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The life of Captain James Cook, the circumnavigator. With portrait and map Kitson, Arthur, 1848-1915 1912

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■i.  t  THE   LIFE  OF
1912  THE   LIFE  OF
1912  k
In publishing a popular edition of my work, "Captain
James Cook, R.N., F.R.S.," it has, of course, been
necessary to condense it, but care has been taken
to omit nothing of importance, and at the same time
a few slight errors have been corrected, and some
new information has been added, chiefly relating to
the disposition of documents.
I must not omit this opportunity of thanking the
Reviewers for the extremely kind manner in which
they all received the original work—a manner,
indeed, which far exceeded my highest hopes.
London, 1912.  CONTENTS.
i. early years	
ii. 1755-1757—h.m.s. eagle
iii. i757-i7s9—h.m.s. pembroke
iv. i759-i762—h.m.s. northumberland
v. 1763-1767—newfoundland
vi. 1768—preparations for first voyage
vii. 1768-1769—plymouth to otaheite .
viii. 1769—society islands
ix. 1769-1770—new zealand   \
x. 1770—australia	
xl j770-1771—new guinea to england
xii. 1771—preparations for second voyage
xiii. 1772-1774— second voyage
xiv. 1774-1775—second voyage—concluded
xv. 1775-1776—england    ....
xvi. 1776-1777—third voyage  .
xvh. 1777-1779—third voyage—continued
xviii. 1779-1780—third voyage—concluded
324  JAMES COOK, R.N., F.R.S.
James COOK, the Circumnavigator, was a native
of the district of Cleveland, Yorkshire, but of his
ancestry there is now very little satisfactory information to be obtained. Nichols, in his " Topographer
and Genealogist," suggests that "James Cooke, the
celebrated mariner, was probably of common origin
with the Stockton Cookes." His reason for the
suggestion being that a branch of the family
possessed a crayon portrait of some relation, which
was supposed to resemble the great discoverer. He
makes no explanation of the difference in spelling of
the two names, and admits that the sailor's family
was said to come from Scotland.
Dr George Young, certainly the most reliable
authority on Cook's early years, who published a
" Life " in 1836, went to Whitby as Vicar about 1805,
and claims to have obtained much information about
his subject "through intercourse with his relatives,
friends, and acquaintances, including one or two
surviving school companions," and appears to be
satisfied that  Cook was of Scotch extraction.    Dr
George Johnston, a very careful writer, states in his
"Natural History of the Eastern Borders," that in
1692 the father of James Thomson, the author of
"The Seasons," was minister of Ednam, Roxburghshire, and a man named John Cook was one of the
Elders of the Kirk.    This John Cook married, on the
19th January 1693, a woman named Jean Duncan, by
whom he had a son, James, baptized 4th March 1694,
and this child, Johnston positively asserts, was afterwards the father of the future Captain Cook.    The
dates of the marriage and baptism have been verified
by the Rev. John Burleigh, minister of Ednam, and
they agree with the probable date of the birth of
Cook's father, for he died in 1778 at the age of eighty-
five.   Owing to the loss of the church records for some
years after 1698, Mr Burleigh is unable to trace when
this James Cook left Ednam to "better himself," but
he  would  take  with  him  a  " testificate  of church
membership" which might possibly, but not probably, still exist.    Attracted, perhaps, by the number
of Scotch people who flocked into the north of Yorkshire to follow the alum trade, then at its height,
James Cook settled down and married; and the first
positive information to be obtained is that he and
his wife Grace (her maiden name has so far escaped
identification, though she is known to have been a
native of Cleveland) resided for some time at Morton,
in the parish of Ormsby, and here their eldest child,
John, was born in January 1727.    Dr Young says
that James Cook had a superstition that his mother's
farewell was prophetic of his marriage, for her words
were " God send you Grace."
Shortly after the  birth  of John, the Cooks  left
Morton for Marton, a village a few miles away, and BIRTH-PLACE
the similarity of the two names has caused some
confusion. At Mar ton the father worked for a Mr
Mewburn, living in a small cottage built of mud,
called in the district a " clay biggin." This cottage
was pulled down in 1786, when Major Rudd erected
a mansion near the spot. Afterwards, when the
mansion was burned to the ground, the site of the
cottage was planted with trees, and was popularly
known as "Cook's Garth." Dr Young was shown
the spot by an old shoemaker whose wife's mother
was present at Captain Cook's birth, and he says there
was a willow-tree occupying the site, but no vestige
of the walls was left. Mr Bolckow, the present owner
of Mar ton Hall, says: " The cottage was found
destroyed when my uncle bought Marton in 1854,
but we came across the foundations of it when
the grounds were laid out." A granite vase has
been erected on the spot The pump which Besant
says still exists, and was made by Cook's father to
supply his house with water, was " put there after
Cook's time," and has disappeared.
In this humble "clay biggin" James Cook, the
Circumnavigator, was born on 27th October 1728,
and was registered as baptized on 3rd November in
the Marton church records, being entered as " ye son
of a day labourer." He was one of several children,
most of whom died young; John, the eldest, who
lived till he was twenty-three, and Margaret, who
married a Redcar fisherman named James Fleck,
being the only two that came to maturity.
The Cooks remained at Marton for some years,
during which time they removed to another cottage,
and young James received some instruction from a
Mistress Mary Walker, who taught him his letters 4 EARLY  YEARS
and a little reading. Dr Young and Kippis call
her the village schoolmistress, but Ord, who was a
descendant on his mother's side, says
"she was the daughter of the wealthiest farmer
in the neighbourhood, and wife of William Walker,
a respectable yeoman of the first class residing at
Marton Grange."
Young James, a lad of less than eight years old,
worked for Mr Walker,
"tended the stock, took the horses to water, and
ran errands for the family, and in return for such
services the good lady, finding him an intelligent,
active youth, was pleased to teach him his alphabet
and reading."
In 1736 Cook's father was appointed to the
position of hind or bailiff by Mr Skottowe, and
removed with his family to Airy Holme Farm, near
Ayton. According to Besant, a hind was one who,
residing on a farm, was paid a regular wage for
carrying on the work, and handed over the proceeds
to the landlord. Young James, now eight years of
age, was sent to the school on the High Green kept
by a Mr Pullen, where he was instructed in writing
and arithmetic as far as the first few rules—" reading having apparently been acquired before." He is
said to have shown a special aptitude for arithmetic,
and it is believed that owing to the good reports of
his progress, Mr Skottowe paid for his schooling.
According to Dr Young, his schoolfellows gave him
the character of being fond of his own way, and,
when any project was on foot for birds-nesting or STAITHES 5
other boyish amusement, and discussion arose as to
the method to be pursued, he would propound his
own plans, and insist on their superiority; should his
views not meet with approval, he would pertinaciously
adhere to them, even at the risk of being abandoned
by his companions.
Most authorities say that Cook was bound
apprentice to Mr Saunderson, a grocer and haberdasher of Staithes, at the age of thirteen; but Mrs
Dodds, Saunderson's daughter, told Dr Young that,
after leaving school, he remained on the farm, helping
his father, till 1745, when he was seventeen years old
and then went to Staithes to her father on a verbal
agreement without indentures, and would thus be free
to leave or be discharged at any time.
The shop and house where he was engaged was
situated about three hundred yards from the present
slipway, and close to the sea, in fact so close that in
1812 it was threatened by the water, and was pulled
down by Saunderson's successor, Mr John Smailey,
and the materials, as far as possible, were used
in erecting the building in Church Street which is
now pointed out as " Cook's Shop." The late Mr
Waddington of Grosmont, near Whitby, says he
visited Staithes in 1887 and found the original site
covered by deep water. He was informed by an old
man, who, as a boy, had assisted in removing the
stock from the old shop, that not only were the
stones used again in Church Street, but also most
of the woodwork, including the present door with its
iron knocker, at which, probably, Cook himself had
knocked many a time.
At Staithes Cook remained as Saunderson's
assistant for about  eighteen  months,  and  it   may EARLY  YEARS
easily be imagined how this growing lad listened with
all his ears to the tales of the old sailors recalling brave
deeds and strange experiences in storm and shine on
that element which for so many years was to be his
home, and at length, impelled by some instinctive
feeling that on it lay the path ready at his feet to
lead him on to future distinction, he vowed to himself that he would not bind down his life to the petty
round of a country storekeeper.
At length the opportunity came, which is related,
in a breezy and life-like manner, by Besant as follows.
After painting Saunderson's character in colours of a
rather disagreeable hue, as one too fond of his grog
for himself and his stick for his apprentices, he says
that Cook stole a shilling out of the till, packed up
his luggage in a single pocket-handkerchief, ran away
across the moors to Whitby, found a ship on the
point of sailing, jumped on board, offered his services
as cabin boy, was at once accepted, showed himself
so smart and attentive that he completely won
the heart of the sour-visaged mate, and through his
good graces was eventually bound apprentice to the
owners of the ship, and thus laid the foundation of
his fortunes. This account does not explain how it
was that the dishonest runaway apprentice it depicts
continued to retain the friendship and esteem of his
master and Mrs Dodds.
There undoubtedly was a difficulty about a shilling,
and Dr Young's version, gathered from those who
knew Cook personally and lived in Staithes and
Whitby at the time, is more probable. He says that
Cook had noticed a South Sea shilling, and being
struck by the unusual design (it was only coined in
1723), changed it for one of his own.     Saunderson APPRENTICED  TO  THE SEA 7
had also noticed it, and when he missed it, enquired
for it perhaps in somewhat unmeasured terms, but,
on the matter being explained, was fully satisfied.
Afterwards, seeing that the boy was bent upon a
sea life, he obtained the father's permission, and took
young James to Whitby himself, where he introduced
him to Mr John Walker, a member of a shipping
firm of repute, to whom he was bound apprentice
(not to the firm), and with whom he never lost touch
till the end of his life. The period of apprenticeship
was, on the authority of Messrs John and Henry
Walker, three years, and not either seven or nine
as is usually stated, and the difficulty about being
apprenticed to both Saunderson and Walker is, of
course, set at rest by Mrs Dodds's explanation.
Whitby was at the time a very important centre of
the coasting trade, and possessed several shipbuilding
yards of good reputation, and it was in a Whitby-
built ship, the Freelove, that Cook made his first
voyage. She was a vessel of about 450 tons (some
80 tons larger than the celebrated Bark Endeavour)^
was employed in the coal trade up and down the east
coast, and no doubt Cook picked up many a wrinkle
of seamanship and many a lesson of the value of
promptitude in the time of danger which would
prove of service when he came to the days of independent command: for the North Sea has, from
time immemorial, been reckoned a grand school
from which to obtain true sailormen for the Royal
As usual in those days, Cook stayed in his
employer's house in the intervals between his trips,
and his time ashore was longer during the winter
months as the ships were generally laid  up.     The 8
house in Grape Street, at present occupied by Mr
Braithwaite, is pointed out as the one where he lived
whilst with Mr Walker; but this is incorrect, for Mr
Waddington ascertained from the rate books that
Mr Walker's mother was living there at that time,
and Mr Walker lived in Haggargate from 1734 to
1751, removing thence to the north side of Bakehouse
Yard in that year, and to Grape Street in 1752, after
his mother's death. That is, he did not reside in
Grape Street till three years after Cook's apprenticeship was ended, when, following the usual custom, he
would have to fend for himself. During these periods
of leisure between his voyages, Cook endeavoured to
improve his store of knowledge, and it is believed he
received some instruction in elementary navigation.
He made great friends with Mr Walker's housekeeper, Mary Prowd, from whom he obtained the
concession of a table and a light in a quiet corner
away from the others, where he might read and write
in peace. That he worked hard to improve himself
is evident from the fact that Mr Walker pushed him
on at every opportunity, and gave him as varied an
experience of things nautical as lay in his power.
After several voyages in the Freelove (which is
stated by the Yorkshire Gazette to have been " lost
together with one hundred and fifty passengers
and the winter's supply of gingerbread for Whitby,
off either the French or Dutch coast" one stormy
Christmas, the date not given) Cook was sent to
assist in rigging and fitting for sea a vessel, called the
Three Brothers, some 600 tons burden, which was still
in existence towards the close of last century. When
she was completed, Cook made two or three trips in
her with coals, and then she was employed for some OFFERED  COMMAND 9
months as a transport for troops from Middleburg
to Dublin and Liverpool. She was paid off by the
Government at Deptford in the spring of 1749, and
then traded to Norway, during which time Cook
completed his apprenticeship) that is, in July 1749.
Cook told the naturalist of the second South Sea
voyage, Mr Forster, that on one of his trips to
Norway the rigging of the ship was completely
covered with birds that had been driven off the land
by a heavy gale, and amongst them were several
hawks who made the best of their opportunities with
the small birds.
When his apprenticeship had expired he went
before the mast for about three years. In 1750 he
was in the Baltic trade on the Maria, owned by Mr
John Wilkinson of Whitby, and commanded by Mr
Gaskin, a relative of the Walkers. The following
year he was in a Stockton ship, and in 1752 he
was appointed mate of Messrs Walker's new vessel,
the Friendship, on board of which he continued for
three years, and of which, on the authority of Mr
Samwell, the surgeon of the Discovery on the third
voyage, who paid a visit to Whitby on his return and
received his information from the Walkers, he would
have been given the command had he remained
longer in the mercantile marine. This was rapid
promotion for a youth with nothing to back him up
but his own exertions and strict attention to duty,
and tends to prove that he had taken full advantage
of the opportunities that fell in his way, and had even
then displayed a power of acquiring knowledge of
his profession beyond the average.
About this time Cook's father seems to have
given up his position  at  Airy  Holme  Farm  and IO
turned his attention to building. A house in Ayton
is still pointed out as his work, but has apparently
been partially rebuilt, for Dr Young speaks of it as a
stone house, and it is now partly brick, but the stone
doorway still remains, with the initials " J. G„ C," for
James and Grace Cook, and the date 1755. The old
man has been represented as completely uneducated,
but this cannot have been true. Colman in his
" Random Recollections," writing of a visit he paid to
Redcar about 1773, relates how a venerable old man
was pointed out who
"only two or three years previously had learnt to
read that he might gratify a parent's pride and love
by perusing his son's first voyage round the world.
He was the father of Captain Cook."
If it is true that he was the son of an Elder of the
Scottish Church, it is extremely improbable that he
was entirely uneducated, and the position he held as
hind to Mr Skottowe would necessitate at any rate
some knowledge of keeping farming accounts. More
convincing information still is to be found in the
Leeds Mercury of 27th October 1883, where Mr
George Markham Tweddell, of Stokesley, writes :
" I may mention that Captain Cook's father was
not the illiterate man he has been represented; and
I have, lying on my study table as I write, a deed
bearing his signature, dated 1755; and the father's
signature bears a resemblance to that of his distinguished son."
Reading is invariably learnt before writing, and as in
1755 the old man was sixty-one, it is evident he did
not wait till he was eighty to learn to read. FATHER'S  GRAVE
He claimed to have carved the inscription on the
family tombstone in Great Ayton churchyard, and
after spending the last years of his life under the roof
of his son-in-law, James Fleck of Redcar, he died
on 1st April 1778, aged eighty-four years. He was
buried in Marske churchyard, but there was nothing
to mark his grave, and its place has long been
forgotten. His death is registered as that of a " day
"><■<' CHAPTER   II
I755-J-757—H.M.S. EAGLE
Notwithstanding the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
1748, troubles were constantly arising between the
French and English in which the American Colonies
of both nations .took a conspicuous part, and ultimately led to open war. The first shot was fired
on 10th June 1755, although war was not formally
declared till May 1756. In June 1755 the ^Friendship
was in the Thames, and it is said that to avoid the " hot
press I which had been ordered Cook first went into
hiding for some time and then decided to volunteer.
This is untrue, for, as has been shown, he had already
made up his mind and had refused Messrs Walker's
offer of the command of one of their ships, the acceptance of which would have saved him from the press
as Masters were exempt. He now saw his opportunity had come. He knew that experienced men
were difficult to obtain, that men of a certain amount
of nautical knowledge and of good character could
soon raise themselves above the rank of ordinary
seamen, and had doubtless in his mind many cases
of those who entering as seamen found their way to
the quarterdeck, and knowing he had only to ask the
Walkers for letters of recommendation for them to be
at his service, he determined to take the important
step and volunteer into the Royal Navy. It must
be remembered that this act of leaving employment
which, to most men of his position, would have
seemed most satisfactory, was not the act of hotheaded youth, no step taken in mere spirit of
adventure, but the calmly reasoned act of a man of
twenty-seven years and some eight or nine years
experience of both the rough and smooth sides of
maritime life.
Several letters were written to Mr Walker, one or
two of which relating to a later period were seen and
copied by Dr Young, but they fell into the hand
of a niece, who unfortunately, not recognising their
value, destroyed them shortly before her death, which
occurred some years ago. However, it is certain that
he wrote one about this time and evidently received
a favourable reply, for he shortly afterwards wrote
again acknowledging the service done him.
Having made up his mind how to proceed, Cook
went to a rendezvous at Wapping and volunteered
into H.M.S. Eagle, a fourth-rate, 60-gun ship, with a
complement of 400 men and 56 marines, at that time
moored in Portsmouth Harbour. On the Muster
Roll, preserved in the Records Office, the following
entry occurs : "161 from London Rendezvous, James
Cook, A.B., entry, June 17th 1755, first appearance
June 25th 1755." On the 24th July, that is, thirty-
seven days after the date of entry into the Navy,
he is rated as Master's mate, a position he held till
30th June 1757, when he quitted H.M.S. Eagle.
His appointment was facilitated by the difficulty
experienced in obtaining men for the Service, as
may be gathered from Captain Hamar's letters, who
writes applying to the Admiralty for permission to *4
1755-1757—H.M.S. EAGLE
break up his London Rendezvous, as he says it has
" procured very few men, and those only landsmen."
Again, he complains of the quality of the men he has
received, and says he is one hundred and forty short
of his complement.    In another letter:
" I do not believe there is a worse man'd ship in
the Navy. Yesterday I received from the Bristol
twenty-five supernumerarys belonging to different
ships, but not one seaman among them : but, on the
contrary, all very indifferent Landsmen."
These complaints were endorsed by Captain
Pallisser, who succeeded Hamar on the Eagle, for
he wrote that some of the crew were turned over
from ship to ship so often that he was quite unable
to make out their original one,
" they being such that none choose to own them.
Of forty-four said to belong to the Ramilies, she
wanted only six the other day, but her boatswain
could find out only those amongst them that he
thought worth having."
In the face of these deficiencies in quantity and
quality of men, and remembering the good character
he doubtless obtained from Mr Walker, there can be
no surprise that when Cook sailed out of an English
port for the first time as a Royal Navy sailor he
held the rating of Master's mate. It is usual to look
upon him as an explorer and surveyor only, but a
little enquiry shows that he played an active part
in some of the most stirring events of the next
few years. The records of his personal deeds are
wanting, but his ships saw service, and from his
character it is certain that when duty called, James PALLISSER COMMANDS
Cook would not be found wanting. Many of the
men under whom he served have left behind names
that will always be associated with the construction
of the present British Empire, and with most of them
he was in immediate personal contact, and obtained
in every case their respect, in some their close
personal friendship.
On the 1st July the Eagle was ordered to fit and
"provision for the Leeward Islands, but having received
62 men and 53 marines, the orders were changed to
cruise between Scilly and Cape Clear, and she sailed
on the 4th August. She was caught in a gale off
the Old Head of Kinsale and received some damage,
and her main mast was reported as sprung, so
she returned to Plymouth for survey and repairs.
Thinking that the removal of the mast would be
a good opportunity to scrape his ship, which was
very foul, Captain Hamar had her lightened for that
purpose, but on examination the mast was found to
be in good order, and the Admiralty was so annoyed
at the absence of the ship from her cruising ground
that they ordered Captain Pallisser to take over the
command and prepare for sea without further loss of
time. This he did on the 1st October, and sailed
from Plymouth on the 7th, and after cruising about
in the Channel and making a few small captures he
returned on the 22nd November, remaining till the
13th March ; and during this time Cook had a short
spell of sickness, but it can hardly be called serious, as
he was only in hospital for ten days, being back to
his duty on the 17th February. In April, when "off
the Isle of Bass, brought to and sent on board the
cutter a petty officer and five men with arms,
provisions, etc."    This extract from the log records i6
1755-1757—H.M.S. EAGLE
Cook's first independent command; the cutter was
one of two hired vessels which had joined the
squadron the previous day under convoy, and the
armed party was probably put on board as a precaution against privateers who were at that time
pretty busy on the French coast. Cook took her
into Plymouth Sound, and he and his five men
went on board the St Albans| and in her rejoined his
own ship on the 2nd May, and then returned to
Plymouth on the 4th June. Pallisser, in reporting his
arrival to the Secretary of the Admiralty, said that he
"put ashore to the hospital 130 sick men, most of
which are extremely ill: buried in the last month
twenty-two. The surgeon and four men died yesterday, and the surgeon's two mates are extremely ill:
have thirty-five men absent in prizes and thirty-
five short of complement, so that we are now in a
very weak condition."
This sickness and mortality was attributed to the
absolute want of proper clothing, many of the men
having come on board with only what they stood in,
and some in rags, so the Captain asked for permission
to issue an extra supply of "slops," a request that
was immediately granted.
After another short cruise the Eagle returned to
Plymouth with Pallisser very ill with fever. He
obtained sick leave, and Captain Proby was ordered
to take command, but was detained so long in the
Downs by contrary winds that Pallisser, who had
heard a rumour of a French squadron having been
seen in the Channel, shook off his fever and resumed
the command of his ship, which was almost ready for DUC UAQUITAINE
sea. Every part of the Channel mentioned in the
rumour was carefully searched, but no signs of the
enemy were seen, and the author of the report, a
Swede, was detained in Portsmouth for some months.
On the 19th November the Eagle's crew was
increased to 420 men, and she was kept cruising
throughout the winter, and on the 4th January 1757
she was caught in a heavy gale off the Isle of Wight,
where she had most of her sails blown out of her.
On 25th May she sailed from Plymouth Sound in
company with H.M.S. Medway, and a day or two
afterwards they fell in with and chased a French
East Indiaman, the Due d*Aquitaine, in rather heavy
weather. The Medway was leading, but when
getting close, had to bring to in order to clear for
action, as otherwise she would be unable to open her
lee ports. Pallisser, on the other hand, was all ready,
and pressed on, bringing the chase to action. After a
hard set-to, lasting about three-quarters of an hour,
the Frenchman struck, having lost 50 men killed
and 30 wounded, whilst the Eagle lost 10 killed and
80 wounded ; and the list of damages to the ship
reported to the Admiralty shows that the action was
sharp though short. The Medway was only able to
afford assistance by firing a few raking shots, and
suffered no damage except having ten men wounded
by an accidental explosion of gunpowder. The masts
and sails of the prize were so much damaged that she
lost them all in the night; one of the masts in falling
sank the Medwayys cutter. It was found she had a
complement of 493 men, and was armed with 50 guns.
She had landed her East Indian cargo at Lisbon, and
then proceeded to cruise for fourteen days on the
look-out for an English convoy sailing in charge of
B i8 1755-1757—H.M.S. EAGLE
H.M.S. Mermaid. She had succeeded in picking
up one prize, an English brig, which was ransomed
for ^200. This was Cook's first experience of an
important naval action, and Pallisser was complimented by the Lords of the Admiralty for his gallant
conduct The Due dAquitaine was purchased for
the Navy, and was entered under her own name as a
third-rate, 64-gun ship, with a complement of 500
The Eagle returned with her consort and her
prize to Plymouth, and soon afterwards Cook's connection with her came to an end. According to
Dr Kippis, Mr Walker had interested the Member
for Scarborough, Mr Osbaldiston, on the subject of
Cook's promotion, but the rule was that candidates
for Lieutenancy must have been employed on board a
king's ship for a period of not less than six years,
and an order had recently been issued that this
regulation was to be strictly adhered to. Captain
Pallisser therefore wrote to Mr Osbaldiston that Cook
"had been too short a time in the service for a
commission, but that a Master's warrant might be
given him, by which he would be raised to a station
that he was well qualified to discharge with ability
and credit."
The result of this correspondence is shown in the
Eagle's muster roll, for on 27th June James Cook
attended his last muster, and on the 30th he was
discharged. The succeeding rolls registering "D.
30th June  1757.     Solebay prefmnt." Jl§|
At this point all the writers on Captain Cook have
been led into error by following the lead of Dr
Kippis.      Every one (with the single exception of THE MERCURY COOK
Lord Brougham, who by an evident slip of the pen
puts him on board the Mersey) writes that he was
appointed Master of H.M.S. Mercury, and that he
joined the fleet of Admiral Saunders in the Gulf of
St Lawrence at the time of the capture of Quebec
in that ship. From the Public Records it has been
ascertained that the Mercury was not in the Gulf of
St Lawrence with Saunders, but in the latter half of
1759 was sent zo New York, thence to Boston, and
was at Spithead in April the following year. The
same source also shows that not only was "the
Circumnavigator " never on board the Mercury in any
capacity, but in all probability he never even saw her.
He is also said to have been Master's mate on
the Pembroke, and Dr Kippis has him appointed to
three different ships on three consecutive days :—the
Grampus, but she sailed before Cook could join her;
the Garland, but she was found to have a Master
when Cook joined ; and, lastly, the Mercury.
The explanation of this confusion as far as the
Mercury is concerned (the rest was imagination) is
that there was a second James Cook in the service,
who was appointed Master of the Mercury under a
warrant dated 15th May 1759 and entered on his
duties immediately. He was with his ship at
Sheerness on 12th July, at which time his namesake
was before Quebec. On the return of the Mercury
from Boston her Master was returned for some time
as "sick on shore," and on nth June 1760 was
superseded by one John Emerton. Soon after he
was appointed third lieutenant of the Gosport, his
commission bearing date 1st April 1760, that is
before he left the Mercury. He was with his new
ship at the recapture of St John's, Newfoundland,
. 20
1755-1757—-H.M.S. EAGLE
in 1762, with John Jervis, afterwards Lord St Vincent,
as his Captain. In 1765 he was on the Wolf on
the Jamaica station, and was selected by Admiral
Burnaby to carry despatches to the Governor of
Yucatan. This duty he successfully carried out,
and in 1796 published a pamphlet describing his
adventures during the journey. On his return to
England he applied to the Duke of Newcastle for the
command of a cutter, and the letter is now in the
British Museum, having been included in a collection
in mistake for one written by his celebrated namesake. There is a certain similarity in the writing,
but in the signature he writes the Christian name as
"Ja* ," whilst Captain Cook usually wrote "Jam8."
The Mercury Cook was lieutenant of the Speedwell
in 1773, and having had some property left him in
Jersey he received leave of absence in August. He
never rose above lieutenant, and disappears from the
Navy List after July 1800.
A manuscript log kept by James Cook whilst
Master's mate of the Eagle is now in the possession of Mr Alexander Turnbull of Wellington, New
COOK joined H.M.S. Solebay on the 30th July 1757
at Leith, where she was then stationed, but the date
of his warrant has not been ascertained, although the
Public Records and Trinity House have both been
searched for the purpose. His stay was not long, for
after a cruise of a few days she returned to Leith, and
on 17th September Cook was superseded by John
Nichols; in fact, his time on board was so short
that his signature is not appended to any of the
In April 1757 Mr Bissett, who was Master of the
Eagle when Cook was Master's mate, and who therefore would have a better chance than any one else to
measure his subordinate's character and capabilities,
was appointed Master of H.M.S. Pembroke, a new
ship, and superintended her fitting for sea. On 26th
October he found himself transferred to the Stirling
Castle, and it is only reasonable to suppose that,
having formed a high opinion of Cook's work, and
knowing of his ambition to rise in the service, he
would give information of the opportunity and, as far
as he could, push forward his friend's interests. At
any rate, the Muster Rolls show that in less than six
21 aa 1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
weeks from leaving the Solcbay, Cook was established
on board the Pembroke as Master, under a warrant
bearing date 18th October 1757, and entered upon his
duties on 27 th October, the twenty-ninth anniversary
of his birth; and from that date to his discharge
into the Northumberland he signed the usual documents. At the time of his joining, the ship was
fitting and victualling for sea at Portsmouth, and
on 8th November she sailed for the Bay of Biscay,
under the command of Captain Simcoe, returning to
Plymouth on 9th February I75&
The British Government had decided on making
a determined effort to wrest the Colony of New
France from the hands of the French, and one of
the first steps was to attempt the capture of the
port of Louisburg, at the entrance to the Gulf of St
Lawrence; a place which the enemy were said to
have rendered almost impregnable at an expenditure
of some million and a quarter pounds. They looked
upon it as second only to Quebec in its importance
to the safe keeping of the colony. In order to carry
out this design a fleet was prepared under Admiral
Boscawen (known to his men as " Old Dreadnought,"
and, from a peculiar carriage of the head, said to
have been contracted from a youthful habit of imitating one of his father's old servants, " Wry-necked-
Dick "), to convey a small army under Major-General
Amherst to the scene of action. Boscawen sailed
with his fleet, one member of which was the Pembroke*
for Halifax, where they arrived, vid Madeira and the
Bermudas, on 8th May.
Having completed his arrangements, Boscawen left
Halifax on 28th May with 17 sail of the Royal Navy
and 127 transports, picking up 2 more men-of-war LOUISBURG
and 8 transports just outside, and a couple more
of the latter a few hours later. He had to leave
behind at Halifax, with orders to rejoin him as soon
as they were fit, several ships, the Pembroke being one>
as their crews were so weakened by scurvy during
the voyage from England. The Pembroke had lost
29 men, but was sufficiently recovered to be able
to sail with 3 transports, 2 schooners, and a cattle
sloop on 7th June, and arrived off Louisburg on
the 12th, four days too late to take part in the
landing which had been successfully carried out in
the face of great difficulties caused by the roughness of the weather, the rocky coast, and the opposition of the enemy. In fact, James Wolfe, who was
a Brigadier throughout the siege, and on whose
shoulders a very large portion of the work seems
to have fallen, says: " Our landing was next to
miraculous." There were 3 officers and 49 men
killed; 5 officers and 59 men wounded of the army;
11 men killed, and 4 officers and 29 men wounded
of the navy; and 19 men wounded of the transport
service. The weather was so bad that no stores or
artillery could be landed for several days, the first
gun being got ashore on the 16th, so Cook was in
plenty of time to take his share in the difficult task of
landing supplies; a task so dangerous that the fleet
lost one hundred boats in this duty alone. As well
as forming the supply base for the army, the fleet also
provided 583 men to act as gunners and engineers
ashore; but none of these were from the Pembroke.
The nature of the ground rendered the work of constructing the approaches and batteries extremely
difficult, and it was not till 20th June that the first
gun opened fire.    Wolfe formed a battery on Light-
—- 24 i757"I759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
house Point, one side of the entrance to the harbour
whilst the town was on the other side, with a fortified
island in between ; and the harbour held a French
fleet which, at the time of the arrival of the British,
consisted of nine men-of-war. One escaped on the
very day of the landing, and was shortly afterwards
followed by two more. One, L'Echo, was captured by
Sir Charles Hardy, and was taken into the British
Navy; whilst the other, though chased for some
distance, made good its escape to L'Orient with the
first news of the siege. Previously to the coming of
the British, two ships had been sunk in the harbour's
mouth to render entrance therein difficult; two more
were added to these, and then a fifth. One ship
was blown up by a British shell, and setting fire to
two others that lay alongside her, they also were
The fate of the other two is described in the
Pembroke's log, kept by Cook, as follows:
I In the night 50 boats man'd and arm'd row'd into
the harbour under the command of the Captains La
Foure [Laforey] of the Hunter, and Balfour [of the
Etna~\ in order to cut away the 2 men-of-warr and
tow them into the N.E. Harbour one of whch they
did viz. : the Ben Fison [Bienfaisant] of 64 guns, the
Prudon [Prudent] 74 guns being aground was set
on fire. At n a.m. the firing ceased on both
The boats concerned in this attack, which Boscawen
describes as " a very brilliant affair, well carried out,"
were a barge and pinnace or cutter from all the ships,
except the Northumberland, which was too sickly,
commanded by a lieutenant, mate  or midshipman,
and Dr Grahame in his " History of the United
States of North America," says :
"The renowned Captain Cook, then serving as
a petty officer on board of a British ship-of-war, cooperated in this exploit, and wrote an account of it
to a friend in England. That he had distinguished
himself may be inferred from his promotion to the
rank of lieutenant in the Royal Navy, which took
place immediately after."
This statement that he was in the affair may be
true, but there is no evidence on the point, and as
he was a warrant and not petty officer, and as his
promotion did not take place for several years, Dr
Grahame's story may well be doubted. It is believed
that Cook did write to Mr Walker from Louisburg,
but the letter was one of those so unfortunately
The loss on this occasion to the British was very
slight, there being only 7 killed and 9 wounded.
The Beinfaisant having been surveyed, was received
into the Navy and given to Captain Balfour whilst
the command of UEcho was conferred on Captain
In consequence of this success and the threat of an
immediate assault on the town, the French commander,
M. Drucour, decided to surrender on the following
day. This success was highly esteemed in England,
and Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst
received the thanks of the Houses of Parliament.
After the siege Wolfe wrote to Lord George Sack-
ville, speaking in warm terms of Boscawen and his
men, and says:
" Sir Charles Hardy, too, in particular, and all the 26
1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
officers of the Navy in general have given us their
utmost assistance, and with the greatest cheerfulness imaginable. I have often been in pain for Sir
Charles's squadron at an anchor off the harbour's
mouth. They rid out some very hard gales of wind
rather than leave an opening for the French to escape,
but, notwithstanding the utmost diligence on his
side, a frigate found means to get out and is gone to
Europe 'charge^ de fanfaronades.' I had the satisfaction
of putting 2 or 3 hautvizier shells into her stern
and to shatter him a little with some of your Lordship's 24-lb. shot, before he retreated, and I much
question whether he will hold out the voyage."
The Pembroke formed one of this squadron under
Sir Charles Hardy, and after the capitulation of the
town, was despatched with nine other ships, and a
small body of troops under Wolfe to harry the French
settlements around Gasp6 Bay as a preparation for
the attack on Quebec it was intended to make in the
following year. Several settlements and magazines
were destroyed, four guns and a pair of colours were
captured, and then the squadron returned to Halifax
for the winter.
Admiral Sir Charles Saunders was selected to
command the fleet that was to be employed in this
new movement against the capital of New France; a
man of whom Horace Walpole wrote:
"The Admiral was a pattern of the most sturdy
bravery, united with the most unaffected modesty.
No man said less, or deserved more. Simplicity in
his manners, generosity, and good-nature adorned
his genuine love of his country."
He left Spithead on 17th February 1759, with the
intention   of  calling at   Louisburg, the appointed WITH  DURELL'S  SQUADRON
rendezvous for the expedition, on his way to Halifax ;
but the season had been so severe that Louisburg,
usually free from ice, was found to be unapproachable,
so he went on, arriving at Halifax on 30th April.
Admiral Durell had been sent out earlier from
England, and was now despatched from Halifax with
a squadron, of which the Pembroke was one, to
prevent, if possible, the entry into the river of the
usual spring fleet from France with supplies and
reinforcements for Quebec, and to keep the French
from putting up any fortifications on the Ile aux
Coudres, thereby adding to the difficulties of the fleet
in ascending this dangerous portion of river. The
weather was bad, and the trouble caused by fog and
ice so great that Durell found the fleet of 18
sail, convoyed by two frigates, had escaped him, but
one or two small store ships were captured which
proved of service to the British afterwards. On the
way up the Gulf, Captain Simcoe of the Pembroke
died, and the ship was given temporarily to Lieutenant
Collins. of Durell's ship, and afterwards to Captain
Wheelock, who remained in her till after Cook
Durell's squadron arrived off the Ile aux Coudres
on the 25th, and on the 28th the Pembroke landed
the troops she had on board, "as did ye rest of ye men
of warr," and they took possession of the island,
which was found to be deserted by its inhabitants.
The troops that were on board Durell's ships were
under the command of Colonel Carleton, the Quartermaster-General of the force, and Wolfe's great friend,
whose services had only been obtained from the
king with the greatest difficulty. Whilst awaiting
the  arrival   of Saunders with the remainder of the 28 1757-1759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE
expeditionary force, every endeavour was made to
gain knowledge of the difficulties of the river, and
Cook's log notes how the boats were out " sounding
ye channel of ye Traverse"; and on the nth June
there is: " Retd satisfied with being aquainted with
yc Channel." The Traverse here spoken of is that
channel running from a high black-looking cape,
known as Cape Torment, across into the south
channel, passing between the east end of the Ile
d'Orleans and Ile Madame. It is still looked upon
as one of the worst pieces of the river navigation.
The British had some charts of the river showing
the course taken by the French vessels, for in a note
to the orders issued by Saunders on 15th May to the
Masters of Transports, special attention is called to " a
plan or chart showing the route which His Excellency
intends to make from Louisburg Harbour to the
Island of Bie"; and this chart was most probably
taken from one captured by Boscawen in 1755, and
published in September 1759 by T. Kitchen in the
London Magazine having the Traverse shown on
a larger scale. The soundings taken at the time
Durell was waiting would be to verify those shown
on this chart.
After a short delay in Halifax, Saunders left for
Louisburg to gather up the remainder of the forces
and stores, and on his arrival still found the port
hampered by ice; in fact, Major Knox, of the 43rd
Regiment, relates that even so late as 1st June men
were able to get ashore from their ships, stepping
from one piece of ice to another. There was also
further cause for dissatisfaction, delay in the arrival
of the ships with soldiers and stores. Some of the
troops had been directed to other work without any ORDERS  TO TRANSPORTS
intimation to Wolfe, whilst others were in a very
bad state from scurvy and measles; some had lost
their entire equipment, and it was with the greatest
difficulty replaced ; the supply of money was criminally small, and yet it is pleasant to read on the
authority of Major Knox that:
" I had the inexpressible pleasure to observe at
Louisburg that our whole armament, naval and
military, were in high spirits; and though, by all
accounts, we shall have a numerous army and a
variety of difficulties to cope with, yet, under such
Admirals and Generals, among whom we have the
happiness to behold the most cordial unanimity,
together with so respectable a fleet and a body of
well-appointed regular troops, we have every reason
to hope for the greatest success."
Before leaving, Saunders issued his instructions as
to the order of sailing. He divided the transports
into two divisions, the Starboard flying a red flag,
and the Larboard a white one: he assigned to each
vessel its position and duties, and pointed out to
each Master of a hired transport that if the orders of
his officers were not promptly and exactly carried
out they would be fired on, adding with a touch of
grim humour that the cost of the powder and shot
so expended would be carefully noted and charged
against the hire of the offending ship. On the 6th
June Saunders was off Newfoundland with 22 men-
of-war and 119 transports, and the cold winds blowing off the snow-covered hills of that island were
severely felt by the troops. On the 18th, when off
the Island of Bie, they were joined by Wolfe in the
Richmond, and five days after picked up Durell at the 30
1757-I759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
Ile aux Coudres. Here Saunders transferred his flag
to the Stirling Castle, which he had selected in
England for the purpose, owing to her handiness
(Cook's friend, Mr Bissett, was still on board), and
leaving Durell with eleven of the deepest draught to
guard against any interference from a French fleet, he
proceeded up the river with the remainder. The work
was hard, constantly anchoring and weighing to take
every advantage of wind and tide, and the progress
was slow; but at length the whole of the ships passed
the Traverse, and on the 26th the fleet anchored off
St Laurent, on the Ile d'Orleans, and the troops were
landed on the following day. Thus the much-dreaded
passage up the St Lawrence had been carried out,
and the fact that no loss of any kind had occurred
to either man-of-war or transport, reflects the very
greatest credit on all engaged in the operation.
Knox relates how the Master of the transport he was
on, a Brother of Trinity House and Thames pilot,
named Killick, refused the services of a French
prisoner as pilot, and observing, " Damme, I'll show
them an Englishman can go where a Frenchman
dar'n't show his nose," took his ship up himself,
chaffing the occupants of the mark boats as he
passed, and in the end declared that it was no worse
than the Thames.
The wonderful success of their passage was
emphasised the afternoon after their arrival at St
Laurent when a heavy gale struck the fleet, driving
several ships into collision or ashore, and causing
considerable loss in anchors and cables. As soon as
possible the men-of-war boats were out rendering
every assistance, and all the vessels were secured but
two, which, were too firmly fixed to be towed off FIREWORKS
shore, and these were soon afterwards burnt by
the enemy.
Thinking to profit by the disorder which must
necessarily have been caused by the storm, the
French made a determined attempt to destroy the
fleet by means of eight fireships which were floated
down stream on the unsuspecting British. Fortunately
they were ignited prematurely, and the boats of the
Pembroke and other ships were again out, employed
in the hazardous task of towing these undesired
visitors into such places as would permit them to
burn themselves out without danger to the shipping.
SiK were quickly got into safety, whilst the other two
grounded and burnt out without causing further
inconvenience. Captain Knox describes the scene
as a display of "the grandest fireworks that can
possibly be conceived." The only result was to
cause the retirement of a picket at the western end
of the Ile d'Orleans, and the officer in command,
who thought he was about to be attacked in force,
was to have been tried by court-martial, but being
advised to throw himself on Wolfe's mercy, was
pardoned for his error of judgment. To guard
against a repetition of such an attack, a system of
guard boats, some moored across the river and some
patrolling, was established, entailing considerable
extra work on the sailors.
An examination of the position showed Admiral
Saunders that the safety of the fleet, and therefore
the interests of the army, would be best consulted if
he proceeded into the Basin of Quebec, as to remain
cooped up in the south channel added to the danger
if a further attempt should be made to fire the fleet.
He therefore pointed out to Wolfe that the small 32 1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
battery established by the French on Point Levi,
which threatened any ship entering into the Basin,
should be taken, and the Point occupied. This was
at once carried out by Monckton's brigade, and a
battery was established which did serious damage to
the town. When too late the French sent over three
floating batteries to aid in repulsing the English, but
they were driven back by one broadside from a
frigate Saunders moved up for the purpose.
Montcalm had entrenched his army on the north
bank of the St Lawrence, between the rivers
Charles and Montmorenci, and Wolfe determined
to seize on a piece of high ground to the east
of the Montmorenci, to form a camp there, and
endeavour to force on a general action. In pursuance of this design, a body of about 3,000 men
were landed successfully on 9th July, under the protecting fire of some of the fleet, and a camp was
formed, and the next few days provided employment
for the boats of the Pembroke and other ships in
landing men, stores, and artillery. The bombardment of the town opened on 12th July from the
batteries erected at Point Levi and a portion of
the fleet, and continued with little intermission till
13th September. When fire was opened on the
town other ships in the Basin and guns at the camp
at Montmorenci opened on Montcalm's lines at
Beau port. On the 18th two men-of-war, two armed
sloops and two transports succeeded in passing the
town without loss, but a third ship, the Diana^ ran
aground in trying to avoid collision with a transport,
and was attacked by the enemy's boats, but was
brought off by the Pembroke and Richmond. She
was so seriously damaged that she had to be sent to ATTACK  ON  BEAUPORT
Boston for repairs and then returned to England.
On the 20th Wolfe joined the up-river squadron in
a barge, and in passing the town had his mast carried
away by a shot from the Sillery Battery, but no
further damage was done. He made a short recon-
naisance which led to nothing at the time, but may
have had an important influence in the choice of a
landing-place afterwards.
On his return to his camp at Montmorenci he
decided to make an attack on the left of the French
lines from boats and from his camp over a ford
which was available at low tide between the falls
of Montmorenci and the St Lawrence. This attack
was to be supported by the Centurion, moored in
the north channel, and by two armed " cats " which
were to be run aground as near as possible to some
small redoubts, the first object of the attack. Here
it is certain that Wolfe and Cook came into personal
contact, for on the latter fell the duty of taking the
necessary soundings for the position to be occupied
by the " cats," and Wolfe refers in a despatch to a conversation he had with Cook upon the matter. The
attack took place on 3 ist July, aided by the fire of the
Pembroke, Trent, and Richmond, which were "anchored
clear over to the north shore before Beauport, a brisk
firing on both sides," but the boats were thrown into
confusion by a reef (marked on the chart as visible
at low water), and were some time before they could
effect a landing, then a heavy storm of rain came on,
rendering the ground, which was steep, very slippery.
The troops occupied one redoubt, but were so dominated by the French musketry that they could get no
further, and Wolfe deemed it desirable to recall them
and to stop the advance across the ford.    The two 34 1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
" cats" were burnt to prevent them falling into the
hands of the enemy, and the losses of the English
in killed, wounded, and missing were 443, those of
the French being estimated at 200. Cook says the
repulse was solely owing to the heavy fire from the
entrenchments, "which soon oblig'd our Troops to
retreat back to the Boats and Montmorency " ; whilst
Wolfe, in a general order, throws the blame on the
Louisburg Grenadiers, a picked body of men from
several regiments, whom he considers got out of
hand. He also, in a despatch submitted to Saunders,
threw some amount of blame on the Navy, but to
this the Admiral strongly objected, and it was withdrawn, Wolfe saying: " I see clearly wherein I have
been deficient; and think a little more or less blame
to a man that must necessarily be ruined, of little or
no consequence."
It has been asserted that Cook led the boats to the
attack, but as this was done by Wolfe himself, according to his own letters, and as Saunders was also out
with them, both officers having narrow escapes, it
seems more probable that Cook would be on his own
ship, where, as she was engaged, his services would
be wanted, for it was one of the Master's most
important duties to " work " her under the Captain's
orders when in action.
A few days before this attack on Beauport was
made, the French again paid the fleet the undesired
attention of a large fire raft composed of several
small vessels chained together and laden with all
sorts of combustibles—shells, guns loaded to the
muzzle, tar barrels, etc., and again this was grappled
by the boats and towed away to a place of safety;
and then Wolfe, sending in a flag of truce the next
morning, said that if the performance were repeated
he should cause the instrument of destruction to be
towed alongside two ships in which he had Canadian
prisoners, and there let it do its worst. This somewhat cold - blooded threat was sufficient, and the
experiment was not repeated.
During the time the fleet was occupying the
Basin, the Masters of the ships were constantly out
making observations and sounding, partly for the
necessities of the fleet and partly to throw dust in
the eyes of the French ; and on one occasion Cook
had a narrow escape from capture, his men had to
row for it to get away from the enemy, and reaching
the Isle of Orleans landed just in time, for as Cook,
the last man, sprang ashore from the bows an Indian
boarded over the stern. The hospital picket turned
out, and the French retreated. His friend, Mr Bissett,
was not so fortunate, being taken prisoner on 7th July
whilst sounding in the north channel; but he was
either exchanged or escaped, for he was only absent
from his ship for a few days.
Wolfe, who was almost always ailing, had an
attack of fever, and the worry of the repulse at
Beauport rendered him incapable of duty for some
days; he therefore laid before his Brigadiers plans of
future movements, asking their opinions and advice.
These plans were not approved, but it was suggested
that an attempt should be made to land on the
western side of the town and there bring the enemy
to action, and Wolfe writes: " I have acquiesced in
their Proposal, and we are preparing to put it into
The up-river detachment had been strengthened
by the addition of a few more vessels, and Murray 36 1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
with 1,200 men had joined in an unsuccessful attempt
to get at the French supply fleet which had retreated to a place of safety. He had outwitted
De Bougainville, who was detached to watch him,
and succeeded in destroying a magazine containing
clothing, powder, and other stores, and intercepted
letters which told of the surrender of Niagara and
the retirement of Bourlemaque upon the Ile aux
Noix, to which place Amherst was preparing to
When Wolfe's resolve was taken to follow the advice
of his Brigadiers, Saunders again strengthened the
force above the town, placing the squadron under the
command of Admiral Holmes, and on 3rd September
his boats withdrew the artillery and troops from
Montmorenci to Point Levi, and on the night of the
4th all the available boats and small craft were sent
up, one of the last to pass being a small schooner
armed with a few swivels, and called by the sailors
"The Terror of France." She sailed by in broad
daylight, drawing the fire of every gun that could
be brought to bear on her, but was untouched, and,
anchoring close alongside the Admiral's ship, gave
him a salute from the whole of her armament.
The troops which had been quietly marched some
distance up the south bank from Point Levi were
taken on board the ships, the last detachment on the
night of the 12th; and Admiral Holmes sailed up the
river as if to beat up the French communications,
but when night fell he returned, and the landing
was successfully accomplished, and is described by
Saunders in his despatch as follows:
The night of their landing, Admiral Holmes with THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM 37
the ships and troops was about three leagues above
the intended landing - place. General Wolfe with
about half his troops set off in the boats, and dropped
down with the tide, and were by that means less
liable to be discovered by the sentinels posted all
along the coast. The ships followed them about
three-quarters of an hour afterwards, and got to the
landing - place just at the time that had been concerted to cover the landing, and considering the
darkness of the night, and the rapidity of the current,
this was a very critical operation, and very properly
and successfully conducted."
In the meantime the ships in the Basin, some
fifteen in number, distracted the attention of the
French by a heavy cannonade on the Beauport lines,
and the boats made a feint as if an attack were contemplated ; buoys had been laid in such a way as to
lead to the idea that the ships were going to moor
as close in as possible as if to support an assault, and
every effort was made to draw attention away from
the movement up above.
Lieutenant Norman, of the Pembroke, shortly
describes the battle in his log:
" At 4 A.M. Gen1- Wolfe landed just below Cape
Diamond wth- the whole army. At 8 the sign1- of
Boats man'd and arm'd to go to Point Levi, weighed
and drop't hier up. About 10 the enemy march'd
up and attack'd Gen1* Wolfe, the action lasted not
10 minutes before the Enemy gave way and run
in the Greatest Confusion and left us a com pleat
Victuary. Our Army encamped on the plain a
back of the Town and made the necessary disposition for carrying on ye siege. Admiral Holmes
hoisted his flag on board the Lowestaff, just off the
Landing place. In this action fell Gen1- Wolfe, of
the enemy Gen1- Montcalm and his two seconds." 38 1757-1759—H.M.S. PEMBROKE
Cook does not mention the death of Wolfe, but
says | the troops continued the pursuit to the very
gates of the city, afterward they begun to form the
necessary dispositions for carrying on the siege."
Cook is said by some writers to have piloted the
troops to the landing - place, and has even been
set within hearing of the legendary recitation by
Wolfe of Grafs Elegy, but as he was out with the
Pembroke's boats in the Basin at the time Holmes
started up the river, and was probably on his ship,
with his hands full driving the bombardment, and the
recital of the Elegy at such a time was probably a
myth, the traditions may be put down to imagination.
The boats were piloted to the landing by Captain
Chads of H.M.S. Vesuvius.
The town having surrendered five days after the
battle, the movements made by Saunders in the
Basin no doubt aiding M. de Ramesay, the Governor,
in coming to a decision, General Murray was left with
a garrison, and the fleet sailed for England, sending
a detachment of the Northumberland and six others
to Halifax with orders that Captain Lord Colville was
to hoist the Broad Pennant as Commander-in-Chief
of the North American Station, and as soon as the
season opened he was to return to the St Lawrence
to render support to any further movements made
in Canada.
Before the fleet left, however, Cook's connection
with H.M.S. Pembroke came to an end. Captain
King, who was with Cook on his last voyage, writes
to Dr Douglas that he does not know the exact date
of Cook's appointment to the Northumberland, but
he was certainly Master of that ship in 1758. Here
King  is  in  error,  for   Lieutenant James  Norman,
of the Pembroke, has the following entry in his log
under date 23rd September 1759 - " Mr Cook, Master,
superseded and sent on board the Northumberland,
pr* order of Admiral Saunders." It has been said
that Lord Colville made this appointment, but of
course he could not do so, though he may perhaps
have applied for Cook's services, but it is far more
probable that the appointment was made by Saunders
for the special purpose of having the survey of the
St Lawrence thoroughly well carried out CHAPTER  IV
Br~  Iff* *
On the way down the river from Quebec, the fleet
appears to have found the passage very difficult,
the dangers of the Channel being aggravated by
the strength of the current and bad weather. The
Captain, Vesuvius, and Royal William were aground
for some time, but were ultimately got off again
without much damage ; and the Terrible, which was
drifting and in great danger, was only brought up
by means of an anchor constructed for the occasion
by lashing one of the quarter-deck guns to two small
anchors. When her large anchors were hauled up
they were found to be broken; and so great was the
loss of these articles that Lord Colville was obliged to
press the Admiralty for a fresh supply to be sent out
immediately, as he found it impossible to replace
those lost in the Traverse either at Boston or any
other place in America.
Colville's squadron arrived in Halifax on 27th
October, Cook's thirty-first birthday, and as soon
as the winter was over, and the ships were cleaned
and fitted for sea as well as the limited appliances
would permit, it left for the St Lawrence, sailing
on 22nd April 1760, but was "so retarded by frozen
fogs, seas of compacted ice, and contrary winds," that
it did not arrive off the Ile de Bie before 16th May.
Here they were met by a soop with the news that
Quebec was in urgent need of help. General Murray,
hearing of the approach of General de Levis, with a
French force, had left the shelter of the forts, and notwithstanding he was greatly outnumbered, had offered
battle in the open. He had at first chosen a strong
position, but hearing from spies that the French were
busy cleaning their arms after being caught in a
heavy storm the night before, he advanced upon
them, and owing to the sudden attack and the
superiority of his artillery, at first gained a considerable advantage, but afterwards the weight of
numbers told, and the British were forced to retire
to the town with sadly reduced numbers, and Quebec
was again besieged. On receipt of this news Colville
pushed on with his squadron, and the arrival of the
Vanguard and Diamond on the 17th, followed by the
Northumberland and the remainder on the next day,
caused the French to retire.
During the next four months the fleet passed an
uneventful time in the Canadian waters, the flagship
being moored in the Basin, and then on the 12th
September they received the acceptable news that
Montreal and the rest of the province of New France
had surrendered to General Amherst, and on 10th
October the squadron again returned to Halifax to
winter quarters.
On 19th January 1761, Lord Colville records in his
Journal that he had " directed the storekeeper to pay
the Master of the Northumberland, fifty pounds in consideration of his indefatigable industry in making himself master of the pilotage of the River St Lawrence." 42   1759-1762—H.M.S.  NORTHUMBERLAND
This is the first official recognition that has been
found of the fact that Cook had gone beyond the
ordinary duties incumbent on every Master in His
Majesty's Service, viz.: " To observe all coasts, shoals,
and rocks, taking careful notes of the same." There
is no record in any of the official documents that
Cook was specially engaged in surveying the river,
but it is very evident from this entry that he must
have done the work during the four months that
his ship was moored in the Basin of Quebec. That
is to say, his promotion to the Northumberland was
previous to, and not a consequence of his survey of
the river, and that it was on account of his fitness for
the work, and not because it had been done, as is
constantly asserted, that he had been selected.
Admiral Saunders had issued orders the previous
year, that the general instructions of the Admiralty
as to taking observations, soundings, and bearings
were to be carefully carried out, and the information
obtained was, as opportunity offered, to be forwarded
to him I so that all existing charts may be corrected
and improved." This information, in the ordinary
course, would be handed to Mr Bissett, the Master of
the flagship, for comparison and compilation, and
he, knowing Cook's fitness for the work, may have
asked for his assistance and thus introduced him to
the notice of Saunders, noted for his quick eye for
merit, who, seeing his aptitude, selected him for the
completion of the task. Saunders, after his return to
England, wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty,
on 22nd April 1760, saying that he had, ready for
publication, a " Draught of the River St Lawrence
with its harbours, bays, and islands," and asked
for their Lordships' directions thereon.    With their
Lordships' approval it was published, and may be
found at the end of "The North American Pilot,
London, 1775," together with other maps, some of
which are Cook's work. At the commencement of
the book is a letter from Cook to the compiler of the
volume, congratulating him on the collection, and
referring to the fact that some of the charts contain
his work, but he does not lay claim to any special
ones. On Saunders' chart there is a long note which
concludes :
" The distances between Isle Coudre and Isle of
Orleans, the Pillar Rocks and Shoals in the south
channel were accurately determined by triangles.
The other parts of this chart were taken from the
best French Draughts of this River."
It is doubtful if this triangulation could have been
carried out by Cook during his passage up and then
down the river, the only time he had in 1759, but if it
were, it argues much greater knowledge of nautical
surveying than he is generally supposed to have had
at the time.
During the winters that the Northumberland stayed
in Halifax Harbour, Cook employed his spare time in
improving his knowledge of all subjects that were
likely to be of service to him in his profession. He
read Euclid for the first time, and entered upon
a study of higher mathematics, especially devoting
himself to astronomy. King in his sketch of Cook's
life, says, on the authority of the man himself, that
these studies were carried on " without any other
assistance than what a few books and his own
industry afforded him."
At   the   opening   of the   season,   Lord   Colville 44  1759-1762—H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND
dispersed his squadron to those stations where their
services appeared most necessary, and remained with
his ship at Halifax, as it was considered inadvisable to
leave such an important naval post open to attack
from the French or the Spaniards. He had been
advised by despatches, dated 26th December 1761,
that war had been declared with the latter nation.
During this period of waiting the words "nothing
remarkable " are in constant use in Captain Adams's
(the second Captain of the Northumberland) Journal.
Cook utilised this time to make a thorough survey
of Halifax Harbour, the notes of which are now in
the United Service Museum, Whitehall.
At length the period of inaction was ended.
Captain Charles Douglas, H.M.S. Syren, who was
cruising off Cape Race, received information that a
squadron of four French ships of the line, having
some 1,500 picked troops on board, had made a
descent on Newfoundland, and had captured St
John's, the capital, which had been most shamefully
neglected, and its garrison reduced to 63 men. The
Grammont, 22-gun sloop, was unfortunately in harbour
at the time, and was also taken. Douglas at once
pressed two English merchant vessels into the service,
and putting a petty officer in command of one, the
William, and his Master in the other, the Bonetta,
despatched them to cruise in search of Captain
Graves, the reappointed Governor of Newfoundland,
who was daily expected from England. The Bonetta
soon fell in with the Antelope, Graves's ship, and
she immediately joined Douglas, and then proceeded
to strengthen the Isle of Boys as far as time would
allow. Then going to Placentia, a place of as much
importance as St John's, and more capable of defence, RECAPTURE  OF ST JOHN'S
they set about making preparations to beat off any
attack, leaving a garrison of 99 men and as many
marines as could be spared. Graves then despatched
Douglas with the remainder of the Syren's marines
to take possession of Ferryland, and sent the ship
herself off with letters to Lord Colville, but the
William having missed the Antelope, made her way
to Halifax with the news of what had occurred.
Colville at once sent word to General Amherst,
Commander-in-Chief in America, asking him to
forward any troops he could spare, and started,
accompanied by the Gosport, and an armed colonial
vessel, the King George, 20 guns, to cruise off the
Newfoundland coast in order to prevent the arrival
of French reinforcements or supplies. He met
Graves at Placentia on 14th August, and landed all
the marines he could, and then continued his cruise.
Amherst collected every available man from New
York, Halifax, and Louisburg, and putting them
under the command of his brother, Colonel William
Amherst, ordered him to use every despatch and
join Lord Colville without delay. This the Colonel
succeeded in doing on 12th September off Cape Spear,
and the next day they landed at Torbay, some three
leagues north of St John's. They drove in the French
outposts and took possession of a small harbour
named Quidi Vidi, which had been blocked at the
entrance by the French. Clearing away the obstructions they landed their stores and some artillery, and
advancing on St John's, compelled its surrender on
the 17th. Notwithstanding that, as Captain Graves
reported, | the French had put St John's in a better
state of defence than ever we had it in."
On the 16th a strong gale blew the English ship 46 1759-1762—H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND
some distance off the coast, and was followed by a
thick fog, during which the French squadron managed
to tow out of the harbour, but were in such a hurry
to get away that they did not stop to pick up their
boats and immediately made sail, being so far out
of reach in the morning, that though some of them
were seen by the British, it was not realised that
they could be the French escaping from a squadron
inferior in strength. Lord Colville, writing to the
Admiralty, says:
" At six next morning it being calm with a great
swell, we saw from the masthead, but could not bring
them down no lower than halfway to topmast shrouds,
four sail bearing S.S.E., distance 7 leagues. We lost
sight about seven, though very clear, and sometime
after a small breeze springing up from the S.W.
quarter, I stood towards Torbay in order to cover
the shallops that might be going from thence to
Kitty Vitty. In the afternoon I received a note
from Colonel Amherst, acquainting me that the
French fleet got out last night. Thus after being
blocked up in St John's Harbour for three weeks
by a squadron of equal number, but smaller ships
with fewer guns and men, M. de Ternay made his
escape in the night by a shameful flight. I beg
leave to observe that not a man in the squadron
imagined the four sail, when we saw them, were the
enemy; and the pilots were of opinion that they
must have had the wind much stronger than with
us to overcome the easterly swell in the harbour's
mouth. I sent the King George as far as Trepassy,
to bring me intelligence if the enemy should steer
towards Placentia; and I directed Captain Douglas
of the Syren to get the transports moved from
Torbay, a very unsafe road, to the Bay of Bulls."
As  soon  as  information  was  received in England COOK  MEETS  COOK
that an expedition had been sent from France, the
Admiralty despatched a squadron under Captain
Pallisser in pursuit, and as it arrived in St John's
only four days after M. de Ternay left, they must
have been very close to a meeting.
Whilst the movements leading up to the recapture
of St John's were being carried on, communication
between Colville and Amherst was kept up by the
boats of the fleet under the charge of the third
lieutenant of H.M.S. Gosport, Mr James Cook, formerly Master of H.M.S. Mercury, who performed this
duty to the complete satisfaction of Lord Colville
as signified in his despatches to the Admiralty. It
is certain, therefore, that the two namesakes must
have come face to face here, and most probably
previously in Halifax Harbour.
Entering St John's Harbour on 19th September,
the flagship remained till 7th October, during which
time Cook was very busily employed in assisting to
place the island in a better state of defence. In a
despatch of Lord Colville's, dated "Spithead, 25th
October 1762," he says :
11 have mentioned in another letter, that the
fortifications on the Island of Carbonera were entirely
destroyed by the enemy. Colonel Amherst sent
thither Mr Desbarres, an engineer, who surveyed
the island and drew a plan for fortifying it with new
works: when these are finished the Enterprise's six
guns will be ready to mount on them. But I believe
nothing will be undertaken this year, as the season is
so far advanced, and no kind of materials on the spot
for building barracks or sheds for covering the men,
should any be sent there. Mr Cook, Master of the
Northumberland, accompanied Mr Desbarres. He
has made a draught of Harbour Grace and the Bay 48   1759-1762—H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND
of Carbonera, both of which are in a great measure
commanded by the Island, which lies off a point of
land between them. Hitherto we have had a very
imperfect knowledge of these places, but Mr Cook,
who was particularly careful in sounding them, has
discovered that ships of any size may lie in safety
both in Harbour Grace and the Bay of Carbonera."
Mr Desbarres's design for the fortification of Carbonera, drawn by John Chamberlain, dated 7th April
1763, is to be found in the British Museum; he was
afterwards Governor of Cape Breton.
On the return of the Northumberland to Spithead,
where she arrived on 24th October, her Master, James
Cook, was discharged, the Muster Roll merely noting
" superseded" on nth November, and the pay sheet
records the deductions from his wages as: " Chest,
£2, is. od.; Hospital, £1, os. 6d. Threepence in
the £, £3, 14s. 9d.," leaving a balance due of
^291, 19s. 3d. He also received from Lord Colville
for the Secretary to the Admiralty the following
letter which shows the estimation he was held in
by his immediate superiors, and would doubtless
be of weight when the appointment of a man to
execute " greater undertakings" came under the
consideration of their Lordships.
1 London, 30M December 1762.
" Sir,—Mr Cook, late Master of the Northumberland,
acquaints me that he has laid before their Lordships
all his draughts and observations relating to the
River St Lawrence, part of the coast of Novia Scotia,
and of Newfoundland.
1 On this occasion I beg to inform their Lordships
that from my experience of Mr Cook's genius and MARRIAGE
capacity, I think him well qualified for the work he
has performed and for greater undertakings of the
same kind. These draughts being made under my
own eye, I can venture to say they may be the
means of directing many in the right way, but cannot
mislead any.—I am, Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
" Colville."
Before the close of the year Cook took upon himself further responsibilities as set forth in the following extract from the register of St Margaret's Church,
Barking, Essex:
"James Cook of ye Parish of St Paul, Shadwell,
in y* County of Middlesex, Bachelor, and Elizabeth
Batts, of ye parish of Barking in ye County of Essex,
Spinster, were married in this Church by ye Archbishop of Canterbury's Licence, this 21st day of
December, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-
two, by George Downing,
" Vicar of Little Wakering, Essex."
Besant, who obtained his information from Mrs
Cook's second cousin, the late Canon Bennett, who
as a boy knew her well, speaks most highly of her
mental qualities and personal appearance, and says
the union appears to have been a very happy one.
It covered a period of about sixteen years; but
taking into consideration the times he was away on
duty, sometimes for long periods, Cook's home life
in reality only extended to a little more than four
years, and Mrs Cook must often have been months,
sometimes years, without even hearing of the existence
of her husband. Her family were fairly well-to-do;
her grandfather, Mr Charles Smith, was a currier in
D 50  1759-1762—H.M.S.  NORTHUMBERLAND
Bermondsey; her cousin, also Charles Smith, was a
clockmaker of repute in Bunhill Row. Her mother,
Mary Smith, married first John Batts of Wapping,
and secondly, John Blackburn of Shadwell. Miss
Batts is described as of Barking in the Marriage
Register, so may perhaps have been living with
relations there, and may have met Cook when on
a visit to her mother in Shadwell, where he was
residing. The engagement must have been very
short, for from the time of his joining the Navy in
1755 to his return from Newfoundland in 1762, his
leave on shore had been very limited, and, with the
exception perhaps of a day or two between leaving
the Eagle and joining the Solebay, and again when
leaving the latter ship for the Pembroke, none of his
time was spent in London. There is a story that he
was godfather to his wife, and at her baptism vowed
to marry her, but as at that time, 1741, Cook was
assisting his father on Airy Holme Farm, the tale
is too absurd, but has for all that been repeatedly
After their marriage Mr and Mrs Cook lived for a
time in Shadwell, and then removed to Mile End
Old Town, where Cook purchased a house, which was
their home till after his death. This house, which he
left to his wife, has been identified as No. 88 Mile
End Road, and a tablet has been placed on the front
to mark the fact. CHAPTER V
The commission as Governor of Newfoundland,
which now included Labrador from Hudson's Straits
to the St John's River, the Island of Anticosti, the
islands off the Labrador coast, and the Madelines in
the Gulf of St Lawrence, had again been conferred on
Captain (afterwards Admiral Lord) Graves. He had
early recognised the fact that it was necessary to
have a thorough survey of the coasts of his territory,
and therefore made an application to the Board of
Trade to have the one commenced as far back as
1714 by Captain Taverner, but only carried on in
a desultory fashion, put in hand and completed as
quickly as possible. This application resulted in a
"Representation" from the Board to His Majesty,
dated 29th March 1763, to be found in the Shelbourne
MSS., asking that an allowance should be made for
the purpose.
Graves had seen during the previous year the work
done by Cook at Harbour Grace and Carbonera, and
had evidently made up his mind that he had found
the man for his purpose, in which opinion he would
be backed up by Colville and further supported by
the favourable knowledge that the  Admiralty had
m ■mr— i'tt
1 52 1763-1767—NEWFOUNDLAND
of his work. The " Representation" was immediately acted on, for in the Records Office is a hurried
note from Graves to Mr Stephens, Secretary to the
Admiralty, probably written on the 5 th April, in
which he asks
"what final answer he shall give to Mr Cook, late
Master of the Northumberland, who is very willing
to go out to survey the Harbours and Coasts of
A draughtsman is also mentioned, and one is recommended who was on the Bellona and was willing to
go out, ranking as schoolmaster; he did join Cook
after a time. On 6th April Graves again wrote to
Stephens, telling him he had instructed Cook to
get ready to start as soon as the Board gave him
orders, and that he was to have ten shillings per
diem whilst employed on that service. He also
says that Cook had been to the Tower to try to
secure a draughtsman, and towards the end of the
letter applies for the instruments necessary to carry
on the operations. Graves was hurriedly called away
to his ship, the Antelope, as the spirit of discontent,
then very rife in the Navy, was developing itself
in a very threatening manner during his absence.
However, on his arrival on board, by judicious
reforms, which he saw were carried out, and by
quietly replacing some few of the most dangerous
of the malcontents, he was very shortly able to
report himself ready for sea with a complete and
fairly contented crew.
On 15th April he writes to Stephens asking if
there was " any change of resolution taken about
Mr Cook, the Master, and an assistant for him, and
^r— -• i^m'm& COOK'S  SAILING ORDERS
whether they are to go out with me?" On the
18th he writes again, saying that when in London
he had been informed that he was to receive orders
to purchase two small vessels of about 60 tons each
when he arrived in Newfoundland, one of which he
was " to send with Mr Cook upon the surveys of the
coast and harbours," but he was afraid the orders had
been forgotten, and he again makes suggestions as
to instruments, etc., required for the work. Cook
had at the same time made application in proper
form for the articles he would require, and was informed that some would be supplied to him from
the Government Stores, and for the remainder, he
was to purchase them and transmit the bills to
their Lordships.
On 19th April Cook received his orders as follows:
"SIR,—My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,
having directed Captain Graves, of His Majesty's
Ship, the Antelope, at Portsmouth, to receive you
on board and carry you to Newfoundland in order
to your taking a Survey of Part of the Coast and
Harbours of that Island. I am commanded by their
Lordships to acquaint you therewith : that you must
repair immediately on board the said ship, she being
under sailing orders, that you are to follow such
orders as you shall receive from Cap*- Graves relative
to the said service and that you will be allowed Ten
shillings a day during the time you are employed
therein.—I am, etc. etc., Philip Stephens."
" Mr James Cook,
I Mr William Test, Tower, to be paid 6s. per day."
On 8th May Graves acknowledged the receipt
of the orders he had asked for, authorising him
to purchase two small vessels, and announced that 54 1763-1767—NEWFOUNDLAND
Mr Cook had joined the ship, but that the assistant,
Mr Test, had not been heard of; he therefore proposed that he should endeavour to obtain some one
else to fill the vacancy. Mr Stephens replied that
a difficulty had arisen with the Board of Ordnance
with regard to Mr Test's pay; they were not inclined
to continue it during his absence as they would have
to put some one else in his place, and since hearing
this, as the Admiralty had heard nothing further
from Mr Test, Captain Graves was authorised to fill
the vacancy at a suitable allowance, and he at once
secured the services of Mr Edward Smart, who
sailed from Plymouth in H.M.S. Spy, and joined
Cook in Newfoundland.
In this letter Graves also says that he intends to
start Cook on the survey of St Pierre and Miquelon
as they had to be handed over to the French under
treaty, whilst he should make some stay upon the
coast in order to afford proper time for survey before
they had to be surrendered. The possession of these
islands carried with it certain fishing and curing
rights conferred by the Treaty of Utrecht and confirmed by that of Paris, and the possession of the
islands and rights have been a continual cause of
irritation to the fishermen of both nations till lately,
but now the differences have been satisfactorily
settled. It is said that the Earl of Bute was the
cause of the inclusion of the clause concerning these
islands in the Treaty, and that he received the sum
of ^300,000 for permitting it to stand. It was
specially stipulated that the islands were not to be
fortified, and the number of the garrison was to be
strictly limited to a number sufficient for police duty
alone;  but  from the very commencement  of the JUDICIOUS  PROCRASTINATION       55
peace, it was one continual struggle to evade the
terms by one side, and to enforce them by the other,
without coming to an actual rupture.
According to his expressed intention, Captain
Graves, on arriving at St John's, despatched Captain
Charles Douglas in the Tweed to superintend the
removal of the British settlers from the two islands,
and Cook accompanied him with orders to press on
the survey as rapidly as possible in order that it
might be completed before the arrival of the French.
Unfortunately, M. d'Anjac, who was charged with
the duty of receiving the islands on behalf of the
French king, arrived on the same day as the Tweed,
off the islands. Captain Douglas refused to permit
the French to land until the islands had been formally handed over by his superior officer, and by
a little judicious procrastination in communicating
with Captain Graves, and persistent energy on the
part of Cook in conducting the survey, sufficient time
was gained to complete it. Graves writes to the
Admiralty on 20th October 1763 :
" Meanwhile the survey went on with all possible
application on the part of Mr Cook. At length,
Mons. d'Anjac's patience being quite exhausted, I
received a letter from him on the 30th of June, of
which I enclose a copy together with my answer
returned the same day. This conveyance brought
me a letter from Captain Douglas, expressing his
uneasiness on the part of Mons. d'Anjac and pressing
to receive his final instructions, and at the same
time gave me the satisfaction to learn St Peter's
was completely surveyed, Miquelon begun upon and
advanced so as to expect it would be finished before
the  French   could  be  put   in   possession:   so   that 56
any interruption from  them  was no longer to  be
In a paper amongst the Shelbourne MSS., said to
be an extract from a Journal of Cook's, there is a
short description of these islands, and it conveys
the impression that the writer looked upon them
as absolutely worthless as either naval or military
stations, but for all that Captain Graves's successor,
Pallisser, was kept continually on the alert to defeat
the efforts of the French to strengthen their position.
After the official surrender of these islands, Cook
was engaged in surveying different places which the
Admiralty had specially marked out, and was borne
on the books of either the Antelope or Tweed as
might be convenient He is to be found on the
latter ship, entered " for victuals only," as " Mr James
Cook, Engineer, and Retinue." As the dates in the
two ships often run over each other it is somewhat
difficult to place him, but he was certainly in the
neighbourhood of St John's for some two months,
and on 5 th November he was discharged from the
Antelope into the Tweed, together with Mr Smart,
for the passage to England, where he remained till
the spring of the following year On 4th January
the Admiralty authorised the payment up to the
end of the previous year of the allowances of 10s.
and 6s. per day, respectively, to Mr Cook and Mr
Smart. This allowance of 10s. per day was the same
as that made to the Commander of a Squadron, so
from a financial point of view, Cook's position must
be considered one of importance. It was apparently superior to that of a Master surveying under
the directions of the Governor, for in a report that "KING'S  SURVEYOR"
Captain Pallisser, when Governor of Newfoundland,
gives of an interview between the French Ambassador and himself in London in 1767, on the
subject of the fisheries, he says he produced Cook's
chart, and decided the question of the rights of
France to the use of Belle Isle for fishing purposes
against the Ambassador by its means, and he speaks
of Cook officially as "the King's Surveyor."
Pallisser was appointed to succeed Graves as
Governor in 1764, and at once set aside the schooner
Grenville, which Graves had used as a despatch boat
for the sole use of the survey party. She had been
manned from the ships on the station, but Pallisser
wrote to the Admiralty on the subject, and the Navy
Board were instructed to establish her with a proper
person to take command of her, and a complement of
men sufficient to navigate her to England when the
surveying season was over, in order that she might
be refitted and sent out early in the spring, instead of
being laid up in St John's and waiting for stores from
England, "whereby a great deal of time is lost."
The establishment was to consist of ten men, i.e. a
Master, a Master's mate, one Master's servant, and
seven men. The Master and mate were to receive
the pay of a sixth rate, and the former was " to be
charged with the provisions and stores which shall be
supplied to the schooner from time to time, and to
pass regular accounts for the same." On 2nd May
Stephens wrote to Pallisser that Cook was appointed
Master of the Grenville, and as soon as the season
was over he was to be ordered to Portsmouth, and
on arrival to transmit his "Charts and Draughts"
to the Admiralty. On receipt of this letter Pallisser
wrote to Cook, and this communication, together with 58
autograph copies of letters written by Cook having
reference to the Grenville, a receipt for her husband's
pay, signed by Mrs Cook, and some other papers of
interest relating to his voyages, are now in the hands of
Mr Alexander Turnbull, of Wellington, New Zealand.
It would appear that it was at this time that
the friendship between Pallisser and Cook really
commenced, for previously there can have been no
opportunity for the former to have known anything of Cook's personality. A Captain of a man-
of-war saw nothing of a Master's mate, and knew
nothing of him except whether he did his duty or
not, and that only through the Master's report. In
this particular case, as soon as- his attention was
called to him by outside influence, Cook was withdrawn from his knowledge, and when they again
came in contact had already made his mark. Had
they been on the very friendly terms that Kippis
suggests, it is unlikely that he would have made so
many incorrect statements as to Cook's early career
in the Navy.
On 23rd April Cook received his orders, and was
told at the same time that as he had expressed a doubt
about being able to get suitable men in Portsmouth,
he would be provided with conduct money and free
carriage of chests and bedding for those he could
raise in London, and they should be transferred to
Portsmouth in the Trent. Mr William Parker was
appointed Master's mate, and the whole crew left
Portsmouth on 7th May in H.M.S. Lark, arriving in
St John's on the 14th June. They took possession
of their ship on the same day, and the first entry
in the Grenvilleys log runs as follows:
"June 14th, 1764, St John's, Newfoundland.    The ACCIDENT  TO  HAND
first and middle parts moderate and hazy Wr, the
Later foggy. At I P.M. His Majesty's Ship the Lark
anchored here from England, on board of which
came the Master and the company of this Schooner,
Went on board and took possession of Her. Read
over to the crew the Master's Warrant, Articles of
War, and Abstract of the late Act of Parliament."
After getting the guns and stores on board, and
fitting the ship for her new duties, they left St John's
on 4th July for the north. A base line was laid out
at Noddy's Harbour, and the latitude of Cape Norman
was found to be 510 39' N.; soundings were taken
every mile. On 3rd August Cook left the ship in the
cutter to continue his work, but having met with
a nasty accident he had to return on the 6th. It
seems he had a large powder horn in his hand, when,
by some means not stated, the powder ignited, and
the horn "was blown up and burst in his hand,
which shattered it in a terrible manner, and one of
the people which was hard by suffered greatly by
the same accident." The Grenville left at once for
Noddy's Harbour, where there was a French ship
which had a doctor on board, arriving there at eleven
o'clock, was able to secure some sort of medical
assistance, though probably in the eye of a modern
medical man, of a very rough nature. At that time
surgery, especially on board ship, was very heroic;
a glass of spirits the only anodyne, and boiling pitch
the most reliable styptic.
In reference to this accident the Lords of the
Admiralty wrote to Lord Halifax, quoting a letter
they had received from Captain Pallisser, dated 14th
November 1764:
I Mr   Cook,   the   surveyor,   has   returned.     The
mmmmsssi 1763-1767—NEWFOUNDLAND
accident to him was not so bad as it was represented. Nor had it interrupted his survey so much
as he (Captain Pallisser) expected. He continued
on the coast as long as the season would permit,
and has executed his survey in a manner which,
he has no doubt, will be satisfactory to their Lordships. I have ordered him to proceed to Woolwich
to refit his vessel for the next season, and to lay
before the Board, Draughts of his surveys with all
his remarks and observations that may be useful
to Trade and Navigation in those parts."
Pallisser did not see Cook till some time after
the accident, when the worst was over, and it is
quite in keeping with Cook's character to minimise
his sufferings, and to insist on the work being kept
going as far as possible. The surgeon, Mr Samwell,
relates that after the murder at Owhyee they were
enabled to identify his hand by the scar which he
describes as "dividing the thumb from the fingers
the whole length of the metacarpal bones." Whilst
Cook was laid up with his hand, and Mr Parker
was engaged with the survey, some of the men
were employed brewing, and either the brew was
stronger than usual or, the officer's eye being off
them, they indulged too freely, for on 20th August
it is noted that three men were confined to the
deck for drunkenness and mutinous conduct, and
the next day the ringleader was punished by being
made to "run the Gantelope."
Early in September, being then in the Bay of St
Genevieve, Cook went ashore for six days and ran
roughly the course of several small rivers, noting
the chief landmarks, and then on their way back
to St John's, off Point Ferrol, their small boat was GRENVILLE'S RIG  CHANGED
dashed to pieces on a ledge of rock, and its occupants were saved with great difficulty by the cutter
which by great good fortune happened to be near at
the time. They returned to England for the winter,
and crossing the Banks, a series of soundings were
made and the nature of the bottom carefully noted.
When Cook arrived at Woolwich, he pointed out
to their Lordships that the completion of his charts
would entail his being absent from his ship, and he
would be unable to supervise everything that had
to be done on board, he therefore suggested that
she should be sent to Deptford yard. This was
at once agreed to, and Cook was able to devote
his whole time to his charts. His own work had
to be supplemented by the observations made by
six men-of-war stationed in Newfoundland waters
as their commanding officers had received special
instructions to take ample soundings and careful
observations, and to make charts which were to be
sent to Captain Pallisser, who was informed that
he would be held responsible if these orders were
not carried out in their entirety. It is very certain
that an order so emphatically enforced on his notice
would not be permitted to remain a dead letter.
Whilst at Deptford, the rig of the Grenville was
altered from schooner to brig, as Cook thought that
her sailing qualities would be improved by the change,
and she also received a thorough overhaul. In the
previous year her armament had been supplied from
the flagship, and of course had to be returned, so
now she was established with " 6 swivel guns, 12
Musquets, and powder and shot" of her own, and
her crew was augmented to twenty, including a midshipman and a carpenter's mate, paid as on board
, 62 1763-1767—NEWFOUNDLAND
a sixth rate. Isaac Smith, Mrs Cook's cousin, afterwards Admiral, who lived with her at Clapham, was
the midshipman. On 25 th March 1765 the Grenville
again left for Newfoundland, arriving at St Lawrence
Harbour on 2nd June to recommence her work. On
14th July, whilst" moored in a bay by Great Garnish,
we picked up two men who had been lost in the
woods for near a month. They came from Barin,
intending to go to St Lawrence Harbour, and were
almost perishing for want of subsistence." Going
into Long Harbour, 23rd July, the Grenville ran on
a rock and remained so fast that she had to be
unloaded before she could be floated off the next
day, when she was found to have suffered considerable damage to her forefoot.
From the log of the Grenville it appears that
the survey was not carried out continuously, and
this may be accounted for by the fact that the
Governor was being called upon to settle disputes
with the French fishermen, who were only too apt
to place the broadest construction on the treaty
rights accorded to them. It is very possible that
Cook, during this year, rendered assistance to
Captains Debbieg and Bassett, engineers, who were
engaged in surveying important points and harbours
with a view to fortification, and Pallisser had been
instructed to give them every help. There is no
positive record that Cook did assist, but his ship
was several times engaged near where they were
at work, and it seems very reasonable to suppose
that he worked with them, especially as such work
might be very important to both parties.
Cook returned to Spithead  on  30th  November,
and from thence to Deptford for the winter, and in ECLIPSE  OF THE  SUN
February obtained permission from the Admiralty
to publish the charts he had completed; Captain
Pallisser, who made the application, said he was of
opinion that they "would be of great encouragement to new adventurers on the fisheries upon
those coasts."
He again left Deptford on 20th April 1766, and
arrived at Bon Bon Bay, 1st June, to survey the
south-west and south coasts. At the Burgeo Islands,
near Cape Ray, which were reached on 24th July,
Cook was able to take an observation of an eclipse
of the sun occurring on 5th August. On his return
to England at the end of the year, he handed the
results of his observations to Dr Bevis, a prominent
Fellow of the Royal Society, who communicated
them to that body on 30th April 1767, and the
account is to be found in the " Philosophical Transactions " of that year. Dr Bevis describes Cook as
"a good mathematician, and very expert at his
business," and says he was supplied with very good
instruments; that there were three observers " with
good telescopes, who all agreed as to the moment
of beginning and ending" ; that he had shown Cook's
results to Mr George Mitchell, who had calculated
therefrom the difference of longitude between the
Burgeo Islands and Oxford, where another good
observation had been taken.
Cook makes no reference to the eclipse in the log
of the Grenville, but it appears that he was peculiarly
lucky in the weather, for the five days preceding are
described as " foggy," and the four or five succeeding
are "raining with squalls." This observation was a
most fortunate one for Cook, as it brought him to
the favourable notice of the Royal Society, a body
„-- .if—-~~,,
_ 64 1763-1767—NEWFOUNDLAND M
of eminent men, outside his own profession, which
was able, soon after, to advance his interests, and
in course of time to admit him into its own ranks
as an ornament of which it is still proud.
On 4th November the Grenville left St John's
for winter quarters at Deptford, and the log ends
on 24th November, "Dungeness light N.E. by E.
2 miles." Mr Parker, his assistant, was promoted
to a lieutenancy, and Mr Michael Lane, who was
mentioned for the post by Captain Graves in 1763,
and who was now schoolmaster on the Guernsey,
was appointed in his place.
On 5th April 1767 the Grenville had completed
her refit, warped out of dock, and was at anchor
waiting for the tide to turn in order to drop down
to Woolwich, when the Three Sisters, a Sunderland
collier, Thomas Boyd, Master, " fell athwart her
hawse and carried away her bowsprit, cap, and
jibboom," which had to be replaced. The story is
that this accident happened to the Endeavour, and
that Mr Cook, who was naturally very indignant,
sent for the offending Master of the collier to give
him a sound rating for running foul of one of His
Majesty's ships; but when he found himself face to
face with an old schoolfellow of the Ayton days, he
took him down into his cabin, treated him to the
best he had on board, and spent "a good time"
with, him talking over the old days when they were
boys together. From Cook's character the story
may well be true, excepting it has been applied to
the wrong ship.
When the repairs were executed the Grenville
sailed for Newfoundland, arriving off Cape Race on
9th May, and  Cook  at once set to work  on  the GRENVILLE ASHORE
survey of the west coast. He landed in September
at the mouth of the Humber, and made a rapid
examination of that river, discovering several lakes,
and getting a good general idea of that part of the
island. He returned to St John's for the last time
on 14th October, having practically completed the
survey of the general run of the coast, and added
very considerably to the knowledge of some of the
interior parts of the island. In 1762 a map was
published, compiled from the very latest information,
and on it is the note: " The inland parts of this
island are entirely unknown." Cook is said to have
discovered valuable seams of coal, but there is no
note of anything of the kind amongst his records.
He sailed for England on 23rd October, and
anchored off the Nore in very heavy weather on
nth November. It was soon found that the anchors
would not hold, and at length one parted and the
ship " trailed into shallow water, striking hard."
After a while she again struck heavily, and "lay
down on her larboard bilge." As there seemed no
prospect of the gale moderating, everything was
made as snug as time would allow, and, putting his
crew into the boats, Cook made for Sheerness. The
weather at length improved, so obtaining assistance
he returned and found that fortunately his ship had
sustained very little damage, and the next day he
successfully floated her, and got her up to Deptford
yards on the following Sunday, and then Cook was
able to set to work on his charts. On 3rd February,
Pallisser wrote to Mr Stephens asking him to obtain
permission from the Lords to publish, and at once
obtained the necessary authority.
Some of these charts had been published in 1766,
E 66
and now the complete series appeared with sailing
directions for the south and east coasts of the islands.
Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton, the late hydrographer
to the Admiralty, says :
I The Charts he made during these years in the
schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof
of their excellence is that they are not yet wholly
superseded by the more detailed surveys of modern
times. Like all first surveys of a practically unknown
shore, and especially when that shore abounds in
rocks and shoals, and is much indented with bays
and creeks, they are imperfect in the sense of having
many omissions ; but when the amount of the ground
covered, and the impediments of fogs and bad
weather on that coast is considered, and that Cook
had at the most only one assistant, their accuracy
»s truly astonishing."
On the publication of his charts, Cook's connection
with Newfoundland was concluded, and on 12th April
1768 Mr Lane was "appointed to act as Master of
the brig Grenville, and surveyor of the coasts of
Newfoundland and Labrador in the absence of Mr
Cook, who is to be employed elsewhere." Mr Lane
was to be paid an allowance of five shillings per day
over and above his pay as Master of a sixth rate.
Cook and he were paid their allowances up to 31st
December 1767, and on 17th June the Navy Board
were ordered to complete Cook's allowance up to
12th April. From the wording of Mr Lane's appointment it would appear that the surveyor's position
was to be left open for Cook if it was thought
desirable for him to resume it
Till a few years ago writers on the subject were
content to draw their information as to the first
voyage of Cook to the South Seas from the so-called
history of Dr Hawkesworth. This gentleman, who
posed as a stylist (Boswell calls him a "studious
imitator of Dr Johnson"), was introduced by Dr
Charles Burney to Lord Sandwich for the express
purpose of writing an account of the expedition, and
was supplied with all the records in the possession
of the Admiralty relating to it, he had access to
the. Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, the Notes of Dr
Solander and others who accompanied Cook, and,
more than all, he had the opportunity of personal
communication with the leaders of the party. Notwithstanding these advantages he interpolated so
much of his own speculations, conclusions, and dissertations, as to render his voluminous work not
only extremely unreliable but often extremely ridiculous. Travellers to the South Seas record that
the accounts of things and places described as
seen by Cook are remarkably correct, but that the
inferences drawn are wrong. They do not realise
that the statements of fact are Cook's, whilst the
deductions and ornamentations are Hawkesworth's, 68    PREPARATIONS  FOR FIRST VOYAGE
and were strongly resented by Cook. Boswell relates
that he told Johnson that he had met Captain Cook
at dinner at Sir John Pringle's (then President of
the Royal Society), and gave him an account of a
conversation they had together.   Johnson
"was much pleased with the conscientious accuracy
of that celebrated circumnavigator, who set me right
as to many of the exaggerated accounts given by Dr
Hawkesworth of his voyages."
Cook's opinion on the subject may be seen from
his determination to prepare his Journals for the
press himself in the future.
Within the last few years the Journal of the
Endeavour has been published under the able supervision of the late Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton,
and the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, which was
missing for a long time, has been recovered and
published by Sir Joseph Hooker; and these two
books may be preferred with safety over all others
that have been written on the subject
It had been calculated that a Transit of Venus
would occur in 1769, observations of which would
be of great importance to astronomical science, and
several of the European nations, notably Russia,
were intending to establish points of observation.
The Royal Society decided that as England had
hitherto taken a lead in astronomy, she should not
now fall behind, and appointed a committee to report
on the places where it would be desirable to take
observations, the methods to be pursued, and the
persons best fitted to carry out the work. This
committee advised that two observers should be
sent to  Hudson's  Bay,  two  to the  South Pacific MEMORIAL TO  THE  KING
and, if Sweden did not send there, two to the
North Cape. They also advised that the Government should be asked to supply a ship to convey
the party to some island to be decided on in the
South Seas, and several gentlemen were suggested
as observers, Mr Maskelyne, President of the Society,
especially recommending Mr Dalrymple as " a proper
person to send to the South Seas, having a particular
turn for discoveries, and being an able navigator
and well skilled in observation." Mr Maskelyne
estimated the voyage would take about two years,
and that a sum of ten shillings and sixpence per
day would be a reasonable allowance for expenses,
together with a gratuity the amount of which was
to be settled hereafter. A Memorial on the subject
was prepared and forwarded to the King, setting
forth that as a Transit of Venus over the Sun's disc
was expected to occur, and that other nations were
intending to take observations thereof in the interests
of Navigation, it would be desirable that as the
British Nation had been justly celebrated for its
knowledge of Astronomy, and an Englishman, Mr
Jeremiah Horrox, had been the first person who
calculated the passage of the planet over the sun,
in 1639, the Government should support the Royal
Society in its attempt to take a proper position in
the matter, by a grant of money and a ship to take
a party to the South Seas. Four thousand pounds
was the sum named, and on 24th March the
President was able to inform the Council that the
King had been pleased to order that it should be
placed in his hands, " clear of fees," for the purpose
of defraying the expenses of the expedition. In
the  end,  after   paying   all   accounts,  there   was   a 70    PREPARATIONS  FOR  FIRST VOYAGE
considerable balance left, which the King placed at
the disposal of the Society, and a portion of it was
expended on the bust of His Majesty, by Nollekins,
now in its possession.
The gentlemen whose names had been suggested
as observers were asked to appear before the Council
if they were willing to accept the position, and Mr
Dalrymple wrote in reply to say there was only one
part of the world where he would go to take observations, that was the South Seas, and he would only
go if he had " the management of the ship intended
for the service." Mr Maskelyne told the Council he
had recommended Mr Dalrymple to the Admiralty
for the command of the ship, the use of which had
been granted, but had been informed that such an
appointment would be "entirely repugnant to the
regulations of the Navy." It is said that Sir Edward
Hawke, having in his mind the disastrous result of
giving Halley the command of a King's ship in
1698, when a serious mutiny occurred, positively
refused to sign such a commission, saying that he
would " rather cut off his right hand than permit
any one but a King's officer to command one of the
ships of His Majesty's Navy."
Dalrymple, originally a clerk in the East India
Company's service, had spent some years trading
amongst the islands of the Malay Archipelago and
China, returned to England and published a couple
of pamphlets on the East Indies, and in 1767 a
book on the discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean,
which brought him to the notice of the Royal Society.
He was afterwards for a time hydrographer to the
East India Company, and was then appointed the
first hydrographer to the Admiralty.    He was dis- PURCHASE  OF THE ENDEAVOUR    71
missed from this position for exceeding his powers,
and soon afterwards died. He appears to have been
a clever man, but of an extremely overbearing
disposition and a very high opinion of himself. In
writing to Dr Hawkesworth on one occasion, he
said: " I never write on any subject I do not
thoroughly understand." What makes the remark
more interesting is that he was quite in the wrong
on the subject under discussion. He appears never
to have forgiven Cook for having been successful in
obtaining the command of the expedition to observe
the Transit of Venus, and for completely upsetting
his pet theory of a large continent in the Southern
The Navy Board, having been ordered by the
Admiralty to propose a proper vessel to convey the
observers to the South Seas, first suggested the
Tryal Sloop, and then the Rose, but both being found
unsuitable they were ordered to purchase one. On
29th March the Board wrote to Stephens that they
had bought_
"a cat-built Bark, in Burthen 368 Tuns and of the
age of three years and nine months, for conveying
such persons as shall be thought proper to the
Southward. . . ."
At the same time, instructions were sought as to
fitting and arming her for the service, and as to
the name under which she was to be registered on
the list of the Navy. A cat-built ship is described
in the Encyclopaedias as one with round bluff bows,
a wide deep waist, and tapering towards the stern.
The name is derived from the Norwegian "kati,"
This cat-built bark, the now immortal Endeavour
was built by Messrs Fishburn of Whitby, and owned
by Mr William Milner of that port. Dr Young says
that her original name was the Earl of Pembroke,
but Sir Evan Macgregor wrote to Mr Waddington
in 1888 that she was purchased "under the name
of the Endeavour, and was entered as a barque."
"The Warrant Entry Book from Board of Trade"
proves that Dr Young was right, as the following
entries will show:
"Deptford, March 23rd 1768. Two cats called
the Valentine and the Earl of Pembroke to be surveyed
and report which is the properest to be purchased."
"Deptford, March 28th 1768. Ship Earl of
Pembroke to be received."
"Deptford, April 7th 1768. Ship purchased to
be sheathed, filled, and fitted for a voyage to the
southward.    To be called The Endeavour Bark''
From the Records of the Survey Office, " List of
H.M. Navy, 1771-1776," it has been ascertained that
her price was ^"2,800, and the cost of fitting her for
the voyage was ^"2,294. The reason she was named
officially either the Bark Endeavour or Endeavour
Bark, was that there was another Endeavour in the
Navy, stationed at that time at the Nore. Kippis
says that Pallisser was entrusted with the selection
of the ship, and that he called on Cook for assistance
in the matter, and the fact that a Whitby-built ship
was chosen, of a kind in which Cook had had considerable experience, adds to the probability of his
statement. Dalrymple enters a claim, in letters to
Dr Hawkesworth, to having chosen the Endeavour
for the voyage, but as she was not ordered to be
surveyed, with a view to purchase, till 23rd March,
when it was well known the Admiralty had refused
to allow him the command of the expedition, there
is little force in his claim.
Admiral Wharton assumes that as Cook expresses
himself averse from having exploring ships sheathed
in copper, owing to the difficulty of making repairs
in case of accident far from proper facilities, and
from the frequent mention of "heeling and boot-
topping I in the Journal of the Endeavour, it is most
probable that she was sheathed in wood. This
assumption is correct, for there is no mention of
copper sheathing in the Surveyor's books, nor at
the time of her being repaired at the Endeavour
River, nor at Batavia, when it is impossible that
any account of her damaged bottom could be given
without the mention of copper if any such sheathing
had been used. The Naval Chronicle says the first
ship of the Royal Navy to be sheathed with copper
was the Alarm frigate in 1758; and it is also said
that the Dolphin, the ship in which Captain Wallis
sailed round the world, was the only coppered ship
in the service at this time, and she remained the
only one for some years.
On 5th May, at a Council Meeting of the Royal
Society, Captain John Campbell, R.N., proposed that
Cook, who was in attendance, and had been appointed
by the Admiralty to the command of the Endeavour,
was a fit and proper person to be one of the observers
for the Society in the Southern Seas. Cook was
called in, and accepted the position in consideration
of such a gratuity as the Society should think proper,
and an allowance of ^120 per year "for victualling
himself and another  observer  in  every particular."
Mr Green was also called in, and accepted the place
as the other observer for the gratuity of 200 guineas
for the two years the voyage was expected to take,
and at the rate of 100 guineas a year afterwards.
A list of the instruments to be supplied by the
Society was also prepared at the same meeting,
and the workmen engaged on them were ordered
to show them to Messrs Green and Cook, and give
any desired information. A portable observatory, said
to have been designed by Smeaton, the builder of the
Eddystone Lighthouse, framed of wood and covered
with canvas, was also prepared. Mr Maskelyne,
knowing the value of a good watch when observing
for longitude, lent the Society one of his own, made
by Graham, to be entrusted to Mr Green, and it
was signed for with the other instruments supplied.
Chronometers, of course, at that time were in process
of evolution, several makers were endeavouring to
gain the prize which had been offered for a reliable
timekeeper. Shortly after, at a second meeting, Cook
agreed to accept a gratuity from the Society of 100
guineas for taking the observations, and was paid
£120 sustenance money for Mr Green and himself,
with authority to draw on the Society during the
voyage for a further amount not exceeding ^120.
In the "Commissions and Warrants Book," under
date 26th May 1768, appears the following entry j
I Mr JAMES COOK (2nd) 1st Lieutenant Endeavour
Bark.    E. H., C. T., C. S."
The initials signify Edward Hawke, Charles
Townshend, and Lord Charles Spencer. The
"(2nd)" evidently refers to the fact that there was
already one James Cook a Lieutenant in the Navy, w
viz., the former Master of the Mercury, and Third
Lieutenant of the Gosport.
Having received his orders Cook proceeded to
Deptford and hoisted his pendant on H.M.S.
Endeavour on 27th May, and at once started to
prepare for sea. A considerable quantity of coal
was taken on board to use for drying the ship, as
it occupied so much less room than wood.
Captain Wallis returned from his voyage round
the world about this time, and in consequence of his
report, the Island of Georgeland, afterwards called
by Cook Otaheite and now Tahiti, was fixed upon by
the Royal Society as the most desirable place for
the observations, and the Admiralty were requested
to issue the proper orders, notifying at the same time
that Mr Charles Green and Lieutenant James Cook
had been appointed observers. They also in the
same letter write that
"Joseph Banks, Esq., Fellow of this Society, a
Gentleman of large fortune, who is well versed in
Natural History, being desirous of undertaking the
same voyage, the council very earnestly request their
Lordships that in regard to Mr Banks' great personal
merit and for the advancement of useful knowledge,
he also, together with his suite, being seven persons
more (that is eight persons in all) together with their
baggage, be received on board of the ship under
command of Cap1- Cook."
They also requested that the expedition might be
landed a month or six weeks before the 3rd June
in order that the instruments might be got into
proper working order, and for fear the ship might
not be able to reach Georgeland, a table of the limits
within which the observations might be taken, was 76    PREPARATIONS  FOR  FIRST VOYAGE
enclosed. Full instructions were also given to the
two observers, and a list of the fixed stars to be
observed was drawn up by Mr Maskelyne.
The order to receive Mr Green and Mr Banks and
party was issued on 22nd July, " for victuals only 1
—i.e., they were to be supplied with the same as
the rest of the ship's company whilst on board.
The members of Banks's party were: Dr Solander,
naturalist ; H. Sporing, assistant naturalist; A.
Buchan, S. Parkinson, and Jno. Reynolds, artists;
James Roberts and Peter Briscoe, white servants;
Thos. Richmond and J. Dorlton, coloured servants.
It was owing to the personal friendship between
them that Banks was permitted by Lord Sandwich,
the First Lord of the Admiralty, to accompany Cook.
He had taken up the study of Botany when at Eton,
and at an early age had been elected F.R.S. He
seems quickly to have formed a just estimate of
Cook's worth ; indeed, Sir John Barrow says he took
a liking to him at the first interview, and a firm
friendship sprang up between them which endured
to the end. Many instances are to be found of his
interest in and his support to Cook after their return
home; and this friendship speaks volumes for Cook,
for, though Banks was a most kindly natured man,
he had at times a very overbearing manner.
Sir Joseph Hooker, in his introduction, quotes a
most interesting letter from Mr John Ellis, F.R.S.,
to Linnaeus, the great botanist, in which he says
that Mr Banks, a gentleman of ^6,000 a year, has
persuaded Dr Solander to go out with him to the
South Seas to collect "all the natural curiosities of the
place," and after the observations are taken, they are
" to proceed on further discoveries."    He goes on to
mention the library of Natural History and splendid
outfit Banks is taking, and says, | in short, Solander
assured me this expedition would cost Mr Banks
£ 10,000."
The Endeavour left Deptford on 21st July, and,
calling at Galleons Reach, took in her guns and
gunners' stores. Her armament was originally to
have been six carriage guns, four pounders, and eight
swivels, but they were increased to ten carriage guns
and eight swivels, and at Plymouth four more swivels
were added for use in the boats. The complement
of men was also increased to 85, including 12 marines
who were to join at Plymouth, and a third Lieutenant
had been appointed in July.
She dropped down the river and anchored in the
Downs on 3rd August, Cook joining her on the 7th
and, discharging his pilot, sailed the next day. He had
a very tedious passage down the Channel, and did not
arrive at Plymouth till the 14th, when he immediately
sent word to Messrs Banks and Solander, who were
still in London, that he was ready for sea, and was
only waiting for a fair wind to sail. They therefore started at once, their baggage being already on
board, and joined Cook on 20th August
Having received his extra guns, marines, twelve
barrels of powder, and other stores, Cook mustered
his men, paid them two months advance, and explained to them that they were not to expect any
additional pay for the intended voyage. He says,
" they were well satisfied, and expressed great cheerfulness and readiness to prosecute the voyage."
The orders under which he sailed were secret,
and, unfortunately, are not to be found. Admiral
Wharton says the covering letter is in existence, but •
the orders which should be on the next page are
missing.    Cook writes :
" I was ordered, therefore, to proceed directly to
Otaheite; and, after the astronomical observations
should be completed, to prosecute the design of
making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean by
proceeding to the South as far as the latitude of
400: then, if I found no land, to proceed to the west
between 400 and 350 till I fell in with New Zealand,
which I was to explore, and thence return to England
by such route as I should think proper."
His last letter to the Admiralty, before leaving
England, was written on the day of his arrival at
Plymouth, informing them of that fact, and announcing
his intention of proceeding to sea with all possible
despatch. CHAPTER  VII
After waiting for some days for a fair wind, Cook
eventually sailed at 2 p.m. on 26th August, having,
as he says in his Journal, "94 persons, including
officers, seamen, Gentlemen and their servants; near
18 months' provisions, 10 carriage guns, 12 swivels,
with good store of ammunition, and stores of all
kinds" on board. On 1st September they had heavy
gales lasting for about four-and-twenty hours, and a
small boat belonging to the boatswain was washed
away, and "between three and four dozen of our
poultry, which was worst of all," were drowned. The
ship was found to be very leaky in her upper works,
and the sails in the store got very wet Banks notes
that they caught two birds in the rigging that had
evidently been blown off the coast of Spain. On
13th September they anchored in Funchal Roads,
and during the night " the Bend of the Hawser of
the stream anchor slip'd owing to the carelessness
of the person who made it fast." The anchor was
hauled up into a boat in the morning, and carried
further out, but, unfortunately, in heaving it into the
water, a Master's mate, named Weir, got entangled
in the buoy rope, was carried overboard, and drowned
before any assistance could be rendered.
I- 1'
m     mrrmmtmmmmmmm 8o   1768-1769—PLYMOUTH  TO OTAHEITE
Whilst shifting her berth to a more convenient
spot, the Endeavour was fired on by one of the forts
owing to some misunderstanding, but satisfactory
apologies and explanations were made, and it was
thought so little of that neither Cook nor Banks
mention it in their Journals. This incident is probably the origin of the story told by Forster in his
Journal of the Second Voyage.    He says:
" Captain Cook in the Endeavour battered the Loo
Fort at Madeira in conjunction with an English
Frigate, thus resenting an affront which had been
offered to the British flag."
When the Endeavour arrived at Funchal, the only
British man-of-war there was H.M.S. Rose, which
sailed the following day with her convoy, and neither
her Captain's Journal nor his ship's log make any
reference whatever to a dispute with the Portuguese.
No other British man-of-war came into the port
whilst the Endeavour was there, «and afterwards, at
Rio, Cook expressly informed the Viceroy that he
had been well received by the Portuguese at Madeira.
Fresh water, meat, vegetables, and wine were taken
on board; wine, fruit, and water being good and cheap,
but the meat and poultry, obtained as a favour, were
dear. Two men, a marine and a sailor, received
twelve lashes for refusing to eat their allowance of
fresh meat This appears to be harsh treatment, but
it must be remembered that the lash was at that time
almost the only recognised method of punishment in
the Navy, however trivial the offence might be ; and
Cook knew from experience how important it was
to prevent the scurvy from getting foothold on board,
and he already had determined to fight, by every EDEN   BEFORE  THE  FALL
means in his power, this dread scourge, almost his
most dangerous foe. He did conquer it even on this
first voyage, and, considering his means, in a most
marvellous manner. He would have claimed the
victory had it not been for an untoward event, which
will be told hereafter, leading him to postpone his
claim till he could give further proof. It is important to notice how on every possible occasion
he obtained, wherever he could, some change of diet
and fresh water.
Whilst they were at Funchal, Banks spent five days
with the English Consul, and he describes the place
as very pretty, but the people as primitive, idle,
and uninformed; all their instruments of the rudest
make; and he thought that the appliances used in
the manufacture of wine must have been similar to
those used by Noah, 1 although it is not impossible
that he might have used better if he remembered the
methods he had seen before the flood." One of
the Governors left it on record that, so averse from
change were the people, he thought it most fortunate
the island was not Eden before the fall, as in that
case the inhabitants could never have been induced
to wear clothes. He explored as much of the island
as he could, but says he could never get more than
three miles away from the town as his time was so
much broken up. The Governor visited them on one
of the days he says was so wasted, but relates, with
evident glee, how he took his revenge. There was an
electrical machine on board, and His Excellency was
most curious on the subject; it was sent for, and
explained to him, and Banks goes on, " they gave
him as many shocks as he cared for; perhaps more."
A visit was paid to a convent, where the nuns, hearing 82   1768-1769—PLYMOUTH  TO  OTAHEITE
they were distinguished scientists, plied them with
all sorts of questions, and for the half-hour the
visit lasted their tongues were going "all the time
at an uncommonly nimble rate." At a monastery
they visited they were well received, and the monks,
regretting they were then unprepared, invited them
to come the next day and, though it would be Friday,
they would have roast turkey for dinner.
On 19th September, at midnight, they weighed,
sighted Teneriffe on the 23rd, and the day following
their first flying fish found its way into Mr Green's
cabin. On the 28th they tried steaks for dinner
cut from a young shark, which Banks and Solander
reported as very good, but the crew refused to taste
them. Cape de Verde was seen on the 30th, and
about a fortnight afterwards the line was crossed in
290 24' W. long., and the following day the event
was celebrated. Lieutenant Hicks had crossed before,
so a list was given to him of all on board, including
the dogs and cats, and all were mustered on deck,
those who had already crossed being separated from
the others. Any one who wished could purchase
immunity for four days' allowance of wine, but the
others had to pay the penalty of ducking. Banks
compounded for himself and party, and Cook also
seems to have got off, but the others were hauled up
to the end of the main-yard on a boatswain's chair,
and then at the sound of the whistle dropped into the
sea, an operation repeated three times. Cook says
the "ceremony was performed to about twenty or
thirty, to the no small diversion of the rest."
Whilst near the Equator, great inconvenience was
felt from the damp heat; everything was mouldy or
rusty, and several of the crew were* on the sick-list RECEPTION  AT  RIO
with a sort of bilious complaint; but it fortunately
did not grow into a serious matter.
They struck soundings on 6th November, and on
heaving the lead again found a difference of less than
a foot in three or four hours.    Land was sighted near
Cape Frio, Brazil, in latitude 210 16' S., on the 8th,
and  they came  across  a  boat  manned  by eleven
blacks who were engaged in catching and salting fish.
Banks purchased some fish, and was surprised to find
they preferred to  be  paid  in  English rather than
Spanish coin.    On the 13th they arrived off Rio de
Janeiro, where they were very ungraciously received
by the Viceroy.    They were not permitted to land
except under a guard; some of the men who had been
sent ashore on  duty were imprisoned.    Mr Hicks,
who had gone to report their arrival and ask for the
services of a pilot, was detained for a time, and it was
only with difficulty, and at an exorbitant rate, that
they obtained fresh food and water.    Consequently
little was seen of the place, except from the ship, and
Cook took all possible observations from thence, and
made a sketch map of the harbour, to which he added
all the information he was able to pick up from the
pilot.    Writing to the Royal Society, he says he is
quite unable to understand the true reason of his
treatment, and contrasts it with that received by a
Spanish ship which  came  in whilst he was there.
This Spanish ship willingly undertook to carry to
Europe and forward to the Admiralty copies of the
correspondence that passed between Cook and the
Viceroy, which Cook describes as
"a paper war between me and His Excellency,
wherein I had no other advantage than the racking
his invention to find reasons for treating us in the 84    1768-1769--PLYMOUTH TO  OTAHEITE
manner he did, for he never would relax the least
from any one point."
To every remonstrance the Viceroy pleaded his
instructions and the custom of the port. He seems
to have been quite unable to grasp the object of the
expedition, and Cook says his idea of the transit
of Venus was, "the North Star passing through
the South Pole. His own words." The crew were
accused of smuggling, and it was repeatedly asserted
that the Endeavour was not a king's ship. Parkinson,
one of Mr Banks's staff, says that frequently some of
them let themselves down from the cabin window
at midnight into a boat, and driving with the tide
till they were out of hearing of the guard boat
established over them, rowed ashore and made short
excursions into the country, " though not so far as we
could have wished to have done."
Banks, speaking of the supplies obtained at Rio,
says the beef was cheap but very lean and dry; the
bread tasted as if made with sawdust, and justified its
name of Farinha de Pao (wooden meal); the fruits,
excepting the oranges, were very indifferent, and he
takes particular exception to the banana, which he
had not tasted before, it was not at all to his liking.
The water also was very bad, and the crew preferred
what they had brought with them, though it was
very stale.
M. de Bougainville reports that when he visited
Rio he was at first received in a very friendly manner
by this same Viceroy, but after a time the treatment
was altered, and he had to put up with even
greater insolence than Cook.
When the stores had been received on board, the
anchor  was  weighed  in  order to take  up a more THE  SECOND DEATH
favourable position for making a start, but, unfortunately, shortly after the ship got under way, a man
named Peter Flowers fell from the main-shrouds
into the sea and was drowned before assistance
could be rendered: the second death since leaving
England. The next day the wind was contrary, but
every one was so anxious to turn their backs on the
place that Cook ordered out the boats to tow, but
they were immediately brought up by a shot from the
fort of Santa Cruz. A remonstrance was sent ashore,
and received the lame excuse that the permit for
leaving had been signed but had been delayed on its
way, and the officer in command could not allow the
vessel to leave till it was received. Another attempt
to get away was soon after made, but the anchor
fouled a rock, and there was again delay; at length,
on the 7th December, they were able to make a
start, discharge their pilot, and bid farewell to the
guard boat which had so constantly kept watch over
them. They were informed that an Englishman,
named Foster, an officer in the Portuguese service,
who had been of great use to them, was imprisoned
for his kind attentions.
On 9th December they met with bad weather and
lost their foretop-gallant mast, but the rough handling
they got was credited with improving the sailing
qualities of the ship, as it took some of the stiffness
out of her upperworks. A meteor was noted on
the 23rd, like a small bright cloud, emitting flames,
travelling rapidly westward, and disappearing slowly
with two sharp explosions. The same day an eclipse
of the sun was observed.
Christmas Day, for which the men had been saving
up their  allowances of   grog, passed  in  the  usual
— 86   1768-1769—PLYMOUTH  TO  OTAHEITE
manner, that is, in considerable over-indulgence.
Banks speculates as to what might have happened if
they had had bad weather, whilst Cook dismisses the
occurrence very shortly: " The people none of the
soberest." On the 27th they crossed the mouth of
the River Plate, the water being very discoloured, and
a good many land insects were found in it. On
2nd January 1769, they saw some of the shoals of
red lobsters like those mentioned by Dampier and
Cowley, but they were not found in such quantities
as those navigators reported.
On the nth the shores of Terra del Fuego were
sighted, and on working in closer, the country was
found to be less desolate in appearance than they had
expected from Anson's description. Arriving off the
entrance of the Straits of Le Maire, between Staten
Island and the mainland, they were driven back by
the tide and a strong adverse wind, and trying to
shelter under Cape Diego they were carried past, and
only after three and a half days' hard work were they
able to get through the straits. Cook has left sailing
directions for this passage which are followed to the
present day. Banks and Solander were ashore for a
short time on Staten Island, and returned delighted
with the addition of some hundred new plants for
their collection. Cook, with an eye to the welfare
of his crew, remarks: "They returned on board,
bringing with them several plants and flowers,
etc., most of them unknown in Europe, and in
that consisted their whole value." Cook and Green
made a series of observations, " the first ever made
so far south in America," and fixed the position of
Cape Diego at 66° W., 540 39 S.; Wharton places it
at 6s° 8' W., 54° 40' S. A SNOWSTORM
On the 15th they anchored in the Bay of Success,
for wood and water, and met with some of the inhabitants, with whom, by means of gifts of beads
and other trifles, they established friendly relations,
and three of them were persuaded to go on board
the ship. Though by no means a small race of
men, they were found to be nothing like the giants
reported by the early navigators in this part of the
world. They had in their possession buttons, glass,
canvas, brown cloth, etc., showing conclusively they
had previously some communication with Europeans.
Their clothing consisted chiefly of skins, roughly
cured, and a plentiful covering of paint and dirt.
The only personal property on which they appeared
to set any store were their bows and arrows, which
were carefully made and always in good order.
Their food appeared to consist of seal and shell-fish ;
their houses, merely shelters of boughs covered with
grass and leaves built to windward of a small fire.
On 16th January, Banks, Solander, Buchan, Green,
Monkhouse, two seamen, and Banks's two coloured
servants, tried to get up the hills to see something
of the surrounding country, but they found their
progress hampered by the dwarf vegetation. To add
to their discomfort a heavy snowstorm came on.
Several of the party experienced that desire to sleep
which is produced by cold, and were warned by
Solander of the danger of giving way to it, yet he
was almost the first one to give in, and was with
great difficulty kept awake. Buchan, most unfortunately, had a fit, so a large fire was made at the first
convenient spot, but a sailor and the two coloured
men lagged behind. During the night the sailor
was heard shouting, and was brought in to the fire, 1768-1769—PLYMOUTH  TO  OTAHEITE
but in the morning the two coloured men were found
frozen to death. Cook attributed their death to overindulgence in spirits, the supply for the party being
left in their charge. Not intending to remain away
the night, supplies ran short, so a vulture was shot
and carefully divided amongst them, each man cooking his own, which amounted to about three mouth-
fuls. At length the weather cleared up and a start
back was made, and after three hours they struck the
beach, only to find they had never been any great
distance away but had been describing a circle
and came back almost to the place whence they
had started. Banks notes the vegetation as more
exuberant than he expected ; the dominant colour of
the flowers, white; and he collected wild celery and
scurvy grass in large quantities, which was mixed
with the food on board ship as long as it could be
preserved in a wholesome condition. Whilst at the
Bay of Success the guns were lowered into the hold
so as to allow more room on deck for working the
ship in the bad weather they expected to encountei
when rounding the Horn.
On 27th January Cape Horn was passed, but
owing to fog and contrary wind they did not
approach very closely, so they were unable to fix
its exact position, but the description they were able
to give of its appearance (there is a sketch of it by
Mr Pickersgill, Master's mate, in the Records Office),
and twenty-four observations taken in the immediate
neighbourhood, settled any doubts they may have
had, and Cook puts it at 550 53' S., 68° 13'W., and
Wharton gives the corrected position as 550 58' S.,
670 16' W. Three days after they reached their
furthest south, according to Cook 6o° 4' S., 740 10 THE BALANCE OF THE  GLOBE     89
W., and the course was then altered to West by
North. The continuous and careful observations of
the state of the sea, and the absence of currents
during the following month, caused Cook to come to
the conclusion that the vast southern continent so
long supposed to exist somewhere in that part of the
globe, and by some people esteemed necessary to preserve its balance, was non-existent. Banks expresses
his pleasure in having upset this theory, and observes:
" Until we know how the globe is fixed in its position, we need not be anxious about its balance."
The weeks following the change of the course to
the north were uneventful, only marked by an occasional success of the naturalists in obtaining a fresh
specimen, some of which were experimented on by
the cook; an albatross, skinned, soaked all night
in salt water, was stewed, served with savoury sauce,
and was preferred to salt pork ; a cuttle-fish of large
size, freshly killed by the birds, and too much
damaged for classification, was made into soup, of
which Banks says : " Only this I know that, of it was
made one of the best soups I ever ate." The water
obtained at Terra del Fuego turned out very good:
a great boon; as one of their great troubles and a
source of great anxiety to Cook was the bad quality
of the water so often obtained.
Towards the end of March a change was noticed
in the kinds of birds flying round the ship, some
being recognised as ones that were known to stay
near land, and consequently a sharp look-out was
kept. On the night of the 24th a tree-trunk was
reported, but when morning came nothing further
was seen. It has since been ascertained they were
then a little to the north of Pitcairn Island, after- 90   1768-1769—PLYMOUTH  TQ  OTAHEITE
wards the home of the mutineers of the BountyI
but Cook did not feel himself at liberty to make
any deviation from his course "to look for what
he was not sure to find," although he thought he
was I not far from those islands discovered by Quiros
in 1606."
On 26th March one of the marines committed
suicide by drowning. It seems he had misappropriated a piece of sealskin, and his fellow-soldiers,
indignant that such a thing should have been done
by one of "the cloth," made his life uncomfortable
and threatened that he should be reported for theft
This was the fifth death since leaving England, and
none by disease.
The 4th April, at 10.30 A.M., Banks's servant,
Peter Briscoe, sighted land, and the course of the
ship was altered to give them a chance of inspecting it It was found to be one of those peculiar
circular reefs surrounding a lagoon, called atolls,
which exist in some quantity in the Pacific. There
was no anchorage, so they made no attempt to
land, but were able to see it was inhabited. Some
twenty - four persons were counted through the
glasses, and were described as copper-coloured, with
black hair; they followed the ship as if prepared
to oppose a landing. The reef was covered with
trees, amongst which the cocoanut palm was conspicuous. Cook gave it the name of "Lagoon
Island 1; it is now known as Vahitahi, and is one
of the Low Archipelago. Being now in Wallis's
track, islands were sighted almost every day, and
almost all appeared inhabited, but owing to the
want of safe anchorage, no communication could
be held with the natives. AT  TAHITI
On 10th April Osnaburg Island was passed, and
next day King George Land was sighted ; but the
wind failed, and they did not get close in till the
12th, when canoes came out to the ship, bringing
branches of trees which were handed up the side,
with signs directing they should be placed conspicuously in the rigging, as a token of friendship
offered and accepted. When this had been done
the natives produced a good supply of trade in
the shape of vegetables and fruit; amongst the last
Banks enumerates bread-fruit, bananas, cocoanuts,
and apples (a species of hog plum). These were
very acceptable and beneficial to the crew after such
a lapse of time without vegetable food except the
wild plants gathered in Terra del Fuego.
At 7 A.M. on the 13th they anchored in the bay
described by Wallis, known as Matavai, in thirteen
fathoms, and Cook says of his route from Cape
Horn, " I endeavoured to make a direct course, and
in part succeeded." CHAPTER VIII
Hardly had the anchor reached the bottom, before
they were surrounded by canoes, whose occupants,
were anxious to sell the supplies of fruits, raw and
cooked fish, and a pig they had brought. The
price asked for the pig was a hatchet, and as these
were scarce, it was not purchased. When all
was made safe, a party went ashore and was well
received by the natives, but those who had previously been there with Wallis reported that those
who were at that time said to be chiefs, were keeping in the background. The next day, however,
two men, evidently of rank, came on board, and
being invited into the cabin, went through a
ceremony described by Banks : " Each singled out
his friend; one took the captain, and the other
chose myself. Each took off a part of his clothes
and dressed his friend with what he took off; in
return for this, we presented them with a hatchet
and some beads." They were then invited by their
new friends to go ashore. On landing they were
escorted to a building and introduced to an old
man they had not seen before, and he presented
Cook with a cock, and Banks with a hen, and
each with a piece of native cloth.    Banks gave in
return for his share, his large laced silk neckcloth
and a linen handkerchief. After this they were
permitted to stroll about, and received many tokens
of amity in the shape of green boughs, and were
then entertained at a banquet, the principal dishes
being fish and bread - fruit. Whilst at dinner,
Solander had his pocket picked of an opera glass,
and Monkhouse lost his snuff-box. As soon as
this was made known, Lycurgus, as they had named
one of their friends, drove off the people, striking
them and throwing anything he could lay his hand
to, at them. He offered pieces of cloth as compensation, and when these were refused, extended
his offer to everything he possessed. He was, at
last, made to understand that all that was wanted
was the return of the stolen articles, and after a
time the snuff-box and the case of the glass were
returned, and, by and by, the glass itself. During
the whole of the stay at the island they had the
greatest difficulties with the natives for stealing,
an accomplishment at which, Cook says, they were
"prodigious expert."
On the whole, their first visit ashore was satisfactory, and was thought to augur well for the observations of the Transit. A site was selected for a camp
on the eastern point of the bay, to which the name
of Point Venus was given, the longitude, according
to Cook, 1490 31' W., and to Wharton, 149° 29' W.
Lines were traced for the boundaries, and Banks's
largest tent was pitched and a guard mounted, and
then the others went for a walk of inspection. They
passed through some woods that Mr Hicks had
been prevented from exploring the day before, and
Banks   had the  luck  to bring   down  three ducks 94
with one shot, a deed thought likely to impress the
natives with respect for the white man's weapon.
On their road back to camp they were alarmed
by a musket shot, and hurrying on, found that one
of the sentries had been pushed down and his
musket stolen, so the midshipman in command had
ordered a shot to be fired at the thief, who was
killed, but the musket was not recovered. All the
natives ran away but one, whom Cook calls Awhaa,
and whom the Master, Mr Molineaux, who had
been out with Wallis, recognised as being a man
of some authority. Through Awhaa an attempt
was made to arrange matters, but the natives were
very shy when the English landed the next day.
However, the two chiefs who had first made friends,
to whom the names of Lycurgus and Hercules
had been given, again came on board, bringing
presents of pigs and bread-fruit; they concluded
as Hercules's present was the larger, he was the
richer and therefore the more important chief. To
lessen the chances of disagreements in trading and
to keep some control of prices, Cook ordered that
only one person should conduct the purchasing for
the ship, and as Banks had shown aptitude in
dealing with the natives, he was appointed. The
natives were to be treated "with every imaginable
On the 16th Mr Buchan, the artist, had another
epileptic fit, which was unfortunately fatal, and he
was buried at sea in order to run no risk of offending against any of the customs or superstitions of
the natives. Cook, in referring to his death, says:
" He will be greatly missed in the course of this
In the afternoon the ship was brought into such
a position as to command the site of the proposed camp, and as there was to be an eclipse of
one of Jupiter's satellites, Cook and Green stayed
ashore to get an observation, but the weather was
The camp was now got into order; the north
and south sides were protected by a bank 4 feet
6 inches high on the inside, having a ditch 10 feet
wide and 6 feet deep on the outside. The west
side, facing the bay, had a 4-foot bank crowned
by a palisade, with no ditch; and the east side,
on the bank of the river, was protected by a double
row of water casks. The armament consisted of
two carriage guns on the weakest or east side,
and six swivel guns, two on each of the other sides.
The garrison was forty-five men, including civilians,
and Cook considered it was practically impregnable.
In the MSS. department of the British Museum is
a pen and ink sketch and plan of the fort, drawn by
Cook, which agrees much better with the description than the engraving of Parkinson's drawing
published in the " History of the Voyage." The
natives were disturbed by these preparations, some
even leaving the bay, but when no dreadful results
occurred, they took courage and returned.
The fort completed, the instruments were landed
and put into the required positions to be prepared
for their work, and the following morning the
quadrant, which had not been removed from the
case in which it was packed in London, was found
to be missing, although a sentry had been stationed
within five yards of it the whole night Enquiries
were made, and it was elicited that the thief had 96 1769—-SOCIETY   ISLANDS
been seen making off with it. Banks, his native
friend, and one or two of the English at once
started, closely followed by Cook and a party of
marines. After a long chase the quadrant was
recovered, but some of the smaller parts were missing. After a time these also were returned in the
case of a horse-pistol which had been stclen from
Banks, and soon after the pistol was recovered, and
they were able to return to camp. On their arrival
they found Cook's friend, Dootahah (Hercules), had
been detained as a hostage, so he was at once
released, to the great delight of the natives, who
had been much alarmed to see the armed party go
into the woods. In order to show his gratitude for
his release Dootahah sent a present of two hogs
to Cook, for which he refused to take any return;
but, afterwards, second thoughts proved best, and
he sent a man to ask for an axe and a shirt, and
to say he was going away, and would not be back
for ten days. As the supplies of vegetables and
fruit in the market had been decreasing in quantity,
it was thought better to refuse the present in hopes
he would apply for it in person, and arrangements
could then be made for a regular market, but he
sent some one else again, and so word was returned
that Cook and Banks would bring it to him the
following day. For fear this promise should be
forgotten, Dootahah again sent his man, and Cook
and Banks started off in the pinnace. On their
arrival they were received by a large crowd, which
was kept in order by a man in an immense turban,
armed with a long white stick, "which he applied
to the people with great judgment and relish." The
party  were   conducted   to a large tree,  and   very SURF RIDING
graciously received by Dootahah, who immediately
asked for his axe, which was given him, together
with a shirt and a piece of broadcloth made into
a boat-cloak. He put on the cloak and gave the
shirt to the man with the stick, and refreshments
were served. They were afterwards entertained with
dancing and wrestling, and then Dootahah accompanied them back to the ship, taking his supplies
for dinner; and when it became known he was on
board, trading was resumed.
A day or two after, Banks received an urgent
message from his friend Taburai (Lycurgus), saying he was very ill. He complained of having been
poisoned by one of the sailors. It seems he had
noticed the sailors chewing, and had asked for a
quid, had bitten off a piece and swallowed it. Banks
prescribed large draughts of cocoanut milk, with
happy results.
Flies were a terrible pest; they got into everything, and ate off the artist's colours almost as fast as
they were laid on. Tar and molasses was tried as a
trap for them, but the natives stole it and used it
as ointment for sores. The surf-riding struck the
visitors with admiration. Swimming out with a
piece of board they would mount it, and come in
on the crests of the waves; and Banks says he does
not believe that any European could have lived
amongst the breakers as they did; he especially
admired the manner they timed the waves and
dived beneath on their way out from shore.
A blacksmith's forge had been set up, and in spare
time the smith would fashion old iron into axes or
repair old axes for the natives; and it was noticed
that some of these old  axes were not of English
make, and it appeared unlikely they were obtained
from the Dolphin. At length it was ascertained
that since Wallis's visit in that vessel, two ships
had anchored off the east coast, and it was concluded from the description given by the natives
of the flags that they were Spanish, but on the
arrival of the Endeavour at Batavia they were able
to identify them as the French ships commanded
by M. de Bougainville, whose crews were suffering
very severely from scurvy at the time.
Paying a visit to Dootahah to see if a supply
of fresh meat, which was running very short, could
be obtained, they were received in a very friendly
manner, but being delayed till it was too late to
return to the ship by daylight, they remained all
night, and as a consequence nearly every one found
they had lost some property; Cook's stockings were
stolen from under his pillow, where he had placed
them for safety. Perhaps as consolation for their
losses they were entertained during the night to a
concert. Three drums and four flutes, the latter
having four holes into one of which the performer
blew with his nostrils, were the orchestra, and Cook's
criticism is hardly complimentary: " The music and
singing were so much of a piece that I was very
glad when it was over." They waited till noon the
next day in hopes of meat and the return of the
stolen articles, but in vain, though Dootahah promised
he would bring all to the ship—" a promise we had
no reason to expect he would fulfil."
The important day of the observation was now
approaching, and everything was in readiness. In
order to diminish the risk of disappointment through
local atmospheric disturbance, Cook sent a party to THE  TRANSIT  OF VENUS
Eimeo (York Island), and a second one to the southeast of Otaheite, as far to the east of Point Venus
as possible. The first party consisted of Lieutenant
Gore, Banks, Sporing, and Monkhouse, and the second
of Lieutenant Hicks, Clerke, Pickersgill, and Saunders,
Mr Green providing the necessary instruments. At
Fort Venus everything was in good working order.
The astronomical clock was set up in the large
tent, being placed in a strong frame made for the
purpose at Greenwich, and was then planted in the
ground as firmly as possible and fenced round to
prevent accidental disturbance. Twelve feet away
the observatory was placed, comprising the telescopes
on their stands, the quadrant securely fixed on the
top of a cask of wet sand firmly set in the ground,
and the journeyman clock. The telescopes used by
Cook and Green were two reflecting ones made by
Mr J. Short W&
"The 3rd of June proved as favourable to our
purposes as we could wish. Not a cloud to be seen
the whole day and the air was perfectly clear, so
that we had every advantage we could desire in
observing the whole passage of the Planet Venus
over the Sun's Disk. We very distinctly saw the
atmosphere or Dusky Shade round the body of the
Planet, which very much disturbed the time of contact, particularly the two internal ones. Dr Solander
observed as well as Mr Green and myself, and we
differ'd from one another in observing the times of
contact much more than could be expected. Mr
Green's telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was greater than
ours. It was nearly calm the whole day, and the
thermometer exposed to the sun about the middle of
the day rose to a degree of heat we have not before
met with." 1769—SOCIETY  ISLANDS
In the report published in the "Philosophical
Transactions" he also refers to the heat:
" Every wished for favourable circumstance attended
the whole of the day, without one single impediment
excepting the heat, which was intolerable j the thermometer which hung by the clock and was exposed
to the sun, as we were, was one time as high as
H9°." I  -.
This report is accompanied by diagrams illustrating
the different contacts and the effects of the penumbra,
which Cook believed was better seen by Solander
than by himself or Green. It was estimated at about
seven-eighths of the diameter of the planet, and was
visible to Cook throughout the whole Transit.
The times taken by Green were:
The first external contact .
„    internal contact   .
second internal contact
external contact
. 9h- 25' 42" A.M.
. 0> 44'    4" A.M.
. 3h- 14'   8" p.m.
.   3h' 22' IO" P.M.
The other two parties were equally successful, and
at times Banks was able to employ himself in trading
with the natives, with whom he soon got on friendly
terms; in fact, he had to decline further purchases
as he had as much as they could take away with
them. He was also successful in his botanical
enquiries, obtaining several plants he had not seen
in Otaheite.
Whilst the observations were being taken some of
the crew broke into the store and stole a quantity
of the large nails that were used as a medium of
trade with the islanders. One man was found with
seven  in his  possession, and  after careful  enquiry
was sentenced to two dozen lashes, which seems to
have been the severest sentence meted out by Cook
during the voyage. The sentence was carried out,
and though it was well known that more than one
was implicated, he refused to name any one else, but
suffered in silence.
The King's Birthday being on 5th June, Cook
entertained several of the chiefs at dinner, and the
health of "Kilnargo" was toasted so many times
by some of them that the result was disastrous.
One of the presents received from a chief was a
dog, which they were informed was good to eat.
After some discussion it was handed to a native
named Tupia, who had made himself very useful, and
afterwards accompanied them on the voyage; and
he having smothered it with his hands, and drawn
it, wrapped it in leaves and baked it in a native
oven. With some hesitation it was tasted, and met
with general approval. Cook says: " Therefore we
resolved for the future never to despise dog flesh";
and in another place he says they put dog's flesh
P next only to English lamb." These dogs were bred
for eating, and lived entirely on vegetable food.
The main object of their stay at Otaheite having
been attained, steps were taken for further prosecution of the voyage; the ship was careened, her
bottom scraped and found free from worm, but the
boats had suffered, particularly the long-boat, which
had to have a new bottom. She had been varnished
only; the other boats, painted with white lead, had
not suffered so much. The stores were overhauled,
and the ship was fitted for sea. Whilst these
preparations were being made, Cook and Banks
made  a  circuit  of the   island   in   the  pinnace   to
examine the coast. Several good anchorages were
found, with from sixteen to twenty-four fathoms and
good holding ground. The south-east portion was
almost cut off from the mainland by a narrow, marshy
isthmus about two miles wide, over which the natives
dragged their canoes with little difficulty. On the
south coast one of the large burying-places was seen;
by far the most extensive one on the island. It is
described as
I a long square of stonework built pyramidically;
its base is 267 feet by Sy feet; at the Top it is
250 feet by 8 feet. It is built in the same manner
as we do steps leading up to a sun-dial or fountain
erected in the middle of a square, where there is
a flite of steps on each side. In this building there
are 11 of such steps; each step is about 4 feet
in height, and the breadth 4 feet 7 inches, but
they decreased both in height and breadth from
the bottom to the Top. On the middle of the Top
stood the image of a Bird carved in wood, near
it lay the broken one of a Fish, carved in stone.
There was no hollow or cavity in the inside, the
whole being filled up with stones. The outside was
faced partly with hewn stones, and partly with others,
and these were placed in such a manner as to look
very agreeable to the eye. Some of the hewn stones
were 4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches, and 15 inches
thick, and had been squared and polished with some
sort of an edge tool. On the east side was, enclosed
with a stone wall, a piece of ground in form of a
square, 360 feet by 354, in this was. growing several
cypress trees and plantains. Round about this Morie
were several smaller ones, all going to decay, and on
the Beach, between them and the sea, lay scattered
up and down, a great quantity of human bones. Not
far from the Great Morie, was 2 or 3 pretty large
altars, where lay the scull bones of some Hogs and AN   EXCURSION   INLAND
Dogs. This monument stands on the south side of
Opooreanoo, upon a low point of land about 100 yds*
from the sea. It appeared to have been built many
years and was in a state of decay, as most of their
Mories are."
They were quite unable to gain information as to
the history of these remains, nor of the religious belief
of the islander, though they appeared to have some
vague notions of a future life.
When the party returned to Point Venus, they
found the refitting nearly complete, but the anchor
stocks all had to be renewed owing to the ravages
of the sea worms, so Banks and Monkhouse made
an excursion up the river on which the. camp was
situated. In about nine miles the precipitous banks
had completely closed them in, and further advance
was blocked by a cliff, at least 100 feet high, over
which the river fell. The natives with them said
they had never been further, so the expedition returned. Charles Darwin, in 1835, made an attempt
to ascend the same river, and though he penetrated
some distance further, he describes the country as
extremely difficult; he saw several places where two
or three determined men could easily hold at bay
many times their own number.
Gardens had been laid out, during their stay, and
European seeds were planted which were very fairly
successful; except some brought out by Cook in
carefully sealed bottles, none of which turned out
Some of the sailors were either enticed away, or
attempted to desert, so Cook seized one or two of the
chiefs as hostages, and the runaways were quickly
returned.    Some of the natives were anxious to go 104 1769—SOCIETY  ISLANDS
away with them, and Banks persuaded Cook to let
him take Tupia, a man supposed to be of priestly
rank, who had proved himself very useful on several
occasions, and he was allowed to take with him a boy
as servant. Cook records, on leaving, that during
the three months' stay they had been on very good
terms with the natives, and the few misunderstandings that did occur rose either from the difficulty
of explaining matters to each other, or else from the
inveterate habits of theft on the part of the natives
—iron in any shape being simply irresistible.
On 13th July the Endeavour sailed for Huaheine,
anchoring inside the reef on the north-west, on the
17th. Banks, Solander, Monkhouse, and Tupia at
once accompanied Cook ashore, where a ceremony,
presumed to be a sort of treaty of peace, was gone
through, and then they were permitted to go where
they liked.    Of this ceremonial Cook says :
" It further appear'd that the things which Tupia
gave away, was for the God of this people, as they
gave us a hog and some cocoanuts for our God,
and thus they have certainly drawn us in to commit
sacrilege, for the Hog hath already received sentence
of Death and is to be dissected to-morrow."
A market was organised by Monkhouse, and as
soon as the natives understood that the stay of the
ship would be very short, they managed to produce
a fairly good supply of fruits and vegetables. The
people were found to be rather lighter complexioned,
and certainly not so addicted to thieving as the Ota-
heitans. As a memorial of the visit, Cook gave the
chief a plate with the inscription, " His Britannick
Majesty's Ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, Commander, 16th July, 1769, Huaheine."    He also added A CAREFUL PILOT
"some medals, or counters of the English coins,
struck in 1761, and other presents," and the recipient
promised he would never part with them. From this
place they went on to Ulietea (Raiatea), landing on
the 21 st; and after another ceremonial the English
"Jack" was hoisted, and possession taken of the
whole group in the name of King George. Tupia
proved himself an excellent pilot, with great knowledge of the localities, and, having sent down a diver
at Huaheine to ascertain the exact draught of the
ship, he was very careful she never went into less than
five fathoms of water. He had evidently had great
experience in navigating these seas in canoes, boats
of whose construction and sailing qualities Cook
speaks in the highest terms. Banks at this time
remarks, "we have now seen 17 islands in these seas,
and have landed on five of the most important; the
language, manners and customs agreed most exactly/
Detained by adverse wind off Ataha, and finding
the water coming badly into the fore sail-room and
powder-room, Cook put into the west side to repair
and take in ballast, as the ship was getting too light
to carry sail on a wind. He took the opportunity
to survey to the north with Banks and Solander.
Putting into one place, they were well received and
entertained with music and dancing, and Cook's
verdict was that " neither their Musick or Dancing
were at all calculated to please a European." A sort
of farce was also acted, but they could make nothing
of it, except that it " shewed that these people have
a notion of Dramatick Performances."
During the whole stay in the Society Group they
had been very well off for fresh food, consequently
their sea stores had been little called on. 1769—SOCIETY   ISLANDS
Jarvis, in his " History of the Hawaiian or
Sandwich Islands," says that with Cook "a silence
in regard to the maritime efforts of his predecessors
is observable throughout his Journals"; and as a
proof that he traded on the knowledge of others,
he remarks that at Otaheite he made enquiries if
there were any islands to the north; and afterwards
evinced no surprise when he discovered them. Now
Cook in his Journals constantly shows that he compares his knowledge with that of others, and often
regrets he has not further records to consult. As for
his enquiries, he would have been grossly neglecting
his duty had he not made them, for it was only a
common-sense method of precedure, which evidently
Mr Jarvis could not understand. The result of these
enquiries can be seen in the British Museum in the
shape of a map drawn by Cook from information
given by Tupia. On it are some sentences in the
Qtaheitan language. CHAPTER IX
1769-1770—NEW   ZEALAND
LEAVING the Society Islands on 9th August, they
were off Ohetiroa (Rurutu), in the Central Group,
on the 14th, but the natives were unfriendly, and
they did not land. A canoe came out to meet the
pinnace which had been sent to obtain information.
The occupants on being presented with gifts, tried
to steal the lot and were fired over, but by some
mischance one of the natives was slightly wounded
in the head, whereupon they hurriedly retreated, and
further attempts at communication were abandoned.
From this place the course was laid to the south to
strike the much-talked-of Southern Continent The
weather rapidly got colder, and the pigs and fowls
began to sicken and die. On 26th August they
celebrated the anniversary of leaving England by
cutting a Cheshire cheese and tapping a cask of
porter, which proved excellent.
On the 28th an unfortunate death occurred; the
boatswain's mate, John Reading, was given some
rum by his chief, and it is supposed drunk it off at
once, for he was shortly afterwards found to be very
drunk, and was taken to his berth, but next morning
was past recovery.
On  2nd September,  in  latitude 400  22'  S., the
107 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
weather was very bad, and " having not the least
visible signs of land," Cook again turned northwards,
in order to get better weather and then to push west.
The continuous swell convinced him there was no
large body of land to the south for many leagues.
Towards the end of September frequent signs were
noted of being near land, floating seaweed, wood, the
difference in the birds, etc., so a gallon of rum was
offered to the first to sight land, and on 7th October
the North Island of New Zealand, never before
approached from the east by Europeans, was seen
by a boy named Nicholas Young, the servant of Mr
Perry, surgeon's mate. The boy's name is omitted
from the early muster sheets of the ship, but appears
on 18th April 1769, entered as A.B. in the place
of Peter Flower, drowned. Cook named the point
seen, the south-west point of Poverty Bay, " Young
Nick's Head."
Tasman had discovered the west coast in 1642,
and had given it the name of Staten Land, but he
never set foot on shore. He was driven away by
the natives, who killed four of his men, and naming
the place Massacre (now Golden) Bay, he sailed
along the north-west coast, giving the headlands
the names they still bear. Dalrymple held that this
land discovered by Tasman was the west coast of the
looked-for Terra Australis Incognita, and his theory
was now shattered.
Nearing the coast a bay was discovered into which
the ship sailed, and let go her anchor near the mouth
of a small river, not far from where the town of
Guisborne now stands. Plenty of smoke was seen,
showing the country was inhabited, and the pinnace
and yawl were manned and armed, and Cook landed LAND   IN  NEW  ZEALAND
on the east side of the river.    Some natives were
seen on the other side, and, to try to open communications, the yawl, pulled by four boys, entered the
river, whilst Cook followed up the natives, who had
retreated towards some huts about 300 yards away.
Some Maoris, thinking the boys would be an easy
prey, tried to steal on the yawl, but the coxswain
of the pinnace observing them called the boat back.
One of the Maoris raised his  spear to throw, and
the coxswain fired over his head, causing a moment's
pause of surprise;  but, seeing nothing further, he
again prepared to throw his spear, so the coxswain
shot him, and his friends retreated at once, leaving
the body behind.    Cook at once ordered, a return to
the ship, as it was now getting dark.
The next morning, seeing some men near the same
place, Cook again landed with Banks, Solander, and
an armed party; and Solander went forward to the
brink of the river to try and speak with the natives,
but was received with a threatening waving of spears
and a war dance.    Cook retired to the boats, and
landing the  marines, again  advanced  with  Green,
Monkhouse, and  Tupia.     The latter spoke to the
natives ; and, to the great delight of the party, found
he could make himself understood.     After a little
parley an unarmed native swam across the river, and
was then followed by twenty or thirty more with
their arms.    Presents were given, but they seemed
dissatisfied,  and  wanted  arms.     At last one  stole
Green's hanger, and  they  all became  very aggressive   and   insolent,  whilst   more   were  seen   to   be
preparing to cross;  so Cook, thinking the position
was   getting   too   serious,   ordered    the    one   who
had taken the hanger, and who was apparently the ■»■
iio 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
leader, to be shot, whereon the rest beat a hasty
The next day the boats tried to find another
landing-place, but the surf was too heavy; and when
two canoes were seen coming in from the sea, Cook
determined to intercept them and try to come to
friendly terms. However, they would not stop when
called on, and on a musket being fired over them,
the occupants seized their weapons and fiercely
attacked the nearest boat, its crew being compelled
to fire in self-defence, and Cook says two natives
were killed. Banks gives the number as four, and
the Maori account agrees with him. Three jumped
overboard to swim ashore, but were picked up by the
boats and taken on board ship. They were at first
very depressed, but soon recovered their spirits on
finding themselves well treated, and after eating and
drinking enormously, entertained the crew with songs
and dances. Cook deeply regretted this incident,
and candidly confesses that he was not justified in
trying to seize the canoes, but having once committed himself, he was obliged for his own safety to
go to the bitter end. Banks says the day is "the
most disagreeable my life has yet seen ; black be
the mark for it, and heaven send that such may
never return to embitter future reflection."
The next day a party landed to cut wood, and was
accompanied by the three captives, whom they tried
to persuade to join their friends. The suggestion
was declined, as they professed to be afraid of being
eaten, and after a time went and hid in some
bushes. Cook, noticing several parties of armed
natives advancing in a threatening manner, retired
his woodcutters across the river,    About 150 to 200 NATIVE  ACCOUNT
Maoris gathered on the opposite bank. Tupia was
put forward to parley, and some presents were shown,
and at length one man came over who received a
present from each of the British and then rejoined
his friends. Cook then returned to the ship, taking
with him the three youths, who still seemed afraid of
their own countrymen. They were again landed the
next morning as the ship was about to sail, and
though they still professed to be frightened, were
soon seen walking away in friendly converse with
some who had come to meet them.
Mr Polack, a New Zealand resident, gives an
account in his " New Zealand," which he gathered
from the children of natives who were. present at
the landing of Cook. The tribe then living in the
neighbourhood were recent arrivals, their leader
being Te Ratu—-the first man killed by the English.
The natives were anxious to avenge him, but were
afraid of the "thunderbolts which killed at a long
distance," some indeed went so far as to say they
felt ill if an Englishman looked at them. The idea
of revenge was only ended on the vessel leaving.
Mr Polack's chief witness was the son of a man who
was wounded by a ball in the shoulder, but survived
his wound till within a year or two of 1836, the time
the information was obtained. Before the ship left,
a sort of peace was patched up by means of presents,
and the dead bodies which had been left where they
fell, apparently as a protest, were removed.
Cook describes the country as a narrow slip of
low sand, backed by well-wooded hills, rising in the
interior into high mountains, on which patches of
snow could be seen. That it was fairly populated
was evident from the smoke rising through the trees.
mmmmmmm 1769-1770— NEW  ZEALAND
more especially in the valleys leading into Poverty
Bay as he named it, because they were unable to get
anything but a small quantity of wood.
At Hawke's Bay, whilst trading was going on, a
large war canoe came up, and the occupants received
some presents. Cook noticed a man wearing a cloak
of some black skin, and offered a piece of red cloth
for it. The owner took it off, but would not part
with it till he received the cloth, and then his boat
was pushed off from the ship, and Cook lost both
his cloak and his cloth. Soon after a determined
attempt was made to steal Tupia's boy, Tayeto, who
was handing some things down to a canoe; the
Maoris had to be fired on, and in the consequent
confusion the boy jumped into the water and swam
to the ship. The point off which this occurred was
named Cape Kidnapper. As there was no appearance of a harbour, Cook altered his course to the
north at Cape Turnagain, 400 34' S., to see if he
could not do better in the other direction.
All the canoes seen along this coast were well
made, far in advance of anything they had seen
before, and the grotesque carving and ornamental
work was admirably executed. The dresses worn
were usually two cloak-shaped garments, one worn
round the shoulders, the other round the loins, and
were made of a substance like hemp, some being
very fine. Banks had purchased something like
them at Rio de Janeiro, for which he gave thirty-six
shillings, thinking it cheap, but these were as fine, if
not finer, in texture. Dogs, which were used as food,
and rats were the only quadrupeds seen. Whilst
Banks and Solander were collecting, they discovered
a large natural arch, which the former describes as COOK'S  WASHING STOLEN 113
the most magnificent surprise he had ever met
with. It was sketched by Parkinson, and is engraved in the " History." Cook also made a
pen - and - ink sketch of it, which is in the British
On 31st October they rounded East Cape, and
following the coast, which trended more to the west,
they saw a great number of villages and patches of
cultivation, some of the last looking as if freshly
ploughed. The whole aspect of the country was
changing for the better, but the inhabitants did not
seem more peaceably inclined. Five canoes came
out to the ship fully armed, and apparently bent on
mischief. Cook was very busy, and did not want
them on board, so to keep them off ordered a
musket to be fired over them ; but as it only caused
them to stop for a moment, a round shot was sent
over them, and they hurriedly turned tail. The place
was given the name Cape Runaway. White Island
was named, but it must have been quiescent as there
is no note of its being a volcano. As they sailed
along the coast they met with canoes from which
fish, lobsters, and mussels were purchased, and trading
seemed well established, when one gentleman took
a fancy to Cook's sheets, which were trailing overboard (they were in the wash), and refused to give
them up. Muskets were fired over them and they
fled, and Cook lost his sheets. From near White
Island, Mount Edgecombe was seen, named after the
sergeant of marines. It is a high round mountain,
and forms a conspicuous landmark on both sides of
the North Island. During this day they had noticed
several small villages perched on difficult eminences
and surrounded by palisades, which Tupia declared
H. ii4 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
were   " Mories   or   places   of   worship,"   but,   says
" I rather think they are places of retreat or strongholds"; where they defend themselves against the
attack of an enemy, as some of them seem'd not ill
design'd for that purpose."
British soldiers have since discovered that a Maori
Pah is I not ill design'd for that purpose." Cook
most unfortunately missed the Harbour of Tauranga,
the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland
and Wellington for ships of any size.
In what is now known as Cook's Bay, they managed
to induce the natives to trade, and purchased crayfish, over which Parkinson waxes enthusiastic, and
" Mackerel 1 as good as ever was eat," the latter in
such large quantities that they were able to salt a
considerable number, thus saving their sea stores.
After an observation of a transit of Mercury, in
which they were not very successful (Wharton thinks
they were taken by surprise, the transit occurring
somewhat earlier than expected ; Green says : "Unfortunately for the seamen, their look-out was on
the wrong side of the sun. The end was likewise
as grossly mistaken"), they returned to the ship
and found that there had been a difficulty with the
natives, who had assumed a very threatening manner,
and one attempted to run off with a piece of calico
which was at the time a subject of barter. Mr Gore
seized a musket and fired, killing his man. Colonel
Mundy, in j Our Antipodes," says he saw a man
named Taniwha, in 1848, who remembered Cook's
visit, and imitated his walk, with the peculiar manner
he had of waving his right hand, and also told of the
kindly way Cook had with the children.    Taniwha NATIVE  ACCOUNT
told Mundy that after the man was shot, the Maoris
landed, consulted over the body, and decided that as
the corpse " commenced the quarrel by the theft of
the calico, his death should not be revenged, but that
he should be buried in the cloth which he had paid
for with his life." Colonel Wynyard took down the
same story from Taniwha's lips in 1852, when he was
supposed to be about ninety-three, and says : " His
faculties were little impaired, and his great age perceptible more from a stoop and grey hairs than any
other infirmity." Cook expressed very strong disapproval of Mr Gore's conduct.
Next day Cook and Banks explored a river that
entered near where they were anchored, the east side
of which was very barren, but the west was much
better, no signs of cultivation showing on either.
Wild fowl were plentiful, and oysters, " as good as
ever came from Colchester," and of about the same
size, says Banks, were taken on board in large
"laid down under the booms, and employed the
ship's company very well, who, I sincerely believe,
did nothing but eat them from the time they came
on board till night, by which time a large part were
expended. But this gave us no kind of uneasiness,
since we well knew that not the boat only, but the
ship might be loaded in one tide almost, as they are
dry at half ebb." Jj     1
Cook thinks the inhabitants lived on fish, and
shell-fish, with fern roots for bread, for very large
heaps of shells were found, but no signs of
A fortified village was visited, the inhabitants good-
naturedly conducting them  all  over, and  showing 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
whatever they expressed a wish to see. It was
built on a high promontory, whose sides were in
some places quite inaccessible, in others very difficult, except where it faced the narrow edge of the
hill. Here it was defended by a double ditch
and bank, with two rows of pickets, the inner row
being on the bank, leaving standing-room for the
defenders. The inner ditch was 24 feet from bottom
to top of the bank. A stage about 30 feet high,
40 feet long, and 6 feet wide, was erected inside the
fence, with a second, a few paces from it, placed at
right angles; from these the garrison were able to
throw their spears and stones on to the heads of their
enemies. The whole village was surrounded by a
strong picket fence, running close to the edge of the
hill. The entire surface of the top of the hill was cut
up into small squares, each surrounded by its own
fence, and communicating by narrow lanes, with little
gateways, so that if the outer defences were forced
each square could be defended in turn. Cook
" I look upon it to be a very strong and well choose
Post, and where a small number of resolute men
might defend themselves a long time against a vast
superior force, armed in the manner as these people
He noticed, with quick eye, the great failing in
these native fortresses, that is, the want of storage
for water. In these Maori villages it was remarked
that sanitary arrangements were provided, such as,
says Beckmann in his " History of Inventions," did
not exist in the palace of the King of Spain at that
Large quantities of iron sand were noted here, but
the use was quite unknown to the natives, who were
indifferent to the iron tools or spikes which had
hitherto been such a valuable medium of exchange
elsewhere. A large supply of wild celery and a
fresh boat-load of oysters were put on board ; a tree
was marked with the name of the ship, the date,
and one or two other particulars, the flag was hoisted,
saluted, and possession taken of the country, and the
ship sailed again on her journey.
Running closely along the coast, they hauled round
Cape Colville into " the Entrance of a Straight, Bay
or River," and anchored for the night, and in the
morning they stood on along the east side. Canoes
came off, and from the behaviour of the occupants,
some of whom came on board at the first invitation,
it was judged that favourable accounts had been heard
of the ship. After running about 5 leagues the water
shoaled to about 6 fathoms, and the ship anchored,
and boats were sent out to sound. No great increase
of depth being found, the pinnace and long-boat went
up a river about 9 miles away, and on account of a
fancied resemblance named it the Thames. They
landed at a village near the mouth, being well received,
but desiring to take advantage of the flood-tide which
ran " as strong as it does in the River Thames below
bridge," they made no stay ; they went up about
14 miles, and then, finding little alteration in the
appearance of the country, landed to inspect some
large trees of a kind they had previously noticed.
One was carefully measured, and was found to be
19 feet 6 inches girth at 6 feet from the ground, and,
by means of Cook's quadrant, 89 feet to the lowest
branch.    It was perfectly straight, and tapered very 1769-1770—NEW ZEALAND
slightly, and some were seen that were even larger.
This was the Black Pine; to the Maoris, Matoi,
and to the naturalist, Podocarpus.
On the way down the river their friends of the
morning came out and " traffick'd with us in the
most friendly manner imaginable, until they had
disposed of the few trifles they had." When the
boats got outside they had to anchor, as a strong
tide and breeze were against them, and they did
not reach the ship till next morning, when the
breeze had increased to a gale, and topgallant
yards had to be struck. When the wind dropped,
what was left was against them, and the Endeavour
would only go with the tide, so Cook took a run
ashore to the west side of the bay, but saw nothing
of interest, and concluded it was but sparsely inhabited. Whilst he was away natives went off to
trade and behaved remarkably well, with the exception of one man who was caught making off with
the half-hour glass, so Mr Hicks had him triced
up,.and he was given a dozen lashes. When it was
explained to his friends why this was done, they
expressed their approval, and on his release an
old man gave him another thrashing.
The weather now became very unsettled, and they
were not able to keep as near the coast as they
desired, but on 26th November some cultivated spots
were seen, and several canoes came off.
" Some of the natives ventur'd on board ; to two,
who appear'd to be chiefs, I gave presents. After
these were gone out of the ship, the others became
so Troublesome that in order to get rid of them, we
were at the expense of two or three Musquet Balls
and one 4-pound shott, but as no harm was intended A STAMPEDE
them, none they received, unless they happened to
overheat themselves in pulling ashore."
To the west side of Cape Brett is a deep bay
which was seen but not named, and here the town of
Russell is now established, said to possess one of the
finest harbours in the world, into which vessels of
any draught can enter in all weathers and at any
state of the tide. The natives were found difficult
to deal with, and " would cheat whenever they had
an opportunity." The ship left its anchorage, but
was after a time driven back again, and Cook, with
a party, took the opportunity to land. They were
followed up by the Maoris, and were soon surrounded by about two hundred of them, some of
whom tried to seize the boats, but being driven off
tried to break in on the party. Several charges of
small shot, which did no serious damage, were fired
into them, and then the ship fired a 4-pounder over
them, which caused a stampede, and during the rest of
the stay there was no further trouble, but Cook had to
punish three of his own men for stealing potatoes
from one of the plantations. He invariably tried
to hold the balance fairly between his men and the
The country is described as very similar to that
seen before, but the number of inhabitants was
greater, and though apparently not under the same
chiefs, they were on good terms with each other,
and inclined to be civil to their visitors. A good
deal of the ground was under cultivation, producing
good sweet-potatoes. A few trees of the paper-
mulberry were seen, from which the natives made
a cloth in a similar manner to the Otaheitans, but 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
the quantity was so small that it was only used for
ornament. Tupia, who had been instructed to gain
as much information about the people as he could,
was informed that some of their ancestors once went
off in large canoes and discovered a country to the
north-west after a passage of about a month, only a
small number returning. These reported they had
been to a place where the people ate hogs, using
the same word for the animal as the Otaheitans,
Tupia asked if they had any in New Zealand, and
the reply was " no." He asked if their ancestors
brought any back, again the answer was " no";
whereon he told them their story must be a lie, for
their ancestors could never have been such fools as
to come back without some. The land said to have
been discovered may have been New Caledonia.
One of the men who had been wounded at the first
coming of the ship was seen by Banks. A ball had
gone through his arm and grazed his chest. He did
not seem to have any pain, and the wound though
exposed to the air, was perfectly healthy, and he
was greatly pleased to receive a musket ball like
the one which had wounded him.
When leaving the bay they nearly grounded, being
set by the current towards a small island, but the
boats towed them clear. Very soon after they struck
on an unseen rock, which was named Whale Rock,
but almost immediately got clear, with no "perceptible damage," into twenty fathoms.
Progress was now very slow, owing either to want
of, or adverse wind. On 10th December they discovered two bays separated by a low neck of land,
Knuckle Point; one bay was named Doubtless Bay
and the other Sandy Bay; the country is described as BLOWN  OFF THE  LAND
nothing but irregular white sandhills, and Cook concluded from its appearance that the island was here
very narrow and exposed to the open sea on the
west. This he soon proved to be correct. Foster, in
his account of the Second Voyage, says that when the
Endeavour was passing Doubtless Bay, M. de Surville
was anchored under the land, in the Saint fean Baptiste,
and saw Cook's ship, though himself unseen. In the
account of De Surville's voyage, published by the
Academie Frangaise, it is stated that New Zealand
was not sighted till 12th December 1769, and owing
to bad weather no anchorage was gained till 17th.
No mention whatever is made of the Endeavour being
sighted, and M. l'Abbe Rochon, the editor, thinks it
most probable that neither navigator knew anything
of the movements of the other. De Surville mentions
having lost anchors in a place he calls Double Bay,
during a storm "about 22nd December," and it may
possibly have been the one Cook encountered on the
28th off the north end of the island. They were
blown out of sight of land on the 13th, the main topsail being split, and next day both fore and mizzen
topsails were lost, but they managed to bring up
under shelter of a small island off Knuckle Point.
On the 15th the latitude was found to be 340 6' S.,
with land visible to the south-west, and a large swell
was coming from the west, so Cook concluded this
was the most northerly point of the island, and named
it North Cape.
After beating about for some days against westerly
winds, they ran up north, returning southwards 23rd
December, and the following day sighted land to
the south-east, which proved to be Tasman's " Three
Kings."    Here Banks provided the Christmas dinner,
r*-* 1769-1770—NEW ZEALAND
shooting several solan geese, which were made into a
pie, and were " eaten with great approbation ; and in
the evening all hands were as drunk as our forefathers
used to be upon like occasions."
On the 27th, when about thirty leagues west of
North Cape, and about the same latitude as the
Bay of Islands, no land in sight, the wind rose so
that they had to bring to, under the mainsail, but
moderated a little the next day so that they could
run in towards the land. Again it freshened up
and blew a perfect hurricane, accompanied by heavy
rain, and a " prodidgeous high sea," which caused the
ship to go greatly to leeward. On the 30th, Cape
Maria van Diemen was seen about six leagues off,
the land extending east and south. On the last day
of the year their position was given as " 340 42' S.,
Cape Maria van Diemen N.E. by N. about 5 leagues."
Cook says:
I cannot help thinking but what it will appear a
little strange that, at this season of the year, we
should be three weeks in getting fifty leagues, for
so long is it since we pass'd Cape Brett; but it will
hardly be credited that in the midst of summer and in
the latitude of 350 S. such a gale of wind as we have
had could have hapned, which for its strength and
continuance was such as I hardly was ever in before.
Fortunately at this time we were a good distance
from land, otherwise it would have proved fatal
to us."
On 2nd January 1770 Cook fixed the position
of Cape Maria van Diemen, giving it as 340 30'
S., 1870 18' W. of Greenwich. Admiral Wharton
remarks that this is extraordinarily correct, seeing
that  the  ship  was  never close   to  the  Cape,  and VEGETABLE  SHEEP
the observations were all taken in very bad weather.
The latitude is exact, and the longitude only three
miles out He missed seeing Kaipara Harbour, one
of the few good ones on the west coast, and describes
the land as having a most desolate and inhospitable
appearance, nothing but sandhills with hardly a sign
of vegetation on them, and says: " If we was once clear
of it, I am determined not to come so near again if I
can avoid it, unless we have a very favourable wind
indeed." On the nth, a high mountain, its summit
covered with snow, was seen, and named Mount
Egmont; Wharton gives its height as 8,300 feet,
and describes it as a magnificent conical mountain
surrounded on three sides by the sea. Banks notes
on the sides of the hill "many white lumps in
companies which bore much resemblance to flocks
of sheep." These were a peculiar plant, Raoulia
mammillaris (Hooker), known in New Zealand as
I vegetable sheep." Fires were seen, the first sign of
inhabitants on the west coast.
On the 14th, thinking he was in the entrance of a
large bay, Cook ran in under the southern coast, and
finding it broken into promising looking bays, determined to run into one and careen the ship, as she
was very foul; it is now called Ship Cove, in Queen
Charlotte's Sound. Here they were at once visited
by canoes, whose fully armed occupants commenced
acquaintance by "heaving a few stones against the
ship." Tupia opened a conversation, and a few
ventured on board, but did not make a long stay.
Cook then landed to look for water, and soon found
an excellent supply, and " as to wood the land is here
an entire forest" Whilst he was away, the crew got
out the nets, and caught about 300 lbs. of fish.   Some 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
natives also came off with fish, and though it was not
good, Cook ordered it to be bought, in order to open
up trade with them. However, they soon found these
people were inclined to be quarrelsome and threatening, and as the ship was in an awkward position, being
already hove down for cleaning, a charge of small shot
was fired at the worst offender, which quickly taught
them to behave better in future.
They had long suspected the natives were addicted
to cannibalism, and now they proved it, as they
purchased the bone of a forearm of a man, from
which the flesh had been recently picked, and were
given to understand that a few days before a strange
canoe had arrived, and its occupants had been killed
and eaten. They only ate their enemies, but held all
strangers to be such. The place where the ship was
careened was, according to Wharton, about 70 miles
from Massacre Bay, where Tasman's men were killed,
and Cook endeavoured to find out if there were any
traditions of visits from ships to the neighbourhood,
but could gain no information. The natives became
friendly as time went on, and brought good fish which
they sold for nails, cloth, paper (a great favourite at
first, but when they found it would not stand water,
worthless), and Cook says: " In this Traffic they
never once attempted to defraud us of any one thing,
but dealt as fair as people could do."
The surrounding country was too thickly timbered
for them to see much, but one day, being out in a
boat trying to find the end of the inlet, Cook took
the opportunity of climbing a thickly timbered hill,
and from there saw, far away to the eastward, that
the seas which washed both west and eastern coasts
were united, and that one part of New Zealand, at any A MORE SENSIBLE  PEOPLE
rate, was an island, and he had thus solved one of the
problems he had given him in England. They also
saw that much of their immediate neighbourhood
was not mainland as they had thought, but consisted
of a number of small islands.
The population of the district was estimated at
only some three or four hundred, and appeared to
subsist on fish and fern roots. They were evidently
poorer than those seen previously, and their canoes
are described as "mean and almost without ornament."
They soon understood the value of iron, and readily
took spike nails when trading, and greatly preferred
1 Kersey and Broadcloth to the Otaheite cloth, which
shew'd them to be a more sensible people than many
of their neighbours," says Cook.
An old man, who had previously paid several
visits, complained that one of the ship's boats had
fired on and wounded two Maoris, one of whom
was since dead. On enquiry, Cook found that the
Master and five petty officers, fishing beyond the
usual limits, were approached by two canoes in what
they thought was a threatening manner and had
fired to keep them off. A second native assured
Cook no death had occurred, and enquiry failed to
discover one; but Cook very severely condemned
the action of his men as totally unjustifiable. The
ship had, by this time, been brought into fairly good
trim, being clean, freshly caulked and tarred, and
broken ironwork all repaired, so preparations were
made to push through the straits ; but, before leaving,
two posts were set up, one near the watering place,
and the other on the island, Motuara, on which the
name of the ship and the date of the visit had been
cut, and possession was taken of this land, the king's 1769-177°—NEW  ZEALAND
health being drunk, and the empty bottle presented
to the old man who had complained about the shooting, and who was greatly delighted with his present;
he also was given some silver threepenny pieces,
dated 1763, and spike nails marked with the broad
On getting out into the strait a very strong current
nearly drove them on to a small island, the anchor
would not hold, and only a change in the current,
probably caused by the tide, saved them. The
southern point of the North Island was named
" Cape Pallisser, in honour of my worthy friend,
Captain Pallisser," and the north point of the South
Island was called " Cape Campbell," after Captain
John Campbell, F.R.S., who had been one of Cook's
strongest supporters as Observer for the Royal
When through the straits Cook was turning south,
but finding some of his people were not quite satisfied as to the part they had passed being an island,
he took a northerly course till Cape Turnagain was
recognised, when he at once went about for the
south.    Banks says:
" At this time there were two parties on board,
one who wished that the land in sight might, and
the others that it might not, prove to be a continent.
I myself have always been most firm in the former
wish, though sorry I am to say that my party is so
small that there are none heartily of it than myself,
and one poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh for
roast beef."
The east coast was followed down to Banks
Peninsula, which was at first thought might be an
island, and is marked by dotted lines as doubtful THE  TRAPS
in Cook's chart,  when   Gore  thought  he  had  seen
land to the east, and Cook, though convinced it was
a mistake, ran out to make sure.    On returning the
winds proved contrary, and their progress was very
slow, but they several times succeeded in running close
in to the land, and from what they could see concluded it was very barren, with high ranges in the
interior and with very few evidences of inhabitants.
A favourable  breeze  springing up from the north,
they tried to make the  most  of it,  "and  by  that
means carried away the  main topgallant mast and
fore topmast steering-sail boom, but these were soon
replaced by others."    A high bluff was named after
Admiral    Saunders,  and   near  were   several   bays,
" wherein there appear'd to be anchorage and shelter
from  S.W.,  Westerly, and  N.W.  winds."     One  of
these is now Otago Harbour, the port of Dunedin.
On 26th February it blew hard from west-southwest, so they stood southward.    They lost the foresail, and then the wind moderated, only to come on
with increased fury about daylight, when their main
topsail went.    The storm continued for forty-eight
hours, and half that time they lay to, heading south.
After being lost for seven days the land was again
sighted near Cape Saunders, and at night a large
fire  was   seen   on   shore.    On   6th   March,   being
satisfied that he had passed the south point of the
island, Cook  altered  his  course  to  the west, and
nearly ran   on  some  partially  submerged  rocks  a
few miles to the south - east of Stewart Island, to
which he gave the suggestive  name  of the Traps.
They were again blown off, but picked up the land
again at the western end of Foveaux Straits.   Again
they had to run off, returning to near Dusky Bay, 128 1769-1770—NEW  ZEALAND
which he wished to enter as he thought it looked
a likely harbour, but the difficulty of getting out
again and consequent waste of time prevented him.
Off Cape Foulwind—suggestive name—they were
again blown out to sea, but soon recovered their
position, and Cook describes the land:
1 No country upon earth can appear with a more
rugged and barren aspect than this does from the
sea, for as far inland as the eye can reach nothing
is to be seen but the summits of these rocky
mountains, which seem to lay so near one another
as not to admit any vallies between them."
On the 24th they rounded the north point of the
South Island, and on the 27th Cook writes: " As we
have now circumnavigated the whole of this country
it is time for me to think of quitting it." He had
thus carried out to the fullest extent the instructions
to determine the situation and nature of the land
seen by Tasman in 1642, and had done it in the
most conclusive manner possible—by sailing round
it—and thus upset Mr Dalrymple's favourite theory
that it formed part of a continent.
In Admiralty Bay, which he entered to refit for
the homeward voyage, the sails were found to
require a thorough overhaul, for, as Banks says, they
" were ill-provided from the first, and were now worn
and damaged by the rough work they had gone
through, particularly on the New Zealand coast,
and they gave no little trouble to get into order
The two points forming the bay were appropriately named after the Secretaries of the Admiralty,
Stephens and Jackson. A DULL SAILOR
The opinion was expressed that European fruits,
grain, etc., would grow well in New Zealand, and an
agricultural population would be successful. Timber
of excellent quality was plentiful, and it was believed
that New Zealand flax promised to be of considerable commercial value. Fish was found in great
quantities, the lobsters and oysters being specially
remarkable for quality and quantity. No quadrupeds
except dogs and rats were seen, and birds did not
seem very plentiful. The minerals, in Cook's opinion,
did not appear of much value, but he admitted that
he was not an authority on the subject. Banks notes
the southern islanders appeared to be an inferior race
to those of the north, the latter probably more closely
allied to the Otaheitan type; many of their customs
were similar, and their language practically identical.
Tupia had no difficulty in making himself understood.
It would seem that even at this time founding a
colony in the southern hemisphere had been under
discussion, for Cook says that if a settlement were
decided on in New Zealand, he would recommend
the Estuary of the Thames and the Bay of Islands
as most suitable for the purpose.
Speaking of his chart of New Zealand, Cook points
out frankly the places where he thinks he may have
fallen into error, and gives his reasons for so thinking,
and the opinions of others are worth recording.
Admiral Wharton says:
I Never has a coast been as well laid down by a
first explorer, and it must have required unceasing
vigilance and continual observation in fair weather
and foul, to arrive at such a satisfactory conclusion,
and with such a dull sailor as the Endeavour was,
the six and  a half months occupied in the work S
1769-1770—NEW ZEALAND
(2,400 miles of coast) must be counted as a short
interval in which to do it"
M. Crozet, second to M. Marion du Fresne in
command of the French expedition that was out
in the following year, says:
I As soon as I obtained information of the voyage
of Cook, I carefully compared the chart I had prepared of that part of the coast of New Zealand
along which we had coasted, with that prepared
by Captain Cook and his officers. I found it of an
exactitude and of a thoroughness of detail which
astonished me beyond all power of expression. I
doubt whether our own coasts of France have been
delineated with more precision. I think therefore
that I cannot do better than to lay down our track
of New Zealand on the chart prepared by the
celebrated English navigator." CHAPTER X
The next thing to be done was to decide the course
to be taken towards England. Cook would have
liked to have returned by the Horn and thus settle
the existence or non-existence of a large body of
land in the South Pacific, but the time of year and
the condition of his ship suggested that would be
to court disaster. The same reasons held good
against a direct course to the Cape of Good Hope,
with the added disadvantage of there being no
probability of any fresh discoveries, as that part of
the Ocean had been frequently traversed.
I It was therefore resolved to return by way of the
E. Indies by the following route. Upon leaving
this coast to the Westward until we fall in with
the E. coast of New Holland, and then to follow the
direction of that coast to the Northward or what
other direction it might take us, until we arrive at
its Northern extremity; and if it should be found
impracticable then to Endeavour to fall in with the
Land or Islands discovered by Quiros."
This extract from Cook's Journal shows that he
made no claim to the discovery of Australia, and
settles the stupid story that his connection with the
discovery of the east coast u was an accident."   It was
131 i77o—AUSTRALIA
a course laid down after thorough consideration of
the best charts, very poor at best, in his possession.
The good ship Endeavour got under way on 31st
March 1770, with a favourable wind and clear sky,
heading a little north of west On the 16th a change
in the birds denoted the neighbourhood of land, and
after a touch of contrary wind, on 19th April 1770
Lieutenant Hicks sighted land extending from northeast to west, distant five or six leagues. This was
the looked-for east coast of New Holland, and the
ship was at the entrance of Bass Straits, but on his
chart Cook shows by a dotted line that he felt
uncertain whether Van Diemen's Land was joined
to New Holland or no. The low hill which was
first seen was named Point Hicks after its discoverer,
and its position is given as 380 o' S., 211° 7' W.
Three waterspouts were seen a short distance from
the ship, and are remarkable as being the first ones
mentioned in the log. The course was altered to
the north, and the country is described as rather
low, not very hilly, covered with green woods, and
the shore of white sand. Cape Howe was named
the following day, and the position fixed as 370
28' S., 210° 3' W., which Wharton says is almost
exact The country now appeared to be improving
in character, and smoke proved the existence of inhabitants, but none were visible till Cape Dromedary
and Bateman's Bay were passed, when some were
seen on the shore, but too far away for observation.
Cook wished to land at Jervis Bay, but the wind
was against him, and he could not afford time to
beat in. An attempt was unsuccessfully made at a
place that has been identified a little north of Five
Islands, near Illawarra, but the surf was too heavy. BOTANY  BAY
At daylight on Sunday, 29th April, a bay was discovered, and the Master was sent in to sound the
entrance, the ship following closely, and soon the
Endeavour anchored for the first time in Australian
waters, about two miles within the entrance of Sting
Ray, now Botany, Bay.1 The time when the name of
the Bay was changed has been much disputed, but
it is probable it was done some time after leaving
the place. It was called Sting Ray on account of
the big haul of that fish made soon after their arrival
and the name stands in all the logs ; Banks refers to
it under that name in a general description of the
country, written when leaving Cape York. Cook is
however, decisive, for under date 6th May he says:
"The great quantity of plants Mr Banks and Dr
Solander found in this place occasioned my giving
it the name of Botany Bay."
On coming to an anchor, Cook, Banks, and Tupia
went on shore, and Canon Bennett, a second cousin of
Mrs Cook's, and one who knew her personally, relates
that the family legend was that on reaching the shore
Cook ordered the midshipman to "Jump out, Isaac,"
and Isaac Smith (afterwards Admiral) also a cousin
of Mrs Cook's, was the first Englishman to set his
foot on the soil of New South Wales. The few
natives who were near ran away, excepting two, who
came forward to oppose any landing. A musket
was fired over them, and they retired to where they
had left their spears, and then one threw a stone at
the boat, and as they were too far away for any
serious damage to be done, Cook fired a charge of
small shot at him. He then ran off to a small hut
near, picked up a wooden shield, and returned to
take up his position alongside his comrade, and they
1 For note see p. 149. i77o—AUSTRALIA
threw a couple of spears, receiving a second discharge
of small shot in return, which caused them to retire
slowly. As Banks, suspicious of some gummy substance on the points of the spears, suggested poison,
they were not followed up. The huts, found near
the landing-place, were constructed of sticks covered
with pieces of bark somewhat similar to those seen
in Terra del Fuego. Some children found carefully
covered up were left undisturbed, but forty or fifty
spears were taken, and payment in the shape of
beads, cloth, nails, etc., was left, but still untouched,
on visiting the camp the next morning. The canoes
from which the natives were seen fishing are described
by Cook as the worst he ever saw, being merely
sheets of bark tied with withies at the end and
kept open in the middle by a stick.
Considerable difficulty was experienced in obtaining water, and whilst the crew were procuring it,
Cook made a survey of the harbour He describes
the country as lightly timbered, with a sandy soil
growing a plentiful crop of coarse grass, of which a
quantity was cut for the sheep. The soil was interspersed with rocks and swamps, but at the head of
the bay appeared richer. A few natives were seen,
who ran away when observed, and though one or
two spears were thrown no damage was done to
any one. Large heaps of oyster, mussel, and cockle
shells were found, amongst them, says Cook, " being
some of the largest oyster shells I ever saw." An
account, said to have been obtained from the blacks,
published in a work on Australian discovery (anonymous, Sydney), agrees as far as it goes with those
of Cook and Banks, and it is almost unnecessary
to say the ship was at first taken for a large bird. SUTHERLAND'S  DEATH
Whilst here, a seaman named Forbes (" Forby,"
in the Muster Roll) Sutherland, died of consumption, from which he had suffered throughout the
voyage, was buried on shore, and the point named
Point Sutherland in his memory. The anonymous
pamphlet referred to above, says that Cook does
not give the cause of Sutherland's death, and that
he had been fatally wounded by the blacks whilst
trying to secure a metal plate he had found affixed
to a tree, recording that the Dutch had previously
been on the spot The pamphlet goes on to say that
Cook suppressed these facts in order to have the
credit of being the first discoverer, but that the
plate had been secured by some one and deposited
in the British Museum. Unfortunately, Cook does
give the cause of Sutherland's death, and the plate
is not in the British Museum, nor has it ever been
heard of there. Before leaving an inscription was
cut on a tree near the watering place, giving the
ship's name and date; the English colours were
displayed on shore every day during their stay,
but they could not establish any friendly intercourse
with the blacks. A plate has since been attached
to the rocks about fifteen feet above high water,
and as near as possible to the supposed place of
After leaving Botany Bay the coast was followed
up to the north, and Cook noted an " entrance " which
he thought might prove a safe anchorage, to which
he gave the name of Port Jackson, after Mr George
Jackson, one of the Secretaries to the Admiralty.
Within this entrance is now the city of Sydney, and
it was to this place that Captain Philip removed his
headquarters when he had discovered the unsuitability
— 136
of Botany Bay for settlement. Broken Bay, named
from the number of small islands therein, was passed,
and the voyage was rendered very slow by the light
northerly winds, and passing Cape Hawke, he found
the set of the current had placed him twelve miles
in advance, when reckoned by the log, of his real
position given by observation.
Almost the only thing to be seen beyond the
outline of the coast was the constantly recurring
smoke; one point received the name of Smoky
Cape on account of the great quantity seen in its
vicinity. Cook, of course, was unaware that these
" smokes " were probably, many of them, signals from
one party of blacks to another of the arrival of something strange on the coast. That these " smokes " are
used by the blacks as a means of communication is
a well recognised fact, and the news they can convey
by this means is perfectly astonishing to a white man.
The country appeared to increase in height with
" an agreeable variety of Hills, Ridges, and Valleys,
and large plains all cloathed with wood, which to all
appearance is the same as I have before mentioned
as we could discover no visible difference in the soil."
After escaping a reef off Point Danger they discovered a bay, which Cook called Morton Bay after
the Earl of Morton, P.R.S.; now wrongly spelt as
Moreton Bay. Here, from the colour of the water,
they supposed a river emptied into the sea ; the surmise was correct, for they were at the mouth of the
Brisbane River. At the same time some curiously
shaped hills were given the name of the Glasshouses,
from their resemblance to the buildings in which glass
is manufactured, and the resemblance is most striking. CAPE CAPRICORN
After rounding Breaksea Spit, Cook found himself
in a large bay, and conjectured, from the birds and
the direction of their flight, that there was fresh
water to the south-west; and rightly, for here the
Mary River enters Hervey's Bay. On 23rd May they
landed for the second time, and Cook says this was
" visibly worse than the last place," that is Botany
Bay. They managed to shoot a bustard of 17J lbs.,
and Banks says it was " as large as a good turkey,
and far the best we had eaten since we left England."
It was so much appreciated that its name was conferred on Bustard Head and Bustard Bay. This
bird is known in Australia as the Plain Turkey-
Oysters of good quality were also obtained, and
Banks made the personal acquaintance of the green
tree ant and the Australian mosquito, neither of which
were appreciated.
On 24th May a moderately high, white, barren-
looking point was passed, which being found by
observation to be directly under the tropic was
named Cape Capricorn, and soon after the mouth
of the Fitzroy was crossed, with the remark from
Cook that from general appearances he believed
there was a river in the immediate vicinity. Soundings becoming very irregular, he ran out between
the Keppel Islands, on one of which natives were
seen. Cape Townshend was named after Charles
Townshend, one of the Lords of the Admiralty when
the Endeavour left England, and not the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, as stated by Wharton.
Rounding the point into Shoalwater Bay they
had to haul sharp up to the west to get within the
Northumberland Islands, and the water was found to
be so shallow that they anchored and sounded from I770—AUSTRALIA
the boats, gradually working nearer in, as Cook was
anxious to clean the ship's bottom, which was very
foul; and he desired to take advantage of the full
moon in these dangerous waters. They landed to
take some observations and look for water. The
observations were unsatisfactory, for the compass was
unreliable, a fault attributed to the ironstone in the
neighbourhood, of which signs were very evident, and
water was not to be found. The country is reported
on as follows: " No signs of fertility is to be seen
upon the Land; the soil of the uplands is mostly a
hard, reddish clay."
Passing Cape Hillsborough, they entered Whitsunday Passage, described by Cook as " one continued
safe harbour, besides a number of small bays and
coves on each side, where ships might lay as it were
in a Basin." The land on both sides was green and
pleasant looking, but on account of the moonlight
Cook could not waste any time in landing.
Entering Cleveland Bay, the compass was again
very much disturbed; the cause was found to be
Magnetical, now Magnetic, Island, lying just off the
present Port of Townsville. Blacks were seen, near
Rockingham Bay, through the glasses; they were
said to be very dark and destitute of clothing, but
no communication with them was possible.
On ioth June, after leaving a small bay north of
Cape Grafton, where they had searched in vain for
a watering place, the watch had just turned in, the
lead had been cast and given seventeen fathoms,
when the unfortunate ship brought all hands on deck,
with a crash on a sunken rock. Soundings taken all
round showed her to be on the very edge of a coral
reef.    Making but little water, an attempt was made ON  THE  ROCKS
to warp her off, but unsuccessfully. Steps were then
taken to lighten her; decayed stores, oil jars, staves,
casks, ballast, and her six quarter-deck guns were
thrown overboard, some forty to fifty tons, but with
no effect. The tide now rising, the leaks increased
rapidly, two pumps being kept constantly at work.
Thinking things could only go from bad to worse,
Cook determined to heave her off at all hazards,
and every one who could be spared from the pumps
was sent to the capstan or windlass, and at length,
after a stay of twenty-three hours on the rocks, she
was hove into deep water. Now, however, it was a
case of all hands to the pumps, and for a time it
seemed as if they were slowly gaining on the in-
rushing water, but suddenly there was an increase
reported in the well, casting a shadow of gloom
over all, but not for an instant staying the steady
beat of the pumps. Shortly it was discovered that
a fresh hand had been sent to the well and had
sounded from a different mark than his predecessor,
accounting for the sixteen to eighteen inches difference in the depth of water reported. This discovery
acted like a charm : each one redoubled his exertions,
and by morning they had gained considerably on the
leak, so sail was made, and they slowly crawled in
towards the land.
Midshipman Monkhouse had been on a ship which
was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per hour,
and had seen the operation called " fothering" so
successfully performed on her, that, without further
repair, she had sailed from Virginia to London.
This being brought to Cook's ear, he gave Monkhouse
the charge of carrying out a similar experiment. A
studding sail was taken, on which oakum and wool
was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt; it was
then lowered over the bows and dragged by ropes
over the place where the worst of the leak was
situated, and there secured, with the result, according
to Banks, that in a quarter of an hour after it was
in position they were able to pump the ship clear,
and Cook says one pump was sufficient to keep
her free.
Of the conduct of the crew, Cook says:
" In justice to the ship's company, I must say that
no men ever behaved better than they have done on
this occasion; animated by the behaviour of every
Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a
just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted
himself to the very utmost"
Banks adds his testimony :
| Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation
of the ship. The officers during the whole time never
gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly
composed and unmoved by the circumstances, however dreadful they might appear."
A point off which the reef was situated was given
the suggestive name of Cape Tribulation, and some
small islands near, Hope Islands, because, as Cook
says, he hoped, at the time of their greatest danger,
they might be able to reach them. What a prospect
to hope for! No possibility of ever seeing a friendly
sail, and but little probability of ever being able to
reach a civilised port
A boat sent off to search for some spot where
temporary repairs could be executed, soon returned
and reported a small river had been found which
appeared suitable.    This was the Endeavour River, THE  ENDEAVOUR  RIVER
and into it the ship was safely taken, and deep water
being found close to the bank, a stage was rigged,
and most of the stores and ballast were taken on
shore; a hospital was erected for the sick, "which
amounted at this time to some eight or nine afflicted
with different disorders, but none very dangerously
ill." Green and Tupia were showing symptoms of
scurvy, but the remainder appear to have been free
from it.
As soon as the ship was sufficiently lightened she
was warped a little further up the river, and at the
top of the tide her bows were hauled well into the
bank, so that when the tide fell they were able to
examine the leak. The damage was found to be
very serious; the rock had cut through four planks
into the timbers, and three other planks had been
badly injured. The manner in which the ship had
been injured was "hardly credible, scarce a splinter
was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if done
with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of the rock was
found wedged in the hole, and had greatly assisted
in arresting the influx of water. The sheathing and
false keel were very badly damaged, but it was
believed that she was not much injured aft, as she
made but little water when once the main wound
was dry.
At what is believed to be the exact spot at which
the Endeavour was beached, a monument has been
erected by the inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport
now at the mouth of the river.
There being no danger from the natives the crew
were allowed as much liberty as possible, and a good
supply of fish, a few pigeons and a small quantity
of vegetables, in  the  shape of yam  tops, cabbage 142 1770—AUSTRALIA
palm, and wild plantains, had a very beneficial effect
on their health. The longitude was calculated from
an observation of § the Emersion of Jupiter's First
Satelite," as 2140 42' 30" W., which Wharton remarks
on as being an excellent observation, the true longitude being 2140 45' W.
On 4th July the good ship was afloat again, so
well repaired that only about an inch of water per
hour was taken in, easily kept under by the pumps.
She was laid over on a sandbank on the opposite
side of the river and more carefully examined, the
sheathing being found to be very badly damaged.
The carpenter, in whom Cook had every confidence,
reported that, with the means at his disposal, he
could not make a satisfactory job, but he thought
they might push on to some place where greater
facilities could be obtained. She was therefore taken
alongside the staging, the stores and ballast replaced,
everything got ready for the prosecution of the
voyage, and the Master sent off in the pinnance to
look for a passage to the north-east; but was unsuccessful. He was again sent out, but again reported
badly; the shoals appeared to get worse the further
he went. He, however, brought back with him three
turtles weighing about 800 lbs., which were most
welcome as the crew had now been some months
without fresh meat; a second trip to where these
were caught resulted in getting three or four more,
and a large supply of shell-fish. They had made
several attempts to get on good terms with the few
natives they had seen, and on one occasion two or
three who were fishing had a long and animated
conversation with Tupia, in which neither party
could understand the other, though one or two were INCENDIARISM  BY  BLACKS
persuaded to visit the camp. Shortly before the
last of the stores were taken in, Cook and Banks
received friendly overtures from a small party, and
ten of them visited the ship. They were offered
various gifts, but seemed to set little value on
anything except the turtles. They made signs they
wanted them, and when they found these signs
ignored, attempted to carry off two, and when their
aim was frustrated, went ashore to where some of
the crew were at work. One of them took a lighted
stick from under the pitch kettle, and, making a wide
circuit round the place, fired the grass as he ran.
Fortunately there were not many things left ashore,
and the powder had just been safely got on board,
so the most serious damage appears to have been
the premature roasting of a young pig. They then
went off to where others of the crew were washing,
and drying the fishing nets, and another attempt was
made to burn the grass; but a charge of small shot
caused a retreat, and on their way they set fire to
the undergrowth to cover their repulse. Banks was
greatly impressed with the manner in which the
grass and undergrowth burnt, and declared he would
never pitch tents again without first burning the
grass for some distance round.
Gore, Banks, and three men made a few days'
excursion up the river, but, with the exception of a
kangaroo being shot by Gore, the first ever killed
by a European, they met with nothing worth noting.
On 18th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up a
hill some six or eight miles along the coast to see if
they could form any idea of the general run of the
coast and the surrounding reefs, and Cook says:
"In  whatever   direction   we   looked,   it   [the  sea] I44 1770—AUSTRALIA
was covered  with  shoals  as far as the eye could
Before leaving the river, Banks gives some notes
as to the country, and puts it down as "in every
respect the most barren country we have yet seen."
The animals were not numerous; he gives kangaroo,
wolf (the dingo or native dog), bats (flying foxes),
wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums. Amongst the
birds, several kinds of duck, shags, pelicans, crows,
and flock pigeons, all, with the exception of the last,
difficult to shoot. Of the crow he says: " A crow
in England though in general sufficiently wary is,
I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None
of the beasts or birds seem to have come amiss to
the pot; all that was necessary was the meat should
not be salt, " that alone was sufficient to make it a
delicacy." He quotes the description given by a
sailor of an animal he saw:
" It was as black as the devil and had wings,
indeed I took it for the devil, or I might have
catched it, for it crawled away very slowly through
the grass."
After some little trouble Banks discovered this to
have been a large bat (flying fox). Of the insect
life seen, he was particularly struck by the white ants
and their nests, and formed a very respectful opinion
of the mosquito.
Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of
Banks, but on the whole he thought the east coast
was not so barren and desolate as Dampier had
described the west coast, and adds:
"We are to consider that we see this country in
the pure state of nature; the Industry of Man has A MASTHEAD WATCH
had nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we
find all such things as Nature hath bestow'd upon it,
in a flourishing state. In this Extensive Country,
it can never be doubted, but what most sorts of grain,
Fruit, roots, etc., of every kind would flourish here
were they once brought hither, planted, and cultivated
by the hands of Industry; and here are provender
for more cattle, at all seasons of the year, than ever
can be brought into the country."
This is a fair example of the observations and
deductions to be found scattered through Cook's
Journals, and an improvement on the would - be
scientific and classical rubbish put into his mouth
by his editors.
At last, on 4th August, they got away from the
Endeavour River, only to find themselves surrounded
by difficulties. Cook or one of the other officers was
continually at the masthead on the look-out, and at
length, by keeping very close in shore, they managed
to creep past Cape Flattery, and thought the worst
was over, but a landing at Point Lookout showed a
very unsatisfactory prospect. In hopes of getting
a better view Cook went out to Lizard Island, and
from there could see, far away to the east, the white
breakers on the Great Barrier Reef. This island, on
which the only living things to be seen were lizards,
they found, from the large piles of shells and remains
of fires, was visited periodically by the blacks; a
remarkable voyage for their miserable canoes.
Having only three months' supplies at short allowance left, Cook, after a consultation with his officers,
made out through an opening in the Barrier Reef
that he had seen from Lizard Island, and observes:
" Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals
K 146
more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time
we have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever
having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship
was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never
hapn'd to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary."
But their satisfaction in getting outside was
diminished when it was found that the increased
working of the ship's timbers necessitated the continual use of one pump.
Cook was afraid that being forced outside the
Barrier Reef he would be unable to put to the proof
the opinion he had formed that New Guinea and
New Holland were not joined. He did not know
till after his return to England, that the point had
already been settled in 1606, by Louis Vaez de
Torres, and he readily yields the honour of the
discovery in the Introduction to his Second Voyage.
The log of Torres's voyage was lost for many years,
and was found at Manilla, when that place was taken
by Admiral Cornish in 1762. Cook had with him
a copy of "De Brye's Voyages," published in 1756,
which contained three charts that he found to be
"tolerably good" with regard to New Guinea, and
he evidently formed the opinion that both the
Spaniards and the Dutch had circumnavigated that
" I always understood, before I had a sight of
these maps, that it was unknown whether or no New
Holland and New Guinea was one continued land,
and so it is said in the very History of Voyages
these maps are bound up in. However, we have now
put this wholly out of dispute; but as I believe it
was known before, but not publickly, I claim no other
merit than the clearing up of a doubtful point" A  PERILOUS  POSITION
With this question of New Guinea and New
Holland in view, he again made to the west, sighting the Barrier again on 15th August, and on the
following morning, the wind having changed in the
night, the breakers were heard very distinctly. The
lead gave no bottom at 140 fathoms, but at daybreak the reef was not a mile away, and they found
themselves in a dead calm, rapidly drifting with
the current towards the breakers. The yawl and
long-boat were got out, the pinnace being under
repair, and the sweeps were used from the gunroom ports. By six o'clock she was heading north
again, but
I not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The
same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a
breaker prodidgiously high the very next time it did
rise, so that between us and destruction was only a
dismal valley, the breadth of one wave, and even now
no ground could be felt with 120 fathoms."
The carpenter had by this time fastened a temporary
streak on the pinnace, and it was sent off to assist
in towing. Cook had almost given up hope, but he
"In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased
to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness
as if no danger had been near."
Admiral Wharton draws special attention to the
fact that in the very height of the danger, Green,
Charles Clerke, and Forwood, the gunner, were
engaged in taking a "Lunar" for the longitude.
Green notes:
" These observations were very good, the limbs of
the sun and moon very distinct, and a good horizon. 148
We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we
expected the ship to strike every minute, it being
calm, no soundings, and the swell heaving us right
When things seemed perfectly hopeless, a small
breath of air, " so small that at any other time in a calm
we should not have observed it," came, and every
advantage being taken, the distance from the reef
was slightly increased, but then again it fell calm.
A small opening of the reef was seen and an attempt
was made to push through, but the ebb tide was found
to be " gushing out like a mill stream." Advantage
was taken of this, and they succeeded in getting
about a quarter of a mile away, but the current
was so narrow they soon lost it. A second opening was seen, and, the tide having changed, they
were carried rapidly through Providential Channel
and safely anchored in nineteen fathoms of water.
Cook says:
" It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having
got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when
compared to what I now felt at being safe at an
anchor within it."
Having arrived at a place of safety, Cook resolved
to remain till he had his boats in thorough repair
and had made a complete study of his difficulties..
From the masthead it appeared as if the shoals
and reefs offered less obstruction than he had previously towards the north, and he hoped, by keeping
as close to the shore as possible, to be able to
solve the problem of the passage between New
Guinea and New Holland. At this place, boats
that had been  out fishing brought back a sort of TAKE  POSSESSION
cockle, some requiring two men to lift them, and
containing "as much as twenty pounds of good
wholesome meat."
Proceeding slowly through a network piof reefs,
shoals, and islands, the boats always sounding ahead,
he had the satisfaction of passing the straits between
Cape York and New Guinea, leaving Torres's track
considerably to the north. On getting clear of the
straits, they landed for the last time in Australian
waters, and hoisting the English flag,
"took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from
the above latitude (380 o' S.) down to this place by
the name of l New Wales.' We fired three volleys of
small arms, which were answer'd by the like number
from the ship."
Admiral Wharton says that in the King's and
the Admiralty's copies of Cook's Journal the name
is given as " New South Wales," and in a letter
written to Mr John Walker, of Whitby, dated 13th
September 1771, Cook says: "The East Coast of
New Holland, or what I call New South Wales."
After a narrow escape of running on a reef near
Booby Island, from which they were only saved by
letting go the  anchors with all sails set, they left
the difficulties of the New Holland coast behind and
sighted New Guinea on 29th August.
" The great number of New Plants, &c, our Gentlemen Botanists
have collected in this place occasion'd my giving in [sic'] the Name of
Botanist Bay."
Extract from the only page known to exist of the Journal of the first
voyage written by Cook, and dated 6th May, 1770. It was, July 1911,
purchased by Mr F. T. Sabin for ^451. CHAPTER XI
The water on the New Guinea coast was very
shallow, and kept them far out in running westward, but on 3rd September they got a little nearer
in, so Cook decided to attempt a landing, and then
to leave, as he considered it was only wasting valuable time to go over ground that had already been
explored by the Dutch. Banks says the crew were
rather sickly, they
"were pretty far gone with the longing for home,
which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem
a disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed, I
can find hardly anybody in the ship clear of its
effects, but the Captain, Dr Solander, and myself,
and we three have ample constant employment for
our minds, which I believe to be the best if not
the only remedy for it."
They were also on short allowance of food, which
would necessarily have a depressing effect, and when
they learnt that Cook would return to civilisation
where fresh supplies could be obtained, there was a
marked improvement in the general health.
Calling in at the island of Savu, some supplies
were obtained, and the country is described as very
lovely, although there had been no rain for seven
months; the contrast with the monotonous and
barren-looking country of New Holland was very
According to strict orders from the Admiralty, Cook
on 30th September collected all logs and journals
that had been kept on board the ship, and enjoined
every one that they were on no account to divulge
where they had been on their arrival at Batavia.
Off Java Head the main topsail was split in a
squall, and Cook remarks that all his sails are now
in such a condition that "they will hardly stand
the least puff of wind." No observations had been
possible since leaving Savu, and the strong western
current had thrown out their dead reckoning, causing
them to run past the Straits of Sunda; but, picking themselves up on 1st October, they got into the
straits, and after a wearisome beat up arrived in
Batavia on the 10th; and Hicks was sent on shore
to announce their arrival, and offer an apology for
failing to salute the Dutch flag in a proper manner
—the reason being that they had only three guns
The ship was thoroughly surveyed, and on the
carpenter's report, Cook applied to the Governor for a
convenient place in which to heave down and repair,
and for permission to purchase such stores as might
be necessary. Every assistance was promised, and
"On Cook's finding a difficulty in getting any private
person to cash the bills he would have to draw for
his expenses, the Governor ordered the officer in
charge of the port to supply whatever amount might
be necessary.
During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch
East Indiaman, about two cables  away  from   the 152  1770-1771—NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND
Endeavour, had mainmast " split all to shivers." The
Endeavour was also struck,
"and in all probability we should have shared the
same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the
electric chain which we had but just before got up;
this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over
the side clear of the ship."
On 25th October Cook reopened communication
with the Admiralty, forwarding to Mr Stephens, by
the Dutch East Indiaman Kronenberg, Captain F.
Kelgar, a packet containing a copy of his Journal
(sold to Mr John Corner in 1890), charts of the
South Seas, New Zealand, and the East Coast of
Australia. He also wrote a letter giving an outline
of his voyage up to date, and concludes:
" In this Journal, I have with undisguised Truth
and without gloss, inserted the whole transactions
of the Voyage, and made such remarks and have
given such descriptions of things as I thought was
necessary, in the best manner I was capable of.
Although the discoverys made in the Voyage are
not great, yet I flatter myself they are such as
may merit the Attention of their Lordships, and
altho' I have failed in discovering the so much
talked of Southern Continent (which perhaps do
not exist), and which I myself had much at heart,
yet I am confident that no part of the failure of
such discovery can be laid to my charge. Had we
been so fortunate not to have run ashore, much
more would have been done in the latter part of
the Voyage than what was, but as it is, I presume
this Voyage will be found as compleat as any before
made to the S*   Seas on the same ace*-
" The plans I have drawn of the places I have been
at, were made with all the care and accuracy that PRAISES  HIS  CREW
Time and Circumstances would admit of. Thus far
I am certain that the Latitude and Longitude of few
parts of the World are better settled than these, in
this I was very much assisted by Mr Green, who let
slip no one opportunity for making observations for
settling the Longde- during the whole course of the
Voyage, and the many valuable discoverys made
by Mr Banks and Dr Solander in Natural History
and other things useful to the learned World, cannot
fail of contributing very much to the success of the
Voyage. In justice to the officers and the whole of
the crew, I must say, they have gone through the
fatigues and dangers of the Whole Voyage with that
cheerfulness and alertness that will always do honour
to the British Seamen, and I have the satisfaction to
say that I have not lost one man by Sickness during
the whole Voyage. I hope that the repairs wanting
to the Ship will not be so great as to detain us any
length of time; You may be assured that I shall
make no unnecessary delay either here or at any other
place, but shall make the best of my way home."
Banks, too, notes that there were no sick on
board, and contrasts the rosy, healthy appearance of
the crew with the pallid faces of the Europeans of
Batavia. But on 26th October a series of disastrous
entries commence in the Journal.
" Set up the ship's tents for the reception of the
ship's company, several of them begin to be taken
ill, owing as I suppose to the extream hot weather."
Batavia had an ill-omened reputation, and it has
been estimated that from 1735 to 1755 no less than
1,000,000 deaths took place, chiefly from malarial
fever and dysentery, and Cook had soon cause to
regret that the Dutch had undertaken the repairs of
the ship, leaving his men to look on.    He knew well m
154  1770-1771—NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND
the evil effects of want of occupation in such a
climate, though he could not guess what it was
to cost him. Up to this time he had only seven
deaths to record since leaving Plymouth; three
from drowning, two frozen (Mr Banks's servants),
one consumption, and one alcoholic poisoning : probably a record never equalled in the history of navigation. On 5th November Mr Monkhouse, the surgeon,
died, and Cook, Banks, and Solander were very ill.
The two last went up into the hills, but Cook would
not leave his ship.
Meanwhile the repairs went on; the ship was
found to be worse than had been expected; two
planks and a half had been rasped by the rocks to
the thickness of one eighth of an inch for a distance
of six feet,
"and here the worms had made their way quite
into the timbers, so that it was a matter of surprise to
every one who saw her bottom, how we had kept her
above water, and yet in this condition we had sailed
some hundreds of leagues in as dangerous a navi-
gation as in any part of the world, happy in being
ignorant of the continual danger we were in."
By the 14th her bottom was thoroughly repaired,
and Cook speaks highly of the Dutch workmen:
" I do not believe there is a Marine Yard in the
World where work is done with more alertness than
here, or where there are better conveniences for
heaving ships down, both in point of safety and
The water, a perquisite of the Commodore of the
Dutch East Indian fleet, was very unsatisfactory, and
was found to keep very badly at sea, although its DEATH  OF TUPIA
keeping properties had been loudly vaunted by the
Commodore.    Cook was present at his appointment,
" one of the grandest sights Batavia afforded ; that
may be too, and yet it did not recompense us for
our trouble. I thought that the whole was but ill
conducted, and the fleet appear'd to be very badly
A seaman who had " run" from a Dutch ship
entered on the Endeavour, was claimed by the Dutch
on the grounds that he was a Dane from Elsinore.
Cook promised he should be given up if he proved
not to be a British subject, and enquiry by Mr Hicks
resulted in a report to the Governor that he was
an Irishman, so the matter dropped. His name
was James Mara, and he will be again met with as
gunner's mate on the Resolution.
Before leaving Batavia there had been seven deaths,
including Mr Reynolds, artist, and Tupia and his
boy servant, and Cook gives the number of sick
as " forty or more." Hoping the sea breezes might
have a beneficial effect, preparations were hurried
forward, and they managed to leave the day after
Christmas Day, being duly saluted by the garrison
with fourteen guns, and the Earl of Elgin with
thirteen guns and three cheers, "all of which we
Calling at Prince's Island in the straits of Sunda,
where some of the Batavian water was replaced by
better, the sailors were allowed to purchase whatever
they fancied in hopes of diminishing the dysentery
which was rampant. Every precaution that could
be thought of was tried, but in vain. Mr Banks lost
Messrs Sporing arid Parkinson, and on 29th January
Mr Green died; he had been long ill, but Cook says ras
156  1770-1771—NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND
he would not take proper care of himself. To judge
from his own Journal, he must have been rather a
difficult man to get on with, but his services as
observer were invaluable, and he at all times and
seasons was devoted to his special duty: indeed, at
times he appears to have thought that every other
work should give way to his. It is a somewhat suggestive fact that Banks hardly makes any reference to
Mr Green throughout his Journal. On 27th February
the terrible list of losses was closed by the deaths of
three of the crew, making in all thirty deaths since
their arrival at Batavia.
It was afterwards discovered that the season in
Batavia had been unusually unhealthy, and several
ships that had called in there had to report heavy
losses.    Cook says:
I Thus we find that ships which have been little
more than twelve months from England have
suffer'd as much or more by sickness than we have
done, who have been out near three times as long.
Yet their sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned
or known in England; when, on the other hand,
those of the Endeavour, because the voyage is uncommon, will very probably be mentioned in every
News Paper, and, what is not unlikely, with Additional
hardships we never Experienced ; for such are the
dispositions of men in general in these Voyages, that
they are seldom content with the Hardships and
Dangers which will naturally occur, but they must
add others which hardly ever had existence but in
their imaginations, by magnifying the most Trifling
accidents and Circumstances to the greatest Hardships, and unsurmountable Dangers without the immediate interposition of Providence, as if the whole
merit of the Voyages consisted in the real dangers
and Hardships they underwent, or that the real ones AT THE  CAPE
did not happen often enough to give the mind
sufficient anxiety. Thus Posterity are taught to
look upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest
On 6th March land was sighted at daylight, about
two leagues away, near Cape Natal, and on the 15th
the Cape of Good Hope was seen. The first thing
to be done was to provide shelter ashore for his
sick, of whom he landed twenty - eight, and during
the stay the remainder of the crew were given
every possible opportunity of being on land, as Cook
recognised the value of an entire change of life
in shaking off the remnants of sickness. He lost
three more of his men here, and hearing from a
Dutch ship just in from Europe that war was
threatening between England and Spain, he hurried
up his preparations for departure and got all his
men on board, though some were still very ill. In
addition he managed to enter some half-dozen men
for the voyage home.
In writing of the Cape, Cook draws attention to
the fact
"that a stranger is at once struck with surprise
and disappointment, for no country we have seen
this voyage affords so barren a prospect as this,
and not only so in appearance but in reality."
Then further on he says :
" Notwithstanding the many disadvantages this
country labours under, such is the industry, economy,
and good management of the Dutch, that not only
the necessary, but all the Luxuries of Life are raised
here in great abundance, and are sold as cheap,
if not cheaper, than in any part of Europe, some
few articles excepted." —m
On the other hand, he complains of the exorbitant
charges made by the Dutch East India Company
for naval stores. As at Batavia, they were sold at
a certain fixed price from which there was no
Calling in at St Helena, they found H.M.Ss.
Portland and Swallow, with a convoy, in the roads,
and received some few much - needed stores from
them, together with the information that all danger
of war between Spain and England was over. They
all sailed in company on 5th May, but after a few
days Cook explained to Captain Elliott, of the
Portland, who had come on board the Endeavour,
that his ship, sails, and rigging were naturally not
in very good order after his lengthy voyage, and
therefore he should probably be unable to keep up
with the other ships. He requested the Portland
to take charge of letters, charts, and journals for
the Admiralty. These papers only arrived in
England three days in advance of the Endeavour.
For some days the good " Bark" kept within easy
reach of the fleet, and was able to obtain extra
medical advice for Mr Hicks, who was suffering
from consumption when he left England, but had
held out well till stricken with the Bat avian fever,
when he gradually sank and died on 25th May;
Mr Charles Clerke was appointed third lieutenant,
in place of Mr Gore, promoted. Since leaving the
Cape they had also lost their Master, Mr Molineaux,
of whose intelligence Cook speaks very highly, but
deplores his want of steadiness, the true cause of
his early death. Mr Pickersgill was appointed to
the vacancy.
On the 21st June they were still in sight of some ANCHOR  IN  THE  DOWNS
of the convoy, but during the night they had their
main topgallant sail split, and the topmast sprung,
in a heavy squall; in fact, their gear was in such
a bad state that something gave way daily. On
7th July they spoke a brig from London, three
days out from Scilly, and learnt that no account
of their proceedings had yet been made public,
and that wagers were being laid that the Endeavour
was lost. On 10th July Nicholas Young, who had
sighted New Zealand, sighted the Land's End, and
the Lizard was seen the next day. On Saturday,
13th July 1771, "at 3 o'clock in the P.M. anchor'd
in the Downs and soon after I landed in order to
repair to London."
Before leaving, Cook wrote to Mr Stephens informing him of his arrival, and announcing that he was
coming up to the Admiralty to lay before their
Lordships a full account of the whole voyage, and
that the ship was to await further orders. He
hopes that the appointments that he has made
will meet with approval, and requests that his
charts, plans, and drawings may be laid before the
On 2nd August, Stephens wrote to him at Mile
End, saying he had received the papers sent from
Batavia, those by the Portland and those from the
Downs, and that they had been laid before their
Lordships.    He goes on :
"I have the pleasure to acquaint you that their
Lordships extremely well approve of the whole of
your proceedings and that they have great satisfaction
in the account you have given them of the good
behaviour of your officers and men and of the
cheerfulness  and alertness with which   they  went i6o 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND
through the fatigues and dangers of their late
He also notifies at the same time that the appointments made have all been confirmed.
Cook himself was appointed Commander of the
Scorpion on 29th August, but owing to other arrangements being made did not put in an appearance on
his new ship. Isaac Smith and Isaac Manly were
appointed respectively Master's mate and midshipman, taking part in the Second Voyage, being too
young for further promotion.
The newspapers, of course, blossomed out into
paragraphs on the subject of the voyage, more or less
correct, and Bingley's Journal on 23rd July stated :
I In consequence of this discovery, more ships
will be destined in search of this new terrestrial
Evidently it was quickly decided that Cook's rest was
to be short.    On 27th the same Journal says:
1 His Majesty's Ship, the Endeavour, which is lately
arrived in the River from the East Indies, lost by
the unhealthiness of the climate, 70 of her hands,
tho' they were picked men, and had been several
times in the Indies. However, those who survive
will have made their fortunes by traffic, having
brought home some of the richest goods made in
the east, which they are suffered to dispose of without the inspection of the Custom House officers.
This, our correspondent says, is allowed them by the
Government as a reward for their hard and dangerous
service during a voyage of three years."
The amount of the "richest goods made in the
East" obtained from New Zealand, Australia, and
Otaheite would be but a poor reward for three years'
strenuous service; and Cook here finds his premonition as to his losses being exaggerated, only too
It is worthy of note that the number of punishments throughout the voyage was remarkably small,
those entered in the ship's log being twenty-one, and
the heaviest sentence, two dozen lashes for theft. In
one case, that of Mathew Cox, A.B., for disobedience and mutinous conduct, the culprit proceeded
civilly against Cook, on arrival in England, and the
Admiralty solicitors were instructed to defend. The
case was probably allowed to drop, as no result can
be found.
The good ship which had so bravely borne her
part, was not given much rest; but after being paid
off at Woolwich, was despatched, under Lieutenant
James Gordon, to the Falkland Islands on 16th
October, and returned with "perishable and unserviceable" stores; in 1772 and 1773 she again
made voyages to the same destination, the last one
to bring away the garrison and stores, as those
islands were to be handed over to Spain. She was
paid off at Woolwich in September 1774, and shortly
afterwards was sold out of the Navy for the sum
of ^645. She is then believed to have been employed as a collier in the North Seas. Mr Gibbs,
of the firm of Gibbs & Canning of Newport, R.I.,
one day pointed out to the English Consul the
remains of an old vessel falling into decay, and
informed him that it was Captain Cook's ship, the
Endeavour. His story was that the French Government being anxious to compete with England in
the whale fishery, offered a bounty to the ships in
that trade sailing under the  French  flag.    A  Mr i62  1770-1771—NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND
Hay den purchased the old ship from a Dunkirk firm
and re-christened her La Liberty, loaded her with oil
and consigned her, under French colours, to Gibbs
and Canning at Newport. She was chased by an
English ship, but escaped, and after laying alongside
a wharf for some months received a cargo, but
running aground in trying to leave the harbour, she
was found in such a bad condition that she was
allowed to remain to drop to pieces. Enquiries into
this story gave satisfactory results, and a box made
from her timbers was presented to J. Fennimore
Cooper, the American author, with letters authenticating, as far as possible, the vessel from which the
wood had been taken. Miss Cooper mentions this
box in her preface to her father's " Red Rover," and
several other relics of the old ship are still to be found
in the neighbourhood of Newport CHAPTER XII
After reporting himself to the Admiralty on his
arrival in England, Cook proceeded to his home at
Mile End Old Town, where he was for some time
employed in completing his Charts and Journals,
and on 14th August, the Annual Register announces,
he was introduced to His Majesty at St James's,
when he
"presented his Journal of his Voyage, with some
curious maps and charts of different places that he
had drawn during the voyage; he was presented
with a captain's commission."
He also found time to write two long and instructive
letters to his old master and good friend, Mr John
Walker of Whitby, which are to be found in Dr
Young's work. They give a rapid glance at the
different places visited, with a few pithy remarks
as to their peoples and productions; mention the
pleasing reception he had from the king, and he
alludes to the probability of being despatched on a
second voyage with two ships.
Edgeworth, in his " Memoirs," states that about
this time Cook was a frequent visitor at Denham
Place, the home of Mr Louis Way, F.R.S., but as
that gentleman died in this year, and Edge worth
also refers to events of a later date as occurring
at the same time, it is more probable that these
visits were paid after the Second Voyage to Mr
Benjamin Way, also F.R.S., and a Director of the
South Sea Company. In another place Edgeworth
infers that Banks, Solander, and Cook were members
of a club which met at Slaughter's Coffee House in
1765. Of course, this is an error, for Cook was then
engaged in Newfoundland, and unknown to the Royal
Society, whose members composed the club spoken
of; in fact, Cook, though a frequent guest in after
times, was never a member of the Royal Societies
Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) says that in
September her father, Dr Charles Burney, spent a
few days at Hinchinbroke, Lord Sandwich's place,
in order to meet Cook, Banks, and Solander, and it
is evident that the second voyage had been resolved
on, for Dr Burney's son, James, was introduced to
Cook by Lord Sandwich, with a view to going on
the expedition. Shortly after this, Sandwich met
Dr Burney at Lord Oxford's, Houghton, and asked
him if he could recommend any one capable of
writing the history of the voyage of the Endeavour;
he gave Dr Hawkesworth's name, and was requested
to Introduce him to Lord Sandwich on his return to
The object of the Second Voyage was, to use
Cook's own words:
I To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a
matter so curious and important, was His Majesty's
principal motive in directing this voyage to be
undertaken, the history of which is now submitted
to the public, i.e., the existence of another continent
in the South."
The discussion on the subject had been resumed
with renewed vigour after the return of the Endeavour,
and Dalrymple led one party, who held that Cook
had not set the matter at rest as he had left far too
much space untraversed.
The two ships that were to be employed were
probably selected in the Thames by Cook himself,
and, like the good ship Endeavour, were built by
Fishburn of Whitby, and purchased from Captain
W. Hammond of Hull. The reasoning which
guided Cook in his selection is thus laid down by
him in his introduction to the account of the
Second Voyage:
"The success of such undertakings as making
discoveries in distant parts of the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted
to what ought to be the first consideration, namely,
the preservation of the adventurers and ships; and
this will chiefly depend on the kind, the size, and
the properties of the ships chosen for the service.
These primary considerations will not admit of any
other, that may interfere with the necessary properties
of the ships. Therefore, in chusing the ships, should
any of the most advantageous properties be wanting,
and the necessary room in them be, in any degree,
diminished for less important purposes, such a step
would be laying a foundation for rendering the
undertaking abortive in the first instance. The ship
must not be of great draught, but of sufficient
capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions
and stores for the crew, and of such construction
that she will bear to take the ground, and of such
a size that she can be conveniently laid on shore if
necessary for repairing any damages or defects, and 166 PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE
these qualities are to be found in North Country
built ships, such as are built for the coal trade, and
in none other."
The larger of the two chosen was 462 tons, purchased for ^"4,151, and received into the Royal Navy
under the name of the Drake. She was fitted as a
sloop at Deptford, at a cost of ^6,568 (this sum,
probably, covering both the original alterations which
proved unsatisfactory and those made immediately
before sailing), and at the time of her purchase was
about fourteen months old. The second ship was
of 336 tons, also fitted at Deptford as a sloop, was
eighteen months old at time of purchase, cost ^2,103,
and was received under the name of Raleigh.
The complement of the Raleigh was eighty, but
two additional carpenters' mates were added to each
ship later on. Cook was also instructed not to bear,
as was then usual, any servants on the books, but to
enter A.B.s instead, and each officer who was entitled
to a servant was " to be paid an allowance by Bill
equal to the wages of the number of servants respectively allowed them."
On 25th December the names of the two ships
were changed, the Drake becoming the Resolution,
and the Raleigh the Adventure. The lieutenants
appointed to the Resolution were Robert Pallisser
Cooper, Charles Clerke, and Richard Pickersgill, and
Mr Tobias Furneaux, Commander, and Joseph Shank
first lieutenant of the Adve?iture. Of these officers
Cook writes:
11 had all the reason in the World to be perfectly
satisfied with the choice of the officers. The Second
and Third Lieutenants, the Lieutenant of Marines,
two of the Warrant officers, and several of the Petty ALTERATIONS  TO  RESOLUTION    167
officers had been with me during the former voyage.
The others were men of known abilities, and all of
them on every occasion showed their zeal for the
service in which they were employed during the
whole voyage."
Two days after receiving his orders, Cook hoisted
his pendant and superintended the alterations that
were to be made for the accommodation of Mr Banks
and his party of scientists. These comprised Dr
Solander, Zoffani, the portrait painter, Dr Lynd of
Edinburgh, to secure whose services Parliament had
made a special grant of ^4,000 (though " what discoveries they expected him to make I could not
understand," says Cook), and nine others, draughtsmen and servants ; at least three more than had been
thought necessary when the vessel was purchased.
These alterations were,
" to raise her upper works about a foot, to lay a spar
deck upon her from the quarter-deck to the forecastle
(she having at this time a low waist), and to build a
round house or coach for my accommodation, so that
the great cabin might be appropriated to the use of
Mr Banks alone."
The Comptroller of the Navy, Captain Pallisser,
was strongly opposed to these alterations as likely to
be detrimental to the ship's sailing qualities, and
though his opinions were overborne, they in the end
proved to be correct.
When he had seen the alterations fairly on the way,
Cook applied for three weeks' leave of absence, on
the plea that he had "some business to transact in
Yorkshire, as well as to see an aged father," and
his application was at once granted. He therefore
went to Ayton, where for the first time for seventeen 168 PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE
years he was again amongst his own people. From
Ayton he went on to Whitby, and was met some
miles out from that town by many of the leading
men of the place. From the Walkers he received
the heartiest of welcomes, and it is related that the
old housekeeper, Mary Prowd, had been carefully
instructed that a Commander in His Majesty's Navy
was a very different person from one of her master's
apprentices, and must be received with all the marks
of respect due to his rank. She promised obedience,
but, alas, when the time came her memory fled, and,
opening wide her arms, she exclaimed : " O honey
James! How glad I is to see thee!" A welcome,
probably, more dear to Cook than any other could
have been, and a proof of the affectionate regard he
could inspire.
In February he was back in London, and Dr
Burney says in his " Memoirs" :
11 had the honour of receiving the illustrious
Captain Cook to dine with me in Queen's Square
[Bloomsbury] previously to his second voyage round
the world. Observing upon a table, Bougainville's
* Voyage Autour du Monde,' he turned it over, and
made some curious remarks on the illiberal conduct
of that circumnavigator towards himself when they
met and crossed each other; which made me desirous
to know, in examining the chart of M. de Bougainville,
the several tracks of the two navigators, and exactly
where they had crossed or approached each other.
"Captain Cook instantly took a pencil from his
pocket book and said he would trace the route;
which he did in so clear and scientific a manner
that I would not take fifty pounds for my book.
The pencil marks, having been fixed by skim milk,
will always be visible."
This volume is now  in the  British  Museum, and SUPPLIES   INCREASED
the pencil marks on the chart are as distinct as on
the day they were made,
The alterations to the ship were completed early
in February, and on the 6th she was hauled out 01
dock, and rigging, ballasting, and storing commenced.
Cook says:
I Every department seemed to vie with the other
in equiping these two ships, every standing rule and
order in the Navy was dispensed with, every alteration, every necessary and useful article, was granted
as. soon as asked for."
In another passage he again refers to the anxiety
of the Navy Board to see that the quality of the
stores was everything that could be wished, and the
quantity was increased from one to two and a half
years' supply.
On the 22nd April the two sloops were at Long
reach to take in their guns and gunners' stores;
twelve carriage guns and twelve swivel musketoons
for the Resolution, and ten carriage guns and ten
swivels for the Adventure. These should have been
taken on board at Galleon's Reach, but the Resolution
was drawing too much water-—seventeen feet. When
here Cook showed that he thought she was rather
over-weighted with her new upper works, and might
prove crank, but
I as the Gentlemen's appartments were full of heavy
baggage and the sloop a good deal lumbered aloft
with heavy and some useless articles, which we
might soon get rid of or get into the hold after we
had consumed some of our provisions, I still entertained hopes that she would bear all her additional
works, and suspended giving any other opinion until
a full trial had been made of her, foreseeing what 170 PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE
would be the consequence in case she did not answer
in the manner she was now fitted."
On 29th April, Mr Banks gave an entertainment
on board to Lord Sandwich, the French Ambassador,
and other distinguished personages, and Cook notes
that the first named had been on board several times,
"a laudable tho' rare thing in a First Lord of the
Admiralty." B
Cook obtained a few days' leave to make his
final arrangements, and the Resolution was ordered
to the Downs under the first lieutenant, whilst the
Adventure proceeded to Plymouth; both vessels
sailing from Longreach on 10th May. The Resolution, contending against adverse winds, made a very
slow trip down to the Nore, being four days on the
journey, and Mr Cooper reported to Cook that she
was very "crank." The latter at once wrote to the
Admiralty that he considered it unsafe to proceed
any further with her in that condition, and proposed
that her poop should be cut down, her masts shortened,
and her guns exchanged to four-pounders. The
Navy Board, however, decided that she should be
restored to her original state as far as it was possible
to do so; she was therefore ordered to Sheerness,
and her Captain was instructed to join his ship and
see the alterations were properly carried out.
Before leaving London Cook, who had heard it
was said that he was not satisfied with the vessels
chosen for the voyage, wrote to Mr Stephens on
the subject, giving his opinion that the " crankness §
of the Resolution | was owing to the additional v«/orks
that have been built upon her in order to make large
accommodation for the several gentlemen passengers BANKS  WITHDRAWS
intended to embark in her." He added that the
proposed alterations of the Navy Board would
"render her as fit to perform the voyage as any
ship whatever"; and, referring to the report that he
did not approve of the type of ship, he says, "from
the knowledge and experience I have had of these
sort of vessels, I shall always be of opinion that
only such are proper to be sent on Discoveries to
very distant parts." On the 21st he again wrote
Stephens that the alterations were making satisfactory progress, and that a man had been in the
yard who had known the ship before her purchase,
and he had "with some warmth asserted that at
that time she was not only a stiff ship, but had
as many good qualities as any ship ever built in
Whitby." In reply to a rumour that the men were
afraid to sail in her, he points out that she is moored
alongside a wharf, and the men could go ashore
whenever they pleased, yet he had not lost a single
Mr Banks did not approve of the reduction in his
accommodation necessitated by these alterations, and
tried to get a 40-gun ship in place of the Resolution,
and he and his friends succeeded in raising a very
acrimonious discussion on the subject; but the
Admiralty stood firm, and the alterations went on
under the superintendence of Cook. On 24th May
Banks and Solander went to inspect her, and on
their return to town Banks wrote to the Admiralty
that he should not go the voyage as "the ship was
neither roomy nor convenient enough for my purpose,
nor no ways proper for the voyage." Cook, who,
says the preparations had cost Banks "about Five
Thousand Pounds," does not think that the reasons 172 PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE
given by Banks were the only ones he had for not
taking part in the voyage, and then continues, " their
baggage, etc., were got out of the sloop and sent to
London, after which no more complaints were heard
of want of room, etc."
Lieutenant Clerke, who was very friendly with
Banks, wrote to him on 31st May:
I Indeed I am sorry I'm not to have the honour
of attending you the other bout. . . . They are
going to stow the major part of the cables in the
hold to make room for the people now. I asked
Gilbert [the Master], if such was the present case,
what the devil should we have done if we had all
gone? 'Oh, by God, that was impossible,' was his
Marra (the gunner's mate), in a Journal of the
voyage, published by Newberry, I775> says the success
of the voyage was due to their having shaken off
" the train of gentlemen, who with their attendants
occupied the chief accommodations of the ship," and
whose presence would have rendered it " out of the
power of the most determined officer to have carried
such a princely retinue through the icy regions which
they were to pass, without murmurs, or perhaps
Some of the newspapers tried to make political
matter out of the affair, and one at any rate roundly
declared that" the true reason " of Banks's withdrawal
was on account of a remonstrance from the Spanish
Ambassador against any further exploration of the
South Seas.
The withdrawal of Banks made no difference to
his friendship with Cook, and in the future he was JOHN  REINHOLD  FORSTER
always ready to afford his support whenever it could
be of any service either to his friend or family.
As soon as it was known that Mr Banks had
withdrawn, Mr John Reinhold Forster, a German of
some scientific reputation, applied for the position
of naturalist for the voyage, and, through the interest
of Lord Sandwich, was successful. He was to receive
the ^4,000 granted by Parliament for Dr Lynd, and
was to pay all expenses, except ship's allowance of
food, and provide all necessary instruments. He
was accompanied by his son as assistant, a youth of
about twenty years, who afterwards attained some
note by his writings and translations. Messrs Wales
and Bayley were appointed astronomers by the Board
of Longitude, with instructions to take and compare
observations at every possible opportunity, and to
take under their special charge the timepieces which
were being carried on the two ships for the purpose
of testing their accuracy and capabilities in assisting in ascertaining the longitude. Two of these
instruments, made by Arnold, were placed in Mr
Bay ley's charge on the Adventure, and two, one by
Arnold, and the other by Kendal on Harrison's
principle, under the care of Mr Wales on the Resolution. Great precautions were taken to prevent
any accident or tampering with these instruments;
they were kept in boxes having three locks, the
keys were held one by the Captain, one by the
first lieutenant, and the third by the astronomer, so
they could not even be wound up except in the
presence of all three. William Hodges, a painter
of repute, was appointed as artist, and his pictures
were to become the property of the Admiralty.
The celebrated Dr Joseph Priestley, at that time 174 PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE
minister at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, had been invited
by Mr Banks to accompany him as astronomer, and
his congregation had undertaken to guarantee his
position on his return; but the Board of Longitude
took objection to his religious views, and so his
application was withdrawn. CHAPTER XIII
Saying good-bye to his family on 21st June, Cook,
accompanied by Mr Wales, left London for Sheerness,
and the next day dropped down to the Nore. The
Resolution was now drawing only fifteen feet ten inches
of water instead of seventeen, a very satisfactory improvement. She was given a good trial on a wind, and
was found " to answer exceeding well." On 3rd July
they arrived at Plymouth, having been boarded the
day before by Lord Sandwich and Captain Pallisser,
who were on a tour of inspection, and Cook had the
pleasure of giving them a satisfactory account of his
ship—" I had not one fault to al ledge."
On arrival at Plymouth, Cook found that orders
had been given to the stores that he was to be
supplied with whatever he thought necessary, but
the only things required were larger coppers for the
distilling apparatus, the ones they had on board
having proved far too small. The officers and crew
were paid up to 28th May, and the petty officers
and men also received two months' advance to
enable them to provide necessaries and extras for
the voyage.    Cook remarks :
" The payment of six months' wages to the officers,
l7S 1  m
176 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE
and crews of these two sloops, being nearly all they
had due, was an indulgence never before granted to
any of His Majesty's Ships."
Cook now received his final orders, which he had
assisted to draw up-—in fact, "nothing was inserted
that I did not fully comprehend and approve of."
He was to call at Madeira for a supply of wine;
to sail for the Cape of Good Hope and there refresh
his men; then to look for Cape Circumcision, placed
by M. Bouvet in 540 S., n° 20' E., to determine if
it formed part of a continent, and if so to explore
it, following the coast and endeavouring to get as
near to the South Pole as he could without endangering his ships or crews. Should Cape Circumcision
prove to be an island, or should he be unable to find
it, he was to proceed as far south as he thought
there was a probability of meeting with land, and
then steering east, circumnavigate the world in as
high a latitude as he could. In case of meeting with
land he was to explore as far as time would permit
When the season rendered it unsafe to remain in
high latitudes he was to retire to the north to refit
and recruit, and at a proper season to return to the
south. In any unforeseen circumstances he was to
use his own discretion, and if the Resolution should
be lost, he was to prosecute his voyage in the
Adventure. A copy of these orders was given to
Captain Furneaux, and in case of separation the
following rendezvous were named: Madeira, Port
Pray a in the island of St I ago, the Cape of Good
Hope, and New Zealand.
The  Forsters   evidently were  far  from   pleasant
travelling companions, and at one time or another FORSTER SAVES  SHIP!
seem to have quarrelled with every one on board
the ship.    At the very first the father was dissatisfied
with the accommodation allotted to him, and offered
Mr Cooper ^100 to turn out of his cabin ; when this
offer was declined, he tried to force Mr Gilbert, the
Master, to give up his, threatening if he refused he
should be reported to the king and turned out of
the   Navy;   this   threat   appears   to  have   been  a
favourite one, and soon became a by-word with the
seamen, who, according to Mr Wales, would use it
to each other on every possible occasion.   But, according to his own account, Mr Forster was able to save
the expedition from a very great disaster on  12th
July.    He says he came on deck and noticed the ship
was adrift from her moorings; neither the officer of
the watch nor the look-out had seen it till he called
attention, and then, after a scene of the greatest confusion, the ship was fortunately brought up within
a few feet of the rocks.     On the other hand, the
Master's  log  admits  the Resolution got  adrift, but
before  Mr Forster  reached  the  deck the fact had
been reported to the Captain, all hands turned up,
the jib and forestay sail set, and the  ship quietly
dropped down into the Sound and anchored, never
having been In the slightest danger.    The only other
one to notice the affair was Midshipman Willis, who
simply states, " dropped from the Buoy and anchored
in the Sound."
Having received the private signals of the East
India Company's Navy, and letters of introduction
from the Prince of Orange to all the principal officers
of the Dutch East India Company, instructing them
to afford every assistance that might be required,
Cook hoisted the signal to the Adventure to weigh
M *%
178 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
anchor at 5 A.M. on 13th July, and with a north-west
breeze the two ships sailed for Madeira. When well
out in the Channel the Resolution's crew was mustered,
and it was found that, owing to a mistake of the
clerk, there was one man more than the complement,
so John Coghlan was entered on the "Supernumerary
List for Wages and Victuals."
On the 23rd they were able to relieve a small
French boat, from Ferrol to Corunna, which had
been blown far off her course, and had been short
of water for a fortnight. The day following they
fell in with three Spanish men-o'-war; Cook says:
"The sternmost hoisted English colours and fired
a gun to leeward, and soon after hoisted his own
proper colours, and spoke with the Adventure''
It appears she enquired who they were, and where
they were going, and finally wished them a good
voyage. This account did not satisfy Mr Forster,
who waxes eloquent and describes the event as "a
scene so humiliating to the masters of the sea."
He must have formed a strange opinion of Cook if
he thought for a moment he was one to put up
silently with anything humiliating to the British
flag. Marra, in his Journal, points out that the
build and rig of the ships were unusual for men-o'-
war, and that when the Spaniards found they had
stopped king's ships, they " made a proper apology
and very politely took leave, wishing them a good
At Madeira, where they arrived on 29th July, thev
were kindly received by Mr Loughnan, a mercham
of Funchal, who entertained some of the party ai
his house throughout the stay, obtained permission
for the Forsters to explore the island, and procured THE  FIRST LOSS
for the ships the stores that were required. Here
Cook, with his eye on the scurvy, purchased as many
onions as he thought would keep good, and ordered
them to be served out regularly to the crews as long
as they lasted. A further stock of fresh food in the
shape of fowls, pigs, goats, and fruits—chiefly oranges
and bananas—was laid in at Port Praya, where they
had called for water. On the 19th the first death
occurred; one of the carpenter's mates, Henry
Smook, was at work on one of the scuttles and,
falling overboard, was seen under the stern; every
effort was made to save him, but it was too late.
Cook says he was a good, steady man, whose loss
was often felt during the voyage.
On 27th August Cook learnt that the Adventure
had also had her losses. Two midshipmen, Lambrecht
and Kemp, had died of fever, brought on, Captain
Furneaux believed, by bathing and drinking too much
water under the hot sun of Port Praya. At this time
the Resolution had a clean bill of health, but for fear
lest the heavy rains, to which they were continually
subjected, might cause sickness, the ship was constantly fumigated, washed down, and thoroughly dried
by means of stoves, as advised by Captains Pallisser
and Campbell, with satisfactory results. On nearing
the Cape a sharp but unavailing look-out was kept
for a bank which had been reported, and on 30th
October they arrived in Table Bay. The run from
home was considered to have been good, as they had
in great measure escaped the calms they had been
told to expect at that season of the year, and the currents, though very strong, had only caused a difference between the longitude obtained by observation
and that by dead reckoning of three-quarters of a 180 1772-1774—SECOND  VOYAGE
degree, so Cook concluded that those north of the
Equator in the one direction were balanced by those
to the south in the contrary one.
On landing they were received by the Governor,
Baron Plattenberg, who told Cook he had received
orders from Holland that the two sloops were to
have every assistance that the place afforded. He
also said that two French ships, commanded by M.
de Kerguelen, had discovered land in 480 S., near
the meridian of Mauritius, but after sailing along
the coast for about forty miles, he had been blown
off by a heavy gale, in which he had lost both boats
and men. Two other French ships had also called
in March, which were on their way to explore the
South Pacific under M. Marion.
Wales and Bay ley got their instruments ashore
in order to make observations for the purpose of
correcting the "watch machines." That made by
Kendal was found to be working well, and gave the
longitude within one minute of time when compared
with that fixed by Messrs Mason and Dixon in 1761.
The first lieutenant of the Adventure, Mr Shank,
who had been ill almost from the day of leaving
England, applied for leave to return home, as he felt
unfit to proceed, and Mr Arthur Kemp was made
first lieutenant, his place being taken by Mr James
Burney. Mr Sparrman, a former pupil of Linnseus,
was engaged by Mr Forster as an assistant, and
makes his appearance on the rolls as "servant."
The crews were well looked after, as much time
granted on shore as possible, and fresh meat, fresh
vegetables, and fresh baked bread were served out
daily in ample quantity, so that when the ships
sailed to the southwards they were all " in as good THE  FIRST   ICE
a condition as when they left England." Cook found
time to write a letter of farewell to Mr Walker, as
it was
"customary for men to take leave of their friends
before they go out of the world; for I can hardly
think myself in it, so long as I am deprived of
having any connection with the civilised part of it,
and this will soon be my case for two years at least."
He at the end speaks of his ships, both "well provided
and well mann'd," and of the Resolution he says: " I
can assure you I never set foot in a finer ship."
On 22nd November they sailed for the south, and
soon began to feel the colder climate; the warm
jackets and trousers provided by the Admiralty were
served out, extra cuffs to protect the hands being
sewn on, and warmly lined canvas capes being made.
From the 29th till 6th December they were involved
in such a heavy gale that the ships were unable to
carry any sail, and a large quantity of the live stock
bought at the Cape perished from the effects of
wet and cold. A scuttle which had been insecurely
fastened was burst open by the sea, and a considerable quantity of water was taken on board, but
beyond necessitating some work at the pumps and
rendering things unpleasantly damp for a time, no
damage was done. It, however, gave Mr Forster an
opportunity for an account of the terrible danger
they were in, and, most wonderful to relate, to speak
well of the conduct of the crew. The ships were
carried so far to the east by the gale, that Cook gave
up the idea of searching for Cape Circumcision for the
present On the 10th the first ice was encountered
in latitude 500 40' S., and a little higher they were 182 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
stopped by a large field, to which they " could see
no end, either to the east, west, or south." This field
was followed along to the south-east for some days,
but no opening was found, so being in constant
danger from detached pieces, Cook reluctantly gave
orders to change the course to the northward. About
the middle of December signs of scurvy began to
show, and extra precautions were at once taken;
fresh wort was served out regularly to all hands
and the worst case received considerable benefit
from the treatment, although " Rob of Lemons and
Oranges" (a sort of jelly made from the fruits)
had had no effect. Furneaux reported at this time
that he had cured two very bad cases with the
" Rob."
When they had got thoroughly clear of all signs
of ice, Cook once again turned south, and by 26th
December had worked down as far as 500 31' S., 260
57' E., where, though surrounded by large masses of
floating ice, they steered to the west, leaving the
main ice field to the north of them. Gradually working down to 6o° S. in the longitude given for Cape
Circumcision, and being some ninety-five leagues
further south, with no signs of land, Cook concluded
that M. Bouvet must have been deceived by the ice.
(Bouvet Island was rediscovered by the German Deep
Sea Discovery ship Valdivia on 25th November 1898.
The position was fixed as 540 26.4' S., 30 24.2' S., and
not 540 S., ii° 20 E., as given to Cook, which will
account for his want of success in his search for it.)
Here Mr Wales was enabled to get a sight of the
moon for the second time since leaving the Cape of
Good Hope, and, taking several observations, fixed
the position  of the ship with   tolerable   accuracy. SHIPS  PARTED
Changing the course to E.S.E., very foggy weather
was encountered, accompanied by great cold, which
coated the rigging with ice, rendering it very pretty
to the eye  but  difficult   and  unpleasant  to  work.
Cook says that, though this suggested very intense
cold to the mind, in  reality the thermometer was
rather higher than it had been, and the sea was far
less encumbered with ice.    Taking large blocks of
ice on board it was found that, when the sea water
was drained off, they provided perfectly fresh water
on melting, thus removing a great weight from Cook's
shoulders, and he determined on venturing further to
the southward.    On 17th January 1773 they crossed
the Antarctic Circle in longitude 39°35/ E., and at noon
their latitude, by observation, was 66° 36' 30" S., the
sea  being free from ice.    However, in the evening
they found  themselves  completely  blocked   by an
enormous field, extending, as far as the eye could
reach, from the south-east round to the west; and
as the summer was nearly over, Cook decided it was
unwise to attempt anything further southwards, and
ordered a retreat to the north.    Again making for
the land claimed to have  been discovered  by the
French, he  spent  some days  searching for it, but
nothing was seen except some floating weed and a
few birds that are supposed never to get far away
from land.    On 8th February a  brisk gale sprang
up, accompanied by very hazy weather, thickening
into fog, and the two vessels separated.    The Resolution cruised about, firing guns  and  burning flares,
but no response was heard, and when the weather
cleared up, the Adventure was not to be seen.    Poor
Mr Forster was dreadfully scared when he realised
the two  ships had parted company;  he says that n
184 1772-1774—SECOND  VOYAGE
none of the crew "ever looked around the ocean
without expressing concern on seeing our ship alone
on this vast and unexplored expanse." He seems
to have been thoroughly unhappy, for he describes
the whole voyage, from the Cape to New Zealand,
as a series of hardships such as had never before
been experienced by mortal man. Cook conjectured,
rightly as it proved, that being a little to the south
of Tasman's track, Furneaux would make for the
rendezvous he had been given at New Zealand, and
therefore felt himself free to push on to the southeast, as he judged that if any large body of land
was in the vicinity, it must lie in that direction,
for the swell coming from the south-west precluded
the possibility of any mass of land being in that
On 17th February a display of the Aurora
Australis was reported to Cook, who speaks of it
as something quite new to him, although Banks
noted a display during the voyage of the Endeavour
between Timor and Batavia. The present one is
described as having a spiral motion, the direction
not strongly defined, and at times strong flashes
of light. A second display was seen on the 25th,
but not so marked. On this day, too, some of the
ship's boats engaged in "watering" from a small
iceberg, had a narrow escape from destruction as
the berg turned completely over whilst they were
at work.
The weather becoming very unsettled the Resolution was obliged to make to the north, and on 8th
March, the finest day they had experienced since
leaving the Cape, they were able to fix their position
by observation as 590 44' S., 1210 9' E., the thermometer DUSKY BAY
registering 400. Of course this pleasant break was
followed by a heavy gale, with a tremendously heavy
sea, and the ship ran before it for New Zealand.
Cook's wish was to touch at Van Diemen's Land,
so as to satisfy himself as to its forming a part of
New Holland, but the wind kept obstinately between
west and north, having shifted after the gale, and
he thought it would occupy a longer time than he
could spare, so he bore up for the South Island.
It was soon found that a few degrees of latitude
made a great difference in the temperature, " which
we felt with an agreeable satisfaction."
On 25th March, at 10 a.m., New Zealand was
sighted, and Cook steered in to the land with the
intention of putting into the first port that appeared
suitable, but as the weather became very hazy, he
thought it safer to stand off again. He had picked
up the land at a point which he had only seen from
a distance on his previous visit, and "now saw it
under so many disadvantageous circumstances, that
the less I say about it, the fewer mistakes I shall
The following day they got safely into Dusky
Bay, finding forty-four fathoms at the entrance and
a sandy bottom. In about a couple of leagues they
found a good anchorage in fifty fathoms, a hawser's
length or so from the shore. This was found to be
rather inconvenient, but another one was soon found
by Lieutenant Pickersgill, and received in consequence the name Pickersgill Harbour. Here the
observatory, forge, and tents were set up. Spruce
beer was brewed, to which molasses and some of
their I inspissated malt juice " was added, fish caught,
and, in fact, everything possible for the comfort of 186 I     1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
the crew for a short time, was done. They had
been a hundred and seventeen days at sea, had
sailed 3,600 leagues without a sight of land, and
had arrived with only one man sick with the scurvy,
"occasioned, chiefly, by a bad habit of body and
a complication of other disorders."
One day, passing an island whilst out surveying,
Cook was called by a Maori and landed to meet
him. The native was accompanied by two women,
and after an attempt at conversation, presented Cook
with a piece of native cloth, asking, as far as could
be understood, for a boat-cloak in return. One was
made for him out of red baize, and gave so much
satisfaction that he presented Cook with his "pattou,"
a sort of short flat club made of stone. He visited
the ship, and took great interest in all that was
going on, particularly with the saw pit. After watching the men some time, he intimated his desire to
try his hand in the pit, but found the work not quite
so easy as it looked, and soon required very little
persuasion to relinquish his task.
Cook speaks very favourably of Dusky Bay, a good
anchorage, plenty of good water, game, fish, and easy
to enter. The timber he describes as the best he had
seen in New Zealand, with the exception of that at
the Thames. There was but little edible herbage,
but he tried to remedy this by planting a quantity of
European seeds, and he also left, in a place where he
hoped they might be undisturbed, a pair of geese.
Whilst here Cook was for a time confined to his
cabin by what he describes as a slight cold, but
Mr Forster says was a severe attack of rheumatism.
After several unsuccessful attempts, owing to contrary winds, they left Dusky Bay on nth May, and FURNEAUX  REPORTS
on the 17th, when near Cape Stephens, fell in with
six water-spouts, one of which came within fifty
yards of the ship, and Cook regretted he had not
fired a gun at it, as he had heard that course recommended. He says he had one ready, but was so busy
noting the phenomena that he did not think of it
in time. On the other hand, Forster says that one
" was ordered to be got ready, but our people being,
as usual, very dilatory about it, the danger was passed
before we could try the experiment."
On 18th May they arrived in Queen Charlotte's
Sound, finding, as Cook had expected, the Adventure
there before them. Furneaux immediately reported
himself to his commanding officer, and said they had
been there for six weeks. After they had lost sight
of the Resolution on 8th February, they heard a gun
and bore up for it, firing every half-hour, but heard
no reply. They then cruised about for three days as
near the spot as the weather would permit, and then,
following Tasman's track, as Cook had surmised,
made for New Zealand, sighting Van Diemen's Land
on 9th March, near Tasman's South Cape. He sent
a boat ashore at the first opportunity, and a few traces
of natives were seen, but the weather was so threatening that the boat had to return to the ship. They
then put into Adventure Bay, and staying five days
took in wood and water; they had been reduced to
a quart per day of the last for some time. A few
deserted huts and occasional "smokes" were seen,
but no other signs of the inhabitants. They then
continued up the coast till it trended away to the
west, forming, Furneaux thought, a deep bay. Passing the islands which now bear Furneaux's name,
bad weather came on, and he judged it wise to
MMHBM! i88
make for his rendezvous, firmly convinced that Van
Diemen's Land was joined to New Holland. On
30th March they sighted the South Island, and were
greatly retarded in their run up the coast by the
heavy swell from the north. On their arrival in
Queen Charlotte's Sound, they found the pole erected
on Motuara, with the name of the Endeavour and
date on it, and several of the inhabitants came forward to trade and enquire after Cook and Tupia.
On nth May they experienced the shock of an
earthquake, but no damage was done.
Finding that several of the Adventure's crew were
very sick, Cook immediately sent out boats for a
supply of scurvy grass, and
" gave orders that it should be boiled with wheat and
portable broth every morning for breakfast, and with
peas and broth for dinner, knowing from experience
that these vegetables, thus dressed, are extremely beneficial in removing all manner of scorbutic complaints."
Furneaux had prepared to winter in Queen
Charlotte's Sound, but Cook thought it too soon
to settle down to rest and decided to push on.
He was half inclined to go over to Van Diemen's
Land and settle the question of its being a part of
New Holland, but Furneaux appeared convinced,
and the winds were contrary, so he decided on proceeding eastwards, and the Adventure was ordered
to refit as rapidly as possible. A boat sent out for
timber on 3rd June was chased by a large canoe
filled with men, but Cook thought no harm was
intended; on a second occasion some natives were
on the ship, when a large canoe came up, and those
on board requested Cook to fire on it, saying its
occupants  were  enemies.     This  Cook  declined to THE WATCH  MACHINE
do, and, instead, invited them to come on board,
an invitation that was accepted after a brief ceremonial, and the newcomers behaved themselves quite
properly; but soon Cook had to get rid of them
all, for he found his men were selling their clothing,
which they would shortly require, for things of no
value either as curiosities or otherwise. The newcomers went off to Motuara, and Cook followed them
up. He had some little conversation with them, but
did not remember having seen any of them at his
previous visit, and thought none of them recognised
him. They had their cooking utensils with them,
and he concluded they intended to settle down, at
any rate for a time.
Gardens had been started by Furneaux on his
arrival, and Cook tried to interest the Maoris in
them; he showed them the potatoes, carrots, and
parsnips, which they seemed to understand and
appreciate, and they promised to look after them.
He remarks that the intercourse between the Maoris
and the whites did not tend to improve the morals
of the former, whom he had hitherto looked upon
as superior in that respect to the other South Sea
Islanders he had come across.
On 7th June the two ships put to sea, and on
the 8th some accident happened to Arnold's timepiece on board the Resolution, and they were unable
to wind it up. So far it had been working very well,
but not quite so accurately as Kendal's. On the
return of the ship to England, Arnold was informed
that either by carelessness or wilfully Mr Wales had
caused this difficulty. Wales attributed this rumour
to the Forsters, to whom he wrote on the subject,
and it is very evident from their replies that though 190 1772-1774— SECOND  VOYAGE
they did not admit having circulated the report, they
were not ignorant that Arnold had been so informed.
There does not appear to be any ground for the
accusation, but it does appear very probable it originated with the Forsters.
Throughout the rest of June they experienced very
rough weather, and it was not till 18th July that they
reached 1330 W., having seen no signs of land on
their way. Cook therefore turned northwards so as
to cross the space between his track north and return
south in 1769. This course would practically settle
one view about the supposed Southern Continent, for
it had been laid down by some of the theorists that it
must be in the middle latitudes of the South Pacific.
New Zealand had been said to be the western side
of this continent (already disproved by Cook in his
previous voyage), and what Forster calls "the pretended discoveries near America," the eastern side.
The proposed course would take the ships through
the centre of the part of the ocean in dispute.
On 29th July, Cook sent a boat to the Adventure,
as he had heard her crew were very sickly, and found
that about twenty of her men were down with scurvy,
and the cook had died of the disease. Orders were
given that the utmost precautions were to be taken,
and wort, carrot marmalade, and rob of lemon were
to be freely served out. On the Resolution, at the
same time, three men were on the sick list, only
one of whom had scurvy, but some of the others
were showing symptoms, so similar precautions were
taken, with good results.
Cook was so anxious about the Adventure's crew
that he would not look for Pitcairn Island, disovered
by Carteret, although he believed he was in its neigh- DANGEROUS  WATERS
bourhood on 1st August (he was about fifteen leagues
to the west), but a day or so after was able to have
Furneaux on board to dinner, who reported a great
improvement. He had some cider on board, which he
had served out with gratifying results. Two islands
were sighted on the nth, which Cook named Resolution and Doubtful Islands ; he believed them to have
been discovered by De Bougainville, The following
morning at daylight they found themselves almost
on the top of what Cook calls "a half drowned
island, or rather large coral shoal of about 20 leagues
in circuit." In the lagoon which it surrounded they
saw a large canoe under sail. The island was named
after Furneaux. As they were now in such a dangerous neighbourhood, Cook ordered that at night the
cutter with an officer and seven men should keep
in advance of the ships until they arrived in sight of
Maitea (Osnaburg Island) on 15th July, when, being
in waters he knew, its services were discontinued.
He steered for the south side of Otaheite in order
to get fresh vegetables as soon as possible, and on
the 16th at daybreak they found themselves about
two miles from the reef. The wind dropped, and
the set of the current was taking them on to the
reef, so the boats were ordered out to tow, but getting
near an opening through which the tide was rushing
with great force, they were unable to keep the ships
off. The anchors were let go, and the Adventure,
finding holding ground, was brought up; but the
Resolution was not so fortunate, and was carried on
to the reef and struck two or three times, fortunately
without doing any serious damage. A land breeze
springing up and the tide slackening enabled them to
get in safely, with the loss of three anchors, a cable, %
1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE
and a couple of hawsers; the bower anchor was
recovered by Mr Gilbert the next day. Cook says
that though he thought they had a remarkably
narrow escape, the natives who saw them did not
seem to appreciate that they had been in any
They remained at this anchorage for a week, and
obtained plenty of cocoanuts and bananas ; but though
they saw hogs, they were unable to purchase any,
as the people declared they all belonged to their
chief; so, hearing he was in the neighbourhood,
Cook landed to call on him, and at once recognised
him as Tearee, whom he had seen in 1769. The chief
also remembered him, and enquired after several of
the Endeavour people. He tried to get Cook to'
make a longer stay, promising supplies of fresh meat
as an inducement, but as such promises had so often
been broken before, Cook replied he should leave the
next day. Whilst here one of the marines, who had
been ailing more or less all the voyage, and had
become dropsical, died, and the one man who was
suffering from scurvy still remained on the sick
list. On the other hand, the Adventure's crew had
greatly improved in health with the change to fresh
vegetables. One of the natives was found to have
picked up cocoanuts from which the sailors had
drunk the milk, and having carefully sealed up the
holes, resold them, and did not seem disconcerted
when his trick was found out.
Before the ships reached their anchorage at Matavai
Bay they were crowded with natives, many of whom
Cook recognised, and almost all of whom knew him.
Otoo, the king, at once recognised Cook, and enquired
after Banks, Solander, and others of the Endeavour; SPANIARDS  HANGED
yet Forster gravely asserts that he never saw them
at the former visit. The old fort on Point Venus was
reoccupied, tents pitched, and the observatory set up,
and the camp was placed under the command of
Lieutenant Edgecombe of the Marines.
The king gave a theatrical entertainment in honour
of their arrival, at which his sister was the only female
performer. It had some reference to the coming of
the ships, but they were not able to follow the thread
of the story. Cook could see that Otoo was nervous
and uncomfortable, and felt dissatisfied with his reception, so determined to cut short his stay. No one
could understand the reason of the unsatisfactory
feeling, but Forster suggests that it was owing to
the advice of a Spanish deserter, who had left his
ship about March 1773. This vessel was commanded
by Don Juan de Langara y Huarto, and was from
Callao; her voyage has not been published, but the
natives gave Forster to understand that four of her
sailors had been hanged on her arrival. Cook refers
to the presence of a white man, who, when he
thought he had been observed, disappeared and was
not seen again. Young Forster made an attempt to
explore the interior, but finding the climbing more
difficult than he expected, soon returned. In the
gardens which had been planted at the Endeavour's
visit, pumpkins seemed to be the only things which
had done well, and for these the natives did not
care, "which is not to be wondered at," says Cook.
Further enquiries as to the religious ceremonies were
made, but nothing very definite was ascertained ; it
appeared that on very rare occasions special criminals, selected by the high priest, were sacrificed at
the " Moris."    Cook also formed the opinion that the
!&&, 194 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
standard of morality amongst the women was much
higher than had previously been admitted.
Sailing with a favourable wind on 1st September
for Huaheine, the Adventure ran ashore going
through the reef, but with the assistance of the
Resolution's boats, she was soon towed off without
serious damage. Forster, as usual, tries to cause
trouble by declaring that Cook would not send
assistance till the Resolution was safely anchored, and
thus added to the danger of his consort. As the
boats were in the water before the accident occurred,
in order to render immediate assistance if required,
Mr Forster's story is too thin.
On arrival Cook was informed his old friend
Oree was coming to see him, so he went ashore to
meet him. The boat was hauled up close to the
chiefs house, and then five young plantain trees, as
emblems of peace, were carried on board one by one,
the first three being each accompanied by a young
pig with his ears ornamented with cocoanut fibre;
the fourth was accompanied by a dog; and the
fifth by the bag which Cook had given Oree in 1769,
containing the pewter plate with the inscription
relating to the Endeavour"s visit, and the beads, and
imitation coins. On the advice of his guide, Cook
decorated three of the plantains with nails, medals,
beads, etc., and he, Furneaux, and Forster, landed
with them in their hands. They were requested to sit
down, and the trees were taken from them and placed
before Oree, the first for God, the second for the king,
and the third for Friendship. The chief then came forward and greeted Cook in a most affectionate manner,
the tears trickling down his cheeks. Further presents
were then exchanged, and the ceremony was over. SPARRMAN'S  MISADVENTURE      195
Here they were able to purchase a plentiful supply
of everything, pigs, fowls, and fruit, and Cook says
if he had been able to stay longer he might have
bought as much more as everything seemed abundant.
The only disagreeable thing that happened was to
Mr Sparrman, who, out by himself botanising, was
set upon and stripped of everything but his trousers—
Besant substitutes spectacles for trousers. He made
his way towards the boats, and was befriended by a
native, who gave him some cloth to put over his
shoulders and escorted him to the others. When
Oree heard of the affair he placed himself in Cook's
hands, and did his best to find out the culprits, and
after a time Sparrman's hanger and the greater part
of his things were recovered. It seems probable that
some native law had been unwittingly broken and
Sparrman's treatment was meant as a punishment,
for every one else had been particularly well treated.
Before leaving Cook added to Oree's treasures a
copper plate on which was inscribed, " Anchored
here, His Britannic Majesty's Ships Resolution and
Adventure, September 1773." Some medals were
also given him, and he was requested to show them
to any visitors that came.
At Ulietea they were received at a f heava" or
dramatic performance, one portion of which illustrated
a robbery by two men, and Cook says it was acted
"in such a masterly manner as sufficiently displayed
the genius of the people in this vice." Fruit and
vegetables being rather scarce, Mr Pickersgill was
despatched with a boat from each ship to an island
Cook calls O'Taha, where they were said to be
plentiful, and he was able to purchase as much as
they had  means to pay for, at a very reasonable I96 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
rate; but during  negotiations  the  bag  containing
the "trade" was stolen.    Pickersgill at once seized
everything of value he could lay his hands on, signifying at the same time that all should be returned
when the bag and its contents were produced.   In the
evening   a  chief,  who  had   been  friendly  all  day,
went off and soon after came back with the bag and
about half its contents.   Eventually all was recovered,
and the  boats left with good loads in a perfectly
friendly manner.    When the boats went from Ulietea
the crews of the two vessels were again entertained,
but during the night all the natives disappeared, to
the surprise and annoyance of Cook, who thought
something serious had happened to offend them.    It
turned out that, seeing the boats did not return, the
natives thought it was a case of desertion, and were
afraid they might be held responsible.
Leaving here, the course was to the south of west
so as to clear the tracks of other explorers, and then
to call at Middleburg and Amsterdam. Each night
the ships lay to in order that they might not overlook
any unknown island, and on 23rd September Harvey's
Islands were sighted and named. On 1st October
Middleburg was reached, but no good anchorage
being found, they went on to Amsterdam. Before
they got clear away, however, two canoes came out,
and the coast opening up in a more promising
manner, they ran in again and found ground in
twenty-five fathoms. Plenty of the natives, quite
unarmed, came off to the ships, some, amongst whom
was a chief named Tioony, were invited on board;
the traders were so anxious to do business, that those
who could not get near enough to hand their goods
into the boats, pitched them over the heads of their BAGPIPES  APPRECIATED
friends. Some of the party accompanied Tioony to
his house, which was delightfully situated, and were
entertained with refreshments, in the shape of cocoa-
nuts, bananas, and a few shaddocks, called by Forster
" pumplemoses," and music ; and in return the ship's
bagpipes played, to the great enjoyment of the
natives. Turnbull, who visited the Pacific during
the years 1800 to 1804, says that these instruments
were remembered, and in Otaheite were specially
asked for. The musical contribution of the natives
commenced with a song by three girls, who sang
rather nicely, and were duly rewarded with presents,
whereon all the women began singing in a manner
which Cook describes as " both musical and harmonious." A short walk disclosed plantations "well
laid out and kept," but as eatables seemed scarce, a
departure was made the next day for Amsterdam,
the waves breaking high upon the rocks as they
followed the coast.
Off the southern point of Amsterdam several
canoes came out, and their occupants came aboard
without hesitation, presenting cava root as a peace-
offering. The ships anchored in eighteen fathoms,
and were soon crowded with visitors. Nothing but
cloth was offered for sale, so Cook, finding the
sailors were parting with clothing they would soon
be wanting, issued an order that no curiosities were
to be purchased, with the result that next morning
hogs, fowls, cocoanuts, and bananas were forthcoming.
Cook, Forster, and some of the others went ashore
and found a chief, Attago, who had attached himself
to Cook, very useful in their trading. Mr Hodges
painted a picture of this landing, but, as Mr Forster
very justly points out, the  attire  of the natives  is 198 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
far too classical. It was noticed that many of the
natives had lost the top joint of the little finger of one,
and in some cases, of both hands. This was understood to be a mark of mourning for the loss of parents.
The fowls here were remarkably good, and the
sailors purchased some for the purpose of cock-
fighting, but they proved much more successful in
the pot. The island is described as well cultivated, not an inch of ground being wasted in roads
or fences. Forster reported having seen a large
casuarina tree loaded with crows, but they proved
to be that pest of the fruit grower—flying foxes.
He also states that the Resolution anchored in the
same spot as Tasman when he discovered the island.
The natives proved as adept at thieving as the
majority of the South Sea Islanders. One man,
who had stolen some books from the Master's cabin,
got off in his canoe, and being chased, took to the
water, and diving under his pursuers' boat, unshipped
the rudder, and got clear away. Mr Wales, in going
ashore, took off his shoes and stockings to save them
from the wet, when they were at once snatched up
by a native, who ran off with them over the coral
rocks, leaving poor Wales in what Cook calls "an
unpleasant but laughable position," unable to follow
over the sharp stone; however, Attago soon afterwards recovered them.
The language was closely allied to that used in
the Society Group, many words being identical; and
Cook concluded they had some form of religious
worship, as he noted enclosed pieces of ground in
which one or two particular men were accustomed
to repeat speeches apparently of a set nature.
On 7th October, sailing for  New  Zealand, they NEW  ZEALAND ONCE  MORE
were delayed., by contrary winds, and did not sight
the neighbourhood of Table Cape till the 21st
They stood into Tolago and Poverty Bays with
the intention of presenting any chiefs who came
off, with pigs, fowls, and garden seeds in hopes of
making a commencement in stocking the island, but
none were seen till Cape Kidnappers was reached,
when two made their appearance, and were duly
given two boars and two sows, and four hens and
two cocks, first obtaining a promise that they should
not be killed ; to these were added a supply of seeds,
such as peas, beans, cabbage, turnips, etc. Standing
on through a series of heavy squalls, in one of which
the Resolution lost her fore topgallant mast, they ran
into a violent gale which lasted for a week, and, after
a slight moderation, came on with increased fury, and
the two vessels parted company.
On 3rd November the Resolution reached her old
anchorage in Ship Cove, Queen Charlotte's Sound;
but the Adventure was seen no more during the
voyage. Forster was much upset by the stormy
weather, "the dreadful energy of the language" of
the sailors, the absence of their consort which
"doubled every danger," the shortness of the table
supplies, and his own dislike to a further trip to
southern latitudes. Hoping the Adventure might
yet come in, Cook pushed on with his refit, and
thoroughly overhauled his stores. About 4,000 lbs.
weight of ship's bread was found unfit for food, and
another 3,000 lbs. nearly as bad; they were very
fortunate, therefore, in getting a plentiful supply of
scurvy grass and wild celery, and a small quantity
of vegetables from the gardens they had previously
laid out. 200 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
Any doubts that may have been felt about the
cannibalism of the New Zealanders was set at rest
by some of the officers who surprised a party
engaged in a feast A human head was purchased
from the feasters and taken on board, and a piece
of the flesh being offered to a Maori, it was greedily
devoured. A South Sea Islander, Odidie, was intensely horrified, and refused to touch the knife with
which it had been cut, nor would he be in any way
friendly with the eater. Cook firmly believed that
only enemies killed in battle were eaten, and did not
think the custom arose from any shortness of food.
Enclosing in a bottle, which was buried under a
marked tree in the garden, a memorandum giving
the dates of his arrival and departure, the direction
he intended to steer, and other information he
thought might be useful to Furneaux, Cook sailed
on 25th November, and as they passed through the
straits, guns were continually fired, and a sharp lookout kept for signs of the Adventure; but nothing
was seen, and as no other rendezvous had been
appointed, Cook gave up all hope of her rejoining
him. The Resolution, when clear, bore up for the
south-east, but had the course at the first been north
of east, the two ships might possibly have met, for
the Adventure was then on her way from Tolago
Bay and arrived in Ship Cove four days after the
departure of her consort Cook says his crew were in
good sprits, and in no way dejected, "or thought the
dangers we had yet to go through were in the least
increased by being alone." They were quite ready to
go, " wherever I might think proper to lead them."
Even Mr Forster had to admit at a little later date, that,
** notwithstanding the constant perils to  which our ARMOUR  OF  ICE
course exposed us, in this unexplored ocean, our
ship's company were far from being so uneasy as
might have been expected."
On 6th December, at 8.30 A.M., they reckoned they
were " at the Antipodes to our friends in London,
consequently as far removed from them as possible."
Here a swell coming from the south-west showed
there was no great body of land in that direction,
except at a considerable distance. The first ice was
seen on 12th December in 620 10' S., and on the 15th,
in 66° S., they were obliged to edge away north as
they were surrounded by large quantities of loose
ice, and it was very foggy. Working up to between
640 and 65°, they again headed east still hampered
by ice and fog, but in a few days the weather
improved a little, and they recovered the Antarctic
Circle, and reached 6y° 31' S. on the 23rd, the highest
south latitude hitherto attained. The rigging was
so coated with ice that it was difficult to work the
ship, and Cook altered his course to the north-east.
Marra says, under 18th December,
"Icicles frequently hung to the noses of the men,
more than an inch long . . . the men, cased in
frozen snow, as if clad in armour, where the running
rigging has been so enlarged by frozen sleet as hardly
to be grasped by the largest hand . . . yet, under
all these hardships, the men cheerful over their grog,
and not a man sick, but of old scars."
Cook says that some of the men suffered from
fever brought on by the unavoidable exposure to
cold and wet, but it was slight, and " happily yielded
to the simplest remedies." The ship was so surrounded by masses of ice as to cause some apprehension, but by taking advantage of every breath
— «
202 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE
of air the danger was averted.    Christmas Day was
passed in constant watchfulness.
" We were fortunate in having continual daylight,
and clear weather, for had it been foggy as on some
of the preceding days, nothing less than a miracle
could have saved us from being dashed to pieces."
On 7th January 1774, five very successful observations gave the mean longitude as 1230 21' W., the
watch gave it 1230 44', and the dead reckoning as
1230 39'. Cook signifies his keen appreciation of the
watch machine, and says: " I must here take notice
that our longitude can never be erroneous while we
have so good a guide as Mr Kendal's watch."
A further attempt to the south was made, and
on 30th January the high latitude of 710 io' S. was
reached, in longitude 1060 54' W., further progress
being stopped by a large and solid field of ice.
This record was not beaten till 1823, by Weddell,
and until recent years very few of the attempts on
Antarctic discovery had proved as successful. Satisfied that there was no continent existing within
the Arctic Circle except so far south as to be
practically inaccessible on account of ice, he acknowledged he did not regret he found it impossible to
go further, and, thinking that in the unexplored parts
of the South Pacific there was room for many large
islands, and also that discoveries already made had
been imperfectly laid down on the charts, he decided
that it was his duty, as he had a well-found ship and
a healthy crew, to remain in these waters and add
what he could to the knowledge of geography. He
therefore planned to find the land discovered by Juan
Fernandez in 380 S., and, if unsuccessful, to proceed
to Easter Island and fix its position, as it was very
uncertain, then to proceed to Otaheite, where he had
a faint hope he might hear of the Adventure, and,
proceeding further west, settle the position of "Tierra
Austral del Espiritu Santo" of De Quiros. Afterwards to turn south-east, and, reaching Cape Horn
in November, he would have the best part of the
summer for exploration in the South Atlantic. He
" Great as this design appears to be, I however
thought it possible to be executed ; and when I came
to communicate it to the officers, I had the satisfaction to find they all heartily concurred in it. I should
not do these gentlemen justice if I did not take some
opportunity to declare that they always shewed the
utmost readiness to carry into execution in the most
effectual manner, every measure I thought proper to
take. Under such circumstances it is hardly necessary
to say, that the seamen were always obedient and
alert; and on this occasion they were so far from
wishing the voyage at an end, that they rejoiced at
the prospect of its being prolonged another year and
of soon enjoying the benefits of a milder climate."
Mr Forster does not agree with this account, for
he says:
"The long continuance in these cold climates
began now to hang heavily on our crew, especially
as it banished all hope of returning home this year,
which had hitherto supported their spirits. At first
a painful despondence owing to the dreary prospect
of another year's cruise to the south seemed painted
in every countenance; till by degrees they resigned
themselves to their fate with a kind of sullen indifference. It must be owned, however, that nothing
could be more dejecting than the entire ignorance of
our future destination which, without any apparent 204 1772-1774—SECOND  VOYAGE
reason was constantly kept a secret to every person
in the ship."
It is evident that Cook and his officers did not
think it necessary to consult Mr Forster as to the
movements of the ship, or, what is more probable,
he was in one of his irritable moods and must say
something nasty about some one.
The decision to turn northwards was taken none
too soon, for on 6th February a furious storm came
on, playing havoc with the sails and running rigging,
and though it abated somewhat next morning, it
blew very strong till the 12th, and would have been
highly dangerous if it had caught them amongst
the ice. On the 17th Cook judged he had crossed
his outward track of 1769, and on the 20th he notes
the thermometer rising to 66°, the only real summer
day they had experienced since leaving New Zealand.
Having arrived at the position laid down for the land
supposed to have been seen by Juan Fernandez, he
cruised about but found no signs, so on the 25th
stood away for Easter Island.
Cook was now taken seriously ill and was confined
to his bed for several days by what he calls " the
bilious cholic," during which time " Mr Patten, the
surgeon, was to me, not only a skilful physician, but
an affectionate nurse." He recovered very slowly,
and the want of fresh food told against him when
it came to the question of gathering strength. The
only fresh meat on board was a dog belonging to
Mr Forster, which was duly sacrificed and made
into soup: " Thus I received nourishment and
strength from food which would have made most
people in Europe sick." Marra's Journal says, under
23rd February: EASTER  ISLAND
"This day the Captain was taken ill, to the grief
of all the ship's company." 28th February: " The
Captain this day much better, which each might
read in the countenance of the other, from the
highest officer to the meanest boy on board the
ship." 4th March: " The Captain perfectly recovered from his illness, to the great joy of the
ship's company."
At 8 a.m., on nth March, Easter Island was sighted
from the masthead, and shortly after noon some
of the gigantic statues mentioned in " Roggewin's
Voyages" were clearly distinguished through the
glasses. The position of the ship at noon had been
fixed as 270 3' S., 1090 46' W. Standing on and off
till next morning, fair anchorage was found in
thirty-six fathoms, but it proved too near the edge
of a bank, and they were driven off it in the night.
One or two canoes came out to meet them as they
were working back, from which plantains were purchased, and Cook proceeded ashore, where he was
immediately surrounded by natives; indeed, some
even swam out to meet him. Many of them possessed European hats, jackets, handkerchiefs, etc.,
which they were said to have obtained from the
Spaniards in 1770. Their language was very similar
to that of Otaheite, and Odidie was able to understand them fairly well. There were no trees exceeding ten feet in height, and the land is described as
extremely parched and dreary, though a few plantations were seen. Some remarkable pieces of stonework were noticed, enclosing small areas of ground,
in some of which were the statues already mentioned.
These were not looked upon by the natives as objects
"of worship, although they did not like the pavements 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
by which they were surrounded being walked over,
or the statues being closely examined. Mr Forster
regarded the enclosures as burial grounds, and the
statues (portions of some of them are at the British
Museum) as monuments to chiefs.
The water supply being found very bad, though
Gonzales is said to have found good springs, and the
fresh food for sale but scanty, the stay was cut short,
and on 16th March sail was made for the Marquesas,
discovered by Mendafia in 1595. The next day,
according to Marra, the fresh provisions obtained
were served out to the crew at the Captain's expense,
namely, two pounds of potatoes a man, and a
bunch of bananas to each mess; and this without
reducing their ordinary allowance; an act of
generosity which produced its effect; it preserved
the crew in health, and encouraged them to undergo cheerfully the hardships that must unavoidably
happen in the course of so long a voyage."
The Marquesas were reached on 7th April, and
after a narrow escape from running on the rocks,
satisfactory anchorage was obtained, and they were
visited by some of the natives, from whom breadfruit and fish were purchased. The next day further
trading was done, nails being the chief medium of
exchange, but the natives were inclined to be smart
in their dealings, and on several occasions obtained
payment without delivery. Cook here suffered from
a relapse, but was able to get about, and after warning
the officer on watch to keep a smart look - out, or
something of importance would be stolen, took his
seat in a boat to go in search of a better anchorage.
He was then informed that a stanchion had been
stolen from the  gangway, and  the  thief had got MARKET  SPOILT
away to his canoe on the other side of the ship.
He ordered a shot to be fired over the canoes, but
no one was to be hurt, and he would pull round
and secure the thief. The order was apparently
misunderstood, for the thief was killed, and the rest
of the natives hurried ashore. Soon after, trading
recommenced, and the lesson appeared forgotten, for
an attempt was made to steal the kedge anchor by
which the ship was being warped nearer the shore.
Cook landed, and the trading went on as if nothing
out of the common had occurred, and some pigs (so
small that it required forty or fifty to provide one
meal for the crew!) and fruit were purchased; but
in the afternoon, when the boats went in for water,
all the natives had disappeared. This Cook attributed
to his not being with them, for the next morning,
when he landed, trading was resumed. A short trip
was made in the boats along the coast, and when
they returned it was found the market was closed.
It seems one of "the young gentlemen" had given
a small handful of red feathers he had obtained at
Tonga for a small pig, and now nothing else would
be accepted, so they sailed for Otaheite on the 11 th.
Cook was very much annoyed at the ill success in
obtaining fresh provisions, for though none of the crew
were ill, he thought they stood in need of a change
of food. He describes the inhabitants as the finest
race he had seen in the South Seas, almost as fair
as Europeans, and their language very similar to that
of Otaheite. Their arms consisted of clubs, spears,
and slings, the two former very neatly made, and with
the latter they threw stones a considerable distance
but without accuracy. Mr Forster managed to secure
a quantity of small birds with very beautiful plumage. 208 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
On 17th April they sighted the George Islands,
discovered by Byron (native name, Tiookea), but,
after sending the Master to report on the lagoon,
Cook decided it was too dangerous to enter, and
Mr Cooper went off with two boats to see if it were
possible to trade. He obtained a few dogs and
cocoanuts, but the attitude of the natives was so
uncertain he would not land, and returned to the
ship. One of the sailors exchanged a plantain for
a dog, so it was concluded the fruit was unknown.
On the 19th four more islands were discovered, and
named Pallisser Islands, and on rounding one a strong
swell rolling in from the south was encountered, "a
sure sign that we were clear of these low islands."
On the 21 st, land a little to the east of Point Venus
was sighted, and next morning they anchored in
Matavai Bay, being immediately visited by the
natives, who seemed greatly pleased to see them
again. The old camp was reoccupied, the observatory set up for Mr Wales, and Cook had again the
pleasure to record he had no one on the sick
The king, Otoo, came to visit the camp, bringing
as his present a dozen pigs and some fruit, and then
with some of his friends went on board ship to
dinner, and to receive the return present. It was
then found $iat the red feathers were greatly valued,
a very fortunate thing as articles of trade were running
short. Cook, after the disappointment in securing
supplies at the last visit, intended to make a very
short stay, but the place now appeared to be very
thriving, houses and canoes were being built in all
directions, and there was every sign of prosperity,
so he decided to remain and refit   On 25 th April
they had a thunderstorm lasting three hours, such
as no one on board had experienced before.
Going to visit Otoo on the next day, Cook was
surprised to see a large number of fully-manned
canoes ranged along the coast, and a large body of
armed men on the land near them. On landing, he
was surrounded by people, and seized by two chiefs,
one of whom wanted to carry him off to see the
king, and the other to see the fleet, and between
the two, " I was like to be pulled to pieces," the
crowd making way with cries of " Tiya no Tootee."
He was gradually drawn towards the fleet, but refused
to go on board, and after a time was allowed to return
to his own boats, when he found his companions had
been subject to similar treatment They put out
from shore in order to have a good look at the fleet,
and counted one hundred and sixty large double
canoes, all well equipped and fully manned. The
chiefs were swathed in vast quantities of cloth, so
that to the Englishmen it seemed almost a miracle
they were able to move. The vessels were decorated
with flags and streamers, and made a very fine appearance. These were the " first line," and, in addition,
there were one hundred and seventy smaller double
canoes, each having a small house or castle on it,
which were thought to be transports and store ships,
as the larger ones, as far as could be seen, carried
no supplies on board. The number of men on board
was estimated to be no less than 7,500, and it was
ascertained this armada was intended for the subjugation of Eimeo which had lately rebelled against
Cook was informed Otoo was waiting at the camp
for him, but on going there he found he had not been
O 2io 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
there, and on looking for him again in the afternoon
he was still invisible.    The fleet had also gone away ;
and  then  it was  discovered  that some of  Cook's
clothes  had   been  stolen  from  the  wash,  and  the
king and Admiral were both in dread of his anger.
However, Cook sent word he should take no steps
to recover the stolen articles, and things resumed a
friendly aspect, the Admiral, Towha, sending Cook a
present of two large pigs and some fruit, giving orders
to the bearers that they were to receive nothing in
exchange.   He soon after paid a visit to the ship, and
as it was his first, he examined everything with great
curiosity, and appeared greatly impressed with what
he  saw.    One  of the  natives  having  been  caught
making off with a small water cask, Cook determined
he should be punished, and made a ceremonial affair
of it.    The culprit was first sent on board and put in
irons, the  natives and the crew mustered, and  then
the thief was taken on shore and triced up.    Cook
then made a short speech in which he pointed out
that when his  men were caught  stealing from the
natives they were always punished, but the natives
were always stealing  from  the ship and crew and
getting away unpunished, he therefore  ordered  the
man to be given two dozen lashes.    These were duly
administered, and Towha made a speech in which he
was understood to admit the justice of Cook's action.
The marines were then put through their drill, and
fired  a  few volleys with ball, and  the  proceedings
terminated;   but  Cook  declares he did  not know
whether the natives were pleased or frightened by the
ceremony.     The king's brother then took some of
the officers out to see a part of their fleet at exercise,
and they were just in time to see the conclusion and MUSKET STOLEN
the landing of the men. Cook says the canoes were
handled very smartly, and " five minutes after putting
ashore you could not tell anything of the kind had
been going forward."
The sea stores were again overhauled, and although
the greatest care had been taken with the packing,
large quantities of the bread were found to be uneatable, rendering the purchase of fresh food at every
opportunity of the greatest importance.
A state visit was paid on board by Otoo's father
and some other members of the royal family, who
presented Cook with
"a complete mourning dress, a curiosity we most
valued. In return I gave him whatever he desired,
which was not a little, and having distributed red
feathers to all the others, conducted them ashore in
my boat."
On 7th May the king expressed a wish to see
Cook, so the latter went ashore, but found his Majesty
and many of his leading men had disappeared, and
the sergeant of marines reported that one of his men
had had his musket stolen whilst on duty. Cook
gave orders that if the musket was returned nothing
further was to be said, and returned to his ship.
Suspicion was attracted to six canoes laden with fruit
and baggage, so Cook gave chase in his own boat.
One of the canoes then made for the ship, and the
occupants, women whom he recognised, informed
him they were taking some things to the Resolution,
and that the king was at Point Venus. Cook went
to the camp, to find this was only a story to put him
off, and he once again gave chase, ordering another
boat to follow. A few shots were fired over the
canoes, and five out of the six surrendered, the one he w
212 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
had spoken with getting away. He was now told that
the gun had been stolen by a native of Tiarabou, and
therefore Otoo was unable to get it back, so after a
little discussion he decided to put up with the loss,
and sent word to the king that he would say no
more about it. In the evening, however, the musket
and some articles that had not been missed were
returned, and the men who brought them were duly
rewarded. Cook says it was remarkable how many
had been actively engaged in their recovery. One
man in particular described most vividly how he had
followed up, attacked and killed the thief of the
musket, but at the same time every one was well
aware that this hero had never been away from his
own house throughout the day. A state call was
made on Otoo, and with the usual exchange of
presents the old footing was re-established. On the
return from this visit a stop was made " at the
dockyards, for such they deserve to be called," and the
canoes in construction were inspected, two of them
being the largest the Englishmen had yet seen.
The king soon after returned the visit, and requested that the big guns should be fired, but Cook
thinks it was very doubtful if the experience was
enjoyed. A display of fireworks in the evening was
much more to the native taste. Referring to the
numerous robberies that had been committed, Cook
says he found it far the best to deal mildly with the
delinquents, and the regulations he made were, as a
rule, well kept by the natives. He was now better
pleased with his reception, and concluded that the
island was in a more prosperous condition than at
his last visit. When the ship was ready to resume
her   voyage,  several young natives volunteered to MARRA  DESERTS
accompany her, and Mr Forster was most anxious
to take one as a servant, but as Cook could see no
prospect of returning them to their homes, he would
not permit one to go.
When the anchor was weighed on 14th May,
Marra, the gunner's mate, whose Journal has been
quoted, quietly slipped into the water, and endeavoured
to reach a canoe which was hanging about to pick
him up, but he was seen and taken on board again.
In his notes he expresses his regret that the scientific
world thus lost the chance of having the experiences
of a prolonged residence amongst these people placed
before it. At the time of leaving there was great
talk of the expedition against Eimeo, and Cook would
have liked to have watched the proceedings, but he
soon saw that nothing would be done whilst he
remained in the vicinity.
On their arrival at Huaheine on the 15th the ship
was immediately boarded by Cook's old friend Oree
with the usual present, and he and his friends were
invited to dine on board. He was asked what he
would like for the return present, and named axes and
nails, which were given him with the request that he
would distribute them amongst his people; this he
at once did, to the apparent satisfaction of all. The
thieving propensities of the natives were still as bad
as ever; a shooting party was robbed of its stock
of trade goods, and the day after, three officers were
seized and stripped, so Cook took an armed party
ashore, captured two of the leading chiefs and a large
house, and said he should keep them till the things
stolen were returned. This had the desired effect,
and everything was soon brought back.
On 23rd  May they sailed   for   Ulietea, and on 214 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
their arrival the next day were well received, though
it was evident provisions were rather scarce. They
were informed here that two ships had arrived at
Huaheine, one commanded by Banks, and the other
by Furneaux, and their informant describes both
Captains so well that it was some time before Cook
ventured to reject the tale as too improbable. It is
possible that there was some foundation for the story
that ships had been seen, for it afterwards became
known that M. St Dennis had been in the South
Pacific about this time with two vessels.
Notwithstanding pressing invitations from the
natives to stay, Cook sailed for Lord Howe's Island,
discovered by Wallis, reaching it on the 6th June,
but as it seemed uninhabited it offered no inducement for any stay. On the i6th a chain of sandbanks and islets surrounding a lagoon into which
no practicable entrance could be seen, was named
Palmerston's Islands ; and on the 20th a landing was
effected on Savage Island, but as the natives were
very threatening, and the country enabled them to
approach closely without exposing themselves, the
party retired on the boats. A few spears were
thrown, and Marra says that one would have struck
Cook had he not seen it coming and stooped in time
to avoid it, and then aimed with his gun loaded with
small shot at the thrower, but it missed fire ; a short
time afterwards he again tried it, aiming in the air,
and it was discharged. Forster attributes the constant misfires to the bad quality of the flints supplied
by the Government, and says that English flints had
a very unsatisfactory reputation on the Continent.
The course was now set for Rotterdam, where they
arrived on 26th June, and were fairly well received MORE  THIEVING
by the natives, who brought supplies of fruit before
the anchorage had been reached; but they soon
began to play the old game of trying to annex
anything that took their fancy. One seized the
lead which was in use, whilst a second tried to cut
the line with a stone, and was only persuaded to
desist by a charge of small shot fired at his legs.
A small party of the sailors went ashore for water,
and a quantity was obtained; but again the natives
became too pressing in their attentions. The doctor's
musket was stolen, then Mr Clerke's, then some
other things and a cooper's adze ; and Cook, though
at first inclined to take no notice, felt compelled to
seize two canoes, and himself wounded a man, who
had rendered himself conspicuous by his disorderly
conduct, with a charge of small shot, and it was at
first rumoured he was killed. This Cook would not
believe as he had been very careful not to fire at a
vital spot. After a time the muskets and some of
the other things were given up, so the canoes were
returned to their owners, and the adze was demanded.
Instead of the adze, however, the reported corpse
was brought on board, and proved, on examination
by the doctor, to be very little the worse for his
experience, having a slight wound on the thigh and
a second one on the wrist. He was soon on his feet,
and the adze was then produced. The next day the
people were very civil, and the crew were able to
water without interruption.
On 16th July they sighted Aurora Island, discovered by Bougainville, but it came on to blow hard,
so they did not attempt to anchor. The natives
came down fully armed as if to oppose a landing,
and the ship passed on to Whitsunday Island.    Off m
2i6 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
Malicolo good anchorage was found, and the natives
came on board, and were so pleased with their reception they returned next day in greater numbers,
and whilst Cook was in his cabin with some who
appeared to be chiefs, a great noise arose on deck.
A boat keeper had declined to allow a native to get
into his boat, and the islander was fitting an arrow
to his bow as Cook came on deck, with the intention
of shooting the sailor. Cook shouted at him, and he
at once diverted his aim to the Captain, but the
latter was too quick, and peppered him with small
shot, spoiling his aim. He was not much hurt, and
proceeded to fit another arrow to his bow, when
Cook gave him the second barrel and induced him
to retire. Some of the others also discharged a few
arrows, so a musket was fired over them, without any
effect. A four-pound gun was tried, and the effect
was truly marvellous; the natives in the rigging
and on deck threw themselves into the water, whilst
those in the cabin jumped from the ports, and the
ship was left in peace. Cook was not favourably impressed by these islanders, and describes them as
" in general, the most ugly ill-proportioned people I
ever saw." Forster, however, thought they were
very intelligent. They were judged to jDe a different race from the Society or Friendly Islanders,
and spoke a different language.
After leaving, many of those on board were very
ill for a week or ten days from having eaten of a
fish which Forster calls a red sea bream, and Cook
believed to be the same as those which poisoned
De Quiros's people, and in his account says that
I The fish had eaten of poisonous plants, all parts POISONOUS  FISH
of the flesh became empoisoned. The ship appeared
like the Hospital of a city which had the plague;
there was none who could stand on their feet."
Owing to the care of the surgeons, however, " all were
The next land seen was a small group of islands,
named Shepherd's Islands, " in honour of my worthy
friend, the Plumian Professor of Astronomy at Cambridge"; and Mr Forster complains that Cook's
"rashness and reliance on good fortune become the
principal roads to fame, by being crowned with great
and undeserved success." This was very out of place
at the time, for Cook was exercising the very greatest
precautions, as he fully recognised the dangers by
which they were surrounded. He always stood off
and on during the night, and only proceeded through
unknown waters by day. Several of these islets were
of a peculiar formation, and one high columnar rock
was named the Monument; Forster gives its height
as 140 yards, the other accounts are satisfied with
feet. Many of the group were inhabited, but no
favourable opportunity for landing occurred.
On 1st August a fire broke out on board, and
Forster writes:
I Confusion and horror appeared in all our faces
at the bare mention of it, and it was some time before
proper measures were taken to stop its progress, for
in these moments of danger few are able to collect
their faculties and act with cool deliberation."
After about half a page of this, on fires in general, he
" Providentially the fire of this day was very trifling
and extinguished in a few moments*" 2l8
Then a few days after a marine, who had fallen
overboard, was smartly picked up, and being well
looked after by his comrades, was soon showing no
ill effects of his accident, thus giving Mr Forster an
opportunity to write of it as an example of "the
result of an esprit du corps to which sailors, at present,
are utter strangers."    An utterly unwarranted sneer.
At Erromango, on 4th August, Cook went in with
the boats, and the natives tried to induce them to
come on shore, but something roused suspicion after
he and one man had got into the water, so, making
signs that he would come back later, he stepped
back. The natives then rushed the boats, trying to
drag them on to the beach, and succeeded in stealing
two oars, at the same time wounding several of the
boats' crews, amongst them Mr Gilbert, the Master,
with a shower of stones, spears, and arrows. Cook
attempted to give one of the chiefs a charge of small
shot, but his gun missed fire, and he was obliged, very
reluctantly, to order the marines to fire, with the
result that several of the natives were wounded.
Under the circumstances it was not considered worth
while remaining, so the ship left for Tanna, some
twelve leagues to the south. A bright light had been
noticed in that direction the night before, which
proved to have been caused by a volcanic eruption.
A good anchorage was found at Tanna, and the
ship warped close in. Several natives coming on
board to trade soon developed the usual propensity
to carry off anything that took their fancy—on this
occasion the anchor buoys were the special attraction. Muskets were fired over their head to no
purpose, so a four-pounder was discharged, which
for a time had a good result; but soon they were as HOT  SPRINGS
bad as ever, so two or three musquetoons were fired
close to them, and though none were hurt, the crew
were able to get their dinner in peace.
An old man, called by Cook Paowang, appeared
to be inclined to be friendly, so Cook landed with a
strong party to look for water under his guidance,
and met with some of the elders, exchanging presents
with them. The next day the ship was warped in,
and three boats went ashore, but the natives were
very threatening, and after some futile attempts to
put things on a peacable footing a signal was given to
the ship and several guns were fired, when all the
natives ran away except Paowang, who was suitably
rewarded for his confidence. After a time permission
was obtained to get wood, water, and ballast, and
whilst trying to lift a stone out of a pool below high-
water mark, one of the crew scalded his hand badly.
The pool proved to be one of a series of springs running down a spur of the volcano into the sea. Several
were tested with the thermometer, and as much as
2020 F. was attained. Forster found a number of
cracks on the ridge from which sulphurous vapour
and smoke issued, and one of the crew who had been
suffering severely from rheumatism received great
temporary benefit from bathing in one of the springs.
Many good plantations of yams, sugar-cane, and
plantains were seen, but they could purchase very
little as their articles of trade were not appreciated.
The natives did not understand the use of iron, and
did not require cloth as they went almost entirely
naked. Though no direct signs of cannibalism had
been found, Cook was convinced that the practice was
not unknown.
After leaving Tanna, the western coasts of the
■■ i
220 1772-1774—SECOND VOYAGE
different islands were followed up till De Bougainville's
Passage was reached, when the course was set for
Espiritu Santo. In passing Malicolo canoes put
off for the ship, but the wind being favourable, Cook
would not delay, and gave Forster the opportunity
to remark that the main object of the voyage, i.e. the
obtaining a knowlege of the natural history of the
islands, was made subservient to the production of a
new track on the chart of the Southern Hemisphere.
On 25th August they entered the bay which Cook
believed to be that discovered by De Quiros, and
named by him the Bay of St Philip and St Iago in
the I Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo," now known
as the New Hebrides. In this conclusion Cook has
the support of Dalrymple and modern geographers,
but Forster, for some reason which is not quite
clear, felt compelled to differ. Cardinal Moran, the
Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, also believes Cook
to have been mistaken, for in his " History of the
Catholic Church in Australia," he places De Quiros's
discovery in Port Curtis, Queensland, where he
claims that the first Catholic service ever celebrated
in Australia was held. He puts aside the fact that
the latitude of Port Curtis, 240 S., does not agree
with that given by De Quiros, 150 20' S., by saying
that the positions of newly discovered places were,
in those days, | often purposely concealed lest other
navigators might appropriate to themselves and their
respective countries, the results of the discovery."
He quotes details given in De Quiros's petitions to
the King of Spain, and says j " All these details fit
in admirably with Port Curtis on the Queensland
coast." Now De Quiros says the country he discovered  was  thickly  inhabited   by   a   people who CARDINAL  MORAN'S  GEOGRAPHY    221
were armed with bows and arrows, possessed vessels
of earthenware, lived in houses of wood, roofed with
palm leaves, were amply supplied with oranges, limes,
pears, almonds larger than those of Spain, hogs,
fowls, goats, capons, etc. That in the bay where he
anchored there was no sandy barren ground, no mangroves, no ants, no mosquitoes, and that his anchorage lay between two considerable rivers. How these
details " fit in " with Port Curtis may be evident to
his Eminence, but is not apparent to less distinguished
mortals. The district of Port Curtis when discovered
was very thinly populated, and shows no signs of ever
having been otherwise. Bows and arrows and earthenware vessels were absolutely unknown throughout
Australia; houses did not exist, except in the form
of temporary shelters of branches, leaves, and bark;
the fruits and animals mentioned were unknown;
and sandy barren country with mangroves, ants,
and mosquitoes does exist in considerable quantity.
The anchorage, had De Quiros ever been there,
might have been between two rivers, the Boyne and
Calliope (both of small size), but Cardinal Moran,
to make this detail | fit in admirably," has recourse
to the bold measure of moving the mouth of the
Burnett River from Wide Bay to Port Curtis—some
2\° to the north of its real position.
On the other hand, Cook's description of the New
Hebrides " fits in " with much greater accuracy. The
latitude was found to be 150 5' S., and Mr Cooper,
who went ashore with the boats, reported that he
landed near a fine stream of fresh water, " probably
one of those mentioned by De Quiros; and if we
were not deceived, we saw the other." The country
was described by Cook thus,
— *
222 1772-1774— SECOND VOYAGE
"an uncommonly luxuriant vegetation was everywhere
to be seen; the sides of the hills were chequered
with plantations; and every valley watered by a
stream ; of all the productions of nature this country
was adorned with, the cocoanut trees were the most
A few canoes ventured near enough to have some
presents thrown to them, but here the intercourse
ended, for Cook felt that, notwithstanding the inviting
appearance of the place, he had no time to spare
from the great object of the expedition, viz., the
exploration of the Southern Ocean, and, as the wind
was favourable, sailed for New Zealand for a refit. CHAPTER  XIV
On 4th September Midshipman Colnett sighted a
large island, which was named New Caledonia, the
point first seen being called Cape Colnett. An
opening in the surrounding reef having been found
by the boats, the Resolution worked up to an
anchorage and was quickly surrounded by canoes
whose occupants were totally unarmed. At first
they were shy of coming near, but at length one
canoe was persuaded to receive some small presents,
and in return gave some fish which 1 stunk intolerably," but for all that it was received in hopes more
satisfactory trading might result. To some who
came on board dinner was offered, but they would
touch nothing but yams. They appeared to know
nothing of dogs, goats, or hogs, but greatly appreciated both red cloth and nails. Cook landed and was
well received, and water was pointed out, but it was
too inconvenient of access; the land near a village
was well cultivated and irrigated, the products being
chiefly yams, plantains, and cocoanuts, the latter were
not bearing much fruit
On 6th September Mr Wales secured a moderately
satisfactory observation of an eclipse of the sun, and
I 223 224 I774-J775—SECOND VOYAGE
was able to fix their position as 20° 17' 39/ S., 1640
41' 21" E. On the same day the ship's butcher,
Monk, "a man much esteemed in the ship," fell
down the forehatch, and died the following day from
the injury received. Whilst some of the crew were
engaged in watering, a small party went up the
hills to view the surrounding country, but as all
the natives they met turned back to follow them,
Cook remarks, " at last our train was numerous."
They were able to see right across the island, and
estimated the width to be not more than ten leagues.
On returning it was found the clerk had purchased
a fish, something like a sun-fish ; and as the artist was
engaged in drawing and describing it, the cook took
the liver and roe for supper in the cabin, with the
result that Cook and the Forsters were nearly poisoned,
and were only cured by the most careful attention of
the surgeon. When the natives saw the fish the
next morning they immediately signified it was unfit
to eat, but Cook says nothing of the kind had been
intimated when it was purchased.
The natives were described as robust and well
made, "and not in the least addicted to pilfering,
wliich is more than can be said of any other nation
in this sea." The only tame animals they had were
large fowls with very bright plumage. The country
was said to consist of rocky hills, and the trees
identical with those seen in New South Wales.
Leaving a sow and boar behind, in hopes of their
being allowed to breed, and marking a tree with
the name of the ship and the date, they left for the
Isle of Pines, where they arrived on the 19th. Here
they were in very dangerous waters, and Cook says
the safety of the ship was owing to the splendid way
in which the watch was kept, and the brisk manner in
which she was handled by the crew. Forster noted
" innumerable columnar forms of a considerable height
which we distinguished by the help of our glasses ";
he put them very proudly down as of basaltic formation, and afforded considerable amusement to Cook
when he was able to prove they were only trees
of the Pine family; in fact, some were afterwards
cut down on Botany Island and used for spars.
They were unable to effect a landing on the Isle
of Pines owing to the rocky nature of the shore,
but by some unknown means Mr Hodges painted
a view of the interior of the island, published under
that title in " Cook's Voyages." Norfolk Island was
discovered on 10th October, and a landing was
effected, but no sign of inhabitants was seen, though
a welcome supply of fish, birds, and cabbage palm
was obtained. The vegetation bore a resemblance
to that of New Zealand.
On 17th October Mount Egmont was sighted, and
anchoring in Queen Charlotte's Sound an immediate
search was made for a bottle containing letters which
had been left for the Adventure. It was not to be
found, nor was there anything to show by whom it
had been taken, but the next day they saw where
an observatory had been set up, and trees cut down
with axes, and so came to the conclusion their consort
had been there. The natives, who were at first very
shy, but when they recognised Cook "went jumping
and skipping about like madmen," informed them
that the Adventure came in soon after they had left,
and remained two or three weeks. A story also was
told that a ship had been lost on the north side of
the straits shortly before Cook arrived, and some of
_ 226 i774-i775—SECOND  VOYAGE
the people having had their clothes stolen by the
natives, fired on them, but when their ammunition
was exhausted were all killed. This story, evidently
a distorted account of what happened to some of
the Adventure's crew, was disbelieved by Cook, who
thought there had been some misunderstanding.
Cook, from fresh observations, found that he had
placed the South Island on his chart some 40' too
far to the east, and had made the distance between
Queen Charlotte's Sound and Cape Pallisser 10' nearer
to each other than they should have been. In this
connection he speaks in the highest terms of the
desire of Mr Wales to have everything as accurate
as possible.
On nth November the Resolution left the Sound
at daybreak to cross the South Pacific between
latitudes 540 and 550, and the course convinced
Cook there was no possibility of there being any
large piece of land in that portion of the ocean. He
therefore stood for the western entrance of Magellan's
Straits, sighting Cape Descada on 17th December,
following the coast round to Christmas Sound, which
they reached on the 20th, the country passed being
described as "the most desolate and barren I ever
saw." At Christmas Sound they were more fortunate,
for wood, water, wild celery, and a large number of
geese provided them with a welcome banquet for
Christmas Day. They were visited by some of the
natives, described as " a little, ugly, half-starved,
beardless race; I saw not a tall person amongst
them." The scent of dirt and train oil they carried
with them was " enough to spoil the appetite of any
European," consequently none were invited to join
the festivities.     They had European knives,  cloth, CAPE  HORN  CORRECTED
handkerchiefs, etc., showing they had been in communication with white men; and Forster notes they
had canoes which could not have been made in the
neighbourhood, for there was no timber of sufficient
Cape Horn was passed on 29th December, and
Cook made his longitude 68° 13' W., a little too
far to the westward ; it should be 67* 16' W. This
is absolutely correct, according to Wharton. On
1st January 1775 they landed on a small island off
Staten Island, and then put into a fine sheltered
harbour on the main island, which consequently was
named New Year Harbour. The weather proved
unfavourable for surveying, but enough was ascertained to convince them that the Terra del Fuego
and Staten Island coasts were not so dangerous to
navigation as they had been represented.
On 3rd January they left to look for Dairymple's
Gulf of Sebastian, which Cook thought was nonexistent, and on the 6th they reached the position
given on the chart, but could find no signs of any
land. Bearing up to the north, Georgia Island was
seen on the 14th, and was found to be entirely
covered with snow, creating surprise as it was now
the height x>f summer. The ship ran in between
Georgia and Willis Islands, and possession was formally taken of the group, though Cook did not think
that 1 any one would ever be benefited by the discovery." Working as far south as 6o°, he turned
to the east, being "tired of these high southern
latitudes where nothing was to be found but ice
and thick fogs," and a long hollow swell coming
from the westward convinced him that he was correct
in his assumption that the Gulf of Sebastian and a 228 I774-I775-—SECOND VOYAGE
large body of land did not exist. On the 30th two
large islands were seen, and then three rocky islets
to the north; the largest was named Freezeland
Peak, after the sailor who sighted it, S. Freesland;
and behind these was an elevated coast which
received the name of Southern Thule, as being the
most southerly land then discovered. The position
of the ship was given as 590 13' 30" S., 270 45' W.
During the early part of February they ran down
east between 580 and 590 S., frequently having to
throw the ship up into the wind to shake the snow
out of her sails, for the weather was very bad. After
another unsuccessful attempt to find Cape Circumcision, the ship's head was turned towards the Cape
of Good Hope on 23rd February, and Cook had
the satisfaction of feeling he had solved the problem
of the non-existence of any southern continent except
in close proximity to the Pole. He firmly believed
from his observations of the icefields that such a
continent in the far south did exist, but he asserted
that further exploration in that direction would be
of little service to navigation, and would be hardly
worth the cost and danger that must be incurred.
On 16th March two Dutch ships were seen steering
to the west, and a boat was sent off to "the nearest,
which proved to be the Bownkirke Polder, from
Bengal. They were offered any supplies the Dutchman had, notwithstanding the latter was rather short,
owing to his being some time out from port. Some
English sailors on board told of the Adventure having
been at the Cape of Good Hope some twelve months
previously, and that she had reported the massacre of
a boat's crew in New Zealand. At the same time
three more sail came up, one, an English ship, did THREE  ON   THE  SICK  LIST
not intend to call at the Cape, so Cook forwarded
by her a letter to the Admiralty and received some
provisions, and, most valuable gift, a packet of old
newspapers. On the 22nd the Resolution anchored
in Table Bay, saluting the Dutch flag with thirteen
guns, and the next morning Cook waited on the
Governor, who did everything he could to assist him
and render his stay agreeable.
Cook was greatly pleased to be able to report three
men only on the sick list, and the remainder were
granted as much leave as the refitting of the ship
would permit The rigging, of course, had suffered
severely, and had to be replaced at an exorbitant
cost from the Government Stores; but Cook calls
attention to the state of the masts, which he considered, after sailing some 20,000 leagues, bore testimony to the care and ability of his officers and men,
and also to the high qualities of his ship.
M. de Crozet put in on his way to Pondicherry, and
was impressed with Cook's courtesy and qualifications as an explorer He was able to give the first
information of M. de Surville's voyage, and that he
had cleared away a mistake Cook had made in
assuming that the New Caledonia reefs extended
to the Great Barrier Reef on the east of Australia.
Forster says that Cook pointedly avoided having
any intercourse with any of the Spaniards who were
there, but gives no reason for it. He also bought
a quantity of wild animals and birds, many of which
died before reaching England, and he roundly but
unjustly accused the crew of having killed them.
Touching at St Helena, where Kendal's watch was
found to differ by about two miles from the observations of Mason and Dixon at the Cape and those of
Hi 230 1774-1775—SECOND VOYAGE
Maskelyne at St Helena ; he proceeded to Ascension,
where he obtained a good supply of fresh turtle, and
then to Fernando de Noronho, fixing the position
as 30 50' S., 320 34' W., and crossed the line on 1 ith
June, Calling in at the Azores, land was sighted
near Plymouth on the 29th, and next day they
anchored at Spithead; and Cook, Wales, Hodges,
and the two Forsters immediately started for London,
having been away from England three years and
eighteen days. During this time they had lost four
men, three from accident and one from disease—a
record unprecedented in the annals of British Naval
The war with the American colonies was naturally
occupying the attention of the public, but the newspapers found space to publish more or less authentic
information as to their arrival and proceedings on
the voyage.    One paper gravely said that
" Cap*- Cooke will be appointed Admiral of the Blue,
and command a fleet which is preparing to go out in
the spring, as a reward for the discoveries he has
made in his last voyage in the South Seas."
On 9th August Cook was summoned to St James's
Palace and had a long audience with the King,
presenting several charts and maps and submitting
several drawings, some of which were ordered to be
engraved for the private museum. In return the King
presented him with his commission as Post-Captain
and his appointment to H.M.S. Kent. The commission, signed by Sandwich, Penton, and Pallisser, bears
date 9th August. Furneaux was made Captain. He
sailed for America in October, and was present at the
attack on New Orleans in 1777 ; he died at the age GREENWICH  HOSPITAL
of forty-six, some four years later. Kempe, Cooper,
and Clerke were promoted to Commanders; and
Isaac Smith, Lieutenant. Mr Wales was appointed
Mathematical Master at Christ's Hospital, and Charles
Lamb mentions him as having been a severe man but
" a perpetual fund of humour, a constant glee about
him, heightened by an inveterate provincialism of
North Country dialect, absolutely took away the
sting from his severities."
Mr Forster was received by the King at Kew, and
was afterwards presented to the Queen, to whom he
gave some of the birds bought at the Cape. He also
attracted attention from another quarter, for Lloyds
Evening Post reports that on 6th August, his house
at Paddington "was broke open and robbed of
effects of considerable value." Again the Morning
Post, 23rd August, reports :
I Monday night, as Mr John Reynold Forster was
returning from Chelsea in a' post chaise, he was
attacked by three highwaymen, near Bloody Bridge,
who robbed him of three guineas and a watch set
with diamonds."
Acting on advice from the Admiralty, Cook, on
12th August, applied for the position of one of the
Captains of Greenwich Hospital, vacant through the
death of Captain Clements, stipulating that if occasion
arose in which his services would be of use elsewhere,
he might be permitted to resign. This application
was immediately granted, and his appointment is
dated on the same day as his application. The
salary was ^200 per year, with a residence and
certain small allowances such as fire and light, and
one shilling and twopence per  day table  money.
ffl-.^-.4«-!U>>l.->,MjW.^-l..:-°.n,m'i.J'-1 — .j.)..,I.'     ',. ;■;  .
sac 232 1774-1775—SECOND VOYAGfe
It is apparent from his letters that though he may
have taken over some of the duties (but that is
improbable, owing to his time being fully occupied
preparing his Journal for the press and then making
arrangements for his final voyage), he never entered
upon residence but remained at Mile End. He, however, found time to write two letters to Mr Walker
of Whitby, in the first of which he speaks rather
despondingly of being " confined within the limits of
Greenwich Hospital, which are far too small for an
active mind like mine" ; and in the second he gives
a rapid sketch of the voyage, which, by its clear
conciseness, proves the worthlessness of Mr Forster's
sneer, repeated by later writers, that the public
account of the voyage owed more to the editing
of Canon Douglas than to the writing of Cook.
Soon after Cook's arrival in London, Furneaux
handed him his Journal of the proceedings of the
Adventure from the time of their separation off the
coast of New Zealand. They were blown off the
land near Table Cape in the beginning of November
1773, again sighting it near Cape Pallisser, only to
be blown off again, their sails and rigging suffering
severely. They put into Tolago Bay for temporary
repairs and water, and left again on the 13th, but
had to put back till the 16th, and even then the
weather was so bad that they did not reach Queen
Charlotte's Sound till the 30th, when the bottle left
by Cook was at once found, telling they were six
days too late. They pushed on as rapidly as
possible with the refit, and then were further delayed
by finding a large quantity of the bread required
rebaking, but they were ready to sail by 17th
December.    Mr Rowe was sent out with a boat to
-i******: MASSACRE
get a supply of vegetables, and the ship was to have
sailed the following day, but the boat did not return.
Burney was then sent off with a party of marines
in search, and after a time discovered the missing
men had been all killed and some of them eaten by
the Maoris. Portions of the bodies were found and
identified—Rowe's hand, by an old scar, Thomas
Hill's hand, had been tattooed in Otaheite; Captain
Furneaux's servant's hand; and Midshipman Wood-
house's shoes were found, and a portion of the boat.
The natives who had these remains were fired on,
but Burney could take no further steps, for he estimated there were fifteen hundred of the natives near the
place. Furneaux believed that the attack was unpremeditated as the Maoris had been quite friendly, and
both he and Cook had been at the place during their
previous visit. He concluded that some sudden quarrel
had arisen and the boat's crew had been incautious.
On his next voyage Cook obtained an account ot
the affair from the natives, when they said that the
crew was at dinner and some of the Maoris attempted
to steal some bread and fish, whilst one tried to get
something from the boat which had been left in
charge of the Captain's black servant The thieves
were given a thrashing, and a quarrel arose, during
which two muskets were discharged and two natives
were shot. The Maoris then closed in and killed all
the sailors immediately. The Yorkshire Gazette of
4th June 1887 states that it was reported that a
midshipman escaped the massacre, and after many
wanderings reached England in 1777. If this
improbable story is true he must have been Mr
Woodhouse, whose shoes were found, for he was the
only midshipman in the boat. 234
1774.1775—SECOND  VOYAGE
On 23rd December the Adventure sailed, but
owing to contrary winds did not get away from
the coast for some days. She stood south-east till
$6° S. was reached, and then the cold being extreme
and the sea high, her course was set for the Horn,
reaching as high as 6i° S. with a favourable wind.
Stores were running short, so after an unsuccessful
search for Cape Circumcision she sailed for Table
Bay, and having refitted, again left on 16th April for
England, and dropped her anchor at Spithead on
14th July 1774.
Mr Forster states that this second voyage of Cook
cost ^25,000, but does not give the source of his
information. CHAPTER XV
AFTER his return Cook was busily engaged preparing
his Journal and charts for publication, which had
been sanctioned by the Admiralty, and was considerably annoyed and delayed by the conduct of
Mr Forster, who immediately on his return complained that the ;£4,000 granted him to cover the
whole of his expenses had proved totally inadequate.
He claimed that Lord Sandwich had promised,
verbally, that he was to have the exclusive duty of
writing the History of the Voyage, was to receive
the whole of the profits thereof, and to be provided
with permanent employment for the remainder of
his life. This promise was totally denied by Lord
Sandwich, and it certainly does not appear to have
been a reasonable one to make on behalf of the
After a protracted discussion, it was agreed that
Cook should write the account of the voyage and
the countries visited; whilst Forster was to write
a second volume containing his observations as a
scientist; the Admiralty was to pay the expenses
of engraving the charts, pictures, etc., and, on completion of the work, the plates were to be equally
divided between Cook and  Forster.    Cook was to
235 236
proceed with his part at once and submit it to
Forster for revision, and Forster was to draw up a
plan of the method he intended to pursue and
forward it to Lord Sandwich for approval.
Cook proceeded to carry out his share, and furnished Forster with a large amount of manuscript;
but the latter proved obstinately insistent in having
his own way in everything, with the result that, after
submitting two schemes to Lord Sandwich, both
extremely unsatisfactory, he was forbidden to write
at all, and it was decided that Cook should complete
the whole work, and it should be revised by the Rev.
John Douglas, Canon of Windsor, afterwards Bishop
of Carlisle.
Notwithstanding the prohibition against Forster,
a book was published under his son's name, and the
latter claims that he started on the voyage with the
intention of writing, took copious notes, and, excepting
that he utilised those taken by his father, the work
was entirely his own. He forgets, however, to say
that a quantity of Cook's MS. had been in his
father's hands, and does not explain how so much of
his book corresponds with curious exactitude with
that of Cook (in many cases word for word), and
how, when the papers of Cook failed to provide
him with further facts, he was obliged to rely on
would-be philosophical dissertations which it is to be
hoped were not obtained from his father's notebooks.
Young Forster says that the appointment was first
of all given to his father in a spirit of pique on the
part of Lord Sandwich, and then the order forbidding
him to write was made because the father had refused
to give Miss .Ray, Lord Sandwich's mistress, who
had admired them when on board the ship, some FORSTER'S  YARNS
birds brought home from the Cape of Good Hope as
a present to the Queen.    In the end the Forsters
forestalled Cook's book by about six weeks, and as
this was after  Cook had left England on his last
voyage,  Mr  Wales   undertook  the   defence  of the
absent against the sneers and insinuations that were
plentifully given out all round.  The Forsters infer that
Cook was unreliable because he suppresses mention
of the bombardment of the Loo fort at Madeira, an
event which never happened; and because he places
Valparaiso (where he had never been) in the position
given on the Admiralty chart supplied to him, which
proved to be some  io° out    The Master who had
refused to give up his cabin was, of course, never
forgiven % and as for Mr Wales, who had observed
the Transit of Venus at Hudson's Bay in 1769, for
the Royal Society, he, poor man, had neither knowledge nor experience in astronomical science.    The
crews of the two ships also, carefully selected men
though  they  were,  some  of  whom   had   been  the
previous voyage, were morally and physically bad,
and utterly incapable of performing their duty in a
proper and seamanlike manner.    A little allowance
must be made for the two authors, for the father
suffered severely  from rheumatism, the son  was of
a scorbutic tendency, and both were unaccustomed
to   sea life,  and  doubtless  the   hardships  inseparable   from   such   a   voyage   pressed  heavily   upon
A second Journal was published by F. Newbery
about the same time, and Cook hearing of it, sent
Anderson, the gunner, to find out the author. With
little difficulty he was found to be Marra, the
gunner's mate who tried to desert at Otaheite, and 238
the publication was stayed till after the authorised
version was out.
A volume of Cook's letters to Dr Douglas relating
to the preparation of his Journal for the press is
preserved at the British Museum, and it shows how
Cook to the very last endeavoured to serve Mr
Forster's interests, and to smooth matters over so
that they could work together. The last one Dr
Douglas received before Cook's departure was dated
from Mile End, 23rd June 1776, the day before he
joined his ship at the Nore.
" Dear Sir,—It is now settled that I am to publish
without Mr Forster, and I have taken my measures
accordingly. When Captain Campbell has looked
over the MS. it will be put into the hands of Mr
Strahan and Mr Stuart to be printed, and I shall
hope for the continuation of your assistance in
correcting the press. I know not how to recompense
you for the trouble you have had and will have in the
work. I can only beg you will accept of as many
copies after it is published as will serve yourself and
friends, and I have given directions for you to be
furnished with them. When you have done with the
Introduction, please send it to Mr Strahan or bring it
with you when you come to Town, for there needs be
no hurry about it. To-morrow morning I set out to
join my ship at the Nore, and with her proceed to
Plymouth where my stay will be but short. Permit
me to assure you that I shall always have a due sense
of the favour you have done me, and that I am with
great esteem and regard, Dear Sir, your obliged and
very humble servant, James Cook."
Notwithstanding the Forsters' endeavour to discount its success by forestalling the publication by
some weeks, Cook's work was well received by the
public, and  Mrs  Cook, to whom  the whole of the FELLOW  OF ROYAL  SOCIETY      239
profits were given, reaped considerable benefit from
its sale.
On 29th February 1776, Captain James Cook was
unanimously elected a Fellow of the Royal Society,
and his certificate of election was signed by no less
than twenty-six of the Fellows. He was formally
admitted on 17th March, on which date a paper
written by him, on the means he had used for the
prevention and cure of scurvy, was read. That he
valued his success in dealing with this disease, which,
at that time, even in voyages of very moderate length
was the most terrible danger to be encountered, is
plainly set forth in his Journal of the voyage. He
says :
"But whatever may be the public judgment
about other matters, it is with real satisfaction and
without claiming any merit but that of attention to
my duty, that I can conclude this account with an
observation which facts enable me to make, that our
having discovered the possibility of preserving health
amongst a numerous ship's company, for such a
length of time in such varieties of climate and amidst
such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this
voyage remarkable in opinion of every benevolent
person, when the disputes about a Southern Continent
shall have ceased to engage the attention and to
divide the judgment of philosophers."
During his early days at sea it was no unusual
thing for a man-of-war to be short-handed through
scurvy after a cruise of a few weeks, and in a voyage
across the Atlantic as many as twenty per cent, of the
crew are known to have perished. To give some
of his own experiences in the Navy: On 4th June
1756, H.M.S. Eagle arrived in Plymouth Sound, after
cruising for two months in the Channel and off the 240 I775-I776—ENGLAND
French coast, and Captain Pallisser reported landing
130 sick, buried at sea 22, and since his arrival in
port his surgeon and 4 men had died, and both his
surgeon's mates were very ill; this out of a complement of 400!
Boscawen, sailing from Halifax for Louisburg in
1758, left several ships behind on account of scurvy,
one being the Pembroke, of which Cook was Master ;
she had lost 29 men crossing the Atlantic, but she
was able to rejoin before the others as they were
in a worse plight. Wolfe reported to Lord George
Sackville that some of the regiments employed at
Louisburg had " 300 or 400 men eat up with scurvy."
Of the Northumberland when at Halifax, Lord
Colville wrote that frozen (fresh) beef from Boston
kept his men healthy when in port, " but the scurvy
never fails to pull us down in great numbers upon
our going to sea in spring."
Having had such experiences Cook appears to
have made up his mind to fight the dreadful scourge
from the very first, and though the popular idea is
that he only turned his mind to it during the second
voyage, it is very evident that on the Endeavour he
fought it successfully, and it is most probable would
have laid claim to victory had it not been for the
serious losses incurred through the malarial fever and
its usual companion, dysentery, contracted at Batavia.
In proof of this reference may be made to the report
of Mr Perry, surgeon's mate, and, after Mr Monkhouse's
death, surgeon on board. He states they rounded
the Horn with the crew " as free from scurvy as on
our sailing from Plymouth," i.e. after five months.
He reports for the whole of the voyage, five cases of
scurvy, 1 three in Port at New Holland, and two while TREATMENT  OF  SCURVY
on the Coast of New Zealand, not a man more
suffered any inconvenience from this distemper."
He was one of the five cases, but, at the same time,
it must not be understood that no others developed
symptoms of scurvy, only they were so closely
watched and at once subjected to such treatment
that the disease was not able to gain the upper hand.
Cook wrote to the Secretary to the Admiralty immediately after his arrival at Batavia, saying, " I have
not lost one man from sickness." He means here, as
elsewhere in his Journals, " sickness " to be taken as
scurvy, and at that time he had lost only seven men:
two of Mr Banks's servants from exposure ; three men
drowned ; Mr Buchan, a fit, probably apoplectic ; and
one man, alcoholic poisoning. He arrived at home
with a total loss of forty-one, including Tupia and
his boy; thirty-two of these deaths were from fever
and dysentery, and two, Mr Hicks and Sutherland,
from consumption.
The chief anti-scorbutics used on the Endeavour,
according to Mr Perry's report, were:
"Sour Kraut, Mustard, Vinegar, Wheat (whole),
Inspissated Orange and Lemon juice, Saloup,
Portable Soup, Sugar, Molasses, Vegetables (at all
times when they could possibly be got), were some
in constant, others in occasional, use."
Saloup was a decoction made from the Orchis
mascula root, a common meadow plant, or else from
Sassafras, and was at one time sold in the streets as a
drink before the introduction of tea and coffee. In the
United Service Museum there is a cake of the portable
soup which was on board the Endeavour, in appearance
like a square of " whitish glue, which in effect it is,"
says Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society. 242
Mr Perry continues :
1 Cold bathing was encouraged and enforced by
example. The allowance of Salt Beef and Pork was
abridged from nearly the beginning of the voyage,
and the usual custom of the sailors mixing the Salt
Beef fat with the flour was strictly forbidden. Salt
Butter and Cheese was stopped on leaving England,
and throughout the voyage Raisins were issued in
place of the Salt Suet; in addition to the Malt, wild
Celery was collected in Terra del Fuego, and, every
morning, breakfast was made from this herb, ground
wheat and portable soup."
Of the personal cleanliness of the crew, which
Cook looked upon as of the first importance, Marra
says (when writing of the Resolution's voyage) he
was very particular,
I never suffering any to appear dirty before him, in
so much that when other Commanders came on
board, they could not help declaring they thought
every day Sunday on board of Cap1 Cook."
He inspected the men at least once a week, and
saw they had changed their clothing and were dry;
the bedding was dried and aired when occasion
offered, and the whole ship was stove dried ; special
attention being paid to the well, into which an iron
pot containing a fire was lowered.
Fresh water was obtained when possible, for Cook
remarks, " nothing contributes more to the health of
seamen than having plenty of water." He was provided with a condenser, but it was too small and
unsatisfactory, and he looked upon it as " a useful
invention, but only calculated to provide enough tea
preserve life without health." He attributed the
losses on the Adventure to Furneaux's desire to save SOUR KRAUTE
his men labour, and neglecting to avail himself of
every opportunity of obtaining fresh water. Cook
throughout the voyage was never short of water;
Furneaux was on two or three occasions.
Dr M'Bride advised the use of fresh wort made
from malt as an anti-scorbutic, and the Endeavour
was ordered to give it a thorough trial. Fresh
ground malt was treated with boiling water and
allowed to stand, then the liquid was boiled with
dried fruit or biscuit into a "panada," and the patient
had one or two meals with a quart or more of the
liquid per diem. This treatment was favourably
reported on, but, at the same time, so many other
precautions were taken that it was not possible to
say which was the most successful. Banks, who was
threatened, tried the wort, but thinking it affected
his throat, substituted a weak punch of lemon juice
and brandy, which had satisfactory results. After a
time the malt, though dry and sweet, had lost much
strength, so as strong a wort was made as possible,
and ground wheat boiled with it for breakfast, "a
very pleasant mess which the people were very fond
of," and Cook " had great reason to think that the
people received much benefit from it."
Cook set great store on the "Sour Kraute," and
" The men at first would not eat it, until I put it in
practice—a method I never once knew to fail with
seamen—and this was to have some of it dressed
every day for the Cabin Table, and permitted all
the officers, without exception, to make use of it,
and left it to the option of the men to take as much
as they pleased, or none at all; but this practice was
not continued above a week before I found necessary 244
to put every one on board to an allowance, for such
are the Tempers and Disposition of seamen in
general, that whatever you give them out of the
common way, although it be ever so much for their
good, it will not go down, and you will hear nothing
but murmurings against the man that first invented
it, but the moment they see their superiors set a
value upon it, it becomes the finest stuff in the world,
and the inventor is an honest fellow."
A pound of this was served to each man, twice a
week, at sea, or oftener if thought necessary.
Portable soup, at the rate of an ounce per man,
was boiled with the pease thrice a week, and when
vegetables could be obtained it was boiled with them,
and wheat or oatmeal for breakfast, and with pease
and vegetables for dinner, and "was the means of
making the people eat a greater quantity of vegetables
than they would otherwise have done." The Rob
of Lemon and Orange was a doubtful quantity, for
though Cook had no great confidence in its efficacy,
Furneaux reported very favourably on its use, but it
was expensive. Of vinegar, Cook was of opinion
that it was of little service, and preferred smoking
the ship with wood-fires to washing with vinegar,
which had been strongly advised. He substituted
sugar for oil, as he esteemed it " a very good antiscorbutic, whereas oil (such as the navy is usually
supplied with) I am of opinion has the contrary
effect." I
Cook says that the introduction of the most
salutary articles would prove unsuccessful unless
accompanied by strict regulations so the crew were
divided into three watcnes excep on some extraordinary occasion, in order that they might not be COPLEY  GOLD  MEDAL
so exposed to the weather, and had a better chance
to get into dry clothes if they happened to get wet.
Hammocks, bedding, clothes, and ship were kept as
clean and dry as possible, and when the ship could
not be I cured with fires," once or twice a week she
was smoked with gunpowder, mixed with vinegar
or water;
"to cleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the
people, too great attention cannot be paid: the least
neglect occasions a putrid and disagreeable smell
below which nothing but fires will remove."
He finishes his paper read before the Royal Society
as follows:
" We came to few places where either the art of
man or the bounty of nature had not provided some
sort of refreshment or other, either in the animal or
vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever of any kind could be met with, by every means
in my power, and to oblige our people to make use
thereof, both by my example and authority ; but the
benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon
became so obvious that I had little occasion to
recommend the one or exert the other."
On the 30th November 1776 Sir John Pringle,
President of the Royal Society, in his address to the
Fellows, announced that the Copley Gold Medal had
been conferred on Captain Cook for his paper on the
Treatment of Scurvy, and gave some corroborative
facts which had come under his own observation, concluding his speech as follows :
"If Rome decreed the Civic Crown to him who
saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths are
due to that man, who, having himself saved many,
perpetuates in your Transactions the means by which 246
Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preserve numbers of her intrepid sons, her mariners ;
who, braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to the
Maritime Empire of this country."
Before Cook left England on his last voyage he
had been informed that the medal had been conferred
on him, but he never received it, and it was presented
to Mrs Cook, and is now in the British Museum.
During May 1776 Cook sat for his portrait, now in
the Painted Hall, Greenwich, to Sir Nathaniel Dance.
There are several portraits of him in existence;
three by Webber, one being in the National Portrait
Gallery; one by Hodges ; and one or two others by
unknown artists. Mr Samwell, surgeon on the third
voyage, says of an engraving by Sherwin, from the
portrait by Dance, that it " is a most excellent likeness of Captain Cook ; and more to be valued, as it is
the only one I have seen that bears any resemblance
to him." This portrait of Dance's represents Cook
dressed in his Captain's uniform, seated at a table on
which is a chart. The figure is evidently that of a
tall man—he was over six feet in height—with brown
un powdered hair, neatly tied back from the face ; the
clear complexion shows little effect of exposure to
the sea breezes, the pleasant brown eyes look from
under rather prominent brows, the nose rather long,
and a good firm mouth. The whole face gives a
very pleasant impression of the man, and conveys
the idea that it was a good likeness.
Omai, a native of Otaheite, was brought to
England by Furneaux, was introduced to the King,
made much of in Society, was painted by Reynolds,
Dance, and Hodges, and seems to have conducted COOK VOLUNTEERS
himself fairly well. He was to be sent back to his
own country; and from the orders given to the
Resolution, when she returned, it was evident she
was to be the ship to take him. There was some
difficulty as to the man to take command of the
new expedition, as the Admiralty felt they could
not send out Cook again so soon after his return.
However, early in February 1776, he was invited
to dine with Lord Sandwich, to meet Sir Hugh
Pallisser and Mr Stephens, the Secretary, when the
proposed expedition was discussed and the difficulty
of finding a commander was brought forward. It
is said that after some conversation Cook jumped
up and declared he would go, and as the result of
this resolve he called at the Admiralty Office on
10th February, and made formal application for the
command, which was accepted on the same day,
and he there and then went to Deptford and hoisted
his pendant on the Resolution. Her complement
was the same as the previous voyage, i.e. 112 men,
including 20 marines; and the " Quarter Bill," preserved in the Records Office, shows the stations and
duties of each of the crew, and the positions of the
civilians who in cases of necessity were expected
to take their places as small arms men.
The companion ship, the Discovery, was built by
Langborne of Whitby, and was purchased for ^2,450
from W. Herbert of Scarborough. According to the
Records she was 229 tons burthen, but Cook puts
her down as 300 tons ; and Burney says the two ships
were splendid sailing company, any advantage there
might be resting with the Discovery. The command
was given to Charles Clerke, who had been both the
previous voyages. 248 i775-I776—ENGLAND
The Resolution hauled out of dock, 10th March,
completed her rigging and took in stores and provisions, " which was as much as we could stow and
the best of every kind that could be got." On the
6th May the pilot went on board to take her down
to Longreach for her guns and powder, but owing to
contrary winds she did not reach there till the 30th.
On 8th June she was visited by Lord Sandwich, Sir
Hugh Pallisser, and others from the Admiralty, " to
see that everything was compleated to their desire
and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark
\n the voyage." A bull, two cows and their calves,
with some sheep, were embarked as a present from
King George to the Otahietans in hopes to start
stocking the island. A good supply of " trade " was
shipped, and extra warm clothing for the crew was
supplied by the Admiralty,
"and nothing was wanting that was thought conducive to either conveniency or health, such was
the extraordinary care taken by those at the head
of the Naval Departments."
Cook and King were to take observations on the
Resolution, and Bailey, who was with the Adventure
the previous voyage, was appointed as astronomer
to the Discovery; the necessary instruments being
supplied by the Board of Longitude. The chronometer, made by Kendal, which had given such
satisfaction last voyage, was again on board the
Resolution. It was afterwards with Bligh in the
Bounty, sold by Adams after the Mutiny to an
American, who sold it again in Chili. It was then
purchased for £$2, 10s., repaired, and rated, and after
keeping fair time for some years was presented by CLERKE  IN  THE  "FLEET"
Admiral Sir Thomas Herbert to the United Service
Museum, and is still in working order.
On 15th June the two ships sailed for the Nore;
there the Resolution waited for her Captain, whilst
the Discovery, under the command of Burney, went
on to Plymouth, but, meeting with damage in a
gale, had to put into Portland for temporary repairs.
Captain Clerke was detained in London, "in the
Rules of the Bench," as he had become financially
responsible for a friend who left him in the lurch.
He wrote to Banks, saying, "the Jews are exasperated
and determined to spare no pains to arrest me." It
appears that he contracted the illness which led to
his death at this period. CHAPTER  XVI
1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
On 24th June Cook and Omai joined the ship at the
Nore, leaving next day for Plymouth, arriving there
on 30th, three days after the Discovery. On 8th
July the final orders, which Cook had helped to
draw up, were received. They were to the effect
that he was to proceed by the Cape of Good Hope;
to look for some islands said to have been seen by
the French in latitude 480, about the longitude of
Mauritius; to touch at New Zealand, if he thought
proper; and then to proceed to Otaheite and leave
Omai there, or at the Society Islands, as the latter
might wish. Leaving Otaheite about February he
was to strike the North American coast in about 450
latitude, avoiding, if possible, touching at any of the
Spanish dominions, and proceeding northwards to
explore any rivers or inlets that seemed likely to
lead to Hudson's or Baffin's Bay. For the winter
he was to proceed to the Port of St Peter and St
Paul in Kamtschatka, or other suitable place, and
in the ensuing spring he was again to try and find
a passage either to the east or west; failing that,
the ships were then to return to England. A reward
of £20,000 had been offered to any British merchant
ship that discovered a passage between Hudson's Bay
and the Pacific ; and now this offer was thrown open
to any ship flying the British flag, and the passage
might be to the east or west so long as it was north
of latitude 5 2°.
On 9th July the marines, who had been carefully
selected, embarked under the command of Lieutenant
Molesworth Phillips, and the following day officers
and men were paid up to 30th June, and petty officers
and seamen received in addition two months' advance.
The Resolution sailed on 12th July, the crew looking on it as a lucky day, being the anniversary of
the day they had sailed on the last voyage; but as
Clerke had not yet arrived, the Discovery remained
behind. Putting into Teneriffe, Cook purchased a
supply of wine, which he did not think as good as
that of Madeira, but remarks that the best Teneriffe
wine was "£\2 a pipe, whereas the best Madeira
is seldom under £27" Here they met "Captain
Baurdat" (the Chevalier de Borda), who was making
observations in order to time " two watch machines,"
and were afforded an opportunity of comparing
them with their own. Looking into Port Praya in
hopes to find the Discovery they crossed the line on
1st September in longitude 270 38' W., and sighted
the Cape of Good Hope on 17th October, anchoring
in Table Bay the next day. The ship was found to
be very leaky in her upper works, as the great heat
had opened up her seams which had been badly
caulked at first. " Hardly a man that could lie dry
in his bed; the officers in the gun-room were all
driven out of their cabin by the water that came in
through the sides." The sails were damaged, some
being quite ruined before they could be dried.
The reception accorded by the Dutch was all that 252 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
could be desired, and all the resources of the place
were at Cook's disposal. Letters were sent to
England and one invalid, Cook wishing afterwards
that he had sent one or two more, but he had at
the time hopes of their complete recovery. On 31st
October they were unable to communicate with the
shore owing to a heavy south-easterly gale which
did not blow itself out for three days, and the
Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode
through it without dragging her anchors. On the
10th November the Discovery arrived, having left
Plymouth on 1st August. She sighted land above
twenty-five leagues north of Table Bay, but had been
blown off the coast in the storm.
It may be noted here that the French, Spanish,
and United States Governments issued instructions
to their naval officers that Captain Cook and his
ships were to be treated with every respect, and as
belonging to a neutral and allied power. An honour
to Cook, and also to the nations who conferred it
on him.
When her consort arrived Cook was almost ready
for sea, so the refit of the Discovery was pushed on
as quickly as possible, but some delay arose in the
delivery of bread ordered. Cook says he believes
the bakers would not put it in hand till they saw
the Discovery safely at anchor. However, on 30th
November Clerke was handed his instructions, and
the two Captains went on board their respective
ships to find them fully supplied for a voyage which
was expected to last at least two years. Live stock
had been purchased at the Cape, and one journalist
says that on leaving, the Resolution reminded him
of Noah's Ark. DENSE  FOG
They did not get clear of the coast till 3rd
December owing to light winds, and then on the
6th " a sudden heavy squall" cost the Resolution her
mizzen topmast; not a very serious loss, for they
had a spare stick, and the broken one "had often
complained," but Burney says that owing to the
weather it took them three days to complete the
repairs. The cold, rough weather also had a bad
effect on the live stock, several of them perishing.
On 12th December the islands discovered by
Marion du Fresne and Crozet in 1772 were sighted,
and as they were unnamed in the map, dated 1775,
given by Crozet to Cook, he called them Prince
Edward's Islands, and a small group further to the
east was named Marion and Crozet Islands. Then
sailing south through fog so dense that, Burney
says, they were often for hours together unable to
see twice the length of the ship, and, though it was
the height of summer, the cold was so intense that
the warm clothing had to be resorted to, they sighted
Kerguelen's Land on 24th December. The Chevalier
de Borda had given Cook 480 26' S., 640 57' E. of
Paris as the position of " Rendezvous Island " ; this
Cook took to be an isolated rock they only just
weathered in the fog, to which he gave the name of
Bligh's Cap, for he said: " I know nothing that can
Rendezvous at it but fowls of the air, for it is certainly
inaccessible to every other animal." Cook, unaware
that Kerguelen had paid two visits to the place, found
some difficulty in recognising the places described.
The country was very desolate, the coarse grass
hardly worth cutting for the animals; no wood, but
a good supply of water was obtained; and here the
Christmas Day was spent on the 27 th, as the 25th 254
1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
and 26th had been full of hard work. A bottle was
found by one of the crew containing a parchment
record of the visit of the French in 1772 ; on the
back Cook noted the names of his ships and the
year of their visit, and adding a silver twopenny
piece of 1772, replaced it in the bottle which was
sealed with lead and hidden in a pile of stones in
such a position that it could not escape the notice
of any one visiting the spot. Running along the
coast to the south-east they encountered very blowy
weather, and finding the land even more desolate
than that at Christmas Harbour, they left on the
31st for New Zealand. Anderson, the surgeon, on
whom Cook relied for his notes on Natural History,
"Perhaps no place hitherto discovered in either
hemisphere under the same parallel of latitude
affords so scanty a field for the naturalist as this
barren spot."
The whole catalogue of plants, including lichens, did
not exceed sixteen or eighteen.
The first part of January 1777 was foggy, and Cook
says they " ran above 300 leagues in the dark." On
the 19th a squall carried away the fore topmast and
main topgallant mast, and it took the whole day to
replace the first, but they had nothing suitable for the
top gallant mast. On 26th January they put into
Adventure Bay, Van Diemen's Land, and obtained a
spar; Cook spoke of the timber as being good but
too heavy. A few natives were seen, but did not
create a favourable impression, still Cook landed a
couple of pigs in hopes to establish the breed, a hope
doomed to be unsatisfied.    The Marquis de Beau voir, A SOUTHERLY BUSTER
relates that in 1866 he saw in Adventure Bay a tree
on which was cut with a knife "Cook, 26th Jan.
1777," and he was informed it had been cut by the
man himself. They seem to have seen nothing to
raise a doubt about Furneaux's conclusion that Van
Diemen's Land formed a part of Australia, so no
attempt was made to settle the question, and they
sailed for New Zealand on the 30th, meeting with a
" perfect storm " from the south; the thermometer
" almost in an instant from about 70° to near 900, but
fell again when the wind commenced, in fact the
change was so rapid that there were some on board
who did not notice it."
These storms are of frequent occurrence, and are
locally known as " Southerly Busters."
On 10th February Rocks Point, near Cape Farewell, was sighted, and on the 12th they anchored
near their old berth in Queen Charlotte's Sound, and
a camp was immediately established. Here they
were visited by a few of the natives, some of whom
remembered Cook and were recognised by him. At
first they thought he had come to avenge the
Adventure's losses, but after a time were persuaded
to put aside their distrust, and they flocked down
to the shore, every available piece of ground being
quickly occupied by their huts. Cook describes how
one party worked. The ground was selected, the
men tearing up the grass and plants, and erected
the huts, whilst the women looked after the canoes,
properties, and provisions, and collected firewood;
and he kept the children and some of the oldest of
the party out of mischief by scrambling the contents
of his pockets amongst them.    At the same time he 256
noticed that however busy the men might be, they
took care to be within easy reach of their weapons;
and he on his side had a strong party of marines on
duty, and any party working at a distance from the
ship was always armed and under-the command of
an officer experienced in dealing with the natives.
Cook was pleased to notice his men were not inclined
to associate with the Maoris, and he always tried
to discourage familiarity between his crew and the
natives of the islands he visited. It is worthy of
remark that two of the Resolution were on the sick
list, whilst the Discovery had a clean bill of health.
One of their constant visitors was a man Cook
calls Kahoura, who was pointed out as having been
the leader at the massacre of the Adventure's men,
and it was a matter of surprise to the natives that
having him in his power Cook did not kill him ; but
after the fullest possible enquiry Cook believed it
was best to let matters rest, as the attack had
evidently arisen out of a sudden quarrel, and was
totally unpremeditated. Burney thinks the Maoris
felt a certain contempt for the English, either because
they were too generous in their dealings, or else
because the murders were unavenged.
The gardens that had been made at the last visit
had in some respects prospered ; in particular the
potatoes from the Cape had improved in quality,
but as they had been appreciated by the natives,
there were few to be got. Burney, on the other hand,
declares that nothing could be heard of the pigs and
fowls that had been left. Omai was anxious to take
a New Zealander away with him, and soon found one
to volunteer. It was explained that he must make
up his mind that he would not be able to return, and THE WEEKLY  PAPER
as he seemed satisfied he and a boy were taken.
When they were seasick they deeply and loudly
lamented leaving their home, but on recovery they
soon became " as firmly attached to us as if they
had been born amongst us."
Sailing on 25th February, they crossed the tropic
on 27th March, some g° further west than Cook
wished to have done, and had seen nothing of
importance. It is interesting to note that Burney
says each ship published a weekly paper, and on
signal being made a boat was sent to exchange when
possible. He says Cook was a " Constant Reader,"
but not a " Contributor." It is to be regretted that
no copies exist of this, probably the first oceanic
On 29th March, a small island Cook calls Man-
ganouia was discovered in 210 57' S., .201° 53' E.
(Burney gives 210 54' S., 2020 6' E.), but the landing-
places were too dangerous on account of the surf.
A native came on board who was able to converse
with Omai, and said they had plenty of plantains
and taro, but neither yams, hogs, nor dogs. He
unfortunately fell over a goat, which he took to be a
large bird, and was so frightened he had to be put
ashore. The next day another island was seen, and
as they were very short of fodder for the animals,
Gore was sent to see if trade could be opened up
with the inhabitants. In this he was fairly successful, and obtained a quantity of plantain stems, which
were found to be a satisfactory substitute for grass;
but the trading was not brisk, for the people wished
to receive dogs in return, and it was evident that
though they had none, they knew what they were.
They were afraid of the horses and cattle, and took
——__ 258 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
the sheep and goats for some kind of large birds.
A party went ashore and were treated fairly well, but
when they wished to return to their boats all sorts of
difficulties were raised, and Cook credits Omai with
their safe return ; for it seems he gave judiciously
boastful replies to the many questions that were
asked him, and at the psychological moment exploded
a handful of powder, with the result that opposition
to their departure was withdrawn. Burney says
Omai was most useful on a landing party, as he was
a good sportsman and cook, and was never idle.
After this experience Cook would not run further
risks, so made for a small uninhabited island where
some vegetables were obtained and branches of trees,
which, cut into short lengths, were eagerly eaten by
the cattle, and Cook says: " It might be said, without
impropriety, that we fed our cattle on billet wood."
Payment for what had been taken was left in a
deserted village.
On 6th April they reached Hervey's Island, and
were somewhat surprised to be visited by several
canoes, as on Cook's previous visit no signs of inhabitants had been noticed. Omai gathered from one or
two natives who came on board to sell a few fish,
that the Resolution and Adventure had been seen in
1776 when passing the island. King was sent to
look for a landing-place, but, seeing that the women
were quietly bringing down arms to their menfolk
on the beach, he thought it better to return to the
ship, and sail was made for the Friendly Islands, the
Discovery being sent on about a league ahead, as she
was better able " to claw off a lee shore than mine."
At this time Cook was getting rather short of water,
so he set the still to work, and obtained from " 13 to FLOGGING  NO GOOD
16 gallons of fresh water " between 6 A.M. and 4 p.m.
" There has lately been made some improvement, as
they are pleased to call it, to this machine, which in
my opinion is much for the worse." Falling in with
repeated thunderstorms in which they caught more
water in an hour " than by the still in a month, I laid
it aside as a thing attended with more trouble than
profit." I I
At one of the Palmerston Group they found,
amongst other things drifted over the reef, some
planks, one of which was very thick, with " trunnell
holes " in it, and a piece of moulding from some ship's
upper works, painted yellow, with nail holes showing
signs of iron rust: probably the remains of some
wrecked European ship. At Comango, where they
anchored on 28th April, Cook notes:
"It was remarkable that during the whole day the
Indians would hardly part with any one thing to
anybody but me; Captain Clerke did not get above
one or two hogs."
A supply of water was obtained and wood was
cut, but most of the trees were what Cook calls
" Manchineel," the sap from which produced blisters
on the men's skin, and Burney says some of them
were blind for a fortnight, having rubbed their faces
with their juice-stained hands. One of the carpenters
had a bad fall and broke his leg, but for the rest, says
Burney, they were " in good health; thank God, no
appearance of scurvy."
Cook again complains of the thefts committed so
continually, and says that no punishment they could
devise was effectual, for "flogging made no more
impression than it would have done upon the mainmast."   The chiefs would  advise him to kill those 26o 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
caught, but as he would not proceed to such a length
the culprits generally escaped unpunished. Here
the Discovery lost her best bower anchor, the cable
having been chafed by the coral and parted when
weighing; Burney describes how by pouring oil on
the water they were able to see and recover it from
a depth of seventeen fathoms. Landing on Happi
they were very well received, and obtained plentiful
supplies of fresh food, which was most opportune.
An entertainment of boxing, wrestling, and combats
with clubs made from green cocoanut boughs was
held in their honour ; and Cook says that they were
carried on with the greatest good-humour in the
presence of some three thousand spectators, " though
some, women as well as men, have received blows
they must feel some time after." When this was over
the chief, Feenough, presented Cook with supplies
that required four boats to take to the ships; it
" far exceeded any present I had ever before received
from an Indian Prince." The donor was invited on
board to receive his return present, which proved
so satisfactory that on his return to the shore he
forwarded still more in addition to his first gift,
and was amused by a drill of the marines and a
display of fireworks, which, though some were spoilt,
were the cause of astonishment and pleasure to the
wondering natives. During one of his walks on
shore Cook saw a woman just completing a surgical
operation on a child's eyes. She was removing a
film growing over the eyeballs, and the instruments
used are described as " slender wooden probes." He
was not able to say if the operation were successful.
The chief, Feenough, went off to an island about
two days' sail away, in order to obtain some of the KING POLAHO
feather caps which were held in high estimation; and
Cook promised to wait for his return, but finding the
fresh supplies were running short, he sailed along the
south of the reef and put into a bay in Lefooga. On
the way the Discovery ran on a shoal, but managed
to back off without damage. Although he was not
short of water, Cook went ashore to inspect some
well which he had been informed contained water
of a very superior quality, but he found it very
bad, and says: " This will not be the only time I
shall have to remark that these people do not know
what good water is." Near these wells was a large
artificial mound about forty feet high, and fifty feet
diameter on the top, on which large trees were growing. At the foot was a hewn block of coral, four
feet broad, two and a half feet thick, and fourteen feet
high, but the natives present said that there was only
one half of it above ground. It was supposed to have
been erected to the memory of a great chief, but how
many years ago it was impossible to guess.
Whilst anchored here, a large sailing canoe arrived,
having on board a chief who was treated by the
natives with the utmost respect, and the visitors
were given to understand that "Tattafee Polaho"
was the king of all the islands. He was invited
on board, and brought with him as a present
"two good fat hogs, though not so fat as himself,
for he was the most corporate, plump fellow we
had met with. I found him to be a sedate, sensible
man; he viewed the ship and the several new objects
with uncommon attention, and asked several pertinent
In return Cook was invited ashore, and when they
were   seated, the   natives   who   had   been   trading
__ 262 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
submitted the articles they had received for Polaho's
inspection, who enquired what each one had sold,
and seemed pleased with the bargains made. Everything was returned to its owner, excepting a red
glass bowl to which the king had taken a great
fancy. According to Mr Basil Thomson, who was
for some years in the Pacific Islands, a red glass
bowl was given by the King of Tonga to the notorious
Mr Shirley Baker, as a relic of Captain Cook, but
was unfortunately broken in New Zealand. It was
most probably the one in question. Before leaving,
Polaho presented Cook with one of the red feather
caps made from the tail feathers of the bird the
Sandwich Islanders call Iiwi {Vestiaria Coicined),
which were evidently considered of extreme value.
At the same time he gave Cook, Clerke, and Omai
some of the red feathers of paraquets which, though
much in demand, were not to be purchased.
On 29th May they sailed for Tongatabu, but, the
wind failing, they nearly ran ashore on the 31st on
a low sandy island on which the sea was breaking
very heavily. Fortunately all hands had just been
engaged in putting the ship about, "so that the
necessary movements were not only executed with
judgment but with alertness, and this alone saved the
ship." Cook confesses that he was tired of beating
about in these dangerous waters, and felt relieved
to get back to his old anchorage off Annamooka.
Feenough here rejoined the ship, and his behaviour
before Polaho was sufficient evidence as to the high
position held by the latter, for he made a deep
reverence to him, and afterwards would not eat or
drink in his presence, but left the cabin as soon as
dinner was announced. AN  ENTERTAINMENT
On 6th June they sailed for Tongatabu again,
accompanied by some sailing canoes which could all
easily outdistance the two ships. A good anchorage was found, and Cook's old friends, Otago and
Toobough, were soon on board to greet them. As
it was proposed to make a short stay, the cattle
were landed, the observatory set up, and the sail-
makers set to work to overhaul the sails, for much
required repairs. Cook speaks very highly of the
orderly behaviour of the natives, many of whom
had never seen a white man before. Hearing much
of an important chief named Mariwaggee, Cook
persuaded the king to escort a party to his residence, which was found to be pleasantly situated
on an inlet where most of the chiefs resided, surrounded by neatly fenced plantations ; but they were
informed that Mariwaggee had gone to see the ships.
This was found to be untrue, but the next day he
appeared, accompanied by a large number of both
sexes, and Cook at once landed with some presents
for him, only to find he was accompanied by another
chief, to whom something had to be given as well.
Fortunately the two were easily satisfied, and the
present was divided between them. Mariwaggee
was found to be the father of Feenough, and the
father-in-law of the king. He gave a grand entertainment of singing and dancing in honour of the
strangers, which commenced about eleven in the
morning and lasted till between three and four in
the afternoon, and wound up with a presentation of
a large number of yams, each pair of the roots being
tied to a stick about six feet long, and decorated
with fish. Cook says it was hard to say which was
the most valuable, the yams for food or the sticks 264 1776-1777—THIRD VOYAGE
for firewood ; but, as for the fish, " it might serve to
please the sight, but was very offensive to the smell,
as some of it had been kept two or three days for this
occasion." More singing and dancing then took place,
and then the English gave a display of fireworks, which
" astonished and highly entertained " the natives.
Being afraid that some of his live stock might be
stolen, Cook tried to interest some of the chiefs in
them by presenting the king with a bull and cow
and some goats; to Feenough a horse and mare, and
to Mariwaggee a ram and two ewes. Some one,