named by him Puerto de San Lorenzo. Captain James Cook, in 1778, deeming
himself its discoverer, named it St. George's Sound, but afterwards decided to retain the name
used by the natives,— Nootka.
mm notes=25-33   Northward ^California in 1775 97
Page 25    17/485
Peinado en castanna = Peinado en castana.
Azarcon = of an orange-color.    Azul I blue.
Page 26   486/is
Beard = Barba.    Chin = Barba.    (Homonymy.)
Colgadas par [por] las mesillas.
Lip-pieces or lip-ornaments.
These are described in the writings of early explorers and travelers.   Sir Daines,
in note a, unnecessarily expresses a doubt of the intelligibility of his translated description.
A la oracion
Page 27
at sunset.
Las oraciones (pi.) = sunsetting, when the angel's salutation to the Virgin is
repeated by the people.    Oration = a prayer, a declamation, an oration, etc.
Chart the 6th.
Page 30   490/22
The nine charts referred to on this page are not known to be in existence, and
regret is often expressed at their evident loss. The three inset charts in the upper right-hand
corner of the large map accompanying this book are presumed to have been redrawn from the
originals mentioned on page 30, and sent to Madrid by De la Bodega with his Carta General.
It would be interesting to know if De la Bodega had the chart of Trinidad at that time. It must
be noted that the Ayala chart is an addition to the original Carta General, as are also the ornamental contemporary copperplate designs, and the English title of the map.
Page 32   492/24
Pigeon = Pichon.
The word used by the journalist was probably "tortola".(= turtle-dove), and
not "pichon." The river is the Rio de las Tortolas of the old maps, and is that now known at
Little Trinidad River.
Trinity Harbour = Puerto de la Santisima Trinidad.
See note on Heceta, ante, page 85.
Page 33    25/493
John de Fuca H Juan de Fuca.
A Greek whose name was Apostolos Valerianos.   His voyage is mythical.
•\m*m 98
Journal of a Voyage
Page 37   29/497
On the 1st [14th] of July.
The 14th is the correct day of the month, as the context will show.
Pedro Santa Ana, contramaestre (= boatswain) of the Sonora.
This is the only instance in the Journal where the personal name of a member
of the crew is set out, and it is to be regretted that the landing-party died unavenged. The place
where the massacre occurred was named Punta y Ensenada de los Martires (= the point and the
bay of the martyrs), and the island to the north thereof, Isla de los Dolores (=the island of grief).
(See the large map; and for the crew of the Sonora, see ante, note to page 13.)
Page 41    33/501
[On] the 4th, ... 17 [170] leagues W. of the continent.
Lady of Bethlem [Bethlehem] H Nuestra Sefiora de Belen.
Page 42   502/34
St. Jacinthus = San Jacinto.
This mountain is not indicated on the large map, but it is identified with Mount
Edgecumbe (so named by Captain Cook), on Kruzof Island.
Cape del Enganno = Cabo del Engafio.
The Spanish name of this cape is translated into English as False Cape'' and
"Cape Deceit," etc., by some writers. As the Spanish "engafio" means, also, mistake, misunderstanding, misconception, attempts to render an English equivalent thereof are not justified,
in the absence of a reason for the bestowal of the name.
The chart of Don Juan Perez.
Sir Daines is in error when, in note e, he supposes the chart was that of Perez.
De la Bodega, in a report of the occurrences of this day, speaks only of the charts of Bellin.
Besides, Perez, in 1774, had reached only 55° N., and his observations were not good, owing to
fogs and bad weather.
Page 44   504/36
De los Remedios = Puerto de Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios.
This port is the Bay of Islands of Captain Cook. (See the large map accompanying this volume, for the chart of this port, as made by De la Bodega and Maurelle.)
Page 46   506/38
These Indians eradicate their beard.
Sir Daines evidently knew nothing of the ingenuity exercised in this practice. notes=48-55   Northward of California in 1775
Page 48   508/40
Beering = Vitus Bering (or Behring).   (1680-1741.)
Bering was a Danish navigator in the Russian service.   He perished from cold
and exhaustion upon his ship being wrecked on the coast of the island which now bears his name.
Tschirikow=Alexei Ilich Chirikof.
This Russian navigator discovered Alaska in 1741.    The Aleutian island Chirikof perpetuates his name.   He died in 1747.
Straits of Admiral Fonte, and the Archipelago of S. Lazarus.
There is nothing substantial about either the supposed person or places.
This arm . .
Page 49   41/509
is delineated in one of our charts.
The arm" is marked Puerto de Bucarely" on the large map, and Pto.
Bucarely'' on the small map, accompanying this volume. The chart referred to is undoubtedly
that sent by De la Bodega to Madrid with his Carta General, and redrawn for insertion therein.
(See the large map;  and see also note to page 30, on page 97, ante.)
Corral = A yard inclosed with pickets or stakes; a pen.
Page 50   510/42
Sailed on the 29th.
The 26th was probably the day of sailing.
Page 51    43/511
Errors or inconsistencies.
There are some inconsistencies both in this page and in that following. Thus
in the first paragraph of this page, it is said that "the health of our crews was reestablished "; in the third paragraph, that "the two ships divided some cloaths "; and in note x,
that "the two ships were now to sail N."; while in the first paragraph.of page 52 it is said that
scurvy was caught "from the seamen of the frigate, with whom we had occasional communication." These errors may be the result of mistranslation, and no attempt will here be made to
account for them. The Santiago had not been seen since the end of July, and was near or in
the port of Monterey at the times mentioned in the text. Lapses such as these, and worse, are
often found by proof-readers in the MS. of good writers.
Page 55   47/515
This is the Spanish-American name of a bulrush or clubrush. There are two
varieties of tule,— Scirpus lacustris and S. occidentalis. Sir Daines, of course, in note g, on this
page, is wide of the mark.    The rude tule rafts or canoes were termed balsas. 100
Journal of a Voyage
Notes = 56
Page 56   si6/48
This port, which we named de la Bodega = Puerto de la Bodega.
This name survives, but, like many other Spanish place-names, only in a clipped
form,— Bodega. The Spaniards were given to this reprehensible practice of mutilating names, both of persons and places, and their English-speaking successors,
who have "entered into the fruits of their labors," continued the practice. It is, of course, at
this late day, impossible to know who is responsible for " La Bodega," found in Forbes's History
of California,—whether the native Hispano-Californians, or the American and English seamen
trading on the coast. All were probably ignorant of the name of the discoverer of the port, and
there is hardly a doubt that they associated the name '' Bodega'' with the storehouse built there
by the Russians, who first came in 1809, and who remained there until 1840, a thorn in the side
of both Spain and Mexico. The Spanish word "bodega" means a warehouse, a storeroom, a
cellar, a wine-vault, and the term is also applied to a bibulous individual. A chart of the port,
made by De la Bodega y Quadra, is reproduced in his Carta General as in inset. (See the large
map accompanying this volume.) Another chart of the bay, stated by Bancroft to be " the original Spanish map made at the discovery of the bay by Bodega y Cuadra in 1775," is printed on
page 81 of the second volume of his History of California. These charts are not identical, and
that of Bancroft is not a facsimile of the purported original. No place-names are given in the
inset chart in the large map, but in the Bancroft chart the present Tomales Bay is marked '' Mar
6 Rio"(=sea or river), which is merely descriptive; the land lying to the east of this bay is
marked "Campo Verde" (=green flat and open country), which is also descriptive; but only
the northern part of Tomales Bay is charted, and the two puntas at its mouth are marked in
consonance with the names as given by the journalist in pages 56 and 57; thus, Punta Arenas
(= point of the sands), the present Sand Point; Pta. [Punta] del Cordon (= point of the cord),
the present Tomales Point. Bodega Head is marked "Pta. de Munguia" (probably named in
honor of Padre Jose Antonio Murguia). Bodega Rock, off the eastern end of this punta, is marked
"Farallon del Padre Sierra" (Padre Benito Sierra). As but few soundings are given in the
Bancroft chart, and these at the mouth of the bay only, those in the inset chart in the large map
must have been taken from some of the later surveys. De la Bodega regarded Tomales Bay as
the mouth of a large river (see page 54), and this, after the survey of the harbor of San Francisco
by Ayala, gave rise to the supposition that it was connected in some way with that harbor. It
is supposed that De la Bodega regarded Bodega and Tomales bays as one bay. Captain Beechey
so regarded them. The name "Tomales," as applied to the bay, is said to be derived from the
Tamal Indians (so called) of the San Rafael and Sonoma Franciscan missions, whose home was
in the vicinity of the bay, and whose name for any bay, and particularly their own, was '' tamal.''
When Vancouver was there in 1792 it was known as Juan Francisco, and in the Vizcaino chart
of 1603 it is laid down as a river and named the Rio Grande de San Sebastian.
Note i. The latitude of this harbour coincides nearly with that
discovered by Sir Francis Drake.
The three bays within a short distance of one another — Bodega, Drakes, and
San Francisco — have each and all been identified as Drake's place of anchorage. Drakes Bay
is the Puerto de San Francisco of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno, the comandante of the galleon
San Agustin, which was wrecked there in 1595. It was visited by Sebastian Vizcaino in 1603, and
named Puerto de los Reyes, or Puerto de Don Gaspar. Here Drake overhauled his vessel, the
Golden Hinde, in 1579. Besides its present name of Drakes Bay, it is sometimes referred to as
the old port or harbor of San Francisco.   It is the Jack's Harbor of the early American sailors. notes=56,57   Northward of California in 1775
Sir Francis Drake.
Laden with immense booty obtained by despoiling Spanish towns on the coasts
of Chile and Peru, and with treasure taken from richly laden royal Spanish galleon
and Spanish merchantman, there rounded the Punta de los Reyes, from the north,
on the seventeenth day of June, 1579, a vessel of some one hundred tons burden,
and anchored in the bay lying thereunder. This vessel was the Golden Hinde, and
her commander was Francis Drake. He had been seeking a northeast passage to the Atlantic,
and had reached 48° N., but his crew dreaded the severe cold, and besides, the Golden Hinde was
in need of repairs. While his men were repairing the ship, Drake established friendly relations
with the Indians, although he had taken the precaution to build a bulwark of stone to protect his
crew. He took possession of the country in the name of Queen Elizabeth, and named it New
Albion, the white cliffs along the coast reminding him of those of England. To the harbor itself
it does not appear that Drake applied any name, but the Farallones were named the Islands of
Saint James. No diary or log of the Golden Hinde is known to be in existence, if, indeed, any
was kept; hence the narratives of the voyage vary in many particulars. Drake left the harbor
which now bears his name on July 23,1579, having spent five weeks therein, and sailed direct to
the North Farallon, and thence to the South Farallon. He and his crew landed on the latter on
the 24th,—the first Europeans, and possibly the first of the human race, to set foot there,—
which "have thereon plentifull and great stores of seales and birds," which "are good meat,
and are an acceptable food for us at present, and a good supply of our provision for the future. *'
They sailed from the South Farallon on the 25th, and, following the route taken by Magellan,
steered across the Pacific for the Moluccas, thence to Java, thence to the Cape of Good Hope,
and thence homeward, arriving at Plymouth on Sunday, September 26,15 7 9. Drake was the eldest
of twelve sons of a poor and obscure Puritan yeoman, and he grew up among sailors, his father,
who had secured an appointment to read prayers to seamen in the royal navy, by reason of his
poverty was compelled to apprentice him to the master of a bark. Drake subsequently became
the owner of the bark, which he afterwards sold, and embarked himself and his fortunes in Sir
John Hawkins's unfortunate expedition to the Spanish Main. Losing all his money, a chaplain
comforted him with the assurance that, having been treacherously treated by the Spaniards, the
law of retaliation was applicable against the king of Spain. He died on December 27,1595, upon
the breaking out of a fatal disease among the men of the fleet sent out that year to the West
Indies against the Spaniards. Drake undoubtedly, more than any other man, was the founder of
England's naval greatness, but, unless judged by the standards of his time, he must appear, in
many of his exploits, in no other light than that of a skillful and daring buccaneer.
Page 57   49/517
Cape, which appeared to the S. = Punta de los Reyes.
This cape or point is the northern limit of the Ensenada de los Farallones of the
Spaniards, the Gulf of the Farallones of the United States government charts, and
the point itself is the present Point Reyes. The Spanish name was given by Don
Sebastian Vizcaino in 1603, with an alias, Punta de Don Gaspar. Los Reyes"
were the Magi (Sp., Magos = kings, wise men),— the NewTestament "wise men from the east"
(Sp., Magos vinieron del oriente). There are at least three traditions as to who the Magi were,
and their names. As, according to one tradition, Gaspar was the name of one, and as this name
was the prasnomen of the viceroy of Nueva Espana (Don Gaspar de Zuniga y Azevedo), doubt
is expressed as to whom Vizcaino meant to honor in applying the alias.   The same names were
[9] I!i
) I i
Journal of a Voyage
given to the harbor (=puerto) lying under the point (= punta). Vizcaino's ships had left Monterey on January 3, 1603, in search of the Cabo de Mendozino, and were tempest-tossed on their
way northward, but the tempest ceased on January 6th, Twelfth-Day (El Dia de la Adoration
de los Reyes), when they were carried beyond the Puerto de los Reyes. The next day Vizcaino
returned to the puerto to search for the wreck of the galleon San Agustin, which, in 1595, under
Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno, was driven behind the punta and wrecked, and it is supposed that
it was at this time that the name of Puerto de San Francisco was applied to the present Drakes
Bay. (See ante, page 95, note on Martin Aguilar.) Both the punta and the puerto were probably sighted by the Cabrillo expedition of 1542, and possibly also by Cabrillo's piloto mayor
Ferrelo the next year, and Drake overhauled the Golden Hinde in the puerto in the summer of
1579, but there is no record found that any of these gave a name to either puerto or punta.
We sailed near those small islands [Farallones].
The Spanish word 'farallon" (pron., sing, far-al-yone',j>l.far-al-yo'-nays) means,
in English, a small pointed island in the sea, or a large isolated rock above the water.
The term is purely nautical. Those farallones lying off the coast of the Gulf of the
Farallones, that is, from Point Reyes on the north to Point San Pedro on the south,
are not now known by any of their old Spanish names, being simply called the Farallones or the
Farallon Islands, and these are their names as set out in maps and dictionaries, although the name
"Farallon Islands" is an improper combination; as well might one say "stone rocks." The
name, however, is fixed. The group is disposed in a general west-northwest and east-southeast
direction for seven nautical miles. The South Farallon is the principal one, being the largest and
highest. It lies twenty-three nautical miles off the Golden Gate. It is three quarters of a mile
long in its longest direction, and three fifths of a mile wide at its greatest breadth, not including
half a dozen high rocky islets under its shores. The principal peak at the south has an elevation
of 340 feet. The whole island is wild, barren, and desolate; it is the outcrop of an immense dike
of granite, but the condition of the superficial parts is such that they can be separated into small
fragments by pick or crowbar. North-northwest from this peak is Sugarloaf Rock, a rounded,
almost vertical rocky islet, nearly two hundred feet above the sea. From the extreme northwest point of the South Farallon the Middle Farallon bears northwest 1% miles. It is a single
black rock, between 50 and 60 yards in diameter, 22 feet above water, and lies, northwest by
west, 2^4 miles from the South Farallon. The North Farallon is composed of a group of four
islets and one rock. The four large ones have a roughly pyramidal appearance. All are comprised within a space four fifths of a mile west-northwest and east-southeast by one fifth of a mile
in breadth. They are wild, rocky, precipitous, and almost inaccessible. The Farallones were
probably seen for the first time by Europeans by the Cabrillo and Ferrelo expedition in 1542.
Francis Drake, in 1579, named them the Islands of Saint James, and landed on the South Farallon
on his way home. (See note ante, page 101.) Don Sebastian Vizcaino, in January, 1603, passed
the Farallones, and in the chart made by his cosmographer, Geronimo Martin Palacios, the North
Farallon group is marked "Frailes" (sing.,fraile = friar or brother); hence the Spanish name,
Farallones de los Frailes, applied to the whole group, and this is the name used by Ringgold in
his chart of 1850. The South Farallon in the Vizcaino chart is called the Isleo Hendido (isleo =
an island composed of rocks, without any visible means of access; hendido = crannied), this name
being descriptive. Don Miguel Costanso, the engineer of the Portola expedition of 1769, when
the present Bay of San Francisco was discovered, speaks of them as the Farallones del Puerto de
San Francisco. It is not definitely known when or by whom the Spanish name '' Farallones de San
Francisco " was first given. La Ensenada de los Farallones is the present Gulf of the Farallones,
and La Bocana de la Ensenada de los Farallones is the Golden Gate. notes=58      Northward of California in 1775
Page 58
Harbour of St. Francis.
The port here referred to by the journalist is the present harbor of San Francisco; but on
page 54 he confuses it with the harbor mentioned by Venegas in his History of California, that
is, the Puerto de San Francisco of Cermeno, the present Drakes Bay, the Jack's Harbor of the
American sailor. Some of the older Spanish navigators regarded the Ensenada de los Farallones
—the Gulf of the Farallones of the United States government charts — as the Puerto de San
Francisco. The boundaries of this gulf or ensenada were, the Farallones de San Francisco on the
west, and on the east, from Punta de los Reyes on the north to Punta San Pedro on the south.
But consideration of the old harbor of San Francisco may be dismissed here. Wonder is often
expressed that so .extensive a body of water as the present Bay of San Francisco should escape
observation until its accidental discovery by a soldier in the Portola expedition of 1769, by land,
and not by sea. The fogs, the narrowness of the entrance, the fact that the Spanish maritime
explorers did not go very far inland, were sufficient to keep the bay a secret. Portola, on his
march from San Diego to Monterey to found at the latter port a royal presidio and a Franciscan
mision, having passed the port without recognizing it, continued on his march northward, and at
length came within sight of Punta de los Reyes, which the charts enabled the party to identify
at once. Jose Francisco Ortega, a sargento of the soldados de cuera, was ordered to explore the
coast to the punta, and he was allowed three days for this purpose and to report. This was on
November 1, 1769, and the place from which he started was Punta San Pedro, named by this
expedition La Punta de las Almejas del Angel de la Guarda. Of course Ortega could not reach
Punta de los Reyes overland, but he is regarded by some of the foremost authorities as the discoverer of the Bay of San Francisco, and also of the Golden Gate. He returned to camp on the
third day and reported, but he was not the first to report to Portola the existence of the bay. A
number of soldiers had received permission to go deer-hunting on November 2d, and on their
return the same day reported that they had seen the bay. Following the necessarily short survey
of the bay by Ortega in 1769, Don Pedro Fages, teniente de Voluntarios de Cataluna, comandante
militar of Nueva California after the departure of Portola in 1770, left Monterey on November
21,1770, on a reconnoitering expedition. He went as far as San Leandro Creek, on the Alameda
Creek, and his men as far as the Strait of Carquinez. Again, on the 20th of March, 1772, Fages,
now termed a capitan, left Monterey, with Padre Juan Crespi, on an expedition to the port of
San Francisco to select a site for the proposed new mision of San Francisco, and on the 27th,
from what is now Berkeley, saw the Golden Gate, which they named La Bocana de la Ensenada
de los Farallones,—the first name applied by Europeans to the strait now known as the Golden
Gate. Being on the east side of the bay, and having no boats, their efforts to reach the Puerto
de los Reyes overland, after a long journey, were futile. To the waters embracing the present
San Joaquin River, Carquinez Strait, and Suisun Bay they applied the name of Rio de Nuestro
Padre San Francisco.   Don Fernando Xavier Rivera y Moncada, who succeeded Fages in May,
1774, as comandante militar of Nueva California, left Monterey, in November of that year, on an
expedition similar in purpose to those of Fages in 1770 and 1772. He was accompanied by the
Padre Francisco Palou as chaplain and diarist. On Sunday, December 4th, they, with four soldiers, climbed the Punta de los Lobos, from which they saw the Golden Gate, and on the summit
of the punta they raised a cross, found by the Heceta and Ayala parties of 1775. (See note ante,
page 45, and see also infra.) The weather being unpropitious, the party returned to Monterey.
The next expedition to the harbor of San Francisco was that of Ayala, in the San Carlos, in
1775. This, unlike those of Fages and Rivera, was not an independent expedition. It was an
integral part of the second expedition sent north from San Bias by the great Viceroy Bucareli.
Don Juan Bautista de Anza was to bring overland, from Sonora to Monterey, troops and their
families for the founding of the new establishments at the harbor of San Francisco.   At Monterey
mm r~
Journal of a Voyage
these were to be turned over to the command of Rivera, the comandante militar, and Anza was
to assist Ayala in the survey of the bay. Don Bruno Heceta and De la Bodega, in the Santiago
and Sonoro, on their return from the north, were also to assist in the survey. They had taken
possession of territory in the north as recorded in the Journal, and ports had been charted, with
the object of anticipating threatened aggressions by the Russians and English, and, at the same
time, of protecting the coasts of the Californias. But Heceta could not enter the harbor on his
return, owing to dense fogs; De la Bodega could not, having lost his boat, as stated in the Journal;
and Anza did not leave Sonora in time to be of any assistance to Ayala. Rivera having orders
to assist in the foundation of the new establishments, he, after some delay, furnished nine soldiers
as a guard to an overland expedition under the command of Heceta. A carpenter and three
sailors went along, and a small canoe was carried on muleback. The Padre Presidente Serra also
sent Padre Francisco Palou, who was accompanied by Padre Miguel de la Campa y Cos, one of
the chaplains on the Santiago. But Ayala had left San Francisco harbor before they arrived there.
Thus no presidio or mision was established at San Francisco in 1775. (As to this Heceta overland expedition, see further, note on Heceta, ante, page 84.) Ayala in the San Carlos passed
through the Golden Gate at half-past ten o'clock on the night of Saturday, August 5, 1775, and
anchored inside the harbor, probably somewhat north of the place indicated by the anchor east
of the Punta de San Jose of the Ayala inset chart in the large map accompanying this volume.
Her permanent place of anchorage while making the survey was, in all probability, in what is now
known as Hospital Cove, Angel Island, indicated by the anchor west of the island marked b in
the chart (Isla de los Angeles). The survey completed, the San Carlos left the harbor for Monterey on September 14th, the first vessel in which a survey was made of the present harbor of San
Francisco, and the first vessel that passed through the narrow strait now known as the Golden
Gate. (See further, notes on Ayala and the San Carlos, ante, pages 89, 91.) In the table in the
Ayala chart, called '' Explication " (= explanation or interpretation), are given the place-names
as applied either by Ayala or by his pilotos Cafiizares and Aguirre. Of these, only two survive,
namely, Angel Island and Alcatraz Island.    Both the original and the present names follow.
Bosques de Palo Colorados = Redwood groves or forests.
Isla de los Angeles = Angel Island.
Yerba Buena Island, or Goat Island, although referred to in the report of the piloto Canizares,
evidently received no name at that time, and the letter c, as marked on that island in the chart,
is misplaced, as that letter, according to the Explication, was meant to indicate the Isla de Alca-
traces, which lies west of Yerba Buena Island.
Isla de Alcatraces (sing., alcatraz = pelican) = Alcatraz Island.
Bahia de Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario la Marinera=The sheet of water between Point San Pedro
and Point San Pablo on the north and Tiburon Peninsula and Point Richmond on the south.
Punta del Angel de la Guarda = Point Lobos.
Bahia de Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe = San Pablo Bay. Canizares, in his report, calls this
bay Bahia Redondo (= round bay).
Punta de San Jose = Fort Point. This is the Punta del Cantil Blanco of the Anza expedition
of 1776, and later marked "Punta del Cantil Blanco y Fuerte de San Joaquin " on Spanish maps.
Puerta de la Asumpta = Southampton Bay. So named by Cafiizares because they were there
on August 15th, the feast of the Assumption.
Rancheria del Socorro (socorro = help, succor). On the south side of Carquinez Strait. At
this rancherfa the Indians were generous in gifts of fish, pinole, etc., to Canizares and his party.
Ensenada de los Llorones (= mourners) = Mission Bay. So named by Aguirre because he saw
some Indians weeping there.
Estero Seco (= dry) = Islais Creek.
Punta de Concha (= shell; oyster) = Point Avisadero.
Punta de San Antonio = Point Richmond. Notes=58
Northward of California in 1775
Punta de Santiago =Point Bonita.
Punta de San Carlos = Lime Point.
Ensenada del Carmelita= Richardson's Bay.
Ensenada del Santo Evangelio =The cove between Tiburon and Belvedere.
Punta de Langosta (= locust; oyster) = Point San Pedro.
Isla Plana (= level, fruitful ground) = Mare Island.
Junta de los Quatro Evangelistas = Suisun Bay.
Rio de San Juan Bautista = San Joaquin River.
Don Juan Bautista de Anza, who, according to the plans of Bucareli, was to assist Ayala in the
survey of the new port of San Francisco, and also in the founding of a pueblo, and a presidio for
the protection of the proposed Franciscan establishments, did not leave Tubac, Sonora, until
October 3, 1775, more than a month after Ayala had completed his survey, but during the time
Heceta was seeking Ayala at the new port. (See note ante, page 84.) He was accompanied
by troops and their families, with colonists (pobladores), with live-stock and other property.
Ayala had brought to Monterey, on the San Carlos, supplies for the new establishments. These
were, according to the instructions of Bucareli, discharged at Monterey to await the arrival of
Anza, when Rivera, the comandante militar, was to take command of the expedition. Rivera,
in the mean time, had gone to San Diego to protect the Franciscans there after an Indian revolt,
and was at the Mision San Gabriel when Anza arrived there on January 4,1776. Here Rivera
persuaded Anza to accompany him to San Diego with some of his soldiers, the main body of the
expedition being left at San Gabriel under the Teniente Jose Joaquin Moraga. At San Diego,
Anza doubted the good faith of Rivera, who was not in accord with the padres, and cared nothing about the proposed establishments at San Francisco. Anza, to whom the latter were his chief
concern, left San Diego for San Gabriel, where supplies were short, and from thence, on February
21st, with the expedition, proceeded to Monterey, which was reached on March 10th, and here,
afterwards, a letter was received at the Presidio, from Rivera at San Diego, ordering the pobladores of Anza to erect houses for themselves at Monterey and await the erection of the Presidio
at San Francisco. Anza thereupon wrote to Rivera, expressing the feelings of the pobladores
and the padres, and on March 23d he set out for San Francisco, with Moraga, Padre Pedro Font,
the chaplain of the expedition, a corporal and ten soldiers, and a pack-train. On the 26th they
reached Punta de los Lobos, and found a part of the cross erected there by Rivera in 1774. From
there they passed on to the present Fort Point, named by them Punta del Cantil Blanco (=the
point of the precipitous white cliff), and here a cross was raised to mark where the fort (=fuerte)
should be built,—the point and fort later called by the Spaniards the Punta del Cantil y Fuerte
de San Joaquin. They encamped at Mountain Lake (Laguna del Presidio), and the stream running therefrom (Lobos Creek) they named Arroyo del Puerto (=the stream of the port). The
adjoining mesa (= tableland), between Mountain Lake and Fort Point, was designated by Anza
as the site for the new town. The Fresh Pond or Washerwoman's Lagoon of the American pioneers of San Francisco (the Laguna Pequena of the Spaniards) was passed on the survey, and
Alta Loma (Telegraph Hill) was climbed to obtain a view of the bay. Their encampment at
Mountain Lake was broken up, and the shore of the bay was afterwards followed. La Ensenada
de los Llorones (Mission Bay) was visited. Mission Creek was reached at the point where it
drained the laguna fed by Willows Creek, and this laguna was named by them La Laguna de
Manantial (=the lake of the flowing water). A pretty rivulet — ojo de agua—was found, and
named Arroyo de los Dolores. The surroundings providing much that was necessary for a new
mission establishment, Anza determined that this spot should be the site thereof. This was on
March 29, 1776. Anza, on this expedition, proceeded as far as the Rio de Nuestro Padre San
Francisco (so named by Fages in his expedition of 1772). Anza was convinced that this was not
a river, but a fresh-water lake, and named it Puerto Dulce (= sweetwater harbor). On the return
to Mexico, the Anza expedition reached Monterey on Easter Monday morning, April 8, 1776.
•mmm 106
Journal of a Voyage
Notes = 58, 59
On the 17th of June, 1776, there set out from Monterey an overland expedition for the founding
of the Mision and the Presidio of San Francisco, and also of a pueblo. The comandante of this
expedition was Teniente Jose Joaquin Moraga, with Sargento Juan Pablo Grijalva and also two
corporals. There were sixteen soldiers and ten colonists, or pobladores, with their families. Pack-
mules with supplies, and also two hundred cattle, were under the charge of Indians. The Padres
Francisco Palou and Pedro Benito Camb6n, with neophytes, had their own Indian servants, with
other Indians to care for the cattle and also the pack-mules with the supplies for the new Mision.
The site for the Mision, as determined upon by Anza, was reached' on the 27th of June, and on
the next day "una enramada" (a hut covered with branches'of trees) was erected and an altar
set up, and on the 29th (fiesta de los grandes santos apostoles San Pedro y San Pablo) the first
mass was celebrated, by the Padre Francisco Palou, at La Mision de Nuestro Serafico Padre San
Francisco de Asis. On the 26th of July, Moraga, with his soldiers and the pobladores, moved
to the Presidio site and erected brushwood huts. The first one built was a chapel, and here, on
July 28th, Padre Palou said the first mass at this place. The San Carlos, with supplies for the new
establishments, from San Bias, was at Monterey when Moraga left there, but did not reach San
Francisco until August 18th. (See note on the voyages of the San Carlos, ante, pages 91-93.)
The crew of the San Carlos assisted in the erection of permanent buildings for the new establishments, and by the middle of September these structures were finished, and the ceremony of taking
possession of the country was performed at the Presidio on September 17,1776,— dia de las llagas
de nuestro serafico padre San Francisco, patron del puerto, del nuevo Presidio, y de la Mision.
Padre Francisco Palou was assisted in the religious ceremonies by the Padres Benito Cambon,
Tomas de la Pefia y Sarabia, Vicente Santa Maria, and Jose Nocedal, the two last named being
the chaplains of the San Carlos. Moraga and his officers afterwards took formal possession of
the country in the name of Don Carlos Tercero, and the artillery of the Presidio and of the San
Carlos, together with the musketry of the troops, proclaimed the birth of Presidio and Pueblo,—
the birth of San Francisco. The soldiery, the padres, and the pobladores were then feasted by
Moraga, the comandante of the Presidio. The Mision San Francisco de Asis was to have been
founded on that saint's day,— October 4th,— but Moraga, with Quiros, the comandante of the
San Carlos, and his piloto Canizares and some of the crew, together with Padre Cambon, were
absent upon a survey of the bay. Everything being ready upon the return of Moraga, but without the consent of Rivera, the comandante militar, who was at San Diego, but who was opposed
to the foundation, the formal dedication of the Mision with solemn ceremonies took place on
October 9,1776. A procession was formed at the Presidio, and marched thence to the Mision,
amid the firing of musketry and the explosion of rockets. Padre Palou officiated as at the founding of the Presidio, assisted by the other padres. Most of the crew of the San Carlos were
present, and all the male pobladores. A feast followed, and the Pueblo, the Presidio, and the
Mision of San Francisco were now the established northern outposts of Spain in the Californias.
(As to the founding of the other mision at the harbor,—Santa Clara de Asis,—see next page.)
Page 59   51/519
Don Fernando de Rivuera = Don Fernando Xavier de Rivera
y M on cada.
When the Padre Juan Maria Salvatierra, the pioneer Jesuit missionary, came to
Baja California in October, 1697, and established the Mision Nuestra Sefiora de
Loreto, among his little band of soldiers was a Portuguese named Estevan Rodriguez
Lorenzo, who was later, by them, elected their captain. Loyal both to the soldiers
and to the missionaries, and a friend to the Indians, his duties soon were in fact those of military
governor of the peninsula.   When, through blindness, he became incapacitated, his son, Bernardo
MM notes=59       Northward of California in 1775
Rodriguez, as worthy a man and as good a soldier, succeeded him, but, not inheriting the rugged
constitution of his father, he survived him some four years only, dying on December 10, 1750.
Enters now upon the scene, as successor of the younger Lorenzo, or Rodriguez, which is probably
the patronymic, Don Fernando Xavier Rivera y Moncada, an outstanding figure in the earliest
history of the two Californias, and when his name first appears in history he is spoken of as a man
thoroughly conversant with the country, and warmly commended for his zeal. He received his
commission as comandante of the garrison of Loreto from King Ferdinand VI in 1752. When,
on November 30, 1767, Portola arrived as governor of the Californias, and with orders to expel
the Jesuits, he notified Rivera that he was deprived of his commission, and it is stated that Rivera
"quietly submitted." When Jose de Galvez, the visitador general, arrived on July 5, 1768, he
appointed Rivera a comisario, with orders to collect live-stock and supplies from the missions in
the peninsula for use at the proposed Franciscan establishments in Nueva California. These were
assembled at Velicata, and Rivera was appointed comandante of the first division of the overland
expedition of Portola. He left Velicata on Good Friday, March 24,1769, having with him the
Padre Juan Crespi and the pilotin Jose Cafiizares, and arrived at San Diego on May 14th, finding
there the San Carlos and the San Antonio, which vessels constituted the sea division of the expedition. Portola, who commanded the second overland division, arrived on June 29th, and Serra
later, on July 1st. Rivera accompanied Portola on the march to the port of Monterey, proposed as the site of the second Franciscan establishment, being the second in command. This
expedition lert San Diego on July 14th. The port of Monterey was passed without being recognized, and, the expedition continuing northward, the new port of San Francisco and the Golden
Gate were accidentally discovered. Rivera had been ill about this time, and had no part in the
discovery. (See note ante, page 103.) On the departure of Portola from California on July 9,
1770, Don Pedro Fages was appointed comandante militar, and was thus Rivera's superior. The
pages of history more than suggest jealousy on the part of Rivera. But Fages was not in sympathy with the padres, and Serra, on his visit to Bucareli in 1773, secured his dismissal, and Rivera
superseded him on May 25, 1774. Rivera, who was then in Guadalajara, went to Mexico to
receive his instructions, which were comprehensive, and these, with others, were for many years
the law in Nueva California. In November, 1774, with Padre Palou, he went to the Bay of San
Francisco on a reconnoitering expedition, but accomplished nothing. (See note ante, page 85.)
Rivera went to San Diego after the burning of the buildings of the Mision San Diego de Alcala
and the murder of a padre in November, 1775, during a revolt of the Indians. He punished in
different ways some Indians concerned in the atrocities, but the ire of the padres was thoroughly
aroused when, sword in hand, with some of his soldiers, he entered a building used for church
purposes and seized a ringleader to whom the padres had accorded the right of sanctuary, for
which act he and his soldiers were excommunicated. This action of the padres was subsequently
approved by Serra and the other padres at Monterey. Rivera was no more acceptable to the
padres than Fages had been, and as Portola had promoted Fages, a teniente, over his head, and
as Serra had expressed to Bucareli his preference for Jose Francisco. Ortega, a sargento, as the
successor of Fages, the opposition of Rivera to the plans of the padres is understandable. He
opposed the founding of the Mision San Francisco de Asis, but he was foiled in this by Serra,
when Moraga, Anza's lieutenant, left Monterey with the Sonoran troops and pobladores, to found
a presidio and pueblo at the port of San Francisco. Serra sent with Moraga, at this time, the
Padres Palou and Cambon, and Indian servants and supplies,—a separate and distinct equipment
from that of Moraga,— and the Mision San Francisco de Asis was founded in defiance of the
orders of Rivera. (See note ante, page 106.) Before Rivera left San Diego he received a letter
from the Viceroy Bucareli, in which he spoke of the two Franciscan missions at the port of San
Francisco as presumably established. This undoubtedly spurred Rivera to action, for when he
reached Monterey, although the Padre Presidente Serra was absent, he took with him the Padre
Tomas de la Pefia, who with the Padre Jose Antonio Murguia had previously been assigned to
m*m 108
Journal of a Voyage
Notes= 59-65
!!* I
the proposed new establishment, and visited the site which had been selected by Padre Tomas,
and then proceeded to the Presidio of San Francisco. Rivera and Moraga started out to seek a
river seen by the latter earlier in the year. (See note ante, page 106.) It being late in November, they were obliged to turn back on account of threatened high water, and on the way they
met a courier with tidings of an Indian uprising at San Luis Obispo, which obliged Rivera to
leave hastily for that place. The Padre Tomas was to stay at the Mision San Francisco de Asis
until Rivera's return to Monterey, when orders were to be sent up with men and supplies for the
founding of the new establishment. The orders were received late in December, and on January
6,1777, Moraga with a force, and with Padre Tomas, left the Mision San Francisco for the site of
the new Mision Santa Clara de Asis, which was dedicated on January 12th by the Padre Tomas
de la Pefia. On the 21st the Padre Jose Antonio Murguia arrived with supplies from Monterey.
Thus it was that Rivera, who had bitterly opposed the padres in their plans, gave the final order
for the consummation of the labors of Bucareli, of Galvez, of Portola, of Fages, of Anza, of Serra,
to found the two establishments at the new port of San Francisco. But in neither of the Californias
was there harmony between the padres and the civil and military authorities, notwithstanding the
efforts of Bucareli to effect conciliation; hence changes were made. Felipe de Neve, who, since
March 4, 1775, had been acting as governor of the Californias and residing at Loreto, was, on
April 19, 1776, regularly appointed as governor by Carlos III, and ordered to make his residence
at Monterey, which thereupon became the capital of Las Dos Californias, as it had always been
of Nueva California; but Neve's powers were no greater than Rivera's had been. Neve arrived
at Monterey in February, 1777. Rivera was made lieutenant-governor of Antigua California,
and left Monterey in March, 1777, to make his headquarters at Loreto. He had hitherto been
responsible only to the Viceroy, merely reporting to the governor, but now his authority was not
so great. On December 27, 1779, he was sent to Sonora and Sinaloa to recruit settlers for the
Franciscan establishments, and on his return he was killed while fighting heroically in an Indian
uprising, on the Rio Colorado, near the Mision Purisima Concepcidn (Fort Yuma), July 18,
Page 64   524/56
Note e.   Lord Anson's Voyage.
Lord Anson's Voyage Round the World (1740-1744) was published in many
editions and translated into most European languages. Lord (George) Anson was
born in 1697, of a good family. He entered the navy at an early age, and obtained the command
of a fleet commissioned to act against the Spaniards in the Pacific, in 1739. On July 20,1743,
he captured the Manila galleon, sailing from Manila to Acapulco, obtaining booty valued at two
and a half million dollars. His voyage was little better than a buccaneering expedition against
Spanish trade and settlement, but it was the first step in that career of maritime discovery in which
Cook and Vancouver and others earned such laurels, and of the busy colonization to which their
discoveries ultimately led.    Lord Anson died in June, 1762.
Page 65    57/525
Note g.   Unas aguas malas, etc.
Although Sir Daines, with his customary conscientiousness when in doubt as to
the accuracy of his translation, does not express any such doubt in this instance, yet by setting
out the original Spanish in the note he indicates a doubt. His translation, "At the same time
you will perceive, that the sea is of an iron color, and looks as if it had small boats, with sails
upon the surface," would be more accurately translated, "At the same time, you will perceive that
the water is of a purplish color, and resembles small vessels with lateen sails.'' INDEX
Abella, Padre Ramon, one of the founders of     Arroyo de los Dolores, 105.
Mision San Rafael.    See San Rafael.
Academy of Sciences, French (PAcademie des
Sciences), 6.
Acapulco, ment., 6; Vizcaino sails from, in
1602, 95.
Acosta, Martin de.   See note on Grijalva, 94.
Adams, Cape.    See Cape Adams.
Aguilar, Martin de, search for river bearing his
name, 20, 54; note on, 95-96.
Aguirre, Juan Bautista, segundo piloto of the
Santiago in 1778, 89; and of La Favorita in
1779, 90; and of the San Carlos in 1775, and
seeks Rivera overland expedition from Monterey, 92; names places in Bay of San Francisco, 104.
Agustin, Cabo San, 50.   See the large map.
Alaska, Cook surveys its coast, 82; discovered,
99.   See Chirikof.
Alcatraz Island, 104.
Aleutian Islands, surveyed by Cook, 82.
Alta California.   See California, Nueva.
Alta Loma, 105.
Altimira, Padre Jose, founder of Mision San
Francisco Solano.    See Sonoma.
Alzate y Ramirez, Jose Antonio, 6.
Angel Island, 92, 104.
Anson, Lord (George), biography, 108; his
Voyage Round the World, 64, 108.
Anza, Juan Bautista de, instructed to assist
Ayala in survey of Bay of San Francisco, 91,
103-104; arrives at Monterey from Sonora
in 1774, 94; his connection with the second
Bucareli expedition, and his march with
troops and pobladores to Monterey, and selection of sites for the Franciscan establishments at San Francisco, 92, 105-106. See
note on the San Carlos, 91-93; on Monterey, 93-94.
Archipelago of Saint Lazarus, 48; note, 99.
Arroyo del Puerto, 105.
Arteaga, Don Ignacio, comandante of the Santiago in 1777, 89; and of La Princesa and of
the third Bucareli expedition in 1779, 90.
Assumption Bay (Bahia de Asuncion), mouth
of Columbia River, discovered by Heceta, 86.
3 This so-called bay or bahia is the Entrada
de Hezeta of the large map accompanying
this volume.
Auteroche, Chappe d', his visit to Lower California in 1769 to view transit of Venus, 5; his
journey from La Vera Cruz to San Bias, 11;
dies at San Jose del Cabo, 80; his map in Voyage de la Californie, 80.
Ayala, Don Juan Manuel, in command of La
Sonora at San Bias, 13; ordered to command
of the San Carlos, 15, 92; biography, note,
89-90; voyage to Bay of San Francisco, and
survey thereof, 92, 93,100,103; his connection with the second Bucareli expedition,
103-105. See Golden Gate; San Carlos, the;
Sonora, La. 3 In several works Ayala's second praenomen (Manuel) is incorrectly given
as "Bautista."
Bahia Redondo, 104.
Bahia de Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe, 104.
Bahia de Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario la Mari-
nera, 104.
Bahia de la Asuncion.    See Assumption Bay.
Bahia de los Pinos, 94.
Balsa, the Spanish name of the tule canoes of
the Indians, 99.
Bancroft,  Hubert   Howe, his History of the
Northwest Coast cited, 81; his reproduced
chart of Puerto de la Bodega, 100.   See Cape
Bay of Biscay, 8.
Bay of Islands.   See note De los Remedios, 98.
Bay of Monterey.   See note, 93-94.
Bay of San Francisco.   See note, 103-106.
109 110
Journal of a Voyage
Beards, of Indians, 46; note, 98.
Beechey, Captain Frederick W., regarded Bodega and Tomales bays as one bay, 100.
Bellin, N., charts, 11,15, 23,47, 48. See Maps.
Belvedere, 105.
Bering, Vitus, 48; note, 99.
Bering's Strait. SeeMaurelle; note, 82 (Cook).
Berkeley, Fages sees Golden Gate from, 103.
Bezerra de Mendoza, Diego. See note, 94 (Grijalva) .
Bocana' de la Ensenada de los Farallones, La
(the Golden Gate), named by Fages, 91,102;
Ayala instructed to find if navigable, 102.
See Golden Gate; note on the San Carlos,
Bodega, meaning of this word in Spanish, 100.
Bodega y Quadra. See De la Bodega y Quadra;
La Bodega.
Bodega Bay.   See Puerto de la Bodega.
Bodega Head, the Punta de Murguia of Spanish chart, 100.
Bodega Rock, the Farallon del Padre Sierra of
old Spanish chart, 100.
Boscowich, Father, Jesuit priest, not permitted
to visit Lower California, 5.
Bucareli [or Bucarely] y Ursua, Antonio Maria,
Viceroy of Nueva Espana, orders Maurelle on
second expedition, 13; decides not to abandon naval port of San Bias, 8 3; biography, 84;
approves recommendation of Heceta that port
of Trinidad be fortified, 85; commends De
la Bodega's courage and resourcefulness, 85;
Serra visits him in 1773, 88; news of his death
reaches San Francisco in 1779, while Serra
and ships of third expedition there, 90. See
Ayala; San Carlos, the.
Bucareli expeditions: the third, inl779, its ships,
officers, chaplains, 90; the second, in 1775,
its ships, etc., 91-93; the first, 81, 88, 96.
Burriel, Andres Marcos, Venegas's History of
California due chiefly to his labors, 80. J Venegas had sent to him, at Madrid, a wealth
of material for this work, among which were
letters of the Jesuit padres Eusebio Francisco
Kino, Juan Maria Salvatierra, Francisco Maria Piccolo, Juan Ugarte, Sigisimundo Tara-
val, as well as the diary of Estevan Rodriguez
Lorenzo, the comandante militar at Loreto.
Another work of Burriel — Sobre la autoridad de la leyes de fuero juzgo — is valuable
for its exposition of the variance of weights
and measures in Spain, those in use being of
Roman, Gothic, Moorish, and Jewish origin.
Burriel, a learned Spanish Jesuit, was born in
1719 and died in 1762.
Cabo Blanco, Vizcaino's vessels reach latitude
of, 95.
Cabo Falcon.   See Cape Falcon.
Cabo Frondoso, 88. 3 This is the Cape Adams
of modern maps. Frondoso means, in Spanish, luxuriant or leafy; but the name," Leafy
Cape,'' used by some authors, is a mistranslation.
Cabo San Agustin, discovered and named, 50.
See the large map.
Cabo San Roque, 88.
Cabo de Fortunas, 23, 96.
Cabo de Mendozino, 96.
Cabo de San Lucas, 59, 60; storm off, disables
the San Carlos, 91.
Cabo del Engafio, discovered, 42; 43; note, 98.
Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, his Bahia de los Pinos
probably the Bay of Monterey, 94; discoverer of Nueva California in 1542, 94; gives
name of San Miguel to the present San Diego,
95; probably sighted Punta de los Reyes, 102.
Cadiz, galleons sailing from, 7.
California, histories of.   See Forbes; Venegas.
California, Antigua (=old), discovered by Ximenez in 1534, 94. See note on the San Carlos, 91, et passim. 3 Peninsular California is
also called, in Spanish writings, Baja (=lower)
California. This, of course, was after the discovery of Nueva (= new) California.
California, Nueva (=new), "la santa expedition" (=the sacred expedition) of Galvez for
its spiritual conquest, 91; Monterey always
considered its capital, 94. 3 Nueva California is also called Alta (=upper) California.
California Septentrional (= north, northern)
is frequently found in the writings. The
Californias (Upperand Lower California) and
Las Dos Californias (=the two Californias)
are names used to designate the two provinces, which are really two countries.
Camacho, Jose, primero piloto of La Princesa
in 1779, 90.
Cambon, Padre Pedro Benito, at founding of
Presidio and Mision San Francisco, 106. Index
Northward of California in 1775
Campa y Cos.    See De Ia Campa y Cos.
Canada, ingratitude of colonies to England for
conquering, 7.
Canizares, Jose, primero piloto of La Favorita
in third Bucareli expedition of 1779,90; and
of the San Carlos in the second expedition of
1775, 92; passes through the Golden Gate,
in launch, to find anchorage for the San Carlos, 92; primero piloto of the San Carlos in
1776, 93; names points on the Bay of San
Francisco, 104; at founding of Presidio and
Mision San Francisco, 106; with Rivera on
march from Velicata to San Diego inl769,107.
3 It will be noted that to Canizares belongs
the distinction of being the first European to
command a water-craft steering through the
Golden Gate.
Cape Adams, 88. 3 This is the Cabo Frondoso
of Heceta, the southern point of the mouth of
the Columbia River.
Cape Deceit.   See Cabo del Engafio.
Cape Disappointment, 8 6,8 8. 3 This is the Cabo
San Roque of Heceta, the northern point of
the mouth of the Columbia River.
Cape Falcon, 88. 3 This is the Cabo Falc6n
(or Halcon) of Heceta. Greenhow is probably incorrect in identifying it with Cape
Lookout. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol.
i, p. 164) says it is probably Tillamook or
False Tillamook.
Cape Fortuna, 23, 96.
Cape Frondoso, 88.   See Cabo Frondoso.
Cape Lookout.   See Cape Falcon.
Cape Mendocino, 96.
Cape San Lucas, 59, 60, 86, 91.
Cape del Enganno.   See Cabo del Engafio.
Carlos HI, 13; biography, 84; 85; possession
of ports taken in his name, 94,106; appoints
Felipe de Neve governor of the Californias,
Carmel Mission.   See Mision San Carlos.
Carquinez Strait, 103, 104.
Castro, Francisco, piloto of the Santiago in 1777
and 1778, 89.
Cermeno, Sebastian Rodriguez, Cafiizares seeks
possible connection between his Puerto de
San Francisco and the new port, 92; 95; his
galleon, the San Agustin, wrecked in the old
port, 102. See Drakes Bay; Puerto de San
Francisco; San Agustin, the.
Chirikof, Alexei Ilich, 48; discovers Alaska, 99.
Chirikof Island, 99.
Clark's Point of View, 88.
Cliff House, Heceta at, in 1775, 85.
Columbia River, its discovery by Heceta and
Perez in 1775, 85; Greenhow's translation of
Heceta's report of the voyage of the Santiago
relating thereto, 86-88. 3 The mouth of the
Columbia is Heceta's Bahia de Asuncion,
marked "Entrada de Hezeta" in the large
map accompanying this volume.
Concepcidn, La, vessel on Grijalva-Bezerra expedition of 1533, 94.
Cook, Captain James, 9; pays Indians for grass,
46; extent of northwestern American coast
traced by him, 47; biography, his discoveries,
title-page of his Voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
82; names Mount Edgecumbe and Bay of
Islands, 98.
Cortes, Hernando, biography, 94; and see also
note on Grijalva, same page.
Costanso, Miguel, his name for Farallones, 102.
Crespi, Padre Juan, chaplain on Santiago on first
Bucareli expedition of 1774, 89; a founder of
San Carlos Borromeo, 94; with Fages on expedition to San Francisco in 1772,103; with
Rivera on march from Velicata to San Diego
in 1769, 107.
Davalos, Rdo. Miguel, secular priest, chaplain
of Santiago in 1780, 89.
De la Bodegay Quadra [or Cuadra], Juan Francisco, second in command of La Sonora when
second Bucareli expedition fitted out at San
Bias in 1775,13; ordered to command of La
Sonora, 15; in favor of avenging the massacre
of landing party, 39; Bucareli commends his
courage and resourcefulness, 85; biography,
services on the Californian and northwest
coasts, 90; his references to charts of Perez,
98; regarded Bodega and Tomales bays as
one bay, 100; his connection with the second
Bucareli expedition, 104.
De la Bodega, Puerto, 100.   See Tomales Bay.
De la Campa y Cos, Padre Miguel, with Heceta
on overland expedition to San Francisco in
1775 to select site for mission, 85, 104.
De la Pefia y Sarabia, Padre Tomas, chaplain on
the Santiago on first Bucareli expedition of
1774, 89; at founding of Presidio and Mision 112
Journal of a Voyage
San Francisco, 106; goes with Rivera from
Monterey to San Francisco in 1776 to view
site of second mission, and in January, 1777,
dedicates Mision Santa Clara de Asis, 108.
Del Pino, Miguel, comandante of the San Carlos
in 1772, and discharges at San Diego supplies
intended for Monterey, 91.    See Perez.
Dobbs, Arthur, attempts to discover a Northwest Passage, 82.
Drake, Sir Francis, Spaniards not likely to name
bay in his honor, 56; biography, etc., 101;
lands on South Farallon, and names group
Islands of Saint James, 102.
Drakes Bay, the Puerto de San Francisco of
Cermeno (1595),92,95,100; named Puerto
de los Reyes or Puerto de Don Gaspar by Vizcaino (1603), 95,100; called Jack's Harbor,
100; Drake anchors in (1579), 101.
Drunkenness, on board La Sonora, 20.
Duran, Padre Narciso, a founder of Mision San
Rafael.   See San Rafael.
Eceta [or Ezeta], Don Bruno.   See Heceta.
Ellis, Henry, preface to his book, A Voyage to
Hudson'sBay, 61; title-page of the same, 82.
English, Spanish jealousy of, in regard to west
coast of America, 4, 5; fear of their discovering a Northwest Passage, 88.
Ensenada de los Farallones, 101, 102, 103.
Ensenada de los Llorones, 104, 105.
Ensenada del Carmelita, 92, 105.
Ensenada del Santo Evangelio, 105.
Ensenada y Puerto de Guadalupe, discovered
and named, 43. See the large map. 3 This
name, in full, is Ensenada y Puerto de Nuestra
Sefiora de Guadalupe.
Entrada de Hezeta. See Assumption Bay; Columbia River; also the large map.
Errors or inconsistencies in Barrington's translation, 95, 99. 3 Some are noted passim, but
the text is not altered in any manner.
Estero Seco, 104.
Fages, Don Pedro, names the Golden Gate, in
1772, La Bocana de Ensenada de los Farallones, 91; his expeditions to the new port of San
Francisco in 1770 and 1772, 103; succeeds
Portola as comandante militar of Nueva California, 103-107; not in sympathy with padres,
Serra secures his dismissal, and Rivera suc
ceeds him, 107. 3 Fages afterwards was governor of the Californias, from 1782 to 1791.
False Cape.    See Cabo del Engafio.
Farallon del Padre Sierra, old Spanish name of
Bodega Rock, 100.
Farallones de San Francisco, Perez passes, in
1774, 89; marked "Frailes" on Vizcaino's
map, 95; note on, 102.
Favorita, La (or Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios), in third Bucareli expedition of 1779,
her officers etc., 99.
Ferdinand VI (El Sabio, Rey de las Espafias),
appoints Rivera y Moncada comandante of
the garrison of Loreto, 107.
Ferrelo, Bartolome, names Cabo de Fortunas
(1542), 96; probably sighted Punta de los
Reyes, 102.
Ferro, 11, 84.
Florez, Antonio, piloto of Aguilar, 95.
Fonte, Admiral, Strait of, 48, 99.
Forbes, Alexander, his History of California,
83; cited, 88; "LaBodega,"asprinted in his
History, name of Puerto de la Bodega, 100.
Fort Churchill, 28.
Fort Point. See Punta de San Jose; Punta del
Cantil Blanco.
Frailes, a name for the Farallones, on the map
of Vizcaino, 95,102.
Franciscan establishments in Nueva California,
the San Carlos and the San Antonio built as
supply-ships for, 91; the second expedition
of Bucareli in 1775 for founding two at the
new port of San Francisco, 91-93. See Galvez; Mision San Carlos Borromeo; Mision
San Francisco de Asis; Mision San Diego;
Mision Santa Clara; San Rafael; Sonoma.
French, Academy of Sciences, 6; in Canada, 7.
See Maps and Charts.
Fresh Pond, 105.
Fuca, Juan de.   See Juan de Fuca.
Gage, Thomas, his Survey of the West Indies,
6; cited, 42; note on, 80.
Galleons, sailing from Cadiz, 7.   See Cermefio.
Galvez, Jose de, "la santa expedition'' for the
spiritual conquest of Nueva California, 91;
his arrival in Baja California, 107. 3 Professor
Herbert I. Priestley's work on Galvez gives a
good account of his services as visitador general of NuevaEspana. (Univ. of Cal.,1916.) Index
Northward of California in 1775
Gil, Padre Luis Gonzaga y Taboada, One of the
founders of Mision San Rafael. See San Rafael.
Goat [Yerba Buena] Island, 104.
Gold-mines, Brazilian, etc., 6.
Golden Gate, the San Carlos the first vessel to
pass through, in 1775, 91, 92; distance from
the Farallones, 102; Fages sees, in 1772, and
gives first name to, 103.
Golden Hinde, Sir Francis Drake's vessel, 101;
overhauled in Drakes Bay, 102.
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, 81.
Greenhow, Robert, his History of Oregon and
California cited, 86-88.
Grijalva, Hernando de, discoverer of the Re-
villagigedo Islands in 1533, 94.
Grijalva, Sargento Juan Pablo, with Moraga on
expedition from Monterey to found the Presidio of San Francisco, 106. 3 Grijalva had
with him, on this expedition in 1776, his wife
and three children, who were a part of the
second Anza expedition from Sonora. The
children intermarried with the noted Hispano-
Californian families of Yorba and Peralta.
Guanacabelica.   See Huancavelica.
Guaymas, the San Carlos makes her first voyage to, 91.
Gulf of the Farallones, its boundaries, 101, 102,
Halley, Dr. Edmund, his work on the Variation of the Needle, 9, 82.
Hawaiian Islands, 9, 82.
Heceta, Bruno, fits out sea division of second
Bucareli expedition of 1775, 13; leaves unavenged the massacred crew of La Sonora,
39; biography, with his services on the Cali-
fornian and northwest coast, 84-88; Green-
how's translation of part of his report as to
discovery of the Columbia River, 86-88;
thinks mouth of the Columbia the passage
mentioned by Fuca, 87; named as comandante of La Princesa and of the third Bucareli
expedition of 1779, but is not appointed, 90;
his connection with the second Bucareli expedition of 1775, 91-93,104. See Entrada de'
Hierro, 84.
History of California. See Bancroft; Forbes;
Greenhow; Venegas.
Horseshoe Bay, the San Carlos repaired in, 93.
Hospital Cove, probably place of anchorage of
the San Carlos in 1775, 92,104.
Huancavelica, quicksilver-mine, 6, 80.
Hudson's Bay, copper and iron at Trinidad supposed to have come from, 28; no westward
passage to Pacific from, 85.
Ibera, Rdo. Nicolas de, first secular priest in
Nueva California, chaplain of the Santiago in
1779, 89.
Indians, trade with the Santiago and La Sonora,
22, 23; precautions taken against, at Trinidad, 23; their houses or huts, and method of
heating, 24, 25; contrivances used by those
of King George's Sound, 24; men's clothing,
or lack of it, 25; ear and lip ornaments, 25,
26, 97; painting of face and body, 25; dress,
and lip and other ornaments, of women, 26,
97; government, wars, bows and arrows,
flint and copper and iron for arrows, quivers,
marriages, funerals, language, 28; cultivate
and smoke tobacco, 29; hunting and fishing,
29; at Ensenada y Puerto de Guadalupe, 43;
at Puerto de los Remedios, 44; exact payment for water, and resent taking possession
of country, 45; refuse offers of bugles and
other trifles as barter, 46; their racial origin,
46; beards, 46; none found at Puerto de
Bucareli, 49; their tule canoes or balsas, 55,
99; those near Puerto de la Bodega described,
55; their intercourse with La Sonora, 56;
uprisings in Sonora, 91; their friendly disposition at Bay of San Francisco in 1775, 92;
massacre landing-party from La Sonora at
Punta de los Martires, 98; at Franciscan missions of San Rafael and Sonoma, 100; their
friendly relations with Drake, 101; revolt at
Mision San Diego, 107.
Isla Plana, 105.
Isla de Alcatraces, 104.
Isla de Dolores, 34.
Isla de Nuestra Sefiora de los Angeles, place of
anchorage of the San Carlos in 1775, 85, 92.
Isla de San Carlos, discovered, 50.
Isla de los Angeles, 104.
Islais Creek, 104.
Islands of Saint James, Drake's name for the
Farallones (off San Francisco), 101.
Isleo Hendido (the South Farallon), 102. 114
Journal of a Voyage
Jack's Harbor (Drake's Bay), 103.
Jesuits, Mision San Carlos Borromeo erroneously said to be one of their establishments,
14; had no missions in Nueva California, 94;
arrival of Portola in Antigua California with
orders to expel them, 107. See Burriel; Rivera; Salvatierra.
Juan Francisco, old Spanish name of Tomales
Bay, 100.   3 Juan Francisco de la Bodega?
Juan de Fuca, river of, 33; Strait of Admiral
Fonte identified with that of, 48; Strait of,
identified with mouth of Columbia, 87; his
real name, 97.
Junta de los Quatro Evangelistas, 105.
King George's Sound, contrivances used by the
Indians at, 24; iron and copper in use at, 28;
name given by Cook to Nootka Sound, 96.
3The abbreviation "St." (St. George), on
page 24 is, of course, an error, and led to its
repetition in the note on page 96.
Kino, Padre Eusebio Francisco. See Burriel.
3 See Dr. Bolton's exhaustive work, Kino's
Historical Memoir.
Kruzof Island.   See note to page 42, 98.
La Bodega, 100.
La Mesa, 88. 3 A name given by Heceta, and
translated " The Table " by Greenhow. The
word "mesa" also means, in Spanish, the flat
surface on the top of hills or mountains.
La Paz.   See note on the San Carlos, 91-93.
La Santa Expedition, 91.   See Galvez.
Laguna de Manantial, 105.
Laguna de Nuestra Sefiora de la Merced, 85.
Laguna del Presidio, 105.
Lake Merced, 85.
Las Tres Marias, 15, 59, 60.
Lasuen, Padre Fermin Francisco.   See Palou.
Leafy Cape.   See Cabo Frondoso.
Lever, Sir Ashton, specimens from the northwest Pacific coast in his museum, 24, 28.
Lime Point, 105.
Little Trinidad River, 97.
Lobos Creek, 105.
Longfellow, H. W., his last poem, The Bells of
San Bias, 83.
Lopez, Estevan, acting piloto on Vizcaino expedition of 1602-03, 96.
Lorenzo, Bernardo Rodriguez, 107.
Lorenzo, Estevan Rodriguez, 106. See Burriel.
3 Rodriguez is probably the patronymic. The
Portuguese do not, like the Spaniards, use a
conjunction between the patronymic and the
Loreto. See note on the San Carlos, 91; on
Rivera, 106.
Los Reyes, 101.
Los Tres Reyes, ship in Vizcaino expedition, 95.
Lower California.   See California, Antigua.
Manila galleon, captured in 1743 by Lord Anson, 108.   See Cermeno; San Agustin.
Manrique, Miguel, comandante of the San Carlos when she left San Bias in 1775,14; pronounced insane and sent back, 15, 91-92;
his rank in navy, 93.
Maps and charts, Bellin's, 11, 15, 23, 47, 48;
missing, of those made by De la Bodega and
Maurelle, 12, 30, 97; French, 16, 23, 33;
Dr. Robertson's, 16; Russian, not to be depended upon, 48; Carta General of De la
Bodega, 1791 (reproduced in this volume),
90; that of Ayala or Cafiizares (reproduced
in this volume), 92; of Puerto de la Bodega,
Mare Island, 105.
Martinez, Estevan Jose, comandante of the Santiago in 1779 and 1780, 89.
Maurelle, Francisco Antonio, charts made by
him in 1775, 7, 81; served ten years in the
Bay of Biscay, 8; appointed first pilot of the
second Bucareli expedition of 1775, and embarks on La Sonora at San Bias, 13; his directions for making discoveries north of California, 60; segundo capitan of La Favorita in
third Bucareli expedition of 1779, 90; protests against Arteaga's premature return when
60° N. reached, 90.   See La Sonora.
Mendoza, Antonio de, Viceroy of Nueva Espafia, 96.
Mexico (Nueva Espafia), its climate, etc., 6.
Mision Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto, founded, 106.
3 This was the first Spanish mision established in the Californias. The Jesuit padres
Juan Maria de Salvatierra and Francisco Piccolo were the founders. The ceremonies
were performed on October 19, 1697.
Mision Purisima Conception, Rivera killed in
Indian uprising near, in 1781, 108.   3 This Index
Northward of California in 1775
Jesuit mision was founded in 1718 by the
Padre Nicolas Tamaral.
Mision San Carlos Borromeo, the San Carlos to
proceed to, with second Bucareli expedition,
14; crew of the Santiago at, 84; note, 93-94.
Mision San Diego de Alcala, revolt of Indians
at, in 1775, 105; Rivera and Anza at, after
revolt, 105; Rivera and soldiers excommunicated at, for alleged violation of right of
sanctuary, 107. See Anza; Rivera; note on
the San Carlos, 91; San Diego. 3 The Mision
San Diego de Alcala was the first Franciscan
mision founded in Nueva California. Portola, with the second overland division of
"la santa expedition,"arrived at San Diego
on June 29,1769, and Serra, who had accompanied Portola, arrived on July 1st. Rivera,
with the first (the pioneer) division, arrived
on May 14th, and found at the port the San
Carlos and" the San Antonio, which constituted the sea division of the expedition, A
third vessel—the San Jose — was lost. The
Mision San Diego was dedicated by Serra
on July 16, 1769.
Mision San Francisco de Asis, founded, 106;
its founding opposed by Rivera, 107. 3 This
Mision is now commonly called " Mission
. Dolores." Anza, in March, 1776, had fixed
its site near the Arroyo de los Dolores, and
hence, in part, the latter name. The climate
being rigorous, it was proposed that the Mision be abandoned and a new site selected
near San Rafael. The latter was done, but
the old Mision was saved. The new one was
named San Francisco Solano, and, confusion
arising, place-names were used instead of the
official names,—thus, Dolores and Sonoma,
—the official names, however, being retained.
See Sonoma.
Mision San Francisco Solano.   See Sonoma.
Mision San Rafael Arcangel.   See San Rafael.
Mision Santa Clara de Asis, founded, 108.
Mission Bay, 104, 105.
Mission Creek, 105.
Monterey (port, bay, etc.), the San Carlos to
proceed to, with second Bucareli expedition,
14; commanders of the Santiago and La Sonora consider advisability of putting into, 19;
La Sonora steers for, on return from north,
53; Franciscan establishment at, 91 (and see
14); famine at, in 1773-74, 91; note on, 93-
94; passed by Portola in 1769 without being
recognized, 107. See note on Aguilar, 95;
on the San Carlos, 91-93; on the Santiago,
88-89; Heceta; Mision San Carlos Borromeo; Perez; San Pedro; Vizcaino.
Monterey, Conde de (Gaspar de Zufiiga y Aze-
vedo), Monterey named in honor of, 94, 95.
See note on Punta de los Reyes, 101. 3 The
Conde de Monterey was Viceroy of Nueva
Espafia from 1595 to 1603, and of Peru from
1604 until his death in 1606. He was active
in furthering colonization and exploration.
Moon, belief of the Spaniards as to its effect
upon the weather, 16, 17, 20, 42, 50, 51, 57.
Moraga, Jose Joaquin, with Quiros on reconnoissance of new port of San Francisco in
1776, 93; with Anza on march from Sonora
to Monterey, and at founding of Presidio and
Mision San Francisco de Asis, 106; again on
a reconnoissance of the port, in 1776, with
Rivera, and in January, 1777, is at founding
of Mision Santa Clara de Asis, 108. 3 Moraga
was the first comandante of the Presidio of
San Francisco, and held this command until
his death in 1785. He was buried at the
Mision San Francisco. His children intermarried with the old Hispano-Californian
families of Bernal and Alvarado.
Mount Edgecumbe. See note on SanJacinto,98.
Mountain Lake, 105.
Murguia, Padre Jose Antonio, 100; visits, with
Rivera, site for proposed Mision Santa Clara,
107; goes there with supplies after its founding, 108.   See Punta de Murguia.
Needle, variation of, Halley's work on, 9, 82.
Neve, Felipe de, appointed governor of the
Californias, with residence at Monterey, 108.
New Albion, California so named byDrake, 101.
Nocedal, Padre Jose, chaplain of the Santiago
in 1777 and 1778, 89; of the San Carlos in
1776,93; at founding of Presidio and Mision
San Francisco, 106.
Nootka, De la Bodega commands Spanish forces
at, and treats with Vancouver at convention,
90.   See note on Nootka Sound, 82.
Noriega, Padre Matias Antonio de, chaplain on
La Princesa in 1779. 3 Santa Catarina was
the patronymic of this padre, but he was bet- 116
Journal of a Voyage
ter known by the matronymic Noriega. See
Northwest Passage, English attempts to discover
a, 4, 8; part relating thereto in Spanish edition of Venegas omitted in English translation, 80; Spaniards fear discovery of a, by the
English, 88.   See Cook; Dobbs; Ellis.
Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios, La. See Favorita, La; also note on De la Bodega, 90.
Ortega, Jose Francisco, ordered by Portola, at
Punta San Pedro, in 1769, to reach Punta de
los Reyes overland, and accidentally discovers
the Golden Gate and the new port of San
Francisco, 103; Serra sought his appointment
as comandante militar to succeed Fages, in
1773, 107. 3 Ortega was a soldado de cuera
(leather-cuirassed soldier), and had come
from the Presidio of Loreto. He was a sargento at the time of the discovery, and was
afterwards in command at San Diego, Loreto,
Monterey, and Santa Barbara, and was retired
as a brevet captain in 1795. Ortega was born
in Celaya, Guanajuato, in 1734, and died on
February 3, 1798, and was buried at Mision
Santa Barbara. His son Jose Maria was the
grantee of the Rancho de Nuestra Sefiora del
Refugio, famous in Californian history. The
Ortega family intermarried with the Vallejos,
De la Guerras, Carrillos, and Castros.
Palacios, Geronimo Martin, cosmographer of
the Vizcaino expedition, 102.
Palou, Padre Francisco, with Heceta on overland expedition in 1775, from Monterey to
San Francisco, to select site for mision, 85,
104; goes with officers of the third Bucareli
expedition of 1779, from San Francisco, to
visit Serra, 90; officiates at founding of the
Presidio and Mision San Francisco in 1776,
106; with Rivera on overland expedition to
the new port of San Francisco in 1774,107.
3 Palou, like Serra, was born on the island of
Majorca, and came with him to Nueva Espana in 1749. When the Franciscans superseded the Jesuits in Baja California in 1768,
Palou was assigned by Serra to the Mision
San Francisco Xavier de Vigge-Viaundo. In
1773, upon the surrender of the Jesuit-founded
missions by the Franciscans to the Domini
cans, Palou went to Monterey, and acted as
padre presidente while Serra made his memorable visit to the Viceroy Bucareli in that year.
He founded and served at the Mision San
Francisco de Asis. On account of ill health,
he petitioned for retirement, but on the death
of Serra in 1784 he was again called upon to
act as padre presidente, but his residence was
at San Francisco, and at this time he wrote
his Vida de Junipero Serra. Upon the appointment of Fermin Francisco Lasuen as padre
presidente in 1785, he retired to the Franciscan College of San Fernando. His Noticias
de la Nueva California is a standard work.
Panama, 6, 7.
Pantoja y Arriaga, Juan, segundo piloto of La
Princesa in 1779, 99.
Pefia, Padre Tomas de la.   See De la Pefia.
Perez, Juan, 8; his charts in use on La Sonora,
33; his northern voyage in 1774, 33; advises
leaving unavenged the massacred landing-
party of La Sonora, 39; inaccurate reference
to his chart, 42; discovered arm of sea in
parallel of Cabo San Agustin, 50; biography,
his record of service on the Californian and
northwest coast, 81; his death, 85; in 1775
advises Heceta not to enter the Columbia,
87; 88; comandante of the San Antonio in
1772, and goes from San Diego to Monterey
at Serra's urgent request, 91; in 1773, in the
San Carlos, seeks refuge in Loreto, and discharges cargo, causing famine in Monterey,
which he relieves in 1774, in the Santiago, 91;
at founding of the Mision San Carlos, 94; in
1774 reaches only 55° N., 98.
Piccolo [or Picolo], Padre Francisco Maria.
See Burriel.
Pigeon River 32, 97. See Rio de las Tortolas,
and the maps in this volume.
Pino, Don Miguel del.   See Del Pino.
Point Avisadero, 104.
Point Bonita, 105. 3 The original name of this
point is said to have been Bonete, given because of its resemblance to the bonete (or
cap) of clergymen and college professors.
Point Lobos.   See Punta de los Lobos.
Point Richmond, 104.
Point San Pedro (in Bay of San Francisco), 105.
See Punta San Pedro.
Point of Pines.   See Punta de Pinos. Index
Northward of California in 1775
Portola, Don Gaspar de, at founding of Mision
San Carlos Borromeo, 94; his failure to identify port of Monterey in 1769, 94,103; discovery of new port of San Francisco, 103;
his connection with "la santa expedition"
of Galvez from his arrival in Baja California
in 1767 until his departure in 1770,107.
Prescott, William H., his works referred to, 79.
Presidio of San Francisco, the San Carlos anchors off its site, in 1775, 92; soldiers for,
93; crew of the San Carlos at founding of,
in 1776, 93; founded, 106. See Punta del
Cantil Blanco.
Priests, secular.   See Secular Priests.
Princesa, La, or Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario,
in third Bucareli expedition of 1779, her officers, etc. ,90.   See Arteaga.
Puerto Dulce, 105.
Puerto de Bucarely, possession of country taken
at, 49; 99.'
Puerto de Guadalupe. See Ensenada y Puerto
de Guadalupe.
Puerto de Monterey, the name given by Vizcaino in 1602 to Bay of Monterey, 94. See
Puerto de San Francisco (the old port, or Drakes
Bay, or Puerto de los Reyes, or Jack's Harbor), its latitude as given in Venegas's History
of California, 54; Cafiizares seeks possible
connection between the old and the new ports,
92; name supposed to have been given by
Cermeno, 102. See Drake; Vizcaino; and,
for the new port, San Francisco.
Puerto de San Lorenzo, discovered by Perez in
1774,96. See King George's Sound; Nootka.
Puerto de la Asumpta, 104.
Puerto de la Bodega. See note, 100; and inset
chart on large map.
Puerto de la Santisima Trinidad, possession of
the country taken at, 24; 32; trading with the
Indians at, 51; recommendation that the place
be fortified, 85; date of its discovery generally given inaccurately by authors, 96.
Puerto de los Remedios, discovered, and possession of the country taken, 44; Indians resent taking possession, 45, 46; precautions
taken against Indians at, 49; salubrious climate, 62; note on, 98.
Puerto de los Reyes (the present Drakes Bay),
so named by Vizcaino in 1603, 95;  Ortega
attempts to reach, overland, in 1769, and Fages in 1772,103. See further, note on Punta
de los Reyes, 101-102.
Punta Caballo, the San Carlos damaged near,
in 1775, 93.
Punta San Pedro (on coast south of Golden
Gate), the southern coast boundary of the
Gulf of the Farallones, 102. See Punta de
las Almejas.
Punta de Afio Nuevo, the Santiago nearly
wrecked off, 89.
Punta de Arenas, La Sonora anchors near, in
1775, 55. See note on Puerto de la Bodega,
Punta de Concha, 104.
Punta de Langosta, 105.
Punta de Murguia (Bodega Head), 100.
Punta de Pinos, Ayala sights, in 1775, 92.
Punta de San Antonio, 104.
Punta de San Carlos, 105.
Punta de San Jose (the present Fort Point),
the San Carlos anchors inside of, in 1775,
85, 92, 104.   See Punta del Cantil Blanco.
Punta de Santiago, 105.   See Point Bonita.
Punta del Angel de la Guarda (Punta de los
Lobos, or Point Lobos), 93, 104. See Santa
Punta del Cantil Blanco (Fort Point), so named
by Anza in 1776,105.
Punta del Cordon (Tomales Point), 57,100.
Punta de las Almejas del Angel de la Guarda
(Punta San Pedro), 103. 3 This name is a
combination of the Padre Crespi's devising.
Portola had named the point La Punta de las
Almejas (shellfish), but this was evidently
not to the liking of the reverent padre, who
added the rest. "Angel Custodio,"as used
in this name by some authors, is the same as
Angel de la Guarda.
Punta de las Arenas (Sand Point, in Tomales
Bay), 100.
Punta de los Lobos, cross erected on, by Rivera,
in 1774, 85, 105; Heceta at, in 1775, 85;
Anza at, in 1776, 105.
Punta de los Reyes, vessels of Vizcaino expedition separate in storm north of, 95; Drake
at, 100; note on, 101. See Fages; Ortega;
Portola; Puerto de los Reyes.
Punta y Ensenada de los Martires, landing-
party from La Sonora massacred at, 37, 98. ■'I
Journal of a Voyage
Queen Charlotte Island, Perez surveys coast
to extremity of, in 1774, 89.
Quicksilver mines, Sonoran, 6.
Quiros y Miranda, Fernando, segundo capitan
of La Princesa in 1779, 90; comandante of
the San Carlos in 1776, on reconnoissance
of Bay of San Francisco, and is present at
founding of Presidio and Mision, 93, 106.
Rancho de Nuestra Sefiora del Refugio. See
Register ships, 7; note, 81.
Revilla, Cristobal, advises leaving unavenged the
massacred landing-party from La Sonora, 39;
favors discontinuance of voyage by La Sonora,
40; advises Heceta, in 1775, not to enter the
mouth of the Columbia, 87; segundo piloto
of the San Carlos in 1776, 93.
Revillagigedo Islands, discovered, 94.
Richardson's [or Richardson] Bay, the San Carlos anchors in, in 1775, 92,105.
Rio Colorado, Rivera killed by Indians at, 108.
Rio Grande de San Sebastian, name laid down
on Vizcaino chart for Tomales Bay, 100.
Rio de las Tortolas, 97.
Rio de Nuestro Padre San Francisco, 103,105.
Rio de San Juan Bautista, 105.
Rio del Carmelo, 85, 92; Mision San Carlos
moved to, 94; named by Vizcaino in 1602,95.
Riobo, Padre Juan Garcia, chaplain on La Princesa in 1779, 90.
Rivera y Moncada, Fernando Xavier de, comandante militar at Monterey, 59; advised
by Bucareli of Anza overland expedition with
colonists from Sonora, 92; his overland expedition to new port of San Francisco in 1774,
93,103; succeeds Fages as comandante militar of Nueva California, 103; his connection
with the second Bucareli expedition, 104-
106; biography, etc., 106-108. See note, 85.
Robertson, Dr. William, his History of America, 3; his map, 11; note on, 79.
Russian maps, not to be depended upon, 48.
Russian navigators.   See Bering; Chirikof.
Russians, ease with which they might establish
themselves on west coast of America, 4;
the Empress Catharine's purpose to employ
vessels for discovery in 1781, 4; rumors of
their encroachments on coast, 88; at Puerto
de la Bodega, 100.
St. Augustine (Cabo San Agustin), discovered,
50.   See the large map.
St. George's Sound, 24. See King George's
St. Jacinthus.   See San Jacinto.
St. Thomas, 17.   See note on Grijalva, 94.
Salvatierra, Padre Juan Maria, 106. See Burriel;
Mision Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto.
San Agustin, the, wrecked at old port of San
Francisco in 1595, 95,100, 102.
San Antonio, the, or El Principe, built at San
Bias, as supply-ship for the Franciscan establishments in Nueva California, 91; at San
Diego in 1769, on "la santa expedicidn" of
Galvez, 107.   See Perez; Serra.
San Bias, 11; 13; passage from, to Monterey,
60; 61; temperature, 62; 63; note on, and
Longfellow's poem, Bells of San Bias, 83;
De la Bodega comandante of naval establishment at, 90. See notes, 88-89, 91-93. 3 San
Bias, in some old works, is called San Bias
de California, because of its intimate connection with the Californias.
San Carlos, the, or El Filipino, takes place of the
San Carlos or El Toison de Oro as supply-
ship, and is lost in Bay of San Francisco, 93.
San Carlos, the, or El Toison de Oro, at San Bias
with second Bucareli expedition, 14; note on,
her record of service, officers, etc., 91-93;
Ayala surveys new port of San Francisco in,
103—105; her officers and crew at founding
of Presidio and Mision San Francisco, 106;
at San Diego in 1769, on "la santa expedicidn" of Galvez, 107.   See note, 85.
San Diego, flagship of Vizcaino, 95.
San Diego, Franciscan establishments at, 91;
named San Miguel by Cabrillo in 1542, 95;
Anza and Rivera at, after Indian revolt at
Mision San Diego, 105. See note on Rivera,
107; on the Santiago, 89; on the San Carlos,
91; on Aguilar, 95.
San Francisco (the new port), La Sonora seeks
for, on her return from the north in 1775, 54,
55; cannot enter, having lost her boat, 58;
Heceta, in Santiago, on return from north in
1775, cannot find, on account of fogs, 84;
note on, 103-106.
San Jacinto, mountain so named discovered, 42,
and note on 98; Monastery of, in Mexico, 42.
San Joaquin River, 103, 105.
A i Index
Northward of California in 1775
San Jose, or El Descubridor. See Mision San
San Lazaro, El.   See note on Grijalva, 94.
San Leandro Creek, Fages at, in 1772,103.
San Miguel, Cabrillo so named San Diego, 95.
San Pablo Bay, 104.
San Pedro, Cermeno' s name for port identified
with Monterey, 94.
San Rafael, Indians at its Misidn (San Rafael
Arcangel), 100. 3 This was the first mission
established on the north side of the bay, and,
as in the case of San Francisco Solano, this
on account of the severe climate of the peninsula. It was at first designed as an asistencia to Misidn San Francisco de Asis, but the
ceremonies at its dedication were as formal
as those at a regular mission, and its management was the same. The dedication was on
December 14,1817, and the padres officiating
were Luis Gonzaga Gil y Taboada, Ramon
Abella, and Narciso Duran.
Sandwich Islands, discovered by Cook, 82.
Santa Ana, Pedro, contramaestre of La Sonora,
massacred by Indians, 37, 98.
Santa Catarina y Noriega, Padre Matias Antonio, chaplain of La Princesa in 1779, 90. See
Santa Maria, Padre Vicente, chaplain of the San
Carlos in 1775 and 1776, 85, 92, 93; assists
at the foundling of Presidio and Misidn San
Francisco, 106.
Santa Rica, name of vessel, 13.
Santiago, the, or La Nueva Galicia, built at San
Bias, 13, 83; at Puerta de la Santisima Trinidad, 22 et seq.; reaches 49° 1775,84;
note on, her record of service, officers, etc.,
88-89; her return from the north in 1775,92.
See Heceta; Sonora, La.
Santo Tomas, vessel in Vizcaino expedition, 95.
Secular priests.   See Davalos; Ibera.
Serra, Junipero, visits Bucareli in 1773, and secures continuance of marine establishment at
San Bias, 88; meets at Misidn Santa Clara
officers from second Bucareli expedition, 90;
advised by Bucareli of the second expedition
and its object to found the two missions at
the new port of San Francisco, 92; a founder
of Misidn San Carlos Borromeo, and dies
there, 94; sends padres with Heceta in 1775
to found new mission at San Francisco, but
expedition a failure, 104; sends padres again,
in 1776, with Moraga, and mission founded.
See note on San Bias, 83; 85; on the Santiago, 88-89; on the San Carlos, 91; on Monterey and Misidn San Carlos, 93-94; on Rivera,
] 06-108. 3 Miguel Jose Serra was born in
Petra, Majorca, November24,1713. He was
professed in 1731, upon which he took the
name of Junipero. On January 1, 1750, he
arrived at the College of San Fernando, Mexico, and on July 14, 1767, was appointed
padre presidente of the establishments in
Antigua California, upon the expulsion of the
Jesuits, their founders. He came to Nueva
California in 1769 with'' la santa expedicidn''
of Galvez, and accompanied Portola in the
second division of the land expedition, and
reached San Diego on July 1st. He died on
August 28, 1784, at the Misidn San Carlos,
his headquarters as padre presidente, and here
he was buried.   See also Palou.
Sierra, Padre Benito, chaplain of the Santiago
in 1775, 85.   See note on 100.
Silver, 6; shipments from Peru and Chile, 7.
Simancas, Archivo General de, Spanish-American papers in, 3; despoiled by French, 79.
Socorro (island), 17,94.
Sonoma, Indians at Misidn San Francisco Solano, 100. 3 This was the last mission founded
in Nueva California. The cross was first
raised July 4,1823. It was at first the intention to transfer the Misidn San Francisco de
Asis from the rigorous climate of the peninsula to the milder one on the north shore, but,
objection being raised, a new mission was established and named San Francisco Solano,
which was dedicated April 4,1824. To avoid
confusion with San Francisco de Asis, it was
commonly called Sonoma, but later was called
by its place-name, Sonoma, as in the case of
the original San Francisco (Dolores). The
founder was Padre Jose Altimira.
Sonora, La, or La Felicidad, her officers, crew,
etc.,13,89; sickness on board, 18; drunkenness on board, 20; at Puerto de la Santisima
Trinidad, 22 et seq.; Indians massacre some
of her crew at Punta de los Martires, 37, 98;
officers determine to continue on voyage, 40;
loses sight of Santiago, but proceeds north,
41; scurvy on board, 52; steers for Monte-
f N
^■^-~-~-  -   T,,, " -j 120
Journal of a Voyage
rey, 53; boat demolished at Bodega, 56; off
San Francisco, 58; at Monterey, 59. 3 La
Sonora was employed later as a supply-boat.
Sonora, quicksilver-mines, 6; uprisings of Indians, 91; Anza's march from, to the sea, in
1774, and to San Francisco in 1776, 94.
Southampton Bay, 104.
Southey, Robert, opinion of Thomas Gage, 80.
Spaniards, jealousy as to their American dominions, 3,4, 79; have nothing to fearfrom English, 7; ill-judged economy in trading with
Indians, 55; dread English and Russians on
northwest coast, 88; clip place-names, 100;
their explorers did not go far inland, 103.
Spanish, translation into English, 98.
Strait of Carquinez, 103.
Straits of Admiral Fonte, 48, 99.
Sugarloaf Rock, 102.
Suisun Bay, 103, 105.
Table, The, 88.   3 Heceta's La Mesa.
Tamal Indians, origin of their name, 100.
Taraval, Padre Sigismundo.   See Burriel.
Tehuantepec, 94.
Telegraph Hill, 105.
Tiburdn, 104,105.
Tobacco, Indians cultivate and smoke, 29.
Tobar, Jose, piloto of the Santiago in 1779 and
1780, 89.
Tomales, Bay and Point, 100.
Triabba, misprint for Grijalva, 94.
Trinidad, harbor, 32, 97; river, 97.
Tschirikow.   See Chirikof.
Tubac, Anza leaves, upon expedition, 105.
Tule, varieties of, 55, 99; Indian canoes of, 55.
Ugarte, Padre Juan.   See Burriel.
port of San Francisco, as mentioned in, confused with the new, by Maurelle, 54, 103;
extracts in, from Ellis'sVoyage to Hudson's
Bay, 61; its Spanish title-page, 79; the English edition a poor translation, and incomplete,
79.   See note on Northwest Passage, 82.
Venus, transit of, in 1769.   See Auteroche.
Vera Cruz, La, 6, 13.
Vessels mentioned,—
Concepcidn, La.
Favorita, La, or Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios.
Golden Hinde.
Los Tres Reyes.
Princesa, La, or Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario.
San Agustin.
San Antonio, or El Principe.
San Carlos, or El Toison de Oro.
San Diego.
San Jose, or El Descubridor.
San Lazaro.
Santa Rica.
Santiago, or Nueva Galicia.
Santo Tomas.
Sonora, La, or La Felicidad.
Viceroy of Nueva Espana, change of jurisdiction of, 89.  See Bucareli; Mendoza; Zuniga.
Vila, Don Vicente, comandante of the San Carlos in "la santa expedicidn" of Galvez, 91.
Vizcaino, Sebastian, names Punta and Puerto de
los Reyes, 101; leaves Monterey for north,
102.   See note on Aguilar, 95.
Volcanoes, 49.
Voluntarios de Catalufia, 103.
Washerwoman's Lagoon, 105.
Willows Creek, 105.
Valladolid, 3.
Vallejo (family).   See Ortega.
Vancouver, Captain George, at Nootka convention and at Monterey, 90.   See note, 100.
Velicata, Rivera at, with live-stock, etc., 107.
Venegas, Miguel, his History of California, 3,
16; cited as to Sonoran quicksilver-mines, 6;
Ximenez, Fortuna, discover of Antigua (Baja,
or Lower) California, in 1534. See note on
Grijalva, 94.
Yerba Buena Island (Goat Island), 104.
Zuniga y Azevedo.   See Monterey, Conde de.
THE   END $ribate iDress
1734 Nineteenth Avenue
s.\n Francisco
1920   I  r *Bm i*»i Mourelle
of the
Sir Daines Barrington |
San Francisco
Duplicate Label
For Use in Case of
Mutilation of
Original k
. 60"   -
Reproduced, Printed, & Published
1734 Nineteenth Avenue, San Francisco, California    1
Coi'VKtCHT. 1920. br Thomas C. Russell
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