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The north-western tribes of Canada.--Twelfth and final report of the committee, consisting of professor… British Association for the Advancement of Science 1898

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Array British  association  for  the advancement of
Science
BRISTOL   MEETING,  1898
TWELFTH AND FINAL REPORT
ON   THE
NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA
LONDON
OFFICES   OF   THE   ASSOCIATION
BULLINGTON   HOUSE  section H.—Bristol, 1898.] ry
T/ie North-Western Tribes of Canada.—Twelfth and Final Beport of
the Committee, consisting 0/Professor E. B. Tylor (Chairman), Sir
Cuthbert E. Peek (Secretary), Dr. G. M. Dawson, Mr. R. Gr.
Haliburton, Mr. David Boyle, and Hon. G. W. Ross, appointed
to investigate the Physical Characters, Languages, and Industrial
and Social Conditions of the North-Western Tribes of the Dominion
of Canada. .^^
PASS*'
I. Physical Characteristics of the Tribes of British Columbia, by Feanz Boas
and Livingston Faeband 1
II. The Chilcotm, by Livingston Faeband
III. Tlie Social OrgaJiisation of the Haida, by FE
IV. linguistics, by Feanz Boas  .
V. Summary of the Work of the Committee in Br
  18
4.nz Boas       .      .      .      : 2L
  27
itish Columbia, by Feanz Boas 40
Appendix.—Index to Reports, IV.-XII.  57
The following Report contains the results of field-work undertaken under
the auspices of the Committee during the summer of 1897. The work was
carried out by Messrs. Franz Boas and Livingston Farrand. A brief
summary of the results of the work of the Committee has been drawn up
by Dr. Boas, and forms part of this Report.
While the work of the Committee has materially advanced our knowledge of the tribes of British Columbia, the field of investigation is by no
means exhausted. The languages are known only in outline. More
detailed information on the physical types may clear up several points
that have remained obscure, and a more detailed knowledge of the
ethnology of the northern tribes seems desirable. Ethnological evidence
has been collected bearing upon the history of development of the
culture-area under consideration; but no archaeological investigations
have been carried on which would help materially in solving these
problems.
For these reasons it is a matter of congratulation to know that the
ethnological investigation in British Columbia will not cease with the
operations inaugurated by the Committee. Ethnological and archaeological work in the Province, in the adjoining States and Territories of the
United States, and on the coast of Siberia is being carried on by expeditions the expense of which is borne by Mr. Morris K. Jesup, President
of the American Museum of Natural History. It is hoped that these
investigations may carry the work initiated by this Committee a step
farther.
I. Physical Characteristics ofthe Tribes of British Columbia.
By Feanz Boas and Livingston Farrand.
The anthropometric measurements made during the seUson of 1897 were
arried out by both of us according to the system applied in the previous
leports of the Committee.   Before entering into a discussion of the results REPORT—1898.
it is necessary to show that the measurements of the two observers are
comparable. We have carried out this comparison for the head measurements in which the personal equation is liable to attain considerable value.
"We give here the averages of the various measurements taken on I., StlEmqo'-
lEqumQ men; II., StlEmqo'lEqumQ women ; III., Chilcotin men. When
we call A the averages and E the mean errors, we find :—
%&*'<
Length of Head
Breadth of Head                 Height of Face
Boas
A.     E.
Farrand
A.     E.
Boas
A.     E.
Farrand           Boas
A.     E.         A.     E.
Farrand
A.     E.
I.   .
II.   .
III.   .
186*0 ± 0*9
179-6 ±1*4
187*0 ±10
187*110-9
177-9 ±1*4
186-1 ± 1*0
158*5 ±0-8
149-8 ±09
159-6 ±1*2
157*9 ±1-2    119-9 ±1-0
161*9 ±1*1  .114-5 ±1*4
157-9 ±0-9    124-3 ±1-4
121*5 ± 1*6
114-6 ±1*4
124-3 ±13
—
Breadth of Face
Height of Nose
Breadth of Nose
Boas
A.     E.
Farrand
A.     E.
Boas
A.     E.
Farrand
A.     E.
Boas
A.     E.
Farrand
A.     E.
I.     ,
II.     .
III.     .
149-0 ±0*3     148-8 ±0-9
138-0 ±0-7     139-9 ±1*2
149-1 ±0-7     147-2 ±1-0
52-5 106
49-1 ±1-1
63-4 ± 0*6
509 ± 0*8
48-6 ±0-9
52-9 ±06
40-6 ± 0-5
35*5 ±0-6
39-9 ± 0*5
39-4 ±0-5
35-2 ±0-6
387 ±0-5
The differences between these averages are throughout slight. In
order to show the comparability of the measurements still more clearly
we give here the values of the differences and their errors, and the average
difference and its error for each measurement which have been obtained by
weighting the individual differences.
Differences between Measurements taken by Boas and Farrand and their Errors.
—
Length of      Breadth of
Head              Head
Height of
Face
Breadth of
Face
Height of
Nose
Breadth of
Nose
I.
II.
III.
+ 1*1 ±1*3
-1*7 ±2-0
-0-9 ±1*4
-0-6 ±1-4
+ 2-1 ±1-4
-1-7±1*5
+ 1-6 ±1-8
0-0 ±20
0*0 ±1-9
-0-2 ±1*1
+ 1-9 ±1*4'
-1*9 ±1*2
-1*6±1*0
-0-5 ±1-4
-0-5 ±0-8
-1-2 ±0-7
-03 ±0-8
-1*2 ±0-7
Average.
+ 0-1 ± 0-8
-01 ±0-8
+ 0-6 ±1-1
-0-3 ±0-7
-08 ±0-6
-0-9 ±0-4
It appears from this table that the measurements are strictly comparable, and that the personal equation may be neglected.
The tribes which were principally studied are the Northern Shuswap,
the Lillooet, the Chilcotin, and the northern tribes of the coast. The
Shuswap are divided into divisions in a manner similar to the divisions of
the Ntlakya'pamuQ. We have collected measurements of the StlEmqo'lEqumQ, the division of the tribe living on Fraser River, north of the town
of Lillooet, of the Sti'atEmQ of North Thompson River, of the Shuswap'o'e
of Kamloops, and a few of the group inhabiting Buonaparte River. We
have treated the Lillooet of Fraser River, who are mixed with Shuswap,
and Ntlakya'pamuQ separately from the purer groups of Seton and Anderson Lakes.    Following are the tables of measurements :— ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA.  ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA REPORT— 1898 ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA REPORT—1898 ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 10
REPORT—1898. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 12
REPORT—1898. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES OF CANADA. 14
-REPORT—1898 ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
15
A- short analysis of the material contained in the preceding
tables and in previous Reports of the Committee allows us to distinguish with certainty three distinct types of man among the natives of
British Columbia. These are the northern type, embracing the Haida,
Nass River Indians, and Tsimshian * the Kwakiutl type, embracing the
Bilqula, He'iltsuk*, Awl'ky'en6q, and the tribes of the Kwakiutl; and
the Thompson River type, embracing the Lillooet and Thompson River
Indians. These types may be characterised by the following measurements :—
Stature   .
Length of Head
Breadth of Head
Breadth of Face
Height of Face
Northern Type
Average
Mean
Error
wakiutl Type
Average
Mean
Error
Thompson River
Type
Average
I. Men.
mm.
mm.
mm.
1675
±7-40
1645
±590
1634
194-6
±0-80
1887
±1*19
186 5
160-6
±0-67
159-0
±1-00
155-9
153-7
±0-85
151-4
±0*54
147-4
121-6
-tO'87
128-0
±0-67
120-3
Mean
Error
±7-90
±055
±0-52
±0-41
mm
]
I. Women.
Stature   ...        ...
1542
±5*70
1E37
±5-90
1540
±5*00
Length of Head
185-6
±0-88
186-9
±1-64
179-5
±0-53
Breadth of Head
153-2
±0 90
154-3
±1*44
150-0
±0-41
Breadth of Face
143-9
±0*80
144-3
±064
138 8
±0-40
Height of Face
114*3
±0-93
119-3
±0-82
112-5
±0*54
There are good indications of the existence of other types, but they
cannot be distinguished with absolute certainty from the types enumerated
here. It seems very probable that an examination of the Lillooet of
Pemberton Meadows will establish beyond a doubt the existence of the
peculiar type which in the Seventh and Tenth Reports of the Committee
was named the Harrison Lake type, which is characterised by a very
broad and very short head, small stature, large nose, and small face. Our
measurements of the Lillooet were undertaken with a view of determining
the existence of this type, but they did not extend far enough south. The
characteristics of the Coast Salish of Washington and Southern British
Columbia are doubtful, because the prevalent practice of deforming the
head does not permit us to compare their head measurements with those
of other tribes. Their faces show the same breadth as those of the other
coast tribes, but their noses are much lower and natter than those of the
Kwakiutl. The Kamloops and other Shuswap tribes are closely allied to
the Thompson River type, but it seems that the dimensions of their heads
are a little larger, their statures a little higher. The Chilcotin resemble
the Shuswap much, but their faces are flatter, their noses not so highly
elevated, over the face.
A study of the profiles of these types shows several important
phenomena that are not elucidated in the tables of measurements.
Tbe northern type shows, on the whole, a rounded forehead.; a nose
which tends  rather  to   be  concave   than convex,  with   the exception 16
REPORT—1898.
of a few individuals; short point of the nose, slight elevation of
nose, long upper lip, and rather thick mouth. The Kwakiutl type
shows a flat forehead, which is largely due to artificial deformation; a
decidedly convex nose with short point, highly elevated over the face, and a
less protruding mouth. It is very remarkable that the characteristic
features of this type are so strongly marked in the female that the
differences between the northern type and this type are more strongly
noticed in women than in men. The Thompson River type has a very
prominent, convex nOse> with long point. The nose has a great elevation
over the face.
"We give the cross-sections of the face, laid through the tragus and
lower rim of orbits for the various types. In order to make the
differences clearer we have drawn a middle or composite outline for each
type, which show clearly the considerable breadth of face prevailing on
the coast and the flatness of the nose of the northern type.
Cross-sections of Face laid through the Tragus and the Lower Rim of the Orbit.
  Average cross-section of the Kwakiutl, Haida, and Tsimshian.
— - Average cross-section of the NtlakyapamuQ and Kamloops.
The following table contains a number of repeated measurements, the
first measurement having been taken in September 1894, the second in
June 1897, the interval being two years and nine months. It will be
seen that on the whole, the measurements show a close agreement ; but it
appears that the error of observation for the measurements of the body,
except for stature and finger-reach, is very considerable. The nasal index
is also very unsatisfactory on account of the smallness of the measurements that are contained in it :— ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.

Index of length of arm
Index of finger-reach .
Index of height sitting
Index of width of shoulder 18
REPORT—1898.
II. The Chilcotin.   By Livi-stgston Fakrand, '
The Chilcotin tribe occupies a territory lying chiefly in the valley of
th& Chilcotin River. They are somewhat isolated in situation, though on
the east they are only separated from the Shuswap by the Fraser River.
Between these two tribes, however, there is little intercourse. Toward
the north their nearest neighbours are the related Tinneh tribe of Carriers
or Porteurs; and while distance prevents frequent communication,
they regard each other as more or less akin, and the relations are cordial
On the west a pass leads over the coast range to Bella Coola; and, as
many Chilcotin make annual expeditions to the coast, they are fairly
familiar with the people of that region. Toward the south the only tribe
at present with whom they come in contact is the Lillooet, and with them
but seldom.
Intercourse with the coast Indians, and particularly with the Bella
Coola, was formerly much more frequent than now, for the reason that the
early seat of the Chilcotin was considerably farther west than at present,
while the Bella Coola extended higher up the river of that name into the
interior. The results of this early intercourse is seen very clearly in
certain of their customs, and particularly in details of their traditions. In
former times and down to within about thirty years the centre of territory
and papulation of the Chilcotin was Anahem Lake, and from here they
covered a considerable extent of country, the principal points of gathering
beside the one mentioned being Tatlab, Puntze, and Chizaikut Lakes.
They extended as far south as Chilco Lake, and at the time of the salmon
fishing were accustomed to move in large numbers down to the Chilcotin
River to a point near the present Anahem Reservation, always returning
to their homes as soon as the fishing was over. More recently they have
been brought to the eastward, and to-day the chief centres of the tribe
are four reservations—Anahem, Stone, Risky Creek, and Alexandria—
the first three in the valley of the Chilcotin, and the last named, consisting
of but a few families, somewhat removed from the others, on the Fraser.
Besides these there are a considerable number of families leading a semi-
nomadic life on the old tribal territory in the woods and mountains to the
westward. These latter, considerably less influenced by civilisation than
their reservation relatives, are known by the whites as Stone Chilcotin or
Stonies.
Although subjected to more or less intimate intercourse with the
whites for a comparatively short period, the Chilcotin have assimilated
the customs and ideas of their civilised neighbours so completely that their
own have largely disappeared except possibly among the families still
living in the mountains, whom it was not practicable to reach.
The following notes were obtained with considerable difficulty, but the
information was for the most part confirmed by the independent testimony
of different individuals.
As regards the social organisation, persistent inquiry failed to disclose
any traces of a clan system. The family unit was the family in the contracted sense, viz., the parents and unmarried children. Marriage was
ordinarily monogamous, but many men had two wives. Recognised blood
relationship was and is always an absolute bar to marriage, and at present
seems to extend no further than first cousins.    Th
Ais recognition
se6m to have been no local preferences in contractin*** marriage
Ma
Here
rriage ON THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA. 19
with an individual of the same village was not regarded as more desirable
than one with a person from another locality, nor vice versd.
Of laws of inheritance information is rather doubtful. It was stated
that in former times upon the death of a man the widow received nothing,
while his relatives as far as cousins divided the estate equally. It did not
descend to the children alone. To-day if a man dies the widow inherits
all, apparently in trust for the children, the sons, if there be such,
managing the property. No information was obtained as to the procedure in case the widow remarries. The above change, of custom, if
true, strongly suggests missionary influence. If an unmarried man dies
leaving property it is said that his relatives as far as cousins divide the
estate. A man never married his brother's widow—she was still regarded
as his own sister
Social ranks are not apparent at present, but there were formerly
nobility, common people, and slaves, corresponding to a great extent to
the system of the coast tribes. Wealth and the giving of feasts were the
means of obtaining higher rank, and this seems to have been open to the
lower class provided they had the means. Slaves were captives. From
time immemorial, before the splitting up and settling upon the reservations, there seems to have been a head chief known as A'nahem, whose
seat was at Anahem .Lake, and whose influence extended over the whole
tribe. The last great chief of that name died a few years ago, and his
son is now the so-called chief of the Anahem Reservation.
Shamans, or medicine-men, are known by the term ' di'yi'n,' which
denotes any person of extraordinary powers who is supposed to have extra-
human aid, and he becomes such by reason of some remarkable dream or
experience. The deliberate candidate for such honours was accustomed
to go away alone to the top of some mountain or other desolate place and
there fast for several days, during which time the favourable dream might
or might not come to him. The favourable dream was usually a vivid one
of some animal or bird, and this became his protector and helper ever
afterward. The di'yi'n would then always wear some distinctive mark of
his protector, such as teeth, claws, wings, feathers, &c. Aside from success
in hunting and' war, special powers were obtained in the cure of disease.
The method of treatment was first the singing of the particular song of
the di'yi'n, which was his own property and used by no one else. The
song was usually accompanied by dancing, but not always, Then followed
the application of the hands to the. body of the patient, and usually sucking through the hands placed over the diseased spot, thus drawing out the
sickness. The hands were then held up in front of and above the face,
and, being suddenly opened, the sickness would be sharply blown out into
the air, and so expelled. Occasionally, after sucking the di'yi'n would open
his hands and show a grasshopper or other object, which he exhibited as the
cause of the illness, and which had been thus removed. During such
treatment the di'yi'n usually carried a pouch containing certain charms,
and, while wearing certain insignia as above stated, he did not dress in
any particular robe as far as could be learned. Anyone might become
di'yi'n, even young boys and girls.
In former times the winter houses of the Chilcotin were the ordinary
circular subterranean lodges, the excavation being about four feet in depth.
There are none of these in existence to-day. The summer lodges were
rectangular in shape, made of bark stretched over poles, and with only'the
roof and back covered, the front and two sides being thus lef£ open.   They.
H 1—-t F
20
REPORT—1898.
were ordinarily built in pairs facing each other and with a common fire
between. At the present time the winter houses are of logs, often very
well built, and in summer tents are used, canvas for the purpose being
obtained from the whites.
It was said that formerly the canoes of this tribe were made of bark
strebched over wooden ribs. Both bow and stern were sharp, and were
not raised above the level of the rest of the canoe. The largest of these
canoes would carry about ten men. Later and at the present time the
canoes are dug-outs from single logs.
-Cooking was done by roasting or boiling, the latter by means of hot
stones in water-tight baskets of bark or woven fibre. The hot stones
-were manipulated by tongs of wood.
The weapons used in war were bows and arrows and war clubs, the
latter made of a stout stick about the length of the arm with a stone head
fastened by leather thongs. None of these weapons are now in existence
apparently. Spears with points made of the horn of the mountain sheep
were used in hunting, but not in war. The arrow points were of stone.
Fishing spears with detachable heads of bone were formerly very common,
but are now rarely seen, and a large bone hook fastened t6 a rod like a
gaff was also sometimes used.
In war a sort of wooden armour was worn over the chest and back as
far down as the waist. This protection, in shape like a sleeveless shirt,
was made of tough sticks about an inch in diameter, fastened together
with leather thongs, and was sufficient to turn arrows. The head was
also protected by a thick leather cap covering the entire head except the
face. According to the only obtainable account of war decorations, the
upper part of the face was painted black and the lower part red. Besides
the leather helmet, war head-dresses were worn of the skins of birds and
of the heads of animals, so arranged thai the beak or mouth came forward
over the forehead. The most popular skin for such head-dresses was said
to have been that of the raven. Any man who was a di'yi'n would wear
the skin of his own .protecting bird or animal.
Ear ornaments were formerly quite universally worn by both sexes,
and usually in the form of small buttons of various materials attached to
short strings and suspended from the lobes of the ears, which were pierced
for the purpose. Older people are still found with pierced ears, but'the
pendants are seldom seen. Rings were also worn in the ears, but the
Chilcotin say that this was a coast custom which they adopted, and was
not so common as the other.
Nose ornaments of rings and straight bars inserted through the septum
were also worn. One old man further described a lip ornament as a small
straight bar piercing the upper lip, but this was not confirmed, and no
description of labrets was obtained.
Tattooing appears to have been pretty universal, the face, chest, arms,
and legs being the parts most favoured. Little information as to designs
could be obtained, but it was asserted that there was no difference in the
designs used by the two sexes. This is of course doubtful. The materials
used in the tattooing process were bone needles and charcoal.
In general the decorative art of the Chilcotin was very slightly
developed. They did not carve their weapons or. utensils, and the
basketry designs were and are of the simplest character.
It was said that in the old days cremation was used in the disposal of
the dead, the ashes being afterwards buried.    Since the arrival of the ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA. 2l
missionaries ordinary burial has been practised, the graves being protected
by a low fence of logs.
The traditions of the Chilcotin are particularly interesting as showing
the influence, of their coast and inland neighbours, details of foreign origin
being clearly traceable. Their chief tradition is of Lendix*tcux, a being
half man and half dog, who came to the Chilcotin country from the
north-west, and is their culture-hero. The story recites the adventures
of Lendlx/tcux and his three sons on their journey through the land.
These adventures are chiefly with animals who before that time had been
dangerous to man, but who were now overcome and made harmless.
Methods of hunting and various arts were then taught to the people wuo
previously had been wretched and ignorant. The widespread conception
of the culture-hero as a trickster is especially well exemplified in this tale.
In the other traditions obtained, none of which are as full nor as
important as the Lendix'tcux myth, but which cover a wide range of
subjects, the raven is" possibly the chief character, some of the stories in
which he figures being identical with the raven tales of the coast, while-
others are apparently independent in origin. Few myths regarding
natural phenomena were heard, and those which were told are of doubtful
origin. The general impression was made of a not very rich independent
mythology, but of surprising receptivity to foreign influences.
III.   The Social Organisation of the Haida.    By Franz Boas.
In the Fifth Report of the Committee I briefly described the social
organisation of the Haida according to information obtained from a few
Indians from Skidegate. I pointed out (p. 27) that the tribe is divided
into two phratries, each of which consists of a number of clans the
members of which are connected by ties of consanguinity, not by an
imaginary relationship through the totem. I also pointed out that the
clans sometimes * bear the names of the places at which their houses
stand. Since this statement was made I have had opportunity to investigate the social organisation of the Tsimshian and of the Kwakiutl
in greater detail. The result of these inquiries on the Tsimshians was
published in the Tenth Report of the Committee, and of those on the
Kwakiutl in the Report of the United States National Museum for 1895
(pp. 311-738). These investigations proved that among the southern
tribes of the Pacific coast the village community was the primitive unit,
and that clans originated through the coalition of village communities.
During the past summer I had an opportunity of investigating the
social organisation of the Haida in somewhat greater detail, although not
as thoroughly as might be desired. The information thus obtained corroborates the views expressed in the Fifth Report of the Committee, and
emphasises the fact that the village community is the constituent element
of the phratry.
In order to make this clear I will first of all give a list of the Haida
families. The two Haida phratries are called Gyit'ina' and K*'oa la, and
every family belongs either to the one or to the other group. Each
family has a number of emblems which are commemorative of certain
events in the earliest history of the family. The name of the chief of
each family is hereditary. For purposes'of comparison I give the list of
villages recorded by Dr. G. M. Dawson in his Report on Queen Charlotte
Islands (Report of Progress, Geological Survey of Canada, 1878-79,
Montreal, 1880). '
- 22 report—1898.
Kak-oii (Dawson, I.e., p. 162 B).   .
Not in my list; perhaps identical with Ia'k'o ? (see below).
Ky'iu'st'a (Dawson : Kioo-sta, p. 162 B).
Gyit'ina' : Sta'stas or Safigatl la'nas. Chief: E'dEnsa (=glacier).
Crests : Frog, beaver, raven, eagle. Chief's grave: Frog.
An ancestor of the Sta'stas family met a giant frog in
Tsiqoa'gEts. Girls when reaching maturity wear a hat
that is painted green (tltVndadjang), the paint being
obtained in the river NaedE'n. Houses : 1, K*'egEngE
nas. 2, K*oe'kyitsgyit. 3, Kun nas. 4, Nakhoda'das.
5, Skyil nas. Skyil is the mistress of copper who endows
with wealth those who meet her. 6, Sk'olhaha'yut.
7, Naxa'was.
K'a'was. Chief : Etltene'. Crests : Beaver, sg*a'ngo, eagle.
The sg*a'ngo is a man who was transformed into a monster
because he was living on raw fish and birds. He lives
in a cave. He has long ears and wears a high hat. He
carves birds as though they were large game and carries
the parts home separately. When he throws them down
it gives a loud noise.    House : G*otnas.
K'a'nguatl la'nai. Chief : Tagyia'. Crests : Frog, eagle,
beaver.
Togyit'inai'.    Chief : Kuns.    Crest: Eagle.
K*'oa'la:    Tostlsngilnagai'.      Chief:   GwaisganEngk*'aiwa's.    Crests :
Ts'ilia'las (killer whale with raven wings), killer whale,
bear, thunder bird. \
(The two last named belong to the village Too of Dawson, p. 170 B.)
Ia'k'o and Da'dens (Dawson : Tartance, p. 162 B).
K'oa'la : Yak* la'nas.    Chief : GEsawa'k.    Crests: Bear, moon, dogfish, killer whale, wolf, devilfish.
K*aoke'owai.   Chief: G*atso'En.   Crests: Killer whale, owl,
bear, woodpecker.
K-'oe'tas.    Chief: HotsElE'ng.    Crests: Bear, killer whale,
moon.
Gyit'ina': Ts'atl la'nas.    Chief: Gyit'iug*oda' and Kunkoya'n.    Crests:
Halibut, eagle, beaver, land otter (the last said to have
been adopted recently).
S'alEndas.    Chief:  fldzaunak*a'tle.    Crests: Frog, beaver,
starfish, evening sky.
Near Da'dens.
K-'oa'la: Tas la'nas.    Chief:  Sk*ana'l.     Crests:   Land otter, killer
whale, woodpecker, cirrus.
K*ang (Dawson: Kung, p. 163 B).
Gyit'ina': Sak'la'nas.   Chief: Gula'c.   Crests : Eagle, sculpin, beaver
K*oa'la:  Kya'nusla.    Chief: Ha'nsgyinai.    Crest: Killer whale. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 23
Wi'ts'a.
- Gyit'ina': Wi'ts'a gyit'inai'.    Chief: Etlgyiga. "j Crests: Eagle, hum-
Totlgya gyit'inai'.    Chief: Stetlta.   I     ming-bird,  beaver,
Tsets gyit'inai'.    Chief: Nasga'tl.    j     sou 1 pin,     skate
Dzos haedrai'.    Chief: Gunia'.       J     (ts'etg*a).
These families have the same crests.    They live short distances apart.
Ia'an (near Wi'ts'a.    Dawson: Yan, p. 163 B).
K*'oa'la:   Stl'EngE   la'nas.     Chief:   NEna'k-'enas.     Crests:   Killer
whale, hawk, bear.
Gyit'ina': (Tsets gyit'inai', moved to Ia'an from Wi'ts'a a few years
ago).
G*at'aiwa's (Dawson: TJt-te-was, p. 163 B).
K*'oa'la: Skyit'au'k*o.    Chief: Clgai'.    Crests: Killer whale, grizzly
bear, black bear.
Gyit'ina': Gyit'i'ns.      Chief:    Sk*a-ina'.      Crests:   Eagle,   beaver,
sculpin.
Sg*adze'guatl la'nas.    Chief: Skyiltk*'atso.    Crests: Eagle,
beaver, sculpin.
K'oa'la : Sg*aga'ngsilai.    Crests: Killer whale, bear.
Hai'ts'ad.
K*'oa'la : G*anyakoilnagai.   Chief: Kyilstlak*.   Crests: Killer whale,
bear.
K*'aya'ng (Dawson: Ka-yung, p. 163 B).
K*'oa'la:   Yagun  kunilnagai'.     Chief:   Skyilkie's.     Crests:  Bear,
ts'Em'a's, killer whale.
Gyit'ina':  Saqgul' gyit'inai'.    Chief : Naok'adzo't. "1 Crests :     Eagle,
Ky'ialtkoangas.    Chief: K'odai'. J     beaver,sculpin.
These two groups are considered branches of one family.
K*'oa'la : T'es kunilnagai'.    Chief : Yatl'ink'.      I     ts'Em'a's     killer
Dl'ia'lEn kunilnagai'.    Chief : Sena't.|     ™iiaie    '
The three groups Kunilnagai' in K*'aya'ng are branches of one family.
Ia'gen (about three miles north-east of Masset).
Gyit'ina' : Dl'ia'lEn k*eowai'.    Chief : Ha'yas.    Crests : Eagle, raven,
sculpin, frog.    Said to be related to the Sta'stas.
K-'oa'la :   Kun la'nas.   Chief : K*ogl's.   Crests : Bear, ts'Em'a's, killer
whale.
Naektj'n (Dawson : Nai-koon, p. 165 B).
Gyit'ina' : Naeku'n stastaai'. Chief *. Ts'on. Crests the same as
those of the Sta'stas, of whom they are the branch from
Naeku'n.
TsiQua'gis stastaai'. Chief : Skyila'o. Crests the same as
those of the Sta'stas, of whom they are the branch from
the river TsiQua'gis. 24
Report—1898.
K*'oa'la : Qua'dos. Chief : tl'ea'ls. Crests : Bear, kfller whale, hawk,
rainbow, stratus. The Sd'EngE la'nas are considered a
branch of the Qua'dos, who are at present in Asegoa'n,
Alaska. It is said that the Qua'dos were in the habit of
catching eagles in snares. One day a man caught a hawk
in his snare. Another one stole it, leaving, however,
one of the hawk's talons. This led to a quarrel, and a
fight ensued, during which the family divided. Those who
emigrated became the Stl'EngE la'nas. For this reason
both use the hawk and also the same personal names.
(Dawson : A-se-guang, p. 165 B.)
K*'oa'la : I was told that there was a branch of the Qua'dos at the
place who moved to Skidegate.
Tlk/agIlt (Skidegate).
Gyit'ina' : Gyit'i'ns.    Na yu'ans qa'edra * Na s'a'gas qa'edra.    Chief :
Sg-edEgi'ts. Crests : Raven, wasq, dogfish, eagle, sculpin.
Gyit'ingyits'ats.  Chief : Sg*a'nigyik*e'do.
eagle, wa'ts'at (a fabulous personage.)
Tsaagwi' gyit'inai'.     Chief : Wina'ts.
eagle.
K*'oa'la :   Tsaagwisguatl'adegai'.     Chief :   Log*o't.
whale, gyitg*a'lya (a fabulous being), ts'Em'a's.
Tlg-aio la'nas.    Chief: Do'ana'.    Crests the same as the
preceding family.
Tai'otl la'nas.     Chief :  K*aaga'o.     Crests :  Black bear,
killer whale.
K*og*a'ngas.      Chief :     K*oe'sgutnEng'E'ndals.      Crests :
Killer whale, ts'Em'a's.
Crests : Sculpin,
Crests : Sculpin,
Crests :   Killer
Tlg*a'it (Gold Harbor • Dawson : Skai-to, p. 168 B).
K*'oa'la :   Tlg-a'itgu la'nas.    Chief :  NEnkyilstla's.    Crests :  Moon,
killer whale.
Gyit'ina': Tlg*a'it gyit'inai'.    Chief: Gana'i.    Crests: Raven, eagle,
sculpin.
K*'oa'la :  Stasausk*e'owai:   Chief : Sg*anayu'En.    Crest :   Ts'ilia'las
(killer whale with raven wings).
Skoa'tl'adas.   Chief: G*6lEntkyinga'ns.   Crests : Sea-lion,
killer whale, ts'EM'a's, thunder.
K*Ai's'un (Dawson : Kai-shun, p. 168 B).
Gyit'ina': K*ai'atl la'nas.    Chief : Nana'riskyilQo'es.    Crests : Beaver,
frog, eagle.
(Dawson: Cha-atl, p. 168 B.)
K*'oa'la : tlg*a'itgu la'nas.    (Same as above, under Tlg-a'it.)
K-'u'na (Skidans, Dawson : Koona, p. 169 B).
K-'oa'la : Tlk*inotl la'nas or K*agyalsk*e'owai.    Chief : Gudek*a inga'o.
Crests: Bear, moon, mountain goat, killer whale, storm ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 25
cloud, cirrus, rock slide.   Part of this family is called Kyils
qa'edrai.   (Dawson : Tlkinool, p. 168 B.)
Gyit'ina' : K*'unak*e'owai.    Chief : Gyitk'o'n.    Crests : Dogfish, eagle,
frog, monster frog, beaver.
T'ano' (Tlo, Dawson : Tanoo, p. 169 B).
| Gyit'ina' : K*'unak*e'owai (same as in K*'u'na).
Tsegoatl la'nas or Laqski'yek.
K'oa'la : K*'adas  k*e'owai.     Chief :   Gyaqkutsa'n.     Crests : Killer
whale, wolf, ts'Em'a's.
Sg*a'nguai (NEnsti'ns, Dawson : Ninstance, p. 169 B).
Gyit'ina' : Gyit'i'ns.    Chief : NEnsti'ns.    Crests : BeaVer, eagle.
K*'oa'la.    Qalda'ngasal.    Chief : Ts'iHi'.    Crests : Bear, killer whale,
ts'Em'a's.
The villages on Hippah Island are not contained in my list.
A comparison of the list of families given here with that of the
Skidegate families published in the Fifth Report of the Committee, p. 26,
shows that therlists are fairly reliable. I give here both lists for purposes
of comparison :—
Skidegate.
(Fifth Report.   Informant Informant: E'densa of -
Johnny Swan) Masset
Gyit'ina :    Nayu'ans qa'etqa. ~,  .. ja,       f Na yu'ans qa'edra
Na'sa'yas qa'etqa. •* \ Na s'a'gas qa'edra.
Djaaquigi't'enai'. Tsaagwl' gyit'inai'.
Gyitingits'ats. Gyit'ingyits'ats.
K*'o'ala :     Naekun k*eraua'i. —
Djaaqui'sk'uatl'adaga'i. Tsaagwlsguati'adegai'.
Tlqaiu la'nas. Tlg*aio la'nas.
K*astak*eraua'i. —
— Taiotl la'nas.
— K*og*a'ngas.
It will be noticed that the Gyit'ina' families agree in both lists, while
the K*'oa'la show certain discrepancies. It may be that the Naekun-
k*erauai' are the family from Asegua'n referred to above as removed to
Skidegate.
It will be noticed that a great many family names are town names.
Such names are Sangatl la'nas, K*a'nguatl la'nas,. Yak' la'nas, Tlg*aio
la'nas, &c. Others signify ' the gyit'ina' of a certain place '; for instance :
To gyit'inai', Wits'a gyit'inai', Tsaagwl gyit'inai'. Still others seem to
signify ' the k*'oa'la of a certain place,' for instance : To stlsngilnagai',
Ya'gun kunilnagai, Dl'ia'lEn kunilnagai. Another series of names signify
| the people of a certain place,' or ' those born at a certain place,' such as
Dl'ia'lEn k*eowai', K*'una k*eowai', and Dzos haedrai'.
These facts indicate that each family formed originally a local unit, so
that each village would seem to have been inhabited by one family only.
The present more complex village communities originated through the
"I 26
report—1898.
coalition of several families in one village, each retaining its own name -
and organisation. On the other hand, families divided, and are for this
reason present in different villages. This is the case with the Sta'stas,
whom we find under the name of Sta'stas at Ky'iu'st'a, as Naekun stastaai'
in Naeku'n, and as TsiQuagis stastaai' in the same village. The Yak' la'nas
are partly in their old village Da'dEns, partly in TlEnk*oa'n (Klinquan,
Alaska); the Ts'atl la'nas are partly in Da'dEns, partly in G*augya'n
(How-aguan, Alaska). Part of the Stastas have even drifted to tbe
StikInk*oan of the Tlingit. The Yak' la'nas have a branch among the
same tribe, where they have amalgamated with the Nanaa'ri family
(Haida: Nan'a'ngi). A number of families left Queen Charlotte Islands
in consequence of a quarrel, and form now the Kaigani. According to
Dr. Dawson the event took place about 170 years ago (about 1730). The
following families are said to have emigrated entirely : The S'als'ndas to
Sakoa'n (Shakan); the K^'oe'tas to the same place * the K*aok*e'owai to
G*augya'n (How-aguan) *. and the Tas. la'nas to Kasaa'n.
It is clear, therefore, that the present arrangement of families is the
result of a long historical development, and that in the orginal organisation
of the tribe the village community was a much more important element
than it is at present.
It is also instructive to investigate the distribution of totems among
these families.
I. Gyit'ina' (18 distinct families).
Eagle
Beaver
Sculpin
Frog
Raven
Dogfish
Halibut
Land-otter
Killer whale
Black bear
Ts'Em'a's.
Moon
Woodpecker
Tsilia'las
Thunder-bird
Hawk
Wolf
Cirrus cloud
Dogfish   .
17 families
Starfish   .
13      „
Humming-bird
9      „
Skate (?).
5     „
: Monster-frog .
3      „
Wa'ts'at .
2      §
Wasq
1 family
Sga'ngo
1      »
Evening sky    .
family
II. K-'oa'la (22 distinct families).
.21 families       Devilfish
14 ,,
7 „
* ,,
2 „
2 „
2 „
2
2 „
2 ».
1 family
Owl
Land-otter
Grizzly bear
Sea-lion  .
Mountain-goat
Gyitg*a'lya
Rainbow.
Stratus cloud
Storm cloud
Rock slide
1 family
1 »
1 „
1 ,,
1 „
1 ,,
1 »
1 „
1 „
1 »
1 „
This table shows a strong prevalence of two crests in each group :
eagle and beaver among the Gyit'ina', killer whale and black bear among
the K*'oa'la. The sculpin and ts'Em'&'s, which are next in importance,
are not found among the tribes of the extreme north-western part of the
islands. All the others occur only once or twice among the different
families, and for this reason resemble in character the totems of the ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 27
Kwakiutl. Since the characteristic features of the traditions explaining
the acquisition of these crests are also the same among the Tlingit, Haida,
Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl, it is likely that they may have had the same
origin. I have tried to show at another place (k Report United States
National Museum for 1895,' p. 336) that among the Kwakiutl the crest is
the hereditary manitou, and I am inclined to consider the isolated totems
of the Haida and of the other northern tribes of similar origin. It is
very doubtful if this theory holds good for the more frequent totems
which evidently form the bond between the members of each group. It
seems more likely that they represent the oldest totemic organisation of
the tribe which may have antedated their settlement in their present
locations. It is, however, worth remarking that one of the totems of
secondary frequency, the ts'Em'a's, is evidently of Tsimshian origin. The
name is clearly a corrupted form of ts'Em'a'ks=in the water, a fabulous
monster, probably the personified snag. The four primary totems, eagle
and beaver, and killer whale and bear, certainly represent the two oldest
divisions of the tribe which split up in village communities that later on
combined again in more complex groups.
IV. Linguistics.   By Franz Boas.
The NtlaJcya'pamuQ.
The material for the following sketch was obtained in part directly from Mr.
James Teit, in part from Indians whose statements were interpreted by Mr. Teit.
The writer is, however, alone responsible for the systematic presentation of the
material.
Grammatical Notes.
THE ARTICLE.
The Ntlakya'pamuQ has an article which is similar in character to the one found
in the dialects of the Coast Salish. In the Sixth Report of the. Committee I briefly
described the use of this article in the Bella Coola (p. 128). Its forms in other
coast dialects are given in the following list:
Bilqula.
Masculine
ti
Feminine, tsi
Catloltq.
»
ta
„       tia
Pentlatc.
"3
ti
„       tia
Nanaimo.
H
„        se
Sk-qo'mic
»
te
tie
Lku'figEn.
„
ti
„        si
Tillamook.
ta
„       tia
The Calispelm has the article tlu, which is used in the same manner.   It is
described by Mengarini in his ' Grammatica Linguae Selicaa,' 1861, p. 80.
The Ntlakya'pamuQ has a number of articles.
ta is used for connecting adjectives and nouns:
stE'ptEp (1) ta (2) spEzu'zo (3),.a (2) black (1) bird (3).
aqa (1) kES (2) ta (3) tlosk-a'yuQ (4) kaQ (5) pui'stEmos (6), [it is] that (1) bad
(2) Indian (4) mho (5) killed him (6).
ha and a seem to precede nouns that are not accompanied by attributes:
ha (1) chai'tkEnEmuq (2) kaQ(3) tla'k-atEm (4), the (1) Indians (2) who (3) have
killed them (4).
ha (1) Nkamtci'nEmuQ (2) ta chai'tkEnEmuQ (3) kaQ (4) tla'k-atEm (5), the (1)
Nkamtci'nEmuQ (2) Jnaians(3) [who (4)] killed tliem (6). 28 report—1898.
atla'kos(l) ha(2) ko-kpi(3).akswa'watcip(4), when(\)the(2) chief'(3)comes(1%
call me (4). •
a(l) sk-'a'um(2) pu'ists (3) ha (4) ntltcask-a'qa (5), the (1) wolf (2) killed (3)
the (4) horse (5).
ha(l) ntltcask-a'qa (2) pu'ists (3) a (4) sk-a'um (Cj), the (1) horse (2) kitted (3)
the (1) wolf (5).
a John pu'ists a Sam, John struck Sam.
Uk seems to be more definite than ha, but the distinction between the two forms is
by no means quite clear:
, 2) chief (3)
this (4) man (5) [is]
THE DISTRIBUTIVE.
The distributive form of the noun is formed by amplification of the stem, most
frequently by reduplication. Irregular distributives of nouns are rare. . Plurals of
verbs are formed in the same way, but the verbal plural is frequently derived from
a separate stem. The verbal plural seems to have had a distributive meaning
originally, but in the intransitive veib particularly the distinction between distributive and plural is easily lost.
1. Distributives and verbal plurals formed by reduplication:
house, tcltQ
tree, cira'p
pictv/re, stsuk*
stone, ca'EnQ
mountain, sk*um
ground, tEmu'Q
dog, sk-a'k*qa
cattle, stEma'lt
calf, stEmaltiteit
camp fire, spam
coyote, snikia'p
animal, spEzo'
bird, spEzu'zo
friend, snu'koa
musk-rat, skikEla'Qoa
mam, sk*ai'yuq
male of animal, sk-a'k*ayuq
sick, ksnu'Q
crumpled, sko'um
to walk, sQuasl't
distributive, tcitcI'tQ.
„ cipcira'p.
„ stsutsu'k*.
plural
cEnca EnQ.
sk*umk-u'm.
tEmtsmu'Q.
sk-ak-a'k-qa.
stEmtEmd'Jt.
stEmtEmalti'teit.
spEmpa'm.
sniknikia'p.
spEzpEzO'.
spEpezu'zO.
snukEnu'koa.
skikikEla'Qoa.
sk-ai'k euq.
sk*ak-a'k-ay uq.
kEnkEnu'Q.
skoumko'um.
sQusQuasl't.
These examples show that the Jaws v. hich reduplication follows are very irregular.
On the whole we may say that the prefixed s which is found in a*Very large number
of Salish words is not affected by reduplication. Very often the first syllable,
including the first consonant following the first vowel, is repeated with shortened'
vowel. But there are many exceptions to this rule. Reduplicated words may be
reduplicated a second time (see musk-rat, male of an-animal, in the preceding list).
2. Many nouns have the same form for the absolute and the distributive. It
seems that many names of animals belong to this class :
beaver, tlk-'o'pa (UisM-t direct),
beaver, snu'ya (NkamtcVtiBmu^dialect).
wolf, sk-'a'om » » „
fox, Ec.Qua'yuq „ |
black bear, sped'tc        „ „ ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
29
deer, cme'its (Nkamti
n,fnsmUQ
d
iOflecf)
elk, stqats
„
)»
caribou-, slEqca'qan
.
,,  ■'
grizzly bear, cuQcu'Q
,,
is
panther\ smO'a
M
it
buffalo, k6:sp
„
ii
antelope, stataa/luk
»»
>j
porcupine, cuti'a
j»
„
porcupine, skwi
it
ii
rabbit, sk*ok*ii'ts
»»
„
'river, kowe'
)»
,y
fire, tuktl'k*
»*i
)>
water, kou
tt
»
star; nkoku'cEn
i,
)*■
3. Different stems are used for forming
distrib
utive,
forms:
viz. plural and absolute
horse, ntltcask-a'qa
Indian, tlosk-ai'yuq
to weep, wawi'iQ
to stand, ste'dliQ
to die, z6k*
to kill, pui'stEm
to lie down, pu'ib
DistributivB
sk-aqk-ia'qa.
s'ai'tklnEtnuq.
Plural
k*og'kt.
tse'iQ.
Q6'it.
tlB'k'EtEm.
nml'QtQ.
Diminutives.
Diminutives are also formed by means of reduplication. It seems that the
prevailing form of reduplication consists in a repetition of the first syllable as far as
the first vowel, with a tendency of throwing back the accent of the word to the
reduplicated syllable.
Diminutive
deer, cme'its cmE'meits.
black bear, spel'tc spa'paats.
friend, snu'koa nu'nkoa.
bad, kEst- kskEEst.
Icwge, qzu'm qszu'zum.
bird, spEzu'zu spEyu'zu.
Numerals.
There are three sets of numerals: simple cardinals used for counting inanimate
objects; and two reduplicated series, one used for counting animals, the other for
counting human beings.
Inanimate
1, pai'a, p6'ia
.2, sS'ia
3, k-aatla's, k-gak-tla's
4, mils
5, tcl'ikst
6, tla'k-amakst
7, tcu'ik-a
8, pio'ps(t)
9, tB'mEi pai'a
10, 6'pEnakst
11, o'pEnakst e! pe'ia
Animate
pia'a
s^'sia
k gak-tla's
k-§kaak-tla's
mo'ms
tci'tciEkst
f tla'kamakst
( tlatla'k-amakst
f tcu'tcik-a
\ tcutculk-a
f pio'ps(t)
\ pipio'ps(t)
tE'mEt pia'a
f o'pEnakst
\ op'o'pEnakst
o'pEnakst Ei pia'a
Personal
pa'pea.
sisai'a.
j
L k*ak-aak-tla's.
mu'smusi
tci'tciEki
I tlatla'k-amakst.   <f ~tctt
1 tcu'tcurk-a.
. . ,   M tf^iMft*-**
j pipio'ps(t).
tE'mEl pa'pea.
I Op'o'pEnakst.        ftWo
op'o'pEnakst Ei pa'pea.
dM
J 30
REPORT—1898.
tr*"
J><
V
tJtfr-*
,#'
rt^wt
•"•TV'
Same   as   inanimate.
m
9-
^        W*
20, sll O'pEnakst
30, kai O'pEnakst
40, mui O'pEnakst      j^
60, tci'Sks. o'pEnakst YTELJ**-^
60, tla'k-umaksi O'pEnakst
70, tcu'ik-ai o'pEnakst
80, piOpsi O'pEnakst
90, tEmsr pel O'pEnakst
tEmel- pi o'pEnakst
100, qatst pg'k-Enakst
qatsi p§'k-Enakst
200, sa'as qatst pg'k-Enakst
300, k-a'ak-ia's qatst pg'k-Enakst-.
400, mus qatst p§'k-Enakst
The numerals five, six, ten, one hundred, are clearly compounds of -akst, hand.
I presume five is a compound of the stem tea, which is found in the numeral one in
jSiciatl nEteiel'le, Snanaimuq ns'ts'a, Sk-qo'mic ntc'o'i, Lku'ngEn nu'tsa; so that
tci'i'kst would mean one hand.   Nine may be translated literally ' less one.'
The same classification that is used in the cardinal numbers is used in indefinite
numerals: for instance—
&
lu*>  kwi
Inanimate Animate
fem kwe'niQ ' kwl'kwinEQ
fcun "MS* ,       i-     '«
Distributive Numerals.
ney*-
Personal  ^ jjj?
kwe'nkwinQ. |
Distributive numerals are formed from the cardinals by means of reduplication.
They have the same three classes that were found in the cardinal series.
Inanimate
Animate
Personal
1 to each paapai'a
peapai'a
papa'pia.
2
,       seasaia
asiase'sea
siasai'a.
3
f k-aak*aatla's
'    \ kaatla's
|
k-aak-aatla/s
k aak-aatla's.
4
,       musEmu's
moamo'ms
musmu'smust.
6
,       tciatcl'Ekst
\
6
,       tlaatla'k-amakst
7
,       tcuatcu'tlk-a
8     ,
,       pepio'pst
►-Same   as    inanimate.
9
0     ,
,       tB'mEi peapai
,       OpEO'pEnakst
I
I
thou
he
we
ye
they
THE PRONOUN.
Personal Pronoun.
Independent
ntca'wa
awe'
tcini'tl
EnEme'mutl
pia'pst
tcinku'st
Dependent
-(k)En.
-(k)", Q.
-kt.
-p or —mp.
Possessive Pronoun.
The possessive pronoun has a number of forms analogous to those of the Shuswap.
Their use has not become clear to me.    I give here the various forms and a few
examples of their use.
my
thy
his
ov/r
your
tlieir
n—
a—
- s
—kt,—nt
—p,-mp
.—eQs
tlEn-
tla—
lsn-
la—
QBn-
Qa—
Q—s
\2 ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA. 31
Examples :   ncu'tEij/, my object.
nski'Qaza, my motlibt. *)
ntcltQ, my house.
aqa'a tia kamu't, this is thy hat.
io'a la kamu't. that is thy liat.
kEnu'Q tlBn ska'qa, my horse is sick.
kEnu'Q nska'qa, my hor*e is sich.
The two plural forms in -kt and in -ut are not exclusive and inclusive.
ska'tsotjlt, our father.
ska'tsakt, our father.
tci'tQut aqa', that is our house.  -"*;:;
I am inclined to consider the prefixes tl, 1-, and Q- which appear combined
with the possessive pronoun as verhal particles. The close relation between possessive pronoun and intransitive verb becomes clear in the imperfect sense, in which
the object possessed is incorporated between the verb and the pronominal suffix:
kEnuQska'qakEn, my horse was sick = sick horse I.      J /*-"<
but kEnu'Q tlEn ska'qa, my horse is sick. <h^  j^^, „
kEnuQska'qak0, thy horse was sick = sick horse thou,
but kEnu'Q tia ska'qa.
or kEnu'Q a ska'qa, thy horse is si^k.
These constructions may be compared with the inflexion of the adverb that
accompanies the verb (see below).
The prefix Q- seems to indicate the relation to the indirect object of the sentence:
pIpHI'tsEn Qa kamu't, I lost it for thee thy hat.
plpsta'na nkamu't, I lost my liat.
But I found also:
tia ska'qa pu'istQtcEms tlEn katsk, thy horse killed for me my elder brother.
Intransitive Verb.
The intransitive verb may be inflected by means of suffixes or by means of
auxiliary verbs, which latter form various tenses.
Aorist Present
kEnu'QkEn, I ami sick. (o)aqkEn kEnu'Q, I ami sick.
kEnu'Qk", thou art sick. (o)aqk° kEnu'Q, thou art sick.
kEnu'Q, he is sick. (o)aq.kEnu'q, he is sick.
kEnu'kt 1 . . (o)aqkt (kEn)kEnu'q, we are sick.
kEnksnu'Qkt fwe wre n0n" (o)aqp (kEn)kEnu'q, ye are sick.
kEnu'Qp, ye are sick. (o)ax kEnkEnu'q, they are sick.
kEnkKnu'Q (tcinku'st) j fJ ^
kEnu'Q tcinku st J      *
•Future I. Future II.
hwi'kEn(tca)r&'it, I shall sleep. r&'itkEn hwi, I shall sleep
hwlk"1(tca)r'i'it, thou wilt sleep. rAitk" hwi, thou wilt sleep.
&c. &c.
Imperfect
oa'qksn tlEm tlaha'ns, I was eating.   &c.
When the intransitive verb is accompanied by an adverb the latter takes the
pronominal ending, being treated like an auxiliary verb.
tlakame'Q(k)En skEnu'Q, I ami always sick.
tlakame'Q(k)a skEnu'Q, thou art always sick.
tlakame'Q(k) skEnu'Qs, he is always sick.
tlakame'QEkt skEnu'Q,-we are always sick.
tlakame'Q(k)ap skEnu'Q, ye are always sick.
tlakame'Q(k) skEnkEnu'Qs, tkey are always sick. iSP'^=
32 report—1898.
The verb with negative is treated in the same manner :
tata'kEn skEnu'Q, I ami not sick.   &c.
The conditional mode is characterised by the prefix a- and the suffix -u.
tcu'ktcen, to finish eating ( = to finish with mouth).
atcu'ktcEnuEn, if I finish eating.
atcu'ktcsnuQ, if thou finishest eating.
atcu'ktcEnus, if he finishes eating.
atcu'ktcEnut, if we finish eating.
atcu'ktEnup, if ye finish eating,
atcuktcu'ktcEnus, if they finish eating.
•The negative conditional present is formed in the following way
•« atE'mOs(ta)kEn skEnu'Q, if lam not sick.
at-E'mOs(ta)ka skEnu'Q, if thou art not sick,
atE'mOs(ta)k skBnu'Qs, if he is not sick.
atE'mOskakt skEnu'Q, if we are not siek.
aiE'moskap skEnu'Q, if ye are not sick.
atE'mos(ta)ks kEnkEnu'Qs, if they are not siok.
u
3 Os
The negative conditional past:
taskEta'kEn skEnu'Q, if 1 had not been sick.
The interrogative is formed by the suffix -En :
iUl
cut
kEnu'QkEnEn, am I sick ?
kEnu'Qkoan, art thou sick?
kEnu'QEn, is he sick ?
kEnu'QktEn, -are we sick ?
kEnu'Qp'En, are ye sick ?
kEnkEnu'QEn, are they sick ?
A periphrastic interrogative is formed by the dubitative particle ska :
skaka skEnu'Q, perhaps thou art sick. skagap skEnu'Q, perhaps ye are sick.
skaak skBnu'Qs, perhaps he is sick.
It will be noticed that wherever the verb appears with an adverb or a particle it
has the prefix s-, which makes verbal nouns, and that the third person has the
suffix -s, which corresponds to the possessive pronoun. These forms are therefore
identical with possessive nominal forms.
Transitive Verb.
The transitive verb incorporates the pronominal object as follows :
to see.
Object
Subject
;-.4v
thou
he
we
ye
they
me
thee
'him
us
ye
them
wi'ktcrcn
wi'kunE
wi'ktiniEn
wlkte'QSEDE
■wI'ktcEmuQ
wSkto,
?
wlktG'QSKnduQ
wI-JctcEma
wiktst
wlkts
wS'ktis <i •»'*'•'
vrl'ktimEs
(wlkts               l
1 wJkte'iQSEtEni J
—-t>
wiktst
wI'ktEm
wiTrtimEt
w*J(6'<jsEtEm
wITrtcEp
   M
wUrtp .
wi'ktip (?)
C wiktp
wiktcS'QsFlpina;
wikte'QsEtst .
wikte'ysKtEm
wikte'QsEtcis
wikte'QsEtEmls
wikte'QSEtEm
.V ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
-Verbs which have the accent on the last syllable form the following series:
k-6iEntcu't, to talk to someone.
33
Object
Subject    \^
I
thou                       he
vfe
ye
me
thee
him
■us
ye
them
k'diEntci'n
k'oircnta'na
j?diEntS'imrcn
k*6iKiite'Qsi-:na
k ■(*! i Ell tcK' 111 UQ
k'&iEnta'uQ
k'&iEutce'ip
k'6i Entc'-qsktouq
k'diEntcE'ms
k*6iEntci's.
k'difintE's
(k'GiEnte'is      |
\ k*6iEnt5'it       j
k'oiEiitii'imas
k'GiEXtE's
k*oi eh tcl t
k'diEutK'm
k'diEnto'imet
k'diEate'QSEtEm
k'oiEntcei'p
k'OiEnta'p
k'dtEnte'ip
k'diEuta'p
"An analysis of these forms shows that most of them originate by composition,
the pronominal object following the verb, the pronominal subject following the
pronominal object. The pronominal object suffixes seem to have the following
forms:
me, —icEtn us, —ti
thee, —tc ye, —tim (for -—tip)
him, — them, —teQs
The pronominal subject suffixes have the following forms:
I, —En we, — t
thou, —Q ye, —p
he, —s they, —s
But they are much more irregular tha>n the objective suffixes.
The conditional is formed in the same manner as that of the intransitive verb by
means of the prefix a- and the suffix -us:
avrt'ktcBnus, if I see thee. awikte'QsEnOus, if I see them.
awlktipus, if thou seest us.
'f'un^uWr'a/.
Passive Participle.
lou'm, to stab.
ni'kEm, to cut.
lot, st Med.
nikt, cut.
From this participle the passive is formed :
oaq lot, lie has been stabbed.
Imperative.
The imperative of the transitive and intransitive verbs are formed in the same
manner, second p.rson singular by -a, second person plural by -Osa:
tlaha'nza, eat!
tlaha'nzosa, eat ye !
o'pita, eat it!
o'pitoza, eat ye it!
The future serves as an exhortative :
Qwikt tlaha'ns, let us eat ! or, we shall eat.
Trie Ntlakya'pamuQ distinguishes between the transitive verb with determined
object and without object. The latter is derived from the stem of the transitive
verb by the ending -EM :"
aqkEn tcu'um, I am working.
aqkEn pS'qEm, I am hunting.
Qwe'im, he is looldng, tr***©
tl'EmS'pEm, to chop.
me'Qlml^ kick !
e'tlEm, to sing.     -v.
pu'ist^m, to kill (ow^T :&£&
qostE'm, to love.
aq tcuta'na^T work at it.
aq pe'qEna ksme'its, 7 am hunting deer.
Qwe'gs, he is looking for 'a.
aq tl'EmS'pEna, I chop it.
me'Qita, kick it! TR»» %
■ e'tlEna, I sing it.
pu'istEna, I kill it.
aqostE'na, I love it.   '
H ]*-5 34
REPORT—1898.
The relation to the indirect object is expressed by the suffix -Q, which precedes
the pronominal ending:
na'qtEm, to give. na'qsna, I give it. . na'qtQEna, I give it to him.
k*6iEntcu't, to talk.       k-6iEntcu'tEmst,  he talks   k oiEntcu'tEmQst, he talks in
about thee. thy behalf.
e'tlEm, to sing,  aq 6'tlEna, I sing it. aq etlEQna, I sing   aq e'tlEmQna, I sino
it for him. for him.t
pii'istEm, to kill. pu'istEna, I kill it. pnisQEna, I kill it for some
body.
Qui tsuk-he'tcEmuQ, write me a letter.    Qui tsuk-Qe'tcEmuQ, write a letter for me.
pfiists sk-a'k-qas, he kills his own dog.    pu'istQts sk*a'k*qas, te kills his (another
mmiys) dog (■= lie kills his dog for him).
^ recorded the following deri
Quotative —oko
Putative —nka
Dubitative — -nuk
Affirmative —n
Exhortative
Causative
Inchoative
-matl
-s
-wliQ
to turn bad.
Durative —miQ
. Frequentative:   Reduplication
Potential
—z'a
Facultative
—EnwatlEu
Desiderative
—mamEn.
Intensive
—ap
Copulative
—a-us
Reciprocal
Reflexive
-tuaQ
—tcut ,
The reflexive is sometime
Derivatives.
vatives:
kEnu'Q'okO, it is said he is sick.*
kBnu'Qnka, he may be sick.
kEnu'Qnuk, lie is sick, I think.
kEnu'QEn, indeed, he is sick. -
pia'pstEn, indeed, it is ye !
puitamatl, do lie down.I
pfi'it, to lie down. pu'itsEna, I lay it down-.
nka'iQ, to swim.. ■ nb&'iQseri&iIswimfh, horse)
snuyawl'iQ, to become-possessed of money.
kistBwI'iQ .
kEstuWe'EQ
iawi'iQ, to turn good.
Qinuwi'iQ, it begins to be a long time.
kEnuQEmi'QkEn, I am always sick.
skEnkEnu'Q, one wlw is repeatedly sick.
k-eak-ea'ap, one who is repeatedly indisposed.
oaq nikEni'kEna, I cut it repeatedly.
loloata'na, I stabbed him repeatedly.
qaquatsta'na, I tie it repeatedly.
hai'mz'akEn, I might do the same. |
tcu'umz'akBn, 7/ might work, I ought to work.
tlahansEnwatlEn, to be able to eat.
r&itEnwa'tlEh, to be able to sleep.
tlahansma'mKiikEn, I desire to eat.
r6'itma'mEnkEn, I desire to sleep.
stlahans'a'p, to eat much.
.nmanqEma'p, to smoke much.
stlk-a'us, together.
cinzia'us, brothers.
snukua'us, friends.
qamana'us, enemies. -
ktQua'usEs, he breaks it in two ( = he halves it).'
qatstua'Q, tied to each other.-
puistua'Q, to kill one another,
tla'k-tuaQ, to kill each other,
iamintua'Q, to have friendly feelings toward* one
another.
stlk-auzEmtua'Q, to-put together,
mEQEtcu'i, to kick oneself (j*Jso  to  Uek without
hitting anything).
wlkBntcu'tkan, I see myself.
nikEntcu'tkEn, I cut myself.
ed as a simulative :
nikiapEnlcu't, to make oneself like a,coyote=to act
foolishly.
kEnuQstcii't, to make oneself'sick, or to act like a
sick person. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
35
PREPOSITIONS.
u, til, towards, to.
tu, t\ft,from.
r \w
Examples: ua'a, towards Iiere, this way. «.<v<,kvn uHbi
ulQkEn ul tcitQ, T%&-into the house.      -L<fy&^
ui stkamlo'ps and'soan, (nihen,) I went to Kamloops.
tu'a kaka'o awi'kEna-us, (ibhtm) I sajv it from far away.
tuQai'a, tukai'a,/rc5M here.
tutci'a, tuktci'a,/row there.
ttilo'a, tuklo'a, from there, o^ajx
tla'kEn tut Nkamtci'n, I came from Spences Bridge.
ktci'QkEn tut Nkamtci'n, I departed from Spences Bridge.
tlakftul estcltQ, I ca/me from tlie house. haM-ok     na \\*°Y
tlak^tua tcitQ, I came from a house. ■
CONJUNCTIONS.
pEl, and, connecting words designating persons :
snukua'us (1) ae'i (2) a (3) SEQua'pamuQ (4) pEl (5) ha (6) Psqa'qBnEm (7),
Friends together (1) now(2) the(j&) Shuswap(i) and(5) the(&) Chilcotin(7).
Ei, and, connecting all words not designating persons:
sqa'its El ciEnq, wood and stone.
I designate by the term
specifying adjectives, substant
—k-en, head.
•—us, facet" aif£.
—ane, ear.
—aks, nose.
—tcin, mouth, language.
—anz, tooth.
—iapsam, neck.
—aqEn, upper part of arm.
—aqkEn, body.
—ikEn, back.
—akst, hand. ■
-ist, stone.
-uciap, fire.
-ko, — atko, water.
-uimuQ, land.
SUBSTANTIVALS.
substantivals nominal suffixes, which are  used for
ives, and verbs:
qazumk-e'n, big-headed.
ihus, pretty.
qazuma'ne, big ear.
k-oa'netEm, he has piercing pains in his ear.
tclawa'ks, nose bleeds.
ntlakyapamuQtcI'n, JYtlakyapamu-ct language.
tciiktcin, to finish with mouth, i.e., to finish
eating.
ppatci'n, one word..
kliQutltcl'n, another language.
zaqiapsa'm, long neck.
nzaqiapsa'm, long-necked.
kaupa'qEn, broken arm.
tska'qEn, wing, armpit.
zaqa'qEn, long-armed.
qzuma'qkEn, big body. ■
pia'qkEn, one body.
mitcaki'kEn, to sit on back.
pauta'kst, swollen hand.
tcu&BHa'kstEm to point with hand.
kaupa'kstkEn, I have broltea-niy-hand-
pie'ist, one stone.
piu'ciap, one fire.
nkui'sko, to fall into water.
qazuma'tko, great lake.
nza'qkO, long lake.
ntlk-a'tko, wide lake.
ksu'imuQ, bad land.-
ihu'imuQ, nice land.
kaQu'imuQ, dry land.
piu'imuQ, one country.
H 1—6
cyiW^J-
a^^ij^ 36
REPORT—1898;.
;-.,
—atlQ, house.
—atfs, trail.
—ai-uk*, tree.
—tip, species of trees and bushes.
-^atldziQ, bush.
—zanz, driftwood.
—qans, board, pla/nk.
—alks, clothing for upper part
of body. . ,
—Itea, covering for body, <V x>ktsr>
I —autl, canoe.
***   —als, knife.
—lEmuq, sack, bottle, box.
—ka, spoon, cup, bucket, pail.
—akEn, bag, bundle.
I   —aiqEn, rope.
•>>- —tim, hollow thing. ■
I   —uza, round thing.
*
—uzEm, group of.
—aski, song.
. men, instrument.
qazuma'tlQ, large house.
Sepa'tlQ, house burns dli'/im.
Eniamina'us, trail for hauling = waggon-road.
tcutlQua'usEnuq, thou pointest out tlie way
to him.
iha'iuk-, a nice tree.
kunEQa'iuk*, how ma/ny trees?
mitcak-a'iuk-, sitting on a tree.
ok-ona'yuk", rotten tree, wood.
k-aya'yuk-, green wood. .
k-'e'qiuk*, liard tmod treeo-r uxvrtf-
za'qiak*, long tree.
s'atk-tlp, yellow pine.
sk-'atlp,./?r.
pea'tldziQ, one bush.
kunEqa'tldziQ, how many bushes?
k'unEqa'nsv how many planks ?
smutlatsa'lks, woman's gown.
spEk-i'tsa, white blanlcet.
ntltsask-aqai'tsa, liorse skin:
pak*ui'tsa, to shiver with fear,    j^ar- ■
qzuma'utl, big canoe.  '
pia'utl, one ca/noe.
^-«peia'ls, one knife.
qzuma'is, large knife.
tlina'tlEmuq, birch bark vessel.
pia'ka, one spoon.
pia'ken, one bag.
tj pia'iqEn, one rope.
ntsikti'm, empty vessel.
piu'za, one round thing.
spek-o'za, white round thing.:
piu'zEm, one group of things.
stlaea'ski, dancing song.
tsuk-me'n, pencil.
niame'n, tool for hauling.
Substantivals sometimes appear in combination:
—tcinatlQ        ' door = mouth of house.
nkamtcina'tlQ. entrance of house.
mitcaktcina'tlQ, to sit in tlie doorway.
Some of the substantivals are developing into classificatory
found in the Tsimshian:—
terms, such as are
% —aks nose ; point of a horizontal pole.
mitcak-a'ks, to sit on a point.
*•  —ken head ; top of a long, upright object.
mitcak-k-e'n, to sit on top of.
i  —ikEn back ; middle of long thing.
mitcak-i'kEn, to sit in middle of a long thing.
* —aiuk" treei long thing. ^
piai'uk- tik sqets, one (long thing) salmon. aJvotL
<, piai'uk- tik tlnQ, one (long thing) vein,   tn /ivrtzui
—a-itQ fiat thing.
pia'ittxstsuk*, one sheet of paper.
pia'itoW'nt a, one piece of canvas (manta, Spanish)..
* —fc"€i} Kaisn       head; round thing.
pjak-e'in tkau'za, one (round thing) egg. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA.
37
Vocabulary of the Chilcotin Language.
The Chilcotin form a branch of the Tinneh stock. I The following vocabulary is
designed on the lines of the vocabularies given in the Sixth and Tenth Reports of the
Committee. Since I am not familiar with the grammatical structure of the language,
the vocabulary must be held subject to revision:
EngUsh
Chilcotin
English
Chilcotin
mam.
tinne, ta'yan.   —
all houses
kaunetlan k*ho.
woman
tse'k-e.
kettle
nosai'.  ^
boy
my girl        CJ TH —
kyenl.
bow
atlthe'n, datsa'nk'a.
6sk-e tse'k-§ ( i. fe
arrow
k'a.
male child).
axe
tshentl.
father
a'pa
knife
pal&'.
thy mother. .
' i'nku'l.
jack-knife
gyi'nalk-i'k.
my husband
sak-a'n.    —
canoe
ts'e.       —
my wife
saa't.      *—
moccasins
ke.
my child
sEsk e'i.   —
pipe
k'a'tsai,
my elder brother
so'nar.     ,_
wooden pipe
titcEn k'a'tsai.
my younger brother
sik-i'l.      -
tobacco
tsrilyo'.
my elder sister
sa'te.
glove
bat.
my younger sister
site'z.      —
sky
yg't'a.     -
Indian
! tentlxOte'n.
sun
sha.
my people
sdtltd's.
moon
a'ldzi.    —
my head
sErtsE'.
star
sEn.  S
my.hair
sErtsa'ra.
cloud
k'os.
my face
SEne'm.
smoke
tlit.           —
my forehead
sEtseEku'tl.  ^_
day
k'antsi'n.    —
my ear
'hetsa'ra (?). ~_
night
euv.
my eye
sEna'ra.      —
morning
k'apEna'q.
my nose
setsi'niH-.   —
evening
ngaratlra'tl.
my mouth
sEr6'.
noon
s&tsana's.   	
my tongue
sErtsoll.
midnight
sotdzni'.
my tooth
SErO'.       —
spring
Erotlts'E'n,
my beard
sEta'ra.
summer
dan.             —
my neck
sEk'6's.     -—
autumn
d'Enk-l'z.1
my arm
sEka'n.      —
winter
qa'i.
my hwnd
sEla'.       —
wind
ne'nts'E.    —
my fingers
sElats'S'i.
thunder  .
e'ndT.
thy fingers
nelats'6'i.
lighfoiing
tou'c.
my thumb
SElaitch6r.
rain
nagutlti'x-.
my first finger
sElaskE't.
snow
naij6's.
mp second finger
sElane'.
fire
k-6n.
my third finger
sElara'.
water
tho.
my fourth finger
sElastE't.
ice
ku'dlu.    —
finger nail
lak'E'n.
earth
nEn.
ya tho.    .. v^'
my body
sEne's.
sea
my chest
sedzi'y.   —
river
— tsire'nli, yik-o'.
my belly
SEbE't.
lake
pel.
my breasts
sEts'6'r.
snow mountain
tsatl.
my leg
SEts'E'n. -
hill
tetlku'tl.
my foot
sEk-6'.     —
island
nnu.
big toe
k-elaitch6'r.
salt
lEsa'l (Chinook jar
toe nail
k-elak'E'n.
gon).
my bone
sEku't.
stone
tshe\       —.
my heart
sEtsi'y (Tsee chest)
tree
titci'n.
my blood
sEti'L       _
black pine
tpinH'(7)..«-(
chief
netc'il'i'n.
all trees
titcinga'ts'ei.
house
k-ho.             —
fuel
tsSz,
1 This 'z' is exceedingly weak, so much so
laterally, giving it a decided ' 1' tinge.
that part of the breath escapes §
38
REPORT—1898.
1;«
English
tail
dog
black bear
deer, buck
fly
mosquito
snake
bird
feather
wing
tail of bird
foot of bird.
foolhen
goose
duck
loon *
teal duck
bald-headed eagle
young eagle
fish
sahnon
trout
fish tail
white
black
red
blue
yellow, green
large
large river
small
small lake
small creek
strong
old mam
young
good
bad
a bad man.
dead
sick
In the Tenth Report of the Committee (p. 33) I have compiled the known words
of the Tinneh dialect that in former times was spoken in the Nicola Valley. I have
compared these words with Chilcotin and Netca'ut'in words, first by asking for the
equivalents of the English words, then by pronouncing the Nicola Valley words.
In a number of cases I obtained equivalents which showed close correspondence.
Chilcotin
English
Chilcotin
kye.       —
cold
gEzk'a'z.
tlen.       —
warm
goze'lgun.
SES, taye's.
I
sl'it.
nesi'ny. ej.'kt^'
thou
ne'in.
asts'E'z.
he
gu'yifi.
ts'lH.
we two
nantinl'Jte (?).
kaqonetla'n.       —
tlarasB'n.  —
we
PE (?).
all
kats'S'i.       - t.jl'it. ^"^
tlaa'tla.
tcus.
many
pEt'a', pEt'sE'n.
far
tlaagosE't.
pEkye'.
near
intltldyll.
pEk-6'.
dlH.
below
to-day
ktigyaq.
k'andzi'n. j Ci. tfc-^u-NviD '*
qaq.
to-morrow
k'apE'n.
nat'6'1.
yesterday
atlqatlda'.
dandzE'n.
he speaks, the truth
atl'a'risEn.    '.'I- <n*u.
nad'atsE'l.
yes
ha'a.
d&'kiH.
no
qa'tada'.
shaiky.
nothing
daQ.
tlu'i.   4.1 1 «**>- w~«» one
entli'y.
ky&rs.
two
na'k-l.
dEk'a'I. t-^aEjU
three
tha'i.
pEkyilarai't.
four
de'i.
tl<5y6'l.
five
fiskonla'.
tlEt'g's.   —
six
tlgyanthai'.
dildl'l.
seven
gyetlqatlgyane'lt'6.
detltsa'.
eight
k'aHine'lt'§.
dEltsfi'r.
nine
tig) alagOntane'lt.
Intca'.
ten
tlt'a'una.
kuntcak*6.
twenty
natl'a'una.
nts6dl.
thirty
thatlya'una.
pengO ntsOdl.
forty
dStlyauna.
tcarenligo ntodl.
one hundred
n elagau' ne id e tl 'auna.
nadent'i'.
to eat
-atslye"'.
dagoldnin.
to drink
thatseti?.
k'a'neralitl (?).
I walk
setrasts'a'tl.  —
tlaagO'su.
to donee
tsEnadai'H.
pekunjdyl't.
to sing
tslgdyg'n.
dene'tla atltsE'n/
I want to sleep
ntastHe'tl.
daltsha'n. ^\. qto'ov
dEneita'.
I sleep
satlagaitlqe'n (?).
"- to speak
iazetld'i'ky.
EngUsh
woman,
black bear
rami of mountain sheep
ewe of mountain sheep
mountain sheep
lake trout
snake
bear berry
horn
arrow
child
take it I'
Nicola VaUey Chilcotin
tsik'hi, tse-akai' tse'k-e
sass, sus, sas ses
sisia'ni cicia'n
tpai c6pai'
ti-pi tE'pi  '
sipai'i sa'pai
tlosHo' tlarasE'fi
ti'nEH    . ti'niH
(ate) ate'
k*e ka
(qe) kei
etltcot (I may give you)    entltcfi't
Netoa'ut'in
ts'e'ku
sas
sriya'n
spai'a
sapai'
tlags's
tEni'H
ate
k'a
yige'itltcut ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA.
These words agree very closely on the Nicola Valley dialect and in Chilcotin.
Only three among these twe'.ve words differ in a manner which cannot weU be
explained by difference of perception and transcription.   They are the -foUowing:
Chilcotin: o6pai'      Netoa'ut'in : spai'a.
tlarasE'n tlagE's.
sa'pai sapai'.
Since three words were collected from more than one individual, and by three
different collectors, it seems likely that there existed an actual difference between
these dialects in regard to these words.
The foUowing words of the Nicola Valley dialect was not understood by either
Chilcotin or Netoa'ut'in when read by me. In a number of cases I obtained the
equivalents of the English words in the two last-named dialects.
eme of mountain sheep
'Nicola: tpai
'snake
tlosEo
lake trout
sipai'i
Nicola VaUey"
English
>ChUcotin
Netca
t-haeh
man
tinne, ta'yan
tine'
tet'-hutz
man
	
thatc
man
—
nootl
man
	
'bulhultu'tai
a fish
	
taki'nktcin
a fish
—
ztilke'ke
ground-hog
teti'ny
tdtni'
tsho
buck of deer .
nesi'ny
ySsts'etin
tEqo'ztz
soap-berry
nO'ruc
nawa'c
notl-ta-ha't-se
}
notlqa'tzi
v mild currant
tqaltsE'l (?)
■qtlona'zi
J
•ta-ta-ney,'
I knife
tet-ta-a-ne'
pala' ■
all's
ta-a'-ni
tsae
spoon
ka'niH
SB'nts'atl
ska-kil-ih-kane
rush mat
gultl'i's
hutlE's
naltsi'tse
arrow-head
duntai'
nu'ntai
tlutl
packing line
qetla'nt'iy
qetla't'iy
ti-li-tsa-in
give me tlie spoon !
nnan te k a'niE
.^
n-shote
give it to me !
nna
te
pin-a-le-el-I-Ita
take care !
sotselne'tle
w6'nU
a'we qe
come here, child  .
I have omitted the numerals in the comparison, because I suspect that those
recorded by Mr. Mackay (I.e., p. 33) are not numerals, but various words which the
informant enumerated as known to him. I think that this is the case, because
many of them agree nearly or quite accurately with other words of our list. Mr.
James Teit, who collected a number of words from the Indians, first caUed my attention to this fact.    The foUowing list fchows these agreements:
Numerals
one, sa-pe
two, tun-ih
three, tlohl
four, na-hla-li-a
five, e-na-hle
six, hite-na-ke is
seven, ne-shote
eight, k-pae
nine, sas
Other words
sa-pie, trout.
tin-ih, bear-berry.
tlotl, packing lime (Teit).
n-shote, give it to me !
t-pae, ewe of mountain slicep.
sass, beam:
These agreements and the fundamental differences between these numerals
and those of all other Tinneh dialects make the series more than doubtful.
Although the apparent differences of a small vocabulary like the present have no
great weight, I am inclined to think that there was a difference between the Chilcotin
and the Nicola Valley dialect- The language was, however, evidently very closely
related to the Chilcotin, while it differed considerably from the Carrier dialects. 40
REPORT—1898.
I 1/1
V. Summary of the Work of the Committee in British Columbia:
By Franz Boas.
At the time when the Committee instituted their investigations, the
inhabitants of the Pacific coast of Canada were less known than those of
any other part of the North American Continent, with the exception,
perhaps, of the tribes of California. What little we knew was based on
the brief descriptions of early travellers, or on indirect information obtained
from investigators who had been working in the regions to the north and
to the south. The only noteworthy work done in recent times was that
by Dr. G. M. Dawson during his frequent geological expeditions to British
Columbia. But three important problems remained to be solved ; the
numerous languages of the coast were still unclassified, and the number
of their, dialects was not definitely known ; the physical characteristics of
the tribes had never been investigated ; it was not known if they represented -one homogeneous type, or if several types were found in the
Province. Finally, the study of the customs of the various tribes offered
a number of difficult problems in regard to the origin and significance
of several phenomena.
Material advance has been made by the efforts of the Committee in
all these directions. The number of languages and dialects is now known,
and it does not seem likely that additional ones will be discovered. The
following languages are spoken in British Columbia :—Athapaskan or
Tinneh in eight dialects; Tsimshian in three" dialects ; Haida in two
dialects ; Wakashan in two divisions, the Kwakiutl with three dialects,
and the Nootka with two dialects * the Salish in four main divisions with
eleven dialects, and the Kootenay. In this enumeration, dialects which
may be classed as well developed and pronounced provincialisms have not
been counted, but only such dialects as show distinct differences in vocabulary and grammar, so that intercommunication between the tribes
speaking them is, even in the case of the most closely affiliated dialects,
not easy. We count, therefore, in all, thirty dialects, which have
been here classed, according to their affinities, under six linguistic stocks.
Grammatical sketches of all these dialects have been obtained ; but a few
only are known tolerably well. These are the Kwakiutl and the Tsimshian.
All the others require much fuller investigation than they have heretofore
received.
While the present state of our knowledge of these languages does not
permit us to assume that the number of stocks to which they belong is
smaller than the number given above, we may call attention at this place
to the morphological relations of some of these languages, which suggest
the desirability of further inquiries into their early history.
Haida and TliDgit—which latter is spoken in southern Alaska—have
a number of morphological traits in common. While all the other
languages of the North Pacific coast use reduplication for grammatical
purposes, no trace of reduplication is found in these two languages. There
is no gender, and no well-defined form for a plural^or distributive. Compound nouns are very numerous, the composition being effected by juxtaposition. Words of. two, three, and more components, which do not
modify each other, occur. Local adverbs, which always retain their
independent forms, frequently enter into compound words of this kind.
In both languages there are four forms of the personal pronoun.    In the ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA. 41
independent pronoun, the selective and the ordinary forms may be distinguished. The pronoun of the transitive verb differs from that M
intransitive verbs, the latter being identical with the objective form of
the former. In this respect there is a close analogy between the Haida
and Tlingit, and the Siouan languages.
The Tsimshian presents an entirely different type of language. We
find a plural based largely on reduplication. The pronouns are suffixed
to the verb. Words are formed almost exclusively by means of prefixes.
The system of numerals is very complex, as there are different sets of
numerals for various classes of objects.
.The southern group of languages—the Kwakiutl, Salish, and Chemakum
(which last is spoken in the northern part of the State of Washington)—
have a series of very peculiar traits in common. Most prominent among
these is the occurrence of what Trumbull has called ' substantivals,' which
play so important a part in the Algonkin languages. Such are, primarily,
parts of the body * furthermore, designations of localities, of fire, water,
road, blanket, domesticated animals (i.e., in olden times, the dog), and
many others. These substantivals do not occur in any other northern
language, and must be considered one of the most important characteristics of the languages in question. All these languages use reduplication
and diaeresis for forming collective forms and plurals of verbs. The
demonstrative pronoun is used very extensively, and serves for distinguishing locations of object or action according to the three forms of the
personal pronoun * namely, such as are located near the first, second, or
third person. Besides these, a great many locative suffixes are used.
Whenever an adverb accompanies the verb, the former is inflected, while
the verb remains unchanged. When a transitive verb is accompanied by
an adverb, the latter always takes the suffix of the pronominal subject,
while the verb takes that of the pronominal object.
The Kootenay presents still another type of language; It incorporates
the object in the same way as the Mexican does, the noun itself being
embodied in the verb. It has very few substantivals, if any, but forms
compounds by verbal composition, Hke the Tinneh (Athapascan) and
Siouan. While in the preceding class we find, for instance, compounds
expressing states of the hand, of water, fire, <fec, we find here compounds
expressing actions done with the hand, the foot, or other instrumentalities ; and in the water, the fire, or in other localities. It seems that
. there is no reduplication.
It is worth remarking that these types of language are characterised
by a few very general features that they have in common, and that distinguish them from the other groups that are found in contiguous areas.
The Haida and Tsimshian are spoken in the extreme north ; the Kwakiutl,
Salish, Chemakum, in the whole southern portion of the Province, and
they adjoin the Algonkin, with whom they have a few peculiarities in
common. The Kootenay is not far separated from the Shoshonean
languages, which resemble it in several particulars. We may therefore
well say that the languages of the North Pacific coast belong to several
morphological groups, each of which occupies a continuous area.
The investigation of the physical characteristics of the, Indians of
British Columbia has resulted in estabhshing the fact that the people are
by no means homogeneous. As compared to the Indians east of the
Rocky Mountains and farther south, they have in common a lighter complexion and lighter hair ; but the shapes of their heads and faces differ
I
J I
42
REPORT—1898.
considerably. Three types may easily be distinguished—the northern
type, represented by the Haida, the Indians of Nass River, and the
Tsimshian | the Kwakiutl type ; and the Thompson River type.
These types may be characterised by the following measurements :—
—
Northe*
•nType
Kwakiutl Type
Thompson River
Type
Average
Mean
Error
Average
Mean
Error
Average
Mean
Error
I. Men
mm.
mm.
mm.
Stature.
1675
±7-40   1
1645
±5*90   1
1634
±7-90
Length of head   .
194-6
±0-80
188-7
±1*19
I860
±0-55
Breadth of head .
1606
±0-67
159-0
151-4
±1-00
165-9
±0-52
Breadth of face   .
153-7
±0-85
±0-54
147-4
±0 41 ;
Height of face
121-6
±0-87
1280
±0-67
120-3
±0-71
II.   Women.
Stature.
1542
±5-70
1537
±5-90   !
1540
±5-00
Length of head
185-6
±0-88
186 9
±1-64
179-5
± 0-53
Breadth of head .
153-2
±0-90
154-3
±1-44
1500
±0-41
Breadth of face   .
143-9
±0-80
144-3
±064
138-8
±0-40
Height of face
114-3
±0-93
119-3
±0-82
112-5
±0 54
They may be described as follows : All these types are of medium
stature, and their arms are relatively long, their bodies short. Among
the northern type we find a very large head. The transversal diameter
is very great. The same may be said of the face, which has an enormous
breadth. The height of the face is moderate, and therefore its form
appears decidedly low. The nose is often concave or straight, seldom
convex. The noses of the women are decidedly concave. Ite elevation
over the face is slight.    The point of the nose is short.
The dimensions of the head of the Kwakiutl are similar to those of
the northern types, but the head seems to be slightly smaller. The face
shows a remarkably different type, which distinguishes it fundamentally
from the faces of all the other groups. The breadth of face is nearly the
same as that of the northern type, but its height is enormous. The same
may be said of the nose, which is very high and comparatively narrow:
The point of the nose is short: its elevation is also very great. The nasal
bones are strongly developed, and form a steep arch, their lower ends
rising high above the face. For this reason convex noses are found very
frequently among this type. Convex noses also prevail among the women,
and for this reason the difference between the female form of the
Kwakiutl and the female form of the northern type is very great.
The Thompson River type is characterised by a very small head, both
diameters being much shorter than those found on the coast, while the
proportions are nearly the same. The transversal diameter of the face is
much shorter than that of the coast Indians, being nearly the same as
that found among the Indians on the plains. The face is much lower
than that of the Kwakiutl type, and also slightly lower than that of the
northern type. The nose is convex and heavy. Ite point is much longer
and heavier than the point of the noses of the coast types.
There are good indications of the existence of a iew other types, but.
they cannot be distinguished with certainty from the types enumerated ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 43
here. It is probable that further measurements will show that the tribes
of Harrison Lake and the Gulf of Georgia represent a fourth type.
The distribution of the types of man in British Columbia has an
important bearing upon the much discussed question of the classification
of mankind ; while some anthropologists have maintained that all classification must be based upon considerations of language, others maintain
as rigorously that the main consideration must be that of physical type.
The data collected by the Committee show clearly that neither of these
contentions is entirely correct. We have seen that certain tribes—such as
the Bilqula, who linguistically belong to the Salish group—physically
belong to another group. This shows that the two phenomena do not go
hand in hand, but that they constantly overlap. The classification of
mankind according to physical characteristics takes into consideration
only the effects of heredity and environment upon the physical type of
man. Race mixture, isolation, and effect of environment will be reflected
in the results of these classifications. But there are evidently cases in
which a slow infiltration of foreign blood takes place, while language and
customs remain unaltered or changed to but a slight extent. The Bilqula
branched off from the Coast Salish at an early time, and retain the Salish
language ; but there has been an infiltration of Kwakiutl blood and of
Athapaskan blood, which has entirely changed the physical features of the
tribe. With this infiltration of foreign blood came foreign words and
foreign cultural elements, but they were not sufficiently powerful to change
the original speech of the people.
It is clear, from these considerations, that the three methods of classifying mankind—that according to physical characters, according to lan-
guage^and according to culture—all reflect the historical development of races
from different standpoints ; and that the results of the three classifications are not comparable, because the historical facts do not affect the
three classes of phenomena equally. A consideration of all these classes
of facte is needed when we endeavour to reconstruct the early history of
the races of mankind.
It will be sufficient to point out in this place a few of the more general
results of the studies conducted by the Committee on the cultures of the
primitive people of British Columbia. In the Reports of the Committee
only brief abstracts were given of the mythologies and traditions of the
tribes, but full collections were made ; and a comparison of these has led
to the following results :—The culture of the coast tribes of the Province
is quite uniform. It has reached its highest development in the district
extending from Queen Charlotte Islands to northern Vancouver Island.
As we depart from this region, a gradual change in arts and customs
takes place, and together with it we find a gradual diminution in the
number of myths which the distant tribes have in common with the
people of British Columbia. At the same time a gradual change in the
incidents and general character of the legends takes place.
We can in this manner trace what we might call a dwindling-down
of an elaborate cyclus of myths to mere adventures, or even to incidents
of adventures, and we can follow the process step by step. Wherever
this distribution can be traced, we have a clear and undoubted example
of the gradual dissemination of a myth over neighbouring tribes. The
phenomena of distribution can be explained only by the theory that the
•tales have been carried from one tribe to ite neighbours, and by the tribe
which has newly acquired them in turn to its own neighbours.    It is not REPORT—1898.
necessary that this dissemination should always follow one direction ; it
may have proceeded either way. In this manner a complex tale may
dwindle down by gradual dissemination, but new elements may also be
embodied in it.
It may be well to give an example of this phenomenon. The most
popular tradition of the North Pacific coast is that of the raven. Ite
most characteristic form is found among the Tlingit, Tsimshian, and
Haida. As we go southward, the connection between the adventures
becomes looser, and their number less. It appears that the traditions
are preserved quite fully as far south as the north end of Vancouver
Island. Farther south the number of raven-tales which are known to the
Indians diminishes very much. At Nahwitti, near the north point of
Vancouver Island, thirteen tales out of a whole of eighteen exist. The
Comox have only eight, the Nootka six, and the Coast Salish only three.
Furthermore, the traditions are found at Nahwitti in the same connection
as farther north, while farther south they are very much modified. The
tale of the origin of daylight, which was liberated by the raven, may
serve as an instance. He had taken the shape of the leaf of a cedar,
was swallowed by the daughter of the owner of the daylight, and then
born again * afterwards he broke the box in which the daylight was kept.
Among the Nootka, only the transformation into the leaf of a cedar,
which is swallowed by a girl and then born again, remains. Among the
Coast Salish the more important passages survive, telling how the raven
by, a ruse compelled the owner of the daylight to let it out of the box in
which he kept it. The same story is found as far south as Grey's Harbour
in Washington. The adventure of the pitch, which the raven kills by
exposing it to the sunshine, intending to use it for calking his canoe, is
found far south, but in an entirely new connection, embodied in the
tradition of the origin of sun and moon.
But there are also certain adventures embodied in the raven myths of
the north, which probably had their origin in other parts of America.
Among these may be mentioned the tale of how the raven was invited
and reciprocated. The seal puts his hands near the fire, and grease drips
out of them into a dish, which he gives to the raven. Then the latter
tries to imitate him, but burns his hands, &c. This tale is found, in one
or the other form, all over North America, and there is no proof that it
originally belonged to the raven myth of Alaska Other examples may
be found in the collection of traditions published by F. Boas.1
The proposition that dissemination has taken place among neighbouring tribes will probably not encounter any opposition. Starting from
this point of view, we may advance the following considerations :—
If we have a full collection of the tales and myths of all the tribes of
a certain region, and then tabulate the number of incidents which all
the collections from each tribe have in common with 4ny selected tribe,
the number of common incidents will be the larger the more intimate the
relation of the two tribes, and the nearer they live together. This is
what we observe in a tabulation of the material collected on the North
Pacific coast. On the whole, the nearer the people, the greater the
number of common elements of traditions ; the farther apart, the less their
number.
\[ Indianisclie Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Kiistc Amerikas, pp. vi-363.
Berlin, li>95. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA. 45
But it is not the geographical location alone which influences the distribution of tales. In some cases, numerous tales which are common to
a certain territory stop short at a certain point, and are found beyond it
in slight fragments only. These limits do not by any means coincide
with the linguistic divisions. An example of this kind is the raven
legend, to which reference has been made. It is found in substantially
the same form from Alaska to northern Vancouver Island ; then it suddenly disappears almost entirely, and is not found among the southern
tribes of Kwakiutl lineage, nor on the west coast of Vancouver Island,
although the northern tribes, who speak the Kwakiutl language, have it.
Only fragments of these legends have strayed farther south, and their
number diminishes with increasing distance. There must be a cause for
such a remarkable break. A statistical inquiry shows that the northern
traditions are in close accord with the tales of the tribes as far south as
the central part of Vancouver Island, where a tribe of Salish lineage is
found * but farther they do not go. The closely allied tribes immediately
south do not possess them. Only one explanation of this fact is possible,
viz., lack of assimilation, which may be due to a difference of character,
to continued hostilities, or to recent changes in the location of the tribes,
which has not allowed the slow process of assimilation to exert its deep-
acting influence. The last may be considered the most probable cause.
The reason for this opinion is, that the Bilqula, another Salish tribe, who
have become separated from the people speaking related languages, and
who Hve in the far north, still show in their mythologies close relations
to the southern Salish tribes, with whom they have many more traits ih
common than their neighbours to the north and to the south.    If their
O ... . *.
removal had taken place very long ago, this similarity in mythologies would
probably not have persisted, but they would have been quite amalgamated
with their new neighbours.
We may also extend our comparisons beyond the immediate neighbours
of the tribes under consideration by comparing the mythologies of the
tribes of the plateaus in the interior, and even of those farther to the
east, with those of the coast. Unfortunately, the available material from
these regions is very scanty. Fairly good collections exist from the
Athapaskan tribes, from the tribes of Columbia River, and—east of the
mountains—from the Omaha, and from some Algonkin tribes. When
comparing the mythologies and traditions which belong to far-distant
regions, we find that the number of incidents which they have ih common
is greater than might have been expected ; but some of those incidents
are so general that we may assume that they have no connection, and
may have arisen independently. There is, however, one very characteristic feature which proves beyond cavil that this is not the sole cause of
the similarity of tales and incidents. We know that in the region under
discussion two important trade routes reached the Pacific coast —one
along the Columbia River, which connected the region inhabited by
Shoshonean tribes with the coast, and indirectly led to territories occupied
by Siouan and Algonkin tribes ; another one which led from Athapaskan
territory to the country of the Bilqula. A route of minor importance led
down Fraser River. A study of the traditions shows that along these
routes the points of contact of mythologies are strongest, and rapidly
diminish with increasing distances from these routes. On Columbia
River the pointe of contact are with, the Algonkin and Sioux ; among
the Bilqula they are with the Athapaskan.    This phenomenon can hardly
1 lit
46 report—1898.
be explained in any other way than by assuming that the myths followfed
the line of travel of the tribes, and that there has been dissemination of
tales all over the continent. The tabulations which have been made
include the Micmac of Nova Scotia, the Eskimo of Greenland, the Ponca
of the Mississippi Basin, and the Athapaskan of Mackenzie River ; and
the results give the clearest evidence of extensive borrowing.
The identity of a great many tales in geographically contiguous areas
has led to the assumption that, wherever a great similarity between two
tales is found in North America, it is more likely that it is due to dissemination than to independent origin.
But without extending these theories bsyond the clearly demonstrated
truths of transmission of tales between neighbouring tribes, we may
reach some further conclusions. When we compare, for instance, the
legend of the culture hero of the Chinook, and that of the origin of the
whole religious ceremonial of the Kwakiutl Indians, we find a very far-
reaching resemblance in certain parts of the legends, which makes it
certain that these parts are derived from the same source. The grandmother of the divinity of the Chinook, when a child, was carried away by
a monster. Their child became the mother of the culture-hero, and by
her help the monster was slain. In a legend from Vancouver Island a
monster, the cannibal spirit, carries away a girl, and is finally slain by her
help. Their child becomes later onthe new cannibal spirit. There are
certain intermediate stages of these stories which prove their identity
beyond doubt. The important point in this case is that the myths in
question are perhaps the most fundamental ones in the mythologies of
these two tribes. Nevertheless, they are not of native growth, but
—partly at least—borrowed. A great many other important legends
prove to be of foreign origin, being grafted upon mythologies of various
tribes. This being the case, it follows that the mythologies of the various
tribes as we find them now are not organic growths, but have gradually
developed and obtained their present form by accretion of foreign material.
Much of this material must have been adopted ready made, and has been
adapted and changed in form according to the genius of the people who
borrowed it. The proofs of this process are so ample that there is no
reason to doubt the fact. . We are therefore led to the opinion that,
from mythologies in their present form, it is impossible to derive the conclusion that they are mythological explanations of phenomena of nature
observed by the people to whom the myths belong, but that many of
them, at-the places where we find them now, never had such a meaning.
If we acknowledge this conclusion as correct, we must give up the attempts
at offhand explanation of myths as fanciful, and we must admit that
also explanations given by the Indians themselves are often secondary,
and do not reflect the true origin of the myths.
It may be well to explain this point of view a little more fully.
Certainly the phenomena of nature are the foundation of numerous myths,
else we should not find that the sun, moon, clouds, thunderstorm, the sea,
and the land play so important a part in all mythologies. But it seems
that the specific myth cannot be simply interpreted as the result of
observation of natural phenomena. Its growth is much too complex. In
most cases the present form has undergone material change by disintegration and by accretion of foreign material, so that the original idea is at
best much obscured.
Perhaps the objection might be -raised to this argument that the simi- ■ We will next consider the social organisations of the coast tribes in
connection with certain- peculiar customs which have uwn described in
the Reports of the Committee, viz., the secret societies.
The northern tribes have maternal institutions, and are divided into a
number of clans, which have animal totems. The clans are not considered descendants of the totem animal, but claim that the ancestor.of
each clan had a meeting with the totem animal, in which the latter became
his friend and helper. The Kwakiutl are divided into a number of clans,
most of which have animals for their totems. Most of these totems are
explained in the same manner as those of the northern tribes, while others
are  considered  direct  descendants  of  the  totem  animal.    Among  the
ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA*. 47
larities of mythologies are due, not only to borrowing, but also to the fact
that, under similar conditions which prevail in a limited area, the human
mind creates similar products. While there is a certain truth in this
argument, so far as elementary forms of human thought are concerned, it
seems quite incredible that the same complex product should originate
twice in a limited territory. The very complexity of the tales and their
gradual dwindling do.wn, to which reference has already been made, cannot possibly be explained by any other theory than by that of dissemination.
Wherever geographical continuity of the area of distribution of a complex
ethnographical phenomenon is found, the laws of probability exclude the
theory that in this continuous area the complex phenomenon has arisen
independently in various places ; but they compel us to assume that the
distribution of this phenomenon in its present complex form is due to
dissemination, while its composing elements may have originated here and
there.
In the Old World, wherever investigations on mythologies of neighbouring tribes have been made, the philological proof has been considered
the weightiest; that is to say, the proof of borrowing has been considered
the most satisfactory whenever, together with the stories, the names of the
actors have also been borrowed. We cannot expect to find such borrowing of names to prevail to a great extent in America. Even in Asia the
borrowed names are often translated from one language into the other, so
that their phonetic resemblance is entirely destroyed. The same phenomenon is observed in America. In many cases the heroes of myths are
animals, whose names are introduced in the myths. In other cases, names
are translated, or so much changed, according to the phonetic laws of
various languages, that they can hardly be recognised. Cases of transmission of names are, however, by no means rare. We will give only a
few examples from the North Pacific coast.
Almost all the names of the Bilqula mythology are borrowed from the
Kwakiutl language. A portion of the great religious ceremony of the
Kwakiutl has the name ' tlokoa'la.' This name, which is also closely connected with a certain series of myths, has spread northward and southward
over a considerable distance. Southward we find it as far as the Columbia
River, while to the north it ceases with the Tsimshian ; but still farther
north another name of a part of the ceremonial of the Kwakiutl is substituted, viz., ' no'ntlEm.' This name, as designating the ceremonial, is
found far into Alaska. But these are exceptions * on the whole, the
custom of translating names and of introducing names of animals excludes
the application of the linguistic method of investigating the borrowing of
myths and customs. REPORT—1898.
IIV-
Kwakiutl we find a mixture of paternal and maternal institutions, but
the son is not allowed to use his father's totem ; he acquires the right
to his totem by marriage, receiving at that time the totem of his wife's
father. When, later on, his daughter marries, the right to the totem
descends upon her husband. In this manner the totem descends in the
maternal line, although indirectly. Each clan has a certain limited
number of names. Each individual has only one name at a time. The
bearers of these names form the nobility of the tribe. When a man receives the totem of his father-in-law, he at the same time receives his
name, while the father-in-law gives up the name, and takes what is called
* an old man's name,' which does noi belong to the names constituting the
nobility of the tribe.
Among the Kwakiutl and Bilqula this social organisation holds good
during the summer, while during the winter ceremonials it is suspended.
During this time the secret societies take the place of the clans. According to tradition, these societies have originated in the same manner as the
clan originated. One of the ancestors of the clan met the presiding spirit
of one of the societies, and was initiated by him. This seems to be the
general form of tradition explaining- the origin of secret societies among
all North American tribes. All those who have been initiated by the
same spirit, and who have received from him the name, privileges, and secrete
of the ceremonial, form a secret society. The most important among the
societies on the North Pacific coast are those of the cannibals, the bears,'the
fools, and the warriors. The number of names composing a secret society
is limited in the same manner as the number of names composing the
clan. Membership in a secret society may be obtained in two ways : by
marriage, in the same way as the acquisition of the totem ; and by killing
the owner of a certain name. Totem and secret society are not connected
inseparably * but the one may be transferred to one person, the other to
another.
In order to understand this curious system clearly we must remember
that the Salish tribes which are found south of the Kwakiutl are divided
into village communities ; while their northern neighbours—the Tsimshian, .
the   Haida,   and the  Tlingit—are  divided  into  maternal  clans.     The
Kwakiutl have been strongly influenced from both sides.
The traditions explaining the totems and the secret societies refer, as
stated before, to the initiation of the ancestor of the clan. They are
analogous to the traditions of the acquisition of the Manitou. All the
tales referring to this subject have approximately the following incident:
A youth undergoes a ceremonial fasting and purification, and thus acquires
the faculty of seeing a spirit, who becomes his protector. The traditions of
the coast tribes explaining the origin of clans have the same contents. There
is only one difference : the protecting spirit has appeared to the ancestor of
the clan, and is now inherited by their descendants without personal initiation. In this respect the similarity between the traditions of the secret societies and those referring to the Manitous is much closer, since it is necessary
that each new member be initiated by the presiding spirit of the society.
Therefore every new member has to undergo the same ceremonies which
other Indians undergo at the time of reaching puberty. The beliefs of
the Chinooks of Columbia River are similar to those of the northern tribes,
although among them the idea of the acquisition of the totem has been
more clearly preserved. They believe that a man can acquire only that
spirit who belonged to his ancestors in the paternal line, but the relation 1
ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA. 49
of this spirit to the individual is identical with that of the Manitou to the
eastern Indian.
It can be clearly shown that the development of the family Manitou
into the family totem has taken place owing to the influence of the
northern tribes. In order to make this clear, it is necessary to consider
for a moment the clans of the Kwakiutl somewhat closely. In examining
the names of the tribes, it will be seen that very often the name of the
tribe is the collective form of the name of ite ancestor. At the same
time a subdivision of the tribe, one of its clans, may have the name * The
Family of the Ancestor,' while the other clans have different names. It
seems that this proves that the first clan formed the original stock of the
tribe, and that the other clans joined it later on. This theory is strengthened by two considerations : first, it is stated that each clan originally
had ite village at a certain place, which it left later on in order to join
others. Almost all these places can be proved to be ancient village sites.
Secondly, many clans have names which may be translated, as * Inhabitants of such and such a place,' while nowadays they live with the rest
of the tribe in the same village, and have no distinct claims to the
territory the name of which they bear. This seems to prove that the
present social organisation of the tribe is a late development, and that
originally the Kwakiutl were in the same stage of development as their,
southern neighbours, among whom the social unit is the village community, and who haye no crests.
The northern tribes have clearly defined totems, which are inherited
in the maternal line, and which have animal names and animal crests.
While among these tribes the totem of the whole clan is founded on the
tradition belonging to the whole clan, the subdivisions of the latter are
explained in exactly the same manner as those of the Kwakiutl clans.
The artistic bent of these people has taken hold of these traditions, and
has thus formed the crest for the clan and for its subdivisions. There is
little doubt that the plastic art of the northern tribes was a most important factor in developing their social system. In the south, where this art
begins to disappear, the village community takes the place of the clan
with animal totem, while among the tribes located between these two
groups, among whom the plastic art is well developed, although not as
highly as in the north, there is an intermediate form of social system. It
is therefore likely that the development of the social system discussed
here has taken place in the northern part of British Columbia.
The northern tribes of Kwakiutl lineage show clearly that their ideas
have been influenced by the animal totem of the northern tribes. They
have adopted to a great extent the maternal descent and the division into
animal totems of the northern tribes. The social organisation of the
He'iltsuk*, one of the most northern tribes of Kwakiutl lineage, is similar
to that of the Tsimshian, while their southern neighbours, the inhabitants of Rivers Inlet, who speak the same dialect, retain the more complex
organisation of the Kwakiutl; but they have mainly maternal descent.
It is an interesting fact that a great many of the clan legends of the
Kwakiutl are very insignificant, while others have important mythical
bearings by which they are closely connected with the mythological
concepts of the people. It seems probable that clan legends first found
their way to the Kwakiutl by marriages with women of northern tribes,
whose traditions, according to tlie customs of the northern region, were
inherited by the woman's children. This must have given an importanfc
; "        - P 1—7 impulse to acquiring or inventing similar traditiops on the part of other
clans, since their possession was undoubtedly considered a prestige.
Probably the fastings of young men and the subsequent hallucinations
have furnished the greater part of the material for these legends.
It is necessary to consider at this place a few characteristic traditions
which belong to the cannibal society of the tribes of the northern and
central parts of the coast. The most widely diffused tradition on this
subject seems to have originated among the He'iltsuk*, but it has spread
southward to the Kwakiutl. It is told that a young girl was carried away
by the cannibal spirit. Her four brothers searched for her, and with
difficulty escaped the pursuing cannibal spirit. Finally, they succeeded in
killing him, and his ashes were transformed into mosquitoes. In the
course of their visit to their sister the brothers learned the songs and
secrets of the cannibal society. This tradition is given in most cases
as the origin of the secret society. A number of other members were
initiated in other ways, one by stealing the cedar-bark ornaments of the
bathing cannibal spirit, another one by ascending the sky and obtaining
the secrets of the society.
These customs have also spread to the northern neighbours of the
He'iltsuk*, the Tsimshian. They have the following tradition in regard to
the origin of the society :—A hunter pursued a bear, which finally led
him into the interior of a rock. Inside he saw people performing the
ceremonies of the society, and he was instructed by their chief to repeat
the same ceremonies at home. In all the traditions of the Kwakiutl the
cannibal spirit presides over the society, while he does not appear in the
Tsimshian tradition. This shows that different traditions are used for
explaining the same ceremonial.
In connection with these facts we will consider the conclusions which
were drawn from a consideration of the mythologies of the tribes of
British Columbia. We saw that none of these could be considered as the
product of a single tribe. All the traditions were full of foreign elements,
which it was possible to trace over wide areas. If, therefore, the same
ritual is explained by different traditions, we may conclude that the
ritual preceded the tradition * that the former is the primary phenomenon,
the latter the secondary.
It seems that the development of the ritual, as well as ofthe traditions
connected with it, is founded in the prestige given by membership in a
secret society. There must have developed a desire to become a member
of a society, which led, wherever the number of societies was insufficient
for the tribe, to the establishment of new ones. It is not meant, of
course, that the Indians intentionally invented new traditions, but that
the desire stimulated their fancy and excited their mind, and that in this
manner, after proper fastings, occasion was given for hallucinations, the
material of which was naturally taken from the ideas found among the
tribe and its neighbours. Similar phenomena have been treated, from a
systematic point of view, by Stoll in his book on Suggestion, and by Tarde
in his book on the Laws of Imitation.
It is easily understood how the exciting ceremonial of the cannibal
society may have given rise to hallucinations in which a young man
thought to see the same spirit under new conditions, and that after
his return from the solitude he told his visions. Since the opinion
prevailed that the spirit which appeared in this manner had a tendency
to reappear to the descendants of the person to whom it once- appeared. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN-TRIBES OF CANADA. 51
opportunity was given for the formation of a new place in the secret
societies. We may assume, therefore, that, psychologically, the development of the complex system of membership in the secret societies must be
explained as due to the combined action of the social system and the
method of acquiring guardian spirits.
While these considerations may explain the variety of form of the
secret societies, and show that the myths on which a ritual is founded are
probably secondary, they do not explain the origin of the societies
themselves and of the peculiar customs connected with them. There are,
however, indications which lead to the opinion that these societies
developed from methods of warfare. First of all, it is important to note
that the deity Wina'lagyilis of the Kwakiutl presides over the whole
ceremonial. This name means ' the one who makes war upon the whole
world,' and his spirit controls the mind of the Indians also during the
time of war. For this reason the secret societies are in action also on
war expeditions, no matter at what season of the year they may occur.
All the oldest songs of the secret societies refer to war. The cannibal, as
well as the bear dancers and the fool dancers of the Kwakiutl, are considered warriors, and go into ecstasies as soon as an enemy has been
killed. All this indicates that originally the secret societies were closely
connected with war expeditions.
One thing more must be considered. The customs which we observe
to-day are evidently the modern development of ancient forms. It is
known that the ceremonial cannibalism, which nowadays is the principal
part of the whole ceremonial, has been introduced very recently among
all the tribes. The Kwakiutl state that this custom was introduced
among them not longer than sixty years ago, and that it originated among
the He'iltsuk*. We also know that the custom spread from the He'iltsuk*
to the Tsimshian not longer than a hundred and fifty years ago. Therefore there is no doubt that the custom was originally confined to the small
territory of the He'iltsuk*. Among the southern tribes the cannibals
originally confined themselves to holding with their teeth the heads of
enemies which had been cut off.
The form in which the cannibalism spread from the He'iltsuk* is
mainly the following:—A slave was killed by his owner, then he was
torn to pieces and eaten by the cannibals • or pieces of flesh were bitten
out of the arms and the chest of people ; or, finally, corpses which had
been prepared in a particular way were devoured by the cannibals. The
first of these customs clearly bears some relation to war. A slave was
obtained in war by the relative of a cannibal, and by killing him the
owner celebrated the victory before the assembled tribe. It is not possible
to prove definitely that the secret societies developed in this manner from
customs related to war expeditions, but the close relationship of the two
cannot be doubted.
We may say, therefore, that the investigations of the Committee have
proved that dissemination of cultural elements has taken place all along
the North Pacific coast, and also that the most distant parts of the
American continent, and probably even parts of the Old World, have
contributed to the growth of the culture of the Indians of British
Columbia. This fact shows that we cannot accept the sweeping assertion
that sameness of ethnical phenomena is always due to tbe sameness of the
working of the human mind, but that it is necessary to consider in all
h 1—8 52 REroRT—1898.
anthropological investigations the important element of dissemination of
cultural elements.
The decorative art of the Indians of the North Pacific coast,differs
from the arts of other primitive people in that the process of conventionalisation has not led to the development of geometric designs, but
that the ornaments mostly represent animals. It is generally assumed
that all the animal representations found on totem poles or on decorations
of household utensils and of wearing apparel represent the totems of the
various clans. While it is certainly true that in most cases the artists
decorate the objects with the totem of the owner, there are a number
of cases in which the reason for applying certain animal designs is founded
on other considerations. This is very evident in the case of the fish-club,
which is used in despatching halibut and other fish before they are
hauled into the canoe. Almost all the clubs that I have seen represent
the sea-lion or the killer-whale—the two sea animals which are most
feared by the Indians, and which kill those animals that are to be killed
by means of the club. The idea of giving the club the design of the
sea-lion or killer-whale is therefore rather to give it a form appropriate to
its function, and perhaps, secondarily, to give it by means of its form
great efficiency.
Another instance in which a close relation exists between the function
of the object and its design is that of the grease dish. Small grease
dishes have almost invariably the shape of the seal, or sometimes that of
the sea-lion • that is, of those animals which furnish a vast amount of
blubber. Grease of sea animals is considered a sign of wealth. In many
cases abundance of food is described by saying that the sea near the
houses was covered with the grease of the seal, the sea-lion, and whales.
Thus the form of the seal seems to symbolise affluence.
Other grease dishes and food dishes have the form of canoes, and here,
I believe, a similar idea has given rise to the form. The canoe symbolises
that a canoe load of food is presented to the guests, and that this view
is probably correct is indicated by the fact that in his speeches the host
often refers to the canoe filled with food which he gives to his guests.
The canoe form is often modified, and a whole series of types can be
established forming the transition between canoe dishes and ordinary
trays. Dishes of this sort always bear a conventionalised face at each
short end, while the middle part is not decorated. This is analogous to
the style of the decoration of the canoe. The design represents almost
always the hawk. I am not certain what has given origin to the
prevalence of this design. On the whole, the decoration of the canoe is
totemistic. It may be that it is only the peculiar manner in which the
beak of the hawk is represented which has given rise to the prevalence of
this decoration. The upper jaw of the hawk is always shown so that its
point reaches the lower jaw and turns back into the mouth. When
painted or carved in front view, the beak is indicated by a narrow wedge-
shaped strip in the middle of the face, the point of which touches the
lower margin of the chin. The sharp bow and stern of a canoe with
a profile of a face on each side, when represented on a level or slightly
rounded surface, would assume the same shape. Therefore it may be
that originally the middle line was not the beak of the hawk, but the
foreshortened bow or stern of the canoe. This decoration is so uniform
that the explanation given here seems to be very probable. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
On halibut hooks we find very often decorations representing
squid.    The reason for selecting this motive must be looked for in the
fact that the squid is used for baiting the hooks.
I am not quite certain if the decoration of armour and weapons is
totemistic or symbolic. Remarkably many helmets represent the sea-
lion, many daggers the bear, eagle, wolf, and raven, while I have not seen
one that represents the killer-whale, although it is one of the ornaments
that are most frequently shown on totemistic designs.
I presume this phenomenon may be accounted for by a consideration
of the ease with which the conventionalised forms lend themselves to
decorating certain parte of implements. It is difficult to imagine how
the killer-whale could be represented on the handle of a dagger without
impairing its usefulness. On the other hand, the long thin handles
of ladles made of the horn of the big horn sheep generally terminate with
the head of a raven or of a crane, the beak being the end of the handle.
This form was evidently suggested by the slender tip of the horn, which
is easily carved in this shape. The same seems to be true in the cases of
lances or knives, the blades of which are represented as the long, protruding tongues of animals ; but it may be that in • this case there is a
complex action of a belief in the supernatural power of the tongue, and in
the suggestions which the decorator received from the shape of the object
he desired to decorate.
To sum up, it seems that there are a great number of cases of decoration
which cannot be considered totemistic, but which are either symbolic or
suggested by the shape of the object to be decorated. It seems likely
that totemism was the most powerful incentive in developing the art of
the natives of the North Pacific coast * but the desire to decorate in
certain conventional forms once established, these forms were applied in
cases in which there was no reason and no intention of using the
totemistic mark. The thoughts of the artists were influenced by
considerations foreign to the idea of totemism. This is one of the
numerous ethnological phenomena which, although apparently simple,
cannot be explained psychologically from a single cause, but are due to
several factors.
The treatment of the animal design is very peculiar. We may
distinguish two principles which govern the form of representation :
First, the animal is characterised by a number of symbols ; secondly,
the artist does not endeavour to render a perspective view of the animal,
but rather to show the whole animal.
The first of these principles is probably founded largely on the difficulty
encountered in designing realistic representations of various animals which
would be clearly recognised as specific animals. For this reason the most
characteristic peculiarities of each species become the symbols by which it
is recognised. Thus the beaver is always symbolised by two large incisors
and a scaly tail; the dog-fish, by an elongated forehead, a mouth with
depressed corners, and five curved lines (the gills) on each cheek • the
killer-whale, by its tail, flippers, and its large dorsal fin ; the sculpin, by
two spines which rise over the forehead ; the hawk, by a large beak,
which is turned backward so chat it touches the chin. Probably all
these symbols were originally applied to charactrrise a portion of a
quadruped, bird, or fish * but in course of time they ;ame to be considered
as sufficient to call to mind the form of the whole animal. We find,
therefore, that gradually the symbols were to a great extent substituted 54
REPORT—1898.
for representations of the whole animal. A dorsal fin worn on the
blanket of a dancer, or painted on his face, indicates that the person so
decorated personates the killer-whale. A strongly curved beak painted
on a gambling-stick symbolises that the stick is meant to represent the
thunder-bird. A protruding tongue painted on the chin symbolises the
bear.
The second principle seems to be quite opposed to the first one. When
the artist decorates any object with the representation of an animal, he
distorts and dissects the animal in such a way as to show the whole body
on the decorative field * but a closer examination of this tendency proves
that it originates mainly in the necessity felt by the artist of introducing
all the symbols, which are distributed over the whole body of the animal,
in the decoration. To give a few instances, bracelets are decorated in
such a way that the animal is split along ite back, and then represented
in such a manner as to make it appear as though the arm were pushed
through the opening. On tattooings the animals are shown as split
through along their backs or along their chests, and then flattened out,
so that a symmetrical design results. Carvings on totem poles must be
interpreted in the same way, the animal being represented as bisected
along the rear side of. the totem pole, and extended so that the two margins
of the cut appear on the borders of the carved portion of the pole. The
distortion and section of animals is nowhere carried further than in
representations on boxes, on slate dishes, and on Chilcat blankets ; but in
all these decorations we recognise the endeavour to bring such forms of
the animal into view as are essential for an understanding of the design—
that is to say, all those parts of the animal are represented which serve as
its symbols.
So far as I am aware, the process of conventionalising has not led to
the formation of geometrical designs, which are exceedingly rare on
decorated objects from the North Pacific coast. They are found only in
certain kinds of basket work and in mattings.
Finally, it may be well to add a brief explanation of the economic
system prevailing among these Indians, which was fully set forth in the
Fifth Report of the Committee. This system finds its expression in the
so-called 'potlatch.' The meaning of this custom has been much misunderstood, and the recent enactment of a law making the potlatch a
criminal offence is probably in great measure due to a misconception in
regard"to its meaning.
The economic system of the Indians of British Columbia is largely
based on credit, just as much as that of civilised communities. In all his
undertakings the Indian relies on the help of his friends. He promises
to pay them for this help at a later date. If the help furnished consisted
in valuables, ■ which are measured by the Indians by blankets as we
measure them by money, he promises to repay the amount so loaned with
interest. The Indian has no system of writing, and therefore, in order to
give security to the transaction, it is performed publicly. The contracting
of debts, on the one hand, and the paying of debts, on the other, is the
potlatch. This economic system has developed to such an extent that the
capital possessed by all the individuals of the tribe combined exceeds
many times the actual amount of cash that exists; that is to say, the
conditions are quite analogous to those prevailing in our community: if
we want to call in all our outstanding debts, it is found that there is not ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA.
by any means money enough in existence to pay them, and the result of
an attempt of all the creditors to call in their loans results in disastrous
panic, from which it takes the community a long time to recover.
It must be clearly understood that an Indian who invites all his
friends and neighbours to a great potlatch, and apparently squanders
all the accumulated results of long years of labour, has two things in his
mind which we cannot but acknowledge as wise and worthy of praise.
His first object is to pay his debts. This is done publicly and with much
ceremony, as a matter of record. His second object is to invest the fruits
of his labour so that the greatest benefit will accrue from them for himself
as well as for his children. The recipients of gifts at this festival receive
these as loans, which they utilise in their present undertakings, but after
the lapse of several years they must repay them with interest to the giver
or to his heir. Thus the potlatch comes to be considered by the Indians
as a means of insuring the well-being of their children if they should be
left orphans while still young.    It is, we might say, their life insurance.
The sudden abolition of this system—which in all its intricacies is very
difficult to understand, but the main points of which were set forth in the
preceding remarks—destroys therefore all the accumulated capital of the
Indians. It undoes the carefully planned life-work of the present generation, exposes them to need in their old age, and leaves the orphans
unprovided for. What wonder that it should be resisted with vigour by
the best class of Indians, and that only the lazy should support it, because
it relieves them of the duty of paying their debts ?
But it will be said that the cruel ceremonies connected with some of
the festivals make their discontinuance necessary. An- intimate knowledge of the Indian character leads me to consider that any interference
with these very ceremonials is unadvisable. They are so intimately connected with all that is sacred to the Indian that their forced discontinuance will tend to destroy what moral steadiness is left to him. It
was during these ceremonies that I heard the old men of the tribe exhort
the young to mend their ways ; that they held up to reprobation the young
women who had gone to Victoria to lead a life of shame * and that they
earnestly discussed the question of requesting the Indian Agents to help
them in their endeavour to bring the young back to the good, moral life
of old.
And the cruelty of the ceremonial exists alone in the fancy of those
who know of it only by the exaggerated descriptions of travellers. In
olden times it was a war ceremony, and captives were killed and even
devoured * but with the encroachment of civilisation the horrors of the
old ceremonies have died out. An old chief has been heard addressing
his people thus : ' How lovely is our time ! No longer do we go in fear
of each other; peace is everywhere. No longer is there the strife of
battle * we only try to outdo each other in the potlatch,' meaning that
each tries to invest his property in the most profitable manner, and
particularly that they vie with each other in honourably repaying their debts.
The ceremony of the present day is no more and no less than a time
of general amusement, which is expected with much pleasure by young
and old. But enough of its old sacredness remains to give the Indian,
during the time of ite celebration, an aspect of dignity which he lacks at
other times. The lingering survivals of the old ceremonies will die out
quickly, and the remainder is a harmless amusement that we should be
slow to take away from the native, who is struggling, against the over-
powerful influence of civilisation. i!-
I
56
REPORT—1898.
Papers based largely on Investigations carried on for the Committee on
the North- Western Tribes of Canada.
1.—Reports I.-XII. of the Committee on the North-Western Tribes of Canada.
2.—Alex. F. Chamberlain. Der Wettlauf. Eine Sage de Kitonaqa. Am Ur-
Quell, Bd. III. (1892), S. 212-214. I .
3.—Einige Wurzeln aus der Sprache der Kitonaqa-Indianer von Bntisch-
Columbien.    Verh. d. Beri. Anthrop. Ges. (1893), S. 419-425.
4—Notes on the Kootenay Indians. Bd. I. The Name. Amer. Antiquarian,,
vol. xv. (1893), pp. 292-294.
5.—-Notes on the Kootenay Indians, their History, &c. Bd. II. Linguistic Data.
Ibid., vol. xvi. (1894), pp 271-274.
6.—Notes on the Kootenay Indians. Bd. III. Mythology and Folk-lore. Ibid.,
vol. xvii. (1895), pp. 68-72.
7.—Sagen vom Ursprung der Fliegen und Moskiten. Am Wr-Quell, Bd. IV.
(1893), S. 129-131.   Contains abstracts of Kootenay legends.
8.—The Coyote and the Owl (Tales of the Kootenay Indians). Memoirs of Intern.
Congr. of Anthrop. (1893), Chicago, 1894, pp. 282-284.
9.—A Kootenay Legend: The Coyote and the Mountain-Spirit. Journ. Amer.
Folk-lore, vol. vii. (1894), pp. 195,196.
10.—Words Expressive of Noises in the Kootenay Language. Amer. Anthrop.
vol. vii. (1894), pp. 68-70.
11.—New Words in the Kootenay Language.   Ibid., pp. 186-192.
12.—Beitrag zur Pflanzenkuride der Naturvdlker Amerikas (list of Kootenay
Plant-names, with notes on their use). Verh. der Beri. anthrop. Ges. (1895),
S. 551-556.
13.—Alex. F. Chamberlain. Sulle significazioni nella lingua degli indigeni
americani detti Kitonaqa (Kootenay) dei termini che denotano gli stati e le con-
dizioni del corpo e dell' animo: saggio di psiqologia filologica. Arch, per
V Antropnl.    (Firenze), vol. xxiii. (1893), pp. 393-399.
14.—Incorporation in the Kootenay Language. Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. Soi.,
vol. xliii. (1894), pp. 346-348.
15.—Word-formation in the Kootenay Language. Ibid., vol. xliv. (1895),
pp. 259, 260.
16.—Kootenay Indian Personal Names.   Ibid., pp. 260, 261.
17.—Franz Boas. Development of the Culture of North-West America. Science,
vol. xii. p. 194.
18.—Petroglyph on Vancouver Island. Traditions of the Kootenay. Verhand-
lungen, der Gesellschaftfiir Anthropologic (Berlin, 1891), S. 158-172.
19.—Vocabularies from the North Pacific Coast. Proc. Amer. Phil. Sec. (1891),
pp. 173-208.
20.—Chinook Jargon.   Science, vol. xix., No. 474.
21.—Vocabulary of the Kwakiutl Language. Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc. (1892),
pp. 34-82.
22.—Classification of Languages of the North Pacific Coast. Memoirs of the
International Congress of Anthropology. Chicago, pp. 339-346.
23—Bella Coola Texts.   Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc. (1895), pp. 31-48.
24.—Indianische Sagen von der nord-pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin.
Asher&Co., 1895),-S. vi + 363.   Map.
25.—The Social Organization and Religious Ceremonials of the Kwakiutl
Indians.   Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1895), pp. 311-736.
26.—Sprachen-Karte von Britisch-Columbien. Petermann's Mittheilungen (1896),
No. 1.   Map.
27.—The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific'Coast. Bulletin
American Museum of Natural History (New York, 1896), pp. 123-176.
28.—Franz Boas. Die Entwicklung der Geheim-Biinde der Kwakiutl Indianer.
Bastian-Festschrift (1896), S. 435-444.
29.—Songs of the Kwakiutl Indians. Intemat. Archim fiir JEthnoa.' Supplement
(1896), pp. 1-9. J V'W
30.—Traditions of the Ts'etsa'ut.   Journ. Amer. Folk-lore (1896), pp. 267-268*
and 1897. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA.
57
INDEX TO REPORTS, IV.-XII.
Adoption among Kootenay, viii. 14.
Awlky'endq: Physical characteristics, xii.
table.
Beliefs: Bilqula, vii. 15; Kwakiutl, vi.
61, xi. 10; Shuswap, vi. 92; Songish,
vi. 25; tribes of Lower Fraser River,
ix. 11.
Bilqula: Birth, v. 41, vii. 11; current
beliefs, vii. 15; death, vii. 13; houses,
vii. 4; linguistics, vi. 127; marriage,
vii. 12; maturity, v. 42, vii. 12; medi-
- cine, vii. 17; potlatch, vii. 6; mythology, iv. 8, vii. 6, 13; physical characteristics, v. 12, vii. table 3; religion,
vii. 14; secret societies, vii. 6 ; shamanism, vii. 15; social organisation, vii.
3; tribes, vii. 2; wars, vii. 15.
Birth : Bilqula, v. 41, vii. 11; Coast Salish, v. 44 ; Kwakiutl, v. 42, vi. 58, xi.
6 ; Nootka, vi. 39 ; Shuswap, vi. 89;
Songish, vi. 20; Tlingit, v. 40; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 45 ; Tsimshian, v. 40.
Boas (F.): Report on Indians of British
Columbia, iv. 1-10, v. 5-97 and 6 plates,
vi. 10-163, vii. 2-43, ix. 1-11, x. 2-71,
xi. 1-23, xii. 1-17, 27-66; social
organisation of Haida, xii. 21-27.
Boas (F.) and L. Fabrand : Physical
characteristics of the Tribes of British
Columbia, xii. 1-17.
British Columbia: Comparative vocabulary of languages spoken vi. 140, x. 68 ;
food of Indians, v. 19; government
and law v. 34; hunting and fishing,
v. 19; implements of Indians, v. 19;
mythology, iv. 6 ; physical characteristics of coast tribes, v. 11; potlatch
v. 38 ; senses and mental character of
Indians, v. 18; topography of coast,
v. 6; tribes, v. 8; wars, v. 39.
Canoes, Chilcotin, xii. 20; Kootenay,
viii. 22; Songish, vi. 14.
Carrier: Physical characteristics, xii.
table 8.
Chambeblain (A. F.) on Kootenay,
viii. 5-71.
Charms of Kootenay, viii. 25.
Chilcotin: L. Farrand, xii. 18; armour, xii.
20; canoes, xii. 210; death, xii. 20;
dress, xii. 20; houses, xii. 19; industries, xii. 18; inheritance, xii. 19; location, xii. 18; marriage, xii. 18;
mythology, xii. 21; physical characteristics, xii. table 9; shamanism, xii. 19;
social organisation, xiL 18; vocabulary, xii. 37.'
Childhood of Kootenay, viii. 13.
Children, growth of Indian, xi. 15.
Clothing of Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 39.
Coast Salish: Birth, v. 44 ; death, v. 45;
houses, v. 22; marriage, v. 44 ; religion,
v. 51; shamanism, v. 69; social organisation, v. 32.
Colour perception of Kootenay, viii. 11.
Columbia River: Physical characteristics
of tribes, vii. 24.
Comox: Physical characteristics, v. 17,
xi. 16.
Comparative vocabulary, vi. 140, x. 68.
Crania from North Pacific coast, deformed, vi. 95.
Crime among Kootenay, viii. 14.
Customs of Sarcees, iv. 1&
Death: Bilqula, vii. 13; Chilcotin xii.
20; Coast Salish, v. 45 ; Heiltsuk-, vi.
58; Kootenay, v. 46, viii. 16; Kwakiutl, v. 43, vi. 58, xi. 7 ; Nisk*a', x. 52;
Nootka, vi. 43 ; Sarcees, iv. 15 ; Shuswap. vi. 91; Songish, vi. 23; tribes of
lower Fraser River, ix. 5; Ts'Ets'a'ut,
x. 46 ; Tsimshian, v. 41.
Deformed crania from North Pacific
coast, vi. 95.
Dress : Chilcotin, xii. 20; Kootenay, viii.
24.
Ethnology, linguistic, Horatio Hale on,
viii. 1-5; of British Columbia, Horatio
Hale on, v. 1-5, vi. 1-10.
Faeband  (L.) and F.  Boas, Physical
characteristics   of   tribes   of British
Columbia, xii. 1-17.
Fabbahd (L.), Ethnology of Chilcotin,
xii. 18-21.
Festivals of Niska', x. 52.
Fishing: Kootenay, viii. 20; Songish, vi.
16; tribes of lower Fraser River, ix. 7.
Food: Indians of British Columbia, v.
19; Kootenay, viii. 27;  Shuswap, vi.
85; Songish, vi. 15.
Future life among Tlingit, v. 46.
Gambling: Sarcees, iv. 14; Songish, vi.
19.
Games : Kwakiutl, xi. 10; Nlsk*a', x. 61;
Nootka,   vi.  38;    Shuswap,   vi.    89;
Ts'Ets'a ut, x. 47.
Genealogies of tribes of lower Fraser
River, ix. 3, table i.
Gitamat: Physical characteristics of, vii.
20. 58
REPORT 1898.
\:m
Government and law among Indians of
British Columbia, v. 34.
Government of Shuswap, vi. 86.
Haida: Houses, v. 22 ; linguistics, v. 71;
mythology, iv. 7 ; physical characteristics, v. 12,15,vii. 20, xii. 15, 42, table 11;
secret societies, v. 58, vii. 48; shamanism, v. 58 ; social organisation, iv. 4, v.
23, 26; worship and prayers, iv. 9.
Hale (Horatio), Introductory letter, iv.
1-4 ; ethnology of British Columbia,
v. 1-6, vi. 1-10; linguistic ethnology,
viii. 1-5 ; Sarcees, iv. 21 -23.
Harrison Lake: Physical characteristics
of tribes, vii table 5.
Heiltsuk-: Death, vi. 58 ; physical characteristics, xii. table 11; social organisation, iv. 5, v. 23, 29.
History of Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 35.
Houses : Bilqula, vii. 4; Chilcotin xii.
19 ; Coast Salish, v. 22; Haida, v. 22 ;
Kootenay, viii. 22; Kwakiutl, v. 22;
Nisk-a', xi. 12; Nootka, v. 22; Shuswap, vi. 80; Songish, vi. 11; Tlingit,
v. 22; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 40; Tsimshian,
v. 22, xi. 12.
Hunting aDd fishing in British Columbia,
v. 19.
Hunting: Kootenay, viii. 19 ; tribes of
lower Fraser River, ix. 7; Ts'Ets'a'ut,
x. 41.
Implements of Indians of British Columbia, v; 19.
Indian children, growth of, xi. 15.
Indian words, transcription of, iv. 4, vi.
10, vii. 2, x. 2, xii. 38.
Indians of British Columbia, reports on,
iv. 1-10, v. 5-97 and 6 plates, vi. 10-
163, vii. 2-43, viii. 5-71, ix. 1-11, x. 2-
71, xi. 1-23, xii. 1-61.
Industries: Chilcotin, xii. 18; Shuswap,
vi. 83.
Inheritance: Chilcotin,xii. 19 ; Kootenay,
viii. 14.
Introduction to report of Committee, by
Sir Daniel Wilson, vii. 1.
Kootenay: Adoption, viii. 14; canoes,
viii. 22; charms, viii. 25; childhood,
viii. 13; colour perception, viii. 11 ;
crime, viii. 14; death, v. 46, viii. 16;
dress, viii. 24 ; fishing, viii. 20 ; food,
viii. 27 ; houses, viii. 22; hunting, viii.
19; linguistics, v. 93, viii. 45; manufactures, viii. 23; marriage v. 46, 13 ;
maturity, v. 45; medicine, viii. 29;
music, viii. 17; mythology, iv. 9, viii.
31; ornaments, viii. 25; painiiug, viii.
16; physical characteristics, viii. 38;
property and inheritance, viii. 14 ; religion, viii. 16 ; report of A. F. Chamberlain, viii. 5-71; senses and mental
character, viii. 8; shamanism, v. 69,
viii. 15 ; sign language, viii. 36; social
organisation, iv. 6, viii. 12 ; tattooing,
viii. 16; terms of relationship, viii. 12;
tribes, viii. 6; worship and prayers,
iv. 10.
Kwakiutl: Birth, v. 42, vi. 58, xi. 5; current beliefs, vi. 61, xi. 10; death, v.
43, vi. 58, xi. 7; games, xi. 10 ; houses,
v. 22 ; linguistics, vi. 103, xi. 17; marriage, v. 42; mythology, iv. 7; physical characteristics, v. 12, 15, vii. 21, x.
tables 3, 4,5; xii. table 12; rehgion, v.
61, vi. 58; secret societies, v. 52, vi. 62;
shamanism, vi. 59, xi. 2; social organisation, v. 29, 33, vi. 56; tribes, vi. 62 ;
worship and prayers, iv. 9.
Kwakiutl type, xii. 16.
Languages spoken in British Columbia,
comparative vocabulary of, vi. 140.
Linguistic stocks, iv. 4.
Linguistics: Bilqula, vi. 127; Haida, v. 71;
Kootenay, v. 93, viii. 45; Kwakiutl, vi.
103, xi. 17; Ntlakya'pamuQ, xii. 27;
Nisk-a', x. 62, xi. 18; Nootka, vi. 116;
Okanagon, vi. 135; Salish languages,
vi. 127; Sarcees, iv. 17; Shuswap, vi.
131; Snanaimuq,vvi. 128; Stla'tlumH,
vi. 133; Tlingit, v. 60; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x.
66; Tsimshian, v. 81.
Lku'ngen.    See Songtshi
Location: Chilcotin, xii. 18; Sarcees, iv.
10; Shuswap, vi. 80; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 34.
Lower Fraser River: Physical characteristics of tribes, vii. 22 ; tribes, ix. 1.
Lytton, Physical characteristics of Indians
of, v. 18.
Manufactures: Kootenay, viii. 23; Songish, vi. ) 4.
Marriages: Bilqula, vii. 12; Chilcotin,
xii. 18; Coast Salish, v. 44 ; Kootenay,
v. 46, viii. 13; Kwakiutl, v. 42; Nlsk*a',
x. 54; Nootka, vi. 42 ; Sarcees, iv. 14 ;
Shuswap, vi. 90; Songish, vi. 23; tribes
of lower Fraser River, ix. 4; Ts'Ets'a'ut,
x. 45; Tsimshian, v. 40.
Maturity: Bilqula, v. 42, vii. 12; Kootenay, v. 45; Nootka, vi. 40; Shuswap,
vi. 89; Songish, vi. 22; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x.
45 ; Tsimshian, v. 40.
Medicine: Bilqula, vii. 17; Kootenay,viii.
29; Songish, vi. 24.
Mental character: Indians of British Columbia, v. 18; Kootenay, viii. 8. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
59
Music: Kootenay, viii. 17; Nlska', x. 50,
61; Nootka, vi. 36-38,41, 44, 46,48-50 ;
Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 46.
Mythology: Bilqula, iv. 8, vii. 6, 13;
Chilcotin, xii. 21; Haida, iv. 7; Kootenay, iv. 9, viii. 31 ; Kwakiutl, iv. 7;
Nisk*a', x. 50; Nootka, iv. 8, vi. 43;
Ntlakya'pamuQ, iv. 8; Salish, iv. 8;
. Songish, vi. 27; Tlingit, iv. 6; tribes of
British Columbia, iv. 6; tribes of lower
Fraser River, ix. 9; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 47;
Tsimshian, iv. 7.
Nasal index of skulls, xi. 16.
Nicola Valley, Tinneh tribe of, x. 30-34,
-   xii. 18, 38.
Nisk-a': Death, x. 52; festivals, x. 52;
games, x. 61; houses, xi. 12; linguistics, x. 62, xL 18; marriage, x. 54;
music, x. 50, 51; mythology, x. 50;
physical characteristics, x. tables 1, 2;
xii. table 11; religion, x. 61; secret societies, x. 54; shamanism, x. 59; social
organisation, x. 48; totem poles, x. 52.
Nootka: Birth, vi. 39; death, vi. 43;
games, vi. 38; houses, v. 22; linguistics, vi. 116; marriage, vi. 42; maturity, vi. 40; music, vi. 36-38,41,44, 46,
48-50; mythology, iv. 8, vi. 43; omens
relative to birth of twins, vi. 39; paintings, vi 35, 40; physical characteristics, v. 12, 15, vii. 21; potlatch, vi. 36;
religion, vi. 43; secret societies, vi. 47 ;
shamanism, vi. 44 ; social organisation,
vi. 32; tattooing, vi. 38; tribes, vi. 31.
Northern type, xii. 15, 42.
North Pacific Coast: Deformed crania, vi.
95; physical characteristics of tribes,
vii. 18, x. 3.
Northern Oregon: Physical characteristics of tribes, vii. 26.
Ntlakya'pamuQ: Linguistics, xii. 27; mythology, iv. 8; physical characteristics,
x. tables, 7-11, xii. table 10.
. Okanagon: Linguistics, vi. 135; physical
characteristics, x. table 11.
Ornamentation, Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 43.
Ornaments, Kootenay, viii. 25.
Painting: Kootenay, viii. 16; Nootka, vi.
35, 40; preliminary notes, iv. 6.
Physical characteristics: Bilqula, v. 12, vii.
table 3; Chilcotin, xii. table 9 ; coast
tribes of British Columbia, v. 11; Comox,
v. 17; Gitamat, vii. 20; Haida, v. 12, 16,
vii. 20, xii. table 11; Indians of Lytton,
v. 18; Kootenay, viii. 38; Kwakiutl, v.
12,15, vii. 21, x. tables 3-5; Nisk*a',
x. tables 1, 2; Nootka, v. 12, 15, vii.
21; Ntlakya'pamuQ, x. tables 7-11;
Okanagon, x. table 11; Oregonian
Tinneh, vii. table 9; Sanitch, v. 17;
Sarcees, iv. 16; Shuswap, viii. 71, x.
table 11; Sishiatl, x. table 5; Songish,
v. 17; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. table 1; Tsimshian, v. 12, 15, vii. 20.
Physical characteristics of tribes: Coast
of Washington, vii. table 6; Columbia
River, vii. 24; Harrison Lake, vii.
table 5; Lower Fraser River, vii. 22, x.
table 6; North Pacific coast, vii. 18, x.
3 ; Northern Oregon, vii. 26; Southern
Oregon, vii. 28.
Potlatch: Bilqula, vii. 6; British Columbia, v. 38; Nootka, vi. 36.
Preliminary notes on mythology : Bilqula,
iv. 8; British Columbia, iv. 6; Haida,
iv. 7; KooteDay,iv. 9; Kwakiutl,iv. 7 ;
Nootka, iv. 8; Ntlakya'qamuQ, iv. 8;
Salish, iv. 8; Tlingit, iv. 6; Tsimshian,
iv. 7.
Preliminary notes on painting, iv. 5.
Preliminary notes on social organisation:
Haida, iv. 4; Heiltsuk*, iv. 5; Kootenay, iv. 6 ; Salish, iv. 5 ;.. Tlingit, iv 5.
Preliminary notes on tattooing, iv. 5.
Preliminary notes oh worship and prayers:
Haida, iv. 9; Kootenay, iv. 10; Kwakiutl, iv. 9 ; Salish, iv. 10 ; Tlingit, iv.
9 ; Tsimshian, iv. 9.
Preliminary report by F. Boas, iv. 1-10.
Property among Kootenay, viii. 14.
Relationship: Kootenay, terms of, viii.
12; Salish languages, terms of, vi. 136.
Religion : Bilqula, vii. 14 ; Coast Salish,
v. 51; Kootenay, viii. 15;  Kwakiutl,
v. 51, vi. 58; Nisk-a', x. 61; Nootka,
vi. 43; Shuswap, vi. 93; Songish, vi.
28; tribes of Lower Fraser River, ix.
9;   Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 46;  Tsimshian, v.
49.
Reports on Indians of British Columbia,
iv. 1-10, v. 5-97 and 6 plates, vi. 10-
163, vii. 2-43, x. 2-71, xi. 1-23, xii.
1-61.
Salish languages: Linguistics, vi. 127;
terms of relationship, vi. 136.
Salish: Mythology, iv. 8 ; social organisation, iv. 6; worship and prayers, iv.
10.
Sanitch: Phy&ical characteristics, v. 17.
Sarcees: Customs, iv. 12; death, iv. 16;
gambling, iv. 14; linguistics, iv. 17;
location,iv. 10; marriage,iv. 14; origin,
iv. 11; physical characteristics, iv. 16 ;
remarks by Horatio Hale, iv. 21-23 ;
report by E. F. Wilson, iv. 10-21;
shamanism, iv. 15 *, traditions, iv. 12. 60
REPORT—1898.
Secret societies: Bilqula, vii. 6; Haida, v.
58; Kwakiutl, v. 52, vi. 62; Nisk-a', x.
54; Nootka, vi. 47; Songish, vi. 26;
Tsimshian, v. 56.
Senses and mental character: Indians of
British Columbia, v. 18; Kootenay,
viii. 8.
Shamanism, Bilqula: vii. 15; Chilcotin,
xii. 19 ; Coast Salish, v. 59; Haida, v.
58; Kootenay, v. 59, viii. 15; Kwakiutl, vi. 59, xi. 2; Niska'. x. 59;
Nootka, vi. 44; Sarcees, iv. 15; Shuswap, vi. 93; Songish, vi. 28; Tlingit,
v. 58; tribes of lower Fraser River, ix.
9; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 45; Tsimshian, v.
68.
Shuswap: Birth, vi. 89; current beliefs, vi.
92 ; death, vi. 91; .food, vi. 85 ; games,
vi. 89; government, vi. 86; houses, vi.
80, industries, vi. 83; linguistics, vi.
131; location, vi. 80; marriage, vi. 90;
maturity, vi. 89; physical characteristics, viii. 71, x. table 11, xii. table 7 ;
religion, vi. 93; shamanism, vi. 93 ;
sign language, vi. 87; social organisa-
tion, vi. 85; war, 86.
Sign language: Kootenay, viii. 36; Shuswap, vi. 87 ; Songish, vi. 25.
Sishiatl, physical characteristics-, x. table
5.
Skulls, nasal index, xi. 16.
Slaves of Chilcotin, xii. 19.
Snanaimuq: Linguistics, vi. 128.
Social organisation: Bilqula, vii. 3; Chilcotin, xii. 18; Coast Salish, v. 32; Haida,
iv. 4, v. 23, 26 ; Heiltsuk-, iv. 5, v. 23,
29 ; Kootenay, iv. 6, viii. 12 ; Kwakiutl,
v. 29, 33, vi. 56; Nisk-a', x. 48; Nootka,
vi. 32; Salish, iv. 5; Shuswap, vi. 85;
Songish, vi. 17; Tlingit, iv. 5, v. 23,
25; tribes of lower Fraser River, ix.
3 ; Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 44 ; Tsimshian, v. 23,
24, 27.
Songish: Birth, vi. 20; canoes, vi. 14 ;
current beliefs, vi. 25; death, vi. 23 ;
fishing, vi. 16 ; food, vi. 16 ; gambling,
vi. 19; houses, vi. 11; manufactures,
vi. 14 ; marriage, vi. 23; maturity, vi.
22; medicine, vi. 24; mythology, vi.
27 ; omens relative to birth of twins,
vi. 22; physical characteristics, v. 17 ;
religion, vi. 28; secret societies, vi.
26; shamanism, vi. 28 ; sign language,
vi. 25; social organisation, vi. 17 ; tattooing, vi. 22.
Southern Oregon: Physical characteristics of tribes, vii. 28.
StI'atEmQ: Physical characteristics, xii.
table 6.
Stla'tlumH: Linguistics, vi. 133; physical
characteristics, xii. tables 1, 2, 3.
StlEmqo'lEqumQ: Physical characteristics, xii tables 1, 5, 6.
Summary of the work of the Committee,
xii. 40-66.
Tattooing: Kootenay, viii. 16; Nootka,
vi. 38; Songish, vi. 22; preliminary
notes, iv. 5.
Teit (James): Tinneh of Nicola Valley,
x. 31-33
Terms of relationship: Kootenay, viii.
12; Salish languages, vi. 136.
Thompson River type, xii. 15, 42.
Tinneh of Nicola Valley, x. 30-34 ; James
Teit on, x. 31-33.
Tinneh, Oregonian : Physical characteristics, vii. table 9.
Tlingit: Birth, v. 40; future life, v. 46 ;
houses, v. 22; linguistics, v. 60 ; mythology, iv. 6 ; shamanism, v. 58 ; social
organisation, iv 5, v. 23, 25; worship
and prayers, iv. 9.
Totem poles of Nisk-a', x. 52.
Traditions of Sarcees, iv. 12.
Transcription of Indian words, iv. 4, vi.
10, vii. 2, x. 2, xii. 38.
Tribes: Bilqula, vii. 2; coast of Washington, physical characteristics, vii. table
6; Columbia River, physical characteristics, vii. 24; Harrison Lake, physical
characteristics, vii. table 5; Kootenay,
viii. 6; Kwakiutl, vi. 62; Nootka, vi.
31; Northern Oregon, physical characteristics, vii. 26 ; Southern Oregon,
physical characteristics, vii. 28.
Tribes of Lower Fraser River, ix. 1; current beliefs, ix. 11; death, ix. 5; fishing, ix. 7; genealogies, ix. table 1;
hunting, ix. 7; marriage, ix. 4; mythology, ix. 9; physical characteristics,
vii. 22, x. table 6; religion, ix. 9;
shamanism, ix. 9; social* organisation,
ix. 3.
Ts'Ets'a'ut: Birth, x. 45 ; clothing, x. 39;
death, x. 46; games, x. 47; history,
x. 36; houses, x. 40; hunting, x. 41;
linguistics, x. 66; location, x. 34;
marriage, x. 45; maturity, x. 45;
music, x. 46; mythology, x. 47 ; ornamentation, x. 43 ; physical characteristics, x. table 1; religion, x. 46;
shamanism, x. 45 ; social organisation,
x. 44; villages, x. 39.
Tsimshian: Birth, v. 40; death, v 41;
houses, v. 22, xi. 12 ; linguistics, v. 81;
marriage, v. 40; maturity, v. 40; mythology, iv. 7; physical characteristics,
v. 12, 16, vii. 20, xii. table; religion,
v. 49 ; secret societies, v. 66; shamanism, v. 68; social organisation, v. 23,
24, 27 ; worship and prayers, iv. 9.
Twins : Omens relative to birth, Nootka,
vi. 39; Songish, vi. 22. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TBIBES  OF CANADA.
61
Village of Ts'Ets'a'ut, x. 39.
Vocabulary of Chilcotin, xii. 37.
 comparative,   x.    68;   languages
spoken in British Columbia, vi. 140.
War of Shuswap, vi. 86.
Wars: Bilqtda. vii. 15 ; Indians of British
Columbia, v. 39.
Washington : Physical characteristics of
tribes of coast, vii. table 6.
Wilson (E. F.), Report by, on Sarcees,
iv. 10-21.
Wilson (Sir Daniel), Introduction by, to
Report of Committee, vii. 1.
Words in language of Tinneh of Nicola
Valley, x. 33, xii. 38.
Worship and prayers, Haida, iv. 9;
Kootenay, iv. 10; Kwakiutl, iv. 9;
Salish, iv. 10; Tlingit, iv. 9; Tsimshian, iv. 9.
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