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Voyages in the Northern Pacific. Narrative of several trading voyages from 1813 to 1818, between the… Corney, Peter, -1836 1896

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Northern Pacific
Voyages.    Vo jageg iq the furthm pacific.
And Sketch of a cruise in the Service of the
Independents of South America in 1819, by
With Preface and  Appendix of Valuable Confirmatory   Letters    Prepared    by
THOS. G.   THRUM, Publisher.
Honolulu, H. I.
1896. Reprinted from The London Literary Gazette of 1821 *9!
The fallowing narrative by Mr. Peter Corney
is now published in a separate form for the first
time. As may be seen, it was first published
serially in a weekly literary magazine in London,
during the year 1821.
It seems to have been entirely over looked by
the historians of the North-west Coast of America
as well as by those of the Hawaiian Islands. It
even escaped the researches of the indefatigable
H. H. Bancroft and of Robt. Greenhow, the
historian of Oregon.
The author was once well known in Honolulu,
and has a number of descendants living here.
He died in 1836, onboard of the bark Columbia,
while on his way|§0 what is now called British
Columbia, where he was to occupy a responsible
position in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company. In consequence of his death Jis wife and
children decided to remain in Honolulu, instead
of continuing their f$oyagfe to the North-west
His narrative is a valuable contribution to the
history not only of thetlNorth-west Coast, but
also of the Hawaiian Islands. In particular, it
throws much light on^he proceedings of the
m %
Russians here in 1815—1817, on the mutiny and
piracy of the crew of the Argentine cruiser,
Santa Rosa, her recapture by Capt. Bouchard
of the frigate Argentina, and their homeward
voyage, including the sack and burning of Monterey, California. It is also valuable as containing an account by a fair-minded eye-witness of
the state of things in the islands near the close of
Kamehameha's reign, which confirms the statements made by Alexander Campbell, James
Hunnewell and other early visitors and residents.
W. D. Alexander.
Honolulu, April, 1896. CONTENTS
Observations on importance of N. W., Sandwich Islands and China trade.—Russian designs for control.
—Rapid civilization of Sandwich Islanders.—They
desire intercourse with foreign traders.—Customs of
other nations readily adopted.—Fur trade in hands
of Americans.—Likely extinction of British influence therein.—Opening up of Western country
through to the Pacific.—Lewis and Clark's journey
across the Rocky Mountains.—Variety of fur bearing animals observed.—Plans of Americans to
form settlements; establish a town at the mouth of
the Columbia River and found colonies on the Pacific Ocean shore.—Rapid growth of their population
assures this.
Arrival of the Ship Tonquin, of Boston, at the Columbia River, with Settlers.—Loss of a boat, an officer,
and  six  Men, in sounding a  Passage.—Loss of t
another Boat and two Men.—Miraculous Escape of
the Blacksmith, and a Sandwich Islander.—Settlers
landed.—The Tonquin trades along the Northwest
Coast.—Dreadful Catastrophe.—Resolute conduct
of the Blacksmith. His Fate, and Fate of the
Vessel and Crew.
Continuation of the Account of the First Settlements on
the River Columbia.—A Party sent over-land from \
Boston to form an Establishment.—Arrival of the
Beaver: Plan of the Natives to take the Vessel frus-
tated by an Indian Woman.—Trading Voyage of
the Beaver to Norfolk Sound: collects a valuable
Cargo of Furs: arrival at China.—Loss of the Lark
of Boston off the Sandwich Islands.—The Northwest Company obtain possession of the Settlement.
— Voyage, &*c. of the Isaac Todd from London.—
Melancholy Death of Mr, McTavish arid four others.
— Voyage of the Columbia, in which the author was
chief Officer.—Alarming Mutiny: Arrival at the
The Schooner is repaired, and Mutineers sent into the
interior ; sail from the Columbia river.—Arrive at
New Archangel or Norfolk Sound, and purchase a
cargo of furs; return to the Columbia river, complete the cargo of furs for China, and of goods for
the Spanish Main. Sail for Monterey for the purpose of forming a factory, to supply the establishment CONTENTS. VU
on the Columbia river with provisions.—Spaniards
refuse to allow this, but suffer a cooper to remain to
cure provisions.—Sail for Bodago.—Russians refuse
to allow the gentlemen to remain till our return
from Canton.—Arrival at Owyhee (Hawaii).—
Visited by the king.—Natives crowd on board.—
A summary method to get rid of them.—Two gentlemen of the N. W. Company land at Owhyee to wait
our return.—Sail for and arrival at Canton.
CHAPTER   IV.       '
Captain Robson gives up the command of the schooner
Columbia; Captain Jennings appointed to succeed
him.—Some particulars respecting Captain Jennings.—Sail from Canton.—Lost a man overboard.
—Arrive at the Columbia river.—Massacre of
three persons belonging to the Fort.—Assassins
discovered and shot.—Another Voyage to Monterey; plenty of Provisions collected by the Cooper.
—Description of the Town and Company.
Takes cargo for the Russians at Norfolk Sound,—
Symptoms of mutiny.—Arrival.—Russian settlers
for the Sandwich Islands.—Arrival at Columbia
River.—Sail for Owyhee.—Trade with the Natives.
Russian settlers on Owyhee.—Sail for Canton.—
Return to Columbia River.—Man lost'overboard.
Arrival at Norfolk Sound.—Sail for the Straits
of Oonalaska.—Arrival at the Island of St. Paul
and St. George.—Method of preserving the breed r
&f Seals.—Mode of killing them.—Singular pro.
pefty of the Seal.—Arrive at Oonalaska.—Description of the Town.—Some Account of the
CHAPTER   VI. j fj|
The Winter of 1816, on the Columbia River.—Alarming Fire.—Sail for the Sandwich Islands.—Account of the Columbia.—Manners and Customs
of the Natives.
Royal F-amily.—Anecdote.—Native Tribes.—Religious
Ideas.—Habits.—Climate.—Traffic.—Slave Trade
by the Americans; their Practices; instance of
Captain Ayres.—Animals; War Canoes.—Voyage
to the Sandwich Islands; notice of several of these.
—The King's Mercantile Speculations.—New Russian Establishment.—Method of curing Pork.—
Norfolk Sound.—Jealousy of the Russians.—
Native Women.—Hostility between the Natives
and Russians.
Cape Edgecombe; Navigation.—The precautions of
the Russians to prevent Trade.—Return to the
Columbia.—Trading Expedition along shore to
Southward. — Natives near Cape Orford. —The
Coast to the South.—Port Trinidad; the Natives
then; Misunderstanding; Traffic; Decorum of the CONTENTS. IX
Females; their Dress; extraordinary Tattooing of
the Tongue, etc., Massacre of a Spanish Crew;
Character of the People; Difficulties in getting
out the Vessel.—Arrive at Bodago Bay.—The
Russians and Natives.—Account of the Russian
Settlement on New Albion.—Prodigious Vegetation.
Coasting Trade to Sir F. Drake's Harbour.—Return
to Trinidad Bay.—Attacked by the Indians.—
Return to Columbia.—ISIission up the Country to
the Cladsap Tribe; its Success.—Description of
the Country.—The Northwest Company's Establishment.
Voyage to the Sandwich Islands; various Transactions
there; Superstitious Omen; Death of a Chief;
Remarkable Funeral Ceremonies, Taboo, and Customs connected with these Rites.— Whymea.—The
Russian Intrigues with the Natives, and their
consequences.—Different trading trips, to show the
Nature of the Island Commerce.—The ship given
up.—Situation of the Men on shore.
The Sandwich Islands.—A Patriot or Runaway Ship.
—History of its change of Masters, Piracies and
Plundering. X CONTENTS.
Account   of   the    Sandwich    Islands. — Woahoo. —
Customs,    Etc.
Account of the Customs in the Sandwich Islands,
Account of the Sandwich Islanders continued.—Female dress; that of the men and chiefs.—Curious
fishing.—Personal Adventure.—Mode of catching
flying fish, etc.—Weather.—Ancient fort and novel
fortifications.—Superstitious story, and its effects.
—Their food, cooking, etc.
Proceedings of a Patriot Ship ; fate of the Mutineers
of the Rosa; execution of Mr. Griffiths.—The
Author takes the Command of the Brig.—They
destroy Monterey.— Other Proceedings in these
Seas briefly noticed.—The Author returns home. EARLY
Observations on importance of N. W., Sandwich Islands and China trade.—Russian designs for control.
—Rapid civilization of Sandwich Islanders.—They
desire intercourse with foreign traders.—Customs of
other nations readily adopted.—Fur trade in hands
of Americans.—Likely extinction of British influence therein.—Opening up of Western country
through to the Pacific--Lewis and Clark's journey
across the Rocky Mountains.—Variety of fur bearing animals observed.—Plans of Americans to
form settlements; establish a town at the mouth of
the Columbia River and found colonies on the Pacific Ocean shore.—Rapid growth of their population
assures this.
THE only object the author, of this work has
in making his observations on the trade
between the north-west coast of America
and the Sandwich Islands and China, is, to point
out to the merchants of this country the vast trade
that is carried on between those places by the
Americans and the Russians while an English flag
is rarely to be seen.
He would particularly wish to call the attention
of the people of this country to the state of the
Sandwich Islands, by pointing out their vast importance to the West-India merchants;  also the 2 PROGRESS  OF  SANDWICH   ISLANDERS.
rapid progress the natives are making towards
civilization (unaided by missionaries) by improving themselves,   and cultivating an intercourse
with other countries.    The Russians are by no
means, ignorant of their importance,  and have
more than once attempted to obtain possession
of them.    To Russia they would be invaluable,
as its colonists could cultivate sugar, tobacco,
and coffee, and make rum sufficient for the supply of that vast empire.    The effect which such
a step would have on our West-India trade is too
obvious   to   require   any   comment.    However
lightly the people of those islands may be thought
of, there is an anxious wish on their part to cultivate intercourse with those who will trade with
them, and there exists a desire for improvement
beyond the most sanguine hope, of those who
wish to see the condition of mankind bettered by
social   intercourse.     Their   battery  or fort at
Woahoo (Oahu), where guard is mounted and
relieved with as much regularity and form as at
the Tower of London; the policy of the king in
charging foreign  vessels  pilotage  and   harbor
dues, because a brig that he had purchased from
the Europeans and sent to China with sandal
wood had been made to pay pilotage and harbor
dues, will prove that they are ready to imitate
the customs of civilized nations.
The fur trade is now totally in the power of the
Americans, as by the treaty of Ghent the establishment on the Columbia was given up to that
republic. The following extract from the Montreal Herald of the 18th April,  1820, will show WESTERN  SETTLEMENTS  EXTENDED. 3
how far they are desirous of profiting by their
possessions: "Military Exfedition to the Uf-per
Missouri—The 6th regiment of infantry left Bell
Fountain on the 4th October. Colonel Atkins
commands the expedition. Thus the public have
at length the satisfaction to see fairly embarked,
this interesting expedition, on the security of
which depends the accomplishment of such
mighty objects of the American people, viz:—the
transfer of the fur trade from the English to the
Americans; the extinction of British influence
among American Indians, and the opening a
direct intercourse with India by the Columbia
and Missouri rivers."
For several years past it has been a favorite
object of the American government to open an
easy communication from their western settlements to the Pacific Ocean, and the above paragraph indicates the steps which have been taken
to realize this vast project. The most western
settlements which the Americans have are on the
Missouri, and from the mouth of the Columbia
on the Pacific Ocean they are distant about 3,000
miles. This immense space of desert territory,
inhabited by Indian tribes, some of whom are
hostile, presents obstacles of no ordinary kind to
this scheme; while, at the same time, it is this
very circumstance of the country being a wilderness, over which the Indian, and the wild beasts
of the forest range undisturbed, that offers such
peculiar inducement to the American design,
not of colonizing the country, though this consequence would undoubtedly follow; but of making 4      FUR TRADE THE GREAT OBJECT.
an immediate inroad on barbarism, by establishing a chain of posts at the distance of 50 or
100 miles along the great rivers as far as the Pacific Ocean. The fur trade is the great object of
attraction to settlers in this wilderness; and so
lucrative is this traffic, that it is well calculated to
excite a competition amongst rival states. It can
only be prosecuted by such nations as have a
ready access to these deserts, where the wild
animals which afford this valuable article of trade
multiply undisturbed by civilized man. These
nations are at present the British, whose possessions of Canada secures them access to the
north-western desert of America, the Americans,
who have free access to the wilderness that
lies between their territories and the Pacific
Ocean, and the Russians, whose immense empire
borders on the north-west coast of America, giving
them ample opportunities, which they have duly
improved, of establishing settlements on its shores;
of cultivating a friendly intercourse with the
natives, and of exchanging European articles for
the valuable furs which they collect in the course
of their hunting excursions. The fur trade has
been prosecuted with amazing enterprise and
activity by the British Canadian companies.
Every season they dispatch into the wilds a numerous body of their servants, clerks, and boatmen, amounting to about 800, who, traveling in
canoes across the vast succession of lakes and
rivers, which extend northwest nearly 3,000
miles into the American continent, and are connected with the great Canadian lakes of Huron, ROCKY  MOUNTAINS   CROSSED. 5
Superior, and Ontario, etc., bring back a valuable supply of furs from these remote regions, in
exchange for such European articles as are in
request among their savage customers. This
trade having been prosecuted with such success
by the British, the Americans seem in like manner resolved to profit by the vast tract of similar
territory to which they have access. By the
journey of Captains Lewis and Clark across the
Rocky mountains to the Pacific Ocean, the whole
of that western region is now laid open. Numerous adventurers have since crossed, by easier and
better roads, this mountainous barrier where they
found an open champaign country, well wooded
and watered, and abounding in game. Captains
Lewis and Clark were often astonished at the immense numbers of wild animals which they met
with in all directions, consisting of bears, wolves,
beavers, hares, foxes, racoons, etc., and various
other animals, which are keenly pursued on
account of their furs.
The plan of the Americans seems therefore to
be, to form settlements in this country with a view
to a trade in its great staple, namely fur; and by
establishing a port which would gradually grow
up into a village or a town at the mouth of the
Columbia River on the Pacific Ocean, they could
thence transport their cargoes to the great Indian
markets, in exchange for the valuable produce of
the East. Such is the project contemplated, and
if it succeed, it would have this important consequence, that it would lay the foundation of an
American colony on the shores of the Pacific ■r~
Ocean. The peopling of the American continent
is at present going on at a rapid rate; but by this
means the seeds of population would be scattered
with a more prodigal hand, and having once
taken root, the shores of the Pacific would be
quickly overspread with civilized inhabitants,
drawing their support from the country in which
they were settled, and in this respect independent
of the parent state. CHAPTER I.
Arrival of the Ship Tonquin, of Boston, at the Columbia River, with Settlers.—Loss of a boat, an officer,
and six Men, in sounding a Passage.—Loss of
another Boat and two Men.—Miraculous Escape of
a Blacksmith, and a Sandwich Islander.—Settlers
landed.—The Tonquin trades along the Northwest
Coast.—Dreadful Catastrophe.—Resolute conduct
of the Blacksmith.—His Fate, and Fate of the
Vessel and Crew.
THE ship Tonquin,* belonging to John Jacob
Astor, left Boston about the year 1811, with
settlers, for the purpose of forming an establishment on the Columbia River. On their passage out, they touched at the Sandwich Islands
to fill up their water casks, and procure a supply
of provisions. Captain Thorne encountered considerable difficulties from the disposition which
his ship's company evinced to leave the vessel at
these islands, and was even obliged to get the
settlers to keep watch over them to prevent desertion : the boatswain, Peter Anderson, by some
means, however, eluded the guard and escaped
to the shore.   The Tonquin arrived off the mouth
* This pioneer ship of Astor's enterprise sailed from New York,
September 8, 1810, under convoy for a time of the U. S. frigate
Constitution.     [Ed.] if
8 LOSS of boat's crew.
of the Columbia in March, 1811. Captain Thorne
not being acquainted with the harbor, dispatched
a whale-boat, with an officer and six men, to
sound the passage over the bar into the river.
The ship was then under close reefed top-sails,
and a strong gale blowing from the north-west,
so that the first officer was much averse to going
on this service; and it is rather singular, that
previous to his leaving the Tonquin, he observed
to Mr. McDougal, who was to be the governor
of the establishment, that he was going to lay his
bones beside those of his uncle, who had perished
in crossing the bar of the Columbia river a year
or two before that time. In a quarter of an hour
after they left the ship, they hoisted a signal of
distress, and then disappeared—thus seven men
found a watery grave! The Tonquin stood out
to sea for the night, and in the morning again
stood ;n, and another boat was ordered off under
the command of the second officer Mr. Moffat,
who peremptorily refused to go, observing, that
he could see a passage better from the mast head.
Captain Thorne then ordered a man, who was to
have the command of a shallop (of which they
had the frame on board), to take the command of
the boat, with two Sandwich Islanders (several of
whom they had on board for the establishment),
the ship's blacksmith, and one sailor, Mr. McDougal having refused to let any of the settlers
go on that service which they looked on as little
better than an act of insanity. Shortly after the
boat had left the ship, she ran by it; the boat was
then so close that the people asked for a rope; 1
but the vessel herself was in so perilous a situation, that all on board had to attend to their own
safety.    She struck several times on the bar, and
the sea made a fair breach over her; but they at
length got under the north point, into Baker's
bay.    On the following day they saw a white
man on the rocks, in the bay.    Captain Thorne
dispatched a boat, which returned with the blacksmith, who had been in the second boat sent to
sound the channel.     The account he gave of
himself was, that shortly after the ship had passed
them, the boat swamped; that the master of the
shallop and the sailor were drowned, and that he
was saved by the exertions of the Sandwich Islanders, who had dived several times to clear him
of the lead line which was entangled round his
legs.    As the tide was ebbing strong, the boat
drifted clear of the breakers; the islanders got a
bucket and one of the oars; the blacksmith and
one of the islanders took it in turns to scull the
boat during; the night.   The other islander died in
consequence of being benumbered with the cold,
so that he could not exert himself as the others
did.    At day-light, they found themselves drifted
to the northward of the river into a small sandy
bay; they ran the boat on the beach and hauled
her as high as their strength would allow them,
and got their dead companion out.    They then
crossed the point towards the river, and entered
the woods, where the islander lay down by the
stump of a tree.   The blacksmith left him, crossed
the point, and arrived in sight of the river, where,
to his inexpressible joy, he saw the ship at anchor
in the bay. IO
Captain Thorne sent a party in search of the
islander, whom they found.   They also recovered
the boat, and buried the other native.    They then
landed the settlers about seven miles from the
entrance of the river,  and on the south  side,
where  they  immediately  commenced   clearing
away the woods, building a fort, block-houses,
etc. to protect themselves against the Indians.
The Tonquin next landed part of her cargo, of
which Mr. McDougal took charge; and Mr. Mc-
Kie* accompanied Captain Thorne to trade with
the Indians to the northward.    For this purpose,
they sailed from the river and swept along the
coast till they came to Woody Point, where they
ran into a snug harbor, in latitude of 50 deg. 6
min. N. and longitude 127 deg. 43 min. W.;  in
this place they carried on a brisk trade with the
natives,   of whom  Captain  Thorne,   however,
allowed too many to come on board.    Mr. Mc-
Kie remonstrated, and pointed out the danger to
which they subjected themselves, by placing too
much confidence in savages.    But the captain
was above taking his advice, and permitted still
more liberty in visiting the ship.    On the morning of the fatal catastrophe taking place, he was
awakened by his brother (whom he had appointed chief mate in the room of the one who was
lost, while Mr. Moffat was left at the Columbia
river to command the schooner or shallop), coming to inform him, that the natives were crowding
on board in very great numbers,   and without
women, which was a sure sign of their hostile
* Irving's Astoria gives this name as McKay.    [Ed.] INDIAN  BUTCHERY  AVENGED. II
intentions. Upon reaching the deck Captain
Thorne was alarmed, and ordered the ship to be
got under-way; four persons went aloft to loose
the sails, while the remainder were heaving at
the windlass. The Indians had seated themselves
round the decks between the guns, apparently,
without arms; but while the sailors were in the
act of heaving at the windlass, they gave a sudden
yell, and drew long knives from their hair, in
which they had them concealed, rushed on the
men, and butchered every person on deck. Captain Thorne defended himself for some time, but
was at length overpowered, after having killed
several of his assailants. The people aloft, terrified by this slaughter, slid down by the stays,
and got into the forecastle, where, by means of
the loop-holes, they soon cleared the decks of the
savages. They were for some time at a loss how
to act, and it was at length resolved that three
should take the long-boat, and endeavor to reach
the Columbia river. The blacksmith being wounded, preferred staying on board, and endeavoring
to revenge the death of his ship-mates: the three
men accordingly took provision and arms, and
left the ship, and pulled directly out to sea. The
blacksmith then waved to the natives to return
on board, having previously laid a train of gunpowder to the magazine, and got his musket ready
to fire it. The Indians seeing but one man in the
vessel, came off in great numbers, and boarded
without fear. He pointed out to them where to
find the different articles of trade; and while they
were all busily employed breaking open boxes, 12
loosing bales, etc., he fired the train, and jumped
overboard. By this explosion was destroyed
nearly the whole village. He was picked up by
some of the canoes, and it is said by the natives,
is still among them, but is never allowed to come
near the sea-shore. It may appear strange that he
was not put to some violent death; but the savages
estimate too highly the value of a blacksmith, who
repairs their muskets, makes knives, etc.; in
short, he is the greatest acquisition they can have.
With respect to the three men who escaped the
massacre on board, not being able to weather
Woody Point, they were driven on shore, and
killed by the natives. The boat remains, together
with the wreck of the Tonquin, to this day.
The former part of this account of the loss of the
Tonquin I had from Mr. McDougal, the governor
of the fort at Columbia river, and the remainder
from the natives, with whom I have had frequent
intercourse, and whom I invariably found it to
my interest to use well, as they are sensible of
the slightest attention, and are prone to revenge
the slightest insult. CHAPTER   II.
Continuation of the Account of the First Settlements on
the River Columbia.—A Party sent over-land from
Boston to form an Establishment.—Arrival of the
Beaver: Plan of the Natives to take the Vessel frus-
tated by an Indian Woman.—Trading Voyage of
the Beaver to Norfolk Sound: collects a valuable
Cargo of Furs: arrival at China.—Loss of the Lark
of Boston off the Sandwich Islands.—The Northwest Company obtain possession of the Settlement.
— Voyage, 6°c. of the Isaac Todd from London.—
Melancholy Death of Mr, McTavish and four others.
— Voyage of the Columbia, in which the author was
chief Officer.—Alarming Mutiny: Arrival at the
THE next attempt to form a settlement on the
Columbia was made by John Jacob Ajstor,
who sent a party over-land from Boston,*
under the command of Mr. Hunt. They endured
many hardships in crossing the stony mountains,
and lost several of their number; but at length
reached their destination, the Columbia, after the
destruction of the Tonquin. The next vessel Mr.
Astor sent out was the Beaver, a ship command-
* The narrator is in error in naming Boston as the place of
departure both of sea and land expeditions.    New York was the
eadquarters, and the Beaver left that port Oct. 10, 1811.     [Ed.] 14 INDIANS  PLOT  FRUSTRATED
ed by Captain Sole.* She arrived safe in the river,
and found the establishment in great distress for
provisions. On the ensuing night, not being properly secured, she went adrift, and was nearly
Wrecked on the bar; they, however, got her into
the harbour next day, and commenced landing
their stores.
After they had unloaded, and received on
board such furs as had been collected, they only
waited for a fair opportunity to cross the bar, to
observe which, Captain Sole went on shore daily,
on Cape Disappointment. The natives, meanwhile, formed a design for seizing him and his
boat's crew while on shore, and at the same time
send off canoes to take the ship. The plot was,
however, most fortunately frustrated by an Indian
woman, who was on board with one of the sailors,
and communicated the whole design to her temporary husband. This affair put Captain Sole
more on his guard: the woman was handsomely
rewarded, and is still at Fort George. The
Beaver left the Columbia river, and ran along the
coast to the northward. She went into Norfolk
Sound, where the Russians have an extensive
establishment, and there traded with the colonists
for seal-skins. They were also induced to visit
the islands of St. Paul and St. George, which
are situated inside a group of islands, called the
^3 JC '
Aluthean (Aleutian) or Fox Islands. Here the
Beaver was nearly lost among the ice; but ultimately, after encountering many difficulties, she
' Also given as Sowle and Soule by other writers ; the latter
most likely correct.    [Ed.] THE   LARK   DISMASTED. 15
arrived safe at Canton, with a valuable cargo of
furs, and was laid up, on account of the war
between the United States and Great Britain.
Mr. Astor next sent out the ship Lark, Captain
Northrope, with instructions to touch at the Sandwich Islands; but when they got into their latitude, and were running down before the wind,
it came on to blow very hard, which reduced
them to a close-reefed main top-sail and fore-sail.
The. sea was running mountain high, and the ship
being very crank, in the middle watch (which was
kept by Mr. Machal, a relative of Mr. Astor's) she
suddenly broached-to, and a sea struck her, which
laid her on her beam-ends. The people lost no
time in cutting away the masts, by which means
she righted. Fortunately for them, the cargo consisted chiefly of rum for the Russians, and light
goods, which, added to the number of empty
water-casks on board, made the ship float light.
After the gale had abated, they got the spare
spars, and rigged one for a jury-mast. They also
built a sort of stage on the forecastle, and, by
means of a Sandwich Islander named Power,
whom they brought from America with them, got
a top-gallant-sail up from below, and set it on the
jury foremast. They then cut the anchors from
the bows, but afterwards felt the loss of them,
managing nevertheless to steer the ship towards
the Sandwich Islands. They remained nineteen
days on the wreck, subsisting entirely on what
the islander could get from the cabin, as he could
not go down the main hatchway, on account of
the casks drifting about; they also killed several 16 SHIPWRECK AND   RESCUE  OF  CREWS.
-sharks which were swimming across the vessel.
At length, on the nineteenth day of their being
in that distressing situation, they, to their great
joy, discovered land, and were drifted close to
Mowee, (Maui) in a smooth sandy bay. They
now experienced the want of their anchors, which
might have saved the ship. Some canoes came
off, and some of the people landed, when the
wind suddenly shifting, blew strong from the
land, and the ship was drifted from Mowee (Maui)
to the point of Morofoi* (Molokai), where she
went on the rocks, and was soon knocked to
pieces. The captain and remainder of the crew
were rescued through the exertions of the islanders, and kindly treated by them. The
natives saved, too, a great deal of the cargo, and
the chief of Mowee (Maui), Namea Teymotoo,
(Keeaumoku) having arrived, took charge of
the whole. The news soon reached Owhyhee
(Hawaii), and Tameameah, (Kamehameha) the
king, dispatched orders to Teymotoo, (Keeaumoku) to send what goods he had obtained, and
also all the white men to him. The white men
were sent, but Teymotoo (Keeaumoku) never
quitted the island while the rum lasted, for which
he nearly lost his head, which he certainly would
have done, had not his sister, named Ta'amano
(Kaahumanu), and who was Tameameah's (Kamehameha's) head wife, exerted all her interest
successfully in his cause.
The establishment on the Columbia River being
so valuable in respect to the fur trade, it was
* This should be Kahoolawe, not Molokai.    [Ed.] CANADIAN   DESIGNS. 17
determined by the Northwest Company of Canada to get possession of it.     It was  therefore
arranged to fit out a ship for that purpose, and
accordingly the ship Isaac Todd was selected
and equipped by Messrs. McTavish, Fraser and
Company,   merchants,   commanded by C aptain
Smith.    She left England in March, 1813, with a
number of  settlers on board,  the principal of
whom was Donald McTavish, Esq.    There was
also a party sent over-land from Canada to reach
the Columbia about the same time at which it was
calculated the  ship would  arrive.    The  Isaac
Todd called at Rio de Janeiro, and sailed thence
under the convoy of his majesty's ships Phcebe,
Racoon, and Cherub, of which she lost sight off
Cape Horn 1  and, after beating off the Cape for
some time, and nearly getting ashore, the captain,
settlers,   and sailors   continually   fighting   and
quarreling,   at length  arrived  on  the  coast  of
California.    Most of the people  being laid up
with the scurvy,  they determined to run into
Monterey (the Spanish seat of government on
California) to recruit their crew, of which there
was scarcely a sufficient number well enough to
work the vessel.    They anchored in Monterey in
the latitude of 360 36' N., and longitude 1210 34'
W.; got permission to land the sick, and were
well treated by the Spaniards, and recovered fast.
When they were about to leave Monterey, an
officer came over-land from Port St. Francisco*
to order the Isaac Todd round to that port, and
enable the Racoon to heave down and repair.
* San Francisco. 18 MORE  FATALITY.
She had arrived in the Columbia river, and found
the establishment in possession of the party that
came over-land, and the English colors flying on
the fort. On the approach of the party, they had
informed the Americans that some of his majesty's
ships were coming to take possession of the place.
Upon this the colony made the best bargain they
could, and the English took possession of the
fort, with a valuable assortment of furs. A few
of the American clerks went on board the American brig Pedlar, but the governor, Mr. McDou-
gal and the rest, entered into the service of the
English Northwest Company. The Racoon,
after having completed her wooding and watering, lay sometime in the river; on her crossing
the bar, she struck, and so much damaged her
bottom, that she could scarcely be kept above
water till her arrival at Port St. Francisco, a distance not exceeding 500 miles from the Columbia.
By means of the Isaac Todd, his majesty's ship
was soon repaired, and sailed towards the Sandwich Islands. Several of the crew of the Isaac
Todd deserted at Monterey, being afraid they
should be pressed into the Racoon. She then
sailed from Port St. Francisco, and arrived off
the Columbia river in April, 1814, got over the
bar in safety, and anchored in Baker's Bay.
The Todd went up the river, and moored opposite the fort above Village Point; and all the entreaties of Mr. McTavish could not prevail on
Captain Smith to bring the ship across: his excuse was, want of water in the channel, where
there is three fathoms and a half at high tide. BODIES  RECOVERED. 19
The consequences were fatal; for, on Sunday, the
22nd of May, as Mr. McTavish was crossing the
river in the vessels long-boat, under the charge
of Captain Smith's nephew, when they got about
mid-channel, they were upset by a sudden squall,
filled, and sunk immediately. Mr. McTavish,
Mr. Henry and four others, found a watery grave,
and an American carpenter, named Joseph Little,
alone saved himself with an oar. He drifted up
the river, and got on the stump of a tree, whence
he was taken by an Indian canoe to the fort,
where he communicated the sad fate of the governor and party. Within a few days two of the
bodies were picked up, and buried close to the
fort, and shortly after, the body of Mr. McTavish
was drifted ashore to the northward of Cape
Disappointment, and a party was sent to bury him
there, as it was not safe, at that time, to bring
him to the fort, where the natives were very
troublesome, and all collected from the northward
to fish in the river, this being the season.
Having served my time in the West India trade
with Captain Stoddard, in the employ of Messrs.
Inglis, Ellice and Company, of Mark-lane, I
arrived in London about August, 1813, from a
West Indian voyage. The houses of Inglis,
Ellice and Co. and McTavish, Fraser and Co.,
were then fitting out a vessel for the northwest
coast of America and China. A schooner that
had formerly belonged to the Americans, was purchased for this voyage, and called the Columbia.
She was a sharp-built vessel, of 185 tons register,
and had a crew of 25 men, officers included. 20 SCHOONER   COLUMBIA'S  VOYAGE.
She was armed with ten nine-pounders, and had
a patent boarding defence all round her bulwark.
Her commander was Captain Anthony Robson,
under whom I served as chief officer.
I went on board in August, 1813, and after taking
our cargo on board, we dropped down to Grave-
send the latter end of September, completed our
stores, wood and water, at the Motherbank, and
on the 26th of November, 1813, sailed under
convoy of his majesty's ship Laurel, Captain
Proby, in company with the Brazil fleet. On the
24th of January we crossed the equinoctial line
in the longitute of 24 ° o' west, having much
thunder, lightning, and rain. A strong current
setting to the northward, on the 31st, we made
the land about Pernambuco on the Brazil coast,
spoke several catamarans, which are made of
four or five logs of wood, trunneled together,
and well lashed. They are rigged with a large
lug-sail, and are used to fish and trade along the
Brazil Coast, manned with four or five negroes.
February 9th, we saw Cape Frio in the latitude
of 230 Jj south, and longitude 41 ° 45' west, and
on the 10th we came-to in Rio de Janeiro harbor.
We lost no time in preparing to wood and water
the ship, the season for doubling Cape Horn
being far advanced; several of our crew deserted,
and we had great difficulty in procuring others.
On the 19th of February, having completed our
stores, etc., we sailed from Rio, intending to
touch at the Falkland islands, and refit, previous
to doubling the Cape. On the 14th of March
we saw the Falkland Islands, stood away to the A  DESERTED   VILLAGE. 21
eastward, towards Berkeley's Sound, and as we
sailed along shore, observed a great number of
cattle and horses. About n o'clock p.m., we
rounded Cape St. Vincent, and worked up the
sound with a strong gale at S. W. At 3 p. m.,
came-to between Penguin and Goat Islands, at
the head of the sound in six fathoms, soft bottom.
I went on shore with a party on Goat Island,
where we shot a number of ducks and other birds,
of which there appeared to be great numbers, as
also of the fur seal. Next day, Captain Robson
went on shore to a town which we saw from the
ship, apparently deserted. In the evening he
returned with the boat nearly full of ducks and
geese. We got under weigh, and warped nearer
the place in four fathoms water, good bottom.
It appeared that the town had been deserted by
the Spaniards in 1811: they called the island
Soledada. We found it well stocked with cattle,
horses, ducks, geese, etc., and also a small
quantity of cabbages and celery, the gardens
being nearly chocked up with weeds, which we
cleared away, and planted seeds of different
kinds. On the 27th day of March, 1814, having
completed the rigging, we took a stock of fresh
beef, geese, and pigs on board, filled up our
water, got under way, and stood out of the sound,
with a strong S. W. wind. While we lay at these
islands, the people had fresh beef, geese, and
vegetables daily; and when we sailed, all on
board were in good health, except our surgeon,
who had been ill since we left Rio de Janeiro. i
Cape St. Vincent and Cape Pembroke form
the entrance of this sound; the former is in the
latitude of 51 ° 26' south, and longitude 570 54'
west; the latter, in latitude 510 56' south, and
longitude 570 54' west; the sound is about three
leagues deep and about three miles wide in the
middle. Ships bound into this sound must give
Cape St. Vincent a wide berth, on account of a
reef that runs about a mile off the point; and it
would be particularly advisable for such as are
going round Cape Horn, to touch here in preference to calling at Rio de Janeiro.
We encountered very severe weather going
round the cape; at times not more than six or eight
men were able to stand the deck, from being continually wet and cold, and the schooner being so
low that the sea was continually washing over her.
On one occasion, April 14,1814, she shipped a sea
that washed the round-house clean from the deck,
and filled the cabin: we had four feet of water in
the hold, and in this gale carried away the fore-
yard, and split all our sails, so that, at one time,
we had not a single sail that was fit to set. About
the 18th of April, we doubled Cape Horn, and
ran along shore to the northward, with a fine S.
W. breeze. May 26th, John Jameson, the surgeon, departed this life, after a long illness: he
was a native of Scotland, aged about 26 years.
His body was committed to the deep with the
usual ceremonies.
On the 22nd of May, we crossed the equinoctial
line in the longitude of 1090 14' west, with a strong
breeze from E. S. E. and fine weather.   Nothinp- MUTINY FRUSTRATED, 23
of moment occurred until the 22nd of June, when
a young man, of the name of Thomas Smoke,
came aft, and divulged a most villainous design,
planned by four of the men, viz: John Happy,
boatswain, John Carpenter, John Peterson, and
John Decrutz, seamen. Their horrid purpose
was to rise in the middle watch, which it happened
I was to keep, and throw me overboard; one of
the parties was then to go to the cabin, and dispatch the captain, who was at that time unwell,
and the others were to murder the officers in the
half-deck. They had asked Smoke if he could
navigate the ship to the Spanish main for them: he
answered that he could, and was thus enabled to
frustrate their treachery.
Having put us on our guard, he went forward,
but not below, and we made preparations for the
villains in as private a way as possible. I wished
to secure them immediately, but Captain Robson
declined doing so till the morning, it being then
dark. We armed all the officers in the half-
deck, and opened a .door which led from the
cabin to that berth; we then unhinged the doors,
and put them below. The second mate took
the first watch from 8 o'clock to midnight,
and the rest of us kept in readiness to jump
on deck at the least notice. Midnight came, and
I succeeded to the watch. I went on deck armed
with three pair of pistols. My first care was to
look round, and see that every thing was right;
I then called down the forecastle, to know if the
watch were coming on deck: the answer was,
"Aj^e, aye, sir.'     Shortly after, Happy came on ARRIVE  OFF  COLUMBIA  RIVER.
deck, and relieved the helm, but none of the
others made their appearance. It being a fine
night, I was glad they kept below, as it was my
determination to shoot the first man who should
attempt to come abaft the gang-way. At daylight we called them one at a time, and secured
them in irons. Towards noon, Carpenter
requested to be taken out of irons, and to make
a confession concerning the mutiny. His deposition was accordingly taken by Captain Robson,
and signed by the officers, after which we were
obliged to keep him apart from the other prisoners,
as they swore they would murder him.
Latitude 390 14' north; longitude 1340 39' west.
On the 29th of June, we made Cape Orford, on
the coast of New Albion, and on the 6th of July
we saw Cape Disappointment, the north point of
Columbia River: latitude 460 19' north, and longi-
tune 1230 o' west. We stood close in with the
bar, fired a gun, tacked ship in 6^£ fathoms dark
sand, about half a mile from the breakers. Next
day we stood in: the tide setting in strong, and
drifting us fast towards the bar, I went to the
mast-head to look for a channel, and perceived
an Indian canoe paddling towards us. She soon
after came alongside, and the natives began
talking to us in a language we did not understand;
we then lowered the boat down, and I took one
of the Indians with me to sound before the ship,
—the least water we had was 3^ fathoms on the
bar. On rounding Cape Disappointment, an
Indian village opened to our view, consisting of
about 50 miserable looking huts.    The Indians VISITED  BY INDIANS. 25
were all busilylemployed, launching their canoes,
and pushing off towards the ship, which was a
novel spectacle to us all, as we had never seen
people of this description before. At three
o'clock p.m. we anchored under Cape Disappointment in Baker's Bay, about a mile from the
village, and were soon visited by about 30 canoes,
with men, women, and children, most of whom
had flat heads. We put sentries on immediately,
and ran our boarding defence out, to the great
astonishment of the natives. CHAPTER   III.
The Schooner is repaired, and Mutineers sent into the
interior ; sail from the Columbia river.—Arrive at
New Archangel or Norfolk Sound, and purchase a
cargo of furs; return to the Columbia river, complete the cargo of furs for China, and of goods for
the Spanish Main. Sail for Monterey for the purpose of forming a factory, to supply the establishment
on the Columbia river with provisions.—Spaniards
refuse to allow this, but suffer a cooper to re?nain to
cure provisions.—Sail for Bodago.—Russians refuse
to allow the gentlemen to remain till our return
from Canton.—Arrival at Owyhee (Hawaii).—
Visited by the king.—Natives crowd on board.—
A summary method to get rid of them.—Two gentlemen of the N. W. Company land at Owhyee to wait
our return.—Sail for and arrival at Canton.
THE natives on the Columbia brought us
plenty of fine salmon, sturgeon, and fruit,
such as strawberries, blackberries, rasber-
ries, etc., for which we gave them, in exchange,
knives, buttons, etc. We shortly after observed
a remarkably large canoe, coming off with two
Indians very finely dressed: they proved to be
the king's sons, Casakas and Selechel, who made MUTINEERS   SENT  ASHORE. 27
us signs that there was a three-masted ship above
the point. We gave these people bread and
treacle, of which they appeared to be very fond.
Shortly after we perceived a schooner-boat beating down the river; and about 7 o'clock she
anchored in-shore of us. I went on board of her
well armed, and found Mr. Black, chief mate of
the Isaac Todd, with several of the clerks belonging to the Northwest Company, whom I brought
to the Columbia. The schooner was manned
with Sandwich Islanders. The next morning we
weighed and ran up the river, passed two Indian
villages belonging to the Chenook tribe, and
came too above Village Point, along-side of the
Isaac Todd, in seven fathoms water, good bottom.
Captain Smith visited us, and a large bark canoe
came across from Fort George, in which was the
governor, John George McTavish, Esq., with
whom Captain Robson went on shore. Next
day Captain Robson returned with a party from
the fort to take the mutineers on shore; they were
well guarded. After the necessary precautions,
we then crossed the river in 3^ fathoms water,
and anchored under Fort George in 6 fathoms
water, very excellent holding ground. We were
visited daily by Comley, king of the Chenook
tribe, with his wives and family; and also by the
other tribes about the river, bringing sea-otter
and beaver skins* (which we were not allowed to
buy from them), with plenty of fine salmon and
sturgeon. During this time, the Isaac Todd had
been taking in furs for China; on the 22nd of
July, she was ready for sea, and dropped down 28
below the Point. Mr. Bethune, one of the Northwest Company, went on board as supercargo
for China. Having finished the rigging of the
schooner, we commenced taking in bar-iron,
rum, powder, ball, etc. for the Russian settlements to the northward. Mr. James McTavish
came on board as super cargo; Mr. McLennan
as clerk. Finding there were several American
ships on the coast, we embarked two long six-
pounders, and a brass four-pounder, with small
arms, etc., also three Sandwich Islanders who
were left here by the Tonquin, three Canadians,
an old man, who had been a long time in the
Russian Northwest Company's service, and a
half breed boy. Having completed our cargo, we
took our wood and water on board.
On the 4th of August, eight bark canoes,
belonging to the Northwest Company, sailed
with stores for the posts in the interior, with
seven men in each canoe, including three of
our mutineers; the other being a blacksmith was
kept at the river. On the 16th, both ships weighed
with a strong breeze from N. W., and turned
over the bar, in a heavy sea in 3 fathoms water.
In crossing, the sea washed over us, and left the
decks covered with sand. We left the Isaac
Todd at anchor, and made all sail to the westward; we had a steady breeze from N. W. and
W. N. W. On the 26th of August we had a
strong gale, sprung our bowsprit and fore-topmast; and, on the 29th, we saw Queen Charlotte's Island. September 2nd, we made the
land,    called,   by   the   Russians,    New   Arch- %
angel,  and by the English, Prince of Wales's
Archipelago;  in the evening we were close in
with the bay of islands,  to  the  northward  of
Norfolk Sound.    On the 5th,  we entered  the
Sound by 10 o'clock, the wind dying away we
got the sweeps  on;   fired several guns;   at  11
o'clock we were boarded by a skin-boat, called
bodaree, and a smaller one, called bodarkee; the
latter was dispatched on shore to let the governor
know what ship it was; the former assisted to tow
us  towards the  harbor.    When we got to the
head of the Sound,  we ran inside a group of
islands, and came too off the Russian fort, in 3^
fathoms water, good holding ground: found here
a fine American ship, called the Packet, Captain
Bacon,  with a valuable cargo of furs on board,
which they had collected on the N. W. coast.
We saluted the fort with thirteen guns, which
was returned with the same number.    Captain
Robson,   and   the   supercargo   waited  on   the
Governor Baranoff;   sent the carpenter to  cut
some good spars for bowsprit and topmast.   September 13th, the supercargo, having agreed with
the governor, we commenced landing our cargo;
by the 21st, we completed our rigging, wooding,
and watering, took on board a quantity of fur,
seal skins, and made all clear for sea.    While we
lay here a large   Russian brig arrived,  with a
valuable cargo of furs, from the Aluthean, or
Fox Islands;   she had been  two years  on her
voyage, which might have been performed in six
months; also arrived here the sloop Constantine,
from Kodiac, with furs and stores.    At this time 3°
there were two large ships hauled on shore,
undergoing some repairs; two large sloops ready
for sea, and two gun-boats; a ship of 4°° tons,
which they had built here, was trading on the
coast for furs; and a large brig and schooner
trading on California. The Americans were
very friendly with us, often spending their evenings on board. During our stay, we were well
supplied with salmon, hallibut, and wild fowl.
It is the custom of Governor Baranoff to make
his visitors drunk, when they dine with him. On
these occasions he will commence firing guns,
which must be answered by the ships, and I have
often been obliged to fire upwards of fifty guns
in a day. The governor dined on board once
with his suite, and seemed much pleased with our
boarding defence. The Russians have a fine
fort on a high rock, mounting about sixty guns,
and well calculated to defend them from the
Indians; a good ship would, however, soon destroy it. They have also blockhouses, and a town
of about sixty houses, a church, ship-yard, etc.,
and about ioo Russians, chiefly convicts from
Siberia. They employ a great number of Kodiac
and Oonalaska Indians to hunt the sea-otter and
man their ships; they also hire American ships
to take Indians and canoes to California, where
the sea-otters are very plentiful, for the capture
of which they allow the ships a certain proportion.
They have also several hostages from the tribe
about the Sound, and will not allow a canoe to
come near the fort, without bringing a handsome
present;  they have a look-out house on the top NEW ARCHANGEL  DESCRIBED. 31
of the fort, where a man is continually kept with
a spy-glass in his hand, and if a canoe should
heave in sight, a gun-boat is immediately dispatched after her. The town is enclosed by a
high paling, and look-out houses built at the distance of twenty yards from each other, where
there are people on the watch, both day and
night. Every Russian has cleared a piece of
ground, where they sow potatoes, turnips, carrots, radishes, sallad, etc., by which means, with
plenty of fish and whale blubber, they live very
comfortably, marrying the Kodiac and Oonalaska
women, who are very industrious and make good
wives. The Russians are extremely fond of rum,
and will part with any thing for it; tobacco is
also in great request. This country abounds
with wood, chiefty of the pine kind. The hills
are continually covered with snow, and it rains a
great deal; we had not six fine days while we
lay here. The whole of the population of this
establishment does not exceed 1,000 souls.
September 27th. We made sail out of the
Sound, and stood off towards Columbia river, on
our passage to which nothing worthy of remarks
occurred. We found the Isaac Todd had left the
river on the 26th of September, 1814. The Chenook tribe of Indians were rejoiced to see us,
and treated us in a very friendly way; then king
Comley came on board as usual. I was therefore
dispatched in the schooner-boat to bring the body
of Mr. McTavish to the fort; which was done
accordingly, and the corpse interred with funeral
ceremonies.    Captain  Robson  read the  burial 4C
service; the coffin was lowered into the grave,
which being enclosed all round with paling, a
kind of tomb-stone was erected. While we lay
in the river, we had much rain and thunder, with
heavy gales from S. W. to S. E.
In November we finished a cargo of furs for
China, and an assortment of goods for the Spanish
Main; and having completed our wood and water,
and taken on board plenty of spare spars, we at
length cleared the dangerous bar, and stood off
to the southward towards Monterey.   On the 23rd
of November, made the coast of California; saw
the harbor of Sir Francis Drake, and the port of
St. Francisco; passed the Farlone rocks, about
one mile from them;  at daylight, saw the north
point of Monterey Bay; in the evening, it falling
calm, we came too in the bay in 50 fathoms sand;
at daylight a breeze sprung up,  weighed  and
turned into the anchorage, we  came too in 11
fathoms sandy bottom, about a quarter of a mile
from  Captain   Vancouver's   Observatory,   and
about the same distance from the fort.    I went
on  shore  to  report the  ship,  and was  kindly
received by the Spaniards, who had all their force
(about 50 horsemen) drawn up on the beach to
receive me.    I asked the governor if he would
answer a salute;   he complied,   and I went on
board  and   saluted  with   11   guns,   which  was
returned.    Captain Robson and the gentlemen
then-went on shore, and sent off some fresh beef
and vegetables  for the crew.    Mr.   McDougal
informed the governor that he wished to remain
at Monterey, to collect provisions for the North- LAND   GOODS   AND   DEPART. 33
west Company's establishment on the Columbia
river..   The governor could not grant him permission without receiving an order from the viceroy
of Mexico; accordingly a courier was dispatched
to Mexico, with letters to state our wishes to him.
In the meantime, we had fresh beef and vegetables sent off daily.    The people had liberty to
walk and ride about the town, the Spanish men
and women often coming on board.    On Friday,
the i6thof December, we received a final answer
from Mexico to the following purport, viz; that
they could not allow any gentleman to remain in
the country;  we might land the goods we had
brought to barter, and the governor was to see
to the collecting of provisions for us against our
return from Canton; but the cooper was allowed
to remain (as a great favour) to superintend the
curing of the beef.    With these terms we were
obliged to comply.    We accordingly landed the
goods,   consisting  of  bale  goods,   iron,   sugar,
tobacco, rum, etc.    On the 17th, eight of our
men deserted, and though we tried all means we
possibly could  devise to bring them back, we
failed in that object.    On the 21st of December
we  sailed from  Monterey towards Bodago,  a
Russian  establishment on New Albion, in the
latitude  380   o'  and   longitude   1230,  which  we
reached in due time.
On the 24th we saw a large storehouse on
shore; Mr. McDougal and myself went in quest
of its owners; we found it locked, and then
pulled up a lagoon, where we saw a number of
Indians collected round a large fire.    We landed, 34
and found ourselves above an Indian village, for
here they live under ground, and we could hear
their voices beneath us. Several old women and
children made their appearance; we gave them
some beads and by signs inquired where the
Russians were; they pointed to the men round
the fire, to whom we accordingly went up, and
found them killing rabbits. Their mode of hunting them is to fire the grass for a considerable
distance, and kill the rabbits as they are endeavoring" to escape from the flame. The natives, on
this part of the coast, appear to be a very harmless
race. We inquired for the Russians, and they
pointed to the northward. We then left them,
and, on passing the village, some of our party
had the curiosity to venture into their subterraneous abodes, but were obliged to make a hasty
retreat, pursued by swarms of fleas, and an
intolerable stench from a mass of filth.
We re-embarked, and made all sail to the northward, and at 4 p. m. were visited by some Russians
in bodarkees; they brought with them a present
of fresh pork and vegetables, and one of them
piloted us to the settlement, where we anchoreel
with the stream in 30 fathoms water, bottom of
soft mud, about one mile from the shore. Mr.
McDougal then went on shore to ask permission
to remain until the schooner arrived from Canton,
which was refused by Governor Kutscoff, without first getting permission from Governor Bara-
noff. He returned onboard, and at daylight we
weighed, and made sail for the Sandwich Islands. ARRIVE  AT    HAWAII. 35
January 7th, in latitude 27 north, we fell in with
the N. E. trade-wind; on the 16th January, 1815,
made the island of Owhyee (Hawaii),, ran close
inshore; some natives visited us, and informed
us that Tameamah (Kamehameha) was at the
village of Tyroa (Kailua). We made all sail for
that place, and the next day ran between Owhyee
(Hawaii) and Mowee (Maui), and stood close in
shore. The natives came off in great numbers,
bringing with them hogs, vegetables, rope, and
cloth of the country; we allowed a few to enter
the vessel, and took a chief woman on board,
who acted as pilot. About midnight we reached
Tyroa (Kailua), where we anchored in 30 fathoms
water, very foul bottom; saluted the king. Mr.
McDougal went on shore, and returned with the
king next morning: Tameamah (Kamehameha)
was dressed in a coloured shirt, velveteen
breeches, red waistcoat, large military shoes,
and worsted stockings, a black silk handkerchief
round his neck, no coat: he is a tall, stout, athletic
man, nose rather flat, thick lips, the upper one
turned up; an open countenance, with three of
his lower front teeth gone. We weighed anchor,
and towed close in shore in 14 fathoms sandy
bottom; the canoes collected from all parts, and,
in a short time, there were no fewer than eighty
of them, with from three to ten men in each, and
some hundreds of men, women, and children
swimming about the ship, regardless of the
sharks; the decks were soon covered with them.
Captain Robson, being rather alarmed at having
so many on board, told the king to^send them on 36
shore. He took a handspike in his hand, and
said a few words, and in a moment the men flew
out of the ship in all directions. The king
ordered us to hoist a white flag, which here signifies taboo, or prohibition, and then ordered two
of his hikanees (aikanes), or confidential men, to
remain on board, to keep the natives from stealing. The king, queens, and principal chiefs
remained with us all day, and had their dinner
sent on board to them, not being allowed to eat
ship provision. It is a strange custom that any
thing out of which the king eat or drank he had
sent on shore. In the afternoon Captain Robson
landed in company with his majesty, who gave
Mr. McDougal permission to stop in his dominions
as long as he pleased, and assured him that he
should want for nothing. We accordingly forwarded their baggage, and the two gentlemen
and a boy landed.
The king sent off a supply of hogs and tarrow,
some very good island rope; and the same night,
January 18th, we weighed and made sail for
Canton. We made the islands of Bottel, Tobago,
and Xima; and on the 5th of March passed Formosa, about two leagues from the valrette rocks;
had wind, with much thunder, lightning, and rain.
Next day, it being foggy, we sounded occasionally in from 35 to 20 fathoms of water, bottom of
dark sand; when it cleared up, we were surrounded by Chinese fishing-boats, the sea being
completely covered with them. On the 8th of
March we passed Pedra Blanco, about one mile
off, made the great Lema, and passed Antin. ARRIVE  AT WAMPOA.
On the 9th we ran into the Macao roads, and
came too in 3^ fathoms water, bottom of soft
mud. Captain Robson went on shore in a Chinese boat; in the evening he returned, and the
next day took the young woman on shore, the
Chinese not allowing her to proceed to Canton
in the schooner. On the 17th of March, we got
a pilot on board, weighed, and stood up the river;
we were three days in our passage up to Wampoa. CHAPTER   IV.
Captain Robson gives up the command of the schooner
Columbia; Captain Jennings appointed to succeed
him.—Some particulars respecting Captain Jennings.—Sail from Cdnton.—Lost a man overboard.
—Arrive at the Columbia river.—Massacre of
three persons belonging to the Fort.—Assassins
discovered and shot.—Another Voyage to Monterey; plenty of Provisions collected by the Cooper.
—Description of the Town and Company.
AT Canton, Captain Robson found Mr.
Bethune, and sixteen Sandwich Islanders,
who had been left by the Isaac Todd.
On March 28th, 18.15, being quite tired of the
northwest coast of America, and determined to
tgo to England, he gave charge of the schooner
to Captain Jennings, agreeably to an order from
Mr. Bethune. Captain Jennings had left England
in the brig Forester, and made an attempt to go
round Cape Horn, but he did not succeed. At
last they bore up for the Cape of Good Hope,
going through the Straits of Tymore, the chief
mate, with four of the crew, took the gig and left
the ship in the night. After a tedious and troublesome passage, the Forester arrived off the island TROUBLES  ON THE  FORESTER. 39
of Woahoo (Oahu,) one of the Sandwich Islands,
the crew being at that time in a state of mutiny.
They saw several ships in the harbour, among
which was the American schooner privateer,
Tameameah (Kamehameha), Captain Porter. A
canoe came off, and Captain Jennings intercepted
a letter his crew were sending on shore, to say,
that if the vessels in the harbour would send their
boats out they should find friends.||Captain Jennings immediately made sail towards Owyhee
(Hawaii). On arriving, he anchored at Tyroa
(Kailua), the residence of the king, who came on
board with all his family, and on learning from
the Captain his situation, promised him every
assistance. He accordingly got the Forester
under way, and ran to Karakakooa (Kealakekua)
bay, where Captain Cooke was killed: here the
Indians watered the ship, bringing the water
down from the mountains in calabashes.
A very serious accident took place on board
the Forester while she lay here. A boy ran away,
but was brought back again, having lost all his
clothes. jf&One afternoon, when the ship was on
the point of sailing, and Captain Jennings had
occasion to go on shore, the boy went up to him
and told him he wanted his clothes, and would
not go to sea without them. The Captain promised that he would try to get them; and if not,
some slops should be provided: the boy, however,
would not be satisfied, and was extremely impertinent, which at last enraged Captain Jennings so
much, that he gave him a box on the ear. Upon
this the mutineer took hold of the Captain, who 4Q
was a small man, and threw him down. The
clerk, Mr. Ebbets, immediately knocked the lad
down, and the boatswain espousing his quarrel,
ran aft and struck Mr. Ebbets so violently as to
stretch him on the deck. Captain Jennings then
got clear, and called for irons to put on the boatswain, who remained quiet for some time. The
irons happened to be too small, and the culprit
having called for man's irons, went forward
where he procured a long knife, and swore he
would stab the first man that attempted to put him
in irons. The Captain now seized a musket lying
by the poop, presented it, and told him, if he did
not keep quiet he would shoot him. The man
opened his jacket, and bareing his breast, told
the Captain to shoot and be damned; on which
the latter fired, and shot him in the shoulder, with
a bullet cut in four pieces. He instantly dropped,
crying out "he was murdered." The crew were
for rigging a whip to hang the Captain forthwith
to the yard-arm; but while they were still debating
the matter, Captain Jennings sprung from the
ship into a canoe, and was paddled by the natives
to the shore, where the king, Tameamah (Kamehameha), protected him. The wounded man
was also taken on shore, but, from the want of
proper assistance, mortification ensued; and as
he would not allow his arm to be amputated, in a
few days he died. Several of the crew left the
Forester, vowing to be revenged. In the meantime, Mr. Biggot, the supercargo, took the command, and got one Adams to navigate and some
islanders to work the ship.    He then sailed from L_
Karakakooa (Kealakekua) bay for the coast of
California, leaving Captain Jennings and five of
the crew on shore. Some time after his majesty's
ship Cherub, Captain Tucker, touched at Owhyee
(Hawaii), under American colours, and the
Forester's people, having ventured on board,
were detained, while their late captain kept out
of the way. The Isaac Todd arrived shortly
after, and his voyage to Canton in her led to the
arrangement I have just mentioned. I sailed
upwards of three years with him on board the
Columbia, and found him to be every way a proper person to command a ship in those seas.
Previous to sailing from Wampoa on the 28th
of April, we took all the Sandwich Islanders on
board; several of whom died shortly after. On
the 2nd of May, we weighed from Macao Roads,
and made sail for the Columbia River. On the
nth of May, we made the South Bashees; in the
afternoon, ran between Grafton and Monmouth
Islands: and on the 15th, passed the island of
Majecosima, and several smaller islands. At this
time, Joseph Ashton, one of the seamen, showed
symptoms of insanity, and on the 17th, though he
then appeared quite sensible and worked at the
sails, he suddenly gave three Indian yells, and
leaped from the lee-bow into the sea, where he
was drowned. On the 26th, at midnight, we saw
Moor's Island; bearingN. by W. 5 miles, latitude
300 39' north, longitude 2130 30' west, on our passage from Canton hither we had the winds variable and much bad weather; passed drift-wood
and sea-weed daily: as we approached the N. W. 42
coast, saw many large trees with their branches
complete. Between the latitudes of 300 and 46°
north, and longitude of 1800 and 1230 west, we
saw many shoals of sperm whale. On the 21st
of June we buried two islanders, and on the 1st
of July crossed the bar of the Columbia, and
anchored. At this time the river was full of
Indians, and we were visited by them, bringing
plenty of good salmon and berries. After we
left the river, in November 1814, the natives had
been very troublesome. A blacksmith and two
men were sent a short distance into the woods to
burn charcoal, where they commenced building
a hut; several Indians collected about them
apparently in a friendly manner, but the moment
an opportunity offered, they took the axes belonging to the party and made a furious attack, cutting
and mangling them most barbarously. They then
made off, taking the axes with them; and the
bodies were found next morning by some of the
people. A strict inquiry was set on foot for the
authors of this outrage, king Comley offering his
services to find them; and at length, by the help
of many valuable presents and some threats, two
of the men were discovered. One of them was
recognized by the Americans; he had on a former
occasion been kicked from the fort for theft, and
belonged to a tribe in the interior, denominated
Soosoonies; and it was to revenge his disgrace
that he persuaded some of his nation to join him
and murder the men. The prisoners were confined in the bastion, and next morning led out,
blindfolded, to be shot.    They were placed oppo- MONTEREY   REVISITED. 43
site a 6-pounder, while a party of rifle-men were
in the bastion ready to fire through the loop-holes,
which manoeuvre was made use of in order to
make the Indians believe that they were shot by
the great gun. The dead bodies were taken
down to the wharf in coffins, and exposed for
some days, till their friends were allowed to carry
them away.
The Columbia now took another trip to Monterey, where we recovered our people who
deserted when we were last here, and also four
of the men that had deserted from the Isaac Todd,
The former returned to their duty; the latter we
confined for a while in irons. We found the
cooper had not been idle; he had cured plenty
of beef, and collected flour, beans, corn, tallow,
pease, etc., the farmers bringing these provisions
in daily. On our "arrival a guard was posted at
the landing-place to prevent smuggling; all trade,
except through the governor, being prohibited.
The Spaniards were not allowed to come on
board as formerly, neither were our people
allowed so much liberty on shore. The town of
Monterey is most pleasantly situated on a beautiful and extensive plain, and nearly half a mile
from a sandy beach. It consists of about 50
houses of one story, built in a square, surrounded
by a stone wall, about 18 feet high; on the south
side of the square stands the church; on the west,
the governor's house; and on the east side, the
lieutenant-governor's house and king's stores;
on the north side is the grand and principal
entrance,  gaol,   and  guard-house,  and in  the 44 DESCRIPTION  OF  MONTEREY.
middle are two field-pieces, 6-pounders. There
are many farm houses scattered over the plain,
with large herds of cattle and sheep; on the north
side of the bay, is the river Carmel, which is full
of excellent salmon and other fish. The fort
stands on a hill, about one mile to the westward
of the town; and just above the landing place, it
is quite open on the land-side, and embrasures
thrown up on the sea side mounting ten brass
12-pounders, with a good supply of copper-shot.
At the landing-place, close to Captain Vancouver's Observatory, is a battery of two long
9-pounders, manned by about thirty soldiers.
The governor, and a few others, are old Spaniards ; the remaining inhabitants are Creoles of the
country. They keep the Indians under great
subjection, making them work very hard, chained
two and two:-the whole population of Monterey
does not exceed 400 souls. About four miles to
the southward, stands the Mission of Carmel;
and about twelve miles to the northward, is the
mission of Santa Cruz. The bay is sheltered from
east to west, lying open to the northerly winds;
the best anchorage is in seven fathoms, the fort
bearing west, half a mile from the shore, The
country is well wooded with pine and oak, but
badly watered. There are many bears, wolves,
foxes, deer, beavers, etc., and in the winter the
ducks and geese are very plentiful, The bullocks
are sold at four dollars each, and the sheep at
one; two ships touch here annually for tallow,
and to bring supplies for the establishments on
California. CHAPTER   V.
Takes cargo for the Russians at Norfolk Sound.—
Symptoms of mutiny.—Arrival.—Russian settlers
for the Sandwich Islands.—Arrival at Columbia
River.—Sail for Owyhee.—Trade with the Natives.
Russian settlers on Owyhee.—Sail for Canton.—
Return to Columbia River.—Man lost overboard.
Arrival at Norfolk Sound.—Sail for the Straits
of Oonalaska.—Arrival at the Island of St. Paul
and St. George.—Method of preserving the breed
of Seals.—Mode of killing them.—Singular property of the Seal.—Arrive at Oonalaska.—Description of the Town.—Some Account of the
HAVING returned to Columbia from Monterey, we speedily discharged our cargo,
and took on board afresh one for Norfolk
Sound. The 16th of September, having completed our wood and water, we sailed for that
place. On the 18th, the people refused to do
their duty, alleging that they had not provisions
enough, though their allowance was five pounds
of bread, three pounds of pork, six pounds of
beef, and two and one-fourth pounds of flour per
week, with  peas  and beans;   tea morning and 46 A  FLEET OF TRADERS.
evening, and a quarter of a pint of rum per day.
We called them aft to know their grievance, and
after giving them a severe reprimand, ordered
them to their duty, to which they went quietly.
We were of opinion that the Isaac Todd's people
headed this business, of which, however, we
heard no more, as they found the officers were
determined not to be trifled with. On anchoring
in Norfolk Sound we found four American
vessels lying there, from whom we learned that
the war with America was at an end. The names
of the Americans were the Okean,* the Isabella,
and Albatross, formerly employed under the
Russian flag, in the sea-otter fishery on California;, the schooner Liddy, with a cargo from
Canton for the Russians, and the brig Pedlar,
commanded by Mr. Hunt, the individual who
crossed the Stony Mountain. The Pedlar was
seized by the Russians for selling powder to the
natives in the Sound, but was given up before we
sailed, (after several attempts to get out,) on the
17th of October, 1815. The ship Isabella sailed
at the same time, while Dr. Shefham (Scheffer),
a Russian, and some settlers for the Sandwich
Islands; it being their intention to obtain footing
there, as they had done on the coast of New
Albion, the N. W. coast of America, and the
Aluthean Islands. The Sandwich Islands indeed,
would answer the purpose of west India Islands
for them, as they are so conveniently near the N.
W. coast of America, of the whole of which I
am of opinion the Russians will possess themselves in time.
Given by other writers as O'Cain.    [Ed.] ROYAL WELCOME  AT  KAILUA. 47
On the 25th of October, we again entered the
River Columbia, and sent the furs on shore to be
re-packed. In November, nine bark canoes
arrived with furs from the interior; on the ioth
we received our cargo on board with stores, etc.,
and on the 13th, made sail for the Sandwich
Islands. Nothing remarkable occurred on our
passage, and on the ioth of December we made
the Island of Owyhee (Hawaii); the ship was
surrounded with canoes filled with articles of
trade. On the 12th we came too off the village
of Tyroa (Kailua), half a mile from the Morai
(temple) on the point. Found the American ship
Milwood here, purchasing sandalwood at the rate
of 7 dollars for 133 pounds. The King, Tamea-
meah (Kamehameha), came on board with the
gentlemen we left last year, who had been well
treated by the natives and wanted for nothing.
On their first landing, the King had houses built
for them, and gave them servants to attend on
them. His Majesty and the Queens were rejoiced
to see their old friend, Captain Jenninrs, and
after taking a good proportion of wine they went
on shore together. The Prince Reoreo (Liho-
liho) and his step-sister Maroo (Kamamalu) also
visited the vessel; the Prince was accompanied
by one of the chief priests; he was highly tattfoed,
and would not go under deck for fear the sailors
or natives would walk above him. Being the
greatest man on the island, no person was allowed
to put even a hand above his head on pain of
death. His sister was not so ceremonious, but
came below and took her wine with me, and
pressed me very much to remain on Owyhee. 48
The Russian had arrived and were on shore.
Dr. Shefham (Sheffer) assured the King that he
merely came to collect plants and see what the
Island produced. During our whole stay, our
decks were continually crowded with natives.
We shipped a large quantity of island rope, which
makes excellent running rigging; and the people
were employed killing and salting pork; the King
Queens, Prince and Princess coming on board
daily and remaining until evening. Wanting to
overhaul the rigging and caulk the ship, we determined to run down to Woahoo (Oahu), where
there is a fine close harbour. • We acquainted the
King with our intentions, and he sent one of his
hikanees (aikanes) or confidential men on board,
named Kenopoo, to accompany us and see that
we should get what we wanted. On the 16th of
December we took leave of Tameameah, (Kamehameha) and with the ship full of men, women,
and children, made sail for Woahoo, passed the
Islands of Tahoorooa (Kahoolawe), Raini(Lanai),
and Morokoi (Molokai), and on the 18th arrived
at Woahoo (Oahu). We were boarded outside
by John Young, a white man, who had lived on
these islands upwards of 33 years: he piloted us
into the harbour and we moored close to the shore,
where thousands of the natives were collected,
and soon crowded us. Mr. Manning (Manini),
a Spaniard, and Mr. Harbottle an Englishman,
who had been on the island for many years,
came on board, as did also a number of respectable white men. This being Sunday we gave
the people liberty to go on shore;  one of the "Tfc
men, who left the Forester at Owyhee (Hawaii),
came back with them, and remained. Next
morning at sunrise we fired two muskets and
sent the women out of the ship, and at sundown
did the same as a signal for them to come on
board; this practice we continued, and by that
means kept the ship clear of natives. By the 29th
of December we had completed repairing the
rigging, caulked and painted the ship inside and
out, and salted a quantity of pork; we then left
these friendly people, and made sail towards
Mooi* another of the group. 1st of January,
1816, we were close in with the village of Whymea
(Waimea); Mr. Bethune, Mr. McDougal, and
Mr. McLennan went on shore; Peter Anderson,
who had been boatswain of the Tonquin and left
by her at Owyhee (Hawaii), came to us, and was
shipped as boatswain. We stood off and on the
village all night, and the next day ran in between
the reefs; the natives came off in great numbers,
bringing hogs, goats, and vegetables to barter.
The King, Tamoree (Kaumualii), did not make
his appearance, but sent his head man to measure
the schooner. On the 4th our gentlemen came
on board, and we sailed for China, where we
arrived on the nth of February. The grand
mandarin came on board to measure the vessel,
and made the usual present of two lean bullocks,
ten jars of sour stuff misnamed wine, and ten
bags of something they call flour; they were not
worth the trouble of taking on board, and I sold
them to the compradore for two dozen geese.
* Though misnamed, the Author here refers to the island of
Kauai.   [Ed.] 5o
April 30th.—Weighed and made sail from
Macao towards the N. W. coast of America. On
the 23rd of May we passed Ormsby's Peak, a
very high rock that makes like a ship in full sail,
and is quite covered with birds, latitude 300 48'
north, longitude 2170 east. On the 31st, we lost
a young man, named James Dodd, overboard
from the main-boom; the ship was then running
ten knots per hour, with a strong fair wind; we
immediately rounded-too and lowered a boat, but
the sea ran so very high that she could not
approach the man, who sunk, and it was with
great difficulty we recovered the boat by making
several tacks to windward. Our passage was the
quickest ever made. July nth, we saw Hallibut
Island; also a remarkable volcano on the main
land, from which a column" of smoke ascended.
Stood along towards the Straits of Oonalaska, and
next day were close up with the island of that
name. Tacked one mile from the west side of
the Straits, wind blowing in hard squalls from N.
W.; all the islands in sight were covered with
snow; three bodarkees, with Oonalaska Indians,
came on board, abreast of Cook's harbour. They
had been out fishing, and returning home; they
gave us some fish and we gave them rum in
exchange. July 17th, off the island of St.
George, we were boarded by two bodarkees,
with one Russian and four Indians; next day
we got off the landing place where there was a
considerable store, a large bodarkee came on
board and took the cargo onshore, and by the
evening we had taken on board 313 bales of fur METHOD  OF  SEALING. 51
seal-skins. The Russians brought us off plenty
of gull's eggs, salted ducks, and a number of
young sea lions, which we found very good eating.
The islands of St. Paul and St. George are
within sight of each other; the Russians keep 12
men on each, for the purpose of curing the fur-
seal-skin, with which these islands abound. They
take 40,000 annually, and still the seal does not
decrease. The mode they pursue is as follows:
The seal comes on shore to pup in July, and stays
the whole summer, leaving a sufficient number of
clapmatches and wigs; the hunters drive Up the
last year's pups like a flock of sheep, out of sight
and hearing of the old ones, and knock them on
the head; taking care not to let one of those
driven up escape. Each summer's pups go to
sea and comes on shore next summer, and are fit
to kill. They leave the islands in November
very lean; they take in several smooth stones
about the size of an egg, I suppose for ballast.
I could never find out where the seal winters;
but certain it is, they must have a place where
they remain during that season and feed, which
has not yet been discovered. The people on
these islands live under ground; they collect
drift-wood enough in summer to last the winter;
they live chiefly on sea-lion meat jerked, pickled
ducks, gull's eggs preserved in oil, etc.
On the 24th we saw the ship-rock, and could
hear the roaring of the sea-lion and elephant,
long before we could see the rock, it being very
foggy. On its clearing away, we saw the island
of Oonalaska, and stood towards Cook's Straits. 52
The next day it came on to blow hard from S. E.;
made sail for the harbour, black whale blowing
in all directions; we found a snug town, church,
etc., the natives were all employed drying salmon
for the winter. Captain Jennings and the gentlemen accompanied the governor on shore; they
took some rum with them to treat the Russians,
who have a numerous herd of cattle and make
excellent butter and cheese. They keep two
skin-boats constantly employed in summer, collecting the drift-wood about the island, which is
the only fuel they have. We lay here until the
29th, when we made sail towards Cook's Straits.
While we lay about these islands we had not
more than three clear days.
The Island of Oonalaska is in the latitude of
53° 55' north, and longitude 1660 22' west. The
island is the chief depot for all the furs collected
on the Aluthean Islands; and appears* quite
barren, without the least sign of wood. There
is an excellent harbour, off the N. W. side, capable of holding several hundred vessels, and
completely land-locked. The town consists of
about twenty houses, a church, and some large
sheds for the purpose of drying salmon and other
fish. There are about twelve Russians here; the
remainder of the inhabitants of the town are
Kodiacs, and natives of the island, all converts
to the Greek church. The natives of these, as
well as of all the Aluthean Islands, are low in
stature, broad, flat faces, with black eyes, and
coarse black hair. Their dress consists of a
loose frock, made of the skiss of ducks and other HABITS  AND   DRESS  OF   THE  INDIANS. 53
birds, sewed neatly together; this part of the
dress is the same in both sexes. When the men
go in their canoes to hunt or fish, they wear a
dress of the entrails of the seal; it is made like a
large loose shirt, with a hood, and is water-proof.
They also wear trowsers and boots, made from
the throat of the sea-lion or elephant, which are
water-proof also. They are extremely fond of
ornaments, particularly of beads, with which they
ornament their garments and person; they wear
them round the neck, and pendant from the nose
and ears, through which many holes are made.
The men have a helmet or cap, ornamented with
the beard of the sea-lion and with seed-beads.
All the natives use paint. There are several
villages about the harbour, but the island seems
very thinly peopled, owing, I suppose, to the
number that are employed by the Russians on their
establishments on the N. W. coast of America
Their canoes or bodarkees, are made from the
skins of the hair-seal, stretched over a light
wooden frame, leaving one, two, or three holes on
the top for the sitters; the frame is sometimes of
whalebone, and the vessels are from 10 to i6feet
long, and about 3 feet wide in the middle, gradually tapering towards the ends. They are pulled
with great swiftness by a double paddle, about
12 feet long, with a blade at each end, and held
by the middle: they are generally made of ask.
The canoes perform voyages along the coast for
several hundred miles, for the purpose of hunting the sea-otter and seal; they also kill black
whales, which are about these islands in great
plenty.    If in their hunting excursions they are
aaa 54
overtaken by a gale of wind, they lash all their
canoes together in form of a raft, and in this
manner float lightly on the top of the sea without
the least danger. The large boats, or bodarkees,
are made from the skins of the sea-lion or
elephant, stretched over a stout wooden frame,
open at the top, and are capable of carrying 50
or 60 men. In these boats they go to all the
Aluthean Islands, to collect the furs; and sometimes to the main land, for timber. In catching
the sea-otter and seal, these people are very
dexterous; they conceal themselves behind the
rocks, and throw out a seal-skin blown, with a
line affixed, and draw it gently towards the shore:
the seal or sea-otter following till within reach of
their spears, they are easily captured. In hunting, they wear masks and skins to represent the
beasts they are in pursuit of; they always carry a
rifle with them, in the use of which they are very
dexterous. All of them are extremely fond of
rum, and they often part with their garments and
hunting utensils, to purchase a small quantity.
Their principal food consists of the black whale;
also salmon, cod, hallibut, herrings, etc. When
these fish are in season, thej' cure sufficient to
last them through the winter, by drying and
smoking them, without salt; they also eat their
victuals without it; and the reason they give is,
that it hurts the sight. Whether this be the case
or not, all the natives are very sharp-sighted.
On this island they have about 40 head of fine
cattle, first imported from the Spanish Main; they
have also some large hogs, which are fed on fish,
and consequently not very delicate. CHAPTER   VI.
The Winter of 1816, on the Columbia River.—Alarming Fire.—Sail for the Sandwich Islands.—Account of the Columbia.—Manners and Customs
of the Natives.
IN August, 1816, we once more touched at the
Columbia, unloaded, and refitted. We lived
in tents on shore, within a fence erected to
keep the Indians from stealing our tools. On the
3rd of September our cook died, after four
months' illness. On the 9th, two canoes, belonging to the Northwest Company, arrived from the
interior; they had left the brigade, consisting of
nine canoes and about seventy men, encamped
at Oak Point, sixty miles up the river. On the
1st of October, the whole brigade of canoes
arrived with furs; and, on the 5th, they again
sailed (well armed) with stores for the interior,
under the direction of Mr. McKenzie. At this
time, the season is wet; we therefore built sheds
for the carpenters to work under; and, to the
middle of November, all hands were working
hard to get the vessel ready for sea before the
winter set in.
November the 21st, we were much alarmed by
a fire breaking out, about seven o'clock in the
evening, at the fort; we lost no time in hastening 56
to their assistance with our buckets, and in the
course of half an hour got it completely under with
the loss of only one house.^Providentially, it
was raining very hard, as, if there had been the
least wind, the whole place must inevitably have
been destroyed, with all our rigging, sails, stores,
etc., and we should have been left at the mercy
of barbarous Indians, without the means of helping ourselves. On the breaking out of the fire,
the natives all fled from the village, making a
dreadful noise.
December ist, our hull being complete, we
hauled off in the stream to take our masts in, after
having lain on shore for nearly four months.
The first month of our stay here, the weather
was delightful, and we were well supplied with
excellent salmon and sturgeon, and a variety of
small fish. Latterly we had much rain, thunder
and lightning, heavy gales of wind from S.W. to
S.E. The N.W. winds prevailed here in summer, and, in the winter, from S. W. to S. E.,
with thick, rainy weather. While here, I employed an Indian hunter, who, with my finding-
powder and shot, supplied the ship with ducks,
geese, and swans, for one blanket. He furnished me so largely, that I made him a present of the
musket, when I lefttfie river, for which he was
most grateful, and made me many presents.
On the 6th, of January, 1817, Lewis Lapham,
our armourer, died, truly regretted, as he was a
very serviceable man. On the ioth, we crossed
the bar and got safe to sea. And now, while the
ship is making for the Sandwich Islands, I shall COLUMBIA  RIVER   APPROACHES. 57
endeavour to give an account of the Columbia
River, with the manners of the people.
Cape Disappointment forms the north point of
the river; it is in the latitude of 460 19' north and
longitude 1230 54' west; it is high, bluff land, very
remarkable, and covered with wood.    On  that
part which faces the S.W.,  there  are  a great
many dead trees;  and the bluff, or face of the
cape,  is  quite  bare.    Point Adams forms the
south side of the river; it is a low point, about
seven miles from Cape Disappointment, in a S.E.
direction, with a number of trees scattered over
it.    There is a sand-bank which runs from Point
Adams to within two miles of the cape, and also
another which runs from point* Disappointment,
in a'S.W. direction, about two miles; this bank,
of course,, lies considerably outside the other, and
the two are formed by the sea heaving up the
sand when the wind sets in strong from the S.W.,
when, for some days, the sea breaks from point
to point without any channel, and after the wind
abates, the channel is again opened by the tide,
which strikes Cape Disappointment, turns off in
aS.W. direction, and divides both sands.    Ships
going into the river, may stand in without fear in
mid-channel, till they bring the easternmost bluff
of the cape to bear N. E., then haul up for it
immediately, and, if bound into  Baker's Bay,
keep close round the cape, and come too in five
fathoms, the cape bearing south.    Upon getting
into the bay, you lose the tide; if bound up the
river, run out of the bay, and bring Tongue Point
open  about a  ship's  length,  with  Chinook or 5»
Village Point, the former makes like an island,
and is about seven miles above point Adams, on
the south side of the river; the latter is a remarkable hill, about seven miles above Cape Disappointment, known by a large clear patch on
the side, and the only clear piece of ground in
sight. In mid-channel, you have from seven to
nine fathoms sandy bottom. In beating up or
down, come no nearer the shore than four
fathoms, or farther off than thirteen fathoms,
which you will have on the edge of the banks;
there is good anchorage above Chinook Point,
in eight fathoms. The river is full of sand banks,
formed by the numerous small rivers that branch
off in various directions from the main one. The
country, on both sides, is formed of impenetrable woods, chiefly pine, elder, maple, and birch
trees; further up, there are plenty of good oaks
and ash. The first tribe of Indians we saw were
called the Chickeloes, under a chief, named
Calpo. They come from a place called Classet,
to the northward of the river, on the sea coast,
and bring otter and beaver skins to trade at the
fort. They encamp in Baker's Bay, and continue, from June to October, curing salmon
and sturgeon for the Winter. They are a very
warlike people, and extremely dangerous, taking
every advantage if you are off your guard. So
hostile and treacherous were they, that we never
allowed the men of this tribe to come on board.
About five miles up the river, on the north side,
stands the Chinook village. The king of this
tribe is called Com Comly, or Madsaw, which, in CHINOOK  VILLAGE  DESCRIBED. 59
the Chinook tongue, signifies Thunder. The
village consists of about thirty houses, built of
wood, and very large; they are formed of boards,
with the edges resting on each other, and fastened
with stripes of bark to upright posts, which are
stuck in the ground on either side of them.
Some have ridge-pole and rafters, but the chief
part are nearly flat on the top; they have old mats
spread inside and out, to keep out the wind and
rain. In every house there are from five to fifteen
families, and each family has a fire in the middle
of the building. On the sides they have their
bed places, raised about a foot from the earth,
and covered with mats; where they pig" in all
together, men, women, and children. The houses
are decorated with rude carved images, which
they call clamas, or gods, but they do not seem
to pay any kind of homage or attention to them.
Their furniture consists of boxes or chests, hollowed from the solid wood, of all sizes, and
curiously carved; and of a number of baskets,
which they work so close as to hold water. In
the boxes they keep their property and spare
garments, and also their drj^ provision. When
the Indians shift to their winter quarters, they
carry all the planks and mats of their houses with
them, leaving nothing but the rafters and frame
standing. They are filthy to the extreme; allow
whole piles of fish entrails and other uncleanness
to lie. in the middle of the houses, never attempting to clear it away. Even in their eating they
are very nasty; I have f requently^seen them with
a piece of meat, half roasted,  in the dirt and 6o
ashes, lying on the ground with their feet on it,
and tearing like wild beasts with their teeth.
After their fish is boiled, they turn it out on a
mat, or, if they have not got one readily, on the
ground, and collect round it like a pack of
hounds, devouring dirt and all. Their mode of
boiling fish, vegetables, etc., is rather singular,
and deserves to be related. They put whatever
is to be co©ked into a basket, and, nearly filling
it with water, place it on the ground; they then
proceed to boil or sodden it, by putting in red-hot
stones (of which they have a number for the purpose) in quick succession, until the victuals are
done to their satisfaction.
The chief employment of the men is to hunt
and fish; they are, however, generally speaking,
very lazy, and their young menlie basking in the
sun, on the sides of the river, for hours together.
The women and girls are employed in making
hats, mats, etc., and in collecting berries and
wood. These people have not the least notion
of tilling the ground: they trust to Providence
for every thing, and derive their chief support
from the river and sea. They collect plenty of
berries and fish in summer to last them through
the winter. The former they preserve by mixing
them up with salmon or seal oil, and, making
them into lumps, set them to dry in the sun.
When sufficiently dry, they are laid by in boxes
and baskets for winter. The salmon they cure
by splitting it up into four slices, and running
splinters of wood across them. These they also
dry in the sun, and then hang them up in the DRESS   OF  THE   INDIANS. 61
houses, where they are soon smoked and laid by
for use. They are cured without salt, which is
never used. The Indian women are complete
drudges, yet they seem to work cheerfully.
They "have a root here like the potato, called by
the natives wapitoe; it grows chiefly in swampy
ground, and is collected in September.
The men are very stout and hardy; their height
from five feet to five feet eight inches, well proportioned, and with very little beard. They wear
a dress made of the skins of the wood-rat, sewed
neatly together and thrown over the shoulders;
this garment is the same in both sexes (with the
addition of a petticoat, which the women wear.)
It goes under the right arm and above the left,
where it fastens with a wooden skewer, being
open down the side, so that it leaves both arms
at liberty for the*use of their weapons. Their
ears are perforated in many parts, and small bits
of leather fastened in, from which hang shells in
shape not much dissimilar to a game cock's spur,
and about one inch in length. These shells are
called hiaqua. The nose is also perforated, from
which beads are suspended; and sometimes a
large goose or swan's quill is pushed through.
They anoint their bodies with a sort of red ochre
and seal oil; and are very expert in the use of the
bow, bludgeon, and dagger. Their bows are
made of pine, about four feet long, and, in the
middle, two inches broad, tapering off towards
each end. The sinew of the elk is laid on the
back of the bow, which bends it the contrary way
and strengthens it; the string is also made of the 62
sinew of the elk, and it requires a man of some
strength to string them. The Chinooks are very
expert in the use of this weapon; they will stand
on the deck and stick an arrow into the truck with
ease. Their arrows are made of light wood, and
pointed with stone, bone, glass, ivory, or iron.
Those barbed with ivory I have seen pierce a
three-quarter of an inch plank at twelve yards
distance. One day some of our people were
practising the bow on board; they stood aft, and
endeavored to strike a small looking-glass placed
on the bow of the vessel, but none of them could
succeed. An Indian, who was standing by,
laughed most heartily at them, and taking up his
bow, stood on the stern, and shooting, broke the
glass in pieces, at a distance of 95 feet, the mark
being about three inches square. The bludgeon
is made of bone or iron, about two feet long, and
stout in proportion, and handsomely carved and
ornamented; the daggers are made of flint-stone
or iron, and are held by the middle, so that they
use both ends. The natives have a kind of loop
to the bludgeon and dagger, which goes over the
wrist, to prevent their being wrenched out of their
hands; and they never stir out without one of
these weapons. Their original tools are chisels
made out of the pine knot, axes of' stone, and
stone mallets. With these they split large cedar
trees into planks, with which they build their
houses. Their canoes are very simple; some are
large enough to carry 30 people, being about 40
feet long, the middle nearly six feet broad, and
becoming gradually narrower toward the end. DESCRIPTION  OF  CHINOOK  WOMEN. 63
They are about two feet deep, handsomely ornamented and painted; the ornamental parts are the
teeth of the wolf and sea-otter, which navigators
have taken for human teeth. The paddles are
made light and small, the length generally 6 feet,
of which 2^ feet forms the blade; the lower end
is forked like a fish's tail, and the upper end is
crutched very neatly. In the canoes they keep
nets, hoOks, harpoons, and fish-gigs, etc., also
long spears for spearing salmon. The Chinook
women are short and very stout, with thick and
often bandy legs. Their hair, which is jet black,
they allow to hang loose all round their heads
and over their shoulders, never cutting it off
unless at the death of some near relative. They
wear, as I have noticed, a petticoat made of
rushes twisted over a string, with ends hanging
loosely down. This garment reaches the knee,
and keeps them very warm. The war-dress of
the men is made of the elk-skin, which is dressed
in the interior; it is very thick and yet pliable; an
arrow cannot penetrate it, and I have even tried
with a pistol-ball at the distance of 12 yards without effect, It is worn exactly as the common
dress, but is doubled about the body. The men
also wear a hat in the shape of a cone, with a
string that fastens under the chin. These people
have a horrid custom of flattening the heads of
infants. When a child is born, they lay it in a
small canoe or cradle made for that purpose;
they then fix a pad on the forehead and bind it
tight down, and keep it so till it broadens the face
and forces the eye out, giving them a most fero- 64
cious appearance. When the child screams with
pain, they loosen the bandage and hold it to the
breast; the flatter the head is, the greater the
beauty in their estimation. Polygamy is allowed,
and they keep three or four wives; they are not
jealous, and so far from being at all delicate, they
allow their women to go on board ship, and
remain for weeks, taking care, however, to be
well paid beforehand. Their mode of burying
the dead is to fasten them in a small canoe with
all their property, and hang the vessel up between
two trees or stakes; they then cover them with
mats. CHAPTER   VII.
Royal Family.—Anecdote.—Native Tribes.—Religious
Ideas.—Habits.—Climate.—Traffic.—Slave Trade
by the Americans; their Practices; instance of
Captain Ayres.—Animals; War Canoes.—Voyage
to the Sandwich Islands; notice of several of these.
-—The King's Mercantile Speculations.—New Russian Establishment.—Method of curing Pork.—
Norfolk Sound.—Jealousy of the Russians.—
Native Women.—Hostility between the Natives
and Russians.
COM COMLEY, king of the Chinook nation,
is the richest and most powerful chief on the
river; he is a short, elderly man, blind of
one eye; he has three wives, and many children.
His eldest son (Cassacas) is a strong, well-made
man, about 5 feet 6 inches high; he succeeds his
father in the government of the Chinooks; he is
no friend to white men; he styles himself Prince
of Wales. Selechel is the next son; he styles
himself Duke of York; he is a small man, and
well disposed towards the whites. While we lay
in the river, a man belonging to a tribe in the
interior, called Soosoonees, came to Chinook,
and fired an arrow at Com Comley while bathing 66
in the river, and fled to the woods. The king
instantly dispatched his head slave (who was a
favourite) in pursuit of the man who had crossed
over to the fort; the slave came up with him at
the entrance of the woods, and with one blow
'of his bludgeon brought him to the ground,
and dispatched him with a dagger. He then
painted himself black, tied his hair up in a bunch,
bound his arms and legs with grass, and went
through the woods for three days and nights,
crying the war-hoop, as a challenge of defiance.
In the night we were much alarmed at the dreadful yelling, and put ourselves on guard against
the worst, having seen many war canoes hovering
about, and all the natives making warlike preparations. King Com Comley, however, made it up
with the party, and prevented bloodshed.
A little above Com Comley's village is another
belonging to the Chinook tribe, under a chief
called Tackum, consisting of about 30 houses.
On Point Adams there is a large village and tribe
denominated Cladsaps, who differ in nothing
from the Chinooks; these, with the Chickeloes,
are the only tribes about the entrance of the river.
All these people are superstitious to an excess,
believing in spirits and supernatural agency.
Apparently they have no professed religion,
though they universally acknowledge one good
spirit, who governs all things; and when it
thunders they say he is angry. They also believe
in an evil spirit, and in rewards and punishments
hereafter. A confused idea prevails among them,
that the world was destroyed by water, and will RELIGIOUS  IDEAS  AND   CUSTOMS. 67
be again destroyed by the same element. They
say, that when a good man dies, he goes to a
world where there is plenty of provisions, and
where there is no occasion to work; and on the
contrary, when a bad man dies, he will go to a
country where the provisions are scare, and
where he will be forced to work hard, and meet
with many and great difficulties. It may be
gathered from this what is indeed the truth, that
these Indians have a very great aversion to work.
They observe the rite of circumcision, and have
slaves whom they purchase from other tribes,
prisoners who have been taken in war. On the
death of a chief, from three to six slaves are
sacrificed, according to the rank of the deceased.
In the winter season all the tribes move back to
the woods, where they have their winter villages.
In summer they catch sturgeon, salmon, and a
variety of small fish, etc.; in the fall of the year
they have plenty of ducks, geese, and swans,
and in spring an abundance of small fish like
sardines. The climate is much the same as in
England: from May till October the weather is
very fine, the wind generally blowing from N. W.
to N. E. The wet season commences in November with heavy gales from S. W. to S. E. with
much rain and thunder. In some seasons the
frost sets in early in November, and lasts for a
month or two, after which the rains commence,
and continues for the same time. During summer
many of the tribes from the interior visit the fort
with furs, and always encamp in a small bay close
to it, where they are protected.    Disputes fre- 68
quently occur between these tribes ^nd King
Comley's tribe, in consequence of their having
diverted some of the trade out of his hands'. He
used to take goods up the country, and trade
with the tribes there, bringing the furs to the fort,
where he had a profit of nearly half, so that it was
to his advantage to keep them from the fort, by
telling them the white men were bad, and would
take them off and make slaves of them. I am
sorry to say that the slave trade is carried on, on
this coast, to a very great extent by the Americans.
They buy slaves to the southward and take them
to the northward, where thejf exchange them for
the sea otter and other furs. If they cannot buy
the slaves cheap, they make no scruple to carry
them off by force. A Captain Ayres, of the ship
Mercury, took twelve from the Columbia river in
this manner, but while bearing down the coast,
seven of them seized the whale-boat and ran from
the ship; only one, however, arrived at the river.
This Captain Ayres was so oppressive that three
of his men left him, and were kept by Com Corn-
ley for twelve months; they afterwards got off in
the American, ship Albatross.
The chief articles of trade given in exchange
to all the natives on the coast are muskets,
blankets, powder, shot, red paint, (which they
use to paint their faces,) tobacco, beads, buttons,
thick brass wire, with which they make bracelets,
rings, etc.; ready-made clothes are in great
demand; but, in fact, any trifling toys will please
them. The country is full of bears, wolves,
tiger-cats,   foxes,   racoons,   rabbits,   muskrats, REVISIT  THE  SANDWICH   ISLANDS. 69
wood-rats, deer, elk, land otter, beaver, and many
other animals. The sea otters are taken on the
coast, but never enter the river. The war canoes
are hewn out of a tree, generally the same length
as the others, and the same breadth; fore and aft
they have a kind of curve about 3 feet above the
gunwale at each end; these curves are from 3 to
4 feet wide, and in them are a sort of loop-holes,
through which they shoot their arrows in perfect
What surprises the Indians very much is, that
the people who come here in ships should know
those who came overland; and that those who
travel across the country should return again in
It may be remembered, we left the river on the
10th day of January, 1817, for the Sandwich
Islands, our object was, to refit the brig and cure
pork. We were also to bring as many of the
Sandwich Islanders to the Columbia river as we
could conveniently accommodate. On the 27th
we saw Owhyhee (Hawaii), after a quick and
pleasant passage; we stood along shore as usual j
the natives came off in great numbers, bringing
pigs, tarrow, yams, goats, plantains, rope, and
fruit of every description. Next day we anchored
off Tyroa (Kailua), close to the' king's morai
(temple). King Tameameah (Kamehameha) and
his family came on board as usual, and were
rejoiced to see us. He assured us we should
have every thing we wished for that the islands
afforded or he could command; and commenced
sending hogs on board. 70
On the ist of February we sailed from Owhyhee
(Hawaii), his majesty sending a trusty man with
us named Kenopoo, to see that we got what we
wanted, j We had directions to touch at Mowee
(Maui), where we should have plenty of hogs, salt
and rope. When weighing our anchor we found
it was fast under a rock, where it inevitably must
have remained, had not the king sent his divers
down to clear it. The depth of water was eight
fathoms. We now made sail towards Mowee,
our ship, as usual, full of natives. Next morning we passed Morokenee (Molokini), and made
sail up Mackerey (Maalaea) bay; here we" lay
until the 6th, and took on board a great quantity
of hogs, salt, and vegetables. This bay is very
deep and wide, and nearly divides the island,
there being but a narrow neck of land and very
low, keeping the two parts of the island together.
There is good anchorage; and the only danger
arises from the trade winds, which blow so strong
at times as to drive ships out of the bay with two
anchors down; it lies N. E. and S. W. and is well
sheltered from every other wind. The neck of
land is so low, and the land so high on each side,
that the N. E. trade comes through like a hurricane. On this neck of land are their principal
salt-pans, where they make most excellent salt.
Our next station was in Lehina (Lahaina) roads.
This beautiful village has the appearance of a
fine garden, laid out with the greatest taste in
fish-ponds, tarrow (kalo) patches, cane patches,
groves of bread fruit and plantain trees, so
delightfully arranged that nothing can surpass it. \
On the 9th, the brig, full of hogs and natives, got
under weigh from this romantic spot, bound for
Woahoo (Oahu); we were becalmed for three
days between the islands of Mowee (Maui), Moro-
toi (Molokai), Tahoorooa (Kahoolawe), and Raini
(Lanai). On the 13th of February we were off
the harbour of Honorora (Honolulu), and John
Harbottle, the king's pilot, came on board; but it
was not till the 20th that the trade wind suffered
us to get in shore. We found a brig and a ship
here belonging to the king, the former was called
the Forester, now Taamano (Kaahumanu), after
the king's favorite wife, and had been sold to him
by Captain Piggot; the ship was an American,
called the Albatross, sold by Captain Winship.
The Taamano (Kaahumanu) was fitting out for
Canton, and taking sandal wood on board for the
China market; she was commanded by Mr.
Adams, the man who had navigated the Forester
under Captain Piggot, and the crew consisted of
about ten natives and ten white men. She sailed
for Canton on the 22nd of February, 1817.
To our great surprise we found a very fine
battery, built on the point, mounting about 60
guns, and learned that, during our absence, the
Russians had sent two ships from New Archangel,
or Norfolk Sound, to these islands, with Russians
and Kodiacks, to form an establishment. They
called at Owhyhee (Hawaii), and thence came
down to Woahoo, where they were well treated
by the natives, and allowed to land what they
pleased; as soon as they got footing on shore,
they  commenced building   block houses,   and 72
squaring out a place for a fort, under the direction
of Mr. Shefham. They even hoisted the Russian
colours. Mr. John Young, the white man before
mentioned in this narrative, who had resided on
these islands about 36 years, communicated this
intelligence to the king and chiefs, all of whom
were on Owhyhee. The chiefs were immediately
sent down to Woahoo with orders from Tamea-
meah (Kamehameha) that the Russians should quit
the islands instantly, and if they did not depart
quietly that force must be used. The Russians
not finding themselves strong enough to resist went
peaceably off. The Islanders then built the fort
under the direction of John Young. A party was
kept constantly on shore curing the pork, which
was done in the following manner '■ —We killed the
pigs late in the evening, bled them well, and hung
them up in the tent; next morning, before sun^
rise, we cut them up in four-pound pieces, and
took out the back-bone; the pieces were then well
rubbed with salt, and packed in a puncheon, with
holes in the lower head for the pickle to drain off;
they remained in this manner till the next day,
under a good press; they were then taken out,
resalted, and packed in another cask, where they
remained for a week; at the end of which they
were finally packed and pickled, putting a small
quantity of salt-petre in each cask; in this manner
we even salted the heads; we cured about one hundred barrels and never lost a piece. While we lay
here we gave half the people leave to go on shore
each night; our carpenter had frequent occasion
to go into the woods to cut timber, which he did
in safety, and we were extremely well treated by
the natives. On the 14th of April, being complete
in provisions, repairs, etc., we took on board 60
natives (being all we could conveniently accommodate), for the Columbia River, and stood out
of the harbour, after saluting the fort, which was
returned. Made sail toward Atooi; on the 16th
we got off the village of Whymea (Waimea), and
were surprised at not seeing any of the natives
push off. Doctor Shefham, the Russian, came on
board in a bodarkee; he would not allow us to have
any communication with the shore, and through
policy we did not press the point, but made all
sail to the northward towards Norfolk Sound.
Next day we passed Mokoo Manoo, (Moku Manu)
or Bird Island. There are no inhabitants here,
although the land seems good, and covered with
cocoanut and plantain trees. The latitude is 230
8' North, Longitude 1610 45 West. Arrived at
Norfolk Sound on the ioth of May, and found
the American brig Brutus, Captain Meeks, Chartered by the Governor Baranoff to go to Kams-
chatka with a cargo of furs, and bring Russians
from thence to Norfolk Sound. Finding our
boarding defences of no use we sold them to the
governor, who had them fixed round his house.
While here we were well supplied with fish, and
often visited by the natives, who brought off
plenty of sea otter skins in the night; they are
much the same as the Indians on the Columbia,
the only difference is in the appearance of the
women, who perforate their lower lip with a
copper wire, enlarging the hole daily by putting 74
in a small plug of wood, which is exchanged each
day for a larger, till they get a piece of wood in of
an oval shape, about two inches long, an inch
broad, and half an inch thick; this drags the
lip down, and leaves the gums and teeth quite bare,
and gives them a most disgusting appearance.
Both men and women chew tobacco, of which the
women in particular are very fond. Some of the
natives in Chatham Straits squeeze their heads
into a sugar-loaf shape, by means of binding it
round with kelp or sea weed when they are
young. They also use paint, and powder their
hair with the down of geese or swans. They
wear the hair long, but, on the death of a chief,
cut it short round the head. They have their
noses perforated with a large quill. The natives
here are great warriors, and very hostile to the
Russians, whom they often annoy by attacking
their bodarkees; however, they do not always
kill them, but are satisfied with running a spear
through them and leaving them to their fate. CHAPTER   VIII.
Cape Edgecombe; Navigation.—The precautions of
the Russians to prevent Trade.—Return to the
Columbia.—Trading Expedition along shore to
Southward. — Natives near Cape Orford.—The
Coast to the South.—Port Trinidad; the Natives
there ; Misunderstanding ; Traffic ; Decorum of the
Females; their Dress; extraordinary Tattooing of
the Tongue, etc., Massacre of a Spanish Crew;
Character of the People; Difficulties in getting
out the Vessel.—Arrive at Bodago Bay.—The
Russians and Natives.—Account of the Russian
Settlement on New Albion.—Prodigious Vegetation.
CAPE EDGECOMBE is in latitude 570 2'
North, and longitude 1350 34' West, and is
a remarkably high bluff cape, with a mountain just above it, called Mount Edgecombe,
from which it takes its name. It has been a burning mountain, and is quite flat on the top, which is
constantly covered with snow. Ships bound to this
sound, from the southward, and coming in by
point Woodhouse, which is the south point of the
sound, must not approach nearer the point than
three miles, as there is a sunken rock on which 76
the sea sometimes breaks, and is very dangerous,
the course from here to the light-house is north,
which will take you clear of all dangers. The
Russians never keep a light in the light-house,
unless they see a ship in the offing before dark.
The sound is full of islands, and on the south
side there are some hot springs. The gun-boats
are continually going round it to protect the
hunters and fishermen; to carry in any canoes
they may find with furs, and make prisoners of
the men till they are ransomed by their friends.
Whenever we arrived or sailed, we had several
of the Russian boats about us to prevent the
Indians from coming off to trade;- but sometimes
in the night they contrived to elude their vigilance,
and get on board to traffic with us. We had
variable winds and bad weather all the passage
to the river, where we at length arrived, June 12,
1817, and came-to under the fort in our old berth,
sent the islanders on shore, and commenced
landing our cargo. July 12, after, as usual, completing our wood and water, we took some goods
on board for the southward, and sailed to see
what we could do in the way of trade with the
Indians on New Albion. The American brig
Alexander arrived here from America with stores
for the settlement. She took on board the furs
for Canton, and ran out of the river in company
with us. We parted outside; they stood to the
northward and we to the southward along shore;
the weather being foggy, we sounded occasionally in from 30 to 13 fathoms water, over a bed
of rocks, off Cape Foulweather, in latitude 440 TRADING  ALONG  THE   COAST. 77
49' North, longitude 1230 56', West. On the 14th
it cleared up, and we saw Cape Orford, bearing
S. E. seven leagues; the nearest land two miles,
latitude 430 North; observed many smokes on
shore. About noon, several canoes came off
within hail of the ship; We waved to them to come
closer, which they did, displaying green boughs
and bunches of white feathers; they stopped
paddling, and one man, whom we took to be a
chief, stood up, and made a long speech, which
we did not understand. We then waved a white
flag, and they immediately pulled for the ship,
singing all the way. When they came alongside
we gave them a rope, and made signs for them to
come on board, which nothing could induce them
to do; they seemed quite terrified, and after
handing some land-furs on board, for which we
gave them beads and knives, they seemed well
pleased, and made signs that if we came nearer
the shore, they would bring us plenty. They
also brought some berries, fish, and handsome
baskets for sale. These men were tall and well
formed, their garments made of dressed deerskins, with a small round hat, in shape of a basin,
that fitted close round the head; none of the
women made their appearance. Their canoes
do not seem to be so well constructed as the
canoes in the Columbia, which cannot be occasioned by want of material, as the country appears
to be well wooded. We observed a bay which
looked well sheltered from the N. W. winds.
About four o'clock the natives left the ship singing, and, when they got to a certain distance,
made another long speech. 78
We now stood along shore toward Cape Orf ord,
sounding occasionally in from 30 to 70 fathoms;
sandy bottom from four to six miles from shore;
the wind increasing from N. W. stood off from
the land under easy sail for the night. Next
morning we ran in, and lay-to off an Indian
village, to the southward of Cape Orf ord; saw
many natives on the shore, but it blew too hard
for them to launch their canoes; we intended to
have anchored here, there being, apparently, a
snug, well-sheltered bay, from all but the S. W.,
but it was too rough to send the boat from the
ship to sound it; we therefore filled and ran along
shore, at the distance of three miles. The land
had a very fine appearance, the hills well wooded,
and the plains covered with Indian huts. Towards night, the gale increased so much^ that we
were obliged to haul off under a close reefed main
top-sail and fore-sail, and, before morning, had
to lay-to under bare poles. On the 19th of July,
the gale broke; we again stood in for the land,
and were becalmed for three days, within six
miles of the shore, where we saw many smokes.
We were driven fast to the southward by the
current; on the 24th a breeze sprang up, and we
made sail for Port Trinidad, in latitude 41 ° 3',
longitude 1230 54'west; hauled into a small sandy
bay, where we moored, sheltered from all winds,
a few ships' lengths from the shore, in nine fathoms sandy bottom. This bay is full of high rocks,
which are always covered with birds, and round it
are scattered many Indian villages. We had
scarcely time to moor before we were surrounded WEAPONS  AND  DRESS  OF  INDIANS. 79
with canoes; we triced our boarding nets up, and
shut all our ports but one, at which, the natives entered, keeping all the canoes on the starboard side;
and, as the Indians came on board, we took their
bows and daggers from them, at which they seemed much displeased. One man (a chief) would
not give up his dagger, and we pushed him back
into his canoe; upon which he immediately strung
his bow, arid pointed an arrow at me, as being the
most active in sending him out of the ship. In
an instant he had several muskets pointed at him,
upon seeing which, he lost no time in laying his
bow down. Shortly after he came on board,
and seemed sorry for what he had done, and
made me a present of a fine bow. Everything
being thus settled, we gave them some bread and
molasses, of which they eat heartily. We then
commenced trading, and got a few land furs,
which they brought off, for pieces of iron-hoop,
cut into 6-inch lengths. They also brought us
plenty of red deer and berries. In the afternoon,
some women made their appearance: the people
offered them blankets and axes, but nothing could
tempt them to come on board. This is the only
place on the coast where we could not induce
the females to visit the ship. It appears that these
natives have not had much communication with
Europeans, as they do not know the use of firearms ; nor have they any iron among them. Their
daggers are made of a sort of flint-stone, and they
are clothed in dressed leather apparel, prettily
ornamented with shells. The women wear a
very   finely   dressed   leather   petticoat,   which
J i
reaches half way down the leg, and a square garment of the same thrown loosely over the shoulders.    Their tongues and chins are tattooed; the
former is quite black, the latter in stripes.    Whether this is considered a mark of beauty or not I
cannot tell, but the women here are in general
very handsome and well made.    We saw a cross
on shore,  fixed there by the  Spaniards  many
years  ago,  when there was a Spanish  launch
driven on shore, and the Indians massacred the
whole crew.    The different tribes in this bay are
always at war with each other; they never met on
board, and if the tribe which was on board trading, saw another tribe approaching, they immediately went on shore to protect their wives and
property.    They all seem to be brave, warlike
people.    Their canoes are by far the safest I ever
saw on the coast, being from i6vto 20 feet long,
and from 6 to 8 feet broad, square at both ends
and flat bottomed.  They have ridges inside about
a foot apart, which look exactly like the timbers
of  a boat, and serve to strengthen them very
much.    The only words of this tongue we could
pick up was. / at guai, which is a term of friendship,  and chilese, which means barter.    When
they speak they put the tongue to the roof of the
mouth, and utter sounds as if their mouth were
full.    After having bought all the furs here, on
the 24th of July we weighed anchor, and, after
encountering considerable difficulties, owing to
the bad weather, succeeded in getting out.    This
was fortunate, as, had we gone on shore, (there
not being the least shelter in this part of the bay;, VISIT  BODAGO   BAY  FOR  REPAIRS. 8l
the Indians were ready to receive and massacre
us, for they are, without exception, the most savage tribes on all the coast.
Having stood out to sea, we deepened our
water to 45 fathoms, when the wind again died
away, the sea setting us fast on to the shore; we
had but one bower anchor and stream left, and,
to crown all, it came on a thick fog. We spent
a most anxious night, sounding from 40 to 20
fathoms. We could hear the sea break on the
beach very distinctly; the order was given to
stand by our best bower anchor, when it pleased
God to send a fine breeze from the N. W. and
deliver us from our dangerous situation. We
immediately made all sail from the coast. Next
day, July 26, we saw Cape Mendocino, (latitude
400 19' north, longitude i24°7' west), north about
four leagues, found our bowsprit sprung, and
determined to run to Bodago-bay and fish it;
stood along shore accordingly, and on the 28th
got off the settlement, fired a gun, and several
bodarkees came off, bringing with them some
fresh pork and vegetables. We here moored
and fished our bowsprit. Captain Jennings then
went to the settlement in the whale boat to try
and dispose of his cargo to the Russians, but
returned to the ship in two days without having
effected his purpose. While we lay here the
Russians sent us some fresh provision and vegetables; the natives also visited us in their canoes,
which are nothing more than several large bundles of rushes lashed together. They seem to be
the poorest tribe in these  parts,  although the 82
country is by far the finest; the climate is so pure
and the grounds so good, that the Russians grow
two crops per year.
The Russian establishment on the coast of
New Albion is in latitude 380 30' and longitude
—° —', about four leagues to the northward of
this fine bay and harbour, called Bodago, where
they have a large store. Here their ships generally call and sometimes winter, there being no
shelter for ships off the establishment. The
reason for their having it so far from the harbour
is the scarcity of timber, which is very necessary
in the forming of a settlement, and where they
now are, the country is covered with fine oak,
ash, and pine timber, fit for ship building. They
had on the stocks, and nearly fit for launching, a
fine brig of 150 tons,/built of good oak. They
get excellent hemp on the coast of California,
and make good rope. This settlement consists
of about 100 houses and huts, with a small fort
on the point, and about 500 inhabitants, Russians
and Kodiacks. The land is in the highest state
of cultivation, growing excellent wheat, potatoes,
hemp and all kinds of vegetables; and the soil so
rich as to produce (as already mentioned) two
crops in the year. I have seen radishes that
weighed from one pound to 28 pounds, and much
thicker than a stout man's thigh, and quite good
all through, without being the least spongy.
They have a large stock of cattle, sheep, and
pigs; and seem to be in the most flourishing.condition under the direction of Governor Kutzkoff.
Hence hunters are sent down the coast of Cali- NORFOLK  SOUND  A  FUR DEPOT. 83
fornia for the purpose of taking the sea otter,
which are very plentiful along the coast. The
colony also sends a vessel to Norfolk Sound once
a year, with the furs collected, and with wheat
and hemp. Norfolk Sound is the principal depot:
from thence the furs are sent to Kamschatka. CHAPTER   IX.
Coasting Trade to Sir F. Drake's Harbour.—Return
to Trinidad Bay.—Attacked by the Indians.—
Return to Columbia.—Mission *up the Country to
the Cladsap Tribe; its Success.—Description of
the Country.—The Northwest Company's Establishment.
ON the 18th of August, 1817, we completed
our work here, (Bodago), weighed the
anchor, and stood away for the Farelone
rocks of islands, in the latitude of 370 40' North,
and longitude 1220 20' West. Next day we ran
close to the rocks, and I went on shore to look
for fur-seals. On landing we found plenty of
hair seals, but very few fur; we knocked down
a few of them, and brought them on board, with
a number of young gulls, which were fat and
good. We then made sail towards a larger group
of islands, where also we landed, and were surprised to find about thirty Russians and Kodiacks
with their wives. They had a flag-staff erected,
but showed no colours. Their houses were built
of stone, and they seemed very comfortable;
they remain here for the purpose of collecting
fur-seals and drying the  flesh of the  sea-lion, TOUCH  AT  StR F.   DRAKE'S  HARBOR. 75A
which is quite as good as Spanish jerked beef.
In fine weather, a skin-boat comes from Bodago
with a supply of fresh water, there not being a
drop on the islands, and, in return, takes what
meat and skins have been collected. The people
have no means of leaving the island, having no
boat, nor materials to build one. Finding we
could do nothing here, we took on board a good
stock of seals and gull's eggs, also plenty of
young gulls, We then stood for the harbour of
Sir Francis Drake, and next day anchored in
the bay in 5% fathoms, hoisted the boats out, and
I went with a party on shore to look for natives.
I returned on board in the evening, having seen
but few, and those very poor. This part of the
country is delightfully pleasant, with many small
rivers running through the valleys. While on
shore, we killed a number of large snakes and
adders, and saw many deer and foxes, but they
were very shy. We also observed the tracks of
bears. This bay is very well sheltered from all
winds. August ioth, 1817, we ran along shore
to the northward; passed many Indian villages,
but no natives came off, I believe for want of
canoes, there being no wood on this part of the
coast. On the 20th of August, we again stood into
the bay of Trinidad, to endeavour to receive our
anchor, and next morning I went with the whale
boat and long-boat with purchases to raise it,
leaving the captain with only six men on board to
take care of the ship. We started before daylight, that the natives should not take notice of
us; it came on so thick a fog, that we not only 76
did not succeed in finding the buoy, but had much
difficulty in regaining the vessel. About six
o'clock in the evening, however, we got on board,
and learnt that the Indians had been very troublesome during our absence. In consequence of
their seeing but few men, they had made several
attempts to board the ship, but were as often beat
out of the nets. It was of no use to point the
muskets at them, for they were ignorant of their
effect, until some of the men shot several gulls
that were flying about the ship. Upon this, they
began to be less daring, and, as we fired a few
muskets on approaching, they made for the shore,
as quick as possible. We now gave up all hopes
of recovering our anchor, and at daylight
weighed, and made sail, thinking it dangerous to
remain any longer among this savage tribe. We
stood along shore to the N. E., saw many small
villages, but the sea was so rough that none of
the natives came off. Next day we stood close
under Point St. George to find anchorage, seeing
a very large village and many natives on the shore.
We sounded round the bay in from 12 to 20 fathoms, over afoul bottom, one and two miles from
shore. Many canoes came off, and the natives appeared quite friendly. We bought several good
sea otter skins at an axe for each skin; many bows,
arrows, daggers, etc., for small beads. The
canoes here are similar to those at Port Trinidad.
As the anchorage was not good, and we had bought
all the furs brought off, we stood out to sea; the
natives kept on board as long as they could.
We then beat up along shore to the northward, RETURN  TO   COLUMBIA  RIVER. 77A
trading with the Indians, to Point Gregory, in
latitude 430. Here we continued our traffic, and
on the 2nd of September hauled off to the westward, to look for a seal island, said to have been
seen by an American vessel. On the ioth of
October, after a fruitless search, we arrived off
the Columbia river, sent the furs on shore, and
set the carpenter to work to make a bowsprit;
we took on board wood and water; also six long
12-pounders, with powder and shot, for the Sandwich Islands. On the 20th of October, I was
sent with a party of thirty-three from the fort and
ship to the Cladsaps' winter quarters, about 30
miles distant, to bring back John Carpenter, the
blacksmith, (one of the men we landed here on
our first arrival); he had behaved very well for
sometime, but at length got quite unruly,"and
deserted to the Cladsap tribe. Several messengers were sent at different times, but to no purpose, as he was protected by the tribe, none of
whom had visited the fort since his desertion.
Mr. Keith, the governor, fearing that the Indians
would make an attempt to storm the fort at some
time, headed by this desperate man, determined
to have him banished from the river; and I was
accordingly dispatched with orders to bring him
dead or alive, together with the chief of the
village at which I found him. We left the ship
at about 6 o'clock in the evening in the cutter and
whale boat, and pulled up Young's River to the
south point, where we landed, and secured the
boats in a small creek, and left two men to take
care of them.   We travelled through woods, over
- 78
plains, crossed small rivers and creeks, passed
many Indian habitations,  and just at day-light
arrived at the winter village  of the  Cladsaps,
before the Indians were awake.    We sent one of
our guides into the chief's huts to see if Carpenter was there, who returned in a few minutes,
and informed us that he was, and asleep;  I then
placed the men round the house to prevent his
escape, and taking the second mate with me, we
entered the hut, found him in bed, and, after a
violent struggle,   secured him,  by lashing  his
hands behind him.    By this time the Indians were
collecting and arming.    They poured in from all
parts, and seemed disposed to prevent our taking
away our prisoner; and Carpenter's female companion was very active  in  instigating them  to
liberate her husband.    I drew my party up in a
double line, and then stepped out and told the
Indians, that I did not come to trouble them, but
merely to take the white man to the fort.    They
answered, that he came to them for protection,
and they would protect him.    I informed them,
if they attempted to stop him, what they might
expect; and ordered the party to march, which
it did without being molested.    I did not like to
provoke  a quarrel with them by taking their
chief,  there being about  156 men well armed
with bows and muskets, who might have cut us
all off, before we could reach our boats.    We
therefore took Carpenter, and with him made the
best of our way, passing over a most beautiful
country,  an extensive plain,  with many small
rivulets.    This spot appeared capable of the THE  BLACKSMITH   IMPRISONED. 79^
highest cultivation, and was covered with berrie
of different sorts. We saw many horses and
deer, and also the mountain sheep. There were
many small villages scattered about the plain, the
natives of which treated us very kindly. In the
evening we arrived at the boats, and about 8
o'clock at the fort, all very much fatigued with
our journey, the result of which gave great satisfaction to the governor. Carpenter was well
secured over the gate of the fort; his hand-cuffs
were made with a nut to screw tight on, and then
clinched; his legs were fastened in the same
manner, and a large hoop made to go tight round
his body, with a chain from each side of it, which
was stretched tight out, and locked to the post of
the gate. Here he was kept until the Columbia
was ready for sea. November the 14th we left
the river for the Sandwich Islands, to sell the
vessel; and if we did not succeed at the Islands,
we had orders to proceed to Norfolk Sound, and
dispose of her to the Russians. The Northwest
Company's Establishment lies about seven miles
from Point Adam, on the south side of the river,
above a small bay, where ships are in great
safety out of the strength of the tide. There is
a very good wharf with a crane for landing or
shipping goods. The settlement is a square of
about 200 yards, surrounded by pickets about 15
feet high, and protected by two bastions, one on
the S. W. and the other on the N..E. corner.
Each of these bastions mounts eight guns, four
and six pounders; and there are loop-holes for
musketry.   The grand entrance is through a 8oA THE  N«  W.   COMPANY'S  ESTABLISHMENT.
large double gate on the north side, above which
there is a platform for the sentry to walk; on
this are several swivels mounted. As you enter
the fort, or square, there is a two-story house,
with two long 18-pounders in front of it on the
south side; on the east is a range of low buildings, where the clerks have their apartments;
and in the same row stands the grand hall, where
the gentlemen assemble to dinner, etc. The
houses for the men are on the same side, and
behind the two-story or governor's house; in the
S. W. corner, is the magazine well secured;
along the west side stands a range of stores,
tailor's shop, and Indian trading shop; in the S.
E. corner the blacksmith's and cooper's shops,
and on the N. E. corner a granary for the corn.
In the N. W. corner stands a very high flag-staff,
erected by the crew of the Columbia. The whole
of the settlers here do not exceed 150 men, most
of whom keep Indian women, who live inside of
the fort with them. Nearly all the settlers are
Canadians. The clerks and partners are Scotch.
They are constantly employed in cutting down
the wood, and improving the fort: the men are
not allowed the ground on their own account,
the company being fearful they would in time
become independent, and leave them. The
Company's canoes arrive here from the interior,
in the spring and fall; they bring the furs that
are collected at the different posts on the west
side of the stoney mountains, and take back
stores for the posts. The canoes are manned
with Euroque Indians and Canadians, under the THE  DRINK  HABIT ENCOURAGED. 8lA
direction of a partner and several young clerks.
When they arrive in the fall, the boatmen encamp
outside the fort; they are each served out with
a half pint of rum, and their year's clothing, and
orders are issued, that those men who do not get
drunk, must go to the wood and cut timber.
The liquor shop is then opened, and kept by one
of the clerks; a scene of drunkenness and all
manner of vice follows. A frolick of this kind
will cost them a year's pay and upwards; they
generally agree for two years, at the end of which
time they find themselves in debt, are therefore
obliged to agree for two years longer, and in this
manner are kept in the service till they are gray-
headed. The Company have a train of posts
from the Columbia River to the rocky or stoney
mountains, and from thence to Montreal; all the
furs that are collected at the west side of these
mountains are brought to the Columbia, and sent
from thence to China; and all that are collected
on the east side are sent to Montreal, and from
thence to England. At this settlement they have
cleared about 200 acres of ground, and planted
about 20 acres with potatoes for the use of the
gentlemen, their object being to collect furs, and
not to cultivate or improve the land. They have
about twelve head of cattle with some pigs and
goats, imported here from California; their stock
does not increase, for want of proper care, the
wolves often carrying off goats and pigs. CHAPTER   X.
Voyage to the Sandwich Islands; various Transactions
there; Superstitious Omen; Death of a Chief;
Remarkable Funeral Ceremonies, Taboo, and Customs connected with these Rites.—Whymea.—The
Russian Intrigues with the Natives, and their
consequences.—Different trading trips, to show the
Nature of the Island ^Commerce.—The ship given
up.—Situation of the Men on shore.
OUR passage to the Sandwich Islands was
quick and pleasant. On the 6th of December we made Owhyhee, stood along shore
towards Toyhoy (Kawaihae) bay, and ran in.
Finding no natives came off, we sent the whale
boat on shore to know what was the reason. The
boat soon returned with an account that the
natives were celebrating their annual festival,
called muckka-hitee (makahiki). This festival
lasts a month, during which time a canoe is not
allowed to go on salt water. We also heard, that
king Tameahmeah was then at the village of
Tyroa, his favourite residence; we made all sail
for that place, where we arrived on the ioth, and ^BUSINESS, BEFORE  PLEASURE"   REVERSED.    83A
came too with our only bower anchor off the
Morai. No canoes being allowed to come off,
Captain Jennings went on shore to see the king;
in the evening the boat returned with some hogs
and tarrow. The king Tameahmeah told Captain
Jennings if he would go to the Island of Woahoo,
and remain until the muckka-hitee was over, he
should be then able to agree with him about the
purchase of the ship. We accordingly left
Tyroa; when we got our anchor up, we found
one arm broken off. We made all sail for Woahoo, and on the 14th arrived off the harbour.
Captain Jennings went on shore, and sent off an
anchor. We then came too outside the reef, in
14 fathoms over a sandy bottom, and on the 18th
we got into the harbour. We found the king's
brig had returned from Canton, and was laid up
We found here the brig Bordeaux Packet, which
had been purchased from the Americans about a
month before. A large ship, called the Myrtle,
was condemned by the Russians, and hauled on
shore. We moored close to the shore and saluted
the fort, which was returned by them. In the
night it came on to blow very hard from the N.E.,
and continued for several days.
We sent John Carpenter on shore, and discharged him of the crew. The taboo was still on,
consequently none of the natives came on board.
On the 24th of December, the muckkahitee being-
over, the king's prime minister, named Kreymo-
koo (Kalaimoku), commonly called Pitt, came on
board with all the chiefs, accompanied by John
Young, to inspect the vessel, previous to their 84j
purchasing of her. They seemed much astonished at our large battery guns; we got one on
deck, and, mounting it, fired several rounds of
shot, at which the chiefs were much pleased,
and the natives crowded from all parts of the
island to see the poo'nu'ee (pu nui), as they call
a great gun. They were all very particular in
measuring its length, breadth, and size of the
bore. After the chiefs had carefully inspected
every part of the brig, John Young was asked
his opinion of her. He told Mr. Pitt she would
answer their purpose very well. Kreymokoo
upon this agreed to give twice the full of the
vessel of sandal wood for her, to be delivered in
a space of time not exceeding six months, and
that we should hold possession of the vessel till
all the wood was delivered, and that we were to
be found in provisions while we remained on the
island. An agreement was drawn up and signed
by Captain Jennings and Kreymokoo. The
next day being Christmas day, we invited all the
chiefs and respectable white men on the island to
dine with us on shore; we spent a most pleasant
day, and the chiefs remained with us to a late
hour. We had a dinner cooked apart for the
chiefs' wives, as they were not allowed to eat
with the men. Next day we took on board the
king's taxes, and January nth, 1818, we sailed
for Owhyhee, the brig loaded with provisions
and cloth of the country, this being the time
at which the natives pay their half-year's taxes.
We had also a number of chiefs on board,
and about 400 natives, men, women, and children. A ROYAL  SALUTE  DISCONTINUED. 85
There was scarcely room to move on the decks
or in the cabin; even the chains, tops and bowsprit were crowded with them. We touched at
Mowee, where they all landed for a few days,
and nothing went forward but feasting and
rejoicing. On the 16th, the chiefs again came on
board, and we got under weigh for Owhyhee,
the ship, as before, full of natives. In crossing
the channel, between Mowee and Owhyhee, we
were near upsetting the vessel, being top heavy,
from the number of them on deck and about the
rigging. On the 18th, we anchored off Tyroa,
andTameameah came onbord. On his approach,
all the natives jumped overboard, and left us clear
decks. We commenced firing a salute, when the
king called out to us, in a pleasant tone, to stop,
as the powder was now his, and he wanted it for
other purposes, probably for the Russians, if they
should come to trouble him. He was delighted
with the large guns; and the natives came on
board, as at Woahoo, to see the poo'nu'ee. Their
fame was soon spread over the island, but the
next day we landed them, and by that means got
rid of the curious natives; they were placed in
a square in front of the royal residence, where
thousands of the people were daily collected to
look at them. Tameameah found one fault with
them, which was, that they took too much powder,
(a charge being four pounds), but he took all our
small arms, powder, and everything he thought
would be useful to him, and made the brig over
to his son and heir Rieo Rieo (Liholiho). On the
26th of January, we sailed from Owhyhee towards 36
Mowee, with our usual cargo of natives; next day
we anchored in Lehina Roads, and took on board
the king's taxes, and made sail for Woahoo. In
our passage down, during the night, a star shot
very vividly—the natives gave a sudden scream,
and told us that the star shooting foretold the death
of an Owhyhee chief. On the first of February
we arrived at Woahoo; in crossing the reef the
brig took the ground, but was soon lightened by
the natives jumping overboard and swimming on
shore. About a week after our arrival, a chief,
named Tereacoo (Kaleioku) died suddenly; he
went to bed well over night, and in the morning
got up, and according to custom, smoked a pipe,
after which he lay down and died. All the natives
were immediately tabooed, or prohibited from
going on the water; they all appeared to be in
great grief, crying and making a dreadful noise.
They commenced knocking out they teeth, cutting off their hair, and burning their flesh with
the bark of a tree; both men and women going
about quite naked, to demonstrate their grief.
On the death of the chief, the priests assembled; they fenced the house in for about fifty
yards square with wands, having white flags flying on them. None of the natives dare come inside this fence, though several thousands of them
were collected round it. There was a large fire
made on the outside of the house and inside of
the fence or prohibited space; the priests then
began cutting up the body. They brought the
heart out, and set it in the fire, praying very devoutly while it was burning;  after which they CEREMONIES  AT  DEATH. 87
collected the ashes, put them into a calabash, or
gourd, slung it to a pole, and spread a beautiful
feather cloak over it. Then two of the chiefs,
Hikanees, or confidential men, took the pole on
their shoulders, and ran towards the water, crying out very loud, "Noho, noho!" (which means
sit or lie down;) as these men passed, all the natives lay down and stripped themselves. They
walked up to their middle in water, and deposited
the ashes; afterwards the liver and all the inside
were treated in the same manner. At sundown
this part of the ceremony ceased, and a crier
went round the village, calling out, that if any
man, woman, or child, were seen out of their
houses, or showed a light or fire, or even smoked
a pipe, after 8 o'clock that evening, they would
instantly be put to death. These restrictions
extended not only to the white people, but even
to the ships in the harbour; nay, hogs, dogs,
fowls, etc., were not allowed to be out, least they
should make a noise, nor were the ships suffered
to strike the bells next morning.
At sunrise the Taboo was taken off the ships,
but still remained in force on shore. This day
the priests were employed burning the flesh off
the bones, and scraping them quite clean; the
ashes were deposited in the sea; the bones were
then carefully packed up, and a large double
canoe dispatched with them to Owhyhee. Six
hours after the canoe sailed, the Taboo was taken
off the bay, and canoes were allowed to go on
the water;—in this manner they employ ceremonies towards all the people of rank.  The common 88
people dig up the bones of their relatives after
the flesh is rotted from them, scrape and clean
them well, wrap them up in cloth, put them into
calabashes, or gourds, and hang them up in their
We lay in the harbour until the 17th of March,
1818, without anything particular occuring, until
that day, when we received orders from Tamea-
meah to proceed to the island of Atooai (Kauai)
for a cargo of sandal-wood. Teymotoo, or Cox,
with several other chiefs, came on board. We
made sail, and on the following day came too in
Whymea Roads. One mile from the village, the
English ensign was displayed on a very fine fort,
mounting about thirty guns; the natives came off
in great numbers; they informed us that the Russians had built the fort, in which there were dungeons, and had actually gone so far as to confine
some white men and natives. The Russians
advised Tamoree (Kaumualii), king of Atooai, to
shake off Tameameah's yoke, and declare war
against him, in which they would assist him; they
made him a present of a schooner, and he gave
them in return a large tract of land. Tama'hon-
reeranee (Kamahalolani), the head chief under
Tamooree, was averse to these proceedings.
The Russians wished to send Tamooree to Petersburg, but could never get him on board. At
length Tamooree discovered that they wished to
possess themselves of the island; he consulted
with his chiefs, returned their schooner, (which
they refused,) and ordered them on board their
ships,   three  of which  were lying  in  a  snug RUSSIANS  EXPELLED  FROM   KAUAI. 8^>
harbour* at the west end of the island. They
resisted, and a scuffle ensued, in which three
Russians and several natives were killed, but the
latter at last forced them on board, and Doctor
Shefham made his escape to Canton in an American vessel. The Russian ships went to Norfolk
Sound. The fort does great credit to the engineer ; it is situate on a high point at the entrance
of the river, and protects the whole town. The
king, chiefs, and about 150 warriors live within
it, and keep a regular guard; they have a number
of white men for the purpose of working the
guns, etc.
Our chiefs landed, and were well received by
Tamooree; and the next morning they commenced sending wood on board. About 500
canoes were employed in bringing it off, and by
the 25th of March we had the ship quite full.
The king behaved extremely well, and sent us
off plenty of hogs and vegetables. Our chiefs
came on board, as did also some Atooi chiefs.
We weighed and made sail for Woahoo, where
we anchored the next day, landed our wood, and
lay until the 19th, when we took on board a cargo
of salt for the west end of Woahoo. Next day
we sailed for Whymea bay, ©n the west end of
the island, to get another cargo of wood. In our
passage we touched at Wyeni (Waianae), and
took on board some wood and hogs. We lay
here for a few days, and then sailed along shore;
for Whymea, where we arrived on the 22rd,
threw our ballast out, and took on board a full
* Refers to Hanalei. 90
cargo of wood in thirty-six hours—more than 200
canoes employed in bringing it off, day and night.
We weighed and made sail for Honororoa, where
we arrived on the 28th, and sent the wood on
shore.    On the 1st of May, 1818, we had all our
wood on shore and stored.    On the 2nd of May,
we hauled down the English colours, and hoisted
the island colours, saluting them with seven guns;
we then gave the ship up to Kreymokoo, or Pitt,
and went on shore to the houses prepared for
our reception.    It was with the greatest regret I
left the ship, for it seemed as if I had lost my
home; and in fact it was some time before I felt
myself at all comfortable.    I had sailed on board
the Columbia from August, 1813, to May, 1818,
a period of nearly five years; when she left England, the crew consisted of twenty-five persons,
and when we sold the vessel at these islands, the
steward and a black man  (who had been for
several years with me in the West Indian trade)
and myself were all that remained, and even these
left before the vessel was given up.    Our houses
were the largest and most pleasantly situated of
any in the village, and fronting the harbour: (they
were built by four different villages, each taking
a house to build and furnish), and quite finished
in three days.    They consisted of two sleeping
houses and two eating houses, (the one for women
and the other for men); the sleeping-houses and
women's  eating-house   were  surrounded by a
fence fifty yards square; the men's eating-house
was outside of this fence, but fenced in in like
manner, with a door that led from the sleeping-
house fence to it.    The houses are built in the
following manner; they begin by driving stakes
in the ground eight feet high and three feet apart,
forked at the upper ends, in which forks are laid
handsome straight poles; the ridge pole is raised
by temporary stakes, the rafters are forked at the
lower ends, which rest on the forks of the upright;
the upper ends of the rafters cross each other on
the ridge-pole, and are well lashed to it; a second
ridge pole is now placed in the cross of the rafters
above the first one, to which it is well lashed;
they then tie on neat twigs or canes, in the manner of laths, and thatch the house all over with
dry grass or leaves of the tee-root.    There was
a door and two windows in the end.  The interiors
were beat down quite hard,  and a quantity of
rushes strewed smooth, and well covered with a
large coarse mat, made the size of the house,
above which others were laid of a finer quality.
At one end was built a large bed-place, stuffed
with dry grass,  and covered neatly with mats.
Along each side were built sofas, stuffed and
covered the same as the bed, to keep which out
of sight there was a light partition.    In front of
the house was built araini (lanai), or shed, covered
with the branches of cocoanut trees, and here
also a sofa was built.    The square in front of the
house  was  strewed  each  morning with green
rushes.    We had a man from Tameameah who
acted as steward, and whose business it was to
find us in everything we wanted.    We had also a
watchman to walk round the houses at night, to
give the alarm of fire, which happens frequently. CHAPTER   XI.
The Sandwich Islands.—A Patriot or Runaway Ship.
—History of its change of Masters, Piracies and
ABOUT the middle of May, the Columbia
took a cargo to Owhyhee. Captain Jennings went in her to give her up to the
King, leaving me to take care of the wood while
he was Owhyhee. Several American ships called
here from the coast of Chili, bound to Canton,
in which most of our crew got off; at this time a
a canoe arrived from Owhyhee, with an account
of a large fighting ship having come to Owhyhee
full of men, but of what country they could not
tell. A few days after May 20th, 18x8, one of
the King's vessels made her appearance from
that island, and informed us that a patriot ship,
called the Santa Rosa, had arrived from the coast
of Peru, under the command of Captain Turner,
from whom Tameameah had purchased the ship
and cargo, for 6000 piculs of sandal wood. It
struck me very forcibly, that she must be some
ship with which the crew had run away, or they
could not afford to sell her for 6000.piculs, as she
had a very valuable cargo of dry goods on board,
and a great deal of money, which was, however,
shared among the crew.    The people were on
shore after they had made their bargain, and three
of them came down to Woahoo in the King's
vessel. I got into conversation with one of them,
who was half intoxicated, and after inquiring into
the particulars of their cruise, I asked him what
they had done with their former Captain? By
this question he was thrown off his guard, and
answered, that he had been sent on shore with
thirteen others, at Valparaiso. When I learned
this, I went to the chief, named Bokee, and made
him acquainted with the circumstance; he had
them immediately brought to the fort, where an
examination took place, in the course of which it
came out, that the ship, Santa Rosa, alias Checka
Boca, alias Liberty, had been fitted out at the
River Plate, under the command of Captain
Turner, and had sailed round Cape Horn, to
cruise against the Spaniards in the North and
South Pacific; on going round the Horn there
were some symptons of mutiny: the men would
not allow punishment to be inflicted, and Captain
Turner threatened hard that he would punish
them severely, when the ship arrived at Valparaiso. When they had fine weather they were in
the habit of exercising the guns, and on Sunday,
the 27th of July, 1817, having thus secured them,
the man at the mast-head, called out 'A sail, ho!'
the people ran to their quarters, and one of the
officers went aloft with the glass to look for the
vessel; when the crew loaded the guns, and
turned them aft, at the same time seizing the
captain and officers, and crying out Liberty!
Captain Turner was standing on the companion
wmmm 94
with a spy glass in his hand, when a man of the
name of Griffiths, took him by the legs and threw
him off. The first lieutenant, Mr. Coran, was
in the cabin getting his pistols, when he heard
the noise on deck, and found the ship in possession of the mutineers; he fired his pistols up the
companion by which one man was wounded.
The captain called out to him to blow the ship up;
to prevent which, the sailors broke the sky-light,
and got down and secured him. All the officers
were then confined in irons in the forecastle, and
a master's mate, named McDonald, took command of the vessel. When they got off Valparaiso, they sent the captain and officers on shore,
(excepting Mr. Prockley, the master, whom they
kept to navigate the ship). They then ran to the
island of Juan Fernandes to water, and stood
along the coast, where they captured and destroyed many Spanish vessels. Their next run
was to the Galipagos Islands to refit, where a
second mutiny was sent on foot, but discovered.
They sent the principals on shore, one of whom
was drowned in landing. Here Mr. Prockley, the
master, left them, and went off in an English whale
ship. Mr. McDonald then assumed the name
of Turner, took the command, and appointed
When the ship was fitted and watered, they
again ran in for the shore, where they took towns,
destroyed vessels, robbed and burnt churches;
in short, they became the terror of the coast.
They sent a party of forty men, under the command of Griffiths, who was the first lieutenant, to THE SANTA ROSA TAKEN CHARGE OF.    95
go into a port, and cut out some vessels, of which
they had information; but, when this party were
out of sight of the ship, it was agreed by those
who remained on board, to steer her to the Sandwich Islands and sell her which they accordingly
did.   Upon our obtaining this information of the
Santa Rosa, we sent an account of it to Tameameah, who gave orders for the men to be distributed among the chiefs, each to have a certain
number under his charge to be answerable for;
shortly after this, the party who had been away
under the command of Mr. Griffiths, arrived at
Owhyhee in a small brig, which they had captured.   They were outrageous at finding the ship
in possession of the king, and wanted him to give
her up, offering him the brig and all her cargo in
exchange; but he refused to do so, saying, they
were robbers, and he would hold the ship for the
owners.   He had her accordingly hauled close in
shore, and a number of white men and natives
continually on board, and the guns double shotted.
Mr. McDonald made his  escape on board the
brig; they touched at Woahoo; I went on board,
and they gave me letters for England, which I
since delivered.    Hence they ran to Atooai and
back to Woahoo, hovering about the islands for
some time in hopes of regaining their ship.    In
the middle of June, Captain Jennings returned
from Owhyhee, leaving the King in a poor state
of health; and we now only awaited the arrival
of American N. W. ships (which generally call
here in their passage to China), to freight our
wood to Canton. CHAPTER   XII.
Account    of   the    Sandwich    Islands. — Woahoo.
Customs.    Etc.
THE Island of Woahoo is by far the most
important of the group of the Sandwich
Islands, chiefly on account of its excellent
harbours and good water. It is in a high state
of cultivation: and abounds with cattle, hogs,
sheep, goats, horses, etc., as well as vegetables
and fruit of every description. The ships in
those seas generally touch at Owhyhee, and get
permission from Tameameah, before they can go
into the harbour of Woahoo. He sends a confidential man on board to look after the vessel,
and keep the natives from stealing; and, previous
to entering the harbour of Honorora (Honolulu),
they must pay eighty dollars harbour duty, and
twelve dollars to John Harbottle, the pilot. This
duty has only lately been laid on, on account of
the King's brig Taamano, having to pay for her
anchorage at Macao, when sent there with a cargo
of sandal wood, in 1816. Tameameah justly
observes, that if his ships have to pay on entering
a foreign port, it is but reasonable that foreign
ships should pay on entering his ports.   There
are three close harbours on the south side of
Woahoo, between Diamond hill and Barber's
Point. On rounding Diamond hill the village of
Wyteetee (Waikiki) appears through large groves
of cocoanut and bread-fruit trees; it has a most
beautiful appearance, the land all round in the
highest state of cultivation, and the hills covered
with- wood; a beautiful plain extending as fair as
the eye can reach. A reef of coral*runs along
the whole course of this shore, within a quarter
of a mile of the beach, on which the sea breaks
high; inside this reef there is a passage for canoes.
Ships frequently anchor in the bay, in from sixteen to twenty fathoms, over a sand and coral
bottom. Several of the king's old vessels are
hauled upon shore and sheds built over them.
His Majesty formerly resided at this village, but of
late years has preferred his native place, Owhyhee. About four miles to the westward of Wyteetee is the village and harbour of Honorora; it
is the largest on the island, as the natives collect
from all other parts to be near the shipping. The
harbour is known by a deep and remarkable
valley over the village, through which the N. E-
trade wind blows very strong. The island is not
more than five leagues across at this part. The
best time to get into the harbour is early in the
morning, before the wind sets violently in a contrary direction; the chief generally sends a number of large double canoes to tow the ship in, as
the entrance of the harbour is not more than a
quarter of a mile wide. Small vessels, when
about to enter, run close to the east side of the 98
reef, where hundreds of the natives are collected,
and, by throwing a rope to them, the ship is
pulled up to the anchorage.—Ships can moor
close to the shore, so as to have a stage from
thence, and be as safe as if they were' in the
London Docks. A fine round battery on the S.
E. flat, or point, mounting about sixty guns, protects the village and harbour. The fort occupies
about eight acres of ground; the facing of the
wall is stone, about eighteen feet high, and about
the same breadth on the top, gradually sloping
to make a base of about thirty feet. It is constructed of hard clay and dry grass and sand
well cemented together; on the top of this wall
are embrasures built of the same materials, without stone; the guns are mounted all round, and
are from four to eighteen pounders, the heaviest
guns facing the sea. The magazine is under
ground and well secured; and in the middle of
the fort stands a flag-staff, on which the island
colours are displayed, consisting of a union jack,
with a red and blue stripe for each island. Round
the flag-staff are the chiefs houses, and barracks
for the soldiers. The strictest discipline is observed; the guard relieved very regularly in the
night, and the word "All is well," sung out in
English every ten minutes ! The Americans
supply them with powder and stores, for which
they get sandal wood, rope, hogs, vegetables, etc.
The village consists of about 300 houses regularly
built, those of the chiefs being larger and fenced
in. Each family must have three houses, one to
sleep in, one for the men to eat in, and one for HONOLULU AND ADJACENT HARBORS. y§
the women,—the sexes not being allowed to eat
together.    Cocoanut, bread-fruit, and castor-oil-
nut* trees, form delicious shades, between the
village  and  a range of mountains which runs
along the island in aN. W. and S. E. direction.
The ground is laid out in beautiful square patches,
where the tarrow grows, round which they plant
sugar canes and Indian corn.    They have also a
number of fine fish ponds, in which they keep
mullet and a fish they call ava.    On the N. W.
side of the harbour is a fresh water river, where
a ship's long boat can go up about two miles and
fill the water casks in the boat.     About three
miles  to   westward of   Honorora is  a  second
harbour,  easier of access and superior to the
other in every respect, except the want of a watering place.    There are but few farmers' and fishermen's houses hereabouts, and for this reason,
it is not frequented; in fact few ships know any
thing of it, " About six miles to the westward of
this harbour,   is Wy Momi,  or Pearl Water.
This inlet extends about five leagues up the country in a northerly direction; it is about four miles
across in the widest part,  and at the entrance
about half a mile.    There is not more than fifteen
feet of water on the bar or reef at high water,
and inside from six to eighteen fathoms mud and
sand.    There is an island about two miles in circumference in the middle of this inlet, belonging
to Mr. Manning (Don Marin), a Spaniard, who
has been here for many years'.    It is covered with
goats, rabbits, and hogs, belonging to him.    At
* The writer here has reference to the kukuitree.
*/ 1:
the head of the inlet is a run of very fine fresh
water, and provisions are here cheap and plentiful.
There are many divers employed here, diving for
the pearl oysters, which are found in great plenty.
We saved them much trouble and labor by presenting the King with an oyster dredge we had
on board, with which Tameameah was highly
delighted. The reef, or flat, extends from this
inlet to Barber's point which is about eight miles
to the westward, and from thence several miles to
sea in aS. W. direction. Round Barber's Point
to the north is the bay and village of Y-eni (Wai-
anae); and a little further to the N. W. stands the
village of Y-rooa (Waialua); on the west end of
the island is the village and bay of Wymea. There
are no harbours on the N. E. side of the island,
and only two large villages. As I before observed,
the women are not allowed to enter the men's
eating-houses, or even to appear on the inside of
the fence, on pain of death. Neither men nor
women are allowed to eat in the sleeping-houses;
the women are prohibited from eating pork,
cocoanuts, bananas, plantains, and many other
things, which are used as offering to the gods, and
it is considered a profanation if a woman should
touch anything so offered. They are not even
allowed to touch anything that goes inside of the
men's eating house; they have their own vessels
to eat and drink out of; and they must have a
separate fire, at which to cook their victuals; the
men's fire being called yahee taboo (ahi kapu),
of prohibited fire, from which they cannot even
light their pipes, though both young and old are FREQUENT  KAPU PERH3©S. IOI
very fond of smoking tobacco. There are several
morais, or churches in the village, and at new
moon the priests, chiefs and hikanees (aikane)
enter them with offerings of hogs, plantains, and
cocoanuts, which they set before the wooden
images. Theplace is fenced in, and have pieces
of white flags flying on the fences. They remain
in the morai three nights and two days at new
moon, beginning at sun-set and ending at sun-rise,
feasting on roast hogs, and praying all the time.
On the first quarter, they remain inside two nights
and one day; full moon and last quarter, the same
time. While the chiefs and priests are in the
morai, the women are prohibited from going on
the salt water, either in canoes or boats, or even
from touching it; neither are they permitted to
come within forty yards of the morai. The common people know nothing more about their religion than a stranger who never saw the islands.
They pay the greatest respect to their chiefs and
priests, and are kept in superstitious ignorance.
Their muckahitee, or annual festival, commences
in November; it begins by three of the most
expert warriors throwing each a spear at Tameameah, who is obliged to stand without anything
in his hand to fend them off, the first spear he
catches, and with it makes the other spears fly
several yards above his head. He then breaks a
cocoanut; the sea is tabooed, and none of the
natives are allowed to go near it. The King
enters the church where he remains for some
days, and the people decorate their houses with
green branches and new mats.    They dress in 102
their best garments, and the head god is taken
from the principal morai, and sent round the
island carried by the priests. Any persons coming between the god and the sea are immediately
stripped of their garments, and the same is done
if they do not strip as the god is passing, and lie
flat on their faces. This is the season for dancing,
boxing, feasting, and all kinds of amusement.
When the god arrives from the place whence he
first started, the Taboo is taken off. They are
generally about thirty days going round, calling
at all the villages and plantations, to remind the
people that it is time to bring in their taxes, which
they do twice a year. This feast ended while I
was here on the 24th of December. I have frequently questioned the chiefs about their religion,
and their general answer was, that they go to
the morais more to feast than pray, which I
believe to be really the case. Mr. Cox, or Teymotoo (Keeaumoku), that I have before mentioned, sets the wooden gods and priests at defiance; he says, that they are all liars, and that the
white men's God is the true and only God.
The Sandwich Islanders have entirely abolished
human sacrifices; all the time I have been about
these islands, I have not known a single instance
of sacrificing a human being.
Account   of the   Customs   in   the   Sandwich  Islands
THE natives of the Sandwich Islands are very
superstitious; they believe that the spirits
of the departed are permitted to revisit this
world; and also, that the burning mountain on
Owhyhee is hell, and that all wicked people will
go there after this life; on the contrary, that
those people who are good in this world are
made spirits, and permitted to rove about at
pleasure. Tameameah is high priest as well as
king. When he comes on board a ship he is
attended by several chiefs and hikanees, or counsellors, one of whom carries his spit-box; this is
considered a very great honour! He is also
followed by a sword-bearer, and a file of men
with muskets, and a number of attendants with
bunches of feathers to keep the flies off, and fans
to cool him. His four wives generally accompany him on board. The King never spits any
where but in the box, the contents of which,
together with grosser evacuations, are taken to
sea with his cast-off garments, and committed to
the deep;  it being his firm belief, that if any r H
person got a part of either, they would have the
power to pray him to death. While I remained
here I saw many instances of this strange practice. The common people think that it is in the
power of the chief priests to pray them to death
at pleasure. When on shore I had a small shaving pot and a carving knife stolen; I went to a
priest, made him a present of a file, and told him
what I had lost, upon which he came to the
house, and sent a cryer round the village, proclaiming, that if the articles stolen were not produced before night, all the parties concerned
in the theft should be prayed to death. Next
morning we found the knife and pot outside of
the eating-house door; and I never again lost any
thing while I remained on the island. This plan
of terrifying these purloiners is an excellent one
to prevent theft, and in fact to govern them, as
superstition prevails so strongly among them, as
to be the only basis on which to build certain
laws. The chiefs make use of a root, called ava,
which is preparing by chewing it well and spitting
it into a calabash; and, when they have a sufficient quantity collected, they strainit through the
fibres of the cocoa-nut. It is taken daily in small
quantities for about a month, and has the effect
of intoxicating. When a man first commences
taking it, he begins to break out in'scales about
the head, and it makes the eyes very sore and
red, then the neck and breasts, working downwards, till it approaches the feet, when the dose
is reduced. At this time the body is covered all
over with a white scruff, or scale, resembling the EMPLOYMENT  OF  THE   PEOPLE. IO5
dry scurvy. These scales drop off in the order
of their formation, from the head, face, neck, and
body, and finally leave a beautiful, smooth, clear
skin, and the frame clear of all disease:—The
process is also held to be a certain cure for
venereal infection. I have known many white
men go through a course of this powerful medicine . Women are not allowed to use it; and thus,
unhappily, die dreadful disease, first brought to
these islands by Captain Cook's crew, remains to
curse the inhabitants.
The principal employment of the men is tilling
the ground, making canoes, spears, etc. The
chiefs keep as many followers about them as they
can feed and clothe, and when provisions fail
with one master, these seek another who is better
able to support them. Some are so much attached
to their chiefs, that they go off in ships to the
N. W. coast of America, and often to China, and,
when they return, give all they have earned to
their chief, for which he gives them a farm, and
they become great men. The old women are
employed in making cloth, which is done in the
following manner:—they collect a quantity of the
bark of the young mulberry-trees, (which are
cultivated for that purpose;) they lay it in soak
for several days, and then beat it upon a block,
which is grooved, or fluted; the stick with which
they beat it is also grooved. They beat some as
fine as paper, and in this manner they can produce
any size, some coarse, and some fine; some they
make to stand the water; those are painted in oil
colours.    The young women rove about without ■•»■■
I 06
restraint till they attain the age of twenty.    They
then become  more  steady  and have children.
The boys are  always practising throwing the
spear, swimming, diving, and playing in the surf;
flying kites is a favourite amusement; while on
shore here I made several.    The natives are very
great gamblers; their original game is draughts,
but instead of having twelve men each, they have
about forty; the board is painted in squares, with
black and white stones for men, and the game is
decided by one party losing all his pieces.    They
play another game, by hiding a stone under three
pieces of cloth.    Six people play at this game,
each party having his stone and cloths, and a
small wand with which they strike the cloth under
which they think the stone is deposited. If they do.
not guess right the first, time the stone is shifted,
and so on alternately.    I have seen the chiefs sit
for a whole day before they decided one game.
They are fond of cards, and play whist, all-fours,
and nosey, extremely well,    They often gamble
away houses, lands, canoes, and even the clothes
off their backs.    They are prone to the use of
spirituous liquors, and think nothing of taking a
tumbler of strong Jamaica rum at a draught.   The
chief women are, if possible, the greatest drunkards.    They distill an excellent spirit from the tee
root, which grows wild about the mountains, and
resembles the beet root of this country.    It is,
however, larger and much sweeter, of a brownish
appearance, and in perfection all the year round.
The natives collect a quantity of this root, and
bake it well under ground;  when sufficiently
baked, they pound it up in an old canoe kept for
that purpose, mixing water with it, and leaving it
to ferment for several days. Their stills are
formed out of iron pots, which they procure
from ships that call here.—These they can enlarge
to any size* by fixing calabashes, or gourds, with
the bottom cut off and made to fit close on the pot,
cemented well with a sort of clay, called paroro
(palolo). A copper cone is also affixed, with
which an old gun-barrel is connected, and goes
through a calabash of cold water, which cools
the spirit. The stills are commonly placed by a
stream of water, and they continue to take the
warm water out of the cooler and put in cold; by
which simple process a spirit is produced, not
unlike whiskey, only not so strong, and much
more pleasant. It is called by the natives Y-wer'a
(waiwela), which signifies warm-water, or lurha,
trying to imitate the word rum. A man, by the
name of Wm. Stephenson, was the first who
introduced distilling; he was a convict who had
escaped from New South Wales, and lived on
the islands for many years. He has left a large
family behind him. John Young claims the right
of first discovering this mode of distilling; but, in
my opinion, neither of them deserves great credit
for the introduction.
Mr. Manning (Don Marin), a Spaniard, who left
Nootka Sound, on the N. W. coast of America, at
the time the Spaniards formed an establishment
at that place, has cultivated the grape and peach
here. From the former, he makes very good
wine, and, from the latter, good peach brandy, ro8
In company with this man, I went round the
island, and found all the plains and valleys in the
highest state of cultivation. Tarrow, which is
the principal vegetable, grows in abundance;
there are two sorts; the first and best is planted
in large square patches, banked up about six
feet, and beat down very, hard at the bottom and
sides, so as to hold water; the growers then put
a quantity of loose mould, turn some water on,
and plant the tarrow in straight lines, or circles;
and the water forms a fish pond as well as tarrow
patch. This root takes about nine months to
come to perfection, They manage it so as to
have the patch always full, for as they dig up that
which is ripe, they plant the suckers in its room,
and by the time they come to the end of a patch,
that which was first planted is ripe, and by this
means they are never without it. They turn the
water from the mountains, bring it down in streams
to the tarrow ground, and take it in rotation to
turn it on to the different patches. Round the
banks of these patches there are beautiful walks,
planted with sugar canes and plaintain trees.
The other sort of a tarrow is planted in dry
ground, and takes a year to come to perfection.
The sweet potato is planted in the same manner,
and is hilled up with earth. They have plenty of
what are commonly called Irish potatoes, yams,
bread-fruit, melons, (both water and musk,) cabbages, onions, celery, garlick; also very good
wheat, rice, Indian corn, and every description
of fruit that grows in the West Indies; turnips,
cucumbers,  radishes,  salad,  in fact all that is FAUNA,  ETC.  OF HAWAII. 109
produced in England will grow there. On Owhyhee they have strawberries, raspberries, cranberries, and wild apples, and many other kinds of
fruit; they have excellent oranges, lemons, limes,
citrons, pine-apples, etc., etc.; they also cultivate
the tobacco plant, of which the natives use an
immense quantity, as men, women and children
smoke a great deal. The cotton and coffee grows
here very well. They have plenty of cattle,
sheep, goats, hogs, ducks, geese, fowls, etc.,
and a few horses. The cattle go about wild, and
are not allowed to be shot without permission from
the King Tameameah. Mr. Manning the Spaniard, keeps a large herd of tame cattle, and makes
excellent butter and cheese; he has several
Indians to take care of them, and they are penned
up regularly. Some of the wild cattle often come
in with this herd, and are penned up, but allowed
to go out in the morning. CHAPTER   XIV.
Account of the Sandwich Islanders continued.—Female dress ; that of the men and chiefs —Curious
fishing.—Personal Adventure.—Mode of catching
flying fish, etc.—Weather.—Ancient fort and novel
fortifications.—Superstitious story, and its effects.
—Their food, cooking, etc.
THE women of the Sandwich Islands are well
made and handsome; their dress consists
of ten sheets of cloth of the country, three
feet broad and three yards long, wrapped round
their waists and descending to the middle of the
leg. The outside sheet is prettily painted, and
resembles a piece of printed calico: this part of
the dress is called pa'ou (pa'u). Their upper garments are composed of sheets, about three yards
square; some are painted, some are dyed black,
and others white; these they can reduce at pleasure. A tobacco-pipe is hung, with a small looking-glass, round their necks, and they do not consider themselves dressed without them. They
also wear an ivory hook, called palava (palaoa),
fastened round the neck with the plaited hair of
their friends. Some of the women wear their
hair long and tied, others cut it close off, turn it A   LARGE  FISHING   PARTY. tit
up in front, and lime it till quite white; it then
looks like the border of a cap. They are very
fond of white shirts and black silk handkerchiefs,
and look extremely well in them. The men
wear a piece of cloth three yards long and a
foot wide; this is passed between the legs and
round the loins, and is of the stoutest cloth they
make. They also wear a cloth over the shoulders the same as the women. The chiefs, on
particular occasions, wear a handsome cloak
and helmet of feathers, in which dress their appearance is very imposing. They have very fine
mats to put on in wet weather, finely painted and
fringed. While I was here I was invited by one
of the chiefs to join a fishing party on the flats to
the westward of the barbour of Honorora. There
were several fires lit the night previous, and, in
the morning, the nets were run out and set on the
flat. The people collected from all parts of the
island: they all strip and start from two points,
making a circuit of several miles; both parties
meet on the outer edge of the flats, and, forming
a circle, they gradually close in, keeping their
feet close together to prevent the escape of the
fish, the water not being more than knee deep.
Each person is provided with a scoop net and a
bag net over his shoulder; they are permitted to
scoop up what they can and fill their bag; still
closing in, when the nets are drawn all round
after *them. By this method they catch 50 or 60
canoe-loads'. There were not fewer than 6000
people collected at this party, which ended, as
all such do, in a fight about the division of the ;.'
fish. On my return from this expedition I was
nearly lost: I embarked in a canoe with Toowy-
heene (Kuwahine), wife to Keymatoo (Keeaumoku), the king's prime minister, who steered
the canoe, and when we came to the reef of the
harbor wanted to try her skill in dashing through
the surf, which ran very high. We got through
several breakers, but she at length let the canoe
broach too, by which we were upset and all
thrown out. The chief's wife and four of the
natives collected round me, while the remainder
were employed in getting the canoe from the
surf and baling her out. L was in a most perilous situation for about half an hour, being obliged
to dive through every surf, attended by the natives
and the chief's wife, with whose aid I managed to
take my clothes off, which made me swim much
lighter. We ultimately got safe into the harbour,
but I never could be tempted to run over the
breakers again.
Having described an aquatic fishing bout, I
will now describe the mode of catching flying
fish:—The nets in which they are taken are
made of twine, which is spun from a sort of hemp,
called by the natives oorana (olona), and very
strong. A number of nets are laced together, so
as to make one of two or three hundred yards in
length; they are about six foot broad, with a large
and strong bag in the centre, and these they run
out in a straight line, the upper part of which is
boated by cork wood, and the lower sunk with,
stones. They take large branches of trees and
lay along the head line, which prevent the fish ■I
from flying over; a large double canoe is placed
at each end of the net, gradually drawing it to a
circle, while a number of other canoes are
employed in the open space, beating the water
and diving to frighten the fish toward the net.
When the double canoes at the ends of the net
meet, they take the net in, gradually contracting
the circle till the fish are forced into the bag.
Sbrnetimes, at a haul of this kind, they will catch
six or eight canoes full, though not without risk,
for fishermen often get black eyes and bruised
faces from the fish flying about, which are the
largest I have ever seen. Albicores, dolphins,
and bonitos, are caught in the following manner:
A canoe that pulls seven paddles goes to sea with
two good fishermen, (besides the paddlers), each
with a stout bamboo, about 20 feet long, a strong
line made from the oorana, and about the size of
a log-line, is affixed; the line is about three-quarters of the length of the pole, and has a pearl
hook made fast to it. The canoe is then paddled
very swiftly with the hooks towing on the surface
of the water, one at each side, the fishermen holding the rod steady against their thigh, and the
lower end resting in the bottom of the canoe; they
steady the pole with one hand, and, with the
other keep throwing water on the hook, and when
their prey gets hooked, by lifting the pole upright
the fish swings in, and is caught under the left
arm and secured. In this manner they will take
40 or 50 in the course of a few hours., They have
a sort of heath here which the natives pound up,
and with it dive among the rocks, and, in a few 114
minutes, all the fish within a certain distance,
sicken and come to the surface of the water, and
are easily taken. The natives immediately gut
them. Whether the fish eat this heath or not I
could never learn, but certainly it is a most powerful poison.
On moon light nights, the natives collect on the
plain to the number of many hundreds, men,
women, and children; here they sit in a ring,
where they dance, sing, and play all manner of
games, and seldom break up before midnight.
On these islands they have much rain in the
months of November, December, January, and
February, and sometimes it blows heavy gales,
equal to the West India hurricanes, from the S.W.
These commonly prevail in January, and, during
the remainder of the year, the trade^wind blows
steady from N. to N. E. sometimes very strong.
The hard gales from the S.W. the natives call
momotoo (mumuku); previous to the gale, the sea
sets in heavily from the S. W. with dark gloomy
weather, the mountains are covered with dense
clouds, and the tempest is preceded by a dead
calm for one or two days, during which time the
canoes are not allowed to go on the water. The
gale very often blows down the houses, tears
tree up by the roots, and does much mischief by
overflowing the fish-ponds at the water side, by
which means the fish escape. At Woahoo the
tide flows 30 minutes past four, full and change,
rising about seven feet.
In my tour with Mr. Manning* (Manini), we
visited the ruin of a large stone house, or fort, \
which had formerly belonged to a great chief;
it had a double fence of human bones round it;
these were the bones of his enemies killed in the
war before the islands were visited by Europeans.
The bones of this great chief are said to be still
in the house; the natives are afraid to go near it,
preferring to go a round of five or six miles to
passing it. Mr. Manning had an island in Pearl
River, as before stated, which we also visited.
It is about two miles in circumference, having a
large cave in the centre. It is covered with goats,
hogs, and rabbits. Only one family resides there,
consisting of a man, his wife, and three children,
with two servants, all belonging to Mr. Manning.
We remained on it two days. One evening after
supper the man gave us an account of a singular
affair, which occurred to him when he first got
charge of the island. He was one night awoke
by some person calling him by name, and telling
him to attend to what he said; he looked up, and
was much terrified on beholding the pale form of
the late King Pereoranee (Paleioholani) before
who told him, him as he valued his life so must
he perform what he enjoined: which was, to go
to the cave, where he would find his bones with
the bones of several great ehiefs; he was to take
them from thence and convey them to a place of
safety, out of the reach of a chief Tereacoo, who
would come the next day with a party to search
the island for the bones of the king and chiefs,
to make points for their arrows to shoot rats with,
(they think there is a charm in human bones, and
never any other sort).
—*— lis
< m
The next day according to the prediction, the
chief came and searched the island; the man
told him that as the island and all that was on it
belonged to a white man of whom Tameameah
was very fond, he ought not to come there to
search for bones, when there was so many on the
main island. The chief took no notice, but
searched and took several bundles of bones with
him, though not those of the king and chiefs.
Tereacoo departed, and on the ensuing night the
deceased king and many chiefs appeared to the
man, and thanked him for what he had done, assuring him that the white man would protect him,
and that he should one day become a great man.
Mr. Manning was as superstitious as the native,
and declared he had heard many instances of a
similar nature. Shortly after we went to the
sleeping-house where the women were. Mr.
Manning went out to walk about; in a few minutes
he returned in a terrible fright and perspiration.
Seeing him look so wild, I asked him what was
the matter; when he got more composed, he told
me, very seriously, that as he was walking by the
prickly pear-trees, saying his prayers and counting his beads, he saw the Chief Tereacoo, who had
died about a month since, walking before him,
attended by a number of people dressed in the
white cloth of the country. I laughed heartily at
this relation, and tried to persuade him it was all
imagination; but he still persisted in having seen
the spirits. The next morning I went round the
island, which seems as though it had been kept
for a burial place, for I saw hundreds of bundles TOUR  WITH  DON  MARIN. 117
of human bones, wrapped carefully up in cloth,
and laid in the crevices of the rocks. We then
left this spot, and Mr. Manning had the king's
bones actually conveyed privately to his own
house, where he still keeps them. In our tour we
were extremely well treated by the natives, each
striving who should be most attentive in bringing
us roasted pigs, dogs, and powee (poi). They
roast their dogs and pigs in a hole in the ground
with heated stones, and rolled in leaves of the
plajntain-tree; when cooked in this manner, their
food, whether meat or fish, is delicious. They
prepare the powee by baking the tarrow under
ground in the same way, and when thoroughly
baked they beat it up on a large flat stone, mixing
water with it till they bring it to the consistency
of starch; it is then put into calabashes and will
keep for one or two months. This with raw fish
is their favorite food, which they eat with their
fingers, dipping them into the calabash and sucking the powee off. They have also a dish with
a raw fish and some salt and water; they dip the
fish into the salt and water, and, sucking it, pass
it to the person next to them, and so on, till it goes
round the company, consisting sometimes of a
dozen persons. They are very fond of sea weed,
and eat it with salt; shrimps, crabs, and all small
fish they eat raw; dogs are considered a great
delicacy, and are much dearer than pigs; a number of Europeans prefer dog to pig, declaring,
that it is by far the most delicate. The dogs they
eat are^fed.entirely on roots, and never allowed
to touch meat.    Every plantation we stopped at ii8
we had all that the place afforded; the best houses
were prepared for our reception, where clean
mats and tapas, or cloth of the country, were laid
for us to sleep on, which our servants took with
them, being their perquisite. About the end of
June we got back to the village of Honorora. CHAPTER   XV,
Proceedings of a Patriot Ship; fate of the Mutineers
of the Rosa; execution of Mr. Griffiths.—The
Author takes the Command of the Brig.—They
destroy Monterey.— Other Proceedings in these
Seas briefly noticed.—The Author returns home.
IN September the ship Levant, Captain Carey,
of Boston, arrived at Honorora from the
Columbia River, and informed us, that the
Establishment belonging to the Northwest Company was to be given up to the Americans. We
put the remainder of our wood on board this ship,
and by the end of September were nearly ready
to leave the islands, when a large ship called the
Argentina touched at Owhyhee. She mounted
forty-four guns, belonging to the Independents of
South America, and was commanded by Don
Hypolito Bouchard, a Frenchman. They had
taken many prizes, but none of any value; the
crew was very sickly, scarcely enough out of 260
to work the ship. Captain Bouchard demanded
the ship Santa Rosa and crew from Tameameah,
which was immediately complied with. He forgave the men on a promise that they would behave
better in future, and brought both ships down to
Woahoo to refit. On their arrival, Captain Bouchard came to our houses, where he spent most •
of his time, often inviting us on board. He took a
particular fancy to me, and asked me to command
the Santa Rosa; to which I agreed, and in October, 1818, entered on my office. We sailed for
Atooi, to take on board some of the Santa Rosa's
mutineers, who had been left there by the brig,
and got four of them, but could not find Mr. Griffiths . The Commodore being determined to shoot
him, told Tamooree (Kaumualii), that if the man
was not produced he would destroy the fort and
set fire to the village. Three days after Griffiths
was sent in a prisoner, tried by a court martial,
and sentenced to be shot, having but two hours to
make his peace with the Almighty. He was
brought down to the beach (where the Patriot
colours were displayed) blindfolded, and shot by
four marines, belonging to the Argentina. Many
hundred of the natives were collected to witness
the' execution. The corpse was buried on the
beach at high-water-mark j the ships then made
sail for Woahoo, for some more of the men who
had run away, and found that they had escaped
to Mowee; the Commodore being determined not
to leave a single mutineer on the islands, proceeded thither in pursuit of them, and on arriving
learnt that they had gone to the mountains. Don
Hypolito then hired a number of natives to pursue
the fugitives, and they were brought on board in
three days. They were tried by a court martial,
one was sentenced to be shot, the others to get
twelve dozen lashes; they were brought on deck,
and the former was reprieved, but the other received the punishment, which tore his back in a MOTLEY PRIVATEER CREWS. 121
shocking manner. The ships then made sail for
Woahoo, where we took on board a supply of
hogs and vegetables and a number of natives;
and on the 20th of October we took our final leave
of those friendly natives, bound for the coast of
California, to cruise against the Spaniards. The
ship Santa Rosa was American built, about 300
tons burthen; mounting eighteen guns, twelve
and eighteen pounders; with a compliment of 100
men\ thirty of whom were Sandwich Islanders,
the remainder where composed of Americans,
Spaniards, Portuguese, Creoles, Negroes, Manila men, Malays, and a few Englishmen. The
Argentina had 260 men, fifty of whom were Islanders, the remainder a mixed crew, nearly similar to that of the Santa Rosa. On our passage
towards California we were employed exercising
the great guns, and putting the ship in good condition for fighting, frequently reading the articles
of war which are very strict, and punish with
death almost every act of insubordination.
After getting a supply of eggs, oil, etc. from
the Russians, we made sail towards the bay of
Monterey. The Commodore ordered me into
the bay, and to anchor in a good position for
covering the landing, while he would keep his
ship under weigh, and send his boats in to assist
me. Being well acquainted with the bay I ran
in and came too at midnight, under the fort; the
Spaniard hailed me frequently to send a boat on
shore, which I declined. Before morning they
had the battery manned, and seemed quite busy.
I got a spring on the cable, and at daylight opened 122
a fire on the fort, which was briskly returned
from two batteries. Finding it useless to fire at
the batetries, the one being so much above us that
our shot had no visible effect, the Commodore
came in with his boats, and we landed on Point
Pinos, about three miles to the westward of the
fort; and before the Spaniards had time to bring
their field-pieces to attack us, we were on our
march against it. We halted at the foot of the
hill where it stood for a f ew,minut£s, beat a charge
and rushed up, the Sandwichlslanders in front
with pikes. The Spaniards mounted their horses
and fled; a Sandwich Islander was the first to
haul down their colours. We then turned the
guns on the town, where they made a stand, and
after firing a few rounds, the Commodere sent
me with a party to assault the place, while he kept
possession of the fort. As we approached the
town, the Spaniards again fled, after discharging their field-pieces, and we entered without opposition. It was well stocked with provisions and
goods of every description, which we commenced
sending on board the Argentina. The Sandwich
Islanders, who were quite naked when they landed, were soon dressed in the Spanish fashion,
and all the sailors were employed in searching
the houses for money, and breaking and ruining
every thing. We took several Creole prisoners,
destroyed all the guns in the fort, etc. We had
three of our men killed and three taken; next day
a party of horsemen came in sight, to whom the
Commodore sent a flag of truce, requiring the
governor to give up our people and save the town. PLUNDERING   ALO^G   *?HE   COAST. 12$
Three days were granted to consider this proposal, and on the third day, not receiving an answer,
he ordered the town to be fired, after which we
took plenty of live stock on board, wood, water,
etc., and on the ist day of December got under
weigh from Monterey, and stood along the coast
to the southward.
On the 4th we made a village, called the Ranch
(near Point Conception) where we intended to
call for provisions, got the boats all ready, landed
a party without opposition, and took the town, all
the inhabitants flying on our approach. The men
remained all night, and next morning the place
was plundered. About noon a lieutenant and two
seamen having strayed a short distance from the
town, a party of horsemen rushed on them,
threw the la's-aws (lasso's) over their heads and
dragged them up a neighboring hill, before we
could render them any assistance. This so enraged Captain Bouchard, that he ordered the
village to be fired instantly, and embarked all the
men. After dark we again landed a party well
armed to try and surprise the Spaniards and make
some prisoners, but they next morning embarked
without success. We then weighed and made
sail along shore to the southward, two miles from
shore, a great number of Spanish troops riding
along the beach at whom we fired several shot.
In the evening of the 8th of December, we were
off the town and mission of St. Barbara, in latitude 340 36' N. and longitude 1190 W.; it falling
calm we hoisted the boats out to tow the ships into the bay, where we anchored, the town bearing
-^—^^- H
N. by W. one mile, seemingly deserted. We
fired a gun and hoisted the colours with a flag of
truce, and sent a boat on shore to say if they
would give up our men we would spare the town ;
to which the governor agreed, and accordingly
on the ioth we got our companions on board,
weighed the anchor and made sail to the southward. We again ran into a snug bay, in latitude
33° 33' N., where we anchored under the flag of
truce. The bay is well sheltered, with a most
beautiful town and mission, about two leagues
from the beach. The Commodore sent his boat
on shore, to say if they would give us an immediate supply of provisions we would spare their
town; to which they replied, that we might land
if we pleased, and they would give us an immediate supply of powder and shot. The Commodore was very much incensed at this answer, and
assembled all the officers, to know what was best
to be done, as the town was too far from the
beach to derive any benefit from it. It was,
therefore, agreed to land, and give it up to be
pillaged and sacked.
Next morning, before daylight, the Commodore
ordered me to land and bring him a sample of the
powder and shot, which I accordingly did, with
a party of 140 men, well armed, with two field-
pieces. On our landing, a party of horsemen
came down and fired a few shot at us, and ran
towards the town. They made no stand, and we
soon occupied the place. After breakfast the
people commenced plundering; we found the
town well stocked with every thing but money RETURN   OF   THE   EXPEDITION. 125
and destroyed much wine and spirits, and all the
public property; set fire to the king's stores,
barracks, and governor's house, and about two
o'clock we marched back, though not in the or-'
der we went, many of the men being intoxicated,
and some were so much so, that we had to lash
them on the field-pieces and drag them to the
beach, where, about six o'clock, we arrived with
the loss of six men. Next morning we punished
about twenty men for getting drunk.
On the 23rd of December we saw the island of
Ceres, and hauled up for the east end of the island; in the afternoon we were boarded by some
Russian hunters in bodarkees, assisted by about
twenty of which we, at daylight, hoisted the boats
out and towed to the anchorage. We came too
on the S. E. side of the island, three quarters of
a mile from the village: the Russians were landed here by an American brig for the purpose of
hunting the sea otter, on this as well as on the
other islands about this coast. Their village consisted of about twenty miserable huts, covered
with the skins of the sea lion and elephant, which
are very plentiful. English and American ships
frequently call here to fill up their oil.
We had a party on shore daily hunting the deer,
which are the only animals on the island, and
killing the sea lion and elephant for the sake of
their hearts and tongues, which we found very
good. While we lay here five of the former
mutineeers took the first whale boat in the night
and ran away. We sent the launch in pursuit of
them, but it returned in three days, without having 126
seen them.   Captain Bouchard swore if he caught
them he would immediately shoot them.
January 18th, 1819, having completed our wood
and water, and refitting the ships, we got under
weigh, intending to cruise off St. Bias, for the
Manila ships.
January 22nd, we saw Cape St. Lucas, E.byS.
about 30 miles, the sea all round was covered with
turtles, which we took on board as we wanted
them. On the 24th, captured and scuttled a merchant brig.
We sent a party on shore at the Tres Marias to
wood and water. We found a root resembling
the tarrow of the Sandwich Islands; the Islanders cooked some of it in the island fashion, and
immediately after they had eaten of it their bodies
and faces became swelled and bloated in a terrible manner, some died in a few days, and others
lingered for ten days in the greatest agony. The
Commodore lost twelve men in his manner. The
Tres Marias are covered with wood, chiefly
lignum-vitae, black and white ebony, hard cedar,
and many other kinds. There are plenty of parrots, monkeys, snakes, guanas, pigeons, doves,j
etc., and abundance of fish. We continually kept
a party on shore hunting and fishing; in digging
for fresh water we found plenty of ore, which our
prisoners said was silver; the water is very bad,
and brackish.
On the 9th, of July we made the harbour of
Valparaiso. His Majesty's ships Andromache
and Icarus were here, with all Lord Cochrane's
squadron fitting out for Lima.    On the 17th, the LEAVE  THE  SERVICE  FOR  HOME. 127
Argentina arrived in very great distress for provisions and water; she had buried about forty
men; the ships were laid up, and most of the
crews entered on board the Chilian fleet.
I now applied to Captain Bouchard for my pay
and prize-money, and told him I was heartily sick
of the service of the Independents, and that I
intended to go to England in the first vessel that
sailed for that country, the port being then embargoed on account of the expedition going
against Peru; he replied that he could not pay me,
unless I continued in the service and took the
ship to Buenos Ayres; which I declined doing,
and left her in charge of Mr. Woodburn, the
first Lieutenant.
Lord Cochrane's squadron were wretchedly
manned; they send parties of soldiers up the
country and impress the countrymen and send
them on board the fleet; half the complement of
each ship is composed of Chileno's and blacks;
their troops are chiefly black.
We do not find sufficient interest in the sequel
of these adventures to render it advisable to give
the details, and shall only add, that the writer of
this journal, Mr. Corney, arrived in London on
the 15th, of February, 1820, after an absence of
nearly seven years, full of vicissitudes.
-4— ii
Note:—In the year 1847, Mr. R. C. Wyllie, who was for many
years, the Hawaiian Minister of Foreign Affairs, discovered a
number of letters and other documents, belonging to the estate of
the late Don Francisco de Paula y Marin, in a house in the old
Most of them were filed in the Government archives, and are
still in existence, although unfortunately Don Marin's diary has
been lost. Among them are the following letters from Capt.
Bouchard of the frigate "Argentina," addressed to Don Tuan de
Elliot y Castro and Don Marin, as well as his instructions from the
Provisional government of Buenos Ayres.
I.    The Sovereign Congress of the United Provinces
of Rio de La Plata.
Information having reached this Government of the
scandalous conduct of the crew of the corvette called
"Santa Rosa," Don Hipolito de Bouchard, sergeant
major of the navy of this state, and commander of the
war frigate "Argentina," has been duly authorized and
invested with power to proceed over the same route
hitherto cruised by said vessel, and wherever the said
ship may be found with ail belonging to it, to seize
it or reclaim it from any government, as also any
member of the crew. We request any government or
state, in such case, to deliver it up to said commander;
that all the effects of said vessel be delivered with the 130
armament, ammunition and stores belonging to it; to
which we sign and seal with the coat of arms of this
state, 27th, of April 1818.
Dr. Francisco Sans,    President.
Juan Jose Paso.   Vocal.
Dr. Don Pedro Elias, Secretary,
(and seven others).
II. I have just received at this date the excellent
order of His Majesty in which he states the following:—
That H. M. has been pleased to order that the pilot
deliver to me every thing belonging to the corvette
"Santa Rosa," and at the same time that he deliver to
the bearer six barrels for vegetables, * ' * * the consumption said men ******
For the compliment in which I most heartily thank
His Majesty, as I do you, for the unbounded kindness
you have manifested in providing for the ships belonging to the United Provinces of Rio de La Plata.
I communicate to you how we are situated here, in
the same state as before your departure, (for I have
been in your confidence), which would not permit our
coming to Kavacacao (Kawaiakekua?) for you must be
aware of the great loss to my expedition, and the great
consumption of provisions and water, without the
slightest remuneration, but withal sustaining a great
The individual to whom His Majesty has been
pleased to assign the delivery of the sweet potatoes, not
having received the barrels, which were all in use, was
given a basket which measured the same quantity, in
order that he might deliver what had been ordered,
but has refused to receive it, and says that he will re- THE BOUCHARD LETTERS.        13I
turn thus from Kayroa; ajl of which I communicate to
you for your information.
May God preserve you many years.
"Argentina," 30th Aug., 1818.
Hipolito Bouchard.
Sr.   Don   de   Eliot  y  Castro.
Sec.   of H.   M.
III.    Because of the difficulties which may arise in regard to the vessels belonging to the United Provinces
of Rio de La Plata, e. g. mutinies, escapes, etc, as
happened formerly in the case of the corvette "Santa
Rosa," I authorize in the name of the nation of the
United Provinces of Rio de La Plata, King Kamehameha to proceed as follows with any ship taking refuge
within his dominions:—to hold the vessel with all its
effects  and   crew,   to  deprive them of all   means of
communication, to take down the testimony of all the
crew, examining its papers which should contain the
number of the patents; taking note of the number of men
comprising the crew, as also of its orders and its private instructions; for in these will be found whether the
vessel has  been  duly  commissioned:   should   it not
possess these documents, and  should it be armed for
war, or have plunder on board, it will be suspicious,
and must be held with all its effects and crew until due
notice be given to the Government; observing to regard
and care for said vessel until the resolution taken by
thte Government of Buenos Ayres near (por) the coasts
of Chili (be received.)
His Majesty Tameamea (Kamehameha) is requested
to observe the utmost punctuality and order in these
cases.    This authority being given by Senor Don Hipo- 13*
lito Bouchard, Commander of the frigate "Argentina,
6th, of Sept., 1818.
Hipolito Bouchard.
Senor Don Francisco de Paula y Marin.
IV.    Dear Sir:—
I have had the misfortune not to find the brig-
antine of which I was in search, and have found only
four of the seamen, among them the chief of the
mutiny from aboard the "Santa Rosa;" who, for his
crime has gone to give account to the Almighty. I
have aboard a sailor who had come from Oahu with
Capt. Cary. I request you on receipt of this letter, if
the men who escaped have been found, to send them
to me immediately, as also some provisions, as potatoes,
taros, and pork. You will kindly make out the full
account in order that it may be settled; for it seems to
me that I have not paid for the three casks of sweet
potatoes which I have received from you, and for
which I will settle on my arrival. I send you the cask
which you loaned me for measuring the brandy, and
about which I had forgotten.
Remember me to Captain Ebbitt and to Capt. Davis;
have the kindness to give my best wishes to Governor
Boki, and ask him to send me six pieces of timber for
(canones?), the same as those of which I spoke to you
before my departure; and should he deliver them, send
the bill that I may settle it: all of which I shall esteem
a favor from you as well as from the Governor; also
send some hogs, if they can be obtained.
May God keep you many and happy years.
I "Argentina," 8th October, 1818.
Hipolito Bouchard.
Senor Don Francisco de Paula y Marin. THE BOUCHARD LETTERS.        133
V.    My dear Sir:—
My present need compels me to trouble you
for your attention to matters which no one can settle
better than you; owing to your acquaintance with these
places, and your proficiency in the language.
My friend, it appears that the King and his Secretary have taken advantage of the kindness of Mr.	
an honorable man, in regard to the wood which he has
given me in payment for 44 bales of fine goods and six
bolts of silks. It appears that the American Captains
do not wish to take the sandal wood which his Majesty
has given me in payment for said goods, and I find
myself compelled to appeal to the Governor, so that
through your intercession be made clear the bargain
for the. sandal-wood, which the American Captains
will not accept: he (Governor) may take the matter in
hand and give you, from the lot belonging to the King,
the quantity to replace that which was. not genuine*
this affair troubles me daily, and I cannot wait longer
than day after tomorrow, and you may see the best
way to settle it.
You must be aware that two armed ships, containing their crews of 290 men, are very expensive, and
cost upwards of $150 daily; so if the King has deceived
him (Mr. ) giving me fire-wood instead of sandalwood, charging me $10.00 a picul, I shall in consequence charge him with all the expenses of my vessels
during the time this business detains me, and hold the
King responsible for them.
I request you as a man who understands these
matters, to interview the Governor, making clear to
him the cause of my complaints, and have him immediately replace the sandal-wood which was not genuine,
delivering it to the Captain of the Frigate "Sultana, mm
Mr. Caleb Reynolds, which is all I have to request of
the Governor at present.
May God keep you many and happy years.
"Argentina," Sept. 2nd, 18 i 8.
Hipolito Bouchard.
There is another letter in the collection, from Capt.
Bouchard to Don Marin, dated Dec. 20, 1819 at Valparaiso, inquiring about a brig, the crew of which were
supposed to have run away with it.
I.    El Soberano Congreso De Las Provincias Unidas
Del Rio De La Plata.
Habiendo llegado d noticia a esta soberania el escan-
daloso exceso de la tripulacion de la corveta nombrada
Santa Rosa, se ha expedido poder al sarjento mayor
de la marina de este Estado, y comandante de la fra-
gata Argentina de guerra, Don Hipolito de Buchard:
y para que corra por donde dicha corveta cruzaba: y
para que con todo en cualesquiera destino que sea
hallado este buque queda apresarlo 6 reclamarlo d
cualquiera Gobierno, y en seguida cualesqniera indivi-
duode su tripulacion. Se suplica, a cualquiera gobierno 6 estado, se digne, en tal caso, exederlo a dicho
comandante. Se exedan todos los intereses de dicho
buque, armamento, municion y armamento que corres'
pondan. Para lo cual lo firmamos y sellamos con las
armas de este Estado a 27 del mes de Abril del afio
de mil ochocientos diez y ocho.
Dr. Francisco Sans, Presidente.
Juan Jose Paso, Vocal,
Dr. Don Pedro Elias, Segretario.
(and seven others). THE    BOUCHARD ^LETTERS. 135
II. Con esta fecha acabo de recibir la superior orden
de su Magestad dondeil ;me expone lo sigtflWrte;•^['ae
SuiMagestad scha digraado ordenar *al Jj&iioto ^tft »se
(me enferege todo aqueHo queiuese pefrteTtoecierrte'& *la
corveta Santa jRasa, y al mistta© tiempa, que 4A*p&R&.-
dor se le entrege seis barriles para Ids vegetales, con-
sumo que dicho hombre    *    *    *    *
Paua su complimiento en lo que doy infwritfis >gracias
a Su Magestad y a Usted por consiguente por la
immensa boridad que Usted usa para el auxilio de4os
buques de las Provincial Unidas del Rio de la Plata.
Gomunico d Umd. como estamos aqui en el mistno
ser que antes de irse Usted pues yo he estado en la
confianza de Usted, no dejaria de venir a eSta Kawa-
cacao (Kawaiakekua), pues no debe Usted ignorar el
atraso de mi expedition, el gran consumode viveres, y
aguada sin la menor utilidad, si no con todo un gran
El individuo que Su Magestad se ha dignado desti-
»nar para entregar las batatas, no habiendo podido
absolutamente dar se le los barriles por tenerlos todos
ocupadps, se le did una canasta que podia hacer la
misma cuantidad para que por el entregara lo que se
habia ordenado, el que no ha querido recibir y me
dice que se vuelve a si de Kayroa,
Lo cual comunico a Usted para su inteligencia.
Dios guarde £ Usted imuchos anes. "Argentina," 30
de Agosto de 1313. Hipolito Bouchard.
Senor Don Juan de  Eliot y Castro,
Secret&rio de Su Magestad.
III.    Por los inconvenientes que pueden suceder, ires,
peto a los buques de las Provincias Unidas del Rio de ii
la Plata, e. g. fugas, levantamientos, al caso sucedido
anteriormente con la Corveta Santa Rosa, doy facultad,
en nombre de la Nacion de las Provincias Unidas del
Rio de la Plata, al Rey Tameamea (Kamehameha),
que cualesquiera buque que se refugiase bajo su
dominio tome las providencias siguientes; de tener el
buque con todo sus intereses y la gente, ponerlas en-
comunicables, informa una sumaria y tomando las
declaraciones de toda la tripulacion, y visitando sus
papeles que deben contener o el numero de las paten-
tes ; notando en ellas la cuantidad de hombres que
contiene la tripulacion ; se pase ordenanza y sus in-
struciones secretas, que en ellas se conocera si el
buque esta despedido en orden, y si acaso no tuviese
estos documentos el buque serd sospechoso si fuere
armado en guerra y si fuese cualesquiera presa deten-
gase el buque sus intereses y su tripulacion hasta la
parte, al Gobierno, con el bien entendido respectar y
cuidar los intereses que en dicho buque se refugiasen
en estos dominios, hasta la resolucion del Gobierno de
B. Ayres por las costas de Chile. Se suplica a su
Magestad Tameamea la mayor puntualidad y orden en
estos casos. Dado este poder por el Senor Don Hipolito Bouchard, Comandante de la Fragata Argentina
& 6 dias del mes de Setiembre de 1818.
Hipaulito Bouchard.
Sefior Don Francisco de Paula y Marin.
IV. Muy Senor mio: he tenido la desgracia de no
encontrar el bergantin que iba a buscar, y solamente he
encontrado cuatro de los marineros de dicho buque, y
entre ellos al cabeza principal del motin, de abordo de
la Santa Rosa, el cual por su delito ha ido a dar cuenta THE BOUCHARD LETTERS.        137
al todo poderoso, y un marinero que habia venido de
Waooh (Oahu), con el Capitan  Kery (Cary), lo tengo
abordo.    Suplico-d Usted que al recibir esta si se hallan
los tales hombres que fugaron, me los empresta en el
momento, y lo mismo con algunas provisiones, como
batatas, taros y chancho.    Y Vm. formerd la cuenta de
todo para satisfacer su importe lo mismo: que me parece
no he pagado las tres barricas de batatas que he tornado
de Vmd,  que sa satisfacere a mi llegada,  Remito al
Vmd. la barrica que Vmd, me empresto para medir e,
aguardiente que se me habia olvidado.  Expresiones al
Capitan Eviet (Ebbitt) y al Capitan Devis (Davis), de
mi parte.    Tenga  Nmd,  la molestia  de dar muchas
memorias al Gobernador M. Poquit (Boki) y suplicarle
Vmd, de mi parte que me mande seis piezas de madera
para canones como habia hablado d Vmd antes de mi
salida, y si acaso los  libra, mandeme Vmd la cuenta
para satisfacer su importe, que merecere de Vmd y del
Gobernador  lo   mismo.    Y  algunos chanchos   si  se
pueden   consequir  en   el   momento.    Dios   guarde d
Vmd muchos y felices afios.-
Hipaulito   Bouchard.
"Argentina." 8 de Octubrede 1818.
S^nor Don Francisco de Paula y Marin.
V. M. S. M. la necesidad en que me hallo me obliga
d molestar la atencion de Vmd. sobre cosas que nadie
mas que Vmd puede hacer transar (transigir)? nuestras
dificultades por el gran conocimiento que Vmd tiene
en estos lugares, y la perfeccion que Vmd tiene para el
idioma. Amigo, parece que el Rey y su secretario han
enganado la bondad de—hombre de bien, sobre el palo
que me ha dado en pago de 44 fardos de generos finos
y seis bultes de sederias. It !!
•Segun parece los SS Capitanes Americanos no
ijuieren tomar el sangilut que Su Magestad me 4aa
dado en pago de dichos efectos, y yo rise wcao
precisado-de Oluxxia al S. Gobernador para que
^n la persona de Vmd le haga entender el ffcral© d-el
sangilut, que no quieren tomar los Americanos, el se
puede hacer cargo, y darle la cantidad que fuese mala
de la que pertence al Rey: para mi todos los dias me es
un dano terrible, y no puedo detenerme mas que hasta
pasado mafiana, y Vmd. vea el mejor modo para este.
Vmd. no ignora que con dos buques armad s que con-
tienen sus tripulaciones de 290 hombres, los gastos
son de' una gran consideracion, y suben d mas de
eiente cinquenta pesos diarios, y si el Reyeha engafiado
su buena i€, dandome le&a de quemar por sanguilut,
cargandome a diez pesos el pico en consequencia de
esto, todos los dias que me detenge este negocio
cargar6 los gastos que hago abordo de mis dos buques,
para que el  Rey me  sea responsable de ellos.
Suplico la bondad de Vmd. como hombre que entiende
estos negocios, se aproxime al Gobernador, hacientfo
entender mis quejas y que determine en la hora misma
de remplagar el sangilut que no fuese bueno, entre-
gandolo al Capitan de la Fragata Sultano, Don Caleb
Reynolds, que es la unica cosa que suplicar^ la e*d
bondad del Senor Gobernador y en este caso. Dios
guarde d Vmd muchos y felices afios.
Hipaulito   Bouchard.
"Argentina," Setiembre 2 de 1818. INDEX.
Adams, Capt., 71.
Point, 57, 66, 79a.
Aikanes, 48, 87, 101.
Alexander, Am. brig, 76.
Albatross, Am. ship, 68, 71.
Aleutian  Islands,   14,   29,  46,
52, 54.
American Colony project, 5.
continent,   rapid   peopling
of, 6.
government, object of the 3.
fleet of traders, 46.
Americans, plan of, 5.*
Amusements of Hawaiians, 106.
Anderson, Peter, 7, 49.
Andromache, H. M. ship, 126.
Animals, variety of, 68-9.
Appendix —Bouchard    Letters,
Area of trading territory, 3, 4.
Argentina, Patriot ship, 119.
her motley crew, 121.
attack on Monterey, 122,
and along the coast,  123-
arrival at Valparaiso, 127.
Ashton, Jos., goes insane, 41.
Astor, John Jacob, 7, 8, 13, 15.
Atkins, (Col.) expedition, 3.
Attack on Monterey, 122.
Attempt  (second) to settle on
the Columbia, 13.
Awa. 104-5.
Ayers, Capt., 68.
Baker's Bay, 25, 57, 58'.
Baranoff, Governor, 29, 30, 34,
Barber's Point, 100.
Beaver   (The), Astor's   second
ship, 13, 14.
Bethune, Mr., 28, 38, 49.
Bird Island, 73.
Blacksmith of the Tonquin, 9,
11, 12.
Black whale, 52, 54.
Boatswain of Forester shot, 40.
Bodago, 75a.
Bay, 8], harbor, 82.
Bodaree and Bodarkee, or skin
boats, 29, 50, 53, 54.
Boki, 93.
Bordeaux Packet, brig, 83a.
Bouchard. Hypolito, arrival of,
at Hawaii, 119.
demands the Santa Rosa,
letters, 130-38.
orders Griffith shot, 120.
plundering along the Coast,
Brazil Coast, 20.
British-Canadian companies, 4.
Brutus, Am. brig, 73.
Calpo, chief, 5S.
Canadian lakes, 4.
Canadians, 80a.
Canoe fur fleet, 47, 55.
voyages, 53.
Carpenter, John, 77a, 78a, 79a,
Cape Disappointment,  14,   19,
24, 25, 57, 58.
Edgecomb, 75.
Frio, 20.
Horn, 20, 22.
Mendocino, 81.
Orford, 24, 77-78.
St. Lucas, 11, 126.
St. Vincent, 22.
Casakas, or Cassacas, and Se-
lechel, 27, 65.
Cattle shooting restricted, 109. INDEX.
Ceremonies at  death  of  high
chief, 87.
Chatham Straits natives, 74.
Cherub, H. M. Ship, 17, 41.
Chickeloes, 58, 66.
Chiefs bones, 87, 115, 117.
Chinese fishing boats, 36.
Chinook Indians, 27, 31, 61.
mode of burial, 64.
point, 58, village, 58, 59.
women,  description of, 63.
Circumcision, rite of, observed,
Cladsaps, 66, 77a.
mission to, 78a.
Classet, 58.
Climate of the Columbia, 67.
Columbia river, 3,8, 24, 47, 77a.
bar, 8, 42.
establishment, 7, 14, 16,18.
settlement, 13.
Columbia, schr., 19, 28, 29, 31,
2, 34, 35, 37, 41, 42, 43,
45, 47, 48, 49, 55, 69, 73,
76, 77, 82a, 84, 84a, 88,
89, 90.
Comley, or Com Comley, King,
27, 31, 42, 58, 65, 66, 68.
Conception Point, 123.
Cook's, (Capt.),crew introduced
^disease, 105.
harbor, 50.
straits, 51.
Customs   of   civilized   nations
imitated in Haw'n Is. 2.
of Hawaiians, 103.
of Indians, 39, 74.
Death ceremonies of Hawaiians
Directions   entering   Columbia
river, 57.
Distilling, 106, first introduced
in Hawaii, 107.
Dodd, James, lost overboard, 50.
Drunkenness, 81a.
Ebbets, Mr., 40
Edgecombe, Cape and Mount,
English flag rarely seen, 1.
Falkland Islands, 20.
Fatal Catastrophe, 10.
Fence of human bones, 115.
Fishing, Hawaiian methods of,
party, a large, 111.
Fish catching by poison, 114
Forester,  brig,   38,   39, 40, 71.
Fort George, 27, 55.
Fort at Oahu, 2, 71. 98.
Monterey, 44.
Waimea, Kauai, 88.
Furs, chief depot for, 52.
Fur Seal curing, 51.
Fur trade, The, 2, 4, 5, 16.
activity and enterprise,   4.
Gallipagos Islands, 94.
Gambling,  prevalence of,   106.
Goat Island, 21.
Governor Baranoff, 29, 30, 34.
Kut.scoff, 34, 82.
of Monterey, 32, 33.
Greek Church converts, 52.
Griffiths, mutineer,  94, arrives
at Hawaii, 95,  executed
at Kauai, 120.
Hallibut Island, 50.
•Hawaiian  house  building,  91.
produce, 69, 108, 109.
Hawaii, arrival at 35, 39, 47, 69,
Hawaiians attachment to their
chiefs, 105.
Hawaiian superstition, 104.
women described; 110.
Harbottle, John 48, 71, 96.
Harbor dues and pilotage, origin of, 96.
Heavy Cape Horn weather, 22.
Hikanees—see Aikanes.
Honolulu, 71, 90,96, 99,
Human   bones,   fence  of,  115.
Hunt's (Mr.) Overland party 13.
Commands the Pedlar, 46.
Icarius, H. M. ship, 126.
Indians' aversion to work,  67.
customs,  habit and   dress,
53, 61, 74.
hostile intentions, 10. INDEX.
Indians of Kodiac and  Oonalaska, 30, 50.
' savage tribes of, 76a, 81,
weapons, 79.
Indian tribes, 3, designs on the
Beaver 14.
manners and customs, 59,
religious ideas, 67.
massacre of the Tonquin's
crew, 11.
prisoners executed, 42.
tribal war averted, 66
villages, 27, 34, 58, 59, 76a
Inglis, Ellice & Co. 19.
Isaac  Todd,   ship,  17, 18,  27,
31, 41.
deserters from, 43, 46,
Isabella, Am. ship, 16.
Jameson, J no death of 22.
Jennings   Captn.    38,    trouble
with crew. 39.
shoots the boatswain, 40,
visits the King 83a.   signs
agreement of sale, 84a.
gives ship upto the King,
returns from Hawaii, 95.
Juan Fernandes, 94.
Kaahumanu, queen, 16.
brig, loading for China 71.
at iionolulu, 96.
Kalaimoku, 83a, 84a, 90.
Kailua, 35, 39. 47, 69, 83a.
Kaleioku, death of, 86.
ceremonies,  87.
spirit visitation,  116.
Kalo cultivation 108.
Kamahalolani, 88.
Kamamalu, 47.
Kamehameha, King of Hawaii
advised of the Santa Rosa
piracy, 95.
begins the makahiki fesivi-
ties, 101.
boards  the   Columbia, 47.
buys the Santa Rosa. 92.
Kamehameha,   clears   ship   of
natives, 85.
defers purchase of the Columbia, 83a.
establishes   harbour   dues,
etc. 96
high priest, 103.
orders Russians to leave, 72.
orders  ship  to   Kauai   for
sandal-wood, 88.
personal   appearance,    35.
protects  Captn.   Jennings,
receives oyster dredge, 100.
restricts cattle shooting, 109
welcomes   the   Columbia's
return, 69*
Kapa making, 105,
Kapu, 36, 86, 100,
Kauai, 49, 88.
Kaumualii, King of Kauai, 49,
88,89, 120.
Kawaiahae bay, 82a.
Kealakekua, 39, 41.
Keeaumoku, chief of Maui, 16,
102, 112
Keith Mr. 77a.
Kenopoo, 48, 70.
Kings (The) taxes, 86.
Kodiac 29.
and    Oonalaska    Indians,
30, 52.
Kuwahine 112.
Lark, ship dismasted at sea, 15.
Lahaina, visit to, 70.
Lapham,   Lewis  death  of, 56.
Laurel, H. M, ship 20, wrecked
on Kahoolawe, 16.
Lehina (Lahaina) Roads 86.
Levant, ship, 119.
Lewis and  Clark's journey, 5.
Liddy, Am, schr. 46.
Liholiho, Prince, 47, 85.
Little, Joseph, rescued, 19.
Loss of boat's crew, 8, 9.
Machal Mr. 15.
Makahiki festival 82a, 83a, 101,
Mandarin, Grand, 49.
— IV
Manini (Manning) or Don Marin
48,99,107, 109, 114, 115,
116, 117.
Massacre oiTonquin's crew, 11.
Maui, touch at, 70.
Mercury, ship, 68.
Mc. Donald, mutineer, 94, 95.
Mc. Dougal, governor, 8, 10,12,
Mr. 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 49.
Mc. Kay, or Mc  Kie, Mr.  10.
Mc. Kenzie, Mr. 55.
Mc. Lennan, Mr. 28, 49.
Mc. Tavish, Donald 17, 18, 19,
Fraser & Co. 17, fit out the
Columbia, 19.
Mc. Tavish, James, 28.
J no. Geo. governor, 27.
Mexico, Viceroy of, 33.
Millwood, Am. schr. 47.
Mission of Carmel, 44.
of Santa Cruz, 44.
Moffitt, Mr. 8, 10.
Monterey, 17, 32, 43.
description and population,
pillaged,  122.
Morai, 83a, 101.
Murderous Indian assault, 42.
Mutineers delivered to the fort,
of the Santa Rosa, 94, 120.
Mutinous plot frustrated, 23.
Myrtle, Rus. ship, condemned
Nations in the fur trade, 4.
New Albion, 76.
Russian settlement on, 82.
Trading with   Indians  of,
Norfolk Sound, 14, 29, 31, 46,
73, 79a, 83, 89.
Northwest Company, 27, 28, 55
79a, 80a, 81a, 119.
of Canada, 17, 18.
Russian, 28.
Oahu Battery or fort 2, 71, description of, 98.
Oahu, Island of, 96.
tide flow, 114.
O' Cain or CTKean, ship, 46.
Oonalaska, 50, 51, 52.
habits and dress of Indians,
Indians, skillful hunters, 54
Ormsby Peak, 50.
Owhyhee-see Hawaii.
Pacific Ocean, 3,4, 5, shores 6.
Packet, Am. ship. 29.
Paleioholani, King, 115.
Pearl Oyster industry, 100.
Pearl River, 115.
Pearl water Inlet, 99.
Pedlar, Am. brig 18, 46.
Penguin Island, 21.
Phoebe, H. M. ship, 19.
Piggot, Capt.  71.
Pillage, a cruise of, 123-126.
Pilotage,   Hawaiian  origin,   2,
Pitt Mr. (Kalaimoku, which see)
Point Gregory, 77a.
Pinos, 122.
Poisoning ot crew, 126
Policy of King Kamehameha, 2.
Polygamy among   Indians, 64.
Pork curing, method of, 72.
Port Trinidad 76a, 78.
Prayed to death, fear of being,
Prockley, Captain 94.
Racoon, H. M. ship 17, 18.
Hainy season of Hawn. Is. 114.
Recovery of deserters 43.
Rescue of-LorA's crew, 16.
Rio de Janeiro, 20, 21.
Robson, Captn. 20, 21, 23, 24,
27, 29, 31, 32. 35,37, 38.
Russians and Kodiacs 82, 84.
Russian colors hoisted, 72.
designs in Sandwich Is. 2,
46, 71.
establishment, 82.
fort at Kauai 88, at Norfolk
Sound, 30.
Northwest Co. 28.
trade precautions, 76. INDEX.
Russian trading settlement, 4,
14,  30, 33.
Russians, 4, 30, 31, 34, 51,52,
. 53, 71.
at Kauai, 88, driven off, 89.
expelled from Oahu, 72, 82.
Sandal wood collecting, 89.
purchasing, 47.
Sandwich Islanders 8, 9, 25, 27
38, 41, 69.
dress of women,   110-111.
good fighters, 122.
human sacrifices abolished,
superstitions 103, 115, 117.
Sandwich Islands,  1, 2, 7, 96.
San Francisco. 17, 32
Santa  Rosa,   brig,   account  of
mutiny, 93-94.
arrival at Hawaii, 92-
delivered up to Bouchard,
sails  for  Kauai   120,    and
Monterey 121.
attack fort  and  sack   the
town, 122
reach Valparaiso,  126.
Scheffer,   Dr.,   (Shefham),  46,
48, 72, 73, 89.
Sea-Otters, 30, 54.
Selechel, 65.
Settlers landed, 10.
Ship   towage   into    Honolulu,
method of, 67-8.
Sir Francis  Drake harbor, 32,
Slavery among Indians, 68.
Smith, Capt . 27.
Sole (or Soule), Capt , 14.
Soledada Island, 21.
Soosoonies, 42, 65.
Spaniards. 32, 33, 43, 80, 122.
Spanish   crew   massacred,   80.
Spear catching, 101.
Sperm whales seen, 42.
St. Barbara looted, 124
Stevenson, Wm., escaped convict. 107.
St. Paul & St. George Islands,
14, 51.
Strange custom, 36.
Surf riding experience, 112.
Taboo or Kapu, 36, 86, 100.
Tackum, chief, 66.
Tameamea, see Kamehameha.
Tameameah, Am. schooner privateer, 39
Tamoree—see Kaumualii.
Tarrow -see Kalo.
Taxes, 83a, 102.
Tee (or Ki) root 106.
Thorne, Captn. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
Tongue Point, 57.
Tonquin,  leaves New York, 7,
off the Columbia 8, in peril,
lands cargo 10.
messacre     of    crew,     11,
wrecked 12.
Tour with Don Marin, 117.
Trade, articles of, 68.
between N. W. Coast Sand.
Is. and China, 1.
Tres Marias, 126.
Trinidad bay, 75a.
Turner, Captn. 92, 93.
with officers put ashore, 94.
Vancouver's observatory 32, 44.
Waialua, 100.
Waianae, 89, 100.
Waikiki, 97.
Waimea, 73, 88, 89.
Russian fort at, 88.
Wampoa, schr. Columbia, leaves-
War Canoes,   Indian, 69.
West India trade, effect on, 2,
Western  Settlement's Communication 3.
Wild Animals, variety of, 5.
Winship, Captn. 71.
Woahoo, see Oahu.
Woody Point, 10, 12,
Young John,  40, 72, 83a,   84a,
Young's River, 77a.
J Mli
1 ti
A handbook of information relating to the H«
waiian Islands,  original and selected, of
its political, commercial, educational
and social progress, issued reg-
larly since 1875, and mailed
to any address in the
Postal Union for 85
cents per copy.
Mrs. Sinclair's Indigenous Flowers of the Hawaiian Islands, with
Colored Plates, 1 vol. folio.
Hilderbrand's Flora of the Hawaiian Islands, 1 vol. 8 vo.
Pomander's Polynesian Race, 3 vols. 8 vo.
Andrew's Hawaiian Dictionary, 8 vo.
Andrew's Hawaiian Grammar, 8 vo.
Alexander's Synopsis of Hawaiian Grammar, 12 mo. paper.
Bailey's Hawaiian Ferns, 8 vo, paper.
Baldwin's Land and Fresh Water Shells, 8 vo. paper.    


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