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The classification of the Russian verbs; an examination of the traditional and structural linguistic… Ritchford, William 1954

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T H E C L A S S I F I C A T I O N OF T H E R U S S I A N V E R B S AN EXAMINATION OF THE TRADITIONAL AND STRUCTURAL LINGUISTIC APPROACHES. b y W I L L I A M R I T C H F O R D A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OFTARTS in the Department of SLAVONIC STUDIES We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Members of the Department of Slavonic Studies T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A April, 19$k ABSTRACT The purpose of the thesis i s to compare the traditional and the modern structuralist approaches to the problem of classifying the Russian verbs. In the Introduction a brief h i s t o r i c a l outline of the treatment of the problem i s given. Within the traditional school two main tendencies developed: classification by the present- and by the infinitive-stem. Within the framework of modern structural linguistics new approaches to the problem of classifying the Russian verb were attempted. These attempts culminated i n the descriptive system of Roman Jakobson. Besides i t s main purpose: a comparison of the results of Jakobson with those of two of the newer representatives of the traditional school - Berneker and Unbegaun -, the thesis has as secondary purpose to explain and to a certain extent to c r i t i c i z e the work of Jakobson. In Chapter I the classification of Berneker which starts from the i n f i n i t i v e i s presented and discussed; i n spite of i t s doubtless pedago-gical merit, the classification i s found to contain flaws i n i t s method-ology: i t i s based on mixed c r i t e r i a , i t i s not s t r i c t l y synchronic, i t i s not exhaustive and i t separates groups of verbs which l i n g u i s t i c a l l y belong together (as a result of preoccupancy with script). In Chapter I I the classification of Unbegaun, which i s based on the present tense form, i s discussed. Unbegaun1s classificatory technique i s found to be s t r i c t e r than Berneker 1s, but this very strictness accentuates the shortcomings of the system. Like Berneker's, Unbegaun's system i s largely based on script, and i n his case the consequences are more serious. Chapter I I I i s devoted to a discussion of Jakobson1s approach. Jakobson has solved the problem on which a l l traditional classifications stranded - the matching of present- and infinitive-stems. His solution consists of the setting up of a (sometimes a r t i f i c i a l ) underlying stem-form, from which the alternations of the stem can be predicted on the basis of the simplest possible set of rules. The alternations of the stem are, i n the main, described i n terms of truncation (loss of a f i n a l stem phoneme). In view of this feature the basic stem-forms are subdivided into stem i n vowel, stem i n j , v, m, n, and stem i n other consonants. The subdivision proves useful i n the statement of the rules for softening and stress, for which Jakobson has been the f i r s t to state general rules. In the Conclusion i t i s demonstrated that, as opposed to the con-fusion of varied c r i t e r i a of classification characteristic of the trad-i t i o n a l school, the basis of Jakobson's system i s simply the phonemic structure of the basic stem-form. Furthermore, Jakobson's systematizing technique differs basically from that of his predecessors. Whereas the latter carry out consecutive subdivisions of the material thus obtaining separate classes of verbs - set up on the basis of separate c r i t e r i a , Jakobson1s descriptive system forms one closely-knit whole, where a minimum of distinctions i s employed to the describe the behavior of a maximum of the to t a l number of Russian verbs. C O N T E N T S page I N T R O D U C T I O N i - i i i N O T E O N T R A N S C R I P T I O N iv C H A P T E R I : B E R N E K E R 1 - 7 1. EXPOSE OF CLASSIFICATION 1 2. DISCUSSION OF CLASSIFICATION 6 a* Classificatory Technique 6 b. Exhaustivenass 6 c« Synchrony and Diachrony 6 d. Predictability 7 e. Preoccupancy with Script 7 f• Conclusion 7 C H A P T E R H i O B E G A U N 8 - Hi 3. EXPOSE OF CLASSIFICATION 8 U. DISCUSSION OF CLASSIFICATION 10 a* Comparison with Berneker 10 b. Preoccupancy with Script 11 c» Classificatory Technique 13 d. Conclusion lU G H A P T E E H I : J A K O B S O N 1 5 - 3 5 5. INTRODUCTORY 15 6. MATCHING PRESENT AND INFINITIVE STEM 17 ai Statement of the Problem 17 C O N T E N T S ( C TP.) b. Truncation 18 c. Softening 21 7. STRESS 2k 8. REMAINDER OF PARADIGM 28 a. Introductory 28 b* Truncation in Preterit 28 c. Imperative Desinences 3 0 d. Infinitive Desinences >• 30 e. Preterit Desinences 30 f• Present Personal Desinences 30 9. COMPLETION OF THE SYSTEM 32 C O N C L U S I O N 36 B I B L I O G R A P H Y kO INTRODUCTION The purpose of this thesis i s to compare the traditional and the modern structuralist approaches to a specific l i n g u i s t i c problem: that of Classifying the Russian verbs. This problem i s one of long standing, and i n attempting a solution the traditional school has developed two main tendencies. The 17th and 18th century Russian grammarians based their systems on the present stemj 19th century authors began to use the i n f i n i t i v e stem as a starting point for their descriptions of Russian verb conjugation. At the same time, combinations of the two approaches were attempted.^ 2 Of the newer representatives of the traditional school, Berneker and Unbegaun ^  are the most lucid and consistent. At the same time their systems exhibit the two main tendencies mentioned above; Berneker clas-s i f i e s by the i n f i n i t i v e -, Unbegaun by the present stem. Our treatment of the traditional approach consists of an analysis of the classifications of these two authors. The best grammatical descriptions of Russian which have appeared i n various languages ( English - Forbes ^; French - Mazon 6 ^ 7 8 Swedish - Lundqvist ; Russian - S(ferba ' and more recently Vinogradov ), 1} For an account of the earlier classifications cf. W. Guihomard , Des systernes traditionnels de classement des verbes russes. Melanges publies en l'honneur de M. Paul Boyer. Paris, 1925. 2) Berneker, E. - Vasmer,, M. ( rev. ), Russische Grammatik. Walter de Gruyter and Co., Berlin, 1947. 3) Unbegaun, B., Grammaire Russe. Collection "Les langues du monde", Lyon - Paris, Editions I.A.C. 1951. 4) Forbes, N., Russian Grammar. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1916. - i i -in so far as the classification of the verbs i s concerned, offer no original ideas not contained in the systems of Berneker and Unbegaun. The development of the structuralist school in linguistics which followed the publication of F. de Saussure's "Cours de linguistic generale" made possible a new approach to the problem. This approach, characterized by a strict separation of synchrony and diachrony, by the introduction of the functional point of view and later by the development of new des-criptive and classificatory techniques, was first applied by Karcevski 2 who paved the way for the later attempts of Blocmfield ^ and Cornyn \ 5) Mazon, Andre - Grammaire de l a langue russe. Collection de Gram-maires de l 1 Institute d»Etudes Slaves V. Paris, 1949. 6) Lundqvist, J. - Rysk Spraklara. Helsingfors. 1914* 7) Scerba, L. V., - Grammatika russkogo jazyka. Gosudarstvennoe ucebnopedagogiceskoe izdateljstvo ministerstva proveSc'enija R.S.F.S.R. 1950. 8) Vinogradov, V.V. (red.). Grammatika russkogo jazyka. Tom I , Fonetika i Morfologija. Akademii Nauk S.S.S.R. Institut Jazykoznanija, o Moskva. 1953. l) Saussure, F. de. Cours de linguistique generale. Payot, Paris. 1916. 2} Karcevski, S. Etudes sur le systeme verbal du russe contemporain. Slavia. Prague. 1922. Karcevski, S. Systeme du verbe russe. Essai de linguistic synchronique. Prague. 1927. 3) Bloomfield, L. Dictionary of Spoken Russian. War Dept. TM 30-944, 194 5« 4) Cornyn, W. On the Classification of Russian verbs. Language, Vol.24 No.l, p.64 f f . , Baltimore. 1948. - i i i -However, i t remained for Roman Jakobson to take f u l l advantage of these new techniques. Our examination of the structuralist approach i s based on his a r t i c l e on "Russian Conjugation11"'". This a r t i c l e contains a mass of information i n an exceedingly compact form, and i s therefore hard to absorb.5 For this reason, our treatment of Jakobson1s work i s not con-fined to mere analysis but attempts also to restate his ideas i n a more digestable form ( i f less systematic ). In order to achieve thi s , the basic elements of Jakobson's system are dealt with f i r s t , whereas the treatment of secondary issues i s l e f t for the later sections. Also, the rules stated by Jakobson are reworded i n order to avoid at least part of his special terminology based on a number of definitions given i n the * f i r s t section of his a r t i c l e . Since the aim of this thesis i s a comparison of the systems of Ber-neker and Unbegaun with that of Jakobson, i t i s subject to the limitations imposed by the latter: (1) only simple verbs (with unprefixed one-root stems) are treated and (2) the analysis i s confined to the purely verbal categories (the f i n i t e forms and the i n f i n i t i v e ) . 1) Jakobson, R. Russian Conjugation. Word, Vol.4:3 , p.155 f f . , New York, 1948. - iv -N O T E ON T R A N S C R I P T I O N The Cyrillic alphabet i s transcribed into Latin letters as f o l -lows: A - a e - e M - 3 o - o y - u ILi - s 3 - e 6 - b e - K - k n - p f W - sc K) -n> - V )K. - V z J] - 1 P * . r A - t - tl >» - ja r - g 3 - z M - m c - s 4 - c bl - y fA - d M - i H - n T - t H - c b - j Transcribed Cyrillic script i s underlined, e. g. delatj. Phonemic transcription i s given between slants, e, g, /d'alat'/* Morphophonemic notation i s spaced, e, g, d'e 1 a j - , f over a vowel indicates stress. 1 after a consonant indicates palatalization. - indicates separation of morphemes* C H A P T E R I t B E R M E R E R . 1 * E x p o s e o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n * Berneker's classification of the Russian verb is based on the dictionary form, i . e. the infinitive. As his fi r s t principle of subdivision he uses the distinction of consonant versus vowel as last element of the infinitive stem* This yields two major classes: A* Infinitive ending preceded by a consonant (e. g. nes-ti). B* Infinitive ending preceded by a vowel (e* g. dela-tj),*, A third class* C, contains some anomalous verbs* For his secondary subdivision Bemeker uses the obvious method of classifying according to the exact phonetic nature of the sound preceding (actually or historically) the infinitive ending* Within class A this yields the following subgroups: Stems in 1) a, z 3) b $) r, 1 2) t, d U) k, g 6) n, m In subdividing class B, the phonetic principle i s supplemented by a morphological one. The fi r s t four subgroups are based on pure-ly phonetic considerations; the last two, on the other hand, are of a morphological character: Stems In I. a II. e III. i IV. y_ V. nu VI. ova/eva Thirdly, where necessary, the groups thus obtained are further subdivided to yield uniform classes: e. g. class B III ( i before infinitive ending) i s further broken down into the types: 1) bitj - bjju, bjgsj, etc. 2) xvalitj - xvalju, xvalisj, etc. These final subdivisions are not based on any unified principle but rather on whatever characteristic is convenient in each particular Instance. For each group of verbs i t i s stated which of the following three sets of personal endings is used: a) ^ u -ut - e | i -et -em -ete b) ^  — - -Job c) ^ ju - i s j - i t -im -ite - j a t 1 Of course* this presupposes the well known spelling rule that after s, z, c, sc, instead of ja, ^u, the letters a, u are employed; e. g. the verbs pisatj and spesatj take the endings b) and c) respect-ively, in spite of the spellings pisu, pisut, sgesu, spesat, etc. Sometimes the sets of endings used yield major subdivisions within Berneker's classification, as in class BI type 2) drematj - dremlju (with endings b.) versus type 3) stonatj - stonu (with endings a.). Rules for the stress are given in each separate group. The stress patterns yield important subdivisions in the Russian verb and are oc-casionally reflected in Berneker's classification, e. g. in class B I H 2) type xvalitj - xvalju, xvalisj versus type valltj - valju,  vailsj. Rules for "substitutive softening" (alternation k : fc, etc.) 1) Incidentally, Berneker does not mention the pronunciation M-ut" of the unstressed 3d person plural ending in verbs of the second conjugation. - 3 -are given where necessary (classes A U; B I 2j B I 3; B II 2; B III 2). A complete outline of Berneker's classification of the Russian verb i s given below* It is presented in some detail to make possible later reference to any class of verbs and any exceptional type (ex-ceptional, that i s , from Berneker's point of view)* Of each of Ber-neker's regular classes one example is given - regardless of whether the class i s large or small* If within a given class more than one stress pattern occurs, each pattern i s represented whether or not Bemeker makes an appropriate subdivision* The exceptions occurring within each class are a l l summed up under their respective headings* These exceptions are distinguished from the regular types by indent-ation* A* Consonant before infinitive ending* 1) Stem in a, a nesti - nesu, nese'sj vezti - vezu, veggsj  gryztj - gryzu, gryzSsj  leztj - lezu, lezesj 2) Stem in t, d mesti - metu, metgsj procestj - -ctu, -Sfgsj  yesti - vedu, vede'sj klastj - kladu, kladgsj sestj - sjadu, sjadesj rasti - rastd, rast^Sj i d t l - idu, idgsj 3) Stem in b grestt - grebu, grebe's j k) Stem in^k, £ pecj - peku, peSgsj (from *pek-ti) berecj - berega, berezSsj moci - mogu, mozesj zecj -^Zjgo* £Sesj  lecj - ljagq, lj&zesj 5) Stem in r, 1 meretj - mru# mresj (from «mer-ti) poro'tj - porjq, poresj  kolotj - koljn, k6lesj molStj - melja, melesj 6) Stem in n, m mjatj - mnu, mnSsj zatj - zma. zrne'sj klj&stjsja - kljanusj, kljanSsjsja Vowel before infinitive ending* Stem in a 1) dllatj - delaju, delaesj citatj - citaju, citaesj 2) p i s i t j - pisu, pisesj  mazatj - ma|u, mazesj stlatj - stelju, stllesj slatj - sljti, slgsj kolebltj - koleblju, koleblesj 3) stonatj - stonu> stonesj  sos&tj - sosfi, sos'es j zvatj - zpvu, zovgsj  bratj - beru» ber'esj  drat j - derfi, dere'sj h) spatj - splju, spisj gnatj,- gonju, gonisj 5) sejatj - seju, seesj 6) davatj - daju, daSsj 7) stat J - stanu, staneSj - 5 -II. Stem in e 1) umltj - umeju, umeesj 2) smotretj - smotrju, smfitrisj  veletj - velju, velisj  videt j - vizxi, vidisj derSatj - derStu dlrBisj (from *drg-eti) beiatj - begu, bealsj 3) revetj - revu* rev^sj  xotetj - xocu, xocesj, xotlm 4) petj - poja, poBsj 5") detj - derm, denes j H i . Stem in i 1) bitj - bjjn, bjgsj gnit£ - gnija, gnijM britj - breja, breeSj 2) xvalitj - xvalju, xvalisj  v a l l t j - valju, vallsj  laaitj - laatt, lazisj posetltj - posescu, posetisj IV. Stem in y_ 1) myt j - m$jn, m6es j 2) slytj - slyva, slyvesj V. Stem in nu 1) momentary: kriknutj - krlknu, krlknesj sepnutj - sepraU sepriesj 2) non-momentary: gasnutj - gasnu, gasnesj  tonatj - tonu, tonesj VI. Stem i n ova/ 1) kovatj - kuju, kuesj eVa " — plevatj - pljuju, pljaesj  sledovatj - electaju, sleduesj  torgovatj - torg&jtt, torgoesj - 6 -C* Remains of other conjugations (bytj* datj* est j * exat^). 2* D i s c u s s i o n o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n * a* GLASSIFIGATORT TECHNIQUE. The f i r s t criticism that may be levelled at Berneker1s overall classification concerns the principle on which i t i s based* Strictly speaking* the criterion employed on a giyen level should be maintained until the possibilities of that level are exhausted* For example* in subdividing the verbs with a vowel before the infinitive ending (Berneker1s class B) one could either employ purely phonetic criteria and subdivide into verbs in -atj* -etj, - i t e t c * * or, on the other hand* one could employ some morphological criterion such as the type of infinitive suffix: -a-, -mi-, -ova-* etc* Berneker* however* summing up the vowels that can precede the infinitive ending, includes -nu- (class V) and -ova-(class VI) which are* of course* not vowels but morphemes, and in this way he confuses the phonetic and the morphological approaches* b* EXHAUSTIVENESS. Partly as a consequence of the approach c r i t -icized under a** Berneker's classification i s not exhaustive: the verb dutj finds no place in i t since of the verbs with u before the infinitive ending only those with the suffix -nu- are treated (class V)* Had a purely phonetic approach been employed* this verb would have found i t s natural place in the class with u before the i n f i n i * tive ending* Had a purely morphological criterion been chosen, then dutj would have found i t s place in the class without suffix in the infinitive (together with bitj - bjjuj mytj - moju; etc.* as opposed to del-a-t.1* xval-i-tj* gas-nurtj* etc.)* c*. SYNCHRONY AND DIACHRONY* The classification i s not strictly synchronic: in several cases verbs are assigned to a class not on the basis of their actual form, but from the point of view of their his-toxical (or rather their prehistorical) origin. Such i s the case i n " classes A k (pecj from *pek-ti), A 5" (meretj from -»mer-ti) and A 6 (Ajatj from *men-ti), a l l classed by Berneker as verbs with a con-sonant before the infinitive ending* d. PRBDICTABniTTi As is the case with any other classification of the Russian verb which is based on the infinitive alone* in Ber-neker's system no prediction with regard to the rest of the paradigm is possible on the basis of the form chosen as starting point* That the paradigm of delatj differs from that of pisatj, the paradigm of zevatj from that of nocevatj and the paradigm of uvazatj from that of derSatj (delaju versus pisuj zevaju versus nocuju; uvazaju versus derzu) i s not apparent from the infinitive* It w i l l be noticed that the procedures on the basis of which the member's:.of -the:latter two pairs of. verbs are assigned to different classes are exactly those c r i t -icized under a* and c* respectively* e. PREOCCUPAIKJT "WITH SCRIPT* The classification is based on script rather than on pronunciation which, for instance* forces Ber-neker to distinguish between two sets of unstressed desinences: -esj,  -et, etc*, versus - i s j , - i t , etc** whereas phonemically there i s on-ly / - i s / , /-it/» e b c » Though in this case Berneker's procedure may be justified by obvious practical considerations, his preoccupancy with script leads him to such unnecessary distinctions as that between claas B I 2 and class B I $ (mazatj - mazu and sejatj - seju). f. CONCLUSION. The foregoing critical remarks are made from a strictly scientific point of view. It must of course be kept in mind that Berneker's aim was as much pedagogical as scientific - a com-bination which presents quite special difficulties in the case of the Russian language - and one cannot but admire the balance achieved between the two* -8-C H A P T E R I I : U N B E G A U N . 2 • E x p o s e o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Contrary to Berneker* Unbegaun chooses as his starting point for the cl a s s i f i -cation of the Russian verb not the infinitive* but the forms of the present tense. As f i r s t principle of subdivision he uses the "connective vowel" ("voyelle de liaison") which appears between the present base and the personal endings (except 1st sing, and 3d plur.). This yields the two major classes traditionally referred to as fi r s t and second conjuga-tion. For his secondary subdivision Unbegaun uses the form of the present base. This yields a further subdivision only within the f i r s t conjugation ( -e- class) as follows: I. Present base ending in a consonant (e. g. nes-u) II. Present base ending in the suffix -n- (e. g. dvi-n-u) III. Present base ending in a vowel ( e. g. dela-ju). These three classes are referred to by Roman numerals as indi-cated; the \Bjrbs of the second conjugation (-i- class)* though the result of a division on a higher level, are added to these as class IV. Two further subdivisions not indicated by Roman numerals contain respectively verbs straddling two of the above-mentioned classes and anomalous verbs. Classes I to IV are then fufcther subdivided into groups A, B, etc. This subdivision i s carried out on the basis not of one single - 9 -criterion but of several* These criteria are the following: a) absence or presence of a suffix in the infinitive base (in classes I and m)j b) possibility of losing the suffix ne/nu (in class II); c) character of the suffix in the infinitive base (in class IV). On this level of subdivision the complete picture is as follows: I A nes-u - nes-ti versus I B sos-u - sos-a-tj II A dvi-nu-tj - dvi-nu-1 versus II B gas-nu-tj - gas H I A duma-ju - duma-tj versus III B ta-ju - ta-ja-tj TV A ljub-i-tj versus IV B let-e-tj versus IV C zvuc-a-tj. Unbegaun completes his classification by making a final subdivi-sion into subgroups 1, 2, etc* As was the case on the preceding level of subdivision, different criteria are employed for the various class-es of verbs, namely: a) whether or not the bases of present and infinitive are of identical structure (in I A, I B and III A)j b) according to the character of the suffix in the infinitive base (in III B); c) according to whether the present base ends in a vowel or a consonant (in IV A and IV C). Unbegaun1s final classification i s summed up below: I A 1 nes-n nes-ti I A 2 s.lad-n ses-tj I B 1 sos-u sos-a-t.j I B 2 zov-u zv-a-t.i I B 3 pis-u pis*a-tj II A dvi-nu-tj dvi-nu-1 II B gas-nu-tj gas III A 1 duma-ju duma-tj III A 2 mo-ju my-tj III B 1 ta-ju ta-ja-tj III B 2 da-.ju da-va-tj III B 3 ku-ju kov-a-tj 4 10 -IV A 1 kras-u kras-i-frj IV A 2 stro-ju stro-l-tj  lec-u let-e-tj IV C 2 sto-ju sto-ja-t.1. IV B IV C 1 zvuS-u zvuc-a-tj As i s the case in Berneker, rules for substitutive ^softening and for the stress are given with each separate group* except that Unbegaun devotes special paragraphs to the stress patterns of the present and preterit tenses* These paragraphs merely sum up the different existing patterns* Which of these patterns applies to each particular verb cannot be predicted on the basis of Unbegaun1s clas-sification* and only in one case,is he able to give a general rule for the stress: in the present tense forms, the stress i s always fixed in the verbs which - in Unbegaun's system - have a vocalic present tense base* that i s , in a l l of class III (A 1 dumatj - dumaju*  dumaesj; A 2 mytj - m&ju* m&esj; B 1 tajatj - taju* taesj; B 2 davatj -daju, dagsj; B 3 kovatj - kuju, kufsj), in class IV* A 2 (strSitj -str6ju* stroisj) and in class IV G 2 (stojatj - stpju, stoisj). This rule, however* i s only of limited scope and, though correct as far as i t goes* has no further Implications whatsoever: even i n a small class such as III A 2 the stress can be fixed on different syllables (m6ju versus poju), U. D i s c u s , s i o n o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , a* COMPARISON WITH BERNEKER. From the point of view of classi-ficatory technique Unbegaun's system is definitely more sophisticated than Berneker's. Whereas the latter in several instances assigns verbs to classes in which they do not actually belong (cf. section 2c*), Unbegaun consistently keeps to the criteria on which he bases his consecutive subdivisions* -11 -Furthermore, whereas Berneker contents MmpAif -with giving a broad classification in the different categories of which sundry ex-ceptions and anomalies are admitted, Unbegaun, whose classification i s more complex, manages to bring such exceptions under a common de-nominator. For instance, the verbs of the type mytj - moju form one half of his class IV, britj - breju is an exception in class III and petj - poju i s an exception in class II ( a l l in group B). For For Unbegaun, a l l three f i t naturally in his class III A 2 ( i l l : con-nective vowel -e-; A: present base in vowelj 2: present and infinitive bases of different structure). Nevertheless, Unbegaun's classification retains some of the neg-ative points of Berneker's and has a few of i t s own. b. FREOCCUPANCT WITH SCRIPT. As i s the case with Berneker, Un-begaun classifies on the basis of script rather than pronunciation. In his system, however, the consequences are more serious. The very f i r s t principle of subdivision - the connective vowel used in the present tense forms - is , in Unbegaun1s system, a matter of script rather than of pronunciation. The verbs delatj and veritj have in standard Moscow pronunciation identical present tense endings1., 1) The pronunciation /-ut/ for the unstressed 3d person plural present ending i n the verbs of the 2nd conjugation i s given as stand-ard by Usakov I.e., p. XXXTV (1935)* Ozegov, I.e., p. 7f« (1952) says that i t i s gradually disappearing. However, Vinogradov, I.e., p. 1+75 (1953) states that i t i s extensively used. As i s well known, the ending became /-ut/ in the Moscow dialectj the fact that the pronunciation /-at/ is gaining ground i s due entirely to the influence of the script. 12 and even i f one bases one's classification on the pronunciation /-at/ rather than /-ut/, the difference between fi r s t and second conjugation is not, as with Unbegaun, a matter of connective vowel -e- versus - i - . The fact that Unbegaun himself i s aware of this (cf. p. I78 ff.) does not prevent him from employing this very criterion as the basis of his classification* uhbegaun's preoccupancy with script results furthermore in awk-wardness with regard to the separation of stem and following morphemes* e* g* in tajatj - taju Unbegaun regards ta- as the stem* -ja- as the infinitive suffix* and the 1 sing* ending* in the f i r s t conjugation* is according to him -u. Between a vocalic stem and this ending "un yod f i -gure naturellement"* Quite apart from the objections that can be raised to this latter statement* i t i s awkward to regard the stem of this verb as having the form ta- since this root appears elsewhere in the form ta j - (cf. tajna* tajnyj* etc*). The morphology of the verb is only a part of the system of the Russian language as a whole* and in analyzing this morphology the other parts of the system should be kept in mind. But even within the limits of the verbal system, Uhbegaun's pro-cedure separates elements which obviously belong together. He classes taju - tajatj as I H B 1 ( i l l s f i r s t conjugation with present stem in vowel: B: suffix in infinitive base; Is the form of the suffix i s ^ a). On the other hand* the verb mazu - mazatj i s classed as I B 3 (Is fi r s t conjugation with present stem in consonant; B: suffix in infinitive base; 3s base with alternating consonants)* It i s clear* however, 1 that the two verbs are exactly parallel from the point of view of pronunciation* as follows: taj-u - taj-a-tj maS-u - maz-a-tj. - 13 -Both verbs have stems ending in a consonant in the present (j_ and z/z respectively), both have 1st pers. sing, ending in ^u, and both have the infinitive suffix -a-. Apart from the fact that Unbegaun does not manage to bring the two verbs under the same heading, his method of dealing with tajatj is particularly inelegant s in the pres-ent tense the "yod" is regarded as a separate element which "figure naturellement" between stem and ending; in the infinitive i t i s re-garded as part of the infinitive suffix. In both forms, of course, the "yod" i s part of the stem, and i t is only his preoccupancy with script that prevents Unbegaun from recognizing this fact. c. CLASSIFICATQRT TECHNIQUE. As i s the case with Berneker, Un-begaun employs mixed criteria for subdivisions on the same level. His subdivision of the verbs of the f i r s t conjugation employs not only the opposition consonant/vowel (phonetic criterion) but also the presenile of an «'-n- suffixal" (morphological criterion). As i s clear from the exposition of his classification given before, the criteria for a l l his further subdivisions are also of a mixed char-acter (cf. p. 9). A peculiar flaw in Unbegaun1s classification from a methodolog-ical point of view is his use of the same criterion on different levels of subdivision. The criterion consisting of the character of the suf-fix in the infinitive base i s used not only for the subdivision of his class IV (connective vowel - i - ; infinitives A ljub-i-tj, B let-e-tj, 6 zvuc-a-tj), but also on a lower level, namely in subdividing his class III B (III: connective vowel -e-, present stem in vowel; B: suffix in infinitive base; 1. ta-ja-ij, 2. da-va-tj, 3. kov-a-tj). Furthermore, the criterion of whether the present base ends in a vowel or in a consonant i s used not only on the f i r s t level, namely - l u -te- separate classes I and III (first conjugation, It present stem ending in consonant, III present stem.ending in vowel), but again on the last level, namely to distinguish consonant from vowel stems within class IV (A 1 kras-u versus A 2 stro-ju; C 1 zvue-u versus C 2 sto-jfl) 1. d. CONCLUSION. To sum up, Uhbegaun's classification of the Russian verb exhibits a greater strictness of method than Berneker1s does, but i s certainly not above reproach i n this respect. It i s true that his system does not involve the diachronic aspect and that i t i s ex-haustive; but on the other hand, there are such negative features as preoccupancy with script and a confused classificatory technique. From a pedagogical point of view, Berneker*s system is preferable to Uhbegaun's. 1) Incidentally, this last distinction i s non-existant from a linguistic point of view and even graphically quite useless. -15-C H A P T E R I H : J A K O B S O N . 5* I n t r o d u c t o r y . Contrary to Berneker and Unbegaun, Jakobson takes as the basis for his discussion of the Russian verb the phonemic rather than the graphic facts. This approach, which is linguistically the only correct one, involves certain complications which are absent i f one starts from script. On the other hand, there are also instances where phonemic reality i s simpler than i t s graphic representation. The alternations to which the vowels in the verbal roots of Rus-sian are subjected are not reflected in script in so far as they are purely phonetic (the script being based on the so-called morpholog-ical principle), so that to this extent Berneker and Unbegaun can ignore them. These phonetic alternations - which Jakobson must take into account - are the following: (1) /6/-/&/ mocj /moc/ - mogn /rnago/ phonetic rules: (a) Stressed /§/ appears in unstressed syllables as /a/. (b) Stressed /e/ appears in unstressed syllables as / i / . (2) / e / - / i / (3) /6/-/1/ (20 / a / - / i / (5) /o/-/e/ sek /sifek/._ - seku /s'iku/ pgk /p'ok/ - peku /p'iku/ prjastj /pr •ast'/ - prjadn /pr'idu/ P^k /p'ok/ - pecj /p'ec/ These alternations are predictable on the basis of the following - 16 -(c) Stressed /6/t /a/ after soft cons* appear in unstressed syllables as / i / * (d) Stressed /6/ after soft and before hard cons* appears be-fore soft cons* as /§/• These rules being given, the stems of the above-mentioned verbs can in morphophonemic notation be written as follows 1: mo g- s'e k- p'o k- p r'a d-If one starts from these stems, then rule (a) accounts for the a l -ternation exemplified under (1) above, rule (b) for that under (2), rule (c) for those under (3) and (U) and rule (d) for that under The well-known unvoicing of voiced consonants before voiceless ones and at the end of a word i s dealt with in the same way, e* g* in vezti / v ' i s t ' i / - vfez /v'os/ - yezu /v'izu/ - vezla /v'izla/, the morphophonemic shape of the root is v'o z-, with a voiced fricative, since the unvoicing of this sound can be predicted on the basis of a general phonetic rule* If in these instances Jakobson's description of Russian conju-gation exhibits a greater complexity than that of his predecessors, due to the greater complexity of the phonetic facts in comparison to the script, in other cases the linguistic facts are simpler than theifc rendering in script. As was stated before, Berneker distinguishes three sets of personal endings in the present tense. These endings are given below together with their phonemic counterparts: l ) The consonant alternations which accompany the vowel alter-nations under discussion are lef t but of account here* - 17 -B e r n e k e r P h o n e m i c a l l y a) -u -ut /-u/ /-ut/ — -esj/-3sj ..... — /'-is / / M s / . . . . . • b) - j u * -jut /'-u/ /'-ut/ c) -ju - i s j ..... -jat /«-u/ / f - i s / ..... /'-ut/ * • J L - /'-at/ Since the palatalization of stem-final consonants i s a question of stem alternations and not of endings, the desinences of the present tense can be summed up as follows: /-is//-os/ ••••• /-ut/ / - i s / ..... /-ut//-4^/. It i s clear that the present tense endings form a simpler system in the Russian spoken language than they do in Russian script. 6. M a t c h i n g p r e s e n t a n d i n f i n i t i v e s t e m . a. STATEMENT GF THE PROBLEM. As i s stated correctly by Cornyn, "the problem of classifying the Russian verb lies in matching the present and infinitive stems" (i.e., p. 66). As is well known, the present tense stems of the Russian verbs cannot be predicted on the basis of those of the infinitive nor vice versa. For example, the similar infinitives delatj and zvncatj are matched with different present tense forms: delaju versus zvucu; on the other hand, the similar present tense forms valju and velju are matched with differ-ent infinitives: valitj versus veletj. In spite of his awareness of this fact, Cornyn has not achieved any solution. He i s content to set up four regular types of verbs: corresponding to Berneker's classes B I 1, B VI, B V and B III 2,and considers everything else "irregular", including such common types as Berneker's classes B I 2 and B II 2. However, a good classification should be as inclusive as possible - 18 -and in this respect Cornyn is far behind both Berneker and Unbegaun. b. TRUNCATION. It is the great achievement of Jakobson to have found a solution for the problem of matching the present and i n f i n i -tive stems. For this solution he draws his inspiration from the f o l -lowing passage in Bloomfield: "...when forms are partially similar, there may be a question as to which one we had better take as the underlying form, and .... the structure of the language may decide this question for us, since, taking i t one way, we get an unduly complicated description, and, taking i t the other way, a relatively simple one. This same consider-ation often leads us to set up an a r t i f i c i a l underlying form.1,1 Whereas Berneker's classification is based on the infinitive-and Unbegaun's on the present stem, Jakobson selects neither but uses that form from which the other can be deduced by the simplest set of rules. He sets up two major classes of Russian verb stems. (1) Stems ending in a vowel ( in his terminology "open stems'1 ) and (2) Stems ending in a consonant ( in his terminology "closed stems" )} the latter class Is subdivided into "narrowly closed stems" i.e. stems in j, v, m, n, and "broadly closed stems" i.e. those ending in another consonant. Four simple rules cover the general relationship between the form of the stem in the infinitive and the present tense: 1) L. Bloomfield, Language. London, 1935* P« 218. 2) The "general relationship", that is to say, excluding simple or substitutive softening of consonants (/n'isu/, /n'is'os/j /p'isat'/ /pJisis/) and special cases as /m'at'/, /mnu/, etc., for which special rules are given. - 19 -R u l e 1 E x a m p, 1 ; e. • J 1. Stem-final vowel Stem t a j a-intact before desinence beginning in cons. Inf. /taja-t'/ dropped before des. beginning in vowel. ISPr. /taj-u/ J 2. Stem-final j , v, m, n Stem d'e 1 a j -dropped before des. beginning in consonant Inf. /d'ela-t'/ intact before des. beginning in vowel ISPr. /d'elaj-u/ J 3* Stem-final velar Stem s t r ' i g-dropped before infinitive ending /-c/ Inf. /str'i-c/ J k* Stem-final labial or dental Stems g r'o b-, m'o t-changes to /s/ before infinitive ending Inf. /gr'is-t'i/, /m'is»t'l/. It will be noted that rule J 1. covers the "open stems", rule J 2. the 'narrowly closed stems" and rules J 3* and J lw the "broadly closed stems". As can be seen from the above examples, Jakobson1s basic stem-form is sometimes the form found in the infinitive (t a j a-), sometimes that found in the present tense (d'e 1 a j-) and sometimes neither (g r'o b-, m'o t - ) . The alternations to which the stems are subject are mainly a matter of dropping the final phoneme (rules J 1-U). Jakobson calls this phenomenon "truncation". The solution to the problem exemplified on p. 17 (section 6 a) may be seen from the following: Stem d'e 1 a j - Inf. /d'ela-t'/ ISPr. /d'elaj-u/ Stem z v u 5 a- Inf. /zvuca-t'/ ISPr. /zvuc-u/ Stem v a l ' i - Inf. /val'i-t«/ ISPr. /val'-u/ Stem v'e l'e- Inf. / v ' l l ' l - t ' / ISPr. /v'il'-u/ 1) The rules of Jakobson in their restated form are referred to as J 1, J 2, etc., and are numbered in the order in which they appear in the text. The simplification achieved by Jakobson in comparison to Berneker and Unbegaun may be seen from the following table: Jakobson1 s Jakobson's Infinitive 1 S. Present Berneker's Unbegaun's class stem—form Qlass class p'i s a- /p'isa-t'/ /p'is-u/ B I 2 I B 3 p o r o- /par6-t'/ /par'-u/ A 5 I A 2 OPEN z d a- /zda-t'/ /zd-u/ B I 3 I B 1 STEMS s'e j a- /s'eja-t'/ /s'ej-u/ B I 5 III B 1 J 1. s m o t r'e- /smatrIe-t,/ /smatr'-u/ B II 2 17 B d'o r z a- /d«ir5a-t'/ /d'irz-u/ B n 2 17 C x v a l ' i - /xval'l-t'/ /xval'-u/ B III 3 17 A d v'i n u- /dv'xnu-t«/ /dv'ln-u/ B V 1, 2 II A, B d«e 1 a j - /d'ela-t'/ /d'elaj-ti/ B I 1 III A 1 NARROWLY s t a n- /sta-t'/ /stan-u/ B I 7 2-cl. vb. CLOSED d'e n- /d'e-t'/ /d'en-u/ B II 5 2-cl. vb* STEMS g n'i j - /gn'i-t'/ /gn'ij-u/ B III 1 III A 1 J 2. • z i v- /z i - t ' / /ziv-u/ (exc.) B 17 I A 2 d u j - /du-t'/ /duj-u/ unci* III A 1 J 3 p'o k- /p'e-c/ /p'ik-u/ A U I A 1 b'i r'o g- /b'ir'e^c/ /b'ir'ig-ti/ A k I A 1 BROAD- m'o t- /m'is-t'i/ /m«it-u/ A 2 I A 1 iy v'o d- /v ' i s - t ' l / /v'id-u/ A 2 I A 1 CLOSED J h n'o s- /n«is-t'£/ /n»is-u/ A 1 I A 1 STEMS v'o z- /v ' i s - t ' i / /v'iz-u/ A 1 I A 1 g r'o b- /gr'is-t«£/ /gr'ib-u/ A 3 I A 1 - 21 -c. SOFTENING. Softening of the last consonant of the verbal stem plays an important part in Russian conjugation. This softening can be of two types: (l) "bare" softening, consisting of the simple palatalization of a consonant, as in /n'is'-os/ versus /n'is-u/', and "substitutive" softening, involving the well-known consonant alternations of the type t/c, g/z, etc. Neither Berneker nor Unbegaun states any general rules for softening. Both give separate rules for each of their classes of verbs. Since their treatment of the Russian verb i s based on script they avoid any mention of the palatalization other than before a and u. Jakobson is the f i r s t to have given general rules covering a l l instances of pal-atalization and based not on a classification of the Russian verb in terms of other features but on the phenomenon of palatalization by i t -self. To understand these rules the following facts must be kept in mind: (1) The Russian consonants can be divided into three groups: hard (t, s, etc.), palatalized (t', s 1, etc.) and a group of "unpaired" con-sonants (s, z, c, j ) . Jakobson calls the latter group "palatal". The "palatal" consonants are not subject to softening and may be disregarded in a discussion of this phenomenon. (2) In stems ending in -e or - i (e. g. s m o t r'e-# x v a l ' i - ) the last consonant of the stem, i f not palatal, is necessarily palatalized. (3) In stems in -a the last consonant can only be hard (p'i s a—) or palatal (z v u c a-, t a j a-), but never palatalized. In terms of the traditional classifications this means that the classes of verbs like pisatj include none ending in «-tjatj, -a-sjatj, etc. (U) If a rule prescribes substitutive softening, i t must be understood to imply bare softening in the case of consonants which are not subject to substitutive softening (r, 1). Jakobson is able to give the following comparatively simple rules covering a l l cases of palatalization: J $• Stems with palatalized last consonant retain the softening everywhere, except that in the 1st pers. sing, i t i s substitutive. J 6. Polysyllabic stems in -a, -o have substitutive softening before desinences beginning in a vowel1 J 7* A l l other cases have bare softening before des. beginning in a vowel other than u, but velars have substitutive softening except in the imperative. Examples: (stem, 1st and 2nd sing, and imperative are given) (J 5) Last consonant palatalized: s«i d»e- /s'izu/, /s«id«£s/ /s' i d ' i / t r a t ' i - /tracu/, /trat'is/ /trat'/ (J 2) Polysyllabic stem in -a or -o: p'i s a- /p'isu/, /p'isis/ /p'isty p o r o- /por'u/, /por'is/ /par'l/ (J 7) Monosyllabic stem in -a: a d a- /zdu/, /zd'os/ /ad'i/ Stem in hard cons, other than velar: n'o s- /n'isu/, /n«is'6s/ /n'i s ' i / Stem in velar: p'o k- /p'iku/* /p'icos/ /p'ik'l/ l ) This class includes one element consisting of zero in alternation with a vowel, namely the imperative ending (cf. section 8 c ) . - 23 -Such comparatively simple rules for palatalization can be given only on the basis of (l) the "basic stem-forms" as set up by Jakobson and ( 2 ) the present tense endings as they actually are in the Russian language (rather than in script and in the pronunciation based on script). Jakob-son's advantage over his predecessors i s clear, for instance, from the fact that in Berneker's class A 5> (teretj - tru; porotj - porju) i t has to be especially stated that the verbs of the type porotj "have the end-ings b," (-ju, -jesj, etc.). For Unbegaun, the verbs of this type form a special sub-group of his class I A 2 , One of the characteristics of this sub-group i s the very palatalization of the final consonant in the present stem. In Jakobson's system the verbs of the type porotj (stem p o r o-) are classed together with the verbs of the type pisatj(stem p'i s a-). Both types are polysyllabicj both end in an open, non-palatal vowelj both have a hard last consonant. When, before a desinence beginning in a vowel, they lose the final stem-vowel, the behavior of their last consonant with regard to softening is likewise identical: p'i s a- p o r o-/p«is-u/ /par«-u/ /p'is-is/ - /por'-is/ /p«is-ut/ /p6r'-ut/, and is covered by the same rule for softening (J 2 ) . With regard to p o r o-, the fact mentioned under (ij) on p, 21 must be kept in mind. It should also be noted that i t is the fact mentioned under (3) on the same page that makes Jakobson's fi r s t rule possible: i f there were verbs with infinitive in /-t'at'/, /-s'at'/, etc., and present tense in in /-cu/, /-cis/ and /-su/# /-sis/* etc., the rule would not hold, since i t allows substitutive softening in the 1st pers. sing. only. The class of pisatj, however, includes no such verbs, as can be checked in Cornyn's l i s t (I.e., p.73)« It must finally be pointed out that in Jakobson's system the verbs stonatj, sosatj, oratj (in the meaning ''t^pawl") and zazdatj - which, in spite of the fact that they are polysyllabic,-have the softening pat-tern of zdatj - are irregular, whereas both Berneker and Unbegaun can include them in their respective classifications (Berneker B I 3; Unbe-gaun I B 1 ) , But then, neither Berneker nor Unbegaun are able to state general rules for softening; for having achieved this the price paid by Jakobson i s small indeed* 7* S t r e s s . In descriptions of the Russian verb-system the stress-patterns are usually dealt with as a secondary matter* Until the appearance of Jakobson's article no complete and lucid systemati-zation had been achieved. Regarding the way the stress is treated by Ber-neker and Unbegaun, the same remarks could be repeated here as were made in connection with softening* individual rules are given for classes or parts of classes which are set up on the basis of non-accentual criteria. As i s the case with palatalization* Jakobson deals with the stress-patterns of the Russian verb in an entirely new way. The original ele-ment in Jakobson's approach i s his subdivision of the Russian verb-stems into two major categories: stressed and unstressed stems* In other words, not only the place, but the very presence or absence of a stress on the basic stem-form i s considered an inherent characteris-t i c of this form* On the basis of this distinction Jakobson i s able - as he was in the case of palatalization - to cover the accentual behavior of the Russian verb in a few comparatively simple rules* -25-To understand these rules It is necessary to know that Jakobson regards the traditional person-endings of the present tense (with the exception of the first person singular) as consisting of two mor-phemes (2nd sing. -i-s/-6*-s; 3d sing. -i-t/-6-t, etc.: 3d plur. -u-t/ -a-t) - the vowel in each case indicating the present tense, the con-sonant indicating person and number* Jakobson's rules are restated below, f i r s t those for accented and then those for unaccented stems: J 8. Accented stem: stress remains on same syllable throughout except that in open and broadly closed stems the stress moves from the final syllable to the fi r s t syllable of a desinence begin-ning in a vowel. J 9. Unaccented stem: A. i f open polysyllabic the simple desinence i s stressed otherwise the preceding vowel i s stressed. B. in a l l other cases the final syllable i s stressed but in a l l except the broadly1 closed stems the stress is drawn back from the neuter and plural preterit desinences. The followAng examples completely cover the f u l l range of ac-centual possibilities presented by the Russian verb: 1) Jakobson, I.e. 2.62 prints "narrowly closed" in his rule, which, obviously, i s an error. - 26 -Examples (stem, 1st and 2nd pers* sing* and fern* and plur. preterit are given* only in the 1st sing, is the desinence simple, otherwise i t i s complex): (J 8) Accented stem: Open stem with stress not on the final syllable: m a z a- /maz-u/ /maz-i-s/ /maza-l-a/ /maza-l'-i/ d v ' i n u- /dv«ln-u/ /dv«Ln'-i-s//dv'inu-l-a/ /dv«inu-l«-i/ Open stem with stress on the final syllable: v'e i'S- /v'il'-u/ / v ' i l ' - i - s / /v'il'e-l-a/ / v ' i l ' e - l ' - i / v a l ' i ^ /val'ify /val ' - i-s/ / v a l ' i i l ^ a / /val«I-l«-i/ Broadly closed stem;- with stress on the final syllable: k r i d- /krad-u/ /krad«-6-s/ /kra-l-a/ /kra-l--i/ (but cf. the stress-pattern in narrowly closed stems: s t a n- /stan-u/ /stan'-i-s/ /sta-l-a/ /sta -1 1-i/ c i t a j - /citaj-u/ /citaj-i-s/ /cita-l-a/ / c i t a - l ' - i / (J 9) Unaccented stem: Open polysyllabic stem: p'i s a- /p«is-u/ /p'is-i-s/ /p'isa-l-a/ /p'isa-l'-i/ (same pattern in x v a l ' i - and t o n u-) Open monosyllabic stem: z d a- /zd-u/ /zd'-6-s/ /zda-l-a/ /zda-l'-i/ Narrowly closed stem: p 1 i v- /pliv-u/ /pliv«-6-s/ / p l i - l - a / /pl£-l«-i/ Broadly closed stem: n«o s- /n«is-u/ /n'is'-^-§/ /n'is-l-a/ /n'is-l » - i / As can be seen i n the rules quoted above, the distinctions used by Jakobson as the basis of his description of the stress-- 27 -patterns are the following: (a) Unaccented and accented stems (the l a t t e r subdivided into stems with f i n a l and non-final stress)* (b) Open, narrowly closed and broadly closed stems. (c) Polysyllabic and non-poljrsyllabic stems. The diagram below presents Jakobson1s gystematization of the stress-patterns of the Russian verb, superposed upon the c l a s s i f i c a -t i o n of Berneker 1: UNACCENTED ACCENTED final stress non-final stress OPEN poly-syll. A 5» pfeoe* o-B I 2. p' i s a-B 1 3 . s t o n a-BJ;II 2. s m o t r'e-B i l l 2. x v a l ' i -B V t o n u-B I 5". s m'e j a-B I 3. so s i r B I I 2. v'e l'e-B I I I 2. v a l ' i -B V 3 e p n u-B I 2. m L z a-B I I 2. v ' l d'e-B I I I 2 . 1 1 z ' i -B V d v ' i n u-mono-syll. B 1 3 . 2 d a-NARROWLY CLOSED B IV z i v-A 6. k l 'a n-B I 1. r u g a j-B I I 1. u m'4 j -B I 7. s t a n-B I I 5. d'e n-BROADLY CLOSED A 1. n'o s-A 2. v'o d-A 3» g r'o b-A U. b'i r'o g-A 2. k r a d-A U« s t r ' i g-1) Some of Berneker's classes which - i n so far as they are not anomalies - w i l l receive special treatment later on (see sections 8 and 9) are not included here. r- 28 -It i s again Jakobson1 s primary distinction between open, narrowly closed and broadly closed stems that i s largely responsible for the simplicity of his categorization of the stress-patterns. As can be seen from the diagram, this categorization brings to a common denominator the various accentual possibilities which are scattered throughout the different classes of Berneker's system. The efficacy of Jakobson's system is strikingly demonstrated by the small number ofl exceptions to i t . Jakobson mentions only four (i.e.,p. 163); to these, the verbs k o l'e b a- ( l sing, /kal'ebl'u/ instead of expected */kal'ibl lu/ and mo g- (2 sing. /m6zis/ instead of expected *9/maz6s/, etc.) must be added. a. INTRODUCTORY. 8. R e m a i n d e r off p a r a d i g m . So far, the discussion of Jakobson's analysis of Russian verb-morphology has centered around the two major issues: (1) the matching of the present- and infinitive stems (truncation and softening) and (2) the stress-patterns. The soundness of Jakobson's approach to these issues i s apparent not only from the simplicity of the rules he i s able to give regarding the two points themselves, but also from the ease with which the rest of the paradigm can be integrated into his system. This integration works out in two ways: on the one hand, new categories to be set up f i t easily in-to the system already established, and on the other hand, the major categories facilitate the formulation of rules for further material to be covered. b. TRUNCATION IN PRETERIT. In the section devoted to the discussion of Jakobson's solution of the problem of matching present and infinitive stem i t was pointed out that the pivotal principle of this solution i s Jakobson's distinction of open, narrowly closed and broadly closed stems. - 29 -The complete description of the stem-alternations in present and in-finitive required a farther subdivision of the broadly closed stems into stems ending in a velar and stems ending in another consonant (see p. 19)• To describe the additional alternations to which stems are subject in the preterit, only one further subdivision has to be made, which affects precisely this last category,(broadly closed stems ending in a consonant other than a velar. This subdivision separates the dental stops from the other consonants within this category. To the four rules stated on p, 19 a f i f t h one must now be added: J 10, Stem-final dental stop dropped before preterit-desinence. E.g. stems m'o t-, v'o d- preterit /m^o-l/, /v»o-l/. In this way, Jakobson! s system of subdivisions of the basic stem-forms, aimed at describing the behavior of these stems with regard to truncation, is the following: O P E N S T E M S (J 1) C L O S E D N A R R O W L Y C L O S E D S T E M S (J2) S T E M S B R O A D L Y C L O S E D S T E M S I N V E L A R (J 3) S T E M S O T H E R S STEMS IN DENT. STOP (J 10) (J 10 O T H E R S As can be seen in the above diagram, the system consists of a simple series of dichotomies* - 30 -.i c. IMPERATIVE DESINENCES. With regard to the choice between the two alternants of the imperative ending (-i or zero): to the well-known rule of " - i after two consonants" (J 11; e. g. /kr'fkn'i/ versus /tron 1/, /m'edl'i/ versus /v'er 1/)* Jakobson has only to add that the alternant - i occurs "after a stem not having an irremovable accent" (J 12). In other words, a l l unaccented stems have — i in the imperative, since they have no accent at a l l , and of the accented stems a l l those , from which the stress sometimes moves to the desinence likewise have - i . The rest have the alternant zero; that is, in the terms of the diagram given on p, 27: the accented open stems with non-final stress and the accented narrowly closed stems"*", d. INFINITIVE DESINENCES, The alternants of the infinitive (-t1/ -t'i/-c) can likewise be treated quite simply in terms of Jakobson1s system. The alternant -c occurs after stems ending in a velar (which is lost: p'o k- inf, /pe-c/» 'the alternant - t ' i in verbs with unaccent-ed stems ending in a consonant in the infinitive (n'o s- inf. /n' i s t ' i / , g r'o b- inf. /g r ' i s t ' l / , but cf. k r i d- (accentedl) /krast'/j J lh)» e. PRETERIT DESINENCES. Even more simple i s the rule dealing with the alternation zero/-l in the preterit suffix: after a consonant the suffix -1 drops i f not followed by a vowel (cf. /p'ok/, /p'ik-l-a/; /n'os/, /n'is-l-a/; J 15).. f. PRESENT PERSONAL DESINENCES.Finally the distribution of present tense desinences must be considered. The endings for person are always the same (IS. -u; 2S. -s; 3S. -t; IP. -m; 2P. - t ' i ; 3P« - t ) , but there are three sets of vocalic suffixes indicating the present tense. These 1) The rules for the imperative are completed by the statement "the group j - i i s admitted only i f the f u l l stem itself ends in j i - " (I.e. 2.122; J 13). - 31 -are the following': (1) i/u e.g. /znaj-i-s/, /znaj-u-t/; /l«ub'-i-s/, /l'ub'-u-t/ (2) i/a e.g. / v ' i l ' - l - s / , Mi l'-a-t/ (3) o/u e.g. /n»is»-o-s/, /n'is-u-t/ It w i l l be noticed that the vowels in (1) are both high, those in (2) both unrounded and those in (3) both rounded. The high-vowel suffixes (l) are the unstressed ones ( j 16); (2) and (3) are found only under the stress. The distribution of the suf-fixes (2) and (3) is covered by the following rule: the unrounded suffixes (2) occur in open stems the last consonant of which i s soft, the rounded suffixes (3) in a l l remaining cases (J 17). The distribution of the present tense suffixes i s shown by the following diagram: UNSTRESSED SUFFIXES i/u STRESSED SUFFIXES OPEN STEMS WITH SOFT LAST CONS. i/a OTHERS o/u Jakobson has eliminated the traditional system of "f i r s t " and "second conjugation" and has replaced i t by a system which reflects the actual facts of the Russian language. In terms of the diagram given on p. 27 the rounded suffixes (3) are characteristic of the open monosyllabic and the narrowly closed unaccented stems, and also of a l l broadly closed stems. The unround-ed suffixes (2) are characteristic of that part of the open stems with final stress, the last consonant of which is soft* A l l other verbs either do not stress the endings at a l l or draw i t back from the 2nd sing, on and therefore have the suffixes ( l ) . - 32 -Only four verbs are exceptions to the rules given above: spat3»  revetsmejatjsja and rzatj. The fi r s t two are exceptional in any classification; the others have the rounded tense-suffixes o/u in spite of the fact that they are open stems with a soft last consonant (s m'e 3 r z a-). 9. C o m p l e t i o n o f t h e s y s t e m . Not a l l clas-ses of the Russian verb are covered by the rules for stem-alternation discussed in section 6. The omission was made on purpose, so as not to cloud the basic issues in a mass of detail* Jakobson*s treatment of the remaining cases must now be dealt with* These cases, in terms of Berneker's classification, are the following: (1) B V 2 Non-semelfactive bases in -rm- (e* g. gasnut3, preterit gas. , (2) B I 6 The group davat3 - dajju, etc. (3) B 71 Stems in -ova- (e. g. kovat3 - ku3u) (U);B Tf The group mytj - mojuj etc. (5) B III 1 The group pit3 - p_3Ju, etc. (6) A 71 Stems ending in a nasal (e. g. (7) A It, 2 The verbs ze53 - zgu and cestj - ctu. (6) A 5 The group teretj - tru, etc. Jakobson's way of including these verbs in his general theory of Russian \B3rb-*norphology is discussed in the following pages. The classes of verbs are treated in the order in which they are given above. (1) The inclusion of the non-semelf active verbs with the suffix -nu- poses no problems. As i s known, these verbs lose their suffix in the forms of the preterit, and Jakobson states a rule to that f i ; c u - 33 -effect (J 18). This group of verbs simply forms a special case which comes under the general heading of "truncation" (see section 6 b.). (2) The verbs of the type davatj - daju are likewise dealt with by Jakobson as a special case of truncation. He gives the following rule: "Before j - , the group va, i f preceded by a, is omitted in the present" (J 19)"*". Here a tendency becomes apparent in Jakobson*s ar t i -clewhich might be labeled as the "horror exceptidnis". In the f i r s t place, there are only three verb-stems of this type: d a v a j - , -z n a v a j - and -s t a v a j - (pres. /daj-u/, /-znaj-u/, /-staj-u/). In the second place, the attempt to include these verbs under the head-ing of truncation has rendered the statement of their morphological behavior unnecessarily complicated. In the third place - and this i s the most serious objection - to regard these verbs as regular means excluding the possibility of the existence of verbs in -a v a j - with present tense in /-avaju/. It i s obvious, however, that any new-form-ation in Russian which happened to end in -a v a j - would be precise-ly of this type, i . e. would follow the pattern of d'4 1 a j - rather than that of d a v a j - . The stem of the verb upovatj - upovaju is morphophonemically, as far as the Russian language i s concerned, u p a v a j - (the second syllable never being stressed throughout the paradigm}, and contrary to Jakobson1s rule i t has present /upavaju/ rather than */upaju/» Our objection to Jakobson1s rule concerning these verbs i s a l l the more serious since according to his section 2.7 they constitute a productive type. 1) The behavior of the stress i s covered by the addition "...and the stress fall s on the following syllable". 2&"Productive are a l l existing verbal types with a polysyllabic accented f u l l stem...when the preconsonantal alternant of the stem ends in a 'mobile1 j , " - 3 U -(3) The stems in -ova- must be fitted into any classification of the Russian verb, as they are both numerous and productive* For Jakobson, they are open stems (in -o v a-) which exhibit a 'concom-itant change" (concomitant, that is, with truncation)* The behavior of this group of verbs is covered by the following role: "Before dropped a- the group ov is regularly replaced by uj-" (J 20). Here a new element is introduced in Jakobson's system, in the form of "concomitant changes"* It is typical of Jakobson1s approach to the Russian verb-system that such an element, newly introduced to cover a certain class of verbs, immediately- proves fruitful in the descrip-tion of other classes! the behavior of the three following groups (U—6) can likewise be dealt with under the heading of "concomitant changes"* (U), (5), (6) As basic stem-forms of the types (U) mytj - mofa, (5) pit j - pjja and (6) zatj - zmu, Jakobson selects the forms these verb-stems have in the present tense, so that they are respectively mo j - , p'j- and &;m-. The last two forms contain no vowel and are referred to as "nonsyllabic stems"* All these verb-stems end in - j or in a nasal (narrowly closed stems) and therefore must drop their final consonant before an ending beginning in a consonant (J 2, p. 19)• The following rules regarding "concomitant changes" cover the re-maining features of the behavior of these verbs: "Before the dropped j - the vowel o in monosyllabic stems and zero in nonsyllabic stems are replaced by i " . (J 21)* "Before the dropped nasal, zero in non-syllabie stems is replaced by a*"(J 22)* According to the first rule, the infinitive and preterit of mo j - , p* j - are/mi-t1/^ /mi-1/ and /p'i-t'/, /p»i-l/i according to the second, those of z m- (and also of /z n-); /za-t«/» /za-l/. 1) The behavior of the stress is covered by the addition "...in a non-initial syllable the stress is transferred from a- to uj-, other-« f s * +.n f o l l o w i n e vowel.n - 35 -(7)* (8) As basic stem-form of the verbs of the types zecj -zgu: -cestj - -ctu and of the type teretj - tra Jakobson again selects the present form of the stem.(morphophonemically z g-, -c t- and t ' r - ) . The f i r s t two verbs are unique in their respective traditional classes, and so they are in Jakobson's classes "broadly closed stems ending in velar (z g-) or dental stop (-5 t - ) . Also, from the point of view of syllabic structure a l l these verbs form a minority in the group of "nonsyllabic stems" (which also includes the types p'j-, z m-, z n-, cf • (5) and (6) above). Nevertheless, Jakobson includes, with an eye to these verbs, a rule on vowel insertion in nonsyllabic stems which runs as follows:"A vowel i s inserted within a nonsyllabic f u l l stem before a nonsyllabic desinence and, i f this stem ends in r, before any consonantal desinence. The inserted vowel is e in the infinitive, 6 elsewhere". (J 23). Examples: z g-, pret. /zok/* /zg-l-a/, inf. /ze-c/; t'r-. /t|6r/,/t'6r-l-a/. Here again, the tendency criticized above under (2) becomes appa-rent. The rule is complicated, i t introduces a new notion "vowel in-sertion"* s t i l l , i t covers only six verbs and of these not even the whole paradigm, since the infinitives /t'ir'e-t'/, etc., remain i r -regular. Furthermore, the rule i s incorrect as i t stands since i t would require an o in the imperative of p i t j , which, however, i s /p'ej/, with an el The a r t i f i c i a l nature of the rule appears clearly from the fact that i t separates the relation between /zok/ and /zee/ from that be-tween /p'ok/ and /p'ec/ (cf.p. 15)» whereas the two cases are obvious-ly parallel. The rule on "vowel insertion" i s the weakest point in Jakobson's article and should not have been included. 1) This defect could be mended by the inclusion of the words "and the imperative" in the last sentence of the rule. - 36 -C O N C L U S I O N In comparison to the traditional treatment of the Russian verb as exemplified by Berneker and Unbegaun, Jakobson's approach i s different mainly i n two respects: as regards his principles of classification and as regards his techniques i n applying these principles. Jakobson's principles of classification are,basically different from those used i n the traditional systems. Berneker's system i s based on the nature of the infinitive-stem i n i t s phonetic and morphological aspects, and the further breakdown of the classes thus obtained results from employ-ing various c r i t e r i a such as the present-stem, the preterit-stem, the endings used, etc. Unbegaun1s classification i s based on the connective vowel of the present tense (in scriptI) and on the phonetic nature of the present-stem; his further subdivisions again result from a host of mixed c r i t e r i a : presence and behavior of suffixes i n the infinitive-base,,similarity or dissimilarity of the present- and infinitive-stems, and the character of the suffix i n the infinitive-^base. In comparison to this confusion of varied c r i t e r i a i n the traditional classifications, the basis of Jakobson1s system i s of an amazing simplicity. The basis of Jakobson's systematization of the Russian  verb i s the phonemic structure of the basic stem-form. This phonemic structure i s exploited to the utmost and only where phonemic c r i t e r i a are insufficient, do morphological elements enter into the picture. The following phonemic features of the basic stem-form figure i n Jakobson's rules: - 37 -(1) The make-up of the stem i n terms of phonemes. The nature of the f i n a l phoneme of the stem yields the classes of open and closed stems, with further subdivisions (see the diagram on p.29). This feature enters into the picture i n almost every one of Jakobson's rules. The hardness or softness of the last consonant of the stem plays a role i n the rules on softening and on the present-endings. (2) The syllabic structure of the stem, (non-syllabic.monosyllabic and poly-syllabic stems). This feature plays a role i n the rules on softening, on the stress, and also on concomitant change and vowel-insertion. (3) The accentuation of the stem.(unaccented and accented stems, the lat t e r subdivided into stems with f i n a l and non-final stress). This feature plays a role i n the uules on the stress, on the imperative, on the i n f i n i t i v e and on the endings. As far as the basic stem-form i s concerned, only i n one instance i s a morphological feature made use of i n the statement of a rule, and this rule - on verbs with non-semilfactive - nu — covers the behavior of this very morphological feature. The picture i s slightly more complicated where the desinences are concerned. Here, besides make-up i n terms of phonemes (desinence beginning i n a consonant versus desinence beginning i n a vowel; desinence beginning i n -u- versus desinence beginning i n other vowels) and the syllabic struc-ture (syllabic versus non-syllabic desinence), the morphological aspect i s more heavily employed: the 1 sing, present endings and the imperative as such figure i n the rules on the stress, which also make use of the distinction between simple and complex desinences. These instances where morphological notions'are introduced constitute a bare minimum. Jakobson's classificatory c r i t e r i a exhibit a maximal homogeneity, which i s i n sharp contrast to the mixed nature of those of his predecessors. The second respect i n which Jakobson's approach to the Russian verb morphology differs fmnm. the traditional one i s his systematizing tech-nique. A l l traditional classiigications - whether they start from the i n f i n i t i v e - or from the present-stem - consist of a grouping of the Russian verbs into a number of major classes, which then are subdivided further on the basis of various c r i t e r i a , the latter classes each being provided with their own separate statements about stress^ softening, endings, etc. None of these classifications solve the problem of match-ing present- and infinitive-stems. For Jakobson, the starting-point i s the t o t a l i t y of the basic stem-forms. Given these forms, rules are stated about truncation (which solves the crucial problem of matching the d i f -ferent stem-forms i n one paradigm), about softening, stress, selection of endings, etc., each of these phenomena being considered i n i t s comple-teness, i e . i n i t s implications for the t o t a l i t y of the basic stem forms. These stem-forms are then classified according to their behavior i n each particular respect (eg. the phenomenon of truncation necessitates a d i v i -sion into open and closed stems, with further subdivisions.) The state-ment of the different behavior features of the verb-stems may involve the subdivision of the basic stem-forms according to different principles for instance, the rules for the personal endings of the present-tense involve the distinction between stressed and unstressed stems but no distinction of syllabic structure; on the other hand, distinctions of syllabic structure play a role i n the rules for palatalization, where accentuation can be l e f t out of account. I t i s Jakobson's achievement to have employed a minimum of distinc-tions to describe a maximum of the t o t a l number of Russian verbs. Each subdivision made i n the t o t a l i t y of basic stem-forms, whether i t concerns phonemes, accentuation, or syllabic structure, invariably plays a role not i n one but i n several different rules; i n this way tfhe yield i s maximal and the number of subdivisions necessary to describe the behavior of the stem-forms remains at a minimum. In this way, Jakobson manages to cover the complete Russian verb morphology with an amazingly small number of rules which leave very few exceptions. The comparison of his treatment with that of the traditional school strikingly demonstrates the great advances made i n structural linguistics during the last decades. - 40 -B I B L I O G R A P H Y Only books and articles mentioned i n the text a r e included i n the bibliography. Berneker, E., Vasmer, M.,(rev.), Russische Grammatik. Berlin, Walter de Gruyter and Co., 1947. Bloomfield, L., Language, London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1935, p. 218. Bloomfield, L., Dictionary of Spoken Russian. War Department - TM 30-944, 1945. Bloomfield, L., Spoken Russian. War Department - EM 525, 1945. Cornyn, W,/ S., "On the Classification of Russian Verbs, " Language. Vol. 24:1, p. 64 f f . , Baltimore, 1948. Forbes, N., Russian Grammar. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1916. . • Guihomard, W., Des systemes traditionnels de classement des verbes russes . Melanges publics en l'honneur de M. Paul Boyer, 324-33, Paris, 1925. Jakobson, R., "Russian Conjugation, " Word, Vol. 4:3, p. 155 f f . , New York, 1948. Karcevski, S., "Etudes sur l e systeme verbal du russe contemporain, 11 Slavia. 1, p. 242 f f . , Prague, 1922. Karcevski, S., Systeme du verbe russe.'Essay de linguistique synchronique, Prague, 1927. Lundqvist, J., Rysk Sprjiklara . Helsingfors, 1914. Maaon, Andre, Grammalre de l a langues russe. Collection de Grammaires de l'Institut d!Etudes Slaves V, Paris, 1949. Ozhegov, S. J., Slovar.j russkogo .jazyka. Gosudarstvennoe izdateljstvo inostrannyx i nacionaljnyx slovarej. Moskva, 1952. - 41 -Saussure, F. de, Cours de linguistique gerierale. Paris, Payot, 1922. iaSerba, L. V., Grammatika russkogo .jazyka, Moskva, Gosudarstvennoe u&ebno-pedagogic'eskoe izdateljstvo ministerstva prosveMenija R.S.F.S.R., 1950 Unbegaun, B. 0., Grammaire russe. Collection - Les langues du monde, Lyon - Paris, Editions I.A.C, 1951. Usakov, D. N. (red.), Tolkovsr.j slovar.j russkogo .jazyka. Gos. Inst. "Sovetskaja Enciklopedija, 11 Moskva, 1935. Vinogradov, V. V., (red.), Grammatika russkogo .jazyka. Tom I. Fonetika i Morfologijja Akademii Nauk S.S.S.R. Institut Jazykoznanija, Meskva, 1953. 

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