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Economic development and the disintegration of traditional culture among the Haisla Pritchard, John Charles 1977

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ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF TRADITIONAL CULTURE AMONG THE HAISLA by John Charles P r i t c h a r d B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA in January 1977 John Charles Pritchard, 1977. In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Anthropology and Sociology Department of . The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date September 14th, 1977 11 Abstract This thesis explores the interrelationship between the dis-integration of t r a d i t i o n a l culture among the Haisla of Kitamaat, B r i t i s h Columbia, and that group's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the Indus-t r i a l economy of the Northwest Coast.) I n i t i a l l y , the ecological dimension of ranking and chief-tainship i n t r a d i t i o n a l Haisla society i s examined. It i s proposed that l o c a l i z e d v a r i a b i l i t y of resources was s u f f i c i e n t to create shortages within v i l l a g e groups or sub-groups, which would require the intervention of a regulatory mechanism such as c h i e f l y r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . This regulation of resources promoted the establishment of populations consistent with the high average productivity of a region rather than the more variable productivity of individual sites./ High status accrued to those who, because of the greater regularity and r e l i a b i l i t y of t h e i r resource holdings, were able to act as donors more often than less favoured groups or sub-groups . \ The disintegration of this system coincided with the natives' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast.; This par-t i c i p a t i o n i s examined i n terms of: the extent and type of merchantable resources i n the region; their a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y to native producers; the number, type, and location of markets; prevailing prices and potential income; compatibility of various occupations, both with each other and with t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence a c t i v i t i e s ; and, the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l implications for the natives of their p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Ill (The removal of the c h i e f s from the apex of the economic system was i n i t i a t e d by the d e c l i n e i n importance of t r a d i t i o n a l resource s i t e s , as p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e reduced the e x p l o i t a t i v e p r e ssure on the resource base that the l a r g e a b o r i g i n a l popula-t i o n had e x e r t e d ^ ;The H a i s l a s * p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy f u r -t h er undermined a b o r i g i n a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n by e s t a b l i s h i n g a system of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n t h a t was independent of the t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e and the s e r v i c e s of the c e n t r a l f i g u r e s . Access to resources and wealth became governed by f a c t o r s o u t s i d e the c h i e f s ' c o n t r o l , and i n f a c t p l a c e d them i n the same economic p o s i t i o n as anyone e l s e , i n that success became due to p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as s k i l l or stamina (or luck) r a t h e r than s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . ) Two non-economic f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t o r y to c u l t u r a l change, \ m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and severe p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e , are examined.) The establishment of an e v a n g e l i c a l m i s s i o n among the H a i s l a promoted change i n two ways: the m i s s i o n a r i e s themselves were o f t e n bent on e r a d i c a t i n g a l l forms of n a t i v e c u l t u r e that they c o n s i d e r e d incompatible w i t h t h e i r t e a c h i n g s ; i n a d d i t i o n , by e s t a b l i s h i n g separate mission s e t t l e m e n t s , they provided a sanctuary i n which i n n o v a t i v e s o c i a l forms could be adopted, e n a b l i n g novel adapta-t i o n s to p r e v a i l i n g economic or p o l i t i c a l circumstances to pro-ceed r e l a t i v e l y unhampered by c o n s e r v a t i v e pressure or r e p r i s a l s . The p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e enforced a r e c e p t i v i t y to s o c i a l i n n o v a t i o n even among t r a d i t i o n a l i s t elements, who were o b l i g e d to countenance manipulation of the s o c i a l system i n order to maintain some semblance of c o n t i n u i t y i n the face of d e p l e t i o n of the s o c i a l u n i t s and d i s r u p t i o n of l i n e s of s u c c e s s i o n . ' These i n n o v a t i o n s were e l a b o r a t e d by r e f o r m i s t elements, which c o n t r i b u t e d f u r t h e r to the d i s s o l u t i o n of 'pure' n a t i v e forms. The eventual replacement of the t r a d i t i o n a l m a t r i l i n e a l system by the European b i l a t e r a l one was preceded by an extended p e r i o d i n which both systems operated s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . T h i s process i s considered, f o c u s s i n g on changes i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system of named, ranked status e s and t h e i r t r a n s m i s s i o n v i a the p o t l a t c h . V Table of Contents ABSTRACT LIST OF TABLES . . . . LIST OF FIGURES. . . . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. . The Problem . Research Methods II. THE HAISLA . . Page i i v i i ix x i III IV. T r a d i t i o n a l Orientation Tra d i t i o n a l Social Structure ENVIRONMENT, TRADITIONAL ECONOMY, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE • « • « • • • • • • • < Ecological V a r i a b i l i t y . Cultural Adaptations to Resource Irregularity Conclusion ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT I FISHING. COMMERCIAL A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Fish. . . . G i l l Netting. . Seining . . . . . . . . . . M <nrlc©ts • • • » * « • • » » Compatibility with other Occupations. Income Haisla Fishermen . . . . . . . V. ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT II . : LOGGING Merchantable Timber . . . Environmental Influences on the A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Timber . . . . . . Handlogging . . . . . . Power Logging A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber Markets . 1 10 13 14 15 19 23 44 57 61 64 66 70 82 93 100 108 115 116 120 122 128 131 151 156 v i Page Production Data . . . . . The Number of Haisla Loggers. VI VII VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT I I I . : ALCAN . . WHITE DEVELOPMENT AND INDIAN UNDERDEVELOPMENT . Environmental Factors . Technological Factors Environmental Degradation T e r r i t o r i a l Encroachment NON-ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE I.: MISSIONIZATION NON-ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE I I . : POPULATION DECLINE SOCIAL CHANGE: THE ADOPTION OF VARIANTS. . Whether to Take a Name or Let It Lapse To Take a T i t l e With or Without a Potlatch or Distr i b u t i o n . . . To Follow Tr a d i t i o n a l Avenues of Succession, ox* Not • • • • • » < > « • « • • To Transfer Tr a d i t i o n a l Prerogatives and Property With the T i t l e , or Not . INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN ECONOMIC AND NON ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE. . CONCLUSIONS . BIBLIOGRAPHY . APPENDIXES. . Appendix I. Appendix II 163 167 172 177 177 180 186 190 194 207 217 221 228 232 245 260 272 282 295 295 305 v i i L i s t of Tables page I. A Comparison of V a r i a b i l i t y of Salmon Runs of P e n t l a t c h and H a i s l a T e r r i t o r i e s . . . . . 34 42 85 92 96 98 I I . Salmon Runs i n Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y I I I . Boat Ratings at Rivers I n l e t , 1903-1904 IV. Cannery S t a f f L a y o f f s , Skeena R i v e r , 1969. V. Composition of Rivers I n l e t Salmon Pack by Percentage of Each Species, 1905-1917 VI. The Timing of Salmon Runs i n Major Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y . . . . . ;. V I I . Selected F i s h e r i e s S t a t i s t i c s , Three Year Averages, 1903-1921 . . . 103 V I I I . V a r i a t i o n i n Reported Size of B.C. F i s h Packs. Three Year Averages, 1903-1918 . . . . 104 IX. B.C. Salmon P r i c e s , by Species, 1935 105 X. Discrepancies Between Perceived Success of F i s h i n g Season and Size of Pack: Missionary's Reports and Pack Records . . . . 107 XI. Number of Fishermen as a Percentage of the Male Work Force, North Coast Indian V i l l a g e s . Three Year Average, 1971-1973 . . . . . . .112 X I I . The Percentage of Indians i n Some Aspects of the Commercial Salmon F i s h e r y , 1922-1948 . . . 114 X I I I . Density of Forest Cover i n Coastal D i s t r i c t s . . . 117 XIV. Log P r i c e s Paid by Various Northern M i l l s to H a i s l a Loggers, f o r Selected Years, 1915-1947. . 161 XV. Handloggers' Licences Issued to H a i s l a s , 1913-1927 168 v i i i Tables, cont. page XVI. Requests f o r A d d i t i o n a l Reserves, B e l l a Coola Agency, c. 1913 191 XVII. Population Decline Among Natives of the Coast, 1835-1885. . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 XVII I . Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1897-1906 212 XIX. M o r t a l i t y During the 1918 Spanish Influenza Epidemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 XX. Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1920-1929 214 XXI. Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1930-1939 215 XXII. Population at Kitamaat, 1902-1934 216 XXI I I . Transfers of Traplines 250 XXIV. Sequential Transfers of Traplines 252 XXV. Timber Sales Issued to H a i s l a Loggers 307 XXVI. Indian-White Handlogging Timber Sales Compared . . 308 XXVII. Indian-White Power Logging Timber Sales Compared 309 XXVIII. Comparison of Density of Timber i n Indian and White Timber Sales ' • 310 i x L i s t of Figures 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y Salmon Streams and Resource S i t e s of H a i s l a TG r x*x tory « • « « • • • * • • Rowboats and Motor Boats at Rivers I n l e t , X924~X940 » • • • * * • • • • Cons o l i d a t i o n of Canneries, 1920-1960. Number of Canneries Operating, B.C. and Rivers I n l e t , 1880-1956 Occupations at Kitamaat, 1949-1972. Proportions of Timber Species i n Forests of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y : Douglas Channel . A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y : Gardner Canal. Areas Sampled f o r Figures 8 and 9 Areas Held Under Tree Farm Licences i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y Percentages of Various Species Cut by H a i s l a Loggers i n 1915, Compared to Species D i s t r i b u t i o n i n Forests Number and Type of Logging Licences Worked on by H a i s l a s , f o r Selected Years Probable Number of H a i s l a Loggers, f o r Selected Indian and Non-Indian Tenure at Alcan Smelter . page . x i i i . 16 . 69 89 . 90 . 110 . 119 . 139 141 142 . 150 . 154 . 169 . 170 . 176 X F i g u r e s , cont. page 16. H a i s l a Handlogging Locat i o n s , 1513-1916 . . . . 256 17. H a i s l a Handlogging Locations, 1917-1919 . . . . 257 x i Acknowledgements I would l i k e to acknowledge the kindness and co-operation of many people i n Kitamaat who were not only forthcoming w i t h information, but o f f e r e d t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y and f r i e n d s h i p to my wife and me. We are g r a t e f u l . We owe s p e c i a l thanks to A r t and Jane Cross and C h a r l i e and Marge Shaw, f r i e n d s indeed. In addi-t i o n , Heber Amos, Laura Robinson, and the l a t e J e f f r e y Legaik were e s p e c i a l l y h e l p f u l . I thank a l s o the s t a f f s of the various government o f f i c e s i n V i c t o r i a who allowed me to prowl through t h e i r records. Mr. Lyle R u s s e l l , who conducted me through the mysteries of both B.C. timber l i c e n s i n g p o l i c y and the basement of the c e n t r a l m i c r o f i l m bureau, was of considerable h e l p , was was Enid Lemon of the Forest Service l i b r a r y . Her g e n i a l encouragement was always a pleasure; her e f f o r t s i n obtaining obscure documents f o r me were g r a t i f y i n g . To my committee chairman, Robin Ridington, I owe s p e c i a l thanks f o r h i s p a t i e n t guidance and support. I am indebted also to David Aberle, f o r h i s thorough, p a i n s t a k i n g , and in v a l u a b l e c r i t i c i s m s . In a d d i t i o n , Drs. Mike Kew and A l l a n Chambers o f f e r e d h e l p f u l comments and suggestions. The l a t e Wilson Duff co n t r i b u t e d much through h i s encyclopedic knowledge of the Northwest Coast. A l s o , thanks are due to G l o r i a Sparks of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, who has guided many a hapless graduate student through the t h i c k e t of departmental and u n i v e r s i t y r e g u l a t i I acknowledge the f i n a n c i a l support of the U n i v e r s i t y of B.C. and the Canada C o u n c i l , whose fellowhips were, n a t u r a l l y , i n d i s p e n s i b l e . X I X F i n a l l y , to my w i f e , June, who bore i t a l l w i t h remarkable good humour, and to my mother, f o r her years of encouragement and h e l p , i n c l u d i n g p a t i e n t l y reading aloud hours of incomprehen-s i b l e numbers, I extend my deepest thanks. X l l l Figure 1 H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y Chapter 1 In t r o d u c t i o n This t h e s i s w i l l examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i s -i n t e g r a t i o n of the a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e of the H a i s l a of Kitamaat, B r i t i s h Columbia, and three of the more s i g n i f i c a n t and pervasive e f f e c t s of contact, v i z . : 1) H a i s l a p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the indus-t r i a l economy of the coast; 2) population d e c l i n e , which r e s u l t e d p r i m a r i l y from epidemic and endemic diseases c a r r i e d by whites; 3) m i s s i o n i z a t i o n by an ' u l t r a - e v a n g e l i c a l ' * form of C h r i s t i a n i t y , that a r r i v e d bent on e r a d i c a t i n g a l l aspects of a b o r i g i n a l c u l -ture deemed incompatible w i t h i t s teachings. I w i l l focus on two aspects of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e : the m a t r i l i n e a l c l a n system and the system of named, ranked, statuses that culminated i n l i n e a g e , c l a n , and v i l l a g e c h i e f s . I w i l l f i r s t examine those conditions that c o n t r i b u t e d to the establishment and maintenance of c h i e f t a i n s h i p and h e r e d i t a r y ranked statuses among the H a i s l a , i n order to provide a back-ground f o r co n s i d e r a t i o n of the changes that l e d to or permitted t h e i r d e c l i n e . Second w i l l come a d e t a i l e d examination of the economic h i s t o r y of the H a i s l a , d e s c r i b i n g the environmental, technologi-c a l , and h i s t o r i c a l conditions that i n f l u e n c e d the nature and extent of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy. These chapters w i l l deal p r i m a r i l y w i t h commercial f i s h i n g and logging. T h i r d w i l l be a short account of the dec l i n e of population — M c K e r v i i l e ' s phrase. 1967: 151. 2 among the H a i s l a . This w i l l be followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the character and a c t i v i t i e s of the mission that was e s t a b l i s h e d at Kitamaat. ./ •Although the processes mentioned here were common to most, i f not a l l , the n a t i v e groups of the coast, they d i f f e r e d con-s i d e r a b l y i n d e t a i l from people to people. Any examination of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of those processes f o r a p a r t i c u l a r group must, t h e r e f o r e , take those v a r i a t i o n s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The n a t i v e s ' entry i n t o the market economy, f o r example, was conditioned by a host of f a c t o r s : the occurrence of market-able resources w i t h i n the various t e r r i t o r i e s ; environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as t e r r a i n or c l i m a t e , that promoted or i n h i b i t e d the e x p l o i t a t i o n of those resources w i t h cheap, r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e technology; proximity to or i s o l a t i o n from markets; the presence or absence of a l o c a l non-Indian p o p u l a t i o n , which could compete f o r jobs or access to the resources. The v a r i a -t i o n of these f a c t o r s from region to region could be consider-able .^ ) S i m i l a r l y , no two missions seem to have been quite a l i k e . The combination of church d o c t r i n e , the t r a i n i n g , approach, or p e r s o n a l i t y of the missionary, the d i s p o s i t i o n of the n a t i v e subjects and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s (how severely the p a r t i c u l a r group had s u f f e r e d from epidemics, f o r example) a l l played a p a r t i n shaping the p a r t i c u l a r character of the mission, and the degree and v e l o c i t y of c u l t u r a l change. The Kitamaat appear to have hosted one of the s t e r n e r , more uncompromising missions, which may have accelerated abandonment of elements of t h e i r 3 t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . F i f t h , as an example of the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e , I w i l l describe changes that have taken place i n the transmission of named, ranked statuses. Associated w i t h the decline i n importance of statuses i s the r e l e g a t i o n of m a t r i l i n y / to a p e r i p h e r a l r o l e i n the everyday a f f a i r s of the v i l l a g e . ^ j F i n a l l y , I w i l l attempt to r e l a t e the breakdown of t r a d i -t i o n a l s o c i a l forms to the economic, demographic, and i d e o l o g i c a l pressures described e a r l i e r . In the f i r s t s e c t i o n , the basis of c h i e f t a i n s h i p and rank-i n g , I w i l l propose that the existence of both i s e x p l i c a b l e i n terms of the i r r e g u l a r i t y of the occurrence of st a p l e resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y salmon. In p a r t , t h i s hypothesis proceeds from the proposals of S u t t l e s (1960, 1962) and Piddocke (1965) that the co a s t a l resource base was ch a r a c t e r i z e d by i r r e g u l a r i t y and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , and that f a i l u r e s of salmon runs o c c a s i o n a l l y j l e d to shortages among the t r i b e s , shortages that were met through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n from groups enjoying surpluses^) The f o r -mulation proposed here d i f f e r s from those of S u t t l e s and Piddocke i n that i t considers intra-group r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s to be u l t i m a t e l y more s i g n i f i c a n t than inter-group ones i n the development of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c c o a s t a l c u l t u r a l forms, and also proposes that r e d i s t r i b u t i o n was one of the causative elements i n the occurrence of shortages among l o c a l groups (or sub-groups). By creating an interdependence that enables l o c a l groups to transcend the l i m i -t a t i o n s set by t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l resource bases, r e d i s t r i b u t i o n permitted the establishment of a population s i z e consistent with 4 the high average p r o d u c t i v i t y of the wider region rather than the more v a r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y of the l o c a l area. Xi Under t h i s f o rmulation, the basis of the c h i e f ' s economic \ importance (and thus of h i s superior status and p r e s t i g e ) i s ) i the n e c e s s i t y f o r a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e agent to counter the i n e v i t a b l e shortages that would occur as a r e s u l t of the l o c a l groups' surrender of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . The second group of chapters, dealing w i t h the economic h i s t o r y of the H a i s l a , w i l l examine two i s s u e s : the f a c t o r s that governed t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the r e g i o n , and the patterns of that involvement over the past three-quarters of a century. Those patterns r e v e a l a process that has been underway f o r some decades. This process i s r e f l e c t e d i n the markedly d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e s that we have of Northwest Coast economic l i f e during e a r l y and l a t e r phases of the development of the i n d u s t r i a l economy. On the one hand, we read of the ease with which wealth flowed to the natives during the nineteenth century and the e a r l y p a r t of the twentieth, and of the flamboyance and 'disregard f o r tomorrow' with which they consumed i t . Drucker, f o r example, claimed t h a t : . . . I t became p o s s i b l e f o r anyone to acquire a small fortune i n trade b l a n k e t s , e t c . from e x t r a -c u l t u r a l ( i . e . , European) sources, by such a r e l a -t i v e l y simple process as k i l l i n g a sea o t t e r or two, or p u t t i n g i n a l u c r a t i v e season on a s e a l i n g schooner (1939: 145fn). We read, too, of the p r o f l i g a c y of n a t i v e p o t l a t c h e s , at which thousands of blankets and d o l l a r s , dozens of canoes and r i f l e s , and uncounted sacks of f l o u r , sugar, and the l i k e were given away or destroyed. Duff quotes a Southern Kwakiutl's obs v a t i o n that: When I was young I saw streams of wealth shed i n war. But since that time the white men came and stopped up that stream of blood with wealth. Now we f i g h t w i t h our wealth (1964: 59). Even though t h i s process has been described i n considerabl d e t a i l , by Codere (1950, 1961) i n p a r t i c u l a r , Drucker and Heize c l a i m t h a t , i f anything, i t has been underplayed. I An aspect of the t r a n s i t i o n from a b o r i g i n a l to a modern economy that Codere manifestly under-stands but perhaps might have emphasized more st r o n g l y i s that Southern Kwakiutl l i f e and the p o t l a t c h were enriched by the vast stream o f , to them, cheap consumer goods acquired through trade channels (1967: 14). Studies of current c o a s t a l economies and s o c i e t i e s , howeve tend to focus on the poverty and d e p r i v a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of contemporary reserve l i f e , s t r e s s how the n a t i v e ranks at or near the bottom i n v i r t u a l l y any measure of economic well-being and p o i n t out that h i s prospects are generally the worst of anyone's i n the province, ji \ o. • . b A, ^The t r a n s i t i o n between e a r l y p r o s p e r i t y and l a t e r poverty i s so s t a r t l i n g that I wondered how the change came about, what circumstances and processes were abroad to b r i n g the n a t i v e so low so q u i c k l y ? ) (/The answer, I b e l i e v e , l i e s i n the character of the develop-ment of the major i n d u s t r i e s of the coast. That development has m i l i t a t e d against the n a t i v e s ' f u l l or independent p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy u n t i l today he i s at best a marginal, almost mendicant member, i n large p a r t r e l i a n t f o r h i s economic s u r v i v a l on companies and governments that o c c a s i o n a l l y make p r o v i s i o n f o r h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n by enacting measures to ensure that no matter how precarious h i s p o s i t i o n may become, he s h a l l not disappear altogether"^ e (" \ ( i n i t i a l l y , the slow and e r r a t i c settlement of the coast, coupled with the rudimentary t e c h n o l o g i c a l l e v e l of f i s h i n g and logging i n t h e i r e a r l y stages, enabled the natives to enter the f i e l d with l i t t l e or no investment and r e l a t i v e l y free from com-p e t i t i o n . At that p o i n t , the Indian was the only r e a d i l y a v a i l -able source of labour f o r the producers, whose p r i m i t i v e trans-p o r t a t i o n technology obliged them to locate t h e i r operations near to the source of the raw m a t e r i a l s , f a r from metropolitan centers, but close to the i s o l a t e d Indian v i l l a g e s / S The low t e c h n o l o g i c a l s t a t e of the i n d u s t r i e s , w i t h conse-quent ease of access and egress, enabled Indians to p a r t i c i p a t e i i n many or a l l of the p r e v a i l i n g occupations, and thereby to j t s h i e l d themselves from the vagaries of any one. The system of j , 1/ occupational m u l t i p l i c i t y that developed f i t t e d quite w e l l w i t h the subsistence economy that most natives continued to r e l y on, and altogether made f o r a sound adaptive s t r a t e g y , one that coped rather w e l l with the i r r e g u l a r and unpredictable fortunes of the i n f a n t i n d u s t r i e s . 1 , I^With the settlement of the coast and the development of harvesting and transport equipment, the native found himself at a disadvantage i n a number of ways. The equipment became too expensive f o r him to acquire r e a d i l y . In f a c t , lack of jcapjjtal__ or equipment drove many natives out of some occupations e n t i r e l y , at l e a s t as independent producers. Those who attempted to keep up with the equipment race were ob l i g e d to s p e c i a l i z e i n one occupation, reducing t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y without measurably i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r s e c u r i t y , f o r while the i n d u s t r i e s may have become t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y more s o p h i s t i c a t e d , they remained subject to the same world market forces and/or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of supply, and consequently were b a s i c a l l y no l e s s e r r a t i c . The natives who t r i e d to keep up were f l i r t i n g with r u i n and the loss of t h e i r equipment should things go badly, which they frequently d i d , while those who maintained t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y by c l i n g i n g to the simpler and l e s s expensive technologies were relegated to the more u n p r o f i t a b l e margins of the i n d u s t r i e s , and eventually found themselves regulated out of business as governments attempted to r a t i o n a l i z e production i n the face of d e c l i n i n g stocks of resources. The attempts at r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n took the form of l i c e n c e r e s t r i c t i o n s , r o y a l t y charges, and the l i k e , and almost i n v a r i a b l y favoured the i n t e r e s t s of the large producers at the expense of the small ' i n e f f i c i e n t ' ones, which included most of 8 the Indians. > The t h i r d group of chapters, dealing with non-economic fac-tors i n the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a c u l t u r e , focusses on m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and population d e c l i n e . I w i l l examine both the d e l i b e r a t e changes f o s t e r e d by the missionary, and the inad-vertent or unforeseen s h i f t s p r e c i p i t a t e d by h i s e f f o r t s at reform. I suspect that the p r i n c i p a l c o n t r i b u t i o n of the mission-ary to c u l t u r a l change among the H a i s l a was the establishment of a separate mission v i l l a g e , wherein innovative forms of behaviour (responses to changes i n the economy, perhaps) that might have caused considerable d i s r u p t i o n i n the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e could be t r i e d out w i t h r e l a t i v e impunity. These innovations may have been o s t e n s i b l y i n response to the missionary's urgings, but may also be seen as adaptations to the pressures of the i n d u s t r i a l economy i n which the natives were quite deeply involved by the time they began to move i n numbers to the mission v i l l a g e . The second non-economic f o r c e , depopulation, disrupted l i n e s of succession so thoroughly that s u r v i v o r s were forced to coun-tenance q u i t e d r a s t i c manipulations of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n order to t r y to maintain the i n t e g r i t y of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l u n i t s . These manipulations became the precedents that l a t e r , 1 l e s s orthodox innovators extended to embrace ever more l i b e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the r u l e s , such that contemporary ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' s t r u c t u r e s d i f f e r i n fundamental ways from former ones. In dealing with the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of m a t r i l i n y and the attenuation of the t r a d i t i o n a l system of named, ranked, statuses, I w i l l apply Robert Anderson's (1960) 'reduction of v a r i a n t s ' 9 schema to the process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . My v e r s i o n of Anderson's formulation views contact as ch a r a c t e r i z e d by a r a p i d increase i n the number of v a r i a n t s , or a l t e r n a t i v e modes of behaviour, and a c c u l t u r a t i o n as a progressive reduction of v a r i a n t s as t r a d i -t i o n a l patterns drop away and introduced forms are re t a i n e d . T h i s , I b e l i e v e , accounts f o r t r a n s i t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n s l i k e that at Kitamaat, i n which elements of both t r a d i t i o n a l and modern systems operate simultaneously f o r some time, or i n which c e r t a i n f a c t i o n s adhere to one set of precepts, while another behaves according to an a l t e r n a t i v e s e t . F i n a l l y , I w i l l attempt to show that the operative sphere of the a b o r i g i n a l system i s p r o g r e s s i v e l y reduced as i t s substan-t i v e underpinning, c o n t r o l over the a c q u i s i t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources, i s assumed by elements of the new system. 1 0 Research Methods The m a t e r i a l s f o r t h i s t h e s i s were gathered i n two stages. The f i r s t i n v o l v e d some ten months f i e l d work i n Kitamaat; the second, about s i x months spent i n archives and government records i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . During the f i e l d work p e r i o d , the focus of the study s h i f t e d from a concentration on contemporary s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the e f f e c t s of recent i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y on s o c i a l change to a more h i s t o r i c a l account of the H a i s l a s ' experience i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast from about the i n c e p t i o n of commercial f i s h i n g and logg i n g . There were s e v e r a l reasons f o r t h i s s h i f t . I t soon became evident that contemporary n a t i v e s e n s i b i l i t i e s would not permit me comfortably or s u c c e s s f u l l y to pursue l i n e s of questioning that a study of present day o r g a n i z a t i o n would r e q u i r e . Questions p e r t a i n i n g to mutual a i d , f i n a n c e s , household economy or even residence patterns were construed as unwarranted p r y i n g . (That I tended to agree d i d not enhance my p e r s i s t e n c e , needless to say.) I therefore concluded that a more n e u t r a l h i s t o r i c a l study, focussing on economic h i s t o r y , could be more comfortably and p r o f i t a b l y pursued This second approach placed my p r i m a r i l y i n the company of older people, who, u n l i k e the working population of the v i l l a g e , were w i l l i n g and able to discourse at length about t h e i r l i v e s and backgrounds. (The high employment rate at Kitamaat made i t d i f f i c u l t to conduct interviews among the younger elements of the v i l l a g e , who were at work during the day, and seldom i n c l i n e d to be questioned at length during the evenings. A f u l l s h i f t at Alcan or Eurocan d i d not leave the workers too disposed to p a r t i c i p a t e i n lengthy interviews.) Older informants, however, ofte n seemed plees-jf to disucess t h e i r experiences at considerable l e n g t h , and a number of rewarding and mutually s a t i s f y i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s developed. With the s e l e c t i o n of a h i s t o r i c a l problem, the matter of a sample of informants became i r r e l e v a n t . Rather, the matter became one of d i s c o v e r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s who had the s i n g u l a r knowledge that I was a f t e r , and who were w i l l i n g to discuss t h e i r l i f e h i s t o r i e s . Thus I adopted what might be termed an 'adventitious sample--I t a l k e d to whoever would t a l k to me. B a s i c a l l y , I worked w i t h seven major informants, ranging i n age from the l a t e f o r t i e s to the l a t e s e v e n t i e s . Of these, I worked with three most i n t e n s i v e l y , gaining l i f e and work h i s t o r i e s of both informants and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , extending i n some cases to the l a t e nineteenth century. I consulted a wider c i r c l e of informants about s p e c i f i c a i s s u e s , when my r e g u l a r informants were not sure of d e t a i l s , or d i d not f e e l q u a l i f i e d to discuss matters that they d i d not 'own'. (My p r i n c i p a l informant, an Eagle, would oft e n r e f e r me to members of other clans i f my questions touched on matters that he knew of but d i d not have a u t h o r i t y to discuss.) I was thus able to develop an o u t l i n e of the H a i s l a s ' economic and s o c i a l l i f e f o r about three quarters of a century--the economic avenues open to them and the e f f e c t s of t h e i r economic circumstances on the s o c i a l l i f e . I t remained to place these accounts i n t o a more general h i s t o r i c a l framework, a matter I purssued by way of documentary m a t e r i a l s . The genalogies and h i s t o r i c a l d e t a i l s c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d enabled me to peruse the government records and p i c k out data p e r t a i n i n g to H a i s l a s . Although i t would have been p r e f e r a b l e to have had t h i s m a t e r i a l on hand before entering the f i e l d , I could not have gathered i t without extensive genealogica and c h r o n o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n amassed" at Kitamaat. Most of the records are not indexed; information i s f i l e d by year and name of person. This demands a considerable degree of f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h persons and operations before any b e n e f i t can be gained from the immense body of data contained i n the f i l e s . 13 Chapter 2 The H a i s l a 1 2 Today, the H a i s l a l i v e i n the v i l l a g e of Kitamaat, located some seven miles from the head of Douglas Channel, near the c i t y of K i t i m a t . The Kitamaat Band i s formed of two main s u b d i v i s i o n s , the Kitamaat and the K i t l o p e , the l a t t e r formerly l i v i n g at the mouth of the K i t l o p e River and at Kemano, both located i n Gardner Canal. They formally amalgamated with the Kitamaat some two decades ago. P r i o r to that time, however, most of the band had already migrated to Kitamaat, and v i r t u a l l y a l l were resident there f o r at l e a s t part of the year. The Kitamaat themselves are a combination of three pre- ^ contact d i v i s i o n s , the N a l a b i l a , or dwellers upriver ( i . e . , the Kitimat R i v e r ) , X ' a i s l a , dwellers f a r t h e s t downriver, and G i l d a -l i d o x , or inhabitants of K i l d a l a Arm. Some time before the f i r s t white settlement, the three branches began to winter together at the v i l l a g e of the X ' a i s l a , located j u s t upstream from the mouth of the Kitimat River. S h o r t l y a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n 1893, the missionary, George T~. Throughout the t h e s i s , whenever I r e f e r to the H a i s l a , I mean both Kitamaat and K i t l o p e . I f I am not sure that the issue under d i s c u s s i o n applies to both, I s p e c i f y one d i v i s i o n or another. Because most of the information extant pertains to the Kitamaat, they are the primary focus of t h i s study. 2. I encountered more than twenty ways to s p e l l Kitamaat. The H a i s l a themselves prefer Kitamaat, and therefore I use that v e r s i o n whenever I r e f e r to the natives themselves or to t h e i r v i l l a g e . Elsewhere I adopted the common map s p e l l i n g s of places, e.g., Kitimat River, Kitimat ( c i t y ) . V a r i a t i o n s of s p e l l i n g i n quotations remain unchanged, of course. Raley, e s t a b l i s h e d a r i v a l v i l l a g e on an old settlement s i t e about f i v e miles down channel from the head of the i n l e t . Converts moved there as they became C h r i s t i a n i z e d . During the f i r s t decade of t h i s century v i r t u a l l y a l l the Kitamaat had undergone at l e a s t nominal conversion, and migrated to Kitamaat M i s s i o n , as the v i l -lage came to be c a l l e d . The natives repaired to the ol d v i l l a g e s i t e only to catch and process oolichan, or to p o t l a t c h out of ^ reach of the missionary and Indian Agent. Today, a l l s t a t u s , On-Reserve H a i s l a l i v e at Kitamaat. The 1973 census l i s t s a t o t a l H a i s l a population of 883, approximately two-thirds of whom l i v e i n the v i l l a g e (Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s census). T r a d i t i o n a l O r i e n t a t i o n Kroeber (1939: 29) c l a s s i f i e d the H a i s l a as 'Northern Mari-time River,' a "variant of the Northern subculture, l o c a l i z e d on r i v e r s or i n l e t s rather than the sea.""'' Although the H a i s l a r e l i e d p r i m a r i l y upon the four main r i v e r s of t h e i r region, the Ki t l o p e and Kemano f o r the K i t l o p e , and the Dala and Kitimat f o r the Kitamaat, they nevertheless occupied and ex p l o i t e d one of the T~. The Kitamaats ' intimate connection with the r i v e r was demon-st r a t e d rather n e a t l y a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of outboard motors, and t h e i r i n s t a l l a t i o n on H a i s l a canoes. These c r a f t are of the same general design and construction as the c l a s s i c northern s t y l e , although they are s l i g h t l y narrower i n the beam, as b e f i t s a canoe used often i n a s w i f t flowing stream l i k e the Kiti m a t . When pol i n g up r i v e r , i t was the p r a c t i c e to reverse the canoe and to proceed s t e r n - f i r s t , f o r the v e r t i c a l cutwater of the bow l e f t the c r a f t too susceptible to currents and eddies, while the high, curving stern permitted the steersman to maintain better c o n t r o l . When outboard motors came i n t o use, the canoemen removed the bow i n order to f i t the motor, rather than the s t e r n , thus s a c r i f i c i n g a measure of seaworthiness i n order to r e t a i n river-worthiness. 15 major i n l e t systems of the Northwest Coast. They c o n t r o l l e d at l e a s t two hundred miles of ( i n l e t ) c o a s t l i n e . In a d d i t i o n to the four major r i v e r s mentioned, H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y i n c l u d e d 31 salmon-bearing streams ( c f . Table I I , p. 42) s c a t t e r e d along the length of Douglas Channel, Gardner C a n a l , and.the score of bays, arms, and channels of the i n l e t system. Older informants could r e c a l l the l o c a t i o n s of some 40 houses or cabins b u i l t near resource s i t e s throughout the r e g i o n , an i n d i -c a t i o n that those s i t e s continued to be important u n t i l w e l l i n t o t h i s century ( c f . Figure 2, p. 16). T r a d i t i o n a l S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e In terms of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the H a i s l a are something of an \ anomaly. Although they speak a Wakashan language, and are c l a s s e d as the northernmost of the Northern Kwakiutl, t h e i r s o c i a l o r g a n i -z a t i o n resembles that of the Tsimshian, Haida, and T l i n g i t more than that of t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c k i n . As Olson noted: Alone of a l l the Kwakiutl-speaking t r i b e s the H a i s l a and K i t l o p e have a f u l l - f l e d g e d maternal exogamic c l a n o r g a n i z a t i o n which i s almost i d e n t i c a l with that of t h e i r Tsimshian neighbours (1940: 169 ) . The consensus among students of the area seems to be that the forebears of the H a i s l a adopted that form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n as a way of a r t i c u l a t i n g with the Tsimshian. The H a i s l a themselves have no sense that things were always as they a r e , and informants themselves speculated that t h e i r ancestors had taken on the nor-thern form a f t e r migrating to the area. The o r i g i n s t o r i e s have the core of the H a i s l a moving from Figure 2 Salmon Streams and Resource S i t e s of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y n : cabin adjacent to resource s i t e Source: Stream Catalogue 1972 Rivers I n l e t to K i l d a l a Arm and gradually populating the adjacent i n l e t system ; absorbing other migrant groups who l a t e r a r r i v e d from the Skeena v i a the Kitimat v a l l e y . A b o r i g i n a l l y , there were s i x c l a n s , which, by the time that the f i r s t ethnographic reports were w r i t t e n , had coalesced i n t o three groups: Beaver B l a c k f i s h Eagle Raven Salmon Crow This linkage has proceeded quite f a r . In the case of the B l a c k f i s h and Salmon, f o r example, members are simply r e f e r r e d to as ' f i s h , ' u s u a l l y without any d i s t i n c t i o n being made. (Curiously, the H a i s l a term f o r the clan combination i s based on t h e i r word f o r salmon, miya, rather than f o r b l a c k f i s h , even though Olson noted that i n potlatches the B l a c k f i s h were c a l l e d before the Salmon, which would i n d i c a t e that the former were ranked higher than the l a t t e r . ) ^Clans today are evident and a c t i v e , a l b e i t w i t h i n a h i g h l y r e s t r i c t e d sphere, and membership i s maintained by adoption i f a u n i t appears i n danger of disappearing. Lineage o r g a n i z a t i o n , however, appears to have disappeared v i r t u a l l y without t r a c e . ; Olson reported that he could discern lineages, but commented that they lacked the " c l e a r cut functions of the cl a n s " (1940: 170). Many of the informants that I consulted were not f a m i l i a r with them at a l l . P o s s i b l y the sole remaining a t t r i b u t e of f 18 lineage o r g a n i z a t i o n i s the p r a c t i c e of c a l l i n g the f i r s t three j or four ranking nobles of a clan 'chi e f . ' Among the Eagles, for; example, the c l a n head, SanaxeD, i s n a t u r a l l y c a l l e d 'Chief ! SanaxeD,' but subordinate nobles' names are l i k e w i s e prefaced--Chief Hemasaka, Chief G'psalop ust--which leads me to belie v e that those t i t l e s once denoted lineage heads. The c l a n c h i e f regards the t i t l e holders as h i s counselors, which strengthens the view somewhat, f o r lineage heads acted as such i n Tsimshian v i l l a g e s l i k e Port Simpson, where lineages remained a c t i v e u n t i l w e l l i n t o t h i s century. A c t u a l l y , the people do r e f e r to u n i t s such as 'Chief Legex's f a m i l y , ' but I do not belie v e that that can be taken as evidence of any s i g n i f i c a n t i n t r a - c l a n d i s t i n c t i o n s , f o r the i n d i v i d u a l s included i n the a p p e l l a t i o n are a small group who are seen to be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the c h i e f . Even a f t e r a l l the " c h i e f s ' f a m i l i e s " are t o t a l l e d there remains a great mass of i n d i v i d u a l s who once would have belonged to one lineage or another, but who now do not c a l c u l a t e t h e i r clan membership by way of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to some sub-chief or lineage head. I Chapter 3 Environment, T r a d i t i o n a l Economy, and S o c i a l Structure Because subsequent chapters deal with the dec l i n e of the place of nobles and c h i e f s i n H a i s l a s o c i e t y , i t would be appropriate to begin with a d i s c u s s i o n of the f a c t o r s that sustained those p o s i t i o n s i n a b o r i g i n a l or e a r l y h i s t o r i c times i n order to associate t h e i r d e c l i n e with changes i n the natives environmental or economic circumstances. Unfortunately, most of the information extant p e r t a i n i n g to the economic aspects of c h i e f t a i n s h i p or high status r e l a t e s to the i n t r i c a c i e s of the post-contact p o t l a t c h . The r o l e of ch i e f s and nobles i n the a b o r i g i n a l subsistence economy i s given comparatively short s h r i f t . Moreover, the e a r l i e s t ethnographers d i d not begin t h e i r work on the coast u n t i l nearly a century a f t e r contact (Boas a r r i v e d i n 1885, f o r example), by which time such f a c t o r s as the f u r trade and severe depopulation had d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r e d the na t i v e s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r resource bases. Reconstruction of those r e l a t i o n s h i p s seldom received much a t t e n t i o n . Thus i t i s not po s s i b l e at t h i s date to say with c e r t a i n t y j u s t what was the r o l e of the house, lineage, c l a n , or v i l l a g e heads i n the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources. Never-t h e l e s s , some clues do e x i s t , and the area remains a f e r t i l e f i e l d f o r speculation. In t h i s chapter, I w i l l propose that a s i g n i f i c a n t element i n the operation of c h i e f t a i n s h i p among a northern Northwest f 20 Coast people l i k e the H a i s l a was an economy charact e r i z e d by an j I unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources r e s u l t i n g from a resource j base that was both h i g h l y productive o v e r a l l , and rather i r r e g u l a r and unpredictable i n i t s constituent p a r t s . Such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s put a premium on co-operation, both w i t h i n the l o c a l community, and between i t and neighbouring communities. Such co-operation, i n the form of pooling and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , could s u s t a i n the statuses of house, c l a n , and \ v i l l a g e c h i e f t a i n s . As Sahlins noted, the r o l e of r e d i s t r i b u t o r and the status of c h i e f are combined i n the same person. The t r i b a l economic system i s an extended family system, ch a r a c t e r i z e d throughout by k i n s h i p co-operation and mutual a i d . The p r i n c i p a l administra-t i v e operation i n a t r i b a l economy, therefore, i s pooling and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods by a c e n t r a l agent. Everywhere t h i s c e n t r a l agent occupies a p o l i t i c a l , c h i e f l y s t a t u s , and h i s r e d i s t r i b u t i v e a c t i v i t i e s subsidize the d i v i s i o n of labor and t r i b a l e n t e r p r i s e . Prestige i s a t t r i b u t e d to the c h i e f so long as he manages goods i n the general welfare. This p r e s t i g e not only permits the c h i e f to influence persons, i t sanctions h i s c a l l on goods. P r e s t i g e , t h e r e f o r e , operates to overcome an inherent tendency to l i m i t p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a system of production f o r use (as opposed to production f o r exchange). Prestige i s the a c t i o n of a s o c i a l system operating to widen the economy at the same time, and by means of increasing the powers of the administrating c h i e f (1960: 410). Although Sahlins was addressing himself p r i m a r i l y to the i n e q u a l i t i e s of d i s t r i b u t i o n that a r i s e from a w e l l developed d i v i s i o n of labour, h i s formulation i s equally p e r t i n e n t to i n e q u a l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from i r r e g u l a r i t i e s of resource produc-t i o n , f o r both can r e s u l t i n an imbalanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources. As Service points out, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n can apply to d i f f e r e n t i a l production of resources r e s u l t i n g from e c o l o g i c a l v a r i a b i l i t y . C l e a r l y , r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s a consequence of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and the r e l a t e d needs f o r i t s co-o r d i n a t i o n and f o r the a l l o c a t i o n of products. There are two d i s t i n c t and separable kinds of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n which could lead to r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . They frequently c o - e x i s t i n the same s o c i e t y , but i t seems probable that one or the other alone would be s u f f i c i e n t to catalyze the transformation of s o c i e t y . One (probably the more frequent) i s the r e g i o n a l , or e c o l o g i c a l , s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s . . . (Service 1964: 145). Service i s r e f e r r i n g here to the occupation of d i s t i n c t e c o l o g i c a l zones by the members of a community, and consequent d i f f e r e n t i a l production. His point applies equally w e l l to areas l i k e the coast which, while they are nominally part of the same e c o l o g i c a l zone, are nevertheless h i g h l y v a r i a b l e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y from place to place and from year to year. The operative consequence of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s that i t leaves a considerable quantity of resource or product i n the hands of one segment of the s o c i e t y and les s or none i n other segments. Va r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y of the resource s i t e s belonging to the various segments has a s i m i l a r e f f e c t . In both cases, r e d i s t r i -bution could be a primary mechanism f o r the e q u a l i z a t i o n of the imbalance. The c h i e f ' s r o l e as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r would be most c r i t i c a l , of course, i n a s i t u a t i o n i n which the population exerted some pressure on the resource base, or where the demands of some or a l l of the s o c i e t y o c c a s i o n a l l y exceeded the productive capacity of the resource base. At that p o i n t , the c h i e f ' s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l connections and h i s a b i l i t y to channel goods from u n i t s w i t h a surplus to those s u f f e r i n g a shortage would be h i s main j u s t i f i -22 c a t i o n f o r being. Indeed, as Sahlins points out, the very existence of a c h i e f may w e l l provide the impetus f o r the consistent production of a surplus. P r e s t i g e , t h e r e f o r e , operates to overcome an inherent tendency to l i m i t p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a system of production f o r use (as opposed to production f o r exchange). Pr e s t i g e i s the a c t i o n of a s o c i a l system operating to widen the powers of the a d m i n i s t r a t i n g c h i e f (Sahlins 1960: 410). P r e s t i g e associated with pooling and r e d i s t r i b u -t i o n operates simultaneously as an i n c e n t i v e to dispensation on the c h i e f ' s part and an i n c e n t i v e to production on h i s kinsmen's part--thus a t r i b a l economy ( i b i d . : 411). Stimulated by the c h i e f ' s d r i v e f o r p r e s t i g e , h a b i t u a l over-production (when the opportunity arose) could create a supply ready f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n should an appropriate neighbouring group or l o c a l segment s u f f e r a shortage. (Among the c o a s t a l groups, should no shortage occur, there were w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d methods of consumption of any excess that were s i m i l a r l y prestige-enhancing f o r the hosts--ostentatious d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption i n f e a s t s , f o r example, or, among the Southern Kwakiutl i n h i s t o r i c times, a c t u a l d e s t r u c t i o n of large q u a n t i t i e s of food.) I t remains to consider two i s s u e s , one e c o l o g i c a l , the other c u l t u r a l : was the c o a s t a l environment so v a r i a b l e as to \ j create shortages among the various segments of l o c a l communities; and, d i d high status i n d i v i d u a l s indeed operate as r e d i s t r i b u t o r s I i of foodstuffs to t h e i r tribesmen? I w i l l consider each issue i n turn. j 23 E c o l o g i c a l V a r i a b i l i t y The crux of the argument, then, (as i t applies to the Northwest Coast) concerns the question of i r r e g u l a r i t y of pro-duction of staple resources: d i d those resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y salmon, vary and/or f l u c t u a t e i n quantity s u f f i c i e n t to deprive segments of the native population of the minimum they considered necessary, t o l e r a b l e , or convenient, so as to t r i g g e r some compensatory mechanism such as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ? S u t t l e s maintained that that sort of v a r i a b i l i t y was a s a l i e n t feature of the Northwest Coast environment. He claimed, furthermore, that the orthodox conception of the uniformity of the c o a s t a l ecosystem and economy was a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n t h a t , by neglecting to consider micro-environments and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t s on subsistence patterns, overlooked circumstances that may have f i g u r e d large i n the development of economic, demographic, and u l t i m a t e l y of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l forms. The environmental s e t t i n g of native c u l t u r e was characterized by four s i g n i f i c a n t features: 1) v a r i e t y of types of food, i n c l u d i n g sprouts, r o o t s , b e r r i e s , s h e l l f i s h , f i s h e s , waterfowl, land and sea mammals; 2) l o c a l v a r i a t i o n i n the occurrence of these differences between fresh and s a l t water, l o c a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n temperature and p r e c i p i t a t i o n . 3) seasonal v a r i a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n vegetable foods and i n anadromous f i s h e s ; 4) f l u c t u a t i o n from year to year, i n part due to the regular cycles of the d i f f e r e n t populations of f i s h , i n part to l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e changes, as i n weather (1960: 302). The l a s t category, f l u c t u a t i o n s from year to year, i s of p a r t i c u l a r importance, f o r i t introduces the elements of i r r e g u -l a r i t y and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , which w i l l i n turn lead to consider-a t i o n of t h e i r c u l t u r a l concomitant, counteracting mechanisms 'IS such as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t i v e agents. But the fourth of the environmental features, f l u c t u a t i o n s from year to year, must have demanded v e r s a t i l i t y and adaptability...(The rather pronounced d i f f e r e n c e s i n resources among communities, plus year-to-year f l u c t u a t i o n i n q u a n t i t i e s , must have put a premium on intercommunity co-operation ( S u t t l e s 1960: 302).; Although h i s i n i t i a l speculations concerned the Coast S a l i s h , S u t t l e s soon extended the ideas to encompass groups to the n o r t h , a l b e i t i n s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d form. ...The more northern t r i b e s r e l y on fewer kinds of plants and animals and get them at fewer places and f o r shorter times during the year, but i n greater concentration, and with consequent greater chance f o r f a i l u r e (1962: 103). The fewer types and greater concentration of resources that I have postulated f o r both the Wakashan and Northern areas might increase the importance of the "owner" as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r of resources w i t h i n the l o c a l group and a represen-t a t i v e of the l o c a l group i n r e l a t i o n to other groups. This increase i n importance of the r o l e of the "owner" may be accompanied by an increased emphasis on d i f f e r e n c e s i n status throughout so c i e t y ( i b i d . : 138). The enhanced status of the owner-distributor postulated here i s reminiscent of Sahlins's proposal c i t e d e a r l i e r . Everywhere, t h i s c e n t r a l agent [the r e d i s -t r i b u t o r of goods] occupies a p o l i t i c a l , c h i e f l y s t a t u s . . . (Sahlins 1960: 410). I t i s important to note here that r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods can take place on a number of l e v e l s : between houses, lineages, or clans w i t h i n a community, between communities or between t r i b e s . I propose to l i m i t my i n q u i r y here to i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , since I am concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h status r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the H a i s l a , and not between elements of the 25 H a i s l a and other north coast groups. I belie v e that there i s enough v a r i a b i l i t y i n resource a v a i l a b i l i t y w i t h i n the holdings of the H a i s l a to j u s t i f y the operation of an i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a l network, one that sustained status d i f f e r e n t i a l s among the various s o c i a l u n i t s of the l o c a l community. I t remains to consider whether the environmental v a r i a b i l i t y described by S u t t l e s was i n f a c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the coast, p a r t i c u l a r l y as f a r as salmon are concerned. S u t t l e s mentions two major causes of f l u c t u a t i o n s , "regular cycles of the d i f f e r e n t populations of f i s h , and less p r e d i c t a b l e changes, as i n weather" (1960: 302). Fluctuations i n the s i z e of salmon runs r e s u l t p a r t i a l l y from the l i f e cycles of the various species. Some time a f t e r they hatch i n streams or lakes , the young salmon migrate to the sea, there to spend two to eight years, depending on the species, before returning to t h e i r home streams to spawn. A s i n g l e stream, therefore, can host several d i s t i n c t populations of the same species, each running during a d i f f e r e n t year. Pinks have a two year c y c l e , f o r example, and representatives of the two populations occupy the stream on al t e r n a t e years, where they are known as 'odd' and 'even' year pinks. In the H a i s l a region, coho have a three year c y c l e , chums a four, sockeye a four or f i v e , and chinooks a f i v e year c y c l e . These populations can vary considerably i n s i z e . In many pink runs of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , f o r example, e i t h e r odd or even year populations are strongly dominant i n any one stream. In the modern runs, pink salmon can vary by more than one-thousand per cent from one year to the next (Stream Catalogue 1972: pass S u t t l e s ' s second major cause of f l u c t u a t i o n s , " l e s s p r e d i c table changes, as i n weather," can take a number of forms, as t h i s report from a f i s h e r i e s b i o l o g i s t shows. Immediate causes of death. Many more or l e s s s p e c i f i c causes of loss can be recognized as con-t r i b u t i n g to the t o t a l m o r t a l i t y experienced i n the freshwater phases. These can be l i s t e d by periods, as f o l l o w s : A. Period preceding b u r i a l of eggs. (1) Predation on adult unspawned f i s h . (2) Death of adult unspawned f i s h through other causes, notably as a r e s u l t of b a r r i e r s or i n s u f f i c i e n t water. (3) Losses of eggs through r e t e n t i o n i n the body or f a i l u r e of f e r t i l i z a t i o n . B. Period of incubation and alevinage. (1) Erosion or scouring, that i s , removal of gravel and contained eggs or ale v i n s by f l o o d , with r e s u l t a n t death by mechanical i n j u r y , exposure to preda-t i o n of deposition i n unsuitable s i t u a t i o n s . (2) Asphyxiation. M o r t a l i t y caused by i n s u f f i c i e n t exchange of gases with the environment, due to u n s u i t a b i l i t y of the o r i g i n a l l o c a t i o n or to subsequent deposition of s i l t , e t c . , r e s u l t i n g i n reduction of the water supply or reduc-t i o n of the di s s o l v e d oxygen content of the water. (3) Unfavourable temperature f o r development. (4) Freezing of eggs or alevins by coincidence of prolonged cold weather with exposure of spawning beds to a i r . (5) Reduction of water l e v e l , r e s u l t i n g i n death by d e s s i c a t i o n or prevention of the emergence of f r y from the gra v e l . (6) "Superimposition" or "overdigging". Mor-t a l i t y of the same type as i n (1) but caused by the operations of f i s h which have occupied spawning s i t e s already con-t a i n i n g the developing eggs of e a r l i e r -spawning parents. (7) K i l l i n g of eggs of alevins by fungus. (8) Predation. (9) Exposure of eggs to s a l t water i n t i d a l areas. C. Free-swimming period. (1) Predation. (2) Trapping of f r y i n pools or backwaters. (Neave 1953: 455-56) . Any of these f a c t o r s can have a catastrophic e f f e c t on the salmon populations. Areas l i k e Kitamaat, which i s noted f o r i t s harsh climate, can be p a r t i c u l a r l y s usceptible to such occur-rences. In 1973, f o r example, a warm s p e l l during the winter r e s u l t e d i n a premature breakup of i c e i n the Kitimat River. F l o a t i c e scoured the salmon spawning beds and destroyed most of the eggs that were buried i n the gravel. F i s h e r i e s O f f i c e r s estimated that much of the populations f o r that year would be wiped out. Succeeding pink runs were 'very weak,' according to one O f f i c e r . (The r e s u l t s of other runs are not yet known, because other species' population cycles are longer.) Following that d i s a s t e r , a serious f l o o d during the f a l l of 1974 'wiped out everything,* leaving the p r o b a b i l i t y of f u r t h e r f a i l u r e s to come. These d i s a s t e r s are of two types, l o c a l and general. A l a n d s l i d e that blocks a channel or smothers a spawning bed, or a f o r e s t f i r e that overheats the water of a creek, are l o c a l i z e d events that a f f e c t the populations of a s i n g l e stream or a few streams. Floods, d r a s t i c temperature changes, and the l i k e are apt to be more generalized and to a f f e c t salmon populations over a wider area, causing shortages i n a number of streams. According to S u t t l e s (and Piddocke 1965) , when taken Z8 together, the c y c l i c a l v a r i a b i l i t y of salmon and the random f l u c t u a t i o n s due to environmental accidents could w e l l reduce the salmon runs to a point below the demand l e v e l f o r l o c a l populations, c r e a t i n g a need f o r some form of regulatory mechanism. I should note at t h i s point that I do not propose:, to examine the complete Suttles-Piddocke argument. They claim that v a r i a t i o n s i n production between communities prompted food-for-wealth exchanges between a f f i n a l k i n , t r a n s f e r s that could eventually lead to an imbalance of wealth accruing to groups with more regular or b o u n t i f u l resource bases. This imbalance could then be r e c t i f i e d through the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of wealth (or the wealth-for-prestige transactions) of the p o t l a t c h . I am concerned instead with the f i r s t , or environmental, h a l f of t h e i r argument, that a combination of v a r i a t i o n and f l u c t u a t i o n i n staple resources could lead to shortages. I wish to apply t h i s concept to i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and i t s e f f e c t s on the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the community. The ' e c o l o g i c a l ' point of view i s not without i t s c r i t i c s , however, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who view the concept of f l u c t u a t i o n of resources on the coast as g r e a t l y overplayed (Drucker and Heizer 1967, Rosman and Rubel : 1971, Adams 1973). These authors contend that, regardless of differences i n d e t a i l , the c e n t r a l and northern coast i s a s i n g l e b i o t i c region characterized by a ' p r o d i g a l i t y of f o o d s t u f f s ' that permitted the development of a " f a n t a s t i c surplus economy.' According to Drucker and Heizer, while shortages may o c c a s i o n a l l y have occurred, they most often r e s u l t e d from mismanagement of food stocks, from the gluttony and over-feasting of a people who were assured of a food supply of some sort no matter what. Although the debate has become acerbic on occasion (Drucker and Heizer dismissed part of Piddocke's argument as 'absurd,' f o r example), the antagonists have r e l i e d l a r g e l y on assertions about the nature of the co a s t a l environment that are seldom supported by s o l i d data. Occasionally, the supporting evidence i s completely contradictory.-'- This v i r t u a l absence of r e l i a b l e data i n the anthropological l i t e r a t u r e makes i t d e s i r a b l e to begin at the beginning, and to submit the important p r o p o s i t i o n s to t e s t s with information from e c o l o g i c a l sources such as the Department of Environment, i n s o f a r as those data are a p p l i c a b l e to h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . Unfortunately, that q u a l i f i c a t i o n may be d e c i s i v e , f o r , considering the abuse that f i s h stocks have been subjected to during the past century, from environmental degradation to rapacious o v e r f i s h i n g , i t i s u n l i k e l y that con-temporary patterns are of any r e a l use i n c a l c u l a t i n g pre-contact or pre-commercial f i s h i n g c o n d i t i o n s . When I asked a w i l d l i f e e c o l o g i s t whether he considered that contemporary salmon popula-t i o n f igures could be used to estimate the probable v a r i a b i l i t y of h i s t o r i c a l runs, h i s repl y was suc c i n c t : "Not a chance. Too 4> T7, For example, consider the f o l l o w i n g : (Dog salmon and humpbacks)...were leaner and kept b e t t e r than f a t species such as spring salmon and coho (Drucker and Heizer 1967: 139). My S a l i s h informants say that f a t t e r f i s h l a s t longer and thus sockeye and dog salmon are t h e i r f a v o r i t e s . Other species may not l a s t through the winter (Suttles 1968: 63). 30 much environmental noise." I intend, therefore, to r e l y p r i m a r i l y on i n t e r n a l evidence of the nature of salmon runs to examine the propositions concerning v a r i a b i l i t y . To begin, Drucker and Heizer take issue with S u t t l e s ' s basic premises and instead advance three conditions t h a t , i f t r u e , undercut the e n t i r e e c o l o g i c a l argument. 1) While S u t t l e s stresses the marked year-to-year d i f f e r e n c e s i n s i z e of Frazer [ s i c ] River Sockeye runs, i t may be doubted that p r i m i t i v e pre-commercial demands were so heavy that the smaller runs produced serious hardship (1969: 139). 2) In any event, the year-to-year f l u c t u a t i o n s i n salmon were not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the area other than those [ s i c ] occupied by Coast S a l i s h ( i b i d . ) . 3) I t i s obvious that to have had the economic e f f e c t described by S u t t l e s the exchange had to be between d i s t a n t groups i n h a b i t i n g d i f f e r e n t b i o t i c zones, depending on d i f f e r e n t spawning cycles of salmon, etc. V a r i a b l e as the Coast S a l i s h habitat may have been, adjacent v i l l a g e s must have suffered the same s c a r c i t i e s and enjoyed the same abundances, so that food g i f t s to close neighbours could s c a r c e l y have had the e f f e c t p o s i t e d ( i b i d . : 145). Upon examination, the authors' claims appear flawed, p a r t l y because they are q u a l i f i e d - - " i t may be doubted" that pre-commercial demands exceeded the Fraser's supply, and, "adjacent v i l l a g e s must have suffered the same s c a r c i t i e s " (emphasis added). In other words, the authors do not know f o r sure. Their f i r s t claim, that the n a t i v e s ' demand l e v e l d i d not exceed the minimum supply l e v e l of the Fraser, i s not an argu-ment that can j u s t i f i a b l y be applied to the coast i n general, because of a l l the salmon streams, the Fraser i s undoubtedly the l e a s t t y p i c a l . I t s stupendous runs, often c o n s i s t i n g of many 31 m i l l i o n s of f i s h , contrast sharply with those of the hundreds of smaller streams of the coast that carry runs of a few-hundred to several thousand salmon. These streams are f a r more character-i s t i c of the c o a s t a l resource s i t e s than the major r i v e r s , and patterns of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r the great majority of the c o a s t a l v i l l a g e s must take i n t o account the v a r i a b i l i t y of the more t y p i c a l streams. That the e x p l o i t e r s of the Fraser may not have suffered shortages cannot be taken to mean that the e x p l o i t e r s of the smaller streams were so fortunate. Moreover, there i s some evidence that even the great streams were not immune to occasional f a i l u r e . Consider t h i s account concerning the Skeena, a f t e r the Fraser the p r i n c i p a l salmon stream of the B r i t i s h Columbia Coast. In connection with the Skeena, a f a c t came to my knowledge which w i l l be i n t e r e s t i n g to you. In the year 1863, long before there was a cannery on the Skeena, there was a great s c a r c i t y , i f not a t o t a l f a i l u r e of salmon on that r i v e r , and the Indians who depended to a great extent on them f o r t h e i r supply of food f o r the winter, were reduced to a state of great d e s t i t u t i o n , and whole t r i b e s had to remove to the Naas, where f o r t u n a t e l y there had been an abundant supply of salmon saved, and where a trading post of the Hudson Bay company had been est a b l i s h e d , and there traded t h e i r furs and any-thing else they might have, and i n some cases t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the Naas Indians, f o r d r i e d salmon. I have made many en q u i r i e s , but d i d not learn that anything approaching a t o t a l f a i l u r e had occurred since that time on the Skeena (Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1889: 257). Drucker and Heizer's second claim, that s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a -t i o n i n salmon stocks does not extend to the north of Coast S a l i s h t e r r i t o r y , would, i f true, l i m i t the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of Su t t l e s ' s r e d i s t r i b u t i o n formulation to quite a r e s t r i c t e d area of the coast. While there were rather les s edible vegetal products a v a i l a b l e to the natives [of the Coast Forest B i o t i c Area], there i s no evidence of the d r a s t i c c y c l i c f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the f i s h e r i e s recorded f o r the "Gulf Islands B i o t i c Area." Fluctuations i n f i s h populations do occur, but they are random, less frequent, and pr o p o r t i o n a t e l y smaller than i n the pink and sockeye salmon runs i n S a l i s h t e r r i t o r y (1967: 148). Unfortunately, the authors do not present any evidence to support t h i s c l a i m , and make only a vague reference to the source of t h e i r information. One i n f e r s from t h e i r statement that "there i s no evidence [ i n the north] of the d r a s t i c c y c l i c f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the f i s h e r i e s recorded f o r the 'Gulf Islands B i o t i c Area'" that they base t h e i r claim on documentary (recorded) m a t e r i a l s . Yet there are no objective records of f i s h runs i n the north or south a v a i l a b l e f o r the years p r i o r to 1947,* and the records of subsequent years, i n s o f a r as they are a p p l i c a b l e at a l l , do not i n d i c a t e that the f l u c t u a t i o n s i n northern runs are "random, l e s s frequent, and propor t i o n a t e l y smaller" than those of the south. To t e s t t h e i r claim with modern f i s h e r i e s data, I c o l l e c t e d escapement s t a t i s t i c s from two sample regions (once corresponding 2 roughly to Pentlatch t e r r i t o r y , the other to H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y ) . T~. Estimates were made as early as 1933, but F i s h e r i e s per-sonnel do not consider them to be -reliable enough to use as s t a t i s t i c s . They use data from 1947 on. 2. F i s h e r i e s Department S t a t i s t i c a l Areas 14 (South) and 6 (North) r e s p e c t i v e l y . I c a l c u l a t e d the c o - e f f i c i e n t of r e l a t i v e v a r i a t i o n f o r the various species of each stream i n the two areas, then ranked and compared them. The r e s u l t s are given as Table I (p.34 ) . The f i g u r e s show that the average v a r i a b i l i t y of runs i n northern streams i s s l i g h t l y higher than that of the southern streams. A f t e r my previous remarks concerning the i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y of modern escapement data to h i s t o r i c a l runs, I do not wish to base any argument on them here. Rather, I am attempting to e s t a b l i s h some s o r t of e v i d e n t i a r y b a s i s f o r Drucker and Heizer's c l a i m , i f only to t r y to r e f u t e i t . I could f i n d no h i s t o r i c a l reference to d i f f e r e n t degrees of v a r i a b i l i t y between northern and southern runs, nor do modern data i n d i c a t e that such a c o n d i t i o n has developed i n recent times. One i s l e f t wondering where the authors' ideas came from. I can discover no reason to suppose that S u t t l e s ' s p r o p o s i t i o n s need be r e s t r i c t e d to the region of the Coast S a l i s h . There i s , I b e l i e v e , an inherent tendency to v a r i a b i l i t y i n t o t a l stream populations of salmon ( i . e . , that composed of the various species sub-populations) that r e s u l t s from ch a r a c t e r -i s t i c s of the l i f e c y c l e s of the s e v e r a l s p e c i e s . As such, i t i s independent of the l o c a t i o n of the home stream, and operates on populations throughout the co a s t . Because t h i s tendency also T~. This c o - e f f i c i e n t ( c a l c u l a t e d as c.r.v. = [6/ X]100) "expresses the measure of v a r i a t i o n as a percentage of i t s o r i g i n [in t h i s case, the mean population s i z e of each stream']" (Mueller et al:1970: 158). It enables the observer to com-pare the degree of v a r i a t i o n between u n i t s of r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t magnitude (runs of small streams and large r i v e r s ) . Table I A Comparison of V a r i a b i l i t y of Salmon Runs of Pentlatch and H a i s l a T e r r i t o r i e s Species Mean C o e f f i c i e n t of R e l a t i v e V a r i a t i o n i n Streams of: u o +-> •H <D H O +-» a r-i +J e: >>r-i o n +-> c •H rt Ji u H W rt rt i H I-H bo •H O to a O r-i •M rt •H C }-» rt *-i O 0) H U a) rt c i trt ?-< •H rt rt CD Sockeye Chinook Coho Chum Pink 71 71 71 152 100 86 87 125 115 62 87 93 130 132 Me an: 73 86 101 Source: Stream Catalogues 19 70, 1972 bears on Drucker and Heizer's t h i r d o b jection to the e c o l o g i c a l argument, I w i l l introduce that objection before proceeding with the d i s c u s s i o n of inherent v a r i a b i l i t y . The authors' t h i r d o b j e c t i o n , that "adjacent v i l l a g e s must have suffered the same s c a r c i t i e s and enjoyed the same abundance," assumes that w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r region the salmon runs are some-how synchronized, such that the high and low years c o i n c i d e . I can f i n d no evidence that during the pre-commercial period such a c o n d i t i o n p r e v a i l e d . Moreover, I b e l i e v e that c e r t a i n charac-t e r i s t i c s of the salmon l i f e c y c l e make such a coincidence v i r -t u a l l y impossible to maintain. The t o t a l salmon population of any stream i s composed of up to f i v e d i f f e r e n t species.''" Each species component i s made up of a number of sub-populations, which occupy the stream during d i f f e r e n t years. For example, pinks run on a two year c y c l e . During 1970, the 'even year' sub-population ran i n the streams, while during the f o l l o w i n g year, the 'odd year' component returned to spawn. In 1972, the progeny of the 1970 sub-population ran. Thus, the stream was a l t e r n a t e l y occupied by 'year 1' and 'year 2» f i s h . T~. These are: sockeye (Oncorhynchus nerka) , pinks or humps (0. gorbuscha), chums or dogs (0. keta), coho (0. k i s u t c h ) , and chinook or springs (0. tshawytscha). In a d d i t i o n , a number of streams of the coast carry runs of steelhead trout (Salmo g a i r d n e r i ) . The runs of these f i s h are minor i n the streams of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , however, and I have omitted them from the d i s c u s s i o n . ? I 1970 1 1971 2 1972 1 1973 2 I 1974 1 I 1975 2 .'I The same applies to the other species, with one important d i f f e r e n c e : the l i f e cycles are of d i f f e r e n t lengths. Coho run on a 3 year c y c l e , chums a 4, sockeye a 4 or 5, and chinook a. 5.* Because of t h i s v a r i a t i o n , d i f f e r e n t combinations of sub-populations w i l l c o n s t i t u t e the t o t a l stream population i n any given year. This can be seen c l e a r l y i n the diagram. <D M >. O <L> O u o e rt a O •a • r t 0) •rt o o -d >* PL, o w u CJ a 1 1 1 1 1 b 2 2 2 2 2 c 1 3 3 3 3 d 2 1 4 4 4 e 1 2 1 1 5 f 2 3 2 2 1 g 1 1 3 3 2 h 2 2 4 4 3 i 1 3 1 1 . 4 j 2 1 2 2 5 k 1 2 3 3 1 1 2 3 4 4 2 During year 'k', f o r example, the population i s made up of year 1 pinks, year 2 coho, year 3 sockeye, year 3 chums, and year T~. There tends to be an overlap i n the length of l i f e cycles of a l l species except p i n k s , which apparently run on an inva r -i a b l e 2 year cy c l e . Thus, some chum run on a 3, 4, or 5 year c y c l e , and chinooks may run between 3 and 8. In H a i s l a 1 t e r r i t o r y , between 801 and 99% of the chums run on a 4 year c y c l e , and the majority of chinook run at 5 years. For pur-poses of c l a r i t y , I have included only the 4 year sockeye , and chums and 5 year chinooks i n the diagram. To do so does not damage the argument, but s i m p l i f i e s the diagram c o n s i -derably. Intra-species cycle v a r i a t i o n merely adds to the p o t e n t i a l number of combinations. I 1 chinook. The f o l l o w i n g year, the constituent runs are e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t : year 2 p i n k s , year 3 coho, year 4 sockeye and chums, and year 2 chinook. Because some sub-populations of the same species are l a r g e r than others (a con d i t i o n noted by observers long before the s t a r t of commercial f i s h i n g on the c o a s t ) , i t follows that d i f -ferent combinations w i l l y i e l d v a r i a b l e t o t a l runs s i z e s . This may w e l l account f o r the occasional very good years, i n which the high sub-populations run together, and the very poor years, i n which the opposite occurs, a l l the weak runs coincide. Other combinations may tend toward one or the other extreme depending on the p a r t i c u l a r combination of strong and weak cons t i t u e n t s . To return f o r a moment to Drucker and Heizer's second p o i n t , that northern runs do not vary to the same extent as southern ones--it i s c l e a r that the p o t e n t i a l inherent v a r i a b i l i t y of the northern streams cannot but be equal to those of the south. Other factors that promote f l u c t u a t i o n s , such as environmental accidents, are more l i k e l y to occur i n the north, with i t s harsher climate and higher p r e c i p i t a t i o n l e v e l s , than i n the south. To return to the authors' t h i r d p o i n t , that high and low years occur simultaneously i n the streams of a p a r t i c u l a r region--I b e l i e v e , t h a t , given the large number of combinations of con-s t i t u e n t u n i t s , the l i k e l i h o o d of t h e i r a l l running w e l l or poorly at the same time i n a v a r i e t y of streams seems very remote. I t might be argued that widespread and severe environmental accidents can, i n e f f e c t , overcome t h i s heterogeneity of runs, and a f f e c t a number of streams, br i n g i n g about simultaneous f a i l u r e s . C e r t a i n l y t h i s inference underlies Piddocke's pro-posals. Once again, however, the varying cycle lengths serve to prevent a concentration of f a i l u r e s , and ensure that the e f f e c t s of any d i s a s t e r w i l l be spread over a period of years rather than concentrating i n a s i n g l e year.) The 1972 breakup of i c e i n the Kitimat River mentioned pre v i o u s l y w i l l a f f e c t the 1974 pink, 1975 coho, 1976 sockeye and chum, and 1977 chinook runs. The e f f e c t s of a d i s a s t e r that damages a stream's stock f o r one year w i l l be d i l u t e d by the presence of unaffected stocks i n the runs of the succeeding years. This w i l l reduce the l i k e l i h o o d of a l l runs of a stream f a i l i n g simultaneously, as the diagram shows. X O <D O u M o ^, e c p! O 3 -H «H O O Xi Xi CL, U CO U U a 1 1 1 1 1 <— Environmental accident b 2 2 2 2 2 c ® 3 3 3 3 d 2 (D 4 4 4 (D : aff e c t e d runs e 1 2 ® (D 5 f 2 3 2 2 CD i This phenomenon w i l l tend to dampen the e f f e c t s of a catas-trophe by staggering the a f f e c t e d runs over a period of years. Assume that a d i s a s t e r occurs i n year 'a' that a f f e c t s year 1 stocks and r e s u l t s i n the v i r t u a l e l i m i n a t i o n of the succeeding year 1 run. The e f f e c t s of i t s temporary disappearance ( u n t i l the stock regenerates) w i l l be mitigated by three or four unaffec-ted runs. Two other factors influence t h i s p a t t e r n , however: the p o s s i b i l i t y of successive d i s a s t e r s , and the v a r i a b l e speed with which salmon populations can r e - e s t a b l i s h themselves f o l l o w i n g a 39 d e c l i n e . The premature thaw of 1972 i n the Kitimat R i v e r , followed by severe f l o o d i n g two years l a t e r , has been mentioned. In a d d i t i o n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to p r e d i c t the speed with which a population can recover from a d i s a s t e r . To judge by the e f f e c t s of modern accidents, recovery can sometimes take decades. On the Skeena, as i n other northern B r i t i s h Columbia areas, a marked slump i n pink salmon catches occurred i n 19 32, apparently as a r e s u l t of exceptional droughts i n 1930. In most places, the former l e v e l of catch was restored, but i n the Skeena area t h i s slump and a somewhat s i m i l a r depression which occurred i n the "odd year" l i n e a few years e a r l i e r , have not been followed by subsequent r e s t o r a t i o n s of catch-level....Annual catches which i n the 1920's averaged near 2,500,000 f i s h have averaged scarce l y h a l f t h i s quantity since 1930 (Shepard and Stevenson 1956: 144) . A succession of di s a s t e r s f o l l o w i n g close upon one another would have a cumulative e f f e c t as the r e s u l t i n g f a i l e d runs began to overlap. The fo l l o w i n g diagram i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s process, using the 19 72 and 19 74 Kitimat River accidents as an example. X o <D O -s-i o £ u G X O 3 - H rt • H O O X X o CL, U CO u u >-, 19 72 accident —> 1 1 1 1 1 a 2 2 2 2 2 b 1974 accident ->(D 3 3 3 3 c 2 CD 4 4 4 d m 2 <D © 5 e 2 DO 2 2 (D f 1 i H LU 2 g 2 2 4 4 CO h 1 3 1 1 4 i 2 1 2 2 5 j © : f a i l e d run, r e s u l t of 1972 accident. 3 f a i l e d run, r e s u l t of 1974 accident. Thus, i n year ' f , ' the year 1 chinook stock w i l l be a f f e c t e d by the 19 72 thaw, and the year 3 coho by the 19 74 f l o o d . In year 'g,' the year 3 sockeye and chums w i l l be a f f e c t e d by the 19 74 f l o o d , i n a d d i t i o n to which there may be a r e s i d u a l e f f e c t of the 1972 thaw on the year 1 pinks and coho, i f those stocks are some-what slow i n recovering. The year 1 pinks i n year 'g' could con-ceiva b l y be a f f e c t e d by both the 1972 and 1974 accidents.* For a l l sub-populations of a l l streams to f a i l during the same year, i t would require the coincidence of a number of devas-t a t i n g events: a succession of d i s a s t e r s that occur i n f a i r l y r a p i d sequence and/or create long-term decreases i n the stocks. T". One consequence of long-term f a i l u r e s and varying l i f e cycles of the d i f f e r e n t species may be c r u c i a l i n the operation of compensatory mechanisms such as r e d i s t r i -bution or migration. Because d i f f e r e n t species are often dominant i n some streams and i n some areas, the e x p l o i t e r s of those s i t e s n a t u r a l l y tend to be more dependent on them than on other types. Their subsis-tance economy also becomes subject to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the dominant species. A long-term depression i n , say, 'odd-year' pinks would involve a f a i l e d run every other year f o r the owners of pink-dominant r i v e r s . A s i m i l a r prolonged slump i n one sub-population of chums, however, would a f f e c t groups r e l i a n t on them only one-half as of t e n , or every four years. Thus the nature of the dominant species may w e l l have a great deal to do with the s t a b i l i t y of the resource base under the c o n t r o l of any p a r t i c u l a r group, and tends to give the l i e to at l e a s t one aspect of Drucker and Heizer's claim that the coast exhi-b i t e d a 'broad uniformity of native economy,' The f a c t that the Nootkan s t a f f of l i f e was dog salmon [chums] while the Haida wintered on d r i e d humpbacks [pinks] does not m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r the p i c t u r e (1967: 140). That f a c t may be f a r more consequential than we have supposed. I w i l l return to t h i s matter when discussing the c u l t u r a l consequences of i r r e g u l a r i t y i n the resource base. F a i l i n g such an occurrence, i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that the array of sub-populations that together comprise the t o t a l resource base of a community w i l l undergo the widespread and simultaneous f a i l -ure necessary to leave a l l i t s inhabitants short of salmon. I t should be noted, however, that the s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t of staggered f a i l u r e s has two s i g n i f i c a n t q u a l i f i c a t i o n s : one species may be st r o n g l y dominant i n a stream (accounting f o r three-quarters or more of the f i s h ) , so that a f a i l u r e i n that species could not be ameliorated e f f e c t i v e l y by normal runs of the others; i n a d d i t i o n , most of the streams of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y contain three runs--coho, p i n k s , and chums ( c f . Table I I p. 42 ), leaving only two runs to make up f o r the f a i l u r e of a t h i r d , rather than three or four runs. Thus, while absolute f a i l u r e s are u n l i k e l y to occur, s i g n i f i c a n t decreases i n the t o t a l pro-duction of l o c a l streams as a r e s u l t of environmental accidents are e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e , depending on the make-up of the i n d i v i d u a l stream's t o t a l salmon population.) In sum, I belie v e that Drucker and Heizer's p i c t u r e of a \ uniformly abundant and stable resource base i s not compatible with the evidence. The authors have not refuted S u t t l e s ' s pro-p o s i t i o n s about the fundamental i r r e g u l a r i t y and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of s t a p l e resources on the coast, which continue to have consider-able explanatory p o t e n t i a l . Proceeding from S u t t l e s ' s proposals of resource base i r r e -g u l a r i t y , I w i l l advance a formulation which r e l a t e s resource \ i n s t a b i l i t y to the presence of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and the existence , of various l e v e l s of c h i e f t a i n among the H a i s l a , o f f i c e s which I Table I I Salmon Runs i n Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y Stream Species Present o d> o P! o O •H o •A. o A •H CO u u u p* 1 Eagle Cr. X X 2 Kihess Cr. X X 3 Bish Cr. X X X 4 Fisherman's Cr. X X X 5 Big T i l l h o r n e R. X X X 6 Crab R. X X X 7 F a l l s R. X X X 8 Foch R. X X X 9 Giltoyees Cr. X X X 10 Hotsprings Cr. X X X 11 Hugh Cr. X X X 12 Humphrys Cr. X X x: 13 K i l t u i s h R. X X x 14 Kowesas R. X X X 15 Nalbeelah Cr. X X X 16 P a r i l R. X X X 17 Pike Cr. X X X 18 Riordan Cr. X X X 19 Wathl Cr. X X X 20 Brim R. X X X X 21 Dala R. X X X X 22 Hirsh Cr. X X X X 23 Keinano R. X X X X 24 K i l d a l a R. X X X X 25 L i t t l e Wadeene R. X X X X 26 Tsaytis R. X X X X 27 Wahoo R. X X X X 28 Wadeene R. X X X X 29 Evelyn Cr. X X X X 30 Kitimat R. X X X X X 31 K i t l o p e R. X X X X X Totals 3 11 30 .32 32 Source: Stream Catalogue 19 perceive as outgrowths of mechanisms adopted to cope with resource f l u c t u a t i o n s . In so doing, I w i l l also attempt tc demonstrate that the two main viewpoints--one envisaging s t a b i l i t y and abun-dance, the other i r r e g u l a r i t y and shortages --are not so i r r e c o n -c i l a b l e as they might at f i r s t appear. I t i s p o s s i b l e , I t h i n k , to e s t a b l i s h a scheme that embraces both, f o r i t i s not unreason-able to speak of a high average p r o d u c t i v i t y of an area's resource base while admitting to considerable i r r e g u l a r i t y i n the produc-t i v i t y of i t s constituent units.} The formulation i s based on these premises: 1) salmon popu-l a t i o n s were subject to f l u c t u a t i o n s of considerable magnitude; 2) these f l u c t u a t i o n s could be regular and p r e d i c t a b l e (e.g., odd and even year pink runs of markedly d i f f e r e n t size) , or random and unpredictable (as when they r e s u l t e d from environmental a c c i -dents) ; 3) the range of v a r i a b i l i t y was s i g n i f i c a n t , some species or some streams being more prone to f l u c t u a t i o n than others, p a r t l y due to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the f i s h populations themselves, p a r t l y to the s u s c e p t i b i l i t y of some l o c a l i t i e s to f l o o d s , freezes, and the l i k e ; 4) regardless of l o c a l ( s i n g l e or adjacent stream) v a r i a b i l i t y of salmon stocks, t o t a l production f o r a region (from a l l the streams owned by the inhabitants of a v i l l a g e , f o r example) could remain quite stable from year to year, as the e f f e c t s of i n d i v i d u a l f l u c t u a t i o n s became cancelled or modified by the weight of the area rs aggregate production.) C u l t u r a l Adaptations to Resource I r r e g u l a r i t y Given high v a r i a b i l i t y of salmon populations, small l o c a l groups could take three types of acti o n to cope with the i r r e g u -l a r i t y of t h e i r staple resource: somehow regulate t h e i r demand so as to keep consumption below the l e v e l of the poorest runs; operate under a system of r e s i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y such that groups could r e a d i l y migrate from areas of shortage to areas of plenty, there to engage i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n (as f u l l members of the e x p l o i t i n g group); or, e s t a b l i s h a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e or exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p with groups whose periods of shortage did not co i n -cide with t h e i r own. R e s i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y (which means, i n e f f e c t , moving people to resources rather than resources to people, as i n r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ) seems to have been the norm only among the b i l a t e r a l Nootka. 1 Demonstration of kin s h i p i s the only p r e r e q u i s i t e of group a f f i l i a t i o n . In order to a c t i v a t e a claim to membership, i t i s necessary f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to reside with a group and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n that group's a c t i v i t i e s f o r the time of h i s residence (Rosman and Rubel 1970: 71). With whatever group a man happened to be l i v i n g , he i d e n t i f i e d himself completely. For the time being, he centered a l l h i s i n t e r e s t s and l o y a l t i e s i n that group, and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l i t s a c t i v i t i e s . He tended the ch i e f ' s f i s h t r aps, contributed food and property f o r feasts and potlatches, danced and enjoyed himself at the f e s t i v i t i e s (Drucker 1951: 279). Such f l e x i b i l i t y does not appear to have obtained among the u n i l i n e a l groups of the north. Although the Kitamaat clans T~. H a r r i s ( l 9 ? l : 294) c i t e s an unpublished paper by Thomas Hazard (I960), who claimed that the Southern Kwakiutl also engaged i n short-term resource-oriented residence s h i f t s . I extended h o s p i t a l i t y and a i d to v i s i t o r s of the same c l a n , no-where could I f i n d mention of short-term s h i f t s of population to counter resource v a r i a b i l i t y . Because the resource f l u c t u a t i o n s were often unpredictable and randomly d i s t r i b u t e d , the most sensible exchange arrangement would seem to be a comprehensive r e l a t i o n s h i p among the owners of a large number of streams, s u f f i c i e n t to absorb the conse-quences of l o c a l i z e d f a i l u r e s . The operation of such an arrangement corresponds, i n Sahlins's term, to a 'tribe-wide economy,' with a l l i t s p o t e n t i a l f o r the emergence of high status d i s t r i b u t o r - c h i e f s . The p r a c t i c a l i t y of an exchange or r e d i s t r i b u t i v e r e l a t i o n -ship for the peoples e x p l o i t i n g the streams i n the H a i s l a region i s c l e a r . The t o t a l salmon population of the area was made up of some 108 u n i t s , composed of 32 pink runs, 32 chum, 30 coho, 11 chinook and 3 sockeye ( c f . Table I I , p. 42), a base c e r t a i n l y large and v a r i e d enough to absorb a number of disappointing runs without serious s t r a i n . What might be a serious s h o r t f a l l f o r a l o c a l productive u n i t (the group or family e x p l o i t i n g a s i n g l e stream, say) becomes only a minor i r r e g u l a r i t y when seen against the t o t a l production of a l l the runs c o n t r o l l e d by the inhabi-tants of a community. Thus, the operation of a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p among the various owners of the stream could create a t o t a l resource base r e l a t i v e l y free of the vagaries that a f f l i c t l o c a l resource bases. Unfortunately, the mechanics and comprehensiveness of t h i s 46 system are impossible to determine p r e c i s e l y at t h i s date. We do not know, f o r example, j u s t what was the nature of the house, link a g e , c l a n , or v i l l a g e heads' c a l l s on resources among a group l i k e the H a i s l a . Therefore, we cannot t e l l whether the movement of resources w i t h i n the community was r e d i s t r i b u t i o n proper or a s e r i e s of generalized or balanced r e c i p r o c a l trans-ac t i o n s . That i s because, as I noted e a r l i e r , the evidence about non-ceremonial economic a c t i v i t i e s i s somewhat fragmentary. Nor i s the extent of the au t h o r i t y of high status i n d i v i d u a l s always c l e a r l y described. I t i s unfortunate, for example, that such native terms as the Coast S a l i s h siem:- and hegus, Nootka t a i s , Kwakiutl gyigame, and H a i s l a hemas have a l l been t r a n s l a t e d as 'chief,' f o r that lends a spurious s i m i l a r i t y to statuses that were d i s s i m i l a r i n important respects. Whether the heads of the various c o a s t a l k i n s h i p or r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s were indeed ' c h i e f s ' i n the formal sense i s problematic. (For a discussion of t h i s problem, see Appendix I, p. 295)* -'Chief i n the context of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n r e f e r s to the highest ranking member of the l o c a l k i n group or r e s i d e n t i a l unit--thus a lineage c h i e f , clan c h i e f , and v i l l a g e c h i e f . ) J The degree of authority of these i n d i v i d u a l s d i f f e r e d from group to group. I t i s therefore d i f f i c u l t to generalize about such matters as t h e i r c a l l on t h e i r group's resources and t h e i r r o l e as r e d i s t r i b u t o r s . Nevertheless, I w i l l set down the common features of the nobles' and c h i e f s ' place i n the subsistence economy ( i n s o f a r as we know i t ) and t r u s t that the H a i s l a s ' system was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t . I t i s w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d that a c l a n or v i l l a g e head had c a l l on h i s kinsmen's or tribesmen's products f o r ceremonial d i s t r i -b ution, as i n a p o t l a t c h . This p r i n c i p l e obtained throughout the coast. [Among the Tsimshian:] Due to the f a c t that the reputation of the t r i b e among i t s neighbours depends l a r g e l y on the c h i e f and h i s p o t l a t c h e s , he i s assured of h i s tribesmen's support and assistance.... While a c h i e f can expect constant and l i b e r a l economic support from h i s tribesmen, he does not contribute to potlatches given by them. He i s responsible f o r t h e i r economic welfare, must feed them when necessary and has to lay aside supplies for t h i s purpose. He i s also expected to be generous with hi s t r i b e and to give feasts to them from time to time....Since h i s t r i b e furnishes him with wealth f o r h i s potlatches they expect to share i n what he receives from others ( G a r f i e l d 1939: 182). [Among the Kwakiutl:] The c h i e f was the custodian of the resources of the numaym. As such, i t was h i s duty to perform the necessary r i t u a l s concerning the e x p l o i t a t i o n of these resources at the appropriate season. In t h i s p o s i t i o n , he received a p o r t i o n (sometimes c a l l e d t r i b u t e i n the texts) of the f i s h , s e a l s , goats, e t c . , caught by the men. His wife s i m i l a r l y received a p o r t i o n of the b e r r i e s and roots c o l l e c t e d by the women. With t h i s supply the c h i e f could hold potlatches... (Piddocke 1965: 289). These comments are t y p i c a l of the d e s c r i p t i o n s of the prerogatives of c h i e f s or k i n group heads to c a l l on the e f f o r t s of t h e i r k i n to uphold the honour of the group i n i t s own d i s -t r i b u t i o n s or contributions to l a r g e r scale d i s t r i b u t i o n s . Whether the various l e v e l s of c h i e f t a i n had regular c a l l on t h e i r kinsmen's products f o r non-ceremonial use i s seldom d i s -cussed. The p r i n c i p l e seems to have d i f f e r e d somewhat from group to group. According to Barnett, among the Coast S a l i s h the o b l i g a t i o n to contribute food even to members of the same house was l a r g e l y a moral imperative or a matter of s e l f i n t e r e s t rather than an e x p l i c i t r u l e . [Family] u n i t s were d i s t i n c t s o c i a l and economic e n t i t i e s i n the native consciousness. Although they were housed under one roof and were r e l a t e d by blood and common i n t e r e s t s , the un i t s were nevertheless p o t e n t i a l l y autonomous and behaved as such. They d i d not draw t h e i r food from a common stock, nor were the members of a u n i t obliged to d i s t r i b u t e t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l catches among the other u n i t s , although sharing was a very common thing and was expected of a good neighbour when he had ex c e p t i o n a l l y good luck i n hi s hunting or f i s h i n g . I t was expected even more of the head of the house as the owner of the most productive instruments of e x p l o i t a t i o n . But t h i s f a c t d i d not negate i n d i v i d u a l ownership of food; that was f u l l y recognized (Barnett 1955: 59). This a t o m i s t i c a t t i t u d e i s consistent with the rather loose a t t i t u d e of the Coast S a l i s h towards ownership of resource s i t e s , as described by Barnett. " . . . A l l v i l l a g e members were, f o r the most p a r t , free to range as they pleased so long as they d i d not i n t e r f e r e with others. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true of f i s h i n g s i t e s " ( i b i d . : 252). Where t i t u l a r ownership was more e x p l i c i t , as among the Nootka, where the ch i e f was said to enjoy 'absolute ownership' of important s i t e s (Drucker 1951: 454), a c a l l on goods was easier to exert. In actual f a c t , a c h i e f would allow a commoner access to h i s resource holdings f o r personal use, i n return f o r part of the catch - a form of t r i -bute that added to the ch i e f ' s surplus (Ruddell 1973: 260). To the north, the s i t u a t i o n i s rather less c l e a r . As Rosman and Rubel s t a t e , the primary property-holding u n i t among the Southern Kwakiutl was the numaym, rather than the i n d i v i d u a l . A f i n a l d i s t i n c t i o n must be made between communally held property and i n d i v i d u a l l y owned property. The members of a p a r t i c u l a r numaym hold t i t l e to such economic resource areas as f i s h i n g grounds, berrying grounds, hunting grounds, and beach areas (Boas 1921: 1345ff.). Unlike the Nootka, where t i t l e to t h i s type of property i s held by i n d i v i d u a l c h i e f s and may be passed as dowry with a daughter, ownership among the Kwakiutl i s held by the e n t i r e numaym rather than by the c h i e f alone, and there i s no evidence to sup-port a l i e n a t i o n of such property out of the numaym (Rosman and Rubel 1971: 134-5). Even though t i t l e i s vested i n the k i n group, the head would appear to have had some c a l l on the regular products of his kinsmen. One of the Boas texts c o l l e c t e d by George Hunt sets out the proportions the catch normally due the c h i e f : o n e - f i f t h of the salmon (more i f both c h i e f and kinsman are 'good-minded'); one-half of the goats; one-third of the bears and sea o t t e r s ; o n e - f i f t h of the berry cakes; and a l l but one of the seals (Boas 1921: 1333-1340). The previous three examples, Coast S a l i s h , Nootka, and Southern Kwakiutl, have each operated under somewhat d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s of resource s i t e ownership, from seemingly quite loose among the S a l i s h , to s t r i c t i n d i v i d u a l ownership among the Nootka, to s t r i c t k i n group c o n t r o l among the Kwakiutl. In each the c h i e f or headman's c a l l on the resources of h i s kinsmen pro-ceeds from a d i f f e r e n t b a s i s . The H a i s l a seem to have embraced a l l three types. As Olson reported: The clan as a whole, a fam i l y , or a chie f often i s s a i d to "own" a lake, v a l l e y , or f a v o r i t e berrying place; but a c t u a l l y the r i g h t i s mainly f i c t i o n a l . . . . But the hunting and berrying r i g h t s are regarded as prerogatives rather than as things of u t i l i t a r i a n or tangible value. The a t t i t u d e toward them i s more l i k e that shown regarding crests or legends-- things to be claimed because of a c e r t a i n p r e s t i g e value attaching to the claim (1940: 180). Furthermore, claimed Olson, r i g h t s to resources w i t h i n a par t i c u l a r t e r r i t o r y tended to be r e s o u r c e - s p e c i f i c . Places f o r hunting bear or mountain goat are also owned, whereas l o c a l i t i e s f o r hunting deer are never claimed. Thus Foch Lagoon i s open to everyone for b e r r y i n g , but i s "owned" by someone f o r bear hunting (Olson 1940: 180). This type of a t t i t u d e contrasts sharply with the Southe Kwakiutl approach to t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , as reported by Boas. The hunters of the d i f f e r e n t numayms can not go hunting on the hunting grounds of the hunters of another numaym; f o r a l l the hunters own t h e i r hunting grounds, and when a hunter sees that another hunter goes to hunt on h i s hunting ground, then they f i g h t , and generally one or both are k i l l e d . . . . And i t i s also the same with the grounds f o r pick-ing viburnum b e r r i e s of the various numayms, for each numaym owns be r r y - p i c k i n g grounds f o r a l l kinds of berries....When i t i s seen that somebody, from another numaym, comes to s t e a l b e r r i e s from the b e r r y - p i c k i n g grounds, they f i g h t at once.... The numayms of a l l the t r i b e s also a l l own r i v e r s . They do not allow the men of other numayms to come and use t h e i r r i v e r to catch salmon. When a man disobeys and continues to catch salmon, they f i g h t (1967: 35-6). The H a i s l a s ' a t t i t u d e towards f i s h i n g s i t e s corresponds much more c l o s e l y to that of t h e i r neighbours. Each family has i t s own [ f i s h garden] assured to i t by ancestral t i t l e s from time immemorial. These gardens a r e . . . j e a l o u s l y guarded. Poaching on these f i s h preserves has often wrought serious mischief among the t r i b e s * and at times has been s u f f i c i e n t cause f o r bloodshed (Raley 1901: 16-18). E v i d e n t l y , there was nothing ' f i c t i o n a l ' about the ownership of f i s h i n g s i t e s , at l e a s t . Among the H a i s l a , i t seems, the head of a k i n group or the v i l l a g e c h i e f could expect to obtain resources i n a v a r i e t y of ways from a number of sources. Since t i t l e to or usufruct r i g h t s to resource s i t e s was v a r i o u s l y vested i n i n d i v i d u a l , house, c l a n , or v i l l a g e , portions of a catch might accrue to the c h i e f as 'rent' i f he owned the s i t e himself (as among the Nootka) or as presentations to him i n h i s p o s i t i o n as head of the k i n group (as among the Southern Kwakiutl). R e d i s t r i b u t i o n f However (the various l e v e l s of c h i e f t a i n acquired the resources there i s considerable evidence that they were obligated to disperse them unreservedly i n order to maintain t h e i r standing i n the com-munity. The c h i e f was constrained to act i n a manner b e f i t t i n g h i s s t a t i o n , that i s , with c h i e f l y generosity. Thus d i s t r i b u t i o n s of food by various c h i e f s was a common feature of coastal s o c i a l l i f e . ' As J e w i t t reported f o r the Nootka: The king i s , however, obliged to support h i s d i g n i t y by making frequent entertainments, and whenever he receives a large supply of p r o v i s i o n , he must i n v i t e a l l the men of h i s t r i b e to h i s house to eat i t up, otherwise, as Maquina t o l d me, he would not be considered as conducting T~. The use of the word ' t r i b e ' i n the H a i s l a context i s ambiguous The H a i s l a themselves use i t synonymously with c l a n . What Raley meant by i t i s unclear. de Laguna (1972: 212) notes that the Yakutat T l i n g i t also t r a n s l a t e t h e i r term for clan as ' t r i b e . ' himself l i k e a Tyee, and would be no more thought of than a common man (1973: 113). As Sahlins remarked, "Prestige i s a t t r i b u t e d to the c h i e f so long as he manages goods i n the general welfare" (1960: 410). The mechanics of redistribution--how the foodstuffs were del i v e r e d i n t o the hands of the ch i e f ' s kinsmen or tribesmen--i s not known completely. The transactions may have been mundane and unremarkable, or rather more ceremonious and formalized. Subordinates i n se v e r a l t y and on various occasions render s t u f f to the c h i e f , and often i n sev e r a l t y receive b e n e f i t s from him. While there i s always some massive accumulation and large-scale handout--say during r i t e s of c h i e f t a i n s h i p - - t h e p r e v a i l i n g flow between c h i e f and people i s fragmented into independent and small transactions: a g i f t to the chi e f from here, some help given out there. So aside from the s p e c i a l occasion, the c h i e f i s continuously turning over petty stocks. This i s the ordinary s i t u a t i o n i n the smaller P a c i f i c i s l a n d chiefdom...and i t may be generally true of p a s t o r a l i s t chiefdoms. On the other hand, c h i e f s may glory i n massive accumulations and more or less massive dispensations, and at times too i n large stores on hand congealed by pressure on the commonality (Sahlins 1972: 210). S i m i l a r l y , ( r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s on the coast could take place on at l e a s t three l e v e l s : the 'independent and small t r a n s a c t i o n , ' operating more or less w i t h i n the sphere of generalized r e c i p r o -c i t y ; f e a s t s ; and potlatches, the l a s t corresponding to Sahlins's T~. An i n t e r e s t i n g account, contemporary to J e w i t t , of a T a h i t i a n c h i e f ' s o b l i g a t i o n s i s couched i n almost the same terms. The case i s , that whatever [the c h i e f ] receives he immediately d i s t r i b u t e s among h i s - f r i e n d s and depen-dents....And t h i s p r o d i gal behaviour he excuses by saying that, were he not to do so, he should never be a king, nor even remain a c h i e f of any consequence (Duff Missionaries 1799. i n Sahlins 1972: 133). 'massive accumulation and more or l e s s massive dispensations.' Although potlatches were the occasion of the most notable and formal d i s t r i b u t i o n s , I doubt that they had the same s i g n i f i c a n c e for subsistence as the feasts and small t r a n s a c t i o n s , i f only because t h e i r very scale and importance made them too i n f l e x i b l e an instrument to employ as a regulatory mechanism f o r the i n t r a -v i l l a g e d i s t r i b u t i o n of foodstuffs ,\f As Goldman noted: I Properties do not c i r c u l a t e [ i n potlatches] at random i n t e r v a l s . They f o l l o w the l i f e cycles of persons and the cycle of the seasons. They are i n t e r l o c k e d with b i r t h , with the stages of maturation, with adolescence, with accession to rank, with marriage, with succession to c h i e f t a i n -ship, and with death (1975: 125). ^Feasts, held frequently and with l i t t l e advance n o t i c e , or the day-to-day operation of the generosity e t h i c (give to whoever asks or appears i n the house as a guest) were rather more f l e x i b l e mechanisms fo r r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . ) During h i s c a p t i v i t y at Nootka, J e w i t t recorded two v a r i a -t i o n s of the f e a s t . As, whenever they cook, they always c a l c u l a t e to have an abundance fo r a l l the guests, a profusion i n t h i s respect being considered as the highest luxury, much more i s u s u a l l y set before them than they can eat. That which i s l e f t i n the king's t r a y , he sends to h i s house f o r his family by one T~. For the same reason, I f i n d Harris's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the S u t t l e s formulation rather unconvincing. F a i l u r e of the salmon runs at a p a r t i c u l a r stream could threaten the s u r v i v a l of c e r t a i n v i l l a g e s while neighbors on other streams continue to catch t h e i r usual quota. Under such circumstances the impoverished v i l l a g e r s would want to attend as many potlatches as they could and carry back as many v i t a l supplies as they could get t h e i r hosts to part with ...(1971: 291). 54 of h i s s l a v e s , as do the c h i e f s t h e i r s ; while those who eat from the same t r a y , and who g e n e r a l l y belong to the same f a m i l y , take i t home as common stock, or each one r e c e i v e s h i s p o r t i o n , which i s d i s t r i b u t e d on the s p o t (1974: 55) . On another occasion, he reported that canoes from neighbouring v i l l a g e s a r r i v e d , b r i n g i n g various types of f o o d s t u f f f o r t r a d e . I have known eighteen of the great tubs, i n which they keep t h e i r p r o v i s i o n s , f i l l e d with spawn brought i n t h i s way. On these occasions a great f e a s t i s always made, to which not only the s t r a n g e r s , but the whole v i l l a g e , men, women, and c h i l d r e n , are g e n e r a l l y i n v i t e d , and I have seen f i v e of the l a r g e s t tubs employed at such time, i n cooking at the king's house ( i b i d . : 69). In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , J e w i t t describes what might be termed 'rep r e s e n t a t i v e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , ' i n which nobles and c h i e f s are given food f o r subsequent d i s t r i b u t i o n to t h e i r kinsmen. In the second, a g e n e r a l i z e d form of d i s t r i b u t i o n i s employed; that i s , a l l i n d i v i d u a l s are i n v i t e d d i r e c t l y . In t h i s manner, houses or u n i t s with a surplus r e g u l a r l y t r a n s f e r food to other segments of the v i l l a g e , who both consume I i t d i r e c t l y and take p o r t i o n s home as general stock. j A comprehensive i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a l network w i l l / v / s i g n i f i c a n t l y enhance the demographic p o t e n t i a l of the group's / t e r r i t o r y , f o r i t has a s o r t of s y n e r g i s t i c e f f e c t : the t o t a l j p o p u l a t i o n that can be sustained through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s \ greater than the sum of populations that can s u b s i s t independently on the i n d i v i d u a l resource base of each. As Aberle noted: Obviously, i f the resource base of a set of u n i t s f l u c t u a t e s simultaneously f o r a l l of them, exchange w i l l a f f o r d no a l l e v i a t i o n from shortages. But i f u n i t s vary i n production at d i f f e r e n t times, i t w i l l . In t h i s way a set of u n i t s can maintain a p o p u l a t i o n l a r g e r than the l i m i t set by the minimum product of each u n i t - one approximating the average minimum for a set of u n i t s at any given time. Such units may be nuclear f a m i l i e s , extended f a m i l i e s , l o c a l i z e d descent groups, communities, chiefdoms, or s t a t e s . The s i z e of the network w i t h i n which the exchange w i l l be advantageous w i l l be a f u n c t i o n of at l e a s t three f a c t o r s : the i n t e r a c t i o n of (a) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and productive technology, (b) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and storage technology; and (c) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and transporta-t i o n technology. I t w i l l also be a f u n c t i o n of that number of u n i t s among which exchange i s p o s s i b l e which comes c l o s e s t to maximizing the randomness of the v a r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y of each u n i t i n the set at any given time (1973: 3). Co-operation among the owners of a number of salmon streams would work best when the f l u c t u a t i o n s i n p r o d u c t i v i t y occur i n f r e q u e n t l y i n any given stream, thus minimizing the l i k e l i -hood of simultaneous f a i l u r e s . With pooling and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , the commoner, l a r g e r runs (which, without such co-operation would remain as a glut) can contribute to a high average l e v e l of p r o d u c t i v i t y f o r the region. Native populations could grow u n t i l they became consistent i n s i z e with that high p r o d u c t i v i t y . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , then, while r e d i s t r i b u t i o n may be used to a l l e v i a t e l o c a l shortages, i t can also be instrumental i n c r e a t i n g them, by underpinning the population growth that makes them i n e v i t a b l e . t I Should the population grow i n response to the opportunity brought about by co-operation, then the c h i e f ' s r o l e as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r becomes more c r i t i c a l , as I noted e a r l i e r , f o r the increased numbers w i l l l i k e l y begin to exert pressure on the resource base, and make i t i n e v i t a b l e , given the i r r e g u l a r i t y of i t s constituent u n i t s , that various segments of the enlarged population w i l l , on occasion, produce less than they need. Having cast t h e i r l o t with interdependence, l o c a l groups would become unable to maintain a demand l e v e l below the amount of the poorest runs. They would be l i v i n g beyond t h e i r l o c a l means, r e l y i n g instead on the c r e d i t that t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e d i s t r i -b u t i o n a l network provides them./ F i n a l l y , the presence of a number of ch i e f s and sub-chiefs ( l i n e a g e , c l a n , and v i l l a g e heads) w i t h i n a community bespeaks the v a r i e t y of sources of surpluses that go i n t o the r e d i s t r i -butions, f o r each stands at the apex of a productive u n i t and contributes the product of that u n i t to the commonweal v i a h i s con t r i b u t i o n s to the heads of the l a r g e r u n i t s (house head to lineage c h i e f , etc.) or h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n feasts and the l i k e , j Because each draws on the product of a p a r t i c u l a r segment of the community's resource s i t e s (such as the 31 salmon streams with t h e i r 108 runs), he i s dependent on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of that segment f o r h i s a b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the r e c i p r o c a l network. The ranking among the c h i e f s and k i n un i t s may, therefore,; r e f l e c t the r e l i a b i l i t y of resources under t h e i r c o n t r o l , a j c o n d i t i o n that would d i c t a t e the frequency with which they I j could act as d i s t r i b u t o r s , as opposed to r e c i p i e n t s . The high j range of v a r i a b i l i t y of the salmon runs could, over time, lead \ to the owners of streams with low v a r i a b i l i t y and large q u a n t i t i e s i acting as donors or hosts more frequently than those who con- ! i t r o l l e d more e r r a t i c runs. 57 Conclusion The formulation proposed here d i f f e r s from those of S u t t l e s and Piddocke i n that i t considers shortages of salmon as the n a t u r a l consequence of the development of a tribe-wide (or v i l l a g e -wide) economy and, as I proposed, i t s attendant population growth, rather than as extraordinary and s h a t t e r i n g f a i l u r e s of the resource base. I view r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t h i s case as a normal, rather a d r o i t means of s u s t a i n i n g a large population i n the face of a b o u n t i f u l , a l b e i t i r r e g u l a r , resource base, rather than as an emergency measure to stave o f f d i s a s t e r . I do not bel i e v e i t necessary to claim, as Piddocke d i d f o r the Southern Kwakiutl, that "Without the d i s t r i b u t i o n of food [poorer groups] would often have died of hunger" (1965: 293-4), nor to attempt, as S u t t l e s d i d , to e x p l a i n c o a s t a l s o c i a l phenomena i n terms of infrequent and extraordinary occurrences. Perhaps, a l s o , a s i n g l e , once-a-generation f a i l u r e of a major f i s h run or prolonged period of severe weather may e x p l a i n an otherwise i n e x p l i c a b l e prac-t i c e such as the Northwest Coast search f o r prestige (1968: 60). Such once-a-generation d i s a s t e r s cannot meet the type of re s e r v a t i o n expressed by Weinberg. ...Temporary and l o c a l food shortages could tend to e s t a b l i s h an economic 'chief,' that i s , the leader of a group not s u f f e r i n g from the current shortage.... I t would then become advantageous to the e n t i r e v i l l a g e to maintain t h i s group as a kind of c e n t r a l storehouse to take care of future shortages i n the community.... ...The c h i e f could acquire a s o c i a l power, st a t u s , because of h i s importance to the community.... Once a condition of surplus had been established and the group f e l t secure again, there would no longer be any need for the c h i e f (1965: 248-9). 58 Under the circumstances that I have p o s i t e d , however, the group would never e s t a b l i s h a s u f f i c i e n t l y s t a b l e surplus f o r them to ' f e e l secure' enough to el i m i n a t e a r e g u l a t o r y mechanism such as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r - c h i e f , because by maintaining a l a r g e r o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n than the i n d i v i d u a l resource bases could s u s t a i n without r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , i t i s pushing the environment to i t s l i m i t s . An economy geared to the high average produc-t i v i t y of a resource base whose c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t s are nevertheless c h a r a c t e r i z e d by con s i d e r a b l e f l u c t u a t i o n w i l l need f a i r l y con-stant tending and readjustment ( i n the form of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , s a y ) . Such r e g u l a r c a l l f o r compensation i s a fi r m e r b a s i s f o r the maintenance of status ranking than i s the ra t h e r tenuous once-a-generation c r i s i s . According to the formulation proposed here, the b a s i s of c h i e f t a i n s h i p and i n t e r - p e r s o n a l and inter-group ranking among a people l i k e the H a i s l a i s : 1) a resource base that i s conducive to e x c l u s i v e , long-term c o n t r o l by s p e c i f i c u n i t s ( i n d i v i d u a l , house, c l a n , etc.) such that that u n i t ' s economic fortunes are contingent upon the p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n of p r o d u c t i v i t y o f i t s l o c a l resource base; 2) a degree of v a r i a b i l i t y i n the s t a p l e resources such that some segments of the community experience o c c a s i o n a l shortages that r e q u i r e some form of compensatory mechanism; 3) a d i f f e r e n t i a l i n v a r i a b i l i t y of p r o d u c t i v i t y among the holdings of the various u n i t s that enables some 'owners' to act as c o n t r i b u t o r s more fre q u e n t l y than others; 4) the opera-t i o n of an economy i n which these c o n t r i b u t i o n s are somehow i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . The key to t h i s type of system i s s t a b i l i t y - - a stable catalogue of resources and stable patterns of access to those resources such that c o n t r o l over them remains i n w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d channels, and a stable population s i z e such that demand remains f a i r l y constant and p r e d i c t a b l e . The a d d i t i o n of a s e r i e s of s p a t i a l and temporal random f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the quantity of staple resources puts a premium on regulatory mechanisms such as pooling and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . The randomness of the f l u c t u a t i o n s i s conditioned by the greater or l e s s e r s u s c e p t i b i l i t y of some areas to the environmental accidents that create f l u c t u a t i o n s , or by the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the resources themselves.* Units c o n t r o l l i n g r e l a t i v e l y pro-tected regions or stable species w i l l s u f f e r fewer or l e s s extreme f l u c t u a t i o n s than u n i t s i n the opposite circumstances, and thus are i n a p o s i t i o n to act as high status donors more frequently than less favoured u n i t s . In the f o l l o w i n g chapter, I w i l l describe how those condi-tions of s t a b i l i t y were fundamentally a l t e r e d by the introduc-t i o n of a se r i e s of new resources, access to which was governed by conditions not r e a d i l y absorbed by the old system, and by a severe decline i n population such that the demands on the t r a d i -t i o n a l resource base f e l l o f f , reducing the importance of those T~. The previously mentioned circumstance that pinks w i l l f a i l every other year i n a long term depression while chums w i l l f a i l every four years i s an example of the species* charac-t e r i s t i c s that could a f f e c t a group's s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to shortages. 60 who had once been able to administer the d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources. 61 Chapter 4 Commercial F i s h i n g Since the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a logging and f i s h i n g based indus-t r i a l economy to the northern Northwest Coast, the natives of the region have occupied the i n t e r f a c e between subsistence and market economies. On the one hand, many have continued to r e l y to a considerable degree on t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l resource base, often producing and d i s t r i b u t i n g the foodstuffs v i a w e l l established k i n s h i p channels. On the other hand, as the white economy reached the more remote native t e r r i t o r i e s such as Kitamaat, the Indians became quite deeply involved i n the i n d u s t r i a l system, taking on the type of r o l e described by F i r t h : f ...the i n d i v i d u a l has normally a high degree of anonymity, of impersonality i n the economic s i t u a -t i o n . Even i f he i s not merely a number on a pay-r o l l , i t i s h i s funct i o n as an energy f a c t o r , a provider of c a p i t a l , or of organizing capacity that i s of prime importance. As such i t i s h i s s p e c i f i c i n d u s t r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , not h i s t o t a l s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , that matter. He i s deemed to be replaceable. I t i s the magnitude and q u a l i t y of h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the economic process, i r r e s p e c t i v e of h i s personal status or p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i e t y , that defines him. (in p r i m i t i v e communities the i n d i v i d u a l as an economic f a c t o r i s personalized, not anonymous. He tends to hold h i s economic p o s i t i o n i n v i r t u e of h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Hence to displace him economically means a s o c i a l disturbance (1951: 137). Under the i n d u s t r i a l system, the Indian became an impersonal s u p p l i e r of trees or salmon to the m i l l s and canneries. At any p a r t i c u l a r time, an i n d i v i d u a l might be involved i n both types of economy, the extent of h i s involvement i n each depending on a v a r i e t y of circumstances, which I propose to consider i n some d e t a i l . 62 The m a t e r i a l i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n i s an overview of the f a c t o r s that governed the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the north coast Indians, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kitamaat, i n the major i n d u s t r i e s that developed i n the region, f i s h i n g , logging, and f a c t o r y work. For a number of reasons that I w i l l go i n t o l a t e r , I d i d not examine the f a c t o r y work i n any great d e t a i l . Because the f i r s t p lant d i d not locate i n the area u n t i l a h a l f century a f t e r the development of logging and f i s h i n g , I thought i t more f r u i t f u l to concentrate on f a c t o r s p e r t a i n i n g to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l a t t e r i n d u s t r i e s . I w i l l describe the circumstances which influenced the a b i l i t y and desire of the natives to take up e i t h e r of those occupations. Later, I w i l l discuss some of the e f f e c t s on native c u l t u r e of that p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I n i t i a l l y , however, I w i l l r e s t r i c t the n a r r a t i v e to a h i s t o r i c a l overview of the i n d u s t r i e s and the place of the native i n them. The a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of f i s h i n g and logging f o r a c o a s t a l Indian i s a function of a number of f a c t o r s : the quantity of a merchantable resource i n existence; i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y ; the number, type and l o c a t i o n of markets; pre-v a i l i n g p r i c e s , or p o t e n t i a l income to be made; c o m p a t i b i l i t y of the occupation with other a c t i v i t i e s ; the r e l a t i v e c o n d i t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e occupations; and the ease of access to jobs or to equipment for independent operation. (For my purposes, I define a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n a p h y s i c a l sense, as 'capable of being reached v i a the p r e v a i l i n g technology,' and a v a i l a b i l i t y i n a l e g a l sense, as 'open fo r e x p l o i t a t i o n under the p r e v a i l i n g 63 r u l e s . •) The next s e c t i o n , then, w i l l be devoted to an examination of these f e a t u r e s , and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to Kitamaat logging and f i s h i n g . 64 A c c e s s i b i l i t y of F i s h Because salmon are anadromous, that i s , they are hatched i n f r e s h water streams or lakes but spend most of t h e i r adult l i v e s i n the sea. before r e t u r n i n g to t h e i r home r i v e r s to spawn, they are i n a c c e s s i b l e to fishermen f o r a l l but the comparatively short time that they i n h a b i t the inshore waters of the coast and run i n the streams themselves. Each of the f i v e species has a r e l a t i v e l y , s hort, i n f l e x i b l e period during which i t can be taken. The periods overlap, with the r e s u l t that the t o t a l 'salmon season' extends from June to October or November, with gaps i n between when comparatively few f i s h are running ( c f . Table V I , p. 98). Salmon may be taken i n two places: ' i n - r i v e r ' and 'mid-i n l e t ' or open water. The former l o c a t i o n lends i t s e l f to a b o r i g i n a l techniques, using weirs, t r a p s , torches and spears or l e i s t e r s , and nets stretched across the stream, techniques that were p r o h i b i t e d as e a r l y as 1892. Since that time, f i s h i n g o f f s h o r e , from s k i f f s or l a r g e r boats has become the norm, although drag s e i n i n g , or f i s h i n g with a seine net from the shore-l i n e and trapping f i s h between the net and the beach, was prac-t i s e d o c c a s i o n a l l y . With the vigorous prosecution of the regulations p r o h i b i t i n g a b o r i g i n a l methods of taking f i s h , the natives have perforce abandoned those techniques and have adopted European methods, g i l l n e t t i n g , s e i n i n g , and t r o l l i n g , f o r both subsistence and commercial purposes. I w i l l describe the f i r s t two techniques but omit the l a s t , as i t i s economically i n s i g n i f i c a n t Kitamaat. G i l l Netting G i l l nets (or salmon d r i f t nets, as they used to be c a l l e d ) remained f o r some time the only o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned means of taking salmon i n northern waters. The net, of v a r i a b l e length, depth, and mesh, depending on the f i s h sought and/or the pre-v a i l i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , was most often rented by the native f i s h e r -man from the cannery f o r the equivalent of one-third of the catch. Made of l i n e n , i t u s u a l l y l a s t e d about two years. The method of g i l l n e t t i n g has not changed s u b s t a n t i a l l y since the e a r l i e s t days of commercial f i s h i n g on the coast. The net i t s e l f has changed, however, becoming at once more e f f i c i e n t and more expensive. As M c K e r v i l l e describes the s i t u a t i o n , .. . g i l l n e t t i n g has advanced from the days when an Indian... threw a rented l i n e n net over the stern of a cannery owned s k i f f and waited u n t i l i t was festooned with f i s h . I f a fisherman wants to compete i n the modern race f o r salmon he must have several nets varying i n mesh s i z e and colour depending on the species of salmon...and the water to be f i s h e d . The net that would be s u i t a b l e f o r the Fitzhugh Sound area, f o r example, would not f i s h w e l l i n Rivers I n l e t because the I n l e t water i s milky due to s i l t brought down by the r i v e r . A dark web would e a s i l y be seen by the f i s h during d a y l i g h t , and they would simply dive beneath i t or swim around. Furthermore, since the trend i s towards a l i g h t gauge twine that w i l l be less v i s i b l e to the salmon, a web may not be used more than two seasons, three at the most. Many fishermen use a number 28 web valued at around $350 f o r only three weeks during the peak of the run, then they s t r i p i t o f f the cork and lead l i n e s and throw i t away (1967: 150) . Even more d r a s t i c developments have come i n the boats. I n i t i a l l y , the canners constructed hundreds of rowboats, which were supplied to the fishermen with the net. Holding two men at 67 most, u s u a l l y a man and a woman or boy, they were s u i t a b l e only fo r inshore f i s h i n g . That d i d not matter p a r t i c u l a r l y at f i r s t , f o r the regulations p r o h i b i t e d f i s h i n g outside the boundaries of i n l e t s or beyond the,mouths of r i v e r s . ) Motor boats were not permitted i n the f i s h e r y north of Cape Caution u n t i l 1924. U n t i l that time, v i r t u a l l y a l l the f i s h i n g took place from rowboats w i t h i n the confines of i n l e t s or r i v e r s adjacent to the canneries. Canners r e s i s t e d the i n t r o d u c t i o n of engines because they saw no r e a l competitive advantage to be derived from them, and sought to avoid the expense of equipping a l l t h e i r fishermen. I f one group of fishermen were to obtain motor boats, they reasoned, the pressure would f a l l on them to supply a l l fishermen i n t h e i r employ, and the expense would not j u s t i f y the t r a n s i t o r y advantage to be gained, f o r soon a l l fishermen would obtain them,, and be on an even f o o t i n g again. Besides, they saw the motors as simply conferring increased m o b i l i t y rather than increased e f f i c i e n c y , and were l o a t h to underwrite the fishermen's convenience when they saw no p r o f i t i n i t for themselves. By 1924, however, the r e g u l a t i o n was relaxed, and engines were permitted. They began to appear with increasing frequency i n Rivers I n l e t , the major commercial f i s h i n g ground of the H a i s l a . This s p e l l e d the end of o v e r a l l Indian e q u a l i t y i n the f i s h e r y . As long as the equipment a v a i l a b l e to the whole f i s h i n g force remained s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same--row boat and g i l l net--the native could hold h i s own, for success came with greater s k i l l or luck, and was not conferred by superior equipment. With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of engines, however, the process began which saw the Indian f a l l f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r behind as development crowded upon development, each innovation more c o s t l y and harder to obtai n , each more necessary to the fisherman who desired to remain com-p e t i t i v e . | / \In 1924, of the 54 motor boats introduced at Rivers I n l e t , 3 belonged to Indians. The f o l l o w i n g year, the f i g u r e rose to 9 out of 110. Figure 3 i n d i c a t e s the rate at which motor boats were adopted at Rivers I n l e t . The proportion rose q u i c k l y , from 5 per cent i n 1924 to 67 per cent i n 1939. The tec h n o l o g i c a l basis f o r Indian underdevelopment was est a b l i s h e d during t h i s p e riod. Figure 3 Rowboats and Motor Boats at Rivers I n l e t 1924-1940 Source: Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 70 Seining (Whereas g i l l n e t t i n g i s p r i m a r i l y a s o l i t a r y occupation (two-man, before the advent of motor boats, one oar p u l l e r , one net man), s e i n i n g i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y a co-operative venture, r e q u i r i n g the e f f o r t s of from 3 to 7 men, depending on the degree of mechanization of net hauling equipment./ Seiners generally pursue f i s h , such as herring or chum s a l -mon, that congregate i n schools and can thus be surrounded i n large numbers. When a school i s encountered, the captain releases a s k i f f , to which i s attached one end of the net. He then proceeds at high speed to surround the school, recovers the f a r end of the net from the s k i f f man, and cinches the bottom t i g h t , using drawstrings attached f o r the purpose. The trapped f i s h can be scooped out of the r e s u l t i n g purse with a small seine net, or b r a i l , attached to a boom, and deposited i n the hold.y O^n e a r l y seine boats, hauling was done by hand, a task r e q u i r i n g the e f f o r t s of a 7 man crew. Subsequent developments of power hauling equipment have progres s i v e l y reduced the s i z e of the crews u n t i l today, the modern boats carry as few as 3 men^ j In 1953, 7 seiners operated out of Kitamaat, each with a 7 man crew, f o r a t o t a l of 49 seine fishermen. Today, there are 2 boats, with 3 man crews, for a t o t a l of 6. Recent years have also seen the i n t r o d u c t i o n of complex and expensive e l e c t r o n i c gear --radar, sonar, sonic f i s h - f i n d i n g apparatus--in a d d i t i o n to c o s t l y deck machinery. The r e s u l t i s a soaring cost that few natives can meet. Of the two Kitamaat s e i n e r s , one i s worth $175,000, the other some $325,000,\far beyond the range of a l l but a small minority of ' h i g h - l i n e ' fishermen . j \While i t i s usual f o r seiners to take l a r g e r hauls than g i l l n e t t e r s , the proceeds must be shared among a la r g e r number of crewmen, i n a d d i t i o n to shares f o r the boat (or the company, i f i t supplies the v e s s e l ) , sometimes a share f o r the f u e l , and so on. Thus, i t i s not uncommon f o r seine fishermen to r e a l i z e l e s s than g i l l net fishermen. ] A v a i l a b i l i t y of f i s h r j^The a v a i l a b i l i t y of salmon was governed by regulations de-f i n i n g who was e l i g i b l e to f i s h f o r them, when, where, and by what means. The regulations were designed to permit adequate numbers of f i s h to escape the nets and reach the spawning beds. As the numbers of salmon caught increased with greater i n t e n s i t y and e f f i c i e n c y i n the industry and the p o s s i b i l i t y of depletion of the spawning stock loomed up, r e s t r i c t i o n s became more i n c l u s i v e - - fewer i n d i v i d u a l s could obtain l i c e n c e s , various te c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s were imposed, closed areas and times were extended. Manipulation of any of these regulations of access e f f e c t i v e l y v a r i e s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of salmon to the fishermen./ I w i l l consider each i n turn. Who may f i s h ^ P r i o r to 1892, l i c e n c e s were not needed f o r i n d i v i d u a l fishermen, who f i s h e d f o r canneries on an unregulated b a s i s . A number of f a c t o r s , such as encroachment on the grounds by f o r e i g n fishermen and p o t e n t i a l depletion of the f i s h stocks from over-f i s h i n g prompted the government to issue l i c e n c i n g regulations i n that year. Thereafter, i n d i v i d u a l fishermen could obtain l i c e n c e s , but under c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t i o n s ; canneries submitted l i s t s of fishermen i n t h e i r employ to f i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s , who then issued permits to the fishermen. Those working under such terms were known as "attached" fishermen, f o r the conditions of t h e i r l i c e n c e bound them to s e l l a l l t h e i r f i s h to t h e i r employer. Individuals caught v i o l a t i n g t h i s p r o v i s i o n stood to lose t h e i r l i c e n c e s . 'f (Even with those r e s t r i c t i o n s , i t was not d i f f i c u l t i n i t i a l l y f o r natives l i k e the Kitamaat to f i n d work i n the f i s h e r y . The i s o l a t i o n of the plants ( c f . p. 82) l e f t the inhabitants of the coa s t a l v i l l a g e s as the only r e a d i l y , a v a i l a b l e source of labour. So anxious were the canners to secure Indian help ( e s p e c i a l l y women) that they dispatched steam tugs to v i l l a g e s such as K i t a -maat to tow a t r a i n of canoes to the canneries, returning them at the end of the season. In t h i s manner, v i r t u a l l y the whole ^ v i l l a g e would embark f o r Rivers I n l e t i n mid-June, to return i n l a t e August.j During the 1890's the missionary at Kitamaat reported that the v i l l a g e became p r a c t i c a l l y deserted during the summer. A l l able bodied men and women had departed, leaving only those too f r a i l to stand the three day canoe t r i p . ( U n t i l the numbers of fishermen became excessive, i t was an easy matter f o r a competent native fisherman to sign on with a cannery, most often through a broker who contracted to supply so many workers to the canner i n return f o r a per c a p i t a fee. The canneries became an i n c r e a s i n g l y popular source of income during the l a t e 19th century, a circumstance that gave r i s e to gross overcrowding of the f i s h i n g grounds and alarmed even the can-ners, who i n 1903 sought to protect t h e i r futures and regulate the f i s h e r y by way of a voluntary boat r a t i n g . 1 That move marked a departure from the untrammelled competi-t i o n that had characterized the industry. H i t h e r t o , a feature of the sockeye runs had encouraged a system of ever-expanding 74 f l e e t s , as the canners scrambled to beat out t h e i r r i v a l s on the grounds. Sockeye schools run i n unpredictable surges. One hour or day the f i s h are scarce; the next, they are everywhere, an i r r e -g u l a r i t y that a f f e c t e d both the strategy of the canners and the employment prospects of the fishermen.) (During the peaks of the run, the cannery had no trouble acquiring enough f i s h . In f a c t , quite often the processing capacity of the plant was swamped. The f i s h w i l l not keep f o r long during the summer, and as storage f a c i l i t i e s were v i r t u a l l y non-existent i n the days before cold storage, i t was not uncommon to see thousands of prime salmon dumped in t o the i n l e t because the plant could not keep up the pace. During the frequent l u l l s , however, i n order to maintain minimal l e v e l s of f i s h , the canners needed every net out that they could a f f o r d . On the p r i n c i p l e that the greater the number of nets one had out the greater was the chance of catching the few salmon there were, canners sought to counter the slack periods with sheer numbers of fishermen. While the p r a c t i c e may have been sound enough i n theory, each canner t r i e d the same course, with the r e s u l t that the number of fishermen grew beyond a l l reason. The same fishermen who supplied the canneries during the sl a c k periods n a t u r a l l y expected to p r o f i t from the surges, and brought i n a l l the f i s h that they could catch." The whole matter was aggravated by the presence of up to ten competing canneries, and i n consequence, Rivers I n l e t stood i n some danger of being f i s h e d out.? i 75 Economics provided v i r t u a l l y the only moderating f a c t o r : the matter soon became one of the canners 1 c a l c u l a t i n g the point at which the extra costs of boat and r i g f e l l below the be n e f i t s of an extra net i n the water. That number was higher than the f i s h populations could long endure, however. • I t eventually became c l e a r that the u n r e s t r i c t e d competition would b e n e f i t no one, not the canners, whose cutthroat r i v a l r y was proving expensive, nor the fishermen, whose increasing num-bers s p e l l e d f a r lower i n d i v i d u a l catches, nor the salmon. The canners negotiated a voluntary boat r a t i n g i n 1903, under which each f i r m was a l l o t t e d a quota, to be divided among the canneries under i t s c o n t r o l , j (Some companies operated two or three can-neries i n the i n l e t . ) These ra t i n g s appear as Table I I I , p. In a d d i t i o n to the t o t a l s , they are i n t e r e s t i n g c h i e f l y f or the l i g h t they throw on the a c t i v i t y of the various bands of natives operating i n Rivers I n l e t at the time, a matter which w i l l be considered l a t e r . ['Had the r a t i n g remained i n force f o r any period, i t would undoubtedly have a f f e c t e d the economic l i f e of the H a i s l a con-s i d e r a b l y , f o r the Kitamaat were allowed a quota of only 25 boats, when there were 82 adult men i n the v i l l a g e . Those unable to h i r e on i n Rivers I n l e t found i t necessary to t r a v e l to the Skeena or the Fraser canneries, which were already manned by the w e l l established l o c a l natives i \ The agreement did not l a s t f o r more than three years, however, a f t e r which the net race broke out again, a s p i r a l that continued u n t i l the government imposed a r a t i n g of i t s own, l i m i t i n g the number of boats to 700. Although more fishermen found work under the government r a t i n g than under the canners', the increase put greater pressure on the i n d i v i d u a l fisherman, as increased num-bers of nets reduced the average catch.\ {in a d d i t i o n to the problems facing i n d i v i d u a l n a t i v e s , Indians as a group were meeting i n c r e a s i n g l y s t i f f competition from whites and immigrant Japanese. E v i d e n t l y , i t was only the canners' need f o r Indian women to work as packers i n the plants that enabled the men to hang on as w e l l as they d i d . f i n a d d i t i o n to the d i s a b i l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from open compe-t i t i o n , the natives had to contend with d i s c r i m i n a t o r y l e g i s l a -t i o n , as the government attempted to enhance the p o s i t i o n of whites i n the industry. This d i s c r i m i n a t i o n took the form of the "unattached l i c e n c e . " (^Because the coast was so d i f f i c u l t to farm s u c c e s s f u l l y , i t soon became c l e a r to the government that i f s e t t l e r s were to succeed i n occupying the region, they would need an outside source of income to see them through. That r e a l i z a t i o n d i d not bode w e l l f o r the n a t i v e s , f o r the measure conceived to help the sjejtyers d i d so l a r g e l y at the expense of the Indians: ( w i t h the increased settlement of the northern coast, which has proved r a p i d during the past two years, however, i t was f e l t that exceptional p r i v i -leges should be granted white fishermen who might be induced to s e t t l e i n the d i s t r i c t . . . . [ O f f i c i a l s ] recommended that i n each year a c e r t a i n proportion of the licences i n each area be reserved f o r independent white fishermen. These licences c a r r y i n g with them the r i g h t to dispose of the f i s h where and to whom the licensee desired, the proportion of li c e n c e s so assigned to gradually increase i n r e c u r r i n g years ( P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Dept. Annual Reports 1913: 1,7).) |This measure followed c l o s e l y the e f f o r t s of the f e d e r a l Department of Marine and F i s h e r i e s to l i m i t the number of f i s h -ing l i c e n c e s i n the i n t e r e s t s of conservation of the salmon stocks. These independent li c e n c e s ('unattached' to any cannery) were to be included w i t h i n the o v e r a l l l i m i t a t i o n , with the r e s u l t that the number of attached licences (the only type a v a i l a b l e to non-whites) would have to be reduced accordingly. Moreover, i f the number of unattached licences were to increase over the years, i n the absence of an expansion of the t o t a l f l e e t , the non-whites would be pr o g r e s s i v e l y squeezed from the i n d u s t r y , ^Whites took to these licences e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y . In the f i r s t year of t h e i r operation, some 175 were issued, by the second year, 456, and by the t h i r d , 575 (Prov. F i s h . Ann. Rpts. 1916 : 245).) ' ' 1 r ' ' u ' { VV*'*V' " ' ' (/The issuance of licences soon became something of a f a r c e , however, with considerable abuse of the s p i r i t of the law, as many whites bent the rules to obtain permits. The man who wanted work, but was not a s e t t l e r , could f i l e a pre-emption on a p i l e of rocks at a cost of $2 pre-emption record fee. This l e d to the c r e a t i o n of a cla s s of "raft-farmer." Your Commissioners saw three or four r a f t s with l i t t l e cabins on them, moored to a shore on which i t would be d i f f i c u l t to land, and facing pre-emptions on which one could not p i t c h a tent, much less f i n d s o i l f o r even a patch of garden. Having thus q u a l i f i e d as a s e t t l e r , the man could q u a l i f y f o r an independent li c e n c e ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Report 1917: 33) . ) 78 txNor were the canners altogether pleased with the type of help that the independent l i c e n c e s obtained f o r them. Since they wanted as many nets operating f o r them as p o s s i b l e , managers were obliged to r e c r u i t a l l the independent fishermen that they could, f o r with the l i c e n c e l i m i t a t i o n s then i n e f f e c t , i t came to a choice between the independents 1 working f o r them or f o r a r i v a l . They therefore were obliged to take on anyone who could obtain a l i c e n c e , one way or another, with decidedly mixed r e s u l t s . jOne canner complained to the 1917 F i s h e r i e s Commission that: Under the present c o n d i t i o n , we are obliged to take men that know absolutely nothing about f i s h i n g or about a net. Myself, I do not know how the canneries stand i t . I l o s t $800. worth of net the f i r s t c l a t t e r out of the box through having two new hands that I was absolutely forced to take on. I f I di d not have them, some other cannery would have had to have them; men that do not know anything about f i s h i n g or about a net, and they l o s t t h e i r nets; e n t i r e l y through t h e i r own f a u l t ; e n t i r e l y through neglect and not knowing t h e i r business. There was no occasion to lose them. A complete net, with l i n e s , rigged out, costs us close on to $400., at the present time (F i s h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 372). (jThe framers of the r e g u l a t i o n had evidently foreseen that some s i t u a t i o n of that sort might develop, and f o r that reason had s p e c i f i e d that the unattached fishermen were to supply t h e i r own gear. They did not foresee that the lice n c e l i m i t a t i o n would oblige the canners to take on anyone who had somehow acquired a l i c e n c e , regardless of whether he had equipment or not, simply to make up the required number of fishermen. Thus, non-fishermen, complete o u t s i d e r s , were able to come i n and squeeze natives from t h e i r occupations .1 j / i The i n f l u x of whites so cut i n t o the number of l i c e n c e s v a v a i l a b l e to Indians that many despaired of f i n d i n g work and remained at home.j A na t i v e witness t e s t i f i e d before the 1917 Commission: x There i s another thing we want to ask. The Indians \ always get smaller l i c e n c e s every y e a r . We want to N f i n d out how many l i c e n c e s we are supposed to be get-t i n g . They are always g e t t i n g l e s s every y e a r , l i c e n c e s f o r u s . We are l i a b l e to not f i s h i n some y e a r s . There i s very few Indians f i s h i n g now to-day compared with b e f o r e . Q. But do they want to f i s h ? A. Sure they want to f i s h , but l o t s of fellows j u s t stay home; can't get no l i c e n c e ; because I think we / have a r i g h t over any people, because we have no other / chance ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 274). /Another sore p o i n t was the higher p r i c e p a i d to independent fishermen. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the canneries had pai d o n e - t h i r d more per f i s h to operators who s u p p l i e d t h e i r own gear. This p r a c -t i c e was a p p l i e d to unattached fishermen, who, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , also brought t h e i r own equipment. In p r a c t i c e , v i r t u a l l y no independent fisherman d i d , but in s t e a d arranged to buy nets from the c a n n e r i e s , paying them out of the proceeds of the c a t c h . In a good y e a r , the p r i c e d i f f e r e n t i a l between dependents and independents was enough to enable the l a t t e r to r e t i r e a c o n s i -derable p o r t i o n of h i s debt. In poor y e a r s , the canneries g e n e r a l l y permitted him to turn i n the net and take the attached p r i c e f o r h i s c a t c h , operating as i f he had been an attached fisherman a l l along. Thus, he b e n e f i t t e d i n a good year, and i n (This type of f a v o r i t i s m occasioned considerable resentment from the Indians, who saw i t as evidence of gross d i s c r i m i n a t i o n \ a poor year d i d no worse than anyone e l s e . f 80 At every opportunity, they c a l l e d on the government to remove t h e i r d i s a b i l i t y . ] (^ rlad the l i c e n c e l i m i t a t i o n s and increasing numbers of inde-pendents continued unabated, the Indian would have been v i r t u a l l y eliminated from the c o a s t a l f i s h e r y . Two events prevented t h i s from occurring. The government r e s t r i c t e d the number of Japanese fishermen, thus taking some of the pressure o f f both whites and Indians, and i n a d d i t i o n relaxed the boat r a t i n g s , permitting v i r t u a l l y open access to the f i s h i n g grounds, a c o n d i t i o n that l a s t e d u n t i l 1968, with the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Salmon Licence L i m i t a t i o n Program.! White fishermen had been complaining f o r some time about the increasing competition from the Japanese. The Duff Commission of 1922 examined the question of O r i e n t a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the industry and recommended a decrease i n the number of Japanese that should be e l i g i b l e f o r l i c e n c e s . This adjustment took the form of a 40% reduction of Japanese fishermen i n Rivers I n l e t i n 19 23. According to the o r i g i n a l e d i c t , the number was to be fu r t h e r reduced by 10% per year, a condition that was removed i n 1929 a f t e r a successful Japanese appeal to the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, the f a c t remained that the makeup of the f i s h i n g f l e e t was a r t i f i c i a l l y determined from about 1913 i n t e r m i t t e n t l y to 1948 through a v a r i e t y of such maneouvers. Following the e l i m i n a t i o n of the boat r a t i n g s , the s i z e of the f i s h i n g f l e e t shot up,jas f i g . 3 shows. These boats were p r i m a r i l y g i l l n e t t e r s . \With t h i s increase, however, another r e s t r i c t i o n on the a v a i l a b i l i t y - - a n d thus the catch size--grew i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . That was the p r a c t i c e of c l o s i n g c e r t a i n times of the day, c e r t a i n days of the week, or c e r t a i n regions, to f i s h i n g . These r e s t r i c -* \ tions were known as closed periods and closed areas.! / ( A c e r t a i n i r r e d u c i b l e minimum of salmon must be permitted to escape the fishermen and reach t h e i r home streams i n order to ensure an adequate spawning stock. A large number of fishermen operating i n a region, e s p e c i a l l y with the increased e f f i c i e n c y that t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments imparted, meant that the allow-able catch quotas were f i l l e d more q u i c k l y , o b l i g i n g the F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s to extend the closed times, reducing the opportunity f o r i n d i v i d u a l fishermen to take f i s h , j ^The squeezing of the periods during which f i s h are caught and d e l i v e r e d created an a r t i f i c i a l form of the 'surge' mentioned previously i n connection with the sockeye runs: ...the short open weekly season f o r salmon f i s h i n g tend(s) to bunch f i s h d e l i v e r i e s i n t o a short period of the year and i n t o weekly peaks. This requires excess handling f a c i l i t i e s and s.ervices(Sinclair 1960: 97) . This l e d to an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the boat race: On t h e i r part the companies are competing f o r the same t o t a l quantity of f i s h which must be caught i n a given period of time. I t i s i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t i f they are to get the la r g e s t possible quantity that they have as many fishermen as possible catching for them ( I b i d . : 131). The upshot of t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n on a v a i l a b i l i t y was t h a t , while canners remained w i l l i n g to h i r e (and u s u a l l y supply) Indian fishermen, the increased competition inherent i n the increase i n boats reduced average catches s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Markets VThe primary market f o r Kitamaat fishermen was the canneries, f i r s t of Rivers I n l e t , and a f t e r they closed, those of the Skeena^ / and the i n d i v i d u a l plants at Butedale, Klemtu, and Namu. In com-'/ mon with the processing plants f o r logging (sawmills and pulp- ! f m i l l s ) , ! c a n n e r i e s i n i t i a l l y located near the source of supply of the raw m a t e r i a l . This d i s p e r s i o n proceeded from the fa c t that salmon w i l l not keep fo r long i n the absence of r e f r i g e r a t i o n . Canners could not locate more than a few miles from the f i s h i n g grounds without endangering t h e i r supply, hence the l o c a t i o n of the plants along i s o l a t e d i n l e t s , f a r removed from population centers, but r e l a t i v e l y close to Indian reserves. ] ( J I This d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n i t i a l l y worked to the na t i v e s ' advan-tage, for i t l e f t them as the only r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e labour sup-p l y . No matter how u n w i l l i n g the canneries were to take on Indian help, they nevertheless d i d so, i f only to obtain native women for i n s i d e work. Whereas white and Japanese men were w i l -l i n g to t r a v e l to the i n l e t s f o r the season, women were not, which l e f t women's jobs washing f i s h and f i l l i n g cans, almost exclu-s i v e l y i n native hands Hawthorn et a l noted that t h i s s i t u a t i o n - - h i r i n g Indian men i n order to obtain t h e i r wives' labour--obtained during recent decades (1954: 111 ). I had assumed that the reasons given f o r the canners' d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with native fishermen--their alleged neglect of equipment, lower p r o d u c t i v i t y , and u n r e l i a b i l i t 83 followed on the adoption of power boats and complex equipment. I was sur p r i s e d to f i n d that those a t t i t u d e s p r e v a i l e d as e a r l y as 1902. The employment of Indian fishermen i s necessary i n 1 order to secure the assistance of t h e i r women i n the j canneries. D e s i r a b i l i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r Indian i s j measured by the number of women his household w i l l :' produce f o r the canneries as f i s h cleaners and can f i l l e r s .... Considerable r i v a l r y was developed during the past season between the cannery managers fo r Indian labour and a bonus of 30 d o l l a r s per boat was paid f o r sea-son contracts and the e x i s t i n g p r i c e of seven cents per f i s h was r a i s e d to eight cents (Prov. F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1902: G 29). Moreover, whites were not slow to admit t h a t , were non-Indian female help more a v a i l a b l e they would not have minded dispensing with Indian fishermen. In most cases we get the Indians, p r a c t i c a l l y , \ because we need the help i n the cannery; we need j t h e i r women. This year I am making an experiment j with white women.... i Q. Now because you, under those c o n d i t i o n s , do not need the Indian women that you did before, you have been employing more Japanese [ i . e . , as f i s h e r -men] ? A. Yes. (Fis h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 360. This canner's experiment e v i d e n t l y was not s u c c e s s f u l , f o r native women continued to dominate the ins i d e work of the northern canneries, and t h e i r husbands continued to f i n d work f i s h i n g . lvAs long as the canneries remained i s o l a t e d and operators found i t d i f f i c u l t to persuade women to t r a v e l north for the season, the natives retained an edge?) Table I I I indicates that Indians made up some 64% of the fishermen i n Rivers I n l e t during 1903, f o r example. p 84 As f o r the pattern of employment i n a region l i k e Rivers I n l e t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to generalize. The l i s t of canneries and t h e i r employees (Table I I I , p. 85) i l l u s t r a t e s why. I was curious whether Indians tended to work f o r a si n g l e cannery or had spread out to work f o r s e v e r a l . Of the seven bands mentioned i n the boat r a t i n g system, three worked f o r one company, three worked f o r two, and one worked f o r three. (The Kitamaat worked f o r a si n g l e company.) I would have thought that natives from a par-t i c u l a r v i l l a g e p r e f e r r e d to work f o r one cannery i n preference to d i s p e r s i n g and l o s i n g contact with each other. In a s i n g l e p l a n t , the women were able to work together, and the matter of h i r i n g fishermen was s i m p l i f i e d , l i t was the p r a c t i c e of the time f o r a l l dealing to be c a r r i e d out through a broker, who assembled the fishermen f o r the canner and acted on t h e i r behalf. The operator was thus spared the task of dealing with hundreds of i n d i v i d u a l s from an a l i e n c u l t u r e , speaking h a l f a dozen languages. In turn the broker received around ten d o l l a r s f o r each man he r e c r u i t e d , f i v e d o l l a r s f o r each woman (at the 1910 Rivers I n l e t r a t e ) . Once at the canneries, however, women came under the purview of the Chinese boss, who handled a l l dealings i n s i d e , i n c l u d i n g both Chinese butchers and Native f i l l e r s . Things did not always go smoothly under that system, for the Chinese workers were rather more t r a c t a b l e than the n a t i v e s , who were more conscious of t h e i r r i g h t s and more i n c l i n e d to assert them.) (Fisheries o f f i c i a l s around Rivers I n l e t were wont to f complain that the Indians became 'saucy' when ordered about.) The Table I I I Boat Ratings at Rivers I n l e t , 1903-04 B.C. Packer's A s s o c i a t i o n Kingcome Indians 103 boats A l e r t Bay " 70 0-wee-kay-no " 5 China Hat " 10 White fishermen 70 T5~8~ B.C. Canning Co., Ltd. Kitamaat Indians 25 O-wee-kay-no " 12 A l e r t Bay " 22 B e l l a B e l l a " 3 Japanese 30 Whites 22 T I T Anglo-B.C. Packing Co., Ltd. B e l l a B e l l a Indians 25 Nox " 5 0-wee-kay-no " 3 China Hat " 4 Japanese 6 Whites 33 75" Totals Kitamaat 25 Kingcome 103 B e l l a B e l l a 28 O-wee-kay-no 20 China Hat 14 A l e r t Bay 92 Nox 5 Japanese 36 Whites 125 4"48 (Fisheries Commission 1905: 134-35 Boss's attempts to feed the usual Chinese r i c e r a t i o n to the native women caused considerable f r i c t i o n , f o r example. -]/U The Kitamaat were o r i g i n a l l y h i r e d through a white trader resident i n the v i l l a g e , but eventually they r e v o l t e d and demanded that the canners deal d i r e c t l y with them. The operators responded that they should choose a spokesman from among themselves. An i n t e r e s t i n g process took place then, for one would assume that the p o s i t i o n would be taken by a c h i e f or i n d i v i d u a l with high s t a t u s , f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l system s t i l l counted f o r a great deal during the e a r l y years of the century. Indeed, the chi e f s do seem to have been canvassed f i r s t , but declined on the grounds that they could n e i t h e r read nor w r i t e , an accomplishment deemed necessary f o r the job. The p o s i t i o n then went to a younger man who had attended the missionary's school. (My informants d i d not remember h i s i d e n t i t y , so I was unable to learn what e f f e c t s the new-found wealth and p o s i t i o n had on h i s l i f e . ) The problem \ remains an i n t r i g u i n g one, for i n such a s i t u a t i o n an i n d i v i d u a l could r e a l i z e twice to three times the income of his f e l l o w s , one of the very few instances that I know of i n which such a marked and regular d i f f e r e n t i a l occurred. Moreover, t h i s income was independent of the vagaries of the season and came to the broker regardless of the s i z e of the catch. (^ Two developments served to undermine the Indians' s e c u r i t y i n the canneries. F i r s t , a rash of takeovers and amalgamations took place, leaving most of the canneries i n the hands of a few large operators. Second, the canners learned to overcome t h e i r 87 t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems, enabling them at long l a s t to ship salmon over considerable distances without t h e i r s p o i l i n g . J .The mergers l e d to the wholesale closure of ca n n e r i e s . While the canning business was the preserve of the f i e r c e l y independent w i l d c a t entrepreneur, a large number of plants con-tinued to operate i n defiance of r u l e s of e f f i c i e n c y . This inde-pendence o c c a s i o n a l l y l e d to vast fortunes being made very q u i c k l y , but more often spawned an i n s t a b i l i t y i n the ind u s t r y that l e f t many precarious operations r i p e f o r a takeover. The process began qu i t e e a r l y . In 1902: The B r i t i s h Columbia Packers' A s s o c i a t i o n of New J e r s e y . . . took over 42 B r i t i s h Columbia canneries with l a n d , b u i l d i n g s , machinery, f i x t u r e s , f i s h i n g gear, s h i p s , b o a t s , scows and trade marks, also 2 c o l d storages (Lyons 1969: 737-8). Almost the f i r s t act of the new companies i n many cases was to c l o s e down the smaller p l a n t s . In 1901, 73 canneries operated on the c o a s t . Three years l a t e r there were 50. A c t u a l l y the numbers f l u c t u a t e d r a p i d l y , f o r the independent canners were f a r from beaten at that time. The p r i n c i p l e of cannery closure by large firms remained, however.\) / \ The second development that harmed the Indians' chances i n the i n d u s t r y was the i n t r o d u c t i o n of packers capable of d e l i v e r -ing salmon i n good c o n d i t i o n from hundreds of miles away. I n i t i a l attempts were r e l a t i v e l y crude, but successful--salmon were packed i n crushed i c e . Later developments saw the f i s h kept f r e s h i n r e f r i g e r a t e d b r i n e , a mechanism that enabled the c o l l e c t i n g boats v i r t u a l l y to range the c o a s t , and freed the operators to locat e wherever they pleased. Consolidation of plants i n t o few hands had given the motive for closures and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of canneries; brine packers gave the opportunity. As long as t e c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s enforced the d i s p e r s i o n of p l a n t s , natives could r e l y on f i n d i n g work. With those l i m i t a t i o n s overcome, however, the way was open fo r owners to concentrate t h e i r plants near the metropolitan centres and away from the f i s h i n g grounds, and, i n c i d e n t a l l y , from the native v i l l a g e s . ^ The s h i f t i n the pattern of cannery locations between 1920 and 1970 i s shown i n f i g . 4, p. 89. C l e a r l y , l/the coast-wide d i s p e r s a l of plants had given way to a c l u s t e r i n g at two metro- I p o l i t a n centres -- around Vancouver, and near Prince Rupert, j Figure 5 shows that the decline i n numbers of canneries began i n the l a t e 1920's both f o r the coast as a whole, and f o r Rivers I n l e t . The main e f f e c t of t h i s process was to throw hundreds of native women out of work, on the c e n t r a l coast espe-c i a l l y , depriving them of an independent income that they had commanded since the ISSO's.^ The H a i s l a found other canneries to go t o , but i n reduced numbers. A f t e r the closure of the Rivers I n l e t p l a n t s , the focus for H a i s l a fishermen s h i f t e d to Butedale, about 130 miles south of the v i l l a g e , and to the Skeena canneries. Around 1959, the Butedale plant collapsed-- the roof f e l l i n , and much of the structure f e l l i n t o the i n l e t - - a n d was not r e b u i l t , depriving the H a i s l a of t h e i r main market. S o u r c e : L y o n s 1969: 710-715 Figure 5 Number of Canneries Operating, B.C. and Rivers I n l e t 1880 — 1880-1956 91 That closure also removed the winter herring f i s h e r y experi-ment that promised to provide a l u c r a t i v e income f o r those H a i s l a who could sign on with a seine boat. For a short time during the e a r l y 1950's, h e r r i n g fishermen could make more money during the winter than when they f i s h e d f o r salmon during the summer. A f t e r the closure of the Butedale p l a n t , the H a i s l a looked to the Skeena canneries f o r employment and boats. There too, (-the process of c o n s o l i d a t i o n continued, inexorably reducing the number of plants and workers. As l a t e as 1969, some 6 canneries shut down. Again, the impact f e l l heaviest on the n a t i v e s , as Table IV, p. 92 shows. These closures are brought on by the concentra-t i o n of almost the e n t i r e f i s h i n g industry i n t o the hands of three giant companies: Nelson Brothers, Canadian F i s h i n g Company, and B.C. Packers. Competition, and i t s concomitant p r o l i f e r a t i o n of plants has given way to r a t i o n a l i z e d production based on economies of s c a l e , p r o g r e s s i v e l y reducing the number and d i s p o s i t i o n of p l a n t s , boats, and jobs.^i I 92 Table IV Cannery S t a f f L a y o f f s , Skeena River, 1969 Ethnic Group S t a f f Layoffs No. % Indian 72 3 76 Non-Indian 228 24 Total 951 100 Source: H a l l and Tsong 19 70: 4 fi i - i • s I J ' ! > C o m p a t i b i l i t y with other Occupations Although the f i s h i n g season i s r e l a t i v e l y short, l a s t i n g somewhat less than ten weeks, i t i s subject to a rather i n f l e x i -b l e phenomenon--the timing of the salmon runs. Although the seasonal nature of the occupation permits natives to carry on other a c t i v i t i e s f o r much of the year, i f they are to f i s h , they are t o t a l l y committed f o r a p a r t i c u l a r period. To that extent, f i s h i n g i s an a c t i v i t y incompatible with other occupations. S i m i l a r l y , as long as the natives continued to r e l y on t r a - \ d i t i o n a l f o o d s t u f f s , t h e i r time was committed during the seasons that those foods were a v a i l a b l e . Oolichan run during A p r i l and May, while the Indians' main salmon species run from September to November. The H a i s l a would not w i l l i n g l y abandon these foods, f o r they p r e f e r r e d them, by and l a r g e , to those the whites introduced, besides which t h e i r a v a i l a b i l i t y was not subject to the vagaries of the n a t i v e s ' cash supply. Therefore t h e i r subsistence a c t i -v i t i e s were of considerable importance. Kitamaat grease, f o r example, was not only a staple f o r the H a i s l a themselves, but was a major item of i n t e r - t r i b a l trade. I t was exchanged f o r seaweed and h e r r i n g eggs from groups l i k e the B e l l a B e l l a and Skidegate. Springtime was thus doubly committed, f o r without grease, the H a i s l a would have l o s t not only the foodstuff i t s e l f , but also the v a r i e t y of items that i t would obtain i n trade. 94 I n i t i a l l y , commercial f i s h i n g f i t t e d i n quite w e l l with sub-sistence f i s h i n g , f o r the most saleable species, sockeye, was not so c r u c i a l to the H a i s l a as were chum or pink salmon, which run i n f a r greater numbers i n the r i v e r s of the Kitamaat region ( c f . Table I I , p. 42). Thus, e x p l o i t a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t types could proceed with minimal overlap and c o n f l i c t . • / (The canners' concentration on sockeye r e s u l t e d from the preferences of the buying p u b l i c , p r i m a r i l y i n B r i t a i n , which would accept only the r i c h red f l e s h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of sockeye and red springs. \ For twenty years a f t e r the i n c e p t i o n of canning at Rivers I n l e t , sockeye remained the overwhelming f a v o r i t e and almost the sole commercial species. Red springs were taken i n a d d i t i o n to sockeye. Spring salmon vary i n the colour of t h e i r f l e s h ; about one-third are the desired red, one-third pink, and one-third white. In the e a r l i e r years, f i s h c o l l e c t o r s slashed springs near the head and t a i l to expose the f l e s h , d iscarding white and paying less f o r pink coloured f i s h . Other species were not considered worth the bother. A fisherman of the period wrote: We'd leave at four i n the morning, my partner and me. In our b i g , 25-foot rowing s k i f f . Four hours hard work out to the net. P u l l i t , take out the sockeye. Throw away a l l the coho, chum, pinks and b i g , b i g springs (Lyons, 1969: 210). Because of the emphasis on sockeye, canneries were located i n numbers only near the major sockeye streams of the coast: the Fraser River, Rivers I n l e t , and the Skeena and Nass Rivers. I n d i v i d u a l canneries were dotted the length of the coast, wherever 95 l o c a l circumstances seemed to warrant, but nowhere outside the major sockeye r i v e r s d i d numbers of plants develop. This concentration on a s i n g l e v a r i e t y of salmon had two , advantages f o r the H a i s l a . Their favoured species had white f l e s h and were not i n i t i a l l y sought by the canners. For some time, they were l e f t alone to e x p l o i t them as they had always done. As f a r as they were concerned, during the early period of commercial f i s h i n g , the subsistence and commercial f i s h e r i e s occupied d i f f e r e n t niches. In a d d i t i o n , because the species run at d i f f e r e n t times, wage work f o r the canneries d i d not i n t e r f e r e overmuch with sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s . Natives could f i s h f o r the Rivers I n l e t canneries (or elsewhere) during June, J u l y , and August, and return to t h e i r home r i v e r s before autumn, to take and process t h e i r favoured species f o r the winter. ^ I n e v i t a b l y , however, the industry expanded i t s operations, as the European p u b l i c were persuaded to accept white or pink coloured salmon. Although the canning of chums and pinks had begun around 1905, the great increase i n processing of these species began with the F i r s t World War^ j when shipments of the cheaper grades were sent to a l l e v i a t e the war-time food shortage. Some was also destined for the troops, who were glad of any salmon, no matter what the colour. The pack of the various species canned i n area 2 (Rivers I n l e t included) i n d i c a t e s the broadening of the industry at that time. (See Table V, p. a 0) Table V Composition of Rivers I n l e t Salmon Pack by Percentage O f Each Species, 1905 -1917 Dckeye linook o 6 d Year CO u \J u c_> •H 1905 99% .4% .1% 1906 99 .2 .1 1907 93 .5 5.4 .7% 1908 86 .6 13 .6 1909 97 .6 2 1910 98 .3 2 1911 88 .3 6 5 .3% 1912 83 .8 8 6 .3 1913 91 .9 5 3 1914 82 .5 7 5 5 1915 89 .7 5 2 4 1916 53 1.7 18 4 24 1917 64 .9 10 8 17 Source: Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports • The e f f e c t of t h i s expansion on the natives was twofold. F i r s t , canners d i d not close down at the end of the sockeye sea-son as they had done formerly, but. attempted to persuade f i s h e r -men to remain f o r the autumn runs of coho, chums and pinks. I t was f a r e a s i e r to r e t a i n the whites and Japanese than the Indians who wanted to retur n home to put up t h e i r winter's supply of salmon. This unwillingness to remain f u r t h e r damaged the Indians already f r a g i l e r e p u t a t i o n with the operators. ) The n a t i v e s ' r e f u s a l to stay was a p e r f e c t l y sound p o s i t i o n , i f one considers t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s . Returning home i n August, they a r r i v e d i n time f o r most of the f i s h i n t h e i r r i v e r s , which they would not have done had they remained near the canneries to f i s h commercially. For a diagrammatic rendering of t h i s s i t u a -t i o n , see page . By a r r i v i n g home around the t h i r d week of August (the red l i n e i n the t a b l e ) , the H a i s l a were w e l l placed to pursue t h e i r subsistence f i s h i n g , f o r 15 of the 19 major runs had yet to peak. Had they remained working f o r the canneries u n t i l the coho runs had peaked i n October, they would have been forced to r e l y on the ends of only 5 runs. [ The v a r i a b i l i t y of the salmon and the generally unpredic-table character of the commercial f i s h e r y obliged the native to maintain h i s subsistence a c t i v i t y , f o r he could never t e l l when a season's work f o r the canneries would leave him nothing. Second, the canners began to e s t a b l i s h operations around pink, chum, and spring r i v e r s that they had previ o u s l y ignored, and i n some regions i n t e r f e r e d with n a t i v e s ' subsistence f i s h i n g 98 Table VI The Timing of Salmon Runs i n Major Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y u - O J- i Q> QJ +J S (D -Q X> vi a> -o S £ >•> 3 -P O <D <D r-i t>0 f-H 4-> > o 3 3 O O O <D *-3 < CO O Z O Stream Kitimat R, K i l d a l a R. Dala R. K i l t u i s h R. Kemano R. Ki t l o p e R. Species Sockeye Pink Chum Chinook Coho Pink Chum Chinook Coho Chinook Chum Coho Pink Pink Chum Coho Pink Chum Chinook Coho Sockeye Pink Chinook Chum Coho return from canneries O : Peak of Run O : Beginning or End of Run Source: Stream Catalogue 1972 i n the process. This encroachment n a t u r a l l y met with r e s i s t a n c e . Evidence given by a white cannery employee before the 1917 Fisher' ies Commission i l l u s t r a t e s the s i t u a t i o n . The region under d i s -cussion lay j u s t beyond H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y . The Indians. They f i g u r e that they have a r i g h t to do these t h i n g s , you know [ i . e . , f i s h i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a t i o n s ] . I had an Indian here... he i s f i g h t i n g our seine, and he went away outside of Estevan Island here on a creek belonging to the B.C. Packers. Their man at Lowe I n l e t had n o t i f i e d Mr. Williams about i t . So I t o l d t h i s Indian that I understood they had t h i s ground. He got h o s t i l e . He s a i d i t was i l l i h e . I t was h i s home. I s a i d "Here i s Mr. W i l l i a m s . " So he talked away, that he had f i s h e d i t so many years and to think that now he could not f i s h there - so Mr. Williams t o l d him that he had b e t t e r stop i t . But i t i s the same o l d thin g . Of course i t i s hard l i n e s to think that these Indians cannot go back to where they l i v e d so many years and f i s h there (Fisheries Commission Evidence 1917: 467) . A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n obtained i n Gardner Canal, home of the K i t l o p e , where by 1905 a s i n g l e company was l i c e n s e d to operate a number of drag seines. Probably only the severe depopulation of the K i t l o p e at that time prevented a confrontation. The K i t l o p e were so reduced i n numbers by then, however, that they could subsist without s t r a i n on t h e i r main r i v e r s . 1 0 0 Income / 'The income to be r e a l i z e d from f i s h i n g i s a f u n c t i o n of V three elements: the number of f i s h caught, the u n i t p r i c e , and c o s t s . Because each of these f a c t o r s i s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e , income can f l u c t u a t e markedly from season to season and from fisherman to fisherman'? f (The catch i t s e l f i s prone to a l l manner of i n f l u e n c e s , some obvious, others q u i t e arcane: the number of salmon i n the runs, weather, the r a t i o of four to f i v e year o l d f i s h i n the s c h o o l s , the number of competing n e t s , length of c l o s e d p e r i o d s , and personal f a c t o r s such as luck or s k i l l . ; The number of f i s h i n the runs v a r i e s with the population c y c l e s of salmon and with environmental accidents that may have reduced the q u a n t i t i e s of young f i s h , as has been discussed i n Chapter 3. Bad weather can depress the catch t o t a l s s i g n i f i c a n t l y , e s p e c i a l l y i n areas l i k e Rivers I n l e t , which can s u f f e r r a i n y or cloudy weather f o r weeks on end during the f i s h i n g season. 'In such conditions the f i s h e v i d e n t l y swim deeper than they do on f i n e days, and thus escape the n e t s . F i s h e r i e s reports a t t r i b u t e a number of very poor catch t o t a l s to t h i s c o n d i t i o n . On a number of occ a s i o n s , the catch at Rivers I n l e t was much smaller than average while the spawning beds showed no corresponding d e c l i n e . This anomaly was eventually traced to a preponderance of four year o l d f i s h i n the s c h o o l s , which, being smaller than the f i v e year olds that also make up the run, could 101 not be trapped by the standard s i z e d mesh. As a F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r reported: ...Fishermen whom I interviewed during the f i s h i n g season time and again deplored t h e i r luck i n seeing hundreds of salmon pass through the nets (Prov. F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1926: G 12-13). Four year olds were observed to outnumber f i v e year olds i n seven of the fourteen years between 1912 and 1926 ( I b i d . : E 39f)• This was an important depressant i n catch t o t a l s and accounted f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the f i s h e r y at that time. The number of competing fishermen affected the catch of the i n d i v i d u a l i n two ways: i t reduced the average haul and, less obvious, as I noted e a r l i e r , i t prompted F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s to extend closed times, which l i m i t e d the i n d i v i d u a l ' s opportunities fo r taking f i s h . More fishermen meant that the weekly quota of f i s h were caught i n a shorter time, enforcing a longer i d l e period. Other v a r i a t i o n s i n catch s i z e could be a t t r i b u t e d only to chance, as on the occasions when o f f i c e r s noted that one f i s h e r -man caught over 100 salmon i n a day, while h i s neighbour operating two hundred yards away took 15. Against these d i s a b i l i t i e s , a fisherman could catch around 2,000-3,000 f i s h per season with g i l l net and s k i f f , taking only sockeye. The missionary at Kitamaat reported that the 'high man' for the v i l l a g e took 2,400 sockeye i n 1903; the following year the l a r g e s t catch t o t a l l e d 2,700. 102 A h a l f century l a t e r , g i l l netters claimed that they could take up to 40,000 f i s h i n a very good year, using power equipment and accepting a l l species that they caught. The best seine haul that I heard of t o t a l l e d 100,000 f i s h . The proceeds of a seine catch were s p l i t s everal ways, however. I had hoped to be able to determine the average income of a fisherman f o r a number of years, a l b e i t i n a crude manner, by c a l c u l a t i n g the average catch, m u l t i p l y i n g that f i g u r e by the p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e , then deducting costs. Unfortunately, one i n v a r i a b l y encounters a mass of c o n f l i c t i n g evidence i n matters of t h i s s o r t , and i t i s not easy to know which set to b e l i e v e . For example, the 1922 P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Report l i s t s a f i s h p r i c e table for nearly two decades (given here as Table V I I , p. 103}. That, I thought, was p o t e n t i a l l y u s e f u l information, f o r with i t I could c a l c u l a t e the average catch per boat, and from there determine the mean income. I f we compare the pack figures i n the report with others given by Lyons 1967 (given as Table V I I I , p. 104), however, we f i n d marked discrepancies, making r e l i a b l e c a l -c u l a t i o n impossible. Complicating the issue was the trend towards the greater d i v e r s i t y of catch. When sockeye was the sole commercial species, the l i s t e d p r i c e could r e f e r only to i t , leaving no problems of c a l c u l a t i o n . When other species became commercially acceptable, p r i c e d i f f e r e n t i a l s appeared (Table IX," p.105), complicating matters (3 1/2$ - 50<£ per f i s h , for example.) In order to deter-mine income, we need to know the makeup of each fisherman's Table VII Selected F i s h e r i e s S t a t i s t i c s . Three Year Averages 1903-1921 Years Average Pack Average P r i c e Average '. ( i n Cases) Per F i s h ($) of Boats 1903-06 92,000 10 550 1907-10 92,000 10 700 1911-14 88,000 12 1/2 750 1915-18 66 ,000 24 815 1920 30 871 1921 30 1000 Source: P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 104 Table V I I I V a r i a t i o n i n Reported Size of B.C. F i s h Packs. Three Year Averages, 1905-1918 Years 1903-06 1907-10 1911-14 1915-18 Pack S i z e , Cases of 48, 1 l b . Cans Reported by F i s h e r i e s Dept. 92,000 92 ,000 88,000 66,000 Reported by Lyons 92,000 97,000 104,000 107,000 Difference i n Reports 0 5,000 16,000 41,000 Sources: Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports. Lyons 1969: 705-715 105 Table IX B.C. Salmon P r i c e s , by Species, 1935 Species Sockeye Coho § Steelhead Pinks Chums Red Springs (over 12 lb.) Red Springs (under 12 lb.) Pink, White, § Jack Springs P r i c e (Cents per Fish) 45 20 3 1/2 5 50 25 5 Source: Lyons 1969: 413 catch. Sales s l i p s l i s t i n g such information were issued f o r each fisherman, a copy of which went to the F i s h e r i e s Department Unfortunately, they d i s c a r d them a f t e r two years. Using the scraps of accurate evidence that we do have, such as the Raley 'high man' figures and the p r i c e f o r that p e r i o d , 7$ per sockeye, we can a r r i v e at incomes of $168 and $189 f o r 1903 and 1904 r e s p e c t i v e l y . Those were the high f i g u r e s ; presum ably the remainder of the Kitamaat brought home l e s s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to go beyond that s o r t of c a l c u l a t i o n . For example, one cannot be sure from the s i z e of a pack what a fisherman was l i k e l y to make. C l e a r l y , poor runs depressed a fisherman's income. Less obviously, a large run could work to h i s disadvan-tage as w e l l : The earnings of the Indians at the canneries i n 189 7 were less than i n any previous year. The salmon run at the northern canneries was a complete f a i l u r e , and owing to the unprecedented numbers of salmon running up the Fraser, the p r i c e s paid per, f i s h were t o t a l l y unremunerative and did not meet the general expenses incurred by the fishermen there employed (IAR 1898: 247) . 1 Moreover, t r y i n g to c o r r e l a t e observers' comments about the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of a season and the s i z e of a pack leads nowhere. Compare the remarks found i n the Kitamaat missionary Raley*s newsletter with the pack s i z e and the l o c a l estimation of the season (Table X, p. 107) • I t seems that, not only was the pack si z e quite v a r i a b l e , but the Kitamaat share of i t was l i k e w i s e unpredictable. 1. Indian A f f a i r s Reports. Table X Discrepancies Between Perceived Success of Fi s h i n g Season and Size of Pack: Missionary's Reports and Pack Records Year Missionary (Raley) Pack (Rivers I n l e t ) 1899 F a i r l y good year 71,000 1900 The season, so f a r as the Kitamaats were concerned, 75,000 was a comparative f a i l u r e ; s everal of them hardly catching s u f f i c i e n t salmon to pay f o r t h e i r supplies at the cannery store 1903 A very f a i r run 69,000 1907 A successful season 94,000 Sources: Raley (Na-Na-Kwa) 1899-1907 Lyons 1969: 705-715 1 U O H a i s l a fishermen Because l i c e n c e records are unobtainable f o r the years p r i o r to 1966, i t i s impossible to determine the number of H a i s l a fishermen over the past eighty years. ( I t i s safe to say, however, that from around the i n c e p t i o n of canning at Rivers I n l e t ( i n 1881) and f o r more than h a l f a century f o l l o w i n g , v i r t u a l l y every able-bodied H a i s l a made at l e a s t part of h i s l i v i n g as a commer-c i a l fisherman!^ I found only four men who had taken up logging f u l l time rather than f o l l o w i n g the usual course of f i s h i n g during the summer and logging during the o f f season. (jhe o v e r a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate declined between 1900 and N 1950, however. The missionary reported around the turn of the century that the v i l l a g e was a l l but deserted during the summer during the time that the canneries were operating. In 1917, a nurse i n the v i l l a g e school noted the same t h i n g , remarking that only two f a m i l i e s remained behind. By 195 3, however, the Haw-thorn Report fieldworkers noted that about h a l f the v i l l a g e t r a -v e l l e d to the canneries, while the other h a l f remained at home (223 went, 228 remained) (1953: n.p.). The number of men f i s h i n g at that time t o t a l l e d 77, of whom 28 operated g i l l n e t t e r s , while 49 worked aboard the 7 seiners operated from the v i l l a g e ( I b i d . ) . Since then, however, the number of fishermen has declined to 26, around one-third of the 1953 t o t a l ( F i s h e r i e s Dept. Licence Records: n.p.). Of that t o t a l , around 8 worked on seiners (2 boats, @ 4 men per boat), the rest on g i l l n e t t e r s . The Provin-109 c i a l Voters' L i s t s record"-a steady decline i n the number of those c a l l i n g themselves fishermen since the Indians were f i r s t included on the r o l l s , i n 1949. This decline i s coupled with a commensur-ate r i s e i n the number of labourers, a term that includes those working f o r Alcan, Eurocan, Kitimat C i t y , or Kitamaat v i l l a g e . /This decline accompanied the general closure of canneries and f i s h p l a n t s . Fishermen found i t more d i f f i c u l t to obtain boats or c r e d i t from the remaining companies. ; The Hawthorn f i e l d workers found the process i n evidence i n 1953: s a i d he might t r y ( g i l l net-ting) next year. The main d i f f i c u l t y seems to be obtaining boats. O f f i c i a l p o l i c y of the company i s not to give out boats except to top fishermen. There are too many g i l l n e t t e r s around now, and most of them are no good, s a i d the c l e r k i n the o f f i c e ....The a t t i t u d e of the c l e r k was that i f the fisherman was known to be a good one, the company would see that he got a boat, but i f he was j u s t average or les s than average he would be out of luck (1953: n.p.). F i f t e e n years l a t e r , the s i t u a t i o n had worsened f o r northern native fishermen: The p r e d i c t i o n of poor salmon runs i n 1969 and a s e r i e s of company closures and mergers r e s u l t e d i n the c l o s i n g of a number of canneries i n 1968 and 1969. F i s h i n g companies operating i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia where the salmon prospects were also poor i n 1971 decided to c u r t a i l the number of g i l l net and seiners that they u s u a l l y rented or chartered. The high percentage of these vessels were [ s i c ] u s u a l l y f i s h e d by Indians. The d e c i s i o n not to f i s h these vessels was based on the premise that there was no hope, with the a n t i c i p a t e d runs that the vessel operators could even pay the costs of normal operations. Had the vessels f i s h e d the end r e s u l t would have been that operators would have owed the company more at the end of the year than at the beginning. Many of the Indians who were not given vessels were unfortunately h e a v i l y indebted to the companies from previous years and the companies had no s e c u r i t y against t h i s indebtedness. Once the companies withdrew the opportunity f o r Indians to continue to f i s h they i n e f f e c t also recognized that there was l i t t l e hope of ever c o l l e c t i n g money from t h i s group of fishermen. Many of the g i l l net vessels withdrawn i n 19 71 were not returned to the fishery....Most marginal Indian fishermen were thus forced out of the industry because of these changing conditions ( S i n c l a i r 197,: 522-23). A greater proportion of Kitamaat natives has l e f t the f i s h e r y than of almost any other c o a s t a l band. Figure 6 p. I l l shows the decline over the past quarter century.* This reduc-t i o n has l e f t Kitamaat with one of the smallest proportions of fishermen to workers on the north coast, as Table XI i n d i c a t e s . Of those v i l l a g e s w i t h m a smaller proportion of fishermen, only G r e e n v i l l e and Owikeno are located on the coast. Even a number of v i l l a g e s on the Skeena (marked with an 'S' on the table) a hundred miles or so from the sea have maintained a greater propor t i o n of fishermen i n t h e i r work force than has Kitamaat. The reason f o r t h i s decline may w e l l be found i n conditions described by(lHawthorn et a l . They remark upon the r e l a t i v e l y stable rate of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the northern f i s h e r y by natives T~. The absolute numbers of fishermen i n the graph may not be altogether accurate, f o r two reasons. Because the f i g u r e s were compiled from the claimed occupation of i n d i v i d u a l s on the p r o v i n c i a l voters' l i s t s , a few fishermen under v o t i n g age would not appear. Second, because most of the e l e c t i o n s during the period were held during the summer, some fishermen may have been absent from the v i l l a g e when the enumerations were taken. Nevertheless, the trend i s quite unmistakeable, and i l l u s t r a t e s the point that I am.trying to make. 2. Owikeno i s exceptional, however, i n that the natives there r e l i e d on a si n g l e cannery for t h e i r boats. That cannery closed r e c e n t l y , and the Indians have not yet es t a b l i s h e d an a l t e r n a t i v e source of equipment. Figure 6 Occupations at Kitamaat, 1949-1972 CTi o Cn vO cn cn cn cn Source: P r o v i n c i a l Voters' L i s t s 112 Table XI Number of Fishermen as a Percentage of the Male 'Work Force--North Coast Indian V i l l a g e s (Three Year Average, 1971-73J Band Ayg. Male Population Avg. No. of No. as a % of 16-60 years of age Fishermen Working Male Population Port Simpson 318 128 40 B e l l a B e l l a 311 123 40 Skidegate 111 42 38 K i t k a t l a 192 63 33 B e l l a Coola 185 52 28 Kitasoo 76 19 25 Kitwancool 60 15 25 s K i n c o l i t h 214 53 25 Kitsegukla 86 19 22 s Masset 253 53 21 Kitwanga 109 22 20 s Kitsumkalum 32 6 19 s Glen Vowel 49 9 18 s Kis p i o x 141 26 18 s Gitlakdamix 222 33 15 s Kitamaat 229 33 14 Gre e n v i l l e 164 22 13 Owikeno 43 5 12 Hazelton 197 22 11 s K i t s e l a s 24 2 8 s s: Skeena v i l l a g e Source: Friedlaender 1975: 7-8. i n the decades preceding the date of t h e i r study (1954) (see Table X I I , p. 114), but add a cautionary note: The new competition from the Japanese and from others using newer and more e f f i c i e n t boats and equipment has had s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s on per c a p i t a output and income, which according to a good deal of evidence has been d r a s t i c , e s p e c i a l l y f o r Indians i n some areas. The l i c e n c e figures may r e a l l y i n d i -cate, not that Indians have held t h e i r own i n g i l l net fi¥hlThg, "but thaT~iThey_ the face of shorter f i l i a i T i ^ ^ per boat, d e c l i n i n g incomes and standards of l i v i n g , d e t e r i o r a -t i o n of equipment, and a r i s i n g burden of indebted-ness. In other words, many Indians i n the north have continued g i l l net f i s h i n g under conditions which have driven a large number of Whites out of the industry e n t i r e l y (1954: 117). y / The Indians of the i s o l a t e d v i l l a g e s of the north coast hang on, i t seems, because they have nowhere else to go. I f theyjwish to remain i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s , i t i s a choice between marginal f i s h i n g or nothing The decline i n the number of H a i s l a fishermen has r e s u l t e d from the presence of a l t e r n a t i v e occupations i n the nearby town of K i t i m a t . (See next chapter.) The construction of the town presented a l t e r n a t i v e occupations that have lowered the Kitamaats tolerance f o r the conditions described by Hawthorn et a l . (Or, i f i t has not lowered t h e i r tolerance, i t has removed t h e i r need to put up with them.) Table XII The Number and Percentage i n the Industry of Indians i n Some Aspects of the Commercial Salmon Fishery, 1922-1948 G i l l Net Purse Seine Owned or Owned Captain, Crewman Rented Rental No. % No. % No. 1 No. % 1922 1032 23 52 37 1923 1121 28 2 1 30 51 539 61 1924 1074 29 36 15 122 69 626 65 1925 1248 30 61 18 147 66 764 59 1926 1927 1192 21 53 10 279 67 1156 54 1928 1044 20 46 12 168 60 930 54 1929 1258 22 51 14 167 60 1034 55 1930 1334 22 49 14 151 61 862 48 1931 1151 24 50 22 78 68 590 48 1932 1225 23 56 36 35 67 490 52 1933 1385 23 74 31 68 59 689 47 19 34 1451 21 70 24 86 63 660 40 1935 1343 18 72 25 93 56 661 40 1936 1549 23 58 20 110 61 749 46 1937 1409 23 73 25 99 60 756 45 1938 1814 25 62 20 96 54 721 41 1939 1491 23 59 18 119 59 808 44 1940 1485 23 53 15 114 47 747 38 1941 1469 27 50 15 116 48 812 42 1942 1944 30 40 13 114 46 793 44 1943 1891 31 23 8 96 45 613 38 1944 1580 29 31 10 107 48 651 42 1945 1418 25 40 13 118 51 636 40 1946 1504 20 37 11 119 42 640 32 1947 1369 28 33 9 116 38 652 32 1948 1382 23 45 12 134 43 682 32 Source: Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports Chapter 5 Logging Logging remained second to f i s h i n g as a major source of remuneration among the H a i s l a , although a considerable number of H a i s l a engaged e i t h e r in;independent production, contract work fo r sawmills or p u l p m i l l s , or wage work f o r l o c a l companies'!) Thej period of greatest a c t i v i t y f o r the H a i s l a came during the F i r s t > World War, and l a s t e d u n t i l the mid Twenties, when t h e i r p a r t i -c i p a t i o n dropped o f f g r a d u a l l y , ; u n t i l by the ea r l y F i f t i e s , fewer than a half-dozen derived any s i g n i f i c a n t income from i t . r P a r t i c u l a r features of the environment of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the t e r r a i n and species composition of the f o r e s t s , enabled the H a i s l a to become one of the most successful groups of native loggers on the coast. This i n i t i a l success was attained i n s p i t e of the f a c t that the forests of the region are both smaller i n extent and considerably sparser i n high-grade timber species than the t e r r i t o r i e s of many southern groups. In t h i s chapter, I w i l l consider factors relevant to the Ha i s l a s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the industry: merchantable timber i n the region, i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y , markets, techno-l o g i c a l i n f l u e n c e s , and p r i c i n g s t r u c t u r e s . 116 Merchantable Timber ' -In t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y (Gardner Canal drainage basin i n Forest Service parlance), only f i f t e e n per cent of the land area c a r r i e s merchantable timber. This f i g u r e i s very low for coast f o r e s t s , as Table X I I I , p. 117 shows. Furthermore, almost two-thirds of the merchantable timber i s found i n stands averaging less than ten thousand board feet per acre, a f i g u r e u s u a l l y deemed the lower l i m i t f o r economical t r a c t s . The more p r o f i t a b l e stands, those containing ten thousand feet or more, make up less than s i x per cent of the forested area; the average f o r the coast f o r stands of that q u a l i t y i s t h i r t y - t w o per cent. In a d d i t i o n , much of the timber consists of the l e a s t sought-a f t e r types. Merchantable timber, of course, i s that which can be s o l d . Although there may have been a considerable acreage of timber growing i n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , much of i t was not i n i t i a l l y of the r i g h t type or q u a l i t y to f i n d a ready market. For the ea r l y period of logging on the coast, timber p r i m a r i l y meant Douglas F i r , a species almost completely absent from the coast north of Knight I n l e t . The almost exclusive demand fo r Douglas F i r by Lumber manufacturers encouraged most loggers to operate t h e i r camps where Douglas F i r predominated, on the land of low e l e v a t i o n around Georgia S t r a i t . Thus a whole fo r e s t industry became based upon the e x p l o i t a t i o n of a s i n g l e major species, Douglas F i r , a species which, i n Canada, had l i m i t e d areal extent (Haig-Brown 1967: 103). According to Haig-Brown, i n the e a r l i e r years of the in d u s t r y , "Too high a percentage of hemlock and s i l v e r f i r [balsam] i n a stand was enough to make the difference between p r o f i t and l o s s . Table XIII 117 Density of Forest Cover i n Coastal D i s t r i c t s P r o p o r t i o n of D i s t r i c t : D i s t r i c t S'E'n Vancouver I s . Renfrew Quadra-Hardwick Hardy Bay Barkley Quatsino Clayoquot Johnstone S t r a i t N o o t k a - Ky uq uo t Powell-Texada Drury-Belize Loughborough J e r v i s B u rrard Kingcome Smith-Rivers Skeena-Portland Toba Burke-De an Gardner Knight Bute U <u <o 6 rH •H X H rH rt <U Pi rH O rt XI rt Xi rt o <a -P U pi PI X <D - H rt m S J x o o rH *-< o o o o o > x S o E o X> - H o < H V 2% 2% 43% 0 14 13 .7 13 34 0 14 39 12 5 19 4 12 25 11 9 35 32 3 21 32 8 34 41 10 24 36 20 14 51 8 15 56 5 18 55 4 23 63 6 7 63 7 20 64 15 13 76 6 10 64 18 13 70 15 9 85 2 6 89 2 5 rt 0 < <o <+-! X o rt +-> O a a> Pi rt u bo rt o rt X rt +-> o X — P! M M-l o « o s o 0) bO o o (X, pi o •H r* o o rH X 0) to rt tn x 1 o +-> M 6 o to o rt M-i r-l A H U H 23% 25% 91% 30 42 85 40 10 84 39 5 83 30 34 83 43 14 82 32 13 80 26 17 64 15 9 58 17 6 47 16 11 41 19 7 41 19 3 40 7 5 35 18 6 31 8 2 30 7 .7 31 7 2 19 4 .7 18 5 .7 15 6 2 14 3 1 9 Source: Whitford and Craig 1918 1. fbm: f e e t , board measure Even Western Red Cedar was a l i a b i l i t y much of the time" ( I b i d . : 61) . That was not an encouraging s i t u a t i o n f o r p o t e n t i a l H a i s l a l o g g e r s , f o r the northern coast f o r e s t c o n s i s t s l a r g e l y of those very s p e c i e s . Figure 7, p. 119 i l l u s t r a t e s the s i t u a t i o n faced by a H a i s l a who attempted to stake a t r a c t of marketable timber. Douglas F i r accounted f o r l e s s than 21 of the timber i n the reg i o n ; that amount was l o c a t e d i n one t r a c t i n the K i t l o p e v a l l e y , mainly i n a c c e s s i b l e to small loggers with l i m i t e d equip-ment . The commonest type of t r e e , hemlock, was used only f o r pulp, as were the cheaper grades of cedar and spruce. This l i m i t a t i o n had considerable i n f l u e n c e on the p a t t e r n of logging that develope i n the re g i o n , f o r the establishment of a pulp m i l l was a major p r o j e c t r e q u i r i n g enormous c a p i t a l investment. This n a t u r a l l y l i m i t e d the number of m i l l s that were b u i l t , and thus the number of markets f o r peoples l i k e the H a i s l a , whose f o r e s t s were mainly composed of pulp q u a l i t y t r e e s . 119 2. Figure 7 Proportions of Timber Species i n Forests of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y 1.8 1.6 1.4 1.2 1. .8 .6 .4 .2 .1 b i l l i o n board feet •H ^! e U o rt O rt w rH iH e Ok rt CO o « Source: Forest Service Annual Reports 1936: L14 120 Environmental Influences on the A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Timber The maps on pages 139 and 141, (figures 8 a nd 9) show two conditions that promoted the p a r t i c u l a r pattern of logging that developed i n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y . The maps i n d i c a t e quite c l e a r l y that almost a l l of the mer-chantable timber l i e s w i t h i n a short distance of the shoreline or along the adjacent r i v e r v a l l e y s . As the photograph shows, the t e r r a i n i n the region i s quite mountainous. In f a c t , most of the timber grows on quite steep slopes that lead d i r e c t l y to the water. I n i t i a l l y , these patterns aided the H a i s l a loggers, f o r j they made much of the timber accessible to small scale loggers j who used quite rudimentary (and cheap) techniques and equipment. (As I noted i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s s e c t i o n , I define \ a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n a p h y s i c a l sense, as 'within reach v i a the pre-; v a i l i n g technology.') \ The logger's great problem, of course, once he has f e l l e d |\ the t r e e , i s to get i t to market. In more l e v e l regions than H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y that problem was solved with complex and expen-sive methods and gear: horse or ox teams and s k i d roads, r a i l -ways, or extensive road networks and heavy-duty trucks. The mountainous t e r r a i n and extensive i n l e t system of the f ^ region enabled |the H a i s l a loggersj to adopt a f a r simpler system.-They [ r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r logging p r i m a r i l y to the s i d e h i l l s facing the shore and simply s l i d t h e i r logs downhill to the water, or p u l l e d them down the slopes using a winch mounted on a r a f t near 1Z1 the s h o r e l i n e . The opportunity conferred by the simple, r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e gear enabled them to engage i n small-scale independent logging to a degree unmatched by any other c o a s t a l 1. The independence from complex tree-hauling methods that was conferred by the steep h i l l s i d e s of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y enabled the l o c a l natives to engage i n logging r e l a t i v e l y free of the impediments and p i t f a l l s that faced some southern native groups, who occupied l e v e l t e r r i t o r i e s unsuitable f o r handlogging. An Indian Agent f o r the southern Kwakiutl reported that: The logging experiment of the Indians of the Wi-wai-ai-kai t r i b e at Cape Mudge has not been very s u c c e s s f u l , they g e t t i n g h e a v i l y i n t o debt; so I have forbidden them c u t t i n g any more timber t i l l they are able to buy oxen and haul the logs themselves, as they had to get white labour to haul what they d i d cut, which with provisions supplied them ate up a l l the p r o f i t s (IAR 1893: 1 native people I w i l l now describe each of these methods. 124) . Local t e r r a i n was thus an important f a c t o r i n the Indians' a b i l i t y to take up independent, small-scale logging of a type that would not lead to serious debt from inexperienced management or bad luck. ) 122 Handlogging Handlogging, the dominant method used by the Kitamaat, i s the most rudimentary method of f e l l i n g trees and removing them to tidewater. I t requires but two elements: basic f e l l i n g equipment, and a s i d e h i l l steep enough to s l i d e the logs to the water, most often with the a i d of one or two jacks . The f e l l i n g gear i t s e l f i s uncomplicated, inexpensive, and needs l i t t l e main-tenance: axe, saw, wedges to drive i n t o the cut to prevent the weight of the tree from pressing down and binding the saw, and a springboard to set i n a notch i n the trunk some feet from the ground to place the f a l l e r above the c l i n g i n g brush and give him a l e v e l place from which to work. Altogether, they cost less than ten d o l l a r s apiece, at l e a s t during the heyday of handlogging, during the f i r s t two decades of t h i s century. The "hauling mechanism," the j a c k s , cost up to $68 apiece.* I f a logger worked only the shoreline and dropped trees d i r e c t l y i n t o the water, even the jacks were unnecessary. The procedure went as fo l l o w s : the logger f e l l e d the t r e e , trimmed i t , then removed the bark from the side on which the log was to r i d e downhill, i n order to expose the s l i p p e r y sap l a y e r . Often, he rounded the leading end, to lessen the chance of s p l i t -t i n g , should the log h i t an obstruction on the way. To get the log to move, he placed jacks at c r i t i c a l locations--one at the but end, the other where experience t o l d him would do the most good. Maneuvering the log an inch or so at a time, he eventually T~. 19 20 ' s prices . unbalanced i t , whereupon i t would s l i d e , he hoped, to the water. Although i t was a r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d procedure, i t required considerable s k i l l and stamina. An inexperienced log-ger could j e r k and tug on the jacks f o r hours, and s t i l l the log would remain f a s t where i t f e l l . Small s u r p r i s e that many men dreamed of the day that they could obtain machinery and escape the handloggers 1 l i f e . One n o v e l i s t described the s a t i s f a c t i o n f e l t by a logger who had at l a s t acquired a donkey engine: Think what t h i s mastery over huge and heavy logs means to a man who has been used to coax them to t i n y movements by patience and a puny jack-screw (Grainger 1908: 60). Even when the log was on i t s way downhill, the logger's troubles were not over--in f a c t , they could be j u s t beginning. A tree weighing several tons h u r t l i n g down a mountainside c a r r i e s a t e r r i f i c momentum, and i n a matter of seconds, the object of some hours' work can get i t s e l f f i r m l y and i n e x t r i c a b l y stuck or destroy i t s e l f against a rock or t r e e . I t often e n t a i l s less work to begin afresh on a standing tree than to spend hours t r y -ing to free a jammed lo g . Should i t c l e a r the woods without i n c i d e n t , the log could emb%d i t s e l f i n the mud or sand of the sea bottom. Logs stuck i n t h i s way can us u a l l y be recovered, but at the cost of consi-derable t o i l and wasted time. Despite a l l these problems, however, the technique remained an a t t r a c t i v e course f o r the i n d i v i d u a l who wished to engage i n independent production. The investment was minimal, and the returns could be considerable. In any event, i t was the only avenue f o r the vast majority of i n d i v i d u a l s who wanted to log but could never a f f o r d the investment of a power operation. F r u s t r a t i n g as h i s problems may have been to the logger himself, they appear to have exercised the a u t h o r i t i e s rather more. O f f i c i a l s i n V i c t o r i a considered handlogging methods wasteful and damaging to the f o r e s t , and from the advent of power logging a g i t a t e d f o r the a b o l i t i o n of handloggers' l i c e n s e s According to an e a r l y catalogue of c o a s t a l f o r e s t s : The i n d i s c r i m i n a t e c u t t i n g of convenient shore timber without any c o n t r o l r e s u l t s i n the i n j u r y of many good logging s i t e s ; f o r , as the hand-loggers are not allowed to use steam power, they f a i l to get to the water a large proportion of the trees they cut down. I t i s estimated that at l e a s t 40 per cent of the trees cut by hand-loggers are wasted i n t h i s way....It i s extremely doubtful whether the advantages thus gained i n f o r e s t u t i l i z a t i o n , or the f u r n i s h i n g of employment to the nomadic, i r r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s who follow t h i s occupation are commensurate with the r e s u l -tant damage. The discontinuance of t h i s form of l i c e n s e was recommended by the Forestry Commission i n 1910, but such licenses are s t i l l issued (Whit-ford and Craig 1918: 94). Handloggers were much maligned men during t h i s p e r i o d - - ! encountered only one man who defended them, a ranger who pointed out that i t was often the p r a c t i c e to f e l l trees and leave the stubborn ones u n t i l r a i ny weather, when the r e s u l t i n g s l i c k e r surface would ease the job of g e t t i n g the logs to s l i d e . Because commissioners and inspectors preferred to tramp the woods i n dry weather, i t was not s u r p r i s i n g that they found numbers of logs l y i n g about the f o r e s t . Moreover, to abolish handloggers' licenses completely would hardly have made for more r a t i o n a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of f o r e s t s , f o r i n areas l i k e the Kitamaat region, 125 long stretches of c o a s t l i n e could be logged i n no other way. indeed, i n 1920 the D i s t r i c t Forester described the region to the Chief Forester thus: ...The general character of the country and timber being favourable to hand logging and hand logging only (Timber Mark Supervision F i l e s 1920: n.p.) . To have abolished handloggers' l i c e n s e s would not, there-f o r e , have eliminated handlogging p r a c t i c e s . Instead, i t would have denied entry to small time (gyppo) operators, while leaving employees of the m i l l s and large companies to p r a c t i s e handlogging wherever the l o c a l t e r r a i n d i c t a t e d . As f o r the "nomadic and i r r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s " : f a s i g n i -f i c a n t proportion of handloggers' l i c e n s e s went to Indians, who were hardly nomadic, and who could not (or would not, f o r reasons to be discussed l a t e r ) invest i n the expensive gear necessary to engage i n power logging. Between 1910 and 1927 (the years of the //; ledgers extant i n the Forest S e r v i c e ) , out of 1223 men who took \, out handlogging l i c e n s e s , 308, or 25%, were Indians. (94, or 8% : of the B.C. t o t a l , were Haisla.) To have abolished handlogging licenses would have deprived the Indian of h i s main avenue of entry i n t o the logging industry as an independent operator. (He could, of course, have worked for white logging companies, but that e n t a i l e d other problems, which I w i l l discuss l a t e r . ) As the above mentioned ranger pointed out,\ i n the north the majority of handloggers -was l i k e l y to be Indian, and i n that d i s t r i c t , an a b o l i t i o n of handloggers' permits would have worked a p a r t i c u l a r hardship on them.j 126 Codere went so f a r as to claim that the animus against hand-loggers was d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y towards Indians: These favorable conditions held u n t i l 1908 when economic circumstances changed, and l e g i s l a t i o n was passed which would have prevented the Kwakiutl from' f u r t h e r p r o f i t a b l e a c t i v i t y i n hand logging i n any case. The p r o v i n c i a l government refused to issue any more hand loggers l i c e n s e s to Indians, and withdrew a l l timber lands from the market (1950: 39) . I searched a l l l e g i s l a t i o n passed during the p e r i o d , and could f i n d no enactment dealing with Indian handloggers, nor any handloggers, f o r that matter. The government d i d refuse to issue handlogging l i c e n s e s f o r a period f o l l o w i n g the closure of timber staking (see p. ), but the a c t i o n appears to have been an administrative d e c i s i o n of the Department of Lands and Works, rather than l e g i s l a t i o n . Moreover, the a c t i o n covered a l l hand-loggers, not j u s t Indians, and remained i n e f f e c t f o r l e s s than a year. The only reference to the matter that I encountered went as f o l l o w s : Mr. Brewster asked the Hon. the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works the f o l l o w i n g questions:~-1. Has the Government refused to issue licences to cut timber on Crown lands to handloggers? 2. I f so, what are the reasons which induced the Government to refuse licences to handloggers? 3. I f not, can handloggers s t i l l obtain l i c e n c e s to cut timber on Crown Lands? The Hon. Mr. Fulton r e p l i e d as f o l l o w s : - -1. Yes. 2. A reserve having been placed on timber, i t was not deemed advisable to issue any more handloggers' licences u n t i l some p o l i c y could be c a r e f u l l y con-sidered and decided upon. 3. Not at present. (B.C. L e g i s l a t i v e Journals 1908: 28). 127 I f the government's b l a t a n t d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a t t i t u d e towards Indians i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y i s any guide, they would not have h e s i t a t e d to bar Indians from the woods had they wished. Few were averse to expressing r a c i s t sentiments i n those days, and, i f l e g i s l a t o r s wanted the Indians out, they would have s a i d so. 128 Power Logging Loggers employed a wide v a r i e t y of power logging techniques and equipment i n the Kitamaat region. I w i l l describe only those employed by the Kitamaat themselves. The type offpower hauling)used most often by the H a i s l a was / S \ the small\gasoline donkey,\ u s u a l l y with an A-frame. A donkey engine i s simply a s t a t i o n a r y winch. J n l a r g e r operations, e s p e c i a l l y those that move back some distance from the s h o r e l i n e , the dorikey, clamped to a s l e d of logs, w i l l p u l l i t s e l f about the woods by r e e l i n g i n a cable attached to some immovable object, f X such as a stump. This type of operation!requires >a considerable amount of c l e a r i n g and a n c i l l a r y work, as w e l l as(a l a r g e , powerful engine of a type u s u a l l y beyond the f i n a n c i a l reach of the native loggers.^ In the smaller operations c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of H a i s l a shows,* the donkey was most often mounted on a r a f t , and a l l hauling was done d i r e c t l y to the beach. The A-frame, as i t s name suggests, i s a s h e a r - l i k e device, constructed of lo g s , with a p u l l e y attached i n the apex. The operator runs l i n e s from the donkey to the log v i a the A-frame, and hauls i t to the shore. Although a s e r i e s of l i n e s and blocks can improve the mechanical advantage of a r e l a t i v e l y low-powered engine, t h i s type of gear i s most e f f e c t i v e on a s l i g h t slope, too l e v e l f o r handlogging, but with a s u f f i c i e n t grade f o r g r a v i t y to do some of the work. The engine serves to give d i r e c t i o n and maintain momentum. Under such condi t i o n s , a small engine can be V. A s p e c i f i c logging operation. 129 quite e f f e c t i v e . The donkey engine opened up stretches of f o r e s t that were not steep enough to e x p l o i t with handlogging methods. With the r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t machinery that the H a i s l a could a f f o r d , they were able to operate i n l e v e l areas and reach about one-thousand feet inshore. That l e f t a considerable proportion of the merchantable timber beyond t h e i r reach, however. Such timber had to be l e f t to the operators who could acquire the l a r g e r machinery. Unlike fishermen, logging operators customarily supplied t h e i r own gear. Therefore, f o r an Indian to commit himself to power logging, he would have needed at l e a s t several hundred to a few thousand d o l l a r s , which would have supplied him with a small gasoline donkey s u i t a b l e f o r logging the fringes of the f s h o r e l i n e . \To obtain a machine capable of moving timber from beyond the beach area down to the beach required an outlay f a r beyond the reach of an i n d i v i d u a l Indian, jEven during the 19 20's, a new steam donkey cost around $15,0.00, a used one at l e a s t one-t h i r d of that, plus the cost of cables, blocks, and the l i k e . ; Indians lacked the access to c r e d i t that white loggers enjoyed. Under the Indian Act, t h e i r reserves and houses were and are i n a l i e n a b l e , leaving them unacceptable as c o l l a t e r a l , and the generally negative a t t i t u d e of c r e d i t o r s towards financing natives l e f t them with v i r t u a l l y no means of acquiring equipment of any great value. j A company of Indians could t h e o r e t i c a l l y have banded together 130 to purchase a large donkey, but i n order to make i t pay, they would have had to apply f o r the b e t t e r stands of timber, a move that would have brought them i n t o d i r e c t competition with the logging companies and the m i l l s , contests which, f o r reasons that I w i l l e x p l a i n i n the next s e c t i o n , they were almost c e r t a i n to lose . That, combined with the chronic uncertainty of lumber markets, made large scale logging the kind of a f f a i r that the natives appeared u n w i l l i n g or unable to chance. As Table XXV.;, p. 307 shows, of the eleven power logging Timber Sales (to be defined l a t e r ) taken out by the H a i s l a , a l l but one went to the same f a m i l y , a man and h i s son-in-law who began with a nine horsepower donkey on a r a f t , and gradually worked t h e i r way up to a 55 horsepower gasoline raft-mounted r i g . A c t u a l l y , even that family hedged i t s bets, f o r i t s members con-tinued to f i s h both commercially and fo r subsistence i n a d d i t i o n to working t h e i r logging claims. f \ (This sort of l i m i t a t i o n d i d not apply with the same force i n the f i s h i n g industry. The open access p o l i c y of the govern-ment precluded the sort of d i r e c t competition f o r exclusive access to the resource that the nature of the f o r e s t tenure system made i n e v i t a b l e i n the logging industry. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , once the native had his boat and reached the f i s h i n g grounds, he stood as equal a chance of success as the non-Indian. Native problems with obtaining competitive equipment or access to the resource i t s e l f were not nearly so acute f o r fishermen as f o r loggers.) / How natives gained, or did not gain, r i g h t s to cut timber i s the subject of the next s e c t i o n . 131 A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber As i n the f i s h i n g chapter, I define " a v a i l a b l e " i n a l e g a l sense, as: timber stands not a l i e n a t e d i n some manner, and open to e x p l o i t a t i o n under the various laws governing the issuance of l i c e n c e s . The pool of timber land from which a native logger could take out a claim may be c a l c u l a t e d as: the t o t a l area of acces-s i b l e timber minus that already a l i e n a t e d i n some way. These a l i e n a t i o n s took a number of forms: timber leases and l i c e n c e s , pulp leases and l i c e n c e s , Crown grants, handlogging l i c e n c e s , timber s a l e s , and government reserves. The h i s t o r y and i n t r i -cacies of the terms and conditions of these types of a l i e n a t i o n are a study i n themselves and w i l l be discussed here only i n s o f a r as they a f f e c t e d the Indians' a b i l i t y to engage i n logging or d i c t a t e d the organization of the a c t i v i t y i t s e l f . \ Because the economic a c t i v i t y of the natives was a response to conditions i n the l a r g e r economy which were themselves responses to s t i l l more di s t a n t events and pressures, i t w i l l be necessary to range f a i r l y f a r a f i e l d i n order to explain some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s f acing native loggers or would-be loggers. During the l a s t century, logging on the coast of the province was r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l - s c a l e , compared to a c t i v i t i e s taking place i n the eastern part of the continent. The north coast i n par-t i c u l a r remained an economic backwater, f a r removed from Europe and eastern North America, the major lumber markets at that time. As eastern sources of timber became depleted, however, the f o r e s t s 132 o£ the West came into focus as the l o g i c a l area f o r expansion. According to Lawrence: Between 1860 and 1905, lumbermen had swept across Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, s l a s h i n g down the vast pine f o r e s t , u n t i l by 1905 a l l that re-mained were small fragments of the o r i g i n a l stands and hundreds of miles of stumps....By 1910 t h e i r holdings were so depleted that the centre of the lumber industry s h i f t e d to the west coast (1951: 41). Having repeated the process to an alarming extent i n the western s t a t e s , the timber barons next looked northward to the forests of B r i t i s h Columbia: That these untouched stands were the l a s t great t r a c t s of coniferous timber i n the world was at l a s t r e a l i z e d by American lumbermen, and they rushed to make t h e i r claims. Between 1890 and 1910, and e s p e c i a l l y between 1905 and 1910, they cruised almost every good a v a i l a b l e area i n the province, and i n one way or another bought almost every piece of timber which they thought might eventually prove p r o f i t a b l e ( I b i d . : 42). Seldom had means and opportunity come together quite so f f o r t u i t o u s l y , f o r j a t the same time that the speculators and oper-ators were casting about f o r new forests to conquer, the provin-c i a l government was attempting to devise a method of securing greater revenue from h i t h e r t o u n p r o f i t a b l e timber stands. j This account of what followed, although f l o r i d , gives some i n d i c a t i o n of the stampede that followed the government's s o l u t i o n . At t h i s juncture i n the year 1905 the government resolved upon a remarkable measure of p o l i c y that challenged and defeated c r i t i c i s m as a master stroke of bold statesmanship. Though the lumbering indus-t r y had been progressing gradually with the growth of population i n the province i t s demands f o r many years to come could obviously be expected to make but s l i g h t impression upon the vast f o r e s t a v a i l a b l e . The hundreds of b i l l i o n s of feet of standing merchant-able timber i n the f o r e s t s were remaining i n the hands of the government and were unproductive of any revenue ....How then could revenue be extracted from the f o r e s t ? ...The government threw open a l l timber lands. Anyone who cared to stake a square mile of f o r e s t was encour-aged to do so and the exclusive r i g h t to cut timber on that area was given to him.... The confidence f e l t by the investor i n t h i s form of tenure i s shown s t r i k i n g l y by the h i s t o r y of the years f o l l o w i n g 1905, f o r w i t h i n two years, 15,000 square m i l e s 1 or 9,600,000 acres of timber lands had been taken up i n t h i s way by investors and lumbermen, while over 12,000 sales of these valuable l i c e n c e s had been recorded i n l i t t l e over three years (Flumerfelt 1914: 625). r ( The government h a l t e d t h i s gobbling upon r e a l i z i n g that J some 160 b i l l i o n board feet of timber had been a l i e n a t e d , a quantity s u f f i c i e n t f o r 300 years' cut at the 1907 rate of e x p l o i t a t i o n (Yerberg 1931: 41). I f a l l holders of c u t t i n g r i g h t s had attempted to c l e a r t h e i r t r a c t s w i t h i n the twenty-one year term of the licences then i n e f f e c t , the r e s u l t i n g g l u t would have ruined the i n d u s t r y . In an attempt to f o r e s t a l l t h a t , the government permitted the renewal of r i g h t s f o r successive twenty-one year periods and removed the performance clause, which had required that a c e r t a i n amount of timber be cut each year. Those r e v i s i o n s l e d to a f a r more permanent, and f a r l e s s productive, form of a l i e n a t i o n than the government had foreseen, for these r e l a x a t i o n s worked to the advantage of speculators. ^ The weakest feature i n the act was that i t made no p r o v i s i o n against any one person acquiring an unlimited number of l i c e n c e s . Another r a d i c a l change from past procedure was the complete omis-sion of any operating clause. The r e s u l t of t h i s omission became immediately evident as timber licences promptly became a highly favoured medium' of speculation (Yerbergh 1931: 39). TT 8600 square miles of t h i s t o t a l lay i n coastal f o r e s t s . 134 (^Speculators sought only to hold timber land, not work i t , an i n a c t i o n that deprived the government of considerable revenue. In an e f f o r t to force some a c t i o n i n the woods and thus generate revenue f o r i t s e l f the government es t a b l i s h e d regulations to t r y to guarantee minimal logging. The speculators then engaged i n a game of r e g u l a t i o n a l leapfrog with the a u t h o r i t i e s , f i n d i n g ways to circumvent the r u l e s , the government responding with more comprehensive regulations .j For example, i n an e f f o r t to l i m i t the holdings on any one concern to the timber land that i t could properly e x p l o i t , the government had required the co n s t r u c t i o n of a sawmill with a c e r t a i n capacity f o r each t r a c t of timber leased. O f f i c i a l s e v i d e n t l y neglected to s p e c i f y that the m i l l be operated. Consequently, "Speculators appear simply to have added the cost of constructing a rough sawmill to the cost of securing timber leases" (Hardwick 1963: 139). The government then responded with a r e g u l a t i o n r e q u i r i n g a minimum period of operation of the m i l l , and so on. f ( i n a d d i t i o n , the government had not permitted the t r a n s f e r of a stand from the o r i g i n a l l i c e n c e e , a r e s t r i c t i o n that d i d not prove popular i n some quarters. Both loggers and f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s had pressed for the adoption of the t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y clause--the loggers because t h e i r holdings would not otherwise be acceptable as c o l l a t e r a l , the bankers f o r obvious reasons. The t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y clause permitted the entry of banks and t r u s t companies i n t o the forests i n a b i g way, as the v o l a t i l i t y of the industry at that time drove many loggers under and l e f t banks 135 holding t i t l e to vast t r a c t s of timber land./ In the Kitamaat region, f o r example, the Dominion Trust Company assumed t i t l e to 46 square miles of timber land formerly held by the Anglo-Canadian Timber Company (B.C. Forest Service Transfer Ledgers, 1913). , The omission of the performance clause, the allowance of t r a n s f e r s , and the renewal p r i v i l e g e opened the way f o r c e r t a i n companies to accumulate and hold i n d e f i n i t e l y t r u l y staggering amounts of timber land. \ Under these relaxed c o n d i t i o n s , banks and t r u s t companies became a major entrant i n t o the timber holding f i e l d . They d i d not f i g u r e i n the lumbering i n d u s t r y , however, fo r they had not the s l i g h t e s t i n t e r e s t i n working the stands, a circumstance that reduced the n a t i v e s 1 economic opportunities by diminishing the number of jobs a v a i l a b l e f o r natives who did not c o n t r o l t r a c t s of t h e i r own. Even though the H a i s l a region d i d not l i e i n the Douglas F i r b e l t , the area of greatest i n t e r e s t f o r the speculators, i t did not escapeithe staking r u s h , j f o r the area was seen as good / V \ pulpwood [ t e r r i t o r y and was claimed and held for whenever markets should develop. |The e f f e c t of a l l t h i s a c t i v i t y was to deny to Indians vast t r a c t s of the most desirable timber and to leave them to take up the smaller, less productive stands that the stakers had consi-dered not worth t h e i r while. Although t h i s process had been under way for some years p r i o r to the staking scramble, the 190 5-136 07 period d r a s t i c a l l y c u r t a i l e d the n a t i v e s ' chances of obtain-ing good t r a c t s . ) F u r t h e r m o r e t h e d i f f i c u l t y was widespread,jas Indian A f f a i r s Reports a t t e s t . Within the l a s t year the Indians are paying more a t t e n t i o n to hand logging. In t h i s f i e l d of indus-t r y there would be a good chance f o r them were i t not that the majority of the government lands i n t h i s d i s t r i c t are e i t h e r held under lease by the d i f f e r e n t sawmill companies or are reserved by the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r pulp purposes (IAR 1903: 29 2). (Kwawkewlth Agency) The agent f o r the Queen Charlotte Islands reported a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n , although with a p e c u l i a r t w i s t . A number of Haida have taken out logging l i c e n c e s , and are c u t t i n g timber f o r the m i l l s . I t i s d i f -f i c u l t to obtain f o r them areas of timber-land. There are hundreds of thousands of acres of timber-land on the i s l a n d s ; but when we applied f o r a few l i m i t s f o r the Indians, we were met by the statement that the timber l i m i t s were too valuable f o r log-ging (IAR 1916: 96). The s i t u a t i o n an H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y i s shown on overlays (pages 138, 140). Furthermore, there i s every reason to suppose that the remaining stands were not of the same q u a l i t y as those staked, f o r the speculators h i r e d timber c r u i s e r s to assess and claim the t r a c t s f o r them, and i t i s u n l i k e l y that many good stands were overlooked. \ In 1918, a f o r e s t inventory l i s t e d the f o l l o w i n g statuses fo r timber land i n the Gardner Canal drainage basin: Permanently alienated 65 square miles Timber licences 380 Pulp leases 132 Total 577 (Whitford $ Craig 1918: T~. Hereinafter c i t e d as IAR. 137 Figures 8 and 9 A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y The two maps depict sample areas of Kitamaat and K i t l o p e t e r r i -t o r y , r e s p e c t i v e l y . The f i r s t shows a s e c t i o n of Douglas Channel and Devastation Channel; the second covers the region around the mouth of Gardner Canal. The colours i n d i c a t e the f o l l o w i n g : green: timber of merchantable q u a l i t y yellow and yellow-green: cut over area, not yet restocked blue: timber of non-merchantable q u a l i t y white: no timber The blocks of black on the overlays i n d i c a t e the areas that were a l i e n a t e d by timber companies and pulp m i l l s p r i o r to 1910. I t can be seen that much of the co a s t a l s t r i p of timber was spoken f o r , which l e f t most of the remaining timber out of reach of the Indians, with t h e i r t e c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s . I t i s c l e a r from the maps that even the white logging companies found i t unfeasible to t r y to take out the timber located i n the r i v e r v a l l e y s that run i n t o the mountains from the c o a s t l i n e . The remaining unstaked c o a s t a l stands were not n e c e s s a r i l y of high q u a l i t y , f o r , as I remark i n the t e x t , they represented those areas that timber c r u i s e r s had passed over on t h e i r claiming sur-veys . b x & c» w o , 13 A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y : Douglas Channel Source: Forest Cover Map Series Source : Forest Cover Map Serie; Figure 10 Areas Sampled f o r Figures 8 and 9 143 This was i n an area containing 480 square miles of land with over 10,000 board feet of timber per acre, and 715 square miles with up to 10,000 f e e t . The area l i s t e d as a l i e n a t e d under pulp lease had a c t u a l l y been claimed before the staking rush. A B r i t i s h consortium financed the establishment of a pulp m i l l some 130 miles south of Kitamaat. The government sought to encour-age the l o c a t i o n of pulp m i l l s on the coast and l e g i s l a t e d grants of large t r a c t s of timber land to companies agreeing to construct a m i l l . The annual r e n t a l was set at two cents per acre. This m i l l had rather a chequered career, with frequent c l o -sures and c a p i t a l i z a t i o n c r i s e s . When the plant f i n a l l y closed permanently, i n 1924, the company's holdings of 331 square miles lay untouched and untouchable, as f a r as I could t e l l , while the H a i s l a continued to stake claims from the scrubbier patches l e f t a f t e r the staking rush. In a s i m i l a r manner, the t r a c t s taken over upon the bankruptcies and foreclosures might as w e l l have been removed from the map, f o r speculators and bankers had no i n t e n t i o n of working them. The s i t u a t i o n was even more extreme than the 577 square miles of a l i e n a t e d land enumerated by Craig and Whitford would i n d i c a t e , f o r , as the overlay maps show, much of the unstaked timber was located away from the s h o r e l i n e , and thus lay out of f reach of the small loggers. \ To a considerable extent, i n the period f o l l o w i n g the rush, the accessible timber t r a c t s were not a v a i l a b l e , and the a v a i l a b l e t r a c t s were not a c c e s s i b l e . j When i n 1907 the government withdrew a l l timber lands from 144 the market, i t l e f t handlogging l i c e n c e s as the only method by which timber could be staked, a c o n d i t i o n that was modified some-what i n 1912 with the establishment of Timber Sale Licences, a mechanism that was to r i v a l , and f i n a l l y overshadow, handloggers' permits as the Kitamaats' dominant method of acquiring c u t t i n g r i g h t s . Timber Sales were e s t a b l i s h e d i n part as a counter to the s i t u a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the 1907 staking c l o s u r e . \ ...With remarkable f o r e s i g h t [the Timber Commission of 1910] feared that much of the timber already a l i e n a t e d might become concentrated i n the hands of non-operating speculators, or that a combine of operating tenure-holders could r e s t r i c t market competition. I t was thus f o r the purpose of maintaining market i n t e -g r i t y , as w e l l as providing f o r e f f i c i e n t h arvesting, that the Commissioners recommended a procedure f o r a l i e n a t i n g timber that was otherwise under reserve (Pearse 1974: 48-49) . Under the terms of the Forest Act of 1912, Timber Sales were to be administered as f o l l o w s : The Act required that an area proposed f o r sale be surveyed and that i t s timber be "cruised and c l a s s i f i e d . " Sales were preceded by a d v e r t i s i n g i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette f o r at l e a s t three months, and bids were offered by way of sealed tender, accompanied by a deposit of at l e a s t 10 per cent of the b i d p r i c e . In a d d i t i o n to the appraised upset p r i c e f i x e d by the Forest Service a successful applicant was obliged to pay to the Crown any bonus b i d above the upset p r i c e , the costs of a d v e r t i s i n g , c r u i s i n g and survey, annual r e n t a l at the same rate as applied to Timber Licences, and r o y a l t y ( I b i d . : 50). / V/This advertisement, bidding and deposit worked to the natives' disadvantage, f o r i t placed them i n d i r e c t competition with independent white loggers and with large m i l l s f o r the remaining unstaked timber. Moreover, with numerous stands given over to Timber Sales, handloggers' licences became more d i f f i c u l t to acquire. Stands from which Timber Sales would be made came from the land not staked p r i o r to 190 7, which, as I remarked e a r l i e r , meant that that was the timber r e j e c t e d by timber c r u i s e r s , hardly an encouraging statement about i t s q u a l i t y . ^ I t took about f i f t e e n years, however, f o r Timber Sales J to make serious inroads i n t o handlogging l i c e n s e s i n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y . I In p r a c t i c e , the admin i s t r a t i o n of Timber Sales was not so scrupulous as the Act would i n d i c a t e . ) Many were l e t i n regions i n which there was only l o c a l i n t e r e s t , and (some l a t i t u d e i s evident i n the awarding of the s a l e s ^ The records i n d i c a t e that i n numerous instances, only one person expressed i n t e r e s t i n the timber, and i t was accordingly awarded with l i t t l e f o r m a l i t y and no advertisement. Moreover, the rangers appear to have exercised / considerable d i s c r e t i o n i n the granting of such s a l e s . ("This l a t i t u d e o c c a s i o n a l l y added yet another impediment to the native logging o p e r a t o r s ^ Although most of the correspondence for the period p r i o r to 1930 has been destroyed (under an Act of government providing f o r the removal of "v a l u e l e s s " documents) some of the scraps that remain .lead one to suspect that the Indians' d i f f i c u l t i e s may not \ have been e n t i r e l y the r e s u l t of economic or te c h n o l o g i c a l f o r c e s . I On the occasions that he applied f o r the l e a s t p r o f i t a b l e , scrubbier stands, the native did not encounter much d i f f i c u l t y , from e i t h e r the Forest Service o f f i c e r s or competing white loggers. The most common notation on Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n s 146 from Indians remarked that no one else was i n t e r e s t e d i n the t r a c t , and often recommended a d i r e c t sale to the applicant i n order to save the cost of advertisement, so remote was the l i k e -l i h o o d that anyone else would want the timber. The rangers' d e s c r i p t i o n s contained i n the a p p l i c a t i o n s f leave l i t t l e question why: (most stands were of such l i t t l e value that only the most marginal operator would have considered them. ) ( F u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n s of the stands that Indians applied f o r / are contained i n Appendix I I , pp. ) This d e s c r i p t i o n i s t y p i c a l : Hand logging i s the only economical and f e a s i b l e method of removing the few scattered trees from a p r e c i p i t o u s , rocky, and extensive shoreline (Timber Sale No. 12947). / \ When the more ambitious native loggers attempted to purchase bet t e r stands, however, they encountered opposition. Not only did both gyppo o u t f i t s and the m i l l s often compete with them fo r the t r a c t , but the rangers, some of whom appear to have adopted a p r o p r i e t a r y a t t i t u d e towards the stands, offered a form of bureaucratic o b s t r u c t i o n . Their comments i n a p p l i c a t i o n s leave the impression that they considered the Indian logger to be a nuisance whenever he applied f o r the more l u c r a t i v e stands.; For / example, Ed Gray, a Kitamaat, operated handlogging claims (begin-ning at l e a s t by 1910) , and i n some years took out over a quarter-m i l l i o n board f e e t , an impressive performance f o r a handlogger. When he applied f o r a Timber Sale containing an estimated 940 147 thousand board f e e t , 1 however, he l o s t the competition to a white logger with a steam donkey. The f o l l o w i n g month, he t r i e d f o r a stand containing 1200 thousand board f e e t . A s s i s t a n t Dis-t r i c t Forester noted on the a p p l i c a t i o n : There i s a good body of timber i n here, and we do not want i t a l i e n a t e d by any Indian Reserve a p p l i c a t i o n s (TS No. 6710: 1924). There i s no record of the d i s p o s i t i o n of the a p p l i c a t i o n ; e v i -d ently, he di d not get the s a l e . Another H a i s l a applied f o r a Timber Sale containing 444 thousand board f e e t , which prompted t h i s l e t t e r to V i c t o r i a from the l o c a l ranger: The a p p l i c a n t , Fred Woods ....has been logging on P a c i f i c M i l l s TSX 41166 K i l d a l a Arm w i t h i n t h i s ML a p p l i c a t i o n . He now wishes to move across the i n -l e t to t h i s small show and w i l l no doubt operate independently, although output may go to Ocean F a l l s [ i . e . P a c i f i c M i l l s ] . There i s some doubt i n my mind as to Mr. Woods being accustomed to log i n the region, and thxis e l i g i b l e f o r a sale of h i s own, to the annoyance, perhaps, of the P a c i f i c M i l l s . There i s no apparent reason why he should not continue to operate as at present. Timber Sale disallowance recommended (TS No. 45465, 1948). This i s a rather strange l e t t e r . Far from being unaccus-tomed to logging i n the region, Fred Woods had been doing so since the age of eighteen (he was then f i f t y ) , and had taken out four handloggers' licenses and eight Timber Sales, a l l i n the region of Douglas Channel. P a c i f i c M i l l s outbid him on that t r a c t , and h i r e d a white logger to take out the timber. T~. These estimates came from the mandatory crui s e mentioned i n the regulations. They could be quite inaccurate--in the Timber Sale estimated at 444 thousand feet mentioned on t h i s page, some 1291 thousand feet were removed. 148 E a r l i e r , Fred Woods had applied f o r a Timber Sale containing 1470 thousand board f e e t , the most ambitious a p p l i c a t i o n from a H a i s l a up to that time. Although the a p p l i c a t i o n notes that no one else was i n t e r e s t e d i n the stand, the f o r e s t e r recommended that the sale be advertised. P a c i f i c M i l l s were sent p a r t i c u l a r s of the timber without having expressed an i n t e r e s t i n the s a l e , so f a r as I could t e l l . I found no other example of such an a c t i o n . The ranger's a t t i t u d e i s c l e a r from the comment he appended to the a p p l i c a t i o n . Applicant (an Indian) w i l l employ h i s f e l l o w men, which speaks f o r i t s e l f regarding output to be expected (Timber Sale 31736, 1942). Woods and crew removed 1457 thousand board feet from t h i s stand. ; I t i s noteworthy that these comments and o b s t r u c t i o n arose only when the natives applied f o r timber stands containing sub-s t a n t i a l bodies of timber. With only the fragments of evidence remaining i n the f i l e s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to judge the p r e c i s e o r i g i n of the Indians' d i f f i c u l t i e s . I t i s my o p i n i o n , neverthe-l e s s , that the natives' generally low p o s i t i o n i n the logging industry r e s u l t e d from more than economic or t e c h n o l o g i c a l fac-t o r s , but may have proceeded i n part from a c o n v i c t i o n of some government o f f i c i a l s that the b e t t e r t r a c t s of timber should not go to Indian loggers. , • The ultimate step i n t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n of a v a i l a b i l i t y came with the establishment of the Tree Farm Licence. This type of a l i e n a t i o n was implemented i n 1947, and has l e d to the e s t a b l i s h -ment of immense holdings by large companies, two of which c o n t r o l 149 almost a l l of the timber land i n the Douglas Channel-Gardner Canal region. As Pearse explains i t . , these l i c e n c e s were granted: ...To promote i n d u s t r i a l development, with atten-dant community s t a b i l i t y by providing t h e i r holders with long-term supplies of timber s u f f i c i e n t to meet the needs of e x i s t i n g or new u t i l i z a t i o n p l a n t s . Since 1907, Timber Sales, f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, had been the only means of obtaining new a l l o c a t i o n s of timber, and i t was argued that these d i d not pro-vide raw m a t e r i a l supplies that were secure enough to j u s t i f y the heavy investments required f o r pulp m i l l s - and other conversion p l a n t s . . . { C l e a r l y , these licences were designed to accomo-date l a r g e , integrated corporations ,) although some licences have been issued to small enterprises and to one m u n i c i p a l i t y as w e l l . Many of the li c e n c e s i n i t i a l l y issued to the smaller operators have since been acquired by the l a r g e r concern (Pearse 1974: 63). f |The i n t e r e s t s of the lumber industry, as perceived by the government of the day, took precedence over the i n t e r e s t s of the small producers, with the r e s u l t that very l i t t l e timber land t r a d i t i o n a l l y e x p l o i t e d by the H a i s l a i s a v a i l a b l e today,/as F i g . 11, p. 150 shows. What l i t t l e remains has been cut over several times during the course of the past eighty years, and there i s some question whether the remaining a v a i l a b l e t r a c t s w i l l be worth bothering about for.some decades to come. 150 Figure 11 Areas Held Under Tree Farm Licences in, H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y TFL Boundaries Issued to Rayonier Corp. Issued to Eurocan Corp. Source: Tree Farm Licence Map 19 76 Markets The number, type, and l o c a t i o n of markets for the log pro-ducers v a r i e d not only with the establishment or closure of the m i l l s themselves, but with the development of transport tech-nology. Because logs w i l l keep f o r a considerable p e r i o d i n the water,* loggers t h e o r e t i c a l l y could s e l l to any m i l l on the coast subject only to access and considerations of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n costs P r a c t i c a l l y , however, f o r the greater part of the logging p e r i o d , the coast has been divided i n t o two regions: that with s h e l t e r e d access to the Vancouver region, and that without. A l l producers north of Queen Charlotte Sound must ship t h e i r logs through that open s t r e t c h of waterway between the sheltered passages of the north coast and the i n l a n d waterways of Georgia and Johnstone S t r a i t s . As long as booms remained the sole method of transpor-t i n g logs by water, that open s t r e t c h of rough, storm-prone sea acted as quite an e f f e c t i v e hindrance to the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of logs from northern f o r e s t s to southern m i l l i n g centers. Booms, although f l e x i b l e i n construction and convenient f o r small operators to b u i l d , are unstable and break up e a s i l y i n rough weather. Tugboats hauling these r a f t s were often obliged to lay up for considerable periods i n sheltered areas, and dash ( i f t h e i r TT except for a v a r i e t y of hemlock with an unfortunate tendency to become waterlogged and sink soon a f t e r entering the water. Some loggers unsuccessfully sought r e l i e f from r o y a l t i e s and deadlines because, they claimed, t h e i r stands contained too high a proportion of " s i n k e r s , " which would not make i t to the m i l l . 152 one to two mph average can be c a l l e d that) across the more open regions during calm weather, periods which are rather less f r e -quent than rough on c e r t a i n stretches of the coast. These two f a c t o r s , distance and r i s k , produced p r o h i b i t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n costs f o r small loggers and obliged them to s e l l to the l o c a l m i l l s or to no one at a l l . /' ; Recently, s e l f - l o a d i n g and self-dumping barges have l a r g e l y eliminated the problem by converting logs into a deck cargo. These c r a f t can be towed long distances at comparatively high speeds with considerable s a f e t y , i n weather that would almost c e r t a i n l y destroy a boom. This development has a l t e r e d the pro-cessing s i t u a t i o n on the coast, to the extent that Vancouver area m i l l s now dominate the e n t i r e region. ^ During the period that the H a i s l a were most a c t i v e i n log-ging, however, booms were the sole convenient means of transport-ing logs by water, and the unprotected water above Queen Charlotte Sound continued to i s o l a t e the northern producers. This l i m i t a t i o n placed the northern m i l l s i n e f f e c t i v e con-t r o l of logging i n t h e i r region. Scale and Royalty accounts f o r H a i s l a loggers i n d i c a t e that the overwhelming majority of t h e i r booms went to a s i n g l e dominant m i l l for almost the whole of the logging period. ( A c t u a l l y , they s o l d t o t h r e e p l a n t s , each being dominant during a d i f f e r e n t period.) During the l a t e 19th century and through to 1917, except f o r a b r i e f period when the m i l l at Swanson Bay was open, ;the sawmill at Georgetown bought almost a l l the H a i s l a s ' timber. This m i l l , 153 located north of what i s now Prince Rupert, lay some 240 miles j from Kitamaat. With the re-opening of the Swanson Bay m i l l i n 1917, the focus o f " " a c t i v i t y s h i f t e d south, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , as the m i l l , lay f a r c l o s e r to H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y than did Georgetown. During the period that Swanson Bay operated, more Haislas took up log-ging than at any other time. A f t e r Swanson Bay f i n a l l y closed, i n 1924, the only ready market lay at Ocean F a l l s , some 180 miles south of Kitamaat. This m i l l remained the la r g e s t market f o r the H a i s l a u n t i l the 19 50's, when they ceased taking out independent l i c e n c e s . The type of operation conducted by these m i l l s and the org a n i z a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s of the companies had some bearing on the type of logging that the H a i s l a were able to carry out. The Georgetown sawmill, f o r example, would not accept hemlock i n any great quan t i t y , f o r no market ex i s t e d at that time f o r lumber of that species. The impact of that p o l i c y can be seen i n the cut records of the H a i s l a f o r 1915, shown as fig u r e 12, p. 154. Although hemlock comprised over one-third of the timber of the Kitamaat f o r e s t s , i t accounted for less than o n e - t h i r t i e t h of the cut. Having to overlook the most numerous s i n g l e species forced the loggers i n t o a form of "creaming" operation, taking only the timber that would s e l l . Given the considerable m o b i l i t y of handloggers (they did not have to s h i f t masses of equipment--heavy blocks, l i n e s , and donkey engines--in order to range the woods), that was no great drawback immediately. More serious was Figure 12 Percentages of Various Species Cut by H a i s l a Loggers i n 1915, Compared to Species D i s t r i b u t i o n i n Forests 50 it i' i4 'hi I i Cedar Spruce Balsam Hemlock rcentage of Timber Cut HU Percentage of Timber i n Forest Source: Scale and Royalty Records and Forest Service Annual Reports was the d e p l e t i o n of the remaining f o r e s t . By taking only the s a l e a b l e s p e c i e s , the loggers s t r i p p e d the prime timber from l a r g e r t r a c t s than they would have done by taking a l l the logs from a stand. When t e c h n o l o g i c a l and market developments made hemlock an economical tree to cut, loggers were faced with stands from which the f i n e s t , most va l u a b l e timber had been removed, a circumstance that lowered the value of the t r a c t c o n s i d e r a b l y . Consequently, many of these cut-over t r a c t s could be e x p l o i -ted only during hard times, when the l i t t l e they would b r i n g was considered worth the e f f o r t , or when the r i s i n g p r i c e of lumber made otherwise marginal stands economical. In s e v e r a l Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n s from the Depression and Second World War years, f o r e s t e r s remarked that the t r a c t under c o n s i d e r a t i o n was rather poor o v e r a l l , but that under p r e v a i l i n g c onditions the trees would pass f o r timber ( c f . Appendix I I , pp. ). In more st a b l e times, however, loggers d i d not consider the stands to be economical. Thus the stands of good timber that remained open to independent loggers were f u r t h e r diminished. This imbalance i n the hemlock cut p e r s i s t e d only as long as no pulp m i l l s operated i n the v i c i n i t y , f o r hemlock found a ready market i n those p l a n t s , i f not a p a r t i c u l a r l y good p r i c e . With the re-opening of Swanson Bay pulp m i l l i n 1917, hemlock began to be cut i n more or less the same propo r t i o n as i t appeared i n the woods . Prices > ! The p r i c e s a logger could expect f o r h i s timber depended to a great extent on world market cond i t i o n s . The economy and popu-l a t i o n of t h i s province could never provide an adequate domestic market, which l e f t the c o a s t a l logger p a r t i c u l a r l y s u s c e p t i b l e to the vagaries of the world economy.^ The B r i t i s h Columbia f o r e s t industry...depended on a world market i n which i t supplied less than three per cent of the t o t a l lumber consumed and less than three per cent of the pulp. I t could, therefore, exercise no c o n t r o l over the p r i c e at which i t was s o l d . These handicaps made the B r i t i s h Columbia industry extremely vulnerable to i n t e r n a t i o n a l eco-nomic and p o l i t i c a l crises...Wars, embargoes, trade agreements, and exchange d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f a r d i s t a n t parts made or undid the B r i t i s h Columbia industry from time to time (Lawrence 1957: 194). In consequence, the h i s t o r y of the lumber industry of t h i s province can be seen as a s e r i e s of booms and slumps. This i s obviously not the place to engage i n a lengthy account of f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g the world p r i c e of lumber or pulp, but (It i s i n s t r u c -t i v e to consider the v a r i e t y of e x t r i n s i c events that could pro-foundly a f f e c t the c o a s t a l , and thus, the native economy ?) |What follows i s a b r i e f catalogue of events that sent prices soaring or plummeting. \ The s e t t l e r s who poured onto the "t r e e l e s s p r a i r i e s " p r i o r to the F i r s t World War supplied the f i r s t l a r g e , steady market for B.C. lumber, and underpinned much of the expansion of the industry during those years. Came the War, and the settlement v i r t u a l l y dried up, and the market with i t . Two American developments, the completion of the Panama ! 157 Canal, and the passage of the Jones Act, b e n e f i t t e d the B.C. industry enormously. For the f i r s t time, i t became cheaper to ship lur,;t^x to the east coast by water than by r a i l . In a d d i t i o n to the Canadian and European markets the canal opened up, the eastern U.S. became an important customer, f o r the Jones Act required that cargoes shipped between U.S. ports t r a v e l v i a American ships, and made Se a t t l e lumber appreciably more expen-sive i n New York than lumber exported from Vancouver, since the l a t t e r could go by cheaper foreign f r e i g h t e r s . The r e b u i l d i n g programs f o l l o w i n g the massive earthquakes i n San Francisco, V a l p a r a i s o , and Tokyo created sudden, massive mar-kets, and the B.C. industry boomed f o r short periods as a r e s u l t . The sales to the Japanese market f o l l o w i n g the Tokyo earthquake est a b l i s h e d a steady trade that continued u n t i l Japan invaded Manchuria and secured her own supplies of timber. The entry of the United States i n t o the F i r s t World War aff e c t e d the north coast timber producers e s p e c i a l l y , f o r , p r i o r to 1917, the U.S. had supplied much of the airplane spruce for the"European a i r c r a f t industry. A f t e r 1917, that spruce went f o r the manufacture of American warplanes, and the Europeans looked elsewhere, p a r t i c u l a r l y to the northern B.C. coast. For a time, a l l independent logging was directed towards the supply of grade-\ one spruce.] Because Kitamaat l i e s i n one of the major spruce j b e l t s of the region, the H a i s l a were quite deeply involved i n the trade. For some time, the government issued c u t t i n g permits for spruce only, and forbade the logging of other trees from 158 Crown land. The market was q u i t e l u c r a t i v e while i t l a s t e d , but the demands f o r only airplane-grade timber had the same e f f e c t as the creaming operations mentioned e a r l i e r - - t h e most p r o f i t a b l e tree i n the northern woods was removed wholesale, l e a v i n g behind a devalued f o r e s t . Very l i t t l e top grade spruce appears i n the cut records f o r a considerable p e r i o d a f t e r the end of the war. ( The depression of the 1930's h i t the lumber i n d u s t r y par-t i c u l a r l y hard. Within two years the b u i l d i n g trade of the world was paralyzed; the consumption of lumber on the American continent tumbled to the lowest p o i n t since 1869; and the production of lumber i n North America f e l l by s e v e n t y - f i v e per cent to the lowest p o i n t since 1859. Not only was Coast production reduced by approximately s i x t y per cent, but the p r i c e of lumber dropped i n the year 1932 to less than h a l f the average of the preceding seventeen years. In the f i v e - y e a r p e r i o d between 1930 and 1935, many opera-tions , both large and small were for c e d to discontinue operations, and many others worked on reduced time schedules. Other plan t s reduced wages from t h i r t y to f o r t y per cent to maintain operations (Lawrence 1957: 136). These conditions p r e c i p i t a t e d a considerable d e c l i n e i n the number \ of H a i s l a who went logging during the 1930's. This r e d u c t i o n i s / shown on the histogram on page [ During the Second World War, the occupation of the B a l t i c countries removed a major competitor, and pulpwood s a l e s , espe-c i a l l y to B r i t a i n , expanded considerably. The shortage of ship-ping l e f t d e l i v e r i e s u n c e r t a i n , a f a c t o r that tempered the boom somewhat. C l e a r l y , the B.C. i n d u s t r y was h i g h l y vulnerable to circum-stances beyond i t s c o n t r o l . Although the natives may have 159 operated a s a t e l l i t e economy to the B.C. economy, that was i t s e l a s a t e l l i t e to metropolis economies i n the U.S., Europe, and (^During the boom periods, the ever o p t i m i s t i c plant owners h a b i t u a l l y overinvested, o v e r b u i l t , and overbought, with the r e s u l t that when the good times ended, which they d i d with s t a r t -l i n g suddenness o c c a s i o n a l l y , the lumbermen found themselves holding massive unsaleable i n v e n t o r i e s . They n a t u r a l l y ceased buying timber from the loggers, who had often stepped up produc-t i o n to take advantage of the boom. They, too, could f i n d them-selves without a market, or with plummeting p r i c e s with l i t t l e warning.; The Indian Agent f o r Kwawkewlth Agency reported one such i n c i d e n t . Early i n the season there was a tremendous demand for logs and many of the people took advantage of i t . Later i n the year the demand suddenly f e l l o f f and prices dropped to such an extent that most of those who were logging stopped work. Those who continued working have had the greatest d i f f i c u l t y i n disposing of t h e i r logs (IAR 1908: 224). In a d d i t i o n to the v o l a t i l i t y of the c o a s t a l industry as a whole, dependence on l o c a l m i l l s put the H a i s l a at a further disadvantage. Because northern loggers could not a f f o r d the high insurance and towing charges involved i n shipping logs to the south, the l o c a l m i l l s remained f o r them the only f e a s i b l e market. These plants appear to have acted accordingly. A ranger reported that the northern pulp m i l l s , at Swanson Bay and Ocean F a l l s , followed t h i s p r i c e s t r u c t u r e : eastern Canada.) 160 P r i c e s P a i d by Swanson Bay* No. 1 § 2 Spruce $9-11 No. 3 Spruce $7.50 No. 1 § 2 F i r $9-11 No. 3 F i r $7.50 From $8 to $15 under Vancouver p r i c e s P r i c e s Paid by Ocean F a l l s No. 1 § 2 Spruce no amount ~~|_ $9 to $15 under No. 3 Spruce l i s t e d _J Vancouver p r i c e s (Timber Mark Supe r v i s i o n F i l e s 1920: n.p.) 5 r i c e s p a i d f o r p a r t i c u l a r species could sometimes f l u c t u a t e independently of outside market f o r c e s . One t e c h n o l o g i c a l inno-v a t i o n adopted by a southern m i l l enabled Ocean F a l l s to squeeze \ northern producers even harder than usual, j During the year a cheap bleaching process f o r hem-lock pulp was developed and the Powell River Company reduced the spruce content of the pulp a c c o r d i n g l y ....Disposing of spruce pulp became a d i f f i c u l t prob-lem and the logging companies were compelled to s e l l as much as p o s s i b l e to P a c i f i c M i l l s , L t d . . . . P a c i f i c M i l l s are now i n a favourable p o s i t i o n to d i c t a t e terms to [northern] mainland coast operators (Timber Mark Supe r v i s i o n F i l e s 1935: n.p.). Table XIV, p.I6irepresents what I have been able to piece together of the p r i c e s t r u c t u r e s a v a i l a b l e to H a i s l a loggers f o r / the p e r i o d 1915 to 1947. Unfortunately, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to -c a l c u l a t e a logger's income simply by m u l t i p l y i n g the amount of timber that he cut by the p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e , then deducting r o y a l t y , stumpage, and towing charges, f o r the p r i c e s p a i d to loggers were subject to a maze of arrangements and'conditions that v a r i e d from company to company and from year to year. The best we can do i s TT, Per thousand board f e e t . Table XIV Log Prices Paid by Various Northern M i l l s To H a i s l a Loggers, for Selected Years 1915-1947 Year: Species 1915 1922 1923 1923 1923 1923 1925 1925 1925 Cedar grade 1 $4.50 $10.00 $10 2S f 7.00 $10.00 $11.00 grade 2 4.50 10.00 10 25 7.00 10.00 11.00 grade 3 4.50 10 .00 10 25 10.00 11.00 Spruce grade 1 4.50 13.00 $12 25 $13.50 $15 00 12 25 9.00 13.00 13.00 grade 2 4.50 13.00 12 25 13.50 15 00 12 2S 9.00 13.00 13.00 grade 3 4.50 13.00 12 25 13.50 15 00 12 25 13.00 13.00 Hemlock 4.50 1Q.00 10 25 IS 00 10 25 8.00 10.00 11.00 Balsam 4.50 10.00 15 00 8.00 10.00 11 .'00 1930 1935 1935 1935 1938 1940 1942 1942 1942 1947 1947 1947 $9.SO-10.00* $ 7.00 7.00 7.00 $7.00 7.00 3.50 $ 7.25 7.25 5.70 $ 7.50 7.50 5.00 $ 7.50 7.50 5.50 $10.65 10.65 7.65 $11.00 11.00 .8.00 $11.50 11.50 11.50 $17.00 17.00 17.00 $38.00 31.00 $48.00 38.00 31.00 II tr 9.00 9.00 9.00 9.SO 9.50 8.50 8.90 8.90 8.90 8.90 8.90 8.90 10.25 10.25 10.25 12.65 12.65 12 .65 12.00 12.00 12.00 13.50 13.50 13.50 17.00 17.00 17.00 35.00 30.00 45.00 35.00 20.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 8.SO 7.90 7.90 9.25 11.50 10.50 13.50 17.00 35.00 30-45 8.50 7.90 9.25 11.50 10.50 13.50 17.00 30.00 30.00 Source: Timber Sales Applications and Indian'Affairs Commission Evidence. iOZ to make rough c a l c u l a t i o n s of the range of income f o r loggers of a p a r t i c u l a r time and place. With the exception of the 1915 f i g u r e s , a l l the p r i c e s i n the table come from information i n Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n s . (Rangers included the s e l l i n g p r i c e as part of the c a l c u l a t i o n of stumpage,) I t becomes quite confusing to consider that often the same ranger l i s t e d widely varying prices f o r the same types of timber, cut i n the same region i n the same year f o r sale to the same m i l l . Estimates w i t h i n a d o l l a r or two per thousand are e x p l i c a b l e , but v a r i a t i o n s l i k e that of 1947--from $17 to $45 per thousand f o r grade-one spruce--make i t impossible f o r me to determine income from the figures included i n the a p p l i c a t i o n s . A fu r t h e r complication i s the p r a c t i c e of P a c i f i c M i l l s of paying some or a l l of the expenses incurred by the loggers. A number of scale and r o y a l t y accounts of the post 1925 period carry the notation " a l l charges to be met by P a c i f i c M i l l s . " Thus, stumpage and r o y a l t y , towing and a n c i l l a r y charges may w e l l be hidden somewhere i n t h i s p r i c e s t r u c t u r e , but i n such a manner that digging i t out without supplementary information that may no longer e x i s t i s impossible. Production Data Because government revenue from timber was c a l c u l a t e d from a formula i n v o l v i n g quantity and species cut, scalers kept records of the s i z e and type of every tree that went to a m i l l . These accounts, covering 1915 to the present, make i t p o s s i b l e to f o l l o w the logging a c t i v i t y of any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l or group over several decades. Because the associated s c a l i n g s l i p s run i n t o the hundreds of thousands and are not indexed, I found i t too time consuming to t r y to account f o r the a c t i v i t i e s of H a i s l a loggers f o r every year. I therefore selected every f i f t h year, with a view to discovering the i n d i v i d u a l s involved, the locations and type of logging, and the general q u a l i t y of the tim-ber cut. This m a t e r i a l , together with data from handloggers' l i c e n s e ledgers, Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n f i l e s , and the l i k e , permitted me to form some idea of the logging a c t i v i t y of the H a i s l a over the period they were a c t i v e l y engaged as independent timber cut-ters . I t soon became apparent that my o r i g i n a l aim, to determine i n d i v i d u a l income from logging, was not p o s s i b l e . Although the quantity of logs cut i s e a s i l y c a l c u l a b l e and the p r e v a i l i n g prices are known f o r some years, I lack d e t a i l e d information con-cerning costs of production, and, more important, patterns of co-operation and sharing among loggers of the ea r l y period. During the handlogging period ( l a t e 1800's to ca. 1930), a boom submitted i n the name of one i n d i v i d u a l may a c t u a l l y have 164 been the work of s e v e r a l . This would n a t u r a l l y i n f l a t e any pro-d u c t i v i t y figures and leave an u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y high impression of the output of i n d i v i d u a l loggers during the period. ' Although handloggers were required under the terms of t h e i r l i c e n s e to work alone, such a c o n d i t i o n was not enforceable, e s p e c i a l l y i n an i s o l a t e d region l i k e Douglas Channel, where the boat of any inspector could be seen or heard from miles away. The natives found the $25 handloggers' l i c e n s e fee to be quite onerous, and i t i s not impossible that a number banded together under one or two l i c e n s e s to cut timber co-operatively, thus saving a not \ \ inconsiderable sum i n l i c e n s e charges./ To c a l c u l a t e the proceeds from a boom as one man's income may therefore be assuming too much. In a d d i t i o n , the Timber Sales could l e g a l l y be logged by any number of i n d i v i d u a l s , making a c a l c u l a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l income impossible without considerable f i e l d data s p e c i f y i n g the i d e n t i t i e s of crews, material which I was most often unable to c o l l e c t . Even the p r o f i t margins c a l c u l a t e d by the rangers at the time can be misleading. For example, with Timber Sales, the stumpage and upset p r i c e of the t r a c t were c a l c u l a t e d to r e t u r n the logger a c e r t a i n p r o f i t , v a r i o u s l y considered as $1.15 or $1.50 per thousand board feet. (On one occasion, I encountered a f i g u r e of 75<£ per thousand, but that was exceptional.) The t o t a l costs f o r one Kitamaat's Timber Sale were estimated as f o l l o w s : Royalty . $1.15 per thousand F a l l i n g § Bucking..... 1.25 Hauling 2.00 Drivi n g 1.00 Tow to Boom ; 2 5 Booming 50 Tow to M i l l 2.25 P r o f i t 1.50 Total $9.90 (Timber Sales F i l e s , No. 5514, 1923) Stumpage was then c a l c u l a t e d as: m i l l p r i c e minus t o t a l costs. m i l l p r i c e costs stumpage Spruce 80,000 fbm 1 $12.25 $9.90 $2.35 Hemlock 20,000 fbm 10.25 9.90 .35 (Ibid.) Thus the stumpage i s a v a r i a b l e tax, c a l c u l a t e d to leave the logger a p a r t i c u l a r margin of p r o f i t . I t i s tempting to i n f e r that the p r o f i t from t h i s example was about $150 ($1.50 p r o f i t margin X 100,000 feet bm). I cannot b e l i e v e , however, that expenses would have reached the l e v e l estimated by the ranger. The only f i x e d charges i n the operation were the r o y a l t y , stumpage, and tow to m i l l . A l l other factors were v a r i a b l e , and i n a small operation l i k e that of the example, probably d i d not approach that of the estimate. For example, the ranger l i s t e d costs of f e l l i n g at $1.25 per thousand. Since the operator would almost c e r t a i n l y do h i s own f e l l i n g in;.an operation of that s i z e , his only expenses would be wear and tear on h i s axe and saw, hardly a matter of $1.25 f o r one or two t r e e s . t e e t , board measure In the l a r g e r camps, with s p e c i a l i s t s ' s a l a r i e s to meet, costs may have reached that l e v e l . In the family a f f a i r s that charac-t e r i z e d Indian operations, the costs would d i f f e r considerably from that set down i n the Sale a p p l i c a t i o n . The return to the native logger may w e l l have been double that estimated i n the Forestry accounts, c o n s i s t i n g as i t d i d of the p r o f i t margin plus the expenses that were, i n e f f e c t , paid to himself. 167 The Number of H a i s l a Loggers I t i s noteworthy that although most H a i s l a men engaged In / handlogging at one time or another, comparatively few d i d so \ with any great frequency ( o f f i c i a l l y , at l e a s t ) . Of the H a i s l a \ who took out handloggers 1 permits, nearly three-quarters d i d so / fewer than f i v e times. Each permit l a s t e d f o r one year. In \ \ a d d i t i o n , only three i n d i v i d u a l s took out more than one Timber Sale. One took out two, another three, and the t h i r d , eight j (see Table XV, p. 168). Most of the i n d i v i d u a l s who took out s i n g l e l i c e n c e s d i d so during the 1917-1924 p e r i o d , the years of operation of the Swanson Bay pulp m i l l . A f t e r the closure of that p l a n t , logging subsided as a general occupation, with a core of loggers remain-i n g , only a few of whom gave up commercial f i s h i n g to fo l l o w logging e x c l u s i v e l y . For the vast majority of the H a i s l a , however, logging was looked on as a quick, r e l a t i v e l y convenient means of acquiring cash over and above t h e i r regular earnings from f i s h i n g . Figures 13 and 14, pp. 169-70 show the h i s t o r y of H a i s l a , > ! I I p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n independent or quasi-independent (contract) j I I i > production quite c l e a r l y . From an i n i t i a l high p a r t i c i p a t i o n \ \ \ r a t e , with nearly 40 men engaged i n hand logging (out of a v i l l a g e ; t o t a l of about 50 men aged 21-65) , the number dwindled to around 1 f i v e by 1950, and has f l o a t e d around that f i g u r e s i n c e . A l l loggers now working do so f o r Crown-Zellerbach or MacMillan-Bloedel, who conduct truck logging operations around the Kitimat v a l l e y . This diminution i s remarkable when one considers t h a t , as I noted e a r l i e r , out of 1223 men who took out handloggers' licences 168 Table XV Handloggers' Licences Issued to H a i s l a s , 1915-1927 No. of Licences No. of H a i s l a Per Man Men 1 26 2 16 3 22 4 8 5 12 6 3 7 5 8 2 9 1 10 0 11 1 Source: Handloggers' Licence Ledgers Figure 13 Number and Type of Logging Licences Worked on by H a i s l a s , f o r Selected Years 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 No. of Licences l - l Cn o cn 1 L O cn o to cn to cn Legend Handloggers' Licence Pulp Lease (Swanson Bay) ^ Timber Sale Licence o cn m cn o cn Year Spurce: Handloggers'Licence Ledgers and Timber Sale F i l e s 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 No. of Loggers Figure 14 Probable Number of H a i s l a Loggers For Selected Years, by Type of Licence-170 r-i cn o cn cn o cn cn Legend o cn Logged under Handloggers* Licences L^j Employed by Swanson Bay M i l l to Cut Timber on Pulp Lease Logged under Timber Sale Licences in T i -en o m cn Year Source: Handloggers' Licence and Timber Sale F i l e s i n the province between 1910 and 1927, 96, or 8% were H a i s l a s . During that p e r i o d , Kitamaat or K i t l o p e loggers accounted f o r almost one - t h i r d of a l l independent Indian handloggers on the / i; e n t i r e c o a s t . Cut records show that i n 1915, H a i s l a loggers cut around one-quarter of the cedar taken out of the Prince Rupert Forest D i s t r i c t , a region that comprises a l l the f o r e s t s from Rivers I n l e t to the Alaska border, and includes the lower Skeena and the Queen C h a r l o t t e Island^ an altogether remarkable performance, c o n s i d e r i n g the p o p u l a t ion of the two v i l l a g e s . T h e i r pre-eminence could not l a s t , however, f o r with the F i r s t World War, scores of whites a r r i v e d to cut spruce f o r a i r c r a f t , and remained to log a f t e r the a r m i s t i c e . The H a i s l a share of the cut dwindled r a p i d l y to around 41 of the t o t a l f o r the d i s t r i c t . (Scale and Royalty Records: n.p.). Chapter 6 Alcan Kitamaat remained one of the more I s o l a t e d of coas t a l com-munities u n t i l around 1950, when the development of the region that had been predicted for over h a l f a century f i n a l l y took place. At that time, plans were l a i d f o r the establishment of an aluminum smelter and an 'instant c i t y ' at the head of Douglas Channel, some seven miles from Kitamaat. The smelting of aluminum requires enormous q u a n t i t i e s of e l e c t r i c i t y ^ w h i c h was to be supplied by a massive h y d r o - e l e c t r i c pr o j e c t at Kemano, near the s i t e of the o l d v i l l a g e of the K i t -lope. The most s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n f o r the smelter i t s e l f was considered to be at the head of Douglas Channel, where the com-b i n a t i o n of proximity to the power source, good deep water har-bour, adjacent l e v e l land, and a s u i t a b l e grade f o r a railway between the smelter and the nearest r a i l l i n e made for the best s i t e . The p r o j e c t , i n v o l v i n g both a major plant and a town of some ten thousand people, grew almost overnight from the wil d e r -ness, and transformed Kitamaat from an i s o l a t e d f i s h i n g v i l l a g e i n t o a v i r t u a l suburb. Regular wage work i n the plant was offered to the Kitamaat beginning around 1953. In 1965, the Eurocan Company established a pulp m i l l near the Alcan plant. Thus, i n the past two decades, three major sources of regular, p r e d i c t a b l e , and f a i r l y high income have appeared: Alcan, Eurocan, and the C i t y § D i s t r i c t of Kitimat. 173 The a r r i v a l of these i n d u s t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Mean, accel-erated and exaggerated a trend that was w e l l established before the plant located i n the region, namely the decline of the nati v e s ' p o s i t i o n i n the logging and f i s h i n g i n d u s t r i e s . Although few c o a s t a l Indians p a r t i c i p a t e i n e i t h e r occupation to nearly the extent as formerly, the process i s p a r t i c u l a r l y marked at Kitamaat, as I noted i n the f i s h i n g s e c t i o n . The change from f i s h i n g to smelter work has not been steady or smooth, however. I t has been marked by many i n d i v i d u a l s switch-ing back and f o r t h between the two, at l e a s t during the f i r s t years of operation of the p l a n t . Many Kitamaat, faced with the prospect of steady but d u l l work i n the Alcan p l a n t , or i r r e g u l a r and unpredictable, though p o t e n t i a l l y l u c r a t i v e work i n f i s h i n g , often chose the l a t t e r . The f i e l d workers on the Hawthorn pro j e c t noted: One b i g reason f o r the native's lack of incentive while he works f o r Alcan i s that there he i s j u s t a laborer, while when he goes f i s h i n g he i s e i t h e r "my own boss" on a g i l l n e t t e r , an engineer on a seine boat, or even a partner i n a f i s h i n g enter-p r i s e . So f a r there i s more prestige to be found i n f i s h i n g than there i s i n labo r i n g . Also common i s the b e l i e f that t h i s year j u s t might be a good season and he j u s t might make a k i l l i n g , way more than he would make working f o r Alcan, e s p e c i a l l y i f he can get a labor job upon his return a f t e r f i s h i n g season. F i s h i n g o f f e r s the men a change, excitement, some p r e s t i g e , sometimes some money. A man i s not lo s i n g much i f anything as long as he can return to Kitamaat and f i n d a labor job paying $280 per month (Hawthorn F i e l d Notes 1953: n.p.). Their choice was eased by the knowledge that they could i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d land jobs at the plant upon t h e i r r e t u r n , f o r 174 labour shortages have plagued Alcan at Kitimat since the construc-t i o n of the p l a n t . I n i t i a l l y , I suspect, Alcan planned to t o l e r a t e the Indians' coming and going only as long as the labour shortage l a s t e d . They believed that when the actual operations began and the town grew up, then the work force would s t a b i l i z e and they could p i c k and choose among prospective workers, weeding out those who were not w i l l i n g to stay year round. I t has not worked out that way. Even now, nearly a quarter of a century a f t e r the opening of the p l a n t , the company experiences severe labour and turnover problems. The reasons are twofold: the plant and the town. The technique of aluminum smelting r e s u l t s i n d i r t y and unpleasant working c o n d i t i o n s , a circumstance that l i m i t s both the number of men w i l l i n g to work at the p l a n t , and the tenure of those who do h i r e on. The reduction of alumina to aluminum plus oxygen takes place i n large e l e c t r o l y t i c c e l l s , c a l l e d 'pots' l o c a l l y (hence the requirement of cheap and p l e n t i f u l power). These c e l l s generate an astonishing amount of heat, which becomes so intense along the pot l i n e s that workers can spend only twenty minutes or so at a time i n the smelting area i t s e l f . The company i s s e n s i t i v e to charges of p o l l u t i o n , and so even i n summer the windows are most often kept closed i n order to prevent the escape of alumina dust. The r e s u l t i n s i d e i s an atmosphere both hotter and d i r t i e r than most men can t o l e r a t e for long. These disagreeable conditions, coupled with s h i f t work and 175 the absence of any free periods l i k e those found i n f i s h i n g , make the pl a n t an u n a t t r a c t i v e place to work f o r the majority of n a t i v e s , most of whom t r y the pl a n t f o r a while, then q u i t . They are not alone i n t h i s . In f a c t , as Figure 15 , p. 176 shows, Indians tend to remain longer than whites, n e a r l y two-thirds of whom leave during the f i r s t year. In a d d i t i o n to the working c o n d i t i o n s , the town of Kitimat i t s e l f i s a f a c t o r i n many workers' l e a v i n g . Often, whites leave the company not so much to get out of the smelter as to escape the i town. The lack of amenities and s o c i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s and the fo r b i d d i n g climate do not help. Many of the white employees who \ leave during the f i r s t year are young, s i n g l e men who l i v e a: s o r t | of barracks l i f e and miss the s o c i a l l i f e of the l a r g e r towns, f f o r the s i n g l e female population i s quite small i n Ki t i m a t . j The n a t i v e s , of course, have t h e i r f a m i l i e s with them, and I t h e i r s o c i a l l i v e s are w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d . Moreover, they have ; always l i v e d there and are not unduly oppressed by the high r a i n -f a l l and long snowbound p e r i o d as are many whites who move i n not expecting the i s o l a t i o n and the bleakness of the town. Many whites who do b r i n g t h e i r f a m i l i e s come not intending to stay f o r long. A s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n are Spanish, Portuguese, I t a l i a n , and German immigrants who come to accumulate a stake before moving to the south. 1 i | i \ Figure X5 Indian and Non-Indian Tenure at Alcan Smelter • Indian Employee ° Non-Indian " % of Men <1 Years Worked 1 1 1 1 n 1 n I n w 10 11 12 13 17 Source: Alcan Employee Records 177 Chapter 7 White Development and Indian Underdevelopment We come now to the question expressed earlier--what accounts fo r the change between the n a t i v e s ' early success and prominence i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast and the subsequent decline of t h e i r a b i l i t y to compete and of t h e i r o v e r a l l economic pos i t i o n ? I b e l i e v e that t h e i r present i n f e r i o r place i n the economy can be explained i n terms of Jorgensen's 1development-underdevelopment' schema, and that t h e i r former success can be seen as a c o r o l l a r y to i t . As Jorgensen maintains: Underdevelopment, i n my view, has been caused by the development of the w h i t e - c o n t r o l l e d n a t i o n a l economy, and the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l conditions of Indians are not improving because the American Indian i s , and has been f o r over one hundred years, f u l l y integrated i n t o the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l economy. Underdevelopment, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , then, has been caused by the development of the c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c a l economy of the United States (1971: 6 8 - 9 ) . Conversely, the early native success and r e l a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y was caused by the underdevelopment of the white i n d u s t r i a l economy. The natives' i n i t i a l advantages i n the economy were eliminated by the t e c h n o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l innovations that c o n s t i t u t e d the development of the coast. The underdevelopment proceeded from environmental, techno-l o g i c a l , and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s , which I w i l l consider i n turn. Environmental factors White settlement of the coast could not proceed except i n a very few l o c a t i o n s , for the environment of the region simply was not (nor i s ) conducive to a g r i c u l t u r e and large scale occupation. (p. 179 does not e x i s t . ) 178 Except f o r a few favoured l o c a t i o n s , mainly on the south coast, the mountainous t e r r a i n , poor s o i l , and dense f o r e s t cover e f f e c -t i v e l y discouraged settlement, and l e f t the natives to occupy t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s comparatively unhindered. Moreover, the absence of white settlement r e s t r i c t e d the labour pool f o r those i n d u s t r i e s that d i d l o c a t e i n the reg i o n , a f a c t o r that f i g u r e d large i n the n a t i v e s ' a b i l i t y to compete f o r jobs. The whites that d i d come to the region took items i n a way not incompatible with the n a t i v e s ' e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r t r a d i -t i o n a l resource base, which revolved around r e l a t i v e l y small s i t e s s c a t t e r e d throughout t h e i r t e r r i t o r y - - s a l m o n streams, clam beds, and the l i k e . The items that the whites d e s i r e d most, timber, f u r s , and sockeye salmon, could be taken with minimal d i s r u p t i o n of n a t i v e subsistence p a t t e r n s . Native and white e x p l o i t e r s occupied d i f f e r e n t niches. In H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , the v i r t u a l absence of the major com-mercial f i s h and timber s p e c i e s , sockeye and Douglas F i r , reduced the a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of the region to whites and delayed the i n t e n -s i v e e x p l o i t a t i o n that southern natives experienced. In a d d i t i o n , the climate and t e r r a i n of the region hampered development. The se a s o n a l i t y of f i s h i n g and logging discouraged many out s i d e r s from t r a v e l l i n g s e v e r a l hundred miles to the north f o r a r e l a -t i v e l y short season's work. The short p e r i o d of the salmon runs, or the l i k e l i h o o d that the f o r e s t would be snowed i n and made i n a c c e s s i b l e to loggers held back massive e x p l o i t a t i o n f o r some time. Technological Factors The rudimentary state of the early technology worked to the na t i v e s ' advantage i n two ways: lack of adequate transport mechanisms obliged owners to locate f i s h and log processing plants near the source of supply, and away from the population centers, leaving the natives as v i r t u a l l y the only r e a d i l y a v a i l -able source of cheap labour. Second, the p r i m i t i v e harvesting equipment, and consequent low cost, enabled natives to acquire both the gear i t s e l f and the s k i l l s to operate i t with l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y . Where the gear i t s e l f was comparatively expensive (a g i l l net, f o r example), the shortage of labour often obliged plant owners to supply the equipment to the natives anyway. (Shortage of labour i n t h i s instance could as e a s i l y apply to Indian women as to men.) This ease.of access brought on by r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e gear permitted ease of egress and considerable occupational f l e x i -b i l i t y , f o r the native was not bound to any occupation by the weight of his investment. In a d d i t i o n , because the outlay required f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n any p a r t i c u l a r occupation was minimal, he could acquire the means to engage i n several during the course of the year, avoiding the 'eggs i n one basket' hazard. The seasonality of trapping and subsistence and commercial f i s h i n g and the r e l a t i v e f l e x i b i l i t y of independent logging enabled the natives to engage se q u e n t i a l l y i n two, three or even more wage earning occupations while continuing to r e l y f o r food on t r a d i t i o n a l f o o d s t u f f s . This, I b e l i e v e , accounted for much of the natives' i n i t i a l 181 success i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy, for with the f l e x i b i l i t y came a pattern of occupational m u l t i p l i c i t y that tended to transform a s e r i e s of unpredictable and l a r g e l y unremunerative occupations in t o a v i a b l e t o t a l i t y that not only returned a f a i r amount of cash f o r the time, but also ensured that a f a i l u r e i n any one occupation was buffered by the income from the others. Under-l y i n g t h i s pattern was the t r a d i t i o n a l resource base that con-tinued to support the band no matter what happened i n the market economy. The development of the i n d u s t r i a l economy undermined both the n a t i v e s ' p r o s p e r i t y and t h e i r independence. Development i n the case of the coast took three main forms: occupation of the region by whites and subsequent competition f o r jobs, the e l a -boration of technology, and the promulgation of laws f o r the r e g u l a t i o n of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of f i s h and timber. With the settlement of the coast, an altogether p r e d i c t a b l e process took place. Natives who, u n t i l then had enjoyed a quite favourable job s i t u a t i o n , found themselves facing increased com-p e t i t i o n i n a number of areas that they had h i t h e r t o considered v i r t u a l l y t h e i r own. The process began even before the turn of the century, as t h i s report from the Indian Superintendent a t t e s t s : I t i s noticeable that w i t h i n the past few years there has been a f a l l i n g o f f in.the gross earnings of the natives of B.C., which may be accounted f o r by the gradual i n f l u x of s e t t l e r s of every nation-a l i t y i n t o the province, which increases each year. They do not now, nor can they expect to i n the future, make as much money as formerly i n any l i n e " f business or enterprise where the natives used to e the only people a v a i l a b l e for such employment and p u r s u i t s ; whitemen and Japanese and others, are at present competing with them i n the labour market, and i n the occupations of f i s h i n g , trapping and hunting, e t c . This n a t u r a l outcome of the s e t t l e -ment of the country i s constantly being brought to the a t t e n t i o n of the Indians by myself and by the Indian agents; the natives being urged to concentrate t h e i r energies more i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of t h e i r reserves, the r a i s i n g of stock and i n such pursuits w i t h i n themselves as w i l l prove of permanent use to them i n the future (IAR 1894: 202). How the agents could r e a l i s t i c a l l y encourage the natives to concentrate on c u l t i v a t i o n and stock r a i s i n g i s problematic, considering the reports that they were submitting at about the same time. These Indians can never depend on a g r i c u l t u r a l p u rsuits for a food supply. The p r i n c i p a l source of supply must be f i s h i n g and hunting.... These people are not stock r a i s e r s as t h e i r lands are mostly unsuitable f o r stock r a i s i n g (IAR 1896: 94) (Northwest Coast Agency) These bands of Indians have about 17,000 acres of land a l l o t t e d to them, a great part of which i s u n f i t for c u l t i v a t i o n ( I b i d . 1897: 93 ) (Kwawkewlth Agency) The Reserves of t h i s band [Kitamaat] are a l l \ s i t u a t e d i n Douglas Channel and are the poorest s reserves and of smaller dimensions according to ;: f the s i z e of the band than any other i n the agency. [ ,. . \ They contain no farming land and no timber of any 1 l s value ( I b i d . 1905: 268) ( B e l l a Coola Agency) Thus the superintendent encouraged natives to take up farm-ing on land that would not support farms, to compensate f o r being squeezed from the commercial f i s h e r y by whites who needed supple-mentary incomes because t h e i r own farms could not support them (cf. unattached l i c e n c e s , p. 76). Development of Technology The development of technology affected the Indians i n two ways: the i n t r o d u c t i o n of r e f r i g e r a t e d f i s h packers and log barges enabled the plant operators to overcome tr a n s p o r t a t i o n problems that had kept the plants decentralized. The/ v.ere thus able to consolidate and c e n t r a l i z e the p l a n t s , c l o s i n g most of the o u t l y i n g operations and l a y i n g o f f workers. This process was most marked i n the canneries, where a l l the Rivers I n l e t plants were closed, i n 1956. Not only did these closures deprive Indian women of v i r t u a l l y t h e i r only independent source of cash, but the men found i t more d i f f i c u l t to obtain equipment once the leverage conferred by t h e i r wives' labour had disappeared. The elaboration of harvesting technology tended to squeeze Indian men out of independent production as w e l l . While the gear remained simple and cheap, almost anyone could engage i n f i s h i n g and logging. As engines and power hauling equipment f o r f i s h i n g boats replaced s k i f f s and hand hauling, and as donkey engines took over from handloggers, natives found themselves obliged to invest many thousands of d o l l a r s to obtain competitive equipment, a course that most were unable or u n w i l l i n g to take. For a l l the increased investment, the occupations remained at the mercy of i n t e r n a t i o n a l market forces as w e l l as unpredictable f l u c t u a t i o n s of supply, which added the complication that a bad year or two could w e l l r e s u l t i n the seizure of equipment f o r non-payment of fees, taxes, or any of a number of charges. (That happened to the s i n g l e Kitamaat to operate h i s own donkey.) Thus the mechanization of f i s h i n g and logging demanded a greater commitment of c a p i t a l without imparting an increased measure of s e c u r i t y . The a l t e r n a t i v e to independent investment was employment with a cannery, m i l l , or independent white operator, a course with numerous drawbacks. F i r s t , those operations were them-selves often e r r a t i c , and many went under, leaving t h e i r employ-ees without work and often without pay. Second, employment i n one of those concerns involved a v i r t u a l l y complete commitment to that operation, which deprived the native of the f l e x i b i l i t y that had shielded him from the thousand n a t u r a l shocks that those i n d u s t r i e s were h e i r to. A H a i s l a who logged or f i s h e d f o r the whites found i t d i f f i c u l t to take time o f f to go oolichan pro-cessing or salmon f i s h i n g as he had been able to do when he worked fo r himself. Should he do so, he jeopardized h i s repu-t a t i o n with h i s employer and found i t almost impossible to f i n d work again, f o r he was i n d e l i b l y stamped as a ' s h i f t l e s s , unre-l i a b l e Indian.' The l e g i s l a t i o n and regulations formulated i l l u s t r a t e quite g r a p h i c a l l y Jorgensen's comment that: Underdevelopment of r u r a l areas i s a product of the development of urban centers of finance, and the l a t t e r w i e l d considerable influence i n enacting l e g i s l a t i o n to maintain t h e i r growth (1971: 87). These regulations took the form of r e s t r i c t i o n s governing who was to gain access to the resources, and where, when, and how they should be taken. I n i t i a l l y , regulations also decreed the amount of resource that an e n t i t y should c o n t r o l . In the case of logging, the regulations granted exclusive access to p a r t i c u l a r t r a c t s of resources, i n the form of timber c u t t i n g l i c e n c e s . In f i s h i n g , the licences granted the r i g h t to f i s h i n competition 185 with other l i c e n c e holders. Cannery li c e n c e quotas ensured that plant operators could acquire f o r t h e i r exclusive use a c e r t a i n p o r t i o n of the industry w i t h i n t h e i r region. Most of the regulations brought out favoured the i n t e r e s t s of the l a r g e r operators (or even non-operating speculators) over the smaller. Timber licences and leases, f o r example, were i n i t i a l l y granted f o r 160 acres, a move that placed the annual r e n t a l beyond the reach of native loggers, although i t was absurdly small f o r the companies. Moreover, the r e l a x a t i o n of non-transferable 'one l i c e n c e per operator' clauses e f f e c t i v e l y played i n t o the hands of speculators and worked against the i n t e r e s t s of the small loggers or would-be loggers. When timber sales were i n s t i t u t e d i n part to r e c t i f y the imbalance caused by the timber l i c e n c e p o l i c i e s , the p r a c t i c e of p u t t i n g the timber out f o r bids once again ensured that only the m i l l s and most successful independent operators stood a chance of obtaining the best timber while small operators were l e f t to scramble f o r the poorer t r a c t s . S i m i l a r l y , measures that were designed to promote r a t i o n a l i t y and discourage non-economic operations i n the f i s h i n g industry most often favoured the l a r g e r , more successful operators and hampered the marginal operations, of which the Indians formed a s i g n i f i c a n t part. Two other aspects of settlement and development i l l u s t r a t e the source of the d e c l i n i n g fortunes of the native. One i s the e f f e c t of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and i t s almost i n e v i t a b l e concomi-tant, p o l l u t i o n , on the t r a d i t i o n a l resource base; the other 186 concerns the c o n f i s c a t i o n of native t e r r i t o r i e s and the r e s t r i c -t i o n of t h e i r a b i l i t y to maintain t h e i r resource base i n the face of ever t i g h t e r regulations and laws. Development of the coast can have yet another deleterious e f f e c t on native l i f e , f o r the wastes of the i n d u s t r i e s that locate there can hamper both commercial and subsistence a c t i v i -t i e s . The Indians' i n i t i a l a b i l i t y to maintain t h e i r subsistence economy i n t a c t r e s u l t e d from a f o r t u i t o u s d i v i s i o n between resources e x p l o i t e d f o r the i n d u s t r i a l economy and those r e l i e d on for subsistence. This d i v i s i o n was a s p a t i a l one too, f o r the majority of processing plants were located some distance from the viTllige of the H a i s l a . In the Kitamaat region, at l e a s t , niches regained f a i r l y d i s t i n c t , and whites and Indians were able to avoid ruinous competition for the same resource. ~" Recently, however, some overlap has occurred, and the H a i s l a are the l o s e r s . With the l o c a t i o n of a pulp m i l l at the head of the i n l e t , the r i v e r that the Kitamaat r e l i e d on f o r food became a dumping ground f o r i n d u s t r i a l e f f l u e n t . The Kitamaat River i s one of the major oolichan streams of the coast, and the H a i s l a accordingly placed great emphasis on the grease making industry, rendering a product of p a r t i c u l a r l y high q u a l i t y , one sought by natives f a r from Kitamaat. This f i s h e r y was used both to supply the H a i s l a s 1 own needs and to trade f o r goods not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e l o c a l l y . Douglas Channel i s poor i n edible seaweed, fo r example, and the H a i s l a t r a d i t i o n a l l y obtained i t from the B e l l a B e l l a i n exchange f o r grease. The trade has continued to the present, at the rate of one f i v e g a l l o n can of grease for an equal volume of seaweed. The grounds at Kitamaat were only seven miles from the v i l -lage. Each A p r i l , when the sun set behind the 'ooiicnan canoe, 1 a canoe-shaped hollow i n the l i n e of mountains opposite the v i l -lage , they moved to the camp, located at the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e of the X ' a i s l a , and prepared f o r the run. Most of the v i l l a g e p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the move, and customarily spent about a month there. So important an item was the grease that a l l other a c t i -v i t i e s took second place to rendering i t . Even the most success f u l loggers took a month or so o f f at grease making time. The old oolichan camp remained a s i g n i f i c a n t resource s i t e u n t i l r e c e n t l y , so much so that when Alcan pressured the v i l l a g e to s e l l the land or move t h e i r reserve to a d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n of r i v e r , they s t e a d f a s t l y refused, declaring that 'Our main l i v e l i hood i s that v i l l a g e . We w i l l never l e t i t go.' They stayed, and Alcan located some distance away. Thus i t was a considerable shock when the oolichan took on a p e c u l i a r t a s t e , a problem that began a f t e r the establishment of the pulp m i l l u priver from the camp. The H a i s l a claim that the discharge of e f f l u e n t into the r i v e r imparts the disagree-able flavour to the oolichan, making the grease i n e d i b l e . F i s h -e r i e s personnel agree that the f i s h do not taste as they should, but claim that the cause i s unknown. Whatever the cause or whoever the c u l p r i t , the f i s h are now unsuitable for rendering. Those H a i s l a who wish to obtain grease must now t r a v e l to the Kemano River, t h e i r secondary oolichan stream, located i n former K i t l o p e t e r r i t o r y some 50 188 miles from Kitamaat. Those who could have pursued the pr o j e c t while i t was car-r i e d on near Kitamaat often f i n d i t inconvenient or impossible to do so at Kemano. Part of the convenience of the Kitamaat s i t e was i t s proximity to the v i l l a g e , and l a t e r , to Alcan. Workers i n the plant could help i n the process during t h e i r o f f hours or days o f f , f o r the camp lay quite close to the smelter. A l s o , f a m i l i e s could remain together f o r the month or more that the grease making might take. With the s i t e f a r removed from Kitamaat, a number of s i t u a -tions a r i s e . Because the s i t e can only be reached by a reasonably large boat, those who gave up t h e i r f i s h i n g boats are now r e l i a n t on someone else f o r a r i d e , p u t t i n g a premium on access to a boat, or on a r e l a t i o n s h i p with someone who enjoys such access. Those who f i n d i t inconvenient or impossible to go grease making w i l l henceforth be r e l i a n t f o r grease on someone who can t r a v e l to Kemano, a circumstance that may lead to the development of i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e c i p r o c i t y s t r u c t u r e s , or to the r e a c t i v a t i o n of dormant ones. P a r t i c u l a r l y hard h i t are the former grease makers whose most abundant asset was time, f o r grease now s e l l s i n the v i l l a g e f o r $45 per g a l l o n , i f people w i l l part with i t at a l l . * Those TT. This sp r i n g , the Kemano run f a i l e d completely, which the H a i s l a a t t r i b u t e to b l a s t i n g taking place upriver. They say that the oolichan, a not o r i o u s l y s k i t t i s h f i s h , entered the estuary, encountered the upheavals from the b l a s t , and retreated i n a body back to the sea. Therefore, no new supply of grease could be put up. A l l grease consumed-this year comes from the remainder of l a s t year's supply. The uncertainty of future supplies prompts many who have grease not to s e l l or trade i t but to hoard i t , which further decreases the amount a v a i l a b l e . with more time than cash could once have s u p p l i e d t h e i r own needs and acquired h e r r i n g eggs and seaweed, both important foods, from trade with the Skiasgate or B e l l a B e l l a . Now, faced with the prospect of paying cash f o r a l l these items, they must cut down or do without a l t o g e t h e r . Because they are the ones who are short of money, they w i l l f i n d i t most d i f f i c u l t to replace those items with store-bought foods. T e r r i t o r i a l Encroachment by Whites The e s s e n t i a l i n a b i l i t y of the natives to deal with white encroachment onto t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s i s quite evident i n t h e i r requests f o r a d d i t i o n a l reserves made before the McKenna-McBride Commission. The type of requests, and the d i s p o s i t i o n s of them by the a u t h o r i t i e s , were to consign the natives to marginal operations at the f r i n g e of the i n d u s t r i a l economy, fo r the lands requested and granted were, by and l a r g e , quite unsuited to the type of economy that was f a s t developing on the coast. T r a d i t i o n a l subsistence patterns are much i n evidence i n the requests. Most oft e n , the Indians asked f o r small parcels of land adjacent to t h e i r salmon streams, i d e a l s i t e s for f i s h i n g i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner (cf. Table XVI, p. 191). Only one band requested timber grounds, even though most of the v i l l a g e s were engaged i n logging by that time, and presumably had experienced some d i f f i c u l t y i n securing good logging claims of t h e i r own. S i m i l a r l y , farming was not a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the a p p l i c a t i o n s . I t i s note\\rorthy that among the Kitamaat, f i s h i n g s i t e s " f i g ured quite large i n the requests: 8 out of 11, a t o t a l quite d i f f e r e n t from those of the Owikeno, f o r example, who saw f i t to request but two, and those i n a s s o c i a t i o n with garden s i t e s . Part of the reason, I b e l i e v e , was the Kitamaats' i s o l a -t i o n from and the Owikenos' proximity t o , whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y F i s h e r i e s O f f i c i a l s . The Owikeno l i v e at Rivers I n l e t , and had had considerable contact with F i s h e r i e s personnel, and knew at the time the requests were made that t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l forms of Table XVI Requests for A d d i t i o n a l Reserves, B e l l a Coola . Agency » c - 1913 to to CD Pi to to to P CD P •xi •rl ' d to T j to •• Fl Pi to Hi H 3 3 to CD Pi a o o o CD •xi 3 Cf . M-l in Hi bO Pi o <D bO bo 03 CD f-i Pi to rH rH CO bO P bO bC rH rH bC M-l <u •xi to pi Pi • r-l H i—1 03 Pi O p CD - H •H > CD 03 Hi • H Pi • H 3 X P e • H CD • a c cr to Pi •x) Hi Pi H O u rH • H rH 3 CD 03 z Q Pi m tc O H pq U Band Kitamaat 11 9 2 8 1 3 0 0 0 0 3 Kitl o p e 1 l b 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 Kitasoo 32 12 20 16 2 16 0 0 0 1 0 Kimsquit 1 l a 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 B e l l a Coola 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 Owikeno 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 B e l l a B e l l a 3 2 1 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 Hartley Bay 23 12 11 11 4 1 6 2 0 0 0 Often, the requests s p e c i f i e d multiple use, for example " f i s h i n g ground and old v i l l a g e s i t e . " Hence the figures i n the break-down may number more than the t o t a l of requests. a. out of 160 acres requested, 40 were granted. b. out of 200 acres requested, 10 were granted. (Reserve Commission Report 1916) 192 f i s h i n g could not be pursued. The use of weir s , t r a p s , and the l i k e had been p r o h i b i t e d i n the F i s h e r i e s Act of 1892, and Fisher-ies O f f i c e r s were i n the habit of inspecting the streams, order-ing the natives out, and destroying t h e i r equipment whenever they discovered them f i s h i n g with t r a d i t i o n a l methods. The Kitamaat, l i v i n g as they d i d f a r from the mainstream, were l e f t alone to p r a c t i c e whatever methods they wished f o r much longer, a condi-t i o n which, I b e l i e v e , l e d to t h e i r requesting a pattern of a d d i t i o n a l reserves that was inappropriate. Thus the pattern of reserves that developed was obsolete, i n some cases even before the reserves were granted, f o r i t f i t t e d the natives to pursue a way of l i f e that was f a s t being denied them, but did not s u i t the occupations that might have replaced the t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . Almost a l l of the K i t k a t l a -Hartley Bay requests for timber land were denied, many on f r i v o -lous grounds, such as that the land under consideration was already alienated under a handlogger's l i c e n c e , a permit that remained i n e f f e c t for only one year i n any event. A c t u a l l y , the development of the coastal f i s h i n g industry as we know i t was contingent on the p r o h i b i t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l native catching methods and the removal of t h e i r c o n t r o l over the ; r i v e r s . Although C r u t c h f i e l d and Pontecorvo r e f e r to salmon as an 'open-access' resource, accessible to everyone equally (1969: 7 ) . that condition could only obtain afte'r the natives had been removed from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r o l over the f i s h i n g streams. For i t i s the nature of anadromous f i s h l i k e salmon that they can be completely c o n t r o l l e d by manipulation of t h e i r spawning streams. Anyone who can monopolize the streams up which they t r a v e l to spawn can take the whole population i f he chooses, simply by blocking the channel. The natives were w e l l aware of that, of course, f o r the system of resource ownership that they followed was predicated on the c o n t r o l of such streams. Salmon were, i n t h e i r conception, a closed-access resource, the p o t e n t i a l property of the owner of the p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n of stream they happened to occupy at any given time. Before the f i s h i n g industry could develop i n the freewheel-i n g , competitive way that i t d i d , based on the m i d - i n l e t or o f f -shore taking of f i s h , native forms of ownership and catching had to be abolished, else the Indians would have c o n t r o l l e d the f i s h e r y , a s i t u a t i o n that the tenor of the times would not coun-tenance. Nor would the f i e r c e l y competitive canners r e a d i l y allow c o n t r o l of a stream to go to a r i v a l . Thus the a l t e r n a t i v e - -using t r a d i t i o n a l in-stream f i s h i n g methods, a l b e i t under white control--never came to pass. The way was opened, therefore, f o r m i d - i n l e t net f i s h i n g to replace native forms of e x p l o i t a t i o n . The change was i n i t i a l l y most serious f o r the Owikeno, f o r not only were t h e i r o l d subsistence patterns f o r c i b l y a l t e r e d , but the development of the m i d - i n l e t f i s h e r y drew hundreds of out-s i d e r s , natives included, to Rivers I n l e t for cannery work. Thus, i n order to promote the development of the industry, both the a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the natives' f i s h were manipulated i n such a manner as to favour the companies and white fishermen at the expense of the l o c a l Indians. 194 Chapter 8 Miss i o n i z a t i o n We come now to two non-economic determinants of c u l t u r a l change among the H a i s l a : m i s s i o n i z a t i o n by an u l t r a - e v a n g e l i c a l form of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and d r a s t i c depopulation. In t h i s chapter, I w i l l consider aspects of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n that may bear on the H a i s l a s ' abandonment of c e r t a i n forms of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . The various churches and missionary s o c i e t i e s that appeared on the coast during the l a s t century were among the most pervasive agents of c u l t u r a l change, and t h e i r e f f o r t s i n that d i r e c t i o n were d i r e c t and e x p l i c i t . I t i s tempting, therefore, to ascribe a l l manner of changes to missionary i n f l u e n c e , simply because the churchmen exhorted the natives to adopt c e r t a i n forms of behaviour t h a t t h e y d i d indeed take up. Later i n the t h e s i s , I w i l l argue that t h i s o s t e n s i b l e adoption of the missionaries' proposals may have r e s u l t e d i n part from a convergence of interests--economic or demographic pressures may have been abroad that made i t l o g i c a l or convenient f o r the Indians to behave i n ways that were consis-tent w i t h the teachings of the church. Before taking up that argument, however, I w i l l describe the p a r t i c u l a r mission at Kitamaat. The Kitamaats 1 f i r s t recorded contact with C h r i s t i a n i t y came i n 1864, when t r a v e l l i n g C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s baptized a number of n a t i v e s . Nothing further came of i t , however, and i t was not u n t i l 1876 before the f i r s t serious e f f o r t s at conversion were made, by Wahaksgumalayou, a Kitamaat who had become converted while on a f u r trading expedition to V i c t o r i a . He returned home determined to proseletyze h i s f e l l o w s . His i n i t i a l attempts met with considerable h o s t i l i t y from nobles i n the v i l l a g e , and c u l -minated i n a remarkable form- ct excommunication. As recounted by a l a t e r missionary, the scene was simple, but rather awesome: One of the head chiefs passed sentence i n a > c h a r a c t e r i s t i c manner; he took i n the palm of h i s hand a piece of dry cedar bark and powdered i t to f i n e dust then blew i t away with the remark "Thus s h a l l you, Wahaksgumalayou and your family and you, Ningohs and your friends p e r i s h and vanish from the j earth. Your names s h a l l not be handed down. You Wahaksgumalayou s h a l l be the l a s t to p e r i s h , and s h a l l see a l l your friends pass before you. This i s a l l I have to say" (Raley 1902: 17-2). Matters became so tense that Wahaksgumalayou f l e d to the p r o t e c t i o n of the Methodist mission at Port Simpson, which at that time was l e d by Thomas Crosby. Shortly t h e r e a f t e r , Crosby began to v i s i t Kitamaat p e r i o d i -c a l l y , and won a number of converts. ( A c t u a l l y , since conversion at that point involved only the acceptance of baptism, there i s some question about the ultimate s i g n i f i c a n c e of the venture.) He then persuaded a lay missionary to take up residence i n the v i l l a g e . She a r r i v e d around 1885, by which time the c h i e f s ' opposition to the mission seems to have abated somewhat, f o r the woman reported that she was met with courtesy and co-operation from the highest ranking nobles. George Raley, the f i r s t ordained m i n i s t e r , and the i n d i v i -dual who was destined to have the greatest impact on the c u l t u r e of the H a i s l a , a r r i v e d i n 1893 and remained for some 13 years. During his tenure, the great majority of the Kitamaat accepted baptism and became nominal C h r i s t i a n s , taking up residence about 196 seven miles down channel from the winter v i l l a g e of the uncon-verted. In time, as more natives converted, the mission v i l l a g e . . . - - . - i . became the main population center for the Kitamaat, and the f o r -mer" v i l l a g e was abandoned f o r a l l but a few a c t i v i t i e s , such as a oolichan f i s h i n g during the s p r i n g , or p o t l a t c h i n g out of reach of the missionary and the Indian Agent. Whatever the native motivation for conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y , an impulse which has never been s a t i s f a c t o r i l y explained ( c f . Rumley, 1973 ), the ac t i o n had more r a d i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s than could have been a n t i c i p a t e d by the Indians. For i t was a rare missionary that could t o l e r a t e the si g h t of undiminished native c u l t u r e . Even matters that had l i t t l e or nothing to do with the church or the natives' a b i l i t y to lead C h r i s t i a n l i v e s according to the l i g h t s of the church f e l l under h i s p r o s c r i b i n g eye. The more i n t o l e r a n t missionaries often set out to eradicate not only native elements that were c l e a r l y incompatible with the church, but any that i n t h e i r opinion might set the Indians to p i n i n g f o r t h e i r old ways. [Mumming i n B r i t a i n ] was supposed to be harmless by many, however, by not a few, a useless r e l i c of a barbaric age. And so amongst the Indians there are customs harmless i n themselves, yet when asso-c i a t e d with a savage l i f e , i t i s be t t e r f o r t h e i r welfare to discard them (Raley 1904: 25-8). Raley set himself to create a European-style v i l l a g e on the Northwest Coast, shorn of a l l the more obvious Indian c u l t u r a l features, such as ranks, c l a n s , ceremonials, and the l i k e . Accord-i n g l y , he does not appear to have attempted to r e c o n c i l e the native and church h i e r a r c h i c a l systems even to the extent t h a t , say, Durieu d i d at Sechelt, with a system of warders, constables, and other o f f i c e r s drawn from among the' nobles and d i s t r i b u t e d i n a manner r e f l e c t i n g the o r i g i n s of the d i v i s i o n s of the band ( c f . Lemert 1954). North coast missions, i t seems were to be made of sterner s t u f f . Raley d i d i n s t i t u t e system of church o f f i c e r s , but, so f a r as I could determine, they were not n e c e s s a r i l y held by persons of high rank. In f a c t , when TsaSih, the c h i e f of the v i l l a g e , eventually appeared on the r o l l of church members, he was placed f a r down the l i s t , and on one occasion was marked as being 'on t r i a l , ' a s u p p l i c a n t , surely a most u n - c h i e f l i k e p o s i t i o n . At the same time, v i l l a g e r s of undistinguished back-ground were l i s t e d prominently, as f u l l members. Raley never succeeded i n e f f e c t i n g as thoroughgoing a renun-c i a t i o n of native ways as some other missionaries of the region, such as Duncan at M e t l a k a t l a . Instead, a complex of native forms survived, with greater or l e s s e r vigour, to co-exist with the European forms, i n s p i t e of his exhortations. A l l t o l d , he d i d ; have considerable success i n a l t e r i n g the face of H a i s l a c u l t u r e ; and i n e n l i s t i n g the co-operation of the native nobles, however. On one occasion, f o r example, the K i t l o p e c o u n c i l received a v i s i t from him. They ... Closed with the f i r m conviction that pagan customs are wrong and i t i s t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to use a l l means to suppress them (Raley 1901: 16-2). The p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t s of that type of r e s o l u t i o n are rather d i f f i c u l t to determine p r e c i s e l y . One gets the impression that the natives became adept at t e l l i n g the missionary what he wanted • to hear, but doing more or less as they pleased when he was not present. The proclamations on pages 199 and 200 show the type of document that r e s u l t e d when the native councils acceded to missionary pressure. The f i r s t , the p o t l a t c h p r o h i b i t i o n at K i t a maat, threatened a f i n e approximately equal to a season's income at a cannery, c e r t a i n l y a major deterrent, were i t to be enforced I t i s doubtful that the e d i c t made a l l that much difference at Kitamaat, however, fo r the potlatchers merely moved t h e i r cere-monies to the o l d v i l l a g e up the Kitimat River. For several years, Raley complained i n h i s j o u r n a l that h i s parishioners were s t e a l i n g o f f to engage i n p o t l a t c h i n g . The second document was drawn up f o r the K i s p i o x , but was witnessed by Raley some years a f t e r he had l e f t Kitamaat to take the church at Port Essington, on the Skeena. Nevertheless, the f a c t that he had a hand i n i t prompts me to include i t , f o r i t i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of the approach taken by the Methodist missionaries to the question of Indian ceremonialism and s o c i a l organization. I t i n d i c a t e s the d i r e c t i o n of the missionary's assault on north coastal c u l t u r e s , and shows c l e a r l y the attempt to extinguish the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l order. Attempts to rout out the fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the native system u s u a l l y followed the e l i m i -nation of the more flamboyant and o v e r t l y 'savage' p r a c t i c e s . Early white witnesses were h o r r i f i e d by the boisterous native ceremonials, e s p e c i a l l y the dramatic dances and l i k e per-formances with t h e i r cannibalism (probably feigned, though hig h l y r e a l i s t i c ) , g r i s l y stage decapitations followed by dramatic r e s u r r e c t i o n s , and the l i k e . When Raley began to win converts, he l o s t no time i n convincing the natives that to continue such KITAMAAT COUNCIL 10th„ Nov. 1893 ANY PERSON IN THE VILLAGE OF KITAMAAT WHO GIVES A FEAST OR POTLATCH WILL BE PUNISHED BY A FINE OF ONE-HUNDRED AND FORTY DOLLARS $140.00 y j 3 Sam v Amos Chief Councelor J ? 1 ? " a £ ° P y 0 ± a P o t l a t c h p r o h i b i t i o n , the o r i g i n a l of which i s i n the Raley papers i n the P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a . WaL^gumalayoS" 1 6' C ° U n c i l l ° T > W a s t h e brother of Charley Amos, 200 We the undersigned Chiefs of Kispiox B.C. wish i t to be known:- -1. That we desire no more Potlach held i n our v i l l a g e . 2. That we want no more old fashioned feasts or feasts i n memory of the dead, but i f feasts are held we desire them to be set with clean tables and as up to date as our means w i l l allow and such harmful and objectionable features as wasteful extravagance, the c a l l i n g of names of l i v i n g or dead, the g i v i n g of money or other g i f t s included with ceremonial feasts p r o h i b i t e d . 3. We f u r t h e r desire a l l dancing to be abolished at our feasts . 4. We desire there s h a l l be no more dressing up i n old fashioned costume or the p a i n t i n g of t a t t o o i n g of the body or face. 5. We f u r t h e r desire that the H a l l i e t or Indian Medicine Doctor s h a l l cease h i s p r a c t i c e f o r many reasons, but e s p e c i a l l y the f o l l o w i n g : - (a) I t i s absolutely decep-t i v e , (b) I t i n t e r f e r e s with the education of the c h i l d r e n and general progress of the people. (c) I t tends to s e n s u a l i t y and i s a cloak for immorality. (d) I t i n t e r f e r e s with the work of the l e g a l l y appointed medical Doctor whose i n s t r u c t i o n s are frequently coun-termanded by the heathen Doctor i n a manner detrimental to the p a t i e n t . (e) Such p r a c t i c e i s the enemy of morality and r e l i g i o n . (f) I t i s the medium of darkest s u p e r s t i -t i o n and w i t c h c r a f t . We are so aroused at the present time on t h i s question that we ask the a i d of the Government and the Church. We f e e l that some^law should be made to protect our v i l l a g e against these enemies to advancement, law, order, s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s pro-gress and we f e e l that a severe penalty should be attached to any breach of the law. his mark, X his mark, X hi s mark, X hi s mark, X his mark, X hi s mark, X his mark, X Signed, Chief Walter K a i l Chief Solomon Johnson Chief Paul Thlamleha Chief P h i l i p Williams Chief Robert Williams Chief Isaac Sholsh Chief John Kunnulaha Dated at Kispiox t h i s 13th day of February, 1914. Witness to signatures a f t e r the matter herein had been read and meaning i n t e r p r e t e d , Signed, G.H. Raley. I hereby c e r t i f y that I have f a i t h f u l l y i n t e r p r e t e d the words to the Chiefs so that when i t was read over they declared they understood i t . (Sgd) Robert Tomlinson, Missionary. (Raley papers: n.p.) a c t i v i t i e s could not but harm t h e i r chances of s a l v a t i o n . When C h r i s t i a n i t y came, my grandmother s a i d that her uncle went down to the beach and burned everything. He had heard that the Lord w i l l n u t receive you i f you ; s t i l l look to your treasures. ; That a t t i t u d e e f f e c t i v e l y removed many of the converts from f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the ceremonial c y c l e . Nevertheless, many converts remained at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sy-5~teifr,~"for they continued to stage or attend potlatches. I t seems that f o r some time a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the missionary, many natives remained unconvinced that p o t l a t c h i n g and adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l forms were i n i m i c a l to proper conversion. For the most p a r t , those who converted maintained the p o s i t i o n s i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l hierarchy. Even though they may have abandoned some of the dances and t h e a t r i c a l performances, they continued to operate i n the status system f o r some decades. As la t e as 1918, differences i n rank could impede projected marriages ( c f . Butcher's account, p. 203,in which the family of a young noblewoman had d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g a husband of s u i t a b l e rank f o r her). Butcher also describes a number of s i t u a t i o n s i n which parents forced marriages on t h e i r c h i l d r e n . The occasional instance of defiance was considered remarkable, and seldom succeeded. The missionaries f o r t h e i r part inveighed against not only the ceremonials and what was, to t h e i r eyes, the shockingly wasteful p o t l a t c h d i s t r i b u t i o n s , but attempted to eliminate the " c a l l i n g of names of l i v i n g or dead, the giving of money or other g i f t s included with the ceremonial f e a s t s " (cf. p. 200). Had that succeeded, i t would have undermined the e n t i r e Northwest Coast form of s o c i a l organization. Most natives were not pre-202 pared to abandon everything, however. Although the churchmen claimed p e r i o d i c a l l y that p o t l a t c h i n g was not being c a r r i e d on with i t s old ardour, i t seems evident that the Kitamaat continued not only to p o t l a t c h among themselves, but engaged i n the major i n t e r - v i l l a g e potlatches as w e l l . A 1911 report i n a Vancouver newspaper describes a p o t l a t c h held at B e l l a Coola, at which "$3875 i n money, 700 boxes of b i s c u i t s , 1000 sacks of f l o u r and 500 bags of sugar" were d i s t r i b u t e d (Rushton 1974: 65). The account also noted that "The next Indian p o t l a t c h i s to be held i n K i t i m a t , where many of the g i f t s w i l l f i n d t h e i r way back to the g i v e r " ( I b i d . ) . Tlie Kitamaat continued to p a r t i c i p a t e i n major i n t e r -v i l l a g e potlatches u n t i l the 1930's, at l e a s t . G a r f i e l d reports a discussion that took place at K i t k a t l a f o l l o w i n g the death of a major c h i e f : Upon Wakas' suggestion i t was decided to i n v i t e the Gitamat and Hartley Bay people, s i n c e , as he s a i d , they honored t h e i r debts and also know Dzi'basa better than h i s Port Simpson brother chiefs (1939: 253). Two items are worthy of note here. F i r s t , the Kitamaat main-tained close ceremonial connections (they honoured t h e i r debts) with a Tsimshian v i l l a g e - - c l o s e r , i n f a c t , than a neighbouring Tsimshian v i l l a g e had done. Second, those t i e s continued i n s p i t e of church opposition. Port Simpson, l i k e Kitamaat, was the s i t e of a successful Methodist mission. G a r f i e l d remarks that some of the Port Simpson Tsimshian had used t h e i r conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y as a pretext for refusing to repay t h e i r p o t l a t c h debts, an action that created considerable i l l f e e l i n g among t h e i r neighbours. In s p i t e of a s i m i l a r opportunity to remove them-selves from the p o t l a t c h system, the Kitamaat continued to engage i n i t . A c t u a l l y , the Kitamaat ceremonials remained underground only as long as a strong, w i l f u l missionary l i k e Raley was present. Later ministers seem to have lacked Raley's f o r c e f u l presence, and i n consequence p r a c t i c e s that were proscribed during h i s tenure began to reappear or be p r a c t i s e d more openly. In 1918, Margaret Butcher, a nurse at the l o c a l school, described a wed-ding. Being of high caste i t has been d i f f i c u l t to f i n d her a husband.... There was a b i g c o u n c i l meeting to arrange [the marriage] of the P r i n c e s s , and had to be chosen as he was the only e l i g i b l e man of high enough rank.... [In the reception banquet] the Eagles and Beavers, being entertainers did not s i t down....Before the close two sleds were drawn in t o the room loaded with j o i n t s of meat. A j o i n t was given to the head of each family. To others were given parcels of soda crackers or boxes or oranges and money was given q u i e t l y . $70 was given to the Band and $10 was l a i d i n front of Mr. A l l a n f o r the Church. The whole feast and P o t l a t c h cost $1000. A f t e r our return home the people w.ould have a native dance and the next day there was a second f e a s t and dance given by another branch of the same family.... There has been a succession of feasts since that day at l e a s t one every other day. Our f r i e n d Mr. Anderson [a l o c a l white s e t t l e r ] has s o l d f i v e beeves f o r t h i s f e a s t . A f t e r the Stewarts (the Princess' feast) three brothers the Grants gave one and t h e i r s cost $1100 so that now they are very b i g people. There have been numerous dances but they are kept very quiet and the white man i s not welcome to those (1918: January 1st and 8th). The Kitamaat missionary's fundamental technique i n e f f e c t i n g the abandonment of native c u l t u r a l elements was the separation of converts from the influence of t h e i r uhregenerate kinsmen. To 204 that end, Raley encouraged the converts to take up residence i n the mission v i l l a g e . In i t s l a t e r stages, t h i s move also i n v o l v e d the adoption of the European-style frame dwe l l i n g , f o r Raley campaigned strenuously f o r the abandonment of the t r a d i t i o n a l communal house, f o r medical and moral reasons. He feared that the diseases that were so prevalent among Indians at that time were too e a s i l y transmitted among people who l i v e d communally. In a d d i t i o n , he was p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned that European stan-dards of p r o p r i e t y could never be i n c u l c a t e d among c h i l d r e n brought up i n the o l d houses. I t used to be, that i n the o l d n a t i v e houses, a l l the members of 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 f a m i l i e s l i v e d together i n a s i n g l e room, where a l l ages and both sexes s l e p t , ate and dwelt together. Fancy what a p i c t u r e of human l i f e must be formed i n the mind of a c h i l d who i s f a m i l i a r with v i c e i n a l l i t s forms from infancy upward, and who looks on scenes of s i n as the normal c o n d i t i o n of humanity (Raley 1901: 14-9) . The c o n s t r u c t i o n of frame houses e v i d e n t l y proceeded quite r a p i d l y , f o r by 1903, Raley remarked that: Ten years ago the v i l l a g e presented altogether a d i f f e r e n t appearance, then the o l d fashioned Indian houses predominated, now none are to be seen (1903: 24-1). This s h i f t i n nat i v e residence patterns can be seen from popula-t i o n f i g u r e s of the time. The 1900 Indian A f f a i r s Report notes ;* that the v i l l a g e was made up of 42 frame houses, and had a popu-l a t i o n of 266, an average of j u s t over 6 per house. The closest!, a g e - d i s t r i b u t i o n f i g u r e s we have are f o r 1902, which show 87 persons below the age of 20, and 166 above (IAR 1903). I f we assume the same number of houses, that would leave about 4 adults 205 (20 and above) and 2 c h i l d r e n per house. This t r a n s i t i o n to small households i s of some consequence i n matters of i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l of property, r i g h t s of i n h e r i -tance, co-operative patterns, post-marital residence, and the l i k e . These w i l l be discussed i n succeeding chapters. A second form of r e s i d e n t i a l s h i f t took place at t h i s time, one that was to have considerable importance i n the eventual d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms. This s h i f t was also i n i t i a t e d by the mi s s i o n a r i e s , and grew out of t h e i r concern that even the converted parents were too close to t h e i r heathen past to be r e l i a b l e models f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . A boarding school was therefore constructed f o r v i l l a g e c h i l d r e n . G i r l s remained there from the ages of about 6 or 7 to 17, boys from about 7 to 12. Boys who showed promise then l e f t to attend Coqualeetza residen-t i a l school at S a r d i s , near Vancouver, and about 500 miles from Kitamaat. The regimen was quite s t r i c t , and proceeded from Raley's motive f o r removing converts from the long houses. Therefore i f we want the future of the people to jj. be C h r i s t i a n , the c h i l d r e n must be removed from such ii demoralizing surroundings, into homes where they are if under the constant influence of C h r i s t i a n teaching ii (Raley 1901: 14-9) . 1 Children were permitted to stay with t h e i r parents only on weekends and ho l i d a y s , even though t h e i r houses were a l l w i t h i n a quarter-mile of the school. They were forbidden to speak H a i s l a , even among themselves, and were punished i f caught doing so. The boys did not see home for months, or even years, at a time, Coqualeetza being a thousand mile round t r i p from the v i l l a g e . This i s o l a t i o n had far-reaching consequences. Butcher 206 remarked i n 1918 that some of the g i r l s had t o l d her that they could not understand a l l the H a i s l a of t h e i r parents and grandpar-ents . Informants t o l d me that upon t h e i r return from Coqualeetza they had l o s t almost a l l of t h e i r H a i s l a and had to r e - l e a r n i t i n order to communicate with t h e i r e l d e r s . In a d d i t i o n , the prolonged separation of c h i l d r e n from the s o c i a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e prevented, or at l e a s t hampered, t h e i r undergoing the i n t e n s i v e and prolonged t r a i n i n g f o r the i n h e r i -tance of t r a d i t i o n a l statuses. The considerable stock of what Su t t l e s c a l l s " p rivate knowledge" and o r a l l y imparted informa-t-ton that any h e i r to a t i t l e would be expected to know was not easy to impart only on weekends.* A further problem f o r the elders of the v i l l a g e who t r i e d to s o c i a l i z e t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e was the at t i t u d e s developed by the students who were r e g u l a r l y exhorted to forget the heathen past. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that many ch i l d r e n developed casual or even h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards the maintenance of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms, considering the con-f l i c t i n g pressures that they were subjected to. One ot my most knowledgeable informants was a gentleman who contracted tuberculosis at the age of 8, and was sent home from the school to die. He recovered, but d i d not attend school again, and consequently was exposed to more t r a d i -t i o n a l H a i s l a learning than his fe l l o w s . 207 Chapter 9 Depopulation According to Duff (1964: 39), the century and a h a l f f o l -lowing contact was a demographic catastrophe f o r the c o a s t a l Indians, as most t r i b e s s u f f e r e d a s h a t t e r i n g drop i n numbers. The causes of the d e c l i n e were t h r e e f o l d : i n t e r t r i b a l warfare, using European weapons to devastating e f f e c t ; a succession of plagues which swept the coast, c a r r y i n g o f f thousands before s u b s i d i n g ; and a number of slower a c t i n g though no l e s s deadly diseases such as t u b e r c u l o s i s and veneral disease, which became endemic among the t r i b e s and ravaged the s u r v i v o r s of the plagues and wars. The e f f e c t of a l l t h i s on the population of the H a i s l a i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate. L i v i n g f a r up remote i n l e t s as they d i d , they remained r e l a t i v e l y unknown to the white u n t i l very l a t e i n the nineteenth century. To what extent they s u f f e r e d from the warfare or the epidemics i s therefore not recorded. Not a l l groups were a f f e c t e d to the same degree, as Table XVII, p. 208 shows. Some Kitamaat have t o l d me that a b o r i g i n a l l y , the K i t l o p e were somewhat more numerous than they, with around 1200 persons, to Kitamaat's 1000. I f that were true, i t would i n d i c a t e that the K i t l o p e were e s p e c i a l l y hard h i t , f o r by the 1890's, they had been reduced to fewer than 100, and were d e c l i n i n g s t e a d i l y . During s e v e r a l years, the Indian Agent reported that no b i r t h s had taken place among them (IAR passim.). If we accept the Kitamaats' claim of about 2200 f o r both Table XVII Population Decline Among Natives of the Coast, 1835-1885 Tribe Population 1855 1885 Haida 6,000 800 Tsimshian 8,500 4,550 Kwakiutl 10,700 3,000 Nootka 7,500 3,500 B e l l a Coola 2,000 450 Coast S a l i s h 12",000 5,525 Decline i n Percentage 87 47 72 53 78 54 Source: Duff 1964: 39 209 peoples the turn-of-the - century population of around 400 repre-sents a d e c l i n e of some 82 per cent. Even i f we use the more conservative Mooney-Kroeber f i g u r e of 1300, the d e c l i n e i s s t i l l c o n siderable: 70 per cent. Some i n d i r e c t evidence e x i s t s of smallpox at Kitamaat. When^ he l i s t s H a i s l a names, Olson includes the f o l l o w i n g explanatory : note f o r one woman's t i t l e : • Ma'manakelaxs ("she gathered together the b o d i e s " ) . About one hundred years ago, a f t e r an epidemic of smallpox at K i l d a l a Arm, a woman b u r i e d the numerous dead, then came to K i t i m a t , gave a f e a s t and took the t i t l e (1940: 172). By the time that George Raley a r r i v e d , i n 1893, the N a l a b i l a , ; ^ X a ' i s l a , and G i l d a l i d o x had begun to winter together i n the v i l -lage of the X a ' i s l a , a p o s s i b l e i n d i c a t o r of severe depopulation. ; Whatever t h e i r losses from the plagues and warfare, the endemic diseases played havoc with the H a i s l a w e l l i n t o t h i s century. For a number of years before 1920, the Indian agent remarked on the t o l l of persons at Kitamaat, p r i m a r i l y from t u b e r c u l o s i s , and noted that the v i l l a g e seemed to be the hardest h i t of any i n the agency. Margaret Butcher, a nurse at the M i s s i o n home (1916-1919) gave her r e l a t i v e s a p a t h e t i c account of the human side of the m o r t a l i t y s t a t i s t i c s , and conveyed the f e e l i n g of hopeless-ness f e l t at the seemingly inexorable s l i d e to e x t i n c t i o n : I was remarking on the growth of one sturdy boy; the answer was--"Yes, we hope he w i l l win through. Two of h i s s i s t e r s are dead and another w i l l be soon. We must take care of him." (October 4th, 1916) Sarah, aged 12, the youngest i n a family i n which 2 g i r l s have succumbed, has j u s t matured, and s t a r t e d a cough, and looks very sick....The lung trouble has to be reckoned with a l l the time.... 210 Miriam i s the eighth to die since I came here seven months ago (n.d.) Maud l a s t August, Amy l a s t January; Maggie i n June--three s i s t e r s w i t h i n 12 months. Norah has j u s t married. Hazel and Sarah are s t i l l i n the home--which one w i l l die next? Do you wonder that we fuss when a c h i l d gets a cough? (n.d.) One man l o s t 7 c h i l d r e n , another 9--[he] brought the l a s t remaining to the home to t r y to save him from the same fate (October 1st, 1917). Another has brought h i s one precious l i t t l e son, he has l o s t nine other c h i l d r e n and has only a boy of 22 or so besides (n.d.). These deaths occurred among c h i l d r e n from the ages of about seven to eighteen, which, according to f i g u r e s drawn from the b u r i a l records was the age group with the lowest m o r t a l i t y r a t e . The b u r i a l records kept by the m i s s i o n a r i e s i n d i c a t e that the death rate f o r i n f a n t s and young c h i l d r e n was phenomenally high, a s i t u a t i o n that p e r s i s t e d through the 1940's, at l e a s t . The r e l a t i v e m o r t a l i t y rates are given i n Tables XVIII-XXI, pp. Although the rate of i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y d e c l i n e d from the f i r s t p e r i o d shown through to the l a s t shown, i t continued to be f a r higher than f o r other age groups. Between 1897 and 1906, deaths of c h i l d r e n under one* year of age accounted f o r one-third of the t o t a l . Nearly h a l f the t o t a l came from c h i l d r e n under s i x . For the 1930's, the f i g u r e had dropped, but was s t i l l very high--37%. The epidemic of Spanish i n f l u e n z a that struck North America l a t e i n 1918 h i t Kitamaat with p a r t i c u l a r v i r u l e n c e . Although attempts were made to i s o l a t e the v i l l a g e by preventing anyone from disembarking there, some s i c k H a i s l a returned home and i n f e c -211 ted the r e s t . In l e s s than eight weeks, ten per cent of the popu-l a t i o n died. Again, the hardest h i t were those under s i x , who comprised nearly h a l f the v i c t i m s . The m o r t a l i t y rates are shown on Table XIX, p. 2 1 3 . Whereas one - twentieth of those between 6 and 15 died, over o n e - f i f t h of those under 6 succumbed. Whereas no f a m i l i e s escaped t h i s d e c l i n e e n t i r e l y , some were h i t much harder than others. The father who l o s t nine of h i s c h i l d r e n , and the other -who l o s t s i x , have been mentioned. The e f f e c t of t h i s imbalance was to create a r e c e p t i v i t y to s o c i a l i n n ovation, as groups were forc e d to accept more d i f f u s e categories of kinsmen as h e i r s i n an attempt to maintain the c o n t i n u i t y of names or l i n e s . In a s i t u a t i o n to be described l a t e r , one clan was o b l i g e d to accept as t h e i r c h i e f the son of former head. A l l the more d i r e c t p o t e n t i a l h e i r s had died during the i n f l u e n z a epidemic, or l i v e d i n d i s t a n t v i l l a g e s and were u n w i l l i n g to move to Kitamaat to take up the p o s i t i o n . The popu-l a t i o n d e c l i n e thus prepared the ground f o r the d i s s o l u t i o n of s t r i c t r u l e s of descent and the acceptance of f a r more l e n i e n t ones . 212 Table XVIII Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1897-1906 Age Number of Deaths Percentage Cohort's Percentage of Deaths of Population" Male Female Total -1 18 12 30 32 15 1 -6 8 5 13 14 7-15 5 12 17 18 14 16-20 2 2 4 4 11 21-65 6 9 15 16 55 65- 11 3 14 15 4 T o t a l : SO TS 9T 99" 9~9 Source: Raley, Na-Na-Kwa Obituaries 213 Table XIX M o r t a l i t y During the 1918 Spanish Influenza Epidemic Age Number of Deaths Percentage Cohort's Percentage of Deaths of Population Male Female Total -1 2 2 4 15 22 1 -6 2 6 8 30 7-15 2 2 4 15 25 16-20 0 2 2 7 9 21-65 3 4 7 26 36 65- 0 2 2 7 8 T o t a l : 9 18 27 100 100 Source: Kitamaat B u r i a l Records 214 Table XX Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1920-1929 Age Number of Deaths Percentage Cohort's Percentage of Deaths of Population Male Female Total -1 13 6 19 23 20 1 -6 3 8 11 13 7-15 12 10 22 26 20 16-20 2 4 6 7 10 21-65 7 7 14 17 46 65- 6 6 12 14 4 T o t a l : 43 41 84 100 100 Source: Kitamaat B u r i a l Records Table XXI Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1930-1939 Ml Number ofJDeaths Percexvtage Cohort's Percentage of Deaths "of Population Male Female Total -1 11 10 21 24 1 -6 7 7 14 16 16 7-15 8 6 14 16 27 16-20 2 3 5 6 7 21-65 9 16 25 28 45 65- 7 3 10 11 5 T o t a l : 44 45 89 101 100 Source: Kitamaat B u r i a l Records Table XXII Population at Kitamaat, 1902-1934 O CO I vO U1 VO <u~> vO £ m £ .m £ 13 20 19 17 15 12 20 20 17 15 20 28 30 9 12 19 27 28 9 12 21 31 24 10 10 18 12 14 11 13 20 14 16 12 13 24 34 32 14 10 29 29 37 14 11 29 29 37 14 11 28 39 35 13 10 28 29 35 13 11 33 31 30 17 14 28 43 45 15 •7 m f m £ Tota 76 77 6 7 263 77 76 6 6 262 82 69 3 2 275 82 69 2 2 268 81 73 2 2 271 90 75 12 17 275 91 77 12 17 287 54 44 8 8 241 56 44 7 8 262 57 45 7 8 265 52 41 11 10 269 52 41 11 10 260 86 55 8 4 305 89 55 8 9 323 Source: Indian A f f a i r s Department Annual Reports 217 Chapter 10 S o c i a l Change: The Adoption of Variants The process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n among the H a i s l a can be c l a r i -f i e d somewhat by reference to an i n t r i g u i n g formulation by Robert Anderson. I term i t the p r i n c i p l e of reduction of v a r i a n t s , d e f i n i n g v a r i a n t s simply as a l t e r n a t i v e and i n t e r -changeable elements. The p r i n c i p l e may be phrased formally i n t h i s fashion: reduction or increase i n the number of variants operative i n given s i t u a t i o n s i s a function of the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n of the complex of which they are p a r t s . As i n t e g r a t i o n of a complex proceeds, the number of varia n t s i n given s i t u a t i o n s i s reduced. Other things being equal, the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i s i n d i c a t e d p o s i t i v e l y by the extent to which element bundles reduce t h e i r component varia n t s i n each case toward u n i t y , and negat i v e l y , by the extent to which the variants increase toward i n f i n i t y (1960: 5 2 ) . Although Anderson was not addressing himself to accultura-t i o n as such, the notion of variants nevertheless holds some u t i l i t y for an examination of the process. Contact and subsequent white occupation of the coast presented an array of a l t e r n a t i v e elements to the n a t i v e s , and thus provided for the d i s - i n t e g r a -t i o n of t h e i r c u l t u r e s . The number of variants increased enormously, and the degree of i n t e g r a t i o n diminished to the extent that these a l t e r n a t i v e s were taken up, v o l u n t a r i l y or i n v o l u n t a r i l y . During the period of greatest f l u x , the H a i s l a had the choice of cleaving to the o l d ways e x c l u s i v e l y , of adopting the new while abandoning the o l d , or of fashioning any of a number of combina-tions of t r a d i t i o n a l and white elements. Evidence suggests that adoption of white c u l t u r a l forms took place i n f i t s and s t a r t s , with some t r a d i t i o n a l elements proving..more tenacious than others. 218 The H a i s l a took to being married i n church r e a d i l y enough, f o r example, but f o r some decades a f t e r conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y they generally refused to consider marriage w i t h i n the c l a n . Marriage f o r m - - t r a d i t i o n a l or Christian--became v a r i a b l e q u i t e e a r l y , while choice of partner became one only g r a d u a l l y . Contact, then, i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a sudden expansion i n the number of v a r i a n t s , and a c c u l t u r a t i o n by a progressive r e d u c t i o n i n the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s as t r a d i t i o n a l forms of behaviour are abandoned i n favour of the new, and the c u l t u r e becomes i n t e -grated along new l i n e s . Not a l l aspects of the c u l t u r e become r e - i n t e g r a t e d , how-ever. Some, l i k e the m a t r i l i n e a l system of the H a i s l a , d i s i n t e -grate, and remain so. The reasons f o r the H a i s l a s ' tolerance of a d i s i n t e g r a t e d aspect of t h e i r c u l t u r e w i l l be examined i n some d e t a i l . The breakdown of m a t r i l i n y , or as Gough phrased i t , "The modern d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of m a t r i l i n e a l descent groups," r e f e r s to more than m a t r i l i n y i n i t s s t r i c t e s t sense, as expressed by Aberle. M a t r i l i n y c o n s i s t s simply i n assigning i n d i v i d u a l s to k i n s h i p categories by reference to descent traced through females (1961: 656). T e c h n i c a l l y , we may say that the m a t r i l i n e a l system has never broken down at Kitamaat, f o r people are s t i l l assigned to cate-gories (clans) on the basis of m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s , although the population d e c l i n e enforced a c e r t a i n amount of f l e x i b i l i t y i n that regard, as adoptions i n t o clans became a not infrequent device f o r stavi n g o f f e x t i n c t i o n of a l i n e . 219 What has broken down i s the system by which the majority of statuses and roles are c a l c u l a t e d by way of clan a f f i l i a t i o n . Recent l i t e r a t u r e has accumulated evidence to show that under economic changes brought about by contact with Western i n d u s t r i a l nations, m a t r i l i n e a l descent groups gradually d i s i n t e g r a t e . In t h e i r place, the elementary family eventually emerges as the key k i n -ship group with respect to residence, economic co-operation, l e g a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and s o c i a l i z a t i o n , with a narrow range of interpersonal kinship r e l a t i o n -ships spreading outward from i t b i l a t e r a l l y and l i n k -ing i t with other elementary f a m i l i e s . The i n t e r i m steps i n t h i s process vary i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s and i n d i f f e r e n t s t r a t a of the same society (Gough 1961: 631) . (I would add only that i n Kitamaat the i n t e r i m steps vary between i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the same stratum, and even w i t h i n the same family.) Although the clans s t i l l e x i s t at Kitamaat, t h e i r functions are quite severely circumscribed. People continue to p o t l a t c h and assume t i t l e s , although the economic and p o l i t i c a l dimensions of s o c i a l rank have a l l but disappeared. Over the years the number of variants associated with t r a d i -t i o n a l statuses has grown u n t i l i t encompasses a l l aspects of the system, from 'who may take a t i t l e ' to 'the proper behaviour and place of the t i t l e holder i n the community.' The r e l e g a t i o n of the clan system to a marginal place i n the everyday a f f a i r s of the v i l l a g e has reduced i n t e g r a t i v e pressures , with the r e s u l t that a l l manner of innovations i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system are accepted, not without dissension o c c a s i o n a l l y , but accepted nevertheless. I believe that t h i s t o l e r a t i o n of d i v e r s i t y i s r e l a t e d to the diminished importance of the clans, f o r I doubt that the anomalies that appear i n the taking of t i t l e s would be t o l e r a t e d were the 220 holders also to gain s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l or economic advantage. I f , as Anderson maintains, the "...degree of i n t e g r a t i o n i s i n d i c a t e d . . . n e g a t i v e l y , by the extent to which the v a r i a n t s increase toward i n f i n i t y " (1960: 52), then the clan system i s c e r t a i n l y d i s - i n t e g r a t i n g , f o r the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s r e l a t i n g to t i t l e s and t r a d i t i o n a l statuses continues to grow. These v a r i a n t s are whether: 1. To take a t i t l e or l e t i t lapse. 2. To claim a t i t l e with or without a p o t l a t c h , i . e . , a p u b l i c ceremony and d i s t r i b u t i o n . 3. To follow the t r a d i t i o n a l avenue of succession or to consider more d i s t a n t k i n or even non-kinsmen. 4. To t r a n s f e r t r a d i t i o n a l prerogatives and property with the t i t l e , or to transmit them to other per-sons v i a d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a . z z r Whether to take a name or l e t i t lapse The decline of population l e f t fewer survivors than t i t l e s , and made i t i n e v i t a b l e that many names should disappear or not be handed down. Today a number of t i t l e s are, and appear des-ti n e d to remain, vacant. Names stand vacant f o r a number of rea-sons. Often, no one i s i n t e r e s t e d i n claiming them, or p o t e n t i a l successors lack the means to p o t l a t c h for them and are u n w i l l i n g to move u n t i l they can accumulate the wherewithal to stage one. Thus there are two kinds of vacant status: those that are aban-doned, and those temporarily open pending a p o t l a t c h . Even a t i t l e vacant f o r generations can t h e o r e t i c a l l y be revived i f a claimant holds a memorial banquet or erects a tombstone f o r the previous holder, so a name i s never r e a l l y considered to be abso-l u t e l y defunct. P r a c t i c a l l y , however, many names are u n l i k e l y to K~ - -- •> be revived, Olson found a great many t i t l e s to be vacant or lapsed by 1935. He i d e n t i f i e d (or heard about but could not name) 40 t i t l e s , 21 of which were 'active.' During a longer stay i n the v i l l a g e , I c o l l e c t e d 72 names, 48 of which are c u r r e n t l y held by someone, leaving one-third of the t i t l e s vacant. I t seems l i k e l y that a f a r greater number of t i t l e s and names, e s p e c i a l l y the l e s s e r ones, have simply been forgotten. Informants had d i f f i c u l t y remembering names that had been out of c i r c u l a t i o n f o r h a l f a century or more, and most had never heard of them. In recent decades, the p r a c t i c e has grown of 'burying a per-son with h i s name.' Although his kinsmen w i l l erect a tombstone ^ / the f u n c t i o n a l equivalent of a memorial pole (and t r a d i t i o n a l l y 2Z2 the duty of the successor), no one w i l l claim the t i t l e . Some-times t h i s was the wish of the deceased person himself, who l e t i t be known beforehand that he did not want his name to be passed down. "Things have gone the other way. People need t h e i r money for themselves today" was the explanation one nobleman offered f o r declaring that he wanted h i s name to end with him. Or, the senior kinsman, generally the i n d i v i d u a l with the authority to decide on the d i s p o s i t i o n of the t i t l e , w i l l decide not to pro-ceed with plans f o r the succession. Some, are modernists and take the opportunity to end the p r a c t i c e . Occasionally, some have f personal reasons--one woman was reported to be so s e n s i t i v e about an i r r e g u l a r i t y i n a kinsman's assumption of h i s t i t l e that she | attempted to have the name lapse, 'out of shame.' She f e l t that the kinsman's behaviour had so s o i l e d the name that i t was f o r -ever compromised. For those t i t l e s that remain p o t e n t i a l l y a c t i v e , the d e c i s i o n whether to take the name or to l e t i t lapse has become a matter of personal or family preference rather than general p r e s c r i p -t i o n . Even those who take on names often discount them i n con-v e r s a t i o n . They commonly aver that such things are today a minor part of the s o c i a l scene, and count for very l i t t l e . Time a f t e r time, I was t o l d that the t r a d i t i o n a l status system has l i t t l e or no currency i n the v i l l a g e beyond the sentiments of a few e l d e r l y people who c l i n g to the o l d ways, but whose views are deemed l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t to the present s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n . To my questions about the operation and importance of the system, I got t h i s type of response: A: 223 Today respect f o r the name i s only casual. Only a very l i g h t respect to them. (A c h i e f ) (A t i t l e ) doesn't r e a l l y amour* to anything. Q. Why do people continue to take them, then? A. They want to be honoured, or something l i k e t hat. Q. Are they? A. I don't see i t myself. ( E l d e r l y gentleman) I t ' s not going to do me any good i f I have a c h i e f ' s name.(Individual who refused a c h i e f ' s t i t l e to which he was h e i r ) Moreover, the knowledge of the system seems s u r p r i s i n g l y t h i n , even among middle-aged people. For a number of i n d i v i -duals, t h e i r perception of the t r a d i t i o n a l statuses i s a genera-t i o n behind--they can i d e n t i f y who held a t i t l e during the 30's or 40's but are unaware of the i d e n t i t y of the current holder, even though the man or woman may have potlatched f o r the name. Others are not even sure of t h e i r own standing. One man, i n his l a t e f o r t i e s , a f i n e informant with an otherwise exten-sive knowledge of Kitamaat h i s t o r y , was t e l l i n g me of the prepara-tions f o r the taking of a t i t l e , the d e t a i l s of banquet arrange-ments, and so on. He himself was h e i r to a major t i t l e , he explained with some p r i d e , and intended to p o t l a t c h f o r h i s uncle's name. When I asked what that name was, he looked sheepish, and s a i d that he could not remember i t . At a banquet honouring a championship sports team, various \ j d i g n i t a r i e s of the band gave speeches, beginning with an address! from Tsasih, the hereditary c h i e f of the Beavers, and highest \ P t i t l e of the v i l l a g e . The second man to speak was not w e l l known to me, and so I asked my companion and i n t e r p r e t e r , a middle-aged 224 man, why that i n d i v i d u a l was the second to speak. He r e p l i e d , "I think he's some s o r t of c h i e f . " On the strength of his name, the i n t e r p r e t e r i s seated at one end of his clan's table during p o t l a t c h e s , an honoured place open only to nobles. He i s , therefore, no stranger to the status system. Nor was he unduly r e t i c e n t , for he was a w i l l i n g and able informant. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that although the band adheres to a t r a d i t i o n a l order i n speeches, much as was done at potla t c h e s , many i n the audience have only a vague notion of the precedence that i s being manifested. Ho\* much the v a r i a t i o n s i n a t t i t u d e s and behaviour r e s u l t from the s o c i a l ambience and how much from personal or family i n c l i n a t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to say. C e r t a i n l y , p e r s o n a l i t y plays a considerable part i n the approach of an i n d i v i d u a l to h i s re-s p o n s i b i l i t i e s or opportunities w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system. Consider the d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s towards the adoption of the t i t l e Hemasaka: I might as w e l l take the money down to the wharf and throw i t overboard. A l l f o r nothing. What i s a name? ...Vhen my oldest uncle, Tom Amos, died, i t wasn't u n t i l a couple of years a f t e r that we got everything c o l l e c t e d , we went through the ceremony. I made a suggestion to the whole of the Eagle t r i b e , a l l the chiefs and a l l the noblemen, I explained to them about my condition: I am not a married man, I have no family, I have no property, so i f I bear that hereditary c h i e f of my family, Hemasaka, I cannot respond with the people that have the same category as I have, which I'm supposed to pay a l o t of a t t e n t i o n t o . So I have t o l d a l l the members of the Eagle t r i b e , that as for myself, I think i t ' s best that brother Hank [ i . e . , cousin] take i t now, instead of waiting u n t i l I am dead and gone. I'd rather myself see brother Henry s i t on that chair and I give him a l l the l i b advice required so h e ' l l get used to i t while I'm gone. So everybody agreed to t h a t , so up u n t i l now, brother Henry bears the bigger category than I have, ...I w i l l e d Henry everything. I w i l l e d him my r a t t l e , my blanket, and mv headdress. The f i r s t speaker was the uncle of the second. I r o n i c a l l y , the less t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e was expressed a generation e a r l i e r than the more t r a d i t i o n a l one. Hence my remark e a r l i e r that the 'interim steps' mentioned by Gough can vary between i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the same stratum or family. S i m i l a r divergences i n a t t i t u d e are not uncommon. The current holder of the t i t l e Tsasih took the name only a f t e r h i s elder brother refused i t , announcing that he wanted nothing to do with the t r a d i t i o n a l system. Although knowledge of i n d i v i d u a l t i t l e s tended to be e r r a t i c and spotty, knowledge of clan a f f i l i a t i o n s seemed to be rather more extensive and s t a b l e . Thinking that perhaps there was a f u n c t i o n a l basis to t h i s maintenance of knowledge, I decided to t e s t the awareness of clan membership. I prepared a l i s t of a l l the adults of the v i l l a g e , beginning with the names of the oldest members and working down to those of twenty years of age. I then asked c e r t a i n informants to i d e n t i f y the c l a n membership of these i n d i v i d u a l s i n order to determine both the breadth and accuracy of t h e i r knowledge of such matters. The older and middle-aged informants were able to answer without h e s i t a t i o n and with s u r p r i s i n g l y few disagreements. Where the persons under consideration were older, there was l i t t l e problem of d i r e c t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . When we reached the names of people around t h i r t y years of age, however, my informants 226 often began to lose track, and one took to deducing out loud: "That's Molly's g i r l , so she must be a Beaver." The greatest area of uncertainty and disagreement came i n the area of adop-t i o n s . Informants often would answer with such responses as "I can't remember i f his mother made him an Eagle or his father made him a B l a c k f i s h . " I questioned one informant about the generally extensive and consistent knowledge of a f f i l i a t i o n s shown, and speculated that such d e t a i l e d knowledge had to i n d i c a t e that the clans were more important to people than they were l e t t i n g on, else why do they remember them so well? She r e p l i e d that I'd remember them too i f every time I attended a banquet I saw a l l the members of a p a r t i c u l a r clan s i t t i n g at the same t a b l e . Extensive knowledge of clan a f f i l i a t i o n s may not, therefore, have an important func-t i o n a l dimension, but may w e l l r e s u l t from v e s t i g i a l p o t l a t c h p r a c t i c e s . I was not able to a s c e r t a i n the knowledge of clan a f f i l i a -t i o n at a l l w e l l among the younger ad u l t s , f o r whenever I approached them I was t o l d that I should t a l k to so and so, an older person, u s u a l l y , who knows a l o t about the o l d days. People had a f i x e d idea of what i t i s that anthropologists do, or should do, namely gather myths and s t o r i e s , and consequently were always d i r e c t i n g me towards persons with knowledge of that s o r t . My attempts to convince people that t h e i r own concepts of the o l d days were of i n t e r e s t to me usually met with a courteous, non-commital response, a disclaimer of any r e a l knowledge of that s o r t of t h i n g , and the suggestion that I r e a l l y ought to t a l k to 227 so and so ... . My i n i t i a l hope, to discover the difference i n degrees of knowledge between d i f f e r e n t age groups, got nowhere, f o r a number of reasons. F i r s t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to ask a younger person about such things at a l l , as I have j u s t noted. The t r u t h , that one i s t r y i n g to f i n d out how much l e s s ; h e knows than h i s grandfather, i s not a p o l i t i c reply to h i s d i s c l a i m e r s . Second, i t involves asking the same questions to a ser i e s of informants, many i n the same f a m i l i e s , who compare notes on the researcher and who f e e l i n s u l t e d when they discover that he i s cross checking and repeat-ing questions that they believe that they have answered s a t i s f a c -t o r i l y . I therefore gave i t up as a bad job. 228 To take a t i t l e with or without a p o t l a t c h or d i s t r i b u t i o n T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i t was unthinkable that anyone would attempt to assume a name other than oy way of a p o t l a t c h , a p u b l i c cere-monial at which i n v i t e d witnesses gathered to r a t i f y the trans-fer of a t i t l e from the former holder to the claimant. During the proceedings, the hosts presented important guests with items of wealth as marks of esteem and i m p l i c i t payment f o r the service of witnessing the assumption of the status by the claimant. No peaceable t r a n s f e r of status was l e g i t i m a t e , unless c a r r i e d out at such an occasion. On a few occasions beginning some time a f t e r the turn of the century (as near as I can c a l c u l a t e ) , however, some f a m i l i e s attempted to claim t i t l e s f o r t h e i r members more or less i n p r i -vate. This met with i n d i f f e r e n t success, i n i t i a l l y . Although the claimants wore the t i t l e s , the stigma of an improperly assumed name seemed to continue f o r years, and could even hamper the e f f o r t s of an h e i r to take the t i t l e a generation l a t e r . \ James Clarkson's parents, f o r example, c a l l e d i n f i v e or j s i x c h i e f s to t h e i r house, presented them with g i f t s , and p r i - j v a t e l y invested t h e i r son with the t i t l e Mamakawah but d i d not hold a conventional p o t l a t c h . A generation l a t e r : Fred Woods thought he'd take the name when his uncle James Clarkson (died) . (He) announced a banquet. During preparations, Chris Walker Sr. asked Fred Woods what the name was to be. He t o l d him Mamakawah. Chris Walker s a i d : "You were there when James Clarkson explained that the name was not h i s . Now you go and put up the banquet. Nobody ever put up a banquet for Mamakawah so put up a bi g one." B i l l S t a r r seconded what Chris Walker s a i d and so d i d Eddie Maitland. Mamakawah was a bi g name. You've got to do something b i g . 229 Fred Woods then s a i d he wouldn't stand up f o r (the name). ^So Fred Woods took a name from Melissa's mother. Fred looked a f t e r her since she became almost c r i p p l e d . She gave him the name " i n payment f o r what he did fo r me, a c r i p p l e d woman. Now I give him the biggest name I've got."2 Of i n t e r e s t here i s the conception that the t r a n s f e r of the t i t l e to James Clarkson was somehow not l e g i t i m a t e , (some H a i s l a say 'not le g a l ' ) not having been r a t i f i e d at a p u b l i c ceremony. The attendance of the chiefs at his parents' house notwithstanding, Clarkson evid e n t l y f e l t that he had never pro-p e r l y assumed the name, nor did s i g n i f i c a n t elements of the v i l l a g e . Fred Woods was exhorted i n e f f e c t to take the name not from James Clarkson, but from the preceding Mamakawah, and i n so doing to make up f o r the omission of h i s uncle, who had l e f t Mamakawah un-memorialized. Clarkson's parents' attempt at s o c i a l innovation d i d not take, i t seems, and thus did not help to e s t a b l i s h a v a r i a n t , although the lack of outright denunciation w i t h i n James Clark-son's l i f e t i m e i n d i c a t e s that the move gained at l e a s t p a r t i a l acquiescence, i f not approval. The f i v e or s i x chiefs d id attend the p r i v a t e a f f a i r , a f t e r a l l . Other attempts of a s i m i l a r kind met with more d i r e c t disapproval. I heard t e l l of people accost-ing others i n the s t r e e t to chide them for deviating from approved procedures. One t i t l e , for example, was transferred to a young woman by her grandmother "without the people knowing i t . " My grandfather went to her and asked her--she s a i d she was too o l d to get around to the people. (He TT, His wife's mother. 2. Nawilowashemas (Lone C h i e f ) , a B l a c k f i s h t i t l e . 230 t o l d her) she wasn't supposed to give that name u n t i l she died. She didn't have the power to give the name to anybody. Then he turned around and walked away. Some claims are made i n an even more unorthodox manner, and on occasion succeed. One man claimed a t i t l e i n a way that kept the gossip a l i v e f o r years, but which apparently has not prevented his f unctioning i n a ceremonial context as the t i t l e holder. During a banquet held by someone e l s e , he simply stood up and claimed a high t i t l e of the Eagles, making no presentations nor holding a p o t l a t c h of h i s own. My informant was quite contemp-tuous of the e f f r o n t e r y . A c h i e f doesn't get up and do something without t e l l i n g h i s f e l l o w members i n the c l a n , didn't t e l l anybody. got up and s a i d i t . People were r e a l l y s u r p r i s e d , an experienced man l i k e that. People laugh at him. C a l l himself a c h i e f . (Potlatching) I t ' s a r i c h man's game. Not f o r , he hasn't got anything. The v i l l a g e could have ignored h i s claim altogether, a not unknown technique f o r snubbing those who overreached themselves. One man who held a chie f ' s t i t l e with a somewhat e r r a t i c h i s t o r y attempted to enhance his status by claiming an associated name. He held a banquet i n honour of a deceased kinsman, at which time he claimed the t i t l e . A l l seemed to go w e l l . During a subsequent banquet at which he was a guest, however, he was c a l l e d by his f i r s t t i t l e only, not the one he had subsequently claimed. This was an i m p l i c i t , yet pointed, refusal" to recognize h i s attempt at s o c i a l aggrandizement, even though he had f u l f i l l e d the formal p r o p r i e t i e s . The claimant for the t i t l e of could have been 231 s i m i l a r l y snubbed. Yet during the po t l a t c h held i n memory of Tsasih, the c h i e f of the v i l l a g e , clan leaders were c a l l e d on to announce the succession of the new c h i e f . He was one of the three c a l l e d , a reco g n i t i o n of his succession by the nobles of the Beavers, and kinsmen of the highest t i t l e of the v i l l a g e . Pre-sumably they had had the option of ignoring the claim and c a l l i n g on some other c h i e f or noble, but did not do so. And so, sneered at p r i v a t e l y or not, the man i s recognized as . I t now appears that questionable assumptions of t i t l e s ( i n t r a d i t i o n a l terms) are accepted more frequently by the v i l l a g e at la r g e , not without grumbling from the t r a d i t i o n a l l y minded, but accepted nevertheless. I have sponsored four b i g banquets myself for my dead family members. Henry has done the same thing. These things we have to accomplish to become what we are. There are others who had t h e i r names given to them \\rithout them paying a red cent and yet they have the same respect we have. That's how much things are changing today. 232 To follow t r a d i t i o n a l avenues of succession, or not Although the transmission of statuses t r a d i t i o n a l l y followed the m a t r i l i n e a l route common to cLe northern Northwest Coast peoples, the precise order of succession i s d i f f i c u l t to define. The order of succession explained to me d i f f e r e d from that t o l d to Olson and Lopatin. r The order of succession given me i s : nephew, lack-ing nephew to niece, l a c k i n g niece to s i s t e r . One ,. informant stated that brothers succeed to the t i t l e ; before a nephew, but t h i s i s u n l i k e l y or at le a s t unusual (Olson 1940: 178). I f the deceased c h i e f has no nephew i n the female l i n e , h i s younger brother succeeds him. The pre-sent Chief Morrison succeeded his elder brother, L. Morrison. I f there are neither nephews nor brothers, a cousin i n the female l i n e may be the successor. Thus.Lui [ s i c ] Morrison, a second cousin, was Jesse Morrison's successor (Lopatin 1945: 28-29). The H a i s l a order that I was given corresponds more c l o s e l y to that of the Port Simpson, as noted by G a r f i e l d : Holder of the name to: } 1. Own next younger brother (same mother). • 2. Own eldest s i s t e r ' s eldest son. 3. Next younger p a r a l l e l cousin. (Man having same maternal grandmother as ho l d e r ) . 4. Eldest house nephew. (Son of a woman of the same house and generation as the holder.) 5. Eldest man of a r e l a t e d house, i n own or another t r i b e . 6. Adopted man. (G a r f i e l d 1939: 179) With only one exception, informants t o l d me that brothers came before s i s t e r ' s sons. Whatever the d e t a i l s , however, one s a l i e n t feature i s c l e a r : the name passed down w i t h i n the c l a n . Even with d r a s t i c population decline and consequent d i s r u p t i o n of the l i n e s of succession, the a b i l i t y of 'outsiders' to take r 233 names does not appear to have been thro\vn as wide open as i s generally thought. Even f o r a group l i k e the Southern Kwakiutl, whose reputation for scrambling for statuses i s unp a r a l l e l e d on the coast, there remained c u l t u r a l l y prescribed bounds to a man's ambition, as Drucker's d e s c r i p t i o n a t t e s t s . The extremes to which these competitions were c a r r i e d and the a t t i t u d e that developed i n Fort Rupert--that great expenditures were s u f f i c i e n t to v a l i d a t e any so r t of a claim--are exemplified by the unique i n s t i t u t i o n which those people created. This was the t i t l e of "Eagle." An Eagle was a person who had the s p e c i a l r i g h t to receive his g i f t before the highest-ranking chi e f was presented with h i s . At one time there were twelve Eagle t i t l e s at Fort Rupert. I n v e s t i g a t i o n has revealed that most of these Eagles were not chiefs at a l l , but were men of intermediate or even common status who through industry and clever trading amassed great q u a n t i t i e s of material wealth. Some of them, i n a d d i t i o n , were backed by powerful chi e f s who recognized them as p o t e n t i a l tools to a s s i s t i n the downfall of some high-ranking r i v a l . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the Eagles made no pre-tences at claiming tra d i t i o n - h a l l o w e d names or c r e s t s , but assumed or t r i e d to assume invented names that r e f e r r e d i n some way to the p r i v i l e g e that they hoped to acquire--that of precedence i n re c e i v i n g g i f t s before the r e a l nobles (1955: 138-9). There i s an apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n here. Drucker begins by s t a t i n g that: "...great expenditures were s u f f i c i e n t to v a l i -date any sort of a claim...", but goes on to demonstrate that even among the Southern Kwakiutl, great wealth could not quite buy legitimacy: the "tradition-hallowed names or c r e s t s " remained the preserve of those with a strong genealogical claim to them, and stayed beyond the reach of the well-to-do commoners. New money, i t seems, could buy a great deal, but i t could not buy a background. The i n s t i t u t i o n of the Eagles was a safety valve | designed to permit the structure to remain fundamentally unaltered ] 234 i n the face of the commoners' i n t r u s i o n i n t o the nobles' preserve, access to resources. The more things changed, the more they remained the same. Olson records a s i m i l a r basic s t a b i l i t y (or r i g i d i t y ) among a Northern Kwakiutl people, the Owikeno. Furthermore, there i s an elaborate but obscure code regarding the ethics and r i g h t s of p o t l a t c h i n g . Much of t h i s i n turn revolves around concepts of s o c i a l s t a t u s , which again rests on i n t a n g i b l e but elaborate standards. There are d e f i n i t e l i m i t s to which a man may a s p i r e , however great h i s ambition or h i s w i l l i n g -ness and a b i l i t y to p o t l a t c h . Attempts to go beyond these l i m i t s would e n t a i l a loss of "face"....The r e s u l t i s that a large number of t i t l e s heavy with prestige go begging f o r want of a candidate who i s at once w i l l i n g , able and worthy of assuming them (1950: 109) . Thus for the f i r s t few decades of t h i s century, whatever variants developed i n the assumption of statuses, they remained conditioned by a genealogical q u a l i f i c a t i o n - - t h e claimant had to be r e l a t e d i n some s p e c i f i c way to the holder of the name. The conditions became somewhat looser as more and more categories of i n d i v i d u a l became e l i g i b l e . In 1935, Olson observed a c e r t a i n f l e x i b i l i t y i n the transmission of t i t l e s at Kitamaat: In some instances, i f there i s no nephew to i n h e r i t , the brother of a deceased c h i e f gives a feast of naming and adoption to bestow on a son of the deceased or on h i s own son the t i t l e of the deceased (1940: 179). Although these personal names and t i t l e s are the property of the c l a n , i n d i v i d u a l s may give them away (usually as p o t l a t c h g i f t s ) . In time, however, the name us u a l l y reverts to the o r i g i n a l c l a n . Thus, a Raven c h i e f was given the name Wikwanakulah ( B e l l a B e l l a name meaning "soaring eagle") by h i s father, who was of the Eagle clan and who had no s i s t e r ' s son as h i s h e i r . At the Raven chief's death the name reverted to the Eagle c l a n . Usually, a name i s given away to a nonclansman only when there i s no 235 e l i g i b l e or desirable person w i t h i n the clan or lineage ( I b i d . : 178). In these cases, the move towards greater f l e x i b i l i t y was brought on by the population d e c l i n e , as more and more l i n e s of succession were broken. Olson described one s i t u a t i o n that was shaping up: [SanaxeD] of the Eagle clan has no he i r s at K i t i m a t , ! • though two of h i s s i s t e r ' s sons l i v e at Hartley Bay (Tsimshian v i l l a g e ) . He has adopted his own son in t o his clan as h i s h e i r . However, i f his nephews return to Kitimat one of them w i l l be recognized as h i s successor ( I b i d . : 179). The nephews did not claim the t i t l e , and i t was taken by the son. As I w i l l e xplain i n greater d e t a i l i n the next s e c t i o n , t h i s type of s i t u a t i o n i s p a r t i a l l y a r e s u l t of the loss of con-t r o l of resources by the holders of t r a d i t i o n a l s tatuses, and w i l l occur more frequently now that t i t l e s have l o s t t h e i r sub-st a n t i v e value. As long as names c a r r i e d with them not only p r e s t i g e , but access to wealth, i t was worth one's while to leave the n a t a l v i l l a g e to take up residence at the home of the uncle. Now that the t i t l e s do not confer wealth on t h e i r holders, nephews w i l l tend to remain i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s , and the t i t l e s w i l l e i t h e r lapse or pass to more dis t a n t k i n ( i n matri-l i n e a l terms), as i n the case of SanaxeD. The admission as hei r s of sons, grandsons, or other non-m a t r i l i n e a l k i n , with no r e a l attempt to manipulate t h e i r s t a t u s , beyond adoption i n t o the appropriate clan before conferring a t i t l e , s i g n i f i e s a fundamental s h i f t i n a t t i t u d e . In contrast, consider a s i t u a t i o n that occurred i n the l a t e nineteenth cen-(a) tury. A chief ( 1 ) v ' had no s i s t e r and no s i s t e r ' s son to i n h e r i t al see diagram on next page. 236 his name. His clan c o u n c i l decided to confer the t i t l e normally held by the ch i e f ' s s i s t e r upon a woman (2) with no family other than a young son (3). Normally, whoever held that t i t l e was the p r i n c i p a l s i s t e r of the current c h i e f , and the mother of the next. The c h i e f disapproved of the course h i s council had set f o r him, and announced that i n s t e a d , he intended to adopt h i s own daugh-ter (4) as his ' s i s t e r ' and confer on her the t i t l e proposed fo r the f i r s t woman. His daughter's son (5) would then become his ' s i s t e r ' s son' and thus his h e i r . Under the p r e v a i l i n g order of succession, however, the t i t l e would f i r s t pass to the chie f ' s younger brother (6) and eventually to the adopted nephew. Before the t r a n s f e r could take place, the younger brother died i n an accident (some claimed by w i t c h c r a f t ) , and for reasons not wholly c l e a r , the chief then permitted the adoption of the f i r s t woman as his ' s i s t e r ' and the subsequent assumption of h i s t i t l e by the woman's son. This form of adoption was obviously a way of coping with the various demographic anomalies that populations i n f l u x are subject to. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t , I b e l i e v e , that at the time of that i n c i -dent, before an i n d i v i d u a l l i k e the daughter's son could be con-sidered e l i g i b l e for the inheritance, he had to be transformed 237 i n t o someone of the r i g h t category, i . e . , a s i s t e r ' s son. In other words, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s status was manipulated to conform to the order of succession. Later developments, i n which the more di s t a n t r e l a t i v e s took t i t l e s without any such transforma-t i o n , i n d i c a t e that the order of succession was manipulated (loosened) to conform to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t a t u s . That appears to be a q u a l i t a t i v e s h i f t of some magnitude. The abandonment of the s t r i c t adherence to the o l d order of succession and the admission of people with no attempt to create even a f i c t i v e 'correct' r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t i v e of the d i s i n t e g r a -t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l system. A l l of the variants discussed thus f a r are what Aberle has termed 'conditioned v a r i a n t s . ' Now, genuine var i a n t s must be, to some degree, free v a r i a n t s , not conditioned ones--to borroxv terms from l i n g u i s t i c s ....They would tend toward being free i f the i n d i v i d u a l had to weigh many items of context to make up his mind about appro-priateness . ...We may also speak of free v a r i a n t s where there i s no p r e s c r i p t i o n . . . . free variants [exist \MThere] a number of choices are recognized i n the c u l t u r e , but rules for deciding among the choices are i n s u f f i c i e n t l y s p e c i f i c to condition the v a r i a n t s . Others involve free v a r i a n t s because there i s no r u l e , whereas i n many other s o c i e t i e s f a m i l i a r to us the rules are h i g h l y s p e c i f i c (1963: 3) . The two types of v a r i a n t s , free and conditioned, are both i n evidence i n the taking of t i t l e s , but represent d i f f e r e n t stages i n the d i s - i n t e g r a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l system. Consi-der two d i f f e r e n t forms of the order of succession: the order lays down three d i f f e r e n t categories of h e i r , A, B, and C (cor-responding, say, to brother, nephew, and son). I f they were 238 conditioned v a r i a n t s , the order would be stated as follows: A comes f i r s t . I f no A e x i s t s , then B. I f neither A nor B e x i s t , then C. That, of course, i s an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t matter from the operation of free v a r i a n t s : 'either A, B, or C i s e l i g i b l e ' depending on circumstances. As I remarked e a r l i e r , the type of a l t e r n a t i v e s discussed so f a r are conditioned v a r i a n t s , i n that p r e f e r e n t i a l r u l e s remain i n force ( i f no nephew, then a cousin, e t c . ) . The progressive widening of e l i g i b i l i t y appears to have arisen i n response to the population decline and consequent d i s r u p t i o n of normal l i n e s of succession. When the d i r e c t h e i r did not e x i s t or was not a v a i l a b l e , the response, i t seems, was to embrace the 'next best,' an expedient that would probably not have been necessary during pre-contact times, when the population was more stable and d i r e c t h e i r s more numerous. This step by step r e l a x a t i o n of s t r i c t m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s appears to have occurred elsewhere among the northern t r i b e s . Adams noted i t among the Gitksan, for example. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that the com-mon 'A, then B, then C progression i s expressed. In c e r t a i n cases, the c h i l d r e n may even succeed to t h e i r father's property to the exclusion of the father's d i s t a n t matrikin i f there i s no s u i t a b l e matrisuccessor and i f that part of the father's Crest which owns resources i n the father's v i l l a g e approves ...(1973: 35). The t r a n s i t i o n from conditioned to free variants i n the tak-ing of t i t l e s involves the r e l a x a t i o n of rules governing s t r i c t order, and leaves more to i n d i v i d u a l judgement or i d i o s y n c r a t i c s i t u a t i o n s - - ( c f . Aberles's remark " i f the i n d i v i d u a l had to weigh 239 many items of context to make up h i s mind about appropriateness" [1963: 3 ] ) . Can the most d i r e c t h e i r a f f o r d the t i t l e ? Is he a lout who v.H.ii bring disgrace to the name? Would a more dis tant r e l a t i v e perhaps f u l f i l l the o b l i g a t i o n s of the status more f a i t h f u l l y ? I have heard a l l those considerations expressed. An even more general form of v a r i a n t was described by Gar-f i e l d f o r the Port Simpson of the 1930's. However, i t was the man who could f i r s t d i s t r i b u t e property who acquired the r i g h t s f o r himself, and the other (claimant) had no redress. This sometimes happened i n s p i t e of the wishes of the deceased man as described i n the taking of Sadzan's name. Although everyone knew Sadzan's choice of a successor, when the elder man d i s t r i b u t e d property to them i n h i s own name they accepted i t and recognized h i s claim (1939: 218) . A l a c r i t y counted f o r more than mere b l o o d l i n e i n that instance, although the v a r i a n t remained a conditioned one, r e q u i r i n g some form of r e l a t i o n s h i p to the predecessor. Nevertheless, by admitting a more amorphous category (they who p o t l a t c h f i r s t ) than the previous more r i g i d requirement (someone of p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the previous name holder) i t loosened or 'freed' the procedure somewhat. Truly free variants i n the taking of names (e i t h e r A, B, or C, with no f i x e d preference), i n which the brother, nephew, son, or grandson are considered more or less equally e l i g i b l e , i s not yet generally accepted at Kitamaat, although the requirement f o r the inheritance of a name described by some informants c e r t a i n l y approaches i t . They claim that anyone who did something' f o r the previous holder can conceivably claim h i s t i t l e , regardless of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p , or lack of one. I know of no example of 240 such an assumption, however, beyond the already mentioned g i f t of a t i t l e to Fred Woods from his mother i n law, ' i n payment for what he did for me, a c r i p p l e d woman. Now I give him the biggest name I've got.' To claim that a p a r t i c u l a r action i s not generally accepted, however, begs the question somewhat, for what consti t u t e s 'general acceptance?' Aberle (1963: 2) describes variants as ' c u l t u r a l l y permissible a l t e r n a t i v e s , ' which i s a rather t r i c k y concept to deal w i t h . Does ' c u l t u r a l l y permissible' denote 'behaviour enjoy-ing general sanction,' or 'behaviour that the actor can get away with?' The l a t t e r w i l l vary with the i n d i v i d u a l involved, with his f o r t i t u d e and a b i l i t y to weather disapproval, or his indepen-dence from possible s o c i a l and economic r e p r i s a l . I n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n c e r t a i n l y plays a part--what one man may think worth a tr y another w i l l consider u t t e r l y out of the question. Thus the bold and unorthodox innovation t r i e d by the claimant to the t i t l e of _--to stand at another's p o t l a t c h and claim a t i t l e f o r himself--has not been emulated by a number of other impecunious claimants who have yet to t r y to claim the names for which they are e l i g i b l e . I t i s not that they do not want the t i t l e s ; they are simply u n w i l l i n g to t r y f o r them without staging potlatches. One such, for example, wants the name, but "never put any money by for i t . Now (he) j u s t keeps to himself." S i m i l a r l y , the example given previously of the i n d i v i d u a l who decided to forego a t i t l e because, as he s a i d , " . . . I have no property, so i f I bear that hereditary c h i e f of my family, Hemasaka, I cannot respond with the people that have the same category as I have, 241 which I'm supposed to pay a l o t of a t t e n t i o n t o , " contrasts sharply with the a t t i t u d e s of those who take t i t l e s but do not maintain them. Thus i t may w e l l develop that what one c l a s s of i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l consider as an acceptable a l t e r n a t i v e some other c l a s s w i l l not. This leads to the question, how general must an a c t i o n be-come before i t can be considered a genuine a l t e r n a t i v e ? Does one man's taking h i s fathe r ' s t i t l e without a p o t l a t c h e s t a b l i s h a v a r i a n t ? To ask informants about the p r i n c i p l e s that they per-ceive i s to get a s e r i e s of c o n t r a d i c t o r y r e p l i e s , depending on whether they are t r a d i t i o n a l l y minded, or more l i b e r a l towards innovations. One informant w i l l describe an a c t i o n as an a l t e r -n a t i v e that anyone may foll o w ; another w i l l confide t h a t , while c e r t a i n shameless people do such and such, "the people" do not r e a l l y accept i t . One c h i e f , I was t o l d , adopted a c h i l d as h i s son, and conferred a high ranking name on him. I t was no good, one informant explained, f o r the people do not accept that man as "coming from a c h i e f ' s f a m i l y . " I asked whether the i n d i v i d u a l i n question was c a l l e d i n the potlatches by the name that h i s fa t h e r had conferred on him, and was t o l d that he was. When I attempted to resolve the c o n t r a d i c t i o n , the informant responded with a shrug, so there the matter rest e d . One suspects that "the people" i n that case are the r e l a t i v e l y small c i r c l e of l i k e -minded i n d i v i d u a l s with whom he a s s o c i a t e s . Thus, there i s not 'a' set of va r i a n t s to which the Kitamaat subscribe, but a s e r i e s of s e t s , each adhered to by a p a r t i c u l a r group. It appears to me inescapable that the process of e s t a b l i s h -242 ing v a r i a n t s w i l l produce f r i c t i o n i n the community, e s p e c i a l l y i n an aspect of c u l t u r e as deeply embedded i n the value s t r u c t u r e o f some people as the t r a d i t i o n a l status system. Any innovation or d e v i a t i o n (much the same t h i n g , i n t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s ' eyes), w i l l spawn, i f not o u t r i g h t o p p o s i t i o n , at l e a s t grumbling and i l l f e e l i n g , that tends to promote the establishment of d i v i s i o n s i n the community. There appear to be three rough d i v i s i o n s at Kitamaat: t r a -d i t i o n a l i s t s , who value the o l d ways, and claim to order t h e i r l i v e s , as f a r as i s p r a c t i c a b l e , according to t h e i r precepts; modernists, who inveigh against the t r a d i t i o n a l system, refuse to engage i n i t , and who often campaign f o r i t s abandonment as a r e l i c of a time best f o r g o t t e n ; and a large middle group of ' n e u t r a l s , ' h o l d i n g a range of opinions, from passive support to i n d i f f e r e n c e . Many ne u t r a l s co-operate with the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s to the extent of c o n t r i b u t i n g to, attending, and even st a g i n g p o t l a t c h e s , u s u a l l y at the prompting of the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s . Others, while they bear no p a r t i c u l a r animus towards the system, seem to pay i t l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n , and seldom p a r t i c i p a t e i f they can conveniently avoid i t . My attempts to a s s o c i a t e membership i n these categories with other a t t r i b u t e s , such as age, a c t u a l or p o t e n t i a l rank i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system, occupation, f i n a n c i a l standing, education, and the l i k e , d i d not l e a d f a r . As one might expect, the large majority of s t r i c t t r a d i t i o n -a l i s t s are e l d e r l y persons; on the other hand, a few older people quite openly disparage the system, and make no s p e c i a l e f f o r t to 243 keep names or t r a d i t i o n s a l i v e . While the majority of the young adults with whom I came i n t o contact knew l i t t l e of, or were i n d i f f e r e n t t o , d e t a i l s of the t r a d i t i o n a l system, one oc c a s i o n a l l y w i l l go to considerable trouble to take a name. One youth of about 20 recently applied his e n t i r e earnings from the f i s h i n g season to a p o t l a t c h , f o r example. Actual h o s t i l i t y towards the old ways i s v i r t u a l l y absent among the young, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , for they have not been torn between the two systems as have t h e i r parents. Some of the more b i t t e r c o n f l i c t s over taking or not taking names seem to have taken place about twenty or t h i r t y years ago; hence the more outspoken modernists are among the middle aged, although there are too many exceptions to attempt a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . T r a d i t i o n a l i s t s do tend to c l u s t e r i n f a m i l i e s . The young persons who go to the trouble of taking names appear to be more conversant with many t r a d i t i o n a l elements than the o t h e r s - - t h e i r knowledge of H a i s l a seems to be superior, for example. Although t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s may come from t r a d i t i o n a l i s t f a m i l i e s , the con-verse i s not n e c e s s a r i l y true--not a l l who come from t r a d i t i o n -a l i s t f a m i l i e s turn out to be t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s . There are several instances of s i b l i n g s taking quite d i f f e r e n t stands towards the matter. One i n d i v i d u a l who belonged to a. high ranking, t r a d i -t i o n a l i s t family attempted to persuade the band c o u n c i l to p r o h i b i t p o t l a t c h i n g (during the 1950's), and l a t e r refused to take the chief's name to which he was e n t i t l e d . His brother then assumed the t i t l e . The degree of f l e x i b i l i t y shown i n the adherence to t r a d i -244 t i o n a l forms i s an i n d i c a t o r of the e s s e n t i a l i r r e l e v a n c e of the t r a d i t i o n a l system to the economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e . That the number of v a r i a n t s seems to be growing p o i n t s towards continued d i s - i n t e g r a t i o n of the m a t r i l i n e a l system. This d i s - i n t e g r a t i o n can continue l a r g e l y unchecked because the economic and p o l i t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of the t i t l e s have been removed, le a v i n g the statuses shorn of the p r o p e r t i e s that once gave them other than h o n o r i f i c value. Nearly f o r t y years ago, G a r f i e l d noted the same process at Port Simpson. Natives' names do not carry with them the p r e s t i g e and p r i v i l e g e s they once d i d , since house and l i n -eage heads no longer have p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic poller over t h e i r k i n . The importance of lineage possessions, both t a n g i b l e . . . a n d . . . i n t a n g i b l e ...has waned. Therefore the urge to preserve the c o n t i n u i t y of the lineage has gradually weakened (1939: 229). The d e t a i l s of the separation of property from t i t l e s i s the subject of the next s e c t i o n . To t r a n s f e r t r a d i t i o n a l prerogatives and property with the t i t l e , or not T r a d i t i o n a l l y among the most property-conscious of peoples, the Northwest Coast groups extended concepts of ownership to embrace v i r t u a l l y a l l aspects of l i f e . Their property may be divided i n t o two types, tangible and i n t a n g i b l e . Tangible pro-perty included houses, canoes, tools and implements, and ceremonial r e g a l i a . Intangible included prerogatives such as r i g h t s to s o c i a l precedence, songs, dances, and s t o r i e s , and c o n t r o l over resource s i t e s , such as f i s h i n g grounds, hunting t e r r i t o r i e s , berry patches, and the l i k e . Ownership was vested v a r i o u s l y i n i n d i v i d u a l , lineage, c l a n , or v i l l a g e . Those items under i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l normally passed to h e i r s through m a t r i l i n e a l channels. Control of property under lineage or clan ownership passed to the successors to c h i e f ' s t i t l e s . Thus the m a t r i l i n e a l system provided the avenues f o r the transmission of a l l types of property. The i s o l a t i o n of the m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e and the p a r t i a l s u b s t i t u t i o n of the b i l a t e r a l system lead to the question of the t r a n s f e r of property--to what extent have the H a i s l a maintained or attempted to maintain t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of property owner-ship and transmission? As f a r as personal property i s concerned, the Kitamaat have separated the h o n o r i f i c and the substantive aspects such that an i n d i v i d u a l who i n h e r i t s a status does not normally i n h e r i t the tangible property as w e l l . Thus we f i n d names, songs, and cere-monial prerogatives being transmitted p r i m a r i l y along m a t r i l i n e a l l i n e s (with the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s noted i n the preceding s e c t i o n ) , while houses, canoes, r i f l e s , and the l i k e commonly go to a man' c h i l d r e n . This s h i f t towards children's inheritance of economically s i g n i f i c a n t property seems t y p i c a l of m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s caught i n the throes of a c c u l t u r a t i o n to Western i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . As Gough showed i n her comparative study: Among the Tonga...with the growth of new forms of production and of wealth, there i s a tendency for m a t r i l i n e a l groups to break down, e s p e c i a l l y for purposes of inheritance....Many who are most deeply involved i n the new economic processes desire a f u r t h e r change to elementary f a m i l i a l inheritance (1961: 632). [Fortes] notes s p e c i f i c a l l y that [among the A s h a n t i ] , "modern opportunities f o r accumulating p r i v a t e means and holding f i x e d property such as cocoa farms and b u i l d i n g s , work i n favor of the t i e s between parents and children"....About one out of four cocoa farms, i n fact seems to have passed from father to c h i l d r e n ( I b i d . : 634). ."Eggan notes that, [among the Hopi of O r a i b i ] , a man's personally acquired property, e s p e c i a l l y sheep, i s divided between his c h i l d r e n , p a r t i c u -l a r l y h i s sons. Forde noted i n 1931 that some men were passing on land of t h e i r own to e i t h e r t h e i r sons or daughters . . . ( I b i d . : 636). [Among the Minangkabau] the father now often pays his children's school fees, may act as t h e i r l e g a l guardian, and makes large bequests to his sons, sometimes to the extent of his whole per-sonal property ( I b i d . : 639). The process appears to take place i n a number of stages, beginning with the realignment of r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s i n t o elemen-tary family households and the s h i f t i n g of c o n t r o l of means of production into i n d i v i d u a l hands. Next comes intra-household economic co-operation, notably between a man and h i s sons, and Z4 7 f i n a l l y , transmission of property to those sons. The change i n housing patterns came quite soon a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the missionary at Kitamaat, i n 189J. Over the next decade, smaller frame dwellings replaced the t r a d i t i o n a l lineage-owned long house, and the t r a d i t i o n a l r e s i d e n t i a l units were broken up as converts moved to the mission v i l l a g e . G a r f i e l d noted the trend towards father-and-son co-operation and i n h e r i -tance of such houses at Port Simpson, l i k e Kitamaat a north coast v i l l a g e missionized by the Methodists. ? """" In the e a r l y b u i l d i n g of frame family dwellings the custom of mutual ai d of lineage members continued to { a c e r t a i n extent. E s p e c i a l l y was t h i s true of the younger men who a s s i s t e d the elder ones i n the expec-t a t i o n of i n h e r i t i n g the dwelling they a s s i s t e d i n ! b u i l d i n g . Other men were independent and i n s i s t e d on financing and b u i l d i n g t h e i r homes as s i n g l e family dwellings with the r i g h t to w i l l t h e i r property to t h e i r own c h i l d r e n . Sons gradually replaced nephews i n a s s i s t i n g the older men, since they would be h e i r s of t h e i r fathers and not of t h e i r uncles (1939: 280). \ G a r f i e l d notes that t r a d i t i o n a l l y : I According to a well-known p r i n c i p l e of property ownership a son had no r i g h t s to anything belonging { to h i s f a t h e r , however i t may have been acquired ( I b i d . : 264). I know of no instance i n the modern v i l l a g e of Kitamaat i n which m a t r i l i n e a l h e i r s have received a house. I have heard of instances i n which nephews helped i n the construction of houses, but as f a r as I could determine, t h i s was done i n the course of mutual a i d within,..the family, and the nephews did not consider that t h e i r help conferred any s p e c i a l r i g h t s of inheritance. The pat-tern of co-operation i n house construction diverged from t r a d i -t i o n a l channels quite e a r l y , for the erection of a frame dwelling c a l l e d f o r novel s k i l l s that not everyone had acquired. One sought out a carpenter f o r a i d , rather than j u s t a kinsman. The p r o j e c t then became more of a commercial t r a n s a c t i o n than an ex e r c i s e i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The d i s p o s i t i o n of other economic b e n e f i t s that went with t i t l e s - - a c c e s s to or c o n t r o l over resource s i t e s - - i s c onsiderably l e s s c l e a r cut than the s h i f t i n the transmission of t a n g i b l e property. To begin, there i s the d i f f i c u l t y i n determining j u s t what was the H a i s l a a t t i t u d e towards e x c l u s i v e access to those s i t e s . This d i f f i c u l t y has been discussed i n chapter 3, pp. Whatever the d e t a i l s of H a i s l a perceptions of ownership of resource s i t e s , i t seems c l e a r that they shared the general c o a s t a l a t t i t u d e that such s i t e s were to be considered the pro-perty of some s o c i a l u n i t s , be they i n d i v i d u a l , house, c l a n , or the l i k e . I suspected i n i t i a l l y that those who c o n t r o l l e d f i s h -ing s i t e s or berry grounds would have attempted to extend t h e i r p r i o r i t y to resources that became important f o l l o w i n g contact, and, f o r example, would have l a i d claim to logging r i g h t s i n t h e i r domains. I t h e r e f o r e examined the p a t t e r n of logging and trap-ping claims to see whether they corresponded i n any way to t r a d i -t i o n a l ownership p a t t e r n s , and i f so, how r i g h t s to them were transmitted. I hoped to apply the concept of increase and reduc-t i o n of v a r i a n t s to any s h i f t s i n the patterns and modes of trans-mission of these r i g h t s . The government enforced a s o r t of e x c l u s i v i t y by l i c e n s i n g the r i g h t to e x p l o i t c e r t a i n areas f o r p a r t i c u l a r resources. The l o c a t i o n s of logging claims , t r a p l i n e s , and drag seines are spe-c i f i e d i n the licences obtained from various agencies, making i t possible to follow the a c t i v i t i e s of the holders of permits over several years, and o c c a s i o n a l l y , over generations. T r a p l i n e s , for example, are r e g i s t e r e d to an i n d i v i d u a l / without term, and can be w i l l e d or tra n s f e r r e d to whomever the' holder chooses. Evidence suggests that they were o r i g i n a l l y apportioned along t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s . * In a l e t t e r to the F i s h and Game Branch, three H a i s l a and one K i t k i a t a complained that: " should never have been r e g i s t e r e d on t h i s creek, as he does not belong there" (Trapline F i l e 1936: n.p.). The f o l l o w i n g year, a man wrote on behalf of his son that "Mr. Wil l i a m Henry gave my son t h i s t r a p l i n e as his grandfather owns th i s place" ( I b i d . 1937: n.p.). E v i d e n t l y , then, t i t l e ( i n native terms) d i d confer a p r i o r claim i n the matter of at l e a s t one post-contact resource, f u r -bearing animals. As Table XXIII, p. 250 shows, however, by the 1930's, t i t l e had begun to pass along b i l a t e r a l l i n e s . Of 22 transfers between 1934 and 1972, 8 l i n e s went to ch i l d r e n (7 sons, 1 daughter), 4 TT, The present t r a p l i n e boundaries are of recent c r e a t i o n . When they were f i r s t drawn up, the Indians submitted a drawing of the l o c a t i o n of the l i n e to government o f f i c i a l s . The draw-ing showed j u s t that--a l i n e , f ollowing the path the trapper took from trap to trap. That would not do, for the govern-ment demanded c l e a r cut boundaries between the holdings. So the natives and Fish and Game personnel together drew up blocks, which s a t i s f i e d V i c t o r i a and accounts for the pat-tern of t r a p l i n e s today. Even though the configurations :are new, the locations remained constant, which was a l l that mattered f o r my purposes. 250 Table XXIII Transfers o f T r a p l i n e s Year From To R e l a t i o n s h i p 1934 P h i l i p Williams Guy § C h a r l i e Williams sons 1936 Matthew Wilson C h a r l i e Wilson son 1937 W i l l i a m Henry Roderick Bolton 1938 James Henry W i l l i a m Henry son 1939 F r e d e r i c k Grant Donald Grant son 1941 Herbert McMillan Mary Shaw McMillan wife 1941 John Livingstone Joe Paul 1941 A l b e r t S t a r r A l l a n S t a r r son 1943 A l l a n S t a r r Timothy S t a r r brother 1943 Timothy S t a r r Gordon Robinson wibroso 1944 G.E. Moore (white) Chris Walker 1944 Mary Shaw McMillan Norman Stewart husiso 1946 Joseph Gray Alex Gray brother 1948 John Paul Walter Williams daso 1951 Dick Williams Stewart Woods 1951 G. § C. Williams Fred § Moses Williams brothers 1952 John Bolton A l b e r t Walker 1953 Thomas N. Amos Heber Amos son 1955 Walter Williams Crosby Smith mosiso 1956 Joe Paul James Robertson 1959 Timothy S t a r r Kay § Robin Grant da § daso 1962 John Wilson Geddes Wilson son 1972 W i l l i a m P. Nelson Joe Nelson brother Source: F i s h and Game Branch T r a p l i n e F i l e s , Terrace to b r o t h e r s , 1 to daughter's son, 1 to s i s t e r ' s sons, and 1 to a mother's s i s t e r ' s son. One widow took her husband's t r a p l i n e , but l a t e r t r a n s f e r r e d i t to h i s s i s t e r ' s son. I bel i e v e that she merely h e l d i t i n t r u s t f o r him. The question remains, which of these t r a n s f e r s could be considered to have been determined from m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s ? Those made from men to t h e i r c h i l d r e n or t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s c h i l d -ren do not f i t that category, f o r they involve the t r a n s f e r of property between i n d i v i d u a l s of d i f f e r e n t c l a n s . The remainder, those made to br o t h e r s , s i s t e r ' s sons, and m a t r i l a t e r a l p a r a l l e l cousins could conceivably have made along m a t r i l i n e a l l i n e s . When we examine t r a n s f e r s over two or three generations, however, we f i n d a mixture of types of t r a n s f e r , as the diagrams on page 252 show. Of the four t r a n s f e r s to bro t h e r s , two were preceded by t r a n s f e r s from father to son (numbers 1 and 4, page 252). The.transfer between p a r a l l e l cousins followed a t r a n s f e r from the mother's fa t h e r (number 5). The only t r a n s f e r made c l e a r l y along m a t r i l i n e a l l i n e s , that from mother's brother to s i s t e r ' s son, a l b e i t v i a the former's widow (number 2), d i d not take place i n the t r a d i t i o n a l context of a p o t l a t c h . The t r a n s f e r took place i n f o r m a l l y ( i n n a t i v e terms), s e v e r a l years before the assumption of the uncle's name was even contemplated. I b e l i e v e that i t i s safe to say that by the 1930's at l e a s t , the t r a n s f e r of t r a p l i n e s had ceased to be ass o c i a t e d with pot-l a t c h e s , and that t h e i r transmission along b i l a t e r a l l i n e s was an accepted v a r i a n t . 252 Table XXIV Sequential Transfers of Traplines 1. P h i l i p Williams -> Guy § C h a r l i e Williams -» Fred § Moses Williams (1) (2) (2) (3) (3) 2 . Herbert McMillan -> Mary Shaw McMillan -> Norman Stewart (1) (2) (3) 3. John Livingstone -> Joe Paul ~> James Robertson C D (2) (3) 4. A l b e r t S t a r r -> A l l a n S t a r r -> Timothy S t a r r -> Kay $ Robin Grant C D (2) C3) C4) (4) 5. John Paul -> Walter Williams -> Crosby Smith C D C2) (3) 253 The question then i s , did the ownership and e x c l u s i v i t y con-cepts that i n i t i a l l y were applied to t r a p l i n e s extend to the use of other resources? Were f i s h i n g and logging s i m i l a r l y affected? I n t r a - t r i b a l concepts of property do not seem to have a p p l i e d among H a i s l a commercial fishermen, because most of t h e i r f i s h i n g i s c a r r i e d out away from shore, where claims of e x c l u s i v i t y are not e a s i l y asserted. Drag seining i s the only commercial f i s h -ing venture that takes place away from the shore, and some s o r t of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y does appear to have operated, although I found only one passing reference to i t . Fieldworkers f o r the 1954 Hawthorn study recorded that: To drag seine you need a net, ca. 34 f t . boat and s k i f f ; and crew of 4 men. You f i s h i n a bay or at the mouth of a r i v e r . To do t h i s you u s u a l l y have to "own" the r i v e r (informant's grandfather has a t r a p l i n e on the r i v e r they f i s h i n front of) (Haw-thorn Report Notes 1953: n.p\) Unfortunately, the informant f o r that information no longer l i v e s i n the v i l l a g e , and my informants, even those who were commercial fishermen at that time, disclaimed any knowledge of that s o r t of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . In any event, drag seining never counted f o r much among the H a i s l a , almost a l l of whom f i s h e d from g i l l netters or s e i n e r s , so t e r r i t o r i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s would have had l i t t l e impact. Some i n t e r - t r i b a l f e e l i n g does seem to have e x i s t e d , espe-c i a l l y among those who, l i k e the Owikeno, saw t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s flooded with hundreds of 'foreign' fishermen each summer. Infor-mants t o l d me that as l a t e as the 1920's, they were oc c a s i o n a l l y confronted by h o s t i l e Rivers I n l e t natives and t o l d to go back 254 where they came from. F i s h e r i e s reports note that f e e l i n g s ran highest on the Skeena, where native fishermen often took to the grounds with r i f l e s , and d e l i b e r a t e l y fouled each others' nets, i n disputes over precedence. Apparently, those v i l l a g e s that were relocated f o l l o w i n g m i s s i o n i z a t i o n s u f f e r e d the most d i f f i -c u l t y , f o r non-converts took the moves as a s i g n that the converts had abandoned t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s , and moved in t o what they consi-dered a vacuum. When the converts attempted to e x p l o i t t h e i r o l d grounds, they were met with the argument that they had 'thrown them away' when they s h i f t e d v i l l a g e s . Exasperated F i s h e r i e s O f f i -cers a t t r i b u t e d other i n t e r - v i l l a g e t e r r i t o r i a l disputes to the "deplorable e c c l e s i a s t i c a l animosity" fostered by inter-church r i v a l r y . By and l a r g e , the H a i s l a escaped such d i f f i c u l t i e s , f o r t h e i r t e r r i t o r y d i d not become a major f i s h i n g ground on the order of the Skeena or Rivers I n l e t , and conversion d i d not involve r e l o -c a t i o n . I believe that the H a i s l a s ' foregoing of e x c l u s i v i t y over y f i s h i n g s i t e s proceeded from two f a c t o r s . F i r s t , the decline i n population enabled the people to meet t h e i r subsistence needs from fewer streams than before. Second, the F i s h e r i e s Department's | p r o h i b i t i o n of the use of traps, w e i r s , and i n - r i v e r commercial \ X f i s h i n g deprived t r a d i t i o n a l locations of t h e i r economic value. j In neither case was control of s i t e s as c r u c i a l to the s u r v i v a l orf p r o s p e r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l or clan as "before those changes took plac§. I t appears that the Kitamaat may have abandoned t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r o l over f i s h i n g s i t e s somewhat e a r l i e r than neighbouring peoples. G a r f i e l d notes that at Port Simpson: 255 There are s t i l l some f i s h i n g s i t e s and hunting and trapping t e r r i t o r i e s that are used and bring t h e i r possessors money. These are j e a l o u s l y guarded and there have been family feuds i n recent years over the taking of names which included the p r i v i l e g e of con t r o l or exclusive use of such s i t e s (1939: 194). G a r f i e l d does not spe c i f y what type of f i s h i n g was c a r r i e d out, however. I t may have been drag s e i n i n g , i n which case the native a t t i t u d e made economic sense. In H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , most of the drag seine l i c e n c e s , conferring exclusive r i g h t s to f i s h at a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n , were o r i g i n a l l y issued to a white-owned company. Because commercial f i s h i n g commonly took the H a i s l a hundreds of miles from home^ , questions of a b o r i g i n a l c o n t r o l of s i t e s becomes less p e r t i n e n t than for logging, which took place near to or w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s . Moreover, a timber stand i s p r e c i s e l y the kind of resource that lends i t s e l f to c l e a r , unequivocal, transmissible c o n t r o l . I therefore thought i t not u n l i k e l y that a b o r i g i n a l concepts of con t r o l would have extended to fores t t r a c t s . Using handloggers' l i c e n c e ledgers and c o u n t e r f o i l books, I was able to p l o t the precise locations of about h a l f of the 305 handloggers' claims taken out by the H a i s l a between 1910 and 1927. The remainder had descriptions such as 'Douglas Channel' or 'Devastation Channel,' f a r too vague to be of any use. The loca-tions of some are p l o t t e d on the maps, figures 16 and 17, pages 2 56 and 2 57. I found only two Haislas who logged predominantly i n the areas of t h e i r t r a p l i n e s . The claims of the other loggers were 256 Figure 16 H a i s l a Handlogging Locations, 1913-1916 Source: Handloggers' Licence Counterfoil Books Figure 17 H a i s l a Handlogging Locations, 1917-1919 257 x v<- H a i s l a Territory-Source: Handloggers* Licence C o u n t e r f o i l Books 258 scattered throughout the whole of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y and beyond. A b o r i g i n a l ownership appears to have counted for much less than economic expediency i n that case, f o r i t was to the loggers' advantage to work as close to the m i l l as possible i n order to minimize towing charges which, i t w i l l be remembered, were a not inconsiderable part of t h e i r expenses. As I mentioned i n the logging s e c t i o n , the H a i s l a s o l d to three main m i l l s : the Georgetown m i l l up to 1917, the "Swanson Bay p u l p m i l l from 1917 to 1924, and thereafter to P a c i f i c M i l l s at Ocean F a l l s . The pattern of logging claims r e f l e c t s these s h i f t s . As figures 16 and 17 show, the f i r s t two m i l l s seem to have had a g r a v i t a t i o n a l e f f e c t on the l o c a t i o n of logging claims, as the loggers moved t h e i r operations towards the p r e v a i l i n g .market. Thus the f i r s t map shows a number of claims s p i l l i n g out of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y towards the west and northwest, i n the d i r e c t i o n of Georgetown. With the opening of the Swanson Bay m i l l , the claims tended to g r a v i t a t e to the south. A f t e r Swanson Bay closed down and P a c i f i c M i l l s at Ocean F a l l s became the major market, however, the l a t t e r ' s d i f f e r e n t purchasing arrangements seem to have promoted a d i s p e r s i o n of operations. P a c i f i c M i l l s paid a l l towing charges , removing them as a consideration i n the l o c a t i o n of a claim. Of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n t h i s process i s the f a c t that H a i s l a loggers established claims i n the t e r r i t o r i e s f i r s t of Hartley Bay ( K i t k i a t a ) then of Klemtu (Kitasoo) . As f i g . 16 shows., during the 1913-1916 period, 10 claims were taken out by Haislas i n Hartley Bay t e r r i t o r y , some w i t h i n two miles of the v i l l a g e i t s e l f . 259 BBetween 1917 and 1919, 15 claims were located i n Klemtu t e r r i t o r y , several by the same men who had logged near Hartley Bay s h o r t l y before ( f i g u r e 17, q.v.). I heard of no accounts of confrontations, f r i c t i o n , or attempts by Hartley Bay or Klemtu natives to assert t h e i r p r i o r claims to the timber stands. 260 Chapter 11 I n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s Between Economic and Non-Economic Factors i n C u l t u r a l Change Thus f a r , we have considered f i v e t o p i c s : the basis of c h i e f t a i n s h i p and ranking i n t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a s o c i e t y ; the H a i s l a s ' entry i n t o and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast; t h e i r m i s s i o n i z a t i o n by an u l t r a - e v a n g e l i c a l form of C h r i s t i a n i t y ; d r a s t i c depopulation; and the breakdown of the t r a d i t i o n a l m a t r i l i n e a l system and i t s p a r t i a l replacement by a quasi-western, b i l a t e r a l , nuclear-family based system. I t remains to consider the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among them. The i n i t i a l blow to c h i e f t a i n s h i p and ranking r e s u l t e d from the epidemics that a f f l i c t e d most coas t a l peoples f o l l o w i n g the a r r i v a l of the whites. I have speculated that the basis of the chie f ' s superior status was a resource base that was more regu-l a r i n the aggregate than i n i t s constituent u n i t s . Pooling and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n permitted the establishment of a population s i z e consistent with the average minimum p r o d u c t i v i t y of the region rather than with the p r o d u c t i v i t y of the more v a r i a b l e l o c a l resource bases. The r e s u l t i n g pressure on the regional base generated a regular c a l l f o r some form of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and thus sustained the c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n and superior status of the r e d i s -t r i b u t o r - c h i e f s . During the nineteenth century, however, the H a i s l a may have l o s t up to f o u r - f i f t h s of t h e i r people. This reduction i n numbers was not accompanied by any diminution i n the resource base, which, i n the absence of intensive commercial f i s h i n g of the predominant 261 l o c a l species of salmon, remained stable." 1" The remnants of the population that survived the ravages of that period could hardly have exerted pressure on the resource base s u f f i c i e n t to have required the i n t e r v e n t i o n of a r e d i s t r i b u t o r . Thus the constant reinforcement of the c h i e f s ' prestige through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , the c r i t i c a l economic function that sustained t h e i r claim to prominence, was eliminated. I f the population decline removed the p o s i t i v e pressure f o r the maintenance of the c h i e f s ' s t a t u s , the H a i s l a s ' entry into the I n d u s t r i a l economy a c t i v e l y undermined i t , by e s t a b l i s h i n g a system of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n that was quite independent of the t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l system and the services of the c e n t r a l . f i g u r e s . In the i n d u s t r i a l economy, the resources themselves were defined as such by whites, permission to e x p l o i t them ( i n the form of licences)was conferred by whites, and the means to do so, the equipment, was obtained from whites. Thus, the means of production were placed i n the hands of i n d i v i d u a l s who obtained t h e i r remuneration as a r e s u l t of personal a t t r i b u t e s --knowledge, s k i l l , stamina, or luck--rather than genealogical p o s i t i o n or the influence or i n t e r v e n t i o n of the c h i e f s . When access to resources became governed not by c h i e f l y sanction, as formerly, but by Government f i a t , the loss of sover-eignty deprived the chiefs of one of the main a t t r i b u t e s of economic T~. I t i s p o s s i b l e , i n f a c t , that the salmon populations could have increased following the reduction of native e x p l o i t a t i o n that followed the population d e c l i n e . Hewes (1973: 148) described the period between the drop i n native e x p l o i t a t i o n and the on-set of commercial f i s h i n g as a " r e s t i n g period" during which salmon stocks may have increased considerably. 262 power, the a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l the access of others to resources. Furthermore, they found even t h e i r own access l i m i t e d by the same l e g a l , market, and technological constraints as t h e i r tribesmen. This enforced e q u a l i t y of access placed the chi e f s i n the same economic jeopardy as any commoner, fo r with the i r r e g u l a r i t y endemic to the c o a s t a l i n d u s t r i e s , i t was as l i k e l y that a c h i e f would s u f f e r a poor year as that a commoner would enjoy a good one. In such a s i t u a t i o n , the maintenance of economic d i f f e r e n t i a l s was impossible. Consider the sources of i r r e g u l a r i t y or unpred-i c t a b i l i t y that faced natives attempting to engage i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy: access to equipment was made d i f f i c u l t by the development of technology; jobs working f o r white operators could evaporate as the unstable economy drove many concerns out of business; l i c e n c e r e s t r i c t i o n s made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r many natives to gain access to the resources themselves; once access was gained, the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the occurrence of the resources--f l u c t u a t i o n s i n f i s h runs, unforeseen stump or crown rot i n t r e e s , population cycles i n fur-bearing animals --made returns h i g h l y unpredictable. Even with a stock of resources f o r s a l e , native producers could be l e f t with unsaleable or grossly undervalued products by world or l o c a l p r i c e and market f l u c t u a t i o n s . The chie f s were as susceptible as anyone else to these d i s a b i l i t i e s , with the r e s u l t that the economic advantage over t h e i r tribesmen that they had enjoyed i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system disappeared e n t i r e l y . This i r r e g u l a r i t y was accompanied by a decline i n the s i z e of the productive u n i t . G i l l n e t t i n g and handlogging can be ( page 264 does not exist ) c a r r i e d out by s o l i t a r y producers. Seining and power logging do use l a r g e r crews (4-7 and 4-5 men, r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , but they came int o operation t h i r t y to f o r t y years a f t e r the H a i s l a began to engage a c t i v e l y i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy, by which time the p r i n c i p a l r e l a t i o n s of production were set, and i n any event, d i d not l a s t for very long as a major a l t e r n a t i v e form of organization before the decline i n f i s h i n g and logging noted e a r l i e r saw them much reduced. Their main e f f e c t was to keep the o v e r a l l economic organization of the v i l l a g e somewhat unse t t l e d , as a form of economic power was conferred on the captains of boats or owners of equipment, who could c o n t r o l the access of a small number of t h e i r fellows to jobs. This power, however, did not devolve to chiefs or to the holder of any p a r t i c u l a r status i n the t r a d i -t i o n a l system, but went to i n d i v i d u a l s f o r a number of reasons having nothing to do with s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Captaincy of a s e i n e r , or option to purchase, could be offered to a fisherman a f t e r a number of seasons i n which his superior knowledge of the grounds, or d i l i g e n c e , or luck brought him b i g catches, f o r example. Thus, not only were the chiefs shunted aside economically, i t became extremely d i f f i c u l t for any class of i n d i v i d u a l s per-manently to take t h e i r place and become 'chiefs' i n t h e i r stead, for the technological and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l innovations that were introduced on the coast sequentially, conferred superior access to resources or the a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l the access of others on a l l manner of persons. I t became d i f f i c u l t indeed f o r the c u l t u r e to ' s e t t l e down' under such conditions. 265 ...Changes i n technology are exogenous; they are external to the cult u r e and cannot be explained by the culture....The system moves i n spurts; each change i n technology sets m motion a s e r i e s of changes i n the cult u r e u n t i l the new c u l t u r e i s again consistent with the new technology....More-over i n the absence of new pushes, the systems eventually s e t t l e down to s t a t i o n a r y s t a t e s ; the systems are dampened i n other words. In f a c t , a l l r e a l s o c i e t i e s are subject to a s u f f i c i e n t number of exogenous pushes, from d i f f u s i o n for example, that they r a r e l y reach s t a t i o n a r y states ( B e r l i n e r 1962, i n Frankenberg 1967: 82). The innovations that i n i t i a t e d the 'spurts' have been d i s -cussed: handlogging equipment, the donkey engine, motor boats, seines, power drums f o r g i l l n e t t e r s , power hauling equipment f o r s e i n e r s , e l e c t r o n i c f i s h f i n d i n g apparatus, the aluminum smelter, and so on. Thus we f i n d not only marked v a r i a b i l i t y i n success from person to person and from year to year w i t h i n the same occupation, but f a i r l y long-term s h i f t s i n advantage r e s u l t i n g from the adoption of some innovation by a few i n d i v i d u a l s , an advantage that may l a s t u n t i l some new development s h i f t s the advantage elsewhere. The contrast with t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast s o c i e t y i s marked. There, the connections between s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic prominence were c l e a r , unequivocal, and e x p l i c i t . The possession of a t i t l e conferred economic advantage by v i r t u e of the property and prerogatives associated with the accompanying s t a t u s , which i n turn could be used to consolidate the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l value of the status through supervision of the e x p l o i -t a t i o n of the resource s i t e s c o n t r o l l e d by the t i t l e holder, and by r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the proceeds. The independent access to resources and remuneration provided by the i n d u s t r i a l economy thus removed the economic foundation of the c h i e f s ' superior s t a t u s . The place of the missionary and the church i n H a i s l a c u l t u r a l change i s rather d i f f i c u l t to delineate p r e c i s e l y , f o r a some-what paradoxical reason: on the surface, the changes are so c l e a r . The changes i n native c u l t u r e that the missionaries sought to e f f e c t were e x p l i c i t l y phrased--they campaigned f o r : abandonment of the p o t l a t c h ; repudiation of ranks, c l a n s , exogamy, and the l i k e ; d estruction of ceremonial r e g a l i a ; removal of con-verts to a separate v i l l a g e ; adoption of elementary family r e s i -d e n t i a l u n i t s ; i s o l a t i o n of c h i l d r e n i n a r e s i d e n t i a l school; and suppression of the use of the native language among the c h i l d r e n . Thus, when we f i n d the diminution of the p o t l a t c h , the with-ering of native s o c i a l forms, establishment of a separate v i l l a g e , and the adoption of small frame houses and so on, i t i s tempting to ascribe the changes to missionary influence. Whether the missionaries were indeed the primary agents of these changes i s , however, problematic. The adoption of small frame houses i s a good example of t h i s 'causal ambiguity.' Raley had long campaigned fo r the adop-t i o n of the small elementary family household, and i t was at h i s urging that the long houses were not only abandoned, but p u l l e d down (Raley 1907: 31-5). Just what prompted the natives to accede to missionary pressure i s not c l e a r , however. Although i t i s true that t r i b e s that accepted missionaries adopted the frame houses f a i r l y r a p i d l y , those that r e s i s t e d conversion eventually b u i l t them of t h e i r own accord. The Indian Agent fo r the Southern Lb I Kwakiutl reported i n 1909 that: The p r e v a i l i n g s t y l e of house i s a huge shack b u i l t with s p l i t cedar boards covering a framework of great cedar logs.' ...Recently they have b u i l t smaller frame houses to sleep i n , which are badly v e n t i l a t e d , but the rest of the l i v i n g i s i n the b i g houses. These houses are wanted by them fo r the gatherings which they hold on every possible occasion (IAR 1909: 246) . A f t e r a number of unsuccessful attempts to convert various groups of Southern Kwakiutl, missionaries f i n a l l y gave up, declar-ing them to be ' i n c o r r i g i b l e . ' The adoption, however t e n t a t i v e , of frame houses among a people n o t o r i o u s l y unreceptive to the missionaries' blandishments leads one to suspect some underlying reason for the natives' r e c e p t i v i t y to a new form of dwelling (and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , a new pattern of residence). The Northwest Coast people were not the most t r a c t a b l e of converts, and i t i s u n l i k e l y that any amount of persuasion or hectoring would have induced them to forego t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l form of dwelling unless they were quite ready to do so. When i t s u i t e d them they retained other aspects of t h e i r culture i n s p i t e of missionaries' pleas. For example, Raley com-plai n e d i n his journal that: The natives have made great s t r i d e s i n c i v i l i z a -t i o n i n the l a s t 10 years, but there are simple laws of heredity...which have, not yet entered t h e i r heads (1903: 21-2). C l e a r l y , the H a i s l a were r e s i s t i n g the imposition of a European kinship model a decade a f t e r conversion. I t seems evident that m i s s i o n i z a t i o n was a process of selec-t i v e adoption of European-like C u l t u r a l forms by the n a t i v e s . 268 What they d i d not want, they r e j e c t e d (or ignored), and what they chose to r e t a i n of t h e i r own c u l t u r e , they h e l d i n s p i t e of the wA s s i o n a r i e s ' p l e a s . One i s reminded here of Murdock's dictum that: T r a i t s of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e appear to be borrowed, i n general, only under conditions i n which the same t r a i t s would be independently elaborated even i n the absence of c u l t u r e contacts (1949: 196). In the same manner, I b e l i e v e , European t r a i t s were u n l i k e l y to have been borrowed i n the absence of circumstances that some-how made the appropriate to p r e v a i l i n g circumstances, notably those proceeding from t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy. To a considerable extent, then, m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n were complementary processes on the coast. Gough noted a somewhat s i m i l a r process among the Nayar. Spoehr a l s o f i n d s evidence, however, o f the d i r e c t transmission of a European k i n s h i p m o r a l i t y by white s e t t l e r s , m i s s i o n a r i e s and government agents.... Such a s i t u a t i o n i s to be expected i n the h i s t o r y of a m i n o r i t y group which has been gradually engulfed by the "contact" group of permanent s e t t l e r s . A very d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n i s evident f o r the Nayars, among whom European government agents, m i s s i o n a r i e s and s e t t l e r s were always a small m i n o r i t y with l i t t l e p r e s t i g e beyond that commanded by t h e i r s u p e r i o r technology (Gough 1952: 85). Kinship change among the Nayars i s not e x p l i c a b l e i n terms of the concepts of " c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t " or " c u l t u r a l borrowing," but rather i n terms of growth i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as a whole, stimulated by e x t e r n a l economic f a c t o r s . Changes i n the Nayar k i n -ship system, c o r r e l a t e d with changes i n l o c a l organi-z a t i o n , appear to have taken place i n response to changes i n the technology and -economic o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s o c i e t y as a whole. They can therefore only i n d i r e c t l y be a t t r i b u t e d to European contact... . I t appears that the stage of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the t r a -d i t i o n a l lineage system and the development of the modern b i l a t e r a l system depends on the degree o f absorption of the inhabitants i n t o the modern, economy of cash crops, cash wages and urban occupations, and on the consequent degree of s o c i a l and s p a t i a l m o b i l i t y ( I b i d . : 86). The s i t u a t i o n presented by a coas t a l people l i k e the H a i s l a i s a f a s c i n a t i n g mix of the two types of c o n d i t i o n , f o r , while i t i s true that the H a i s l a accepted a missionary, and on the sur-face acceded to h i s pressure to adopt nuclear family dwellings, marry w i t h i n the church, abandon arranged marriages, and so on, they were not "engulfed by the 'contact' group of permanent s e t t l e r s , " and took the presence of the missionary much upon sufferance. The H a i s l a s ' i s o l a t i o n seems to p a r a l l e l that of the Nayar, among whom "European government agents, missionaries and s e t t l e r s were always a small m i n o r i t y . . . . " I t was not u n t i l the 1950's that the white population of the region outnumbered the H a i s l a . U n t i l that time, the permanent white population remained at less than two dozen, while the native population never f e l l below about 400. Moreover, a f t e r Raley departed for Port Essing-ton, the presence of a missionary at Kitamaat was rather i n t e r -mittent. The v i s i t s of the Indian Agent were also infrequent, not at a l l l i k e the unremitting presence of Law and Government that some of the southern groups were subjected t o . Thus, while the natives were indeed brought under consi-derable pressure to adopt white c u l t u r a l forms, i t was not a l t o -gether i r r e s i s t i b l e i n an i s o l a t e d v i l l a g e l i k e Kitamaat, i f only because the pressure emanated from agencies whose impact was weakened by t h e i r distance. The natives' r e c e p t i v i t y to at l e a s t part of the mi s s i o n a r i e s ' offerings must, therefore, be a t t r i b u t a b l e to factors other than t h e i r being 'engulfed' by the contact group. I t i s here that the 'convergence of i n t e r e s t s ' that I spoke of i n the missionary 270 chapter becomes relevant. I t i s not c o i n c i d e n t a l that the c u l -t u r a l forms being proposed by the missionaries were based on the European system, while the economic system to which the na.lives were adapting was also based on the European model. The i n d i v i -dually-owned or c o n t r o l l e d l i c e n c e s , i n d i v i d u a l l y - a c q u i r e d equipment, and other aspects of the i n d u s t r i a l economy were quite compatible with the nuclear family-based b i l a t e r a l system that the missionaries were urging the natives to adopt. To ascribe the native abandonment of long houses, exogamy, ranks, or what-ever e i t h e r as examples of missionary influence or adaptation to p r e v a i l i n g economic circumstances may w e l l overlook the congruence of i n t e r e s t s of the two forces. I t i s not u n l i k e l y that many natives who converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y and abandoned some of the old ways fo r the new were already being pushed i n that d i r e c t i o n by the nature of t h e i r involvement i n the indus-t r i a l economy. , I f that was the case, then the most c r u c i a l part played by the missionary was the establishment of the separate mission v i l l a g e , which a f f e c t e d both the v e l o c i t y and d i r e c t i o n of the c u l t u r a l change. The most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' presence was not t h e i r exhortations, but the p h y s i c a l and emotional sanctuary that the separate v i l l a g e provided f o r the innovators or dissidents . New forms of behaviour were l i a b l e to be viewed by t r a d i -t i o n a l i s t s as anything from p e c u l i a r to subversive; innovators might simply be shunned, o r go i n clanger o f t h e i r l i v e s . The f i r s t few occasions that someone decided to w i l l h i s property to 271 his own son rather than to his s i s t e r ' s son may w e l l have r e s u l t e d i n an outraged nephew, an unco-operative k i n group, and scandalized neighbours. Therefore, to engage i n forms of behaviour that flew i n the face of p r o p r i e t y , m o r a l i t y , or the i n t e r e s t s of powerful conservative forces i n the community required both considerable f o r t i t u d e and some immunity from r e p r i s a l . The l a t t e r was pro-vided by the mission v i l l a g e . I t i s one thing to contemplate marriage to a f e l l o w clan member' from the r e l a t i v e s e c u r i t y of the mission; i t i s e n t i r e l y another to attempt t h i s 'gross and culpable offense' w i t h i n range of the wrath of the t r a d i t i o n -a l i s t s . That i s not to say that innovations or adaptations to the i n d u s t r i a l economy would not have taken place i n the absence of the missionary, but rather that the presence of the v i l l a g e must have accelerated the process considerably. Not only would innovators be free to p r a c t i c e t h e i r new forms of behaviour i n the v i l l a g e , but there they would encounter numbers of l i k e minded i n d i v i d u a l s , who would reci p r o c a t e . Thus, what would be an aberration i n the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e could q u i c k l y become a norm i n the mission. Chapter 12 Conclusions To r e c a p i t u l a t e : i n t h i s t h e s i s , I have examined the b a s i s of ranking and c h i e f t a i n s h i p i n a b o r i g i n a l H a i s l a s o c i e t y , and the factors attendant upon contact that undermined them, i . e . , the n a t i v e s ' entry i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast, mis-s i o n i z a t i o n , and severe population d e c l i n e . The basis of c h i e f t a i n s h i p i n H a i s l a s o c i e t y was, I b e l i e v e , r e l a t i v e consistency of demand (that grew out of a s t a b l e popu-l a t i o n ) ; and c o n s i s t e n t , long-term patterns of ownership or con-t r o l of resources, such that the economic fortunes and u l t i m a t e l y the s o c i a l standing, of any p a r t i c u l a r group became consistent with the p r o d u c t i v i t y of the component of the resource base under i t s c o n t r o l . This consistency enabled favoured groups--those with more abundant or less v a r i a b l e resources--to engage i n p r e s t i g e -enhancing r e d i s t r i b u t i o n to elements s u f f e r i n g shortages more frequently than less favoured groups, and thus accruing an imbal-ance of p r e s t i g e . Events f o l l o w i n g contact undermined that basis i n a number of ways. Severe depopulation reduced the n a t i v e s ' demand, and thus the pressure, on the resource base, enabling l o c a l groups to su b s i s t on the proceeds of a few streams without recourse to regular r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . Thus was the c h i e f s * c r i t i c a l f unction eliminated, and with i t the regular reinforcement of t h e i r superior status. That i s not to say that t h e i r p o s i t i o n was immediately arid d i r e c t l y jeopardized; rather, one of the under-pinnings was removed, leaving the i n s t i t u t i o n of ranking and c h i e f t a i n s h i p vulnerable to f u r t h e r assaults. The s h i f t i n g pattern of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n f u r t h e r weakened the c h i e f s ' economic supremacy by p l a c i n g the primary emphasis upon the i n d i v i d u a l rather than upon the k i n group under the aegis of the c h i e f . Under the new system, the i n d i v i d u a l oived both h i s access to the resources and his remuneration to f a c t o r s other than h i s place i n the a b o r i g i n a l s o c i a l network and the favour of h i s c h i e f . In f a c t , the c h i e f had l o s t h i s place at the apex of the economic system, and had become instead j u s t another s u p p l i e r of f i s h , f u r s , or logs to the whites, and was subject to the same forces as h i s humblest kinsman. The natives' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy was a function of a v a r i e t y of environmental, h i s t o r i c a l , and technolo-g i c a l f a c t o r s , which d i c t a t e d the character and extent of t h e i r engagement, and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l p r o s p e r i t y . The p a r t i c u l a r fea-tures that the H a i s l a were subject to tended to work i n t h e i r favour, during the f i r s t few decades of the development of the economy, at l e a s t . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the r e l a t i v e absence of sought-a f t e r resources w i t h i n t h e i r t e r r i t o r y was a b e n e f i t , f o r i t enabled them to engage i n the economy r e l a t i v e l y free from over-whelming competition from whites. In the commercial f i s h e r y , the v i r t u a l absence of sockeye, the major commercial salmon species, delayed the i n t r u s i o n of canneries and fishermen to the H a i s l a region for nearly four decades a f t e r the inception of commercial f i s h i n g on the coast. 274 During that time, the H a i s l a were able to t r a v e l to Rivers I n l e t or the Skeena to engage i n commercial f i s h i n g , then return i n la t e August ro f i s h t h e i r home r i v e r s f or t h e i r f a v o u r i t e sub-sistence species, which, because they ran l a t e r i n the year, were accessible at a d i f f e r e n t time than the commercial types. Simi-l a r l y , oolichan, a source both as a staple food s t u f f and a major item of i n t e r - t r i b a l trade, runs during the early s p r i n g , and thus did not i n t e r f e r e with commercial salmon f i s h i n g . Just as the r i v e r s of the region lack the major commercial salmon species, the area's forests are s i n g u l a r l y d e f i c i e n t i n stands of Douglas F i r , the p r i n c i p a l timber species. This absence was both a boon and a drawback. While i t considerably reduced the value of the l o c a l timber stands, i t also prevented the area from becoming a major target of loggers, s t a k e r s , specu-l a t o r s , and bankers to nearly the same degree as areas i n the Douglas F i r b e l t to the south. Although the H a i s l a faced severe competition from whites, they were not handicapped to the same degree as some southern t r i b e s . The t e r r a i n of the area f a c i l i t a t e d the operations of s m a l l , independent loggers l i k e the H a i s l a . The steep h i l l s i d e s made a great deal of the timber accessible to operators with p r i m i t i v e equipment (sometimes j u s t an axe and saw), who could s l i d e logs to tidewater with l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y or expense, again i n contrast to some groups to the south who, while t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s were r i c h e r i n high-grade timber, could not e a s i l y e x p l o i t much of i t , because the ground was too f l a t to remove the logs without some form of hauling mechanism (such as an ox team or steam donkey) that was expensive to acquire and maintain. Although logging was not as seasonal as f i s h i n g , there were periods during which i t was d i f f i c u l t to work i n the woods, usu a l l y during mid-winter, when deep snow hampered operations. During t h i s period, displaced loggers could take up trapping, f o r the furs of animals are n a t u r a l l y at t h e i r best during the coldest weather. These conditions promoted the development of an i n t r i c a t e system of occupational m u l t i p l i c i t y , i n which almost a l l of the men of the v i l l a g e engaged s e q u e n t i a l l y i n logging, commercial f i s h i n g , trapping, and subsistence f i s h i n g (or any combination of these), while the women continued to gather b e r r i e s , clams, and the l i k e , process salmon and oolichan, and then worked i n the canneries as f i s h washers and can f i l l e r s during the salmon season. This system worked quite w e l l during the e a r l y period of the i n d u s t r i a l economy, when equipment was simple and r e l a t i v e l y easy to obtain and operate, and before competition from whites with expensive equipment and influence i n the government became too he avy. Because, i n t h e i r e a r l y stages, the i n d u s t r i e s were beset with problems of i r r e g u l a r i t y of supply, p r i c e , and markets, operators could never p r e d i c t the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of any occupation from year to year. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n several occupations, but commitment to none, was thus a sound strategy, and shielded the natives from the worst of the vagaries of the p r i m i t i v e indus-t r i a l economy. 2 7 6 The Indians' a b i l i t y to maintain t h e i r generalized adap-t a t i o n was undermined by the development of the i n d u s t r i a l economy, however. The increase i n complexity (and price) of the equipment put i t beyond the reach of most n a t i v e s , who e i t h e r continued to operate at a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y simple l e v e l and were pushed to the l e a s t p r o f i t a b l e margins of the i n d u s t r i e s , or ceased independent production altogether, and/or signed on as employees of l o c a l white companies. The l a s t action c u r t a i l e d t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y , f o r t h e i r employers expected an exclusive commitment to the job, with the r e s u l t that the native was soon faced with an unpala-table a l t e r n a t i v e : keep his job and give up h i s subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , or q u i t to engage i n those p u r s u i t s , and t h e r e a f t e r f i n d i t next to impossible to f i n d work with a damaged r e p u t a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , the development of transport equipment such as f i s h packers and log barges enabled companies to transport the raw materials over great distances, overcoming a problem that had kept the processing plants d e c e n t r a l i z e d , but near Indian v i l l a g e s . Freed from the necessity of l o c a t i n g near the source of raw m a t e r i a l s , the companies began to consolidate plants i n t o two main regions of the coast and closed down the dozens of out-l y i n g plants that had h i t h e r t o serviced the i s o l a t e d native pro-ducers . Thus, while the underdevelopment of the i n d u s t r i a l economy had worked to the n a t i v e s ' advantage, by providing cheap operat-ing gear, l o c a l markets, and reducing the i n f l u x of competition, development squeezed them from independent p a r t i c i p a t i o n and also undermined the strategy of occupational m u l t i p l i c i t y that they 277 had employed with some success. The i n i t i a l ( r e l a t i v e ) pros-p e r i t y of the coastal t r i b e s , so unusual i n the experience of North American Indians, was gradually replaced by a more t y p i c a l poverty. This development was p a r t i c u l a r l y damaging to the p o s i t i o n of c h i e f s , f o r with the greater i n t e n s i t y of e x p l o i t a t i o n came greater c o n t r o l by whites, and access to resources, and thus to income, became governed by lic e n c e s issued by the a u t h o r i t i e s without regard to s o c i a l standing. Moreover, the i r r e g u l a r i t y of a l l the occupations ensured that greater remuneration d i d not ne c e s s a r i l y accrue r e g u l a r l y to the same i n d i v i d u a l s . Rather, anyone could experience a good season i n one year, and a poor one the next. Good markets, p r i c e s , and supplies seldom coin-cided i n i n d u s t r i e s as v a r i e d as logging for sawmills and pulp-m i l l s , commercial f i s h i n g , and trapping. I t was quite p o s s i b l e to do w e l l i n f i s h i n g , poorly i n logging, and w e l l i n trapp i n g , or the reverse. Establishment of consistent economic d i f f e r e n -t i a l s between i n d i v i d u a l s became hard to s u s t a i n . With the establishment of l i c e n c i n g arrangements, c h i e f s and nobles were deprived of the economic basis of t h e i r superior status: the a b i l i t y to con t r o l the access of others to resources. Henceforth, the a b i l i t y to r e d i s t r i b u t e resources was placed i n the hands of whoever had enjoyed a good year f i s h i n g , logging or trapping, not i n the hands of those who, by v i r t u e of t h e i r s o c i a l standing, had the r i g h t to c a l l on the output of t h e i r kinsmen. On the few occasions when i n d i v i d u a l s could c o n t r o l the access of others to resources --when they owned a donkey or con-278 t r o l l e d a seiner and thus could h i r e and f i r e a crew--this c o n t r o l went to i n d i v i d u a l s who had established good reputations with f i s h i n g companies or had somehow acquired a small working c a p i t a l with which to purchase equipment. That i s , access devolved to them through personal a t t r i b u t e s or e f f o r t s that owed nothing to t r a -d i t i o n a l s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . The decline of the c h i e f s ' economic p o s i t i o n could not be accompanied by the r i s e of a new class of economically prominent i n d i v i d u a l s , f o r the occupations were generally too e r r a t i c to permit the establishment of a permanently prosperous c l a s s . Even the owners and captains of seiners could not maintain t h e i r advan-tage i n d e f i n i t e l y i n the face of the coastal natives' d e c l i n i n g place i n the commercial f i s h e r y , which r e s u l t e d from the increased competition from whites, and the r a p i d development of complex and expensive technology. An important consequence of the c h i e f s ' loss of economic c e n t r a l i t y was the separation of economic and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l prominence, such that the one was no longer the concomitant of [ i the other. The spectacle of impoverished chiefs and well-to-doj i commoners was a not uncommon feature of coastal v i l l a g e s . With| the removal of substantive a t t r i b u t e s , the way became open fo r i t h e i r d e c l i n e , and possession of a t i t l e , or lack of one, became-economically i n s i g n i f i c a n t . That, plus the devastating population decline that had removed hundreds of heirs to t i t l e s , opened the way f o r the d i s -i n t e g r a t i o n of the complex of a b o r i g i n a l statuses. This d i s -i n t e g r a t i o n was manifested i n the gradual tolerance by the natives 279 of a l t e r n a t i v e forms of behaviour with regard to the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l system: The p r a c t i c e of allowing some names to lapse, or go unclaimed; oermitting some t i t l e s to be assumed by a v a r i e t y of categories of i n d i v i d u a l s other than the 'correct' h e i r ; recognizing claims that had not been accompanied by a p o t l a t c h ; f a i l u r e of m a t r i l i n e a l h e i r s to lay claim to post-contact resource s i t e s w i t h i n t h e i r holdings; and, the transmission of property to n o n - m a t r i l i n e a l k i n , such as c h i l d r e n . Precedents f o r these unorthodox forms of behaviour had been es t a b l i s h e d , f o l l o w i n g the plagues of the nineteenth century, when the decline i n numbers had ruptured many l i n e s of succes-s i o n , and inured the survivors to unusual means taken to main-t a i n the v i a b i l i t y of k i n groups. Individuals who l a t e r manipu-l a t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l structures to conform to t h e i r preferences were not n e c e s s a r i l y i n i t i a t i n g the v a r i a n t s , but rather were extending (or, i n the opinion of some, over-extending) the l a t i -tude e s t a b l i s h e d by those who had resorted to variants i n an e f f o r t to save the o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e . The acceptance of some of these innovations as vari a n t s ( i . e . , generally perceived a l t e r n a t i v e forms of behaviour) was aided by the establishment of the mission v i l l a g e , which created a form of s o c i a l laboratory, i n which unorthodox behaviour could be attempted without the actor having to endure the f u l l wrath of the conser-vative elements, whose capacity f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l was severely c u r t a i l e d by the conversion of the majority of v i l l a g e r s . (In f a c t , the conservatives themselves eventually moved to the mis-sion when i t became apparent that they would soon be i s o l a t e d i f 280 they did not [cf. Rumley 1973]). In a d d i t i o n , l e t t i n g a t i t l e lapse, or permitting an unortho-dox assumption had l i t t l e , i f any, e f f e c t on the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e . The circum-stances already detailed--engagement i n a market economy i n which the i n d i v i d u a l became the basis of production of resources, access to which was conferred by an outside agency (government depart-ments) using technology and techniques i n d i v i d u a l l y acquired. Under such c o n d i t i o n s , the maintenance of the m a t r i l i n e a l u n i t (and, i n c i d e n t a l l y , i t s p h y s i c a l manifestation, the m a t r i l o c a l household), became l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t . Consider the u t i l i t y of the t r a d i t i o n a l system, as o u t l i n e d by Aberle: The primary function of [ m a t r i l i n e a l descent groups] may be the extension of h o s p i t a l i t y and p r o t e c t i o n , the inheritance of property, mutual defense, r e d i s -t r i b u t i o n of goods, or a u t h o r i t a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n (1961: 656-7) . A l l but the inheritance of property and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods have been assumed by outside agencies such as government bureaus and p o l i c e , or l o c a l structures such as service clubs and the band c o u n c i l . The inheritance of property and the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods are l a r g e l y the province of the b i l a t e r a l network, as I have discussed. That does not leave very much f o r the m a t r i l i n e a l system to do any more. The r e s u l t i s the r e l e g a t i o n of m a t r i l i n y to a sort of a c c u l t u r a t i v e limbo. The m a t r i l i n e a l s h e l l remains. Prople trans-mit names, adopt members in t o clans to prevent the e x t i n c t i o n of l i n e s , grumble and snipe at those who do not follow the 'correct' 281 r u l e s , but a l l the while the economic and p o l i t i c a l heart of the cul t u r e l i e s elsewhere. The time, e f f o r t , and f e e l i n g invested i n the maintenance of clans and names are, I b e l i e v e , an instance of a system operating on emotional momentum, divorced from the substantive underpinnings that once sustained i t . B i b l i o g r a p h y A b e r l e , David F. 1961 M a t r i l i n e a l Kinship i n C r o s s - C u l t u r a l P r e s p e c t i v e . In: D. Schneider and K. Gough, ed., M a t r i l i n e a l K i n s h i p . U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley. 655-727. 1963 Some Sources of F l e x i b i l i t y i n Navaho S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . Southwestern J o u r n a l of Anthropology. 19: 1-8. A b e r l e , David F., and Kenneth Knudsen 1967 An Economic Approach to Modern Navaho K i n s h i p . Unpublished Paper Read at the 1967 Meetings of the American A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n . Adams, John W. 1973 The Gitksan P o t l a t c h : Population Flux, Resource Ownership and R e c i p r o c i t y . H o l t , Rinehart, and Winston, Toronto. Aluminum Company of Canada 1954- Employee Tenure Records. K i t i m a t . 1973 Anderson, Robert 1960 Reduction of Variants as a Measure of C u l t u r a l I n t e g r a t i o n . In: G.E. Dole and R.L. Carneiro, ed., Essays i n the Science of Culture. Thomas Y. Crowell, New York. 50-62. Aro, K.V., and M.P. Shepard 1967 P a c i f i c Salmon i n Canada. In: Salmon of the North P a c i f i c Ocean, Part IV. I n t e r n a t i o n a l North P a c i f i c Salmon F i s h e r i e s Commission, B u l l e t i n 23. Vancouver. Barnett, Homer 1955 The Coast S a l i s h of