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Vancouver's discovery of Puget Sound : portraits and biographies of the men honored in the naming of… Meany, Edmond S. (Edmond Stephen), 1862-1935 Mar 31, 1907

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All rigbts reserved Copyright, 1907,
Set up and electrotyped.   Published March, 1907.
Norivood Press
y. S. Cusbing & Co. — Berivick fijf Smith Co.
Norivoody Mass., U.S.A. ^
The sources for a work of this kind are not easily acces-
sible. Part of them have been printed in journals and
voyages, the books being long since out of print and rare;
but by far the greater portion of the sources are in the
public and private archives in England and Spain. To
search these and to glean from them the information needed,
to gather the portraits wanted from public and private col-
lections, to verify obscure or disputed items, — these have
been the hardest tasks. The kindest encouragement and
the most faithful assistance have been received from far and
near. The names of most of these helpers are mentioned
here with this expression of sincere gratitude.
The late Mr. Frank George of Bristol freely volunteered
to supervise the researches in England. Under his direction, Mr. Frederick V. James of 24 Belgrave Road, South
Norwood, S.E., proved a most valuable and painstaking
The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty were exceed-
ingly gracious in making available the väst store of documents in the Public Records Office and in other departments
under their control. Equally kind were the Elder Brethren
and the officers of Trinity House during the search for
information about old Dungeness. The Director of Greenwich Hospital gave special permission to obtain a photo-
graph of the monument to Lord Hood and others in the
old cemetery. The officers of the Linnean Society in
London gave their consent for a special photograph to be
made of Archibald Menzies, the naturalist of Vancouvers
expedition. Officers of the National Portrait Gallery also
granted favörs.
Many of the photographs used are copyrighted, the right
being secured to use them in this work for England and
America. These excellent photographs were made by
Augustin Rischgitz, Linden Gardens, Bayswater, W.;
Walker & Cockrell, 16 ClifftnxTs Inn, London, E.C.;
F. W. Reader, Aldenham Road, Watford; W. Heath &
Co., 24 George Street, Plymouth; and H. Goulton-May,
11 Hill Rise, Richmond, S.W.
Professor J. K. Laughton, 9 Pepys Road, Wimbledon,
the historian, whose fine work on the lives of naval men in
the cc Dictionary of National Biography | has been of immense help, gave some special attention to the eiFort to
find information about Admiral Peter Puget. Rev. W. H.
Oxley, Vicar of Petersham Parish, gleaned all that was
possible to find about the burial place of Vancouver.
W. H. K. Wright, Borough Librarian at Plymouth, as-
sisted in tracing up the facts about Lieutenant Zachary
Mudge. Stillwell & Sons, 42 Pall Mall, London, searched
the old ledger accounts of Puget for some possible sidelight
on his life.
In Spain the greatest help was rendered by Mr. Cesareo
Fernåndez Duro, Secretary of the Royal Academy of
History, who responded nobly to the request for information about Bodega y Quadra.
In British Columbia Sir Henri Joly G. de Lotbiniere,
former Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, encouraged
the work and personally paid the Canadian customs duty on
the monument at Nootka. R. E. Gosnell, former Secretary
of the Bureau of Provincial Information, gave useful hints
about the location and meaning of geographic names.
Rev. Father A. J. Brabant of Hesquiat, Vancouver Island,
freely contributed from his knowledge acquired during
thirty years of missionary work among the Indians.
Professor George Davidson, the veteran geographer of
the Pacific Coast, President of the Geographical Society of
the Pacific, Professor of Geography in the University of California, and a member of many learned societies throughout
the world, has been of great  help through his book —
"Pacific Coast Pilot" — and through correspondence ex-.
tending över many years.
Mr. Greene Kendrick of West Haven, Connecticut,
while at work on the genealogy of the Kendrick family,
found much of the forgotten or unknown history of Captain
John Kendrick and his companion, Robert Gray. From
this store he gave suggestions helpful in the general
Mr. Orion O. Denny of Seattle defrayed the cost of
the Nootka monument, and Mr. H. C. CofFman of Che-
halis, Washington, formerly Librarian of the University
of Washington, and Miss Mary Banks, of the Seattle Public
Library, assisted in collecting and searching old records.
The officers and members of the Washington University
State Historical Society have furthered the work by a manifestation of interest and encouragement.
Vancouvers journal was published in London in 1798,
in three folio volumes and an atlas. The second edition
appeared in 1801, in six octavo volumes and without the
atlas. For convenience in handling, the second edition is
used in this work. It is designed to follow the explorer
from the time he strikes the shore of the present State of
Washington, below Point Grenville, on into Puget Sound,
and around Vancouver Island, and, finally, through the
negotiations at Nootka. This requires the reproduction of
Volume II from page 23 to page 385. The page number-
ing and dating will be retained in brackets to facilitate
future citations or comparisons. The interpolation of the
biographies and portraits will be arranged so as to quicken
rather than to retard interest in the explorer's own narrative. The biographical interpolations are also set in smaller
type to permit the original journal to be followed more
readily than if the same type were used throughout. Three
of the six steel engravings reproduced from the original
journal were engraved by John Landseer, father of the
famous artist, Sir Edwin Henry Landseer. All six of
the engravings were drawn by W. Alexander from sketches
made on the spöt by members of the expedition.
In conclusion, I wish to thank the following citizens of
Seattle whose friendly and generous aid has made possible
this first edition: Thomas Burke, Will H. Parry, John H.
McGraw, Edward C. Cheasty, J. M. Colman, J. E. Chil-
berg, Samuel  Hill, Hervey Lindley, J.  M.  Frink, and
H. E. Holmes.
University of Washington, Seattle, U.S.A.,
January, 1907. CONTENTS
Biography of Captain George Vancouver, R.N.
Historic Nootka Sound
Life of Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra
That part of Book II, Chapter III, of the Journal described as $? See
the Land of New Albion — Proceed along the Coast — Fall in
with an American Vessel — Enter the supposed Straits of De
Fuca — Anchored there*' .
Chapter IV of the Journal: " Proceed up the Straits — Anchor under
New Dungeness — Remarks on the Coast of New Albion —
Arrive in Port Discovery—Transactions there — Boat Excursiön — Quit Port Discovery — Astronomical and Nautical Obser
mmmmmmm CONTENTS
Chapter V of the Journal: €t Description of Port Discovery and the
adjacent Country — Its Inhabitants — Method of depositing the
Dead—Conjectures relative to the apparent Depopulation of
the Country''.        .        .        .        .        .        •
Chapter VI of the Journal: " Enter Admiralty Inlet — Visit an Indian
Village i— Account of several Boat Excursions — Proceed to
another part of the Inlet — Take Possession of the Country I*
Chapter VII of the Journal: " Quit Admiralty Inlet, and proceed to
the Northward — Anchor in Birch Bay — Prosecute the Survey
in the Boats — Meet two Spanish Vessels — Astronomical and
Nautical Observations'?     .        •
Chapter VIII of the Journal: " The Vessels continue their Route to
the Northward — Anchor in Desolation Sound — The Boats
dispatched on Surveying Parties — Discover a Passage to Sea —
Quit Desolation Sound — Pass through Johnstone's Straits"
Chapter IX of the Journal: "Pass through Broughton's Archipelago,
to pursue the Continental Shore — The Vessels get aground —
Enter Fitzhugh's Sound — Reasons for quitting the Coast, and
proceeding to Nootka■*     .        •        .        •
Chapter X of the Journal: t( Passage from Fitzhugh's Sound to Nootka
— Arrival in Friendly Cove — Transactions there, particularly
those respecting the Cession of Nootka — Remarks on the Commerce of North-west America — Astronomical Observations ? jj
Muster Tablea  of the   Sloop   Discovery and   the  Armed   Tender
Chat kam •••••••••
Captain George Vancouver, from a painting by Lemuel F. Abbott,
now in the National Portrait Gallery, London . .  Frontispiece
George Washington, from the painting by Gilbert Stuart . • 2
Vancouver's Grave at Petersham Churchyard .... 8
Monumental Tablet to Vancouver  in  Petersham   Church,   Surrey,
England . . . . . • . . .14
Friendly Cove, reproduced from the steel engraving in Vancouvers
journal   ..........       22
Nootka Monument at Meeting Place of Quadra and Vancouver, erected
by the Washington University State Historical Society      . .       55
Lord Grenville, from a painting by J. Hoppner, now in the National
Portrait Gallery, London   .......       64
Old Lighthouse at Dungeness, from a water-color drawing now in
Trinity House . . . . . . . .81
Remarkable Poles at Port Townsend, from the steel engraving in Vancouvers journal        . . . . . . . .85
The Marquis of Townshend, from a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds,
engraved by C. Turner     . . . . . . »95
Peter Rainier, Admiral of the Blue      ......      99
Lord Hood, from a painting by Lemuel F.  Abbott, now in the
National Portrait Gallery, London      . . . . .109
Monument to Lord Hood and Other Naval Heroes in the Old Ceme-
tery of Greenwich Hospital . .        . .        . .113
Mount Rainier, from the steel engraving in Vancouver's journal .     138
Admiral James Vashon, painted by George Watson and engraved in
mezzotint by John Young . .        . . .        . .145
King George III, from a painting by Allan Ramsay, now in the
National Portrait Gallery, London        .        .        «        .        .167
Admiral Sir Alan Gardner, engraved by Fenner from a painting by
Sir William Beechey .        .        .        .        .        .        .169
Sir Harry Burrard Neale, from a mezzotint by C. Turner, after the
painting by Matthew Brown       . . . . . .188
Admiral Earl Howe, from the painting by Henry Singleton, now in
the National Portrait Gallery, London . . . . .193
Admiral Sir John Jervis, Earl of St. Vincent, from a painting by Sir
William Beechey      ........     202
John, Earl of Bute, from an engraving by Richard Purcell, after the
painting by Allan Ramsay . . . . . . .223
Village of Friendly Indians, from the steel engraving in Vancouver's
journal   . . . . . . . . . .     224
Admiral Zachary Mudge, from the painting by John Opie, now owned
by Arthur Mudge, Esq. Sidney, Plympton, Devon . . .     226
Mudge Window in St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, England .     228
Baron Loughborough, from a painting by William Owen, now in the
National Portrait Gallery, London . . . . .230
Earl of Hardwicke, from an engraving by W. Giller, after the painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence      . . . . . .238
Second Earl of Chatham, from a mezzotint by C. Turner, after the
painting by John Hoppner . . . . . .245
Lord Thurlow, from the painting by T. Phillips, now in the National
Portrait Gallery, London    . . . . . . .247
Cheslakee's Village, from the steel engraving in Vancouver's journal   .     252
Admiral John Knight, from an engraving by Ridley, after the painting
by Smart .........     262
Grave of Captain William Robert Broughton, in the English Burial
Ground at Leghorn, Italy   .......     266
Sir Philip Stephens, from an engraving by J. Collyer, after the painting
by Sir William Beechey     . . . . . . .270
Sloop Discovery on the Rocks, from the steel engraving in Vancouver's
journal   ..........     276
Queen Charlotte, from the painting by Allan Ramsay, now in the
National Portrait Gallery, London        . , . . .282
Penelope Pitt, Lady Rivers, from the portrait by R. Houston   . .     292
Archibald Menzies, from the painting by Eddis, now in possession of
the Linnean Society, London      . . . . . .295
Part of Meares's famous map, showing the supposed track of the sloop
Lady Washington in 1789. From his "Voyages," published
in London, 1790     . . . . . . . .32
Map of Quadra's Voyage of 1775, from "Miscellanies," by Daines
Barrington, London, 1781 . . . . . .50
Vancouver's Chart of Puget Sound, from the original atlas, London,
1798     ..........       61
Chart of Dungeness, England, from the original, published in London,
1794     •••.......       79
The white settlers first made their homes on the shores
of Puget Sound, and these homes, in multiplying, spread along
the shores northward and northwestward, carrying with them
the name of Puget Sound. The same inclusive notion of the
term is used in the title and scope of this book. In this ex-
panded region of Puget Sound we find an abundance of English names scattered along the shores of the great inland sea.
The reason for this is easily comprehended after a little re-
flection. The geographic names on the Atlantic seaboard
were in use for more than a century before the war of the
American Revolution was fought. Just as that war was beginning the first Spanish caravels crept northward from New
Spain toward the fabled Straits of Anian. After the war
was ended the wild coasts along the Pacific were a lure for the
explorer and the fur trader. Voyages of this kind increased,
breeding disputes över sovereignty, which culminated in
Great Britain's geographic and diplomatic expedition of
1792. The commanding officer, Captain George Vancouver of the Royal Navy, was the friend and acquaintance
of many men who had taken part for their country in the disputes and the war with the American colonies. It was per-
fectly natural that he should compliment those men as he
discovered or rediscovered places that needed naming. An
explorer of the same nationality, but of an earlier or a låter
period, would, of course, have given us a different set of
names famous in British history.
The American who loves the history of his country is
usually broad enough to love also the great achievements of
his kin beyond the seas. He therefore not only tolerates but
actual!y grows fond of such names as Hood, Howe, Rainier,
Puget, and Vancouver, as applied to the geography of the
northwest. With all this broad and liberal spirit there is
another feeling that would cause the American to rejoice över
the fact that the unconscious trend of history has erased from
the map the name of the British King of 1792 and placed in
its stead that of the American President of the same year.
At the same time there is probably not one intelligent British
subject of the present day who would complain över the
geographic fact that Vancouvers New Georgia has become
the American State of Washington. In fact, the British
have themselves substituted for the name of Hanover, another compliment for George III, a name that is also one of
the loved and much-used terms in American geography.
They have changed New Hanover into British Columbia.
The geography of the Puget Sound region was probably
not very familiar to the members of Congress in 1853, when
the bill was up for creating the Territory of Columbia. A
motion was warmly welcomed to change the name to the
Territory of Washington, and thus was the name of the com-
mander-in-chief of the Continental Army placed över a höst
of names of those who had been pitted against him on land
and sea.
Besides honoring his King by calling the land New Georgia,
Vancouver sought to further honor him by calling the whole
inland sea he had explored by the name of the Gulf of Georgia. Part of that name still remains to designate the water-
way between the southeastern end of Vancouver Island and
the mainland. This curtailment is recognized by all map-
makers, British as well as American. In the process of
restricting the geographic scope of the name of Gulf or
Strait of Georgia the name of Washington again appeared,
as is recorded in the I Pacific Coast Pilot," page 556, as fol-
lows, "The Canal de Harö and Rosario Strait were sur-
veyed by the United States Coast Survey in 1853 and 1854,
when the name of Washington Sound was applied to the
whole archipelago between the mainland and Vancouver 1
From the painting by Gilbert Stuart.
Island." That name of Washington Sound appears on all
United States government charts, but on ordinary American
maps the region is designated as San Juan County of the
State of Washington.
On the other hand, the United States Coast Survey added
another English name to the chart in 1855. While surveying
Port Discovery, which Vancouver had named after his ship,
the Coast Survey discovered a mountain south of the bay,
having an elevation of 2110 feet. It was named Mount
Chatham, in honor of the armed tender accompanying the
sloop Discovery.
In studying the biographies of the naval heroes honored
by Vancouver, a landsman would be puzzled by the degrees
and grades of admirals. Of the rank of admiral there are
three degrees,—admiral, vice-admiral, and rear-admiral.
Of these degrees, each formerly had three grades distinguished
by red, white, and blue flags, the red being the highest. On
the union of England and Scotland, the red flag was put aside
and the union flag took its place. The red flag was revived
in the general promotions and jollifications in November,
1805, after the victory off Trafalgar. By an order in council
dated August 5, 1864, the three grades of red, white, and blue
flag officers were abolished and the white flag was chosen as
the sole emblem for a flag officer of the Royal Navy.
It is not necessary to discuss here the quality of Vancouvers
work. That will appear in all its excellence during the perusal of the portion of his journal reproduced. However,
it will not prove out of the way to say a few words about the
general features of observation. The expedition was designed for the dual object of exploring and of transacting
diplomatic work with the Spaniards at Nootka. For this
reason the work in and around Puget Sound was hurried.1
Notwithstanding this haste the work was remarkably well
done, and the maps are marvels for accuracy under all the
circumstances. The observations of the soil, the climate, the
trees, flowers, and birds are surprising when one remembers
the newness of all to members of the party. Especially
valuable and interesting are the recorded observations of the
natives. Their houses, canoes, weapons, clothing, food, and
language, all were commented upon in a way that will
always prove of help to the student of these aboriginal
In pursuing this investigation a curious comment was discovered in the "Miscellanies" of Daines Barrington, published in London, 1781, where the author discusses the ex-
perience of Bodega y Quadra in 1775 with the natives in the
vicinity of the present city of Sitka as follows: —
"This contempt for bugles, and other trifles, offered by
the Spaniards is a further proof of the civilization of these
Indians, whose progenitors, it should seem, must be rather
looked for on the Asiatic, than Labradore coast, as I am
informed that they have beards, which the Indians of the central and Eastern coast of N. America have not. It is said
indeed by some, that these Indians eradicate their beard
from its earliest appearance; but I can as little believe that
this can be effected by any industry, as that they could by any
art or pains make hair grow upon the palms of their hands."
This suggestion was made in the latter part of the eigh-
teenth century, and in the dawn of the twentieth century we
see the Jesup expedition of the American Museum of Natural History of New York carrying on an extensive investigation among the survivors of these very Indians to see if
a possible Asiatic origin could be traced.
Although Vancouver did not generalize his observations
among the Indians, he did generalize on the mountains he
saw, and suggested that possibly the peaks he had seen were
parts of a chain f in one barrier along the coast." He was
exceedingly accurate as to the waterways, capes, and mountains, but he was not quick atdetecting rivers. He denied the
existence of both the Columbia and the Fraser rivers, though
he passed near the mouth of each one of them. On the
other hand, he had a clear appreciation of the timber re-
sources of the region, and readers of his journal will find that,
while anchored off Restoration Point, opposite the present
city of Seattle, he uttered a remarkable prophecy about the
future greatness of the country.
It has been erroneously asserted that Vancouver honored
only English nabobs and British admirals in compiling his
chart of the Puget Sound country. In the region covered
by this work he bestowed a total of seventy-five names. Of
these, forty-three were for people at home in England, but
out of those forty-three, twenty were humble friends who have
since disappeared from the records of the time. Nine of the
names were for members of his own crews, who were participating in the work of discovery and exploration. The
two ships account for two of the names, and one name—
New Dungeness — was given because of its resemblance to
Dungeness on the English Channel. Because he celebrated
Restoration Day gave rise to Restoration Point, and because
he took possession of the land for his King caused the christen-
ing of Possession Sound. This accounts for all but eighteen
of the names, and these we find were given for natural objects
or conditions like Protection Island, Birch Bay, Deception
Pass, Strawberry Bay, Hazel Point, Foulweather Bluff,
Cypress Island, and so on.
There is another false impression calling for a word of
comment. It is often claimed that the Spaniards were brow-
beaten out of their northern possessions and, in the process,
Vancouver was but a tool in the hands of the British government. To discuss the original dispute would be out of place
here. It is enough to say that up to 1788 honors were about
even between the two powers. Drake, Cook, Barclay, and
others for England, had certainlyequalled the work of Ferrelo,
Perez, and Quadra for Spain. In 1788 Meares built a fort
to protect his shipbuilders. The next year the Spaniards
started a fort and were hasty enough to seize English ships
and men, which led to their undoing as a power north of California. In the negotiations at Nootka, Vancouver proved
himself a gentleman of tact, dignity, and refinement. No
one was quicker to recognize and to warmly appreciate these
qualities than Seiior Quadra, the representative of Spain.
Vancouver was evidently one of that intelligent, alert, well-
disciplined class of men who would have succeeded in any
walk of life.
No effbrt has been made to gather statistics about the
present condition of Puget Sound and its environs. Some
such facts might prove entertaining to show the progress
made since the times of these beginnings of recorded history,
but the purpose of this work is to tell the story of the dis-
coveries and to explain the meaning of the geographic names
in use. Other works will record the deeds of the pioneers,
who came to the wilderness and made their rude log-cabin
homes, who toiled, suffered, triumphed and rejoiced, who
saw the forests fall and the cities rise. OF PUGET SOUND
George Vancouver is one of those characters whose lives
are crowded with achievements, the record of which receives
passing approval at the time, but the fame of which assumes
enormous proportions in the years that follow death. His
was a brief life, and yet his twoscore years rounded out one of
the most honorable and useful careers in the annals of the sea.
To one who has lived on the shore of lands discovered and
made known to the world by Vancouver, it is a matter of sur-
prise, on beginning a research into his life and work, to find
how very little is known of the man himself. His official record is scheduled with others in the archives at London; the
rare volumes of his magnificent "Voyage' preserve the account of his greatest service to humanity; brief biographies
in the encyclopaedias keep his name from total oblivion.
Through all these nothing is said of his family or his per-
sonality, the place of his birth is not mentioned, and even
the exact date is unknown.
We know he had a brother, John Vancouver. This information is not gathered from the published histories, but
from the dedication of Vancouver's "Voyage." The dis-
coverer lived to complete his work and to read the proofs on
all but the last few pages, when he died, and the dedication
was written by the brother. That dedication is of sufficient
importance to be reproduced here: —
Your Majesty having been graciously pleased to permit
my late brother Captain George Vancouver, to present to
your Majesty the Narrative of his labours during the execu-
tion of your commands in the Pacific Ocean, I presume to
hope, that, since it has pleased the Divine Providence to
withdraw him from your Majesty's service, and from the
society of his friends, before he could avail himself of that
condescension, your Majesty will, with the same benignity,
vouchsafe to accept it from my hands, in discharge of the
melancholy duty which has devolved upon me by that
unfortunate event.
"I. cannot but indulge the hope that the following pages
will prove to Your Majesty, that Captain Vancouver was not
undeserving the honour of the trust reposed in him; and
that he has fulfilled the object of his commission from your
Majesty with diligence and fidelity.
"Under the auspices of your Majesty, the late indefatigable
Captain Cook had already shewn that a southern continent
did not exist, and had ascertained the important fact of the
near approximation of the northern shores of Asia to those of
America. To those great discoveries the exertions of Captain Vancouver will, I trust, be found to have added the complete certainty, that, within the limits of his researches on the
Continental shore of North-west America, no internal sea, or
other navigable communication whatever exists, uniting the
Pacific and Atlantic oceans.
I have the honor to be
With the most profound respect,
"Your Majesty's
"Most faithful and devoted
Subject and servant,
"John Vancouver."
Besides showing that the discoverer had a brother, the
above document shows that the explorations in the Pacific
were counted of considerable importance in 1798.
George Vancouver was born about 1758. All the encyclo-
paedias, apparently following the " Encyclopaedia Britannica,"
make that assertion.    His tombstone in Petersham Church-
From a photograph taken in Petersham churchyard.    Engraving made in England for this work.  OF PUGET SOUND
yard says he died in the year 1798, aged förty. In a little
pamphlet called St. Peters, Petersham, Parish Notes, printed
at Richmond, Surrey, in 1886, appears a short sketch of Vancouver, giving his birth as in 1750. All biographies say he
entered the navy at the age of thirteen and accompanied
Cook on his second voyage (1772-1774), as well as the third
voyage (1776-1779). If he was thirteen in 1772, his birth
year would, of course, be 1759. In the Admiralty Registers,
Public Record Office, London, is found the passing certificate
of George Vancouver, "who by certificate appears to be more
than twenty-three years of age, and find that he has gone
to sea more than eight years.' The date of this document
is October 19, 1780, making the birth year 1757. This same
document gives the "quality* of his first service on the
sloop Resolution under Captain Cook as that of "able sea-
man/ Granting that he was thirteen when he joined the
crew of the Resolution, it was certainly a young age to be
rated as an able seaman. However, youth prevailed on the
sea in those days. Of the crews that sailed with Vancouver
in 1791 but one had reached the age of förty and many were
under twenty. The youngest was Thomas Heddington, a
midshipman on the Chatbam, aged fifteen. On the Discovery were Honorable Thomas Pitt and Honorable C.
Stuart, each sixteen years of age and each rated as able seaman. So, all things considered, we must be content for the
present with the statement that George Vancouver was born
about the year 1758.
At what would now be considered the tender age of thirteen
we find him launched upon his career as a sailor under the
best master of that day, Captain James Cook. After that
master's death, at the hands of the natives of the Sandwich
Islands, Vancouver returned to London in October, 1780,
passed his examination, and on December 9 of that year he
received his commission as a lieutenant, serving first in the
Martin sloop. From this sloop he was moved into the Fame,
one of the sloops that sailed with Rodney for the West Indies
in December, 1781. There Vancouver took part in the
battle of April 12, 1782.    The Fame returned to England in
the summer of 1783, and in 1784 Vancouver was appointed
to the Europa.
In 1786 the Europa went to Jamaica with Commodore Alan
Gardner, on whom Vancouver låter conferred a great honor.
In September, 1789, Vancouver was paid off the Europa,
and at Gardner's suggestion he was appointed to go out with
Captain Henry Roberts as second in command of an expedition into the southern Pacific where Cook had gained so much
fame. This arrangement pleased Vancouver greatly, who
at once plunged into the work of fitting out a sloop just bought
by the government and named the Discovery. This work
was nearly completed when all England was startled by the
famous memorial filed with Parliament by Captain John
Meares. The English flag had been violated, English territory seized, English ships made prizes and their crews pris-
oners by Spaniards at Nootka on the northwest coast of
America. This was no time for a peaceful voyage of explora-
tion into the South Sea. Great Britain gathered the greatest
fleet of war vessels known in history up to that date. It was
known as "the Spanish Armament.'1 The men and officers
intended for the Discovery were distributed to other vessels.
Captain Henry Roberts was sent to the West Indies. Vancouver was assigned to the Courageux, commanded by Sir
Alan Gardner. George Washington had just been inducted
into office as the first President of the United States when this
trouble began, and it looked for a time as if the new Republic
would be forced to take sides in the impending war between
Spain and Great Britain. Spain insisted that she was en-
titled to aid from America because of the assistance she
rendered during the American War for Independence. Great
Britain asserted the right to march armed troops through her
former colonies in order to strike Spain in Louisiana. President Washington took his stånd upon a position of neutrality,
which is now counted the real beginning of the låter Monroe
Doctrine in American history.
On the show of such warlike force by Great Britain,
Spain yielded, and on October 28, 1790, signed at Madrid
what is known as the Nootka Convention.    Captain Rob-
erts was still in the West Indies, but when the Courageux
was paid off, Vancouver was promoted on December 15,
1790, to the rank of Commander, and was selected to command the Discovery on her peaceful expedition to the Pacific.
There was now an added reason for this voyage.
How Vancouver succeeded Captain Roberts as chief of the
expedition is best told in his own words: "Toward the end of
April the Discovery was., in most respects, in a condition to
proceed down the river, when intelligence was received that the
Spaniards had committed depredations on different branches
of the British Commerce on the coast of Northwest America,
and that they had seized on the English vessels and factories
in Nootka Sound. This intelligence gave rise to disputes
between the courts of London and Madrid, which wore the
threatening appearance of being terminated by no other means
than those of reprisal. In consequence of this an armament
took place, and the further pacific equipment of the Discovery was suspended; her stores and provisions were returned to the respective offices, and her officers and men were
engaged in more active service. On this occasion I resumed
my profession under my highly esteemed friend, Sir Alan
Gardner [for whom he subsequently named Port Gardner,
on whose shores stånds the city of Everett], then captain of
the Courageux, where I remained until the I7th of November following, when I was ordered to repair to town
for the purpose of attending to the commands of the board
of admiralty.
"The uncommon celerity and unparalleled dispatch which
attended the equipment of one of the noblest fleets that Great
Britain ever saw, had probably its due influence upon the
court at Madrid, for, in the Spanish convention, which was
consequent on that armament, restitution was offered to this
country for the captures and aggressions made by the subjects of his Catholic Majesty; together with an acknowledgment of an equal right with Spain to the exercise and prosecu-
tion of all commercial undertakings in those seas, reputed
before to belong only to the Spanish crown. The extensive
branches of the fisheries, and the fur trade to China, being
considered as objects of very material importance to this
country, it was deemed expedient that an officer should be
sent to Nootka to receive back in form a restitution of the
territories on which the Spaniards had seized, and also to
make an accurate survey of the coast, from the 30th degree
of north latitude northwestward toward Cook's river; and
further, to obtain every possible information that could be
collected respecting the natural and political state of that
"Theoutline of this intended expedition was communicated
to me, and I had the honor of being appointed to the command of it."
Vancouver's instructions from the "Commissioners for
executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain
and Ireland" are dated March 8, 1791. They are signed
by Chatham, Hopkins, Hood, and Townshend, and coun-
tersigned by Ph. Stephens, evidently as secretary. By this
document he was ordered to proceed to Nootka and receive
from a representative Spain would send there "the buildings
and träets of land, situated on the north-west coast above
mentioned, or on islands adjacent thereto, of which the subjects of his Britannic Majesty were dispossessed about the
month of April, 1789, by a Spanish officer." Besides the
Discovery with a complement of one hundred men, Vancouver was to have the armed tender Chatham with a complement of forty-five men. The latter was to be commanded
by Lieutenant William Robert Broughton.
Being allowed to choose his own route, Vancouver decided
on first visiting the places partly known to him through his
voyages with Cook. He therefore rounded the Cape of
Good Hope and began his explorations on the southwest
coast of Australia, then known as New Holland. He discovered and named King George the Third's Sound, Cape
Hood, Mount Gardner, and other points, and then steered
for New Zealand. He had visited Dusky Bay with Cook,
and remembered that that captain had left part of it un-
explored and called it "No Body Knows What." Vancouver
made for this place at once, and on Monday, November 14,
1791, he makes this entry, "The heads of these arms, in
conformity with Captain Cook's name of their entrance, I
have called 'Some Body Knows What."'
On leaving New Zealand, Lieutenant Broughton took a
different course, and in doing so he discovered Chatham Island, which he named after his vessel. The two commanders
met at the Sandwich Islands, where they wintered. Here
they left the native Towereroo, who had been carried to England and was being sent home by this expedition.
The instructions of March 8, 1791, included, besides the
proposed transactions at Nootka, orders to survey the western coast of America from 300 northward. On Friday,
March 16, 1792, Vancouver left the Sandwich Islands for the
coast of America, and on Tuesday, April 17, he saw the coast
of what was then known to British sailors as New Albion.
Proceeding along the coast from 390 toward the north, they
approached the entrance of the strait of Juan de Fuca. This
part of the story is told by the explorer himself in the repro-
duced portion of his journal.
Failing to arrive at a satisfactory agreement with the representative of Spain at Nootka, Vancouver sent home for
further instructions. He then devoted himself to the work
of exploration, going as far north along the Alaskan coast as
Cook Inlet, which he carefully examined. He was scrupu-
lously magnanimous and generous and always recognized
the geographic names bestowed by his predecessors of any
nation whatsoever. It is undoubtedly true that he would
have preserved many Indian names of places if he could have
learned them. Besides the difficulty of the language, subsequent investigators have found that Indians rarely have
fixed or permanent names for places.
After spending the summers of 1793 and 1794 in this
valuable work, making charts that were successfully used by
navigatörs for nearly a century afterward, Vancouver sailed
for home, rounding Cape Horn, and passing St. Helena. Off
the Cape Verde Islands he fell in with the Sceptre and the St.
Helena convoy and was by them conducted home in safety.
This was fortunate, because Great Britain and France were
at war, and the French Directory had not issued the usual
orders to respect ships engaged in scientific work. The Discovery arrived home on October 20, 1795.
Vancouver had spent his winters at the Sandwich Islands.
He was greatly interested in those people and received from
them a cession of the sovereignty of the islands for Great
Britain, but this cession was never followed up by the British
government. Rev. Herbert H. Gowen, now of Seattle, was
a missionary in those islands about twenty years ago. He
learned that the natives loathed the memory of Cook, claim-
ing that he and his sailors brought a disease there which de-
veloped into leprosy. On the other hand, those natives loved
the memory of Vancouver.
While at work ön the coast of Alaska, Vancouver had been
advanced to post rank on August 28, 1794. Upon his arrival
home he gave himself wholly to the work of preparing his
journal for publication, but before this was done, on May 10,
1798, he died. His life was evidently shortened by the hard-
ships endured on his great expedition. He never spared himself, and was frequently exposed to rough weather in open
boats, short of food, and roughing it like the hardiest of his
Some of the geographic names that he bestowed, like Point
Mary and Point Sarah, would possibly hint at a sweetheart
at home in England.    Still, Vancouver died unmarried.
While Vancouver thus died early with the rank of captain,
several of his lieutenants lived to be promoted to the high
rank of admiral. It is probably quite true, however, that
such names as Admiral Rainier, Admiral Hood, Admiral
Gardner, Admiral Peter Puget, and others would be much less
known to the world at large to-day if it had not been for the
honors generously conferred upon them by Captain Vancouver.
Among the colorless biographies of Vancouver heretofore
published there is found one relieving flash in that of the
" Dictionary of National Biography | as follows: " It has been
said, and recorded by Sir Joseph Banks, on what he considered suflicient evidence, that Vancouver's discipline during
Photographed in Petersham Church, Surrey, and engraving made in England for this work.
his voyage was harsh in the extreme; and Lord Camelford
— whom he flogged three times, put in the bilboes, and finally
discharged to the shore — bitterly resented the treatment."
Here is a little of warm human interest that is wholly ab-
sent from the other sketches. It is interesting and important
to follow up the clew. In the first place the published account
of the "Voyage" reveals the fact that splendid discipline was
maintained. All of the principal officers and even some of
the petty officers were signally honored by the Captain.
Promotions were made on every suitable occasion, and the
whole work went on with but very few mentions of any pun-
ishments dealt out to the men. They often landed and
brewed "excellent spruce beer.' They were given double
allowances on special days. They answered Spanish cheers
with stout British ones. The account is a daily chronicle,
and yet all evidence of harshness in discipline is avoided in
those pages.
However, evidence of severe discipline is not entirely want-
ing. In the Public Record Office at London, among the
Admiralty Records, are present the logs of both vessels.
These were kept by different officers and make a bulky record
in unpublished manuscripts.
From the log kept by John Stewart, who shipped as an
able seaman, are taken the following entries: —
"March io, 1791, Punished John Laithwood and Sam
Manning (S) for drunkenness.
"April 14. Upon opening a cask of cheese found one to
be rotten and unwholesome, threw it overboard.
"April 18. This day we began to serve sourgrout and
portable soup to the ship's company.
"April 29. Punished Francis Griffin with 1 doz. lashes
for neglect of duty.
"May 19. Punished John Simpson (M) with 2 dozen
lashes for quarreling and insolence to his superior officer.
"May 22. Punished Thomas Spears (S) with 1 dozen
lashes for contempt to his superior officer.
"May 26. Punished Thos. Glaspole (M) with 24 lashes
"June 24. Punished Walter Dillon with 3 dozen lashes
for drunkenness.
"June 25. Punished Walter Dillon with 2 dozen lashes
for being accessory to breaking into hold and stealing liquor,
the rest not being found out.
"June 27. Punished Wm. Bailey and Jno. Carter same
for similar theft.
"June 21, 1795. At 5 Richard Jones (S) fell overboard
from^ye main chains, hove the ship to and threw a grating
to his assistance but finding it impracticable to send a boat
to his assistance, bore up again and made sail."
These random quotations from a document written during
the voyage would seem to justify the position taken by Sir
Joseph Banks as to the harshness of discipline. It should be
held in mind, however, that the flogging of seamen was the
rule of discipline in that day, the captain was thrown wholly
upon his own responsibility so far from headquarters, and the
offences of theft, drunkenness, and insubordination called for
The case of Lord Camelford deserves more extended notice.
Any one who will study the life of that pampered child and
quick-tempered man will come to the conclusion that he
surely deserved any punishment that Vancouver may have
authorized or caused to be inflicted. We have already seen
that the Honorable Thomas Pitt was shipped on the Discovery as an able seaman at the age of sixteen. The fact that
he was thus favorably shipped and the prefix "Honorable"
put upon the muster book shows that he had been accustomed
to some pampering. He was the son of Thomas Pitt, the first
Lord Camelford, and was born at Boconnoc, Cornwall, on
February 19, 1775. His early years were spent in Switzer-
land and låter at the Charterhouse. In the autumn of 1781,
while he was under seven years of age, his name was borne on
the books of the Tobago, but he probably entered the navy
regularly in September, 1789, when he was fourteen. The
lad was certainly not without bravery. He was on the old
ship Guardian, carrying stores to New South Wales, when
she struck an ice field near the Cape of Good Hope.    She
was deserted by most of the crew, but young Pitt was one of
the few who staid by the ship and brought her into Table
Bay. In March, 1791, he joined Vancouver in the Discovery.
Of course Commander Vancouver knew of Pitt's family
standing, but he had no way of learning on the wild coast of
Alaska that Lord Camelford had died on June 19, 1793, and
that his troublesome seaman was from that date a member of
the British House of Lords. Troubles evidently culminated
on shipboard, for on February 7, 1794, his Lordship was
discharged on the shore of Hawaii. He found his way to
Malacca, entered the Resistance as an able seaman on December 8, 1794, three weeks låter he was appointed acting
lieutenant, but on November 24, 1795, was summarily discharged and left to find his own way home. He took passage
in the Union, which was east away on the coast of Ceylon.
In September, 1796, he joined the Tisiphone in the North
Sea, was moved to the London of the Channel Fleet, and
on April 5, 1797, he passed his examination.
He remembered his troubles with Vancouver, and both
being in London he challenged the Captain to fight a duel.
Vancouver expressed his willingness to go out if any flag
officer to whom the case should be submitted would decide
that he owed Camelford satisfaction. Camelford refused
this arrangement and meeting Vancouver on the street
started to cane him, when he was prevented by onlookers.
Camelford was promoted to the rank of lieutenant on
April 7, 1797, and saw service under Captain Russeli on the
Leeward Island station. He was appointed acting commander of the Favorite över the head of First Lieutenant
Charles Peterson, who was his senior by two years. Peterson
got himself transferred to the Perdrix, and these two ships
were one day alone in the same port when the young commanders quarrelled över rank. Peterson drew up his men to
resist, but Camelford walked up to him, snatched a pistol
from an officer, and on Peterson's thrice refusing to obey his
orders shot him dead in front of his own men. Camelford
was acquitted by a court-martial trial probably because of the
panic över mutinies at that time, and it was construed that
Peterson was in mutiny instead of Camelford, though that
was certainly not true under strict military law.
Camelford was promoted by the Admiralty and in October,
1798, he was appointed to the Charon and resolved to obtain
a set of French charts. From a prisoner of war he got a
letter to Barras, but was suspected in France and arrested.
He got his liberty, but the Admiralty disapproved his conduct
and suspended him, when he indignantly demanded his name
to be stricken from the list of commanders, which was done.
While living in London he became notorious.    On May 17,
1799, he was fined £500 for knocking a man downstairs in a
quarrel in a theatre. He refused to illuminate his house in
Bond Street to celebrate the peace. He fought the mob with
a bludgeon until he was injured, and the angry mob smashed
the d arken ed windows.
His last quarrel was with his friend Best, who was reported to have made uncomplimentary remarks about Camelford to a lady. In the duel Camelford missed, but Best was a
fine shot.    Lord Camelford fell and died March 10, 1804.
Lord Camelford was unmarried. The title became ex-
tinct. In his will he desired that his body should be buried
in Switzerland at a place dear to his childhood. War pre-
vented the immediate compliance. The body was tem-
porarily stored and afterward löst sight of entirely. One of
the literary quips of that day was, "What has become of
Lord CamelforcTs body?"
So, taking all things into account, it seems unfair to charge
Vancouver with unjust or excessively harsh treatment of his
men. The worst item found is in the Stewart log, where
Richard Jones was allowed to drown with little effort made
to save him. On this point, however, the Captain tells a
different story in his published journal as follows: "About
half past five o'clock on Sunday morning, Richard Jones,
one of the seamen, unfortunately fell overboard from the
main chains and was drowned. The accident had no
sooner happened than a grating was thrown overboard,
and the ship was instantly hove to, for the purpose of affording him every assistance;  but this was to no effect, for the
wM'iitum^.wiMu,j,d OF PUGET SOUND
poor fellow sunk immediately, and was never more seen.
By this melancholy event the service löst a very able seaman,
and his comrades a good member of their society."
No description of Vancouver's personal appearance has
been found, but the National Portrait Gallery at London has
a fine painting of the Captain. The description in the
catalogue, under No. 503, gives at least an idea of how
Vancouver appeared to the artist. It is as follows: " Painted
probably by Lemuel F. Abbott (1760-1803). A half
length figure wearing dark blue suit with gilt buttons and
a plain white neck cloth, seated towards the right. On a
table to the right lies a volume inscribed 'Holy Bible.' In
the background, arranged on 3 shelves, are books of voyages,
inscribed Cook's, Anson's, Magellan and Drake. A red
curtain is behind to the left. The terrestrial globe beside
him shows the North Pacific Ocean, and a line across it is
inscribed 'Cook's track.' Eyes dark yellow grey, fair com-
plexion, smooth cheeks, red lips, double chin. Eyebrows
broad, very dark, arched and remarkably short. Coun-
tenance rather youthful."
This portrait in dimensions is three feet, eight inches by
two feet, nine inches. It was purchased by the Trustees of
the National Portrait Gallery of Messrs. Christie, Manson
& Woods, 8 King Street, St. James Square, London, on
June 29, 1878. The price paid was £31 ioj\ The owner
who sold it was Mr. T. Ford. The sale catalogue called it
"Unknown Portrait of Vancouver the Navigatör.'' After
its purchase it was assigned to the artist Abbott. The portrait was evidently made soon after Vancouver's return from
his famous voyage, for it was made the subject of a caricature
that bears the date of October 1, 1796.
In the Register of Petersham Parish, Surrey, is the following entry: " Captain George Vancouver of the Royal Navy,
Aged 40, of this parish, was buried May 18, 1798. Registered May 18, 1798, by Jas. Messenger, Clerk."
On the side of the Register, under date of December 17,
1892, W. H. Oxley, M.A., Vicar, makes this addition: "In
a bricked grave, S.E. corner, head and foot stones.    N.B.
The head and foot stone över the brick grave in which the
remains of Capt. George Vancouver lie were in my presence
lifted, raised six inches and drawn six inches aside to the
south. The consent of the Agent General of British Columbia and two church-wardens of this parish having been previously obtained in order to effect an improvement to the
churchyard and to place a rail to the Tollemache tomb.'1
Låter the railing to the Tollemache tomb was removed
on the death of Mina, Marchioness of Aylesbury, and was
replaced by a low curb.
Vicar Oxley has been greatly interested in the history of
Vancouver. He has gleaned every possible shred of information at the place of the explorer's burial. He says: "Vancouver came as a traveller to the Står and Garter, Richmond,
which is in Petersham parish, stayed a fortnight there and
died. On entering the Brewer Room in the old Står and
Garter, Richmond Hill, in 1798, Vancouver declared: 'In
all my travels I never clept eyes on a more beautiful spöt than
this! Here would I live and here would I die.' There are
of course no records about here which in any way reläte to
Vancouver. His words were given to me by the daughter
of the landlady and landlord of Står and Garter who heard
them, and I took them down at her mouth."
The Vicar continues, "Some British Columbians had an
idea of erecting a suitable monument a few years since, but it
fell through and I tried härd for a new church and wrote the
brochure to create interest."
The little brochure mentioned is a loving tribute in verse
by Mr. Oxley to the beauties of Petersham Hill. The following stanza deserves a place here: —
Here Courtiers, Statesmen, Cavaliers,
The Penns, Vancouver, Berrys, Peers,
And peasants, long since dead —
With Indians from some far-off shore,
Proud Lauderdale, and many more,
Rest in their quiet bed."
The Public Librarian of Richmond sends the following
quotation from E. B. Chancellor's 1 History and Antiquities
of Richmond": "... beneath it is the most interesting
memorial in the Church, that of Captain Vancouver, who
lived at Petersham in the latter years of his adventurous life.
The plain marble slab has this inscription on it: —
"'In the cemetery adjoining this Church were interred
in the year 1798 the mortal remains of Captain George Vancouver, R.N., whose valuable and enterprising voyage of
discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and round the world,
during twenty-five years of laborious survey, added greatly
to the Geographical knowledge of his countrymen. To the
memory of that celebrated Navigatör, this monumental
tablet is erected by the Hudson's Bay Company, March,
Besides these interesting memorials at his place of burial
it is well known that his memory is preserved by his name
being bestowed upon the large island around which he sailed
in 1792 and also upon the metropolis of the Province of
British Columbia and upon the oldest city in the State of
Washington. Vancouver is a name that is sure to be remem-
bered and honored along the western coast of America as
long as the English language endures.
Professor George Davidson, now of the University of
California, was for more than förty years engaged with the
United States Coast and Geodetic Survey on the Pacific
Coast. A few years ago, in a letter to the present writer, he
said, "I have gone över every foot of the work done by
Vancouver on this coast and I wish to say that he was a great
big man."
This is a monument greater than the naming of an island,
more enduring than an engraved slab of marble. The whole
world will always honor Vancouver for his brilliant achieve-
ments in the science of geography.
HISTORIC nootka sound
For a period of thirty-seven years, from 1774 to 1811,
Nootka Sound was the best-known and most-frequented
harbor on the Northwest Coast of America. The first date
given is that of the harbor's discovery by the Spaniard, Juan
Perez, and the second that of the founding of Astoria at the
mouth of the Columbia River. During those years Nootka
was filled with the romance of the sea, of the Spanish con-
quistador, of the explorer, and the British and American
traders in furs. Savage life was dominant. Some white
men were massacred and others enslaved. Nootka was
certainly famous then; but, after the white slaves were
rescued in 1806, the place dropped into practical oblivion,
where it remained for just one complete century. In 1906
the Provincial government of British Columbia granted
licenses and privileges to timbermen who are about to erect
a steam sawmill in the famous harbor. Nootka will again
begin to figure in the reports of commerce, not as the source
of valuable sea-otter skins, but as the shipping point of the
more serviceable cedar lumber.
In 1578 Drake sailed along the coasts of what he called
Nova Albion, claiming to have reached as high as 480 north
latitude. In 1741 Bering, at Mount St. Elias, discovered
Alaska for the Russians. On the coast, between these points
mentioned, Juan Perez was the pioneer. He was instructed
to make no settlements, but to pick out good places for them.
He was to sail as far north as 6o° if possible, to take possession of the lands for Spain, and to plant bottles containing the
evidence. He sailed from Monterey in the Santiago on
June 11, 1774, and reached 510 42' by July 15, when a junta
22 aj
v '
1   p
decided to make port for water. In that vain search they
reached 550, gave to islands and capes some names that have
since been supplanted by others, and then turned toward the
south. On August 7 he made a landfall at 490 35' and called
the indication of a harbor there by the name of San Lorenzo.
Låter it was called San Lorenzo de Nutka, and in 1789
Estavano Martinez changed it to Santa Cruz de Nutka, but
common usage made it simple Nootka. On proceeding
south, on August 10, 1774, Perez saw in latitude 480 io' a
beautiful snow-white mountain, which he named Santa
Rosalia. Fourteen years låter it was rechristened by John
Meares, the English captain, and from that time it has been
known as Mount Olympus. Thus did Nootka enter the
realm of recorded history.
In 1778 Captain Cook called the place King George's
Sound, but the name did not hold, and in 1791 Vancouver gave
the same King's name to a sound on the southwest coast of
In contemplating the history of Nootka it is somewhat
difficult to understand why the Spaniards were so slow in
exploring and occupying the lands north of Mexico. Their
brilliant achievements fill the sixteenth century with a mar-
vellous record of exploration, conquest, occupation, and national expansion. So far as the northern shores of America
are concerned, the Spanish record is almost a blank for the
seventeenth and the first three-quarters of the eighteenth
century. Then there came a sudden awakening in the voyage
of Perez and those that followed. Perhaps one explanation
may be found in the curious notion that then prevailed to the
effect that gold did not exist except in the tropics and adjacent
lands. Vancouver grapples with this singular supineness of
the Spaniards in the introduction to his journals. He over-
looks the voyage of Perez and starts with the 1775 voyage of
Quadra.    His comment is as follows : —
"This apparent indifference in exploring new countries,
ought not, however, to be attributed to a deficiency in skill,
or to a want of spirit for enterprize, in the commander (Sefior
Quadra) of that expedition; because there is great reason to
believe, that the extreme caution which has so long and so
rigidly governed the court of Madrid, to prevent, as much as
possible, not only their American, but likewise their Indian,
establishments from being visited by any Europeans (unless
they were subjects of the crown of Spain, and liable to a
military tribunal), had greatly conspired, with other con-
siderations of a political nature, to repress that desire of
adding to the fund of geographical knowledge, which has so
eminently distinguished this country. And hence it is not
extraordinary, that the discovery of a north-western navi-
gable communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific
Oceans should not have been considered as an object much
to bV desired by the Spanish court. Since that expedition,
however, the Spaniards seem to have considered their former
national character as in some measure at stake; and they
have certainly become more acquainted than they were with
the extensive countries immediately adjoining to their immense empire in the new world; yet the measures that they
adopted, in order to obtain that information, were executed
in so defective a manner, that all the important questions to
geography still remained undecided, and in the same state
of uncertainty."
The western and northern shores were visited in 1775 and
in 1779 by Spanish expeditions of which Bodega y Quadra
was one of the officers in command. The work of explora-
tion was then suspended on account of the American War for
Independence into which Spain had been drawn as one of
the enemies of Great Britain. During this lull, Russia
began to occupy ports from which the Spaniards succeeded
in dislodging them through diplomacy. In 1789 they proceeded to occupy and fortify the harbor of Nootka.
In the meantime British explorers and traders had visited
Nootka. First and greatest of these was the famous Captain James Cook, during his third and last voyage in the
Pacific. His secret instructions on this voyage cautioned
him to be friendly with the natives, but with their consent to
take possession of the soil in the name of England, and he
was to receive a reward of £20,000 if he found the North-
west Passage. On March 7, 1778, he sighted the shores of
Nova Albion and began to name the principal points. On
March 22 he discovered and named Cape Flattery and then
made this entry in his journal: —
"It is in this very latitude where we now were that geog-
raphers have placed the pretended Strait of Juan de Fuca.
But we saw nothing like it; nor is there the least probability
that ever any such thing existed."
The reason for this singular entry is quite clear. He was
driven from his newly found cape by a gale and could not
approach land for a week. When he did so, on March 29,
he found himself in Hope Bay, Nootka Sound, and he concluded that there could be no extensive strait between the
two points touched, a rather violent conclusion, to be sure,
since there is a difference of more than one whole degree in
the latitude of the two points.
Cook remained at Nootka for a month. One of the mid-
shipmen in his crew was George Vancouver, who then got
his first glimpse of the land where he was destined to achieve
for himself undying fame. Among other things accom-
plished here was to gather as many as possible of the native
words to be used in efforts to talk with other natives of the
On April 26 Cook sailed for the north and made more
discoveries, one of the greatest of which bears the name of
Cook Inlet. He was a fair man and honest explorer, respect-
ing the names given and work done by Spaniards, Russians,
and others. He returned to winter at the islands he had
discovered and named after the Earl of Sandwich. Some
natives stole a boat. At the head of a few men, Cook sought
to recover it, but was killed by the natives on February 14,
1779-       I . 1 I
Cook's work pointed the way for the fur hunters.    The
first of these arrived at Nootka in August, 1785.    This was
James Hanna, an Englishman, who sailed from China in a
brig of sixty tons.    On this first voyage he got 560 sea-
otter skins, which he sold in China for $20,500.    His second
voyage in 1786 was not nearly so successful.    He named
Sea Otter Harbor, St. Patrick's Bay, Smith Inlet, and
Fitzhugh Sound.
In 1786 John Meares made a voyage from China to Alaska,
but little is known beyond the fact that the voyage was
made and that his ship was called the Nootka. In June of
this same year James Stränge arrived at Nootka with two
vessels : the Captain Cook, Lowrie, master; and the Experiment, Guise, master. He got six hundred otter skins and
named Queen Charlotte Sound.
Nathaniel Portlock and George Dixon made their famous
voyages along the coasts in 1786 and 1787, spending the
winter at the Sandwich Islands. They had been companions
of Cook and mingled scienceand commerce in their enterprise.
They named many geographic features along the shores of
Alaska and collected 2552 sea-otter skins, which they sold
in China for $54,857.
Captain Barclay sailed in November, 1786, in the ship
Imperial Eagle, from the Belgian port of Ostend, under the
flag of the Austrian East India Company. He arrived in
Nootka in June, 1787, and though he went no farther north,
he secured eight hundred sea-otter skins during his voyage.
At Nootka he found McKey, who had been left there the
year before by Captain Stränge. McKey, who had lived
during the year with the natives, said he had learned from
them that Nootka was really on a big island around which a
boat could be sailed. This is the first intimation of the
existence of what låter became known as Vancouver Island.
In July Barclay sailed southward and discovered Barclay
Sound, which, with its long arm called Alberni Canal, is
one of the best-known harbors of Vancouver Island. From
Bamfield, at the mouth of this harbor, starts the Pacific
Cable. Barclay also noted the Strait of Juan de Fuca, but
did not attempt to enter or to name it. This captain was
accompanied by his wife, who was the first civilized woman
to see the Northwest Coast.
From fragments in other journals it is learned that Captain Duncan3 in the ship Princess Royal, and Captain Colnett, in the ship Prince of Wales, were outfitted by the King
George's Sound Company, sailed from England in September, 1786, and arrived at Nootka in July, 1787. They
traded along the Queen Charlotte Islands, and Duncan was
the first to sail through the water separating those islands
from the mainland. He wintered on the coast, returning to
Nootka the next year.
John Meares is one of the most picturesque characters in
the history of Nootka. A retired lieutenant of the British
Navy, he sought his fortune in the fur trade of the Pacific.
His first trip in 1786 has been mentioned. In 1787 a company of English merchants in India fitted out two ships:
the Felice Adventurer of two hundred and thirty tons, in command of John Meares, and the Iphigenia Nubiana of two
hundred tons, commanded by William Douglas. The latter
was to coast southward from Alaska, while Meares was to
go direct to Nootka. To avoid excess i ve port ch arges in
China, and to evade the necessity of a license from the South
Sea or the East India monopolies, Cavalho, a Portuguese,
was made a nominal partner and through him the Governor
of Macao was induced to furnish the ships with Portuguese
flags, papers, and captains. If it should become necessary to
use these, the real captains would appear as mere super-
cargoes. Only one occasion called for the use of those
Portuguese colors at Nootka, which will be referred to låter.
Travelling under false or double colors is despised on land,
but it is counted close kin to piracy on the sea. In the light
of these conditions the following instructions to the captains
of this expedition sound almost facetious: —
"Should you meet with any Russian, English or Spanish
vessels, you will treat them with civility and friendship; and
allow them, if authorized, to examine your papers, which will
shew the object of your voyage: — But you must at the same
time guard against surprize. Should they attempt to seize
you, or even carry you out of your way, you will prevent it by
every means in your power, and repel force by force. You
will, on your arrival in the first port, protest before a proper
officer such illegal procedure. Should you in such conflict
have the superiority — you will then take possession of the
vessel that attacked you, as also her cargo; and bring both,
with the officers and crew, to China, that they may be con-
demned as legal prizes, and their crews punished as pirates.''
Meares took as a passenger, Comekela, a sub-chief of
Nootka, who was returning home, and likewise Tiana, a
Hawaiian chieftain, took passage with Douglas. The
Felice had a force of fifty men,—crew and artisans, — some
of which were Chinese. This may be called the very first
introduction of Chinese labor on the Pacific Coast of America,
for Meares had come prepared to use these artisans in the
construction of a sloop to be built for the fur trade. The
great chief of the natives at Nootka was Maquinna, who is
prominent through all the early history of the place and whose
name is still revered by his people.
Meares arrived at Nootka on May 13, 1788. He at once
bought from Chief Maquinna a small tract of land in what the
English called Friendly Cove, at the mouth of Nootka Sound.
The price he paid for the land was two pistols. On this
ground he built a house for the workmen and stores, and
promised, when through with it, to give the house to Maquinna. In front of the house he raised some breastworks
on which was planted a small cannon. This was the first
act of occupation on the Northwest Coast, but nothing appears
in any of the transactions or records up to that time to indi-
cate that it was intended for anything more than temporary
protection. Just outside the fort the keel was laid and work
was begun on the first vessel built on the Pacific Coast of
America north of the Spanish ports in California and Mexico.
Leaving a crew to work on the schooner, Meares sailed
southward on June 11. He spent two weeks at Clayoquot
Sound, which he named Port Cox. He was very successful
in the fur trade and was lavishly entertained by Chief Wica-
nanish. He left Clayoquot on Saturday, June 28, and the next
day in latitude 480 39' he found a great entrance and declared
that he named it after the "original discoverer of Juan de
Fuca.'3 Ten years before Cook had denied the existence of
this strait, and one year before Barclay had seen it but did not
deign to give it a name.
Sailing across the mouth of the strait he was warmly wel-
comed by Chief "Tatootch.'' Exploring a little island there
in a small boat he gave it the chieFs name, and to this day it
is called Tatoosh Island. Proceeding southward, on July 4,
he saw a beautiful mountain in latitude 480 io'. He either
did not know that the Spanish Captain Perez had named it
Santa Rosalia in 1774, or, knowing it, he did not care. He
remembered his days at school, and declaring that the mountain was fit to be the home of the gods he called it Mount
On July 5 he found a harbor which he called Shoalwater
Bay, but which has since been renamed Willapa Harbor. On
Sunday, July 6, he rounded a promontory at latitude 460 ior,
hoping to find a river hinted at by the Spaniards. He was
met by dashing breakers and rough weather. He called the
bay Deception and the cape Disappointment. Sailing away
he wrote in his journal, " We can now with safety assert that
no such river as that of Saint Roc exists as laid down in the
Spanish chart."
Arriving at Barclay Sound on July 11, he started into trading operations, while he sent Mr. Duffin with thirteen men
in the long boat to explore the strait. At "Hostility Bay,'
Duffin and several of his men were wounded in a conflict
with the natives; yet Meares låter claimed in his famous memorial to Parliament that he had taken possession of the "Straits
of John de Fuca' and had obtained from the native chiefs
permission to erect houses and to carry on exclusive trade.
When Meares returned to Nootka on July 26 he found that
his shipbuilders were prospering well and he started again
for Clayoquot when the crew, headed by the boatswain, mu-
tinied. Låter all submitted but eight who refused to be
ironed. They were turned loose among the natives, who
promptly made slaves of them. Meares then sailed away on
August 8, adding more values to his harvest of furs. On
August 24 he returned to Nootka and was joined on August
27 by Captain Douglas with the Iphigenia. He had not been
successful along the Alaskan coast, but now all hands bent
every energy to finish the new schooner and to fit the Felice
for her return to China. The exiled mutineers were received
back except the boatswain who was confined to the house but
låter escaped.
On September 17 Meares received a peculiar shock. A
vessel was approaching under a flag he did not recognize.
He hastily called for the Portuguese colors and papers, and
made ready to appear other than English. He sent a boat
to meet the approaching stranger. His messenger returned
with the reassuring news that all was well.
"That flag of white and red stripes, with the blue field and
white stars, is the flag of the United States, the new nation
on the Atlantic coast of America. The vessel is the Lady
Washington and her master is Captain Robert Gray.'
The Portuguese colors were hauled down and Captain
Meares made ready to welcome the Lady Washington to
Friendly Cove. Two days låter Nootka witnessed a big
event. The English and American captains and crews and
the Chinese artisans joined in the cheering, while the wonder-
struck natives looked on in amazement. The new schooner
was successfully launched. She was christened the Northwest America, and was put in command of Robert Funter.
All the furs had been loaded into the Felice, and she now
proceeded to take on a deck-load of spårs, probably the first
lumber shipped from this region. The spårs were intended
for the märket in China. Meares sailed at once for China
by way of the Sandwich Islands. Soon after he had gone
Captain John Kendrick arrived in the Columbia. The two
American captains decided to winter at Nootka, and so they
gave aid to Douglas and Funter, who proposed to winter at the
Sandwich Islands. They left on October 26 and by agreement with Meares they returned to Nootka on April 24, 1789,
to begin the traffic in furs north of that harbor.
This was the crucial year of 1789. We have seen Esta-
vano Martinez establishing his fort at Nookta to hold the
place for Spain. Meares had abandoned his little fort after
the schooner was launched. He had intended to come back
in the Felice and join with his two companions in the fur
trade.    Instead of that he entered into a much larger scheme.
He formed a joint stock company with Mr. Etches, represent-
ing the King George's Sound Company. The Felice was
sold, and the Argonaut was bought and put in command of
Captain Colnett, and the Princess Royal was put in command
of Captain Thomas Hudson. These captains were instructed
to establish a permanent trading post to be called Fort Pitt.
They were to carry materials for a small vessel of thirty tons,
which they were to construct and launch as had been done
with the Northwest America. Seventy Chinese were embarked as laborers and it låter developed that the plan in-
cluded a scheme to secure a Kanaka wife for each Chinese
settler and thus would Nootka be populated. There was no
need now for the double colors, for the King George's Sound
Company had a license from the East India Company. The
two ships sailed from China in April and May, 1789.
On April 29 Funter sailed from Nootka and obtained över
two hundred sea-otter skins on Queen Charlotte Island, but
in the meantime Douglas was having trouble. Martinez arrived at Nootka on May 6 and began to build his fort. He
did not like the attitude of the English captain and at the end
of the first week he seized his ship as a prize. Changing his
mind he released the Iphigenia and sold Douglas needed
supplies on the promise that he would go to the Sandwich
Islands. Douglas gave an order on Cavalho for payment
of the supplies received from Martinez and then sailed on
June 2. Instead of going south he made a successful trip
to the north and reached Macao in October with his furs.
Martinez learned that Cavalho was bankrupt and so when
Funter arrived at Nootka on June 9 the Spaniard seized the
schooner to make good that draft from Douglas.
Captain Hudson arrived at Nootka on June 14 and took
the company's furs from the seized schooner. He was treated
well by the Spaniards and sailed on a trading cruise July 2.
The next day Captain Colnett arrived in the Argonaut. He
seems to have been a peppery individual. At any råte, he
rubbed the Spanish fur the wrong way by declaring that he
was going to take possession of the region and establish a
permanent post.    On July 4, the day after his arrival, his
ship was seized and he and his crew were prisoners to the
Spaniards. He not only brought trouble on himself, but he
made it hot for Hudson who had been so nicely treated.
When the latter arrived at Nootka on July 14, his vessel was
promptly seized.
The ships as prizes and the crews as prisoners were sent
to Mexico, or New Spain, arriving at San Bias on August 15
and 27. The Spanish authorities at San Bias appreciated
the gravity of the situation much more keenly than had Martinez. They released the vessels after refitting them in good
shape, and they released the men, paying each one wages for
the time of detention at the råtes prevailing for relative rank
in the Spanish navy.
While this attempt at reparation seemed ample and fair to
the Spaniards, it was far from sufficient in the eyes of the
offended Englishmen. Captain Meares posted off to London in haste and filed with Parliament his famous memorial,
dated April 30, 1790. He placed his damages at more than
$653,433. He claimed the territory about Nootka by right
of discovery and purchase from the natives. He also published a journal, which is one of the interesting and valuable
documents of that period. In that journal he publishes a
map showing Nootka was not on the mainland, but on a large
island, and that the Lady Washington had sailed around it.
Captain Robert Gray was known to have sailed out to Nootka
in the Lady Washington. So Vancouver, having read the
record given by Meares in London in 1790, was delighted to
meet Gray off Cape Flattery in 1792, and was more delighted
still to learn that he (Gray) had not sailed around the supposed island. When Vancouver låter did sail around the
island that now bears his name, he did so by cautiously feel-
ing his way in small boats.    It was to him a real discovery.
There is an unfortunate confusiön in the history at this
interesting point. It is true that Gray did not sail around the
island, but it is also undoubtedly just as true that the Lady
Washington may have made that important cruise. The confusiön arises from the scant record of authentic nature preserved of the work done by the two pioneer American cap-
32  sp
tains,—John Kendrick and Robert Gray. There are masses
of documents and records during subsequent boundary dis-
putes. Among these is a Congressional Report in the first
session of the Thirty-second Congress of the United States.
The heirs of Kendrick and Gray had memorialized Congress
for relief on account of the public services rendered by those
explorers. It is not the purpose or desire to exploit this phase
of the history at this time. One item does need attention,
however. All accounts lay great stress on the map and
journal published by Meares in London in 1790. George
Dixon criticised that map at the time, and Meares published
an answer in which he claims that he got his information from
a man who had talked with Captain Kendrick upon his
arrival in China late in 1789. This shows that the map was
constructed on information obtained by word of mouth from
a second party, and probably accounts for the great inaccura-
cies of the map, if Kendrick actually did sail around the land.
Kendrick was heard from on other points after this, but he laid
no claim to this discovery, which, if true, would have been
of far greater importance than the items he did report on.
While there may thus be some doubt about the American
having made this discovery, there is none about the participa-
tion of these and other Americans in the early history of
Nootka. We have seen their arrival in the harbor and their
determination to winter there. On October 1, 1788, they
celebrated the anniversary of their departure from Boston.
The four captains — Douglas, Funter, Kendrick, and Gray
— all dined on board the Columbia. Five days låter the
Englishmen departed for the Sandwich Islands, and the Americans were alone at Nootka. They had been outfitted by the
Boston Company and had come to trade in furs. It is quite
likely that it was hoped that the expedition would do some
geographic work and would make for the new Republic some
friends among the natives and thus give the United States a
substantial footing in the new lands. At any råte, a medalwas
prepared for the Indians. On one side are the pictures of
two ships and around the edge this legend: " Columbia and
Washington.    Commanded by J. Kendrick."    Around the
P 33 \W
edge on the other side are the words: | Fitted at Boston N.
America for the Pacific Ocean," and in the centre: j By J.
Barrel, S. Brown, C. Bulfinch, J. Darby, C. Hatch, J. M.
Pintard, 1787."
About the middle of March the fur trade was begun.
Gray sailed southward, going into the Strait of Juan de Fuca
probably as far as had been explored by Meares's boat the
year before. He returned to Nootka on April 22 and sailed
again, this time toward the north on May 3. He struck a
new spöt for trade on the shore of Queen Charlotte Island,
wThere he obtained two hundred sea-otter skins, worth about
$ 8000, for one old iron chisel. Captain Kendrick had also
been successful in trade. This is the year in which Martinez
brought matters to a crisis by seizing the English ships. The
Americans were witnesses and låter gave evidence in favör
of the Spanish side in the dispute.
Captain Kendrick decided to exchange ships with Captain
Gray and to send him home by way of China, where the catch
of furs could be sold and a new cargo bought of teas, spices,
and silks. The Columbia sailed about the middle of July,
1789, and arrived in Boston in August, 1790. In this way
Captain Robert Gray was the first one to carry the Stars and
Stripes around the globe. Governor Hancock gave a fine
reception to the owners and officers of the Columbia. A procession marched up State Street, and in it marched Captain
Gray arm in arm with Atloo, a Hawaiian chieftain who had
taken passage with the Columbia to see the outside world.
The voyage was not a financial success, but the Boston
Company reorganized a little and sent Gray back to Nootka.
On this voyage he left Boston on September 28, 1790, and
arrived at Clayoquot Sound, near Nootka, on June 5, 1791.
He traded and explored to the northward, and in August he
started south for winter quarters. Meeting storms he put
back into Clayoquot, decided to winter there, built a house,
and fortified it. On October 3, 1791, he laid the keel of a
schooner, which was named the Adventurer and successfully
launched on February 23, 1792. Gray promoted his mate,
Robert Haswell, to be captain of the new boat.
In the meantime Captain Kendrick finished the year 1789,
bringing up in China. He did not return to the American
coast until 1791. On entering Nootka he was treated well
by the Spaniards, but he was suspicious and sailed northward,
where he experienced successful trade. He bought for himself and for the company large träets of land, going to the
trouble of making out deeds which the native chiefs signed
with their marks. These deeds were saved and published
during the låter disputes. He sailed away for China and then
practically disappears from our record.
Captain Gray reached the climax of his life during the year
1792. Haswell went north in the Adventurer when Gray went
south. On April 29 he met Vancouver and told him he had
found a river at 460 ior, but could not enter because of the
breakers. He would try again. As he approached his river,
on May 7, he found a fine bay which he named Bulfinch
Harbor, after one of the owners of the Columbia. Låter the
name was changed to that of the discoverer and it is still
known as Gray's Harbor. Four days after that important
discovery he succeeded in passing över the bar and called the
great river after the name of his ship. This discovery had
most of all to do with giving the Americans a standing among
the powers contending for sovereignty on the Pacific Coast.
During his trips into Gray's Harbor and the Columbia
River, Gray had obtained seven hundred sea-otter skins and
fifteen thousand other furs. Haswell had not been so successful, but between them they had made a good season's harvest.
They sold the new schooner to the Spaniards and sailed for
Among the other Americans at Nootka was Captain Joseph
Ingraham, who had been mate of the Columbia on her first
voyage and was on the coast in 1791 and 1792 as master of
the brig Hope. Captain James McGee was there in 1792.
He also came from Boston. Captain R. D. Coolidge in the
Grace had come from New York. He was an exception, as
most of the Americans came from Boston — a fact that im-
pressed the Indians in a way that will be referred to låter.
After the rough experiences in 1789, Englishmen seem to
have avoided Nootka. Not so the Spaniards. While the
government of old Spain was being menaced with a seri-
ous war by Great Britain, the government of New Spain was
making strenuous efforts to rivet more securely its hold upon
Nootka and the adjacent regions. Lieutenant Francisco
Elisa, Lieutenant Salvador Fidalgo, and Ensign Manuel
Quimper sailed from San Bias on February 3, 1790, in the
ship Concepciön, the snow San Carlos, and the sloop Princesa Real. By April 7 all three had arrived at Nootka. They
had brought supplies for a year and soldiers for the garrison.
The mention of these soldiers brings to mind the discovery
of the Alberni document. In 1899 Dr. J. P. Sweeney of Seattle obtained from one of his patients, David Ferguson, now
of San Diego, California, a bundle of Spanish documents he
had collected during a residence of thirty years in Mexico.
Among them was one signed by Pedro de Alberni, in which
he gives many strong reasons why he should be excused from
going to Nootka, and incidentally mentions that his company
has a branch garrison at Nootka, composed of two first cor-
porals and eighteen soldiers. This document was dated
January 1, 1793. It is quite likely, therefore, that the branch
garrison was maintained at Nootka for at least three years.
The fact that the Spaniards had a garrison at Nootka has
never been disputed. If it had been, this old Alberni document would dispel all doubts. A translation of the first page
of the document is as follows: —
"Free Company of Volunteers of Catalonia
'Relation of the force that constitutes the above-mentioned
company on this day, at the present writing, the number short
of completion, and the additions and diminutions that oc-
curred during the expedition:
That the number of officers is complete; sergeants, short,
two seconds; corporals, short, one first and one second;
according to the last regulations of the 17th of May, 1792.
"Other (Note)
"This company has a branch garrison in the establishment at Nootka (Nuca), composed of two first corporals
and eighteen soldiers; others in the frigate Aranzazu, composed of one second corporal and eight soldiers; others in the
brig Activa, composed of one corporal and eight soldiers;
and two soldiers in Mexico in pursuit of their vacation.
"Other (Note)
"The one who was discharged is the second sergeant,
Peter Guiterrez, who, upon the order of your excellency,
passed into the department of San Bias.
Sick in the Company
"Officers, i; sergeants, i; drummers, i; corporals, i;
soldiers, 5; and of these one is in Guadalajara, crippled;
and four are in this garrison sick with fever; and the drum-
mer is injured in the hand.
"Tepic, 1 st of January, 1793.
"Pedro de Alberni."
Two years before the discovery and publication of this
Alberni document, R. E. Gosnell published this paragraph
in the Year Book of British Columbia for 1897: —
"Alberni Canal was named after a Spanish officer, Don
Pedro Alberni, who was in command of a company of volun-
teer soldiers in the expedition to Nootka, under command of
Lieutenant Elisa sailing from San Bias February 5, arriving
at Nootka April 5, 1790."
If this statement be true, then it is evident from the document that Alberni did not remain with what he calls the
branch garrison at Nootka.
Three days after the entire Elisa expedition reached
Nootka, April 10, 1790, the Spaniards went through a formål
act of taking possession. Fidalgo made a trip to the north
and returned to San Bias.    Quimper explored the Strait of
Juan de Fuca, giving many Spanish names to places which
were låter supplanted by English or Indian names. His
Porto de la Bodega y Quadra became Port Discovery, his
Santa Cruz became Dungeness, and his Nunez Goana became
Neah Bay. He sailed away to Monterey without returning
to Nootka.
Elisa wintered at Nootka and in March the San Carlos
arrived in command of Alfarez Ramoh Antonio Saavedra y
Guyraldo, with Juan Pantojo y Arriago as his piloto. They
brought Elisa instructions to survey from Mount St. Elias
to the Port of Trinidad. He took the San Carlos, and instead of starting north he surveyed Clayoquot Sound and then
went around to what is now known as the Strait of Georgia.
He gave that waterway this name, "Gran Canal de Nuestra
Sehora del Rosario la Marinera.' Of this passage he wrote
to the Viceroy as follows, "It appears that the oceanic passage so zealously sought by foreigners, if there is one, cannot
be elsewhere than by this great channel.,: As a memento
of his work we still have with us the name of Rosario Strait,
though at a place removed on the map from its original loca-
In the year 1792 Lieutenant Jacinto Caamano arrived
at Nootka and explored around Queen Charlotte Island.
Fidalgo also arrived and proceeded to build at Neah Bay
a little fort which was never completed and was abandoned
the same year. Dionisio Galliano and Cayetano Valdes
were two men whom the scientist and explorer Malaspina
loaned to Viceroy Gigedo. They arrived at Nootka in May
and proceeded to explore the Gulf of Georgia. There they
met Vancouver, who tells the story of mutual courtesies in the
journal that follows.
The negotiations between Vancouver and Quadra at
Nootka in the same year of 1792 is fully discussed in subsequent chapters.
Ön September 3, 1794, Vancouver visited Governor Alava,
who retained his residence on board of the Princesa, which
shows that the post at Nootka was not at all looked upon as a
permanent settlement, especially as the governor continued
his official residence on shipboard. Alava had not been given
sufficient credentials to cede Nootka according to the demands of Vancouver, but such instructions were expected to
arrive at any hour. They agreed to wait for such papers until
October 15. They were disappointed in regard to the arrival of these papers, so both departed for Monterey. Vancouver arrived at the latter port on November 6. There were
no despatches there for him. Possibly some might be at San
Diego. Governor Arguello sent a courier for the letters, if
there should be any there. This journey was fruitless, but
Sehor Alava stated to Vancouver that his government had
notified him that Spain would not longer resist the British
demands, but would settle the dispute practically on the same
lines as those offered by Vancouver to Quadra in 1792. The
Spaniard also stated that another English officer would receive the cession from the Spaniards. Vancouver construed
this to mean that he was at liberty to quit the coast, and he
löst no time in starting for home by way of Cape Horn, arriv-
ing in the Shannon on Sunday, September 13, 1795, the great
expedition having consumed four and one-half years.
Vancouver had gone home, but his place was taken by
Lieutenant Thomas Pierce of the marines. He and Alava
sailed from Monterey on March 1, 1795, for the north.
They arrived at Nootka on March 23. The ceremonies at-
tending this meeting have been locked almost wholly in
silence or mystery. Historians differ. One states that the
Spanish flag and the British flag were hauled down simul-
taneously. Another claims that the British flag remained
as the emblem of sovereignty in conformity with Vancouver's
interpretation of the 1790 treaty. It is well established, however, that the Spanish fort was dismantled and the settlement
was abandoned, and never again was a Spanish attempt made
at settlement north of California.
The element of horrible tragedy entered into the history
of Nootka in the year 1803. The Indians had known about
white men for nearly thirty years at that time. Chief Maquinna had grow wise, as he thought, with his advancing
years.    He had been honored and flattered so often by the
visiting strangers, and partly in consequence of that fact, and
partly because of his own prowess the neighboring tribes of
Indians held him in such high repute that he began to expect
and demand the deference due a king. This was his attitude on March 12, 1803, when he clad himself in his royal
robe, consisting of magnificent sea-otter skins, sprinkled his
hair with swan's down, and stalked out on to the deck of the
ship Boston. This was the finest and largest ship that had
ever visited the Northwest Coast. She was owned by the
Amorys of Boston .and had gone to Hull, England, for a cargo
of iron and copper implements suitable for the Indian trade.
At that English port a blacksmith by the name of Jewitt
persuaded Captain John Salter to take along his boy, John
R. Jewitt, and give him a chance at the new business. The
old blacksmith had figured out a beautiful dream of wealth
for the family. They would convert all their worldly possessions into trinkets, send them with John out into the Pacific, where they would trade for furs, sell the furs in China,
buy silks and teas which they would sell in England. A
large profit at each turn would put the whole Jewitt family
beyond want.
All this did not influence Captain Salter, but another thing
did. Young Jewitt had been his father's helper and was himself a elever worker of iron. This quality would be useful
and as it turned out this quality was also the means of sav-
ing this interesting history for the world. Young Jewitt was
shipped on the Boston as armorer. A forge was rigged up
for him between decks, and after he got över his attack of
seasickness he busied himself making axes, knives, and spears
for the Indian trade. This forge and this work were mar-
vels to the Indians as they watched the young man making
the things they prized so highly.
Captain Salter knew Maquinna was a great chief. If he
had not known it, he could have guessed it from his manner.
So he treated him well and gave him a beautiful fowling
piece. The next day the chief returned, saying the gun was
no good. The captain spöke gruffly and probably swore at
the Indian's elumsiness.    He then threw the gun to Jewitt
40 11
the armorer for repairs. The rudeness was new to Maquinna. He grabbed his own throat with his hands and left
the ship in haste. He planned a frightful revenge. On
March 22 he asked the captain when he would sail. The captain said he would leave the next day, and then he accepted
the chiefs suggestion to send part of the crew to the Indian
fishing grounds for salmon. This was Maquinna's hour.
He and some of his men loitered listlessly about the deck.
Others were paddling near in canoes.
Suddenly the chief gave his signal. He himself grappled
with Captain Salter, whom he threw overboard. There in
the water he was promptly killed by the Indians in the canoes.
The other white men were overpowered and killed. Those
at the fishing grounds were killed by Indians there. The
head of each was severed from the body, and these twenty-
five heads were then ranged in a ghastly row on the deck of
the fine ship Boston, which had thus suddenly fallen into
savage hands. While contemplating their awful work the
Indians were startled by a cry from below. A prowler had
found another white man still alive, and soon armorer Jewitt,
wounded and scarcely able to stånd, was dragged to the up-
per deck. Maquinna held up his hand. He took Jewitt,.
whom he knew as the maker of knives, and by signs made him
understand that if he would be the chiefs slave, he could
live; if not, his head would be put över there with the others.
He chose slavery.
Then began the plundering of that rich cargo. Each
Indian had guns, many guns, and blänkets and cloth and
beads and iron. They were rich and, of course, the chiefs
share made him richest of them all. The news spread.
Other tribes visited Nootka, and they went away enriched
with lavish presents. Four days after the tragedy two vessels,
the Mary and the Juno of. Boston, approached Nootka, but
the Indians fired upon them and made such signs of hostility
that they left. i
Jewitt found that Maquinna had a son of whom he was
passionately fond. The white man soon became the com-
panion of this boy.    Then there was an uproar in camp.
Another white man had been found in the Boston. Jewitt
managed to save the fellow's life by claiming to be his son.
He asked Maquinna if he loved his son. Then he declared
he could make no knives if his father were killed. In this
way John Thompson of Philadelphia, the sail maker, was
saved. A few days afterward, while seeking more plunder
in the hold of the ship with the aid of a pine torch, one of the
Indians started a fire, and the Boston was destroyed. Jewitt
and Thompson were in savage slavery, and now even their
ship was gone. Jewitt got along very well. He was a prime
favorite, but old Thompson was dreaded. He was a rough
old tar, who was ready at any moment to quit and to sell his
life as dearly as possible in a struggle with his owners. Jewitt^ counsel prevailed.
Their lives at Nootka for nearly three years were filled
with wonderful adventures. After their rescue Jewitt published the experiences in a frail little volume full to overflow-
ing with valuable information about the Indians and their
home. Maquinna became suspicious of the diary and put a
stop to it. Then Jewitt kept notes on birch bark, using berry
juices for ink. He had saved a portion of a Book of Common
Prayer and, though Thompson was far from religious, he
accompanied Jewitt each Sabbath in a little service on the
banks of the small lake back of Friendly Cove. On other
days they went to this pond to bathe and wash their blänkets.
Maquinna saw them and made them wash his blänkets.
While doing this they were taunted by young Indians. Old
Thompson was furious. He drove them off. They returned
and trampled the drying blänkets with dirty feet. Thompson caught one, cut his head off, and carrying the head in one
hand and the soiled blänket in the other reported to the chief,
who approved the execution because the bad boy had walked
on the chiefs blänket. War with a neighboring tribe added
to their excitement.
Maquinna had accumulated some furs. He desired more
trade with white men. He had told Jewitt that when Salter
talked bad to him his heart started to jump out of his mouth.
Now he did not feel mad and would trade with the white men.
But he had no idea of giving up Jewitt. So as the Lydia9
Captain Hill, of Boston, approached Nootka in July of 1805,
Maquinna got Jewitt to write him a letter to the captain.
This letter was dated at Nootka, July 19, 1805, and read as
follows: —
"The bearer of this letter is the Indian king by the name of
Maquinna. He was the instigator of the capture the ship
Boston, of Boston, in North America, John Salter captain,
and of the murder of twenty-five men of her crew, the two
only survivors being now on shore — Wherefore I hope you
will take care to confine him according to his merits, putting
in your dead lights, and keeping so good a watch över him,
that he cannot escape from you. By so doing we shall be
able to obtain our release in the course of a few hours.'1
This was a serious matter for a slave to write such a letter
about his master. Jewitt in his rare little book comments
on it as follows: "I have been asked how I dared to write
in this manner: my answer is, that from my long residence
among these people, I knew that I had little to apprehend
from their anger on hearing of their king being confined,
while they knew his life depended upon my release, and that
they would sooner have given up five hundred white men,
than have had him injured." Jewitt translated the letter in
a way that satisfied Maquinna, who went on board and was
promptly put in chains. Then there was a terrific clamor
on shore, but it all ended in the safe release of the white men,
and the chief was given his liberty by Jewitt.
It has been seen that Maquinna was loved and obeyed by
his people. He was undoubtedly the greatest chief on that
coast. His descendants and successors in the chieftainship,
while exercising much less power, have gloried in the name of
Maquinna. Probably the one to approach him nearest in
power was the chief who died at Nootka about five years ago.
He was the great-grandson of the old and famous Maquinna.
His body was secreted and then the people erected a gorgeous
monument to his memory. It is a fiuge thunder bird in con-
flict with a whale. At the base are two sewing-machines,
contributed by the squaws who shared in the great grief of the
tribe. This figure is emblematic of the tradition that when it
storms the thunder bird is in battle with the whale. At such
times the Indians make great noise with drums to help the
thunder bird, for when the whale is allowed to triumph the
world will be destroyed in a great flood. This monument
faces the sea from a point of rocks. Near this singular example of primitive art there had fallen to the ground a large
white cross, on the arms of which had been painted this
legend, "He made potlatch nine different times/ To
Coast Indians this is a superlative of greatness. Potlatch
is a custom held in high esteem. A man accumulates property and then invites friends and relatives from far and near.
To these he gives away his property. This makes him a
great man, a sort of tyee. The late Maquinna was thus nine
times as great as one of these ordinary great men. The
potlatch is also a sort of economic institution, a sort ofindian
savings bank, for when a man has made a potlatch he has an
undisputed right to participate as a beneficiary in all other
potlatches of that neighborhood.
Nootka is the birthplace of the Chinook jargon, that stränge
and unique | Esperanto" of the western Indians. The range
of this jargon is from California to Mount St. Elias and from
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific. Take, for example, the
name of Nootka itself. The harbor was named San
Lorenzo by Perez in 1774. To this was soon added "de
Nutka/' Whence came this "de Nutka" remained a mys-
tery until Rev. Father A. J. Brabant, a Belgian priest
who has been a missionary among those people for more than
thirty years, began to study the intricacies of the native language. He says that "Noot-ka-eh" is a native verb meaning
"go around/' It is now supposed that the first ship paused
on the lee of an island, and when the Spaniards followed the
motions of the friendly Indians, when they did "go around,"
they saw the little village in what was låter called Friendly
Cove and, jumping to the conclusion that "Nootka-eh" was
the name of that village, they adopted it as the name of the
harbor.    As Nootka it has been known from that day to this.
The name by which these Indians themselves know their
^—SM-tSBBi,. ii
village is "Mowitch-at," meaning "people of the deer."
The reason is clear to one who visits their home. The forests literally abound in deer. That one village ships out thou-
sands of deerskins every year. It is not possible to trace the
origin of all the words in the jargon, but "Mowitch' means
"deer," and it is shown that this came from the Nootka language. It is also found that many others came from the
same tongue, such as "Klootchman," meaning "woman"
"tanass," little; "cam-mass," fruit; "klat-a-wah," go away
"makook," sell; "clah-how-yah," how do you do; "sie-yah,'
sky or far away; "wik," no. And one of the best examples
of all is the word "tyee," meaning chief. Jewitt uses this
word in addressing Chief Maquinna, and of course, Jewitt
got his Indian words wholly from Nootka. Vancouver also
uses the word in speaking of chiefs, and Vancouver relied
upon his Nootkan words wherever he met Indians. Cook
made a list of Indian words at Nootka in 1778. This list,
with whatever additions he could have collected, is the one
that Vancouver used in 1792. So "tyee " as a Chinook jargon
word is clearly traced back to Nootka. When the Hudson
Bay Company came, they added to and developed the jargon.
In fact, they are usually credited with having invented it.
The Canadian voyageurs added many French words. The
jargon was really an evolution and began at Nootka through
the necessities of the explorers and fur traders. It is not
difficult to see how this happened. Nootka was the first
harbor visited, and for many years was the only one known
on the whole coast north of Monterey. The captains listed
as many of the native words as they could, and these fell into
the hands of other discoverers and fur traders, who repeated
them far and wide in an effort to talk with other tribes and,
of course, helped out with signs. Pointing to a deer they
would say "mowitch,'' and thus many tribes learned what
that word meant to the white men.
Nearly every vessel that came to Nootka under the Stars
and Stripes came from Boston. The officers and men spöke
the name of Boston frequently and with pride. Then came
the destruction of the ship Boston, and Americans as they
approached the coast asked far and near for news of the
Boston. This taught the Indians to associate the Stars and
Stripes with the name of Boston. That, also, was planted into
the Chinook jargon in which language " Boston-man" means
I American." In a similar way the Englishmen of that day
were always talking about King George and what he could
do for his friends, the Indians, and the Chinook jargon was
enriched with the phrase i King George-man," meaning Englishman."
While pointing out the origin of the Chinook jargon at
Nootka it may also be well to call attention to the fact that the
name frequently occurs in disguised forms in scientific literature. The early explorers always collected specimens of the
plants, birds, and animals. There are many fine evergreen
trees in the botanical gardens of Europé grown from seeds
collected on these shores by those first visitors. When the
botanists or zoölogists found that the specimens were new to
science, they would proceed to describe them as from Nootka,
and so we find such Latinized names as Nutkana, Nutkanus,
and Nutkaensis bestowed upon a large number of species.
Nootka, wild, romantic Nootka, deserted and neglected
by white men for more than a century, though once the most
frequented harbor on the Pacific Coast of America, what a lure
is this Nootka to one who has searched for truths among the
rare and scattered records! With a heart filled with enthu-
siasm the present writer visited the famous little harbor of
Friendly Cove in the summer of 1903. Being secretary, he
undertook, on behalf of the Washington University State Historical Society, to erect a monument of granite to mark the
place where Vancouver and Quadra met in August of 1792.
The cost of the monument was borne for the Society by the
pioneer, Orion O. Denny, the first white boy bom in Seattle.
Canadian law offered an obstacle in the way of customs
charges. This condition annoyed the genial and dignified
governor, Sir Henri Joly G. de Lotbiniere, who asked the
privilege of bearing the charges himself. Thomas Stock-
ham was about to construct a little trading post at Friendly
Cove and volunteered to help with his crew of three white
rwMnriaratw^ OF PUGET SOUND
men and one Indian to hoist the heavy granite to its place on
the summit of a rocky islet in the mouth of the harbor. Here
we placed the monument, with its inscription facing the sea,
on August 23, 1903.
Vancouver was fortunate in having with him some artists
of real merit. One was John Sykes, who was mustered in at
the age of nineteen as a midshipman, though he was promoted
to mastefs mate on February 1, 1791. The beautiful pic-
tures engraved on steel for the illustrations of Vancouvefs
"Voyage " were drawn by Sykes, Mudge, and Humphries.
The view of Friendly Cove was very useful during this visit
över a century afterward. By it could be picked out the
famous acre in dispute where Meares had built his schooner.
On that spöt was found a small Catholic chapel and Mission
home, where Father Brabant lived when he visited the village of Indians once a year. On this same acre we camped
while erecting the monument. With the same picture could
be located the little Spanish fort, and exploration in thatvicin-
ity was rewarded by the finding of a number of the flat tile-like
Spanish brick known to have been used in the foundations.
The scenes of Jewitt's experiences as one of Maquinna's
slaves were visited, more especially the little lake where he
and Thompson stole away for their rude religious services.
The little Indian village had undergone many changes during
the last century, but the lake shows that it has remained the
same. The shores are clothed with forest and undergrowth.
The path that leads from the village to the lake is worn deep
in the gravel, evidence, probably, of several centuries of use.
Herring spawn in this harbor by the millions. The Indians
gather hemlock boughs and weight them down in the water
with stones. When covered with eggs they are dried on
specially built räcks, and then the eggs are stored for winter
use. Jewitt described the process accurately in 1803, and the
same kind of räcks were found there in 1903.
It would seem appropriate to add one more item of re-
search. Washington Irving's charming book "Astoria"
reaches a climax on this same west coast of Vancouver
Island, when  the ship Tonquin was blown up and Captain
Jonathan Thorn and his entire crew were löst. There has
never been any doubt as to the loss of the ship and her crew;
the how and the where have baffled all searchers up to the
present time. Irving in his beautiful diction causes James
Lewis the clerk to become prophetic on leaving the newly
planted log fort at Astoria. Lewis tells his friends that he
will meet a stränge fäte. The ship sailed away to trade
with the Indians. Off Gray's Harbor an Indian called
Lamanse was picked up and made a member of the party
as guide and interpreter. Irving then causes the ship to
anchor at Nootka in a harbor he calls Newetee. Captain
Thorn neglected the strict orders of John Jacob Astor against
allowing more than a very few Indians on deck at a time.
In parting with his captain, Astor reiterated this caution
by saying, "All accidents which have as yet happened there
arose in too much confidence in the Indians."
Captain Thorn, reared in the old-fashioned navy, was a
strict disciplinarian and had abundant confidence in his
men and guns. The Indian chief was a haggler, and Thorn
snatched his roll of furs and rubbed the chiefs nose with it.
He felt triumphant the next day when the Indians seemed
ardent for trade. Each brave chose a knife for his pay, and
as the captain finally listened to the warning of his men and
gave orders to clear away, the Indian signal was given and the
crew was promptly slaughtered. Five fell through an open
hatch, and these put the Indians to flight by shooting through
the hatchway. Four of the men sought safety by flight
in an open boat during the night. Clerk Lewis remained
on the ship. The next day the Indians, seeing but one man
who made friendly signs, cautiously approached and before
long the deck was crowded. Then Lewis fired the magazine,
and a terrific explosion followed. Many Indians were
killed, and the remnant of the village was in a ferment of
råge. The four sailors, held in the harbofs edge by storms,
were found, and the author says it would have been well for
them had they shared the tragic fäte of Lewis.
All having been destroyed, how did Irving learn these
tragic details f   It is known that Irving collected all of Astor's
papers and many books, and that he got the rich fur trader
so deeply interested that the fine Astor Library of New York
is one of the results. One of the books most useful to Irving:
was that by Gabriel Franchere, one of the clerks at Astoria.
This author secured his story of the Tonquin from Lamanse
on his return to Gray's Harbor. This Indian guide was
spared in the slaughter by his becoming a voluntary slave
and låter escaped to his own people. His scant record was
amplified in "Astoria."
Since then the harbor of Newetee has been searched for
by no less an authority than Professor George Davidson, of
the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, and now of the
University of California. He could not locate it, nor has
any one else been able to do so with certainty. Since the
other details have depended upon the story of Lamanse, so
now the location of the tragedy will depend upon the story
of Teetska, or "Smiling Tom."
This Indian is a native of Clayoquot and låter lived at
Hesquiat, just south of Nootka Sound. He was still living
there in 1903 and was then counted about sixty-five years
of age. Hesquiat is the home of Father Brabant, the mis-
sionary already referred to, who settled there in the spring
of 1874. Teetska's father was a slave at Clayoquot. About
twenty years ago, this slave, after attaining the age of about
eighty years, died and was buried by Father Brabant.
Teetska became the friend of the missionary and moved
to Hesquiat. Among other information Father Brabant
received from Teetska was the tradition obtained from his
father of the blowing up of a ship and the place was located
at "Clayoquot-Tskwe." The tradition helps to locate the
place by the floating of blänkets to the shore from the wreck.
Father Brabant thus locates the scene of the Tonquin tragedy
at a place called "Itsape," or on the lee of Lennard Island,
at the entrance of Clayoquot Sound.
In relating this tradition to the present writer in 1903,
Father Brabant stated that Captain Walbran, formerly of
the steamer Quadra, had also obtained the same account
from an old Indian doctor.
On Tuesday, August 28, 1792, Vancouver says that he anchored in Friendly Cove, "where we found riding his Catholic
Majesty's brig the Active, bearing the broad pendant of Sefior
Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, commandant
of the marine establishment of St. Bias and California/
This is the greatest Spaniard of them all. It is extremely
aggravating to find him wholly ignored in almost every one
of the encyclopaedias and other collections of biographies.
The exact year of his birth is unknown, but is usually put at
about 1740. He was born in Lima, Peru, and, though his
parents were of noble blood, his birthplace was a handicap.
It needs only to be remembered that offices and commands
in the new world were given to those of Castilian birth to
know how difficult it was for a native of Lima to climb to
high station. That is likely the reason that Bruno Heceta
was given chief command of the famous expedition of 1775.
Quadra was second then, but he achieved so much in the
sloop Sonora, 2l little boat only thirty-six feet long, twelve
feet wide, and eight feet deep, that he was quickly honored
and rapidly advanced. He proved his courage and ability
on this and other occasions until 1792 he was selected for the
unpleasant duty of going to Nootka, where he was to fulfil
the terms of the Nootka Convention between Spain and
Great Britain of October 28, 1790. He was to represent
Spain, and at Nootka he would be met by a man authorized
to represent Great Britain.
Vancouver and Quadra at once became strong personal
friends, and enjoyed many visits with each other, but they
■H MAP   OF  QUADRA'S  VOYAGE   OF   1775.
From " Miscellanies " by Daines Barrington, London, 1781, page 469.  OF PUGET SOUND
could not possibly agree on the points at issue. Quadra
insisted that all he was to deliver up was the little piece of
ground on which Meares had erected his hut and fort in
1788. Vancouver insisted that he should receive possession
of Nootka and Clayoquot, and that the settlement of Neah
Bay should be considered a free port for both nations.
Dignified letters passed back and forth, and finally they
agreed to disagree and report all negotiations to their respective governments, ask for further instructions, and to
meet again at Monterey. Quadra left a Spanish garrison
at Nootka, in charge of Lieutenant Fidalgo, who quitted
the Neah Bay post, bringing to Nootka all the live stock and
other properties. Quadra sailed away in the Active, and
with him went the other Spanish vessels. It is altogether
likely, however, that the troops mentioned by Alberni as
being at "Nuca" remained for that winter under Fidalgo.
During the negotiations between the two commissioners,
Quadra asked that some geographic feature be named for
them   iointly  to   commemorate   their   historic   meetin£   at
J J j o
Nootka. Vancouver at once christened the large island
he had discovered and, courteously putting the Spaniard's
name first, he called it "Quadra and Vancouvefs Island."
This partnership name endured for half a century, but now
the name of Quadra has almost disappeared. Victoria, the
chief city on the island, has an avenue named in his honor.
The principal government steamer also bears his name.
In addition, Mr. R. E. Gosnell, Secretary of the Natural
History Society of Victoria, writes that an island north of
Vancouver being found to be two islands instead of one, the
name of Quadra has been bestowed upon one of them. All
this will help to preserve the memory of a brave and patriotic
On Tuesday, November 26, 1792, Vancouver and his little
fleet, now consisting of the Discovery, the Chatham, and the
Dcedalus, arrived at the Spanish port of Monterey and exchanged courtesies with the Spaniards. Sefior Quadra again
renewed his pleasant attentions. He told Vancouver that on
his return from Nootka he found orders from Spain directing
him to arrest all vessels on the North American coast, except
those under the flag of Great Britain. The Spaniard readily
agreed to aid Lieutenant Broughton to pass through New
Spain to the Atlantic coast so as to enable him the sooner
to reach London with Vancouvefs despatches. The winter
months were spent by Vancouver in exploring about the
Sandwich Islands.
On May 20, 1793, Vancouver again appeared at Nootka,
where he saluted the Spanish fort, which salute was answered
by Lieutenant Fidalgo. The visit on this occasion was pleas-
ant, but had no effect upon the settlement of the Nootka
controversy. From this time Vancouver busied himself with
the work of exploring the Alaskan coast.
The year 1794 was also devoted to explorations on the
Alaskan coast. As the summer drew toward a close Vancouver determined to return to Nootka, thinking that by
this time despatches would certainly be there in answer to
those sent home by Lieutenant Broughton. He east anchor
in Friendly Cove on the evening of September 2, 1794.
Here he found the Spanish armed vessels Princesa, Aranzazu,
and San Carlos.
Fidalgo had been to San Bias and had returned the evening
before in the Princesa, and he brought with him Brigadier-
General Don José Manuel Alava. Under date of Tuesday,
September 2, 1794, Vancouver tells why Alava was at Nootka
and at the same time pays a fine tribute to Quadra as follows : —
"The appointment of this gentleman as governor of
Nootka had taken place in consequence of the death of our
highly valuable and much esteemed friend Sehor Quadra,
who in the month of March had died at St. Bias, universally
lamented. Having endeavoured, on a former occasion, to
point out the degree of admiration and respect with which
the conduct of Sehor Quadra towards our little community
had impressed us during his life; I cannot refrain, now that
he is no more, from rendering that justice to his memory to
which it is so amply intitled, by stating, that the unexpected
melancholy event of his decease operated on the minds of us
52 1
all, in a way more easily to be imagined than described;
and whilst it excited our most grateful acknowledgments,
it produced the deepest regret for the loss of a character so
amiable, and so truly ornamental to civil society."
The other occasion referred to by Vancouver was during the
visit of his little fleet of three vessels in the harbor of Monterey, California. At that time he paid such deference to the
generosity of Quadra that a full quotation from his journal is
here made in the hope that it will aid toward a better ap-
preciation of this character. Vancouver wrote at the end
of December, 1792, as follows: —
"The well known generosity of my other Spanish friends,
will, I trust, pardon the warmth of expression with which
I must ever advert to the conduct of Sefior Quadra; who,
regardless of the difference in opinion that had arisen between
us in our diplomatic capacities at Nootka, had uniformly
maintained towards us a character infinitely beyond the
reach of my powers of encomium to describe. His benevo-
lence was not confined to the common rights of hospitality,
but was extended to all occasions, and was exercised in every
instance, where His Majesty's service, combined with my
commission, was in the least concerned.
"To Sefior Quadra we were greatly indebted, for waiting
our arrival at Monterey, for the friendly and hospitable reception we experienced, and afterwards for remaining there
for the sole purpose of affording me an opportunity of trans-
writing through the medium of his kind ofiices, my dispatches
to England; when his time, no doubt, would have passed
infinitely more to his satisfaction at the town of Tepic, the
place of his residence in the vicinity of St. Bias. Such sacrifices did not however fill the measure of Sehor Quadra's
liberality; for, on my requesting an account of the expenses
incurred for the refreshments, with which the three vessels
under my command had been so amply supplied, here and at
St. Francisco, together with the charges attendant on the
cattle, sheep, corn, etc, etc, put on board the Dcedalus for
His Majesty's infant colony in New South Wales, he not only
revolted at the idea of receiving any payment, but gave strict
orders that no account whatever should be rendered; nor
would he accept of the most common voucher, or other acknowledgment, for the very liberal supply we had received,
of such essential importance not only to our health and com-
fort at the time, but to our subsequent welfare.
"On my first arrival at Monterey I had questioned Sefior
Quadra, as to the supply of refreshments, and the price
of the different species we should require. To the first he
assured me that everything the country afforded was at our
service; and as to the last, he said that could be easily settled
on our departure. On this ground I now strongly urged
his compliance with his former promise, especially as the
account between us was of a public nature; but all my re-
monstrances were to no effect; he insisted that he had fulfilled his promise, since the only settlement in which he could
possibly engage was that of seeing we were accommodated to
the extent of our wishes, with every supply the country could
bestow; adding, that repayment would most amply be made,
by the promised success attending every creature and pro-
duction, that we had either received for our own use, or that
were destined for other purposes. And as it was probable
our respective courts would become acquainted with our
several transactions, he should submit all further acknowledgment to their determination.
"The venerable, and respectable father president of the
Franciscan missionaries, with all the excellent and worthy
members of that religious order, together with Senors
Caamano, Arguello, Sal, and the whole of the Spanish officers
with whom we had the honor of being acquainted, demand
from us the highest sentiments of esteem and gratitude.
Even the common people were entitled to our good opinion
and respect, as they uniformly subscribed to the exemplary
conduct of their superiors, by a behaviour that was very
orderly and obliging.
"To the reverence, esteem, and regard, that was shown
Sefior Quadra by all persons and on all occasions, I must
attribute some portion of the respect and friendship we received;   and consider the general disposition in our favör
Erected   at Friendly Cove   by the Washington   University. State
Historical Society, in August, 1903.
to have acquired no little energy, by the noble example of that
distinguished character."
Knowing these pleasant testimonies as to the excellence
of Quadra's character, it was a delight to honor his memory
by the erection of the monument at Nootka as already described. After visiting the place and studying the scenes of
these notable transactions, the anxiety to know more about
Quadra was greater than ever. Vancouvefs life work is
largely told in his published journal. He also gives us a
glimpse of Quadra, but there are few published records that
show the real life and work of Quadra. His voyage in 1775
was recorded by Maurelle, the pilot, and in 1781 an English
version was published by Daines Barrington in his "Mis-
cellanies." This abbreviated account tells of the bravery,
industry, and kindness of Quadra on that famous voyage in the little Sonora. It is a scant record, however, to
reflect the life of a big man.
In the quest for more information, pictures of the Nootka
monument were sent, with appeals for facts about Quadra,
to Mexico, Peru, and to the Royal Academy of History at
Madrid, Spain. The last-named institution responded
generously. With the extreme dignity and politeness for
which the Spanish people are justly famous, Cesareo Fernåndez Duro, Secretary of the Royal Academy, wrote as
follows: —
"This Royal Academy, to which I have given an account of
your communication of the 12 of December, 1903, has con-
ferred upon me the charge of answering it, beginning by
expressing its gratitude to your Society for the honor done to
the Spanish Navy in the person of Don Juan Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra, by engraving his name on the monument
erected in Nootka (British Columbia), and continuing by
gathering together the biographical data concerning the distinguished hydrographer, which may serve to satisfy your
"The facts are not many: I do not know of any special
biographer of Quadra, nor do I believe there exists any portrait of him;  from data scattered in various works, I have
formed the adjoining account, and it will please me greatly if
it be of any use to you."
The adjoining account to which he refers consists of four
printed pages, evidently from the proceedings of the Royal
Academy of History, dated at Madrid, January 15, 1904,
and signed like the letter by Sefior Duro. The account is,
of course, in the Spanish language, a translation of which is
given here because of the light thrown upon the little-known
career of Quadra, who richly deserves to be rescued from
threatening oblivion. It will be noticed that the coasts of
California and British Columbia are confused. Under the
caption of " Monument Erected in California to Vancouver
and Bodega y Quadra," the document is as follows: —
"In the month of August of the past year, 1903, there was
erected at the port of Nutka (Coast of California), under the
direction of Mr. Edmond S. Meany, Secretary of the Washington University State Historical Society, in honourable
recognition, a prismatic and quadrangular monolith of
granite, sustained by a simple parallelopiped of the same
material. The inscription in the English language, engraved on the anterior face of the prism, explains its object,
reading: I Vancouver and Quadra met here in August, 1792,
under the treaty between Spain and Great Britain of October,
1790. — Erected by the Washington University State
Historical Society, August, 1903/ Which translated into
Spanish reads: (Then follows the same inscription in
"The monument, then, relätes to the services of the captain
in the Spanish Navy, Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra, Knight of the Order of Santiago, and especially to
those which are here mentioned as follows: —
"In a meeting of authorities of the viceroy alty of New Spain,
at the initiative of the visitador Don José Galvez, in the year
1768, they agreed upon the occupation of the ports of San
Diego and Monterey, on the coast of California, by founding
military garrisons and missions-for religious purposes, to
which end they despatched by sea the packet boats San
Antonio and San Carlos, constructed for this purpose at the
naval station of San Bias, sending at the same time auxiliary
expeditions by land.
"In the first part of the year 1775 there was organized
another maritime expedition in charge of the lieutenant of a
man-of-war, Don Bruno de Heceta, who commanded the
frigate Santiago, having under his orders the schooner
Sonora, captained by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra, above mentioned. They conducted a notable and
profitable campaign: they went as far north as 560 47' of
latitude and no farther, because the cold and the epidemic
of scurvy harassed the crews terribly. Nevertheless they
examined ports, coves, rivers, capes, seldom seen or entirely
unknown; they gave names to the harbors of la Trinidad,
los Martires, Guadalupe, Remedios, Bucarelli; they drew
maps, corrected the general chart of the coast; they gathered
ethnographic notes and gained honorable recognition among
"Two corvettes constructed in Guayaquil, the Princesa
and the Favorita, continued the exploration in February of
1779, in command of the lieutenants of the Navy, Don Ignacio
de Arteaga and the above mentioned Bodega y Quadra.
They were to go north, according to their instructions, as
far as 700 of latitude, and amplify what had been formerly
observed. They did so with regard to orography and the
variety of minerals, plants, birds, and fish; they drew a
sketch of the port of Bucarelli, the Bay of Regla with the
contiguous island and its channels, prolonging the work so
that in the autumn it came to be very laborious, and they
could go north as far as 6i° only.
"While these examinations were suspended, on account
of the war with Great Britain, Russian expeditions crossed
Bering Strait and secretly established trading houses on the
islands of Trinidad, Onalaska and Nutka, until this fact having been found out diplomatic claims were set on foot with
complete success, and they dislodged the intruders. The
port of San Lorenzo de Nutka was settled and fortified in
consequence, by sending an expedition to that effect in 1788.
[This is evidently a mistake of one year.    It should be 1789.]
"Ships from the United States of America and from Portugal tried -to enter into transactions, without result, and
shortly after, in July, 1789, there appeared there the English
packet boat Argonaut, whose captain declared he had received orders from the British Company of the South, to
which he belonged to take up station and instal a commercial
trading post for sea-otter skins; the Spanish commandant
denied such claims and as the conduct of the said captain
was not suited to his station as foreign guest, the ship was
detained and sent to San Bias, an event which was the
origin of remonstrances on the part of the English Government and a question of gravity which came to the point of
"It was concluded amicably, the treaty or agreement
being signed at San Lorenzo del Escorial the 28th of October,
1790, in which were settled the differences relative to fishing,
shipping and trading points on the Pacific Ocean. There
remained pendent only the details of execution, in order
to determine the which there were designated on the part of
England the celebrated navigatör and discoverer Vancouver,
who went directly to Nutka with the ships Discovery and
Chatham; on the part of Spain Don Juan de la Bodega y
Quadra, at the time commandant of the naval station San
Bias in California. The definite treaties of Whitehall on the
I2th of February, 1793, and that of Madrid of the uth of
January, 1794, were the result of these conferences.
Bodega died this same year.
I have no information that there has been written any
especial biography of this famous sailor nor do I know of
any portrait of him, but eulogies are paid him in the hydro-
graphical Annals, above all in the works cited below:
D. Luis de Salazar, 'Discurso sobre la Hidrografia.'
D. Martin Fernåndez de Navarrete, 'Biblioteca Maritima,' II, 190.
Idem, ' Noticia de las expediciones en busca del paso de
Anuario  de  la  Direcciön  de  Hidrografia,'   ano  III.
Madrid, 1865. § §
"D. Manuel de Mendiburu, 'Diccionario biografico his*
torico del Peru.'    Lima, 1876, V, 50.
'"Catalogo de manuscritos espanoles del Museo Britanico/
11,366. § ; *
"Fernåndez Duro, 'Armada espanola,' t. VII y VIII.
"The especial achievement alluded to by the above works
is the following:
" General map concerning what, up to to-day, has been
discovered and explored by the Spaniards on the northern
coast of California formed on very positive knowledge, according to the meridian of San Bias, which is 88° 15' to the West
of Tenerife, by D. Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra,
of the order Santiago, Captain of a battleship of the Royal
Navy and Commandant of the Department.    Year of 1791.
"The following series as its complement:
'"The Voyage of the frigates Santa Gertrudis, Aranzazu,
Princesa and the schooner Active to the northwest coast of
northern America in 1792,' by the same Bodega.
"Villavicencio engraved in Mexico, in 1788, another
geographical chart of the west coast of California, by the
same author.
" In the document of proofs in order to obtain the insignia
of the Order of Santiago commenced in December, 1775,
and concluded in the following year, the original of which is
preserved in the Archivo Historico Nacional (Madrid), it is
stated that D. Juan Francisco de la Bodega was then about
thirty or thirty two years old, that is to say, that he was born
about 1744, in Lima, the capital of Peru, his parents being
D. Tomas de la Bodega, a native of San Julian de Musques
in the valley of Somorrostro, under the laws of Viscaya, and
Dona Francisca Mollinedo, a native of Lima.
"His paternal grand-parents were D. Juan de la Bodega
and Dona Agustina de las Llanas, both natives of the same
San Julian de Musques.
"His maternal grand-parents, D. Manuel De Mollinedo,
a native of Bilbao, and Dona Josefa Losada, who was from
the town of Chamcay in Peru, but of Galician descent.
"His paternal great grandmother was Dona Isabel de la
Quadra and this surname the candidate for the insignia used
in the second place, doubtless because his father also had
adopted it, and because the latter moved to Peru, at the insti-
gation of his relative, D. Antonio de la Quadra, a gentleman
who was there established in a good position.
"Twenty four witnesses convoked in Madrid, in San Julian
de Musques, in Bilbao and in San Salvador del Castro de
Oro (Galicia), for proving the nobility of the family; declared
in the writs that they had an ancestral house and coat of
arms in San Julian, and that the ancestors had been mayors,
magistrates and captains, on account of all of which, and in
view of the documents proving it, the insignia was conceded
to Don Juan Francisco in 1776, at that time lieutenant in
the Royal Navy, stationed in California."
Fragmentary as the record seems, it is enough to show that
Bodega y Quadra was a man of great bravery, warm-hearted,
kind, and dignified. He had wrought out his own careerand
had achieved success, climbing to high station by the force
of his own character. He deserves to be rememhered by all
who care for the early history of this western land.
60 (I  f
mfmtmt  M
[Original Journal, Pages 33-34, Book II,
[April, 179a.] Chapter III.J
From cape Look-out, which is situated in latitude 45 ° 32',
longitude 236 ° ii', the coast takes a direction about N. 8 W.
and is pleasingly diversified with eminences and small hills
near the sea shore, in which are some shallow sandy bays,
with a few detached rocks lying about a mile from the land.
The more inland country is considerably elevated; the
mountains stretch towards the sea, and at a distance appeared
to form many inlets and projecting points; but the sandy
beach that continued along the coast renders it a compact
shore, now and then interrupted by perpendicular rocky
cliffs, on which the surf breaks violently. This mountainous
inland country extends about 10 leagues to the north from
cape Look-out, where it descends suddenly to a moderate
height; and had it been destitute of its timber, which seemed
of considerable magnitude and to compose an intire forest,
it might be deemed low land. Noon brought us up with a
very conspicuous point of land composed of a cluster of
hummocks, moderately high, and projecting into the sea
from the low land before mentioned. These hummocks
are barren, and steep near the sea, but their tops are thinly
covered with wood.
On the south side of this promontory was the appearance
of an inlet, or small river, the land behind not indicating
it to be of any great extent; nor did it seem accessible for
vessels of our burthen, as the breakers extended from the
above point two or three miles into the ocean, until they
joined those on the beach nearly four leagues further south.
On reference to Mr. Meares's description of the coast south
of this promontory, I was at first induced to believe it to be
61 [Original Journal,
Pages 34-35]
[April, 1792.]
cape Shoalwater, but on ascertaining its latitude, I presumed
it to be that which he calls cape Disappointment; and the
opening to the south of it, Deception bay. This cape was
found to be in latitude 46° 19', longitude 236° 6'.
The sea had now changed from its natural, to river col-
oured water; the probable consequence of some streams
falling into the bay, or into the ocean to the north of it,
through the low land. Not considering this opening worthy
of more attention, I continued our pursuit to the N. W.
being desirous to embrace the advantages of the prevailing
breeze and pleasant weather, so favorable to our examination
of the coast, which now took a direction N. 12 W.; the
latitude at this time was 460 14'; longitude 2360 i\f; and
the variation of the compass 18° eastwardly. In this situation we had soundings at the depth of 33 fathoms, black
sandy bottom; the northernmost land seen from the deck
bore by compass north; the promontory of cape Disappointment, from N. 14 E. to N. 32 E.; this, the nearest shore,
was about two leagues distant; and the southernmost land
in sight bore S. E. by S.
The country before us presented a most luxuriant landscape, and was probably not a little heightened in beauty
by the weather that prevailed. The more interiör parts
were somewhat elevated, and agreeably diversified with
hills, from which it gradually descended to the shore, and
terminated in a sandy beach. The whole had the appearance of a continued forest extending as far north as the eye
could reach, which made me very solicitous to find a port
in the yicinity of a country presenting so delightful a prospect of fertility; our attention was therefore earnestly
directed to this object, but the sandy beach bounded by
breakers extending three or four miles into the sea, seemed
to be completely inaccessible until about four in the afternoon, when the appearance of a tolerably good bay presented
itself. For this we steered, in the hope of finding a division
in the reef, through which, should admittance be gained,
there was great reason to expect a well sheltered anchorage;
but on approaching within two or three miles of the breakers,
[Original Journal,
Pages 35-37.]
[April, 1792.]
we found them produced by a compact reef, extending from
a low projecting point of land along the shores to the southward, until they joined the beach to the north of cape Dis-
appointment. This projecting point is somewhat more ele-
vated than the rest of the coast, and is situated in latitude
46 ° 40'; longitude 236 °. Not a little disappointed, we
resumed our route along the shores of this pleasant country.
The projecting point, at six, bore compass N. 10 E.; the
center of the bay, and the nearest part of the reef in a line
N. 69 E.; distant from the former about seven, and from
the latter, about three miles. Immediately within the point,
the interiör country is more elevated than to the north or
south of it; rising in gradual ascent to land of a moderate
height. In respect of latitude, this point answered nearly
to Mr. Meares's cape Shoalwater; but, from his description of the adjacent country, it should rather appear to be
his Low Point; and the bay we endeavoured to enter to
the south of it, Shoalwater bay; as in it there appeared
two openings, the one taking a northerly, and the other an
eastwardly direction. Mr. Meares likewise states, "that,
with their glasses, they traced the line of the coast to the
south of cape Shoalwater, which presented no opening that
promised like an harbour"; those to the south of both these
points flattered our expectations, until the breakers, extending across each of them, gave us reason to consider them
inaccéssible, and unworthy any loss of time whilst accompanied by so favorable a breeze. At sun-set we again short-
ened sail, and as usual hauled our wind to preserve our
station until morning. Our soundings were from 24 to
43 fathoms, dark brown sandy bottom. It was calm for
a few hours during the evening and night, attended with a
heavy fall of rain.
The next morning, Saturday 28th, at 4 o'clock, with a
light breeze at E. S. E. we again steered in for the land,
and found that we had been materially affected by a northern
current. The land we had been abreast of the preceding
evening, now bore by compass S. E. six or seven leagues distant; and the coast to the north of it still continuing to appear
ål [Original Journal,
Pages 37-38.]
[April, 1792.]
a straight and compact shore, I did not attempt gaining a
nearer view, but passed on to the northward, keeping at
about a league from the land which now took an almost
north direction, to a point that, after the Right Honorable
Lord Grenville, I named Point Grenville, situated in
latitude 47 ° 22', longitude 235 ° 53^'; whence the coast
tends N. N. W. Lying off point Grenville are three small
rocky islets, one of which, like that at cape Look-out, is
From hence, as we proceeded to the north, the coast began
to increase regularly in height, and the inland country,
behind the low land bordering on the sea shore, acquired
a considerable degree of elevation.    The shores we passed
Lord Grenville. There is but one Lord Grenville. He won the title
in the course of his political career, and as he died without issue that title
passed with him to the grave. William Wyndham Grenville was born on
October 25, 1759. He was educated at Eton and Oxford, studied at the
Inns of Court, but did not practise at the bar. When less than twenty-
three years of age he was elected to Parliament for the county of Bucking-
ham. In September of the same year, 1782, he became secretary to his
brother, the Marquis of Buckingham, who had been made Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland. Returning to England on the overthrow of Lord Shelburne^
cabinet in 1783, he was appointed Paymaster of the Forces by his cousin,
Pitt. In 1789 he was chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, but during
the same year he became Secretary of State and was thereupon transferred
to the Upper House with the title of Lord Grenville. In 1791 he exchanged
his office for that of Secretary of Foreign Affairs. He sympathized strongly
with Pitt's desire to remove political disabilities from the Catholics, and on
the king's declining to make any concessions on this point he resigned with
Pitt in 1801. Pitt resumed office in 1804, but did not stipulate for Catholic
emancipation, on which account Grenville not only refused to join his ministry, but went into close alliance with Fox. On the death of Pitt in 1806
the Government known as "All the Talents" was organized with Grenville
as the nominal head. This Government abolished the slave trade, but was
otherwise unsuccessful and was greatly weakened by the death of Fox, the
real leader. In March, 1807, the king demanded of Grenville an assurance
that he would not initiate any measures for the relief of the Catholics, where-
upon he resigned. Some of his colleagues disapproved this conscientious-
ness, and Sheridan voiced their sentiment as follows, " I have known many
men to knock their heads against a wall, but I never before heard of a man
collecting bricks and building a wall for the express purpose of knocking
64 LORD grenville.
From the painting by T. Hoppner, in the National Portrait Gallery, London. Photograph copyrighted
by Walker & Cockrell. Rights secured for this work in England and America. Engraving made in
England for this work.
p  [Original Journal,
Page 38.]
[April, 1792.]
this morning, differed in some respects from those we had
hitherto seen. They were composed of low cliffs rising
perpendicularly from a beach of sand or small stones; had
many detached rocks of various romantic forms, lying at
the distance of about a mile, with regular soundings, between
16 and 19 fathoms, soft sandy bottom. Noon brought us
in sight of land, which was considered to be that named
by Mr. Barclay, Destruction island; bearing by compass
from N. 14 W. to N. 17 W.; the southernmost land in sight,
S. 53 E.; the northernmost N. 36 W.; and the nearest
shore N. 65 E. at the distance of about four miles; in this
situation our observed latitude was 47 ° 30', longitude 235°
49', and the variation of the compass 180 eastwardly.
out his own brains against it." He never held office again. He continued
one of the principal advocates for Catholic emancipation and generally
voted with the Whigs. He died at his home, Dropmore, Buckinghamshire,
January 12, 1834.
Lord Grenville was not a great statesman, but he wielded considerable
influence by his industry, straightforwardness, and political knowledge. He
also attained some rank in literature. Among other things he edited the
letters from the Earl of Chatham to his nephew, Thomas Pitt, afterwards
Lord Camelford, who has been referred to in the biography of Vancouver.
In 1809 Grenville was chosen Chancellor of the University of Oxford. In
1792 he married Anne Pitt, daughter of the first Lord Camelford.
Destruction Island. This island has an interesting history. On July 14,
*775> Quadra took shelter on its lee while Heceta in the Santiago a few miles
south took formål possession of the land in the usual Spanish manner. He
landed with Padre Sierra, Surgeon Davales, and Second Pilot Cristobal
Reveilla. These were the first civilized men to touch foot to soil in Oregon
or Washington. On landing they took possession and, erecting a cross on
the shore, they planted at its foot a bottle sealed with wax in which was placed
a record of the event. While this ceremony was in progress, Quadra was
witnessing a terrible tragedy. The Indians had given every evidence of
friendliness. As with Perez at Nootka in 1774, so now with Quadra, these
Indians, though startled at the first appearance of white men, seemed sure
that the visitors would bring wealth. They held up bits of iron and copper
and in unmistakable sign language asked for more. Native copper has been
found in the western river gravel, but the iron was a mystery. Indian tradition and even written records as, for example, Nathaniel J. Wyeth's letter,
published as an appendix to Washington Irving's " Adventures of Captain
Bonneville," tell of Japanese junks being wrecked on the western coasts.
f .65
!• [Original Journal,
Pages 38-39-]
[April, 1792.]
In the afternoon the wind we had been so happily favored
with died away, and was succeeded by calms and light
variable breezes. These, with a current or tide setting
rapidly in shore, obliged us to anchor in 21 fathoms, on a
bottom of soft sand and mud: the coast, which now formed
a straight and compact shore, bore by compass from N. 30 W.
to S. 49 E.; the nearest part of the main land, east, about
five miles; Destruction island being the nearest land N. 5 E.
to N. 5 W. about a league distant, some breakers extending
from its north point N. 8 W.
This island is situated in latitude 470 37'; longitude 2350
49'; and is by far the largest detached land yet observed on
the coast. It is about a league in circuit, low, and nearly
flat on the top, presenting a very barren aspect, and pro-
ducing only one or two dwarf trees at each end.    A canoe
This may account for these Indians having iron. The Sonora needing water,
Quadra sent ashore six men under Boatswain Pedro Santa Ana. An ambush
of savages rushed out, killed the men, threw their bodies into the sea, tore
the boat to pieces for the iron and copper fastenings, and then fled into the
woods. Quadra was furious and wanted to march at the head of thirty men
to seek revenge. He was overruled by a council of officers and was forced to
sail away after calling the place | Isla de Dolores," or the " Island of Sorrows."
Twelve years låter, in July, 1787, Captain Barclay saw the little river near
this island. He sent a boat ashore for fresh water. The crew of five men,
under Mr. Millar, were all killed by the Indians. He called the place "Destruction River." The next year, 1788, John Meares found among the
Indians at Nootka a seal that had belonged to Mr. Millar and the hand of a
white man, probably cut from the body of Millar or one of his unfortunate
Since that time the names have been shifted and we have "Destruction
Island," while the river is known by the Indian name Hoh, sometimes given
on maps as Ohalat.
In the summer of 1905 the present writer made the journey on foot from
Gray's Harbor to Neah Bay. It may be imagined what thoughts filled his
mind as he visited the scenes of these tragedies of the long ago. The native
village at the mouth of Hoh River gives evidence of having existed there
for ages. The winding foot-path leading back into the forest from the village
was explored for about a mile. Quadra would certainly have been defeated
if he had sought revenge from Indians in that kind of a place, with its tangled
undergrowth, and logs, rocks, and huge trees to serve as fortifications for the
lurking savage warriors.
66 [Original Journal,
Pages 39-40.]
[April, 1792.]
or two were seen paddling near the island. It was a fact
not less singular than worthy observation, that, on the whole
extensive coast of New Albion, and more particularly in the
vicinity of those fertile and delightful shores we had lately
passed, we had not, excepting to the southward of cape
Orford and at this place, seen any inhabitants, or met with
any circumstances, that in the most distant manner indicated
a probability of the country being inhabited.
Notwithstanding the serenity and pleasantness of the
weather, our voyage was rendered excessively irksome by
the want of wind; our progress was slow, and our curiosity
was much excited to explore the promised expansive mediterranean ocean, which, by various accounts, is said to have
existence in these regions. The several large rivers and capa-
cious inlets that have been described as discharging their
contents into the pacific, between the 40th and 48th degree of
north latitude, were reduced to brooks insufficient for our
vessels to navigate, or to bays, inapplicable as harbours, for
refitting; excepting that one of which Mr. Dalrymple informs us, that "it is alledged that the Spaniards have re-
cently found an entrance in the latitude of 470 45' north,
which in twenty-seven days course brought them to the vicinity of Hudson's bay; this latitude exactly corresponds to the
ancient relation of John De Fuca, the Greek pilot, in 1592."*
* Vide Mr. Dalrymple^ plan for promoting the fur trade, etc, page 21, 1789.
Straits of Juan de Fuca. This is one of the great geographical puzzles of
the world.
Samuel Purchas (1577-1626), an English clergyman and author, published in 1613 "Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the
Religions observed in all ages and places, etc." After a second edition in
1614 there were added four succeeding volumes, comprising artides from
Hakluyt's publications and manuscripts, which appeared in 1625 under the
title, "Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes: containing a history of the World, in Sea Voyages and Land Travels by Englishmen and
Others." In this work Purchas included a note from Michael Lok,
a man well known for his interest in geographical matters. Lok had met
in Venice in 1596 Juan de Fuca, a native of Cephalonia, whose real
Greek name was Apostolos Valerianos.    He claimed to have been for förty
67 [Original Journal,
Page 40.]
[April, 1792.]
This inlet could be now only ten miles from us; and another
that had been visited by Mr. Meares and other traders on
the coast, was not more than twenty leagues distant. We had
been extremely fortunate in the favorable winds that had
attended us along this coast, and their absence at this junc-
ture made us impatient for their return. Our anxiety was,
however, of no long duration; as by three o'clock on Sun-
day morning the 29th, we were indulged with a pleasant
breeze, with which at day-light we weighed and stood along
the shore to the N. W. Whi