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Sixth report of the committee, consisting of Dr. E. B. Tylor, Mr. W. Bloxam, Sir Daniel Wilson, Dr. G.… British Association for the Advancement of Science 1890

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 of Science
LEEDS MEETING,  1890
V
SIXTH   REPORT
ON  THE
NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OF CANADA
WITH A   MAP 
BURLINGTON HOUSE, LONDON,  W.  sixth Report of the Committee, consisting of Dr. E. B. Tylor,
Mr. W. Bloxam, Sir Daniel Wilson, Dr. G. M. Dawson, General
Sir H. Lefroy, and Mr. R. G. Haliburton, appointed to investigate the physical characters, languages, and industrial
and social condition of the North-Western Tribes of the
Dominion of Canada.
[MAP.]
The Committee have been able once more to secure the services of Dr.
IBoas, who has drawn up the bulk of the report on the tribes of British
^Columbia. This is accompanied by a lingaistic map, and preceded by
remarks on British Columbian ethnology by Mr. Horatio Hale. The
grant made to the Committee was supplemented by 500 dollars from the
iCanadian Government, and the Committee suggest that each member of
;the Dominion Parliament should be supplied with one copy of the report..
^The Committee ask for reappointment, and for a grant of 200Z.
' V I
I HemarJcs on the Ethnology of British Columbia : Introductory to the Second
General Report of Dr. Franz Boas on the Indians of that Province. By
Horatio Hale.
A reference to the map annexed to this report will show at a glance
those striking characteristics of British Columbian ethnography which
were described in my remarks prefixed to the report of 1889.1 These
peculiarities are the great number of linguistic stocks, or families of
languages, which are found in this comparatively small territory, and
the singular manner in which they are distributed, especially the surprising variety of stocks clustered along the coast, as contrasted with
the ' wide sweep' (to use the" apt words of Dr. G. M. Dawson) ' of the
languages of the interior.' To this may be added the great number of
dialects into which some of these stocks are divided. The whole of the
interior east of the coast ranges, with a portion of the coast itself, is
occupied by tribes belonging to three families—the Tinneh, the Salish
(or Selish), and the Kootenay (or Kutonaqa). What is especially
notable, moreover, is the fact that, according to the best evidence we
possess, all the tribes of these three stocks are intruders, having penetrated
into this region from the country east of the Rocky Mountains. In the
■third report of this Committee (1887) are given the grounds for concluding that the Kootenays formerly resided east of these mountains, and
were driven across them by the Blackfoot tribes.    In the fourth report
1 It should be mentioned that this map has, on my Suggestion, been framed on
the plan of my ' Ethnographic Map of Oregon,' though necessarily on a smaller scale
(see vol. vii. of the United States Exploring FknpedAtAon under Wilkes: ' Ethnography
and Philology,' p. 197).   The two maps are, in fact, complements of each other,
phose who desire to study this subject thoroughly, however, should refer to the valuable maps of JUr. W. EL Dall and of Drs. Tolmie and Dawson, the former appended
[to the Report of Dr. George Gibbs to the Smithsonian Institution on the ' Tribes of
■Western Washington and North-Western Oregon,' in vol. i. of Powell's Contributions
\to North American Ethnology (1877), and the latter attached to their Comparatin
Indian Tribes of British Columbia, published by the Canadian
I Vocabularies of the Ind;
Government (1884).    These
[ important details.
an
.aps are on a much larger scale and supply many
1 Bf 6 2 REPORT—1890.
(1888) the connection between the Tinneh tribes east and west of tl
mountains is explained ; aud in the Smithsonian report of Dr. Gibbs c
the West Washington tribes', that accomplished ethnologist has given hi<
reasons for holding that the Salish formerly resided east of the mountains.1
and have made their way thence to the Pacific, driving before them or
absorbing the original inhabitants.1 To this intrusion and conquest are
doubtless due the many Salish dialects, or rather 'dialect-languages,'
differing widely in vocabulary and grammar, which have been evolved
(like the Romanic languages of Southern Europe or the modern Aryan
languages of Hindustan) in the process of this conquest and absorption.
A remarkable evidence is found in the case of the Bilhoola (Bilqula)
tribe and language. This tribe, belonging to the Salish family, is wholly
isolated from the other septs of that family, being completely surrounded
by Kwakiutl tribes and Tinneh, into whose territory it has apparently
pushed its way. As a result its speech has undergone so great a change
that by some inquirers it was at first supposed to be a totally distinct
language. A still more striking instance of a mixed language, though
not belonging to the Salish family, is furnished by what is now termed
the Kwakiutl-Nootka stock. Until Dr. Boas last year visited the Nootka
people and carefully analysed their language, it had been supposed by all
investigators, himself included, to be a separate stock, radically distinct
from all others. The analysis now furnishes clear evidence of a connection between this idiom and the more widespread Kwakiutl. The
connection, however, is so distant, and the differences in vocabulary and
grammar are so important, that we are naturally led to suspect here also
a conquest and an intermixture. The Nootka tribes who inhabit a
portion of the west coast of Vancouver Island, and who were so named
from a harbour on that coast, have been more lately styled by good
authorities the ' Aht nation ' from the syllable aht or ath, meaning
'people' or 'tribe,' with which all their tribal names terminate—
Nitinaht, Toquaht, Hoyaht, Seshaht, Kayoquaht, &c. Their speech,
though in certain points resembling the Kwakiutl, has yet, to a large
extent, its own grammar and vocabulary. lb seems probable that we
see in it the case of an originally distinct stock, which at some early
period has been overpowered and partially absorbed by another stock
(the Kwakiutl), and yet has subsequently pursued its own special course
of development. The comparison of the two languages, as now presented
by Dr Boas, offers, therefore, a particularly interesting subject of study.
All the languages of British Columbia of every stock have a peculiar
phonology. Their pronunciation is singularly harsh and indistinct.
The contrast in this respect between these languages and those immediately south of them is very remarkable and indeed surprising. As the
point, is one of much interest, I may venture to quote the remarks on
this subject with which (in my work before cited) the account of the
' Languages of North-Western America' is prefaced :—
: The languages of the tribes west of the Rocky Mountains may be
divided into two classes, which differ very strikingly in their vocal
elements and pronunciation. These classes may be denominated the
northern and southern, the latter being found chiefly south of the
Columbia, and the former, with one or two exceptions, on the north
ot that river.    To the northern belong the Tahkali-Umqua (or Tinneh),
1 See page 224 of the report referred to in the preceding note. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA. 3
the Salish, the Chinook, and the Iakon languages, with all on the northwest coast of which we have any knowledge. The southern division
comprehends the Sahaptin, the Shoshoni, the Kalapuya, S haste, Lutuami
■ and all the Californian idioms so far as we are acquainted with them.
Those of the northern class are remarkable for their extraordinary
harshness, which in some is so great as almost to surpass belief. The
Chinooks, Chikailish, and Killamuks appear actually to labour in speaking ; an illusion which proceeds no doubt from the effect produced on the
■ear of the listener by the harsh elements with which their languages
abound, as well as the generally rough and dissonant style of pronunciation. The x is iu these tongues a somewhat deeper guttural than the
Spanish jota. The q is an extraordinary sound, resembling the hawking
noise produced by an effort to expel phlegm from the throat. Tyl is
a combination uttered by forcing out the breath at the side of the mouth
between the tongue and the palate. These languages are all indistinct as
well as harsh. The same element in the Chinook and other tongues is
heard at one time as a v, at another as a b, and again as an m, the latter
being probably the most accurate representation. Similarly the n and d
are in several dialects undistinguishable, and we were constantly in doubt
whether certain short vowels should be written or omitted.
' The southern languages are, on the other hand, no less distinguished
for softness and harmony. The gutturals are found in two or three,
into which they seem to have been introduced by communication with
,the northern tribes. The rest want this class of letters, and have in their
place the labial /, the liquid r, and the nasal n (rig), all of which are
unknown to the former. Difficult combinations of consonants rarely
occur, and the many vowels make the pronunciation clear and sonorous.
There is, however, a good deal of variety in this respect, some of the
languages, as the Lutuami, Shaste, and Palaihnik, being smooth and
agreeable to the ear, while the Shoshoni and Kalapuya, though soft, are
nasal and indistinct.' '
At the time when this description was written, I had formed no
opinion as to the origin of these contrasted phonologies. I am now
inclined to believe that the difference is due mainly to climatic influences.
The harsh utterance extends from Alaska southward to the Columbia
River, where it suddenly ceases, and gives place to softer sounds. This
is exactly the point at which the coast ceases to be lined by that network
of islands, straits, and friths, whose waters, abounding in fish, afford the
main source of subsistence to the tribes of the northern region. The
climate, except for a brief summer, is that of an almost perpetual April
or October. This part of the coast is one of the rainiest regions of the
earth, and the fishermen in their canoes are almost constantly exposed to
the chilling moisture. Their pronunciation is. that of a people whose
vocal organs have for many generation/.') been affected by continual coughs
and catarrhs, thickening the mucous membrane and ob-itructing the air-
passages.    A strong confirmation of this view is found in Tierra del
L
1 Ethnography and Philology, p. 533. The orthography here employed is somewhat different from that of Dr. Boas, who, by my advice, has avoided the use of
Greek or other foreign characters, employing only English letters with various diacritical marks. This alphabet somewhat disguises to the eye the extreme difficulties
of the pronunciation. The t%l, for example, is written by him simply tl, but the I is
defined as an ' explosive I.' It is the combination so frequen in the Mexican (or
Nahuatl) tongue.
la 4 REPORT—1890.
Fuesro where apparently a climate and mode of life almost exactly
similar have produced the same effect on the people and their language.
Anyone who will compare my above-quoted description with the well-
known and amusing account given by Darwin of the speech ot the
Fuegians will be struck by the resemblance. He writes, m his ' Voyage
of the " Beagle "': ' The language of these people, according to our notions,
scarcely deserves to be called articulate. Captain Cook has compared it
to a man clearing his throat; but certainly no European ever cleared his
throat with so many hoarse, guttural, and clicking sounds.' Yet the
Fuegian language has been found to be, in its grammar and vocabulary
(like the languages of our north-west coast), highly organised, and
abounding in minutely expressive words and forms.1
South of the Columbia River the coast becomes nearly bare of islands.
Harbours are few. The purely fishing tribes are no longer found. The
milder climate of California, resembling that of Southern Italy, begins to
prevail, and the soft Italian pronunciation pervades all the languages,
except those of a few Tinneh septs which have wandered into this region
from the far north, and still retain something of the harshness of their
original utterance.
Not merely in their modes of speech, but also in more important
points, do the northern coast tribes show a.certain general resemblance,
which, in spite of radical differences of language, and doubtless of origin,
seems to weld them together into one community, possessing what may
fairly be styled a civilisation of their own, comparable on a small scale to
that of the nations of Eastern Asia. Dr. Boas is the first investigator
whose researches have extended over this whole region. Other
writers have given us excellent monographs on separate tribes. The
work of Mr. Sproat on the Nootka, and those of Dr. Dawson on the
Haida and Kwakiutl may be particularly mentioned. But a general
description was needed to bring out at once the differences and the
resemblances of the various stocks, and to show the extent to which
similar surroundings and long-continued intercommunication had availed
' to create a common polity among them.
Two institutions which are, to a greater or less extent, common to all
the coast tribes, and which seem particularly to characterise them and to
distinguish them from other communities, may here be specially noted.
Both appear to have originated in the Kwakiutl nation, and to have
spread thence northward and southward. These institutions are the
political secret societies and the custom of ' potlatch.' Secret societies
exist among other Indian tribes, and probably among all races of the
globe, civilised or barbarous. But there are perhaps no other communities in which the whole political system has come to be bound up with
such societies. As Dr. Boas informs us, there are in all the tribes three
distinct ranks—the chiefs, the middle class, and the common people—or,
a\Sey mught PerhaPs be more aptly styled, nobles, burgesses, and
rabble. Ihe nobles form a caste. Their rank is hereditary; and no one
who was not born in it can in any way attain it. The nobles have distinction and respect, but little power. The government belongs mainly
to the burgesses, who constitute the bulk of the nation. They owe thei*
position entirely to the secret societies. Any person who is not a member
of a secret society belongs to the rabble, takes no part in the public
MmieA%"7kof:gi7,T^Vm S*™7»™*™W> "*• | P-^; and Max ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF   CANADA.
councils, and is without consideration or influence. The greater the
number of secret societies to which any man belongs, the higher is his
standing in the community. As there are several of these societies in
every tribe, it is evident that no person whose character would make him
a desirable member of one of them is likely to remain outside of the
burgess class. The lowest class, or rabble, is therefore a veritable
residuum, composed of feeble-minded or worthless individuals, with, of
course—in those tribes which practise slave-holding—slaves and their
descendants. Grotesque as this system seems at first thought, further
consideration shows it to be by no means ill-contrived for keeping the
government of the tribe permanently in the worthiest hands, and bringing
men of the first merit into the most influential positions.
Connected with this system is that of the ' potlatch,' or gift-festival,
a custom which has been greatly misunderstood by strangers, who have
regarded it as a mere parade of wasteful and ostentatious profusion. It is
in reality something totally different. The potlatch is a method most
ingeniously devised for displaying merit, acquiring influence, and at the
same time laying up a provision for the future. Among these Indians, as
among all communities in which genuine civilisation has made some progress, the qualities most highly esteemed in a citizen are thrift, forethought,
and liberality. The thrift is evinced by the collection of the property
which is distributed at the gift-feast; the liberality is, of course, shown
in its distribution; and the forethought is displayed in selecting as the
special objects of this liberality those who are most likely to be able to
return it. By a well-understood rule, which among these punctilious
natives had all the force of a law of honour, every recipient of a gift at a
potlatch was bound to return its value, at some future day, twofold. And
in this repayment his relatives were expected to aid him; they were
deemed, in fact, his sureties. Thus a thrifty and aspiring burgess who,
at one of these gift-feasts, had emptied all his chests of their accumulated
stores, and had left himself and his family apparently destitute, could
comfortably reflect, as he saw his Visitors depart in their well-laden
canoes, that he had not only greatly increased his reputation, but had at
the same time invested all his means at high interest, on excellent
security, and was now in fact one of the wealthiest, as well as most
esteemed, members of the community.
We now perceive why the well-meant act of the local legislature,
abolishing the custom of potlatch, aroused such strenuous opposition among
the tribes in which this custom specially prevailed. We may imagine the
consternation which would be caused in England if the decree of a
superior power should require that all benefit societies and loan companies
should be suppressed, and that all deposits should remain the property of
those who held them in trust. The potlatch and its accompaniments
doubtless had their ill effects, but the system clearly possessed its useful
side, and it might perhaps have been better left to gradually decline and
disappear with the rise and diffusion of a different system of economy.
The nature of the civilisation and industry which accompanied it may
be shown by a brief extract from the report of Dr. George Gibbs, already
referred to. In 1858 he visited a village of the Makahs, a "Nootka tribe,
near Cape Flattery. It consisted of two blocks of four or five houses
each. These houses were constructed of hewn planks, secured to a strong
framework of posts and rafters. The largest was no less than 75 feet
long by 40 in width, and probably 15 feet high in front.    In chests of
1
•i
v
LI* iKH HSSftHSii
REPORT-
:890.
arge size and very neatly made, and on shelves overhead, were stowed
the family chattels and stores, a vast and miscellaneous assortment.
« Mr. Goldsborough,' he adds, ' who visited the village in 1850, informed
me that the houses generally were on an even larger scale at that time j
that the chief's house was no less than 100 feet in length, and that
about twenty women were busily engaged in it, making bark mats and
dog-hair blankets.' .
It is evident that these people differ in character and habits as widely
from the Indians of the interior as the Chinese and Japanese differ from
the Tartar nomads. The coast tribes of British Columbia are communities of fishermen, mechanics, and traders, with a well-defined political
and commercial system. They were to all appearance especially suited
for accepting the industrial methods of modern Europe; and it becomes a
subject of interest to inquire into the probabilities of the future in this
respect.
In this inquiry the element of the radical difference of stocks comes
very distinctly into view. We find that, despite the superficial resemblance in polity and usages which has been noted among these tribes,
their moral and intellectual traits, like their languages, remain widely
dissimilar. These differences become strikingly apparent in reviewing
the recent information given respecting the condition and progress of
the British Columbian tribes in the valuable annual reports of the Canadian Department of Indian Affairs.
Thus the Kwakiutl people—known in these documents by the grievously disordered name of ' Kwaw-kewlth '—are described in a late report
(1887) as 'the least advanced and most averse to civilisation of any in
the province.' ' The missionaries of several Churches,' we are further
told, ' have endeavoured to carry on mission work among them, but each
was obliged to abandon them as hopeless, until, several years ago, the
Rev. Mr. Hall, of the Church of England, was stationed there, and, in
spite of all the obstacles and discouragements encountered by him, remained, and has apparently won tne confidence of some of these poor,
ignorant creatures.' In the following year the local agent reports some
improvement, but adds that ' the school is not 39 well attended as could
be desired. The children are not averse to learning, but their parents
see in education the downfall of all their most cherished customs.' In
1889 he finds among them some signs of progress in the mechanic arts,
and a willingness to give up some of their superstitions. ' Only to the
potlatch,' he adds significantly, 'do they cling with great pertinacity.'
To understand these facts it should be known that the Kwakiutl, by
virtue of their force of character, their stubborn conservatism, and what
maybe called, in reference to their peculiar creed and rites, a strong
religious sentiment, held a high position, and exercised a prevailing
influence among the neighbouring tribes. The changes introduced by
civilisation have naturally been repugnant to them. They cling to tKeir
ancient customs and laws; and when these are set aside, the sense of
moral restraint is lost, and the Spartan-like persistency which made
them respected degenerates into a sullen recklessness, combined with an
obstinate hostility to all foreign influences.
A remarkable contrast appears in the character and conduct of their
northern neighbours, the Tsimshians. These are the people amono- whom
Mr. Duncan had such distinguished success in founding his mission of
Metlakahtla.    According to the brief description given in H H Ban- ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF   CANADA.
croft's ' History of British Columbia,' this mission, which was commenced
in 1858, had in 1886 ' developed into a town containing some 1,500 so-
| called civilised natives, with neat two-story houses and regular streets.
' The principal industry was the weaving of shawls.    There were also a
i salmon cannery, with a capacity of 10,000 cases a year; a sash and door
! factory ; and a sawmill and a brickyard.    The church,  built entirely
' by the natives, and the materials for which, with the exception of the
windows, were of home production, had a seating capacity of nearly a
i thousand, and was one of the largest in British Columbia.'
The unfortunate events which resulted in the withdrawal of Mr.
Duncan and five hundred of his people from the province need not be
(referred to here, farther than by stating that they led to the appointment
of a commission, composed of two members, representing respectively the
Dominion and the Provincial Governments, to inquire into the condition
of affairs in this quarter. The commissioners visited the various stations
on the Tsimshian coast in the autumn of 1887, and presented a very
able and interesting report, which is published in the volume of that
year.    Their descriptions fully confirm all that has been said concerning
.the great and indeed astonishing advances which have been made by
these natives in all the ways of civilisation. Of the Tillage of Kincolith,
comprising a population of about two hundred, they say :—
' The houses are mostly on the plan of those at Metlakahtla, one and
a half stories high, with a room for reception and ordinary use, built in
on the space between each two houses. Some of the houses are single-
story, and several " bay windows " could be seen. There are street-
lamps and sidewalks, and the little village bears every indication of
prosperity. The place was tidy and orderly, and the Indians evidently
thriving and well-to-do.'
The larger town of Port Simpson, with a population estimated at
about a thousand, is thus described : "The Indian village, spread over a
considerable area, with several streets and numerous houses, presented
quite an imposing appearance. The houses are substantially built, and
are varied in fashion by the taste of the natives. A long line of houses
fronts upon an esplanade, commanding a fine sea-view, and another on
-Village Island faces the harbour. The cemetery on the extremity of this
island is largely in modern style, and contains many costly monuments.
The island is connected with the rest of the town by a ' long bridge.'
There are a handsome church—said to rank next in size to the one at
Metlakahtla, which is the largest in the province—a commodious school-
house, and a well-conducted orphanage, all bearing testimony to the
energy of those in charge of the mission. There are a fire-brigade house
and a temperance hall; street-lamps are used; and a brass band was
heard at practice in the evening. On the commissioners' arrival a salute
was fired and a considerable display of bunting was made.'
'The report of these impartial and liberal-minded commissioners shows
that these Indians held themselves to be completely on a level with the
white settlers, and that they felt a natural unwillingness to be confined to
a' reserve,' and to be placed under an i Indian agent.' Their sentiments,
manly and self-respecting, were precisely such as might have been expressed by a colony of Norwegians or Japanese, but with the added
•claim to consideration that the claimants regarded themselves as the
rightful owners of the land, on which their people had resided from time
immemorial. REPORT—1890.
The widespread bands of the great Salish people show many varieties
of character, as might be expected in the septs of what is evidently a
.mixed race. The majority, however, are industrious, and readily adapt
themselves to the new conditions of their present life. As fairly typical,
the account which is given in the latest report (for 1889) of the
Tl-kamcheen or Lytton band may be selected. This is the principal
baud of the ' Ntlakyapamuq tribe,' whose location will be found on the
map near the junction of the Fraser and Thompson Rivers. The
resourcefulness and versatile industry by which the members of this
.band manage to thrive under very adverse circumstances are well
described by the local agent, Mr. J. W. Mackay: 'Although these
Indians,' he observes, ' have had a large acreage allotted to them, but a
very small portion of it can be cultivated, owing to the entire lack of
water. These Indians are great traders and carriers. They draw the
agricultural products which they require from the neighbouring reserves
at Spapiam, N.humeen, Strynne, and N.kuaikin. They help the Indians
of these reserves to sow and harvest their crops, and take payment for
their services in kind. They mine for gold, carry goods for traders from
Lytton to Lillooet, and work for the Canadian Pacific Railway Company.
They own a large number of horses, which they pasture on the lands
allotted to them. They have a few head of horned cattle, and they
cultivate the few available plots of land belonging to their reserves.
They are in good circumstances. They pay considerable attention to the
offices of religion.'
The Cowichin tribe (on the map 'Kauitcin '), on the south-east corner
of Vancouver Island—another sept of this stock—are described as
making fair progress, but as more unsettled in their habits. The recent
statutory interference with some of their customs had produced a remarkable effect. Under the peculiar stimulus of their own system they
had accumulated in 1888 'personal property' to the large amount of
407,000 dollars. In the following year that value had suddenly sunk to
80,000 dollars. This startling change is briefly explained by the Indian
Superintendent for the Province: ' The decrease in the valne of personal
property as compared with last year,' he states, ' is ascribed by Mr. Agent
Lomas to the fact that most of the natives have not collected property
f jr potlatching purposes.' Thus it appears that a law of compulsory
repudiation, enacted with the most benevolent motives, had in a single
year reduced the personal wealth of one small tribe from over 400 000
dollars to a fifth of that amount. This must be deemed a lesson in political economy as striking as (coming from such a quarter) it is unexpected.
One of the smallest and, at the same time, most interesting of the
tribes of this province are the Kootenays (Kutonaqa on the map).
They number only about five hundred souls, and inhabit a spacious valley
inthe extreme east of the province, enclosed between the Rocky Mountains and the Selkirk Range. Their language is distinct from all other
known idioms. In their customs they do not differ widely from the other
interior tribes. Their chief distinction is in their moral character. In
regard to.this distinction all authorities agree. The Catholic missionaries,
when they first came among them, were charmed with them. The Rev'
P. J. De Smet, in his little volume of 'Indian Sketches,' wiites thus
enthusiastically concerning them: ' The beau-ideal of the Indian character, uncontammated by contact with the whites, is found among them
What is most pleasing to the stranger is to see their simplicity, united ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF  CANADA
with sweetness and innocence, keep step with the most perfect dignity
and modesty of deportment. The gross vices which dishonour the red
man on the frontiers are utterly unknown among them. They are honest
to scrupulosity. The Hudson Bay Company, during the forty years that
it has been trading in furs with them, has never been able to perceive
that the smallest object had been stolen -from them. The agent of the
company takes his furs down to Colville every spring and does not
return before autumn. During his absence the store is confided to the
care of an Indian, who trades in the name of the company, and on the
return of the agent renders him a most exact account of his trust. The
store often remains without anyone to watch it, the door unlocked and
unbolted, and the goods are never stolen. The Indians go in and out,
help themselves to what they want, and always scrupulously leave in
place of whatever article they take its exact value.'
This was written in 1861, but describes the Kootenays as the author
found them on his first visit to them in 1845, when they were still
heathen. In 1888 the report of the local agent, Mr. Michael Phillips,
brief and business-like in its terms, entirely confirms this description :
' The general conduct of the Upper Kootenay Indians,' he writes, ' has
been good. Not a single charge has been laid agaiust any one of them
for any offence during the last twelve months, nor has any case of
suspected dishonesty or misconduct been brought to my notice. From
conversations I have had with Major Steele, I should judge that they
are in point of moral conduct far sup jrior to the Indians of the North-
West.' By the latter expression the writer evidently refers to the
Indians of what are known as the ' North-West Territories' of Canada,
east of the Rocky Mountains.
Finally, in the same year (1888) the Chief Superintendent of Indian
Affairs for the Dominion adds his emphatic and decisive testimony to the
good qualities of the Kootenays in a single line: ' They are a strictly
moral, honest, and religious people.' *
Much more might be added, if the space at our command would allow,
to show the great and very interesting differences which prevail among
the tribes of British Columbia. The farther our investigations are
carried, the more numerous and important the subjects of inquiry become.
The experience of another year confirms the opinion expressed by me in
the last report of the committee, that no other field of ethnological
research is to be found in North America which equals this province in
interest and value. Indeed it may be questioned whether anywhere on
the globe there can be found within so limited a compass so great a
variety of languages, of physical types, of psychical characteristics, of
social systems, of mythologies, and indeed of all the subjects of study
embraced under the general head of anthropology. And, finally, the
facts given in the present and former reports show how rapidly the
opportunities for preserving a record of these primitive conditions are
passing away.
These rapid changes, in themselves for the most part highly bene-
.ficial, are due, in a large measure, to the action of the Canadian and
Provincial Governments.    As something has been said on this point, it
is but just to add that a careful examination of the official reports, as
1 It should be mentioned that these statements refer specially to the 'Upper
Kooteha\s.' Of the ' Lower Kootenays,' who are partly within the United States'
territory) and who appear to be of mixed origin, the accounts are less favourable.
\
1
/ 10
REPORT—1890.
well as of all the other evidence at hand, leaves a highly favourable
impression as regard to the policy and methods which have been pursued
by the Canadian legislatures and executive authorities m dealing with
these tribes. If any mistakes have been committed, they have been due
chiefly to defective information. The evidence presented by these reports
is that of a careful and kindly-guardianship, more considerate and liberal,
perhaps, than any barbarous tribes, in the like situation, have ever before
experienced.
Second General Report on the Indians of British Columbia.
By Dr. Franz Boas.
Introductory Note.
In the report of the results of my reconnaissance in 1888 I have given
a summary of the most important facts relating to the ethnology of
British Columbia so far as known. According to instructions of the
editor of these reports, Mr. Horatio Hale, on my last journey, in the
summer of 1889, I paid special attention to the study of the Nootka and
the Salish tribes. Certain results of my investigations among the Nootka
made it necessary to collect some additional facts on the Kwakiutl.
Therefore the "following report will be devoted to a description of the
Nootka, Salish, and Kwakiutl. The Salish stock inhabits a considerable
part of the interior of British Columbia and the southern part of the
coast. In describing the ethnology of this people the former group must
be separated from the latter which participates in the peculiar culture
of the coast tribes of British Columbia. As the Salish are subdivided
into a very great number of tribes speaking different dialects, I have
thought it advisable to study one tribe of each group. Among the coast
tribes I selected the Lku'ngEn, among those of the interior the Shushwap.
The first part of the report contains a description of the tribes or groups
of tribes mentioned: the Lku'ngEn, Nootka, Kwakiutl, and Shushwap.
In my first report a sketch was given of four linguistic stocks of this
region : the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Kutonaqa. In the second
part of the present report the review is completed, a sketch of the
Kwakiutl, Nootka, and Salish languages being given. As the last is
subdivided into a great number of dialects, it was necessary to select
only the most salient points of the various dialects. This seemed the
more advisable, as the Kalispelm dialect is well known through
Mengarini's grammar and Giorda's dictionary. The measurements of
crania were made in the anthropological laboratory of Clark University,
Worcester, Mass., which is well fitted with the necessary instruments.
The described specimens were collected in part by Mr. W. J. Sutton, of
Cowitchin, B.C., in part by myself during the years 1886 to 1888. I
have to express my thanks to Dr. N. L. Britton, of Columbia College,
New York, for determining a number of plants for me. I am indebted
to the kindness of Dr. George M. Dawson for photographs of specimens
in the museum of the Geological Survey of Canada in Ottawa, from
which a number of sketches were made.
The following alphabet has been used in the report:	
The vowels have their continental sounds, namely: a, as in father;
e, like a in mate; i, as in machine; o, as in note ; u, as in rule.
In addition the following are used: a, d, as in German; d=aw in
law; £=e in flower (Lepsius's e). ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF  CANADA.
Among the consonants the following additional letters have been
used : y, a very guttural g, similar to gr ; h',& very guttural h, similar
to Tcr; q, the German ch in bach; h, the German ch in ich; a, between q and B; c=sh in shore; c, as th in thin; tl, an explosive I;
dl, a palatal I, pronounced with the back of the tongue (dorso-apical).
L    THE LKU'NGEN.
The Lku'ngEn are generally known by the name of Songish. They
inhabit the south-eastern part of Vancouver Island. They belong to the
Coast Salish, a group of tribes of the Salish stock (see Fourth Report of
Committee, p. 9). They are called Lku'men by the Snanai'muQ. Their
language is called the Lkunge'nEn. The same language, with very slight
dialectic peculiarities, is spoken by the Qsa'nitc (Sanitch) of Sanitch
Peninsula and on the mainland, south of Fraser River; the Sa'ok of
Sooke Inlet and the Tla'lam on the south side of Juan de Fuca Straits.
The name of ' Songish ' is derived from that of one of their septs, the
Stsa'nerEs, who live south-west of Victoria.
Houses and Boats.
The Lku'ngEn use the long houses of the Coast Salish. In British
Columbia this type of house is used on the west coast of Vancouver
Island, on the east coast, south of Comox, and on the coast of the
mainland. In the upper part of the Fraser River delta subterranean
houses of the same type as those used in the interior of the province are
used. The framework of the house consists of heavy carved uprights
which carry heavy cross-beams. The uprights are generally rectangular
(u, figs. 1, 2).    The cross-beams, c, are notched, so as to fit on the top of
M£_
ae
FIG. 1.—Plan of Lku'ngEn House.
jc:
7Jf.
c\
\c\
tk/v»
R
T.Z.-.1
a
~T&r
Gap
~Wp~
up
V.
aP
the uprights.    The uprights which are nearest the sea are a little higher
than those on the opposite side.    The higher one of the long sides of the 12
REPORT—1890.
house faces the sea. A series of rafters, R, are laid over the cross-beams, c.
Close to the uprights a number of poles are erected which are to hold the
wall. They stand in pairs, the distance between the two poles of each
pair corresponding to the thickness of the wall. The top of the outer
poles is ornamented as shown in fig. 2,  P.    Heavy planks are placed
Fig. 2.—Section of Lku'ngEn House.
between these poles, the higher always overlapping the lower so as to
keep out the rain. They are held in place by ropes of cedar-branches
which pass through holes in these boards and are tied around the poles, L.
The uppermost board on the house-front serves as a moulding, hiding
from view and closing the space between the rafters and the front of the
house. The door is either at the side or, in very large houses, there are
several on the side of the house facing the sea. The roof consists of
planks as described in the Fourth Report of the Committee, p. 22. The
uprights of the Lku'ngEn house are carved and painted as shown in fig. 3.
In some instances their surface is plain, but animals are carved on it, the
whole being cut out of one piece. Such posts do not belong to the
Lku'ngEn proper, but were introduced into one family after intermarriage
with the Cowitchin. The posts shown in fig. 4 belong to a house in
Victoria, and the same figures are found in a house at Kua'mitcan
(Quamichin), where the mother of the house owner belongs. They
represent minks. The human figures represent the spirits whom the
owner saw when cleaning himself in the woods before becoming a member
of the secret society Tcyiyl'wan (see p. 26). It is worth remarking that
the faces of these figures are always kept covered, as the owner does not
like to be constantly reminded of these his superhuman friends and
helpers. Only during festivals he uncovers them. All along the walls
inside the house runs a platform of simple construction. Posts about
one foot high, A, are driven into the ground at convenient intervals.
They are covered with cross-bars which carry the boards forming the
platform. In some parts of the house shelves hang down from the rafters
about seven or eight feet above the floor. Each compartment of the
house, i.e., the space between two pairs of uprights, is occupied by one
family. In winter the walls and the dividing lines between two compartments are hung with mats made of bullrushes. The fire is near one of I
the front corners of the compartment, where the house is highest.    The ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
13
boards of the roof are pushed aside to let the smoke escape.    Household
goods are kept on the platform; here are also the beds.    The bed consists
Fig. 3.—Upright of Lku'ngEn House.
Fig. 4.—Upright of Lku'figEn
House.
3§fi
of a number of mats made of bullrushes, the upper ends of which are
rolled up and serve as a pillow.
At the present time the Lku'ngEn use only two kinds of boats : the
m
w 14
REPORT—1890.
small fishing-boat stuSquail and the Chinook boat a'tqes. The latter,
however, is not an old style Lku'ngEn boat, but belongs to the JSootka.
The snE'quatl is a long, narrow boat with slanting stern, similar in snape
to a small Kwakiutl boat; its peculiarity is the bow as shown m ng. |
Fig. 5.
Fig. 6.
The Cowitchin boat has a stern similar to that of the Kwakiutl boat, fig. 6.
It is called by the Lku'ngEn stl'uwaitatl, i.e., boat with a square bow.
The Kwakiutl boat is called pe'JctlEntl or tc'a'atlta.    Besides the small
Fig. 7.—Lku figEn Fishing Canoe.
boat, the Lku'ngEn used the large fishing-boat called stE'tlEm or tl'la'i,
and the war-boat kuine'itl. I have had models made of these boats ; the
former is shown in fig.  7, a lateral view of the latter in fig. 8.    The
Lku'ngEn War Canoe
square stern is peculiar to the Lku'ngEn fishing-boat. It seems that it
was not made of one piece with the boat, but consisted of a board inserted
into a groove, the joints being made water-tight by means of pitch.
Manufactures and Food.
I do not intend to give a detailed report on these subjects, but confine
myself to describing such manufactures and such methods of preparing
food as I had occasion to observe. Blankets are woven of mountain-o-oat
wool, dog-hair, and duck-down mixed with dog-hair. The downs are
peeled, the quill being removed, after which the downs are mixed with
dog-hair. A variety of dogs with long white hair was raised for this
purpose ; it has been extinct for some time. The hair which is to be spun
is first prepared with pipe-clay (st'a'uoh').1    A ball, about the size of a
1 Dr. George M. Dawson obtained a specimen of this material from Indians in
Burrard Inlet in 1875. It proved to be diatomaceous earth, not true pipe-clay. The
material used by the Lku'ngEn is found somewhere north-east of Victoria, the exact
spot being unknown to me.
OBBBBBBBBStPMi ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OE CANADA.
15
fist, of this clay is burnt in a fire made of willow wood ; thus it becomes
a fine, white powder, which is mixed with the wool or hair. The mixture is spread over a mat, sprinkled with water, and for several hours
thoroughly beaten with a sabre-like instrument until it is white and dry;
thus the grease is removed from the hair. Then it is spun with the hand
on the bare thigh. The thread is worked into a basket; thus two baskets
full of thread are made. Then the two threads are rolled up together
on a stick and a large ball is made, which can be unrolled from the inner
end. The latter is next fastened to the shaft of the spindle. The spindle
has a shaft about three feet long, a heavy disc of whale's bone about a foot
in diameter being fastened to its centre. When in use, the upper end of
the shaft rests between the thumb and first finger of the left, while its
lower end stands on the ground. It is turned with the right hand by
striking the lower surface of the disc. Thus the two threads are twisted
one around the other, and the double thread is rolled on the shaft of the
spindle until the whole ball has been spun. These threads are used for
a variety of purposes; for making blankets, for fringes, for making straps.
The blanket is woven on a' very simple loom. The cloth- and yarn-bars
rest in two vertical posts, which have each slits for these bars. The ends
of the bars turn in these slits. The bars are adjustable, wedges being
inserted into the slits so as to regulate their distance. The warp is hung
over the bars, passing over a thin stick which hangs in the middle between the bars. The weft is plaited in between the warp, beginning
under the stick. Unfortunately, I am unable to describe the exact
method of weaving. The weft is pressed tight with the fingers. The
blankets have a selvage, which consists of a long thread with loops, that
form a fringe when the blanket is finished. Some blankets of this style
are made with black zigzag stripes.
Nettles serve for making ropes and nets. They are cleaned between
a pair of shells, then split with a bone needle, dried, and finally peeled.
The fibres are then spun on the thigh. Another fibrous plant called
ctca'muk1, which is found on Fraser River, is traded for and used for making
■ nets. Red paint is not made by the Lku'ngEn, but traded from the tribes
on the mainland. Neither do they make cedar-bark mats, the manufacture of which is confined to the Kwakiutl and Nootka.
Burnt pipe-clay is used for cleaning blankets. The clay is spread
over the blanket, sprinkled with water, and then thoroughly beaten.
Clams are prepared in the following way. They are opened by being
spread over red-hot stones and covered with a mat; then they are
taken out of the shell, strung on poles, and roasted. After being roasted
they are covered with a mat and softened by being trampled upon. Next
they are taken from the sticks on which they were roasted and strung on
cedar-bark strips. In this shape they are dried and stored for winter use
in boxes.    They are eaten raw or with olachen oil.
Salal berries are boiled and then dried on leaves; the boiled berries
are given the shape of square cakes. When eaten.they are mashed in
water.
The root of Pteris aquilina is roasted, pounded, and tlie outer part is
eaten.
Haws are eaten with salmon roe.
On boat journeys the roots of Pteris aquilina and a species of onions
called k'tla'ol, serve for food.
I 16.
REPORT—1890.
Salmon Fishing.
Every gens has its own fishing-ground. The chief of the gens will
invite a number of families to help him catch salmon, and in return he
feeds them during the fishing season. Shortly before the fishing season
opens they collect bark, dry it, and make nets out of it. At the same time
strong ropes of cedar-twigs are made with a noose at one end. They
are fastened to heavy stones, which are to serve as anchors for the fishing-
boats. Two such anchors are prepared and finally thrown into the water
at the fishing-ground. The upper end of the rope is fastened to a buoy.
When the men go out fishing a fishing-boat (tl'la'i, see fig. 7) is fastened
to each anchor and a net stretched between the two boats. When the
net is full, one boat slackens the rope by which it is tied to the buoy and
approaches the other, the net being hauled in at the same time. The
fishing village is arranged in the following way (fig. 9).    The centre is
I   ll| Fig. 9.—Fishing Village.
1
1
1               1
2
2
'
|                               1
1   I
2
1. House of owner of fishing district.   2. Houses of fishermen (shape and
number not known).   3. Squlaa'utq.   4. Ditches for roasting salmon.
formed by the scaffold for drying salmon (squlaa'utq). It consists of
two pairs of uprights carrying a cross-beam each, which support the long '
heavy beams on which the salmon are dried. These are cut off close to
the supports nearest the sea, while at the other end their length is different, according to the size of the trees which were used in the construction. The house of the owner of the fishing-ground stands behind the
scaffold. On both sides of the latter there are a number of huts. The
crew of one boat lives on one side, that of the other on the other side. The
owner appoints a chief fisherman (Tcun'a'liin), who receives in payment the
catch of two days and a few blankets. His hat is trimmed with fringes
of mountain-goat wool.    He divides the fishermen into two crews.    On ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
17
the day when the first salmon have been caught, the children must stand
on the beach waiting for the boats to return. They must stretch their
arms forward on which the fish are heaped, the head always being kept in
the direction in which the fish are swimming, as else they would cease
running. The children carry them up to the grassy place at the sides of
the squlaa'utq and deposit them there, the heads always being kept in
the same direction. Four flat stones are placed around the salmon, and
the owner burns on each Peucedanum leiocarpum, Nutt., red paint and
bullrushes as an offering to the salmon. Then the men and women who
have painted their faces red, clean and open the salmon. Each boat's
crew dig a ditch, about three feet wide and as long as the squlaa'utq, in
front of their houses. Long poles are laid along the sides of the ditch
and short sticks are laid across in a zigzag line. On these the salmon
are roasted. The Jcun'd'lim divides the salmon among the boats' crews.
When they are done the children go to the ditch and each receives a
salmon, which he or she must finish. For four days the salmon are roasted
over this ditch. Everyone is given his share by the hwn'&'Uin, but he
must not touch it. The bones of the salmon that the children have eaten
must not touch the ground and are kept on dishes. On the fourth day
an old woman collects them in a huge basket, which she carries on her
back, and they are thrown into the sea. She acts as though she were
lame. On the fifth day all the men turn over the roasted salmon that
had fallen to their share on the previous days to the Tmn'a'lim. When
they come back from fishing the women expect them on the beach carrying
baskets. The salmon are thrown into these, and from this moment no
notice is taken of the direction in which they lie. They are thrown
down under the scaffold and the hun'a'liin divides them into two parts,
one for each crew. Then the women clean and split the fish and tie them
together by twos with strings of carex. The men paint their faces and
dress in their best blankets. They take long poles and stand in one row
at the lower end of the scaffold, one at each beam on which the salmon
are to be hung. A pair of salmon is hung on the point of each pole, and
now the men push four times upward, every time a little higher, blowing
at the same time upward before they hang up the salmon.
Social Organisation and Government.
The Lku'ngEn are divided into the following gentes, each of which
owns a certain coast-strip and certain river-courses on which they have the
exclusive right of fishing, hunting, and picking berries. The following
is a list of the gentes and the territory each occupies:—
oltla'sEn
1. Ququ'lEk
2. LElE'k-
3. Sk'inge'nes, Discovery Island
4. Sitca'netl, Oak Bay.
5. Tck'uage'n
6. Tcik-au'atc
Codboro' Bay.
McNeill Bay.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
f McNeill Bay.
Quqoa'q J
Squi'fiqun, Victoria.
Qsa'psEm,  Esquimalt  ( = Sqse-
ma'letl.
Stsa'nges        1 From Esquimalt
K-ek'a'yek-En J to Beecher Bay.
Each gens has names of its own. There are three classes of people,
the nobility, called stlEte'tTk'atl (collective of sile'tlTcatl, nobleman) ; the
middle class, called tla'm'al; and the common people, called tl'ai'tcitl.
Each of these classes has also names of its own, so that a common man
2 B6 18
report—1890.
cannot use a middle-class name, a middle-class man cannot use a nobleman's name.    Here are a few examples :—
Stsa'nges nobility names :
Males: Qtci'tlem, Enqa'im, Tilsk'a'inEm.
Females { QupQoa'p, Ts'Ele'qoya.
Tcik-au'atc common men : Ctca'satl, Ham.
I was unable to ascertain the derivation of any of these names.
Common people may rise to the rank of the middle class by giving feasts,
but middle-class people can never become noblemen. Wealth gives per-
sonal distinction only, not inheritable rank. The children of middle-
class people are born common people. In order to raise their rank their
parents or uncles give a feast, and distribute a certain amount of property in
their behalf. By this means they become middle-class people, and are given
a middle-class name. There is a complete scale of names, each being higher
in rank than the other. By giving a number of festivals the child's rank
can be raised higher and higher, until it obtains a high position among the
middle class. In the same way the children of noblemen are given names
of chiefs of higher and higher rank. The nobility have the privilege of
dancing with masks.
The Lku'ngEn gentes have no crests, particularly not the Sqoa'eqoe,
which belongs to a number of tribes of the Coast Salish; the Qatlo'ltq,
Snanai'muQ, K'oa'ntlem, and probably several others. In one house in
Victoria the mink (fig. 4) is found carved on the upright. It does not
belong, however, to the Lku'ngEn, but the owner's wife, who belongs to a
Cowitchin family, gave it to her husband when they were married. The
couple have an only daughter, who will inherit this crest.
The chief of the tribe (sia'm) belongs, of course, to the nobility.
When giving a great \ potlatch ' to his own and neighbouring tribes, which
is his privilege, he stands on a scaffold which is erected in front of his
house and lets his daughter or son dance by his side before distributing
the property. The elevation of the scaffold may be seen in fig. 2. In
case of war, chiefs are forbidden to fight in the front ranks, but are carefully protected, as their death would be considered a severe loss to the
tribe.
After the death of the chief the chieftaincy devolves upon his eldest
son. If he has none his younger brother and his descendants succeed
him. A daughter or a son-in-law cannot succeed him. The new chief
takes the name of the deceased, and when doing so has to give a great
festival.
In war a war-chief is elected from among the warriors. War expeditions
are confined to nightly assaults upon villages. Open battles are avoided.
An expedition on which many men are lost, even if successful in its
object, is considered a great misfortune to the tribe. Fires are burnt on
mountains to notify distant villages or individuals that some important
event has taken place.
Slaves were held by all classes. They were either captives or purchased from neighbouring tribes.
m If a man has offended a foreign tribe, all members of his own tribe are
liable to be seized upon, being held responsible for all actions of any one
member. Therefore it is considered condemnable to offend a member of
a foreign tribe, and when, for instance, a man has stolen something from
| foreign tribe, and is found out by his own people, the chief will comp°el him ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OE   CANADA.
19
to return the stolen property. A man who is offended has the right to
take revenge at once. If he does not do so the perpetrator has the right
to pay off his offence.
It may be mentioned here that sometimes men assume women's dress
and occupations, and vice versd. Such individuals are called st'o'mEtcE.
This custom is found all along the North Pacific coast.
Gambling and Pastimes.
1. Smetale',—A game at dice is played with four beaver-teeth, two
being marked on one of their flat sides with two rows of small circles.
They are called ' women ' (sla'nae smetale'). The two others are marked
on one of the flat sides with cross-lines. They are called ' men '
(suwe'k'a smetale'). One of them is tied with a small string in the
middle. It is called ink'dk''e'sen. The game is played by two persons.
According to the value of the stakes, thirty or forty sticks are placed
between the players. One begins to throw. When all the marked faces
are either up or down he wins two sticks. If the faces of the two ' men '
are up, of the two ' women' down, or vice versd, he wins one stick. When
the face of the iHk'dk''e'sen is up, all others down, or vice versd, he wins
four sticks. Whoever wins a stick goes on playing. When one of the
players has obtained all the sticks he has won the stake.
2. SlEha'lEm, or wuqk''ats, is played with one white and nine black discs*
The former is called the ' man.' Two players take part in the game. They
sit opposite each other, and each has a mat before him, the end nearest
the partner being raised a little. The player covers the discs with cedar-
bark and shakes them in the hollow of his hands, which are laid one on
the other. Then he takes five into each hand and keeps them wrapped
in cedar-bark, moving them backward and forward from right to left.
Now the opponent guesses in which hand the white disc is. Each player
has five sticks lying in one row by his side. J£ the guesser guesses right
he rolls a stick over to his opponent, who is the next to guess. If the
guesser guesses wrong, he gets a stick from the player who shook the
discs, and who continues to shake. The game is at an end when one man
has got all the sticks. He has lost. Sometimes one tribe will challenge
another to a game of slEhd'lEm. In this case it is called lEhalsme'latl, or
wuqJcatse'latl.
3. K'k'oid'ls.—A game at ball; the ball, which is made of maple
knots, is called smuk. It is pitched with crooked sticks and driven from
one party to the other.
4. Bawaud'latcis.—The game of cat's cradle. A great variety of figures
are made. Only one person is required to make these figures. Sometimes the teeth must help in making them.
This is only a partial list, containing only those games of which I obtained descriptions. Besides these, throwing and catching of hoops is a
favourite game. In gambling, the well-known sticks of the northern
tribes are often used, or a piece of bone is hidden in the hands of a member of one party, while the other must guess where it is.
It is considered indecent for women to look on when the men gamble.
Only when two tribes play against each other are they allowed to be
present. They sing during the game, waving their arms up and down
rhythmically. Men and women of the winning party paint their faces red.
2a
w
A
I so
REPORT—1890.
Fig. 10.—Lku'ngEn Cradle.
Customs referring to Birth, Marriage, and Death.
During the period of pregnancy, women take off bracelets, anklets,
and necklace. This custom, which is also found among the Nootka, probably means that there must be no stricture around the body which might
hinder birth. They must also bathe regularly in the sea. When the
time of delivery approaches, the parents engage an old man to cut the
cedar-branch from "which the cradle is to be suspended, and. five old
women to soften the cedar-bark to be used for bedding the babe in the
cradle. They are paid for their services. There are no professional mid-
wives, but sometimes the si'oua (see p. 28) is called to accelerate birth.
■ The navel-string is cut with a broken shell by an old woman. The child,
as soon as it is born, is smeared with bear grease and dogfish oil, particularly the navel and any sore parts of the skin. On the first day the child
does not get any food. As soon as it is born the mother rubs it from the
mouth towards the ears, so as to press the cheekbones somewhat upward.
The outer corners of the eyes are pulled outward that they may not become round, which is considered ill-looking.    The calves of the leg are
pressed backward and upward, the knees
are tied together to prevent the feet from
turning inward. The forehead is pressed
down. They have a saying referring to
children who have not been subjected to
this treatment, and, therefore, according to
Indian taste, ill-looking: tou b'wuna tarns
ksEtctca'ai, that means, ' as if no mother had
made you look nice.' It is doubtful whether
this treatment, except the flattening of the
head, which is continued through a long
period, has any effect upon the shape of the
face. I do not believe that it has, at least not
upon bones, as the effect would be that of
producing chamseconchic orbits, while, in
fact, they are very high. If there is any
change of form of the face, a question to
which I shall refer later on, it is more probably due to the deformation of the cranium.
The child is first strapped on to a cradle
made of bullrushes. The latter comprise
five bundles of rushes, each about an inch
or an inch and a half in diameter. The
outer one, fig. 10 (1), is given the shape of
a horse-shoe ; the others, which have only
about half the length of the former, are
placed inside the horse-shoe, parallel to its
sides, so that they fill the intervening space
and form a flat surface (2). These bundles
are kept in place by two sticks (3), one
being pushed through them near the curve, ]
ie curved part is to be the head end of the \
the other near the end.    Tht
cradle.
Both sides of the outer bundle are set with loops made of a thin
rope, which serve for fastening the baby to the cradle.    A larger loop (4) on the north-Western itrIBes op Canada.
21
is attached to the curve.  This frame is covered with a layer of fine cedar-
bark. This layer is made of fibres of double the length of the cradle-board
or frame.    They are combed and carefully stretched out.    Then a roll of
bark about two inches wide by one inch high is laid on the middle part
of the layer, and the fibres are doubled up so as to cover the roll. The fibres
are plaited together with a thread of mountain-goat wool close to the roll,
and thus keep it in place.    A fringe of wool is fastened to the roll which
forms the pillow of the infant (5).    On top of the infant's head a cushion
for pressing down the forehead is fastened (6).    It consists of a series of
flat rolls of cedar-bark, covered with a layer of fibres of cedar-bark in the
same way as the pillow.    Each roll is held in place by a plaiting of mountain-goat wool thread.    The upper end of the cushion is also set with a
fringe of this material.    Between the cushion and the head a thick veil
of cedar-bark is placed.    This is made by drawing bundles of long fibres
of cedar-bark through a cord of mountain-goat wool thread.    The fringes
lie over the head and occiput of the infant joining the pillow.    The cord
from which the veil hangs down lies across the forehead.    The cushion is
placed on top of this veil, so that its fringes hang down at the occiput of
the child, while the plain edge lies near the forehead.   A string is attached
to the centre of the cord of the veil, and pulled backward over the cushion
to the loop  fastened to the curve of the cradle-board, to which it is
fastened.    Under the compressing cushion at both sides of the face rolls
of cedar-bark are placed and pressed against the head, their upper end
being also ornamented with fringe of mountain-goat wool thread.    Then
a cord is tied over the cushion and pulled downward to the third or fourth
loop on the sides of the cradle.    Thus a strong pressure is brought to
act upon the region of the coronal suture.    A cord of mountain-goat
wool passes from side to side over'the cradle and holds the infant.    The
face is covered with a hood-like mat to keep off the flies.    When the
child is about a month old it is placed in a wooden cradle.    This is shaped
like a trough.    An inch or two above the bottom a kind of mattress is
fastened, which consists of longitudinal strips of cedar-wood tied to two
cross-pieces.    The latter are tied to the sides of the cradle.    In the bottom of the trough there is a hole for the refuse to run off.    At the foot
end there is a small board, ascending at an angle of about 30°, on which
the child's feet rest, so that they are higher up than the head.    The child
is fastened in this cradle in the same way as on the first.    The cradle is
suspended from a cedar-branch, which is fastened to the wall or set up
still attached to its trunk.    It is worked by means of a rope attached to
the point of the branch.    For some time after birth the husband must
keep at some distance (or out of sight ?) from his wife, and must bathe
and clean himself in the woods, that the child may become  strong.
Both parents are forbidden to eat fresh salmon.    When the woman first
rises from her bed after the child has been born, she and her husband
must go into the woods and live there for some time.   They make a camp
in which they remain.     Early in the morning one (doubtful which) goes
eastward, the other westward, and bathe and clean themselves with cedar-
branches.    They stay in the woods about a month.    As soon as the child
is able to walk, the cradle and the branch from which it was suspended
are deposited at certain places above high water.    One of these points
used to be where the Hospital of Victoria now stands.     Its name is
P'a'latsEs (=the cradles); another, the point QEqe'leq, the third point
east of Beacon Hill.
«i 22
REPORT—1890.
Twins, immediately after birth, possess supernatural powers. They ;
are at once taken to the woods and washed in a pond in order to become \
ordinary men. If the twins- are girls, it is an indication that a plentiful j
supply of fish will come.    If they are boys, they will be good warriors.
It seems that the women are held responsible for the behaviour of
their children, for if a child cries the husband may beat his wife.
While children, and when reaching maturity, they must go frequently
into the woods and bathe and clean themselves, in order to become strong
and healthy.    Girls, even before reaching maturity, must not eat parts of
fish near the head, but only tails and adjoining parts, in order to secure
good luck in their married life.    On reaching maturity they have to observe numerous regulations.    They must eat only dried fish; they may .
eat fresh clams.     Gooseberries  and crab-apples are forbidden, as it is
believed that they would injure their teeth.    When a girl has left the
house she must return in such a direction that the sun is at her back
when she starts to return, and then walk in the direction the sun is
moving.    At Victoria the girl, when reaching the age of puberty, must
take some salmon to a number of large stones not far from the Finlayson i
Point Battery (see p. 26).    This is supposed to make her liberal.    She]
will also visit the hill pEtle'wan, not very far from Cloverdale, on the |
summit of which is a small pond.    She will dip her hand into the water
and slowly raise the hollow hand.    If she finds some grass, &c, in it she ;
will expect to become rich and a chief's wife, else she will become a poor
man's wife.    (The name PEtle'wan refers to this custom, being derived
;from tla'pEt, to feel around.)    Young men and women must not live luxu- i
riously; then they will become rich in later life.    They must not eat
while the sun is low, as they believe it to be detrimental to health.    Old
people may eat at any time.
Menstruating women must not come near sick persons, as they would
make them weak (t'k'el).
The lobes of the ear and the helix are perforated while the child is
young.    After the operation they have to abstain from fresh fish.    Arms
Fig. 11.—Tattooing.
and chins of women are tattooed when they reach maturity. I have seen
three diverging lines running from the lip downward on the chins of a
few old women.    Fig. 11 shows designs on the arms and hands of two] on the North-western tribes 01? canada.
women of about fifty-five and seventy years of age. The tattooing is done
by women, charcoal of bullrushes being introduced under the skin by
means of a needle that is held horizontally.
When a man, particularly a chief's son, wants to marry, two old
people are sent to the girl's parents to ask for the girl. They are called
k'ubid'kun. At first the girl's parents refuse. Then the k'ulna'kuii are
sent back with a large supply of food which they present to the girl's
parents. They accept it, but do not eat it. They give it to the dogs. The
messengers however, persevere, until the parents give their consent.
Then the young man goes to the girl's house in the evening and sits down
near a post, where he remains for four days. When he becomes tired he
leaves the house for a short time, but returns to his former place after a
few minutes. During these days he does not eat, but drinks a little water
only. He remains at the post and does not come near the fire. Finally
the girl's parents send two old people to lead him to the fire, where a mat
is spread for him; but he must not yet sit near the girl. Her parents
prepare a good meal, but he eats very little only, carrying the full dishes
to his mother. On the next day he returns home, and his family give
many and valuable presents to the girl's father, which are carried there
by young men. They do not go near the fire, but sit down on a place
that is offered to common people only, in the middle of the house, or at
the foot of a post. The girl's father has the presents piled up in one
corner of the house and pays the messengers. Then the bride is led to
the young man. Her father delivers a speech, and gives her presents of
the same value as those received from the young man's father. The messengers take the bride to the young man's house. Thp parents of both
husband and wife continue to send presents to each other, and to the
couple for a long time. The latter are particularly supplied with food by
both parents.
After death the face and the head of the body are painted red, and the
female relations of the deceased wail for him. The body is at once taken
out of the house through an opening in the wall from which the boards
have been removed. It is believed that his ghost would kill everyone if
the body were to stay in the house. A man who does not belong to the
gens of the deceased (?) is engaged and paid for arranging the burial.
He is called mEk'di^ngatl. Rich people and chiefs are buried in canoes
which are placed under trees; poor people are wrapped in mats or mountain-goat wool blankets (the knees being drawn up to the chin) and placed
on branches of trees. The body, after being wrapped up, is frequently put
into a box. It seems that in olden times the body was doubled up and
then covered with heavy stones. Such cairns are found all over the
south-eastern part of Vancouver Island. The implements of the deceased
are deposited close to the body, else his ghost would come and get them.
Sometimes even his house is broken down. Two or three days after burial
food is burnt near the grave. At times food is set aside for the deceased
by his friends. After burial the whole tribe go down to the sea, wash
their heads, bathe, and cut their hair. The nearer related a person is to
the deceased the shorter he cuts his hair. Those who do not belong to the
deceased's family merely clip the ends of their hair. The hair that has
been cut off is burnt or buried. At a chief's death one or two of his slaves
used to be killed and buried with him. Widow and widower, after the
death of wife or husband, are forbidden to cut their hair, as they would
gain too great power over the souls and the welfare of others.    They
I \ 24
REPORT—1890.
must remain alone at their fire for a long time, and are forbidden to
mingle with other people. When they eat nobody must see them. They
must keep their faces covered for ten days. They fast for two days after
burial and are not allowed to speak. After two days they may speak a,
little, but before addressing anyone they must go into the woods and
clean themselves in ponds and with cedar-branches. If they wish to harm
an enemy they call his name when taking their first meal after the fast
and bite very hard in eating. It is believed that this will kill him. They
must not go near the water, or eat fresh salmon, as the latter might be
driven away. They must not eat warm food, else their teeth would fall
out. The names of deceased persons must not be mentioned. Levirate is
practised. The brother or cousin of a man marries his widow, and a
widower marries either his wife's sister or cousin after her death.
Medicine, Omens, and Beliefs.
Most of the medicines used by the Lku'ngEn have no real relation to
the disease for which they are used, but an imaginary one only. In many
cases this connection is founded on a certain analogy between a property
of the medicine and the desired result. This will become clear after
reading the following list. I am indebted to Dr. N. L. Britton for the
determination of the various plants.
Sedum spathulifolium, Hook.—The plant is chewed by women in the
ninth month of pregnancy every morning to facilitate birth.
Pteris aquilina.—Leaves (sEka'n) are chewed by children.   They produce a considerable flow of saliva, which children use for washing theiii
hands before eating fresh salmon.    They must not use water for this
purpose.    The root (sk'u'yuq) is eaten (see p. 15).
Berberis aquifolium (sk'od'tcasitltc).—The stem is pounded and boiled.
The decoction is drunk as a remedy against skin diseases, particularly I
against syphilis, and to strengthen the body.    The fruits (sk'oa'tcas) are
eaten raw or boiled.
Abies grandis, Idndl. (skume'ik's).—The branches are warmed and
applied to the stomach and sides as a remedy against pains of the stomach
or sides.
Aspidium mumitum, Kaulfuss (sqa'lEm).—Spores removed and dried.
They form a fine powder, which is put on sores and boils to dry up the
flowing pus.
Symphoricarpus racemosus, Michx.—Fruits rubbed on sores, and applied
to the neck (under the chin) as a remedy against sore throat.
Achillea Millefolium (tl'k'oe'tltc).—Soaked in water, pounded and used
as a poultice on head against headaches.
Rwmex salicifolius, Weinmarm.—Roots boiled and applied to swellings
in form of a poultice.
Olaytonia Sibirica (sqoa'ngitEn).—Applied to head as a remedy against
headaches.
Alnus rubra, Bongard (skoa'ngatltc).—Fruits burnt to powder, which
is spread over burns. The cambium (qa'mqam) is scratched from the tree
and eaten.
Rubus Nutkanus, Moc. (sk'ulnuqui'tltc).—The green berries (sk-ula'lEnuq)
are chewed and spread over swellings.
Thuja gigantea, Nutt.~The inner layer of the bark is pulverised, laid
on swellings, and then ignited.    It burns slowly and serves the purpose
■ ON
THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
25
of cauterisation.    The bark of a tree named k'Hleme'ltc is used for the
same purpose.
Rheumatism.—The skin is scratched with sharp shells and then
rubbed with either ts'Btqcdtltc or k'u'nitlp. I do not know what plants
these are.
Gareso sp.—Eaten to bring about abortion, or when the menses are
irregular. As the edges of the leaves are sharp it is supposed that they
will cut and thus kill the embryo, and that they will cut the inside of the
woman, thus producing the menses.
Popuhis trichocarpa, S. and Gr. (pk''e/letltc).—Fruits pulverised and
mixed with fish oil, used, as hair oil to make the hair grow. The fruits
are found high up on the tree—a long way up, therefore they will make
the hair loner.
Wasps' nest.—Decoction of wasps' nest or of flies drunk by barren
women to make them bear children, as both bring forth many young.
Wasps are burnt and the faces of warriors are rubbed with the ashes,
before they go on a war expedition, to make them brave. Wasps are
warlike insects, and therefore will make the warrior brave like themselves.
Osmorrhiza mula, Torr.—Roots chewed by girls in spring as a love-
charm. The girl first bathes, then chews the root and rubs the saliva on
her left arms upwards towards the heart, at the same time naming the man
whose love she wishes to win. Then she rubs the saliva with the left hand
up the right arm towards the heart, speaking her own name. She ends
the latter motion in such a way that the hand remains above the place
where she put the young man's name. Thus her own name is placed
above his and she has conquered him.
Peucedanum leiocarpum, Nutb. (JcsomS'»).- This plant is one of the
most powerful ' medicines.' It is burnt to drive away ghosts. The first
salmon of the season are roasted on it, and it is used in carrying them to
the house. It is chewed and the juice Swallowed as a remedy against
cough.    A poultice of k'Eqm&n is spread on the head to cure headache.
To spit water on a sick person alleviates his pain.
Fractured bones are bandaged by means of the outer layer of cedar-
bark. In complicated fractures the splinters of bone are first removed,
then the limb is bandaged.
Rattlesnake poison is obtained by trade from the tribes on
Fraser River and on Thompson River. A powder of huma
drunk as an antidote.
Omens.—Sneezing, ringing of the ear, twitching of muscles on rig
side are good omens, on left side bad omens. These also mean that people
are speaking good or ill of the person according as the sensation is felt on
the right or the left side. When one feels a weight on the breast or a
fluttering of the heart, or when one must sigh, it indicates that something
ill will happen to a relative or friend. When the lower eyelid twitches
it indicates that one will weep. When an owl alights near a house and
moves but little, husband or wife will die. When a large owl cries near
the village, someone will die. To dream something ill of someone means
that he will have bad luck.
An arrow or any other weapon which has wounded a man must
be hidden, and care must be taken that it is not brought near the fire
until the wound is healed. If a knife or an arrow which is still covered
with blood of a man is thrown into the fire the wounded man will become
very ill.
le upper
bones is
ht
y 26
REPORT—1890.
Menstruating women must keep away from sick persons, or else thei
latter will become weak. , .
There are a number of large stones not far from ' the Battery in
Victoria; when they are moved it becomes windy. If a man desires a
certain wind he moves one stone a very little from its place, each stone
representing one wind. If he should move it too much the wind would
be very strong.
Certain herbs which secure good luck are fastened to the door ot the
house.
Gamblers use the same method to secure good luck. All these charms
must be kept secret, and nobody must know what the charm of a man is,
else it would lose its power.
Dreams come true. If one dreams of some future events that seem
highly desirable, they will not come to pass if one speaks about the dream.
Secret Societies
The Lku'ngEn have two secret societies : the Tcyiyi'wan and the ;
QEnqani'tEl (= dog-howlers). Any member of the tribe may join the ;
Tcyiyi'wan. For this purpose he goes into the woods and stays there for j
some time, continually bathing in lakes and washing his body with cedar-|
branches. The novice is called Qausa'lokutl. Finally he dreams of thei
dance which he is to perform and the song he is to sing. In his dream
his soul is led all over the world by the spirit who gives him his dance
and his song. Then he returns to the village. According to what he has J
dreamt he belongs to one of five societies which constitute the Tcyiyi'wan:!
(1) the Sk'e'iep, who dance with their elbows pressed to the body, thei
arms extended forward and continually moving up and down; (2) the I
Nuqsoa'wek'a, who jump around in wild movements ; (3) the Sk-a'k'oatlJ
who dance in a slow movement; (4) the Sk-oie'lec, whose dance is similar j
to that of the Sk'e'iep; and .(5) the Tcuk'tE'nEn (derived from tcd'lok'A
woods). The general name of the dances of the Tcyiyi'wan is Me'itla,!
which word is borrowed from the Kwakiutl. When the novice returns!
from the woods he teaches his song to the members of the society tol
which he is to belong for two days. Then the dance is performed, audi
henceforth he is a regular member of the secret society.
The QEnqani'tEl, the second secret society, are also called Tlokoa'la
and No'ntlEm, although the first name is the proper Lku'ngEn term. The!
Lku'ngEn say that they obtained the secrets of this society from the]
Nootka, and this is undoubtedly true. I pointed out in my last report i
that the secret societies which we find on the North Pacific coast evidently]
spread from the Kwakiutl people. The facts collected on the southern!
end of Vancouver Island corroborate this opinion. The names Tlokoa'laj
and No'ntlEm both belong to the Kwakiutl language, and are also used!
by the Nootka to designate their winter dances (see p. 47). The secrets o3
these societies spread from the Nootka to the Lku'ngEn, Tla'lam, and thei
tribes of Puget Sound. The Tc'a'tEtlp, a sept of the Sanitch tribe, also!
have the No'ntlEm; while the Snanai'muQ, the Cowitchin, and the tribes!
of Fraser River have not got it. The Comox and Pentlatch obtained it|
through intermarriage with both the Kwakiutl and the Nootka. Thei
right to perform the No'ntlEm is jealously guarded by all tribes whol
possess it, and many a war has been waged against tribes who illegitil
mately performed the ceremonies of the society.    Its mysteries were kept! ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
a profound secret, and, if a man dared to speak about it he was torn to
pieces by the K-uk-k-'e'lEn, about whom I have to speak presently. Only
rich people can become members of the QEnqani'tEl, as heavy payments
are exacted at the initiation. If the father of the novice is not able to
pay them, his relatives must contribute to the amount required. The
initiation and the festivals of this society take place in winter only. When
a young man is to be initiated his father first invites the QEnqani'tEl to
a feast which lasts five days. During these days mask dances are performed, which those who are not members of the society are also permitted to witness. They occupy one side of the house in which the
festivities take place, while the QEnqani'tEl occupy the other. The latter
wear head-ornaments of cedar-bark and have their hair strewn with down.
The faces of all those who take part in the festival are blackened. At the
end of these days the father of the novice invites four men to bathe his
son in the sea. One of them must wash his body, one must wash his
head, and the two others hold him. In return they receive one or two
blankets each. During this ceremony the K'uk'k-'e'lEn, who are described
as ' wild men,' dance around the novice. They have ropes tied around
their waists, and are held by other members of the society by these ropes.
Then the QEnqani'tEl lead the novice into the woods, where he remains
for a long time, until he meets the spirit who initiates him. It seems that
during this time he is secretly led to the house in which the QEnqani'tEl
^continue to celebrate festivals at the expense of the novice's father, and
there he is taught the secrets of the society. During this time, until the
return of the novice from the woods, the house is tabooed. A watchman
is stationed at the entrance, who keeps out uninitiated persons. During
the absence of the novice his mother prepares cedar-bark ornaments and
weaves mountain-goat blankets for his use. One afternoon he returns,
and then his father gives a feast to let the people know that his child has
Teturned. The latter performs his first dance, in which he uses masks
and cedar-bark ornaments. This dance is called NuqnBa'mEfk On this
day the father must distribute a great number of blankets among the
QEnqani'tEl. The uninitiated are permitted to take part in the feast, and
sit on one side of the house. The new member spends all his nights in
the woods, where he bathes. In spring the new member, if a man, is
thrown into the sea, and after that is free from all regulations attending
the initiation. One of the principal regulations regarding novices of the
QEnqani'tEl is that they must return from the woods in the direction in
which the sun is moving, starting so that the sun is afetheir backs. Therefore they must sometimes go in roundabout ways. They must go backward through doors which are stld'lEk'am against them (see below),
^frequently the si'oua is called to bespeak the door in their behalf before
they pass through it. Before their dance the si'oua must also address the
earth, as it is supposed that else it might open and swallow up the dancer.
It is also stlcUlElcam against the novice. The expression used is that the
earth would ' open its eyes' (k'u'nalasEn), that means, swallow the novice.
In order to avert this danger the si'oua must' give name to the earth' and
strew red paint and feathers over the place where the novice is to dance.
Religion and Shamanism.
All  the  tribes of the Coast Salish, from Comox to Puget Sound,
believe in the Great Transformer, who is called Kumsnd'otl (=our elder 28
REPORT—1890*
brother) by the Catlo'ltq of Comox, Qd'is by the Sk'qo'mic and Qdls by j
all other tribes.    The Lku'ngEn pray to him, and expect that he will ]
again descend from heaven at some future time and again wander all over \
the earth, punishing the bad.    Their dances are said to be performed to
please him.  Although it seems probable that there exists some connection
between Qals and the sun, I have found no clear evidence showing this to be
the case.   It is said that Qals made the sun and the moon. The Snanai'muQ,
who are closely related to the Lku'ngEn, and whose customs are very much
the same as those of the Lku'ngEn, worship the sun and pray to him.
Traces of sun-worahip may be found among the Lku'ngEn in the custom of
young girls and boys avoiding to eat until the sun is high up in the
sky, in the si'oua offering her prayers towards sunrise, and in the regulation that novices and menstruating girls must go homeward in a direction
following the course of the sun.
Animism underlies the religious ideas of the Lku'ngEn, as well as 3
those of all other North American Indians.    Animals are endowed with
superhuman powers, and inanimate objects are considered animate.  Trees I
are considered transformed men.    The creaking of the limbs is their \
voice.    Animals, as well as the spirits of inanimate objects, but principally the former, can become the genii of men, who thus acquire super- ;
natural powers.    A peculiar conception is what is called stld'lEk'am.
This is as well the protective genius of a man, as a supernatural being j
whose power is directed against a man.    Therefore it seems to express 1
the relation of man to supernatural powers.     Certain occupations or
actions are forbidden to mourners, parents of new-born children, men- I
struating  women, shamans,   novices  of   secret societies, and  dancers j
because certain objects are stld'lEk'am against them.    The door and the \
earth, as being stld'lEk'am, were mentioned in a foregoing paragraph. |
In dreams the soul leaves the body and wanders all over the world.   The j
soul after death retains human shape and becomes a ghost.    Shamans
are able to see ghosts.    Their touch causes sickness.    They make those
who have not regarded the regulations regarding food and work mad. |
Their touch paralyses man.    When one feels afraid, being alone in the j
woods or in the dark, it is a sign that a ghost is near.    They know who
is going to die, and approach the villages early in the evening to take the I
soul of the dying person away.    In order to drive the ghosts away the \
people cry q, q ! beat the walls of the houses with sticks, and burn Peuce-
danum leiocarpum, Nutt., to drive them off.    Some people believe individually that the soul of a man may be born again in his grandchild.
There are two classes of conjurers or shamans, the higher order beino-
that of the sauna'am, the lower that of the si'oua. The si'oua is generally I
a woman. It seems that her art is not acquired by intercourse with j
spirits,but it is taught. The principal function of the si'oua is that ofl
appeasing hostile powers. It is believed that certain objects are hostile 1
to man, or to man in certain conditions ; for instance, to mourners, to 1
menstruating women, to shamans, dancers, and novices of secret societies.!
These hostile powers may be appeased by the si'oua bespeaking them in j
a sacred language. The words of this language are handed down from]
one si'oua to the other, and heavy payments are exacted for instruction.!
There is not one si'oua left among the Lku'ngEn, and my endeavours to!
learn any of the words of this language were consequently vain. The!
same means are used for endowing men or parts of the body, weapons &cj
with special power.    This is called 'to give a name to an object' '(for? ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OP  CANADA.
29
instance, k'ci'tEs, to give a name to the door, see p. 27), ndsE'nEtEs or
k'cE'nstES, to give a name to a man). The si'oua gives a name to the body
(nanahetkustes) to enable man to go easy, that means, to be able-bodied
and strong. She invokes good fortune by going down to the beach at
the time of sunrise and at the time of sunset, and, looking eastward she
dips her hands into the water, sprinkles a few drops upward, and blows
a few puffs of air eastward. She is able to cure such diseases as are not
due to the absence of the soul from the body. She rubs the sick person
with cedar-bark, paints his face red, and blows some puffs of air upward.
The sick one must fast all day, and at sunset she goes to the beach and
talks towards sunrise in the sacred language. She is applied to by
women who desire to bear children. They are given decoctions of wasps'
nests and flies, as both lay many eggs. She also helps women to bring
about abortion. For this purpose she kneads the belly of the woman in
the second month of pregnancy. Her hands and the skin of the belly
are made more pliable by means of tallow and grease. She also lets the
woman lif t heavy loads and eat leaves of a species of Carex, which have
very sharp edges, that they may cut the embryo (see p. 25). For a love-
charm she rubs girls with cedar-bark, and in the same way she restores
the lost affection of a husband. When a man has been absent for a long
time on a hunting expedition, and his friends fear that some accident
may have befallen him, they call the si'oua, who stretches out her hands
to where he has gone. If, on doing so, she feels a pressure on her breast,
something has happened to the absent man ; if she does not feel anything
he is safe. All these practices of the si'oua are accompanied by incantations in her peculiar language and by dances and dancing songs. In
dancing she holds her arms on both sides of the body, the elbows not far
from the waist, the hands upright, the palms forward, approximately on
a level with the head. Her hands are trembling while she dances. I
collected one of these songs, .sung by the Lku'ngEn sioua, but the words
being in the Cowitchin language:—
(>,     J  J     J J
-*□£
La-ma-tla-ta  Qwe-ma - Ha-qan       ho - ye - ye- e     ho - ye - ye-e.
The Lku'ngEn equivalent of these words is: K'u'nEttsEQ qtEnge'k'En, i.e.,
see her (the si'oua) now going along.
The sowna'am, the shaman, is more powerful than the si'oua. He is
able to see the soul and to catch it when it has left the body and its
owner is sick. A man becomes a sQuna'am by intercourse with supernatural powers. Only a youth who has never touched a woman, or a
virgin, both being called tc'elits, can become shamans. After having had
sexual intercourse, men as well as women become t'k'e'el, i.e., weak,
incapable of gaining supernatural powers. The faculty cannot be regained
by subsequent fasting and abstinence. The novice goes into the woods,
where he bathes and cleans himself with cedar-branches (k'oatcd'set).
He sleeps in the woods until he dreams of his_ guardian spirit, who
bestows supernatural power upon him. This spirit is called the tl'Jc'd'yin,
and corresponds to what is known as the tamanowus in the Chinook
jargon, and ' medicine' east of the Rocky Mountains. Generally the
tl'k''a!inm. in n,n n.nima.1. for instance a   bear, a wolf, or a mink.     This
t' ayvti is an animal
■
'■■ 30
REPORT—1890.
animal is henceforth, as it were, a relation of the shaman, and helps, him
whenever he is in need of help.    He is not allowed to speak about his
tl'k-'d'yin, not even to say what shape it has.    When he returns from the
woods the shaman is able to cure diseases, to see and to catch souls, &c.
The best time of the day for curing disease is at nightfall.    A number of
people are invited to attend the ceremonies.    The patient is deposited
near the fire, the guests sit around him.    Then they begin to sing and
beat time with sticks.    The shaman (who uses no rattle) has a cup of
water standing next to him.    He takes a mouthful, blows it into his
hands, and sprinkles it over the sick person.    Then he applies his month
to the place where the disease is supposed to be and sucks at it.    As
soon as he has finished sucking, he produces a piece of deer-skin or the like,
as though he had extracted it from the body, and which is supposed to
have produced the sickness.    If the soul of the sick person is supposed
to be absent from the body the shaman sends his tl'k''a'yin (not his
soul) in search.    The tVk''d'yin brings it, and then the shaman takes it
and puts it on the vertex  of  the patient, whence it returns into his
body.    These performances are accompanied by a dance of the shaman.
Before the dance the si'dua must ' give name to the earth,' which else,
would swallow the shaman.    When acting as a conjurer for sick persons
he must keep away from his wifo, as else his powers might be interfered
with.    He never treats members of his own family, but engages another \
shaman for this purpose.    It is believed that he cannot cure his own :
relatives.    Rich persons sometimes engage a shaman to look after their
welfare.
The shaman is able to harm a person as well as to cure him.   He
causes sickness by throwing a piece of deer-skin, or a loop made of a I
thong, on to his enemy.    If someone has an enemy whom he wants
to harm he endeavours   to   obtain  some of his saliva, perspiration, or
hair, the latter being the most' powerful means, particularly when taken
from the nape or from the crown of the head.    This he gives to the j
shaman without saying to whom it belongs, and pays him for bewitching |
it.   I did not learn the method of treating these excretions of the enemy's 1
body, except that  the  performance takes place  at  nighttime.     Then
the man to whom the saliva, perspiration, or  hair  belongs undergoes
cramps and  fits.    The sQuna'am, as well as the si'oua, may take  the
soul of an enemy and shoot it with arrows or with a gun, and thus;
kill their enemy.     If  a man  is 'too   proud and insolent' the doctor
will harm him by simply looking at him.    It is told of one shaman that
he made people sick by giving them charred human bones to eat.
The third function of the shaman is to detect evil-doers, particularly;!
thieves, and enemies who made a person sick by employing a shaman.
They solve this task by the help of their tl'k'a'yin.    When it is assumed
or proved that a man has caused the  sickness  of  another the   latter I
or his relatives may kill the evil-doer.
II.  THE NOOTKA.
Our knowledge of the Nootka is not so deficient as that of most other
tribes of British Columbia, as their customs have been described veryi
fully by G. M. Sproat in his book ' Scenes and Studies of Savage Life '
(London, 1868).    The descriptions given in the  book are lively and] ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES   OP  CANADA.
31
trustworthy, so far as they are founded upon the author's own observations ; but unfortunately he has not always referred to his informants
so that it is impossible to distinguish what he has observed himself
from what he has learnt from hearsay. The linguistic part of his
book is taken almost bodily from an anonymous work by a Catholic
missionary, named Knipping, ' Some Account of the Tahkaht Language
as spoken by several tribes on the Western Coast of Vancouver Island '
(London, 1868), which latter book has remained almost unknown. The
power of observation exhibited in the descriptions of the author, however, is not to be depreciated. I confine myself in my description to
recording the new facts that I have observed or learnt by inquiries
among the older Indians'.
The Nootka consist of twenty-two tribes, the names of which are
derived from the names of the districts they inhabit. The tribes speak
closely allied dialects of the same language. North of Barclay Sound
the changes of dialect are so gradual that it is impossible to draw any
iiistinct lines between them. It seems that the dialects of Cape Flattery
and of Nitinat Sound are also very closely affiliated. Thus it appears that
the tribes of the Nootka stock may be divided into three groups speaking
distinct dialects, but all intelligible to each other. The following is a list
of these twenty-two tribes :—
I.      1. Tla'asath=outside people
2. Patcina'ath
3. Ni'tinath    .
Cape Flattery.
San Juan Harbour
Nitinat Sound.
w
H.      4. Ho'aiath     .
5. Hauton'k'tles'ath
6. Eku'lath=bushes on hill people
7. Hatca'ath  ....
8. Ts'eca'ath ....
9. Tok'oa'ath ....
10. Hopetcisa'th
;- Barclay Sound.
III.    11. Tutlu'lath
12. Tlao'kwiath        .        .        :
13. K-eltsma'ath=rhubarb people
14. A'hausath ....
15. Ma'noosath = houses    on   spit
people.
16. He'ckwiath
17. Mo'atcath  .
18. Mo'tclath   .
19. Nutca'tlath
20. E'hatisath  .
21. Kayo'kath
22.
. Northern     entrance
Barclay Sound.
)       Un
Clayoquaht Sound.
Nootka Sound.
)
To'e'k-tlisath=large cut in bay Y North of Nootka Sound.
people. '
(Tlahosath).
I have given the last name in parentheses, as even on special inquiry
I did not hear anything about this tribe, which is the last in Sproat's 32
REPORT—1890.
list,   but is not contained in that of Knipping.    The Eku'lath  and
Hatca'ath are not contained in the former lists.    The Eku'lath have
greatly decreased in numbers and therefore joined the Ts'eca'ath;  the
Haca'ath have become extinct.    The tribes of Barclay Sound claim that
the Hopetcisa'th did not belong originally to the Nootka people, but that
they were assimilated when the Ts'eca'ath migrated up Alberni Channel I
and settled in the upper part of this region, which event is said to have
taken place less than a century ago.    The Hopetcisa'th, who at that time
inhabited the head of Alberni Channel and Sproat Lake, are said to have
spoken the Nanaimo language.    I have tried to find any traces of that 1
language in local names, but have been unsuccessful.    It is true that the
natives do not understand the meaning of most of the names of places ; j
but, on the other hand, I have not found any that can be referred to the
Nanaimo language.    A number of men of the age of about fifty years I
affirm that their grandfathers did not know the Nootka language, but
spoke Nanaimo, and that their fathers still knew a number of words of
the old language.    It may be mentioned in this   connection that  the
vocabulary contains  a few words borrowed from the Nanaimo.    The j
traditions and totems of the Hopetcisa'th bear out their claim that they i
originally lived in the interior of the island, and did not visit the mouth
of Barclay Sound  (see below).    I have not succeeded in finding any
evidence of this change of language except the unanimous assertions ofl
the natives.
The single tribes are subdivided into septs, which seem to correspond ■
very closely to the gentes of the Coast Salish, as described in the first j
section of this report. I obtained lists of the septs of three tribes, the J
Ts'eca'ath, the Hopetcisa'th, and the Tok'oa'ath.
I. Septs of the Ts'eca'ath.
1. Ts'eca'ath
2. NE'c'asath
3. NEtcimu'asath  .
4. WaninEa'th
5. Ma'ktl'aiath
6. Tla'sEnuesath   .
7. Ha'meyisath
8. Ku'tssEmhaath.
9. Kuai'ath   .
II. Septs of the Hopetcisa'th.    Crest
1. Mo'hotl'ath.
2. Tl'i'kutath.
III. Septs of the Tok'oa'ath.
I Tok'oa'ath.
2. Maa'koath.
3. Wa'stsanEk.
4. To'tak'amayaath.
5. Tsa'k'tsak-oath.
6. Mu'ktciath.
.    Crest: Wolf.
„      Whale.
„      Thunder-bird.
„      Snake.
,,      Crab.
„      Aia'tlke.
„      Sea-otter.
„      Tc'ene'ath.
„      Whale and man
Crest
Bear, wolf.
3. Tso'mos'ath.
7. Tuckis'a'th.
8. Kshatsoath.
9. Tc'e'natc'aath.
10. MEtsto'asath.
11. Tco'maath.
The septs as given here are arranged according to rank, the highest ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OP  CANADA.
33
12.—Upright in house of the
Ts'eca'ath gens.
in rank being given first. The whole tribe possesses its territory in
common. There seem to be no subdivisions of territory belonging to
the various septs. In some instances the tribal boundaries are marked
on the coast by some rock of singular shape. Thus a large rock resting
on two boulders at Vob Point, Barclay ^
Sound, marks a tribal boundary. It does
not seem that artificial monuments were
made for this purpose. Each sept has a
chief whose authority is restricted to his ■
sept. Only the chief of the sept that is
highest in rank exercises some limited
authority over the whole tribe. Whatever is found adrift on the sea, as canoes,
paddles, &c, in his territory must be delivered to him, and he has to give a present for the same to the finder. Animals
found adrift are excluded from this rule.
When, a sept goes on a hunting expedition
the chief, if he has not a sufficient number
of canoes, rents them from other septs
and pays the crews. The affairs of the
tribe are discussed and decided in a.council, in which only the chiefs of the septs
take part. It is called ici'mitl. They decide all important affairs of the tribe, peace
and war, marriages of chiefs' daughters
and sons, &c. The council also appoint
the herald or orator of the tribe (tsi'k'sak'tl),
whose services are required in all festivals
given by the tribal chief and in negotiations with other tribes. The decisions of
the council are kept secret. Chiefs alone
are allowed to hunt whales and to act as
harpooners. This accounts for the observation of Sproat that the right of whaling
and the office of harpooner are hereditary
(p. 116). Chiefs alone are allowed to give
'potlatches.' Each sept has names that
belong exclusively to its members. The
chief and the chief's wife of each sept
have always a certain name. 1 give here the- chief's names of -the
Ts'eca'ath tribe:—
!^£6liafe!:*!>:.v.
Y
Sept
1. Ts'eca'ath
2. Ns'c'asath     .
3. NEtcimu'asath
4. WaninEa'th   .
5. Ma'ktl'aiath   .
6. Tla'sEnuesath
7. Ha'meyisath .
8. Ku'tssEmhaath
9. Kuai'ath
.Chief
WihsusE'nEp
NE'c'asath   .
Hitatlu'ksois
Haihaiyu'p .
Haa'yuih     .
T'a'psit
T'ea'tsois     .
Ma'mak-ha'nEk
Kuai'ath
3
Chiefs Wife
Ts'ecia'aks.
NEc'a'saksup.
Ho'pkustaak-s.
Hai'nak'autl.
Hayu'poutl.
Tc'eitlE'mEk-.
Hai'kwis.
Haia'ntl.
Kuai'aksap.
h6  ON  THE   NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF  CANADA.
35
He is then compelled to give it up and take a new name on the
accession of the new chief. I give here a few other names that a chief or
a member of a chief's family may assume :—
/
Ts'eca'ath
NE'c'asath
NEtcimu'asath
WaninEa'th
Ma'ktl'aiath
Kuai'ath
names: Nenetli'qsenEp.
„ Nawe'ek.
,, Tluse'sem.
,, Tlcmis'oa.
,, Hayuane,     Yahkoyap,
T'e'yukuit.
Mamah'is (female).
Tlape'i.
Teihmatlne,
Fig. 11.—Painting on house of the NE'c'asath chief.
It is stated that the Ts'eca'ath had the privilege to hunt fur-seals.
Each sept has an animal for its crest, as shown in the list of septs of the
Ts'eca'ath, to the names of which that of their crest has been added.
The crests do not play by fax so important a part as in the social
institutions of the Kwakiutl and of the other tribes living farther north.
The crest is only used in the' potlatches ' and in the secret society Tsa'yek",
as will be described later on. We find, however, paintings and carvings
on many houses which are in the same way connected with the legends
of the sept, as was described in my former report when treating of the
Kwakiutl. Fig. 12 shows one of the uprights in the house belonging
to the chief of the Ts'eca'ath. It represents the fabulous ancestor of this
sept, who is said to have descended from heaven. Fig. 13 shows
another support of the main beam of the same house. It represents a
man who is about to hurl a stone, a game which is always played at the
beginning of a ' potlatch.' The whale shown in fig. 14 is painted < n a
few boards on the outside of a house belonging to a chief of the NE'c'asath
sept.
3a 36
REPORT—1890.
The Potlatch.
The custom of giving great feasts, at which a large amount of property is distributed, is common to the Nootka and all their neighbours.
The principle underlying thepotlatch is that each man who has received
a present becomes, to double the amount he received, the debtor of
the giver. Potlatches are celebrated at all important events. The
purchase-money of a wife belongs to this class also, as it is returned to the
purchaser after a certain lapse of time (see below). After the death
of a chief, his heir is not installed in his dignity until he has given a
great potlatch. If he is to be the chief of the whole tribe the neighbouring tribes are invited to take part in the potlatch. The taking of a name
and that of a dance (see p. 48) are also celebrated by a potlatch. This
custom is practically the same among all the tribes of the north-west
coast. When a chief has to give a great potlatch to a neighbouring
tribe, he announces his intention, and the tribe resolve in council when
the festival is to be given. A messenger is sent out to give notice of the
intention of the chief to hold a potlatch at the agreed time. When all
preparations have been finished, and the time has come, another
messenger, called ia'tsetl, is sent out to invite the guests to come to the
festival. The guests come in their canoes, and when not far from the
village they halt and dress up at their nicest, smearing their faces with
tallow and then painting with red colour. Then the canoes proceed to
the village in grand procession, their bows being abreast. At this time
certain songs are sung, each tribe having its own song. When they are
seen to approach, the tribe who have invited them go down to the beach.
The chief's son or daughter is attired in the dress and mask of the crest
animal of the sept, and performs a dance in honour of the guests. The
ia'tsetl next calls the name of the head chief of the visitors, and he comes
ashore. Then the others are called according to rank. They are led
into the chief's house, after having received one or two blankets when
landing. On entering the house they are also given a few blankets.
The guests are feasted first by the chief and then by all other members
of the tribe who can afford it. Finally, after a number of feasts have
been given, the chief prepares for the potlatch, and under great ceremonies and dances the blankets are distributed among the guests, each
receiving according to his rank. At the potlatch certain songs are sung.
Each chief has a song of his own that is only sung at his feasts. Here is
the song of the Ts'eca'ath sept, sung when its chief gives a potlatch :—
Solo.
Chorus.
Ha-wa-wl
na - yi ha - wa-wi
~=3=T-
na-yi
~i;
ha - wa - wi - na
m
eating
10***,
v-te-ii?
Ac.1
' The batons used in beating time are raised at the heavy parts of the bar- this
accounts for the peculiar rhythm given above. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
37
I.e., Hal Boats are coming.   He will give again blankets to the chiefs among the
coming boats.   He will give blankets.
After the death of a chief this song is sung ; but after that the people
are forbidden to use it for one year, when the potlatch is given in which
the succeeding chief assumes his dignity. Among the gifts bestowed at
a potlatch is the right to perform certain non-religious dances that are
only danced at such feasts. In such cases the original owner retains the
right to the dance, although he has given the same right to a friend. In
this respect the customs of the Nootka differ from those of the Kwakiutl,
among whom a. man who gives away the right to perform a dance loses
the right to perform the same. I will give an instance showing the way
in which a certain dance may be passed from tribe to tribe. The
Kayo'kath have a tradition that at one time their chief when hunting met
a man who had descended from heaven beside a small lake on one of the
islands near Kayo'kath. The man had ten mouths, each of different shape,
which he showed in succession. He asked the chief whether he desired
to have always a plentiful supply of salmon. The latter replied that he
did not need any salmon, as his people used to gather an abundant supply
of mussels, which had red flesh as well as the salmon, and that consequently he had no use for the latter. Then the stranger made the pond
dry up, and ever since that time there have been no salmon at Kayo'kath.
The chief, in memory of this encounter, danced in potlatches with the
mask representing the many-mouthed being. He dances behind a curtain, only the upper part of his body being visible ; now and then he will
stoop down, so as to become quite invisible, and then reappear with
another mouth.    Here is his song :—1
£
ya   a      a
=F=q ftj
wai
wai
tc'e
a
-j TH:
^—J—J—I
T=^-
-rff
*!-
tci - mi - si   -  ma fee
a - ta - ho   -  ic a
tci - mi - si
a    ta - ho
-s-
ma
ic
he
*
1 I heard the song sung by a very poor singer.   The rhythms are probably correct,
the intervals very doubtful.
ft 38
REPORT—1890.
+
-+■
ye
• su-mat   ma - ye
site ha • witl-me
=P
—H-
nq:
3=3—<£}-£=?.
-j*-
-*—*-
:^=^^\z=3
m
I.e., Get ready, all you tribes.   He says my property will be rushed down the river.
The chief of the Kayo'kath gave this song to the Ahau'sath at a potlatch, who, in their turn, gave it as a present to the Ts'eca'ath chief.    It
seems that the Nootka do not use dancing-aprons as the Kwakiutl do.
In -the potlatch dances men, women, and children dance the same dances.
It is stated  that the Ahau's-ath at one time made
Tattoo~ine°   &    different dances for men, women, and children, but
° this was an exceptional experiment.    In former times
the privilege of performing a certain dance was rigidly
guarded, and many wars were raged against tribes
who performed a dance to which they had no right.
Some persons tattoo their crest on their bodies.
An old man of the Hopetcisa'th tribe, for instance,
has a wolf tattooed on his belly and breast. The
hauds of women and men are frequently tattooed.
I observed one man who had a line tattooed connecting both eyebrows. The same person had the upper
half of his moustache pulled out. It is stated, however, that these practices have been recently intro-
J\ duced (fig. 15).
I may remark in this place that the copper plates
which play so important a part in the customs of the
northern tribes are not used by the Nootka.
Games.
The games of the Nootka are identical with those of the neighbouring
tribes. A favourite game is played with hoops, which are rolled over
the ground. Then a spear is thrown at them, which must pass through
the hoop (nutnu'tc). A guessing game is frequently played between two
parties, who sit in two rows opposite each other. One party hides a
stone, the men passing it from hand to hand. The other party has to.
guess where it is (t'et'etsEk'tlis). The following song, although belonging originally to Cape Flattery, is used all along the west coast of Vancouver Island in playing the game lehal:—
=$=^
:^t
l£=J--
=pc=;
^S~
m
w~
A
■     la
wia
■ 6,
a
la -
wia.
A
15
wia
0,
tie
- as
-   qo
^=^:
dak
1
B ON  THE   NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF   CANADA.
A A
39
=f=
=T
V-J-JJ--^-
a - la - wia. - o
a   ■
a
• la
■ wia- o
a
• la-
wia - 5
a - la - wia - o.
■Tac -wi - to - ah
a
■   a
• la
wia - o
a
- la
wia - o
a - la - wia, - 6.
I.e., I, Nacwitoah, have missed it.
Lullaby.
te±T3L_
it
^5=^:
Toatci
ha
tea - tci
-T-
rfic
ha
tea - tcik-stcik-
ma - ha   tcu.   -   a       -       ta - ha     tcarto  m-iits   tea     -    tci
I.e., See the mink there diving between the islands.
la.
1
COSTOMS  REFERRING TO  BlRTH,  PUBERTY,  MARRIAGE,  AND  DEATH.
The customs referring to birth seem to be almost the same as those
of the Lku'ngEn. During, the period of pregnancy the woman must not
wear bracelets and anklets. After the child is born the father must
clean himself by bathing in a pond. For four days he is forbidden to go
in a canoe. He and also the young mother are forbidden to partake of
fresh food. The former must speak in whispers only. The infant's
head is flattened in a cradle, which is very much like that of the Lku'ngEn
in construction. The cradle is either made of wood or plaited of strips
of cedar-bark. Immediately after birth the eyebrows of the babe are
pushed upward, its belly is pressed forward, and the calves of the leg
are squeezed from the ankles upward. All these manipulations are
believed to improve the appearance of the child. It is believed that the
pressing of the eyebrows will give them the peculiar shape that may be
seen in all carvings of the Indians of the North Pacific coast. The
squeezing of the legs is intended to produce slim ankles. It is, however,
probable that these manipulations have no lasting effect.
Numerous regulations refer to the birth of twins. The parents of
twins must build a small hut in the woods, far from the village. There
they have to stay two years. The father must continue to clean himself
by bathing in ponds for a whole year, and must keep his face painted
red. While bathing he sings certain songs that are only used on this
occasion. Both parents must keep away from the people. They must
not eat, or even touch, fresh food, particularly salmon. Wooden images
and masks, representing birds and fish, are placed around the hut, and
others, representing fish near the river, on the bank of which the hut
stands. The object of these masks is to invite all birds and fish to come
and see the twins, and to be friendly to them. They are in constant
danger of being carried away by spirits, and the masks and images—or
rather the animals which they represent—will avert this danger. The
twins are believed to be in some way related to salmon, although they 40
REPORT—1890.
are not considered identical with them, as is the case among the
Kwakiutl. The father's song which he sings when cleaning himself is
an invitation for the salmon to come, and is sung in their praise. On hearing this song, and seeing the images and masks, the salmon are believed
to come in great numbers to see the twins. Therefore the birth of twins
is believed to indicate a good salmon year. If the salmon should fail to
come in large numbers it is considered proof that the children will soon
die. Twins are forbidden to catch salmon, nor must they eat or handle
fresh salmon. They must not go sealing, as the seals would attack them.
They have the power to make good and bad weather. They produce
rain by painting their faces with black colour and then washing them,
or by merely shaking their heads.
I obtained a comparatively full account of customs practised at the
time when the girl reaches puberty (see Sproat, p. 9&). She is placed
on the platform of the house, opposite the door, and the whole tribe are
invited to take part in the ceremonies. A number of men and women
are engaged to sing and dance on . this occasion, and are paid for their
Fig. 16.—Screen with painting representing Thunder-bird and Whale.
*>w^
services. While these songs, which are called i'a'md, are sung, a man in
the attire of a thunder-bird stands on each side of the girl. The dresses
of these men consist each of a large mask, to which a complete dress, set
with feathers and having two wings, is attached. The dancers wear no
masks. Then eight men take each a dish, go down to the river, and
fetch water, with which they return to the house. In doing so they
must move in a circle, having their left hand on the inner side of the
circle. Then they pour the water on the girl's feet and return to the
river, still moving in a circle, their left hand being on the inner side.
As soon as this performance is over, a screen, painted with images of
thunder-birds (fig. 16),1 is set upon the platform in front of the girl, so
as to hide her completely. On both sides mats are hung up. and thus a
small room is provided for the girl, who has to stay here hidden from the
sight of men for a number of days. During this period she is always,
attended by a number of girls and women. According to Sproat's state-
mint, she is not allowed to see the sun or a fire. According to my informant,  she must be guarded against seeing anything ugly  and against.;
figured aboT1 SCr36n "^ * Symmetrical drawin& adjoins the left side of the one ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
41
During the time of her seclusion she wears no shirt, and
is forbidden to move and to lie down, but must always sit in a squatting
position. She must avoid touching her hair, but scratch her head with
a comb or with a piece of bone, provided for the purpose. Neither is she
allowed to scratch her body, as it is believed that each scratch would
leave a scar. While she is hidden behind her screen the festival continues. Sometimes they even begin the Tlokoa'la (see below, p. 47).
Here are two songs which are sung on these occasions:—
Clapping
1
-    a
i   -   a
i   -    a
a   -   i -ya   i       na
i   .
a
Kaq
-   Cl
ka  - ma'
tla - tia
kui-tutl-sya   i   -   na
[     .
a
0
-   6
tu - tlah
as  -  ah
as     o - uc pa - tcatl
i     -
a
Hi
- ne
tsutl - k-at
at   -   la
ya   hoqtlak-tsak-kas
[     ■
a
An
-   a
sa   -   k-o
tea ■ kop
u  -  atl-k-atha - tlah
i   -
a
i
-    a
l   -   a
i    -   a
a   -  i -ya   i   -   na
i   -
a.
ad a
bad dr
earn last nigh'
. I dreamt i
ny husband took a second w
ife.
Then I
packed my little basket and [
Thus I dreamt.
Longe.
?], and I said before I left, There are plenty of men.
1. Eh   yi - na he
l-ya-yi na
ya   na. he
'd S d   d~\?~\
i ya-yi   na he
ZZ2Z
*c
V^-fr-*—*—d
fj
ya
he
d d d—*t
I
i ya   i
2. E - he
win - sta k-os   he
l -ya - yi - na
Hd=fc=£=fe=
PF
na.   3. 0 - ka-ha-yik
-d-d-d—d—d-
he i - yi - na ha
sa-wuk--tla. he
~-d d d   d—^
I - ya -1   na   he
a - its - kwe he
•d-d-d-
i   ya-yi
=t
kotltsek-tsin he
^tud-dzzd.
1
i   ya-yi   na.
o - ma-k-otl he   -   l   ya   i    na yutc
I.e., I wish I had my face at a girl's bosom.   I should feel good.    Oh, dead 1
Yes, your face is large enough for a thing that is never satisfied.
During her seclusion in her small room the girl fasts, and for eight
months after reaching maturity she is forbidden to eat any fresh food,
-
/ 42
REPORT—1890.
particularly salmon. On the fourth day after her first menses she puts
on a peculiar head-ornament, which she must wear during each of her
first eight menses for four days. During these months she must eat by
herself, and use a cup and dish of her own. These latter regulations
have to be observed by all women -during menstruation. After reaching
maturity girls must bathe regularly in the woods. They are forbidden to
bathe near the village where the men might happen to pass by.
The marriage ceremonies have been so well described by Sproat that
I confine myself to giving a few additional data, referring to the marriage
of persons of the rank of chiefs.    When a young man wishes to marry a
certain girl his father sends messengers to the girl's father to ask his
consent.    At first it is not given, and the messengers are sent again and
again, until the consent of the girl's father is obtained.    The messengers
do not enter the house of the latter, but deliver their message outside the
door.    At last the girl's father consents, and then the messengers plant,
a staff into the ground close to the door.    A blanket is wrapped around j
the staff, which is made to represent a wolf, a bird, or a man.    Bird's \
down is strewn on the top of the figure.    On the following day the
girl's father sends back this figure with a large quantity of food, and the
message that the young man may come and marry his daughter.    The
young man's father invites all his relatives, and gives a feast of the food
sent by the girl's father.    On the same night whistles imitating wolves' I
voices  are  blown  in the houses and on the street.    I do not know I
whether the origin of these whistles is kept a secret from the people, but
think it probable that only the members of the Tlokoa'la (see below)
know about it.    On the following morning a platform is built by covering two boats with  planks.    The young men  of the groom's  family
paddle away from the shore and then return dancing.    The groom him- I
self dances in the mask and dress of the thunder-bird, one of his relatives
in that of a whale.    All the dancers are painted, and have their hair j
strewn with feathers.    They land, and a man dressed up like a wolf is I
the first to go ashore.    A number of men carrying blankets follow him.
When the groom's party is heard to approach, the bride's father calls \
upon a number of strong men from among his family, and places them in
front of his house.    When the other party arrives and prepares to enter
the house the opposite party drives them back.    This is done four times.
Then they are allowed to enter; >the leader throws down the wolf's mask,
in the house of the bride's father, and the blankets which his followers
carry are piled up on top of it.    The bride's friends next prepare games,
which are played out of doors, weather permitting; else they are held
indoors.    First, twelve men stand in two rows of six each, one opposite'
the other.    They carry torches of bundles of cedar-bark, so that there
is a narrow lane left between the lights of the opposite rows.    The
groom's father and one or two of his uncles must pass through this lane.
Next two long poles are tied together at their points, and put up vertically.    A pulley is attached to the joint, a thin rope is passed through it,
and a small carved wooden whale is suspended from it.    The feet of the '-
two poles stand about six feet apart, and the joint is about twelve feet
high.    The carved figure hangs so high that it requires a good jump toJ
reach it.    One of the bride's relatives holds the free end of the lines
attached to the carved figure.    The groom's relatives try to catch thei
carved figure, which, however, is pulled up by the man holding the ropeI
as soon as anyone tries to take hold of it.    The man who finally succeeds -i ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
43
in grasping it receives a few blankets from the girl's father. Then a
horizontal pole is fastened at one end, swinging freely at the other. The
men belonging to the groom's party have to try to walk down to the
swinging end, and whoever succeeds receives blankets from the girl's
father. Heavy weights are lifted ; they try who is the best jumper. A
blanket with a hole in the centre is hung up, and men walk up to it
blindfolded from a distance of about twenty steps. When they get near
it they must point with their fingers towards the blanket, and try to hit
the hole. They also climb a pole, on top of which an eagle's nest, or
something representing a eagle's nest, is placed. The winner of each
game receives a number of blankets from the girl's father. When the
games are at an end the groom's father distributes blankets among the
other party. Now they are allowed to take the girl with them. A man,
dressed up as a wolf or a whale, leads the party, and they follow him in
Indian file, going around in a circle, the left hand being on the inner
side fthat is, opposite to the course of the sun). They take the girl to
their house, and give a great feast. After a while the bride's father
gives a feast to his son-in-law, who returns it after a short time, and
thus they continue to feast, sometimes for a whole year. Then the bride's
relatives return all that was paid to them at the marriage ceremony.
The wolfs head which was thrown into the girl's house is always
returned at once.
The child belongs to that sept which is considered the nobler. If, for
instance, the mother is a Ts'eca'ath, the father a Kuai'ath, the child will
be a Ts'eca'ath. Cousins and second cousins are not allowed to intermarry, but there is no restriction against marriages between members of
the same gens.
I have nothing of importance to add to Sproat's description of the
mortuary ceremonies, except that the names of the deceased must not be
mentioned. Mourners out their hair short; but while among the Lku'ngEn
the nearer relatives cut it shorter than the others, among the Nootka
all cut it equally short.    The women wail early in the morning.
Religion and Shamanism. ■ \"
The mythology of the Nootka refers to two men who descended from
heaven and transformed the semi-human beings of the ancient world
into men and animals.1 They are called Kweka^tJflcsEp, i.e., the transformers, and are said to have taught men to worship the deity in heaven.
The name of the deity is kept a profound secret from the common people.
Only chiefs are allowed to pray to him, and the dying chief tells the
name, which is Ka'tse (i.e., the grandchild) to his heir, and teaches him
how to pray to the deity. No offerings are made to Ka'tse; he is only
prayed to. In a tradition of the Nootka it is stated that a boy prayed to
a being in heaven called Cicikle, who is probably identical with Ka'tse.
The boy is described as praying, his arms being thrown upward. Ordinarily the Nootka pray to the sun and the moon for health, or, as the
expression in their language is, for life and the well-being of their
children. The moon especially is asked for food and for good luck in
hunting. Both are believed to have human shape. Besides these higher
deities, the Nootka believe the whole of nature to be animated. The
rainbow was originally a man, and still retains much of his  power.
' See Swan, The Indians of Cape Flattery, p. 64.
V
y
i 44
REPORT 1890.
Wolves are considered powerful beings, whose friendship is sought for
and whose anger is dreaded. Therefore chiefs are not allowed to kill
them. Especially is this the case with the Hopetcisa'th chiefs, whose
crest is the wolf. The real meaning of this belief will become clear when
taken in connection with the Tlokoa'la rites and traditions. It is believed
that the wolves drive the deer towards the Hopetcisa'th, more particularly
to the Ts'o'mos hunters.
The world is believed to be a round disc which is supported by a pole.
Eclipses of sun and moon are produced by the ' door of heaven ' swallowing them. This door of heaven occurs frequently in tales, and threatens
to swallow any person who intends to pay a visit to the deity in heaven.
Attempts are made during eclipses to free the sun or the moon by making
noise and by burning food on the beach. Thunder is produced by the
flapping of the wings of the thunder-bird Tu'tutc, the lightning by his
belt, the snake Hahe'k'toyek-, which he casts down upon the earth. The
fortunate finder of a bone of the Hahg'k-toyek- possesses one of the most
powerful charms the natives know of.
The soul has the shape of a tiny man ; its seat is the crown of the
head; As long as it stands erect the person to whom it belongs is hale
and well; but when it loses its upright position for any reason its owner
loses his senses. The soul is capable of leaving the body ; then the
owner grows sick, and if the soul is not speedily restored he must die.
To restore it the higher class of shamans called K'ok'oa'tsmaah (soul-;
workers) are summoned. I cannot give a satisfactory explanation of the
methods employed to gain this power, as the natives proved to be rather
reticent in regard to these subjects, as well as many others that are among
the most interesting to ethnologists. The K-ok-oa'tsmaah seems to ac- j
quire his power by fasting and cleaning himself in ponds, as is the custom
among all tribes of this region. He catches the wandering soul in his-;
hand, and after having shown it to the people restores it to its proper i
place by laying it on the top of the head of the sick person. I heard
several Indians maintain that they had seen the soul caught by the
shaman, who let it march up and down on a white blanket. The second
class of shamans are the TJcta'k-yu, i.e., the workers. I did not hear
anything regarding an initiation of these shamans by encounters with
spirits. It seems that the Tsa'yek- ceremony, which will presently be
described, is actually the initiation of the shaman of this class, although,
on the other hand, I am not sure that all the members of the Tsa'yek" are
considered to have the power of curing diseases. These shamans are
capable of curing all diseases, except such as are caused by the soul
leaving the body. The cause of sickness is either what is called ' ma/yatle,'
i.e., sickness flying about in the shape of an insect and entering the body
without some enemy being the cause of it ] or the sick person' has been
struck by sickness thrown by a hostile shaman, which is called ' mEnu'qdtl.'
11     - ordinary method of removing disease is by sucking and singing
Theii
over the patient.    Here is a song which I heard sung by a shaman when
curing a sick person :-
td£
<j
Clapping
Ha    ne
3c::—
^c
te
ak- - ya
&c. ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OP CANADA.
45
• - yu
During the conjuration they frequently wash their hands and warm
them at a fire. It is told as a feat of a female conjurer that she gave her
husband something to eat which she promised to extract again from out
jof'his belly; a feat which she is believed to have actually accomplished.
Other shamans are said to be able to suck out arrows, bullets, and the
like. In cases of fractures of bones they give the patient a mixture of
ground human bones to drink, or spread it over the fractured place.
They treat abscesses by massage or kneading, and open them and take
out the matter. If the fish do not come in time, and the Indians are in
want of food, a shaman makes an image representing a swimming fish,
and puts it into the water in the direction in which the fish used to come,
and it is believed that this means will induce them to come at once. He
prays at the same time for the fish to come, and calls them.
Every man, upon reaching maturity, may obtain a charm"by continued
fasting and bathing in ponds. When trying to ascertain how far back
historical tradition extends, I was told the following by Tlutisim, a man
about thirty years old, belonging to the NEtcimu'asath sept: His greatgrandfather's grandfather—i.e., five generations back—sat one night on
his bed resting, but not sleeping, as hunters will do. At midnight he
heard someone singing on the beach. He went out to see who was there,
and discovered a number of Ta'e—a fabulous people living in the woods—
landing a sea-lion which they had caught. It is always a foreboding of
good luck to see those people. The man ran down to the beach, cried
I he,' and the Ta'e were transformed into sea-foam. He gathered it care-
. fully, and hid it. It became his charm, and henceforth he was a great
and successful hunter.
After death the soul becomes a ghost, which is called Tci'hai The
world of the souls is in the earth (Hita'kutla) ; bub chiefs and good men
who always prayed to the sun and moon go up to heaven (Hina'yitl).
Those who are killed in war and have had their heads cut off have in
after life their faces on their breasts. Drowned persons become spirits
called Pu'kmis. They are generally invisible, and linger on the beach.
Whenever they appear to men they are seen to shiver for cold. Ghosts
have no bones; they produce nightmare by appearing in sleep ; to see
them causes sickness.
In connection with these beliefs I may mention the following facts
which throw some light upon the ideas of the Nootka regarding the relation of soul and body.    About twenty years ago a man lost his senses,
/ 46
REPORT—1890.
and attacked another man with a hatchet.    The other succeeded in
wresting the weapon from his hands.    After some time the madman
apparently died and was bnried, the body being tied up between boards,|
deposited in the woods, and covered with branches and brushes.    After!
a few days a number of children found him sitting on the beach.    He|
declared that the ghosts had sent him back from their country.    The
people did not allow him to enter the village until he had bathed and|
cleansed himself.    After a while he was killed by the man whom he had
formerly assaulted.    As the people continued to be in dread of him. his
body was cut to pieces.
A very remarkable method of curing diseases is used when the practices of the shaman prove of no avail.    In such case the patient is initiated j
in the secret society, Tsa'yek*.1    I obtained the following description ofl
the Tsa'yek" ceremonies :   The members of the Tsa'yek- assemble  and
begin to make a circuit through cue whole village, walking in Indian files
and in a circle, so that their left hand is on the inner side.    Nobody isj
allowed to laugh while they make their circuit.    The following song is
sung by the Tsa'yek" society of the Hopetcisa'th and Ts'ei-a'ath during
their circuit through the village:—
I.e., he is not conjurer.
In dancing they hold the first fingers of both hands up, tremblin J
violently. They enter the houses and take the patient and all others!
who have expressed the wish of becoming Tsa'yek along, two members!
of the society taking each novice between them and holding him by his
hair, while they continue to shake their other hands. The novice mustl
incline his head forward and shake it, while they continue their circuit!
Thus they go from house to house and take along all those who desire tai
join the society. The circuit finished, they assemble in a house in which!
for the following days none but members of the T&a'yek- is allowed;!
They sing and dance for four days ; after these days the novice obtains!
his cedar-bark ornament. The latter is almost identical with the one!
described by Swan (p. 74). Small carvings representing the crest of
their septs are attached to the front part of their headrings. The dress!
of the Ucta'k-jii. who is the most important member Of the society is
larger than those of any of the other members. The following son*' isf
one of those sung by the members during the initiation ceremonies mthe!
house:—
Beating   | I  | j n,;
See Swan, I.e. p. 73, ff. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
47
ye   e    ye      ye.
The song is repeated ad infinitum; in the repetitions quarters are beaten.
The dancer jumps at the end of each quarter from one leg to the other.
At each jump he lifts one hand and extends the other downward and
backward.
I append here a few omens and current beliefs: If there is an
irritation in the right side of the nose so that one must sneeze, something
good is said of one ; if in the left, something bad is said. If one chokes
oneself in drinking, the thing one happens to think of will not come true.
If one wants to become a great hunter one must not eat of the first game
one gets. The first salmon of the season are split on both sides of the
backbone, which is then taken out. The head must not be cut off, but
remains attached to the backbone. While the head and backbone are.
thrown into the water, the rest of the fish must be roasted without being
cut to pieces. No fresh venison or other meat must be eaten after the
salmon begin to run, as else they would stop running for a number of
days. . The first salmon of the season must not be sold. Salmon are
always dried in the houses.
The Tlokoala.
Among the customs of the Nootka their winter dances have always
attracted the greatest attention of travellers who came into contact with
this people. Good descriptions of the customs connected with these
festivals have been given by Sproat, Swan, Jewitt, and Knipping. The
meaning of the festivals has, however, remained obscure. This is in part
due to the fact that the custom has been borrowed from the Kwakiutl.
The name Tlokoala itself, which is a Kwakiutl word, proves its foreign
origin. The Tlokoala of the Kwakiutl will be described in the next
chapter. Suffice it to say here that the Tlokoala of the Nootka corresponds to the Walas'aqa' or wolfs dance of the Kwakiutl. It has, however, certain other features embodied in it; for instance, the ceremonies
of the Ma'tsm dance. The Tlokoala are a secret society, who celebrate
their festivals in winter only. They have a chief who is called
Tak'syak'ste'itk*. Anyone who wishes to join the Tlokoala can do so,
or the society may invite a man to become a member. Then the friends
of the person who is to become a member make a collection in his behalf,
and turn over the property collected to the chief of the Tlokoala, who
distributes it during a great feast among the members. Those who are
not Tlokoala are*called Wicta'k-yu, i.e, not being shamans. The Tlokoala
is believed to have been instituted by the wolves, the tradition being thai
a chiefs son was taken away by the wolves, who tried to kill him, but,
being unsuccessful in their attempts, became his friends and taught him
the Tlokoala. They ordered him to teach his people the ceremonies on
his return home. Then they carried the young man back to his village;
They also asked him to leave some red cedar-bark for their Tlokoala
behind, whenever he moved from one place to another ; a custom to which
the Nootka tribes still adhere. Every new member of the Tlokoala must
be initiated by the wolves. At night a pack of wolves—that is, Indians
dressed in wolf-skins and wearing wolf-masks—make their appearance, 48
REPORT —1890.
seize the novice, and carry him into the woods. When the wolves are
heard outside the village, coming in order to fetch the intending novicer
the members of the Tlokoala blacken their faces and sing the following
Ya   na
^
le   ya
ya
a    he   he ye   e
—1-
-d—dz
=f£
hanat - mots   sa-emc netl-ko
=1-
3t
*   *
■&-&.
>JZZ±==SSL
-J—3r
tlo - koa
-0-'
ne
a
-d—
he ye
k-e - is'  - et     an - es    tlo - koa - ne    a     he
., Among all tribes is great excitement because I am Tlokoala.
following day the wolves return the novice dead, then the
wolves are supposed to have put the
On the
Tlokoala have to revive him.    The
magic stone hd'ina into his body, which must be removed in order to
restore him to life. The body is left outside the house, and two shamans
go and remove the ha'ina. It seems that this stone is quartz. The idea
is the same as that found among the Kwakiutl, where the Ma'tEm is
initiated by means of quartz which is put into his body by the spirit of
his dance.    The returning novice is called u'cinak.
After the novices have been restored to life they are painted red and
black. Blood is seen to stream from their mouths, and they run at once
down to the beach and jump into the water. Soon they are found to
drift lifeless on the water. A canoe is sent out and the bodies are
gathered in it. As soon as the canoe lands, they all return to life, resort i
to the dancing house, to which none but the initiated is admitted, and
stay there for four days. At night dances are performed in the house,
which the whole population is allowed to witness. After the four days
are over the novices leave the house, their heads being wound with
wreaths of hemlock(?) branches. They go to the river, in which they
swim, and after some time are fetched back by a canoe. They are almost
exhausted from the exertions they have undergone during the foregoing
days.    Novices must eat nothing but dried fish, and dried berries.
Each Tlokoala lasts four days. It is only celebrated when some
member of the tribe gives away a large amount of property to the Tlokoala,
the most frequently occurring occasion being the initiation of new
members. Sometimes it is celebrated at the time of the ceremonies,
which are practised when a girl reaches maturity. The house of the man
who pays for the Tlokoala seems to be the taboo house of the society, i
As soon as the Tlokoala begins, the ordinary social organisation of the
tribe is suspended—as is also the case among the Kwakiutl. The people
arrange themselves in companies or societies which bear the names of the
various Nootka tribes, no matter to which tribe and sept the persons =
actually belong. Each society has festivals of its own, to which members
of the other societies are not admitted, although they may be invited.
These societies are called u'patl.    Each has a certain song which is sung.] ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OP CANADA.
49
during their festivities.    Here are songs of the Nutca'tlath and Mo'tclath
societies of the Ts'eca'ath tribe.
Song of the Nutca'tlath Society.
a     k'etcitl    hakwe       tsakwa
ats - utl
Song of the Mfftclath Society.
A A
ye.
At night, when the whole tribe assembles in the taboo house, the
.societies still keep together. They are hostile to each other, and railleries
between the various groups are continually going on. It seems that
there are no separate societies for men and women, but a certain
division must exist, as they seem to have separate feasts. When a
man, during a Tlokoala, brings in any game, and he does not give half of
it to the women, but retains the whole for the use of the men, the
former will attack him and wrest the share due to them from the men.
In the same way the women must share all they get or cook with the
men.
Originally, each dance belonged to one family, and was transmitted
from generation to generation. Mother as well as father had the right
to transfer their dance to their children. Thus dances which belonged
to one tribe were transmitted to others. The dance was given to the
novice at the time of his or her initiation, and no more than one
dance could be given at a time. At present these restrictions are
becoming extinct. Whoever is rich enough to distribute a sufficient
amount of property may take any dance he likes. I was even told
that the chief of the Tlokoala, at the beginning of the dancing season,
distributes the various dances among the members of the order, and that
he may redistribute them at the beginning of the following season.
It is a peculiarity of the dances of the Nootka that two masks of the
same kind always dance together.
4 h 6 50
REPORT—1890.
Among the dances belonging to the Tlokoala I mention the Aai'tlk'e
(=feathers on head). The Aai'tlk-e is supposed to be a being living in
the woods. He wears no mask, but a head-ornament of cedar-bark dyed
red, the dyed cedar-bark being the emblem of the Tlokoala. This ornament consists of a ring from which four feathers wound with red cedar-
bark rise, three over the forehead, one on the back. The face of the
dancer is smeared with tallow and then strewn with down. The ornaments of each dancer—of the Aai'tlk-e as well as of all others—must be
Fig. 17.—Head-mask of Hi'nemiH.
f.
I$MI
■ ~mm&Mmm^w.v&
-L
their personal property.    They must not be loaned or borrowed.    The
following is the song of the Aai'tlk-e:—
s
Z33=4ZZZ^.
Ha
ya
ha
d . V- S-       *~»—d~.—d—<=J—u
ya.
Ha   ya
nanu
tli - me.
mm^
TJ
ha
dj:
Jr. _ v
ya    nanu
"ST
me
tli
me
■J. Jgl-
ha    ya.
Another dance is that of the Hi'nemiH, a fabulous bird-like being.
The dancers wear the head-mask, fig. 17. On the top of the mask there
is a hole, in which a stick is fastened, which is greased and covered with ON THE  NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OP CANADA.
51
down. When the dancer moves, the down becomes loose, and whoever
among the spectators catches a feather receives a blanket from the chief
of the Tlokoala.    The following is the song of Hi'nemiH :—
no   ho.
The A'tlmaqko is a dance in which two men wearing two human
masks appear. The masks are called A'tlmaqko. When they appear
the spectators sing :—
Kwai - as       kwai - as Atlmaq - ko
I.e., Back out, back out, Atlmaqko 1
Then they leave the house and run about in the village. The A'tlmaqko
is a being living in the woods. The first to see him was a Netcumu'asath,
and ever since this sept dances the A'tlmaqkd dance.
The Sa'nEk (panther) dance corresponds to the No'ntlem of the
Kwakiutl. The dancer wears a large head-mask, like that of the Hi'nemiH,
and a bear-skin. He knocks everything to pieces, pours water into the
fire, and tears dogs to pieces and devours them. Two canine teeth in
the mouth of the mask are its most characteristic feature. A rope is
tied around his waist, by which he is led by some attendants.
The M'tltak', self-torture, corresponds to the havn'natl of the Kwakiutl.
The dancers rub their bodies with the juice of certain herbs, and push
small lances through the flesh of the arms, the back, and the flanks.
Other dances are the Pu'kmis dance (see p. 45), in which the dancer
is covered all over with pipe clay;   the Hu'tlmis dance, the Hu'tlmis
1 The last note drawn down an eighth.
4a
y 52
REPORT—1890.
being another fabulous being living in the woods and always dancing;
the Hue'mis dance, which is performed by women only, who wear red
cedar-bark ornaments and down, and who dance with one hand extended
upward, the other downward; the A'yek- dance, in which the dancer
knocks to pieces whatever he can lay his hands on ; and dances representing a great variety of animals, particularly birds.
The tribes north of Barclay Sound have a dance in which the performer has to cut long parallel gashes into his breast and arms. The
Ha'mats'a dance, which has been borrowed from the Kwakiutl, has spread
as far south as Nutca'lath, having been introduced there by intermarriage
with the Kwakiutl. The killing of a. slave, which has been described by
Sproat (p. 157) and Kuipping, may belong to this part of the Tlokoala
(see below, pp. 65, 66).
III.    THE KWAKIUTL.
The Kwakiutl language is spoken in two main dialects, the Heiltsuk',
from Gardner Channel to Rivers Inlet, and the Kwakiutl proper. I have
formerly given the Le'kwiltok* as a separate dialect, but this view has
proved to be incorrect, it being almost identical with the Kwakiutl. As
stated in my last report, the tribes speaking the Heiltsuk" and Gyimano-itq
dialects are in the maternal stage, and are divided into gentes having
animal totems; while the southern group are in the paternal stage, and
are divided into gentes which have no animal-crest (see Fifth Report of
Committee, p. 29). I collected in the summer of 1889 an almost complete list of tribes, septs, and gentes of the Kwakiutl, which is here
given. The social position of the tribes and gentes will be discussed
later on. The gentes of the Kwakiutl proper are given according to their
rank.
A.   Heiltsuk- Dialect.
1. Qaisla'.
Gentes: Beaver, Eagle, Wolf, Salmon, Raven, Delphinus orca.
Qana'ks'iala, called by the Heiltsuk* Gyimano-itq.
Qe'qaes.    Chinaman Hat  i
He'iltsuk-.    Bellabella.       I Gentes : 1. Wik'oqtenoq (eaglepeople);
Septs: a. K'o'kaitq     V    2.   K-'oe'teuoq   (raven people) ; 3.
b. Oe'tlitq I     Ha'lq'aiHtenoq (killer people).
c. O'ealitq J
5. So'mequlitq.    Upper end of Awi'ky'enoq Lake.
Gentes : 1. So'mequlitq.
2. T'se'okuimiQ or Ts'e'uitq.
6. No'qunts'itq.    Lower end of Awi'ky'enoq Lake.
7. Awi'ky'enoq (=people of the back country?). Rivers Inlet.
Called by former authors Wikeno.
Gentes : 1. K'oi'kyaqtenoq.    Crest: whale.
2- Gyi'gyilkam (=those first to receive).    Crest: bear.
3. Wao'kuitEm.    Crest: raven.
4. Wa'wikyem. „   : eagle.
5. Kue'tEla. „   ; eagle.
6. Na'lekuitq. „   : whale.
2.
3.
4. ON   THE  NORTH WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
53
B.   Kwakiutl Dialect.
1. Tla'sk'enoq (=people of the ocean).    Klaskino Inlet.
Gentes: 1. T'e't'anetlenoq.
2. O'mauitsenoq (=peopleof O'manis, name of a place,
alleged to be a Nootka word).
2. Gua'ts'enoq (=people of the north country).    Northern side of
entrance to Quatsino Sound.
Gentes: 1. Q a' man ao.
2. Gua'ts'enoq.
3. Kyo'p'enoq.    Entrance of Quatsino Sound.
Gentes: 1. Kyo'p'enoq.
2. K-'6'tlenoq.
4. K^osk'e'moq.    Koskimo.
Gentes: 1. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
2. NEe'nsHa (=dirty teeth).
3. Gye'qsEms'anatl (=higher than Gye'qsEm ?)
4. Tse'tsaa.
5. Woqua'mis.
6. Gyek-'6'lEk*oa.
7. Kwakuk'Ema'i'enoq.
5. Nak'o'mgyilisila (=always staying in their country; descendants
of K-'a'nigyilak').    C.Scott.
Gentes : 1. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
2. NEe'nsHa (=dirty teeth).
6. Tlatlasik-oa/la(=those on the ocean; descendants of NomasE'nQilis).
Nahwitti.
Gentes: 1. Gyi'gyilk'am (=those to whom is given first).
2. La'laotla (=always crossing sea).
3. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
7. Gnasi'la (=north people).    Smith Inlet.
Gentes: 1. Gyi'gyilk-am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Si'sintlae (=the Si'ntlaes).    Crest: sun.
3. K#'o'mkyutis (=the rich side).
8. Na'k'oartok-.    Seymour Inlet.
Gentes: 1. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
2. Si'sintlae (=the Si'ntlaes).    Crest: sun.
3. Tsitsime'lek'ala.
4. Wa'las (=the great ones).
5. TE'mtEmtlEls (=ground shakes when they step on it).
6. Kwa'kokyutl (=the Kwa'kiutl).
. The Kwakiutl live at Fort Rupert, Turner Island, Call Creek.    The
tribe consists of the following three septs:—
i
1
Ai 54
REPORT—1890.
9. Kue'tEla.
Gentes; 1. Maa'mtagyila (=the Ma'tagyilas).
2. K'kwa'kum (=the real Kwa'kiutl).
3. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
4. Laa'laqsEnt'aio (=La'laqsEnt'ai5s).
5. Si'sintlae (=Sintlaes).
10. K-'6'moyue (=the rich ones).    War name: Kue'qa (murderers).
Gentes: 1. K'kwa'kum (=the real Kwa'kiutl).
2. Ha'anatlenoq (=the archers).
3. Taai'Hak-Emae (=the crabs).
4. Haai'lakyemae (=the conjurers^, or La'qse.
5. Gyl'gyilk'am (=those to whom is given first).
11. Wa'laskwakiutl (=the great Kwakiutl), nickname:    La'kuilila
( = the tramps).
Gentes: 1. TsVntsEnHk'aio (—the Ts'E'nHk-aios).
2. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
3. Wa'ulipoe (=those who are feared).
4. K^'o'inkyutis (=the rich side).
12. Ma'malelek#ala (=Ma'lelek,ala people).    Village Island.
Gentes: 1. TE'mtEmtlEls (=ground shakes when they step on it).
2. We'6mask-Ema(=high people).
3. Wa'las (=the great ones).
4. Ma'malelekam (=the Ma'lelek-as).
13. K'we'k'sdt'enoq (=people of the other side).    Gilford Island.
Gentes : 1. Naqna'qola (=standing higher than other tribes ?).
2. Me'mogyins (=with salmon traps).
3. Gyl'gyilk-am (=those to whom is given first).
4. Ne'nelpae (=an upper end of river).
14. Tlau'itsis (=angry, people).    Cracroft and Turner Islands.
Gentes: 1. Si'sintlae (=the Si'ntlaes).
2. Nunemasek'a'lis (=who were old from the beginning).
3. Tle'tlk'et (=baving great name).
4. Gyi'gyilk-am (=those to whom is given first).
15. NE'mk-ic.   .Nimkish River.
Gentes: 1. Tsetsetloa'lak-emae (=the most famous ones).
2. TlatEla'min (=the supporters).    Crest: eagle.
3. Gyi'gyilk-am (=those to whom is given first). Crest:
thunder-bird.
4. Si'sintlae (=the Si'ntlaes).    Crest: sun.
5. Ne'nelky'enoq (=people of land at head of river).
[Ma'tilpe (=head of Maa'mtagyila)   are no separate tribe.     They
belong to the Kwa'kiutl proper.
Gentes: 1. Maa'mtagyila.
2. Gje'qsEm.
3. Haai'lakyEmae.]. ON   THE   NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
16. Tena'qtaq.    Knight Inlet.
Gentes : 1. K-'a'mk-'amtElatl (=the K-'a'mtElatls).
2. Gye'qsEm (=the chiefs).
3. K-oe'k'oaaVnoq (=peopleof [river] K*oa'is).
4. Taai'Hak-Emae (=the crabs).
5. P'e'patle'noq (=the flyers).
17. Aoai'tlEla (=those inside of inlet).    Knight Inlet.
Gentes: 1. Gyi'gyElk'am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Ts'o'ts'ena (=thunder-birdn).
3. KH'ekHkH'e'noq.
18. Tsa'watEenoq (=people of the olachen country). Kingcoinbe
Ii.let.
Gentes: 1. Le'lEwagyila (=the heaven-makers—mythical name
of raven).
2. Gyi'gyEk-Emae (=the highest chiefs).
3. Wi'ok'Emae (=whom none dares to look at).
4. Gya'gygyilakya (=always wanting to kill people).
5. K-a'k-awatilikya (=K'awatilikalas).
19. Guau'aenoq.   Drury Inlet.
Gentes : 1. Gyi'gyilk'am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Kwi'koaenoq (=those at lower end of village).
3. Kwa'kowenoq.
20. Haqua'mis.    Wakeman Sound.
Gentes : 1. Gyi'gyilk'am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Gye'qsEm (=the chiefs).
3. Haai'alikyauae (=the conjurers).
4. ?
The Le'kwiltok-, who inhabit the country from Knight Inlet to Bute
Inlet, consist of the following septs :
21. Wi'wek-ae (=the We'k-aes).
Gentes : 1. Gyi'gyilk-am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Gye'qsEm (=the chiefs).
3. Gye'qsEm (=the chiefs).
4. Wi'weak-am (==the We'k-ae family).
22. Qa'qamatses (=old mats, so called because slaves of the
Wi'wek-ae). Recently they have taken the name of Wa'litsum (=the
great ones).
Gentes: 1. Gyi'gyilk'am (=those to whom is given first).
2. Gye'qsEm (=chiefs).
23. Kue'qa (=murderers).
Gentes : 1. Wi'weakam (=the We'k'ae family).
2. K^'o'moyue (=the rich ones).
3. Kue'qa (=murderers).
24. Tlaa'luis. Since the great war with the southern tribes, which
was waged in the middle of this century, they have joined the Kue'qa,
of whom they form a fourth gens.
25. K*'6'm'enoq.    Extinct. 56
REPORT—1890.
Social Organisation.
The social organisation of the Kwakiutl is very difficult to understand. It appears that, in consequence of wars and other events, the
number and arrangement of tribes and gentes have undergone considerable changes. Such events as that of the formation of a new tribe like
the Ma'tilpi, or the entering of a small tribe into another as a new gens
like the Tlaa'luis, seem to have occurred rather frequently. On the
whole the definition given in my last report of a tribe as being a group
of gentes the ancestors of whom originated at one place seems to be
correct. The tribe is called gyouklut =village community, or le'lk'olatle,
the gens nsm'e'mut =fellows belonging to one group. The name of the
gens is either the collective form of the name of the ancestor, or refers to
the name of the place where it originated, or designates the rank of the
gens. In the first case it appears clearly that the members of a gens
were originally connected by ties of consanguinity. In ihe second case it
would seem that historic events had led to the joining of a number of
tribes, as mentioned above. For instance, in going over the list of the
gentes of the NE'mk"ic, it would seem very likely that the Ne'nelky'enoq,
the people of the land at the head of the river, who used to live in the
interior of Vancouver Island, originally formed a separate tribe. In such
cases in which gentes of various tribes bear the same name, the name
being that of the ancestor, it seems likely that they formed originally
one gens, which was split up in course of time.    This seems most likely
' in cases in which the gentes refer their origin to a common mythical
ancestor, as, for instance, that of the Si'sintlae. This opinion is also
sustained by the tradition that the gentes were divided at the time of the
flood, one part drifting here, the other there. The various gentes named
Gye'qsEm, Gyi'gyilk'am, &c, which names merely designate their rank,.:
may have adopted these names independently,. and are probably not
branches of one older gens.    Changes of names of gentes and tribes
-have occurred quite frequently. Thus the name K-'6'moyue of one of
the Kwakiutl tribes is a recent one. The name Wa'litsum has been
adopted by the Qaqama'tses only twenty or thirty years ago. The iribes
Ma'malelek'ala and Wi'wek-ae bear the names of their mythical ancestors,
Ma'lelek-a and We'k'ae. They have gentes bearing the names of
Ma'lelek-a's and We'k-ae's families. It seems probable that the other
gentes joined the tribe later on. The impression conveyed by the
arrangement of tribes and gentes is that their present arrangement is
comparatively modern and has undergone great changes.1
According to the traditions of this people the K-oske'moq, Gua'ts'enoq,
Kyo'p'enoq, and Tla'sk'enoq drove tribes speaking the Nootka language
from the region south of Quatsino Inlet. The K-osk'g'moq are said to
have exterminated a tribe of Kwakiutl lineage called Qo'eas who lived
on Quatsino Sound.2 The Kwakiutl occupied the district from Hardy
Bay to Tumour Island; the Nimkish the region about K-amatsin Lake
and Nimkish River, and the Lekwiltok- the country north-west of Salmon
1 After the above was in type the interesting descriptions of the Apache gentes
by Capt   J. Bourke, and of the Navajo gentes, by Dr.  W.  Matthews, appeared "
(Jown. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1890, pp. 89, 111).    Their conclusions regarding the gentes ■
ot these people closely agree with the views expressed above regarding the Kwakiutl. I
- See also Dr. G-. M. Dawson, Trans. Roy. Soo. Canada, 1887 ii. p. 70.' ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
57
River.    They did not conquer Valdes Island until the middle of last
cCntury.
The child does not belong by birth to the gens of his father or
mother, but may be made a member of any gens to which his father
mother, grandparents, or great-grandparents belonged. Generally each
child is made a member of another gens, the reason being prevention of
poverty, as will be explained later on. The child becomes member of a
gens by being given a name belonging to that gens. On this occasion
property must be distributed among the membeis of the gens according
to the rank of the name. By taking a name belonging to another gens,
to which one of his ancestors belonged, a man may become at the same
time a member of that gens. Thus chiefs are sometimes members of
many gentes, and even of several tribes. One Kwakiutl chief, for
instance, belongs to six gentes. The gentes differ in rank, and in
festivals are placed accordingly, those highest in rank sitting in the rear
of the house near the fire, the others arranged from that place towards
the door, ranging according to rank. In each gens those highest in rank
sit nearest the fire. The proper place of a gens is called tlo'joe. The
gens highest in rank receives its presents first. The latter are not given
individually but in bundles, one for each gens. Those who belong to
various gentes receive presents as members of each gens. Each man
becomes debtor for double the amount of presents he has received, to be
returned at convenience. Therefore those who belong to various gentes
become as many times debtors as they are members of gentes. When a
man dies his grandchild or child generally receives his name. Then the
latter becomes responsible for all the debts of the deceased, and the outstanding debts of the deceased become due to him. If the child or
grandchild does not take his name he does not need to pay the debts of
the deceased, nor has he a claim upon outstanding debts. Children are
generally given the names of deceased relatives, as then all debts become
due to them, and they are thus provided for in case the father should die.
For the same reason children of one family are made members of various
gentes, so as to receive property as members of each gens. If a man has
to give a great feast the members of his gens are bound to help him, and
are assessed, according to their wealth, double the amount of the loaned
property to be restored later on.    The property given to a gens is dis
tributed among its members according to rank and wealth
when
still
between
chief of
other to
The chiefs of various gentes of one tribe are, when still young,
instigated by their elders to outdo each other in feats of bravery as well
as in giving festivals. This spirit of rivalry is kept up throughout
their lives, and they continually try to outdo each other as to who will
distribute the greatest amount of property. Generally this strife is
between the chiefs of two gentes; among the NEmk-ic, for instance,
Tla'g-otas, chief of the Ts'etsetloa'lak'emae, and Wa'qanit,
the Si'sintlae. The two opposite gentes always watch each
see whether the opponent regards all the rules and restrictions by which the life of the Indians is regulated. If they detect their
opponents in breaking a rule the latter have to make payments to them.
In general it is not allowed that a woman give a feast; but by paying
twenty blankets to the opposing gens permission may be obtained.
The method of acquiring certain privileges by marriage was described
in the Fifth Report of the Committee (p. 53). It may be added here
that when a man purchases a wife for his brother he also may take the
\
r
i§ i
f 58
REPORT 1890.
privileges, particularly the dances, of the bride's father.    The gentes are ;
not exogamous, but marriages between cousins are forbidden.
Customs referring to Birth, Marriage, and Death.
The customs referring to birth, marriage, and death were described
in the Fifth Report of the Committee.    1 have, however, to correct, to 9
certain extent, the statements referring to the dowry.    Before and after ,
marriage the woman begins to collect small copper plates (tld'tlaqsEm),
four of which are tied together and to the point of a short stick, and
the  gyl'seqstdl, each of which is valued at about one  blanket.     The \
gyl'seqstdl (=sea-otter teeth) or kdketaya'nd (=lid of box) is a heavy
board of cedar-wood about 2£ feet long by l| foot wide, resembling in
shape somewhat the lids of Indian boxes, but being far heavier.    Its
front is painted and  set with  sea-otter teeth.     All these   boards  are -
very old.    When the woman has collected a sufficient quantity of these I
boards—sometimes as many as 200—she  gives a feast.    The gyl'seqstdl^
are placed in a long row on the beach, so that their fronts form one line.
The men sit down on them, and beat time on the boards and sing.    On I
this occasion the woman presents the boards and the coppers to her-
husband,    I inquired once  more  as to  the  meaning  of this  peculiars
institution.    It would seem that it  originally meant that the woman,,
owned many boxes, each board representing one lid.    But besides this*
the sea-otter teeth were considered a valuable possession, and it maybe that this accounts for the fact that they are said to represent the|
woman's teeth.     When   a  woman  has  not   given  gyl'seqstdl to   heri
husband it will be said to her: lopnepiio, i.e., you carry no teeth in-your I
head, or un'pEt hd'mas laq tld'k'oa k''EBl't, your teeth are not good to biteJ
copper.
The Heiltsuk' prepare corpses before burial by taking out the entrails
and drying the body. A widow, in addition to the regulations recorded!
in my last report, must wear for four days after the death of her husband
his clothing. From the fifth to the sixteenth day after the death she may
lie down at night-time, but must sit up again before the crows cry in the
morning.    She must not comb her hair or cut it.
Parents of twins must for sixteen days after the children are born
live in a corner of the house, paint their faces red, and strew their hah3
with eagle down every fourth day.
Religion.
The Kwakiutl worship the sun, whom they call d'ta and gyl'k'amdel
(chief).    It seems that his third name, k'ants o'ump (our fafiher), was^
not used before the advent of the whites, but this is not quite certain.|
He is also called i our elder brother,' ' the one we pray to,' ' the praised
one.'    They pray to him.    I recorded two formulas : In bad weather the
steersman of the canoe will pray: do'koatla gyd'genuq 1 gyl'k'amM ! i.e.,
take care of us, chief!    A frequent prayer is : ai gyl'k'amde ! wd/wailM
gya'genuq! i.e., 0 chief, take pity upon us!
Besides the sun a host of spirits are worshipped, particularly those
of the winter dances, as set forth in my last report (p. 54).
The soul is seated in the head, and may leave the body in sickness!
It may be restored by the shaman.    Two days before death the soul ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
It becomes a La'lenoq, the
sight of whom is deadly
leaves the body
The ' seer ' sees the soul leaving the body, and therefore can predict the
death of a man. The La'lenoq either live in Bebenak-aua (=the greatest
depth) underground or roam through the woods. They are not permitted to enter a house and hover around the villages causing bad
weather. It is said that the name of Bebenak-aua was not invented
until after the advent of the whites, but the idea of the ghosts having
their abode in the lower world is consistently carried through all tales
and customs of the Kwakiutl as well as of the Nootka, and must therefore have existed before the whites arrived on the North Pacific coast.
The soul of a deceased person returns again in the first child born after
his death.
These beliefs are well described by the following tale, the events of
which are believed to  have happened comparatively  recently.    There
were two chiefs among the Nak'oartok", Ank'oa'lagyilis and Ts'Eq'E'te.
fThe former had given away many blankets and was Ts'Eq'E'te's superior.
He was one of twins, and used to say that d'ta, the deity, took special
.care of him, and that he would go to him after death.    He had been
accumulating property for a new festival for four years.    When the tribe
went olachen fishing he hid his property under stones in the woods.   His
^wife helped him.    Ts'Eq'E'te followed them unnoticed and killed them
with his lance.    He loaded the bodies with stones and threw them into
the sea.    Nobody knew what had happened to the chief and to his wife.
yAnk'oa'lagyilis  had a son whom he had left to the care of one of his
brothers.    When the boy was grown up he married, and his wife had a
son.    It was Ank-oa'lagyilis who was thus born again.    The boy when
a few years old cried and wanted to have a small boat made, and when
?he had got it asked for a bow and arrows.    His father scolded him for
Shaving so many wishes.    Then the boy said, ' I was at one time your
|father, and have returned  from  heaven.'    His father  did not bebeve
him, but then the boy said, ' You know that Ank'oa'lagyilis bad gone to
bury his property, and nobody knows where it is.   I will show it to you.'
He took his father right to the place where it lay hidden, and bade him
distribute it.    There were two canoe-loads of blankets.    Now the people
knew that Ank'oa'lagyilis had returned.    He said, ' I was with d'ta, but
he has sent me back.'    They asked him to tell about heaven, but he
Refused to do so.    He became chief and refrained from taking revenge
upon Ts'Eq'E'te.
Shamanism and Witchcraft.
The shamans of the Kwakiutl are called he'ilikya, paqa'la, or nau'alak',
the latter being the general name; while the first and second are only
used for the shaman when caring disease. When curing a sick person
he has a small dish of water standing next to him, and moistens the part
of the body in which the pain is seated before beginning his incantations.
He uses a rattle, dances, and finally sucks the disease out of the body
(kB'iqoa1) which he shows to the bystanders, the disease being a piece.of
skin, a stick, a piece of bone or of quartz. He also uses whistles and
blows the disease, which he holds in the hollow of his hands, into the air
(he'ilikya or pb'qua). He is also able to see the soul, and on account of
this faculty is called d'b'qts'as, the seer. In his dreams he sees leaving
the body the souls of those who are to die within a short time. If a
man feels weak and looks pale the seer is sent for.    He feels the head 60
REPORT—1890.
and root of the nose of the patient, and finds that his soul has left his
body. Then he orders a large fire to be made in the middle of the^
house, and when it is dark the people assemble and sit around the platform of the house, the sick one sitting near the fire. The shaman stands
near him, and by means of incantations catches the soul, which he shows
standing on the palm of his hand. It looks like a mannikiu or like
a small bird. Then he restores it to the patient by patting it on the
crown of his head, whence it slides into his head. The soul is supposed
to occupy the whole head.
The shaman is also able to hurt a man by throwing disease into his
body (ma'k'a, see p. 70). He throws a stick, a piece of skin or quartz
into the body of his enemy, who falls sick, and if the disease should
strike his heart must die. The shamans of the Awiky'enoq occasionally
perform a ceremony called Md'k'ap, i.e., throwing one another, in which
two shamans try to strike each other with disease. The dance of the
Ma'mak-a (see p. 70) represents the throwing of the disease by the
shamans.
In order to bewitch an enemy two means may be applied. A portion
of his clothing may be buried with a corpse (Id'pEtante), or the ceremony
called e'k''a may be performed. Particularly such parts of clothing are
effective that are soiled and saturated with perspiration, for instance,
kerchiefs, the lower parts of sleeves, &c. I learnt about two cases whic3|
occurred in 1887 and 1888 at Fort Rupert. In one case a girl fell sickg|
and as it was suspected that she was bewitched the box was opened in
which a man who had recently died had been put up. Parts of her
clothing were found in the month, nose, and ears cf the body. The
articles were taken away, the body washed with fresh water, and replaced.
In the other case a grave was opened, and it was found that the tongue
of the body had been pulled out, and its mouth stuffed with parts of
clothing     This body was treated in the same way as the other one.
The second method of bewitching an enemy is practised by the e'k'enoq
and is called e'k''a. This custom has been well described by Dr. G. Mji
Dawson : * ' An endeavour is first made to procure a lock of hair, some
saliva, a piece of the sleeve and of the neck of the dress, or of the rim of the
hat or headdress which has absorbed the perspiration of the person to be
bewitched. These are placed with a small piece of the skin and flesh of a
dead man, dried and roasted before the fire, and rubbed and pounded
together. The mixture is then tied up in a piece of skin or cloth which
is covered over with spruce gum. The little package is next placed in
a human bone, which is broken for the purpose, and afterwards carefully tied together and put within a human skull. This again is placed
in a box which is tied up and gummed over, and then buried in the
in such a way as to be barely covered. A fire is next built
but not exactly, on the top of the box, so as to warm the
Then the evilly-disposed man, beating his head against a tree,
names and denounces his enemy. This is done at night or in the
early morning, and in secret, and is frequently repeated till the enemy
dies. The actor must not smile or laugh, and must talk as little as pos-
sibletill the spell has worked. If a man has reason to suppose that he
is being practised on in this way he or his friends must endeavour to find
the deposit and carefully unearth it.    Rough handling of the box may
ground
nearly,
whole.
1 Trans. Boy. Soe. of Canada, 1887, ii. p. 71 ON THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES OP CANADA.
61
prove immediately fatal. It is then cautiously unwrapped and the contents are thrown into the sea. If the evilly-disposed person was discovered he was in former years immediately killed. If after making up
the little package of relics as above noted it is put into a frog, the mouth of
which is tied up before' it is released, a peculiar sickness is produced,
which causes the abdomen of the person against whom the sorcery is
directed to swell.' The reports which I have received agree in all the
main points with the foregoing. Mr. George Hunt, of Fort Rupert, told
me of an interesting experience. One day, when walking in the woods,
he fell in with two men who had made a fire, and one of whom was holding his face and crying like a woman. The other moved a box towards
the fire, keeping it covered with soil. When they saw that they were
observed they ran away. Mr. Hunt took the box home, and was prevailed upon by a sick person called ' Captain Jim ' to give it to him. The
latter maintained to have felt a sudden pain and then a relief at the
moment when the box was^ taken from the fire. He opened the box, and
in it was found a human right femur, a right humerus, and a skull. The
former had been split and tied up with human sinews. They were opened
and a piece of a shirt, a handkerchief, some saliva, a piece of the rim of a
hat, and p;ece of a mat were found in the bones and in the skull. The
nose, orbits, and foramen magnum of the skull were closed with leaves.
The contents were thrown into the sea after being covered with feathers.
When a man knows that an e'k''enoq is bewitching him, he may call
the de1 gyintEenoq, who is able to undo the practices of the former. He
goes through the same ceremonies, taking parts of the sick man's
clothing, inclosing them in human bones, and making a fire over them.
By performing these practices a second time the effect of the first
performance is counteracted.
f
Various Beliefs.
The sight of a ghost is deadly. A few yeara ago a woman who was
Spiling for her mother suddenly fell into a swoon. The people first believed her to be dead, and carried the corpse into the woods. There they
discovered that she continued to breathe. They watched her for two days,
when she recovered. She told that she had seen two people enter the
house. One of them bad said, ' Don't cry; I am your mother's ghost.
We are well off where we live.' She had replied: ' No, I mourn because
you have left me alone.'    Then she had fallen into a deep swoon.
When an eclipse of the sun or moon takes place the heavenly bodies
are being swallowed. The eclipse is called w£Ar.E'&<=swallowed. In
order to liberate the sun or the moon they make a great fire, and burn
blankets, boxes, and food. They also make a noise to frighten away the
enemy, and sing hauk'ua /=throw it up !
Earthquakes are produced by ghosts. To drive them away they make
a noise and burn blankets, food, boxes, &c.
Wolves must not be killed, as else no game could be obtained.
Wolfs heart and fat are used as medicines for heart diseases.
Women are forbidden to touch a wolf, as else they would loose- their
husbands' affections.
Hair, nails, and old clothing are burnt as a protection against witchcraft.    For the same reason they spit into water or fire.
When a salmon is killed its soul returns to the salmon country.   The
•i
1
I 62
REPORT—1890.
bones must be thrown into the sea, as they will be revived in that case.1
If they were burnt the soul of the salmon would be lost.
Twins, if of the same sex, were salmon before they were born. Among
the Nak-o'mgyilisila the father dances for four days after the children!
have been born, with a large square rattle.    The children by swinging'*
this rattle can cure disease and procure favourable winds and weather.
A story that is worth being recorded is told by the NB'mk-ic regarding the   supernatural  powers  of   twins.     An  old  woman named|
We'tsak-anitl, who died only a few years ago, had no teeth left.    She was
one of twins, and told the people that she would ask her father for new
teeth.  Then a few large black teeth grew in her mouth.  Everyone came tol
see her.  A few years later she said, ' I am getting too old.   Don't cry when
I die, I merely go to my father.    If you cry, no more salmon will come|
here.    Hang the box into which you will put my body on to a tree near|
the river after having painted it.    When you pass by, ask me for salmon,-?
and I shall send them.'    She asked the chief, Na'ntse (=Great Bear),!
' Shall I become your child, and do you prefer a son or a daughter ?'
He asked her to become a boy, and seven months after her death his wifg
gave birth to a son, although she was quite old and had had no children-
since a long time.
Of another twin, a boy, it is told that after eating fresh salmon he
became crazy, but  regained his senses  after having eaten   half-driecfc-s
olachen.
Secret Societies.
In my first report I have explained the principle underlying the secret
societies of the Kwakiutl, and will merely repeat here that each class of;
this society has its ruling spirit, who initiates the novice, but that at the;
same time only such people are allowed  to  become members as have ,
acquired the right of initiation by inheritance or marriage.    Each clasaj
wears certain ornaments of cedar-bark which is dyed red, and called!
tla'k'dk'.    The highest in rank among the members of this society is the
ha'mats'a, the eater, who devours the flesh of corpses and bites pieces of
flesh out of the arms, breasts, back, or legs of the living.    The season'
during which the festivities of the society are performed is called Ts'e'kflM
by the Kwakiutl, while the other tribes use generally the collective form';
Ts'etsd'ek'a, which means ' the secrets.'    This season lasts from November
to February.    The rest of the year is called Ba'qiis, the time during
which the secret societies are forbidden to appear.    The same name is
applied to the uninitiated and to the festivities of summer. The Ts'etsd'ek'a j
does not last throughout the winter, but includes only a succession of
dances, ceremonies, and feasts to which one man sends out invitations.
No more than four Ts'etsd'ek'a must be celebrated in one season.    The
man who gives the Ts'etsa'ek-a has to pay the expenses of the ceremonies™
and particularly has to supply the immense quantities of food that are
required.    He is called ye'wimla.    He must have accumulated the following amount of property before he is allowed to become ye'wiBila:    Two ;
blankets for each man who is to take part in the festival, one spoon, one
mat, ten pairs of copper bracelets, one pair of mountain-goat horn bracelets inlaid with haliotis  shells, two fathoms  of pearls, two  tla'tlaqsEm '
(see p. 58), and two gyi'sEqstal (see p. 58) for each man and for each
woman, one dish and one box for each two persons.
The Ts'etsd'ek'a is celebrated when a novice or a member of the secret; ON THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
63
- society returns from the woods after being initiated or after having had
intercourse with the genius of his dance. Generally it is arranged in such
a way that the man who intends to give the Ts'etsd'ek'a sends his son or
some other relative into the woods. By his staying there with the spirits
he will rise to a higher class of the society, and thus partake of the distinction arising from the celebration. But this is not necessarily the case.
While the young man stays in the woods the ye'wisila sends two messengers around (tle'lala) to give notice that he intends to give a Ts'etsd'ek'a.
-A few days before the beginning of the festivities he sends the same messengers to invite the people, (a'etsesta), and finally at the night of the
beginning of the festivals, when everything is ready, the messengers call
the guests to come (dlas'it k'd'tslst).
So far the customs are common to all tribes speaking the Kwakiutl
dialect, but the details of the societies as well as their rank and the ceremonies of various dances differ somewhat among various tribes. Four groups
may be distinguished, each having peculiar customs. The first comprise
the Kwakiutl, Nemk'ic, Ma'malelek'ala (Matilpi), Tlau'itsis, Tena'qtaq,
and Le'kwiltok*; the second the Tsa'watEenoq, Guau'aenoq, and Haqua'-
mis; the third, the Tlatlalisk'oa'la, Nak-o'mgyilisila, Na'lroartok", and
Guasi'la; the fourth, the K'oske'moq, Kyo'p'enoq, Tla'sk'enoq, and
Gua'ts'enoq.    I shall first describe the customs of the first group.
Some time before the beginning of the festivities the ye'wisila must
give a large quantity of cedar-bark to the ' master of the cedar-bark'
(tla'tlak'ak'sila), who has to make all the ornaments for the various
members of the Ts'etsa'ek-a. Four days after he has received the bark
he invites the whole tribe and distributes the ornaments. This festival is
called k'ap'e'k'. He also gives to all those present three kinds of tallow
for smearing the face, mountain-goat, deer, and k'd'tsek (?) tallow. This
office is acquired by being inherited from the father, not by marriage.
There are three more offices of a similar kind which are inherited in the
same way, that of the singing-master, who teaches songs and rhythms,
the baton-master (t'a'miatse), who has to procure the batons for beating
time ; and the drum-master (rnd'mEnatsila), who has to look after the
drum.
As soon as the Ts'etsa'ek-a begins, the gentes and the social rank of
ordinary times are suspended, and a new arrangement takes place. The
people drop their ordinary names and assume their Ts'etsa'ek-a names. The
tribe is divided into two groups, the me'emkoat (seals) and the k'ue'k'utse,
the former being higher in rank. All those who are initiated may become
members of the me'emkoat, but they are at liberty to join the k'ue'k'utse
for one Ts'etsd'ek'a. They have to pay a number of blankets to the
me'emkoat for obtaining the right to stay away from the group to which
they properly belong. Only the highest grade of the members of the
Ts'etsa'ek-a, the ha'mats'a, must join the me'emkoat. They must dress in
black, and, it is said, are called ' seals ' for this reason. The house of the
ye'winila is their house, and is tabooed as long as the ceremonies last. It
is called tlame'latse, and no uninitiated (Ba'qus) is allowed to enter. They
have to stay in this house throughout the duration of the Ts'etsd'ek'a.
Sometimes a large ring of cedar-bark dyed red, the emblem of the society,
is fastened to the door of the house to indicate that it is tabooed. Ihe
ha'mats'a is the chief of the me'emkoat, and, therefore, during the festival,
of the whole tribe. If a member of the me'emkoat wishes to leave the
house he must obtain his permission first.    When the ha'mats'a wishes
\ 64
REPORT—1890.
to obtain food he may send anyone hunting or fishing, and his orders
must be obeyed. Only during dances and feasts the uninitiated are
admitted to the taboo house. If anyone intends to invite the me'emkoat
to a feast the ha'matsa's wife may enter the house and deliver the message
after having publicly announced that she will go there. The me'emkoat
are not permitted to touch their wives, but nowadays this custom is
mostly restricted to the ha'mats'a.
The k'ue'k'utse are subdivided into seven societies:
1. Maa'mq'enoq (killer whales), the young men.
2. D'&d'bp'E (rock-cods), men about thirty to forty years of age.
3. Tle'tlaqan (sea-lions), men forty to fifty years old.
4. Koe'k'oim (whales), old men and old chiefs.
5. Kekyaqald'k'a (crows), girls.
6. Kd'k'dk'ao (chickens), formerly called wd'qwaqoli (a small species
of birds), young women.
7. Mdsmos (cows), old women.1   (This name was recently adopted,
but I did not learn the old name.)
During the Ts'etsd'ek'a all these societies wear ornaments of the animals
which they represent. They are opponents of the me'emkoat. The
me'emkoat and each of the groups of the k'uelk'utse give feasts to each
other 'in order to keep their opponents in good humour.' Nevertheless
the k'ue'k'utse always attempt to excite the me'emkoat, as will be described
presently, and the latter will attack the k'ue'k'utse. The natives consider
these, festivals'not purely from a religious point of view, although the
latter is their principal character, but it is at the same time the social
event of the year, in which merry-making and sports of all sorts are enjoyed. Even the attacks of the me'emkoat, which will be described hereafter, are considered as part of the ' fun.'
The me'emkoat are subdivided into a great number of classes which
have different rank. I give here the list of the divisions of the me'emkoat
arranged according to rank:
8. Me'itla.
9. No'ntlEm.
10. Kyimk-'alatla.
11. Tlokoa'la.
12. IakHiata'latl.
13. K-'6'malatl.
14. Hawi'nalatl.
rant
1.
Ha'mats'a.
2.
No'ntsistatl.
3.
K-'oe'k-oastatl
4.
Nu'tlmatl.
5.
Na'ne.
6.
To'q'uit.
7.
Ha'ilikyilatl.
Then follow  a number of dances,  which  are  all  of equal
Ha'masElatl, Ha'ok-haok", Ku'nqulatl, K-6'lus, and many others.   The last
is the Lolo'tlalatl, which is as high in rank as the Ha'mats'a, but is opposed
to him, and therefore stands at the other end of the dancers.
1 This peculiar custom of suspending the gentes on certain occasions, and introducing a class system instead, seems worthy of attention.   Although this fact is far
from being a proof of the former existence of such a system among the Kwakiutl,
still its correspondence to the Australian class system is certainly suggestive, and may
point to a development of the social institutions of these tribes.   The idea of th&"
possibility of suspending all gentes points out that the latter are either of comparatively recent origin or that they are degenerating.    The former alternative appears
more probable, as in religious festivities, such as the Ts'etsa'ek-a.    Generally ancient I
institutions are preserved.    It is hardly necessary to mention that similar class svs-1
terns are found east of the Rocky Mountains. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
65
1. The Ha'mats'a and the No'ntsistatl are initiated by Baqbakua-
lanusl'uae,1 Baqbakua'latle, Ha'maa, or Ha'ok-haok-, the first being,
however, by far the most important. During the dancing season the
ha'mats'a may devour corpses and bite people. It seems that in former
times they also killed and devoured slaves. His ornaments are a very
large head-ring, three neck-rings and bunches tied into his hair, around
'his wrists and ankles, all these ornaments being made of cedar-bark
dyed red. His face is painted black. He has six large whistles, each
whistle being a combination of several whistles with one common mouthpiece. They are called mstse's, which is said to mean ' making him gay.'
He dances in a squatting position, his arms being extended horizontally,
first to one side, then to the other. His hands tremble continually. His
eyes are staring, his lips protruding voluptuously. Others in dancing
keep their hands pressed against the belly, to keep back the spirits which
are supposed to dwell in the belly, and whose voices are heard, their
voices being the sounds of the whistles. When dancing the ha'mats'a
cries hap hap ! On the morning when the ha'mats'a returns from the
woods at the beginning of the Ts'etsd'ek'a he uses hemlock wreaths instead
of cedar-bark rings. On the same evening he dances with his cedar-bark
I ornaments. Sometimes the ha'mats'a has two or four rattles. He does
not swing them himself, but has four companions, called hdili'kya or
sd'latlila, who stand around him rattling. The highest ha'mats'a use
the masks of the hd'ok'haok', or of the g'alo'kwiois. Women cannot attain
the rank of the highest ha'mats'a, although they can become members of
the fraternity. They use the ha'mstw (i.e., hd'matsa's mask for the forehead), but do not dance themselves, a man acting in their stead. One
cannot become ha mats'<i unless one has been a member of one of the
lower ranks of the Ts'etsd'ek'a for eight years. When the ha'mats'a
lieturns from the woods the kyi'mk''alatla (No. 10), who is his servant,
must attend him. The latter carries a large head-ring, a small whistle,
fand.a large rattle. He carries a corpse on his arms, and thus entices the
md'mats'a, to follow him into the dancing-house. From the moment when
the is found in the woods the sd'latlila surround him. The hyi'mJe'rilatla
leads him into the rear of the house, leaving the large fire which is'
burning in the centre of the house to his left. Then he deposits the
corpse, and tastes its flesh four times before giving it to the ha'mats'a.
When the latter begins to devour the flesh, which he must bolt, not chew,
the kyi'mh''alatla brings him water, which the ha'mats'a drinks in
between. The kyi'mk''alatla cuts the flesh in narrow strips. The bodies
which are used in this ceremony are prepared by being soaked in salt
water. The flesh is removed from under the skin with sharp sticks, so
that only skin, sinews, and bones remain. When the other ha'mats'a see
the corpse they make a rash at it, and fight for the flesh. The kyJmk''a-
latla breaks the skull and the bones, and gives them the brains and the
marrow. It was stated above that the k'ue'k'utse always try to excite
the me'emkoat, and particularly the ha'mats'a. This is done by trans-
jgressions of any of the numerous rules relating to the intercourse with
ithe ha'mats'a. Nobody is allowed to eat until he has begun. Or: he is
i offered a feast. A kettle is filled with food, and as soon as it begins
to boil they will upset the kettle. When a Lolo'tlalatl (ghost dance)
song is sung the ha'mats'a will become excited as soon as the  word
I
41
1 See louri>. Ainer. Folk-Lore, i. p. 63, ff.
5
h6 66
REPORT 1890.
La'lenoq (ghost) occurs, the Lolo'tlalatl being his opponent.    As soon as
the ha'mats'a gets excited the nu'tlmatl will close the door and prevent
the escape of those present.    Then the ha'mats'a rushes around and bites
the people.    At the same time, when the nu'tlmatl rises, the kyi'mk''alalia
must rise and attend his master, the ha'mats'a following all his movements.    If the latter is unable to get hold of anyone else he bites the
kyi'mk-'alalia.     When the   ha'mats'a returns from  the  woods  a post
called ha'mspiq (=eat-post) is erected in the dancing-house, and remains
there for four days. It is a high pole, with a short cross-piece on top. It is
wound with red cedar-bark, which spreads toward the cross-piece in the
shape of a fish-tail.    After the fourth night the pole and the cedar-bark
are burnt.    During the Ts'etsd'ek'a season the ha'mats'a must speak in
whispers only.   When he has eaten a corpse he has to observe certain very
strict regulations for four months after the end of the dancing season
before he is allowed to have unobstructed intercourse with the rest of the
tribe.    He is not allowed to go out at the door, but a separate opening is
cut for his use.    When he rises he must turn round four times, turning
to the left.    Then he must put forward his foot four times before actually
making a step.    In the same way he has to make four steps before going
out of the door.    When he re-enters the house he has to go through the
same ceremonies before passing the door, and must turn round four
times before sitting down.    He must use a kettle, dish, spoon, and cup
of his own, which are thrown away at the end of the four months.   Before
taking water  out of the bucket  or river  he  must dip his cup four
times into the water before actually taking any.    He must not take more
than four mouthfuls at one time.    When he eats boiled salmon he must
not blow on it in order to cool it.    During this period he must carry a-
wing-bone of an eagle, and drink through it, as his lips must not touch-
the brim of his cup.    He also wears a copper nail to scratch his head with,
as his nails must not touch his skin, else, it is believed, they would'
come  off.    At  the  end  of the  Ts'etsd'ek'a many people surround  the*
ha'mats'a and lead him into every house of the village and then back to|
the dancing-house.    This is called wd'lek'a.   When the dancing season isf
over, the ha'mats'a feigns to have forgotten all the ordinary ways of men|
and has to learn everything anew.    He acts as though he were veryS
hungry.    The bones of the corpse he has eaten are kept for four months.!
They are kept alternately four days in his bedroom and four days under^
rocks  in  the  sea.    Final'y  they are thrown into the sea.    After the)
Ts'etsd'ek'a is over he has to pay everyone whom he has bitten.   It is said?
that the Kwakiutl obtained the ha'mats'a ceremonies from the Awi'ky'enoq,5
Tsa'watEenoq, and Heiltsuk*.
2. The No'ntsistatI is also initiated by Baqbakualanusi'uae.    He is
painted black, covered with ashes, and carries firebrands, which he bran-l
dishes in dancing.    He has two whistles, is allowed to bite people, and'-
eats out of one dish with the ha'mats'a.
3. K-'oe'k-oast'atl (from k''oe'k'oasa, to beg), the beggar dancer, carries
two whistles.    He is so called because anything he asks for must be'-
given him.
4. Nu'tlmatl (=the fool dance).   The Niitlmatl carries a lane*, sticks,
or stones.    When he is excited by the k'ue'kntse he-knocks  to pieces<;
what he can lay his hands upon, and strikes the people.   In order to excite:
him they sing a song taken from a legend referring to the mink and the
wolves.    Mink, Tle'selagyilak' (= made the sun), had killed two sons oS ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
67
the chief of the Atla'lenoq (= wolves), who were preparing themselves
in the woods for the Ts'etsd'ek'a. The Atla'lenoq learnt that he had
committed the murder, and invited him to a feast, during which they
intended to kill him. He came and sang: Kap'amd'luq Kbcb ago
nBk'ama'eaqs Atla'lenoq, i.e., KeeH (=mink), took the middle of face
(=nose) of Atla'lenoq for his cap. This song is used 'to make the
Nutlmatl wild.' If anyone makes a mistake in dancing he is killed by
the Nutlmatl, who is assisted by Na'ne, the grizzly bear. (See also
No. 14.)
5. Na'ne, the grizzly bear, also knocks down people when he is excited.
He hates the red colour.    (See also Nos. 4 and 14.)
6. To'q'uit is danced by women, the arms of the dancer beino- raised
high upward, the palms of her hands being turned forward. The upper
part of the dancer's body is naked; hemlock branches are tied around her
I waist. She has four attendants, who always surround her. The dance is
said to have been originally a war-dance. The warriors, before going on an
expedition, went into the woods in order to meet the doable-headed snake,
the, Si'siutl, which gives them great strength and power. After returning from the woods they engage a woman to dance the To'q'uit. Very
elaborate arrangements are made for this dance. A doable-headed snake,
about 20 feet long, made of wood, blankets, and skins, is hidden in a long
ditch , which is partly covered with boards. Strings are attached to it,
which pass over the beams of the house, and are worked by men who
hide in the bedrooms. As soon as the dancer appears, the people begin
to sing and to beat time. In dancing the woman acts as though she were
trying to catch something, and when she is supposed to have got it she
throws back her hands and the Si'siutl rises from out of the ground, moving
;its heads. If it does not move properly the Ha'mats'a,- No'ntsistatl,
Nu'tlmatl, and the bear jump up and bite and strike the people, driving
j them out of the house. Finally the snake disappears in the ditch. A messenger next calls upon one of the attendants to kill the dancer. Apparently a wedge is driven through her head. It consists of two parts, each
being fastened to one side. She continues to dance, the wedge sticking
out of both temples, and blood flowing down freely. Then her head is
struck with a paddle, which is cut out so as to fit in the head, and she
continues to dance, her head being apparently split by the paddle. Sometimes she is burnt. For this purpose a box having a double bottom
is prepared. She lies down, and the box is turned over so that her body
may be conveniently pushed into it. At the place where she lies down
a pit is dug, in which she hides. The box is turned up again, closed,
and thrown into the fire. Before the beginning of the ceremony a corpse
has been put into the lower part of the box. From the pit in which
the dancer hides, a tube of kelp has been laid underground, leading
to the centre of the fire. It acts as a speaking tube. The woman sings
through it, and her voice apparently comes out of the fire. Afterwards
the bones are found in the fire. They are collected, laid on a new mat,
and for four days the people sing over the bones, while the woman
remains hidden in a bedroom. At last the bones are heard to sing
(which is done by placing the mat over the mouth of the speaking tube),
and the next morning the woman is seen to be once more alive. After the
woman has been apparently killed the d'e'ntsik' is seen behind the spectators. It consists of a series of flat carved boards, which are connected
ou their narrow sides by plugs, which are passed through rings of cedar
5a
I
1 68
Fig. 18.—D'E'ntsik-
*A
*81
oi<a|
REPORT—1890.
ropo3. It has two or three points on top, and is
ornamented with mica (fig. 18). It is intended to
represent the Si'siutl. It is set in undulating
motions. Generally three of these figures appear.
In the To'q'uit the No'ntlEmgyila (=making foolish) is also used. It is a small, flat, human figure
with movable head and arms. Two lines of mica
run from the eyes to the corners of the mouth. Its
head is set with bunches of human hair. In a
number of these'figures the head can be taken off,
being inserted into the body by means of a plug.
Then two carved birds are used, which fly down
from the roof, flapping their leather wings. ] They
grasp the head and. carry it away, to return it after
a while. The figure is also worked from underground.
7. Ha'ilikyilatl is the conjurer's dance.
9. No'ntlEm dances the hands alternately, one
turned up to the shoulder, the other downward and
backward as far as possible.
10. Regarding the Kyi'mk,'alatla see p. 65.
11. The Tlokoa'la is the wolf's dance. It corre-t
sponds almost exactly to the Tlokoala of the Nootka
(see p. 47). They wear the Blsl'uae, a small carved
wolf's head, on the forehead. They crawl on the
knuckles of the fingers, the thumbs turned backward, and on the toes around the fire.
12. IakHiata'latl.    Dance of the sea-monster or'
lake-monster Ia'kHim with the mask (fig. 19).
13. The K"'6'malatl is initiated by the bird|
MatE'm, who is said to live on a high mountain)
inland, and conveys supernatural powers, particu-^
larly the faculty of flying, through pieces of quartz, j
which he gives the novice. The dancer's body is
covered witb blood, and he has five pieces of quartz
in his hair, arranged on the medial line.
14. Hawi'nalatl.    The Hawi'nalatl is initiated!
by the Wina'lagyilis,  a genius of warriors.    The^
Hawi'nalatl has his shoulders and thighs perforated,
and ropes pulled through the wounds.    Small and?
thin slabs of wood are sewed to his hands.   A heavy
post is leaned against the front  of the  dancing-'
house, and a block is fastened to its top.    A rope is
passed over the block and fastened to the ropes
which have been pulled through the Hawi'nalatl's
flesh.    He is raised on the pole, hanging from these
ropes.     He  carries  a Si'siutl knife,  with  which
he himself cuts his wounds, and wears a Si'siutl
belt.     The  Ha'mats'a,  Nutlmatl, and bear stand
around  hirm    If   the ropes should give  way  the
latter two kill him, while the Ha'mats'a devours
him.
In the Lolo'tlalatl dance the dancer appears to be - ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
69
.taken by the ghosts to the lower world. For this purpose a long, deep
ditch is dug out behind the fire. The dancer, who wears a long veil of
cedar-bark over his face, has a rope tied round his waist, which is held
Fig. 19.—Ia'kHim Head-mask.
by his attendants. Speaking tubes of kelp are laid so as to terminate in
the fire. Through these many voices are heard, and the ghosts take the
dancer into the lower world, i.e., he disappears in his ditch, drawing the
rope after him, while the others feign to try to hold him.    After a while twmmfm*^"
70
BEPORT—1890.
the voices are heard again, and a black head is seen rising from the earth,]
which brings him back.
The members of the Ts'etsd'ek'a among the TsawatEenoq, Gnau'aenoq,
and Haqua'mis are the following, arranged according to rank:—
1. Ma'mak-'a.
2. Ha'mats'a.
3. Hai'ak-'antElatl (= speaker dance).
4. Haue'qakulatl induces chiefs to break coppers, to destroy property, &c.
5. Walas'aqa'atl.
6. Haua'iadalatl.
The Ma'mak-'a (= the thrower) dances with his palms laid against
one another, making motions like a swimmer. Suddenly he is supposed!
to have found his magical stick, which he throws upon the bystanders.!
One of them falls down, and blood fl >ws from his head. He has been|
wounded by the Ma'mak-'a, who then extracts his stick. The latter consists of a hollow piece of wood, in which another piece slides up and?
down. It is covered with skin, so that it appears as though the sticki
decreases and increases in size.
The Walas'aqa'atl (=great dance from above) belonged formerly also
to the first group of tribes.    It was, however, taken from them in a war.f
It is somewhat related to the Tlokoa'la.  In the dance a great wolf appears!
from above.    It is danced by men and women.
The Haua'iadalatl swings a great knife. He pretends to cut his
throat at each beating of the drum.
The K'o'sk-emoq, Ky'op'enoq, Tlask'enoq, and Gua'ts'enoq have the
following dances, arranged according to rank, so far as I am acquainted
with their dances :—
1. To'q'uit.
2. Ma'mak-'a.
3. Ha'mats'a.
It is stated that they acquired the Ha'mats'a from the last group,
which comprises the Tlatlasik-oala,  Nak-o'mgyilisila, Na'k'oartok",  and
Guasi'la.     They have two dancing seasons in winter, the first called I
NffntlEm, and lasting from November to about the winter solstice, and the-|
Ts'etsd'ek'a during the following two months.    During the No'ntlEm the
gentes remain in force.    Instead of cedar-bark, which has been dyed red,|
undyed cedar-bark, instead of eagle feathers and down, feathers and down!
of the cormorant are used.    Songs belonging to the Ba'qus (see p. 62),
No'ntlEm, and Ts'etsd'ek'a are sung.    There is no difference in rank of
the various members of this society.    Here belong all the animals and?
birds which among the Kwakiutl belong to the Ts'etsd'ek'a and also the?
Nu'tlmatl and Hawi'nalatl.     The Nu'tlmatl has not the same duties as
among the Kwakiutl.    When the Hawi'nalatl's ropes tear out of the flesh
he is not killed, but the conjurers heal him.
The members of the Ts'etsd'ek'a are the following, according to their
rank:—
1. Ma'mak-'a.
2. Ha'mats'a.
3. O'lala (=T6'q'uit of the Kwakiutl). It contains the Ts'e'kois and
Si'lis. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
71
4. L6l5'tlalatl.
5. Hai'alikyalatl.
6. Yia'iatalatl.
7. Pa'qalalatl, a female conjurer, who has to sooth the Ha'mats'a and
keep him from using his whistles.
8. Wa'tanum. Those who join for the first time the Ts'etsd'ek'a, i.e.,
novices of the lowest grade.
Among this group the Ha'mats'a, on returning from the woods, dances
four nights with wreaths of hemlock branches; the following four nights
(fifth to eighth) with no ornaments whatever; then four nights (ninth to
twelfth) with ornaments of red cedar-bark. He wears eight bundles over
his forehead which are called hy'a'slwe, and four on each side. The following night (thirteenth), after he has finished dancing, one of the
hy'a'slwe is taken off, which is publicly announced on the following morning.
The fourteenth night two more of these bundles are taken away, the
next, two more; and finally, the sixteenth, one more, which is also publicly
announced each morning. The seventeenth night a black line is drawn over
his face from the left side of his forehead to the right side of his chin,
and then he rises to bite people. Later on he is excited by mistakes
made in songs, and by Lolo'tlalatl songs.
The gentes are suspended during the Ts'etsd'ek'a, and societies take
their place. The members of the Ts'etsd'ek'a are called K-'a'k'ana's
(' stickshoes ' ?). If a dancer makes a mistake he is tied up in a blanket,
thrown into the fire, and roasted alive.1
The following customs belong to the Kwakiutl group, but are probably
more or less in common to all those tribes.
In order to become a member of any one of these societies the novice
must be initiated by the spirit of the grade he intends to occupy. But
when first entering the society the novice' must take the lowest degree,
from which he may gradually rise. A number of these grades are the
property of certain gentes, so that anyone who is a member of the gens
may acquire it, provided he finds someone who is willing to give the
Ts'etsd'ek'a for him. For instance, the Ha'ili'kyilatl belongs to the gens
Haai'lakyemae of the K-'6'moyue. As a rule, however, the right to become a member of the respective grade of the society is acquired by
marriage, after the consent of the council has been obtained. After the
marriage has been consummated the woman's father must give up his
dance to his son-in-law, as described in my last report (p. 142). If a man
purchases a wife on behalf of his brother he may take the woman's father's
dance.
The father of the novice gives a feast, at which the young man
dances, and then retires to the woods, where he must prepare himself by
fasting and bathing for the encounter with the spirit. The spirits
appear only to clean men ; others are not likely to see them, and if they
did the spirits would kill them. Sometimes the novice disappears suddenly during the feast, and is supposed to have flown away. After he
has been initiated by the spirit of the grade he wishes to acquire he
returns to the village, and his whistle or his voice is heard in the woods.
Then the ye'wiBHa-, who is to give the Ts'etsd'ek'a, calls the whole tribe
to the first dance, which is called kikyi'lnala.    The ye'vnBila has to give
1 I have no trustworthy information regarding the rank of dances of the He'iltsuk".
They call the Ha'mats'a, Tarn's. 72
REPORT—1890.
the more presents during the Ts'etsd'ek'a, the higher the grade is that the  j
novice has acquired.
On this day each society, after having received their cedar-bark
rings from the tla'tlatak'sila, goes into the woods and holds a meeting,
in which their chief instructs them regarding their dances. This is
called NutlEmu'tl'Els (=beginning of foolishness). All those who make
mistakes later on are killed by the'Nutlmatl.
In the evening the ye'wiBila sends out two male messengers to invite
all  people to his  house, which henceforth is the  taboo-house  of the
me'emkoat.     The messengers say : lamEnts wutld'qotle pepaqa'la (let us
all try to bring him back by our sacred dances).    The people assemble
and sit down in groups, each society by itself.    The me'emkoat have the
places of honour, and among them the ha'mats'a has the first place,
sitting in the rear of the house in the middle.    The other me'emkoat are
arranged at his sides according to rank around the house, the lower in
rank the farther  from the ha'mats'a and the nearer  the  door.    The
Lolo'tlalatl, who is as high in rank as the ha'mats'a, sits close to the door
opposite the ha'mats'a.    The societies dance one after the other, according to rank, the Maa'mq'enoq beginning.    The ye'wiBila stands in the
middle of the house, two messengers attending him.   These he despatches
to members of the various societies, and orders them to dance.    The
interval until the dancers are dressed up and make their appearance is
filled with railleries between the messengers.    For instance, if a woman
is to dance, the one will say: ' She will not come ; when I brought her
the message she was fighting with her husband.'   The other will answer:
| Oh, you liar !    She is dressing herself up, and you will see how nice
she looks !'   As soon as the two watchmen who stand at the door see her
coming they begin swinging their rattles, and then the people begin to
sing and to beat time with their batons, which were distributed by the
t'd'miatse  (see p.   63).    When the festival  begins, the ' drum-master' j
carries his drum into the house on his shoulder, going four times around
the fire, which is on his left, before he takes his place in one of the rear
corners of the house.    While making his circuit he sings a certain song.
The dancer enters the house, and, turning to the right, goes around the
fire until he arrives in the rear part of the house.    Then the people stop
singing and beating time until his dance begins.    The dancer first faces
the ha'mats'a, who sits in the rear of the house.    Then he turns to the
left, to the fire, and finally faces the ha'mats'a again.    He leaves the
house, having the fire on his left side.   Thus all the societies dance.  The
last are the me'emkoat, the members of whom dance according to rank,
the lowest first, the ha'mats'a last.  After his dance whistles are suddenly
heard outside the house, and the novice appears on the roof of the house,
where he dances, eventually thrusting his arms down into the house; but
finally he disappears again.
On the next morning the whole tribe goes into the forest to catch the
novice. They take a long rope made of cedar-bark, and having arrived
at an open place lay it on the ground in form of a square. They then
sit down inside the square, all along the rope, and sing four new songs
composed for the purpose. The two first are in a quick binary measure,
the third m a five-part measure, and the last in a slow movement.
1 2  2   V ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
73
I   >
J   J
2      I
4 «=»
O
One man dances in the centre of the square. Meanwhile the wife of
the ye'wiBila invites the women and the old men to a feast which is
celebrated in the house. All the men are painted black, the women red.
They wear headrings of red cedar-bark, and their hair is strewn with
eagle down. The men who are in the forest wear headrings and necklets
of hemlock branches. While they are singing and dancing the novice
appears. He looks pale and haggard from continued fasting; his hair
falls out readily. His attendants surround him at once, and he is taken
back to the village, where he performs his dances and ceremonies.1
In the winter of 1886-87 I collected a number of Ts'etsa'ek'a songs in
Newette Nahwitti without being able to obtain a translation. In the
summer of 1889 I read my notes to a number of natives of Alert Bay,
and obtained the translation and explanations. All the songs consist of
four parts, but I have not obtained the complete songs in all instances.
I give a series of these songs here:—
11V
r
I. Ha'mats'a.
1. Haok'haok-qo'lae sta'mkHti uwesta'kqtis na'la.
Hdok'haok''s voice is all around the world.
Hoqona'kolastlas ts'e'tseqk"enqelis lo'wa!
Assemble at your       all the lower        the
places. da/nces around   world
the edge of
2. K-uik'uaqo'lae.stamkHti uwesta'kqtis   na'la.
The raven's voice is       all around the world.
Kyimk"ona'kolastlas
A ssemble at your places
bebeku'nqelis
all the men around the edge of
Hamats'alaqo'lae stamkHti uwesta'kqtis    na'la.
Hoymats'a's voice is all around the world !
Kyimk'ona'kolastlas
Assemble at your places
bebeku'nqelis
all the men around the edge of
lo'wa!
the world /
lo'wa !
the world I
A
II. Ha'mats'a.
1. LeistaisElagyiliskya'so !
He goes around the
world, truly !
2. Hamasaia'lagyiliskya'so !
For food he looks around
the world, truly 1
Laq     wa'qsEnqelis kya'tsis lo'wa.
Something on both sides of world, of heaven.
1 This description supersedes the description formerly given in Journ. Amer.
Folk-Lore, i. p. 58, ff. 74
REPORT—1890.
3. K-'ak'ek'atsa'la gyiliskya'so !
He always wants        truly 1
much to eat on world.;
Hao, tlokoa'la.
Had, the Tlokoala.
Laq nanaqutsa'lisuqtis.
What he has been eating alone.
K-oe'sotEnqeTis kya'tsis     (lo'wa).
Far away at the edge of world, of heaven.
4. WaqsEnk''asEla'gyiliskya'so!
From both sides he eats on
world, truly !
Had, tlokoa'la.
Had, the Tlokoala.
Laq       wimk"'asa'suqtis.
What he is not satisfied with.
Heilky'otE'nqelis kya'tsis    lo'wa.
On the right side of world of heaven.
Translations : 1. Truly, he goes around the world!
2. Truly, he looks for food all over the earth, going on \
both sides of earth and heaven.
3. Truly, he wishes to eat plenty, the great Tlokoala,1 of]
what he found at the edge of the world.
4. Truly,   now  he  eats  with  both  hands,  the  great ]
Tlokoala, what did not satisfy him when he found
it on the right side of the sun.
III. Haialikya'latl.
1. Aia haia ; haialikya'latlk-uliskyastlala,  Tlokoa'la !   Ts'etsa'ek'alak-u- j
liskyastlala!
Aia haia; Haialikya'latl- noise, truly make! Tlokoa'la! Ts'etsd'ek'a,noise,
truly make!
2. Aia haia; la'kyastloistlas     eiwa'lakyastlotl.
Aia haia ; you, truly, will      to you they will
be the one,      speak about their
wishes.
Tlokoa'la !
Tlokoa'la !
Tlokoa'la!
Tlokoa'la!
3. Aia haia; lakyastloistlas     k'uitlaqa'laskyas.    Tlokoa'la !
Aia haia ; you, truly, will     the one they will      Tlokoa'la !
be the one, untie.
4. Aia haia; la'kyastloistlas ma'mEntliakya'stlotl.    Tlokoa'la !
Aia haia; you, truly, will   you they will ask to       Tlokoa'la/
be the one, give enough to eat.
1 Tlokoala**Ha'mats'a, the one who found his magic treasure. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
75
Translation: 1. Aia  haia!    Sing   Haialikya'latl,   sing   Ts'etsa'ek-a
songs, Tlokoa'la !
2. Aia haia !    Then the people will ask you to fulfil
their desires, Tlokoa'la!
3. Aia  haia!    Then  they  will   take  the   cedar-bark
ornaments out of your hair, Tlokoa'la !
4. Aia haia!    Then they will ask you  to  give  them
plenty to eat, Tlokoa'la !
TV. Md'mak'a.
1. Han.    Wa, ikyaslE ! do'k'oatlakyas naua'lakuas ! ia,;
Hdu.        Go on! See his great
nau'alak: id !
2. Wa'ikyaslE ! dadok-sE'meqs
k-a'
mma
Go on !      Look after your     sacred implement !
'3. Haikya'smis wi'osukuila
Truly it makes thai they have no
time to escape
4. Haikya'smis ts'etsak'wila nau'alak".
Truly it     shortens life the nau'alak.
k'a'mina.
the sacred implement.
Translation : 1. Han: Behold his great nau'alak ; ia.
2. Be careful in swinging your sacred implement.
3. Truly it kills the people, so that they have no time
to escape the sacred implement.
4. Truly, it cuts short their lives, the nau'alak.
Note.—k'a'mina is the name of the Ma'mak"a's stick, described on
page 70.    Nau'alak' designates any kind of dancing implement.
V. O'lala.
Olala sings: 1. K-'alak-olistsuqtEn lemtiHla'kyaatla ts'eqpeVa'lagyilis.
The world knows me when I reached     the dojncing pole
im the earth.
alH'ae'ems
Iowa!
People sing : 2. K''EltitsEma'aqus
'You are the bringei of the foundation of daylight !
3. Alo'mitsEma'aqus alH'ae'ems Iowa !
You are the finder of the foundation of daylight!
4. K-'otitsima'aqus k*'dtk-6te'ems Iowa !
You reach to the    pointing to   heaven !
earth
VI. Ts&k'ois (=bird inside).
1. Omatatla'lagyila k#a'minatse tse'ak'os; ia!
Make silent 1     the sacred implement inside   your great; id !
2. Tletleqk-a'lagyilitsuq, tEmi'lk-oatlalaQus nau'alak- tseak-os; ia !
Everybody names you,      lei it be still       whistle your great; id! 76
REPORT—1890.
3. Tletleqk'alagyilitsuq; haiatlilak-as.
Everybody names you; medicine woman.
Translation:
Let be silent the sacred voices in your body, ia,!
Everybody knows your name.    Let be still your great whistle,
Everybody knows your name, you great medicine woman.
ia
The people sing ;
Heie, heie, ia
VII. Sl'l'is (—snake in belly).
Heie, heie, %a.
sEnsk'a'laite!
our renowned man !
Sa'tsia
How great
Ia.    Sa'tsia sEnstlek'alai'te!
la.    How great our named man !
Gyapaqsalaetloq gyi'lEms na'naualak-.
He comes in canoe the dreaded naualak.
Ia.    Sa'tsia wista tlek-alai'te!
Ia.    How great he the named one !
Silis sings:
Kya nekHsewe'tikH kua'kunqs'a'lagyitl Hayatlelik-a'so.
Kya, they say to me     they counsel what to do for    Hayatlelak'a'so.
Kya nekHsewe'tikH hama'yaHilitsuq Ia'lagyilis.
Kya they say to me they treat very carefully Ia'lagyilis.
The people sing:
Ky'e'slis no'ntliek-alatl!      tlo'koitse.
Don't        be troubled   | great Tlokoa'la.
Ky'e'slis kyekyalik-alatl!      tlo'koitse.
Don't be afraid!      great Tlokoa'la.
Kya gyi'k'ama gyiliskya'ska Si'siutlkyas
Kya     chief      the very first is the true Sisiutl,
tlo'koitse
you great
Tlokoa'la
k-'alai'te.J
that you |
are named.
VIII. Yid'iatalatl.
2.
3.
Ia'haha hana. Haikya'smis ts'atsek-enoetgyi'tl.
Iahaha hana.       Truly, that is why     they dance with you.
K-'e'nkui'lisus amlaqai'kyasd.
For that of which you have     you are praised,
plenty in your hands
K-ais ye'tEnikui'lisus.
Because of the rattle in your hand.
4.    TsEloak'aitkya'so.
Your name is called.
IX. Lolo'tlalatl.
1. Ia'qama ia lau qa'ma gya'qEn 6'laiE kyasdtl.
laqd'ma ia lau qa'ma I come      ? ? ON THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES OF  CANADA.
2. Tlatlek-ela'lait.
Everybody calls your name.
3. Wikyu'stoa sutlo'q
You cannot contend against
the name
4. Mamentleaskyastloq
They will always be satisfied by
your supply of food
lela'alenoq.
lalenoq.
lela'alenoq.
la'lenoq.
X. Wd'tanum.
1. Wiqsele'stoq; ts' etPu'mistalis.
He did not go in boat; this news is spread everywhere.
2. Wiqsele'stoq; tleqk'u'mistalis.
He did not go in boat; this name is spread everywhere*
3. Gyi'lEmkyastlus nana'alak".
You will be feared, Naualak'.
4. Atsa'kyastlus      gyilEmkyastlus  nana'alak*.
Oh, wonder you, you will be feared, Naualak.
Nontlem Songs.
I., Ia'ksim (=badness).    Mask, fig. 19.
K-'a'qolitsetlala      Ia'kmm  sHpa'ni.
He will rise the great la'kBi/m from, below.
P'6'lik"ola'maseita        Ia'kmm aski na'la;        na'nsgyitala.
He makes the sea boil, the la'ksim of the world; we are afraid.
Iayakilatla Ia'kmm aski nalaie; latsk'tlalatl.
He makes the face of   the la'knim of the world; we shall be afraid*
the sea bad
Iak'amgyusta'latl k*'aAqoIa-utle Ia'kmm aski na/laie-
He will throw up blankets  out of the salt water, the la'kaim of the world1.
Song probably incomplete.
Si'siutllaitle.
dances as Sisiutl.
II. Si'siutl (the double-headed snake).
Sasisla'itia!    SEns gynVemaikya'so
How wonderful!        Our very chief
Seus gyik'emaikya'so  ia lamlaufisoq maqsalisatl nEmsk-ama le'lk-olatle
Our very chief        ia   he is going to swim in half   one
(= to destroy one half)
III. Nutlematl.    Song probably incomplete.
tribe.
Waie ai'tsikyasotl I
Waie   oh wonder !
tleaanaVlagyilitsumkya'so.
He makes a turmoil on the ea/rth.
Aitsikyasotl f saoltalagyilitsumkya'so.
Oh wonder !        He makes the noise of falling objects on the earth.
Gy oqgyoqk'oala gyilitsumkya'so.
He makes the noise of breaking objects on the earth. 78
REPORT —1 890.
IV. Tsono'k'oa.
1 Halselau'qten wi'tsumgyila     ha'amutisa _  ha'amutisa.'
\ I almost        not in time for rest of fold on for rest of food on
beach. beach.'
Ialagyilis     lEq     na'la       haitse      k-'a'maqotl    tla' wisilak'.
Continuing in the world the great one   always     made to stand.
Waiatigyilak',    kue'qagyilak'.
Made to pity none,   made to kill
Gya'qtleq wiwangyilatlotl lelqoala'tle.
You come     to make poor     the tribes.
I.e., Tsdno'k'oa:
' I was almost in time to see them eating on the beach.'
Chorus
You are the giant who always stands upright in the world,
Tou are made to pity nobody, you kill everybody ;
Ton come to impoverish the people.
V. Nan (=black bear).
Hai'oo' a hai'ioo' !     Tle'k'atse'lalaikya       nanqatsela      laikya!
Hai'55' a hai'ioo' !    Call your great name called great bear let you !
La'tlaoq hayi'mk-ama tlak'e' la tletlek-amnu'qsis e'iatlala na'nkyaso.
He is      straight to      the first who have names ensla/oed verily bear!
going the first among your        tribes
Sa'qantlasE'ntsia qomatlatla'sia.
Then we shall have      a war.
Sa'qantlasE'ntsia tsinaQua'latla'sia.
■Then we shall have trouble.
I.e., Haioo' a hai'ioo'!    Let your great name be called, great bear!
Tou will at once kill the chief of the tribes who become your]
slaves, great bear!
Then we shall have a war.
Then we shall have trouble.
VI. Wolf.
Iaii'kalak'oala ha'is. gyasengyaq  wa'wakulitla.    We'kyetlus   e'telis
Nr/ise of giving      they will come     barking in the You will again
away blankets.     and make noise house.
k-'oa'qelis    walas     tEmna'qoa; k-'uHakua'gyilis stis gyigyik'a'ma.
grow      as great    as you were      you oldest on of all chiefs,
always; earth
Ti'heyi.
Yl'heyi.
Auila'lae   watltE'mas atla'nEmas gyigyik'a'mae!        ninila'k'nts
Wonderful the words  of the wolves  of the chiefs!    they say: we {come) ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES OP  CANADA.
79
gyihli'kyele    p'ap'ayia'latl
together with   to promise to
children give away
blankets
moqsista'lis'a leilk'oa'atle.
to give away      tribes,
blankets to
everyone
p'esagyi'la
to give away
blankets
Ti'heyi.
Yl'heyi.
p'esagyi'la,   ma'qoagyila
to give away  to give away
blankets
many
blankets
WaHsala iautleme'tl atla'nEma gylgyik'a'mae
Try     to make him     of the
mild wolves
QuaQue'gyi'lisa wa'lagyila
(moving his     make short
tail ?) life
atlo'q'e     k'oe'gyilisa
the chiefs      that it may    something
not happen
nEma'lisila    k'ame'lek'agyila.     Tiheyi.
make short     make people fall      Yiheyi.
lived dead together.
I e., The chiefs of the wolves will come and bark in the house, giving
away blankets. Tou will always be one of the greatest, you!
the oldest of all the chiefs of the world.    Tiheyi.
Wonderful are the words of the chiefs of the wolves. They say :
We shall all assemble with our children, to the promise to give
away blankets, to the giving away of blankets to all the tribes
of the world.    Tiheyi.
Let us try to make them mild the chiefs of the wolves, that he
may not unexpectedly shorten our lives and kill all of us by
I 1.
moving his tail.
Tiheyi.
VII. K
uniqua.
Kunquakyastleqk'ae.
Yerihj ! it will thunder loud for him.
Sa'kyastlase  ku'nquakyaso.
Oh ! wonderful will be that thunder.
VIII. Qo'los (a species of eagle).
K'oa'Iamts ha'winalanak* Ts'e'k'oa CEns gyi'k-a,mae qo'loskyaso
Let us not    frighten him    Ts'e'k'oa   our      chief    the wonderful eagle
k'oa'latlala        nak'otlio'is     Ens   na'la.
sitti/ng down on   the middle of  of the sky.
top of
I.e., Let us not frighten him the great bird, our chief, the wonderful
eagle, who sits down in the middle of the sky. ■ysj.?*
IX. Henkyaqstdla or Kitd'qolis.
Ta'lamla'wisEns   nEma'lamene'qom   Qua'nek-E'lEqtle    omagyilak'sEns
It is sa'id that      together the small     move heads in who is made
we will ones dancing after him    our chief's son
nEmts'aqke'alise.
the only greatest one.
Ma'se   wa'tldEms Nu'tlEmgyila ?
What is the word of NutlEmgyila ? 80 REPORT—1890.
Haiqo wa'tldEms NutlEmgyila   nEmts'aqk-e'alise.
That is the word of NutlEmgyila the only greatest one.
I.e., It is said that we, the unimportant people, shall dance after him
who is made the son of our only greatest chief.
What said NutlEmgyila ?
Thus spoke NutlEmgyila, the only greatest chief.
X. Tle'qalaq.
Gya'qsn tle'k-anSmutl tleqtlek-a'ita Wina'lagyilis.
I come    to name you named by all Wina'lagyilis.
Gya'qEn; k-'amtEmotltola'lagyilitsus Wina'lagyilis.
I come;       he throws a song out of     Wina'lagyilis.
boat on land
Gya'qmesEn; ha'nkEmlisasus Wina'lagyilis.
1 have come; it lands Wina'lagyilis.
Gya'qen;      kyaqotlta'lisaisus        tse'qeoegyibs     Wina'lagyilis.
I come;   he brings me out of boat his dancing cap   Wina'lagyilis.
IV. THE  SHUSHWAP.
The ancient customs of the Salish tribes of the interior of the Province
of British Columbia have almost entirely disappeared, as the natives have
been  christianised  by the  endeavours of Cathobc  missionaries.    Only
a very few still adhere to their former customs and usages; for instance,
a group of families living in Nicola Valley and another on North Thompson River.    I did not come into contact with any of these, and consequently  the  following  remarks  are  founded  entirely on inquiries.    I
selected the Shushwap as an example of the tribes of the iuterior.    The
customs of the Ntlakya'pamuQ, Stla/fcliumQ, and Okana'k-en differ very '■
slightly from those of the Shushwap, if at all.    The information contained in the following chapter has been collected at Kamloops.    The
proper name of the Shushwap is Su'QuapmuQ or SeQuapmuQ. The district \
they inhabit is indicated on the map accompanying this report.    They
call the Okana'k-en Setswa'numQ, the  carriers Tii'nana, the Chileotin ■
PEsqa'qEnEm (Dentalia people), and the Kutonaqa Sk-ese'utlk-umQ.   The
organisation of the tribe is similar to that of the southern branches of ;
the  Coast Salish, as described on p. 17 ; that is to say -, the tribe is
divided into a great number of septs, or, as we might say more properly, in
the present case, village communities.    While on Vancouver Island these
septs bear still a limited similarity to the gentes of the northern coast '
tribes^ this is no longer the case on the mainland.    The Ntlakya'pamuQ, I
Stla'tliumQ, Shushwap, and Okana'k-en are subdivided in the same way ; j
but besides  this the tribes speaking the same language are comprised j
under one name.    I shall not enumerate the villages of these tribes, as i
my lists are far from being complete.
Houses and Lodges.
The characteristic  dwelling of these  Indians is  the  subterranean f
lodge, generally called in the Jargon lkeekwilee-house,' i.e., low or under- ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
81
ground house.    It was used by all the Salish tribes of the interior, and
spreads as far down Fraser River as the mouth of Harrison River, where
FlG. 20.—Plan of- Subterranean Lodge and Construction of Roof.
both the large wooden house of Vancouver Island and the subterranean
lodge are in use.    The latter is built in the following way.    A pit, about
Fig. 21.—Elevation of Subterranean Lodge (Section A B).
12 to 15 feet in diameter and 4 feet deep, is dug out.    Heavy posts,
forming a square, are planted in the bottom of the pit, about 4 feet from
6 H 6
y 82
REPORT 1890.
its circumference. These posts (1, figs. 20, 21) are about 6 or 7 feet
high, and have a fork formed by a branch at their top, in which slanting
beams rest (2), running from the edge of the pit over the fork to the
centre, which, however, they do not reach. These beams consist of trees i
split in halves, and support the roof. Next, poles are laid from the edge]
of the pit to these beams, one on each side (3). Then heavy timbers are
laid all around the pit j they are to serve as a foundation for the roof and
run from the beams along the slanting poles (4\ Thus the whole building assumes approximately an octagonal form. On top of these timbers
other timbers or poles are laid, the shorter the nearer they approach the
centre of the pit and the higher parts of the beams (2") on which they
rest.    They are laid alternately on adjoining sides of  the octagon, so
Fig. 22.—Plan of Winter Lodge.
that the poles of one side always rest on the ends of those of the neighbouring sides. This framework is continued up to the ends of thei
beams (2). Here a square opening or entrance-way, of the form of a]
chimney, is built, the logs being placed on top of each other in the samel
way as those of a log cabin. The whole roof is covered with bundles of
bay, which are kept in place by means of poles (6) laid on top of the]
roof, between the beams. Finally, the whole structure is covered with
earth. A ladder cut out of a tree ascends into the entrance, the steps
being cut out of one side and going down to the bottom of the pit. The]
upper extremity of the ladder is flattened at both sides and. provided]
with a notch, which is used for tying the moccasins to it which are no3
taken inside the dwelling. The fire is right at the foot of the ladder ;|
the beds are in the periphery of the dwelling, behind the posts (1).
Another kind of winter lodge is built on the following plan : A hole, ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OF
CANADA.
83
about 18 inches deep, is du
wide, with rounded corners.
It is about 12 feet long and 8 or 9 feet
In the front and the rear—that is, at the
narrower ends—pairs of converging poles are erected (1, figs. 22 23).
They are connected by two cross-bars on each side (2). In the front and
the rear four or more slender poles are tied to the converging poles and
planted into the ground, so that they form a slight curve in the front and
in the rear of the lodge (3). They are steadied by means of wickers (4).
The lower part of this structure is covered with bundles of hay, the upper
part with a double layer of mats made of rushes. The ridge remains
open and serves as a smoke-escape. In some instances the hut is covered
with bark.
The temporary summer lodge consists merely of three or four converging poles, connected by wickers, and covered with mats made of
bullrushes—much more usually a complete criss-cross of branches rnnning
Fig. 23.—Front Elevation of Winter Lodge.
/
-in two directions, six or eight sticks each way.    It differs in no essential
from sweat-houses used all over the northern interior of the continent.
The sweat-house is always used when a person has to undergo a process of ceremonial cleansing. It is built on the bank of a creek and
consists of two stout willow branches, crossing each other, both ends
being planted into the ground. It is covered with skins. The door is
at the foot of one of these branches and can be closed by a piece of skin.
The principal method of fishing is by means of bag-nets. Platforms
are built, projecting over the river. On these the fishermen stand, provided with a large bag-net. Salmon are also caught with the spear.
The fish are dried on platforms, which are erected on the steep banks of
the rivers, the lower side being supported by two pairs of converging
poles, the upper resting on the ground. Venison is dried on platforms
of a similar description. Provisions are stored, either in small sheds
which stand on poles, about 6 feet above the ground, or in caches. If
venison is to be dried very quickly it is hung up in the sweat-house (see
below).
&-X' 6a 8-1
REPORT-
1890.
The clothing of the natives was made of furs or of deer-skin. I ami
unable to give a satisfactory description, as I have not seen any]
Women wear dentalia in the perforated septum of the nose. Men and]
women wear ear-ornaments of shells or teeth all around the helix. Both!
men and women were tattooed, the designs consisting of one or three lines,
on each cheek and three lines on the chin. So far as I could make outi
there is no connection between this custom and the reaching of puberty.:
In dancing the face is'painted with designs representing sun, moon, or
stars, birds or animals. They may take any design they like. The hairj
is strewn with eagle down.
Deer-skins are prepared in the following way : The skin is soaked inj
a brook or in a river for a week. Then the hair is removed with a knife]
The hind-feet are next tied to a stick, which the worker holds with his
feet. Another stick is pushed through the fore-feet, which are also tied
together, and the skin is wrung out and dried. When it is dry, water is
made lukewarm, and the brains of a deer or any other animal are mixed]
with it. This mixture is spread over the dry skin, which is then wrung!
out once more, and worked with a stick, to the end of which a stone]
scraper is attached. Now a pit is dug, the bottom of which is filled with!
rotten wood. The latter is ignited, and both sides of the skin are smoked]
over the burning wood for a short time, the skin being stretched over
the pit. Finally, it is washed in clear water and dried. It is believed
that the smoking process has the effect of preventing the skin from]
becoming hard after getting wet. The skins of bucks and does are con-]
sidered equally good; they are best in the autumn.
The Shushwap do not know the art of pottery, and do little, if any,
carving in wood. Their household goods are made principally of
basketry, in which they excel. Basketry of the Shushwap and Ntlakya-J
pamuQ is sold extensively to the tribes of southern Vancouver Island]
Their baskets are made of roots of the white pine. The roots are dyed]
black with an extract of fern root; and red with an extract of aider!
bark or with oxide of iron. Very beautiful patterns are made in thesJ
three colours. Baskets are used for storing, carrying, and cooking pro!
visions.
The Shushwap make mats of bulrushes, which are strung on threads]
of nettles, in the same way as the Lku'ngEn and their neighbours dol
Mats are also plaited, threads made of nettles being braided across bulrushes
Fire was obtained by means of the fire-drill, rotten willow roots being
used for spunk.    In travelling they carried glowing willow roots.
Canoes are made of cotton-wood, cedar, or in rare instances of barf
For working wood stone hammers, and wedges were used. In huntin j
expeditions they cross rivers on rafts made of rushes or on logs. In
winter snow-shoes are used on hunting expeditions. There are twi
patterns, one imitating the shape of a bear's foot. The former consist!
of a frame of bent wood, with a cross-bar near its broad end. Thongi
run from this bar to the front, like the toes of a bear's foot, and a neffl
work of thongs runs back from the bar, filling the hind part of thd
frame. The balls of the toes rest on the cross-bar. The other pattea|
consists of a long frame of bent wood, the point of which is turned upl
There are two cross-bars near the centre in front of which the foot restS
The front and rear ends are filled with a network of sinews
Deer were hunted with the help of dogs.    In the autumn, when the ON   THE   NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
85
I deer cross the lakes and rivers, they were driven by hunters and doo-s to
i a certain point, where others lay in waiting with their canoes.    As*soon
as the deer took to the water they were attacked by the canoe-men.
Dentalia and copper bracelets served as money. The former were
obtained by trade from the Chilcotin, who for this reason had the name
Psqa'qEnEm, i.e., dentalia people. In exchange, the Shushwap gave dressed
deer-skins and, probably, in late times, horses. They traded the dentalia
they had received from the Chilcotin to the OkanaTren for horses. Trade
was also carried on with the northern Tinneh tribes, especially the Carriers. There was no communication with the Lower Fraser River on
account of the prevailing hostility between the tribes of these regions.
Copper was obtained, partly by trade, but some was dug by the natives
themselves. There was a digging at Kamloops Lake, which was worked
up to the last generation, when a man was killed by a fall of rocks which
buried the mine.    Since that time it has never been worked.
Food was boiled in baskets, which were filled with water that was
made to boil by throwing red-hot stones into it. Roots are cooked in the
following way: A hole is made in the ground, and red-hot stones are
thrown into it. These are covered with willow twigs and grass. A
stick is placed upright in the centre of the pit and the roots are laid on
top of the grass, around the stick. They are covered with more grass
and the hole is filled up with earth, so that part of the stick remains
projecting out of it. Then water is poured out, so that it runs down the
stick into the hole, and on touching the red-hot stones produces steam.
Finally, a fire is built on top of the hole. The belief prevails that the
roots must be cooked in this particular way by women only, and early in
the morning, before they have taken any food, as else they could not be
properly done. No man is allowed to come near the place when they
are being steamed.
There-is no fixed time for meals. Hunters who leave early in the
: morning take breakfast before leaving, their wives eating after they have
\ gone.
The reports on social organisation which I obtained from my informants are very meagre. Each of the numerous tribes of the Shushwap
had its own chief. The people are divided into nobility and common
people. Common people can, on account of bravery or wealth, attain
high rank, but cannot become noble, as nobibty is hereditary. There is
no indication of the existence of gentes. The family is ' paternal.' The
chieftaincy is also hereditary. The chief is naturally a member of the
nobility. At the death of the chief his eldest son or, if he has no son,
his younger brother, succeeds him at once. The affairs of the whole
tribe are governed by the chief and a council of the elders. Among the
prerogatives of the chief I heard the following : When the first salmon
of the season are caught, or when the first berries are picked or the first
deer killed, no one must eat of it until it has been presented to the. chief,
who must pray over it and partake of it. It did not become quite clear
from the statements of my informants whether this is entirely a religious
function, or at at same time a tribute. It is certainly of interest to see
that here, as well as among the Nootka, we find certain religious functions vested in the chief. At the time when the berries begin to ripen
an overseer is set [by the chief ?] over the various berry patches, whose
duty it is to see that nobody begins picking until the berries are ripe.
He announces when the time has come, and on the next morning the
Y 86
REPORT—1890
whole tribe set out and begin to pick berries, the field being divided up
among the tribe.    After they are through picking, the berries are divided
among the families of the tribe.    The chief receives the greatest portion.
In the same way an overseer is set over the salmon fisheries, and the
catch is divided among the whole tribe.    It seems that the various tribes
of the Shushwap had no separate hunting grounds, but that they hunted
over the whole territory, wherever they liked.    I do not think, however,
that the fisheries and berry patches belonged to the whole people in j
common.    Disputes arising between members of the same tribe were
generally settled by arbitration.    For instance, where a number of men j
had driven deer into a lake and a dispute arose as to who had driven
one particular deer, an arbitrator was appointed, who had to track it and j
whose decision was final.    The old were well treated and respected.    In
some instances when a man believed himself slighted be would commit j
suicide.
The tribes and famihes had separate hunting grounds originally.   The j
custom still holds to some extent among the Nicola Indians, but is now
almost forgotten by the Kamloops people.
The chief was not leader in war, the war-chief being elected among
the ' braves.'    The hostile tribes would meet, but sometimes, instead of a
battle between the whole parties taking place, the war-chiefs would fight
a duel, the outcome of which settled the dispute.    Their weapons were
bow and arrow; a lance ; a bone club with a sharp, sabre-like edge ; a
stone axe having a sharp point, the stone being fastened in a perforated
handle; and a stone club, consisting of a pebble, sewed into a piece of
hide, and attached to a thong, which was suspended from the wrist, j
They protected themselves with armours of the same kind as those used
on the coast—coats made of strips of wood, which were lashed together,
or jackets of a double layer of elk-skin, and a cap of the same material.
In time of war a stockade was made near the huts of the village.    A
cache was made in it,  and baskets filled with water were kept in it.
When an attack of the enemy was feared, the whole population retired to]
the stockade, the walls of which were provided with loopholes.   Captives]
made in war were  enslaved.     At the  end of  the war, captives were]
frequently exchanged.
The following tale of a war may be of interest. One summer, about
eighty years ago, the SEka'nmQ, who live near the head waters of Norths
Thompson River, stole two Shushwap women at Stlie'tltsuq (Barriered
on North Thompson River. Their brothers pursued the SEka'umQ, butl
were unable to overtake them. In the fall, when the snow began to]
cover the country, they started out again and soon found the tracks ofl
their enemies, who were travelling northward. One of the women wore.j
at the time when they were surprised by the enemies, a white-tail deed
blanket. She had torn it to pieces and put them into split branches of
trees, which she broke and turned in the direction in which they were
travelling. The Shushwap found these, and knew at once that they werd|
on the right track. Finally the Shushwap reached a camp which the]
SEka'nmQ had left on the same morning. They followed them cautiouslyf
While they were travelling a troop of deer passed close by, and thej
wounded one of them with their arrows. Among the party of thJ
SEka'umQ was a blind old man, who was led by a boy, and, as he was not!
able to walk as fast as the others, followed them at some distance. ThJ
wounded deer ran past them and the boy observed the Shushwap arrow! ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES OF CANADA.
87
i He cried : ' There is a deer that has been struck by a Shushwap arrow.'
The old man at once despatched him to the main party, and told him to
inform the chief of what he had seen. The boy obeyed, but the chief did
not believe him. He merely made a gesture indicating that the Shushwap would not dare to. show their backs in this country. (He closed the
thumb and the third and fourth fingers of his right hand, bent the first
and second fingers towards the thumb, holding them apart, the palm
directed towards his face.) The two women heard what was going on.
They thought that their brothers might have followed them, and at
nightfall went back to see whether they might discover anyone. They
met the Shushwap who instructed them to keep their husbands—for
? they had been married to two men of the SEka'umQ—awake until early in
the morning. They obeyed, and when the men had fallen asleep in the
morning the Shushwap made an attack upon the camp and killed all but
three, who had succeeded in putting their snow-shoes on and fled. The
Shushwap pursued them, and one of the SEka'umQ jumped into a hole
formed by the melting of the snow around a tree. From his hiding
place he wounded a Shushwap called Ta'leqan, when passing by. Two
of the fleeing SEka'umQ were killed, the third escaped. Ta'leqan died
of his wound when they were returning homeward. His body was burnt
and his bones taken along, to be buried in the burial ground of his native
village.
Sign Language.
On the coast of British Columbia the extensive use of the Chinook
jargon has almost entirely superseded the use of the sign language ; but
there is little doubt that it has been in use in former times. The only
instance of the use of signs—except in making tales more vivid and graphic
—that came under my observation was when an old Haida, who did not
understand Chinook, wanted to tell me that he could not speak the
jargon. He" introduced the first finger of his right hand into his mouth,
acted as though he attempted to draw out something, and then shook his
finger.
In the interior of the province the sign language is still used
extensively.    The following signs were collected among the Shushwap.
1. All.—Right hand held in front of breast, palm downward, moved
around horizontally.
2. Bear.—Both fists held in front of breasts, knuckles upward, the
thumbs touching the bent first fingers ; fists pushed forward alternately
in circular motions, imitating the movements of a bear.
3. Bear's hole.—Second, third and fourth fingers of both hands closed ;
thumbs and first fingers extended, points of both thumbs and of both first
fingers touch, so that they form a circle.
4. Beaver.—Right hand drops, palm downward, between the extended
thumb and first finger of left, so that the wrist rests on the interstice.
Imitation of beaver's tail.
5. Boy, about fifteen years of age.—Open hand raised in front of
breast to the height of the chin, palm turned toward face.
6. Bush.—Open hands placed against each other, so that both
thumbs and both fourth fingers touch.
7. Daylight.—Hands half opened, first finger slightly extended held
upward m front of body, palms inward at height of chin, hands then
moved outward, describing circles. 88
REPORT—1890.
b*
■fb*^
«*
8. Deer.—Hands held up on both sides of head, at height of ears,
palms forward, open.
9. Deer running.—Fists held in front of breast, knuckles upward,
, striking out alternately and horizontally full length of arms.
10. Doe.—Hands brought up to ears, thumb, third and fourth fingers
closed, first and second extended backward, touching one another, back
of hand upward.
11. Fish.—Hand stretched out, held horizontally in front of breast,
palm downward, moving in quick wandering motions in horizontal
plane.
12. Many fish.—Both hands held in the same way as last, one above
the other, but fingers slightly spread, both hands performing wandering
motions.
13. Girl.—Both hands, half opened, held not far from shoulders, palms
forward, then suddenly pulled back to shoulders.
14. Horse.—Thumb, third and fourth fingers closed, first and second
extended horizontally, parallel to breast, touching one another.
15. I do not understand.—Palms clapped on ears, then hands taken
off and shaken.
_0?-16. Lake.—Hands held before breast close together, fingers describe a
cwide circle forward and back to breast.
17. Nightfall.—Both hands held slightly bent in front of breast, palms
downward, then moved downward.
18. Noon.—Right hand closed, first finger extended, held up in front
of face.
19. Old man.—First finger of right hand held up, slightly bent, the
other fingers being closed, indicating the bent back.
20. Quick.—Right arm pushed upward and forward, slightly to the
right, at the same time left fist striking breast,
2L Rid&r.—First and second fingers of right hand straddling the first
and second of the left, which is held in the position of 'horse.'
22. Rock.—Both fists held up in front of face, knuckles towards
body, struck together and separated again.
23. To run.—Elbows close to  body, lower  arms held horizontally,
: hands closed.
,      24. Stop.—Hand raised, open palm forward, then shaken.
25. Sunrise.—Right hand half opened, first finger slightly extended
upward, palm towards body, then moved upward.
26. Sunset.—First finger pointing downward in front of breast and
moved downward.
27. Trap.—Both palms clapped together.
II     28. Young mam.—As ' Boy,' but hands raised higher.
See also pp. 86, 87.
For indicating the direction in which a party travels, poles are planted
into the ground, pointing in that direction, or twigs of brushes or trees are
broken and pointed in the same way. A pole directed toward the part of the
sky where *the sun stands at a certain hour indicates at what time something is to be done or has been done. Figures of men drawn on the sand
indicate how many have been killed by a war party. A number of hairs
from a horse's mane indicate the number of horsemen that passed by.
Such messages are left particularly at crossings of trails.1
1 See Fifth Report, p. 40. ON  THE   NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
89
Fires are used to give signals to distant parties.
A number of rock paintings are found on the shores of Kamloops
Lake.    I have not seen them, and do not know what they represent.
Games.
The games of the Shushwap are almost the same as those of the coast
tribes. We find the game of dice played with beaver-teeth (see p, 19),
and the well-known game of lehal. Children and women play ' cat's
cradle.' A peculiar gambling game is played in the following way : A
long pole is laid on the ground, about fifteen feet from the players ; a ring,
about one inch in diameter, to which four beads are attached at points
dividing the circumference into four equal parts, is rolled towards the
pole, and sticks are thrown after it, before it falls down on touching the
pole. The four beads are red, white, blue, and black. The ring falls
down on the stick that has been thrown after it, and, according to the
colour of the bead which touches the stick, the player wins a number of
points. Another gambling game is played with a series of sticks of maple
wood, about four inches long, and painted with various marks. There
are two players to the game, who sit opposite each other. A fisher-skin,
which is nicely painted, is placed between them, bent in such a way as to
present two faces, slanting down toward the players. Each of these
takes a number of sticks which he covers with hay, shakes and throws
down one after the other, on his side of the skin. The player who throws
down the stick bearing a certain mark has lost.
Shooting matches are frequently arranged. An arrow is shot, and
then the archers try to hit the arrow which has been shot first. Or a
bundle of hay or a piece of bark is thrown as far as possible, and the men
shoot at it. The following game of ball was described to me ; The
players stand in two opposite rows. A stake is driven into the ground
on the left side of the players of one row, and another on the right side of
the players of the other row. Two men stand in the centre between the
two rows. One of these pitches the ball, the other tries to drive it to one
of the stakes with a bat. Then both parties endeavour to drive the ball
to the stake on the opposite side, and the party which succeeds in this
has won the game.
-f
Customs regarding Birth, Marriage, and' Death.
My information regarding customs practised at the birth of a child is
very meagre. The navel-string is cut with a stone knife. The child is
washed immediately after birth. The custom of deforming certain parts
of the body does not prevail. The mother must abstain from ' anything
that bleeds,' and consequently must not eat fresh meat. There are no
regulations as to the food or behaviour of the father. The cradle after
being used is not thrown away, but hung to a tree in the woods. If a
child should die, the next child is never put into the same cradle which
was used for the dead child.
A girl on reaching maturity has to go through a great number of
ceremonies. She must leave the village and live alone in a small hut
on the mountains. She cooks her own food, and must not eat anything
that bleeds. She is forbidden to touch her head, for which purpose she
uses a comb with three points.    Neither is she allowed to scratch her 90
REPORT 1890.
4
body, except with a painted deer-bone. She wears the bone and the
comb suspended from her belt. She drinks out of a, painted cup of
birch-bark, and neither more nor less than the quantity it holds. Every
night she walks about her hut, and plants willow twigs, which she has
painted, and to the ends of which she has attached pieces of cloth, into
the ground. It is believed that thus she will become rich in later life.
In order to become strong she should climb trees and try to break off
their points. She plays with lehal sticks that her future husbands might
have good luck when gambling.1
Women during their monthly periods are forbidden to eat fresh meat, .
but live principally on roots.    They must not cook for their families, as
it is believed that the food would be poisonous.    During this time  the
husband must keep away from his wife, as else the bears would attack
him when he goes hunting.
A man who intends to ..go out hunting must keep away from his wife,
as else he would have bad luck. They do not believe that the wife's
infidelity entails bad luck in hunting and other enterprises.
Women must never pass along the foot or head of a sleeping person,
as this is unlucky.
Women who are with child must not touch food that has been touched
by mice, or eat of a plate which a dog has licked off. If she should eat
a bird that has been killed by an animal her child would be subject to
dizziness.
The marriage ceremonies weredescribed to me as follows: A young man
who wishes to marry a girl takes a number of horses and other property
that is considered valuable and offers it to the father of the girl he wishes
to marry. The latter, before accepting the price offered, invites his
whole family to a council and asks their consent. If they agree to accept
the suitor and the price he has offered for the girl they tie the horses to
their stable, and take the other goods into the house, as a sign of their
willingness. After this the young man may take the girl without further
ceremonies. After the marriage the bridegroom and his family go on a
hunting expedition, and try to obtain as much game as possible, which is
to be given to his father-in-law. The latter dresses the meat and invites
the whole tribe to a feast. Then he and his family in their turn go hunting, and present the game they have obtained to the young man's father,
who gives a feast to the whole tribe. At this time the girl's father
returns all the payments he has received to the young man's father. For
a number of days the couple live with the girl's family. When the
young man goes to reside with his wife he asks all his friends to support
him, and they give him presents of food and clothing. The latter he
puts on, one suit on top of the other, goes to his father-in-law, and gives
1 The following custom was described to me by Mr. J. W. Mackay, the Indian
Agent for the Kamloops district. He heard it described at Yale, and therefore it
probably belongs to the tribes of the Lower Fraser River. My inquiries at Kamloops
regarding the custom were resultless. Mr. Mackay states that at the end of the
puberty ceremonies the shaman led the girl back from her seclusion to the village
in grand procession. He carried a dish called tsuqta'n, which is carved out of
steatite, in one hand. The dish represents a woman giving birth to a child, along
whose back a snake crawls. The child's back is hollowed out and serves as a receptacle for water. In the other hand the shaman carries certain herbs. When they
returned to the village the herbs were put into the dish, and the girl was sprinkled!
with the water contained in the dish; the shaman praying at the same- time for haq
to have many children.   . ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBE
OF  CANADA.
91
him all the property he carries. The latter distributes this property
among the whole tribe according to the contributions everyone has
made. Then the young couple remove to the young man's family, and
before leaving her father's house the bride is fitted out with presents in
the same way as the young man was when he came to reside with her
family. This is a present to the young man's father, who also distributes
it among the tribe.    Marriages between cousins were not forbidden.
When a person died at the village the body was tied up in sitting
posture, the knees being bent to the chin, and the arms tied together.
A grave was dug, and its sides were rubbed with thorn bushes. Then
the body was buried, and a number of poles were erected over the grave
in the shape of a conical hut. The sand inside and around the hut was
carefully smoothed. If on one of the following days tracks were seen
in the hut, the -being—animal or man—to whom they belonged would be
the next to die. If after a while the sand should be blown away, the
bones were buried again. Wherever they find human bones they clean
them and bury them thinking that others may do the same to their own
relatives. When a person died far from home, for instance on a hunting
expedition, the body was burnt, and the charred bones were carried home
to be buried at the native village of the deceased. The report that the
bones of the dead were washed regularly, which has been made by
several travellers, seems to rest on these facts. No carved figures were
placed over the graves, as was the custom on the Lower Thompson River.
At the burial or the burning of the body, slaves, hounds, and horses of
the deceased were killed. His favourite slaves were buried alive ; the
horses were eaten by the mourners, to whom a feast was spread on the
grave. In some cases the uncle or nephew of the deceased would kill a
number of his own slaves at the grave. Winter provisions, prepared by
a woman before her death, were burnt. The clothes of a dead person
must be washed before being used again.
A year after the death of a person his relatives collected a large
amount of food and clothes, and gave a new feast on the grave. This
was the end of the mourning period, and henceforth they tried to forget
the deceased.    At this feast his son adopted his name.
The relatives of a dead person during the mourning period must not
eat deer, salmon, or berries, as else the deer and salmon would be driven
away, and the berries would spoil. Their diet is confined to dried venison and fish. They cut their hair, and keep it short for one year, until
the final feast is given. They must avoid touching their heads except
with a stick or a comb. Names of deceased persons must not be mentioned during the mourning period. Men as well as women must go
every morning to the river, wail, and bathe. When a man or a woman
dies, the widow or widower is kept as a captive in the house of a brother-
in-law. As soon as the mourning period, which in this case is particularly strict, is at an end, the widower must marry a sister or the nearest
relative of his dead wife ; the widow is married to her dead husband's
brother, or to his nearest relative.1
Widows or widowers have to observe the following mourning regula-
1 The mourning ceremonies of the Shushwap are evidently greatly influenced by
those of their northern neighbours, the Carriers, which have been described by the
Eev. A. G-. Morice in the Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, 1889. The strictness
of the levirate and the ceremonies celebrated at the grave are almost the same in
both cases.
r 92
REPORT 1890.
tions: They must build a sweat-house on a creek, sweat there all night,
and bathe regularly in the creek, after which they must rub their bodies
with spruce branches, the branches must be used only once, and are
stuck into the ground all around the hut. The mourner uses a cup and
cooking vessels by himself, and must not touch head nor body. No
hunter must come near him, as his presence is unlucky. They must
avoid letting their shadows fall upon a person, as the latter would fall
sick at once. They use thorn bushes for pillow and bed, in order to keep
away the ghost of the deceased. Thorn bushes are also laid all around
their beds. A widower must not go hunting, as the grizzly bear would
get his scent and attack him at once.
Various Beliefs.
Twins.—When twins are born, the mother must build a but on the
slope of the mountains, on the bank of a creek, and live there with her
children until they begin to walk. They may be visited by their family,
or any other who wishes to see them, but tbey must not go into the
village, else her other children would die. Twins are called skumku'mq-
sisilt, i.e., young grizzly bears. It is believed that throughout their lives
they are endowed with supernatural powers. They can make good and
bad weather. In order to produce rain they take a small basket filled
with water, which they spill into the air. For making clear weather
they use a small stick, to the end of which a string is tied. A small flat
piece of wood is attached to the end of the string, and this implement is
shaken. Storm is produced by strewing down on the ends of spruce
branches. While they are children their mother can see by their plays
whether her husband, when he is out hunting, is successful or not. When
the twins play about and feign to bite each other he will be successful;
if they keep quiet he will return home empty-handed. If one of a
couple of twins should die the other must clean himself in the sweat-house
' in order to remove the blood of the deceased out of his body.'
A decoction made of certain herbs, when used as hair-oil or mixed
with the saliva of a person, acts as a love-oharm.
To break eggs of the ptarmigan produces rain.
If one has a feeling as though someone was standing behind one's
back, or if a sudden chill goes down one's back, it is a sign that someone
will die. If one's leg twitches, someone is coming. When the ears ring,
someone speaks ill of one. The owl cries muk'tsa'k' (he is dead),
and calls the name of the person who will die.
One cannot make fire with the fire-drill after having eaten in the
morning.
Hair that has been cut off must be buried or thrown into the river.
Beaver-bones (not those of the salmon, as is the custom on the coast)
must be thrown into the river, else the beavers would not go into the
traps any more. The same would happen if a dog should eat beaver-meat,
or gnaw a beaver-bone.
When making bullets they mix wood that has been struck by lightning
with the lead. They believe that the bullets thus become more deadly,
as they will burn the deer's flesh.
They believe that the beaver, when constructing its dam, kills one of
its young and buries it under the dam, that it may become firmer and
not give way to floods. ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES   OF   CANADA.
Religion and Shamanism.
I received very scanty information only regarding the religious ideas
of the Shushwap. Chiefs before smoking their pipes would turn them
towards sunrise, noon, and sunset, after having them lighted, and thu„
offer a smoke to the sun, at the same time praying silently to him. The
same custom is practised in British Columbia by the Kootenay. I did
not find any other trace of sun-worship.
Souls do not return in newborn children.
When a person faints, it is a sign that a ghost pursues him.
The shaman is initiated by animals, who become his guardian spirits.
The initiation ceremonies for warriors and shamans seem to be identical
the object of the initiation ceremonies being merely to obtain supernatural help for any object that appeared desirable.    The young man on
reaching puberty, and before he had ever touched a woman, had to go out
on the mountains and pass through a number of performances.    He had
to build a sweat-house, in which he stayed every night.    In the morning
he was allowed to return to the village.    He had to clean himself in the
sweat-house, to dance and to sing during the night.    This was continued,
sometimes for years, until he dreamt that the animal he desired for his
guardian spirit appeared to him and promised him its help.    As soon as
it appeared  the novice fell  down in a swoon.    ' He feels as though he
were drunk, and does not know whether it is day or night, nor what he
is doing.'    The animal tells him to think of it if he should be in need of
help, and gives him a certain song with which to summon  him up.
Therefore every shaman has his own song, which none else is allowed to
sing, except when the attempt is made to discover a sorcerer (see p. 94).
Sometimes the spirit comes down to the novice in the shape of a stroke
of lightning.    If an animal initiates the novice it teaches him its language.    One shaman in Nicola Valley is said to speak the 'coyote language ' in his incantations.    Unfortunately, I did not learn the details of
this language, so that I do not know whether it is a sacred language
; common to all shamans, or merely an individual invention.    If the young
man desires to become a successful gambler he must practise gambling
while he is on the mountains.     He.throws the gambling sticks into the
water while it is dark, and tries to pick them up again without looking.
If he wishes to become a lightfooted runner he must practise running.
It is  said that one young man used to roll rocks down the slope of
Paul's Peak, near Kamloops, and then ran after them until he was able to
overtake the rocks, which leaped down the steep sides of the hill.
After a man has obtained a guardian spirit he is bullet and arrow
proof. If an arrow or a bullet should strike him he does not bleed from
the wound, but the blood all flows into his stomach. He spits it out,
and is well again. ' Braves,' who have secured the help of spirits, are
carried to the fighting ground. No woman must see them when on
their way, as else they would lose their supernatural power. When an
attack is going to be made on a village the guardian spirit of the warriors
will warn them. In dreaming or in waking they see blood flying about,
and this is a sign that someone will be murdered. Before going on
a war expedition warriors would, fast and abstain from sleep for a whole
week, bathing frequently in streams. It was believed that this would
make them nimble-footed.
Men  could acquire more than  one- guardian spirit,  and  powerful 94
REPORT-
890.
shamans had always more than one helper. The principal duty of the
shaman was to cure the sick. Disease may be due to a foreign body entering the body of a person, to disobeying certain rules, to the temporary
absence- of the soul, or to witchcraft. In all of these cases the help of the
shaman is needed. The most important among the paraphernalia of the
shaman is a headdress made of a mat, which is worn in his incantations.
The mat is about two yards long by one yard wide. The corners of one
of the narrow ends are sewed together, and it is put on as a headdress,
the whole length of the mat hanging down the back of the shaman.
Before putting it on they blow on it and sprinkle it with water which
had been poured over magic herbs. As soon as the shaman puts on
the headdress he ' acts as though he was crazy,' i.e., he puts himself
into a trance by singing the song he had obtained from his guardian
spirit at the time of his initiation. He dances until he perspires freely,
and finally his spirit comes and speaks to him. Then he lies down next
to the patient and sucks at the part of the body where the pain is. He
is supposed to remove a thong or a feather from it, which was the cause
of the disease. As soon as he has removed it he leaves the hut, takes
off his mat, and blows upon the object he has removed from the
body, which then disappears. It is stated that in his dances he sometimes sinks into the ground down to his knees.
If the disease is produced by witchcraft or by disobedience to certain
regulations, the shaman, during his trance, goes into the lower world, i.e.,
underground, in order to consult with his guardian spirits. After a while
he returns to the upper world and announces the cause of the sickness,
saying that a woman passed by the head of the patient, or that the
shadow of a mourner fell upon him, or giving some other imaginary
cause of sickness. The most elaborate performance is the bringing back
of absent souls. The Shushwap believe that while a man is alive the
shaman is able to see the soul. After death the soul becomes invisible,
although its movements may be heard. Therefore the shaman will sometimes lie down, the ear on the ground, and listen. If he hears a noise
of a passing soul without seeing anything he will say : ' So-and-so has
died. I heard his soul, but did not see it passing by.' If he sees it, it is
a sign that the person to whom the soul belongs is sick, but may recover
if his soul is restored to him. Then the shaman puts on his mat and
begins his incantation. As soon as be has succeeded in summoning his
spirit he sets out with him in search of the lost soul. While he is
unconscious he runs and jumps, and is heard ite speak to his spirit. He
will say, for instance, ' Here is a chasm; let us jump across it!' He
actually gives a jump and says, ' Now we have passed it,' <fec. Finally
he meets the soul, and is seen to have a severe fight with it until it is
finally overcome. Then he returns in company with his spirit to the
upper world, and throws off his mat as soon as he comes back. He
restores the soul to the sick person by laying it on the crown of his head.
Sickness due to witchcraft is treated in the following way: When a
shaman hates any person and looks at him steadfastly, he sends the latter's I
soul underground, to sunrise or sunset.    The anger of a shaman may be
aroused, for instance, by a young man who prides himself of his courage,
and in order to show his undaunted spirit paints his face with figures'
representing stars, sun, moon, birds, or any other designs that are con-J
sidered becoming to the most powerful men of the tribe.    After the soull
has left the body of the young man another friendly shaman is called.!
He begins at once to sing all the songs of the shamans of the tribe.    It.] ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
is believed that as soon as he begins the song of the shaman who has
bewitched the patient, the evil-doer will become crazy.
The shaman can also bewitch his enemy by throwing the cause of
disease, i.e., a feather or a thong, at him; or by putting magic herbs into
his drink. Ground human bones, mixed with food, are believed to make
the hair of the person who eats it fall out. If parts of the clothing of a
person are placed in contact with a corpse the owner must die. It is
believed that the shaman can in no way harm a white man.
The shaman also endeavours to obtain game in times of want. He
begins his incantation and sends his soul in search of deer and other
game. When he returns he tells the hunters to go to such and such a
place in order to find the animals.. When they find any they must bring
the venison to the shaman. Nobody is allowed to eat of it until the1
shaman has eaten his snare. hj\S
jsJFjre.quentiy af/6^r a jdeaffu has occurred the shaman is called by the
relatives of tote/deceased. It is believed thai the ghost of the dead
person is eager to take one of his nearest relatives with himto the country
fif the souls.; In order to drive the/ghosu away the shaman is called. He
•seW the ghost, and orders alLfche members ofjEhe mourning family to stay
in the house,i^whicVthe ghostjeannot enter. Then he speaks to the ghost,
asking him whom he wants, and telling him that he cannot have the
person he wants. He appeases the ghost, who then leaves, and does not
further trouble his relatives. The shaman is paid a high price for
this service.
Contests between shamans, in order to ascertain who is the most
-powerful, are not rare. The one will take his charm first, blow on it,
and throw it at the other-. If the other is weaker he will fall on his back,
and blood will flow from his mouth. Then the former blows on him and
restores him by this means. They also practise jugglery. The shaman
is tied, and he frees himself by the help of his spirit.
DEFORMED  CRANIA FROM THE NORTH PACIFIC COAST.
In describing the customs of the Lku'ngEn and of the Kwakiutl, men-
tion has been made of the methods employed for deforming the cranium.
It remains to say a few words regardiug the effects of such deformations.
I So far as I am aware there exist three distinct types of intentional head
deformation, which, however, are connected by intermediate types. These
types may be designated as the Chinook, the Cowitchin, and the Koskimo,
from the names of certain tribes practising these methods of deformation.
The first is found in the region of Columbia River, principally among
the Chinook and Cowlitz. Its northern limit is unknown to me. The
• second is practised on Puget Sound, by the Lku'ngEn, Cowitchin, and
Sk-qomic of British Columbia.. The Qatloltq form a gradual transition to the last type, which reaches its highest development at Kwatzino
Sound, but extends southward along the coast of Vancouver Island
and the mainland opposite to Toba Inlet and Comox. The Chinook
cranium is excessively flattened (figs. 24 to 26), the forehead being
depressed. The head is allowed to grow laterally. Consequently a compensatory growth takes place in this direction. The Cowitchin do not
flatten the cranium, but rather shorten it by means of a strong pressure
upon the region of the lambda and farther down. It appears that the
subsequent flattening of the'forehead is mainly due to growth nnder the
altered conditions, after the compressing cushions have been removed. 96
REPORT 1890.
The ■ third form of cranium is produced by combination of frontal,
occipital, and lateral pressure. In crania of the southern tribes of this
region, evidence of a pressure upon the lambda may be seen; but the
forehead is at the same time flattened, and the total distance from
glabella to lambda increased, the occiput being inclined backward. Therefore the occipital index of these crania is very large. The Koskimo crania
are compressed on all sides, and therefore very long, the axis of the
cranium being depressed. $fj|j|
I give here a series of measurements of crania, showing the typical
deformations. I have to thank Professor F. W. Putnam, Director of the
Peabody Museum of American Archasology of Cambridge, Mass., for his
kind permission to me to describe the three Chinook crania.
Chinook.
,n, 890.
de
Chinook.
Museum,
Male
Chinook.
Museum,
Child
-Cox I.
ale
eS |
li
Bull Har-
Male?
—
\m
1&3
& •
CO
CO  q)
1...
■* >,
NOT
<3>  O qo
.   «
»c S
<N^
^■gS
<M,n£:
S8
od^
» o
n
$!«
■^
£
|y|
m
P=4
s
s
£
mm.
mm.
mm.
mm.
mm.
mm.
Horizontal length .
166
170
155
160
181
199
Maximum length .
167
171
155
161
181
199
Occipital length    .
—
37
55
39
55
73
Maximum width   .
157p
164p
152
160p
134p
137
Minimum frontal width
99
101
(90)
95
92-5
102
Height	
125
129
134
131
130
Height of ear
116
116
—
120
115
114
Length of basis
(93)
106
—
95
99
106
Width of basis
(102)
113
94
(111)
99
105
Length of pars basilaris
25
28
—
26
25
27
Length of foramen magnum .
35
38
—
38
39
35
Width of foramen magnum  .
28
32-5
—
29
30
29
Horizontal circumference
516
534
492
508
507
555
Sagittal circumference .
334
334
305
335
357
399
Frontal arch of sagit. circum..
117
112
101
116
121
138
Parietal arch of sagit. circum.
105
114
104
119
109
133
Occipit.arch of sagit. circum.
112
108
100
100
127
128
Vertical circumference .
315
330
—
330
298
296
Height of face      .       .    |Sfev
	
	
	
118
126
Height of upper part of face
70
78
52
70
69
80
Width of maxillary bone
96
107
72
105
91
110
Width between zyg. arches   .
140
148
108-5
149
125
141
Height of nose
50
55
36-5
50
49
60
Width of nose
22
27
19
23
22
23
Width of orbit
40
42
34
41
39
41
Height of orbit
36
38
32
36
36
41-5
Length of face
97
112
	
101
97
105
Length of palate   .
49
55
34
61
49
51
Anterior width of palate
39
44
30  '
39
37
34
Posterior width of palate
O) 1
50
35
45
39
43
Capacity        ....
1390cc.
	
Cephalic index
94-6
96-4
98-1
.   100-0
740
68-8
Index of height
74-7 1
75-9
—
80-4
72-4
65-3
Index of upper part of face .
50-0 i
52-7
47-9
47-0
55-2
56-7
Index of nose
44-6
491
51-8
46-0
44-9
383
Occipital index
—
21-7
35-5
24-4
30-4
36-7 ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OF   CANADA.
1. Wyman, 890. Adult male. Calvarium. The cranium is much
flattened and asymmetrical, as appears in the norma occipitalis. Sutures
open 5. teeth not worn. The sutures are rather complicated, a Wormian
body in the right coronal suture, others in the left asterion. The sagittal
suture from obelion to lambda is depressed, being the deepest line of a
shallow groove.    The left mastoid process is absent, two small elevations
Fig. 24.—Chinook Male.
(Wyman Collection, 890; Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.)
being the only indication. The condyles are small. The squama occipitalis
is very asymmetrical, the occipital protuberance large but flat. The palate
is high and arched ; short traces of the sufrura incisiva are found. The
alveolar arch is almost angular at the canine teeth, turning suddenly
backward. The right wisdom tooth is not developed. Fossa glenoidalis
shallow; styloid processes large and heavy.    Right
T
A
ear round, left ear
Fig-. 25.—Chinook Male.   (Wyman Collection, 890.)
narrow, oval. Pars basilaris high. On the right side a" complete
processus frontalis of the temporal bone is found, and in addition to it an
epipteric bone ; on the left an incomplete processus, frontalis and a larger
epipteric bone are found. Part of the tissues of the face are preserved ;
upper portion of the face is coloured green by copper.    The cross-section
7 h 6 Superciliary ridges well developed; slight traces of frontal suture abovej
nasion.
2. Peabody Museum, 38946.     Adult male.      Sutures open ; teeth
moderately worn.    Left zygomatic bone broken.    Calvarium.   The skull
Fig. 27.—Chinook.   (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 38,946.)
-j^ES
is flattened in the same way as the foregoing.    Sutures rather simple.
A small Wormian bone in the lambda, others near both asteria.    The?
superciliary ridges are strongly developed; the temporal lines short and ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
99
indistinct. A trace of a double frontal suture extends from the nasion
1 cm. upward. The occiput is flat, the lineee nuchas very distinct.
Mastoid processes large, incisures mastoideas deep. The pars basilaris is
wide, the condyles rar apart, much curved. The styloid processes are
large.    The palate is high but flat-roofed.     Teeth large; retention of
Fig. 28.—Chinook.   (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 38946.)
second left incisor.  On both sides very large exostoses in ears.   Alveolar
arch rounded.    Juga alveolaria large.    Fossas canines deep.   Nose large.
Nasal bones 30 mm. long, with many foramina. Cross-section of nose round.
Prenasal fossa?.    Septum asymmetrical.    Edges of orbits overhanging.
3. Peabody Museum, 6782.   Child.   Pars basilaris lost; right side of
Fig. 29.—Chinook.    (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., No. 6782.)
occiput broken.    Skull very much flattened ; deep groove behind coronal
iuture.    Sutures simple;   frontal suture persistent.    On inner side of
7a  on the north-Western tribes of can Ada.
101
Squama occipitalis low and flat. Incisuree mastoideas deep. Alveolar
arch round; palate arched. Teeth moderately worn. Facial bones
heavy.    Root of nose flat, narrow.    Lower rim of nose sharp.    Lower
Fig. 32.—Cox Island.
jaw heavy; incisura semicircularis small.   Large epipteric bone on right
side.
5. May's  Place  (Tliksiwi).    Adult female.    Sagittal and coronal
sutures partly synostosed.     Skull artificially lengthened.    Sutures com-
Fig. 33.—May's Place.
plicated. Squama occipitalis very high. Base of skull flat. Alveolar
arch parabolical, narrow. Nose high; cross-section of nasal bones arched.
Lower edge of nose sharp.   Foramina infraorbitalia double.    Slight trace  ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES OF CANADA.
suture synostosed. The frontal bone is long and narrow. Superciliarv
ridges large. Double temporal lines well developed. Depression all
around the cranium behind the coronal suture.    Exostosis at obelion.
Fig. 36.—Bull Harbour, No. 90.
Protuberantia occipitalis very large. Squama occipitalis narrow
Foramen magnum small; condyles small; mastoid process large,
sura mastoidea of right side small. Nose very high and narrow;
edge sharp.    Orbits large.
It seems that the lateral compression of the cranium affects also
face, as the indices of the upper face and of the nose show.
high.
Inci-
lower
the
LING-UISTICS.
KWAKIUTL.
In the following notes observations on the Heiltsuk- and Kwakiutl dialects of
this stock are contained. The former were obtained in the years 1888 and 1889
from a number of men who visited Victoria. The latter are derived from collections
made at Hope Island and Alert Bay, 1886; Victoria, 1888; and Alert Bay, 1889.
I give only such parts somewhat fuller in which my conclusions differ from those of
the Kev. Alfred J. Hall, whose notes on the grammar of the Kwakiutl language were
published in the «Transactions of the Eoyal Society of Canada,' 1888, sec. ii. K. in
"the following chapter means Kwakiutl dialect; H. means He'iltsuk- dialect.
Phonetics.
Vowels: a,   a,   e,   E,   i,   o,   u.
Consonants: b, p; w; m; gy, kH; g, k; g-, k-; q, Q; y, H; d, t, n ; s, ts ;
(c,tc); 1; dl, tl; h.
There is a strong tendency to elimination of vowels in the Heiltsuk- dialect. 104
REPORT—1890.
The surds and sonants are difficult to distinguish. S and ts have frequently a slight
touch of the c and to, the teeth being kept apart and the articulation being post-
alveolar. I spell here kn in preference to ky, as this sound—the anterior linguo-
palatal sound—is almost always strongly exploded. It is the sound described by
Mr. Hall as ' the croaking of the raven.'
All sounds occur as initial sounds. There is a remarkable difference between the
two dialects regarding initial combinations of consonants. Among approximately
1200 words of the Kwakiutl dialect I found the following beginning with more than
one consonant:
/rgsis, trousers.
ka'glak', crow.
qpi, my, but also qsn.
tsk-nls, obsidian (?).
In the Heiltsuk- dialect the following combinations of consonants were found to
begin words:
bg
ks
kHk
knql"
kHp
kHsk-
Hm
mky
tk-
tlk
tlky
tlk-
tlH
tlHS
tlq
tlqlk-
It is of importance to note that these combinations occur rarely, and that they
evidently originated through elimination of vowels. The following examples, taken
from both the Heiltsuk- and Kwakiutl dialects, will prove this fact: .
He'iltsuk-.
to speak (man), ogua'la ( = man's voice).
Kwakiutl.
hEgua'la (jba'kus, men).
k'a'yak's.
k'ekyd'sit.
ga'k'wm.
mbVkoals.
SE'qem.
tu'g'mt.
tl&'kv/is.
tlakod'nS.
All the combinations are such as are likely to originate through elimination of
vowels.   It is remarkable that the combination ks, st, sp, &c, do not occur.
Sonants do not occur as terminal sounds. W and. kn do not terminate words.
The following combinations are found to terminate words :
eye,
k'ks.
widower,
k'kyd'sit
b'ark,
qk'v/m.
grouse,
mkyEls.
Chinook canoe,
sgtavi.
to jump,
twit.
bow,
tlkue's.
old woman,
tlkoa'nS.
kk
mp
Iks
qt
k-k
k-k-
k-s
k-Qt
qk
qs, pqs
kHk
mt
Ik
Ik-
h
mkH
mH
Is
nt
sk
nk-
nq
nkH
ms
st, qst
tsk
tsk-
qskH
msH
ns
ntk
tk-
tlk-
tq
ts, nts, Its
Grammatical Notes.
THE NOUN AND  THE  ADJECTIVE.
The noun has no plural, but a distributive, which is mostly formed by reduplica-
tion, epenthesis, or diaaresis:
a deer, k'a'mela, H.
a group of deer, k'aka'mela, H.
a stone, t'e'sEm, K. H.
a heap of stones, t'e't'ossm, K. H.
man, bEgua'nwm-, K. H.
two men malu'k' 0Eg%La'wwm, K.
malo'gtds bEgua'nvm, H.
a group of men, oebEgva'nvm, K. H. ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
105
When the noun is used as a verb corresponding to our noun with verbum sub-
stantivum the distributive may be used for forming the plural.
1 am a smoker, ua'qpism, K. uaqpisnd'gua,B..
we (inch) are smokers, ul'uaapisints, K. tuum'qpisints, H.
we (excl.) are Europeans. k'Umast'oantk' and k'oe'k''dmnsi'oantk', H.
The plural of adjectives with the verbam substantivum is formed in the same way.
dead, tlsl, pi. tle'tlsl, K.
sick, ts'sgha', pi. tse'tisak-a, K. tlSqoa'la, pi. tUtloqpa'la, H.
The plural of the verb is formed in the same way (see p. 111).
The genitive is expressed by the preposition is, which serves a!
adjective with the following noun:
Na'ntse's child, qiQnO'h' is Na'ntse, H.
a large country, k'S'kyas is tsk'emsk; H.
also to connect tl
NUMEEALS.
Cabdinal Numbers.
H.
mEn.
matl.
yutq.
ma.
sky'a.
k'atla.
9,
10,
11,
12,
13,
14,
K.
1, liBm.
2, matl.
3, yutq.
4, mu.
5, sky'a.
6, k-atla'.
7, atlibu'.
8, matlguanatl.
na'nEma.
lastu.
rtE'mayu.
ma'tlagyu.
yu'tqwagyu.
mfi/agyri.
15, sky'a'gyu.
16, k-atla'gyu.
17, atlibu/agyti.
18, matlguanatlagyu.
19, na'nEmagyfi.
20, matlsEmgyustau.
21, nanEmk-ala.
22, ma'tlaala.
23, yutqaa'la.
24,
25,
30, yutqsEmgyustau.
31, yutqsEmgyustau hlmisa nEm.
40,
50,
60,
70,
80,
90,
100, la'kint or nEmpsnya'gi.
200, matl pEnya'gi.
matlaau's.
yu'tquaus.
ma'mEne.
ai'ky'as.
mEng^gyu.
mala'gyu.
yatoa'gyu.
mua'gyu.
sky'a'gyu.
k-atla'gyU.
matlaau'sgyu.
yutqnau'sgyu.
mamEne'agyu.
masE'mkostey& or masEmkuiste'ua.
mEneOk-aOla.
matlao'la.
yutqaO'la.
mok-oaola.
sky'ak-aO'la.
yutqsuk.
yutqsuk gyigyi mEnuTs-.
mok-suk.
sky'a'ksuk.
k-atlai'Hsuk.
matsO'ukaus.
yutqsukaus.
ma'mEnEHsu'koa.
o'psnHstais.
matlpEnHstais.
1,000, lo'qsEmH'It. loqsEmH'it.
It appears that in the Kwakiutl dialect eight and nine are formed from two and
one respectively, being two and one less than ten. In the Heiltsuk- dialect seven
and eight are formed from two and three, as is the case in most languages of British
Columbia. Nine is derived from one. The inversion of the consonants in the words
for ' one ' (msn and nEm) is very curious.
The numerals take suffixes which denote the objects counted. Besides the class-
suffixes for animate beings, round, long, flat objects, days, fathoms, the numerals 106
REPORT—1890.
may take any of the noun suffixes (see p. 113). The Bev. A. J. Hall has given a
few classes in the Kwakiutl dialect on pp. 68 and 69 of his grammar. Here are a few
classes taken from the Heiltsuk- dialect:
_                                   One
Two
Three
Animate   ....
mEno'k'
m&alB'k'
yutuk'
Round      ....
mE'nsk'om
m&'sEm
yutqsEVi
Long
vis'nts'aJi'
md'ts'ak-
yv/tits'ak'
Flat	
. msnaqsa'
matlqsa
yiitqsa'
Day	
dp'Sne'ciuls
mdtlp'Sne'Quls
yntqp'ene'wills
Fathom    ....
d'p'Enhn
mdtVp'Enkn
yutgp'Enku
Grouped together
	
•mS/tldutl
yu'tdutl
Groups of objects
nEmtsmd'ts'tttl
mdtltsmo'ts'utl
yutgtsmd'ts'utl
Filled cup
msngtld'ta
mdtl'aqtl&'la
yHtgfld'la
Empty cup
msngtla'
m&'tl'agtla
yv'tatla
Full box   ....
m-Ensk'am&'la
md'sEmdla
yiitqsEmdla
Empty box (see round)   .
inB'nsk'ain
ma'sEm
yutqts'Em
Loaded canoe .
msnts'ak'S'
m&'ts'ak'e'
yHtuts'ak'S'
Canoe with crew
ms'nts'ak'is
mdi'ts'ak'la
yututs'ak'la
Together on beach   .
—
mS/alis
—
Together in house &c.
—
maa'lttl
,—
' It appears from these examples that the number of classes is unlimited,
are simply compounds of numerals and the noun-suffixes.
They
Ordinal Numbers.
the first, gy&'la, H.
the second, d'tl'it, H.
the third, wan&'ky'a, H.
the last, wald'gtle, H.
Numeral
once, o'pEnait, H.
twice, mOitVpE'nnit, H.
three times, yutqpE'nHit, H.
at first, gya'la'it, H.
Advebbs.
four times, mopE'nnit.
five times, sky'apE'nnit.
ten times, hditlop&'nmt.
PRONOUN.
Personal Pronoun.
The personal pronoun in the Kwakiutl dialect is very difficult to understand. ■
There.are two forms, but I cannot explain their separate use. It seems that only;
one form occurs in the Heiltsuk- dialect:
I, no'gua, yin.
thou,'        so', yutl.
he, —
we (incl.), nd'guants, yints.
we (excl.), no'gv-amiq, yi'ntia.
you, soqdd'q, yiQdaqo'tl.
K
me, gya'gEn.
thee, sot.
us, gya'qEnts.
us, gyWasnuq.
H.
no'gua.
kqso.
nogiia'wts.
nogua'nth'.
Iraeksoii'ea.
It is remarkable that while in Heiltsuk- the plural of the second person is formed
By reduplication, in the Kwakiutl dialect, the suffix -d&q is used for this purpose.   We \
shall see later on that the same difference is found in the inflection of the verb.    It \
seems that the stem of the second person is so.   I have not given the third persons,^
as they seem to be rather demonstrative pronouns.
In order to explain the use of the two separate forms in the Kwakiutl dialect I
give a series of examples :
it is I, nSguaEm.
I, no'gua (in answer to the question, "Who is going to do it ?)
11 ym ? (in reply to, They say you stole ita
also to the question, Who shall do it ?)
I, yin (Shall he do it ?   No, I). ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OE CANADA.
107
I will go, noguatl Icltl.
Is that thou ? sd'o ?
thou, so'vm (in reply to: Who
said so ?)
we (will do it), nS'guanuq.
thou, yutl (in answer to, Who shall do it ?
I ? Yes, thou 1)
. Demonstrative Pronoun.
The Kwakiutl language distinguishes four locations of objects which take the
"place of demonstrative pronouns. The location is expressed by suffixes, which are
used with all classes of words.   They are the following:
K.
Near speaker, —ika.
Near person addressed, —uq.
Distant, visible, —S.
Distant, invisible, —e'.
H.
-hy.
—uq.
-a (8).
—ats (fits).
For instance:
K.
he (near speaker) is my father^ kye'mmi d'mpiks.
he (near person addressed) is my father, yH'msn o'mpuq.
he (absent, visible) is my father, ha'mmi d'mpe.
he (absent, invisible) is my father, ha'trusn, d'mpe'.
The following is the independent demonstrative pronoun in the Kwakiutl dialect:
H.
nesky au'mp.
ne'suq au'mp.
ne'se au'mp.
ne'sets au'mp.
he (near speaker), gyat.
he (near person addressed), yut.
he (absent, visible and invisible), het.
they (near speaker), gydqdaoq.
they (near person addressed), yvlqdaoq.
they (absent, visible and invisible), heqdaoq.
Possessive Pronoun.
The adjective possessive pronoun is derived from the article-pronoun. In the
Kwakiutl dialect it has a number of separate forms, formed by one of the letters
q, s, ts, and the termination derived from the article-pronoun. It seems that q stands
for the subject and object, s and ts for the genildse and instrumentals. It is, however, far from certain that this explanation is correct. The terminations are in the
Kwakiutl dialect:
Singular.,, 1st person, n.
„        2nd     „     —is.
3rd      „     —s.
Plural, 1st person, inclusive, nts.
„       „      „      exclusive, nuq.
„     2nd    „     —is daoq.
„      3rd     ,,     —daoqs.
Generally the location of the object possessed, and in the third person also that
of the possessor, is expressed by means of the demonstrative terminations. The
latter is placed between the character of the pronoun (jq, s, ts) and its termination,
and is also .affixed to the noun. The pronouns of the first person seem to take the
demonstrative ending for ' near the speaker' only.
My father
Near speaker   .   qgyin d'mpika
Near person addressed
Absent, visible
Absent,invisible
qEn o mpuq
qEn ompa
qEn o mpe
Thy father
Our (inclusive) father
|Our (exclusive ) father!
qky d'siky
quq a'suq
q a se
{
\r
i
{
I
qgyimts
o'mpiky
qsnts
d'mpva
qsnts
d'mpa
qsnts
d'mpe'
qgymuq
o'mpiky
qsnuq
o'mpuq
qEnuq    \
d'mpa j
qsnts     \
D'mpe' j
Your father
qky I
d'sdaoqiky
quq
dsdaoquq
q d'sdaoqa
q d'sdaoqe'   \
1 as, thy father; omp is a compound of the stem a (from area) and smp designating relationship.   The latter evidently drops out in the second person. 108
REPORT—1890.
His father
near speaker
Near speaker
Near person addressed
Absent, visible
Absent, invisible
yiqkye o'mpiyes
yiquq S'mpuqHky
yiq ompasiky
yiq O'mjKiiky
near person addressed
yitfkye o'mpkyasuq
yiquq clmpwqt
yiq dmpasuq
yiq Ornpesuq
absent, visible
yiqJcye d'mpicyase
yiquq S'mduqse
yiq o'mpas
yiq d'mpSsa
absent, invisible
yiqkye 6'mpkyase?
yi'quq d'mpuqse'
yiq t/mpase'
yiq o'mpeief
T/ieir fatlier is formed correspondingly: yiqkye dmpdaoqkyes &c.
The use of the various forms of the possessive pronoun is illustrated by the
following examples:—
hSsm wd'tldsm qn d'mpa, that is what they said to my father (literally, that
the word to my father).
he'Em wd'tldsm sen d'mpa, that is what my father said (that is my father's word).
heEm m&'tldsmtl tsn d'mpa, that is what.my father win say.
Tiesm wdttdsmtl qn d'mpa or tse qn d'mpa, that is what they will say to my father.
gy-u'koa ssn d'mpa, my father's house..
qn d'mpa aq'e'tEk; my father took it.
ts'd tssn tlts'mtluq la qn d'mpa, give my hat to my father.
tid qn tits'mtlug, give to my hat 1
t'op'S'tsntla qyiskyim, liky&'yuka, I broke this with my hammer here.
t'ap 'B'tentla qgyin UkyS/yuka, I broke my hammer here.
qn d'mpa aq'8't tsn tlts'mtla, my father took my hat (away).
qn d'mpaaq'utltsdtl      \ tits'mtla, my father took my hat (but left it here).
When the sentence contains an interrogative or demonstrative pronoun the pos- '■
sessive pronoun is generally attached to them.
wi'dsn likya'yu ? where is my hammer ? gyi'msn likyd'yu, here is my hammer.
nfc'nmn d'mpa ? where is my father ? gyea'mgyi/n, dmpky ne'kya, my father!
here said this.  .
he'msn d'mpa n&'kya, my (absent) father
said it.
The pronoun may be affixed to the noun as well: : *■
he (absent) is thy father, ha'Em d'mpe and ha'Em d'se.
he (absent) is your father, Jidsms d'mpdaoque and hasm d'sdaoquB.
It is remarkable that the possessive suffix may be given to the verb as well, at
least in imperative forms:
give me thy hat (near thee), g'S'tsds tlts'mfluq.
Substantive Possessive Pronoun.
—
Mine
Thine
Ours                Ours
(inclusive)      (exclusive)
Yours
Near speaker   ..   .   .
Near person addressed
Absent, visible .   .   .
Absent, invisible   .   .
nd'siky
nd'suq
nd'se
nd'se'
ho'siky    nd'sEntsiky     ndSEnuqka
hd'suq      nd'sEntsuq      nd'ssnuquq
hd'se        nd'sEntse         no'sswuqe
hd'se        nd'sEntse'        nd'ssnuqe'
hd'sdaoqky
hd'sdaoquq
ho'sdaoqe
hd'sdaoqe'
His
—
near speaker
near person
addressed
absent, visible
absent, invisible:
Near speaker
Near person addressed
Absent, visible
Absent, invisible
haskya'k'iks
hasd quqk'iJ&H
Jiase'k'ikH
hase'k'ika
hasky&'k'uq
hasd'qoak'uq
Jiasd'k'uq
liasdk'uq
liaskyd'k'
hasd'qoak'
liase'k'
hase'sJi'
haskyd'k'e.
hasd qoak'e
liase'k'e
hase'sk'S ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
109
Theirs is formed in the same way: hasdaoqhya'k'ika &c.
The possessive pronoun of the Heiltsuk- dialect is far less complicated.
Adjective Possessive Pronoun.
Singular, 1st person, k-s—
2nd    „     — (p)s
3rd    „      — s
Plural, 1st person (inch), hants—
„     1st     „     (exci.). k-antk'—
"„     2nd    „ —(d)s 1 noun redu-
f,     3rd    „ —s    J   plicated.
We have to distinguish in this dialect also the four locations of near to speaker,
near person addressed, visible, invisible.
My father
™,„ fcn,„. Our (inchisive) Our (exclusive)   ,-      „ .,
Thy father ^^     >\       ^^     A Your father
au'mpkys   Ik'antsau'mpka
au'mmpuqs Ik'antsau'mpuq
k'antkau'mpka\ aiou'mpkys
k'antkau'mpuq aiau'mpnqs
Near speaker . \k'sau'mpka
Near      person Ik'sau'mpuq
addressed
Absent, visible y&'sau'mpa lau'mpos     \k'antsau'mpa Ik'ontkau'mpa   aiau'mpds
Absent,invisible Ik'sau'mpats lau'mpatsds \k'antsau'mpats\k'antkaM'mpate\aiau'mpatsds
His father
Near speaker
Near person addressed
Absent, visible
Absent, invisible
near person
near speaker     —=
absent, visible
absent,
invisible
a-n'mkyaskn au'mpuqsky au'mpaska au'mpotska
au'nikyasvq au'mpuqsuq au'inpasuq au'mpatsuq
au'mkyase au'mpuqse au'mpase au'mpatse
au'mhja.vts au'mpuqsits au'mpasits au'mpatslts
Their father is formed in the same way from the reduplicated noun: aiau'm-
kyaska.
SUBSTANTIVE POSSESSIVE PRONOUN.
Mine
Thine
Ours
(inclusive)
Ours (exclusive)
Yours
Near speaker   .   .
s Near   person   addressed
I Absent, visible .   .
Absent, invisible  .
ne'stjika Ik'ousd'ka
n&sdq   \kmausd'q
ne'se     yt'ause'
ne'sets Ik'ause'ts
nesd'k'Entska
nesd'k'Entsuq
neso'k'Entse
nSsd'k'sntsets
nesd'k'Entk'ka
nesd'k'Entkuq
nSsd'k'sntke
neso'k'Entkets
k'ek'u'vsokn
k'Sk'OMtd'q
k'ek'd'use
hek'd'usets
his (absent, visible), osd'k'oS.
„ (     „   , invisible), osd'hoets.
theirs (absent, visible) oesd'k'oe.
„    (     „   , invisible), oSsd'k'oets.
IT
4
THE VEEB.
Intransitive Verb.
Kwdkmtl Dialed.
1. Noun or Adjective with verbum substantivum.
smoker, ua'qpis.
1st person singular, ua'qpism
2nd   1 „ ua'qpits.
3rd    „ „     near speaker, ua'qpisi&a. 110
3rd person
3rd    „
3rd    „
1st    „
1st    ,,
2nd   „
3rd    ,.
3rd    „
3rd    „
3rd    „
REPORT—1890.
singular, near person addressed, ua'qpifu'g.
absent, visible,
„       absent, invisible,
plural,   inch,
excl.,
,, near speaker,
„ near person addressed,
,, absent, visible,
„ absent, invisible,
2. Intransitive Verb.
to eat, hamd'p.
ua qp%se.
iia'qpises.
ui'uaqpisEnts.
ui'uaqpiSBnuq.
vHua'qpits.
rnua'qpiszka.
ulua'qpisuq.
ulua'qpise.
utua'qpises.
1st person
singula
r,
2nd   „
„
3rd    „
near speaker,
3rd    „
near person addressed,
3rd    „
absent, visible,
3rd    „
absent, invisible,
1st     „
plural,
inch,
1st     „
,,
excl.,
2nd   „
3rd    „
,»
near speaker,
3rd    „
near person addressed,
3rd    „
absent, visible,
3rd    „
»»
absent, invisible,
ham&'psn.
ham&'pss.
hama'pik-H.
Aamd'puq.
hama'pe
hamd'pe'.
hamd'psnts.
hamOi'pEivuq.
haind'pdaoqs.
hamd'pdaoq'ikn.
hambVpdaoq'uq.
hamd'pdaoq'e.
ha/md'vdaog'eB.
Heiltsuk' Dialect.
1. Nown or Adjective with verbum substantivum.
smoker, ua'qpis.
uaqpisndgua.
ua'qpitsd.
absent, visible, ua'qpitse.
incl. uaau'qpissnts.
excl. uaau'qpissnthf.
uaau'qpitsd.
absent, visible,    uaau'qpisS.  ■
1st person
singular,
2nd   „
3rd    „ '
1st     „
plural,
1st     „
2nd   „
,,
3rd    „
,,    a
1st person sing., nfffcandgua.
2nd
3rd'
n&k'a'sd.
n&k'&'se.
2. Intransitive Verb.
to drink, nd'k'a.
1st person plural, inch, ndk'a'nts.
1st    „ „      excl., ndk'a'ntk'.
2nd   „ „ ak'&'stla and nen&'k'asd.
3rd' „ „ ndi'd'se and nSnd'k'asS.
I do not enter into the tenses of the verb, as the material at my disposal is not
sufficient to bring out clearly the nice distinctions between the numerous tenses (seel
Hall, l.c. p. 79 ff.).   I turn at once to the transitive verb with incorporated object,
which has been treated very f ragmentarily by Mr. Hall.
1 As the various forms of the third person are formed in the same way as those
of the possessive pronouns, &c, they, have been omitted here. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
Kwakiutl Dialect.
to kill, tlEld'mas.
Object
1st pers. sing.
2nd   „      „
3rd    „      „'
1st pers. plur. incl.
1st    „       „   excl.
2nd   „
3rd    „       „'
Singular
1st person
2nd person
—sntlutl
—sntlak'ika
—dooqsntlutl
—daoqsntlak'tka
—as gyd'qsn
—ase'k'ika
—as gyd'qsnuq
—daoqase'k'ika2
—ika1 gyd'qsn
—ikautl*
—kyd'krika *
—ika gyd'qsnts
—%ka gy&'qenuq
—dooqikyutl
—dooqkyd'k'tka
Plural
Object
1st pers. incl.
1st person excl.
2nd person
3rd person
1st pers. sing.
—
—dooqas gyd'qsn
—daoqika1 gyd'qsn
2nd „      „
—
—snuqutl
—
—daoqikyutl'3
3rd  „      „>
—sntsakika
—snuquak'ika
—daoqasek'ikB
—daoqkyd'k'lkn 4
1st   „    plur.
—
—
—
tletlsldmasdaoqika
incl.
gyd'qEiits 8
1st pers. plur.
—
—
—daoqas gyd'qs
tletlsldmasdaoqika
excl.
nuq6
gyd'qsnuq
2nd pers.  „
——
5 	
—-
tletlsld/mos
daoqikyutl
3rd   „      „'
s	
5 	
—daoqasEk'ika I
tletlsldmas-
daoqkyd'k'tka *
The characters of the tenses: —utl for the past and —tl for the future follow the
stem of the verb :
we are going to kill thee, tlsldmastlsnu'qutl
we have killed thee, tleldmos'utlsnu'qutl
The transitive verb may be inflected by means of auxiliary verbs, in which case the
latter are treated like an intransitive verb, while the verbal stem retains the incorporated pronoun or is followed by the pronominal object,
I have killed thee, Ismsn tlsla'masfietl.
I have killed him (near me), Ismsn tlsld'mask'ika.
thou hast killed me, lAs^ms tlsld'mos gyd'qsn
1 The form for ' person near speaker' is here given; for ' near addressed person'
the ending is —uq instead of — ika; for absent, visible, —e; for absent, invisible,
—es or S'.
2 Also instead of the plvral form with —daoq with reduplication: tletlsld'ma-
sase/k'ikE.
8 Near person addressed: —uqutl; absent, —eutl.
4 The various forms corresponding to the locations of subject and object correspond
to those of the substantive possessive pronoun, <third person (see p. 108).
5 These forms have the same ending as that with the object in 3rd (via. 2nd) person
singular, but is reduplicated : tletlEldmassntsak'l'ka, tlStlsld'massn-vqvtl, and tletlE-
, Id'masEnuquak'l'ka.
e Or tletlsld'masas gyd'qsnuq.
7 Or, if it does not appear from the context that the object is plural.- tletlsldma-
sasek'l'ks. The forms of the subject, second person singular, object, third person
plural, and subject, second person plural, object, third person singular and plural are
identical; it must be decided from the context what is meant.
8 In this and the following form the verb must be reduplicated. 112
REPORT—1890.
Heiltsuk' Dialect.
to kill, Elqa (— stands for the singular, Elqa : = for the plural, aiElqa).
Object
Singular
1st person
2nd person
3rd person 2
1st person singular
	
— sdntla
— kyi/ntla
2nd    „
—ndgutla
—
— kyfitla
3rd    „          „'
—nd'guak'ka1
— sdk'ka
?
1st     „       plural incl.
—
—
— kyintlints
1st     „          „     excl.
= sdntUntk'
— kyintlintk'
2nd    „          „
= nd'gutla
—
= stlsSsk'ka3
3rd    „          „ |
= ndguak'ka
= sdk'ka
1
Plural
Object
1st person incl.
1st person excl.
2nd person
3rd person 2
1st person sing.
—
—
= sdntla
= %ymtla
2nd    „
—
—msntkutla
—
= kyutla
3rd     „       „'
—msntsk'ka
—msntkka
=sdk'ka
?
1st     „   plur. incl.
—
—
—
= kyintlints 1
1st     „      „   excl.
—
—
= sdntlintk'
= kyintlintk'
2nd    „      „
—
= msntkutla
—
?
3rd     „     „ \
= msntsk'ka
=msntkka
= sdk'ka
?
The characters of the tenses —aiate for the past and —tl for the future follow
the stem of the verb.
The principal differences between the inflexions of the transitive verbs in the two
dialects are found in the incorporation of the object first person in the verb in the!
Heiltsuk- dialect and the constant reduplication of the stem in the same dialect!
The latter evidently disappeared in the Kwakiutl dialect through the use of tha
plural —dooq.   Auxiliary verbs are used in the Heiltsuk- in the same way as in the
Kwakiutl.
Imperative.
Kwakiutl.
eat! (singular) hdma'p I
let us eat 1        hamh'l'tatssntst4
eat 1 (plural)    he'map I
Heiltsuk'.
ha'mssBS !5
haia'mssBSBnts I
hai a'ms jibs !
hamsEBsii'k'kh 1
Heiltsuk-: let him (near speaker) eat I
let him (near speaker, food near speaker) eat 1 hamsshse'k'ka I
let him (food, absent, visible) eat 1 homssase k'ek !
let him {absent, visible) eat I hamssase'le !
let him (absent, invisible) eat! hamssasele'ts.'
1 The third person location near speaker is given. The other forms are formed
from the corresponding endings: near person addressed, —ndguak-uq; absent, visibla
—ndguak'B; absent, invisible, —ndgualcets.
2 Near person addressed, —uqimtla; absent, visible, —emtla; absent, invisible,
—Stsintla.
3 Also = kyutla. aislqastlso'se he (absent, visible) will kill you. This form
appears rather doubtful.
4 Formed from another derivative of the stem ham, to eat, viz., hama'it- while
the others are derived from hdma'p.
s From ha'msa. ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES  OF CANADA.
113
Kwakiutl
Heiltsuk-
strike (singular)
strike (plural)
me!     mia'z'tas gyd'qsn
him!    miaVtask ika
(near speaker)
us!       mia'z'tas gyd'qsnuq
them' same as singular
kill (singular)
slqaassn'tla
mis'ltiada'oqelas
gyd'qsn
miaHtiada'oqelas- nslqaase'k'ika
k'ika &c.
slqams'ntUntk' laislqaBSE'ntlmtk'
— aiElqaase'k'iks \aiElqaase'k'ika .
kill (plural)
aiElqaass'ntla
aislqaase'k'ika
let me feed thee 1 hamgyllalossntlutl, K.
let me feed you I hamgylladaoqlasEnthltl, K.
let us feed thee! hamgyllald'ssndqutl, K.
let us strike him, them ! mla'itassntsak', K.
let us kill him ! slqaass'ntsk'e, H.
let us kill them ! ' aislqaass'ntsk'e, H.
An interrogative exists in both dialects, but it has not become quite clear to me:
dost thou eat 1 homsa'sa ? H.
does he (near pers. addr.) eat 1 hamsa'euqtsa ? H.
do you eat 1 haia'msss? H.
One of the most important characteristics of the verb is that, whenever it is
accompanied by an adverb, the latter is inflected, not the verb:
I do not eat, kyed'sndgua ha'msa, H.
he did not(l) say(2) so, kye'sika(l) ne'kyo(2), K.
In the case of transitive verbs the adverb takes the ending corresponding to the
intransitive verb, the verb retains the incorporated object. Thus the adverb
assumes the character of an auxiliary verb. In some cases the object is treated in
the same way:
we see (2) all (1) of them, dgya'msntk' (1) ddk'ola'k'ae (2), H.
FOEMATION OF WORDS.
Mr. Hall does not enter into this subject very fully, and the following notes
will, for this reason, be welcome. The analysis of words of the Kwakiutl language
is very easy. A great number of nouns occur in two separate forms, independent
and dependent. Whenever such a noun occurs in connection with another word it
is incorporated in the latter. So far as I am aware, only suffixes occur in Kwakiutl.
A number of these nouns signify classes, for instance tree, female. Locative suffixes
are found in very great numbers. Adjectives and verbs are also incorporated. I
give a list, arranged alphabetically:
about, here and
—uilila,1 K.
there
alonsr
always
among
arm, upper
tle'kuiUla, moving about.
Id'huilila, camping here and there.
—ntala, K. along round object: composed with—nuts, side
of—, Jfd'tswBtssntdla,] to walk along round
object,
along flat object: composed with —snq, edge
of—, k'd'tssnqsntdla,  to   walk along  flat
object.
—tl, K. amd'qulatl, always giving away blankets.
baqbaku'latl, always eating human flesh.
—aha, K. H.       nsq'ak'd'la, to  pull out of full box, K. (i.e.,
from among.
md'k'dk'a, to throw among, H.
—stupe, K. H.      dosndpe', upper arm, K. H.
tVetsw/pe!, skin of npper arm, K.
k'uh'utsid'pe, skin of upper arms, H.
1 The —la in this and several others is probably a verbal suffix.
I)  I
h6
■<%. 114
REPORT—1890.
-Ssta, K. H.
ikya, K. H.
beach
—is, K. H.
—lis, K. H.
body
—na, H.
bottom of
—qste, K.
breast
—qte, H.
—poe, K.
to call
—poa, H.
—qa, K.
in canoe
—qsa, K.
-qs, H.
capable of
—ts'ss, K.
—tss, H.
to take care
of
—qsila, K.
corner
—ne, K.
country, outside
house
—vs, —is, K. H
down
down river
ear
earth
edge
expert
to do something
with face
farthest
fire
foot
forehead
fragment
—lis, K.
—dlis, H.
—qa, K. H.
—tussla, K. H.
—atoe, K.
—atoa, H.
—gyilis, K. H.
—nqe, K. H.
—pis, K. H.
—ilk; K. H.
—qstoe, K.
—qstoa, H.
—smae, K.
—Erne, H.
k'd'tsestala, to walk all around, K.
tde'stala, to go all around, H.
dme'sta, rim.
awi'kya, back, K.
dsk'ame'kya, back, H. ( = round outside of back)!
mial'kyent, K., to strike back.
le'qois, wide beach, K.
ya'k'dis, driftwood on beach, H.
eigyispalis, sandspit on beach, K. (aika, good,
—is beach  [compound  Sigyis = ssaidi], —pa>-
point, —lis beach.).   Cf. country.
dkona', body, H.
tldqoana'la, sick all over body, H.
o'qste, bottom of a thing, K.
k'qa'qte, notch of arrow ( = notch in bottom), H.5j
opo'e, breast, K.
hd'k''0poe, breastbone, K.
ts'id'poa, breastbone, H.
QUd'qunaqan, I call a canoe's name, i.e., want |
to buy a canoe.
gua'qsala, to sit down in canoe (gua, to sit;|
—qsa, canoe; —la, verb).
laqsut, to load canoe Qa, to go; —qs, in canoe;
—ut, v.a.).
dd'qts'ss, seer (doq—to see).
k'd'watEsy with good power of hearing.
md'muqsila, taking care of salmon weirs.
gua'ne, to sit down in corner.
bsg'u's, man in woods, in country, K.
tldau's, to stand outside, H.
nii'nakuis, world, K.
hestalis, round the world (—esta, around; lisX
country), K.
iud'lis, land where always wind, H.   Cf. beach.i
la'qa, to go down, H.
k'd'tseqala, to go down, K.
latu'sela, to go down river in canoe, K.
ts'end'tola, ear is sick, K.
waksddstoa', both ears, H.
Id'gyilis, to land, K. H. (la, to go.)
amai'nqe, youngest child, K. (a/ma, small; —nqlm
edge = smallest.)
mdk'a'nqaut, to throw along, H.   (mdk'a,   to
throw; —nqe, edge; —ut, v.a.)
nd'k'pis, drunkard, K. H.
nd'k'ilk; drunkard, K. H.
ndk'i'lk'in, I drink often, K.
Hkasdqstog, with pretty eyes, K.
hd'baqstoa, eyelashes, H. (hop—hair.)
me'maatlsmae, two faces, K.
k'u'sme, skin of face, H.
—k'Em,ssm,K.B..d'ikyak'sma'it, to look up, K. (Mkya, above;
—k'sm,face; —a'it, verb suffix), see: outside
of round thing.
dikyokaua, farthest above, K.
hd'natlala, kettle on fire, K. H.
k''eqtlala, much fire, K.
k'od'k'oaasltsS, toes, H.
dqtiaksl'tse, heel, K.
aikya'oe, pretty ( = good forehead), K.
tldk'e'ioa, headring of cedar-bark, H.
Qud'kvnatsEs, fragment of canoe.
"^-k'aua, K.
—qtlala, K. H.
—sitse, K. H.
—a'oe, K.
—e'ioa, H.
—tSES, K, ON THE  NOBTH-WESTEBN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
115
to go to look for
—aiala, K.
group
—qssm, K.
hand
—tsd/na, K.
—sky ana, H.
head
—k'Sa, H.
head covering
—mtl, K. H.
hindpart
—qtlee, K. H.
in
—tsd, tsoa, K. H
instrument
—ayd, K. H.
interior of house
~^-Ztl, K. H.
interior of man
—is, K. H.
large
—tsd, K.
—kya'oe, H.
to make
—gyila, K.
—Ua, K. H.
motion
—nakula, K. H.
mouth
—aqste, K.
—qta'e, H.
inside of mouth
—etlqa'oe, K.
mouth of river
—siwau, K.
neck
—qa'oe, K.
—qd'oa, H.
noise
—kyala, K. H.
*
—aia, K. H.
nose
—itlpa, K. H.
on (roof, chair)
—latls (la), H.
on flat object
—tsue, K.
—tsoa, H.
on a long object
—hyena, K. H.
opposite
—kyut, K.
other side
—sut, K.
out of—
—dtltsoa, K. H.
outside of house
—aqse, H.
outside, in woods
mm K. H.
participle passive
—so, K. H.
penis
—sak'do, K.
. people
■enoq, K. H.
-itq, H.
—aia, K.
place of, house of   -
-as, K. H.
place where some
thing is regularly
done
—tsms, K.
place of, probably
hollow receptacle-
—atse, K. H
point                   •* -
pole
-pa, K. H.
-pik; K. H
to pretend
—batla, K.
purpose
to reaoh
—nv/ma, K.
—k-a, K. H.
real
refuse
—kyasd, K.
—milt, K.
—doa, H.
htl'natlaia'la, to go to buy a gun.
gyc'qssm, a group of chiefs.
k'smqd'tltswna, left hand.
k'dqskyana, hand cut off.
tVd'k'k'Ba, bareheaded.
yiqu'mtla mask ( = dancing head covering).
doqtle'e, stern of canoe, K.
wala'qtlek's, youngest daughter, H. (—ks, fern )
Id'tsoa, to enter, H. (la, to go.)
ts'eatsdla, headache, K. (=inside sick.)
si'wayd, paddle, K. '
qtd'yd, knife, H.
goa'itl, to sit in house, K. H.
se'Uis, snake in man, K.
gydktse, large house, K.
t'S'ssmkyd'oe, large stone, H. (see: real)
hd'mggila, to feed.
hd'iatlila, to mend, K.
k-e'inakula, to go straight ahead, H.
hd'paqste, beard, K.
h&pqta'e, beard, H.
wapetlqd'oe, saliva (water inside mouth), K.
(see neck.)
tliQsl'wae, mouth of river with clover roots.
dqa'oe, K., neck.
tl'ak'qa'oa, H., neckring of cedar-bark.
k-'dmasluakyala, H., white man's language.
bgua'la, K. H., to speak (man) ( = man's noise).
k'kya'la, K. H., to speak (female) ( = woman's
noise).
a'lk'itlpa, H., to bleed from nose.
gua'latlsla, to sit on chair.
k'd'tSBltsue, to walk on a plank.
to'tsoa, to walk on a plank,
gud'kyena, to sit on a long object.
nsqlsyvlta, opposite a rocky place (—a, rock).
hoe'sut, far away on other side.
ta'dtltsoa, H., to jump out of.
gua'qse, H., to sit outside the house.
• d'api'h, K., to flood ground.
hd/inakyalasd, K., the hated one.. *
mdqsak'd'o, K., with tied penis (a name occurring in a tradition).
tlask''e'noq, K., people of the ocean.
md'q'enoq, K., killer whale ( = secretly pursuing
people).
ha'lq'enoq, H., killer whale ( = murderer).
K'dk'di'tq, H., people of K-6'k-a.
Tla'tlasik'oa'la, K., people of the ocean.
gy'd'lotas, K., porpoise place.
k'Ui'lastEms, K., feasting place.
mskda'tse, H., mortar.
ai'Tmpa, K., sharp = good pointed.
mo'qvik; K., heraldic column ( = pole to which
[blankets] are tied).
me'qabfdla, to pretend to sleep.   ^-3^
k''dk'otld'numa, to come to learn.
Id'k'a, K., to go past.
bEgua'wumkyasd, a real man.
hd'mut, rest of food.
hdmasd'oa, rest of food. 116
REPORT—1890.
relationship
side of round thing
small
smell
stone
superlative
surface of water
taste
through
time of—-
tooth
top •
top of box, bucket,
&c.
tree
under
upward
—mp, H. K.
—nutl, K.
—pitu, plur.
—msne'q,
-de, H.
—p'ala, K. H.
-a, K. H.
—k'ame, K. H.
~tfr, K. H.
—p'a, K. H.
—qsl'oa, H.
-snq, K. H.
—ne, K.
—asia, H.
—qto'e, K.
kyae, K. H.
mis, K,
a'poa, K. H.
ustd (la), K.
sustewa, H.
ait, K. H.
—it, K. H.
—la, K. H.
verbum activum     — t, K. H.
—ut, K. H.
*—eqst, K. H.
—sto, K. H.
—is, K. H.
verbal suffixes
to want
water'
in water
woman
-ha, —has, K.
-aqsEm, —ks, H
au'mp, H., father.
d'nutlEme, cheek = side of face.
. gydkpitu, pi. gydkmEne'q, small house.
gfik'de, small house.
ua'qp'ala, smell of smoke.
gua'la, H., to sit on stone.
ndlok'Emae, nd'lohame, K., the greatest fool.
gyilo'tle, to steal on water, to go stealing in
canoe, K.
aikap'a, sweet = good taste.
laqsl'oa, to go through—
tils'nq, H., time of potlatch.
haqae,   having   lost one   tooth   ( = notch   in
teeth).
tldqoaasia, toothache.
gua'qtoa, to sit on top of a thing.
we'kyae, H., not quite full (we, negation).
bd'aqumis, maple ( = leaf tree).
tod'mit, H., to walk under.
tl'spustd'la, to climb a mountain. •
d'dqsuste'wa, to look up.
tl'dpait, H., it is ebb tide.'
nu'h'it, K., to drink.
tldhoa'la, H., to be sick.
td'humt, H., to cover face with blanket.
la'qsut, H., to load canoe.
9id'h'eqst, K., thirsty.
tu'qsti, H., to jump into water.
vnwvmq'd'pois, H., bottom of sea (~nqe, edge :|
—apoa, under; —is, in water).
tldle'has, niece.
d'taha, pet daughter.
Bl'bilqulaqssm, Bilqula woman (stem reduplii
cated).
msnii'yahs, sister.
NOOTKA.
The following notes have been derived from material collected in 1888 in
Victoria from two Tlao'kath, from other material collected 1889 in Alberni, prinl
cipally from a half-blood Indian named Wa'te. Bishop N. J. Lemmens, of Victoria!
B.C., had the great kindness to give me the pronouns and the inflection of the verbf
in the Tlao'kath dialect. A number of suffixes were obtained from a manuscript of
the Rev. Father Brabant, who is said to be thoroughly conversant with the language.!
The dialect treated here is the Ts'icia'ath, which differs somewhat from the northerjM
dialects.   Incidentally, remarks on the Tlao'kath are given.
Phonetics.
Vowels:
Consonants:
i,   e,   e,   i,   o,   o,   u.
?;  w;   m;  ky;  k;  k-,   q;   q;   y, H;   t, n;   s,  ts
(c, tc);   tl;   h.
* and ts partake of the character of o and to, as. in Kwakiutl, and it is doubtfull
whether they can be considered separate sounds. All consonants occur as initiS
sounds. No combination of consonants occur in the beginning of words. Thej
following terminal combinations were observed:
kh k-s
tk-
th
mts 6N the north-Western tribes of canada.
The terminal m and n are sonant and somewhat lengthened.   In this dialect
takes generally the place of q of the northern dialects.
Grammatical Notes.
THE NOUN AND THE ADJECTIVE.
The noun has a singular and plural.   The latter is formed by the suffix —msna.
In a few cases it is formed by reduplication, epenthesis, or diaeresis,
fire, i'nik; pi. I't'inik and Vnikmsna.
house, mahte; pi. mama'hte.
■ village, ma'utl; pi. ma'mautl.
common man, mo'stcvm; pi. maid'stcima.
child, ta'na ; pi. ta'tneis (—is, diminutive),
canoe, tcd'pats; pi. tceyu'pats and tcdpatbtitr.na.
man, Ms; pi. kd'os.
man, tes'kvp; pi. tca'kupea.
island, tcd'ok; pi. tcd'tcdk.
■ woman, tld'tsma; pi. tldtsama.
chief, tcd'mata; pi. tc'atca'mata.
I am not quite certain whether this is really a plural or whether it is rather a
distributive. In a number of cases I found the singular form applied where we should
expect the plural; p.e., all the men, tcdo'tc tcE'kup. My impression is that -msna
is a real plural, while the amplified stem is actually a distributive. The exceptions
given above may be explained by assuming that the distributive is used instead
of the plural. This opinion is supported by the fact that any noun when it is clearly
distributive has a form corresponding to the exceptions given above; This becomes
clear in compounds of parts of the body that are double. We find, for instance, in
compounds with -nuk, hand :
bones of hands, haha'mutnu7iu'm;
flesh of hands, ts'ishtsesnuku'm ;
second fingers, tete'itsnnku'm;
skin of hand, tutu'hoahnuku'm;
strong-handed, na'cndknuk
from ha'mut, bone.
„    ts'i'shmis, flesh.
„    ta'ia, elder brother.
„    tu'hoah, skin.
na'ouk, strong.
The plural of adjectives with the verbum substantivum is formed in the same
;way
sick, te'itl;                                      pi.
tate'itl.
long, id'h;                                       „
id
'iah.
large, Ih;                                        „
n
h.
See p. 119, Inflection of the Verb.)
NUMERALS.
Cardinal Numbers.
1 nup.    1 man, ts'o'wak.             9 ts'o'wakutl.
100 sutc'e'k-.
2 a'tla.                                         10 hai'u.
120 no'p'ok-.
3 k-a'tstsa.                                 11 hai'u ic ts'o'wak.
140 a'tlpok-.
4 mo.                                            20 tsa'k-eits.
160 a'tlakutlek-.
5 su'tca.                                       30 tsa'k-eits ic hai'u.
180 ts'O'wakutle'k
6 nO'po.                                        10 atle'k-.
200 hai'uk-i
7 a'tlpo.                                       60 k-atstse'k-.
1000 sutc'ek-pEtuk
8 a'tlakutl.                                  80 moye'k-.
The system of numerals is quinary vigesimal. Eight and nine are respectively
two and one less than ten.
The numerals take suffixes which denote the objects counted. Besides the class
suffixes for round, long, flat objects, days, fathoms, the numerals may take any of the
noun and verbal suffixes (see p. 124). The numerals are all derived from the same
stems, the sole exception being one, ts'o'wak, which is applied to men only. It is a
curious fact that in counting objects other than men derivatives of ts'o'wak are used
for nine and twenty.
\
.f.B
¥
*
I 118
REPORT—1890,
—
One
Two
round thing; animate
nu'pk-amitl
a'tlak-amitl
long
nu'pts'ak-
a'tlats'ak-
flat
	
—
day
nn'ptcitl
a'tlatictl
fathom
nu'pietl
a'tlietl
span
nu'pit
a'tlpitanoutl
group of objects
\
nu'ptak-ak-
nupta'k-amitl
—
basket, bag
nuphtak
a'tlahtak
round thing in canoe
nupk-a'mias
atlak-a'mias
round thing on beach
nupk-a'miis
atlak-a'miis
&c.
the first, u'wi.
the second, o'pitcas.
Ordinal Numbers.
the third, o'hsnutl.
the last, oa'k-tle.
Numeral Adverbs.
once, nu'pit. twice, d'tlpit. three times, ha'tstsapit.
Distributive Numbers.
one to each, tsatsa'wak, nunu'p. four to each, mo'md.
two to each, dd'tla.
three to each, haka'tstsa.
five to each, susutc'a'..
six to each, nunupo.
Distributive numerals are also formed from compound numerals:
one long thing to each, nu'nuptsa'k:
I, se'ya.
thou, sd'ua.
he (ots).
we, ne'wa.
you, si'wa.
they (ots).
THE  PRONOUN.
Personal Pronoun.
Kayokatq dialect.
me, se'tc'itl.
thee, sd'titl.
us, ne'hditl.
to you, se'haitl.
we, nd'wa.
its, nd'haitl.
(seenthefvlrrrpS119Vd ^^ perSOnal Pronoun derive<l from the article pronoun]
7W,v'W^ •       I you^me'tsd. thej,ane'atl.
icetcvmisvma one tsd mdtema'sis, make yourselves ready, you tribes.
Possessive Pronoun.
it is mine, seid'sa.
it is thine, sdud'seits.
it is his, o'tsmd.
my, -is. our, -hine.
thy, -«• your, -ithsd.
it is ours, nemd'sEti.
it is yours, sSwasB'itsd.
it is theirs, dtsmd'atl.
his, -ye. their, -yeetl.
his (absent), •%.   their (absent), ml.
an/seoZlSA?6 ^ ^'S5' fomin^the term>is omitte* & ^e first
anu secona persons ot the possessive pronoun:
§Mml0Mi th? f^r, nd'we.
my father, no'ms. Us father! ndwe'hsdye.
Demonstrative Pronoun.
fP? Ife i (Ae'is, Tlaokath).
that. a^Aa; (3,^       |     | ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
119
The stem hit- is composed with suffixes denoting locality to form demonstrative
pronouns, which are very numerous:
hitapois, that one underneath on beach.
hitahs, that one in canoe.
hititl, that one in house.   &c.
THE  VERB.
Indicative.
—
Present
Imperfect
Perfect
1st person singular
2nd     „
3rd     „
1st      „    plural
2nd    „
3rd      „         |
Jta-u'kwah
ha-ukoe'its
ha-u'k/ma
ha-ukwi'ne
lia-nkoe'itso
ha-u'kmdtl
ha-ukitah
ha-nldteits
ha-uhitma
ha-ukiti'ne
ha-ukite'itsd
ha-ukitdtl
ha-uks'tlah
ha-ukEtle'its
&c.
—                  Plusquam Perfectum i            Future
Futurum Exactum
1st person singular         ha-ukEtHtah
2nd    „
3rd     „
1st      „     plural                      &c.
2nd     „
3rd      „
ha-uka'k'tlah
&c.
ha-uka'htHtah
&c.
There are four principal tenses,, from which the others are derived: Present,
Imperfect, Perfect, Future. The first is derived from the stem; the second has the
character -it; the third, -stl; the fourth, ahtl.
In the plural forms the stem of the verb may be amplified by reduplication,
diaeresis, or epenthesis, as the case may be.
Present.
1st person plural, hdukwine   and.  hdwakamine.
2nd    „ ,,     ha-ukoe'itsd „     hdwakame'itsd.
3rd  . „       ' „     Jia-u'hndtl   „     hawa'kamaatl and hawa'kama.
Or, from tt'itl, sick:
1st person plural, te'UUne   and   tateitli'ne.
Other plurals of verbs are:
not to know, hayi'mhe; pi. hd'hayimhe.
to sleep, wa'-itc;
awake, tlu'pka;
to sneeze, td'p'itscitl;
hd'itc.
„ tld'yupka.
„ tdtdp'itscitl.
When the stem of the verb ends with a vowel, m is inserted between stem and
ending.   It may also be used after the character of the perfect -stl.
not to see, tcd'tne.
I do not see, tca'tnemdh.
we eat, lulwakami'ne.
I have eaten, lia-uks'tlah and 1ia-nkE'thiah.
When the stem of the verb ends in p the latter is transformed into. m when
followed by a vowel, except in the case of the perfect:
to know, kd'metap.     I know, kdmetamd'h.      I have known, kdmetajrstld'h.
The perfect is used frequently where we should expect the present tense. The
imperfect is used in describing past events. The meaning of the other tenses needs
no explanation. .
a -:aea 120
REPORT—1890.
Conditional.
The following forms were obtained from the Rev. Father Nicolai, the missionary
stationed at Alberni:
I should have
known.
kdmetapahitah.
&c.
I should have known, or
I intended to know.
kdrnetapaqatll'tah.
&c.
I should know.
1st person singular : kS/mMapd'sak.
2nd    „ „ Jidmetapdse'its.
3rd     „ „ kdmetapdsma,
or kdmetapdsa.
1st      „     plural     kdmetaposine.   &c.
I have obtained none of these forms, but another instead; the form was obtained-
in the following sentence:
if I had been well I should have left, wekcaM1 mithds wahd'kitlithes
(wahd'k, to leave).
By varying this sentence I obtained the following forms:
I should have gone, wahd'kitlithes.
thou wouldst have gone, wahd'kitlitsuk.
he would have gone, wahd'kitlitka.
we should have gone, wahd'Mtlitkine.
you would have gone, wahd'kitlitasuk.
they would have gone, wahdkitlkaatl.
The terminations of this form resemble those of the conditional in the Tlao'kath
dialect, which will be found further below.
Suppositional.
to kill, k'a'qsap.
if I should kill.    &c.
—                   Present
Past ..
t, ,                     Futurum Ex-
Future                      actum
1st pers. sing,    haqsaphd's
2nd   „      ,,       haqsaphd'k
3rd   „      „       haqsapho'
1st    ,,   plur.    haqsaphu'ne
2nd   „      „       haqsaphd'sd
3rd   „      „        haqsapho'atl
haqsamithd's
&c.
hagsapahtlhd's
&c.
haqsapahtlithd'M
&c.
The suppositional is also used as optative.   It seems that in this case it takes a
terminal -c.
I wish I could eat = if I could eat, lia-u'khdc.
I wish thou couldst eat, ha-u'khdkc.   &c.
The same terminal c was found in a number of cases:
if he had been well I should have gone, wekcahd'mithdc wokd kitlhes.
Imperative.
The imperative has a great variety of forms, and I was unable to classify them in
any satisfactory way. According to Bishop Lemmens, the subjunctive and imperative are distinguished in the Tlao'kath dialect, and similar forms may occur in the
Ts'icia'ath.
The most frequent forms are on -i in the second person singular and ~itc in the
second person plural.
eat! (singular) lia'-uhvi.
eat! (plural) lia'-ukmntc.
go away ! he'itee; from he'i
drink ! (singular) nahcii'.
drink ! (plural) nahciitc.
come here ! tcu koa. ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
Relative.
The use of the relative form will become clear from the following example
I say (1) so (2), who I am (3) shaman (4).
wamah (1) ted (2) yahhds(Byucta'hyu(i).
1st person singular, yahhds.
2nd    „ „       yahhe'iJi.
3rd     „ „       yahhe'i.
Past, yahithas.
1st person plural, ydhhine.
2nd    „ „      ydhhe'sd.
3rd     „ „      ydk'k'e'itatl.
Future, yahahtlhas or yaha'htld.
There are other variations of this form:
what a shaman (2) I am (1) 1 hoaye's (1) ucta'hyfi (2)!
which is inflected in the same way.
I believe the following form must be classed here also:
I know (1) that thou art (2) a shaman (3), kama'tamah(l)ane'k (2) mta'hyu.
This form is inflected as follows:
1st person singular, one's.
2nd     „ „       ane'k.
3rd     „ „       and'.
1st person plural, cuni'ne.
2nd     „ „     ane'sd.
3rd     „ „     ane'tatl.
The personal pronoun mentioned on p. 118 is evidently derived from the same stem.
Interrogative.
sick, te'itl
1st person singular, te'itlhas.
2nd    „ „        te'itlhak.
3rd     ,, „        te'itlha.
1st person plural, te'itlhene.
2nd     „ ,,      te'itlliasd.
3rd     ,, „      te'itlhaatl.
1st person singular, hisciata'h.
2nd     „ ,,       hiseiate'its
3rd     „ „       hi'sciatma.
Passive.
to shake, hi'scitl.
Present.
1st person plural, hisciati'ne.
2nd     „ „      hisciate'itsd.
3rd     „ „     hisciatmaa'tl.
Imperfect :    Jdscianitah.
Perfect: hisoistlatah.
Future..:. hisdtlahlatah.
Fut. exact.:    hiscitlahtlanitah.
Conditional:   hisciatosah (according to Rev. Father Verbeck)
Subjunctive: hisciatlis    ( „ „ » )
The Verb of the Tlao'kath Dialect accordvng to Bishop J. N. Lemmens.
Indicative.
to kill, k'a'qsap.
—
Present
Imperfect
-
Perfect
 ■
1st per. sing.
haqsaps or haqsapsic
haqsamits or haqsapimts
haqsapatls or
haqsapatlsicl
2nd   „       „
haqsapitsk
haqsamititskorhaqsapintitsk
3rd   „       ,.
haqsapic
haqsapintie
1st   „    plur.
haqsapnic
haqsaminic
2nd  „       „
haqsapitsdc
haqsapintitsoc
3rd   „      „
haqsap(aka)ic
haqsapintie
i
A 122
REPORT—1890.
2nd Perfect.     IPlusquamperfectuml
Future.
1st per.
2nd „
3rd „
1st „
2nd „
3rd   „
plur
haqsapdmits        haqsapatlints haqsapahtls
haqsapd'mititsk\ haqsapatlimtitsk haqsapak'tUtsk
haqsapdmitic      haqsapatlintic haqsapahtlic
k'aqssap&'minic   haqsapathninic haqsap'ahtlnic
haqsapamititsdc\ haqsapamiUtsdc haqsapahtlitsdc
haqsapdmitic      haqsapamitic haqsapahtlic
Futurum exactum
haqsapahtlints
&c.
Conditional.
1st Conditional 2nd Conditional
1st person singular, haqsaptsvmits haqsapeqatlints or haqsape qamits
2nd person singular, haqsaptsimeitsk &c.
&c.
Suppositional
is identical with that of the Ts'icia'ath dialect.
Subjunctive.
let me kill, haqsapd'qs let us kill,       haqsap'd'ne
thou mayest kill, k-aqsapd'ets
he may kill, haqsapd'at
you may Mil,  haqsapd''atsd
they may kill, haqsapd'at
Imperative.
2nd person singular, ha'qsape or haqsapetle'
2nd person plural,    haqsapic or haqsapatlio
Relative.
—
Present
Past
Conditional
1st per. sing.
yahis ■
yahemd'tis
yahdsis
2nd „      „
yahik
yahemo'tih
yahdsik
3rd   „      „
yahei
yahSmd'te or yahemd'titk
yahd'sS or yahdsitek
1st   „   plur.
yahime
yahemd'tkine
yahdsine or yahoseoine
2nd „      „
yahesd
yahemd'titksd
yak'dsesd
3rd   „
yahei
yahemdfte
yahd'se
Interrogative.
dirty, tsicgal.
wawa, to say.
—
Present
Past
Past
1st person singular
tsicgalhas
tsicgalinths
rvawaimithas
2nd     ,
»>
tsicgalk
tsicgalintk
mawaimitk
3rd     ,
»
tsiogalh
tsicgaUnth
<fec.
1st
plural
tsicgalhinc
tsiogalinthine
2nd    ,
0
tsiogalh so
tsicgalinthso
3rd     ,
t,
tsicgalh
tsicgaUnth
Passive.
to strike, hiscitl.
1 st person singular
2nd
3rd
plural
Present
Past
Future
hisciats
hisciatitsk
hisciatic
hisciatenic
hisoiatitsoc
hisciatic
hiscia/nits
hiscianititsk
hiscr'anitic or hisciatmiaiio
hiscianitenic
Mscianititsdc
hisoianitio
hiscitlahtlatslc
hiscitlahtlatcitfk
&c.
M ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES
CANADA.
Futurum exactum:
1st Conditional :
2nd Conditional    :
hisoitlak'tlanits
MscitUsimatsic •
hiscitlatahintx
Subjunctive Passive.
let me be struck ( = strike me), hisciis
thou mayest be struck, hiscie'itsk
he may be struck, hiscie'it
let us be struck, \     hiscie'ne
you may be struck,  hiscie'itsd
they may be struck, hiscie'it
Infinitive.
Active : to strike, hiscitl
Passive: to be struck, hisciat
Participle.
one killing
haqsape'
one having killed, haqsaptskme
one being killed, haqsapati
one about to kill, haqsapnahei
Bishop Lemmens does not give any detailed information on the transitive verb
incorporating the pronominal object. I found the following forms in the
Ts'icia'ath dialect. The terminations are suffixed to the verb with its various
temporal characters.   In order to simplify matters I give only the terminations:
Subject.
Singular
Plural
Object
1st Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
1st Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
1st person singular
—e'itsEs
—ata
	
—atso (?)
—atahatl
2nd    „           „
—ah so'bitl
—
—ate'its
—ine so'titl
—
—ate'itsatl
3rd    „           „
—a
—e'its
—ats'ma
—me
—gitso
—arnaatl
1st    „      plural
—
—e'its neTietl
—atiuE
—
—e'itso ne hetl
—atineatl
2nd   „          „
—ahse'haitl
—
—ate'etso
—ine se'haitl
—
—ate'etsoatl
.3rd    „
—atl
—iVitsatl
—atmiaa'tl
—ineatl
—e'itsoatl
—atEmaatl
Imperative.
Subject.
Object
2nd person singular                  2nd person plural
1st person, singular
3rd     „          „
1st     „     plural
3rd     „
—is
—i
—ine
—iatl
—itces
—itc
—itcine
—itc'atl
Note.—Whenever the verb is accompanied by an adverb the latter may, and in
the majority of cases does, take the verbal inflections.
I do not(l) sing (2), we'kah nontfh.
The looseness of the composition of the verb and its modal and temporal characters and personal termmations is clearly brought into view by this fact. The verb
sometimes retains its temporal character, while the adverb takes both temporal
character and personal ending.
If I had been well I should have gone, uyetlitah wekcaha'mithds woha'k'atl.
Hyetlitah, I should have been some time (from uye, some time).
wekcaha', to be well.    Suppositional past, 1st person singular, wekcalwlmithds.
woha'k'atl, having gone, from woha'k to go, to leave.
Derivatives.
Quotative:     —wo-i'n, Tlao'kath: wa-i'c
it is said he is sick, teithvo-i'n (Ts'icia'ath)
teitbva-i'o (Tlao'kath)
..-ii
I
M
m
wmmm 124
REPORT—1890.
Desiderative:—maaiqtl— he wishes to eat, ha-ukmaai'qtlma
—men— I am thirsty, naheme'ha, from to drink, nah-
Durative :      —eik— I eat always, hawe'ikah
Inchoative:    —utl— I begin to sleep, wmtoutlah
Frequentative is formed by reduplication.
to yawn, hacyehcitl, to yawn often, liahd'oyiha
For others see under Formation of Words.
The remarks made
also. As the similarit
in this respect I give
to acquire
along, long
among
back
beach
belly
—inak'5
belonging to
—iets
breast
—asho(tl)
to cause, to make
out of canoe
—btUa
in canoe
—ahs
dance
—inek
daughter of
—is
down
—atd
dry
—net
ear
—imtl
expert
—nuk
eye
—su(tl)
face
-u(tV)
to fetch, to get
—itl
foot
-qte
full (solid objects)
—tsd
to go to
—as
hand
—nuk
hanging
—pe
head, point
—he
hind part
—ahtle
inside
—tsd
into, inside
—tseitl
inside of house
—itl
inside of mouth
—tsuha
inside of man (male)—ahtl
inside of woman
—suqtl
instrument
—yeh
liquid
—sit
looking like
—kuk' (with
duplication)
made of
—tin
just made, new
—hah
man, people
—ath
middle
■—winis
mouth
—ksu(tl)
neck
—ini(tl)
FORMATION OF WORDS.
on the formation of words in Kwakiutl hold good in Nootka
y of structure of the two languages is brought out very clearly
i list for the purpose of comparison :
■ha tlu'toha, marriage = buying a woman.
■anutl hind'nutl, along, up river.
plts&'nutl, cedar-bark rope.
■eksta dhmS'ksta, among certain people.
jir a'ppe, back.
id'kpe, sore back. '
■is k'a'nis, to camp on beach.
hitlasB'is, sandy beach.
nacsink'S', strong belly.
nSMets, orphan, belonging to nobody.
i&'MiShotl, sore breast.
tcd'uphashom, breastbone.
-op ha'hsap, to kill.
e'qsap, to make one cry.
tibtod'tlta, landing a woman.
tifxltutkiitrk, thunder-bird dance.
Tokwitis, daughter of Tokwit.
nate'd'atd, to look down.
tlossuot, dry herring.
id id a'm it I, long-eared.
kuonuk, smoker.
iaViaksutl, sore-eyed.
- hi'tlutl, face
Aohd'ma, mask = hollow thing used for face.
hd'-umitl, to fetch food.
tstc'iqtim. big toe, = elder brpther of feet.
ha-u'mtsd, containing food.
h ti-ud's, to go to eat.
idkid'ksnuk, sore hands.
hay&'pe, ten hanging ones.
a'she, bald-headed.
Mta'htle, hind part.
a'htsS, large bag.
iatstse'itl, to enter = to walk into.
te'kuitl, to sit down on floor.
id'&tsuha, sore inside of mouth.
ta'ahtl, splinter in flesh.
dhsugtl, woman, being happy.
tla'tc'yeh, chisel.
teamd'ssit, sweet liquid (molasses).
sl'sitskuk, rice = similar to maggots.
Wahkuk, it looks large.
• iniksetm, made of wood.
tld'mahah, new canoe.
o'ath, people of a certain place.
- ma'ptoqsath, warrior.
to'minis, to erect vertically in centre.   .
id'kuksutl, with sore mouth.
ia'hmitl, with sore neck. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
12^
nose, point
-rahta
not seen
—toe
to obtain
—yep
obtained
—ukt
on a long thing
—k'uanss,
on round thing
—hoas
one another
—statl
out of
—husta(s)
outside  of round
—im(tl)
thing
outside of house,
—-as
in woods
to take part in
—akste
tSo partake of some
—Sis
thing
people     of    one
—utskui
family
place where some
—utl
thing   is   done
regularly
place of
—nit
to play with
—snadtl
to pretend
—te'itla
to possess
—nak
quality of
—mis
receptacle
—ssis
relationship
—ehsd
road
—tcik
season
—eito
season when some
—patl
thing is done
to separate
—atO
side
—pa
side
—dk
side of body
—as
small
—is
smell
—puhs
son of
—mit
sound of
—atuk
stone
—a
surface of water
—teict
drifting on water
. —m all it r
—matte, Tlaokx
ith
taste
—p'atl
thing
—trip
through
—sue
time when some
—ikk'd
thing will happen
time, when some
—uith
thing happened
top, end, ahead
—pS
towards
—tsaqtik
tree, wood
—mapt
underneath
—dpoa
useless, fragment,
—tskui
&c.
a'nehteis, with short nose.
hopaa'hta, with round point..
Sd'anitotce, Sanitch, a country one has never
seen.
iiqyep, to find.
nuc'u'kt, obtained at potlatch.
fe'Jt'uanss, to sit on long thing.
t'e'hoas, to sit on round thing.
tsu'hstatl, to strike one another.
iatskustas, to walk out of.
hl'tlimtl, outside of round thing.
tla'as, outside.
t'e'as, to sit in woods on ground.-
tsea'kste, to take part in a conversation,
tld'mahs'eis, to drink warm water.
hd'-uiahutskui, chief families.
hamd'utl, table = eating place.
matlnit, place of coldness.
hinemiasnaatl, to   play with HinemiH (a
mask).
wdUcte'itla, to pretend to sleep.
tlutonak, to have a wife, to be married.
tcimiqtu'kmis, avarice.
kwcists, pipe=tobacco receptacle.
nuwe'hsd, father.
■uehHatcik, close in shore (from ue'hMs, bush).
tlop'e'ite, summer=warm season,
k'ohpatl, hunting season.
maikato, to sell = to separate by trading.
hat spit, left side.
Hiniatd'ak, paddle steamer=wheels on sides.
pape'nakwm, ear ornament; pan ornament,
-ak side, -um used for.
hatsd'as, left side.
atnd'h'is, small.
tca'maspuhs, sweet smell.
A'tuemit, son of Atuc.
hoa'tsa'tlatuk, nice sound.
t'ed'a, to sit on a stone.
hi'nateiet, surface of water.
md'matin?, European = house adrift on water.
md'matle, European.
tca'masp'atl, sweet taste.
ehtup, whale = big thing.
ti'tltup, devilfish =» bait thing.
'tu'qsue, to jump through.
mdtlu'kuikho, when it will be high water.
■mdtluhiith, when it was high water.
Dpi1, ahead of.
ind'peas, house on top of hill (-as, outside,
country).
aptsaqtuk yH'.S, fair wind.
fcatmapt, oak=hard wood.
hitu'poas, underneath in woods-.
ta'qtshui, saliva=useless water.
ki'tltskui, fragment. 126
REPORT—1890.
to become useless
—kuitoitl
to make useless
—kuiap
usitative
—Sik
voice
—(h)e'iutl
woman
—ahsup
vnikkuitcitl, to be burnt.
inikhuiap, to burn.
hawi'k, always eating.
piohe'iutl, bad, croaking voice.
Helieskwia'hsup, Heskwiath woman.
COMPARISON BETWEEN  THE  KWAKIUTL AND NOOTKA  LANGUAGES.
From what has been said regarding the formation of words in these languages it
is clear that a mere comparison of words cannot bring out the similarity or dissimilarity between the two languages. Their similarity is most clearly brought out in
comparing the methods of formation of words.
1. In both languages only suffixes are used for forming words. Among these the
following are found to have similar phonetic elements :
Kwakiutl
Nootka
in boat
— aqs(a)
—alis.
out of boat
—oltla
—otlta.
beach
—is
—is.
having
—nak
—nuk.
inside of house
—itl
—itl.
head, top
—hea
—hi.
point, end
—pe
—pe.
people
—itq, -Snoq
—ath.
stone
—a
i—°"
underneath
—apoa
—d'poa.
receptacle
—atsS
—sets.
round things
—ham
—ham.
long things
—ts'ah
—ts'ah.
female
—ahsup
—ahssm, -ahs, -has
drifting on surface
—tie
—matl/ne, -matlS.
to partake of
—es
—Sis
through
—sloa
—suS.
hind part
—ahtls
—ahtlS,
inside
—tsoa
—tso.
rim
—Ssta
—Its.
smell
—p'a'la
—puhs.
taste
—p'a
-rp'atl
upward
—usta
—kusta
liquid
—sta
—sit
outside of house
—as, -ils
—°*
side of
—us
—as
In Nootka these suffixes may be made independent words by being appended to-1
the stems o-, a certain (definite), dc- some (indefinite), hit- and Mil-, that; op-, prob-f
ably side. In Kwakiutl the suffixes may be made independent nouns by beingl
affixed to d-, ok-, ds-, hi-, awl-, the separate meanings of which have not become clear
to me. They are, however, used in exactly the same way as the corresponding stems!
in Nootka. •
2. The following words, other than pronouns, are alike :
Kwakiutl
Nootka
hair
hap-
hap-
to fly
matc(la)
nut'mate (reduplicated) bird.
chief
he'was, he'mas
hau'ia.
ear
p'ssp'e'yd
p'a'p's.
eye
ha'yahs
ha'se.
star
t'd't'da
tafu's.
wind
yu-
yu'S.
moon
nd'si
sim, n&s.
earth
tsqams
ts'ak'u'mts.
salt
tsmp
td(p).
stone ■
nVkye ,
nii'ksi, mu'ksi.
to drink
nah-
nak'.    •
to eat
. ham-
ha-vw- ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
snow
root
wedge
mother
hollow opening
not
to jump
one
two
four
five
seven
times
Kwakiutl
kui'sa
tld'paka
tla'nut
abd'k
ah
(w)i, (h% (kayi
tuq—
nsm
mdtl
mu
sky'a
atlilu'
—psnait, H.
—p'ana, K.
Nootka
kol's.
tld'p'atc.
tld'nut.
amakd' (Nitinath).
ah.
(w)i, (h)l.
tuq-
nup.
dtla.
mo.
su'tca.
a'tlpo.
—pit.
While many of these may be loan-words, it is highly improbable that any of the
suffixes should be borrowed.
3. Pronouns :
Kwakiutl
I, no'gua
thou, stem: so
we, nd'guants.
Nootka
se'ya.
sd'wa.
ne'wa.
nd'wa, Kayo'kath.
I,
thou,
we,
yon,
Personal suffixes of verb, indicative.
Kwakiutl Nootka
—ndgua, H. —in, K. —s(ic), Tl. —ah Ts.
-so, H. —ss, K.
-sn(ts) —xn(u-q).
-itsd, H.
—itsk, Tl. —Sits, Ts.
—nic, Tl. —ine, Ts.
—itsoc, Tl. —Sitsd, Ts,
4. The formation of the collective form of nouns, of plural of verbs, the inflection of adverbs accompanying verbs instead of the verb is the same in these two
languages and in the Salish. (The exclusive use of suffixes is not found in the
latter.) The peculiar use of the negation in compounding words is also common to
the two languages.
5. The phonetics are probably the same; the few instances in which a word begins
■; with several consonants in Kwakiutl seem all to be due to an elimination of vowels,
and these words are found in very rare instances only in the southern dialect.
The similarity of structure of the two languages is far-reaching. The words
which may be referred to the same root are so numerous, considering the small
amount of available material, that the conclusion seems justified that both have
sprung from the same stock.
THE   SALISH LANGUAGES  OF BRITISH  COLUMBIA.
As at least one Salish language, the Salish proper, is comparatively well known,
through the efforts of the Jesuit missionaries,1 I confine myself to a few brief remarks on the languages belonging to this stock. I select the Bilqula, SnanaimuQ,
Shushwap, Stla'tlumH, Okana'k-en, as representing the principal types of the great
number of dialects.
Bilqula.
The plural of nouns is formed in various ways:
1. Singular and plural have the same form: beaver, kdlo'n.
deer, sapanl'tl.
stone, tqt.
woman, sing, anac, pi. ana'cuks.
man, sing, tl'u'msta, pi. tl'wmsta'ta.
2. The plural is formed by the suffix —uks:
3. „ „ .. —ta:
4.
reduplication: tree, sing, stn, pi. stntn.
1 See Mengarini's Grommotica Lingua- Selicte ; Giorda, McUonary of the Calispehn. 128
REPORT—1890.
An article is used extensively ; it precedes nouns and adjectives, and stands between the substantive and the verb.   It has a masculine and feminine gender,
the bird (1) flies (2), tsltsipS' (1) U sVaseh (2)
my grandmother,       tsi Mkia'tstsa.
It seems that only females of men and animals have the feminine article.
The numerals have various classes:
—                 Men
Animals,
fathoms,
blankets
smd'o
tl/rws
asmd's
mds
ts'eQ
tqdtl
Long objects,
days
„              ,     Round things,
Box, vessel          v      -
nouses
mau'atl          smd'otl
tlud'satl          tlnd'sutl
asmd'sutl        asmd'sutl
md'sutl          mo'sutl
ts'e'outl
tqd'tlutl
1 ndnmoue
2 nutlnd'sau
3 naasmd'sau
I             numd'sau
5 nvts'S'a'oa
6 nutqd'tlau
smau'aaq
tlndsd'aq
asmdsd'aq
mdsd'aq
ts'Soa'aq
tqdtla'aq
Numeral adverbs are formed by the suffix —ans'msts.
Personal pronouns are:
I, ens.
tbou, ind.
he,    taia.
we, amitl.
ye, tVdptl.
they, tats.
The possessive pronouns are twofold:
my, enstl.
thy, indtl.
his, t'aiatl.
my house, enstl ti sdtl.
our, anutl.
your, tVdptl.
their, (?)
The second form is suffixed:
our—itl.
my—ts.
thy—Tio. your—opa.
his—s. their—auts.
my grandson, stlemtsts.
thy grandson, stlSmtsnd.
When the noun is a femine the possessive pronoun takes the ending—atsa:
my granddaughter, stlSmtstsatsa.
thy granddaughter, stlemtsndBtsa.
The intransitive verb is inflected either by means of suffixes or by joining the |
pronoun to it by the article.   A third .form originates by repetition of the pronoun.
to go, tl'op.
ens ti tl'ap
ind ti tVap
fain ti tl'ap
nmltl ua tl'ap
tl'dptl na tl'ap
tats ua tl'ap
The pronominal object is incorporated in the pronoun.   My collection is, how-1
ever, not sufficient to give the transitive verb in a paradigmatic form.
1st person
sing.
tl'apsts
2nd    „
,,
tVapnut
3rd     „
tl'aps
1st     „
plur.
tl'apltl
2nd    „
»
tVapapa
3rd     „
u
tl'apannts
tl'apsts ti ens.
tl'apnuts ti inij.
tVaps ti iifain.
tl'ap ill ua umltl
tl'apapa ua tVdptl...
tl'apauts ua ats.
SnanaimuQ.
The noun has no separate forms for singular and plural,
formed by reduplication, epenthesis, or diaeresis.
deer, sme'yst;.
deer, Jui'pet.
T"'^. tcitci'ehan.
Distributive.
ssme'yeg.
hald'pst.
tcilrtci't'han.
It has a distributive
Diminutive. ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRI ES   OF  CANADA.
Diminutive..
129
whale, hu'nes.
raven, spdl
crow, hsld'ha
river, std'lo.
salmon, stid'atttEm
post, hd'hsn.
frog, wu'qas.
flower, spd'hBm.
house, la'lsm.
Distributive.
hdkul'nis.
spslpd'l.
hslhsld'ha.
stBltd'ld.
stssltsa'atltsn:
ha'tahsn.
hduwS'qas.
spti'lahsm.
laid'Ism.
std'tsld.
stca'tsBlatltsn.
ha'hhsn.
wS'wSqas.
spa'pk'Em.'
IS'lsm.
An augmentative is formed by similar processes : sns'quitl, boat; mo'qudU, laree
boat. 2       »     5
The numerals have two classes; one for counting men, the other for all other
objects:
Counting Men
1, ns'ts'a. ndnsts'a.
2, yisa'le.' ya'issla,
3, tleq. flqud'la.
4, qad'gBn. qaqa'la.
5, tlhd'tsBs. tlhatsd'la.
The numerals are not frequently combined with nominal affixes, as is the case in
the dialects of the interior.
Personal pronouns:
I, dns. we, tEtlne'mstl.
thou, nd'ua. you, tstlwE'lap.
he (present), ted. they (present) m. and f., tsd'lei.
he (absent), kqa. . they (absent) m. and f., kqa'lei.
she (present), qa. •
she (absent), ktld.
Possessive Pronoun.
Singular
Plural
Present                           Absent
Present                          Absent
/ Masc. tSEn
my    .j,
J ( Fem. csn
.,     f Masc. tsd'Es
thy < tj,         ..,
J I .b em. sa es
hig/Masc. tsE—std
\ Fem. qs—stqd
,      f Masc. tsE—sqa
' \ Fem. QE-—sqd
kqs
ktlE
kqd'ES
ktld'Es
kgE—s
ktlE—S
kqs—*
MIb—s
./ Masc. tsE—tst            kqB—tst
0    I Fem. SE—tst              tls—tst
f Masc. tsd'E—lap        k'un—lap
y       I Fem. sa's—lap          kssn—lap
th }r/Masc. tss—stld'lSil    kqs—std'ldi
\ Fem. se—stld'lei       He—stsd'lSi
THE  VERB.
The verb is inflected either bj- means of suffixes or by auxiliary verbs.    The tenses
are expressed by suffixes, —Stl denoting the past, —tssn the future.
sick : present k-'a'k-'ei, future k-'ak-'e'itsEn, past k-'ak-'e'ietl.
Verbs form a plural as well as nouns; it is, however, not always used, the plural
being expressed sufficiently clearly by the suffixes. In solemn speeches the plural
: forms are always used:
Sick
Singular, 1st person
2nd „
3rd „
Plural, 1st „
2nd „
3rd     „
Present
k-'ak-'e'i-tsBn
k-'ak-'ei-(E)tc
k-'ak-'e'i
k-'a(i)k-'e'i-tst
k-'g(i)k 'ei-(K)tsap
k-'alk-'ei
Future
Past
k-'ak-'e'i -tssn-tsE
k*'ak-'ei-tsEn-(E)to
k-'ak-'e'i-tsBn
k-'a(i)k-'e'i-tsEn-tst
k-'a(i)k-'ei-tsBn-(E)tsap
k*'aik-'ei-tsEn
k-'ak-'ei-etl-tsEn
k-'ak-'ei-etl-(E)tc
k-'ak-'ei-etl
k-'a(i)k-'ei-etl-tst
k-'S(i)k-'ei-etl- (E)ts3p
k-'fuk-'er-etl
h6
■Ill: 30
REPORT 1890.
The following future forms indicate the existence of another future:—
I shaU eat, atltsn-tEn-tsE. I shall be sick, k-'ak-'ei-tEn-tsE.
Inflection by means of auxiliary verbs is very frequent.
Sick
Sing., 1st pers.
2nd   „
3rd    „    masc.
„    fem.
Plural, 1st   „
2nd „
3rd   „
Present
(n)S-tsEn k-'iflc'ei
(n)e-(E)c „
(n)e(-tsE)        „
(-CB)
(n)e-tst      k-'ft(i)k-'i
(n)e-(E)tsiip
(n)? k-'Sik-'eietltBn
Future
Past
nUm-tsen k-'&'k*'ei
ll:im-(K)tc „
nam „
uiim-ist     k-'5'(i)k-'ei
n3zn-(E)ts&p       „
nam k-'&ik-'ei
(n)etl-tsE(n) k-'ftt'ei
(n)etl-(E)tc „
(n)etl „
(n)etl-tst     k''a(i)k-'ei
(n)etl-Ktsitp .,
(nletl-k-'ft'ik-'Si-etltEn
The auxiliary verb of the future tense means' to go,' that of the present and past;
tenses S is evidently the verbum substantivum. Frequently the particlep'a is added]
to the inflected forms.   I am unable to explain its meaning.
I am iiek, k -'ak-'e'i-tsEn p'a.
e-tsEn p'a k-'ak-'e'i.
1 have been sick, etl-tsE p'a k-'a'k-'ei.
it is he, netl p'a.
The initial n is used if the person spoken of is absent.    In the third person a dis-1
tinction is made between the person being present, absent, and invisible, and absent
and visible.
he is sick (he present), e-p'a k-'ak-'ei.
„       (he absent, invisible'), ne p'a k-'ak-'ei.
„       (he absent, risible), a'et p'a k-'ak-'ei.
they are sick (they present), e p'a k-'a'ik-'ei,
or e p'a k-'ak-'e'i-etltEn.
The present tense formed with the auxiliary verb serves as a perfect:
I sit down, a'mat-tsEn.
I am sitting, e-tsEn amat.
I lie down to sleep, e'EtEt-tsEn.
I am asleep, etsEn e'EtEt.
When the initial n is used in the first and second persons the verb refers to a-
past or future state or action. This is probably caused by the expression of absence^
which in these persons cannot be in space, but must be in time.
A double future is sometimes formed by using the future of the auxiliary verb :
Is/iall be sick, nam-tsEn-tsE k-'a'k-'ei.
The active verb, when it has no pronoun for object, is inflected in the same way 1
as the neutral verb, either by suffixes or by auxiliary verbs. If it has a pronominalj
object the latter is expressed by a suffix to the verb, and the latter is then treate3
exactly like an intransitive verb. This close connection of the activity and the object-
acted upon, while the subject remains independent of this combination, is very inteSl
esting. It explains also the syntactic peculiarity that the subject is attached to the
adverb, while the object is attached to the verb. I collected only a small portion ofl
the objective forms of the verb.
Ob
i*>ct
Singular
Plural
1st person
2nd person
3rd person
1st person
: 1 st per.
sing.
	
—amc
—amc
2nd   .,
■ 3rd   „
—ama
—uq
—uq
—draa
l>t    „
plural
—
•
2nd   „
,,
—a'la
3rd    .,
-
—t(etltEn)
—
—qns ON  THK NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
These forms are treated exactly as the intransitive verb .-
I see you, lalemaca'ma-tsEn (p'a),
or       (n)e'tsE(n)(p'a) lalBmaca'ma.
I shall see you, lalEma9&'ma-tsEn-tsE(p'a) &c.
Imperative.
Singular : write I qa'lEm-tla !
Plural:     write! qalsma'-tlaI
The imperative is frequently circumscribed by: it is good that you—, ai—.
take care ! ai ku si a !
take pity upon me ! ai(p'a) kuns tsQuI'mEc&ma !
The indicative is frequently used instead of the imperative.
Dont go.' (plural) au'atsEp nam (verbatim, you do not go).
Shushwap.
The principal peculiarities of the Shushwap are the occurrences of an exclusive
and inclusive form of the plural and the great frequency of irregular plurals.
The distributive form of the noun is formed by amplification of the stem, generally
by reduplication. Irregular distributives of nouns are rare. Plurals of adjectives
and verbs are formed in the same way. In the latter the plural is frequently derived
from a separate stem:
boy,
country,
dog,
head,
house,
man,
old man,
old woman,
woman,
bad,
good,
strong,
old,
to come,
to dance,
toeo,
tunc'tit.
tsm-e'ci.
shd'qa.
ska'phsn.
tsita.
sha'lEmuQ.
stlq'd'am.
gle'ia.
nd'qonuq.
k'est.
la.
rulral.
kd'wulq.
stl'aq.
hoiS'la.
hutsd'ts.
to run (animal), noq.
to sing,
to stand,
sitse nsm.
stsild'ut.
distributive, tutuwe'ut.
„ tsmtEmS'Q.
„ shaqhd'qa.
„ shspka'pqEn.
„      . tsltsl'tQ.
„ shd'lhslEmUQ.
„ stsafla'd'am.
„ gigie'ia.
„ noqnd'qonuq.
„ ky'sskSst.
iBia.
,, rilrilra'L
,, kukd'wulq.'
plural, ststla'q.
,, hoik'oiS'la.
„ hutsd'ats.
,, no'qnoq.
„ sisitsS'nEm.
„ stsistsild'ut.
Irregular plurals:
small,
to cry,
to laugh,
to run (man),
to sit (v.a.),
to sit (v.n.),
to return,
to sleep,
to speak,
to walk,
kuie'esa.
ts'om.
oIS'Iem.
na'mulq.
amd't.
mdt.
tslra'p.
jjsls'i.
koto't.
kowa'tsm
■e-m&r*~'&
A
tsitsitsE/ma'st
hoa'ht.
qoiqod'yds.
tod'wa.
tld'kElq.
tsid'm. <itM&
tskitsa.
QBmkd'nt.
hod'les.
tiusd't.
There is no indication of the existence of a gender.
Diminutives are formed by amplifications of the stem
girl, Qd'utsm-.
little .gin
lake, pas
, QUQtt QlltEVl.
'tlkna.
distributive, QUQdutsm.
,, qiiQQd''lutsm-.
small lake. pnps\i,t kua.
4\
■. m
1
i A
'* 132
REPORT—1890.
Augmentatives are formed by a similar process :
stone, sqomq. large stone, sQaQa'no.
There are various classes of numerals:
Counting
Men
Round, flat objects
Davs
1
nsk'd
2
sssd'la
3
ketld's
4
mds
5
tSllkst
6
thmdkst
nuk'ud'tl
tiksd'ha
tikBtld's
tnid'sBmss
tUsVltsikst
tkmd'hmakst
nuk' 'o'tl
sil'tl'tl
nuh'askt
silaskt
kilaskt
m.BSaskt
The numerals may be composed with any nominal affix:
1 head, nuh'd's. 1 piece of clothing, nuh'a'lsk s.
1 hand, nuh'a'kst. 1 tooth, onuk'd'ns.
1 water, Qsnuh'a'tkua. 1 road, onuk'd'us.
&c.
the first, Qtahs.
the second, Mkat ns Qtahs = next to first,
the third, Mkat ne sksmd'os = next to middle,
the fourth, klkat ne skstla's = next to three.
once, nssQBtd'hs. three times, nsskitld'sts. ■.
twice, nssBsd'les. four times, nssmd'sts.      W
Personal Pronoun.
I, antsd'wa.
thou, anu'e
he, she, Hue's.
my house, ntsita.
thy house, ratsitn.
his house, tsitcis.
we, inclusive, utlnuS'kt.
we, exclusive, utlnuS'eskuQ.
you, utlnue'emp.
they, vtlwie'es.
Possessive Pronoun.
our (inclusive) house, tsitokt.— vwel.
our (exclusive) house, tsitaskuq.
your house, t&itoump.     _ "^^tdU.
their house, tsi'tsitos.
"*31
In some cases the initial r of the second person singular is omitted.
it is mine, nts&tswa. it is ours (inclusive), sd'tsnkt.
it is ours (exclusive), sd'tsnskuq.
•  it is yours, sdtsns'mp.
it is theirs, so'tans.
it is thine, aso'tsv.
it is his, sd'tsns.
The verb is generally inflected by the means of auxiliary verbs, which express
the tenses with great nicety.
I   am '   a Kamloops, stkarrdd'pssmqhen.
thou art     „       „      stkamld'pssmqk.
he is .,       „       stkamld'pssmqk.
we (inclusive) are StkamlOpssmq, stkamld'pssmqkt.
we (exclusive)        „ „ stkamld'pssmqkiiQ.
you „ „ stkamld'pssmqlcp'.
they „ ,, .      stkamld'pssmqk.
In the plural the verb takes generally its plural form:
I am sick, kyeapkSn you are sick, kyehya'pkp.
Statements are generally made in a mild, dubitative form,
sick, kyea'p, one says, kyea'pnuk, I think he is sick.
to eat, S'tlsn.
Perfect: ms 8'tlsnkSn, I have eaten.
Imperfect: daqa S'tlsnuan, I was eating.
Future: ma e'tlxnhen, I am going to eat.
Instead, of, he is ON   THE   NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES   OF  CANADA.
133
Transitive Verb.
Subject.
Singular
Object
1st person
2nd person                     3rd person
1st person singular.
—
—tsa tssmuQ               —
tsd'ts ems
2nd
»)                         ))
—tsSn
—
—
tsSs
3rd
,,                         ,,
—td'tsn nue's
—tdq
—
ids
1st
,,    plur. incl.
—
—
—
td'lss
1st
„       „    excl.
—
—ta'qkuq                      —
td'skuq
■2nd
»i       >>          •
—to'lEmsn
—                         —
to'lsms
3rd
>»       »j
—td'tsn utl nuS's
—tdq utl nuS's
—
Plural
Object
1st per. incl.
1st per. excl.
2nd person
3rd person
1st p
arson singular
—tsd'tsilp
—tsd'tssms
2nd
,,         >,      •
—tsS't
—
—tsSs
3rd
,,         ,,      .
—tdm nuS's
— td'inkuq nue's
—tap
—tds
1st
„ plur. incl.
—
—
—td'lss
1st
„     „    excl. '
—
—
—td'skuq
2nd
,,     ,,
—
—td'lEmt
—td'pkuq
—to'lams
3rd
„     ,.
—tsit
—tup
Stld'tluniH.
The noun has no separate forms for singular and plural. The distributive is
formed by reduplication of the stem; the diminutive and augmentative are also
amplifications of the stem.   There is no gender.
The numeral has several classes. In counting men the numeral is reduplicated.
In counting animated be^fngs it is amplified in another way. It may be compounded
with any of the innumerable affixes.
—
Counting
Men
Animate
c^.
ps'la
pd'pslda
pB'psla
2
d'nuEC
EHd'nUEC
d'anuec
3
kdEtld'c
'
kkd'actld'c
kdatls'ls
4
qod'tein
qdq'd'tcin
q'd'otcin
'.)
tcl'likst
tci'ltcilikst
tci'tcilikst
6
tl'a'k'Bmki
st
tVak'B tlha'mkist
f'     +Vd'flhamhst
7
tcutlaka
tcutltelakd'a
tcu'tclaka
T mention the following compounds :
1 canoe, pa'ldluitl.
1 house, pa'l'altc.
1 xne, pa'l'aluh.
1 water, pal'd'thoa.
1 country, pal'd' ImuQ.
Personal pronouns are :
I, csintca.
thou, snd'a.
he, one'itl.
1 fire, pa'lekup:
1 day, paVashe'it.
1 stone, pa'l'altc.
1 dollar, pa'V oca,
&c.
we, nucnS'mutl.
you, snola'p.
they, wucnS'itl.
77 —
Possessive Pronoun.
my, n—• our, —tlkdtl.
thy, — sua. your, —lap
H-
     -??2. 134
REPORT—1890.
his, — s. their, — S.
my grandfather, ndz'i'tsBp'a.
our grandfather, de'i'tssp'atlkdtl.
—   tQd
Intransitive Vbrb.
I am a European (ca'ma), ca'matlkdn.
thou art „ ■ca'matlkduq.
he is „ od'maatS.
we are Eiuopeans, cd'maatlkatl. 4v>
you „ cd'matlka'lap. j±,
they        „ cd'mawit.   j^m
N&&1
The verb is in many cases inflected by means of auxiliary verbs :
I am eating, wastlkdn S'tlsn (S'tlsn, to eat).       M_a."]k
I am just sitting down to eat, S'flsntlkdn.     _.
I have eaten, psla'ntlkdh to wa S'tlsn. lAUK VCAm Kl*
I was just going to eat, hd'itlkan ei'na S'tlsn.      ^KBsfJ:
I was eating (i.e., when you came), S'wa an S'tlsn.VjuJj
Transitive Verb.
Subject.
Object
Singular
1st person
2nd person                    3rd person
1st person singular.
2nd      „           „     .
3rd      „           „     .
1st       „   plural
2nd      „       „
3rd
—dtlkdn
—kan
—d'mdflkan
—dnitlkan
—ckd'uQ
 kdUQ
— dmdtlkdUQ
—drvitkd'uci
—cac
—ci'hac
—as
—tu1 miitlas
—tamd'lapas
(?)
Object
Plural
1st person
2nd person
3rd person
1st person singular .
2nd       „         „
3rd       „         „      .
1st        „     plural .
2nd       „          „     .
3rd       „          „
I
—elm
—Em
—tsmtlkd'lap
—ta'nsmuit
—cka'lap
—ka'lap
— d'mdtlka'lap
—ka'lap ii it
—calitas
—el'hasuit
•—e'tas
—d'molitas
—tamalapd'suit
(?)
It is of great interest to see that whenever the verb is inflected with an auxiliary
verb, the latter takes the endings of the intransitive verb, while the transitive verb
retains the incorporated object. This is the case also in the dialects of the coast,
and in Shushwap, but I have not given a paradigm, as I have no complete set of
forms in the other dialects.
Subject.
Object
Singular and Plural
1st person
2nd person
1st person singular   .
2nd     „           „        .       .
3rd      „           „        .       .
1st      „    plural
2nd     „        „           .       .
3rd      „        „           .       .
—cin
—tdmotl
_fuit
{ta'nitan
—c
—tomotl
—uit ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF   CANADA.
Okana'k'en.
Nouns have a distributive which is formed by amplification of the stem :
Q£i efyf'&yyr
Indian, shSlq, distrib. shslk'S'ln.
man, shsltBmS'Q       „      shslhsltsme'q.
boy, tstun-i't .,      td'ttiit.
to give, Que'tsiQt plural, SQue'tsiotS. '
to tell a lie, sma'lslaqda,
sick, sh's'lslt
smBlmalslaqd'a.
sh'ilh'e'ltd.
Irregular plurals are not as frequent as is Shushwap, but still very numerous
woman,   thitlBmS'luq, distributive, cmdmsS'm.
boy,         SQidnu'mtQ, „             spsld'l.
baby,       skukui'mslt „
to run,     hS'tcilici plural,
to sleep, Uq „
to speak, hulkoS'lElt „
to stand, aksu/me'Q „
to walk, Qui'stQ „
we/ht'ust-
sitssm'a'la.
QS't Ernest.
ts'dt<ie'ii<ii<i.
shoahoa'l.
t'dwS's.
tekod'tuwe.
Numerals.
' Persons
Other objects
Persons
Other objects
i. k'Endhs
2. hasEasi'l
3. hahdatll'c
nahs
ad'l
hd'flSc
1. k'Emd'sEmis
5. kteHtcilkast
6. ktoA'tahsmkast
mds
tcilkast
fd'hsmkaxt
Besides this numerals can be composed with any of the numerous affixes of the
language:
two houses, aslS'tlQ.   — eUSil)
two canoes, asle'utl.    — cuZti
two trees, asld'luh.     _  ■
two faces, asslni's.       _     «■ _
two fires, aseli'selp.     —fl
two days, aseld'sk t.      — £4 k£~~
two stones, aseU'sosn.
two blankets, assll'tsa. &c. —*±r!e/,
Personal pronouns are :
I, sntd'ksn.
thou, lidnuS'.
he, tcinl'tl.
The possessive pronouns are :
we, mnS'mltit.
you, mnS'mtlsm.
they, mne'mteilici.
my
, in—.
tsn
—■
thy
, an.
O/L
—
his
he—s.
:0t
my
father,
in
IsS
u.
his
father,
hs
IbS
vs
our, ■—tEt.
your, —mp.
their, —sliQ.
our father, Ise'utEt
When the noun begins with an s, I and d stand for the first and second persons :
my mother, Isk'o'i.
Intransitive Verb.
r$ am sick, kines h'S'lsltQ.
t hou art sick, huts h'S'lsltQ.
I he is sick, sh'S'lEltQ.
Ihe difference between the verbs with definite and indefinite object, described1
by Mengarini in his Salish grammar, is found here also :
we are sick, kus h'-S'lsltQ.      oca
you are sick, ps h'S'lsltQ.
they are sick, sits h'e'ltqilQ.
.•i
^ I work, kinES k'd'lsm.    a*ut v+^Jd*.   ,1 work at it, hets Vo'lsstsn.       utlqi
thou workest, huts k'd'lEm.^.    r>«//r. thou workest.at it, hets WlsstQ. u^^, ^
!l he works, k'd'lsm. '   he works at it, hets k'o'lsstc.       u^Jl
&c. we work at it, hets k'd'lsstBm. ,y^
you work at it, hets k'o'lsstBp.  \^m
they work at it, hStsk'd'lsstcilQ. ,,„jl
V 136
REPORT—1890.
These brief notes will suffice to give an idea of the general character
of the various dialects of the Salish languages. The principal points of
difference are the following. The Bilqula and the Coast Salish have a
pronominal gender, masculine and feminine, and distinguish throughout
presence and absence. The Shushwap has exclusive and inclusive forms
of the first person plural, and a remarkably great number of irregular
plurals. The Okana'k-'en and Stla'tlemH have none of these peculiarities.
The Ntlakya'pamuq resembles the Stla'tleniH in its structure. It seems
.that incorporation of nouns is carried to a far greater extent in the
dialects of the interior than in those of the coast (see Vocabulary). All
the Salish dialects use auxiliary verbs in inflecting the verb.
TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP  OF  THE  SALISH  LANGUAGES.
It is rather interesting to compare the systems of terms of relationship in various groups of Salish people, as the systems are fundamentally
different. Among the Ooast Salish, to whom the Lku'ngEn belong,;
there is no distinction between relations in the male and in the female
line. Relations of males and females are designated by the same term.
While brothers and sisters of both parents are. designated as uncles and
aunts, their wives and husbands are styled 'acquired fathers and mothers/
Cousins are termed and considered brothers, although there exists also a
separate name for the relationship. Brothers' and sisters' grandchildren
are termed grandchildren. The most peculiar. features of the Salish
system of relationship, particularly among the Coast Salish, is the use of
distinct terms for indirect affinities, when the intermediate relation is
alive and when he is dead. This seems to imply that after the death of
the intermediate relative the mutual relation between the two indirect
relatives undergoes a change.
I give here a table of terms of relationships representing the system
of the Coast Salish.    It is taken from the Sk-qo'mic dialect.
I. DIRECT  RELATIONSHIP.
Great-great-great-grandparent,
great-great-grandparent,
great-grandparent,
■ss'el, grand] /father, mother, \
' 1^ uncle,    aunt    j
'mats
'man,
tci'ca,
father
mother
kupkud'pits,
ha-u'kweyuh   great-great-great-grandchild.
ts'o'pSyuh        great-great-grandchild.
stc'd'mih great-grandchild.
, /child "1
grand <       , .       >
L nephew, niece }
msn,   '   child.
sS'entl,   eldest child.
a'ndntatc,   second child.
msntcSrte'it,   third child.
sd'ut,   youngest child,
brothers, sisters, and cousins together.
kud'pits, elder /"b.r°ther, 1
* \ sister,   /'
shah, younger A^her, |
°    1 sister,    /
/"father's ~(
\ mother's J
elder
i / brother's
\ sister's
>•
hild.
/father's \ / brother's
:er s J J      °
^mother's
' 'itl,   cousin.
^ sister's
child.
II. INDIRECT  RELATIONSHIP.
1. Intermediate Relative alive.
Hgl  ffather's "\   fbrother"!
' \ mother's / \ sister    J
+r.i*„+i /brother's]   , ., ,
ta eatl, i   . I child.
[ sister s    J ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES   OF  CANADA.
137
f-TOifp'a        -i   I cousin,  ■)       fCousin's "1   ,   ..
tesma'c, {?„1*        ) \ brother, I,   I brother's I <f™f*    A\
lhusbands M sister,    J      j^ sister's    f 1 husband/
(■son \
.,      daughter (. .   ,
Ma!  father      h11^-
\ mother   I
skuS'was.—Tf a member of one family has married a member of aoother his and
her relatives call each other skuS'was, e.g., step-brother, &c.
2. Intermediate Relative dead.
uotsd'eqoitl,
tcdide,
f father's  "l   / brother 1
I mother's / \ sister    / '
/-_.-* j ->   fcousin,
(wifes       1     ,    .,   '
-J brother,
• -   -/.j.1 /brothers]   , ...
swinemaitl, <   . .   ,      S child.
\_ sisters    J
f cousin's "1   ,    ..
I,     .,    ,   I   J wife
■ brother s v
.     .      j,   > S orosner, >,     , Droiner sis,     ,      , -
I husband's/ ]   . .       ' \ '    |   . ,    ,      f /husband
5 J   i.sister,    J       (_sisters    J   "- '
.7-7    -i-j.1 /"son, daughter,]   .   ,
slihoa'itl, < c .,! ..I.     > -in-law.
I lather, mother/
III. ACQUIRED  RELATIONSHIP  (THROUGH  MARRIAGE).
.   -i 7      „•* > j ffather,  ] •, ffather ]
SQseel,     wifes grand<       .,  '   >, step-grand<      .,      >
& |_mother, /'      *\s \mother/
SQ'mdn,    aunt's husband, step-father.
sotci'ca,   uncle's wife, step-mother.
SQ'msn,   step-child.
/ son's 1 / wife       \
\ daughter's / \ husband /
., /wife's       ) ffather, 1 apjlfj   fhusband]
osa'aq,    <,    ,      ,,   ^step<      ,,   '   )>, step-child s      .£ >
*'     lhusbands/       ^/mother,/'      ^ t wlfe      /
SQ'S'mats, grand
/
I
M
/
Bilqula.
I have not been able to get a satisfactory collection of terms of relationship from
the Bilqula. The following will show, however, that their system differs greatly
from that of the Coast Salish. It seems the distinctions between the two classes of
indirect relationship does not exist.
kd'kpi, {j^j^er'g } father, granduncle.
qlqia', <      ,,    ,   > mother, grandaunt.
" "       \ mother s/ °
man, father.
stdn, mother.
ms'na, child.
siskaso'm,   < _ ..    ,   > sister.
'    1 mother s/
t-stlemts, grandchild.
tolau'sau, married couple.
i - i i       u      ("brother")
hoals'm, elder ^^    j
., f brother 1
soaqe', younger {sister   j
H-^'«-,(fat^ \ brother.
' \ mothers/
skasl,
ffather "|
mother >-in-law.
< motner ;
(child    J
Stld'tlEmB.
There is no distinction between terms of relationship used by male or female,
only terms of affinity are affected by the death of an intermediate relation.
Great-grandparent, ts'u'pSyuk', great-grandchild. 138
REPORT—1890.
,,.,•-/       i n i     -i        ("father's "1 -
dz'itspa'a. addressed s/«'i^>|mother's/ta
/ father's ]
ther.
ku'koua, addressed td'taa,
■> S'ematc, grandchild.
h shd'tza, father. •
j- skSQedzd'a, mother.
/ skuzd'a, child.
A hsk'tcik, elder brother.
j- k'E'qhsq, elder sister.
moth er.
("father's 1 brother.
^mothers/
,.'; /father's "1   .
staa>       (mother's)81
ster.
cich'od'dz, younger
htdmtc, husband.
■f- CEm'd'm, wife.
/brother"!
\ sister   j
I ctii'niQ,
( ch'ed'a,
/ brother s ] -, , .„,.
< . , , > daughter.
\ sister s    f       °
I brother's .1
■;   . ,    ,      J-son.
)_sis ers   /
•r-nS'u, address for husband and wife.
CQund'mt
/wife
Terms of Affinity.
1. Husband, viz., wife alive.
™       ~\ „   /husband's"! .
"- parents call <    .» , > parents.
r (_ wife s   .   j r
husband's J
cd'sqda, parent-in-law.
etutd'tl, son-in-law.
f cd'psn, daughter-in-law.
y- cts'aqt, wife's brother.
ft ckd'd, husband's sister.
I c'a'etEm, wife's sister and husband's brother.
2. Husband, vie., wife dead.
ek'a'lpaa, used for all relatives by marriage after death of husband or wife.
It is a significant fact that one term serves to designate the wife's sister and thj3
husband's brother, who become the wife or husband of the widower, or widow. Onl
the coast, when a masculine or a feminine article is used, the same terms serve fori
male and female relations. Here, where there is no grammatical distinction between]
the sexes, separate terms are used. It is worth remarking that the Bilqula, whoj
have grammatical distinction of sex, distinguish between but a few of these termsj
This may indicate that the separate forms have been lost by the tribes who us6l
grammatical sex.
Shushwap.
Here we find a number of terms- differing for males and females :    .
sld'e, great-grandparent and ancestors.
sld'a, grandfather.
hd'atza, father.
, ., / brother's ]
-  sku ua, son <   . .    ,
J ] sisters
Emsmtsl'tsilt, great-grandchild.
gyd'a, grandmother.
emts, grandchild.
■ gyS'eqa, mother.
/
smalt, children.
sqd'lua, husband.
ha'tsha, elder brother.
stlEmka'lt, daughter { ^^P \ daughter.:
|_ sister s   j       °
msmd'us, married couple.
smas'm, wife.
ha'ha, elder sister.
„ /brother.
S'hS, brother.
7-,      /father's 1 ,    ^,
to*n mother's) brother'
■ shurd're, younger s
'      s    1 sister.
Terms used by Male.
j,., „  / fathers 1   . S
k o ya, < _   vxs. ,   > sister.
* ' 1 mother's/ ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OF   CANADA
., _  /fathers   1,      ,
M4ft' /mother's {brother.
Terms used by Female.
B'hS, sister.
..,   „ /father's 1   . .
to ma, < __  ,,    ,   )■ sister.
' ^mother sJ
shse, son.
sqS'lui, husband.
Affinity.
1. Husband, iriz., wife living.
t- sqd'qod,   father-in-law   and    his       -r-tltsitsa'k,   mother-in-law   and   her
brothers. sisters.
snektl, son-in-law. -f^sa'psn, daughter-in-law.
t- sts'aqt,    wife's   brother,   sister's       -t- ska'n, husband's sister,
husband.
f- s'd'tstEm, wife's sister, husband's brother.
2. Husband, via., wife dead.
sk'a'lp, used for all relations by marriage after-death of husband or wife.
The most important feature of this system, besides those which are similar to
the Stla'tlEmH, is the use of separate terms for ' uncle' and ' aunt' by boy and girl.
From a comparison with other dialects it appears, that boys call their uncles fathers,
their aunts aunts, while girls call their aunts mothers (derived from torn, to suck),
their uncles uncles.
Okand'k'en.
Great-grandfather, tatd'pa, great-grandchild.
sqa'qpa, father's father. hi'koa, mother's father.
hd'k ana, father's mother. stBmtS'ma, mother's mother.
SBn'e'mat, grandchild.
sfskiS'lBlt, daughter.
- nd'qnuq, wife.
nsqEnuquS'us, married couple.
1 tlhd'htsa, elder brother. N tlM'kqa, elder sister.
K Si'sBntsa, younger brother. *- stestesd'ps, younger sister.
sm'S'elt, father's brother. f sisi', mother's brother.
I sk'd'koi, father's sister. swdwa'sa, mother's sister, step-mother.
stluwi'l, brother's, sister's»child.
Terms used by Male.
IbS'u, father. sk'd'i, mother.
Terms used by Female.
mistm, father. tern, mother.
Terms of Affinity.
1. Husband, viz., wife alive.
| sqd qa, father-in-law. ! !   tltcltek, mother-in-law.
ntS'mtsn,{fie's A, \familycalls(Sfd's) family.
' (husbands/ J \wiles       J
'i stsiQt, wife's brother, sister's husband.
i sSasid'm, wife's sister, brother's wife, husband's brother.
2. Husband, viz., wife dead.
Relationship ceases, except the one corresponding to sSastS/m, which is called
nshoi'tstBn,  deceased   wife's  sister, deceased brother's wife,  deceased  husband's
brother.
This brings out very clearly the peculiar form in which the levirate prevails among
this tribe. 140
REPORT 1890.
Kalispelm.
I give the terms of relationship in this dialect, which is closely related to tlr|
Okana'k en according to Mengarini.
to'pie, ancestor.
sqaepe, father's father.
sile', mother's father.
X skusS'e, son.
k'eus, elder brother.
X sinze, younger brother.
sm'el, father's brother.
s'si'i, mother's brother.
kene', father's mother.
ch'ehiez, mother's mother.
stomchelt, daughter.
leh'chschee, elder sister.
Ikak'ze, younger sister.
ka'ge, mother' sister.
I'eu, father.
mestm, father.
Terms used by Male.
skoi, mother.
skokoi, father's sister.
sgus'mem, sister.
*fl^/b.r°th?r'si cwid.
' (_sisters   J
Terms used by Female.
torn, mother.
tikul, father's sister.
snkusigu, sister.
V    7    ssS /brothers]
1   skuselt, <   . ,    ,      \ son.
' \sisters   /
i, - 7^  ( brother's"] -,      , .
< sttmch'elt,{sisteT,s   jdaughtc
In Kalispelm we find once more a separate set of terms for indirect relationship
when the intermediate relation is dead:
nluesln, father's brother.
sluelt, brother's child.
Terms of Affinity.
1. Husband, viz., wife alive.
sgdgee, husband's, wife's father. t- Izezch, husband's, wife's mother.
sgelui, husband.
segunemT,< ,,   >p;
" ]_husbands/F
vnechlgu, son-in-law.
^ nbgnag, wife.
< segunemt,(™*tL*>A Vent's call /hmband'sl
|_ wif e s       / r        j|
f zepn, daughter-in-law.
szescht, sister's husband.
x  sestem, sisters husband, brother's wife.
2. Husband, viz., wife dead.
s'chSlp, daughter-in-law.
r  nhoi'ztn, sister's husband, brothers wife.
COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY  OF  EIGHTEEN   LANGUAGES
SPOKEN IN BRITISH COLUMBIA.
[The following vocabularies comprise mainly the well-known' list of
words selected by Gallatin for his great work, the ' Synopsis of the Indian
Tribes' (published in 1836), which may be said to have laid the foundM
tion of American ethnology.    The list was necessarily adopted, for the
purpose of  comparison, ten years later,  in the Report of the WilkjM
Exploring Expedition on the Tribes of Oregon, and subsequently, for the
same object, by other investigators, including such eminent authorities ■M-
Messrs. Gibba, Dall, and Powers, of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBE
OF  CANADA.
14
fprs. Tolmie and Dawson, of Canada. With some obvious defects due
to Gallatin's imperfect materials, it has the cardinal merit of including
all those groups of words which are specially serviceable in tracing the
'affiliation of languages, viz., the primary terms of kinship, the names of
the parts of the body, and of the most common natural objects, the personal pronouns, and the numerals. In practice American ethnologists
have found Gallatin's vocabulary of very great scientific usefulness.
They have been able, mainly by its aid, to accomplish already, in great
part, the difficult work of classifying the numerous tribes and languages
of North America and bringing the ethnology and archaeology of that
Iregion out of utter chaos into some hopeful order. The following
vocabularies, which have been gathered with much care, will, it may be
'hoped—taken in connection with the grammatical outlines given in this
|and the preceding reports—serve materially to further that important
'work as well as to elucidate the division into linguistic stocks and
dialects presented in the map accompanying this report.—H. H.]
The dialects of the Athapascan (or Tinneh) languages are not con-
tained in the list.    It would have been desirable to add vocabularies of
the Kaigani dialect of the Haida, of the Nasqa dialect of the Tsimshian,
and of the Lower Kutonaqa, in order to give a complete review of all the
Bistinct dialects of this group of languages.    There are slight differences
Ibetween the dialects of various tribes in each group which, however,
cannot be included in this brief review, as they are merely provincialisms
ywhich do not hinder communication between the tribes.    The dialects of
jjjthe various stocks, particularly those of the Salishan stock, are arranged
-'Sin groups according to their affiliations.
Stock
Dialect
1 Stikeen
2 Skidegate
Man
Wor
nan
Independent
k-a, tlingit
In Compounds
Independent
In Compounds
; Tlingit
—
ca'wat
dj'a
—
Haida
ga, e'tlinga
—
—
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
io'ot
-
hana'aq
-
Kwakiutl-1
, Nootka     J
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
wS'sEm
bEgua'uum
DEgU—
g-'anE'm
tsEta'q
kyay-,-ak'SEm
kyay-j-k'as
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
tcE'kup
—ath
tlo'tsma
—ak-sap
Salish
7 Bilqula
tl'umsta'
ivilkH
—
Hnac
8 Catloltq
9 VBntlatc
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkuSgin
k'ai'miq
cuva'c
sk-a'lmiq
sue'k-a
sue'k'a
sue'k-a
—
satltq
sla'nae
sla'nae
stla'ne
stla'nae
stla'ne
_
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
sk-a'yuq
sk-a/yuqjfc*
—
cEmu'tlatc
cia'k-toB
—
16 SEQuapmuq
sk-alemuq
—     '
no'qonuq
—
17 Okana'k-en
[  sk'EltElllc'Q
ti'tk-at
WS^ii-
tkitlEme'luq
coll., cmamBe'iE
—
1 Kutonaqa
; 18 Columbia Lakes
iftf^
pa'tlki
—^ .
f
iwitrK 142
REPORT 1890.
Stock
Tlingit
Dialect
1 Stikeen
Boy
Girl
Infant
g-at'a'
catk'
g-at'a'gs'tske • (male) I
catk'gE'tsko • (female)*
Haida
2 SKdegate 1 gyi*
g-a'qa
Tsimshian 3 Tsimshian
.womtlk
tlku hana'aq gyine'es (male)
wok-'a'uts' (female)
Kwakiutl--\       !   4 Heiltsuk- : qapqo
Nootka     I       j   6 Kwakiutl i ba'bakum1 kyaya'lam*
)
qEnu'qo
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath' mei'tlk-ats ha'kuatl
na'iak-ak*
Salish
Bilqula
ivilivi'lkH S p HiHna'c
8 Catloltq
3 PjEntlatc
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkungEn
tco'i
stau'qoatl
me'maan 3
suek-a'tl3
sueTc-astl3
sueTc-alatl'
sa'atlq*
sla'atlnac'
sla'atlnae'
slanialU *
qe'ep,* tci'tciat
tcitctcuwa'a
k-a'ela" (male)
k-a'k-ela * (female)
slEnia'ltl, k-'a'mae      sk-aTrel
slEntc&'latl5 I k-ak-
14 Ntlakyapamuq      tuo't clS/nats
15 StlatlumH i sk-E'k-Byuq'       ] c'ye'ik-tca*
'-- - }&M
' sk'tlk'met
16 SEQuapmuQ        i tuwe'ut
ija'utEin
skuima'melt
17 Okana'k-en i tEtuwe't
Qe'QotEm
skukui'niElt.
coll., sitSEm'a'la
Kutonaqa 18 Columbia Lakes    staha'tl
tlka'mo
;     fc
Y^^M
1 = little man.
* = diminutive.
' = without labret.
2 = child.
s    	
young woman.
* = cradle (Kwakiutl).
* = young man.
6 = little boy, girl.
* = weak.  144
REPORT—1890.
Stock
Dialect
Elder brother
Younger brother
1
IndianJ
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
unu'q
Mk'
tlingit
1 Haida
2 Skidegate
gua'i
da'orsn
qa'eda
i Ts-imshian
3 Tsimshian
wegy (said by male)
tlHmkte' (said by female)
—
j Kwakiutl-1
j Nootka     )
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
no'la; gyi'i (addressed)
no'la
ts'a'ea; wis (addressed)
ts'a'ea; wis (addressed)
ba'q'um
ba'q'um
tai'ie
k-atla'tek-
koE's
I Salish
1
1
7 Bilqula
8 Qatloltq
9 Psntlatc
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkafigEn
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
k-oa'lm
a'qe
sk-a'lomiQ
Qu'lmuQ
QuolmiQ
stE'lmiQ
queTmiQ
nS'utl1
tle'wet
sEtla'atKn, no'utl'
sKtla'OtKn
ca'itl
k-e'eq
k-e^eq
k-e'eq; k'ate'e.
sk-S'ek'
sk'ak-
sa'itcEn
k-atck-
k-Ek'tcik 2
ci'ntci                            H
cick-'oa'dz
sk-a'iuq
o'QuilmiQ  1
16 SEQuapmuQ
17 Okana'k-en
k-a'tsk-a
sku^e0^Cuji|flwva-,).
tlk-aTk-tsa 3
sX'sEntsa *
sk-elQ
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
|j|     'tST
tsa
CsKn aqtsemi
kinik
Borrowed from Kwakiutl.
tlkikqa, elder sister.
k-E'qk-eq, elder'sister.
* stcEtcEo'ps, younger sister.
1
j
Stock
Forehead
Ear
Dialect
Independent       In compounds
111
Independent
! In compound
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
kak'                                 —
gflk
—   .
Haida
2 Skidegate              k-ul
gyu
—
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian              wapq                                 —
mo
-
Kwakiutl- i
Nootka      i
4 Heiltsuk-               tEk-e'ioa                  —S'ioa
5 Kwakiutl             \ oTcwiwae                  —aoe
b'rsbe'yo S
b'E'sbaya
—atoa
—atoe-
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath imits'a't'a                        —
pa'p'e
—i'mtl
Salish
7 Bilqula                   I'loma                                —
ta'nkHta
-r-alsikyan
8 §atl61tq              1 e'itcSEn
9 PBntlatc             i sik-tse'n
10 Siciatl                   E'ltctKn
11 Snanaimuq         | sk-'o'mals
12 Sk-qomic               st'olsyus
13 LkuhgEn            I k-'5'muqs
14 Ntlakyapamuq   !
15 StlatlumH           f a'lkenus
—kenus
k-oa'ana
sque'na
k-ula'na
k-'o'nBn
k-'olan
k-'olBn
—an
tl'sCne
tl'B'na
—cana   1
16 SEQuapmuQ          tk'ame'sHin
—isHen
tl'a'na
—ana
17 Okana'k-en         i k'amelsQEn            —esQEn
t'e'na
—gna
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes | aqking-a'tl                                     j aqg-oTroat
—
1 p'Espe'yo ?
i 1^^
^^^-^—__
ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES  OP   CANADA.                       145
People
Head
Hair                                 Pace
|   Independent
In com-     T ,       ,
pounds      ^dependent
Da compounds
Independent
In com-  T j       ,
pounds   ^dependent
In compounds
|| tlingit
—          ca
—
caqa'wu "
—         rB
—
:   qa'edqa
—           k-a'tse
—
k-'aitl
—       | qafi
—
•| gyit
—
tBmg-a'us
—
g-a'us
—         ts'al
—
-
	
—enoq,-itq
—eboq
hai'Hte
ha'iHtg
—k-ea
—k-ea
sa'ia
sa'ia
hap—        k-ok-ome'
hap—-**.-    k-ok-ome'
—Erne
—Erne
A oath
—ath
t'o'qtslte
—
ha'ps'iup
hap—        hitlotl
—utl
sia
—mQ
tBna'q
—eaq
mE'lHk-oa
—         mo'sa
•—6s
, 'k-ai'miQ
-  ya'ya1
ya'yits1
tgi&'i1
[ tea'dja1
—
moo'9
sqio's
moo's
sqS'yis
smews
s'a'sEs
—ek-
maten
sqik-e'n
sma/k-en
cS'yitEn
sk-'6ma'i
sI'atEn
— moo'9
— SQmo'sten
— moo's
;—          9'ft'9ES
— s'a'tsos
— s'a'sEs
—OS
—OS
! ^aujL'AytnBmii
	
X    -?3Mrt
k-'u'mk-an
k-'O'mk-Bn
'AucLTAai,
—uk
t sky'a'pkan
ma/k-en
Kc&^r*    sktluc
•s"15    ck'utlo's
~UAJh~
—00
■J k-BTmuq
—muQ          skWpk-En
—k'en
k-a'utBn
—        sktlos
—OS
SEnak'se'luq
—          tsa'ciak-En
—a'yak-En
k-apk-S'ntEn
—         sktlos
—6s
aqtseniaTrinik
—           aqktlam
—
aqg-ok-6tla'm
—
|        _
L^!S
1
1 Relatives,                                   2 = head hair..
Eye                                       Nose
Mouth
Tongue
Independent        Winds"      Independent
In compounds
Independent
In compounds
Independent
In compounds
wak-
—           tlo
—
k-'a
—
tl'ot
—
qa'fige                        —
kun
—
qe'tl'e
—
t'a'ngEl
— '
wul's7!                        —           ds'aq
—
kutl'a'q
—
dH'ila.^
—
k-ks
i k-a'yak-s
k-a'se
—qstoa         Hmak
—qstoe         Hi'nts'as
—itlpa
—itlpa
sums
sums
—qtae
—qstaS
gyi'lEm
gyilEm
■ i —
—ksntl-        ni'ts'a
—ahta1
yi'neksutl
—aksutl
tc'up
—
tlk-loks                —otla'k'os  1 ma'qse
■^-alk-s .
tsu'tsa
—ots
tl'Htsa
—le'its
k-a'wum
k-Elo'm
k-Elo'm
k-alBm
k-Elo'm
k-a'lEm
mE'k-SEn
mE'k-SEn
mE'k-SEn
mE'k-SEn
mE'k-SEn
nE'k-sEn
—Ek-ssn
c67<fin
9o/9in
(jo'sin
f&'sin
tso'tsEn
sa'sEn
te'q9uatl
te'q9uatl
te'qfuatl
tg'qcatl
mBk-a'lqtsatl
te'qsEtl
nuktl'u'ctBN
tl'o'ctEn
■ tl'o'stEn
—aluo
spsak's
sp'E'sEk'S
spsak-s
—alEk-s
—ak-s
splfi'tcin
tcu'tcin
—ccirn
—itc
ta'tla
ta'tla
splu'tcin
—tsin
tiqua'atsk'
(sEnuk)tl67stBn
—
spsak-s
—ak-s
spEhVmtsEn
—a'usk-Bn
te<jtc
§§N*»J
aqg-aTc-tlltl
—
aqk-uk*tsa'tla
—
aqk*atlu'ma
—
watlonaTt'             —
1 =poi
10
nt.        8g§|l
h6
«J^
]i
Wl 146                                          REPORT—1890.
Stook
Dialect
Tooth
-
Neck
Inde-       In com
pendent     pound
Beard
Independent
In compounds
Tlingit
1 Stikeen                 6q                   —
k-atatsa'ye
dletu'q
—
Haida
2 Skidegate
dz'Bn              —
sk-'e'ore
qil
'    ~7$ir.
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
ua'n                —
emq
t'Emla'ne
—
Kwakiutl-1
Nootka     |
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
gyiky         —Hsia
gyiky         —Hwe
hapeHsia'1
hapa'qsteya *
g-'6g-'5'ne
g-'6g*'6'n
—
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
tci'tcitci         —
ha'paksum 2
ts'<
asa
iTcumEts
—
! Salish
7 Bilqula
I'tsa           —qa'lits
sk-obo'ts
'lqe
—
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkufigEn
dji'nis             —
yi'nis              —
yi'nis              —
ye'nas             —
yi'ni's              —
tsE'nEs            —
k-6'pocEn
k-6'p69En
k-op5'09in
k-uinS'icEn
sk-oa'ns
k-oai'nisen
sa'itlatl
sik-tlse'e
s'a'ltlatl
a'ltlatl
k-E'nEk-
qoa'ngan
—
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
qia'q            °^as"3
l-a'itcniEn        —
cuptci'n
cwuptc
sk-'ame'tEnpff
k-a'k-anaa
~ tftxJt/2 for
—atlkTutl
16 SEQuapmuQ
qEla'q
—'
suptse'n
qkuya'pstEn
—yapstEn
17 Okana'k-en
aai'tEmEn
—
coptce'n
ksspa'n
—
1 Kuton.iqa
18 Columbia Lakes
aqk-u'nan       —
aqkuk'tla'qa
aqgo'ugak
—
1 = tooth hair.                                                   " = mouth hair.
Stock
Dialect
Nail
Body
Chest
Independent
In compounds
Independent
In compounds
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
qak-
—
—
Hetk-a                      —
Haida
2 Skidegate
sl'g'u'n
tea'ne
—
k-an
—
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
tlEqs                              —
—
k-fi'yek-                    —
Kwakiutl- 1
Nootka      {
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
ts'E'mts'smskyane
ts'E'mts'Em
ok'ona'
ok'ona'
—na
—na
tqk-'apoa'            —poa
5poe                    —poe   1
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
tc'a'tltc'a
—
—p'a
ama'shotl             —shotl
Salish
7 Bilqula
sk-'atHe'qoak
s'o'nqta
—aios
sk*ma
—alos   ■'
8 Qatleltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-q5mic
13 Lk'.iiigEn
k-ap'adjek-5'dja
q81e'k-6ya
k-ap'eTi-oyam
k-qoa'lautsis
k-q6ygk-5'yatc
tcca'lses
gl'eus
we'yus
tcaleitEn
—ekus
aie'nas
sek-ena's
aie'nas
s'eTes.
s'eTenes
tsngatl
—enEs 1
—enss
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
k'uqk-e'nkqst
k-qk-enakaa
yd l rjlctrr. it
mEa'tc
'tlikmo'qtok
ta'qoatc
 5 «< 1
—qoatc
16 SEQuapmuQ
k'oqkoe'nek-st
suwa'nuq
—
tkma'lis
—alis  j
17 Okana'k-en
k-uqkenkHst
sk-etlk'
—
sky'iltkameles
skyilt—
eT.es  1
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
aqgo'ukp
'—:           1      —
aqguM'tEgak
— ■ a li ^       ^^
ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.                     147
Ann
Hand
Thumb
independent   1 *££
1
Independent
In compounds
. Finger
1 djin
—
djin
—
tl'ek-
go'uc
Hi
—
sla'e
—
slk-'a'ng§
sli'k'nsi
i. an'o'n
—
an'o'n
—
—
mas
oqsiap'e'
1 a'yaso
—siap'e'
haia'so
k-oaTroaqtsana
—skyane
—tsana
k-oatoaqskyane
k'oa'k'oaqtsane
k-o'na
k-6'ma
'  aaphi'mtl
—yeinitl
kwikunikso
—nuk
ts'ats'atlak-nuku'mE
Ii-.hki
k-5'n
imE'ts
sii'qya
—
uts'fitlikak
—
skutE'lqsek
i1
tcia'ias
i sik-elaqa'n
teia'las
1  fa' 16
naqtc
k t'a'lo
—
kutetsino'dja
sik-enatco'ya
kut'ecino'ya
tca/lic
sals
—odja
—Bya
—oya
—autsis
—autsis
—asES
tcalas
qoa'ok'odja
niko'yats
qSliko'ya
snE'qtsEs
tlaqek'Cdja
tlatlqe'qk'oya
tlaqak'5'ya
sun thYlautsis ■
ase'ntlBk'6'yatoa
sltlalesesa
j; ke'iq
i   sqora'qEn
kalH
n—aqan
skuakst
aJlulr
—akaa
—k-st
lEqkst
qolaka
lsqli'qk-st
skiaqe'nkst
tsk-olaka, ska'aica
sHatsmqak-st *
kilH
—aqan
kilH
—kHst       kilH
stOmkHst
aqktla'at
—
aqgCcVi
—         aqgEtsg-S
d'utsak
1 Borrowed from Kwakiutl.                                     * = hand's elder brother.
Belly
Female
breasts
Leg
Foot
Toes
Independent   1   *££
Independent
In compounds
Independent
In compounds
1 yura'                         — -
tla
k-'Ss
—       kJ6s
—
k-'6s tl'ek-
j dEl                              —
k-an             gy'atl
—       st'a'6
—
st'a k-'a'fige
bEn                           —
—
si
—       si
—
—
tky'e                         —
ta'ikye                      —
ts'am1
ts'am1
asa'notsEqtle
onutsE'qste
— kOTrue
— gyukoiu
—sitse
—sltsS
k'oa'k'oa sitse
koak'oasltse
ta'atca                 —nak-e
i'nsma         aptsita'k-tle 2
—    1 tli'ctlin   1 —ti'mE ts'ats'atlak-ti'mE
k'ul                      us—otsitl .
toms1
r~	
. I'Ha
\
to
■a
a
o
9
M
skntlqsEtl
koa'oa
kula'
k'ula'
k'oa'la
k'ul
kula'
—k-en
tsu'mtsn
sk-Ema'o1
k-Bmo'o [
sk-ma1
stslk-oe'm1
sk-ma1
sk-Ea'm
43
•a
I
s
■a
dji'cin
a'utcin
yi'cin
sqe'na
sqan
sqe'na
—cin
—cin
—cin
—cin
—aitcito3
—san*
qoa'oadjicin
qulek'5'cin
sna'qcin
nEqko'icin
role'n
—/^.tii^p"
sk-'aqt
sk-'aqt
—qEn
—qEn
lEqqEn
nEqoliqEn
wula'nk              —ank
sk'aa'm
sk-'oa'qt
—qEn
leqqEn
sk-ultsene'nk'      —enk
sk-ee'ms1
^ sts'cVqan
—(5st)qEn
/
sto'mqEn \ Irftf.■
aqkowu'm                 —
—
a'qsak-                   —
aqktlk         —
aqkink'a'tlik
From to su
sk
0
uter sic
1(
eo:
)a
th
igh.
3 Leg.
* Foot.
n
\ 148
REPORT—1890.
Stock
Tlingit
Haida
Tsimshian
Kwakiutl- \
Nootka     J
Salish
Kutonaqa
Dialect
Bone
1 Stikeen
2 Skidegate
3 Tsimshian
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
Nootka.Ts'eciath
7 Bilqula
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkufigKn
s'ak-
sko'tse
sa'yup
qak-
qak-
ha'mut
tsap
qau'ein
cia'6
ct9am
ca'o
sts'&m
Heart
Blood
tek-
tek'5'yo
ka'ot
ga-'i
itle'
wa'sticma
noTrie
t'I'tcma
SElkH
tla'qegan
stE'mtEn
tla'qewan
tsBTa
ts'aie
tlHkoa'ngal
14 Ntlakyapamuq      k-'6k-5'otl'
15 StlatlumH k'ok-'o'itl
16 SEQuapmuQ
17 Okana'k-en
k-uk-q8'otl
sts'Sm
18 Columbia Lakes   makE
sQUo'qok
sQua'kuk
p'6'smEn
cpoo's
aqkltlwe7
alg'um
alg'
he'smis
SIH
k-ne'tl
ko'etl
skme'tl
co'9in
sta'tsiem
cactcin
pEti'la
pti'laa
mgtky'ie'e
mEtlke'a
wa'nmo
Town
Chief
la'na
k-'alds'ap
gok'
gyok'
ma'utl
apso'tl
vacat
vacat
vaeal
vacat
vacat
vacat
ank-a'O
etlqaqagida'
SEm'S'yit
he'mas
gyTk-ame *
ha'utl, t ca'mata
stalto'mH
h^gyus
he7 wus
he'wns
siii'ni
sia'm
sia'm
vacat*
tcitcltq i
tcitcI'tQ I
tcitCl'tQ I
aqkEktld
kukpi3
koTrpi
k5kpi
hllme'Qum
nasoke'
=houses.
=the highest chief.
ko'kpi, Bilqula=grandfather.
Stock':
iTlingit
Haida
Tsimshian-
KwakhitU
Nootka
Salish
Kutonaqa
Dialect
Axe
11 Stikeen
j 2 Skidegate
3 Tsimshian
4 Heiltsuk-
. 5 Kwakiutl
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
7 Bilqula
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-q5mic
13 LkufigEn
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
16 SEQuapmuQ
17 OkanaTren
18 Columbia Lakes
OEnqoa'ri
kyStldsa'6
dahE'i-Es
k'6'kunakula
sop'a'yo
hi'siyek-
tqta
s opai'ii i
s'opai'u '
so'paiusl
sk-k-um .
kk-u'mEn
k-k-um
k,,6'isk-an , K
k-'oe'ek-en, tlaniE'n
tlEme'n
qBlEml'n
aqkatle'etis
Knife
tlta
sqa'u
hatlebi'esk
qtai'o
ky'auwai'6
akyek-
ktla
tcta'eten
skue'tctEn
tia'tstEn
tia'atetBn
el'pan
cbIi's
Qwik'tan
Canoe
Independent
ya'uk
tlS'u
qsa
gyiToa
gyalo-0-
tca'pats
tla'las
sk'ume' --nu-,
nE'quitl.
nE'quitl
nsqul'tl
snE'quitl
snE'quitl
snE'quitl
tskaa'utl
kHlats
astk-a'uti
sta'tlsm
nek'amEn
aqktsa'motl yak-ts5'mitl
In Compounds
-qs
-ahs
-Qlltl
—autl
Borrowed from Kwakiutl,
3 Obsolete, generally called qua'Vuna.
y_ '9^ff£^ ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF CANADA.
149
Warrior
House
Bow
Arrow
Friend
Independent
In Compounds
Kettle
g'ans'ate''
qone'
hit
_
oq'akagantE'
SEk'S
tcune't
ts'I'tatEii
1 gutl'i'sta
que7
na
k-a-etla
tlket
—
nEse'bansk    walp
—
—
haukta'k'
liauil'l
> winae'noq
nEmok-
gok'
gyok'
hanHtlala3
hanHtiaia3
tlkue's
tlkue's
ha'ntlEm     —
ha'ntlEm
—Itl
ma'ptaqsath
howa'tEn
mahte'
—           sutl
ms'state
ts'e'hate
—
k-ama'its
sotl
—           qanisa'tls*
po'tstEn
tsHne'mta
; sta'mic
| sue'k-a *
: qElqelEtl
-uXx.'/Ti'A'
i nEk'ca'uEk
tcalac
sia'ia
tlBms, a'ya
tlEms
tlEm, eluwKm
lalfem
lam
alEfi
tcitQ
tsI'tUQ
—6tq
ha'niHtlala *
ha'niHtlala4
k-ulstan
ck-oa'is
nko'isten
ck-nk-u'ls
qauVk-a*^
teko'ctBn
haihe'
ktse'itc
haia'itBn
t&'qoats
to'qoats
eq'uma'tEu
tokui'nEk
to'qoatc
tlok-
tats'o'men
tlok-
skula'c
SEk'Ela'c
tsBma'n
skui'
k-'cma'litc
—
—
tsitQ
—
tlkap
tckui'nik
skui'l
—
—
tcitQ
—
tlkap
•tckue'nik
tok-elBn
guwanak-ana'iiiau'e
suw6'  lL/
aqgitia'
—
yi'tskl
t'a'6
aqk-uqumatle'et
1 = war master.
3 =man.
3 = kettle on
fire.                   I Borrowec
from Kwakiutl.
Tobacco
Sky
Sun
Moon
Star"'
1 Moccasins
Pipe
fcm
ts'ek-daket
g-anW''
akawaqa'ts
gan
dis
k'utaq'arenaha'
i st'atlk'u'nkye
ga'eu da'o
gul
koyeka ran
dzilg-oe'
k-'uft
k'Stsa'6
ts'a'oqs
agpgya'n
wunda'
ts'sm laqa'
gya'm'uk
gya'm'uk
p'ials
ke'naq
t'gpa'yo
wa'qatse3
wa'q'atse3
tla'uk-
tia'uk-
lswa'
16'na
tl'ensioala
tle'sEla
no'si
muk'ola
t'o'toa
t'o'toa
jtlEk'e'cinE1
ku'csBts
—
hina'yitl
nas
hupa'tl
tafo's
k-enq
nusuk-pta
ti'a'uk-
—
sonH
tl'okH
meHme'kHtl
tlEk-oin
tlEk-cin
tlEk-cin
k-tla'itcin
k'tlc'isin
1 Ik-tle'itcin
citltso'we
ci'tltsc
wa'q'atse*
wa'q'atsEn4
p'a'tlEma'le
cpEtlEmii'lak-
ntsk-o'tstsn
potlEma'la
ntsak-6'etctEn
ts'k-6'otctEn
5'wak-
4'wak"
spa'tlEn
spa'ltEn
Spo'tlEU
kuil'yaiio
skua'yil
skua'yil
skua'yil
skua'yil
skoa'tcil
tE'gyim
st'e'qem
stsok'
ciak-um
tlk-a'itc
sk-ok-o'l
tE'gyim
spe'los
ciil'lsiatl
tlk-alts
tlk-a'itc
tlk-altc
kuo'sEn
kuo'sil
kuo'sen
koa'sEn
k6'sen
ka'sEii
c^me7jrEq
cma'niH
stlekt
stl'ek-t
sk'okoao
snuk-um
ma'qEtEn
tra'namtEn
nkokii'cEN
kako'ciuEt
- siltsuo'e3
tsk-o'otEn
smanQ
stlekt
skwa'k'as
ma'qe
skuko'sent
k-aaqa'n
SEnma'nuqtBn
sma'n'uQ
st'Eky'Bma'sqk-
qea'tlnuq
nata'nik
qea'tlnuq
sQuko'sent
tlan
kos
yak-'et
aqkitlmi'yit
nata'nik
aqkitlnoho's
| Borrowed from Snanaimuq.
\ =common shoes.      3 =smoke receptacle.      * Borrowed from Kwakiutl
f 150
REPORT—1890.
Stock
Dialect
Day
Night
Morning
Evening
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
yigErt'
tat
ts'u tat
qii'na
Haida
2 Skidegate
sEn
galqua
SEn ae'QEn
SEn Hi
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
sa
hfi'opEn
k-antlak-
skl'yetlak-s
Kwakiutl- 1
Nootka     J
4 Heiltsuk-
6 Kwakiutl
na'la
na'la
nekk
k'a'nutl
koa'k-oai'la
na'H'it
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
nas
a't'hai
.ko'atl
to'pcitl I
Salish
7 Bilqula
kH'i'mtam
i'Hentl
i'naq
entl
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk'q5mic
13 LkuSgBn
ts'ok-
koa'yil
skua'yil
skua'yil
skua'yil
skua'tcil
nat
nat
snet
snat
nat
ku'i
na'tatl
skue'kue
na'tetl
natl
kutcil
na'anat
Bmsi'yi
snat
Qunii'nt
na'nanat
ta'ngEn
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
ci'tlk-'at
sk-'e'it
ci'tict
citst
nuwE'nuwBn
na'natQ
tsoo's.. Kot &,
rap
16 SEQuapmuQ
sitk't
sl'tdst
Qua'nun
rap
17 Okanak'en
sqsiqa'i
OEnukoa'ats
tletlkfikoa'st
ky'sia'up
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
guVkweyit
tsitlnn'yit
wu'tlnam
watlgoa'it
Stock
Dialect
Rain
Snow
Fire
Independent
In Compounds
.Tlingit
1 Stikeen
se'u
diet
k-'an
—
Haida
2 Skidegate
dal
d'ara'u
—
—
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
was
ma'dEm
lak
—
Kwakiutl-1
Nootka     J
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
iokoa
io'koa
na'e1
na'e1
Qui'ltEla
Hek-ala
—
mi'tla
kwi's
inik-
—
Salish
7 Bilqula
atlvu'lat
kH'ai
ne'iq
—
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkufigEn
toie'tl
sma'yelam
tcie'tl
sta'mEq
slumq
tlEmq
k-o'mai
aq
sk-6'mae
ma'ka
mak'a
figa'k-e
qoa'uitq
cpats
tcitci'em
hai'uk-
ye'iotl
ctciko'esa
—tSEp   1
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
tEktlOP
ckwio
cuu'qt
ma'k-aa
duktik'
ru'lsp ■ /
—iVv  1
16 SEQuapmuQ
skla'kstEm
uo'qt
te'ik'
-
17 Okana'k-en
ck-'et
SEmek't
tou'quap
_
1
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
guwatlokuk'u'k-ut
a'qktlo
aqkink-6'k-6
1 It is snowing, kue'sa. Spring
k-'in rs'da
wea'gyloa
tla'k-citl •
tle'itcns
i tEmtlqmos
ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP  CANADA.
151
Summer
k-uta'n
k-'in
Autumn
kso'ot
ha'inq
heianq
tlop'e'itc 3
iimtl
tlBko'e
tEm'e'yus
l.olcS'wa k-'oe'les
ekumckoa'koasi   tEtErnie'is
k-'oe'les
: nKo'tsfraa
sk'apts
pEsk-e'pto
CBnk-'oiya'nk
pepa'ntcik
sk-alk-altEmQ
pestcEak-
aie'tc
nuskHlqutsts
misa'tets
tl'walitsfcEn
tlwa'lstEn
peskEai'
Winter
sEfiga'rat
k'atl
tsawi'nq
tsawa'nq
tsoie'to'
nuskHluts
oo'titc
tEmqe tlem
susa'tits
tEmt'eq
cu'tdk
s'istk
pesEe'stk
Wind
ky'etlca'
tadza'd
pask
ia'la
i4'ia
wek-se
aso'kH
po'qam
paha'm
po'ham
stsE'qum
spEhe'm
spquE'la
cna'ut
ck'a'qEm
sna'ut
sEne'ut
aqko'me
Thunder
Lightning
Hetl
he'lan
Hetl e'gu
sqitg-a'uldaft
kateple'em laqa' ts'a'mti
ku'niHua
ku'niHua
t'etsk'i'nE
nilqi'm
qutk-'ume'ns
walo'qum
kutstcie'm
sQUQoa'as
enenia'qaan
SQUQoa'as
ki'kiaq
eki'lBklBq
skinBkina'p
skinkiua'p
it	
EEk'tsk-a'm
no'ma
tlEne'quit
tlehtle'ha
SQUQU'm
sasa'gyim
la'lmEn
so'usowum
qBqB'nak't
tqa'eutse, eneniiV
qan
k-'nnE'la
nmama'am
wulwulk-'o'cEm
sukwakEmEnst
cuwik'est
1 = sprouting season.
warm season.
= season when everything clean.
V
Water
independent
bin
In Compounds
g'andl
aks
waa'm
wap
tc'a'ak
kqla
ka'ea
s'e'wu?
k'?wuf
k-a
stak-
ik'oa'a
k-6'E
ko
\wn4&ufk
ci'wutlk
—sta
—sta
GU-Cio
—atkua
Ice
independent
t'ek-
k-alga
da'u
tl'oq
tl-6'q
k-^uq
skH'ilk
tau'd
spe'u
spe'u
spe'u
s'o'Hen
stla lEq
In Compounds
npa'ue
ok'e'malBtc
Earth, Land
Independent
In Com-
pounds
tlga
dsa'atsEks
tsqams
t'Ekya
ts'a'k'umts
Sea
rBk-a'k
ta'nga
qatla; laq man
tsmsH
tEUlSH
koqtlo'lem
gi'dja
me'i
tBme'q
tE'imoq
tBme'q
ta'nguq
to'p'atl
solu't
kuo'tlko
kuo'tlko
kuo'tlko
k'ua'tlkua
kuo'tlk
tltl'a'tlse
Blver
bin
g-'ala aks3
wa
wa
ts'a'ak
tmH, anaqo m
k'utB'm
sto'lau
sta'olo
sta'16
stak-
staio 152
REPORT—1890.
Stook -
Dialect
Lake
Valley
Mountain
Island
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
ak'
cia'naq
cia'
k-'at
^	
Haida
2 Skidegate
stl
tl'a'dan
t'e'is
gua'i
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
—
tlkut'e'en
sqane'ist
teksd'a'4
Kwakiutl- )
Nootka      j
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
g'a'us
te'a'latl *
               g'o'gwis               tl'ekya'e
—              M'kye2                makya'la
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
a'uk'
—             nukye              | tca'ok
Salish
7 Bilqula
tsatl
nut'El                 smnt                    k-enk-elsk
8 Catl51tq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-q5mic
13 LkungEn
sa'eatl
SEl'a'tl
tslatl
djuqtla'tc
tlEpke'n
tlEpk-e'n
cqoiak-
sQO'qul
tak-'at3
sma'nit
smiint
smiint
sma'net
sngii'nit
kn'cais
ck?a'as
skue'ktsaa?
skQii
s'a'ek's
tltcas
14 Ntlakyapamuq .
15-"S"tiatiuniH
pe'ffiicKum'
tcala'tl
ntoitce't
sk'iuu
sk'um
k'Qi'noBc
16 SEQuapmuQ
—
qiatekin .
tsk'om
su'nkum\
17 Okana'k-en
t'ek'ut
tsBnla'ut
mskwi'ut
kco'nuk
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes   aqk-u'g-unuk
—
aqkowuqtle'et
aqg-'a'nkeme
1 Borrowed from Salish.          a Borrowed from Nootka.          3 Vide stone.          *= sitting alone.
Stock
Dialect
Wood
Leaf
Bark
Grass
Flesh, Meat
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
g-an
kag-ani'
atlaqe'
so'uk-
dlir
, Haida
2 Skidegate
tlkyan
tleya'ngual
k'5'tse
Hil
gyeri'
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
—
ia'nss
gyimst
kEya'qt
ca'mi
Kwakiutl-)
Nootka     f
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
gya'p'as
meme'eqtlao
paS'k-
qk'um
qa'k'um
ky'e'tEm
ky'e'tEm
mea's
EltS
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
i'nikse
tla'k'ap
ts'a'k*mis
a'k'mupt
—
Salish
7 Bilqula
kumtl
k-oals
ik-
j^NH
—
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qsmic
13 LkuiigEn
k-oi'q
k-6'iq
sk-oiqia'5
si&'tl
ye'iotl
etcatl
p'ak-'am ■
p'ak-'am ?
p'a'k-'am1
ts'a'tlam
ctc'o'tla
p'a'ian
tla'k'ot
spela'n
sla'en
tlEqBm
sa'qoitl
sa'qoe
mE'gyas
slek-
slek-
slek- •
slek-
slek*
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
mo'lEq  j
'pi'tckEtl
kEze'. h
ci'Ml '
Cts'E'pEZ -
smite -f—
ts'I
16 SEQuapmuQ
	
stktso'siim
l4v.'.Lh.i.v.-J
SEWp \Jx'
ptsaktl
p^Wn
stlia'
/    —
17 Okanak'en
patcktl
k'ele'luq
copolauQ     slek;
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
—wok
aqku'tlatl
aqgi'tsk-atl
qa'atltsin            —
Borrowed from Kwakiutl.
M ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
153
Stone
Iron
Forest
Tree
.    Salt
Independent
In compounds
Independent
In compounds
etl
t'hE
—
ik-eye'ts
—
k-ats
—
ta'nga g'a'ga'
tlqa
—
ire'ts
tlkyan •
k-'et
—
man
lap
—
t'o'otsk
—
k'an
—
tEmSH
to'p'atl
t'e'sEm
t'e'sum
—a
—a
—
koa's
a'tlBn'
lEkoa'
tla'qtlos
—mis
—mis
to'pitl
mu'ksi
—a
..._„...
—
tla'k-aas
—mopt
sts
tqt4
—
—
—
stsn
-
k'o'tlom
k-'o'tlom
k-uo'tlom
tl'a'tlEm
tra'tlBm
tl'a'tlEii
r
......
qaadjec
qials
tla'tsa
smant4
stlk'a'tcesen
—
u£ii£&gy».
91'tcim
91'tcim
cl'tcim
tsii'lak-
tci'cEm
tci'tBng
dja'ia
sk'o'iQ
si'a
skat
StSEk*
skaiyai'eSg
—atlp
—Etltc
ts'alt (?)=
tl'a'tlEm
SQBnQ
ks'tla
mElmo'lEq
stlikitlk'a'luk
nEka'qt ^kije^
st silt sal   ffc„t\
ciqa'p
cEra'ap
-.■yjfjfo.'.
—
sQenQ
—asqEn
swilEwuiaiEm3
TisEra'p
—
desal3
Htlot
—
wulEwnle'm
hEnsti'tso
tcire'p
—
gwistla'qane    <
no'okwe
-
.ni{tlgo_
tsitle'it
aqgitstla'en
—
1 = dry sea.      3 =English?       3 = French.       4 See mou
' =rear of, interior of co
ntain.       s =har
untry.
1 thing.       " See
wood.
Dog
Bear, Black
Bear,
Grizzly
Wolf
Deer
Elk;
Beaver
kyetl
ts'ek
. Qfits
g-6'tttc
.kooka'n
tsisk'
ts'ikrede'
'qa
tan
Q5'ots
g-6'uto
g'at
tsi'cku3
ts'Eii .
has
ol
mEdi'ek
kyebo7
wan
sia'n
sts'til
la'tse
m'tse
nan
nan
tl'a3
gyila
k'usE'ls
atla'nEm
k-a'niela
k-e'was'
tlao'ls
tlols
ke^n'
ts'a'6
i'nitl
tci'mis
—
k'a'natla
a'tuc
tlo'nem
a't'6
| lo'ts1
nan2
tl'a                nutsek-6'aq
sHpa'nitl
thtles'
kolo'n
[ sia'ano
tc'I'no
I tci'no
[ k-uma'i •
[ k-uma'i
| k-uma'i
me'qatl
squisElk-en
dji'tqun
spa'as
me'qatl
ctCB'tqun
qau'gas         tla'acom
qai'uas           tattcio'lmiq 4
qau'gyas      tk'a'ia
k'o'yetsin     stk'a'ia
stlatia'lem    tk'a'ia
k'o'yetcin     tk'a'ia
k-e'gac2
sqo'icin
h&'opet
hft'opet
kie'etc (?)
sme'yis5
k-'e'etc
tsena'tc
k-eTitc
k-i'etc
kie'etc
kwa'waatc
smaya'6
t'ako'm
k-olut
skEia'd
sk'Bia'6
sksia'o
k-a'k-qa
k'a'qaa
me'qatl
^■H y" * it V
stiatia'ium
sk-'a'um
sk-'a'uam
cmi'eto6
stl'5'la
sqoia'qk'En
csnu'ya *
sk'Elo
[ k-a'qa
sk'lak-s
skEmqi's
ma'lBmstlia
ts'e
tQats
sk-Eia'6
askti'ap
ckimre's
gy'eia'una    nts'e'tsim
stlatsi'nEm
cnektltsa
stonQ
.qku'tlak
:ni'pko
tia'utla
ka'qgen
tsu'pka
g*'atlg-'a'tle
sina
BL
k&U
1 Borrowed from Kwakiutl. 2 Borrowed from Kwakintl.
4 = people of woods.        " See flesh.        G B«rrowed from Tlingit.
• Borrowed from Bilqula.
Borrowed from Bilqula.
' Borrowed from Kwakiutl.
f 154
REPORT—1890.
Stock
Dialect
Fly
Mosquitoe
Snake
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
/r---
—
tl'ut tiak
Haida   .
2 Skidegate
de'idEn
ts"Bra'ltEguan
cik
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
—
gyl'ek
matqala'ltq
Kwakiutl-1
Nootka     )
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
 —
k'a'eqa
sl'ttem   .
si'tlEm
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
nistskwinE
tB'nakmis
hai'ye
Salish
J Bilqula
ma'mie
—
pape'nkH
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Skqomic
13 LkufigEu
•k-Ek-aye'qEna
ts'a'djus
tstci'os
stsetdjo'us
k-oai-'.'n
k'on'e'matc
pqoa'ek'SEn
otlk-a'i
el'feim
otlk-a'i
atlk-c'i
atlk'a'i
s'6/tlk*e
14 Ntlakyapamuq                      —
15 StlatlumH              Qmats
kok-oaske
k-oal'e'mak
cme'iq
naqol't
16 SEQuapmuQ         oma'ye
kone'mik-tl
tstlwa'woltsk
17 Okanak'en            qama'tl
sBlak-s
ckukawi'lQaq
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes    yanuqk-tluk'u'tlop
k-atsetsa'tla
t'a'u
■
m
Stock
Dialect
Salmon
Name
White
Black
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
g-at
sari'
tledi'qate'
d'yutc
Haida
2 Skidegate
tcin                            —
g-a'ta
tlk-'atl
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
liiin
wa
mAks
t'5'otsk
Kwakiutl- \
Nootka     )
j 4 Heiltsuk-
| 5 Kwakiutl
mea'
ma
tlek-am
m6k-oa
mE'la
ts'o'tla
ts'o'tla
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
me'at
ai'miti
tU'suk
tu'pkuk
Salish
7 Bilqula
sEmlkH
torn
tsq
skHst
8 gatloltq
9 Psntlatc
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk'qomic
13 LkufigEu
tlaqoa'e
k-oloq
skuolo
ts'ak'Oe
ctcai'nuq
ku'ic
ku'ic
ku'ic
ku'ic
kui'ns
ku'ic
pETc-pEk-
9asqos
pEk-
pEk-
pEk-
pEk-
qus
9asqus
tsk''eq
k'Eqk'eq
- nsk-'eq
-a|
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
sk-fee'itBn
stsok-oats
skwa'toitc
stpek'
pEk-
sti'ptipt
k'uq'S'q
16 SEQuapmuQ
skElaltBn
—
pEk
kuyuk-'e't
17 Okanak-en
ndldl'Q
skui'st
pBk-
k-'oa'i
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
suwakemo
gaktde
kamnu'qtlo
kanik-'6k-'6'kutl
=snowlike colour. ON  THE  NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OF  CANADA.
155
Bird
Feathers
Wing
Goose
Duck
BS'd'wOtS
jjs'ekd
its'ek
ma'matle
tsitsipe'
koak'o'aq
fqoelek-
mo'ok-
skula'c
■ qoileq
spEzu'zo
spso'o
..spiyu'
SQEka'ka
dok'utska'mena
Fish
k-'oa'tl
kite
ta'wok
g-a'u
tlgyitgu'n
k-'ak-'a'i
ca'aq
g'uts
tha
me'Ek
hin tak'a'te
TioTfcl
luwElEm tsEm aks
pa'tl'a
tslTkyEm
ma'tlmatEm   . —
pVtlBm | nE'qak-
tlaa'tla
tia'tlkyo
ma'gyilis
a'iatl
spoq
tla'phspato    I hok-sEm na'qtato
k-po'otl qa'qatl —
stso'ts'ok-
stlpa'lqen
ts'S'ek-t
tlatlqals
ts'ek-t
pa'k-'enato
qo'senatc
pak-'enato
tla'k-oaqan
qo'ok'en
tla'k-oaqan
kenke'n
tE'nEk'SEU
tE'nEk-s
tE'nEk'SEn
tE'nEk'SEU
tE'nEk'SEn
^ fa tMfcAj_/rv
ok'bal
stlak-a'al
k'oaoi'q.
kce'uQ
sqii'qpEls
skukoa'qan
sputlt
skEwa'qEns
k'siq
k'siq
aqg-'uk-tlu'pk-a       aqkingo'ua       g-aqutI6'ok
sqak-
sqak-
s-astlqo™
»V5
qoa'tqut
ta'tluk
djanq
spe'p'aeut
cia'nq
slok-
6tsts'6k-oi
a*tjcut4*_
cwa'utl
k-ak.qu'lQ
gang-usk'6'ek-a      gia'kqo
y^s$-
m
Wt&W'
r
Red
Light blue
k-'ani'qate1
sqe'it
mok'
J ta'atsem,
1 ku'qoem
kume'p
t'etce'm
tskui'm
kumkui'm
suk-
ts'oyi'qate
g-Qtlratl
mEsk
kuskua'sk
tlak-oa
tla'k'oa
koa'yelaks
tsa'ca
tleha'uk
kista'k'ak'
k-oi't
p'a'tstBm
p'Btoe'm
p'Etcg'm
tsa'tSEqum
ntl'Etl
Yellow
kyetlhatle yi'qate'
g'antlratl
jnBtle'itk
te'qa
tsitsitek-tl
Light green
ts'oyi'qate
z'antlratl
niEtle'itk
tg'qa
tte'nqa
aiyok'oak-
Mi
tl'Ese'm
tl"BSe'm
tl'Ese'm
tsk-oa'i
tlstles
ts'a'citl
Great, Large
Independent
tlen
yu'Bn
k'aiekyas
walas8
ih
tlk-
ti
ti
te'ie
si
he'ie
tcEk-
?Si?&i'uk-
touk-toek-
stku'ltsk-ultst
k'uzk'oa'z
C2i—xfa**""	
n-0< a      stukule't
kakula'a
qszo'm
qEo'm
tsek-'
kui'l
k-uyuk-oe'it
k-oa'i
koalt
k-uri'
k-uyuk-oe'it
k-uri'
qio'm
cnuqoa, pL pEE'stlaat
In compounds
—tse
—tse
• 156
report—1890.
Stock
Dialect
Small, Little
Independent               Di Compounds
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
ga'tsko
—               tllwu's
Haida
t Skidegate
gE'dso
—               diakuya'
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
tlgua
	
Kwakiutl- \
Nootka     j
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
haula'tl
ama'
—            1 tlo'kuim
—bedo                    tlo'kuim
plural, mEUe'q
—is                    /('na'6'ng^ K^
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
ana'h'is
Salish
7 Bilqula
k-ek-te
—    ^
ttl
8 gatloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkufigEu
tc'i'tcia
9e'i96i
Mequalo
tlc'tsemats
atsl'm
tcitce'itl
k'ume'niat
kweks
— /
—
tla'tlsam
tla't'am
skoa'mkum
kua'mkuni
cie'm
k'oa'mkum
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
—
rulral        '•
16 SEQuapmuQ
( k'uie'Esa
t plural, tsitsi'tsEmaEt
—
yftya't, rilraTt
17 Okanak-en
fk'uiS'ma                                                     jr'utceoa'tst
\ plural, tcitca'mat                                          .
Kutonaqa   . .. .
18 Columbia Lakes
tsek'u'na
—             ) tsemak-ek'a
Stock
Dialect
Warm
I
Thou
He
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
rE t'a
qat, qatc
woe', woe'tc
hu, hotc
Haida
2 Skidegate
ky'e'ina
dea, tla'a              da'a, da'figa
laa
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
gya'muk
nE'rio                    nE'rEn
ne'EdEt
Kwakiutl  >
Nootka     )
4 Heiltsuk-
6 Kwakiutl
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
ko'qoa
tsHOk'oa
tl'u'pa
1
no'gua
no'gua, yin
se'ia
k-qso
yiitl, sti'um
so'ua
he, vM
Salish
 '	
7 Bilqula
k-ul
1
ens
in5
(fain)
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkufigEn
k'o'as
k'o'as
k'oa'koas
kua's
k-'oaies
djini'tl
tcine'itl
djini'tl
teiins
te ens
a'se
nB'gi
nue'
nu'ela
te no'ua
no'u
no'kua
tsa'e
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
16 SEQuapmuQ
k-wnp
9i25ouoa.
cEi'ntca
sno'a
cile'itl
sk-oa'ts
ntsa'wa
anu'e
nuwe's
17 Okanak-en
kualt
Enta'kEu
lifinue'
tcini'tl
Hi
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
u'teme
kamin
ninko ;
ninko'is  158
REPORT 1890.
Stock
Dialect
Many, Much
Who
Far
Near if
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
k-toq
adu'tse
tie
tletl wu tie'
Haida
2 Skidegate
sko'ul, k-oa'n, yH'Bn
gylstfi
dzi'fifra
a'qan
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
ha'ldE
go
d'a
—
Kwakiutl-1
Nootka     f
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
k-'ai'iiEm
k'ai'nEm
akoiqk-an
ungwe
que'sala
k-uesa
nEqoa'la
nEqoala
6 Nootka/Ts'eoiath
ai'a
atcik-
saia'
ane'is
Salish
7 Bilqula
slaq
—
iq.
ekHli
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkungEn
■ 14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
k-eq
k-eq
k-eq
k-eq
k-eq
SgEn
Que't
Que't
Sga'tigat
ZttOU.'
cuwa't
nl'edji
koa'ya
tcuo'k
sak-
qa'ta
la'el
kaka'6
eie'imik- 3
dje'E'djimit
eeTwet  I
tletlk-e'i
S'tc'et
tletle'tlk-i
k'I'kta
16 SEQuapmuQ
Que't
—
kEka's
nEa'lie
17 Okana'k-en
Que't
cue't
lkfit
gika'at
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
ni'ntik
g-a'tlaki
wutle'et
—
| Not far
Stock
Dialect
No
One
Two
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
tlek'
tleq
deq
Haida
2 Skidegate
gau'ano
f squn, sqa'sgo,
t sqoa'nsEfi
stifi
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
atlgE
gyak', gak', g'E'i-El,k'ai
tEpqa't, go'upEl
Kwakiutlr 1
Nootka^ J
4 Heiltsuk-
., 5 Kwakiutl
ky'e; I, hi, wi
ky'g; I, hi, wi
mEn
num
matl
matl
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
wek, I, hi
ts'5'wak, nup
a'tla
Salish   .
7 Bilqula
a'qko
(s)ma'otl
tlnos
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkungEn
Qu5'k-
au'a
pa'a; pepa'a
tlt'ais, tlt'ale
pa'luls, iiEteia'16
UE'ts'a, na'nEts'a
ntc'o'i, nEtcintca's
UE'tsa, na'tse
saa, sesa'a
yisa'iais, yaisa'le
tEmci'nuls, tEmeina'lt
yisa'oles, ya'issla '3
a'nos'o'i, ana'nos  .
tcE'sa, tca'asis
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
16 SEQuapmuQ
Qua's
p^B, pape'a
pE'la
ce'ia, cice'ia
a'nuBc
ta'a
nEk'o
sssa'la
17 Okana'k-en
let
nak-s
acil
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
mats
6kwe
as ON  THE NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES  OP CANADA.
159
Here
Wgua
iTik5
ia'ko
iltc'a'
iaia'
There
To-day
seigya'wun
yltl
he'itl'ot
tia'ako
la'ta; ilfiau', ElkEo'
no'nE
ky*Ela'
ne'e
goa'k'slai'oq
qoanaiaq
tlaTi fiye nasia'
atiso'nHt
sts'ok-
koa'yil
tEstsok-
tE nakua'yil
ti stse'is
tia'anuk
cltlk*at
ta'a'kdsk-'e'it
pie'n
ha'pEna
nagyukeyit
Yesterday
tB'tgB.
To-morrow
serE'nk1
da'rgatl tlga'i
da'rgatl
gyets'e'ip
tla'ntse
tiansutla'
tsegyets'e'ip
tla'nstlats
tlE'nstla
atlo'niHi
cisnia'sotl
djiia'k-atlet
cisia'sotl
tseiak-atl
kuitcil'a'k*tl
tcela'qatl
«peeqa'ut
ina'tQuas
pEsts'a'tl
p'Sstcitdi
a'mltlik
ikai'nuqs
ku'iSEm
ku'i9e
kui'skoa
wukoa'yiles
k'k-oa'ilas
kukua'tcilas
 *r#»
peaqa'ut Ur
pcl'las -,?A»jj
paqiafuty
qEla'p
wa'tlgoa
gauml'yit
Yes
a
a, 6,
1'figa
6
la'a
la'a
haa
o'ua
; wisq
gyiuaq
' *    -£.   6.
he
*r*\r. ^
<§>
Three
iatsk'
llku'mitl
Kua'nt, gutle'
Four
Five
dak-'o'n
sta'nsEn
kgdji'n
Six.
tledurcu'
tletl
tqalpq
,*utq
'utq
ra'tstsa
tsmos't
sia'tlas, sia'tla
Heqais, tleqoaie
(caatia'snls, tciatla'le
•le'Quis, tlquii'la
;ea'nat'6i, tcintca'nat
JeQ, tlQua'l
iSeUe'c, kekaBta'c
caBtla'c
tstia's
:a'tlec
ra'tlsa
mo
mu
mo'sa
q'5'seiia
q'osena'le
qa'cinis, qae'ele
f qao'tsen'oi,
(qaq'5'Stsen
Has, fiesa'la
ketone
siky'a'
siky'a'
dlkuncyutl
k-ait
su'tca
tseH
mus, mu'smEs
qoo'tcin
mos
mos
qa'tsa
tseatsa'e
nukua'tcisa
silatcsa'le
tlqii'tses
I tseyatcis'oi
t tsitce'atcis
tlk'8'tcis
tcikst, tci'tclkst
tciTikst
tsi'likst
tcIlkHst
ie'hko
k-atla'
k-atla'
no'po
tqotl
t'aqania'e
p'ultsfi'ea
tEqEma'le
tqam
f t'a'qatc'oi
I tqta'qats
tqafi
(tl'a'k-amakst
(tl'ak-tlak-amakst
tl'ak-Bmkist
tkmakst
t'ak-BmkHst
nmrsa
Seven
daqadureu'
dzi'gura
t'Epqa'lt
matlaau'sis!
a'gdlibu
a'tlpo
nustlnos
ts'utcisa'e
ts'o'etoiSW
ts'otcisa'le
ts'a'uks
J t'akosaik'6'i
t tkta'kosats
ts'a'kus
f toutlka
1 tcutltcutlka
teu'tlaka
tsotslka
afspilk'
nsta'tla
-JL
tSJ^euJ^kaX'
1 Seven men.
A 160
REPORT—1890
Stock
Dialect
Eight
Nine
Ten
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
naskadurou'
gS'cuk*
djl'nkat
Haida
2 Skidegate
stu'nsEfira
tlalEfi sqoa'fiSEn
tla'atl
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
guanda'lt, yukta'lt
kctEma'c
gy'ap, k'pe'el
Kwakiutl-)
Nootka     }
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
yUtqO'sis
ma'tlguanatl
mamane'is
na'nama
akyas'is
lastu'
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
a'tlakuatl
ts'o'wakutl
hai'u
Salish
7 Bilqula
k'etlno's
k'esma'n
tskHlakitt
8 CatKltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-q5mie
13 LkungEn
taatcisa'6
ta'ateis
taatcisale
tqa'tse
tqa'to'oi, tqtqatc
tii'asES
tigeqoa'e
ta'wiq
tuwequaiS
tuo'q
tsso'i, ts'E'sts'Es
toknq
opana'c
tlk-6'ya
opana'le
a'pBn
5'pan, opo'pEn
a'pEn
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
pio'pst
p'El'o'opot
tFmtlpa'a
k''ampaiBmEn
6'pEnakst, o'papEnaksi
k-'amp
16 SEQuapmuQ
nEk'ops
tF.mtlEnk5k'a
6'pukst
17 Okanak-en
ti'mitl
qEqEn'6't
o'penkHst
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
ouqa'tsa
g'aik'i't'owo
eft'5vr5
Stock
Dialect                     One thousand                  To eat
To drink
To walk j
Tlingit
1 Stikeen
—
qa
tana'
god, at
Haida
2 Skidegate
la'gua tiaie tla'atle
ta
qotEl
ka
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
k'pftl
ya'wig, pi. gap
aks
ia
Kwakiutl-)
Nootka     J
4 Heiltsuk-
5 Kwakiutl
16'qsEmHit
ha'msa
ha'mH'it
na'k-a
na'k-a
toua'
k-a'sat   1
6 Nootka. Ts'eciath
sutc'ek-pEtuk-
ha'uk-
nakcitl
ia'tscitl
Salish
7 Bilqula
—
atltp
k-a'aqla
tl'ems
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkungEn
tEsa'itc
tlqoa'witc
ts'a'witc
a'pBn niits'5'wuts
na'teauwitc
opa'anite
e'tltEU
e'tltEU
e'tltEn
a'tltEn
e'tltEn
e'tlEu
k-6'oko
k-o'ok-oa
k-6'koa
kak-a  -
tak-t
k-oa'k'oa
e'emes, 96
e'mai, 96
t9o
i'mic, nam   -
e'ma9, nam
OtEflg
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
opena qatsqk&k-ankst
tlaqa'nc   -^.
e'tlEu.
6'k-oaa
6k-oaa
QUECl't    1
16 SEQuapmuQ
opukstqatspke'kenkst
s'e'tlBn
sta
f skviuwa'tBHl
( pi. Qusa't"
17 Okana'k-en
"W^M
s'g'tlEn
ci'uct
k-'o'lEm
Kutonaqa         | 18 Columbia Lakes
gyit'uwS tlEtuwo'nowS
ik
i'ijwutl
—
•y- */ e.ii ON   THE  NORTH-WESTERN   TRIBES   OP  CANADA.
161
Twenty
tlek-a ■
lag-usqaa'nego
kyede'el
masEmkuis te'uais
matlsEmgyustau
tsak-eits
tlnoswos tskHlakHts
SEmcia'a
SEmcia'a
sEmcia'le
tskuc
wutltc'oi, wutlwutltc
ts'uqk-'u's
Thirty
natsk'djinka't
tia'le dlk-u'nutl
a-ule'wulgyap
yutqsoke
yutqsum gyustau
tsak-eits ic hai'u
asmo'ses tskHlakHts
djenoqsia'a
tleqoatcia'a
tciqoatlcia'a
ttEqutlciS'
tluqttlco'i
tlkEtctlca'e
Forty
dak-'o'n djinka't
tia'le sta'nsEii
tqaipwulgyap
mo'qsokue
mosk-Emgyaskau
atle'k-
moses tskHlakHts
mosatsia'a
q'osenatcia'a
qosEnatlcia'a
qasEntlcia'
qaot snEtlca'a
ngstlc&'e
One hundred
ke'djin k-a
la'gua tla'atl
kcBnEca'l
lakyint
sutc'ek-
ts e'Holaqs
tEsa'itc
tlqoa'witc
ts'a'witc
nSts'6'wuts
na'atcauwitc
na'ts'otc
citlo'penakst
a'nuEC k-'amps
sitl 6'pukst
- asilE o'penkHst
katlS'penakst
kaEtia'c k-'amps
motl 6'penakst
qoo'tcin k-'amps
kit 1 o'pukst
k-a'tElE 6'pBnkHst
mEt 1 o'pukst
mistlB o'penkHst
g-atlsa'nowo
qatsa'nowo
qatsqk-ak-ankst
qtcEpk-gk-enkHst
qatspk-e'kenkst
qatcitci'kst
gyit'uwo'nowo
To dance
To sing
To sleep
To speak
To see
To love
a—tl'eq
ci
ta
yu'q'a—ten
ten
sg-an
Hia'tl
sqala'fi
k-'a
—
k-ifi
stat'E'l
hala'it.
li'emi
qstoq
algiaq
ne
hasa'oknEnan
yi'qoa
yi'qoa
ne'nSya
sa'lala
gy'a'tla
me'q'Bt
bgoala'
baguala *
dok-oa
dSTroala
—
p
nunu'k
wa'itc
wawa
na'tsa
—
na'aqum
nuya'm
tsito'ma
—
kH'H
anoai'kH
tsi'tlEm
e'ius
kmyeles
koieTes
wume'fla
k-'oe'les
wowo'm
lolom
st'e'lem
t'e'talEm
wunumapaa'yicis
tEtle'elEm
tla'tsit
e'tut
e'etut
e'tut
e'tut
e'tut
k-oa'i; otlotas
k'u'neim
la'mat
k-'u'nem
la'mat
kua'kt
k'u'net
—
k-o'etcat . /Scic
mo'ts'um
i'tl'Bm
e'tl'Em
okB'it
roi'it
k-oalo't
wlk'Em
a'tsqan
qa'tlmen
itl'i'e
si'EmtEna'm
< pEle't,
\ pL qEmka'ut
/ k-Blfi't,
1 pi. koales
weksm
—
sk-'oigliq
sEnkune'Q
f ItQ,
1 pi. ts'atQeliQiQ
fkulk-oSTElt,
t pi. sk-oak-oal
weksn
iqame'n
k-a'k-auwitl
gawasqoni'am
g-'om
kakye
u'pqa
—
|                       fc/*--:
" =s
nan gpeaki;' k-kyal
11
a, woman speaks
h6.
I
■- 162
REPORT—1890.
Stock
1
Dialect
To kill
To sit.
To stand
To leave
Tlingit -
1 Stikeen
—
—
gya
god
Haida
2 Skidegate
tc'aqan
t'aii'6
gia'rafi
k'a
Tsimshian
3 Tsimshian
ds'ak
d'a
ha'yitk
da'wult
Kwakiutl-1
Nootka     J
4 Heiltsuk*
5 Kwakiutl
ha'lqa
tlatlala'
gua—
gua—
tla—
tla—
pa'o
6 Nootka.Ts'eciath
k-a'hsop
—
—
Salish
7 Bilqula
8 Catloltq
9 PEntlate
10 Siciatl
11 Snanaimuq
12 Sk-qomic
13 LkungEn
14 Ntlakyapamuq
15 StlatlumH
16 SEQuapmuQ
17 Okanak-en
—
amt
amo't
a'mot
amo't        ^r
a'omat
a'mot
a'mat yjy
ami'tcaakj^)
mi'tcak >T
mo't,              I
plural tsia'm J
mot,
plural kokule'ut
anoctlme'iq  •
csk-a't
skoe'cit
ck'at
stsEtsk-
te'tliQX
ta'tElQ
stsla'ut
aksuwe'Q,
plural t'Swe's
taia'mkits
CEqoii'itEm
kutB'mEn
k'oa'tcit,
' 6k-s
e'mac
e'mai
e'mec
ha'ya
e'mac
i-a'a
k'oatea'tc
f pol'stem,
1 plural tl'e'k-un
kspo'lstEHl,
pi. stlBqunte'm
k-utsa'ts
Kutonaqa
18 Columbia Lakes
-
sank-'a'mit
gawi'ska
—
Errata in the Fifth Beport of the Committee.
[The occurrence of these errors may be ascribed mainly to the distance between
printer and author, preventing a proper revision of the proofs.]
Page 806, line   8, instead of P-E'ntlatc read PEntlate.
808,
821,
„    36,
„    15,
„    last line,
822, line 18,
823, ,.      8,
824, „    21,
825, „    10,
827,   „   22,
828, „     2,
829, „   42,
830, last line,
831, line 13,
836,   „   23,
841,   „   52,
846,
847,
849,
852,
860,
861,
863,
864,
865,
867,
jaw read chin.
e'ano'k read g-ano'k.
snow read town.
waski read wask-.
k'Ok' read k'ok'.
(raven) = read — (raven).
K-omo'k-oa read Komo'k-oa.
Lagse read Laqse.
Tsetsetloa'lak'amae read Tsetsetloa'lakiamae
Gyl'gyitk-am read Gyl'gyilk'am.
Ts'E'nHk-'aio read Tss'nHk-aiO.
K'omena'kula read K-omena'kula.
1888 read 1890.
any other read any.
23, „ Kemiaminow read Vemiaminov.
52,      „         place, or read place in.
22,       ,, good read food.
32, omit (with outspread wings).
43, instead of k''oa'qaten read k'oa'qaten.
13,       „ maple read alder.
45,       | Ts'ilky- read Ts'ilky-.
24, I    I ttetl read tletl.
32, insert ti in beginning of line.
8, instead o/"tliqa read tli qa.
37-42, ,, k-' read always k'
37, „ gadE read qad.E.
,     ,, I k-a t gadE'„raw<? k-a to qadE
, .   9, ., nek' read nek'.
13, „ su q- read su q. ON   THE   NORTH-WESTERN  TRIBES   OF  CANADA.   "i
'Salish.
Spoltiswoodc & Clitn-.Zondon.
LINGUISTIC   MAP   OF   BRITISH   COLUMBIA.
NOTE.— The Tinneh are according to Dr. G. M. Dawson. Broad coloured lines denote
limits of branches of one linguistic stock, thin coloured lines limits of more
closely related dialects.
Mubs/ra/tn^ tAe> Sixth, H<por£> o7v th& M?r0L~W&ster7v2HI>GS of
thj&Do7nznzo7v of CajieuZco.

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