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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Economic development and the disintegration of traditional culture among the Haisla Pritchard, John Charles 1977

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ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF TRADITIONAL CULTURE AMONG THE HAISLA by John C h a r l e s P r i t c h a r d B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 1977 John Charles Pritchard,  1977.  In  presenting  an  advanced degree  the I  Library  further  for  his  of  this  written  thesis  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  at  University  of  the  s h a l l make  agree  scholarly  by  this  that  it freely available  permission  p u r p o s e s may  representatives. thesis  for  British  be It  for  for extensive  granted  by t h e  is understood  f i n a n c i a l gain  shall  permission.  Anthropology and Sociology Department o f The  University  . of  British  Columbia  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5  Date  September 14th,  1977  requirements  Columbia, reference  Head o f my  be  copying  I agree and  copying of  that  not  the  that  study.  this  thesis  Department or  for  or  publication  allowed without  my  11  Abstract  T h i s t h e s i s explores the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e among the H a i s l a of  Kitamaat,  B r i t i s h Columbia, and t h a t group's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the t r i a l economy o f the Northwest  Indus-  Coast.)  I n i t i a l l y , the e c o l o g i c a l dimension  of ranking and  chief-  t a i n s h i p i n t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a s o c i e t y i s examined.  It i s  proposed  sufficient  that l o c a l i z e d v a r i a b i l i t y of resources was  to c r e a t e shortages w i t h i n v i l l a g e groups or sub-groups, which would r e q u i r e the i n t e r v e n t i o n of a r e g u l a t o r y mechanism such as chiefly redistribution.  This r e g u l a t i o n o f resources promoted  the establishment o f p o p u l a t i o n s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the h i g h average  p r o d u c t i v i t y o f a r e g i o n r a t h e r than the more v a r i a b l e  productivity of i n d i v i d u a l  sites./  High s t a t u s accrued to those who,  because o f the g r e a t e r  r e g u l a r i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e i r resource h o l d i n g s , were able to act as donors more o f t e n than l e s s favoured groups or subgroups . \ The d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h i s system c o i n c i d e d with the n a t i v e s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy o f the coast.; t i c i p a t i o n i s examined i n terms o f :  This par-  the extent and type o f  merchantable resources i n the r e g i o n ; t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y a v a i l a b i l i t y to n a t i v e producers; the number, type, and  and  location  of markets; p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e s and p o t e n t i a l income; c o m p a t i b i l i t y of v a r i o u s occupations, both with each other and with subsistence a c t i v i t i e s ; and, the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l f o r the n a t i v e s of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  traditional  implications  Ill (The  removal o f the  s y s t e m was  i n i t i a t e d by  chiefs the  from t h e  apex o f t h e  d e c l i n e i n importance  resource  sites,  as p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e r e d u c e d  pressure  on  r e s o u r c e base t h a t the  t i o n had  exerted^  ;  The  the  Haislas* participation  t h e r undermined a b o r i g i n a l a system o f resource  factors  Access  to resources  o u t s i d e the  chiefs'  to p e r s o n a l  luck) r a t h e r than Two  industrial  t h a t was  exploitative popula-  economy  independent of  the  central  became g o v e r n e d  by  i n f a c t p l a c e d them i n  anyone e l s e , such  fur-  establishing  the s e r v i c e s o f the  c o n t r o l , and  characteristics,  the  traditional  large aboriginal  and w e a l t h  as  of  o r g a n i z a t i o n by  s t r u c t u r e and  t h e same e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n due  social  exploitation  traditional political figures.  i n the  economic  i n that success  as s k i l l  became  or stamina  (or  social position.)  non-economic f a c t o r s  c o n t r i b u t o r y to c u l t u r a l  change,  \ missionization  and  severe  p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e , a r e examined.)  establishment  o f an e v a n g e l i c a l m i s s i o n among t h e H a i s l a  change i n two  ways:  on  incompatible with separate  mission  innovative tions ceed  their  forms c o u l d be  to p r e v a i l i n g relatively The  t e a c h i n g s ; i n a d d i t i o n , by  s e t t l e m e n t s , they p r o v i d e d  social  promoted  t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s t h e m s e l v e s were o f t e n  e r a d i c a t i n g a l l forms o f n a t i v e c u l t u r e t h a t t h e y  unhampered by  circumstances  population decline enforced a r e c e p t i v i t y  i n n o v a t i o n even among t r a d i t i o n a l i s t to countenance m a n i p u l a t i o n  establishing  a sanctuary  conservative pressure  e l e m e n t s , who  o f the s o c i a l  system  bent  considered  i n which  adopted, e n a b l i n g novel  economic o r p o l i t i c a l  The  or to  adaptato  pro-  reprisals. social  were o b l i g e d i n order  to  maintain  some semblance  of the s o c i a l These  o f c o n t i n u i t y i n the face o f d e p l e t i o n  u n i t s and d i s r u p t i o n o f l i n e s  of succession. '  i n n o v a t i o n s were e l a b o r a t e d by r e f o r m i s t e l e m e n t s , w h i c h  contributed The  f u r t h e r to the d i s s o l u t i o n  eventual  replacement o f the t r a d i t i o n a l  s y s t e m by t h e E u r o p e a n period process  bilateral  i n which b o t h systems i s considered,  forms.  matrilineal  one was p r e c e d e d b y an e x t e n d e d  operated  simultaneously.  f o c u s s i n g on changes  s y s t e m o f named, r a n k e d s t a t u s e s potlatch.  o f 'pure' n a t i v e  and t h e i r  This  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l transmission v i a the  V  Table o f Contents Page ii  ABSTRACT .  .  .  vii  LIST OF FIGURES.  .  .  .  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  .  .  .  xi  INTRODUCTION.  .  LIST OF TABLES  .  CHAPTER I.  II.  III  IV.  V.  The Problem . Research Methods  1 10  THE HAISLA  13  .  .  Traditional Orientation T r a d i t i o n a l Social Structure  14 15  ENVIRONMENT, TRADITIONAL ECONOMY, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE • « • « • • • • • • • <  19  Ecological V a r i a b i l i t y . C u l t u r a l Adaptations to Resource I r r e g u l a r i t y Conclusion COMMERCIAL ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT I FISHING.  23 44 57 61  A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Fish. . . . G i l l Netting. . Seining . . . . . . . . . . M <nrlc©ts • • • » * « • • » » C o m p a t i b i l i t y with other Occupations. Income H a i s l a Fishermen . . . . . . .  64 66 70 82 93 100 108  ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT I I . :  115  LOGGING  Merchantable Timber . . . Environmental Influences on the A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Timber . . . . . . Handlogging . . . . . . Power Logging A v a i l a b i l i t y o f Timber Markets .  116 120 122 128 131 151 156  vi  Page  163 167  Production Data . . . . . The Number o f H a i s l a Loggers. VI VII  VIII. IX. X.  .  172  WHITE DEVELOPMENT AND INDIAN UNDERDEVELOPMENT .  177  Environmental Factors T e c h n o l o g i c a l Factors Environmental Degradation T e r r i t o r i a l Encroachment  177 180 186 190  ECONOMIC HISTORY OF KITAMAAT I I I . :  ALCAN  .  .  NON-ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE I . : MISSIONIZATION  194  NON-ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE I I . : POPULATION DECLINE  207  SOCIAL CHANGE:  217  THE ADOPTION OF VARIANTS.  .  Whether to Take a Name or Let I t Lapse To Take a T i t l e With or Without a P o t l a t c h or Distribution . . . To Follow T r a d i t i o n a l Avenues o f Succession, ox* Not • • • • • » < > « • « • • To T r a n s f e r T r a d i t i o n a l P r e r o g a t i v e s and Property With the T i t l e , or Not . XI. XII. XIII. XIV.  221 228 232 245  INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN ECONOMIC AND NON ECONOMIC FACTORS IN CULTURAL CHANGE. .  260  CONCLUSIONS  .  272  BIBLIOGRAPHY .  282  APPENDIXES.  295  .  Appendix I .  295  Appendix II  305  vii  L i s t of Tables page I.  A Comparison o f V a r i a b i l i t y o f Salmon Runs of P e n t l a t c h and H a i s l a T e r r i t o r i e s . . . . .  34  Salmon Runs i n Streams o f H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y  42  Boat R a t i n g s a t R i v e r s I n l e t , 1903-1904  85  IV.  Cannery S t a f f L a y o f f s , Skeena R i v e r , 1969.  92  V.  C o m p o s i t i o n o f R i v e r s I n l e t Salmon Pack by Percentage o f Each S p e c i e s , 1905-1917  96  VI.  The Timing o f Salmon Runs i n Major Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y . . . . . .  98  S e l e c t e d F i s h e r i e s S t a t i s t i c s , Three Year Averages, 1903-1921 . . .  103  V a r i a t i o n i n Reported S i z e o f B.C. F i s h Packs. Three Year A v e r a g e s , 1903-1918 . . . .  104  B.C. Salmon P r i c e s , by S p e c i e s , 1935  105  D i s c r e p a n c i e s Between P e r c e i v e d Success o f F i s h i n g Season and S i z e o f Pack: M i s s i o n a r y ' s Reports and Pack Records . . . .  107  Number o f Fishermen as a Percentage o f the Male Work F o r c e , N o r t h Coast I n d i a n V i l l a g e s . Three Year Average, 1971-1973 . . . . . .  .112  II. III.  ;  VII. VIII. IX. X.  XI.  XII.  The Percentage o f Indians i n Some A s p e c t s o f the  XIII. XIV. XV.  Commercial Salmon F i s h e r y , 1922-1948  .  D e n s i t y o f F o r e s t Cover i n C o a s t a l D i s t r i c t s .  .  . 114  .  . 117  Log P r i c e s P a i d by V a r i o u s N o r t h e r n M i l l s to H a i s l a L o g g e r s , f o r S e l e c t e d Y e a r s , 1915-1947. Handloggers' L i c e n c e s I s s u e d to H a i s l a s , 1913-1927  . 161 168  viii  Tables,  cont. page  XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX.  Requests f o r A d d i t i o n a l Reserves, Coola Agency, c. 1913  Bella 191  P o p u l a t i o n D e c l i n e Among N a t i v e s o f the Coast, 1835-1885. . . . . . . . . . . . .  208  Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1897-1906  212  M o r t a l i t y During t h e 1918 Spanish Epidemic  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  Influenza .  .  .  .  .  .  213  XX.  Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1920-1929  214  XXI.  Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1930-1939  215  P o p u l a t i o n a t K i t a m a a t , 1902-1934  216  Transfers of Traplines  250  Sequential Transfers of Traplines  252  Timber S a l e s Issued t o H a i s l a Loggers  307  XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII.  Indian-White  Handlogging Timber S a l e s Compared  Indian-White Power Logging Timber S a l e s Compared Comparison o f D e n s i t y o f Timber i n I n d i a n and White Timber S a l e s  .  . 308 309  ' • 310  ix  L i s t of Figures page 1.  Haisla Territory  . xiii  2.  Salmon Streams and Resource S i t e s o f H a i s l a TG r x*x t o r y « • « « • • • * • •  .  16  3.  Rowboats and Motor Boats a t R i v e r s I n l e t , X924~X940 » • • • * * • • • •  .  69  4.  C o n s o l i d a t i o n o f C a n n e r i e s , 1920-1960.  5.  Number o f Canneries O p e r a t i n g , B.C. and R i v e r s I n l e t , 1880-1956  .  90  6.  Occupations a t K i t a m a a t , 1949-1972.  .  110  7.  P r o p o r t i o n s o f Timber S p e c i e s i n F o r e s t s o f Haisla Territory  .  119  8.  A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y o f Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y : Douglas Channel .  .  139  9.  A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y o f Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y : Gardner C a n a l .  141  10.  Areas Sampled f o r F i g u r e s 8 and 9  142  11.  Areas H e l d Under Tree Farm L i c e n c e s i n H a i s l a Territory  .  150  12.  Percentages o f V a r i o u s S p e c i e s Cut by H a i s l a Loggers i n 1915, Compared t o S p e c i e s D i s t r i b u t i o n i n Forests  .  154  13.  Number and Type o f Logging L i c e n c e s Worked on by H a i s l a s , f o r S e l e c t e d Years  .  169  14.  Probable Number o f H a i s l a Loggers, f o r S e l e c t e d  .  170  15.  I n d i a n and Non-Indian Tenure a t A l c a n Smelter .  .  176  89  X  Figures,  cont. page  16.  H a i s l a Handlogging L o c a t i o n s , 1513-1916 . . . .  256  17.  H a i s l a Handlogging L o c a t i o n s , 1917-1919 . . . .  257  xi  Acknowledgements I would l i k e t o acknowledge the k i n d n e s s and c o - o p e r a t i o n of many people i n Kitamaat who were n o t o n l y f o r t h c o m i n g w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n , b u t o f f e r e d t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y and f r i e n d s h i p t o my w i f e and me.  We are g r a t e f u l .  We owe s p e c i a l thanks t o A r t and  Jane Cross and C h a r l i e and Marge Shaw, f r i e n d s indeed.  In addi-  t i o n , Heber Amos, Laura Robinson, and the l a t e J e f f r e y L e g a i k were e s p e c i a l l y h e l p f u l . I thank a l s o the s t a f f s o f the v a r i o u s government o f f i c e s i n V i c t o r i a who a l l o w e d me t o p r o w l through t h e i r r e c o r d s .  Mr. L y l e  R u s s e l l , who conducted me through the m y s t e r i e s o f both B.C. t i m b e r l i c e n s i n g p o l i c y and the basement o f the c e n t r a l m i c r o f i l m bureau, was o f c o n s i d e r a b l e h e l p , was was E n i d Lemon o f t h e Forest Service l i b r a r y .  Her g e n i a l encouragement was always a  p l e a s u r e ; h e r e f f o r t s i n o b t a i n i n g obscure documents f o r me were gratifying. To my committee chairman, Robin R i d i n g t o n , I owe s p e c i a l thanks f o r h i s p a t i e n t guidance and s u p p o r t .  I am i n d e b t e d a l s o  t o David A b e r l e , f o r h i s thorough, p a i n s t a k i n g , and i n v a l u a b l e criticisms.  I n a d d i t i o n , D r s . Mike Kew and A l l a n Chambers o f f e r e d  h e l p f u l comments and s u g g e s t i o n s .  The l a t e W i l s o n Duff c o n t r i b u t e d  much through h i s e n c y c l o p e d i c knowledge o f the Northwest  Coast.  A l s o , thanks a r e due t o G l o r i a Sparks o f the Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , who has guided many a h a p l e s s graduate s t u d e n t through the t h i c k e t o f departmental and u n i v e r s i t y  regulati  I acknowledge the f i n a n c i a l support o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f B.C. and the Canada C o u n c i l , whose f e l l o w h i p s were, n a t u r a l l y , indispensible.  XIX  F i n a l l y , to my w i f e , June, who bore i t a l l w i t h remarkable good humour, and t o my mother, f o r h e r y e a r s o f  encouragement  and h e l p , i n c l u d i n g p a t i e n t l y r e a d i n g a l o u d hours o f incomprehens i b l e numbers, I e x t e n d my deepest thanks.  Xlll  Figure 1 Haisla Territory  Chapter 1 Introduction T h i s t h e s i s w i l l examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e o f the H a i s l a o f K i t a m a a t , B r i t i s h Columbia, and t h r e e o f the more s i g n i f i c a n t and p e r v a s i v e effects of contact, v i z . :  1) H a i s l a p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e indus-  t r i a l economy o f the c o a s t ; 2) p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e , which r e s u l t e d p r i m a r i l y from epidemic and endemic d i s e a s e s  c a r r i e d by w h i t e s ;  3) m i s s i o n i z a t i o n by an ' u l t r a - e v a n g e l i c a l ' * form o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , t h a t a r r i v e d bent on e r a d i c a t i n g a l l aspects o f a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e deemed i n c o m p a t i b l e  with i t s teachings.  I w i l l focus on two aspects o f t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e :  the  m a t r i l i n e a l c l a n system and the system o f named, ranked, s t a t u s e s that culminated  i n l i n e a g e , c l a n , and v i l l a g e c h i e f s .  I w i l l f i r s t examine those c o n d i t i o n s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d t o the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  and maintenance o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p and h e r e d i t a r y  ranked s t a t u s e s among t h e H a i s l a , i n o r d e r t o p r o v i d e  a back-  ground f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the changes t h a t l e d t o o r p e r m i t t e d their decline. Second w i l l come a d e t a i l e d examination o f the economic h i s t o r y o f the H a i s l a , d e s c r i b i n g the e n v i r o n m e n t a l , t e c h n o l o g i cal,  and h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t i n f l u e n c e d t h e n a t u r e and  e x t e n t o f t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy.  These  c h a p t e r s w i l l d e a l p r i m a r i l y w i t h commercial f i s h i n g and l o g g i n g . T h i r d w i l l be a s h o r t account o f the d e c l i n e o f p o p u l a t i o n — M c K e r v i i l e ' s p h r a s e . 1967: 151.  2  among the H a i s l a .  T h i s w i l l be f o l l o w e d by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the  c h a r a c t e r and a c t i v i t i e s of the m i s s i o n t h a t was  e s t a b l i s h e d at  Kitamaat. ./  •Although the p r o c e s s e s mentioned here were common to most, i f not a l l , the n a t i v e groups of the c o a s t , they d i f f e r e d cons i d e r a b l y i n d e t a i l from people to p e o p l e . Any  e x a m i n a t i o n of  the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of those p r o c e s s e s f o r a p a r t i c u l a r group must, t h e r e f o r e , take those v a r i a t i o n s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The n a t i v e s ' e n t r y i n t o the market economy, f o r example, was  c o n d i t i o n e d by a h o s t of f a c t o r s :  the o c c u r r e n c e o f market-  a b l e r e s o u r c e s w i t h i n the v a r i o u s t e r r i t o r i e s ;  environmental  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as t e r r a i n or c l i m a t e , t h a t promoted or i n h i b i t e d the e x p l o i t a t i o n of those resources w i t h cheap, r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e technology;  p r o x i m i t y to or i s o l a t i o n from markets;  the presence or absence of a l o c a l non-Indian p o p u l a t i o n , which c o u l d compete f o r jobs or access t o the r e s o u r c e s . t i o n of these f a c t o r s from r e g i o n to r e g i o n c o u l d be  The  varia-  consider-  a b l e .^) S i m i l a r l y , no two m i s s i o n s The  seem to have been q u i t e a l i k e .  combination of church d o c t r i n e , the t r a i n i n g , approach, o r  p e r s o n a l i t y o f the m i s s i o n a r y , the d i s p o s i t i o n o f the n a t i v e s u b j e c t s and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s (how group had s u f f e r e d from e p i d e m i c s , p a r t i n shaping  s e v e r e l y the p a r t i c u l a r  f o r example) a l l p l a y e d  the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r of the m i s s i o n , and  degree and v e l o c i t y o f c u l t u r a l change. have hosted which may  a  The  the  Kitamaat appear to  one o f the s t e r n e r , more uncompromising m i s s i o n s ,  have a c c e l e r a t e d abandonment o f elements of t h e i r  3  traditional culture. F i f t h , as an example o f the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e , I w i l l describe  changes t h a t have taken p l a c e i n the  t r a n s m i s s i o n o f named, ranked s t a t u s e s .  A s s o c i a t e d w i t h the  d e c l i n e i n importance o f s t a t u s e s i s the r e l e g a t i o n o f m a t r i l i n y / to a p e r i p h e r a l r o l e i n the everyday a f f a i r s o f the v i l l a g e . ^  j  F i n a l l y , I w i l l attempt t o r e l a t e the breakdown o f t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l forms t o t h e economic, demographic, and i d e o l o g i c a l pressures  described  earlier.  In the f i r s t s e c t i o n , the b a s i s o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p and ranking,  I w i l l propose t h a t the e x i s t e n c e o f both i s e x p l i c a b l e i n  terms o f the i r r e g u l a r i t y o f the occurrence o f s t a p l e p a r t i c u l a r l y salmon. proposals  I n p a r t , t h i s hypothesis  resources,  proceeds from the  o f S u t t l e s (1960, 1962) and Piddocke (1965) t h a t the  c o a s t a l resource  base was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i r r e g u l a r i t y and  u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , and t h a t f a i l u r e s o f salmon runs o c c a s i o n a l l y led  j  t o shortages among the t r i b e s , shortages t h a t were met  through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n from groups e n j o y i n g surpluses^)  The f o r -  m u l a t i o n proposed here d i f f e r s from those o f S u t t l e s and Piddocke i n that i t considers  intra-group  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s to be u l t i m a t e l y  more s i g n i f i c a n t than i n t e r - g r o u p ones i n the development o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c c o a s t a l c u l t u r a l forms, and a l s o proposes t h a t r e d i s t r i b u t i o n was one o f the c a u s a t i v e elements i n the occurrence of shortages among l o c a l groups ( o r sub-groups).  By c r e a t i n g an  interdependence t h a t enables l o c a l groups t o transcend t a t i o n s s e t by t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l resource permitted  the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  the l i m i -  bases, r e d i s t r i b u t i o n  of a population size consistent with  4  the h i g h average p r o d u c t i v i t y o f the w i d e r r e g i o n r a t h e r than the more v a r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y of the l o c a l area. i X  Under t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n , the b a s i s of the c h i e f ' s economic  \  importance (and thus of h i s s u p e r i o r s t a t u s and p r e s t i g e ) i s  ) i  the n e c e s s i t y f o r a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e agent to counter  the i n e v i t a b l e  shortages t h a t would occur as a r e s u l t of the l o c a l groups' surrender The  of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . second group o f c h a p t e r s , d e a l i n g w i t h the economic  h i s t o r y of the H a i s l a , w i l l examine two i s s u e s :  the f a c t o r s t h a t  governed t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the r e g i o n , and the p a t t e r n s of t h a t involvement over the p a s t q u a r t e r s of a c e n t u r y .  three-  Those p a t t e r n s r e v e a l a process t h a t has  been underway f o r some decades. T h i s process i s r e f l e c t e d i n the markedly d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e s t h a t we have of Northwest Coast economic l i f e d u r i n g e a r l y  and  l a t e r phases of the development of the i n d u s t r i a l economy.  On  the one hand, we read of the ease w i t h which w e a l t h the n a t i v e s d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h  to  century and the e a r l y p a r t of  the t w e n t i e t h , and of the flamboyance and w i t h which they consumed i t .  flowed  ' d i s r e g a r d f o r tomorrow'  Drucker, f o r example, c l a i m e d t h a t :  . . . I t became p o s s i b l e f o r anyone to a c q u i r e a s m a l l f o r t u n e i n trade b l a n k e t s , e t c . from e x t r a c u l t u r a l ( i . e . , European) s o u r c e s , by such a r e l a t i v e l y simple process as k i l l i n g a sea o t t e r or two, or p u t t i n g i n a l u c r a t i v e season on a s e a l i n g schooner (1939: 145fn). We  read, t o o , of the p r o f l i g a c y of n a t i v e p o t l a t c h e s , a t  which thousands o f b l a n k e t s and d o l l a r s , dozens o f canoes  and  r i f l e s , and uncounted sacks of f l o u r , sugar, and the l i k e were  g i v e n away or d e s t r o y e d .  Duff quotes a Southern K w a k i u t l ' s  obs  vation that: When I was young I saw streams of w e a l t h shed i n war. But s i n c e t h a t time the w h i t e men came and stopped up t h a t stream o f b l o o d w i t h w e a l t h . Now we f i g h t w i t h our w e a l t h (1964: 59). Even though t h i s process has been d e s c r i b e d i n c o n s i d e r a b l d e t a i l , by Codere (1950, 1961)  i n p a r t i c u l a r , Drucker and  c l a i m t h a t , i f a n y t h i n g , i t has been  Heize  underplayed.  I An aspect o f the t r a n s i t i o n from a b o r i g i n a l to a modern economy t h a t Codere m a n i f e s t l y understands but perhaps might have emphasized more s t r o n g l y i s t h a t Southern K w a k i u t l l i f e and the p o t l a t c h were e n r i c h e d by the v a s t stream o f , to them, cheap consumer goods a c q u i r e d through trade channels (1967: 14). S t u d i e s o f c u r r e n t c o a s t a l economies and s o c i e t i e s , howeve tend to focus on the p o v e r t y and d e p r i v a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c contemporary r e s e r v e l i f e , s t r e s s how  of  the n a t i v e ranks a t o r  near the bottom i n v i r t u a l l y any measure o f economic w e l l - b e i n g and p o i n t out t h a t h i s p r o s p e c t s are g e n e r a l l y the worst o f anyone's i n the p r o v i n c e , ji  \  o. • .  b  A,  ^The  t r a n s i t i o n between e a r l y p r o s p e r i t y and l a t e r  i s so s t a r t l i n g t h a t I wondered how circumstances  and  poverty  the change came about, what  processes were abroad to b r i n g the n a t i v e  so low so q u i c k l y ? ) (/The  answer, I b e l i e v e , l i e s i n the c h a r a c t e r of the  ment of the major i n d u s t r i e s of the c o a s t .  develop-  That development has  m i l i t a t e d a g a i n s t the n a t i v e s ' f u l l or independent p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy u n t i l today he i s a t b e s t a m a r g i n a l , almost mendicant member, i n l a r g e p a r t r e l i a n t f o r h i s economic s u r v i v a l on companies and governments t h a t o c c a s i o n a l l y make p r o v i s i o n f o r h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n by e n a c t i n g measures to ensure t h a t no m a t t e r how  p r e c a r i o u s h i s p o s i t i o n may  altogether"^  become, he s h a l l not  disappear  " \  e (  ( i n i t i a l l y , the slow and e r r a t i c s e t t l e m e n t o f the coupled w i t h the rudimentary  coast,  t e c h n o l o g i c a l l e v e l of f i s h i n g  l o g g i n g i n t h e i r e a r l y s t a g e s , enabled  the n a t i v e s to e n t e r  and the  f i e l d w i t h l i t t l e or no investment and r e l a t i v e l y f r e e from competition.  At t h a t p o i n t , the I n d i a n was  the o n l y r e a d i l y  avail-  a b l e source of l a b o u r f o r the p r o d u c e r s , whose p r i m i t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n technology  o b l i g e d them to l o c a t e t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s near  to the source of the raw m a t e r i a l s , f a r from m e t r o p o l i t a n  centers,  but c l o s e to the i s o l a t e d I n d i a n v i l l a g e s / S The low t e c h n o l o g i c a l s t a t e of the i n d u s t r i e s , w i t h consequent ease o f access and e g r e s s , enabled Indians t o p a r t i c i p a t e  i  i n many or a l l of the p r e v a i l i n g o c c u p a t i o n s , and thereby to  j  s h i e l d themselves from the v a g a r i e s of any one.  j,  The system of  o c c u p a t i o n a l m u l t i p l i c i t y t h a t developed f i t t e d q u i t e w e l l w i t h  t  1/  the s u b s i s t e n c e economy t h a t most n a t i v e s c o n t i n u e d to r e l y  on,  and a l t o g e t h e r made f o r a sound a d a p t i v e s t r a t e g y , one t h a t coped r a t h e r w e l l w i t h the i r r e g u l a r and u n p r e d i c t a b l e f o r t u n e s of the infant  industries. , 1  I^With the s e t t l e m e n t of the coast and the development of h a r v e s t i n g and t r a n s p o r t equipment, the n a t i v e found h i m s e l f at a disadvantage expensive  i n a number o f ways.  The  f o r him to a c q u i r e r e a d i l y .  equipment became too  In f a c t , l a c k o f jcapjjtal__  or equipment drove many n a t i v e s out o f some occupations a t l e a s t as independent p r o d u c e r s .  Those who  entirely,  attempted to keep  up w i t h the equipment race were o b l i g e d to s p e c i a l i z e i n one o c c u p a t i o n , r e d u c i n g t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y w i t h o u t measurably i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r s e c u r i t y , f o r w h i l e the i n d u s t r i e s may  have  become t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y more s o p h i s t i c a t e d , they remained s u b j e c t to the same w o r l d market f o r c e s and/or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f s u p p l y , and consequently who  were b a s i c a l l y no l e s s e r r a t i c .  The  natives  t r i e d t o keep up were f l i r t i n g w i t h r u i n and the l o s s of  t h e i r equipment s h o u l d t h i n g s go b a d l y , which they f r e q u e n t l y d i d , w h i l e those who  maintained  s i m p l e r and l e s s expensive  t h e i r a d a p t a b i l i t y by c l i n g i n g to the t e c h n o l o g i e s were r e l e g a t e d to the  more u n p r o f i t a b l e margins of the i n d u s t r i e s , and e v e n t u a l l y found themselves r e g u l a t e d out o f business  as governments attempted  to r a t i o n a l i z e p r o d u c t i o n i n the face o f d e c l i n i n g s t o c k s o f resources.  The  attempts at r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n took the form o f  l i c e n c e r e s t r i c t i o n s , r o y a l t y charges, and the l i k e , and almost i n v a r i a b l y favoured the i n t e r e s t s of the l a r g e producers a t the expense of the s m a l l ' i n e f f i c i e n t ' ones, which i n c l u d e d most of  8  the I n d i a n s . > The  t h i r d group o f c h a p t e r s , d e a l i n g w i t h non-economic f a c -  t o r s i n the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a c u l t u r e , focusses on m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e .  I w i l l examine both  the d e l i b e r a t e changes f o s t e r e d by the m i s s i o n a r y , and the i n a d v e r t e n t or unforeseen s h i f t s p r e c i p i t a t e d by h i s e f f o r t s at reform. I suspect t h a t the p r i n c i p a l c o n t r i b u t i o n of the m i s s i o n ary to c u l t u r a l change among the H a i s l a was a separate m i s s i o n v i l l a g e , wherein  the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f  i n n o v a t i v e forms o f behaviour  (responses to changes i n the economy, perhaps) t h a t might have caused c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s r u p t i o n i n the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e c o u l d be t r i e d out w i t h r e l a t i v e i m p u n i t y . been o s t e n s i b l y i n response  These i n n o v a t i o n s may  have  to the m i s s i o n a r y ' s u r g i n g s , but  may  a l s o be seen as a d a p t a t i o n s t o the p r e s s u r e s o f the i n d u s t r i a l economy i n which the n a t i v e s were q u i t e deeply i n v o l v e d by  the  time they began to move i n numbers to the m i s s i o n v i l l a g e . The second non-economic f o r c e , d e p o p u l a t i o n , d i s r u p t e d l i n e s of s u c c e s s i o n so t h o r o u g h l y t h a t s u r v i v o r s were f o r c e d to countenance q u i t e d r a s t i c m a n i p u l a t i o n s o f the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n order to t r y to m a i n t a i n the i n t e g r i t y o f the t r a d i t i o n a l units.  These m a n i p u l a t i o n s became the precedents  social  that l a t e r ,  1  l e s s orthodox i n n o v a t o r s extended to embrace ever more l i b e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the r u l e s , such t h a t contemporary  'traditional'  s t r u c t u r e s d i f f e r i n fundamental ways from former ones. In d e a l i n g w i t h the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of m a t r i l i n y and the a t t e n u a t i o n o f the t r a d i t i o n a l system o f named, ranked, s t a t u s e s , I w i l l apply Robert Anderson's (1960) ' r e d u c t i o n of v a r i a n t s '  9  schema to the p r o c e s s o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n . formulation  My v e r s i o n o f Anderson's  views c o n t a c t as c h a r a c t e r i z e d  by a r a p i d  increase  i n the number o f v a r i a n t s , or a l t e r n a t i v e modes o f b e h a v i o u r , and a c c u l t u r a t i o n as a p r o g r e s s i v e r e d u c t i o n  of variants  as t r a d i -  t i o n a l p a t t e r n s drop away and i n t r o d u c e d forms are r e t a i n e d . T h i s , I b e l i e v e , accounts f o r t r a n s i t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n s l i k e  that  a t K i t a m a a t , i n which elements o f both t r a d i t i o n a l and modern systems operate s i m u l t a n e o u s l y f o r some t i m e , o r i n which c e r t a i n f a c t i o n s adhere t o one s e t o f p r e c e p t s , w h i l e another behaves a c c o r d i n g t o an a l t e r n a t i v e s e t . F i n a l l y , I w i l l attempt t o show t h a t the o p e r a t i v e of the a b o r i g i n a l system i s p r o g r e s s i v e l y  sphere  reduced as i t s substan-  t i v e u n d e r p i n n i n g , c o n t r o l over the a c q u i s i t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , i s assumed by elements o f the new system.  10  Research Methods The m a t e r i a l s f o r t h i s t h e s i s were g a t h e r e d i n two s t a g e s . The f i r s t i n v o l v e d some t e n months f i e l d work i n K i t a m a a t ; the second, about s i x months spent i n a r c h i v e s and government r e c o r d s i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . D u r i n g the f i e l d work p e r i o d , the focus o f t h e study from a c o n c e n t r a t i o n  shifted  on contemporary s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the  e f f e c t s o f r e c e n t i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y on s o c i a l change t o a more h i s t o r i c a l account o f t h e H a i s l a s ' e x p e r i e n c e i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy o f t h e c o a s t from about the i n c e p t i o n o f commercial f i s h i n g and l o g g i n g .  There were s e v e r a l reasons f o r t h i s  shift.  I t soon became e v i d e n t t h a t contemporary n a t i v e s e n s i b i l i t i e s would n o t p e r m i t me c o m f o r t a b l y of questioning require.  t h a t a study o f p r e s e n t day o r g a n i z a t i o n would  Q u e s t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o mutual a i d , f i n a n c e s , h o u s e h o l d  economy o r even r e s i d e n c e prying.  o r s u c c e s s f u l l y t o pursue l i n e s  p a t t e r n s were c o n s t r u e d  as unwarranted  (That I tended t o agree d i d not enhance my p e r s i s t e n c e ,  n e e d l e s s t o say.)  I t h e r e f o r e concluded t h a t a more n e u t r a l  h i s t o r i c a l s t u d y , f o c u s s i n g on economic h i s t o r y , c o u l d be more comfortably  and p r o f i t a b l y  pursued  T h i s second approach p l a c e d my p r i m a r i l y i n the company o f o l d e r p e o p l e , who, u n l i k e the w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n o f the v i l l a g e , were w i l l i n g and a b l e t o d i s c o u r s e a t l e n g t h about t h e i r and backgrounds.  lives  (The h i g h employment r a t e at Kitamaat made i t  d i f f i c u l t t o conduct i n t e r v i e w s among the younger elements o f the v i l l a g e , who were a t work d u r i n g the day, and seldom to be q u e s t i o n e d a t l e n g t h d u r i n g the evenings.  inclined  A f u l l s h i f t at  A l c a n o r Eurocan d i d not l e a v e the workers too d i s p o s e d to participate  i n lengthy interviews.)  O l d e r i n f o r m a n t s , however,  o f t e n seemed p l e e s - j f t o d i s u c e s s t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s l e n g t h , and a number o f rewarding relationships  and m u t u a l l y  at c o n s i d e r a b l e  satisfying  developed.  W i t h the s e l e c t i o n  o f a h i s t o r i c a l p r o b l e m , the m a t t e r  a sample o f i n f o r m a n t s became i r r e l e v a n t . became one o f d i s c o v e r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s knowledge t h a t I was life histories.  a f t e r , and who  who  R a t h e r , the  of  matter  had the s i n g u l a r  were w i l l i n g t o d i s c u s s t h e i r  Thus I adopted what might be termed an ' a d v e n t i t i o u s  sample--I t a l k e d t o whoever would t a l k to me.  Basically, I  worked w i t h seven major i n f o r m a n t s , r a n g i n g i n age from the l a t e f o r t i e s t o the l a t e s e v e n t i e s . t h r e e most i n t e n s i v e l y ,  Of t h e s e , I worked w i t h  g a i n i n g l i f e and work h i s t o r i e s o f b o t h  i n f o r m a n t s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , e x t e n d i n g i n some cases t o the l a t e nineteenth century. about s p e c i f i c a i s s u e s ,  I c o n s u l t e d a wider c i r c l e o f  when my r e g u l a r i n f o r m a n t s were not  o f d e t a i l s , o r d i d not f e e l q u a l i f i e d t o d i s c u s s matters they d i d not  'own'.  o f t e n r e f e r me on matters I was  informants sure  that  (My p r i n c i p a l i n f o r m a n t , an E a g l e , would  t o members o f o t h e r c l a n s i f my q u e s t i o n s  touched  t h a t he knew o f but d i d not have a u t h o r i t y t o d i s c u s s . ) thus a b l e to develop  an o u t l i n e  o f the H a i s l a s '  economic and s o c i a l l i f e f o r about t h r e e q u a r t e r s o f a c e n t u r y - the economic avenues open t o them and the e f f e c t s economic circumstances these accounts  on the s o c i a l l i f e .  of t h e i r  I t remained t o p l a c e  i n t o a more g e n e r a l h i s t o r i c a l framework, a m a t t e r  I p u r s s u e d by way o f documentary m a t e r i a l s . The g e n a l o g i e s and h i s t o r i c a l d e t a i l s  c o l l e c t e d i n the  f i e l d e n a b l e d me t o peruse t h e government r e c o r d s and p i c k o u t data p e r t a i n i n g t o H a i s l a s .  A l t h o u g h i t would have been  p r e f e r a b l e t o have had t h i s m a t e r i a l on hand b e f o r e e n t e r i n g the f i e l d , I c o u l d n o t have g a t h e r e d i t w i t h o u t e x t e n s i v e g e n e a l o g i c a and c h r o n o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n amassed" a t Kitamaat.  Most o f  the r e c o r d s a r e n o t i n d e x e d ; i n f o r m a t i o n i s f i l e d by y e a r and name o f p e r s o n . w i t h persons  T h i s demands a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree o f f a m i l i a r i t y  and o p e r a t i o n s b e f o r e any b e n e f i t can be g a i n e d  from the immense body o f d a t a c o n t a i n e d i n the f i l e s .  13  Chapter 2 The  Haisla Today, the H a i s l a  1  l i v e i n the v i l l a g e of Kitamaat,  2  located  some seven m i l e s from the head of Douglas Channel, near the  city  of K i t i m a t . The  Kitamaat Band i s formed of two main s u b d i v i s i o n s , the  Kitamaat and the K i t l o p e , the l a t t e r f o r m e r l y l i v i n g at the mouth of the K i t l o p e R i v e r and at Kemano, both l o c a t e d i n Gardner  Canal.  They f o r m a l l y amalgamated w i t h the Kitamaat some two decades  ago.  P r i o r to t h a t time, however, most of the band had  already migrated  t o Kitamaat, and v i r t u a l l y a l l were r e s i d e n t t h e r e f o r at l e a s t p a r t of the The  year.  Kitamaat themselves are a combination of three pre-  c o n t a c t d i v i s i o n s , the N a l a b i l a , or d w e l l e r s u p r i v e r ( i . e . , Kitimat R i v e r ) , X ' a i s l a , dwellers  the  f a r t h e s t downriver, and G i l d a -  l i d o x , or i n h a b i t a n t s of K i l d a l a Arm. white settlement,  ^  Some time before  the  first  the three branches began to w i n t e r together  at  the v i l l a g e of the X ' a i s l a , l o c a t e d j u s t upstream from the mouth of the K i t i m a t R i v e r . S h o r t l y a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n 1893,  T~.  2.  the m i s s i o n a r y ,  George  Throughout the t h e s i s , whenever I r e f e r to the H a i s l a , I mean b o t h Kitamaat and K i t l o p e . I f I am not sure t h a t the i s s u e under d i s c u s s i o n a p p l i e s to b o t h , I s p e c i f y one d i v i s i o n or another. Because most of the i n f o r m a t i o n extant p e r t a i n s to the Kitamaat, they are the primary focus of t h i s study. I encountered more than twenty ways to s p e l l Kitamaat. The H a i s l a themselves p r e f e r Kitamaat, and t h e r e f o r e I use t h a t v e r s i o n whenever I r e f e r to the n a t i v e s themselves or to t h e i r v i l l a g e . Elsewhere I adopted the common map s p e l l i n g s of p l a c e s , e.g., K i t i m a t R i v e r , K i t i m a t ( c i t y ) . V a r i a t i o n s of s p e l l i n g i n q u o t a t i o n s remain unchanged, of course.  R a l e y , e s t a b l i s h e d a r i v a l v i l l a g e on an o l d settlement f i v e m i l e s down channel from the head o f the i n l e t . there as they became C h r i s t i a n i z e d .  s i t e about  Converts moved  During the f i r s t decade o f  t h i s century v i r t u a l l y a l l t h e Kitamaat had undergone a t l e a s t nominal c o n v e r s i o n ,  and m i g r a t e d t o Kitamaat M i s s i o n , as the v i l -  lage came t o be c a l l e d .  The n a t i v e s r e p a i r e d t o the o l d v i l l a g e  s i t e o n l y t o c a t c h and process o o l i c h a n , or t o p o t l a t c h out o f reach o f the missionary  and I n d i a n Agent.  Today, a l l s t a t u s , On-Reserve H a i s l a l i v e a t Kitamaat. 1973  The  census l i s t s a t o t a l H a i s l a p o p u l a t i o n o f 883, approximately  two-thirds  o f whom l i v e i n the v i l l a g e  Northern A f f a i r s  (Department o f I n d i a n and  census).  Traditional Orientation Kroeber (1939:  29) c l a s s i f i e d the H a i s l a as 'Northern M a r i -  time R i v e r , ' a " v a r i a n t o f the Northern s u b c u l t u r e , l o c a l i z e d on r i v e r s o r i n l e t s r a t h e r than the sea.""''  Although the H a i s l a  r e l i e d p r i m a r i l y upon the four main r i v e r s o f t h e i r r e g i o n , the K i t l o p e and Kemano f o r the K i t l o p e , and the Dala and K i t i m a t f o r the Kitamaat, they n e v e r t h e l e s s  occupied and e x p l o i t e d one o f the  T~. The Kitamaats ' i n t i m a t e connection w i t h the r i v e r was demons t r a t e d r a t h e r n e a t l y a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f outboard motors, and t h e i r i n s t a l l a t i o n on H a i s l a canoes. These c r a f t are o f the same general design and c o n s t r u c t i o n as the c l a s s i c n o r t h e r n s t y l e , although they a r e s l i g h t l y narrower i n the beam, as b e f i t s a canoe used o f t e n i n a s w i f t f l o w i n g stream l i k e the K i t i m a t . When p o l i n g up r i v e r , i t was the p r a c t i c e t o r e v e r s e the canoe and t o proceed s t e r n - f i r s t , f o r the v e r t i c a l cutwater o f the bow l e f t the c r a f t too s u s c e p t i b l e to c u r r e n t s and e d d i e s , w h i l e the h i g h , c u r v i n g s t e r n p e r m i t t e d the steersman t o m a i n t a i n b e t t e r c o n t r o l . When outboard motors came i n t o use, the canoemen removed the bow i n order t o f i t the motor, r a t h e r than the s t e r n , thus s a c r i f i c i n g a measure of seaworthiness i n order t o r e t a i n r i v e r - w o r t h i n e s s .  ^  15  major i n l e t least  two  systems o f the N o r t h w e s t C o a s t .  hundred m i l e s  In a d d i t i o n t o the territory 42)  of  (inlet)  f o u r major r i v e r s m e n t i o n e d , H a i s l a  informants  could r e c a l l  this  century  Traditional  sites  ( c f . Table  ( c f . F i g u r e 2, p .  o f the i n l e t  locations  Canal,  system.  o f some 40 houses  important  or  indi-  until well  into  16).  Social Structure  Although  they  the H a i s l a  a r e s o m e t h i n g o f an  speak a Wakashan l a n g u a g e , and  as the n o r t h e r n m o s t o f the N o r t h e r n  Kwakiutl, their  z a t i o n r e s e m b l e s t h a t o f the T s i m s h i a n , H a i d a , and than  I I , p.  t h r o u g h o u t the r e g i o n , an  c o n t i n u e d t o be  In terms o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , anomaly.  channels  the  cabins b u i l t near resource s i t e s c a t i o n t h a t those  streams  l e n g t h o f Douglas C h a n n e l , G a r d n e r  and.the s c o r e o f b a y s , arms, and Older  at  coastline.  i n c l u d e d 31 s a l m o n - b e a r i n g  s c a t t e r e d a l o n g the  They c o n t r o l l e d  that of t h e i r  linguistic kin.  As  Olson  \  are c l a s s e d  social  organi-  T l i n g i t more  noted:  A l o n e o f a l l the K w a k i u t l - s p e a k i n g t r i b e s the H a i s l a and K i t l o p e have a f u l l - f l e d g e d m a t e r n a l exogamic c l a n o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h i s a l m o s t i d e n t i c a l with that of t h e i r Tsimshian neighbours (1940: 169 ) . The  c o n s e n s u s among s t u d e n t s  the f o r e b e a r s o f t h e H a i s l a as a way have no  o f the a r e a seems t o be  a d o p t e d t h a t form o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n  of a r t i c u l a t i n g with  the T s i m s h i a n .  The  Haisla  sense t h a t t h i n g s were always as they a r e , and  t h e m s e l v e s s p e c u l a t e d t h a t t h e i r a n c e s t o r s had t h e r n form a f t e r m i g r a t i n g t o the The  origin  that  taken  themselves  informants  on the  nor-  area.  s t o r i e s have the c o r e o f the H a i s l a moving  from  Figure 2 Salmon Streams  and  Sites of H a i s l a  Resource  Territory  n : c a b i n adjacent to resource s i t e Source:  Stream Catalogue  1972  R i v e r s I n l e t t o K i l d a l a Arm and g r a d u a l l y p o p u l a t i n g the adjacent i n l e t system  ;  absorbing  other migrant groups who  l a t e r a r r i v e d from the Skeena v i a the K i t i m a t v a l l e y . A b o r i g i n a l l y , there were s i x c l a n s , which, by the time t h a t the f i r s t ethnographic r e p o r t s were w r i t t e n , had c o a l e s c e d i n t o three groups: Beaver Raven Crow  Blackfish Salmon  Eagle  This l i n k a g e has proceeded q u i t e f a r .  I n t h e case o f the  B l a c k f i s h and Salmon, f o r example, members are simply  referred  t o as ' f i s h , ' u s u a l l y w i t h o u t any d i s t i n c t i o n b e i n g made. ( C u r i o u s l y , the H a i s l a term f o r the c l a n combination i s based on t h e i r word f o r salmon, miya, r a t h e r than f o r b l a c k f i s h , even though Olson noted t h a t i n p o t l a t c h e s t h e B l a c k f i s h were c a l l e d before  the Salmon, which would i n d i c a t e t h a t the former were  ranked h i g h e r than the l a t t e r . ) ^Clans today are e v i d e n t and a c t i v e , a l b e i t w i t h i n a h i g h l y r e s t r i c t e d sphere, and membership i s m a i n t a i n e d by a d o p t i o n i f a u n i t appears i n danger o f d i s a p p e a r i n g .  Lineage o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  however, appears t o have disappeared v i r t u a l l y w i t h o u t t r a c e .  ;  Olson r e p o r t e d t h a t he c o u l d d i s c e r n l i n e a g e s , b u t commented t h a t they l a c k e d the " c l e a r c u t f u n c t i o n s o f the c l a n s " (1940: 170).  Many o f the informants t h a t I c o n s u l t e d were n o t f a m i l i a r  w i t h them a t a l l .  P o s s i b l y the s o l e remaining a t t r i b u t e o f  f  18  l i n e a g e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s the p r a c t i c e o f c a l l i n g the f i r s t t h r e e j or f o u r r a n k i n g nobles o f a c l a n ' c h i e f . '  Among the E a g l e s , for;  example, the c l a n head, SanaxeD, i s n a t u r a l l y c a l l e d 'Chief  !  SanaxeD,' b u t s u b o r d i n a t e n o b l e s ' names are l i k e w i s e p r e f a c e d - C h i e f Hemasaka, C h i e f G ' p s a l o p s t - - w h i c h u  those t i t l e s once denoted l i n e a g e heads.  leads me t o b e l i e v e t h a t The c l a n c h i e f regards  the t i t l e h o l d e r s as h i s c o u n s e l o r s , which strengthens  the view  somewhat, f o r l i n e a g e heads acted as such i n Tsimshian  villages  l i k e P o r t Simpson, where l i n e a g e s remained a c t i v e u n t i l w e l l into this  century.  A c t u a l l y , the people do r e f e r t o u n i t s such as 'Chief Legex's f a m i l y , ' b u t I do not b e l i e v e t h a t t h a t can be taken as evidence o f any s i g n i f i c a n t i n t r a - c l a n d i s t i n c t i o n s , f o r the i n d i v i d u a l s i n c l u d e d i n the a p p e l l a t i o n are a s m a l l group who are seen t o be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the c h i e f .  Even a f t e r a l l t h e  " c h i e f s ' f a m i l i e s " are t o t a l l e d there remains a great mass o f i n d i v i d u a l s who once would have belonged t o one l i n e a g e o r another, but who now do not c a l c u l a t e t h e i r c l a n membership by way o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o some s u b - c h i e f or l i n e a g e head.  I  Chapter 3 Environment, T r a d i t i o n a l Economy, and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e Because subsequent chapters d e a l w i t h the d e c l i n e o f t h e p l a c e o f nobles and c h i e f s i n H a i s l a s o c i e t y , i t would be a p p r o p r i a t e t o b e g i n w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n o f the f a c t o r s t h a t s u s t a i n e d those p o s i t i o n s i n a b o r i g i n a l o r e a r l y h i s t o r i c  times  i n order t o a s s o c i a t e t h e i r d e c l i n e w i t h changes i n the n a t i v e s environmental  o r economic  circumstances.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , most o f the i n f o r m a t i o n extant p e r t a i n i n g to the economic aspects o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p o r h i g h s t a t u s r e l a t e s to the i n t r i c a c i e s o f the p o s t - c o n t a c t p o t l a t c h .  The r o l e o f  c h i e f s and nobles i n the a b o r i g i n a l s u b s i s t e n c e economy i s given comparatively short s h r i f t .  Moreover, the e a r l i e s t  ethnographers d i d not b e g i n t h e i r work on the coast  until  n e a r l y a century a f t e r c o n t a c t (Boas a r r i v e d i n 1885, f o r example), by which time such f a c t o r s as the f u r t r a d e and severe d e p o p u l a t i o n had d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r e d the n a t i v e s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e i r resource bases.  R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f those  r e l a t i o n s h i p s seldom r e c e i v e d much a t t e n t i o n . Thus i t i s not p o s s i b l e a t t h i s date t o say w i t h c e r t a i n t y j u s t what was the r o l e o f the house, l i n e a g e , c l a n , o r v i l l a g e heads i n the p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s .  Never-  t h e l e s s , some c l u e s do e x i s t , and the area remains a f e r t i l e f i e l d for speculation. In t h i s c h a p t e r , I w i l l propose t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t element i n the o p e r a t i o n o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p among a n o r t h e r n Northwest  f  20  Coast people l i k e the H a i s l a was unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources base t h a t was  an economy c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an  I  r e s u l t i n g from a resource  both h i g h l y p r o d u c t i v e  and u n p r e d i c t a b l e  j j  o v e r a l l , and r a t h e r i r r e g u l a r  i n i t s constituent parts.  Such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s put a premium on c o - o p e r a t i o n ,  both  w i t h i n the l o c a l community, and between i t and n e i g h b o u r i n g communities.  Such c o - o p e r a t i o n ,  i n the form of p o o l i n g  and  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , c o u l d s u s t a i n the s t a t u s e s of house, c l a n , and  \  v i l l a g e c h i e f t a i n s . As S a h l i n s n o t e d , the r o l e of r e d i s t r i b u t o r and the s t a t u s of c h i e f are combined i n the same person. The t r i b a l economic system i s an extended f a m i l y system, c h a r a c t e r i z e d throughout by k i n s h i p coo p e r a t i o n and mutual a i d . The p r i n c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o p e r a t i o n i n a t r i b a l economy, t h e r e f o r e , i s p o o l i n g and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods by a c e n t r a l agent. Everywhere t h i s c e n t r a l agent occupies a p o l i t i c a l , c h i e f l y s t a t u s , and h i s r e d i s t r i b u t i v e a c t i v i t i e s s u b s i d i z e the d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and t r i b a l e n t e r p r i s e . P r e s t i g e i s a t t r i b u t e d to the c h i e f so long as he manages goods i n the general w e l f a r e . This p r e s t i g e not only p e r m i t s the c h i e f to i n f l u e n c e p e r s o n s , i t s a n c t i o n s h i s c a l l on goods. P r e s t i g e , t h e r e f o r e , operates to overcome an i n h e r e n t tendency to l i m i t p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a system of p r o d u c t i o n f o r use (as opposed to p r o d u c t i o n f o r exchange). P r e s t i g e i s the a c t i o n of a s o c i a l system o p e r a t i n g to widen the economy at the same time, and by means of i n c r e a s i n g the powers of the a d m i n i s t r a t i n g c h i e f (1960: 410). Although S a h l i n s was  addressing  h i m s e l f p r i m a r i l y to the  i n e q u a l i t i e s of d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t a r i s e from a w e l l developed d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r , h i s f o r m u l a t i o n i s e q u a l l y p e r t i n e n t to i n e q u a l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from i r r e g u l a r i t i e s of resource  produc-  t i o n , f o r both can r e s u l t i n an imbalanced d i s t r i b u t i o n o f resources.  As S e r v i c e p o i n t s out, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n can apply  d i f f e r e n t i a l production  of resources  to  r e s u l t i n g from e c o l o g i c a l  variability. C l e a r l y , r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s a consequence o f s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and the r e l a t e d needs f o r i t s coo r d i n a t i o n and f o r the a l l o c a t i o n of p r o d u c t s . There are two d i s t i n c t and s e p a r a b l e k i n d s of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n which c o u l d l e a d t o r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . They f r e q u e n t l y c o - e x i s t i n the same s o c i e t y , but i t seems probable t h a t one or the other alone would be s u f f i c i e n t t o c a t a l y z e the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i e t y . One (probably the more f r e q u e n t ) i s the r e g i o n a l , or e c o l o g i c a l , s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t local residential units... ( S e r v i c e 1964: 145). S e r v i c e i s r e f e r r i n g here to the o c c u p a t i o n of d i s t i n c t e c o l o g i c a l zones by the members o f a community, and consequent d i f f e r e n t i a l production.  His point applies equally w e l l to  areas l i k e the coast which, w h i l e they are n o m i n a l l y p a r t of the same e c o l o g i c a l zone, are n e v e r t h e l e s s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y from p l a c e t o p l a c e and from year t o y e a r .  The  o p e r a t i v e consequence o f s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s t h a t i t l e a v e s a c o n s i d e r a b l e q u a n t i t y of r e s o u r c e or product i n the hands o f one segment of the s o c i e t y and l e s s or none i n o t h e r segments. V a r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y of the r e s o u r c e s i t e s b e l o n g i n g t o the v a r i o u s segments has a s i m i l a r e f f e c t .  In both c a s e s , r e d i s t r i -  b u t i o n c o u l d be a primary mechanism f o r the e q u a l i z a t i o n o f the imbalance. The c h i e f ' s r o l e as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r would be most c r i t i c a l , o f c o u r s e , i n a s i t u a t i o n i n which the p o p u l a t i o n e x e r t e d some p r e s s u r e on the resource base, or where the demands o f some or a l l of the s o c i e t y o c c a s i o n a l l y exceeded the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y of the resource base.  At t h a t p o i n t , the c h i e f ' s  socio-political  connections and h i s a b i l i t y to channel goods from u n i t s w i t h a s u r p l u s t o those s u f f e r i n g a shortage would be h i s main j u s t i f i -  22  cation for being. Indeed, as S a h l i n s p o i n t s out, the very e x i s t e n c e of a c h i e f may  w e l l p r o v i d e the impetus f o r the c o n s i s t e n t  production  of a s u r p l u s . P r e s t i g e , t h e r e f o r e , operates to overcome an i n h e r e n t tendency to l i m i t p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a system of p r o d u c t i o n f o r use (as opposed to p r o d u c t i o n f o r exchange). P r e s t i g e i s the a c t i o n of a s o c i a l system o p e r a t i n g to widen the powers of the a d m i n i s t r a t i n g c h i e f ( S a h l i n s 1960: 410). P r e s t i g e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p o o l i n g and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n operates s i m u l t a n e o u s l y as an i n c e n t i v e to d i s p e n s a t i o n on the c h i e f ' s p a r t and an i n c e n t i v e to p r o d u c t i o n on h i s kinsmen's p a r t - - t h u s a t r i b a l economy ( i b i d . : 411). S t i m u l a t e d by the c h i e f ' s d r i v e f o r p r e s t i g e , h a b i t u a l over-production  (when the o p p o r t u n i t y arose) c o u l d c r e a t e a  supply ready f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n should an a p p r o p r i a t e group or l o c a l segment s u f f e r a shortage.  neighbouring  (Among the c o a s t a l  groups, should no shortage occur, there were w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d methods of consumption of any excess t h a t were s i m i l a r l y prestige-enhancing  f o r the h o s t s - - o s t e n t a t i o u s d i s t r i b u t i o n  and  consumption i n f e a s t s , f o r example, o r , among the Southern K w a k i u t l i n h i s t o r i c t i m e s , a c t u a l d e s t r u c t i o n of l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f food.) I t remains to c o n s i d e r two  i s s u e s , one e c o l o g i c a l , the  other c u l t u r a l :  was  the c o a s t a l environment so v a r i a b l e as to \  c r e a t e shortages  among the v a r i o u s segments of l o c a l communities;  j  and, d i d h i g h s t a t u s i n d i v i d u a l s indeed operate as r e d i s t r i b u t o r s I i  of f o o d s t u f f s to t h e i r tribesmen? turn.  j  I w i l l c o n s i d e r each i s s u e i n  23  Ecological V a r i a b i l i t y The  crux of the argument, t h e n , (as i t a p p l i e s to  the  Northwest Coast) concerns the q u e s t i o n of i r r e g u l a r i t y of prod u c t i o n of s t a p l e r e s o u r c e s :  d i d those r e s o u r c e s ,  particularly  salmon, vary and/or f l u c t u a t e i n q u a n t i t y s u f f i c i e n t to segments of the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n of the minimum they  deprive considered  n e c e s s a r y , t o l e r a b l e , or c o n v e n i e n t , so as to t r i g g e r some compensatory mechanism such as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ? S u t t l e s m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h a t s o r t of v a r i a b i l i t y was s a l i e n t f e a t u r e of the Northwest Coast environment. f u r t h e r m o r e , t h a t the orthodox c o n c e p t i o n the c o a s t a l ecosystem and economy was  He  a claimed,  of the u n i f o r m i t y of  a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n t h a t , by  n e g l e c t i n g to c o n s i d e r micro-environments and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t s on s u b s i s t e n c e p a t t e r n s , overlooked may  circumstances t h a t  have f i g u r e d l a r g e i n the development of economic, demographic,  and u l t i m a t e l y of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l forms. The environmental s e t t i n g of n a t i v e c u l t u r e was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by f o u r s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e s : 1) v a r i e t y of types of food, i n c l u d i n g s p r o u t s , r o o t s , b e r r i e s , s h e l l f i s h , f i s h e s , w a t e r f o w l , l a n d and sea mammals; 2) l o c a l v a r i a t i o n i n the occurrence of these d i f f e r e n c e s between f r e s h and s a l t water, l o c a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n temperature and p r e c i p i t a t i o n . 3) seasonal v a r i a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n v e g e t a b l e foods and i n anadromous f i s h e s ; 4) f l u c t u a t i o n from year to y e a r , i n p a r t due to the r e g u l a r c y c l e s of the d i f f e r e n t p o p u l a t i o n s of f i s h , i n p a r t to l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e changes, as i n weather (1960: 302). The  l a s t category,  f l u c t u a t i o n s from year t o y e a r , i s of  p a r t i c u l a r importance, f o r i t i n t r o d u c e s the elements of i r r e g u l a r i t y and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , which w i l l i n t u r n l e a d to  consider-  a t i o n of t h e i r c u l t u r a l concomitant, c o u n t e r a c t i n g mechanisms  'IS  such as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t i v e  agents.  But the f o u r t h of the environmental f e a t u r e s , f l u c t u a t i o n s from year t o y e a r , must have demanded v e r s a t i l i t y and a d a p t a b i l i t y . . . ( T h e r a t h e r pronounced d i f f e r e n c e s i n resources among communities, p l u s y e a r - t o - y e a r f l u c t u a t i o n i n q u a n t i t i e s , must have put a premium on intercommunity c o - o p e r a t i o n ( S u t t l e s 1960: 302).; Although  h i s i n i t i a l s p e c u l a t i o n s concerned the Coast S a l i s h ,  S u t t l e s soon extended the ideas to encompass groups to the n o r t h , a l b e i t i n s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d form. ...The more n o r t h e r n t r i b e s r e l y on fewer k i n d s of p l a n t s and animals and get them at fewer p l a c e s and f o r s h o r t e r times d u r i n g the y e a r , but i n g r e a t e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n , and w i t h consequent g r e a t e r chance f o r f a i l u r e (1962: 103). The fewer types and g r e a t e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n of resources t h a t I have p o s t u l a t e d f o r both the Wakashan and Northern areas might i n c r e a s e the importance of the "owner" as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r of resources w i t h i n the l o c a l group and a represent a t i v e of the l o c a l group i n r e l a t i o n to other groups. T h i s i n c r e a s e i n importance of the r o l e of the "owner" may be accompanied by an i n c r e a s e d emphasis on d i f f e r e n c e s i n s t a t u s throughout s o c i e t y ( i b i d . : 138). The enhanced s t a t u s of the o w n e r - d i s t r i b u t o r p o s t u l a t e d here i s r e m i n i s c e n t of S a h l i n s ' s p r o p o s a l c i t e d  earlier.  Everywhere, t h i s c e n t r a l agent [the r e d i s t r i b u t o r of goods] occupies a p o l i t i c a l , c h i e f l y s t a t u s . . . ( S a h l i n s 1960: 410). I t i s important  to note here t h a t r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods  can take p l a c e on a number of l e v e l s :  between houses, l i n e a g e s ,  or c l a n s w i t h i n a community, between communities or between tribes.  I propose to l i m i t my i n q u i r y here to i n t r a - v i l l a g e  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , s i n c e I am concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h s t a t u s r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the H a i s l a , and not between elements of the  25  H a i s l a and other n o r t h coast groups.  I b e l i e v e t h a t there i s  enough v a r i a b i l i t y i n resource a v a i l a b i l i t y w i t h i n the h o l d i n g s of the H a i s l a t o j u s t i f y the o p e r a t i o n o f an i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a l network, one t h a t s u s t a i n e d s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l s among the v a r i o u s s o c i a l u n i t s o f the l o c a l community. I t remains t o c o n s i d e r whether the environmental  variability  d e s c r i b e d by S u t t l e s was i n f a c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the c o a s t , p a r t i c u l a r l y as f a r as salmon a r e concerned.  S u t t l e s mentions  two major causes o f f l u c t u a t i o n s , " r e g u l a r c y c l e s o f the d i f f e r e n t p o p u l a t i o n s o f f i s h , and l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e changes, as i n weather" (1960: 302). F l u c t u a t i o n s i n the s i z e o f salmon runs r e s u l t p a r t i a l l y from the l i f e c y c l e s o f the v a r i o u s s p e c i e s .  Some time  after  they hatch i n streams or l a k e s , the young salmon migrate t o the sea, there t o spend two t o e i g h t y e a r s , depending on the s p e c i e s , before r e t u r n i n g t o t h e i r home streams t o spawn.  A single  stream, t h e r e f o r e , can host s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t p o p u l a t i o n s o f the same s p e c i e s , each running d u r i n g a d i f f e r e n t y e a r .  P i n k s have  a two year c y c l e , f o r example, and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the two p o p u l a t i o n s occupy the stream on a l t e r n a t e y e a r s , where they are known as 'odd' and 'even' year p i n k s .  I n the H a i s l a r e g i o n , coho  have a three year c y c l e , chums a f o u r , sockeye a f o u r o r f i v e , and chinooks a f i v e year c y c l e . These p o p u l a t i o n s can vary c o n s i d e r a b l y i n s i z e .  I n many  pink runs o f H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , f o r example, e i t h e r odd or even year p o p u l a t i o n s a r e s t r o n g l y dominant i n any one stream.  In  the modern r u n s , p i n k salmon can v a r y by more than one-thousand per cent from one year to the next (Stream Catalogue 1972: pass S u t t l e s ' s second major cause of f l u c t u a t i o n s , " l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e changes, as i n weather," can take a number of forms, as t h i s r e p o r t from a f i s h e r i e s b i o l o g i s t shows. Immediate causes o f death. Many more or l e s s s p e c i f i c causes o f l o s s can be r e c o g n i z e d as cont r i b u t i n g t o the t o t a l m o r t a l i t y e x p e r i e n c e d i n the f r e s h w a t e r phases. These can be l i s t e d by p e r i o d s , as f o l l o w s : A.  P e r i o d p r e c e d i n g b u r i a l o f eggs. (1) P r e d a t i o n on a d u l t unspawned f i s h . (2) Death of a d u l t unspawned f i s h through o t h e r causes, n o t a b l y as a r e s u l t o f b a r r i e r s or i n s u f f i c i e n t water. (3) Losses of eggs through r e t e n t i o n i n the body or f a i l u r e of f e r t i l i z a t i o n .  B.  P e r i o d of i n c u b a t i o n and a l e v i n a g e . (1) E r o s i o n or s c o u r i n g , t h a t i s , removal of g r a v e l and c o n t a i n e d eggs or a l e v i n s by f l o o d , w i t h r e s u l t a n t death by mechanical i n j u r y , exposure to predat i o n of deposition i n unsuitable situations. (2) A s p h y x i a t i o n . M o r t a l i t y caused by i n s u f f i c i e n t exchange of gases w i t h the environment, due to u n s u i t a b i l i t y of the o r i g i n a l l o c a t i o n or to subsequent d e p o s i t i o n of s i l t , e t c . , r e s u l t i n g i n r e d u c t i o n of the water supply or reduct i o n of the d i s s o l v e d oxygen content o f the water. (3) Unfavourable temperature f o r development. (4) F r e e z i n g o f eggs or a l e v i n s by c o i n c i d e n c e of prolonged c o l d weather w i t h exposure of spawning beds t o a i r . (5) R e d u c t i o n o f water l e v e l , r e s u l t i n g i n death by d e s s i c a t i o n or p r e v e n t i o n of the emergence of f r y from the g r a v e l . (6) " S u p e r i m p o s i t i o n " or " o v e r d i g g i n g " . Mort a l i t y of the same type as i n (1) but caused by the o p e r a t i o n s of f i s h which have occupied spawning s i t e s a l r e a d y cont a i n i n g the d e v e l o p i n g eggs of e a r l i e r spawning p a r e n t s .  (7) (8) (9) C.  K i l l i n g of eggs o f a l e v i n s by fungus. Predation. Exposure of eggs to s a l t water i n t i d a l  areas.  Free-swimming p e r i o d . (1) P r e d a t i o n . (2)  Trapping o f f r y i n pools or  backwaters.  (Neave 1953:  455-56) .  Any of these f a c t o r s can have a c a t a s t r o p h i c e f f e c t on the salmon p o p u l a t i o n s .  Areas l i k e Kitamaat, which i s noted f o r i t s  harsh c l i m a t e , can be p a r t i c u l a r l y s u s c e p t i b l e t o such rences.  In 1973,  occur-  f o r example, a warm s p e l l d u r i n g the w i n t e r  r e s u l t e d i n a premature breakup of i c e i n the K i t i m a t R i v e r . F l o a t i c e scoured the salmon spawning beds and d e s t r o y e d most of the eggs t h a t were b u r i e d i n the g r a v e l .  Fisheries Officers  e s t i m a t e d t h a t much of the p o p u l a t i o n s f o r t h a t year would be wiped out.  Succeeding  one O f f i c e r .  p i n k runs were 'very weak,' a c c o r d i n g to  (The r e s u l t s of other runs are not y e t known,  because other s p e c i e s ' p o p u l a t i o n c y c l e s are longer.)  Following  t h a t d i s a s t e r , a s e r i o u s f l o o d d u r i n g the f a l l o f 1974  'wiped  out e v e r y t h i n g , * l e a v i n g the p r o b a b i l i t y of f u r t h e r f a i l u r e s to come. These d i s a s t e r s are of two t y p e s , l o c a l and g e n e r a l . l a n d s l i d e t h a t b l o c k s a channel or smothers a spawning bed,  A or  a f o r e s t f i r e t h a t overheats the water of a creek, are l o c a l i z e d events t h a t a f f e c t the p o p u l a t i o n s o f a s i n g l e stream or a few streams.  F l o o d s , d r a s t i c temperature  changes, and the l i k e are  apt to be more g e n e r a l i z e d and to a f f e c t salmon p o p u l a t i o n s over a wider a r e a , causing shortages i n a number of  streams.  According to S u t t l e s (and Piddocke 1965) , when taken  Z8  t o g e t h e r , the c y c l i c a l v a r i a b i l i t y of salmon and the random f l u c t u a t i o n s due  to environmental a c c i d e n t s c o u l d w e l l reduce  the salmon runs to a p o i n t below the demand l e v e l f o r l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s , c r e a t i n g a need f o r some form of r e g u l a t o r y mechanism. I should note at t h i s p o i n t t h a t I do not propose:, to examine the complete S u t t l e s - P i d d o c k e v a r i a t i o n s i n production  argument.  They c l a i m t h a t  between communities prompted f o o d - f o r -  w e a l t h exchanges between a f f i n a l k i n , t r a n s f e r s t h a t c o u l d e v e n t u a l l y l e a d to an imbalance o f w e a l t h a c c r u i n g t o groups w i t h more r e g u l a r or b o u n t i f u l resource  bases.  This  imbalance  c o u l d then be r e c t i f i e d through the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of w e a l t h (or the w e a l t h - f o r - p r e s t i g e  t r a n s a c t i o n s ) of the p o t l a t c h .  I am  concerned i n s t e a d w i t h the f i r s t , or e n v i r o n m e n t a l , h a l f of t h e i r argument, t h a t a combination o f v a r i a t i o n and f l u c t u a t i o n i n s t a p l e resources  c o u l d l e a d t o shortages.  I w i s h to  t h i s concept to i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and  apply  i t s e f f e c t s on  the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the community. The  ' e c o l o g i c a l ' p o i n t of view i s not w i t h o u t i t s c r i t i c s ,  however, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who  view the concept of f l u c t u a t i o n  of resources  on the coast as g r e a t l y overplayed  H e i z e r 1967,  Rosman and R u b e l  :  1971,  (Drucker  Adams 1973).  and  These authors  contend t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s of d i f f e r e n c e s i n d e t a i l , the c e n t r a l and northern  coast i s a s i n g l e b i o t i c r e g i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a  ' p r o d i g a l i t y of f o o d s t u f f s ' t h a t p e r m i t t e d " f a n t a s t i c s u r p l u s economy.' w h i l e shortages may  According  the development o f a  to Drucker and  Heizer,  o c c a s i o n a l l y have o c c u r r e d , they most o f t e n  r e s u l t e d from mismanagement of food s t o c k s , from the  gluttony  and o v e r - f e a s t i n g o f a people who were assured o f a food supply of some s o r t no matter what. Although the debate has become a c e r b i c on o c c a s i o n and H e i z e r d i s m i s s e d p a r t o f Piddocke's  (Drucker  argument as 'absurd,'  f o r example), the a n t a g o n i s t s have r e l i e d l a r g e l y on a s s e r t i o n s about the nature o f the c o a s t a l environment t h a t a r e seldom supported by s o l i d d a t a .  O c c a s i o n a l l y , the s u p p o r t i n g  evidence  i s c o m p l e t e l y contradictory.-'- T h i s v i r t u a l absence o f r e l i a b l e data i n the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e makes i t d e s i r a b l e t o b e g i n a t the b e g i n n i n g , and t o submit the important p r o p o s i t i o n s to t e s t s w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n from e c o l o g i c a l sources such as the Department o f Environment, i n s o f a r as those data are a p p l i c a b l e to h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s .  Unfortunately, that q u a l i f i c a t i o n  may be d e c i s i v e , f o r , c o n s i d e r i n g the abuse t h a t f i s h s t o c k s have been s u b j e c t e d t o d u r i n g the past c e n t u r y , from  environmental  d e g r a d a t i o n t o r a p a c i o u s o v e r f i s h i n g , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t contemporary p a t t e r n s are o f any r e a l use i n c a l c u l a t i n g p r e - c o n t a c t or pre-commercial  f i s h i n g c o n d i t i o n s . When I asked a w i l d l i f e  e c o l o g i s t whether he c o n s i d e r e d t h a t contemporary salmon populat i o n f i g u r e s c o u l d be used to estimate the probable of h i s t o r i c a l r u n s , h i s r e p l y was s u c c i n c t : T7,  variability  "Not a chance.  Too  4>  For example, c o n s i d e r the f o l l o w i n g : (Dog salmon and humpbacks)...were l e a n e r and kept b e t t e r than f a t s p e c i e s such as s p r i n g salmon and coho (Drucker and H e i z e r 1967: 139).  My S a l i s h informants say t h a t f a t t e r f i s h l a s t l o n g e r and thus sockeye and dog salmon are t h e i r f a v o r i t e s . Other s p e c i e s may not l a s t through the w i n t e r ( S u t t l e s 1968: 6 3 ) .  30  much environmental n o i s e . "  I i n t e n d , t h e r e f o r e , to r e l y p r i m a r i l y  on i n t e r n a l evidence of the n a t u r e of salmon runs to examine the p r o p o s i t i o n s concerning v a r i a b i l i t y . To b e g i n , Drucker and H e i z e r take i s s u e w i t h S u t t l e s ' s b a s i c premises and i n s t e a d advance three c o n d i t i o n s t h a t , i f t r u e , undercut the e n t i r e e c o l o g i c a l argument. 1) While S u t t l e s s t r e s s e s the marked y e a r - t o - y e a r d i f f e r e n c e s i n s i z e of F r a z e r [ s i c ] R i v e r Sockeye r u n s , i t may be doubted t h a t p r i m i t i v e pre-commercial demands were so heavy t h a t the s m a l l e r runs produced s e r i o u s hardship (1969: 139). 2) In any event, the y e a r - t o - y e a r f l u c t u a t i o n s i n salmon were not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the area other than those [ s i c ] occupied by Coast S a l i s h ( i b i d . ) . 3) I t i s obvious t h a t to have had the economic e f f e c t d e s c r i b e d by S u t t l e s the exchange had to be between d i s t a n t groups i n h a b i t i n g d i f f e r e n t b i o t i c zones, depending on d i f f e r e n t spawning c y c l e s of salmon, e t c . V a r i a b l e as the Coast S a l i s h h a b i t a t may have been, adjacent v i l l a g e s must have s u f f e r e d the same s c a r c i t i e s and enjoyed the same abundances, so t h a t food g i f t s to c l o s e neighbours c o u l d s c a r c e l y have had the e f f e c t p o s i t e d ( i b i d . : 145). Upon examination, the authors' because they are q u a l i f i e d - - " i t may  c l a i m s appear flawed, p a r t l y be doubted" t h a t pre-  commercial demands exceeded the F r a s e r ' s  supply, and,  "adjacent  v i l l a g e s must have s u f f e r e d the same s c a r c i t i e s " (emphasis added). In other words, the authors do not know f o r sure. T h e i r f i r s t c l a i m , t h a t the n a t i v e s ' demand l e v e l d i d not exceed the minimum supply  l e v e l of the F r a s e r , i s not an argu-  ment t h a t can j u s t i f i a b l y be a p p l i e d to the coast i n g e n e r a l , because of a l l the salmon streams, the F r a s e r i s undoubtedly the least typical.  I t s stupendous runs, o f t e n c o n s i s t i n g of many  31  m i l l i o n s of f i s h , c o n t r a s t s h a r p l y w i t h those o f the hundreds of s m a l l e r streams of the coast t h a t c a r r y runs of a few-hundred to s e v e r a l thousand salmon.  These streams are f a r more c h a r a c t e r -  i s t i c of the c o a s t a l r e s o u r c e s i t e s than the major r i v e r s ,  and  p a t t e r n s of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r the g r e a t m a j o r i t y of the c o a s t a l v i l l a g e s must take i n t o account the v a r i a b i l i t y of the more t y p i c a l streams.  That the e x p l o i t e r s o f the F r a s e r may  not have  s u f f e r e d shortages cannot be taken to mean t h a t the e x p l o i t e r s of the s m a l l e r streams were so f o r t u n a t e . Moreover, t h e r e i s some evidence t h a t even the g r e a t streams were not immune to o c c a s i o n a l f a i l u r e .  Consider t h i s  account  concerning the Skeena, a f t e r the F r a s e r the p r i n c i p a l salmon stream of the B r i t i s h Columbia Coast. In c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the Skeena, a f a c t came to my knowledge which w i l l be i n t e r e s t i n g to you. In the year 1863, l o n g b e f o r e there was a cannery on the Skeena, t h e r e was a great s c a r c i t y , i f not a t o t a l f a i l u r e of salmon on t h a t r i v e r , and the Indians who depended to a g r e a t e x t e n t on them f o r t h e i r supply o f food f o r the w i n t e r , were reduced to a s t a t e of great d e s t i t u t i o n , and whole t r i b e s had to remove to the Naas, where f o r t u n a t e l y there had been an abundant supply of salmon saved, and where a t r a d i n g post of the Hudson Bay company had been e s t a b l i s h e d , and t h e r e t r a d e d t h e i r f u r s and anyt h i n g e l s e they might have, and i n some cases t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the Naas I n d i a n s , f o r d r i e d salmon. I have made many e n q u i r i e s , but d i d not l e a r n t h a t anything approaching a t o t a l f a i l u r e had o c c u r r e d s i n c e t h a t time on the Skeena ( F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1889: 257). Drucker and H e i z e r ' s second c l a i m , t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n i n salmon stocks does not extend to the n o r t h of Coast S a l i s h t e r r i t o r y , would, i f t r u e , l i m i t the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f S u t t l e s ' s r e d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r m u l a t i o n to q u i t e a r e s t r i c t e d  area  of the c o a s t . While t h e r e were r a t h e r l e s s e d i b l e v e g e t a l products a v a i l a b l e t o the n a t i v e s [ o f the Coast F o r e s t B i o t i c A r e a ] , t h e r e i s no evidence o f the d r a s t i c c y c l i c f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the f i s h e r i e s recorded f o r the " G u l f I s l a n d s B i o t i c A r e a . " F l u c t u a t i o n s i n f i s h p o p u l a t i o n s do o c c u r , but they are random, l e s s f r e q u e n t , and p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y s m a l l e r than i n the p i n k and sockeye salmon runs i n S a l i s h t e r r i t o r y (1967: 148). U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the authors do not p r e s e n t any evidence t o support t h i s c l a i m , and make o n l y a vague r e f e r e n c e t o the source of t h e i r information. "there i s no evidence  One i n f e r s from t h e i r statement  that  [ i n the n o r t h ] o f the d r a s t i c c y c l i c  f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the f i s h e r i e s recorded f o r the 'Gulf I s l a n d s B i o t i c A r e a ' " t h a t they base t h e i r c l a i m on documentary materials.  (recorded)  Y e t t h e r e are no o b j e c t i v e records o f f i s h runs i n  the n o r t h o r south a v a i l a b l e f o r the years p r i o r t o 1947,* and the records o f subsequent y e a r s , i n s o f a r as they are a p p l i c a b l e at a l l , do not i n d i c a t e t h a t the f l u c t u a t i o n s i n n o r t h e r n runs are "random, l e s s f r e q u e n t , and p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y s m a l l e r " than those o f the south. To t e s t t h e i r c l a i m w i t h modern f i s h e r i e s d a t a , I c o l l e c t e d escapement s t a t i s t i c s from two sample r e g i o n s (once corresponding 2 roughly t o P e n t l a t c h t e r r i t o r y , the other t o H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y ) . T~. Estimates were made as e a r l y as 1933, but F i s h e r i e s personnel do not c o n s i d e r them t o be - r e l i a b l e enough t o use as s t a t i s t i c s . They use data from 1947 on. 2.  F i s h e r i e s Department S t a t i s t i c a l Areas 14 (South) and 6 (North) r e s p e c t i v e l y .  I c a l c u l a t e d the c o - e f f i c i e n t various  of r e l a t i v e v a r i a t i o n  f o r the  s p e c i e s o f e a c h s t r e a m i n t h e two a r e a s , t h e n  and  compared them.  The  figures  The r e s u l t s  a r e g i v e n as T a b l e  show t h a t t h e a v e r a g e v a r i a b i l i t y  streams i s s l i g h t l y h i g h e r A f t e r my p r e v i o u s  o f modern escapement d a t a  to h i s t o r i c a l  base any argument on them h e r e . establish  I (p.34 ) .  o f runs i n n o r t h e r n  than that o f the southern  remarks c o n c e r n i n g  ranked  streams.  the i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y  r u n s , I do n o t w i s h t o  R a t h e r , I am a t t e m p t i n g t o  some s o r t o f e v i d e n t i a r y b a s i s f o r D r u c k e r and H e i z e r ' s  claim, i f only to t r y to refute i t .  I c o u l d f i n d no h i s t o r i c a l  r e f e r e n c e t o d i f f e r e n t d e g r e e s o f v a r i a b i l i t y between and  southern  r u n s , n o r do modern d a t a  c o n d i t i o n has d e v e l o p e d i n r e c e n t where t h e a u t h o r s '  indicate  times.  i d e a s came f r o m .  northern  t h a t such a  One i s l e f t  I c a n d i s c o v e r no  wondering reason  to suppose t h a t S u t t l e s ' s p r o p o s i t i o n s need be r e s t r i c t e d t o the r e g i o n o f t h e C o a s t  Salish.  There i s , I b e l i e v e , an i n h e r e n t in total  stream p o p u l a t i o n s  the v a r i o u s istics is  o f salmon  species sub-populations)  o f the l i f e  tendency t o v a r i a b i l i t y ( i . e . , t h a t composed o f that r e s u l t s  c y c l e s o f the s e v e r a l s p e c i e s .  from c h a r a c t e r As s u c h , i t  i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e home s t r e a m , and o p e r a t e s  on p o p u l a t i o n s  throughout the c o a s t .  Because t h i s  tendency a l s o  T~. T h i s c o - e f f i c i e n t ( c a l c u l a t e d as c . r . v . = [6/ X]100) " e x p r e s s e s t h e measure o f v a r i a t i o n as a p e r c e n t a g e o f i t s o r i g i n [ i n t h i s c a s e , t h e mean p o p u l a t i o n s i z e o f each stream']" (Mueller et al:1970: 1 5 8 ) . I t e n a b l e s t h e o b s e r v e r t o comp a r e t h e degree o f v a r i a t i o n between u n i t s o f r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t magnitude (runs o f s m a l l streams and l a r g e r i v e r s ) .  Table I  A Comparison o f V a r i a b i l i t y o f Salmon Runs of P e n t l a t c h  Species  and H a i s l a T e r r i t o r i e s  Mean C o e f f i c i e n t o f R e l a t i v e V a r i a t i o n i n Streams o f : u o +->  •H  >>r-i  o n +-> c  <D H  •H  O +-»  H  a  r-i  +J e:  Sockeye  rt  Ji u W  rt  rt iH  •H  O  I-H bo  to a  O  r-i  •M  rt  C }-» rt *-i O  •H  0)  H  U  a) ci  rt  trt ?-<  •H rt  rt CD  100  62  Chinook  71  86  87  Coho  71  87  93  Chum  71  125  130  Pink  152  115  132  73  86  101  Me an:  Source:  Stream Catalogues 19 70, 1972  bears on Drucker and H e i z e r ' s t h i r d o b j e c t i o n to the e c o l o g i c a l argument, I w i l l i n t r o d u c e t h a t o b j e c t i o n b e f o r e proceeding w i t h the d i s c u s s i o n o f i n h e r e n t v a r i a b i l i t y . The a u t h o r s ' t h i r d o b j e c t i o n , t h a t "adjacent v i l l a g e s must have s u f f e r e d the same s c a r c i t i e s and enjoyed the same abundance," assumes t h a t w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r r e g i o n the salmon runs are somehow  s y n c h r o n i z e d , such t h a t the h i g h and low years c o i n c i d e .  can f i n d no evidence t h a t d u r i n g the pre-commercial  I  p e r i o d such  a c o n d i t i o n p r e v a i l e d . Moreover, I b e l i e v e t h a t c e r t a i n charact e r i s t i c s o f the salmon l i f e c y c l e make such a c o i n c i d e n c e v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e to m a i n t a i n . The t o t a l salmon p o p u l a t i o n of any stream i s composed of up to f i v e d i f f e r e n t species.''"  Each s p e c i e s component i s made  up of a number o f s u b - p o p u l a t i o n s , which occupy the stream d u r i n g d i f f e r e n t years.  For example, p i n k s run on a two year c y c l e .  During 1970, the 'even year' s u b - p o p u l a t i o n ran i n the  streams,  w h i l e d u r i n g the f o l l o w i n g y e a r , the 'odd year' component r e t u r n e d to spawn.  In 1972, the progeny of the 1970  Thus, the stream was 2»  T~.  sub-population ran.  a l t e r n a t e l y occupied by 'year 1' and  'year  fish. These are: sockeye (Oncorhynchus nerka) , p i n k s or humps (0. gorbuscha), chums or dogs (0. k e t a ) , coho (0. k i s u t c h ) , and chinook or s p r i n g s (0. tshawytscha). In a d d i t i o n , a number of streams of the coast c a r r y runs of s t e e l h e a d t r o u t (Salmo g a i r d n e r i ) . The runs of these f i s h are minor i n the streams of H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , however, and I have omitted them from the d i s c u s s i o n .  ?  I  1970 1 1971 2 1972 1 1973 2 1974 1 1975 2  I  I .'I  The same a p p l i e s t o the o t h e r s p e c i e s , w i t h one i m p o r t a n t difference:  the l i f e c y c l e s are o f d i f f e r e n t l e n g t h s .  Coho run  on a 3 year c y c l e , chums a 4, sockeye a 4 o r 5, and chinook a. 5.* Because o f t h i s v a r i a t i o n , d i f f e r e n t combinations o f s u b - p o p u l a t i o n s w i l l c o n s t i t u t e the t o t a l stream p o p u l a t i o n i n any g i v e n y e a r . This can be seen c l e a r l y i n the diagram. <D  u rt 0)  >*  a b c d e f g h i j k 1  a  o o o  1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2  1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3  •rt PL,  >.  <L>  O  o w 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4  M  O O  e •a -d u CJ •rt  1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 1 5 2 1 3 2 4 3 1 . 4 2 5 3 1 4 2  During year 'k', f o r example, the p o p u l a t i o n i s made up o f year 1 p i n k s , y e a r 2 coho, year 3 sockeye, y e a r 3 chums, and year  1  ,  I  T~. There tends t o be an o v e r l a p i n the l e n g t h o f l i f e c y c l e s o f a l l s p e c i e s except p i n k s , which a p p a r e n t l y run on an i n v a r i a b l e 2 year c y c l e . Thus, some chum run on a 3, 4, o r 5 year c y c l e , and chinooks may run between 3 and 8. I n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , between 801 and 99% o f the chums run on a 4 y e a r c y c l e , and the m a j o r i t y o f chinook run a t 5 y e a r s . F o r purposes o f c l a r i t y , I have i n c l u d e d o n l y the 4 year sockeye and chums and 5 year chinooks i n the diagram. To do so does not damage the argument, b u t s i m p l i f i e s the diagram c o n s i d e r a b l y . I n t r a - s p e c i e s c y c l e v a r i a t i o n merely adds t o the p o t e n t i a l number o f combinations.  1 chinook.  The f o l l o w i n g y e a r , the c o n s t i t u e n t runs are e n t i r e l y  different:  year 2 p i n k s , y e a r 3 coho, year 4 sockeye and chums,  and year 2 chinook. Because some s u b - p o p u l a t i o n s o f the same s p e c i e s are l a r g e r than o t h e r s (a c o n d i t i o n noted by observers long b e f o r e the s t a r t o f commercial f i s h i n g on the c o a s t ) , i t f o l l o w s t h a t d i f f e r e n t combinations w i l l y i e l d v a r i a b l e t o t a l runs s i z e s .  This  may w e l l account f o r the o c c a s i o n a l very good y e a r s , i n which the h i g h s u b - p o p u l a t i o n s run t o g e t h e r , and the very poor y e a r s , i n which the o p p o s i t e o c c u r s , a l l the weak runs c o i n c i d e .  Other  combinations may tend toward one o r the other extreme  depending  on the p a r t i c u l a r combination o f s t r o n g and weak c o n s t i t u e n t s . To r e t u r n f o r a moment t o Drucker and H e i z e r ' s second p o i n t , t h a t n o r t h e r n runs do not vary t o the same e x t e n t as southern o n e s - - i t i s c l e a r t h a t the p o t e n t i a l i n h e r e n t v a r i a b i l i t y o f the n o r t h e r n streams cannot but be equal to those o f the s o u t h .  Other  f a c t o r s t h a t promote f l u c t u a t i o n s , such as environmental a c c i d e n t s , are more l i k e l y to occur i n the n o r t h , w i t h i t s h a r s h e r c l i m a t e and h i g h e r p r e c i p i t a t i o n l e v e l s , than i n the south. To r e t u r n to the a u t h o r s ' t h i r d p o i n t , t h a t h i g h and low years occur s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n the streams o f a p a r t i c u l a r r e g i o n - I b e l i e v e , t h a t , g i v e n the l a r g e number o f combinations o f cons t i t u e n t u n i t s , the l i k e l i h o o d o f t h e i r a l l running w e l l o r p o o r l y at the same time i n a v a r i e t y o f streams seems v e r y remote. I t might be argued t h a t widespread and severe environmental a c c i d e n t s can, i n e f f e c t , overcome t h i s h e t e r o g e n e i t y o f r u n s , and a f f e c t a number o f streams, b r i n g i n g about simultaneous  failures. posals.  C e r t a i n l y t h i s i n f e r e n c e u n d e r l i e s Piddocke's  pro-  Once a g a i n , however, the v a r y i n g c y c l e lengths serve t o  prevent a c o n c e n t r a t i o n of f a i l u r e s , and ensure t h a t the e f f e c t s of any d i s a s t e r w i l l be spread over a p e r i o d o f years r a t h e r than c o n c e n t r a t i n g i n a s i n g l e year.) The 1972 breakup o f i c e i n the K i t i m a t R i v e r mentioned p r e v i o u s l y w i l l a f f e c t the 1974 p i n k , 1975 coho, 1976 sockeye and chum, and 1977 chinook runs.  The e f f e c t s  o f a d i s a s t e r t h a t damages a stream's stock f o r one year w i l l be d i l u t e d by the presence o f u n a f f e c t e d stocks i n the runs o f the succeeding y e a r s .  This w i l l reduce the l i k e l i h o o d o f a l l runs o f  a stream f a i l i n g s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , as the diagram shows. u  M p!  «H  CL,  a b c d e f i  o O  U  X <D  ^, O O  CO  1 1 1 2 2 2 ® 3 3 2 (D 4 1 2 ® 2 3 2  e  3  O O  c  -H  Xi  Xi  U  U  1 1 <— 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 2  (DCD  Environmental (D :  accident  a f f e c t e d runs  This phenomenon w i l l tend t o dampen the e f f e c t s o f a c a t a s trophe by s t a g g e r i n g the a f f e c t e d runs over a p e r i o d o f y e a r s . Assume t h a t a d i s a s t e r occurs i n year 'a' t h a t a f f e c t s year 1 stocks and r e s u l t s i n the v i r t u a l e l i m i n a t i o n o f the succeeding year 1 r u n . The e f f e c t s of i t s temporary disappearance  (until  the stock regenerates) w i l l be m i t i g a t e d by three o r f o u r u n a f f e c ted  runs. Two other f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c e t h i s p a t t e r n , however:  the  p o s s i b i l i t y of s u c c e s s i v e d i s a s t e r s , and the v a r i a b l e speed w i t h which salmon p o p u l a t i o n s can r e - e s t a b l i s h themselves f o l l o w i n g a  39  decline.  The premature thaw o f 1972 i n the K i t i m a t R i v e r ,  f o l l o w e d by severe f l o o d i n g two years l a t e r , has been mentioned. In a d d i t i o n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o p r e d i c t the speed w i t h which a p o p u l a t i o n can r e c o v e r from a d i s a s t e r .  To judge by the e f f e c t s  of modern a c c i d e n t s , recovery can sometimes take decades. On the Skeena, as i n other n o r t h e r n B r i t i s h Columbia a r e a s , a marked slump i n p i n k salmon catches o c c u r r e d i n 19 32, apparently as a r e s u l t of e x c e p t i o n a l droughts i n 1930. I n most p l a c e s , the former l e v e l o f c a t c h was r e s t o r e d , b u t i n the Skeena area t h i s slump and a somewhat s i m i l a r d e p r e s s i o n which o c c u r r e d i n the "odd y e a r " l i n e a few years e a r l i e r , have n o t been f o l l o w e d by subsequent r e s t o r a t i o n s o f c a t c h - l e v e l . . . . A n n u a l catches which i n the 1920's averaged near 2,500,000 f i s h have averaged s c a r c e l y h a l f t h i s q u a n t i t y s i n c e 1930 (Shepard and Stevenson 1956: 144) . A s u c c e s s i o n o f d i s a s t e r s f o l l o w i n g c l o s e upon one another would have a cumulative began t o o v e r l a p .  e f f e c t as the r e s u l t i n g f a i l e d runs  The f o l l o w i n g diagram i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s  process,  u s i n g the 19 72 and 19 74 K i t i m a t R i v e r a c c i d e n t s as an example.  X  o  <D -s-i  G  o  X  O  O £  3  -H  •H  O  O  X  X  CL,  U  CO  u  u  19 72 accident —> 1 2  1974 accident ->(D  u rt o  >-,  1 1 1 1  a  2  b  2  2  2  3 3 3 3  m <D ©  2 CD 4 4 4 2 5 2 DO 2 2 (D 1 i H LU 2 2 2 4 4 CO 1 3 1 1 4 2 1 2 2 5  c d e  f g h  i  j  © 3  : f a i l e d run, r e s u l t of 1972 a c c i d e n t . f a i l e d run, r e s u l t of 1974 a c c i d e n t .  Thus, i n y e a r  ' f , ' the year 1 chinook s t o c k w i l l be a f f e c t e d  by the 19 72 thaw, and the year 3 coho by the 19 74 f l o o d .  In year  'g,' the year 3 sockeye and chums w i l l be a f f e c t e d by the 19 74 f l o o d , i n a d d i t i o n to which there may 1972  be a r e s i d u a l e f f e c t of the  thaw on the year 1 p i n k s and coho, i f those s t o c k s are some-  what slow i n r e c o v e r i n g .  The year 1 p i n k s i n year 'g' c o u l d con-  c e i v a b l y be a f f e c t e d by both the 1972 For a l l sub-populations  and 1974  accidents.*  of a l l streams to f a i l d u r i n g the  same y e a r , i t would r e q u i r e the c o i n c i d e n c e o f a number o f devast a t i n g events:  a s u c c e s s i o n o f d i s a s t e r s t h a t occur i n f a i r l y  r a p i d sequence and/or c r e a t e long-term T".  decreases  i n the s t o c k s .  One consequence o f long-term f a i l u r e s and v a r y i n g l i f e c y c l e s of the d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s may be c r u c i a l i n the o p e r a t i o n o f compensatory mechanisms such as r e d i s t r i b u t i o n or m i g r a t i o n . Because d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s are o f t e n dominant i n some streams and i n some a r e a s , the e x p l o i t e r s of those s i t e s n a t u r a l l y tend to be more dependent on them than on other t y p e s . T h e i r s u b s i s tance economy a l s o becomes s u b j e c t to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the dominant s p e c i e s . A long-term d e p r e s s i o n i n , say, 'odd-year' p i n k s would i n v o l v e a f a i l e d run every o t h e r year f o r the owners of pink-dominant r i v e r s . A s i m i l a r prolonged slump i n one s u b - p o p u l a t i o n o f chums, however, would a f f e c t groups r e l i a n t on them only one-half as o f t e n , or every f o u r y e a r s . Thus the nature of the dominant s p e c i e s may w e l l have a great deal to do w i t h the s t a b i l i t y of the resource base under the c o n t r o l of any p a r t i c u l a r group, and tends to g i v e the l i e to at l e a s t one aspect of Drucker and H e i z e r ' s c l a i m t h a t the coast e x h i b i t e d a 'broad u n i f o r m i t y o f n a t i v e economy,' The f a c t t h a t the Nootkan s t a f f of l i f e was dog salmon [chums] w h i l e the Haida w i n t e r e d on d r i e d humpbacks [ p i n k s ] does not m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r the p i c t u r e (1967: 140). That f a c t may be f a r more c o n s e q u e n t i a l than we have supposed. I w i l l r e t u r n to t h i s matter when d i s c u s s i n g the c u l t u r a l consequences of i r r e g u l a r i t y i n the resource base.  F a i l i n g such an o c c u r r e n c e , i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y t h a t the a r r a y of s u b - p o p u l a t i o n s t h a t t o g e t h e r comprise of a community w i l l undergo the widespread  the t o t a l resource base and simultaneous  fail-  ure necessary t o l e a v e a l l i t s i n h a b i t a n t s s h o r t o f salmon. I t s h o u l d be n o t e d , however, t h a t the s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t o f staggered f a i l u r e s has two s i g n i f i c a n t q u a l i f i c a t i o n s : s p e c i e s may be s t r o n g l y dominant i n a stream  one  (accounting f o r  t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o r more o f the f i s h ) , so t h a t a f a i l u r e i n t h a t s p e c i e s c o u l d n o t be a m e l i o r a t e d e f f e c t i v e l y by normal runs o f the o t h e r s ; i n a d d i t i o n , most o f the streams o f H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y c o n t a i n three runs--coho,  p i n k s , and chums ( c f . Table I I p. 42 ) ,  l e a v i n g o n l y two runs t o make up f o r the f a i l u r e o f a t h i r d , r a t h e r than three o r f o u r runs.  Thus, w h i l e a b s o l u t e f a i l u r e s  are u n l i k e l y t o o c c u r , s i g n i f i c a n t decreases i n the t o t a l prod u c t i o n o f l o c a l streams as a r e s u l t o f environmental  accidents  are e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e , depending on the make-up o f the i n d i v i d u a l stream's t o t a l salmon p o p u l a t i o n . ) In sum, I b e l i e v e t h a t Drucker and H e i z e r ' s p i c t u r e o f a \ u n i f o r m l y abundant and s t a b l e resource base i s n o t compatible w i t h the evidence.  The authors have not r e f u t e d S u t t l e s ' s pro-  p o s i t i o n s about the fundamental i r r e g u l a r i t y and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f s t a p l e resources on the c o a s t , which continue t o have c o n s i d e r able e x p l a n a t o r y p o t e n t i a l . Proceeding from S u t t l e s ' s p r o p o s a l s o f resource base i r r e g u l a r i t y , I w i l l advance a f o r m u l a t i o n which r e l a t e s resource i n s t a b i l i t y to the presence  \  o f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and the e x i s t e n c e ,  of v a r i o u s l e v e l s o f c h i e f t a i n among the H a i s l a , o f f i c e s which I  Table I I Salmon Runs i n Streams o f H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y Stream  Species P r e s e n t  d> O  o  CO  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31  Eagle Cr. Kihess Cr. B i s h Cr. Fisherman's Cr. B i g T i l l h o r n e R. Crab R. F a l l s R. Foch R. G i l t o y e e s Cr. Hotsprings Cr. Hugh C r . Humphrys C r . K i l t u i s h R. Kowesas R. Nalbeelah Cr. P a r i l R. Pike Cr. Riordan C r . Wathl Cr. Brim R. Dala R. H i r s h Cr. Keinano R. K i l d a l a R. L i t t l e Wadeene R. T s a y t i s R. Wahoo R. Wadeene R. E v e l y n Cr. K i t i m a t R. K i t l o p e R. Totals  o o P!  •H  •A.  u  X X X X X X X X X X X X  X X  3  11  Source:  o  o u  X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X  A  •H  u  p*  X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X  X X X X X X X X X X X  30 .32  x: x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X  32  Stream Catalogue 19  p e r c e i v e as outgrowths o f mechanisms adopted to cope w i t h fluctuations.  resource  In so d o i n g , I w i l l a l s o attempt t c demonstrate  t h a t the two main viewpoints--one  e n v i s a g i n g s t a b i l i t y and abun-  dance, the other i r r e g u l a r i t y and shortages --are n o t so i r r e c o n c i l a b l e as they might a t f i r s t appear.  I t i s possible, I think,  to e s t a b l i s h a scheme t h a t embraces b o t h , f o r i t i s n o t unreasonable to speak o f a h i g h average p r o d u c t i v i t y o f an area's  resource  base w h i l e a d m i t t i n g to c o n s i d e r a b l e i r r e g u l a r i t y i n the product i v i t y of i t s constituent units.} The  f o r m u l a t i o n i s based on these premises:  1) salmon popu-  l a t i o n s were s u b j e c t t o f l u c t u a t i o n s o f c o n s i d e r a b l e magnitude; 2) these f l u c t u a t i o n s c o u l d be r e g u l a r and p r e d i c t a b l e (e.g., odd and even year p i n k runs o f markedly d i f f e r e n t s i z e ) , o r random and u n p r e d i c t a b l e (as when they r e s u l t e d from environmental  acci-  dents) ; 3) the range o f v a r i a b i l i t y was s i g n i f i c a n t , some s p e c i e s or some streams being more prone t o f l u c t u a t i o n than o t h e r s , p a r t l y due t o the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the f i s h p o p u l a t i o n s  themselves,  p a r t l y t o the s u s c e p t i b i l i t y o f some l o c a l i t i e s to f l o o d s , f r e e z e s , and the l i k e ; 4) r e g a r d l e s s o f l o c a l ( s i n g l e o r adjacent stream) v a r i a b i l i t y o f salmon s t o c k s , t o t a l p r o d u c t i o n f o r a r e g i o n (from a l l the streams owned by the i n h a b i t a n t s o f a v i l l a g e , f o r example) c o u l d remain q u i t e s t a b l e from year t o y e a r , as the e f f e c t s o f i n d i v i d u a l f l u c t u a t i o n s became c a n c e l l e d or m o d i f i e d by the weight o f the a r e a s r  aggregate p r o d u c t i o n . )  C u l t u r a l A d a p t a t i o n s to Resource I r r e g u l a r i t y Given h i g h v a r i a b i l i t y o f salmon p o p u l a t i o n s , s m a l l l o c a l groups c o u l d take three types o f a c t i o n to cope w i t h the i r r e g u l a r i t y of t h e i r staple resource:  somehow r e g u l a t e t h e i r demand  so as to keep consumption below the l e v e l o f the poorest  runs;  operate under a system o f r e s i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y such t h a t groups c o u l d r e a d i l y migrate from areas o f shortage t o areas o f p l e n t y , t h e r e to engage i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n (as f u l l members o f the e x p l o i t i n g group); o r , e s t a b l i s h a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e o r exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h groups whose p e r i o d s o f shortage d i d not c o i n c i d e w i t h t h e i r own. Residential f l e x i b i l i t y  (which means, i n e f f e c t , moving  people to resources r a t h e r than resources t o people, as i n r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ) seems t o have been the norm o n l y among the b i l a t e r a l Nootka.  1  Demonstration o f k i n s h i p i s the o n l y p r e r e q u i s i t e of group a f f i l i a t i o n . In order to a c t i v a t e a c l a i m to membership, i t i s necessary f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to r e s i d e w i t h a group and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h a t group's a c t i v i t i e s f o r the time o f h i s r e s i d e n c e (Rosman and Rubel 1970: 7 1 ) . With whatever group a man happened to be l i v i n g , he i d e n t i f i e d h i m s e l f c o m p l e t e l y . For the time b e i n g , he centered a l l h i s i n t e r e s t s and l o y a l t i e s i n t h a t group, and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l i t s a c t i v i t i e s . He tended the c h i e f ' s f i s h t r a p s , c o n t r i b u t e d food and p r o p e r t y f o r f e a s t s and p o t l a t c h e s , danced and enjoyed h i m s e l f a t the f e s t i v i t i e s (Drucker 1951: 279). Such f l e x i b i l i t y does not appear to have obtained among the u n i l i n e a l groups o f the n o r t h .  Although the Kitamaat  clans  T~. H a r r i s ( l 9 ? l : 294) c i t e s an unpublished paper by Thomas Hazard ( I 9 6 0 ) , who claimed t h a t the Southern K w a k i u t l a l s o engaged i n short-term r e s o u r c e - o r i e n t e d r e s i d e n c e s h i f t s .  I  extended h o s p i t a l i t y and a i d to v i s i t o r s of the same c l a n , nowhere c o u l d I f i n d mention of short-term s h i f t s of p o p u l a t i o n to counter resource  variability.  Because the resource f l u c t u a t i o n s were o f t e n u n p r e d i c t a b l e and randomly d i s t r i b u t e d , the most s e n s i b l e exchange arrangement would seem to be a comprehensive r e l a t i o n s h i p among the owners of a l a r g e number of streams, s u f f i c i e n t to absorb the consequences of l o c a l i z e d f a i l u r e s . arrangement corresponds,  The o p e r a t i o n o f such an  i n S a h l i n s ' s term, to a ' t r i b e - w i d e  economy,' w i t h a l l i t s p o t e n t i a l f o r the emergence of h i g h s t a t u s distributor-chiefs. The p r a c t i c a l i t y of an exchange or r e d i s t r i b u t i v e  relation-  s h i p f o r the peoples e x p l o i t i n g the streams i n the H a i s l a r e g i o n is clear.  The  t o t a l salmon p o p u l a t i o n of the area was made up  of some 108 u n i t s , composed of 32 pink runs, 32 chum, 30 coho, 11 chinook and 3 sockeye ( c f . Table I I , p. 42), a base c e r t a i n l y l a r g e and v a r i e d enough to absorb a number of d i s a p p o i n t i n g runs without serious s t r a i n .  What might be a s e r i o u s s h o r t f a l l f o r  a l o c a l p r o d u c t i v e u n i t (the group or f a m i l y e x p l o i t i n g a s i n g l e stream, say) becomes only a minor i r r e g u l a r i t y when seen a g a i n s t the t o t a l p r o d u c t i o n of a l l the runs c o n t r o l l e d by the i n h a b i t a n t s of a community.  Thus, the o p e r a t i o n of a r e d i s t r i b u t i v e  r e l a t i o n s h i p among the v a r i o u s owners of the stream c o u l d c r e a t e a t o t a l resource base r e l a t i v e l y f r e e of the v a g a r i e s t h a t a f f l i c t l o c a l resource bases. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the mechanics and comprehensiveness of t h i s  46  system are i m p o s s i b l e to determine p r e c i s e l y a t t h i s date.  We  do not know, f o r example, j u s t what was the nature of the house, l i n k a g e , c l a n , o r v i l l a g e heads' c a l l s on resources among a group l i k e the H a i s l a .  T h e r e f o r e , we cannot t e l l whether the  movement o f resources w i t h i n the community was r e d i s t r i b u t i o n proper or a s e r i e s o f g e n e r a l i z e d o r balanced r e c i p r o c a l t r a n s actions.  That i s because, as I noted e a r l i e r , the evidence  non-ceremonial economic a c t i v i t i e s i s somewhat fragmentary.  about Nor  i s the extent o f the a u t h o r i t y o f high s t a t u s i n d i v i d u a l s always c l e a r l y described. I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e , f o r example, t h a t such n a t i v e terms as the Coast S a l i s h siem - and hegus, Nootka t a i s , K w a k i u t l gyigame, :  and H a i s l a hemas have a l l been t r a n s l a t e d as ' c h i e f , ' f o r t h a t lends a spurious s i m i l a r i t y to s t a t u s e s t h a t were d i s s i m i l a r i n important r e s p e c t s .  Whether the heads o f the v a r i o u s c o a s t a l  k i n s h i p or r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s were indeed sense i s p r o b l e m a t i c . Appendix I , p. 295)*  ' c h i e f s ' i n the formal  (For a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h i s problem, see - ' C h i e f i n the context o f t h i s d i s c u s s i o n  r e f e r s t o the h i g h e s t r a n k i n g member o f the l o c a l k i n group or r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t - - t h u s a l i n e a g e c h i e f , c l a n c h i e f , and v i l l a g e chief. ) J The degree o f a u t h o r i t y o f these i n d i v i d u a l s d i f f e r e d from group to group.  I t i s t h e r e f o r e d i f f i c u l t to g e n e r a l i z e about  such matters as t h e i r c a l l on t h e i r group's resources and t h e i r r o l e as r e d i s t r i b u t o r s .  N e v e r t h e l e s s , I w i l l s e t down the common  f e a t u r e s o f the n o b l e s ' and c h i e f s ' p l a c e i n the s u b s i s t e n c e  economy ( i n s o f a r as we know i t ) and t r u s t t h a t the H a i s l a s ' system was  not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t .  I t i s w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t a c l a n or v i l l a g e head had  call  on h i s kinsmen's or tribesmen's products f o r ceremonial d i s t r i b u t i o n , as i n a p o t l a t c h .  This p r i n c i p l e obtained  throughout the  coast. [Among the Tsimshian:] Due to the f a c t t h a t the r e p u t a t i o n of the t r i b e among i t s neighbours depends l a r g e l y on the c h i e f and h i s p o t l a t c h e s , he i s assured of h i s tribesmen's support and a s s i s t a n c e . . . . While a c h i e f can expect constant and l i b e r a l economic support from h i s tribesmen, he does not c o n t r i b u t e to p o t l a t c h e s given by them. He i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r economic w e l f a r e , must feed them when necessary and has to l a y aside s u p p l i e s f o r t h i s purpose. He i s a l s o expected to be generous w i t h h i s t r i b e and to give f e a s t s to them from time to time....Since h i s t r i b e f u r n i s h e s him w i t h w e a l t h f o r h i s p o t l a t c h e s they expect to share i n what he r e c e i v e s from others ( G a r f i e l d 1939: 182). [Among the K w a k i u t l : ] The c h i e f was the c u s t o d i a n of the resources of the numaym. As such, i t was h i s duty to perform the necessary r i t u a l s concerning the e x p l o i t a t i o n of these resources at the a p p r o p r i a t e season. In t h i s p o s i t i o n , he r e c e i v e d a p o r t i o n (sometimes c a l l e d t r i b u t e i n the t e x t s ) of the f i s h , s e a l s , goats, e t c . , caught by the men. His w i f e s i m i l a r l y r e c e i v e d a p o r t i o n of the b e r r i e s and r o o t s c o l l e c t e d by the women. With t h i s supply the c h i e f c o u l d h o l d p o t l a t c h e s . . . (Piddocke 1965: 289). These comments are t y p i c a l of the d e s c r i p t i o n s of the prerogatives  of c h i e f s or k i n group heads to c a l l on the e f f o r t s  of t h e i r k i n to uphold the honour of the group i n i t s own  dis-  t r i b u t i o n s or c o n t r i b u t i o n s to l a r g e r s c a l e d i s t r i b u t i o n s . Whether the v a r i o u s l e v e l s of c h i e f t a i n had r e g u l a r c a l l  on  t h e i r kinsmen's products f o r non-ceremonial use i s seldom d i s cussed.  The p r i n c i p l e seems to have d i f f e r e d somewhat from  group t o group.  According  t o B a r n e t t , among the Coast S a l i s h  the o b l i g a t i o n t o c o n t r i b u t e food even t o members o f the same house was l a r g e l y a moral i m p e r a t i v e o r a matter o f s e l f i n t e r e s t r a t h e r than an e x p l i c i t r u l e . [Family] u n i t s were d i s t i n c t s o c i a l and economic e n t i t i e s i n the n a t i v e consciousness. Although they were housed under one r o o f and were r e l a t e d by b l o o d and common i n t e r e s t s , the u n i t s were n e v e r t h e l e s s p o t e n t i a l l y autonomous and behaved as such. They d i d not draw t h e i r food from a common s t o c k , nor were the members o f a u n i t o b l i g e d t o d i s t r i b u t e t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l catches among the other u n i t s , although s h a r i n g was a very common t h i n g and was expected o f a good neighbour when he had e x c e p t i o n a l l y good l u c k i n h i s hunting o r f i s h i n g . I t was expected even more of the head o f the house as the owner o f the most p r o d u c t i v e instruments o f e x p l o i t a t i o n . But t h i s f a c t d i d not negate i n d i v i d u a l ownership o f food; t h a t was f u l l y r e c o g n i z e d ( B a r n e t t 1955: 59). This a t o m i s t i c a t t i t u d e i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the r a t h e r loose a t t i t u d e o f the Coast S a l i s h towards ownership o f resource as d e s c r i b e d by B a r n e t t .  sites,  " . . . A l l v i l l a g e members were, f o r the  most p a r t , f r e e t o range as they p l e a s e d so long as they d i d not interfere with others.  This was p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e o f f i s h i n g  s i t e s " ( i b i d . : 252). Where t i t u l a r ownership was more e x p l i c i t , as among the Nootka, where the c h i e f was s a i d t o enjoy of important  s i t e s (Drucker  'absolute ownership'  1951: 454), a c a l l on goods was  easier to exert. In a c t u a l f a c t , a c h i e f would a l l o w a commoner access to h i s resource h o l d i n g s f o r p e r s o n a l u s e , i n r e t u r n f o r p a r t o f the catch - a form o f t r i bute t h a t added t o the c h i e f ' s s u r p l u s (Ruddell 1973: 260). To the n o r t h , the s i t u a t i o n i s r a t h e r l e s s c l e a r .  As  Rosman and Rubel s t a t e , the primary p r o p e r t y - h o l d i n g u n i t among the  Southern K w a k i u t l was the numaym, r a t h e r than the i n d i v i d u a l . A f i n a l d i s t i n c t i o n must be made between communally h e l d p r o p e r t y and i n d i v i d u a l l y owned p r o p e r t y . The members o f a p a r t i c u l a r numaym h o l d t i t l e to such economic r e s o u r c e areas as f i s h i n g grounds, b e r r y i n g grounds, h u n t i n g grounds, and beach areas (Boas 1921: 1 3 4 5 f f . ) . U n l i k e the Nootka, where t i t l e to t h i s type of p r o p e r t y i s h e l d by i n d i v i d u a l c h i e f s and may be passed as dowry w i t h a daughter, ownership among the K w a k i u t l i s h e l d by the e n t i r e numaym r a t h e r than by the c h i e f a l o n e , and there i s no evidence to supp o r t a l i e n a t i o n o f such p r o p e r t y out of the numaym (Rosman and Rubel 1971: 134-5). Even though t i t l e i s v e s t e d i n the k i n group, the head  would appear to have had some c a l l on the r e g u l a r products o f his  kinsmen.  One of the Boas t e x t s c o l l e c t e d by George Hunt s e t s  out  the p r o p o r t i o n s the c a t c h n o r m a l l y due the c h i e f :  of the salmon (more i f both c h i e f and kinsman are  one-fifth  'good-minded');  o n e - h a l f of the g o a t s ; o n e - t h i r d of the bears and sea o t t e r s ; o n e - f i f t h of the b e r r y cakes; and a l l but one of the s e a l s (Boas 1921:  1333-1340). The p r e v i o u s three examples, Coast S a l i s h , Nootka, and  Southern K w a k i u t l , have each operated under somewhat d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s of r e s o u r c e s i t e ownership, from seemingly q u i t e loose among the S a l i s h , to s t r i c t i n d i v i d u a l ownership among the Nootka, to s t r i c t k i n group c o n t r o l among the K w a k i u t l . the  In each  c h i e f or headman's c a l l on the resources of h i s kinsmen pro-  ceeds from a d i f f e r e n t b a s i s . a l l three t y p e s .  The H a i s l a  seem to have embraced  As Olson r e p o r t e d :  The c l a n as a whole, a f a m i l y , or a c h i e f o f t e n i s s a i d to "own" a l a k e , v a l l e y , or f a v o r i t e b e r r y i n g p l a c e ; but a c t u a l l y the r i g h t i s mainly fictional....  But the h u n t i n g and b e r r y i n g r i g h t s are regarded as p r e r o g a t i v e s r a t h e r than as t h i n g s of u t i l i t a r i a n or t a n g i b l e v a l u e . The a t t i t u d e toward them i s more l i k e t h a t shown r e g a r d i n g c r e s t s or legends-- t h i n g s to be c l a i m e d because of a c e r t a i n p r e s t i g e v a l u e a t t a c h i n g t o the c l a i m (1940: 180). Furthermore, c l a i m e d O l s o n , r i g h t s to resources w i t h i n a par t i c u l a r t e r r i t o r y tended to be r e s o u r c e - s p e c i f i c . P l a c e s f o r h u n t i n g bear or mountain goat are a l s o owned, whereas l o c a l i t i e s f o r h u n t i n g deer are never c l a i m e d . Thus Foch Lagoon i s open t o everyone f o r b e r r y i n g , but i s "owned" by someone f o r bear h u n t i n g (Olson 1940: 180). This type of a t t i t u d e c o n t r a s t s s h a r p l y w i t h the Southe K w a k i u t l approach to t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , as r e p o r t e d by Boas. The hunters of the d i f f e r e n t numayms can not go h u n t i n g on the h u n t i n g grounds of the hunters of another numaym; f o r a l l the hunters own t h e i r h u n t i n g grounds, and when a hunter sees t h a t another hunter goes t o hunt on h i s h u n t i n g ground, then they f i g h t , and g e n e r a l l y one or both are killed.... And i t i s a l s o the same w i t h the grounds f o r p i c k i n g viburnum b e r r i e s of the v a r i o u s numayms, f o r each numaym owns b e r r y - p i c k i n g grounds f o r a l l kinds o f berries....When i t i s seen t h a t somebody, from another numaym, comes to s t e a l b e r r i e s from the b e r r y - p i c k i n g grounds, they f i g h t at once.... The numayms of a l l the t r i b e s a l s o a l l own r i v e r s . They do not a l l o w the men of other numayms to come and use t h e i r r i v e r to c a t c h salmon. When a man disobeys and continues to c a t c h salmon, they f i g h t (1967: 35-6). The H a i s l a s ' a t t i t u d e towards f i s h i n g s i t e s  corresponds  much more c l o s e l y to t h a t of t h e i r neighbours. Each f a m i l y has i t s own [ f i s h garden] assured to i t by a n c e s t r a l t i t l e s from time immemorial. These gardens a r e . . . j e a l o u s l y guarded. Poaching on these f i s h preserves has o f t e n wrought s e r i o u s m i s c h i e f  among the t r i b e s * and at times has been s u f f i c i e n t cause f o r bloodshed (Raley 1901: 16-18). E v i d e n t l y , there was  nothing  ' f i c t i o n a l ' about the ownership of  f i s h i n g s i t e s , at l e a s t . Among the H a i s l a , i t seems, the head of a k i n group or the v i l l a g e c h i e f c o u l d expect to o b t a i n resources ways from a number of sources. r i g h t s to resource s i t e s was  i n a v a r i e t y of  Since t i t l e to or u s u f r u c t  v a r i o u s l y v e s t e d i n i n d i v i d u a l , house,  c l a n , or v i l l a g e , p o r t i o n s of a c a t c h might accrue to the c h i e f as ' r e n t ' i f he owned the s i t e h i m s e l f (as among the Nootka) or as p r e s e n t a t i o n s to him i n h i s p o s i t i o n as head of the k i n group (as among the Southern K w a k i u t l ) . Redistribution  f However (the v a r i o u s l e v e l s of c h i e f t a i n a c q u i r e d the  resources  there i s c o n s i d e r a b l e evidence t h a t they were o b l i g a t e d to d i s p e r s e them u n r e s e r v e d l y munity.  The  i n order to m a i n t a i n t h e i r standing i n the com-  c h i e f was  c o n s t r a i n e d to act i n a manner b e f i t t i n g  his s t a t i o n , that i s , with c h i e f l y generosity. of food by v a r i o u s c h i e f s was  Thus d i s t r i b u t i o n s  a common f e a t u r e of c o a s t a l s o c i a l  l i f e . ' As J e w i t t r e p o r t e d f o r the Nootka: The k i n g i s , however, o b l i g e d to support h i s d i g n i t y by making frequent e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , and whenever he r e c e i v e s a l a r g e supply o f p r o v i s i o n , he must i n v i t e a l l the men of h i s t r i b e to h i s house to eat i t up, o t h e r w i s e , as Maquina t o l d me, he would not be considered as conducting  T~.  The use of the word ' t r i b e ' i n the H a i s l a context i s ambiguous The H a i s l a themselves use i t synonymously w i t h c l a n . What Raley meant by i t i s u n c l e a r . de Laguna (1972: 212) notes t h a t the Yakutat T l i n g i t a l s o t r a n s l a t e t h e i r term f o r c l a n as ' t r i b e . '  h i m s e l f l i k e a Tyee, and would be no more thought of than a common man (1973: 113). As S a h l i n s remarked, " P r e s t i g e i s a t t r i b u t e d t o the c h i e f so long as he manages goods i n the g e n e r a l w e l f a r e " (1960: 410). The mechanics o f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n - - h o w the f o o d s t u f f s were d e l i v e r e d i n t o the hands o f the c h i e f ' s kinsmen or tribesmen-i s not known c o m p l e t e l y .  The t r a n s a c t i o n s may have been mundane  and unremarkable, o r r a t h e r more ceremonious and f o r m a l i z e d . Subordinates i n s e v e r a l t y and on v a r i o u s occasions render s t u f f t o the c h i e f , and o f t e n i n s e v e r a l t y r e c e i v e b e n e f i t s from him. While there i s always some massive accumulation and l a r g e - s c a l e handout-say d u r i n g r i t e s o f c h i e f t a i n s h i p - - t h e p r e v a i l i n g flow between c h i e f and people i s fragmented i n t o independent and s m a l l t r a n s a c t i o n s : a g i f t to the c h i e f from h e r e , some h e l p given out t h e r e . So aside from the s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n , the c h i e f i s c o n t i n u o u s l y t u r n i n g over p e t t y s t o c k s . This i s the o r d i n a r y s i t u a t i o n i n the s m a l l e r P a c i f i c i s l a n d chiefdom...and i t may be g e n e r a l l y t r u e o f p a s t o r a l i s t chiefdoms. On the other hand, c h i e f s may g l o r y i n massive accumulations and more or l e s s massive d i s p e n s a t i o n s , and a t times too i n l a r g e s t o r e s on hand congealed by pressure on the commonality ( S a h l i n s 1972: 210). S i m i l a r l y , ( r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s on the coast c o u l d take p l a c e on at l e a s t three l e v e l s :  the 'independent and s m a l l t r a n s a c t i o n , '  o p e r a t i n g more or l e s s w i t h i n the sphere of g e n e r a l i z e d r e c i p r o c i t y ; f e a s t s ; and p o t l a t c h e s , the l a s t corresponding  to Sahlins's  T~. An i n t e r e s t i n g account, contemporary t o J e w i t t , o f a T a h i t i a n c h i e f ' s o b l i g a t i o n s i s couched i n almost the same terms. The case i s , t h a t whatever [the c h i e f ] r e c e i v e s he immediately d i s t r i b u t e s among h i s - f r i e n d s and dependents....And t h i s p r o d i g a l behaviour he excuses by s a y i n g t h a t , were he not to do so, he should never be a k i n g , nor even remain a c h i e f of any consequence (Duff M i s s i o n a r i e s 1799. i n S a h l i n s 1972: 133).  'massive accumulation Although  and more or l e s s massive d i s p e n s a t i o n s . '  p o t l a t c h e s were the o c c a s i o n of the most n o t a b l e  and  formal d i s t r i b u t i o n s , I doubt t h a t they had the same s i g n i f i c a n c e for  s u b s i s t e n c e as the f e a s t s and s m a l l t r a n s a c t i o n s , i f only  because t h e i r v e r y s c a l e and importance made them too an instrument  inflexible  t o employ as a r e g u l a t o r y mechanism f o r the  v i l l a g e d i s t r i b u t i o n of f o o d s t u f f s ,\f I  intra-  As Goldman noted:  P r o p e r t i e s do not c i r c u l a t e [ i n p o t l a t c h e s ] at random i n t e r v a l s . They f o l l o w the l i f e c y c l e s of persons and the c y c l e of the seasons. They are i n t e r l o c k e d w i t h b i r t h , w i t h the stages of m a t u r a t i o n , w i t h adolescence, w i t h a c c e s s i o n to rank, w i t h marriage, w i t h s u c c e s s i o n to c h i e f t a i n s h i p , and w i t h death (1975: 125). ^ F e a s t s , h e l d f r e q u e n t l y and w i t h l i t t l e advance n o t i c e , or the day-to-day o p e r a t i o n of the g e n e r o s i t y e t h i c (give to whoever asks or appears i n the house as a guest) were r a t h e r more f l e x i b l e mechanisms f o r r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . ) During h i s c a p t i v i t y at Nootka, J e w i t t recorded two  varia-  t i o n s of the f e a s t . As, whenever they cook, they always c a l c u l a t e to have an abundance f o r a l l the guests, a p r o f u s i o n i n t h i s r e s p e c t b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d as the h i g h e s t l u x u r y , much more i s u s u a l l y set before them than they can e a t . That which i s l e f t i n the k i n g ' s t r a y , he sends to h i s house f o r h i s f a m i l y by one  T~.  For the same reason, I f i n d H a r r i s ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the S u t t l e s f o r m u l a t i o n r a t h e r unconvincing. F a i l u r e of the salmon runs at a p a r t i c u l a r stream could t h r e a t e n the s u r v i v a l of c e r t a i n v i l l a g e s w h i l e neighbors on other streams continue to c a t c h t h e i r u s u a l quota. Under such circumstances the impoverished v i l l a g e r s would want to a t t e n d as many p o t l a t c h e s as they c o u l d and c a r r y back as many v i t a l s u p p l i e s as they could get t h e i r hosts to p a r t w i t h ...(1971: 291).  54  o f h i s s l a v e s , as do the c h i e f s t h e i r s ; w h i l e t h o s e who e a t from t h e same t r a y , and who g e n e r a l l y b e l o n g t o the same f a m i l y , t a k e i t home as common s t o c k , o r each one r e c e i v e s h i s p o r t i o n , w h i c h i s d i s t r i b u t e d on the s p o t (1974: 55) . On  another  villages  o c c a s i o n , he  r e p o r t e d t h a t canoes from  a r r i v e d , b r i n g i n g v a r i o u s types  neighbouring  of foodstuff for trade.  I have known e i g h t e e n o f t h e g r e a t t u b s , i n w h i c h t h e y keep t h e i r p r o v i s i o n s , f i l l e d w i t h spawn b r o u g h t i n t h i s way. On t h e s e o c c a s i o n s a g r e a t f e a s t i s always made, t o w h i c h n o t o n l y the s t r a n g e r s , but the whole v i l l a g e , men, women, and c h i l d r e n , a r e g e n e r a l l y i n v i t e d , and I have seen f i v e o f the l a r g e s t tubs employed a t such t i m e , i n c o o k i n g a t the k i n g ' s house (ibid.: 69). In  the f i r s t  i n s t a n c e , J e w i t t d e s c r i b e s what might be  'representative r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , '  i n which nobles  g i v e n food f o r subsequent d i s t r i b u t i o n second, all  a g e n e r a l i z e d form  individuals In  are i n v i t e d  and  are  In  the  i s employed; t h a t i s ,  directly.  t h i s manner, houses or u n i t s w i t h a s u r p l u s  transfer  chiefs  to t h e i r kinsmen.  of d i s t r i b u t i o n  termed  f o o d t o o t h e r segments o f the v i l l a g e , who  regularly both  consume I  it  directly  and  v  t a k e p o r t i o n s home as g e n e r a l s t o c k .  A comprehensive  significantly territory,  intra-village  a sort of s y n e r g i s t i c  p o p u l a t i o n t h a t can be g r e a t e r than on  the  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a l network w i l l /  enhance the demographic p o t e n t i a l  f o r i t has  the sum  individual  /  j  s u s t a i n e d through  effect:  the t o t a l  redistribution  o f p o p u l a t i o n s t h a t can  r e s o u r c e base o f e a c h .  o f the group's  subsist  As A b e r l e  is  / j  \  independently noted:  O b v i o u s l y , i f the r e s o u r c e base o f a s e t o f u n i t s f l u c t u a t e s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y f o r a l l o f them, exchange w i l l a f f o r d no a l l e v i a t i o n from s h o r t a g e s . But i f u n i t s vary i n p r o d u c t i o n at d i f f e r e n t times, i t w i l l . In t h i s way a s e t o f u n i t s can m a i n t a i n a p o p u l a t i o n  l a r g e r than the l i m i t s e t by the minimum product of each u n i t - one approximating the average minimum f o r a s e t of u n i t s at any g i v e n time. Such u n i t s may be n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s , extended f a m i l i e s , l o c a l i z e d descent groups, communities, chiefdoms, or s t a t e s . The s i z e o f the network w i t h i n which the exchange w i l l be advantageous w i l l be a f u n c t i o n of at l e a s t t h r e e f a c t o r s : the i n t e r a c t i o n of (a) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and p r o d u c t i v e technology, (b) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and s t o r a g e technology; and (c) environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y . I t w i l l a l s o be a f u n c t i o n o f t h a t number of u n i t s among which exchange i s p o s s i b l e which comes c l o s e s t t o maximizing the randomness o f the v a r i a b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f each u n i t i n the s e t at any g i v e n time (1973: 3). C o - o p e r a t i o n among the owners o f a number o f salmon streams would work b e s t when the f l u c t u a t i o n s i n p r o d u c t i v i t y occur i n f r e q u e n t l y i n any g i v e n stream, thus m i n i m i z i n g the l i k e l i hood of simultaneous  failures.  With p o o l i n g and  redistribution,  the commoner, l a r g e r runs (which, w i t h o u t such c o - o p e r a t i o n would remain as a g l u t ) can c o n t r i b u t e to a h i g h average l e v e l of p r o d u c t i v i t y f o r the r e g i o n .  N a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s c o u l d grow  u n t i l they became c o n s i s t e n t i n s i z e w i t h t h a t h i g h p r o d u c t i v i t y . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , then, w h i l e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n may be used to a l l e v i a t e l o c a l s h o r t a g e s , i t can a l s o be i n s t r u m e n t a l i n c r e a t i n g them, by underpinning the p o p u l a t i o n growth t h a t makes them i n e v i t a b l e . t  I Should the p o p u l a t i o n grow i n response  to the o p p o r t u n i t y  brought about by c o - o p e r a t i o n , then the c h i e f ' s r o l e as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r becomes more c r i t i c a l , as I noted e a r l i e r , f o r the i n c r e a s e d numbers w i l l l i k e l y begin to e x e r t p r e s s u r e on the resource base, and make i t i n e v i t a b l e , g i v e n the i r r e g u l a r i t y of  i t s c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t s , t h a t v a r i o u s segments o f the enlarged  population  w i l l , on o c c a s i o n ,  produce l e s s than they need.  Having c a s t t h e i r l o t w i t h interdependence, l o c a l groups would become unable to m a i n t a i n a demand l e v e l below the amount o f the p o o r e s t runs. They would be l i v i n g beyond t h e i r l o c a l means, r e l y i n g i n s t e a d on the c r e d i t t h a t t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a l network p r o v i d e s them./ F i n a l l y , the presence o f a number o f c h i e f s and  sub-chiefs  ( l i n e a g e , c l a n , and v i l l a g e heads) w i t h i n a community bespeaks the v a r i e t y o f sources o f s u r p l u s e s butions,  t h a t go i n t o the r e d i s t r i -  f o r each stands a t the apex o f a p r o d u c t i v e  contributes  u n i t and  the product o f t h a t u n i t t o the commonweal v i a h i s  contributions  t o the heads o f the l a r g e r u n i t s (house head t o  l i n e a g e c h i e f , etc.) or h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n f e a s t s and the l i k e , j Because each draws on the product o f a p a r t i c u l a r segment o f the community's r e s o u r c e s i t e s (such as the 31 salmon streams w i t h t h e i r 108 r u n s ) , he i s dependent on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h a t segment f o r h i s a b i l i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the r e c i p r o c a l network. The  ranking  among the c h i e f s and k i n u n i t s may,  therefore,;  r e f l e c t the r e l i a b i l i t y o f resources under t h e i r c o n t r o l , a  j  c o n d i t i o n t h a t would d i c t a t e the frequency w i t h which they  I j  could a c t as d i s t r i b u t o r s , as opposed to r e c i p i e n t s .  The h i g h j  range o f v a r i a b i l i t y o f the salmon runs c o u l d , over time, l e a d \ to the owners o f streams w i t h low v a r i a b i l i t y and l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s i  a c t i n g as donors or hosts more f r e q u e n t l y t r o l l e d more e r r a t i c runs.  than those who con- ! i  57  Conclusion The f o r m u l a t i o n proposed here d i f f e r s from those o f S u t t l e s and Piddocke i n t h a t i t c o n s i d e r s shortages of salmon as the n a t u r a l consequence o f the development of a t r i b e - w i d e (or v i l l a g e wide) economy and, as I proposed, i t s attendant p o p u l a t i o n growth, r a t h e r than as e x t r a o r d i n a r y and s h a t t e r i n g f a i l u r e s of the r e s o u r c e base.  I view r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t h i s case as a normal,  r a t h e r a d r o i t means of s u s t a i n i n g a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n i n the face of a b o u n t i f u l , a l b e i t i r r e g u l a r , r e s o u r c e base, r a t h e r than as an emergency measure to stave o f f d i s a s t e r .  I do not b e l i e v e  i t necessary to c l a i m , as Piddocke d i d f o r the Southern K w a k i u t l , t h a t "Without the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f food [poorer groups] o f t e n have d i e d of hunger"  (1965:  would  293-4), nor to attempt, as  S u t t l e s d i d , to e x p l a i n c o a s t a l s o c i a l phenomena i n terms of i n f r e q u e n t and e x t r a o r d i n a r y o c c u r r e n c e s . Perhaps, a l s o , a s i n g l e , once-a-generation f a i l u r e of a major f i s h run or prolonged p e r i o d o f severe weather may e x p l a i n an otherwise i n e x p l i c a b l e pract i c e such as the Northwest Coast search f o r p r e s t i g e (1968: 60). Such once-a-generation d i s a s t e r s cannot meet the type o f r e s e r v a t i o n expressed by  Weinberg.  ...Temporary and l o c a l food shortages c o u l d tend to e s t a b l i s h an economic ' c h i e f , ' t h a t i s , the l e a d e r o f a group not s u f f e r i n g from the c u r r e n t shortage.... I t would then become advantageous to the e n t i r e v i l l a g e t o m a i n t a i n t h i s group as a k i n d o f c e n t r a l storehouse to take care of f u t u r e shortages i n the community.... ...The c h i e f c o u l d a c q u i r e a s o c i a l power, s t a t u s , because of h i s importance to the community.... Once a c o n d i t i o n of s u r p l u s had been e s t a b l i s h e d and the group f e l t secure a g a i n , there would no l o n g e r be any need f o r the c h i e f (1965: 248-9).  58  Under t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s  that  I have p o s i t e d , however, t h e  group would n e v e r e s t a b l i s h a s u f f i c i e n t l y them t o ' f e e l  secure'  enough t o e l i m i n a t e  stable surplus f o r a regulatory  mechanism  s u c h as a r e d i s t r i b u t o r - c h i e f , because by m a i n t a i n i n g  a larger  overall population  could  than the i n d i v i d u a l resource  bases  s u s t a i n without r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , i t i s pushing  the environment  to i t s l i m i t s .  average produc-  tivity  An economy g e a r e d t o t h e h i g h  of a resource  base whose c o n s t i t u e n t  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by c o n s i d e r a b l e stant say).  tending  call  the m a i n t e n a n c e o f s t a t u s a-generation According  fluctuation will  and r e a d j u s t m e n t  Such r e g u l a r  units  need f a i r l y  f o r compensation i s a f i r m e r b a s i s f o r ranking  than i s the r a t h e r  to the formulation  the H a i s l a i s :  to e x c l u s i v e ,  l o n g - t e r m c o n t r o l by s p e c i f i c u n i t s  house, c l a n , e t c . )  resources occasional  such t h a t  and i n t e r - g r o u p  1 ) a resource  base t h a t  (individual,  experience  some form o f compensatory  in variability  o f the various  to a c t as c o n t r i b u t o r s  i s conducive  i n the s t a p l e  some segments o f t h e community  shortages that require  among t h e h o l d i n g s  among  of productivity of i t s  b a s e ; 2 ) a degree o f v a r i a b i l i t y  such t h a t  ranking  t h a t u n i t ' s economic f o r t u n e s a r e  upon t h e p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n  mechanism; 3 ) a d i f f e r e n t i a l  tion  once-  proposed here, the b a s i s o f  a people l i k e  resource  tenuous  crisis.  and i n t e r - p e r s o n a l  local  con-  ( i n t h e form o f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ,  chieftainship  contingent  are nevertheless  of productivity  u n i t s t h a t e n a b l e s some  more f r e q u e n t l y  than o t h e r s ;  o f an economy i n w h i c h t h e s e c o n t r i b u t i o n s  'owners'  4 ) the o p e r a -  a r e somehow  institutionalized. The key to t h i s type o f system i s s t a b i l i t y - - a  stable  c a t a l o g u e o f r e s o u r c e s and s t a b l e p a t t e r n s o f access to those r e s o u r c e s such t h a t c o n t r o l over them remains i n w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d c h a n n e l s , and a s t a b l e p o p u l a t i o n s i z e such t h a t demand remains f a i r l y c o n s t a n t and p r e d i c t a b l e . The a d d i t i o n o f a s e r i e s o f s p a t i a l and temporal random f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the q u a n t i t y o f s t a p l e resources puts a premium on r e g u l a t o r y mechanisms such as p o o l i n g and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . The randomness o f the f l u c t u a t i o n s i s c o n d i t i o n e d by the g r e a t e r or  l e s s e r s u s c e p t i b i l i t y o f some areas t o the environmental  a c c i d e n t s t h a t c r e a t e f l u c t u a t i o n s , o r by the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the r e s o u r c e s themselves.*  U n i t s c o n t r o l l i n g r e l a t i v e l y pro-  t e c t e d r e g i o n s o r s t a b l e s p e c i e s w i l l s u f f e r fewer o r l e s s extreme f l u c t u a t i o n s than u n i t s i n the o p p o s i t e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and thus are i n a p o s i t i o n to a c t as h i g h s t a t u s donors more f r e q u e n t l y than l e s s favoured u n i t s . In the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r , I w i l l d e s c r i b e how those c o n d i t i o n s o f s t a b i l i t y were fundamentally a l t e r e d by the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a s e r i e s o f new r e s o u r c e s , access to which was governed by c o n d i t i o n s not r e a d i l y absorbed by the o l d system, and by a severe d e c l i n e i n p o p u l a t i o n such t h a t the demands on the t r a d i t i o n a l resource base f e l l o f f , r e d u c i n g the importance o f those  T~. The p r e v i o u s l y mentioned circumstance t h a t p i n k s w i l l f a i l every other year i n a long term d e p r e s s i o n w h i l e chums w i l l f a i l every f o u r years i s an example o f the s p e c i e s * charact e r i s t i c s t h a t c o u l d a f f e c t a group's s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to shortages.  60  who  had once been a b l e  resources.  to administer  the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f  61  Chapter 4 Commercial F i s h i n g Since the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a l o g g i n g and f i s h i n g based indust r i a l economy to the n o r t h e r n Northwest Coast, the n a t i v e s o f the r e g i o n have occupied economies.  the i n t e r f a c e between s u b s i s t e n c e and market  On the one hand, many have continued  to r e l y to a  c o n s i d e r a b l e degree on t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l resource base, o f t e n producing  and d i s t r i b u t i n g the f o o d s t u f f s v i a w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d  k i n s h i p channels.  On the other hand, as the w h i t e economy reached  the more remote n a t i v e t e r r i t o r i e s such as Kitamaat, the Indians became q u i t e deeply i n v o l v e d i n the i n d u s t r i a l system, t a k i n g on the type o f r o l e d e s c r i b e d by F i r t h :  f  ...the i n d i v i d u a l has normally a h i g h degree o f anonymity, o f i m p e r s o n a l i t y i n the economic s i t u a t i o n . Even i f he i s not merely a number on a payr o l l , i t i s h i s f u n c t i o n as an energy f a c t o r , a p r o v i d e r o f c a p i t a l , or o f o r g a n i z i n g c a p a c i t y t h a t i s o f prime importance. As such i t i s h i s s p e c i f i c i n d u s t r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , not h i s t o t a l s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t h a t m a t t e r . He i s deemed t o be r e p l a c e a b l e . I t i s the magnitude and q u a l i t y o f h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the economic p r o c e s s , i r r e s p e c t i v e of h i s p e r s o n a l s t a t u s or p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i e t y , t h a t d e f i n e s him. ( i n p r i m i t i v e communities the i n d i v i d u a l as an economic f a c t o r i s p e r s o n a l i z e d , not anonymous. He tends t o h o l d h i s economic p o s i t i o n i n v i r t u e o f h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Hence to d i s p l a c e him e c o n o m i c a l l y means a s o c i a l d i s t u r b a n c e (1951: 137). Under the i n d u s t r i a l system, the Indian became an s u p p l i e r o f t r e e s or salmon to the m i l l s and c a n n e r i e s .  impersonal A t any  p a r t i c u l a r time, an i n d i v i d u a l might be i n v o l v e d i n both types of economy, the extent o f h i s involvement i n each depending on a v a r i e t y o f circumstances, detail.  which I propose to c o n s i d e r i n some  62  The m a t e r i a l i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n i s an overview of f a c t o r s t h a t governed the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the n o r t h coast  the  Indians,  p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kitamaat, i n the major i n d u s t r i e s t h a t developed i n the r e g i o n , f i s h i n g , l o g g i n g , and f a c t o r y work.  For a number  of reasons t h a t I w i l l go i n t o l a t e r , I d i d not examine the f a c t o r y work i n any great d e t a i l .  Because the f i r s t p l a n t d i d not  l o c a t e i n the area u n t i l a h a l f century  a f t e r the development of  l o g g i n g and f i s h i n g , I thought i t more f r u i t f u l to concentrate  on  f a c t o r s p e r t a i n i n g to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l a t t e r i n d u s t r i e s . I w i l l d e s c r i b e the circumstances which i n f l u e n c e d  the  a b i l i t y and d e s i r e of the n a t i v e s to take up e i t h e r of those occupations.  L a t e r , I w i l l d i s c u s s some of the e f f e c t s on n a t i v e  c u l t u r e of t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  I n i t i a l l y , however, I w i l l  r e s t r i c t the n a r r a t i v e to a h i s t o r i c a l overview of the i n d u s t r i e s and the p l a c e of the n a t i v e i n them. The  a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of f i s h i n g and l o g g i n g f o r a c o a s t a l  Indian i s a f u n c t i o n of a number of f a c t o r s : merchantable resource  the q u a n t i t y of a  i n existence; i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y  a v a i l a b i l i t y ; the number, type and  and  l o c a t i o n of markets; pre-  v a i l i n g p r i c e s , or p o t e n t i a l income to be made; c o m p a t i b i l i t y of the occupation  w i t h other a c t i v i t i e s ; the r e l a t i v e c o n d i t i o n  of a l t e r n a t i v e occupations;  and the ease of access to jobs  to equipment f o r independent o p e r a t i o n .  or  (For my purposes, I  d e f i n e a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n a p h y s i c a l sense, as  'capable of being  reached v i a the p r e v a i l i n g technology,' and a v a i l a b i l i t y i n a l e g a l sense, as 'open f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n under the p r e v a i l i n g  63  r u l e s . •) The  next  s e c t i o n , then, w i l l  these f e a t u r e s , fishing.  and  their  relation  be d e v o t e d  t o an e x a m i n a t i o n  to Kitamaat  logging  and  of  64  A c c e s s i b i l i t y of F i s h Because salmon are anadromous, t h a t i s , they are hatched i n f r e s h water streams  or l a k e s but spend most of t h e i r a d u l t l i v e s  i n the sea. b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o t h e i r home r i v e r s to spawn, they are i n a c c e s s i b l e to fishermen f o r a l l but the c o m p a r a t i v e l y s h o r t time t h a t they i n h a b i t the i n s h o r e waters of the coast and run i n the streams  themselves.  Each o f the f i v e s p e c i e s has a r e l a t i v e l y , s h o r t , i n f l e x i b l e p e r i o d d u r i n g which i t can be taken.  The p e r i o d s o v e r l a p , w i t h  the r e s u l t t h a t the t o t a l 'salmon season' extends from June to October or November, w i t h gaps i n between when c o m p a r a t i v e l y few f i s h are running ( c f . Table V I , p. 98). Salmon may  be taken i n two p l a c e s : ' i n - r i v e r ' and  i n l e t ' or open water.  'mid-  The former l o c a t i o n lends i t s e l f to  a b o r i g i n a l t e c h n i q u e s , u s i n g w e i r s , t r a p s , torches and or l e i s t e r s , and nets s t r e t c h e d across the stream, t h a t were p r o h i b i t e d as e a r l y as 1892.  spears  techniques  Since t h a t time, f i s h i n g  o f f s h o r e , from s k i f f s or l a r g e r boats has become the norm, although drag s e i n i n g , or f i s h i n g w i t h a s e i n e net from the shorel i n e and t r a p p i n g f i s h between the net and the beach, was  prac-  tised occasionally. With the v i g o r o u s p r o s e c u t i o n of the r e g u l a t i o n s p r o h i b i t i n g a b o r i g i n a l methods of t a k i n g f i s h , the n a t i v e s have p e r f o r c e abandoned those techniques and have adopted European methods, g i l l n e t t i n g , s e i n i n g , and t r o l l i n g , f o r both s u b s i s t e n c e and commercial purposes.  I w i l l d e s c r i b e the f i r s t two  techniques  but  o m i t the l a s t , as  Kitamaat.  i t i s economically  insignificant  G i l l Netting G i l l nets ( o r salmon d r i f t n e t s , as they used to be c a l l e d ) remained f o r some time the o n l y o f f i c i a l l y s a n c t i o n e d means o f t a k i n g salmon i n n o r t h e r n w a t e r s .  The n e t , o f v a r i a b l e l e n g t h ,  depth, and mesh, depending on the f i s h sought and/or the p r e v a i l i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , was most o f t e n r e n t e d by the n a t i v e  fisher-  man from the cannery f o r the e q u i v a l e n t o f o n e - t h i r d o f the catch.  Made o f l i n e n , i t u s u a l l y l a s t e d about two y e a r s .  The  method o f g i l l n e t t i n g has not changed s u b s t a n t i a l l y s i n c e the e a r l i e s t days o f commercial f i s h i n g on the c o a s t .  The n e t i t s e l f  has changed, however, becoming a t once more e f f i c i e n t and more expensive.  As M c K e r v i l l e d e s c r i b e s the s i t u a t i o n ,  .. . g i l l n e t t i n g has advanced from the days when an I n d i a n . . . threw a r e n t e d l i n e n n e t over the s t e r n o f a cannery owned s k i f f and w a i t e d u n t i l i t was f e s t o o n e d w i t h f i s h . I f a fisherman wants to compete i n the modern race f o r salmon he must have s e v e r a l nets v a r y i n g i n mesh s i z e and c o l o u r depending on the s p e c i e s o f salmon...and the water to be f i s h e d . The n e t t h a t would be s u i t a b l e f o r the F i t z h u g h Sound a r e a , f o r example, would n o t f i s h w e l l i n R i v e r s I n l e t because the I n l e t water i s m i l k y due to s i l t brought down by the r i v e r . A dark web would e a s i l y be seen by the f i s h d u r i n g d a y l i g h t , and they would simply dive beneath i t or swim around. Furthermore, s i n c e the t r e n d i s towards a l i g h t gauge twine t h a t w i l l be l e s s v i s i b l e to the salmon, a web may not be used more than two seasons, three a t the most. Many fishermen use a number 28 web v a l u e d a t around $350 f o r only three weeks d u r i n g the peak o f the r u n , then they s t r i p i t o f f the cork and l e a d l i n e s and throw i t away (1967: 150) . Even more d r a s t i c developments have come i n the b o a t s . I n i t i a l l y , the canners c o n s t r u c t e d hundreds o f rowboats, which were s u p p l i e d to the fishermen w i t h the n e t .  H o l d i n g two men a t  67  most, u s u a l l y a man  and a woman or boy, they were s u i t a b l e o n l y  for  inshore f i s h i n g .  That d i d not matter p a r t i c u l a r l y a t  for  the r e g u l a t i o n s p r o h i b i t e d f i s h i n g o u t s i d e the  first,  boundaries  of i n l e t s or beyond the,mouths of r i v e r s . ) Motor boats were not p e r m i t t e d i n the f i s h e r y n o r t h o f Cape C a u t i o n u n t i l 1924.  U n t i l t h a t time, v i r t u a l l y a l l the f i s h i n g  took p l a c e from rowboats w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of i n l e t s or r i v e r s adjacent to the c a n n e r i e s .  Canners r e s i s t e d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f  engines because they saw no r e a l c o m p e t i t i v e advantage t o be d e r i v e d from them, and sought to a v o i d the expense o f e q u i p p i n g a l l t h e i r fishermen.  I f one group o f fishermen were t o o b t a i n  motor b o a t s , they reasoned, the p r e s s u r e would f a l l on them to supply a l l fishermen i n t h e i r employ, and the expense would not j u s t i f y the t r a n s i t o r y advantage to be gained, f o r soon a l l fishermen would o b t a i n them,, and be on an even f o o t i n g a g a i n . B e s i d e s , they saw the motors as simply c o n f e r r i n g i n c r e a s e d m o b i l i t y r a t h e r than i n c r e a s e d e f f i c i e n c y , and were l o a t h to underwrite the fishermen's in i t for  convenience when they saw no  profit  themselves.  By 1924,  however, the r e g u l a t i o n was  were p e r m i t t e d .  r e l a x e d , and  engines  They began to appear w i t h i n c r e a s i n g frequency  i n R i v e r s I n l e t , the major commercial f i s h i n g ground o f the Haisla. fishery.  This s p e l l e d the end of o v e r a l l Indian e q u a l i t y i n the As long as the equipment a v a i l a b l e to the whole f i s h i n g  f o r c e remained s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same--row boat and g i l l the n a t i v e c o u l d h o l d h i s own,  net--  f o r success came w i t h g r e a t e r  skill  or l u c k , and was not c o n f e r r e d by s u p e r i o r equipment.  With the  i n t r o d u c t i o n o f engines, however, the process began which saw the I n d i a n f a l l f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r behind as development crowded upon development, each i n n o v a t i o n more c o s t l y and harder to o b t a i n , each more necessary  t o the fisherman who d e s i r e d to remain com-  petitive. | /  \In 1924, o f the 54 motor boats i n t r o d u c e d a t R i v e r s 3 belonged t o I n d i a n s . out o f 110.  Inlet,  The f o l l o w i n g y e a r , the f i g u r e rose t o 9  F i g u r e 3 i n d i c a t e s the r a t e a t which motor boats were  adopted a t R i v e r s I n l e t .  The p r o p o r t i o n rose q u i c k l y , from 5 p e r  cent i n 1924 t o 67 per cent i n 1939.  The t e c h n o l o g i c a l b a s i s f o r  Indian underdevelopment was e s t a b l i s h e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d .  Figure 3 Rowboats and Motor Boats at R i v e r s I n l e t 1924-1940  Source:  Federal F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports  70  Seining (Whereas g i l l n e t t i n g i s p r i m a r i l y a s o l i t a r y occupation (twoman, before the advent o f motor b o a t s , one oar p u l l e r , one net man),  s e i n i n g i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y a co-operative venture,  r e q u i r i n g the e f f o r t s o f from 3 t o 7 men, depending on the degree of mechanization  o f n e t h a u l i n g equipment./  S e i n e r s g e n e r a l l y pursue f i s h , such as h e r r i n g or chum s a l mon, t h a t congregate i n schools and can thus be surrounded i n l a r g e numbers.  When a s c h o o l i s encountered,  the c a p t a i n r e l e a s e s  a s k i f f , t o which i s a t t a c h e d one end o f t h e n e t .  He then proceeds  at h i g h speed to surround the s c h o o l , recovers the f a r end o f the n e t from the s k i f f man, and cinches the bottom t i g h t , u s i n g d r a w s t r i n g s a t t a c h e d f o r the purpose.  The trapped f i s h can be  scooped out o f the r e s u l t i n g purse w i t h a s m a l l seine n e t , o r b r a i l , attached t o a boom, and d e p o s i t e d i n the hold.y ^On e a r l y s e i n e b o a t s , h a u l i n g was done by hand, a task r e q u i r i n g the e f f o r t s o f a 7 man crew.  Subsequent developments  of power h a u l i n g equipment have p r o g r e s s i v e l y reduced the s i z e of the crews u n t i l today, the modern boats c a r r y as few as 3 men^j  In 1953, 7 s e i n e r s operated out o f Kitamaat, each w i t h a 7  man crew, f o r a t o t a l o f 49 seine fishermen.  Today, there are 2  b o a t s , w i t h 3 man crews, f o r a t o t a l o f 6. Recent years have a l s o seen the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f complex and expensive  e l e c t r o n i c gear - - r a d a r , sonar, s o n i c f i s h - f i n d i n g  a p p a r a t u s - - i n a d d i t i o n t o c o s t l y deck machinery. a s o a r i n g cost t h a t few n a t i v e s can meet.  The r e s u l t i s  Of the two Kitamaat  s e i n e r s , one i s worth $175,000, the other some  $325,000,\far  beyond the range of a l l but a s m a l l m i n o r i t y of ' h i g h - l i n e ' fishermen . j \While i t i s u s u a l f o r s e i n e r s to take l a r g e r h a u l s than g i l l n e t t e r s , the proceeds must be shared among a l a r g e r number of crewmen, i n a d d i t i o n t o shares f o r the boat (or the company, i f i t supplies so on.  the v e s s e l ) , sometimes a share f o r the f u e l ,  and  Thus, i t i s not uncommon f o r s e i n e fishermen to r e a l i z e  l e s s than g i l l net fishermen. ]  A v a i l a b i l i t y of f i s h r  j^The a v a i l a b i l i t y o f salmon was f i n i n g who was what means.  governed by r e g u l a t i o n s de-  e l i g i b l e to f i s h f o r them, when, where, and by  The r e g u l a t i o n s were designed to permit adequate  numbers o f f i s h t o escape the nets and reach the spawning beds. As the numbers of salmon caught i n c r e a s e d w i t h g r e a t e r i n t e n s i t y and e f f i c i e n c y i n the i n d u s t r y and the p o s s i b i l i t y of d e p l e t i o n of the spawning stock loomed up, r e s t r i c t i o n s became more i n c l u s i v e - - fewer i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d o b t a i n l i c e n c e s , v a r i o u s t e c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s were imposed, c l o s e d areas and were extended.  times  M a n i p u l a t i o n of any of these r e g u l a t i o n s of  access e f f e c t i v e l y v a r i e s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of salmon to the fishermen./ I w i l l c o n s i d e r each i n t u r n . Who  may  fish  ^ P r i o r t o 1892, l i c e n c e s were not needed f o r i n d i v i d u a l fishermen, who  f i s h e d f o r canneries on an u n r e g u l a t e d b a s i s .  A  number of f a c t o r s , such as encroachment on the grounds by f o r e i g n fishermen and p o t e n t i a l d e p l e t i o n of the f i s h s t o c k s from overf i s h i n g prompted the government to i s s u e l i c e n c i n g r e g u l a t i o n s i n that year.  T h e r e a f t e r , i n d i v i d u a l fishermen c o u l d o b t a i n  l i c e n c e s , but under c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t i o n s ; canneries  submitted  l i s t s of fishermen i n t h e i r employ to f i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s , then i s s u e d permits to the fishermen.  who  Those working under such  terms were known as " a t t a c h e d " fishermen, f o r the c o n d i t i o n s of t h e i r l i c e n c e bound them to s e l l a l l t h e i r f i s h t o t h e i r employer. I n d i v i d u a l s caught v i o l a t i n g t h i s p r o v i s i o n stood to l o s e t h e i r  licences. '  f  (Even w i t h those r e s t r i c t i o n s , i t was n o t d i f f i c u l t  initially  f o r n a t i v e s l i k e t h e Kitamaat t o f i n d work i n t h e f i s h e r y .  The  i s o l a t i o n o f the p l a n t s ( c f . p. 82) l e f t the i n h a b i t a n t s o f the c o a s t a l v i l l a g e s as the o n l y r e a d i l y , a v a i l a b l e source o f l a b o u r . So anxious were the canners t o secure I n d i a n h e l p  (especially  women) t h a t they d i s p a t c h e d steam tugs t o v i l l a g e s such as K i t a maat t o tow a t r a i n o f canoes t o the c a n n e r i e s , r e t u r n i n g them at the end o f the season.  I n t h i s manner, v i r t u a l l y the whole ^  v i l l a g e would embark f o r R i v e r s I n l e t i n mid-June, t o r e t u r n i n l a t e August.j During the 1890's the m i s s i o n a r y a t Kitamaat r e p o r t e d t h a t the v i l l a g e became p r a c t i c a l l y d e s e r t e d d u r i n g the summer.  A l l able bodied men and women had d e p a r t e d , l e a v i n g  o n l y those t o o f r a i l t o s t a n d t h e t h r e e day canoe t r i p . ( U n t i l the numbers o f fishermen became e x c e s s i v e , i t was an easy matter f o r a competent n a t i v e fisherman t o s i g n on w i t h a cannery, most o f t e n through a b r o k e r who c o n t r a c t e d t o supply so many workers t o the canner i n r e t u r n f o r a p e r c a p i t a f e e . The c a n n e r i e s became an i n c r e a s i n g l y p o p u l a r source o f income d u r i n g the  l a t e 19th c e n t u r y , a circumstance t h a t gave r i s e t o gross  overcrowding o f the f i s h i n g grounds and alarmed even the cann e r s , who i n 1903 sought t o p r o t e c t t h e i r f u t u r e s and r e g u l a t e the  f i s h e r y by way o f a v o l u n t a r y boat 1  rating.  That move marked a departure from the untrammelled  t i o n t h a t had c h a r a c t e r i z e d the i n d u s t r y .  competi-  Hitherto, a feature  of the sockeye runs had encouraged a system o f ever-expanding  74  f l e e t s , as the canners scrambled t o beat out t h e i r r i v a l s on the grounds. Sockeye schools run i n u n p r e d i c t a b l e surges.  One hour o r  day the f i s h are s c a r c e ; the n e x t , they are everywhere, an i r r e g u l a r i t y t h a t a f f e c t e d both the s t r a t e g y o f the canners and the employment prospects  o f the fishermen.)  (During the peaks o f the run, the cannery had no t r o u b l e a c q u i r i n g enough f i s h .  I n f a c t , q u i t e o f t e n the p r o c e s s i n g  c a p a c i t y o f the p l a n t was swamped.  The f i s h w i l l not keep f o r  long d u r i n g the summer, and as storage f a c i l i t i e s were v i r t u a l l y non-existent  i n the days b e f o r e c o l d s t o r a g e , i t was not uncommon  to see thousands o f prime salmon dumped i n t o the i n l e t because the p l a n t c o u l d not keep up the pace. During the frequent l u l l s , however, i n order t o m a i n t a i n minimal l e v e l s o f f i s h , the canners needed every net out t h a t they c o u l d a f f o r d .  On the p r i n c i p l e t h a t the g r e a t e r the number  of nets one had out the g r e a t e r was the chance o f c a t c h i n g the few salmon there were, canners sought t o counter the s l a c k p e r i o d s w i t h sheer numbers o f fishermen.  While the p r a c t i c e may have been  sound enough i n t h e o r y , each canner t r i e d the same course, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t the number o f fishermen The  grew beyond a l l reason.  same fishermen who s u p p l i e d the canneries d u r i n g the s l a c k  p e r i o d s n a t u r a l l y expected t o p r o f i t  from the surges, and brought  i n a l l the f i s h t h a t they c o u l d catch." The whole matter was aggravated by the presence o f up t o t e n competing c a n n e r i e s , and i n consequence, R i v e r s I n l e t stood i n some danger of being out.? i  fished  75  Economics p r o v i d e d v i r t u a l l y the o n l y moderating f a c t o r : the matter  soon became one o f the canners  1  c a l c u l a t i n g the p o i n t  at which the e x t r a c o s t s o f boat and r i g f e l l below the b e n e f i t s of an e x t r a n e t i n the water. fish  That number was h i g h e r than the  p o p u l a t i o n s c o u l d long endure, however. • I t e v e n t u a l l y became c l e a r t h a t the u n r e s t r i c t e d c o m p e t i t i o n  would b e n e f i t no one, not the canners, whose c u t t h r o a t r i v a l r y was p r o v i n g expensive, nor the fishermen, whose i n c r e a s i n g numbers s p e l l e d f a r lower i n d i v i d u a l c a t c h e s , nor the salmon.  The  canners n e g o t i a t e d a v o l u n t a r y boat r a t i n g i n 1903, under which each f i r m was a l l o t t e d a quota, t o be d i v i d e d among the c a n n e r i e s under i t s c o n t r o l , j (Some companies operated two o r three cann e r i e s i n the i n l e t . ) In  These r a t i n g s appear as Table I I I , p.  a d d i t i o n t o the t o t a l s , they are i n t e r e s t i n g c h i e f l y f o r the  l i g h t they throw on the a c t i v i t y o f the v a r i o u s bands o f n a t i v e s o p e r a t i n g i n R i v e r s I n l e t a t the time, a matter which w i l l be considered  later.  ['Had the r a t i n g remained i n f o r c e f o r any p e r i o d , i t would undoubtedly have a f f e c t e d the economic l i f e o f the H a i s l a cons i d e r a b l y , f o r the Kitamaat were allowed a quota o f only 25 b o a t s , when there were 82 a d u l t men i n the v i l l a g e . to h i r e on i n R i v e r s I n l e t found i t necessary  Those unable  t o t r a v e l to the  Skeena or the F r a s e r c a n n e r i e s , which were a l r e a d y manned by the well established l o c a l natives i  \ The agreement d i d not l a s t f o r more than three y e a r s , however, a f t e r which the net race broke out a g a i n , a s p i r a l t h a t continued  u n t i l the government imposed a r a t i n g o f i t s own, l i m i t i n g the number o f boats t o 700.  Although more fishermen found work under  the government r a t i n g than under the canners', the i n c r e a s e p u t g r e a t e r p r e s s u r e on the i n d i v i d u a l f i s h e r m a n , as i n c r e a s e d numbers o f nets reduced the average catch.\ {in  a d d i t i o n t o the problems f a c i n g i n d i v i d u a l n a t i v e s ,  Indians as a group were meeting i n c r e a s i n g l y s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n from whites and immigrant Japanese.  E v i d e n t l y , i t was o n l y the  canners' need f o r I n d i a n women t o work as packers i n the p l a n t s t h a t enabled the men t o hang on as w e l l as they d i d . f i n a d d i t i o n t o the d i s a b i l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from open compet i t i o n , the n a t i v e s had t o contend w i t h d i s c r i m i n a t o r y  legisla-  t i o n , as the government attempted t o enhance the p o s i t i o n o f whites i n the i n d u s t r y . "unattached  This d i s c r i m i n a t i o n took the form o f the  licence."  (^Because the coast was so d i f f i c u l t t o farm s u c c e s s f u l l y , i t soon became c l e a r t o the government t h a t i f s e t t l e r s were t o succeed i n occupying the r e g i o n , they would need an o u t s i d e source o f income t o see them through.  That r e a l i z a t i o n d i d not  bode w e l l f o r the n a t i v e s , f o r the measure conceived t o h e l p the sjejtyers d i d so l a r g e l y a t the expense o f the I n d i a n s :  (with  the i n c r e a s e d s e t t l e m e n t o f the n o r t h e r n c o a s t , which has proved r a p i d d u r i n g the p a s t two y e a r s , however, i t was f e l t t h a t e x c e p t i o n a l p r i v i leges should be granted white fishermen who might be induced t o s e t t l e i n the d i s t r i c t . . . . [ O f f i c i a l s ] recommended t h a t i n each year a c e r t a i n p r o p o r t i o n of the l i c e n c e s i n each area be r e s e r v e d f o r independent white fishermen. These l i c e n c e s c a r r y i n g w i t h them the r i g h t t o dispose of the f i s h where and t o whom the l i c e n s e e d e s i r e d ,  the p r o p o r t i o n of l i c e n c e s so a s s i g n e d t o g r a d u a l l y i n c r e a s e i n r e c u r r i n g years ( P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Dept. Annual Reports 1913: 1,7).) |This measure f o l l o w e d c l o s e l y the e f f o r t s o f the f e d e r a l Department  of Marine and F i s h e r i e s to l i m i t the number o f f i s h -  i n g l i c e n c e s i n the i n t e r e s t s o f c o n s e r v a t i o n o f the salmon stocks.  These independent l i c e n c e s ('unattached' t o any cannery)  were t o be i n c l u d e d w i t h i n the o v e r a l l l i m i t a t i o n , w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t the number of a t t a c h e d l i c e n c e s (the only type a v a i l a b l e to non-whites) would have to be reduced a c c o r d i n g l y . Moreover, i f the number of unattached l i c e n c e s were to i n c r e a s e over the y e a r s , i n the absence of an expansion of the t o t a l f l e e t , the non-whites would be p r o g r e s s i v e l y squeezed from the industry, ^Whites took to these l i c e n c e s e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y .  In the  f i r s t y e a r o f t h e i r o p e r a t i o n , some 175 were i s s u e d , by the second y e a r , 456, and by the t h i r d , 575 (Prov. F i s h . Ann. Rpts. 1916 :  245).)  ' '1  r  ''  u  '{  VV*'* V ' " '  '  (/The i s s u a n c e of l i c e n c e s soon became something of a f a r c e , however, w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e abuse of the s p i r i t of the law, as many w h i t e s bent the r u l e s to o b t a i n p e r m i t s . The man who wanted work, but was not a s e t t l e r , c o u l d f i l e a pre-emption on a p i l e o f rocks at a c o s t of $2 pre-emption r e c o r d f e e . T h i s l e d to the c r e a t i o n of a c l a s s of " r a f t - f a r m e r . " Your Commissioners saw three or f o u r r a f t s w i t h l i t t l e cabins on them, moored to a shore on which i t would be d i f f i c u l t to l a n d , and f a c i n g preemptions on which one c o u l d not p i t c h a t e n t , much l e s s f i n d s o i l f o r even a patch of garden. Having thus q u a l i f i e d as a s e t t l e r , the man c o u l d q u a l i f y f o r an independent l i c e n c e ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Report 1917: 33) . )  78  txNor were the canners  a l t o g e t h e r p l e a s e d w i t h the type o f  h e l p t h a t the independent l i c e n c e s obtained f o r them.  Since  they wanted as many nets o p e r a t i n g f o r them as p o s s i b l e , managers were o b l i g e d t o r e c r u i t a l l the independent fishermen t h a t they c o u l d , f o r w i t h the l i c e n c e l i m i t a t i o n s then i n e f f e c t , i t came to a c h o i c e between the independents rival.  1  working f o r them o r f o r a  They t h e r e f o r e were o b l i g e d t o take on anyone who c o u l d  o b t a i n a l i c e n c e , one way o r another, w i t h d e c i d e d l y mixed r e s u l t s . jOne canner complained  t o the 1917 F i s h e r i e s Commission  that: Under the p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n , we are o b l i g e d to take men t h a t know a b s o l u t e l y n o t h i n g about f i s h i n g o r about a n e t . M y s e l f , I do not know how the canneries stand i t . I l o s t $800. worth of net the f i r s t c l a t t e r out o f the box through h a v i n g two new hands t h a t I was a b s o l u t e l y f o r c e d t o take on. I f I d i d not have them, some other cannery would have had t o have them; men t h a t do not know anything about f i s h i n g or about a n e t , and they l o s t t h e i r n e t s ; e n t i r e l y through t h e i r own f a u l t ; e n t i r e l y through n e g l e c t and not knowing t h e i r b u s i n e s s . There was no o c c a s i o n to l o s e them. A complete n e t , w i t h l i n e s , r i g g e d out, c o s t s us c l o s e on to $400., at the present time ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 372). (jThe framers o f the r e g u l a t i o n had e v i d e n t l y foreseen t h a t some s i t u a t i o n o f t h a t s o r t might develop, and f o r t h a t reason had s p e c i f i e d t h a t the unattached own gear.  fishermen were t o supply  their  They d i d not foresee t h a t the l i c e n c e l i m i t a t i o n would  o b l i g e the canners  to take on anyone who had somehow a c q u i r e d a  l i c e n c e , r e g a r d l e s s o f whether he had equipment o r n o t , s i m p l y to make up the r e q u i r e d number of fishermen.  Thus,  non-fishermen,  complete o u t s i d e r s , were able t o come i n and squeeze n a t i v e s from t h e i r occupations .1 j  /  i The i n f l u x o f w h i t e s so c u t i n t o t h e number o f l i c e n c e s v a v a i l a b l e t o I n d i a n s t h a t many d e s p a i r e d o f f i n d i n g work and \  r e m a i n e d a t home.j A n a t i v e w i t n e s s  t e s t i f i e d before  t h e 1917  Commission:  x  T h e r e i s a n o t h e r t h i n g we want t o a s k . The I n d i a n s always g e t s m a l l e r l i c e n c e s e v e r y y e a r . We want t o f i n d o u t how many l i c e n c e s we a r e supposed t o be g e t ting. They a r e always g e t t i n g l e s s e v e r y y e a r , l i c e n c e s f o r u s . We a r e l i a b l e t o n o t f i s h i n some y e a r s . There i s v e r y few I n d i a n s f i s h i n g now t o - d a y compared w i t h before. Q. But do t h e y want t o f i s h ? A. Sure t h e y want t o f i s h , b u t l o t s o f f e l l o w s j u s t s t a y home; c a n ' t g e t no l i c e n c e ; b e c a u s e I t h i n k we have a r i g h t o v e r any p e o p l e , b e c a u s e we have no o t h e r chance ( F i s h e r i e s Commission E v i d e n c e 1917: 2 7 4 ) .  \ N  / /  / A n o t h e r s o r e p o i n t was t h e h i g h e r p r i c e p a i d t o i n d e p e n d e n t fishermen. per  fish  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e c a n n e r i e s h a d p a i d o n e - t h i r d more  t o o p e r a t o r s who s u p p l i e d t h e i r  t i c e was a p p l i e d t o u n a t t a c h e d  own g e a r .  This  prac-  f i s h e r m e n , who, t h e o r e t i c a l l y ,  a l s o b r o u g h t t h e i r own e q u i p m e n t .  I n p r a c t i c e , v i r t u a l l y no  independent fisherman  d i d , but i n s t e a d arranged  the  them o u t o f t h e p r o c e e d s o f t h e c a t c h .  c a n n e r i e s , paying  a good y e a r , t h e p r i c e  t o buy n e t s  In  d i f f e r e n t i a l between dependents and  i n d e p e n d e n t s was enough t o e n a b l e derable p o r t i o n o f h i s debt.  the l a t t e r  to r e t i r e  a consi-  In poor y e a r s , the canneries  g e n e r a l l y p e r m i t t e d him t o t u r n i n t h e n e t and take price  from  the attached  f o r h i s c a t c h , o p e r a t i n g as i f he h a d been an a t t a c h e d  fisherman  a l l along.  a poor y e a r  T h u s , he b e n e f i t t e d  d i d no worse than  (This type  anyone  i n a good y e a r , and i n  else.  of f a v o r i t i s m occasioned  from t h e I n d i a n s , who saw i t as e v i d e n c e  c o n s i d e r a b l e resentment o f gross  discrimination  f  80  At every o p p o r t u n i t y , they c a l l e d on the government to remove their  disability.]  (^rlad the l i c e n c e l i m i t a t i o n s and i n c r e a s i n g numbers of i n d e pendents  c o n t i n u e d unabated, the I n d i a n would have been v i r t u a l l y  e l i m i n a t e d from the c o a s t a l f i s h e r y . from o c c u r r i n g .  Two events prevented t h i s  The government r e s t r i c t e d the number of Japanese  f i s h e r m e n , thus t a k i n g some of the p r e s s u r e o f f both whites and I n d i a n s , and i n a d d i t i o n r e l a x e d the boat r a t i n g s , p e r m i t t i n g v i r t u a l l y open access to the f i s h i n g grounds, a c o n d i t i o n t h a t l a s t e d u n t i l 1968, w i t h the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Salmon L i c e n c e L i m i t a t i o n Program.! White fishermen had been complaining f o r some time about the i n c r e a s i n g c o m p e t i t i o n from the Japanese. of  The Duff Commission  1922 examined the q u e s t i o n of O r i e n t a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the  i n d u s t r y and recommended a decrease i n the number of Japanese t h a t should be e l i g i b l e f o r l i c e n c e s .  This adjustment took the  form o f a 40% r e d u c t i o n o f Japanese fishermen i n R i v e r s I n l e t i n 19 23.  A c c o r d i n g t o the o r i g i n a l e d i c t , the number was to be  f u r t h e r reduced by 10% per y e a r , a c o n d i t i o n t h a t was removed i n 1929 a f t e r a s u c c e s s f u l Japanese  appeal to the Supreme Court.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , the f a c t remained t h a t the makeup of the f i s h i n g f l e e t was a r t i f i c i a l l y to  determined from about 1913  intermittently  1948 through a v a r i e t y of such maneouvers. F o l l o w i n g the e l i m i n a t i o n o f the boat r a t i n g s , the s i z e o f  the f i s h i n g f l e e t shot up,jas primarily g i l l  netters.  f i g . 3 shows.  These boats were  \With t h i s i n c r e a s e , however, another r e s t r i c t i o n on the a v a i l a b i l i t y - - a n d thus the c a t c h size--grew  i n significance.  That was the p r a c t i c e o f c l o s i n g c e r t a i n times o f the day, c e r t a i n days o f the week, or c e r t a i n r e g i o n s , t o f i s h i n g .  These r e s t r i c *\  t i o n s were known as c l o s e d p e r i o d s and c l o s e d areas.! /  ( A c e r t a i n i r r e d u c i b l e minimum o f salmon must be p e r m i t t e d t o escape the fishermen  and reach t h e i r home streams i n order t o  ensure an adequate spawning s t o c k .  A l a r g e number o f fishermen  o p e r a t i n g i n a r e g i o n , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the i n c r e a s e d e f f i c i e n c y t h a t t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments imparted, meant t h a t the a l l o w able c a t c h quotas were f i l l e d more q u i c k l y , o b l i g i n g the F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s to extend the c l o s e d t i m e s , r e d u c i n g the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r i n d i v i d u a l fishermen ^The  squeezing  to take f i s h , j  o f the p e r i o d s d u r i n g which f i s h are caught  and d e l i v e r e d c r e a t e d an a r t i f i c i a l  form o f the 'surge' mentioned  p r e v i o u s l y i n connection w i t h the sockeye runs: ...the s h o r t open weekly season f o r salmon f i s h i n g tend(s) t o bunch f i s h d e l i v e r i e s i n t o a s h o r t p e r i o d of the year and i n t o weekly peaks. This r e q u i r e s excess h a n d l i n g f a c i l i t i e s and s . e r v i c e s ( S i n c l a i r 1960: 97) . This l e d t o an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f the boat race: On t h e i r p a r t the companies are competing f o r the same t o t a l q u a n t i t y o f f i s h which must be caught i n a given p e r i o d o f time. I t i s i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t i f they are t o get the l a r g e s t p o s s i b l e q u a n t i t y t h a t they have as many fishermen as p o s s i b l e c a t c h i n g f o r them ( I b i d . : 131). The upshot o f t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n on a v a i l a b i l i t y was t h a t , w h i l e canners remained w i l l i n g t o h i r e (and u s u a l l y supply) Indian fishermen,  the i n c r e a s e d c o m p e t i t i o n i n h e r e n t i n the  i n c r e a s e i n boats reduced average catches  significantly.  Markets VThe primary market f o r Kitamaat fishermen was the c a n n e r i e s , f i r s t o f R i v e r s I n l e t , and a f t e r they c l o s e d , those o f the Skeena^ /  and the i n d i v i d u a l p l a n t s a t B u t e d a l e , Klemtu, and Namu.  I n com-'/  mon w i t h the p r o c e s s i n g p l a n t s f o r l o g g i n g ( s a w m i l l s and pulp-  !  f  m i l l s ) , ! c a n n e r i e s i n i t i a l l y l o c a t e d near the source o f supply o f the raw m a t e r i a l .  This d i s p e r s i o n proceeded from the f a c t t h a t  salmon w i l l n o t keep f o r long i n the absence o f r e f r i g e r a t i o n . Canners c o u l d n o t l o c a t e more than a few m i l e s from the f i s h i n g grounds w i t h o u t endangering t h e i r s u p p l y , hence the l o c a t i o n o f the p l a n t s along i s o l a t e d i n l e t s , f a r removed from p o p u l a t i o n c e n t e r s , but r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e t o I n d i a n r e s e r v e s . ]  (  J  I This d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n i t i a l l y worked t o the n a t i v e s ' advantage, f o r i t l e f t them as the only r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e labour supply.  No matter how u n w i l l i n g the canneries were t o take on  Indian h e l p , they n e v e r t h e l e s s d i d so, i f o n l y t o o b t a i n n a t i v e women f o r i n s i d e work.  Whereas white and Japanese men were w i l -  l i n g t o t r a v e l t o the i n l e t s f o r the season, women were n o t , which l e f t women's jobs washing f i s h and f i l l i n g cans, almost e x c l u s i v e l y i n n a t i v e hands Hawthorn e t a l noted t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n - - h i r i n g Indian men i n order t o o b t a i n t h e i r wives' decades (1954: the canners'  labour--obtained during  recent  111 ) . I had assumed t h a t the reasons given f o r  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with native fishermen--their  a l l e g e d n e g l e c t o f equipment, lower p r o d u c t i v i t y , and u n r e l i a b i l i t  83  f o l l o w e d on the a d o p t i o n o f power boats and complex equipment. I was s u r p r i s e d t o f i n d t h a t those a t t i t u d e s p r e v a i l e d as e a r l y as 1902. The employment o f I n d i a n fishermen i s necessary i n order t o secure the a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e i r women i n the canneries. D e s i r a b i l i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r Indian i s measured by the number o f women h i s household w i l l produce f o r the c a n n e r i e s as f i s h c l e a n e r s and can f i l l e r s .... C o n s i d e r a b l e r i v a l r y was developed d u r i n g the past season between the cannery managers f o r I n d i a n l a b o u r and a bonus o f 30 d o l l a r s p e r boat was p a i d f o r season c o n t r a c t s and the e x i s t i n g p r i c e o f seven cents per f i s h was r a i s e d t o e i g h t cents (Prov. F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1902: G 29).  1 j j :'  Moreover, w h i t e s were not slow t o admit t h a t , were nonI n d i a n female h e l p more a v a i l a b l e they would n o t have minded d i s p e n s i n g w i t h I n d i a n fishermen. In most cases we get the I n d i a n s , p r a c t i c a l l y , because we need the h e l p i n the cannery; we need t h e i r women. This year I am making an experiment w i t h white women.... Q. Now because you, under those c o n d i t i o n s , do not need the I n d i a n women t h a t you d i d b e f o r e , you have been employing more Japanese [ i . e . , as f i s h e r men] ? A. Y e s .  \ j j i  ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 360. This canner's  experiment  e v i d e n t l y was not s u c c e s s f u l , f o r  n a t i v e women c o n t i n u e d t o dominate the i n s i d e work o f the n o r t h e r n c a n n e r i e s , and t h e i r husbands continued t o f i n d work f i s h i n g .  l As v  long as the canneries remained i s o l a t e d and o p e r a t o r s found i t d i f f i c u l t to persuade women to t r a v e l n o r t h f o r the season, the n a t i v e s r e t a i n e d an edge?) Table I I I i n d i c a t e s t h a t Indians made up some 64% o f the fishermen i n R i v e r s I n l e t d u r i n g 1903, f o r example.  p  84  As f o r the p a t t e r n o f employment i n a r e g i o n l i k e R i v e r s I n l e t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to generalize. t h e i r employees  The l i s t o f c a n n e r i e s and  (Table I I I , p. 85) i l l u s t r a t e s why.  I was c u r i o u s  whether Indians tended t o work f o r a s i n g l e cannery or had spread out t o work f o r s e v e r a l .  Of the seven bands mentioned i n the  boat r a t i n g system, t h r e e worked f o r one company, three worked f o r two, and one worked f o r t h r e e . (The Kitamaat worked f o r a s i n g l e company.)  I would have thought t h a t n a t i v e s from a par-  t i c u l a r v i l l a g e p r e f e r r e d t o work f o r one cannery i n p r e f e r e n c e to d i s p e r s i n g and l o s i n g c o n t a c t w i t h each o t h e r .  In a s i n g l e  p l a n t , the women were able t o work t o g e t h e r , and the matter o f h i r i n g fishermen was s i m p l i f i e d , l i t was the p r a c t i c e o f the time f o r a l l d e a l i n g t o be c a r r i e d out through a b r o k e r , who assembled the fishermen f o r the canner and acted on t h e i r b e h a l f . The o p e r a t o r was thus spared the task o f d e a l i n g w i t h hundreds of i n d i v i d u a l s from an a l i e n c u l t u r e , speaking h a l f a dozen languages.  I n t u r n the b r o k e r r e c e i v e d around t e n d o l l a r s f o r  each man he r e c r u i t e d , f i v e d o l l a r s f o r each woman (at the 1910 Rivers I n l e t r a t e ) .  Once a t the c a n n e r i e s , however, women came  under the purview o f the Chinese b o s s , who handled a l l  dealings  i n s i d e , i n c l u d i n g both Chinese butchers and N a t i v e f i l l e r s . Things d i d not always go smoothly under t h a t system, f o r the Chinese workers were r a t h e r more t r a c t a b l e than the n a t i v e s , who were more conscious o f t h e i r r i g h t s and more i n c l i n e d t o a s s e r t them.) ( F i s h e r i e s o f f i c i a l s around R i v e r s I n l e t were wont t o complain that the Indians became 'saucy' when ordered about.)  f The  Table I I I Boat R a t i n g s a t R i v e r s I n l e t , 1903-04 B.C. Packer's A s s o c i a t i o n Kingcome Indians A l e r t Bay " 0-wee-kay-no " China Hat " White fishermen  103 boats 70 5 10 70 T5~8~  B.C. Canning Co., L t d . Kitamaat Indians O-wee-kay-no " A l e r t Bay " Bella Bella " Japanese Whites  25 12 22 3 30 22 TIT  Anglo-B.C. P a c k i n g Co., L t d . B e l l a B e l l a Indians Nox " 0-wee-kay-no " China Hat " Japanese Whites  25 5 3 4 6 33 75"  Totals Kitamaat Kingcome Bella Bella O-wee-kay-no China Hat A l e r t Bay Nox  25 103 28 20 14 92 5  Japanese Whites  36 125 4"48  ( F i s h e r i e s Commission 1905: 134-35  Boss's attempts  to feed the u s u a l Chinese r i c e r a t i o n to the  n a t i v e women caused c o n s i d e r a b l e f r i c t i o n , f o r example.  -]/U  The Kitamaat were o r i g i n a l l y h i r e d through a white t r a d e r r e s i d e n t i n the v i l l a g e , but e v e n t u a l l y they r e v o l t e d and demanded t h a t the canners d e a l d i r e c t l y w i t h them.  The o p e r a t o r s responded  t h a t they should choose a spokesman from among themselves.  An  i n t e r e s t i n g process took p l a c e then, f o r one would assume t h a t the p o s i t i o n would be taken by a c h i e f or i n d i v i d u a l w i t h h i g h s t a t u s , f o r the t r a d i t i o n a l system s t i l l counted d u r i n g the e a r l y years of the c e n t u r y . to have been canvassed  f o r a great deal  Indeed, the c h i e f s do seem  f i r s t , but d e c l i n e d on the grounds t h a t  they c o u l d n e i t h e r read nor w r i t e , an accomplishment deemed necessary f o r the j o b . who  The p o s i t i o n then went to a younger  had attended the m i s s i o n a r y ' s s c h o o l .  remember h i s i d e n t i t y , so I was  man  (My informants d i d not  unable to l e a r n what e f f e c t s the  new-found wealth and p o s i t i o n had on h i s l i f e . )  The problem  \  remains an i n t r i g u i n g one, f o r i n such a s i t u a t i o n an i n d i v i d u a l c o u l d r e a l i z e twice to three times the income of h i s f e l l o w s ,  one  of the very few i n s t a n c e s t h a t I know of i n which such a marked and r e g u l a r d i f f e r e n t i a l o c c u r r e d .  Moreover, t h i s income was  independent of the v a g a r i e s of the season and came to the b r o k e r r e g a r d l e s s of the s i z e of the c a t c h . (^Two  developments served to undermine the I n d i a n s ' s e c u r i t y  i n the c a n n e r i e s .  F i r s t , a rash of takeovers and amalgamations  took p l a c e , l e a v i n g most of the canneries i n the hands of a few large operators.  Second, the canners  l e a r n e d to overcome t h e i r  87  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems, enabling  them a t l o n g l a s t  to ship  salmon o v e r c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s t a n c e s w i t h o u t t h e i r s p o i l i n g . J .The  mergers l e d t o t h e w h o l e s a l e c l o s u r e o f c a n n e r i e s .  While the canning  business  was t h e p r e s e r v e  independent w i l d c a t e n t r e p r e n e u r , t i n u e d to operate  but  a l a r g e number o f p l a n t s  i n defiance of rules  pendence o c c a s i o n a l l y l e d t o v a s t  quite e a r l y .  ripe  of e f f i c i e n c y .  con-  This  inde-  f o r t u n e s b e i n g made v e r y q u i c k l y ,  more o f t e n spawned an i n s t a b i l i t y  many p r e c a r i o u s o p e r a t i o n s  o f the f i e r c e l y  i n the i n d u s t r y that  f o r a takeover.  left  The p r o c e s s  began  I n 1902:  The B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a P a c k e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n o f New J e r s e y . . . took o v e r 42 B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a c a n n e r i e s with l a n d , b u i l d i n g s , machinery, f i x t u r e s , f i s h i n g g e a r , s h i p s , b o a t s , scows and t r a d e m a r k s , a l s o 2 c o l d s t o r a g e s (Lyons 1969: 7 3 7 - 8 ) . Almost the f i r s t  a c t o f t h e new companies i n many c a s e s was  t o c l o s e down t h e s m a l l e r p l a n t s . on  the c o a s t .  Three years  later  I n 1901,  73 c a n n e r i e s  t h e r e were 5 0 .  operated  A c t u a l l y the  numbers f l u c t u a t e d r a p i d l y , f o r t h e i n d e p e n d e n t canners were f a r from b e a t e n a t t h a t t i m e . large  The p r i n c i p l e  o f cannery c l o s u r e by  f i r m s r e m a i n e d , however.\)  /  \ The s e c o n d development t h a t harmed t h e I n d i a n s ' chances i n the  i n d u s t r y was t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f p a c k e r s c a p a b l e  i n g salmon i n good c o n d i t i o n from hundreds o f m i l e s a t t e m p t s were r e l a t i v e l y i n crushed  ice.  away.  crude, but successful--salmon  Initial  were packed  L a t e r developments saw t h e f i s h k e p t f r e s h i n  r e f r i g e r a t e d b r i n e , a mechanism t h a t e n a b l e d virtually  of d e l i v e r -  the c o l l e c t i n g  t o range t h e c o a s t , and f r e e d t h e o p e r a t o r s  boats  to locate  wherever they  pleased.  C o n s o l i d a t i o n of p l a n t s i n t o few hands had given the motive for  c l o s u r e s and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of c a n n e r i e s ; b r i n e packers gave  the o p p o r t u n i t y .  As long as t e c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s enforced  the d i s p e r s i o n of p l a n t s , n a t i v e s c o u l d r e l y on f i n d i n g work. With those l i m i t a t i o n s overcome, however, the way owners to concentrate  open f o r  t h e i r p l a n t s near the m e t r o p o l i t a n  and away from the f i s h i n g grounds, and, native  was  centres  i n c i d e n t a l l y , from the  villages.^  The and 1970  s h i f t i n the p a t t e r n of cannery l o c a t i o n s between i s shown i n f i g . 4, p. 89.  d i s p e r s a l of p l a n t s had given way p o l i t a n centres  1920  C l e a r l y , l/the coast-wide  to a c l u s t e r i n g at two metro- I  -- around Vancouver, and near P r i n c e Rupert, j  F i g u r e 5 shows t h a t the d e c l i n e i n numbers of  canneries  began i n the l a t e 1920's both f o r the coast as a whole, and Rivers I n l e t .  The main e f f e c t of t h i s process was  for  to throw  hundreds of n a t i v e women out of work, on the c e n t r a l coast espec i a l l y , d e p r i v i n g them of an independent income t h a t they  had  commanded s i n c e the ISSO's.^ The H a i s l a found other canneries numbers. for  to go t o , but i n reduced  A f t e r the c l o s u r e of the R i v e r s I n l e t p l a n t s , the focus  H a i s l a fishermen s h i f t e d to Butedale,  about 130 m i l e s  of the v i l l a g e , and to the Skeena c a n n e r i e s .  south  Around 1959,  the  Butedale p l a n t c o l l a p s e d - - the r o o f f e l l i n , and much of the s t r u c t u r e f e l l i n t o the i n l e t - - a n d was the H a i s l a of t h e i r main market.  not r e b u i l t , d e p r i v i n g  Source:  Lyons  1969:  710-715  Figure Number of Canneries 1880  —  5  Operating, 1880-1956  B.C.  and R i v e r s  Inlet  91  That c l o s u r e a l s o removed the w i n t e r h e r r i n g f i s h e r y e x p e r i ment t h a t promised  to p r o v i d e a l u c r a t i v e income f o r those H a i s l a  who c o u l d s i g n on w i t h a s e i n e boat.  For a s h o r t time d u r i n g the  e a r l y 1950's, h e r r i n g fishermen c o u l d make more money d u r i n g the w i n t e r than when they f i s h e d f o r salmon d u r i n g the summer. A f t e r the c l o s u r e o f the Butedale p l a n t , the H a i s l a looked to the Skeena canneries f o r employment and b o a t s .  There t o o , (-the  process o f c o n s o l i d a t i o n c o n t i n u e d , i n e x o r a b l y reducing the number of p l a n t s and workers. down.  As l a t e as 1969, some 6 canneries shut  A g a i n , the impact f e l l h e a v i e s t on the n a t i v e s , as Table  IV, p. 92 shows.  These c l o s u r e s are brought on by the concentra-  t i o n o f almost the e n t i r e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y i n t o the hands o f three g i a n t companies: B.C. Packers.  Nelson B r o t h e r s , Canadian F i s h i n g Company, and  C o m p e t i t i o n , and i t s concomitant  p r o l i f e r a t i o n of  p l a n t s has g i v e n way to r a t i o n a l i z e d p r o d u c t i o n based on economies of s c a l e , p r o g r e s s i v e l y reducing the number and d i s p o s i t i o n o f p l a n t s , b o a t s , and j o b s . ^ i  I  92  Table IV  Cannery S t a f f L a y o f f s , Skeena R i v e r , 1969  E t h n i c Group  S t a f f Layoffs No.  %  Indian  72 3  76  Non-Indian  228  24  951  100  Total  Source:  H a l l and Tsong 19 70: 4  fi I  C o m p a t i b i l i t y w i t h other Although  i  i -  '  J  !  • s >  Occupations  the f i s h i n g season i s r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t , l a s t i n g  somewhat l e s s than ten weeks, i t i s s u b j e c t to a r a t h e r i n f l e x i b l e phenomenon--the t i m i n g of the salmon runs.  Although  the  s e a s o n a l nature o f the o c c u p a t i o n permits n a t i v e s to c a r r y on o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s f o r much of the y e a r , i f they are to f i s h ,  they  are t o t a l l y committed f o r a p a r t i c u l a r p e r i o d .  To t h a t e x t e n t ,  f i s h i n g i s an a c t i v i t y i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h other  occupations.  S i m i l a r l y , as long as the n a t i v e s continued to r e l y on t r a - \ d i t i o n a l f o o d s t u f f s , t h e i r time was t h a t those foods were a v a i l a b l e . May,  committed d u r i n g the seasons  O o l i c h a n run d u r i n g A p r i l  and  w h i l e the I n d i a n s ' main salmon s p e c i e s run from September  to November. The H a i s l a would not w i l l i n g l y abandon these foods, f o r they p r e f e r r e d them, by and l a r g e , to those the whites besides which t h e i r a v a i l a b i l i t y was of the n a t i v e s ' cash s u p p l y .  not s u b j e c t to the v a g a r i e s  Therefore  v i t i e s were o f c o n s i d e r a b l e importance. example, was was  introduced,  t h e i r subsistence Kitamaat  grease, f o r  not only a s t a p l e f o r the H a i s l a themselves,  a major item of i n t e r - t r i b a l t r a d e .  I t was  Springtime was  but  exchanged f o r  seaweed and h e r r i n g eggs from groups l i k e the B e l l a B e l l a Skidegate.  acti-  and  thus doubly committed, f o r without  grease, the H a i s l a would have l o s t not only the f o o d s t u f f i t s e l f , but a l s o the v a r i e t y of items t h a t i t would o b t a i n i n t r a d e .  94  I n i t i a l l y , commercial f i s h i n g f i t t e d i n q u i t e w e l l w i t h subs i s t e n c e f i s h i n g , f o r the most s a l e a b l e s p e c i e s , sockeye, was  not  so c r u c i a l to the H a i s l a as were chum or p i n k salmon, which run i n f a r g r e a t e r numbers i n the r i v e r s of the Kitamaat r e g i o n ( c f . Table I I , p. 42).  Thus, e x p l o i t a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t  types  c o u l d proceed w i t h minimal o v e r l a p and c o n f l i c t . •  / (The canners' preferences  c o n c e n t r a t i o n on sockeye r e s u l t e d from the  of the buying p u b l i c , p r i m a r i l y i n B r i t a i n , which  would accept only the r i c h r e d f l e s h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of sockeye and red s p r i n g s . \ For twenty years a f t e r the i n c e p t i o n of  canning  a t R i v e r s I n l e t , sockeye remained the overwhelming f a v o r i t e  and  almost the s o l e commercial s p e c i e s . Red s p r i n g s were taken i n a d d i t i o n to sockeye.  S p r i n g salmon  vary i n the c o l o u r of t h e i r f l e s h ; about o n e - t h i r d are the d e s i r e d r e d , o n e - t h i r d p i n k , and o n e - t h i r d w h i t e .  In the e a r l i e r y e a r s ,  f i s h c o l l e c t o r s s l a s h e d s p r i n g s near the head and t a i l to expose the f l e s h , d i s c a r d i n g white and paying l e s s f o r pink c o l o u r e d Other s p e c i e s were not c o n s i d e r e d worth the bother.  A  fish.  fisherman  of the p e r i o d wrote: We'd leave at f o u r i n the morning, my p a r t n e r and me. In our b i g , 25-foot rowing s k i f f . Four hours hard work out to the net. P u l l i t , take out the sockeye. Throw away a l l the coho, chum, pinks and b i g , b i g s p r i n g s (Lyons, 1969: 210). Because of the emphasis on sockeye, canneries were l o c a t e d i n numbers only near the major sockeye streams of the coast:  the  F r a s e r R i v e r , R i v e r s I n l e t , and the Skeena and Nass R i v e r s . I n d i v i d u a l canneries were d o t t e d the l e n g t h of the c o a s t , wherever  95  l o c a l circumstances  seemed t o warrant, but nowhere o u t s i d e the  major sockeye r i v e r s d i d numbers o f p l a n t s  develop.  This c o n c e n t r a t i o n on a s i n g l e v a r i e t y o f salmon had two , advantages f o r the H a i s l a .  T h e i r favoured s p e c i e s had white  f l e s h and were n o t i n i t i a l l y sought by the canners.  For some  time, they were l e f t alone t o e x p l o i t them as they had always done.  As f a r as they were concerned, d u r i n g the e a r l y p e r i o d o f  commercial f i s h i n g , the s u b s i s t e n c e and commercial f i s h e r i e s occupied d i f f e r e n t n i c h e s . In a d d i t i o n , because the s p e c i e s run a t d i f f e r e n t  times,  wage work f o r the canneries d i d n o t i n t e r f e r e overmuch w i t h subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . canneries  N a t i v e s c o u l d f i s h f o r the R i v e r s I n l e t  (or elsewhere) d u r i n g June, J u l y , and August, and r e t u r n  to t h e i r home r i v e r s before autumn, t o take and process  their  favoured s p e c i e s f o r the w i n t e r . ^ I n e v i t a b l y , however, the i n d u s t r y expanded i t s o p e r a t i o n s , as the European p u b l i c were persuaded t o accept white o r p i n k c o l o u r e d salmon.  Although  the canning o f chums and pinks had  begun around 1905, the great i n c r e a s e i n p r o c e s s i n g o f these s p e c i e s began w i t h the F i r s t World  War^j when shipments o f the  cheaper grades were sent t o a l l e v i a t e the war-time food  shortage.  Some was a l s o d e s t i n e d f o r the t r o o p s , who were g l a d o f any salmon, no matter what the c o l o u r . The pack o f the v a r i o u s s p e c i e s canned i n area 2 ( R i v e r s I n l e t included) i n d i c a t e s the broadening o f the i n d u s t r y a t t h a t time.  (See Table V, p. a ) 0  Table V Composition o f R i v e r s I n l e t Salmon Pack by Percentage  Year  CO  linook  Dckeye  O f Each S p e c i e s , 1905 -1917  o  6  \J  u  d  •H  c_>  u  1905  99%  .4%  .1%  1906  99  .2  .1  1907  93  .5  5.4  1908  86  .6  1909  97  .6  2  1910  98  .3  2  1911  88  .3  6  5  .3%  1912  83  .8  8  6  .3  1913  91  .9  5  3  1914  82  .5  7  5  5  1915  89  .7  5  2  4  1916  53  1.7  18  4  24  1917  64  .9  10  8  17  .7%  13  Source:  .6  F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports  • The e f f e c t o f t h i s expansion  on the n a t i v e s was t w o f o l d .  F i r s t , canners d i d n o t c l o s e down a t the end o f the sockeye season as they had done f o r m e r l y , but. attempted t o persuade f i s h e r men t o remain f o r the autumn runs o f coho, chums and p i n k s . I t was f a r e a s i e r t o r e t a i n the w h i t e s and Japanese than the I n d i a n s who wanted t o r e t u r n home t o p u t up t h e i r w i n t e r ' s supply o f salmon.  T h i s u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o remain f u r t h e r damaged t h e I n d i a n s  a l r e a d y f r a g i l e r e p u t a t i o n w i t h the o p e r a t o r s . ) The n a t i v e s ' r e f u s a l  t o s t a y was a p e r f e c t l y  i f one c o n s i d e r s t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s . they a r r i v e d  sound  position,  R e t u r n i n g home i n August,  i n time f o r most o f the f i s h i n t h e i r r i v e r s , which  they would n o t have done had they remained near the c a n n e r i e s t o f i s h commercially. t i o n , see page  F o r a diagrammatic r e n d e r i n g o f t h i s  situa-  . By a r r i v i n g home around the t h i r d week o f  August (the r e d l i n e i n the t a b l e ) , the H a i s l a were w e l l p l a c e d to pursue t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e f i s h i n g , f o r 15 o f the 19 major runs had y e t t o peak.  Had they remained working  f o r the c a n n e r i e s  u n t i l the coho runs had peaked i n October, they would have been f o r c e d t o r e l y on the ends o f o n l y 5 runs. [ The v a r i a b i l i t y o f the salmon and the g e n e r a l l y u n p r e d i c t a b l e c h a r a c t e r o f the commercial f i s h e r y  o b l i g e d the n a t i v e t o  m a i n t a i n h i s s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t y , f o r he c o u l d never t e l l when a season's work f o r the canneries would leave him n o t h i n g . Second, the canners began t o e s t a b l i s h  o p e r a t i o n s around  p i n k , chum, and s p r i n g r i v e r s t h a t they had p r e v i o u s l y i g n o r e d , and i n some r e g i o n s i n t e r f e r e d  with natives' subsistence  fishing  98  Table VI The Timing o f Salmon Runs i n Major Streams of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y  u +J  vi  -O  S  J-i (D  -P  O  a> -o  Q>  QJ  S  £  -Q X>  <D <D r-i t>0 f-H 4-> > o 3 3 O O O <D *-3 < CO O Z O >•>  3  Species  Stream K i t i m a t R,  Sockeye Pink Chum Chinook Coho  K i l d a l a R.  Pink Chum Chinook Coho  Dala R.  Chinook Chum Coho Pink  K i l t u i s h R.  Pink Chum Coho  Kemano R.  Pink Chum Chinook Coho  K i t l o p e R.  Sockeye Pink Chinook Chum Coho r e t u r n from canneries  O O  : Peak o f Run : Beginning or End o f Run Source:  Stream Catalogue 1972  i n the p r o c e s s .  This encroachment n a t u r a l l y met w i t h r e s i s t a n c e .  Evidence g i v e n by a white cannery employee b e f o r e the 1917 i e s Commission i l l u s t r a t e s the s i t u a t i o n . c u s s i o n l a y j u s t beyond H a i s l a  Fisher'  The r e g i o n under d i s -  territory.  The I n d i a n s . They f i g u r e t h a t they have a r i g h t to do these t h i n g s , you know [ i . e . , f i s h i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a t i o n s ] . I had an I n d i a n here... he i s f i g h t i n g our s e i n e , and he went away o u t s i d e of Estevan I s l a n d here on a creek b e l o n g i n g to the B.C. P a c k e r s . T h e i r man at Lowe I n l e t had n o t i f i e d Mr. W i l l i a m s about i t . So I t o l d t h i s I n d i a n t h a t I understood they had t h i s ground. He got h o s t i l e . He s a i d i t was i l l i h e . I t was h i s home. I s a i d "Here i s Mr. W i l l i a m s . " So he t a l k e d away, t h a t he had f i s h e d i t so many years and to t h i n k t h a t now he c o u l d not f i s h there - so Mr. W i l l i a m s t o l d him t h a t he had b e t t e r stop i t . But i t i s the same o l d t h i n g . Of course i t i s hard l i n e s to t h i n k t h a t these Indians cannot go back to where they l i v e d so many years and f i s h there ( F i s h e r i e s Commission Evidence 1917: 467) . A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n o b t a i n e d i n Gardner C a n a l , home of the K i t l o p e , where by 1905 a s i n g l e company was a number of drag s e i n e s .  l i c e n s e d to operate  Probably only the severe d e p o p u l a t i o n  of the K i t l o p e at t h a t time prevented a c o n f r o n t a t i o n .  The  K i t l o p e were so reduced i n numbers by then, however, t h a t they c o u l d s u b s i s t w i t h o u t s t r a i n on t h e i r main r i v e r s .  100  Income  / 'The V three  elements:  costs. can to  income t o be r e a l i z e d  from f i s h i n g  t h e number o f f i s h  i s a function of  c a u g h t , the u n i t p r i c e , and  Because each o f t h e s e f a c t o r s i s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e , income  f l u c t u a t e m a r k e d l y from s e a s o n t o s e a s o n and from  fisherman  fisherman'?  f (The  catch  itself  obvious, others  i s prone t o a l l manner o f i n f l u e n c e s , some  q u i t e arcane:  weather, the r a t i o  t h e number o f salmon i n t h e r u n s ,  of four to f i v e year o l d f i s h  the number o f c o m p e t i n g n e t s , l e n g t h personal The cycles  i n the s c h o o l s ,  o f c l o s e d p e r i o d s , and  f a c t o r s such as l u c k o r s k i l l . ; number o f f i s h  i n t h e runs v a r i e s w i t h  o f salmon and w i t h  the p o p u l a t i o n  environmental accidents  t h a t may have  r e d u c e d the q u a n t i t i e s o f young f i s h , as has been d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter  3.  Bad  weather can d e p r e s s  especially cloudy  i n areas l i k e  Rivers  the f i s h  the f i s h i n g  corresponding  poor c a t c h  totals  than average w h i l e decline.  to t h i s  This  condition.  at Rivers  anomaly was e v e n t u a l l y  than the f i v e y e a r o l d s  attribute  I n l e t was  the spawning beds showed no  preponderance o f four year o l d f i s h smaller  season. 'In  Fisheries reports  On a number o f o c c a s i o n s , t h e c a t c h much s m a l l e r  significantly,  e v i d e n t l y swim deeper t h a n they do on  d a y s , and thus escape the n e t s .  a number o f v e r y  totals  I n l e t , w h i c h can s u f f e r r a i n y o r  weather f o r weeks on end d u r i n g  such c o n d i t i o n s fine  the c a t c h  traced to a  i n the s c h o o l s , w h i c h , b e i n g  t h a t a l s o make up the r u n , c o u l d  101  not be trapped by the standard s i z e d mesh.  As a F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r  reported: ...Fishermen whom I i n t e r v i e w e d d u r i n g the f i s h i n g season time and again deplored t h e i r l u c k i n s e e i n g hundreds of salmon pass through the nets (Prov. F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports 1926: G 12-13). Four year o l d s were observed to outnumber f i v e year olds i n seven of the f o u r t e e n years between 1912 This was  an important  depressant  and 1926  (Ibid.: E 39f)•  i n catch t o t a l s and accounted  f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t of the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the f i s h e r y at t h a t time. The number of competing fishermen i n d i v i d u a l i n two ways:  a f f e c t e d the catch of the  i t reduced the average h a u l and, l e s s  obvious, as I noted e a r l i e r , i t prompted F i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s to extend c l o s e d t i m e s , which l i m i t e d the i n d i v i d u a l ' s o p p o r t u n i t i e s for taking f i s h .  More fishermen meant t h a t the weekly quota of  f i s h were caught i n a s h o r t e r time, e n f o r c i n g a longer  idle  period. Other v a r i a t i o n s i n catch s i z e c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d o n l y to chance, as on the occasions when o f f i c e r s noted t h a t one man  fisher-  caught over 100 salmon i n a day, w h i l e h i s neighbour o p e r a t i n g  two hundred yards away took 15. A g a i n s t these d i s a b i l i t i e s , a fisherman  could catch around  2,000-3,000 f i s h per season w i t h g i l l net and s k i f f , t a k i n g only sockeye.  The m i s s i o n a r y at Kitamaat r e p o r t e d that the 'high  f o r the v i l l a g e took 2,400 sockeye i n 1903; the l a r g e s t catch t o t a l l e d 2,700.  man'  the f o l l o w i n g year  102  A h a l f century l a t e r , g i l l n e t t e r s claimed t h a t they  could  take up to 40,000 f i s h i n a very good y e a r , u s i n g power equipment and a c c e p t i n g a l l s p e c i e s t h a t they caught. t h a t I heard of t o t a l l e d 100,000 f i s h .  The best seine h a u l  The proceeds of a s e i n e  c a t c h were s p l i t s e v e r a l ways, however. I had hoped to be able to determine the average income of a fisherman  f o r a number of y e a r s , a l b e i t i n a crude manner, by  c a l c u l a t i n g the average c a t c h , m u l t i p l y i n g t h a t f i g u r e by p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e , then deducting  costs.  Unfortunately,  the one  i n v a r i a b l y encounters a mass of c o n f l i c t i n g evidence i n matters of t h i s s o r t , and i t i s not easy to know which set to b e l i e v e . example, the 1922  For  P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Report l i s t s a f i s h p r i c e  t a b l e f o r n e a r l y two decades ( g i v e n here as Table V I I , p. That, I thought, was  103}.  p o t e n t i a l l y useful information, for with i t  I c o u l d c a l c u l a t e the average catch per boat, and from there determine the mean income.  I f we compare the pack f i g u r e s i n the  r e p o r t w i t h others g i v e n by Lyons 1967 however, we  (given as Table V I I I , p.  f i n d marked d i s c r e p a n c i e s , making r e l i a b l e  104),  cal-  culation impossible. C o m p l i c a t i n g the i s s u e was d i v e r s i t y of c a t c h .  the t r e n d towards the g r e a t e r  When sockeye was  the s o l e commercial s p e c i e s ,  the l i s t e d p r i c e c o u l d r e f e r only to i t , l e a v i n g no problems of calculation.  When other species became commercially  acceptable,  p r i c e d i f f e r e n t i a l s appeared (Table IX," p.105), c o m p l i c a t i n g matters (3 1/2$  - 50<£ per f i s h , f o r example.)  mine income, we need to know the makeup of each  In order to deterfisherman's  Table V I I S e l e c t e d F i s h e r i e s S t a t i s t i c s . Three Year Averages 1903-1921  Years  Average Pack ( i n Cases)  Average P r i c e Per F i s h ($)  Average '. o f Boats  1903-06  92,000  10  550  1907-10  92,000  10  700  1911-14  88,000  12 1/2  750  1915-18  66 ,000  24  815  1920  30  871  1921  30  1000  Source:  P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports  104  Table V I I I V a r i a t i o n i n Reported S i z e o f B.C. F i s h Packs. Three Year Averages, 1905-1918  Years  Pack S i z e , Cases o f 48, 1 l b . Cans Reported by Reported by Lyons F i s h e r i e s Dept.  Difference i n Reports 0  1903-06  92,000  92,000  1907-10  92 ,000  97,000  5,000  1911-14  88,000  104,000  16,000  1915-18  66,000  107,000  41,000  Sources:  F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports. Lyons 1969: 705-715  105  Table B.C.  IX  Salmon P r i c e s , by S p e c i e s ,  Species  1935  P r i c e (Cents per F i s h )  Sockeye  45  Coho § S t e e l h e a d  20  Pinks  3  Chums  5  Red Springs (over 12 l b . )  50  Red Springs (under 12 l b . )  25  P i n k , White, § Jack Springs  1/2  5  Source:  Lyons 1969:  413  catch.  Sales s l i p s l i s t i n g such i n f o r m a t i o n were i s s u e d f o r  each f i s h e r m a n , a copy o f which went to the F i s h e r i e s Department U n f o r t u n a t e l y , they d i s c a r d them a f t e r two y e a r s . Using the scraps of accurate evidence t h a t we do have, such as the Raley  'high man'  f i g u r e s and the p r i c e f o r t h a t p e r i o d ,  7$ per sockeye, we can a r r i v e at incomes of $168 1903  and 1904  respectively.  and $189  for  Those were the h i g h f i g u r e s ; presum  a b l y the remainder of the Kitamaat brought home l e s s . d i f f i c u l t to go beyond t h a t s o r t of c a l c u l a t i o n .  It is  For example,  one cannot be sure from the s i z e of a pack what a fisherman l i k e l y to make. income.  C l e a r l y , poor runs depressed  a  was  fisherman's  Less o b v i o u s l y , a l a r g e run c o u l d work to h i s disadvan-  tage as w e l l : The earnings of the Indians at the canneries i n 189 7 were l e s s than i n any p r e v i o u s y e a r . The salmon run at the n o r t h e r n canneries was a complete f a i l u r e , and owing to the unprecedented numbers of salmon running up the F r a s e r , the p r i c e s p a i d per, f i s h were t o t a l l y unremunerative and d i d not meet the g e n e r a l expenses i n c u r r e d by the fishermen there employed (IAR 1898: 247) . 1  Moreover, t r y i n g to c o r r e l a t e o b s e r v e r s ' comments about the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of a season and the s i z e of a pack leads nowhere. Compare the remarks found i n the Kitamaat m i s s i o n a r y  Raley*s  n e w s l e t t e r w i t h the pack s i z e and the l o c a l e s t i m a t i o n of the season (Table X, p. 107) •  I t seems t h a t , not o n l y was  s i z e q u i t e v a r i a b l e , but the Kitamaat share of i t was unpredictable. 1. Indian A f f a i r s  Reports.  the pack likewise  Table X D i s c r e p a n c i e s Between P e r c e i v e d Success o f F i s h i n g Season and S i z e of Pack:  M i s s i o n a r y ' s Reports and  Pack Records  Year  M i s s i o n a r y (Raley)  Pack ( R i v e r s I n l e t )  1899  F a i r l y good year  1900  The season, so f a r as the Kitamaats were concerned, was a comparative f a i l u r e ; s e v e r a l o f them h a r d l y c a t c h i n g s u f f i c i e n t salmon to pay f o r t h e i r s u p p l i e s at the cannery s t o r e  71,000 75,000  1903  A v e r y f a i r run  69,000  1907  A s u c c e s s f u l season  94,000  Sources:  Raley (Na-Na-Kwa) 1899-1907 Lyons 1969: 705-715  1UO  Haisla  fishermen  Because l i c e n c e records are unobtainable to  f o r the years  prior  1966, i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to determine the number o f H a i s l a  fishermen  over the past e i g h t y y e a r s . ( I t i s safe to say, however,  t h a t from around the i n c e p t i o n o f canning 1881)  at R i v e r s I n l e t ( i n  and f o r more than h a l f a century f o l l o w i n g , v i r t u a l l y  every  a b l e - b o d i e d H a i s l a made a t l e a s t p a r t o f h i s l i v i n g as a commerc i a l fisherman!^  I found o n l y f o u r men who had taken up l o g g i n g  f u l l time r a t h e r than f o l l o w i n g the u s u a l course o f f i s h i n g d u r i n g the summer and l o g g i n g d u r i n g the o f f season. (jhe 1950,  o v e r a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e d e c l i n e d between 1900 and  however.  N  The m i s s i o n a r y r e p o r t e d around the t u r n o f the  century t h a t the v i l l a g e was a l l but deserted d u r i n g the summer d u r i n g the time t h a t the canneries were o p e r a t i n g . I n 1917, a nurse i n the v i l l a g e s c h o o l noted the same t h i n g , remarking t h a t only two f a m i l i e s remained behind.  By 195 3, however, the Haw-  thorn Report f i e l d w o r k e r s noted t h a t about h a l f the v i l l a g e  tra-  v e l l e d to the c a n n e r i e s , w h i l e the other h a l f remained a t home (223 went, 228 remained) (1953:  n.p.).  The number o f men f i s h i n g a t t h a t time t o t a l l e d 77, o f whom 28 operated operated  g i l l n e t t e r s , w h i l e 49 worked aboard the 7 s e i n e r s  from the v i l l a g e  (Ibid.).  Since then, however, the number o f fishermen has d e c l i n e d to  26, around o n e - t h i r d o f the 1953 t o t a l ( F i s h e r i e s Dept. L i c e n c e  Records:  n.p.).  Of t h a t t o t a l , around 8 worked on s e i n e r s (2  boats, @ 4 men per b o a t ) , the r e s t on g i l l n e t t e r s .  The P r o v i n -  109  c i a l V o t e r s ' L i s t s record"-a steady d e c l i n e i n the number of those c a l l i n g themselves  fishermen s i n c e the Indians were f i r s t i n c l u d e d  on the r o l l s , i n 1949.  This d e c l i n e i s coupled w i t h a commensur-  ate r i s e i n the number of l a b o u r e r s , a term t h a t i n c l u d e s those working f o r A l c a n , Eurocan, K i t i m a t C i t y , or Kitamaat  village.  / T h i s d e c l i n e accompanied the g e n e r a l c l o s u r e of c a n n e r i e s and f i s h p l a n t s .  Fishermen found i t more d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n  boats or c r e d i t from the remaining companies. ; The Hawthorn f i e l d workers found the process i n evidence i n 1953: s a i d he might t r y ( g i l l nett i n g ) next y e a r . The main d i f f i c u l t y seems to be o b t a i n i n g b o a t s . O f f i c i a l p o l i c y o f the company i s not to g i v e out boats except to top f i s h e r m e n . There are too many g i l l n e t t e r s around now, and most o f them are no good, s a i d the c l e r k i n the o f f i c e ....The a t t i t u d e of the c l e r k was t h a t i f the fisherman was known to be a good one, the company would see t h a t he got a boat, but i f he was j u s t average or l e s s than average he would be out of l u c k (1953: n.p.). F i f t e e n years l a t e r , the s i t u a t i o n had worsened f o r n o r t h e r n native  fishermen:  The p r e d i c t i o n of poor salmon runs i n 1969 and a s e r i e s of company c l o s u r e s and mergers r e s u l t e d i n the c l o s i n g of a number of canneries i n 1968 and 1969. F i s h i n g companies o p e r a t i n g i n n o r t h e r n B r i t i s h Columbia where the salmon p r o s p e c t s were a l s o poor i n 1971 decided to c u r t a i l the number of g i l l net and s e i n e r s t h a t they u s u a l l y r e n t e d or c h a r t e r e d . The high percentage of these v e s s e l s were [ s i c ] u s u a l l y f i s h e d by I n d i a n s . The d e c i s i o n not to f i s h these v e s s e l s was based on the premise t h a t there was no hope, w i t h the a n t i c i p a t e d runs t h a t the v e s s e l operators c o u l d even pay the c o s t s of normal o p e r a t i o n s . Had the v e s s e l s f i s h e d the end r e s u l t would have been t h a t operators would have owed the company more at the end of the year than at the b e g i n n i n g . Many of the Indians who were not given v e s s e l s were u n f o r t u n a t e l y h e a v i l y indebted to the companies from previous years and the companies  had no s e c u r i t y a g a i n s t t h i s indebtedness. Once the companies withdrew the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r Indians to continue t o f i s h they i n e f f e c t a l s o r e c o g n i z e d t h a t there was l i t t l e hope o f ever c o l l e c t i n g money from t h i s group o f fishermen. Many o f the g i l l n e t v e s s e l s withdrawn i n 19 71 were not r e t u r n e d to the f i s h e r y . . . . M o s t marginal I n d i a n fishermen were thus f o r c e d out o f the i n d u s t r y because o f these changing c o n d i t i o n s ( S i n c l a i r 197,: 522-23). A g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f Kitamaat n a t i v e s has l e f t the f i s h e r y than o f almost any other c o a s t a l band.  Figure 6  shows the d e c l i n e over the p a s t q u a r t e r c e n t u r y . *  This  p. I l l reduc-  t i o n has l e f t Kitamaat w i t h one o f the s m a l l e s t p r o p o r t i o n s o f fishermen  to workers on the n o r t h c o a s t , as Table XI i n d i c a t e s .  Of those v i l l a g e s w i t h m a s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n o f f i s h e r m e n , G r e e n v i l l e and Owikeno are l o c a t e d on the c o a s t .  only  Even a number  of v i l l a g e s on the Skeena (marked w i t h an 'S' on the t a b l e ) a hundred m i l e s o r so from the sea have maintained t i o n o f fishermen  a g r e a t e r propor  i n t h e i r work f o r c e than has Kitamaat.  The reason f o r t h i s d e c l i n e may w e l l be found i n c o n d i t i o n s d e s c r i b e d by(lHawthorn e t a l .  They remark upon the r e l a t i v e l y  s t a b l e r a t e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the n o r t h e r n f i s h e r y by n a t i v e s T~.  2.  The a b s o l u t e numbers o f fishermen i n the graph may n o t be a l t o g e t h e r a c c u r a t e , f o r two reasons. Because the f i g u r e s were compiled from the claimed occupation o f i n d i v i d u a l s on the p r o v i n c i a l v o t e r s ' l i s t s , a few fishermen under v o t i n g age would not appear. Second, because most o f the e l e c t i o n s d u r i n g the p e r i o d were h e l d d u r i n g the summer, some fishermen may have been absent from the v i l l a g e when the enumerations were taken. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the t r e n d i s q u i t e unmistakeable, and i l l u s t r a t e s the p o i n t t h a t I am.trying to make. Owikeno i s e x c e p t i o n a l , however, i n t h a t the n a t i v e s there r e l i e d on a s i n g l e cannery f o r t h e i r boats. That cannery c l o s e d r e c e n t l y , and the Indians have not y e t e s t a b l i s h e d an a l t e r n a t i v e source o f equipment.  Figure 6 Occupations at Kitamaat, 1949-1972  o CTi  Cn  vO  cn  Source:  cn cn  cn  P r o v i n c i a l Voters' Lists  112  Table XI Number o f Fishermen as a Percentage o f the Male 'Work F o r c e - - N o r t h Coast I n d i a n V i l l a g e s (Three Year Average, 1971-73J Band  Ayg. Male P o p u l a t i o n 16-60 years o f age  Avg. No. o f Fishermen  No. as a % o f Working Male Population  P o r t Simpson  318  128  40  Bella  311  123  40  Skidegate  111  42  38  Kitkatla  192  63  33  B e l l a Coola  185  52  28  Kitasoo  76  19  25  Kitwancool  60  15  25  214  53  25  86  19  22  Masset  253  53  21  Kitwanga  109  22  20  s  Kitsumkalum  32  6  19  s  Glen Vowel  49  9  18  s  Kispiox  141  26  18  s  Gitlakdamix  222  33  15  s  Kitamaat  229  33  14  Greenville  164  22  13  43  5  12  Hazelton  197  22  11  s  Kitselas  24  2  8  s  Bella  Kincolith Kitsegukla  Owikeno  s:  Skeena v i l l a g e Source:  F r i e d l a e n d e r 1975:  7-8.  s  s  in  the decades p r e c e d i n g the date of t h e i r study (1954) (see  Table X I I , p. 114), but add a c a u t i o n a r y note: The new c o m p e t i t i o n from the Japanese and from o t h e r s u s i n g newer and more e f f i c i e n t boats and equipment has had s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s on per c a p i t a output and income, which a c c o r d i n g to a good d e a l o f evidence has been d r a s t i c , e s p e c i a l l y f o r Indians i n some a r e a s . The l i c e n c e f i g u r e s may r e a l l y i n d i c a t e , not t h a t Indians have h e l d t h e i r own i n g i l l net fi¥hlThg, "but thaT~iThey_ the face of s h o r t e r f i l i a i T i ^ ^ per boat, d e c l i n i n g incomes and standards of l i v i n g , d e t e r i o r a t i o n of equipment, and a r i s i n g burden of indebtedness. In o t h e r words, many Indians i n the n o r t h have c o n t i n u e d g i l l net f i s h i n g under c o n d i t i o n s which have d r i v e n a l a r g e number o f Whites out of the i n d u s t r y e n t i r e l y (1954: 117). y /  The  Indians of the i s o l a t e d v i l l a g e s of the n o r t h coast hang  on, i t seems, because they have nowhere e l s e to go. to  I f theyjwish  remain i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s , i t i s a c h o i c e between m a r g i n a l  f i s h i n g or n o t h i n g The d e c l i n e i n the number of H a i s l a fishermen has from the presence of K i t i m a t .  resulted  of a l t e r n a t i v e occupations i n the nearby town  (See next chapter.)  The c o n s t r u c t i o n of the town  p r e s e n t e d a l t e r n a t i v e occupations t h a t have lowered the  Kitamaats  t o l e r a n c e f o r the c o n d i t i o n s d e s c r i b e d by Hawthorn e t a l .  (Or,  i f i t has not lowered t h e i r t o l e r a n c e , i t has removed t h e i r need to  put up w i t h them.)  Table X I I The Number and Percentage i n the I n d u s t r y o f Indians i n Some Aspects o f the Commercial Salmon F i s h e r y , 1922-1948 G i l l Net  1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 19 34 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948  Purse Seine  Owned o r Rented  Owned  Captain, Rental  No. 1032 1121 1074 1248  %  No.  %  23 28 29 30  2 36 61  1192 1044 1258 1334 1151 1225 1385 1451 1343 1549 1409 1814 1491 1485 1469 1944 1891 1580 1418 1504 1369 1382  21 20 22 22 24 23 23 21 18 23 23 25 23 23 27 30 31 29 25 20 28 23  53 46 51 49 50 56 74 70 72 58 73 62 59 53 50 40 23 31 40 37 33 45  Crewman  1  No.  %  1 15 18  No. 52 30 122 147  37 51 69 66  539 626 764  61 65 59  10 12 14 14 22 36 31 24 25 20 25 20 18 15 15 13 8 10 13 11 9 12  279 168 167 151 78 35 68 86 93 110 99 96 119 114 116 114 96 107 118 119 116 134  67 60 60 61 68 67 59 63 56 61 60 54 59 47 48 46 45 48 51 42 38 43  1156 930 1034 862 590 490 689 660 661 749 756 721 808 747 812 793 613 651 636 640 652 682  54 54 55 48 48 52 47 40 40 46 45 41 44 38 42 44 38 42 40 32 32 32  Source:  F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s Annual Reports  Chapter 5 Logging Logging remained second t o f i s h i n g as a major source o f remuneration among the H a i s l a , although a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f H a i s l a engaged e i t h e r in;independent p r o d u c t i o n , c o n t r a c t work f o r s a w m i l l s o r p u l p m i l l s , o r wage work f o r l o c a l companies'!) Thej p e r i o d o f g r e a t e s t a c t i v i t y f o r the H a i s l a came d u r i n g the F i r s t > World War, and l a s t e d u n t i l the mid Twenties, when t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n dropped o f f g r a d u a l l y , ; u n t i l by the e a r l y  Fifties,  fewer than a h a l f - d o z e n d e r i v e d any s i g n i f i c a n t income from i t . P a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e s o f the environment  of Haisla  r  territory,  p a r t i c u l a r l y the t e r r a i n and s p e c i e s composition o f the f o r e s t s , enabled the H a i s l a t o become one o f the most s u c c e s s f u l of n a t i v e l o g g e r s on the c o a s t .  groups  This i n i t i a l success was a t t a i n e d  i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t the f o r e s t s o f the r e g i o n are both s m a l l e r i n e x t e n t and c o n s i d e r a b l y s p a r s e r i n high-grade timber s p e c i e s than the t e r r i t o r i e s o f many southern groups. In t h i s c h a p t e r , I w i l l c o n s i d e r f a c t o r s r e l e v a n t to the H a i s l a s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n d u s t r y :  merchantable timber i n  the r e g i o n , i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y , markets, technol o g i c a l i n f l u e n c e s , and p r i c i n g s t r u c t u r e s .  116  Merchantable Timber  '  -  In t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y (Gardner Canal drainage b a s i n i n F o r e s t S e r v i c e p a r l a n c e ) , only f i f t e e n per cent of the l a n d area c a r r i e s merchantable t i m b e r .  This f i g u r e i s very low  f o r coast f o r e s t s , as Table X I I I , p. 117 shows.  Furthermore,  almost t w o - t h i r d s of the merchantable timber i s found i n stands averaging l e s s than t e n thousand board f e e t per a c r e , a f i g u r e u s u a l l y deemed the lower l i m i t f o r economical t r a c t s .  The more  p r o f i t a b l e s t a n d s , those c o n t a i n i n g ten thousand f e e t or more, make up l e s s than s i x per cent o f the f o r e s t e d a r e a ; the average f o r the c o a s t f o r stands of t h a t q u a l i t y i s t h i r t y - t w o per cent. In a d d i t i o n , much of the timber c o n s i s t s of the l e a s t soughta f t e r types. be s o l d .  Merchantable t i m b e r , of c o u r s e , i s t h a t which can  Although there may have been a c o n s i d e r a b l e acreage of  timber growing i n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , much of i t was not i n i t i a l l y of the r i g h t type or q u a l i t y to f i n d a ready market.  For the  e a r l y p e r i o d of l o g g i n g on the c o a s t , timber p r i m a r i l y meant Douglas F i r , a s p e c i e s almost c o m p l e t e l y absent from the c o a s t n o r t h of K n i g h t I n l e t . The almost e x c l u s i v e demand f o r Douglas F i r by Lumber manufacturers encouraged most loggers to operate t h e i r camps where Douglas F i r predominated, on the l a n d of low e l e v a t i o n around Georgia S t r a i t . Thus a whole f o r e s t i n d u s t r y became based upon the e x p l o i t a t i o n of a s i n g l e major s p e c i e s , Douglas F i r , a s p e c i e s which, i n Canada, had l i m i t e d a r e a l extent (Haig-Brown 1967: 103). A c c o r d i n g to Haig-Brown,  i n the e a r l i e r years of the i n d u s t r y ,  "Too h i g h a percentage of hemlock and s i l v e r f i r  [balsam] i n a  stand was enough to make the d i f f e r e n c e between p r o f i t and l o s s .  117  Table XIII Density  o f F o r e s t Cover i n C o a s t a l  Districts  rt  0  U <u  <o  rH X  •H H  Pi  <U rH XI  rt  rt  Xi o <a U pi <D - H S J rH  Proportion District:  of  < <o  6  rt  -P PI  <+-! X o rt  rH  O O  rt  X  rt  m  *-<  o o o  x o  o o >x o E X> - H < H  o S  2% 0 .7 0 12 4 11 32 32 41 36 51 56 55 63 63 64 76 64 70 85 89  2% 14 13 14 5 12 9 3 8 10 20 8 5 4 6 7 15 6 18 15 2 2  o  o V  rt X  M-l  o o o o to o  1  r-l  +->  a u o rt —  a> Pi bo rt rt X +-> o P! M  «  o s 0) bO (X, pi  o o  •H r* rH X 0) rt tn x  o  +-> M 6 o rt M-i  o to A  H U H  District S'E'n V a n c o u v e r I s . Renfrew Quadra-Hardwick Hardy Bay Barkley Quatsino Clayoquot Johnstone S t r a i t N o o t k a - Ky uq uo t Powell-Texada Drury-Belize Loughborough Jervis Burrard Kingcome Smith-Rivers Skeena-Portland Toba Burke-De an Gardner Knight Bute  43% 13 34 39 19 25 35 21 34 24 14 15 18 23 7 20 13 10 13 9 6 5  Source:  1.  fbm:  f e e t , b o a r d measure  23% 30 40 39 30 43 32 26 15 17 16 19 19 7 18 8 7 7 4 5 6 3  25% 42 10 5 34 14 13 17 9 6 11 7 3 5 6 2 .7 2 .7 .7 2 1  Whitford  and  91% 85 84 83 83 82 80 64 58 47 41 41 40 35 31 30 31 19 18 15 14 9  Craig  1918  Even W e s t e r n Red Cedar was a l i a b i l i t y  much o f t h e t i m e "  (Ibid.:  61) . T h a t was n o t an e n c o u r a g i n g  situation  l o g g e r s , f o r the n o r t h e r n c o a s t f o r e s t very by  F i g u r e 7, p . 119  species.  a H a i s l a who  attempted  Douglas  F i r accounted  region;  that  amount was  v a l l e y , mainly  consists  illustrates  to stake a t r a c t  f o r less located  inaccessible  for potential  t h a n 21  largely  Haisla o f those  the s i t u a t i o n o f marketable  o f the timber  i n one t r a c t  faced timber.  i n the  i n the K i t l o p e  to small loggers with l i m i t e d  equip-  ment . The  commonest t y p e o f t r e e , hemlock, was used  as were t h e c h e a p e r had in  grades  considerable influence  o f c e d a r and s p r u c e .  only f o r pulp,  This  limitation  on t h e p a t t e r n o f l o g g i n g t h a t  develope  t h e r e g i o n , f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a p u l p m i l l was a m a j o r  project  requiring  enormous c a p i t a l  limited  t h e number o f m i l l s  o f markets f o r p e o p l e s  like  composed o f p u l p q u a l i t y  investment.  t h a t were b u i l t ,  This n a t u r a l l y  and thus t h e number  t h e H a i s l a , whose f o r e s t s were m a i n l y  trees.  119  Figure 7  P r o p o r t i o n s of Timber Species i n F o r e s t s of H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y  2. 1.8 1.6 1.4 1.2 1. .8 .6 .4 .2 .1 billion board feet  o •H  Ok  CO  e  rt  o  rt w iH rt  ^!  U O rH e  «  Source:  F o r e s t S e r v i c e Annual Reports 1936: L14  120  Environmental I n f l u e n c e s  on the A c c e s s i b i l i t y of Timber  The maps on pages 139 and show two  141,  (figures 8 a d n  9)  c o n d i t i o n s t h a t promoted the p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n of  l o g g i n g t h a t developed i n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y . The maps i n d i c a t e q u i t e c l e a r l y t h a t almost a l l of the merchantable timber l i e s w i t h i n a s h o r t d i s t a n c e of the s h o r e l i n e or along the a d j a c e n t r i v e r v a l l e y s .  As the photograph shows,  the t e r r a i n i n the r e g i o n i s q u i t e mountainous.  In f a c t , most  of the timber grows on q u i t e steep slopes t h a t l e a d d i r e c t l y to the water. j  I n i t i a l l y , these p a t t e r n s aided the H a i s l a l o g g e r s , f o r they made much of the timber a c c e s s i b l e to s m a l l s c a l e loggers who  used q u i t e rudimentary (and cheap) techniques and  j  equipment.  (As I noted i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s s e c t i o n , I d e f i n e  \  a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n a p h y s i c a l sense, as ' w i t h i n reach v i a the  pre-;  v a i l i n g technology.') The  logger's  \  great problem, of course, once he has  the t r e e , i s to get i t to market. H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y t h a t problem was s i v e methods and gear: ways, or e x t e n s i v e  In more l e v e l regions  felled  |\  than  s o l v e d w i t h complex and expen-  horse or ox teams  and s k i d roads, r a i l -  road networks and heavy-duty t r u c k s .  The mountainous t e r r a i n and e x t e n s i v e i n l e t system of the f H a i s l a l o g g e r s^j to adopt a f a r s i m p l e r system.r e g i o n enabled |the They [ r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r l o g g i n g p r i m a r i l y to the s i d e h i l l s f a c i n g the shore and simply s l i d t h e i r logs d o w n h i l l to the water, or p u l l e d them down the slopes u s i n g a winch mounted on a r a f t near  1Z1  the s h o r e l i n e .  The o p p o r t u n i t y c o n f e r r e d by the s i m p l e ,  r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e gear enabled them to engage i n s m a l l - s c a l e independent l o g g i n g t o a degree unmatched by any other c o a s t a l n a t i v e people  1.  1  I w i l l now d e s c r i b e each o f these methods.  The independence from complex t r e e - h a u l i n g methods t h a t was c o n f e r r e d by the steep h i l l s i d e s o f H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y enabled the l o c a l n a t i v e s to engage i n l o g g i n g r e l a t i v e l y f r e e o f the impediments and p i t f a l l s t h a t faced some southern n a t i v e groups, who occupied l e v e l t e r r i t o r i e s u n s u i t a b l e f o r handlogging. An Indian Agent f o r the southern K w a k i u t l r e p o r t e d t h a t : The l o g g i n g experiment o f the Indians o f the W i - w a i - a i - k a i t r i b e a t Cape Mudge has not been very s u c c e s s f u l , they g e t t i n g h e a v i l y i n t o debt; so I have f o r b i d d e n them c u t t i n g any more timber t i l l they are able t o buy oxen and h a u l the logs themselves, as they had t o get white labour t o h a u l what they d i d c u t , which w i t h p r o v i s i o n s s u p p l i e d them ate up a l l the p r o f i t s (IAR 1893: 124) . L o c a l t e r r a i n was thus an important f a c t o r i n the Indians' a b i l i t y to take up independent, s m a l l - s c a l e l o g g i n g o f a type t h a t would not l e a d t o s e r i o u s debt from i n e x p e r i e n c e d management o r bad l u c k . )  122  Handlogging Handlogging, the dominant method used by the Kitamaat, i s the most rudimentary to t i d e w a t e r .  method o f f e l l i n g t r e e s and removing them  I t r e q u i r e s b u t two elements:  basic  felling  equipment, and a s i d e h i l l steep enough t o s l i d e the logs t o the water, most o f t e n w i t h the a i d o f one or two j a c k s . gear i t s e l f i s uncomplicated, tenance:  The f e l l i n g  i n e x p e n s i v e , and needs l i t t l e main-  axe, saw, wedges to d r i v e i n t o the c u t t o prevent the  weight o f the t r e e from p r e s s i n g down and b i n d i n g the saw, and a s p r i n g b o a r d to s e t i n a notch i n the trunk some f e e t from the ground to p l a c e the f a l l e r above the c l i n g i n g brush and give him a l e v e l p l a c e from which t o work.  A l t o g e t h e r , they c o s t l e s s  than t e n d o l l a r s a p i e c e , a t l e a s t d u r i n g the heyday o f handlogging, d u r i n g the f i r s t two decades of t h i s century. mechanism," the j a c k s , c o s t up t o $68 a p i e c e . *  The " h a u l i n g I f a logger  worked only the s h o r e l i n e and dropped t r e e s d i r e c t l y i n t o the water, even the j a c k s were unnecessary. The procedure went as f o l l o w s :  the logger f e l l e d the t r e e ,  trimmed i t , then removed the bark from the s i d e on which the l o g was t o r i d e d o w n h i l l , i n order t o expose the s l i p p e r y sap l a y e r . O f t e n , he rounded the l e a d i n g end, to l e s s e n the chance o f s p l i t t i n g , should the l o g h i t an o b s t r u c t i o n on the way. log  To get the  to move, he p l a c e d jacks at c r i t i c a l l o c a t i o n s - - o n e a t the  but end, the other where experience good.  t o l d him would do the most  Maneuvering the l o g an i n c h or so at a time, he e v e n t u a l l y  T~. 19 20 ' s p r i c e s .  unbalanced i t , whereupon Although  i t would s l i d e , he hoped, t o the water.  i t was a r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d procedure, i t  r e q u i r e d c o n s i d e r a b l e s k i l l and stamina.  An i n e x p e r i e n c e d l o g -  ger c o u l d j e r k and tug on the j a c k s f o r hours, and s t i l l the l o g would remain f a s t where i t f e l l .  Small s u r p r i s e t h a t many men  dreamed o f the day t h a t they c o u l d o b t a i n machinery and escape the h a n d l o g g e r s  1  life.  One n o v e l i s t d e s c r i b e d the s a t i s f a c t i o n  f e l t by a logger who had at l a s t a c q u i r e d a donkey engine: Think what t h i s mastery over huge and heavy logs means t o a man who has been used t o coax them t o t i n y movements by p a t i e n c e and a puny jack-screw (Grainger 1908: 6 0 ) . Even when the l o g was on i t s way d o w n h i l l , the logger's t r o u b l e s were not o v e r - - i n f a c t , they c o u l d be j u s t b e g i n n i n g . A t r e e weighing  s e v e r a l tons h u r t l i n g down a mountainside  carries  a t e r r i f i c momentum, and i n a matter o f seconds, the o b j e c t o f some hours' work can get i t s e l f f i r m l y and i n e x t r i c a b l y stuck o r destroy i t s e l f a g a i n s t a rock o r t r e e .  I t often entails  less  work t o b e g i n a f r e s h on a s t a n d i n g t r e e than t o spend hours t r y ing  to f r e e a jammed l o g . Should i t c l e a r the woods w i t h o u t i n c i d e n t , the l o g c o u l d  emb%d i t s e l f i n the mud or sand o f the sea bottom.  Logs stuck  i n t h i s way can u s u a l l y be r e c o v e r e d , b u t a t the c o s t o f c o n s i derable t o i l and wasted time.  Despite a l l these problems, however,  the technique remained an a t t r a c t i v e course f o r the i n d i v i d u a l who wished t o engage i n independent p r o d u c t i o n .  The  was minimal, and the r e t u r n s c o u l d be c o n s i d e r a b l e .  investment I n any  event, i t was the only avenue f o r the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s  who  wanted to l o g but c o u l d never a f f o r d the investment of a  power o p e r a t i o n . F r u s t r a t i n g as h i s problems may  have been to the  logger  h i m s e l f , they appear to have e x e r c i s e d the a u t h o r i t i e s r a t h e r more.  O f f i c i a l s i n V i c t o r i a c o n s i d e r e d handlogging methods  w a s t e f u l and damaging t o the f o r e s t , and from the advent o f power l o g g i n g a g i t a t e d f o r the a b o l i t i o n of handloggers' l i c e n s e s According  to an e a r l y catalogue  of c o a s t a l f o r e s t s :  The i n d i s c r i m i n a t e c u t t i n g of convenient shore timber w i t h o u t any c o n t r o l r e s u l t s i n the i n j u r y of many good l o g g i n g s i t e s ; f o r , as the handl o g g e r s are not a l l o w e d to use steam power, they f a i l to get to the water a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the t r e e s they cut down. I t i s estimated t h a t at l e a s t 40 per cent of the t r e e s cut by hand-loggers are wasted i n t h i s way....It i s extremely d o u b t f u l whether the advantages thus gained i n f o r e s t u t i l i z a t i o n , or the f u r n i s h i n g of employment to the nomadic, i r r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s who f o l l o w t h i s occupation are commensurate w i t h the r e s u l t a n t damage. The d i s c o n t i n u a n c e of t h i s form of l i c e n s e was recommended by the F o r e s t r y Commission i n 1910, but such l i c e n s e s are s t i l l i s s u e d (Whitf o r d and C r a i g 1918: 94). Handloggers were much maligned men encountered only one man out t h a t i t was  who  during t h i s p e r i o d - - !  defended them, a ranger who  pointed  o f t e n the p r a c t i c e to f e l l t r e e s and leave  the  stubborn ones u n t i l r a i n y weather, when the r e s u l t i n g s l i c k e r s u r f a c e would ease the job of g e t t i n g the logs to s l i d e .  Because  commissioners and i n s p e c t o r s p r e f e r r e d to tramp the woods i n dry weather, i t was  not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t they found numbers of logs  l y i n g about the f o r e s t .  Moreover, to a b o l i s h handloggers'  l i c e n s e s completely would h a r d l y have made f o r more r a t i o n a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of f o r e s t s , f o r i n areas l i k e the Kitamaat r e g i o n ,  125  long s t r e t c h e s o f c o a s t l i n e c o u l d be logged i n no other way. i n d e e d , i n 1920 the D i s t r i c t F o r e s t e r d e s c r i b e d the r e g i o n t o the C h i e f F o r e s t e r thus: ...The g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r of the country and timber b e i n g f a v o u r a b l e to hand l o g g i n g and hand l o g g i n g o n l y (Timber Mark S u p e r v i s i o n F i l e s 1920: n.p.) . To have a b o l i s h e d handloggers' l i c e n s e s would n o t , t h e r e f o r e , have e l i m i n a t e d handlogging  practices.  I n s t e a d , i t would  have denied e n t r y to s m a l l time (gyppo) o p e r a t o r s , w h i l e l e a v i n g employees o f the m i l l s and l a r g e companies to p r a c t i s e  handlogging  wherever the l o c a l t e r r a i n d i c t a t e d . As f o r the "nomadic and i r r e s p o n s i b l e c i t i z e n s " : f a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of handloggers' l i c e n s e s went to I n d i a n s , who were h a r d l y nomadic, and who c o u l d not (or would n o t , f o r reasons to be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r ) i n v e s t i n the expensive engage i n power l o g g i n g .  gear necessary  to  Between 1910 and 1927 (the years o f the //;  ledgers extant i n the F o r e s t S e r v i c e ) , out of 1223 men who took  \,  out handlogging  :  l i c e n s e s , 308, or 25%, were I n d i a n s .  (94, or 8%  of the B.C. t o t a l , were H a i s l a . ) To have a b o l i s h e d handlogging  l i c e n s e s would have d e p r i v e d  the Indian of h i s main avenue of e n t r y i n t o the l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y as an independent o p e r a t o r .  (He c o u l d , o f course, have worked  f o r white l o g g i n g companies, but t h a t e n t a i l e d other problems, which I w i l l d i s c u s s l a t e r . )  As the above mentioned ranger  p o i n t e d out,\ i n the n o r t h the m a j o r i t y o f handloggers -was l i k e l y to be I n d i a n , and i n t h a t d i s t r i c t , an a b o l i t i o n o f handloggers' permits would have worked a p a r t i c u l a r hardship on them.j  126  Codere went so f a r as to c l a i m t h a t the animus a g a i n s t handloggers was  d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y towards I n d i a n s :  These f a v o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s h e l d u n t i l 1908 when economic circumstances changed, and l e g i s l a t i o n was passed which would have prevented the K w a k i u t l from' f u r t h e r p r o f i t a b l e a c t i v i t y i n hand l o g g i n g i n any case. The p r o v i n c i a l government r e f u s e d to i s s u e any more hand loggers l i c e n s e s to I n d i a n s , and withdrew a l l timber lands from the market (1950: 39) . I searched  a l l l e g i s l a t i o n passed d u r i n g the p e r i o d , and  c o u l d f i n d no enactment d e a l i n g w i t h I n d i a n h a n d l o g g e r s , nor handloggers, f o r t h a t matter. handlogging  The  government d i d r e f u s e to i s s u e  l i c e n s e s f o r a p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the c l o s u r e o f  s t a k i n g (see p.  any  timber  ) , but the a c t i o n appears to have been an  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c i s i o n of the Department of Lands and Works, r a t h e r than l e g i s l a t i o n .  Moreover, the a c t i o n covered a l l hand-  l o g g e r s , not j u s t I n d i a n s , and remained i n e f f e c t f o r l e s s than a year.  The  o n l y r e f e r e n c e to the matter t h a t I encountered went  as f o l l o w s : Mr. Brewster asked the Hon. the C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s : ~ 1. Has the Government r e f u s e d to i s s u e l i c e n c e s to cut timber on Crown lands to handloggers? 2. I f so, what are the reasons which induced the Government to r e f u s e l i c e n c e s to handloggers? 3. I f n o t , can handloggers s t i l l o b t a i n l i c e n c e s to cut timber on Crown Lands? The Hon. Mr. F u l t o n r e p l i e d as f o l l o w s : - 1. Yes. 2. A r e s e r v e having been p l a c e d on t i m b e r , i t was not deemed a d v i s a b l e to i s s u e any more handloggers' l i c e n c e s u n t i l some p o l i c y c o u l d be c a r e f u l l y cons i d e r e d and decided upon. 3. Not at p r e s e n t . (B.C. L e g i s l a t i v e J o u r n a l s 1908:  28).  127  I f the government's b l a t a n t d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a t t i t u d e  towards  Indians i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y i s any g u i d e , they would not have h e s i t a t e d to bar Indians from the woods had they wished. were averse to e x p r e s s i n g r a c i s t sentiments i n those days,  Few and,  i f l e g i s l a t o r s wanted the Indians out, they would have s a i d so.  128  Power Logging Loggers employed a wide v a r i e t y o f power l o g g i n g and equipment i n the Kitamaat r e g i o n .  techniques  I w i l l d e s c r i b e only  those employed by the Kitamaat themselves. The  type offpower h a u l i n g ) u s e d most o f t e n by the H a i s l a was / S \ the s m a l l \ g a s o l i n e donkey,\ u s u a l l y w i t h an A-frame. A donkey engine i s simply a s t a t i o n a r y winch.  J n larger operations,  e s p e c i a l l y those t h a t move back some d i s t a n c e from the s h o r e l i n e , the dorikey, clamped to a s l e d o f l o g s , w i l l p u l l i t s e l f about the woods by r e e l i n g i n a cable a t t a c h e d to some immovable o b j e c t , f  such as a stump.  X  This type o f o p e r a t i o n ! r e q u i r e s >a c o n s i d e r a b l e  amount o f c l e a r i n g and a n c i l l a r y work, as w e l l a s ( a l a r g e , powerful engine o f a type u s u a l l y beyond the f i n a n c i a l reach of the n a t i v e l o g g e r s . ^ I n the s m a l l e r o p e r a t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f H a i s l a shows,* the donkey was most o f t e n mounted on a r a f t , and a l l h a u l i n g was done d i r e c t l y to the beach. The A-frame, as i t s name s u g g e s t s , i s a s h e a r - l i k e d e v i c e , c o n s t r u c t e d o f l o g s , w i t h a p u l l e y attached i n the apex.  The  operator runs l i n e s from the donkey to the l o g v i a the A-frame, and hauls i t to the shore.  Although  a s e r i e s o f l i n e s and b l o c k s  can improve the mechanical advantage o f a r e l a t i v e l y low-powered engine, t h i s type of gear i s most e f f e c t i v e on a s l i g h t s l o p e , too l e v e l f o r handlogging, to do some o f the work. m a i n t a i n momentum. V.  but w i t h a s u f f i c i e n t grade f o r g r a v i t y  The engine serves t o g i v e d i r e c t i o n and  Under such c o n d i t i o n s , a s m a l l engine can be  A s p e c i f i c logging operation.  129  quite e f f e c t i v e . The  donkey engine opened up s t r e t c h e s o f f o r e s t t h a t were  not steep enough to e x p l o i t w i t h handlogging methods.  With the  r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t machinery t h a t the H a i s l a c o u l d a f f o r d , they were able to operate  i n l e v e l areas and reach about one-thousand  feet inshore. That l e f t a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n o f the merchantable timber beyond t h e i r r e a c h , however.  Such timber had to be l e f t  to the operators who c o u l d a c q u i r e the l a r g e r machinery. U n l i k e fishermen, t h e i r own gear.  l o g g i n g operators c u s t o m a r i l y s u p p l i e d  T h e r e f o r e , f o r an I n d i a n t o commit h i m s e l f to  power l o g g i n g , he would have needed a t l e a s t s e v e r a l hundred t o a few thousand d o l l a r s , which would have s u p p l i e d him w i t h a s m a l l g a s o l i n e donkey s u i t a b l e f o r l o g g i n g the f r i n g e s o f the f  s h o r e l i n e . \To o b t a i n a machine capable  o f moving timber from  beyond the beach area down to the beach r e q u i r e d an o u t l a y f a r beyond the reach o f an i n d i v i d u a l I n d i a n , jEven  during the 19 20's,  a new steam donkey c o s t around $15,0.00, a used one a t l e a s t onet h i r d o f t h a t , p l u s the c o s t o f c a b l e s , b l o c k s , and the l i k e . ; Indians l a c k e d the access to c r e d i t t h a t white enjoyed.  loggers  Under the Indian A c t , t h e i r reserves and houses were  and are i n a l i e n a b l e , l e a v i n g them unacceptable as c o l l a t e r a l , and the g e n e r a l l y negative a t t i t u d e o f c r e d i t o r s towards f i n a n c i n g n a t i v e s l e f t them w i t h v i r t u a l l y no means o f a c q u i r i n g equipment of any great v a l u e . j A company o f Indians could t h e o r e t i c a l l y have banded together  130  to purchase a l a r g e donkey, b u t i n order t o make i t pay, they would have had t o apply f o r the b e t t e r stands o f timber, a move t h a t would have brought them i n t o d i r e c t c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h the l o g g i n g companies and the m i l l s , c o n t e s t s which, f o r reasons t h a t I w i l l e x p l a i n i n the next s e c t i o n , they were almost c e r t a i n to lose.  That, combined w i t h the c h r o n i c u n c e r t a i n t y o f lumber  markets, made l a r g e s c a l e l o g g i n g the k i n d o f a f f a i r t h a t the n a t i v e s appeared u n w i l l i n g o r unable t o chance. As Table XXV.;, p. 307 shows, o f the eleven power l o g g i n g Timber Sales  (to be d e f i n e d l a t e r ) taken out by the H a i s l a , a l l  but one went to the same f a m i l y , a man and h i s son-in-law  who  began w i t h a nine horsepower donkey on a r a f t , and g r a d u a l l y worked t h e i r way up t o a 55 horsepower g a s o l i n e raft-mounted r i g . A c t u a l l y , even t h a t f a m i l y hedged i t s b e t s , f o r i t s members cont i n u e d t o f i s h both commercially  and f o r s u b s i s t e n c e  i n addition  to working t h e i r l o g g i n g c l a i m s .  f \ (This s o r t o f l i m i t a t i o n d i d n o t apply w i t h the same f o r c e i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . ment p r e c l u d e d  The open access p o l i c y o f the govern-  the s o r t o f d i r e c t c o m p e t i t i o n  access to the resource  t h a t the nature  for exclusive  o f the f o r e s t tenure  made i n e v i t a b l e i n the l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y .  system  T h e o r e t i c a l l y , once the  n a t i v e had h i s boat and reached the f i s h i n g grounds, he stood as equal a chance o f success as the non-Indian.  N a t i v e problems  w i t h o b t a i n i n g c o m p e t i t i v e equipment or access t o the resource i t s e l f were not n e a r l y so acute f o r fishermen as f o r l o g g e r s . ) / How n a t i v e s gained, o r d i d not g a i n , r i g h t s t o c u t timber i s the s u b j e c t of the next s e c t i o n .  131 A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber As i n the f i s h i n g c h a p t e r , I d e f i n e " a v a i l a b l e " i n a l e g a l sense, as:  timber stands not a l i e n a t e d i n some manner, and open  to e x p l o i t a t i o n under the v a r i o u s laws governing the issuance of licences. The p o o l of timber l a n d from which a n a t i v e l o g g e r c o u l d take out a c l a i m may  be c a l c u l a t e d as:  the t o t a l area of acces-  s i b l e timber minus t h a t a l r e a d y a l i e n a t e d i n some way. a l i e n a t i o n s took a number o f forms:  timber l e a s e s and  pulp l e a s e s and l i c e n c e s , Crown g r a n t s , handlogging timber s a l e s , and government r e s e r v e s .  These licences,  licences,  The h i s t o r y and  intri-  c a c i e s of the terms and c o n d i t i o n s of these types o f a l i e n a t i o n are a study i n themselves  and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d here o n l y i n s o f a r  as they a f f e c t e d the I n d i a n s ' a b i l i t y to engage i n l o g g i n g or d i c t a t e d the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the a c t i v i t y i t s e l f . \ Because the economic a c t i v i t y of the n a t i v e s was  a response  the l a r g e r economy which were themselves  to c o n d i t i o n s i n  responses  to s t i l l more  d i s t a n t events and p r e s s u r e s , i t w i l l be necessary t o range fairly  f a r a f i e l d i n order to e x p l a i n some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s  f a c i n g n a t i v e loggers or would-be l o g g e r s . During the l a s t c e n t u r y , l o g g i n g on the coast o f the p r o v i n c e was  relatively  s m a l l - s c a l e , compared to a c t i v i t i e s t a k i n g p l a c e  i n the e a s t e r n p a r t of the c o n t i n e n t . t i c u l a r remained an economic backwater,  The n o r t h coast i n parf a r removed from Europe  and e a s t e r n North America, the major lumber markets at t h a t time. As e a s t e r n sources of timber became d e p l e t e d , however, the f o r e s t s  132  o£ the West came i n t o focus as the l o g i c a l area f o r expansion. A c c o r d i n g t o Lawrence: Between 1860 and 1905, lumbermen had swept across M i c h i g a n , W i s c o n s i n , and Minnesota, s l a s h i n g down the v a s t p i n e f o r e s t , u n t i l by 1905 a l l t h a t r e mained were s m a l l fragments o f the o r i g i n a l stands and hundreds o f m i l e s o f stumps....By 1910 t h e i r h o l d i n g s were so d e p l e t e d t h a t the c e n t r e o f the lumber i n d u s t r y s h i f t e d to the west coast (1951: 41). Having repeated the process t o an a l a r m i n g e x t e n t i n the western s t a t e s , the timber barons next looked northward t o the forests of B r i t i s h  Columbia:  That these untouched stands were the l a s t great t r a c t s o f c o n i f e r o u s timber i n the w o r l d was a t l a s t r e a l i z e d by American lumbermen, and they rushed to make t h e i r c l a i m s . Between 1890 and 1910, and e s p e c i a l l y between 1905 and 1910, they c r u i s e d almost every good a v a i l a b l e area i n the p r o v i n c e , and i n one way o r another bought almost every p i e c e of timber which they thought might e v e n t u a l l y prove p r o f i t a b l e ( I b i d . : 42). Seldom had means and o p p o r t u n i t y come t o g e t h e r q u i t e so f  f o r t u i t o u s l y , f o r j a t the same time t h a t the s p e c u l a t o r s and opera t o r s were c a s t i n g about f o r new f o r e s t s t o conquer, the p r o v i n c i a l government was a t t e m p t i n g t o d e v i s e a method o f s e c u r i n g g r e a t e r revenue from h i t h e r t o u n p r o f i t a b l e timber stands.j T h i s account o f what f o l l o w e d , although f l o r i d , g i v e s some i n d i c a t i o n of the stampede t h a t f o l l o w e d the government's s o l u t i o n . At t h i s j u n c t u r e i n the year 1905 the government r e s o l v e d upon a remarkable measure o f p o l i c y t h a t c h a l l e n g e d and defeated c r i t i c i s m as a master s t r o k e of b o l d statesmanship. Though the lumbering indust r y had been p r o g r e s s i n g g r a d u a l l y w i t h the growth of p o p u l a t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e i t s demands f o r many years to come c o u l d o b v i o u s l y be expected t o make but s l i g h t impression upon the v a s t f o r e s t a v a i l a b l e .  The hundreds of b i l l i o n s of f e e t of s t a n d i n g merchantable timber i n the f o r e s t s were remaining i n the hands of the government and were unproductive of any revenue ....How then c o u l d revenue be e x t r a c t e d from the f o r e s t ? ...The government threw open a l l timber l a n d s . Anyone who cared to stake a square m i l e of f o r e s t was encouraged to do so and the e x c l u s i v e r i g h t to cut timber on t h a t area was g i v e n to him.... The confidence f e l t by the i n v e s t o r i n t h i s form o f tenure i s shown s t r i k i n g l y by the h i s t o r y o f the years f o l l o w i n g 1905, f o r w i t h i n two y e a r s , 15,000 square m i l e s or 9,600,000 acres o f timber lands had been taken up i n t h i s way by i n v e s t o r s and lumbermen, w h i l e over 12,000 s a l e s of these v a l u a b l e l i c e n c e s had been recorded i n l i t t l e over three years ( F l u m e r f e l t 1914: 625). 1  r  ( The government h a l t e d t h i s g o b b l i n g upon r e a l i z i n g t h a t J  some 160 b i l l i o n board f e e t of timber had been a l i e n a t e d , a q u a n t i t y s u f f i c i e n t f o r 300 y e a r s ' cut at the 1907 r a t e o f e x p l o i t a t i o n (Yerberg 1931:  41).  I f a l l holders of c u t t i n g  r i g h t s had attempted to c l e a r t h e i r t r a c t s w i t h i n the twenty-one year term of the l i c e n c e s then i n e f f e c t , the r e s u l t i n g g l u t would have r u i n e d the i n d u s t r y .  In an attempt to f o r e s t a l l  that,  the government p e r m i t t e d the renewal of r i g h t s f o r s u c c e s s i v e twenty-one year p e r i o d s and removed the performance c l a u s e , which had r e q u i r e d t h a t a c e r t a i n amount of timber be cut each year.  Those r e v i s i o n s l e d to a f a r more permanent, and f a r l e s s  p r o d u c t i v e , form of a l i e n a t i o n than the government had f o r e s e e n , for  these r e l a x a t i o n s worked to the advantage of s p e c u l a t o r s . ^ The weakest f e a t u r e i n the act was t h a t i t made no p r o v i s i o n a g a i n s t any one person a c q u i r i n g an u n l i m i t e d number of l i c e n c e s . Another r a d i c a l change from past procedure was the complete omiss i o n of any o p e r a t i n g c l a u s e . The r e s u l t o f t h i s omission became immediately e v i d e n t as timber l i c e n c e s promptly became a h i g h l y favoured medium' of s p e c u l a t i o n (Yerbergh 1931: 39).  TT  8600 square m i l e s of t h i s t o t a l l a y i n c o a s t a l f o r e s t s .  134  (^Speculators  sought only to h o l d timber l a n d , not work i t ,  an i n a c t i o n t h a t d e p r i v e d the government o f c o n s i d e r a b l e revenue. In an e f f o r t t o f o r c e some a c t i o n i n the woods and thus generate revenue f o r i t s e l f the government e s t a b l i s h e d r e g u l a t i o n s t o t r y to guarantee minimal l o g g i n g .  The s p e c u l a t o r s then engaged i n a  game o f r e g u l a t i o n a l l e a p f r o g w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s , f i n d i n g ways to circumvent  the r u l e s , the government responding  w i t h more  comprehensive r e g u l a t i o n s .j For example, i n an e f f o r t t o l i m i t the h o l d i n g s on any one concern t o the timber l a n d t h a t i t c o u l d p r o p e r l y e x p l o i t , the government had r e q u i r e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a s a w m i l l w i t h a c e r t a i n c a p a c i t y f o r each t r a c t o f timber leased.  O f f i c i a l s e v i d e n t l y n e g l e c t e d to s p e c i f y t h a t the m i l l  be operated.  Consequently, " S p e c u l a t o r s appear simply t o have  added the cost o f c o n s t r u c t i n g a rough s a w m i l l t o the c o s t o f s e c u r i n g timber l e a s e s " (Hardwick 1963:  139). The government  then responded w i t h a r e g u l a t i o n r e q u i r i n g a minimum p e r i o d o f o p e r a t i o n o f the m i l l , and so on. f  ( i n a d d i t i o n , the government had not p e r m i t t e d the t r a n s f e r of a stand from the o r i g i n a l l i c e n c e e , a r e s t r i c t i o n t h a t d i d not prove popular i n some q u a r t e r s .  Both loggers and f i n a n c i a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s had pressed f o r the adoption o f the t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y c l a u s e - - t h e loggers because t h e i r h o l d i n g s would not otherwise be acceptable as c o l l a t e r a l , the bankers f o r obvious reasons.  The  t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y c l a u s e p e r m i t t e d the e n t r y o f banks and t r u s t companies i n t o the f o r e s t s i n a b i g way, as the v o l a t i l i t y o f the i n d u s t r y a t t h a t time drove many loggers under and l e f t banks  135  h o l d i n g t i t l e to v a s t t r a c t s of timber  l a n d . / In the Kitamaat  r e g i o n , f o r example, the Dominion T r u s t Company assumed t i t l e 46 square m i l e s of timber  to  l a n d f o r m e r l y h e l d by the Anglo-  Canadian Timber Company (B.C.  Forest Service Transfer  Ledgers,  1913). , The  omission  of the performance c l a u s e , the allowance of  t r a n s f e r s , and the renewal p r i v i l e g e opened the way  for certain  companies to accumulate and h o l d i n d e f i n i t e l y t r u l y  staggering  amounts of timber  land. \  Under these r e l a x e d c o n d i t i o n s , banks and t r u s t companies became a major e n t r a n t i n t o the timber h o l d i n g f i e l d .  They d i d  not f i g u r e i n the lumbering i n d u s t r y , however, f o r they had  not  the s l i g h t e s t i n t e r e s t i n working the s t a n d s , a circumstance reduced the n a t i v e s  1  economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s by d i m i n i s h i n g the  number of jobs a v a i l a b l e f o r n a t i v e s who of t h e i r  that  d i d not c o n t r o l t r a c t s  own.  Even though the H a i s l a r e g i o n d i d not l i e i n the Douglas F i r b e l t , the area of g r e a t e s t i n t e r e s t f o r the s p e c u l a t o r s , i t did  not escapeithe s t a k i n g r u s h , j f o r the area was seen as good / V \ pulpwood [ t e r r i t o r y and was claimed and h e l d f o r whenever markets should  develop.  |The  e f f e c t of a l l t h i s a c t i v i t y was  to deny to Indians  vast  t r a c t s of the most d e s i r a b l e timber and to leave them to take  up  the s m a l l e r , l e s s p r o d u c t i v e stands t h a t the s t a k e r s had c o n s i dered not worth t h e i r w h i l e . under way  Although t h i s process had been  f o r some years p r i o r to the s t a k i n g scramble, the 190 5-  136  07 p e r i o d d r a s t i c a l l y c u r t a i l e d the n a t i v e s ' chances of o b t a i n i n g good t r a c t s . ) F u r t h e r m o r e t h e d i f f i c u l t y was I n d i a n A f f a i r s Reports  widespread,jas  attest.  W i t h i n the l a s t year the Indians are paying more a t t e n t i o n to hand l o g g i n g . In t h i s f i e l d of indust r y there would be a good chance f o r them were i t not t h a t the m a j o r i t y of the government lands i n t h i s d i s t r i c t are e i t h e r h e l d under lease by the d i f f e r e n t s a w m i l l companies or are r e s e r v e d by the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r pulp purposes (IAR 1903: 29 2 ) . (Kwawkewlth Agency) The  agent f o r the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s r e p o r t e d a s i m i l a r  s i t u a t i o n , although w i t h a p e c u l i a r t w i s t . A number of Haida have taken out l o g g i n g l i c e n c e s , and are c u t t i n g timber f o r the m i l l s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n f o r them areas of t i m b e r - l a n d . There are hundreds of thousands of acres of timberl a n d on the i s l a n d s ; but when we a p p l i e d f o r a few l i m i t s f o r the I n d i a n s , we were met by the statement t h a t the timber l i m i t s were too v a l u a b l e f o r l o g ging (IAR 1916: 96). The  s i t u a t i o n a n H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y i s shown on  (pages 138,  140).  t h a t the remaining  overlays  Furthermore, there i s every reason to suppose stands were not of the same q u a l i t y as those  s t a k e d , f o r the s p e c u l a t o r s h i r e d timber c r u i s e r s to assess  and  c l a i m the t r a c t s f o r them, and i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t many good stands were overlooked. \ In 1918, f o r timber  a f o r e s t i n v e n t o r y l i s t e d the f o l l o w i n g s t a t u s e s  land i n the Gardner Canal drainage  Permanently a l i e n a t e d Timber l i c e n c e s Pulp leases Total  basin:  65 square m i l e s 380 132 577 (Whitford $ C r a i g  T~. H e r e i n a f t e r c i t e d as  IAR.  1918:  137  F i g u r e s 8 and 9 A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber i n H a i s l a T e r r i t o r y  The two maps d e p i c t sample areas o f Kitamaat and K i t l o p e tory, respectively.  terri-  The f i r s t shows a s e c t i o n o f Douglas  Channel  and D e v a s t a t i o n Channel; the second covers the r e g i o n around the mouth o f Gardner C a n a l . The c o l o u r s i n d i c a t e the f o l l o w i n g : green:  timber o f merchantable  quality  y e l l o w and y e l l o w - g r e e n :  c u t over a r e a , not y e t r e s t o c k e d  blue:  timber of  white:  no timber  non-merchantable quality  The b l o c k s o f b l a c k on the o v e r l a y s i n d i c a t e the areas t h a t were a l i e n a t e d by timber companies and p u l p m i l l s p r i o r t o 1910. I t can be seen t h a t much o f the c o a s t a l s t r i p o f timber was spoken f o r , which l e f t most o f the remaining timber out o f reach of the I n d i a n s , w i t h t h e i r t e c h n o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s .  I t i s clear  from the maps t h a t even the white l o g g i n g companies found i t u n f e a s i b l e t o t r y t o take out the timber l o c a t e d i n the r i v e r v a l l e y s t h a t r u n i n t o the mountains from the c o a s t l i n e .  The  remaining unstaked c o a s t a l stands were not n e c e s s a r i l y o f h i g h q u a l i t y , f o r , as I remark i n the t e x t , they r e p r e s e n t e d those areas t h a t timber c r u i s e r s had passed over on t h e i r c l a i m i n g surveys .  b x & c»  w  , 13  o  A c c e s s i b i l i t y and A v a i l a b i l i t y of Timber in Haisla Territory:  Douglas Channel  Source:  Forest Cover Map  Series  Source :  F o r e s t Cover Map  Serie;  Figure  10  Areas Sampled f o r F i g u r e s 8 and 9  143  This was  i n an area c o n t a i n i n g 480 square m i l e s of l a n d w i t h  over 10,000 board f e e t of timber per a c r e , and 715 square m i l e s w i t h up to 10,000 f e e t .  The area l i s t e d as a l i e n a t e d under pulp  l e a s e had a c t u a l l y been c l a i m e d b e f o r e the s t a k i n g r u s h .  A  B r i t i s h consortium f i n a n c e d the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a pulp m i l l some 130 m i l e s south of Kitamaat.  The government sought to encour-  age the l o c a t i o n o f pulp m i l l s on the coast and l e g i s l a t e d grants of l a r g e t r a c t s of timber l a n d to companies agreeing to c o n s t r u c t a mill.  The annual r e n t a l was  s e t at two cents per a c r e .  This m i l l had r a t h e r a chequered c a r e e r , w i t h f r e q u e n t c l o sures and c a p i t a l i z a t i o n c r i s e s . permanently,  When the p l a n t f i n a l l y c l o s e d  i n 1924, the company's h o l d i n g s of 331 square m i l e s  l a y untouched and untouchable, as f a r as I c o u l d t e l l , w h i l e the H a i s l a continued to stake c l a i m s from the s c r u b b i e r patches a f t e r the s t a k i n g r u s h .  In a s i m i l a r manner, the t r a c t s  left  taken  over upon the b a n k r u p t c i e s and f o r e c l o s u r e s might as w e l l have been removed from the map,  f o r s p e c u l a t o r s and bankers had  no  i n t e n t i o n of working them. The s i t u a t i o n was  even more extreme than the 577  square  m i l e s of a l i e n a t e d l a n d enumerated by C r a i g and W h i t f o r d would i n d i c a t e , f o r , as the o v e r l a y maps show, much o f the unstaked timber was  l o c a t e d away from the s h o r e l i n e , and thus l a y out of  f reach of the s m a l l l o g g e r s . \ To a c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t , i n the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the r u s h , the a c c e s s i b l e timber t r a c t s were not a v a i l a b l e , and the a v a i l a b l e t r a c t s were not a c c e s s i b l e . j When i n 1907  the government withdrew a l l timber lands from  144  the market, i t l e f t handlogging  l i c e n c e s as the only method by  which timber c o u l d be s t a k e d , a c o n d i t i o n t h a t was  m o d i f i e d some-  what i n 1912 w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of Timber S a l e L i c e n c e s , a mechanism t h a t was  to r i v a l , and f i n a l l y overshadow,  permits as the Kitamaats' rights.  handloggers'  dominant method of a c q u i r i n g c u t t i n g  Timber Sales were e s t a b l i s h e d i n p a r t as a counter  the s i t u a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the 1907  to  staking closure. \  ...With remarkable f o r e s i g h t [the Timber Commission of 1910] f e a r e d t h a t much of the timber a l r e a d y a l i e n a t e d might become c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the hands of non-operating s p e c u l a t o r s , or t h a t a combine of o p e r a t i n g t e n u r e - h o l d e r s c o u l d r e s t r i c t market c o m p e t i t i o n . I t was thus f o r the purpose of m a i n t a i n i n g market i n t e g r i t y , as w e l l as p r o v i d i n g f o r e f f i c i e n t h a r v e s t i n g , t h a t the Commissioners recommended a procedure f o r a l i e n a t i n g timber t h a t was otherwise under r e s e r v e (Pearse 1974: 48-49) . Under the terms of the F o r e s t Act of 1912,  Timber S a l e s were  to be a d m i n i s t e r e d as f o l l o w s : The Act r e q u i r e d t h a t an area proposed f o r s a l e be surveyed and t h a t i t s timber be " c r u i s e d and c l a s s i f i e d . " Sales were preceded by a d v e r t i s i n g i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette f o r at l e a s t three months, and bids were o f f e r e d by way of s e a l e d tender, accompanied by a d e p o s i t of at l e a s t 10 per cent of the b i d p r i c e . In a d d i t i o n to the a p p r a i s e d upset p r i c e f i x e d by the F o r e s t S e r v i c e a s u c c e s s f u l a p p l i c a n t was o b l i g e d to pay to the Crown any bonus b i d above the upset p r i c e , the costs of a d v e r t i s i n g , c r u i s i n g and survey, annual r e n t a l at the same r a t e as a p p l i e d to Timber L i c e n c e s , and r o y a l t y ( I b i d . : 50). /  V/This advertisement, b i d d i n g and d e p o s i t worked to the n a t i v e s ' disadvantage,  f o r i t p l a c e d them i n d i r e c t c o m p e t i t i o n  w i t h independent white loggers and w i t h l a r g e m i l l s f o r the remaining unstaked timber. Moreover, w i t h numerous stands given over to Timber S a l e s , handloggers' l i c e n c e s became more  d i f f i c u l t to a c q u i r e .  Stands from which Timber S a l e s would be  made came from the land n o t staked p r i o r to 190 7, w h i c h , as I remarked e a r l i e r , meant t h a t t h a t was the timber r e j e c t e d by timber c r u i s e r s , h a r d l y an encouraging statement about i t s q u a l i t y . ^ I t took about f i f t e e n y e a r s , however, f o r Timber Sales J  to make s e r i o u s inroads i n t o handlogging l i c e n s e s i n H a i s l a territory. I I n p r a c t i c e , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f Timber Sales was n o t so scrupulous  as the A c t would i n d i c a t e . ) Many were l e t i n r e g i o n s  i n which there was only l o c a l i n t e r e s t , and (some l a t i t u d e i s e v i d e n t i n the awarding o f the s a l e s ^ The records  i n d i c a t e that  i n numerous i n s t a n c e s , only one person expressed i n t e r e s t i n the timber, and i t was a c c o r d i n g l y awarded w i t h l i t t l e f o r m a l i t y and no advertisement.  Moreover, the rangers appear t o have e x e r c i s e d /  c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c r e t i o n i n the g r a n t i n g o f such s a l e s . ("This l a t i t u d e o c c a s i o n a l l y added y e t another impediment to the n a t i v e logging  operators^  Although most o f the correspondence f o r the p e r i o d p r i o r t o 1930  has been destroyed  (under an A c t o f government p r o v i d i n g f o r  the removal o f " v a l u e l e s s " documents) some o f the scraps remain .lead one to suspect  that  t h a t the I n d i a n s ' d i f f i c u l t i e s may not  \  have been e n t i r e l y the r e s u l t o f economic or t e c h n o l o g i c a l f o r c e s . I On the occasions  t h a t he a p p l i e d f o r the l e a s t p r o f i t a b l e ,  s c r u b b i e r stands, the n a t i v e d i d not encounter much d i f f i c u l t y , from e i t h e r the F o r e s t S e r v i c e o f f i c e r s or competing w h i t e loggers.  The most common n o t a t i o n on Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n s  146  from Indians remarked t h a t no one e l s e was i n t e r e s t e d i n the t r a c t , and o f t e n recommended a d i r e c t s a l e t o the a p p l i c a n t i n order t o save the c o s t o f advertisement, so remote was the l i k e l i h o o d t h a t anyone e l s e would want the timber. The rangers' d e s c r i p t i o n s c o n t a i n e d i n the a p p l i c a t i o n s  f leave l i t t l e q u e s t i o n why: (most stands were o f such  little  value t h a t o n l y the most m a r g i n a l o p e r a t o r would have c o n s i d e r e d them. ) ( F u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n s o f the stands t h a t Indians a p p l i e d f o r / are c o n t a i n e d i n Appendix I I , pp. is  )  This d e s c r i p t i o n  typical: Hand l o g g i n g i s the o n l y economical and f e a s i b l e method o f removing the few s c a t t e r e d t r e e s from a p r e c i p i t o u s , r o c k y , and e x t e n s i v e s h o r e l i n e (Timber Sale No. 12947). / \ When the more ambitious n a t i v e loggers attempted  b e t t e r s t a n d s , however, they encountered did  t o purchase  o p p o s i t i o n . Not o n l y  both gyppo o u t f i t s and the m i l l s o f t e n compete w i t h them f o r  the t r a c t , but the r a n g e r s , some o f whom appear t o have adopted a p r o p r i e t a r y a t t i t u d e towards the s t a n d s , o f f e r e d a form o f b u r e a u c r a t i c o b s t r u c t i o n . T h e i r comments i n a p p l i c a t i o n s leave the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t they c o n s i d e r e d the I n d i a n l o g g e r t o be a nuisance whenever he a p p l i e d f o r the more l u c r a t i v e s t a n d s . ; F o r /  example, Ed Gray, a Kitamaat, operated handlogging  c l a i m s (begin-  ning at l e a s t by 1910) , and i n some years took out over a q u a r t e r m i l l i o n board f e e t , an i m p r e s s i v e performance f o r a handlogger. When he a p p l i e d f o r a Timber Sale c o n t a i n i n g an estimated 940  147  thousand board f e e t ,  1  however, he l o s t the c o m p e t i t i o n t o a w h i t e  l o g g e r w i t h a steam donkey.  The f o l l o w i n g month, he t r i e d f o r a  s t a n d c o n t a i n i n g 1200 thousand board f e e t .  A s s i s t a n t Dis-  t r i c t F o r e s t e r noted on the a p p l i c a t i o n : There i s a good body o f timber i n h e r e , and we do not want i t a l i e n a t e d by any I n d i a n Reserve a p p l i c a t i o n s (TS No. 6710: 1924). There i s no r e c o r d o f the d i s p o s i t i o n o f the a p p l i c a t i o n ; e v i d e n t l y , he d i d n o t get the s a l e . Another H a i s l a a p p l i e d f o r a Timber Sale c o n t a i n i n g 444 thousand board f e e t , which prompted t h i s l e t t e r t o V i c t o r i a  from  the l o c a l ranger: The a p p l i c a n t , Fred Woods ....has been l o g g i n g on P a c i f i c M i l l s TSX 41166 K i l d a l a Arm w i t h i n t h i s ML a p p l i c a t i o n . He now wishes to move across the i n l e t t o t h i s s m a l l show and w i l l no doubt operate i n d e p e n d e n t l y , although output may go t o Ocean F a l l s [ i . e . P a c i f i c M i l l s ] . There i s some doubt i n my mind as to Mr. Woods being accustomed t o l o g i n the r e g i o n , and thxis e l i g i b l e f o r a s a l e of h i s own, t o the annoyance, perhaps, o f the P a c i f i c M i l l s . There i s no apparent reason why he s h o u l d n o t continue t o operate as a t p r e s e n t . Timber Sale d i s a l l o w a n c e recommended (TS No. 45465, 1948). This i s a r a t h e r strange l e t t e r .  F a r from b e i n g  unaccus-  tomed to l o g g i n g i n the r e g i o n , Fred Woods had been doing so s i n c e the age o f e i g h t e e n (he was then f i f t y ) , and had taken out f o u r handloggers'  l i c e n s e s and e i g h t Timber S a l e s , a l l i n the  r e g i o n of Douglas Channel.  P a c i f i c M i l l s o u t b i d him on t h a t  t r a c t , and h i r e d a white l o g g e r t o take out the timber. T~. These estimates came from the mandatory c r u i s e mentioned i n the r e g u l a t i o n s . They c o u l d be q u i t e i n a c c u r a t e - - i n the Timber Sale e s t i m a t e d a t 444 thousand f e e t mentioned on t h i s page, some 1291 thousand f e e t were removed.  148  E a r l i e r , Fred Woods had 1470  containing  thousand board f e e t , the most ambitious a p p l i c a t i o n from a  H a i s l a up to t h a t time. one  a p p l i e d f o r a Timber Sale  e l s e was  Although the a p p l i c a t i o n notes t h a t  no  i n t e r e s t e d i n the s t a n d , the f o r e s t e r recommended  t h a t the s a l e be a d v e r t i s e d . P a c i f i c M i l l s were sent p a r t i c u l a r s of the timber w i t h o u t having expressed an i n t e r e s t i n the s a l e , so f a r as I c o u l d t e l l . action.  The  I found no other example of such an  ranger's a t t i t u d e i s c l e a r from the comment he  appended to the a p p l i c a t i o n . A p p l i c a n t (an Indian) w i l l employ h i s f e l l o w which speaks f o r i t s e l f r e g a r d i n g output to be expected (Timber Sale 31736, 1942). Woods and crew removed 1457  men,  thousand board f e e t from t h i s  stand.  ; I t i s noteworthy t h a t these comments and o b s t r u c t i o n arose only when the n a t i v e s a p p l i e d f o r timber stands c o n t a i n i n g subs t a n t i a l bodies of timber.  With only the fragments of evidence  remaining i n the f i l e s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to judge the p r e c i s e o r i g i n of the I n d i a n s ' d i f f i c u l t i e s .  I t i s my o p i n i o n , neverthe-  l e s s , t h a t the n a t i v e s ' g e n e r a l l y low p o s i t i o n i n the  logging  i n d u s t r y r e s u l t e d from more than economic or t e c h n o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s , but may  have proceeded i n p a r t from a c o n v i c t i o n of some  government o f f i c i a l s t h a t the b e t t e r t r a c t s of timber s h o u l d  not  go to Indian l o g g e r s . , • The u l t i m a t e step i n t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n of a v a i l a b i l i t y came w i t h the establishment a l i e n a t i o n was  of the Tree Farm L i c e n c e .  implemented i n 1947,  This type o f  and has l e d to the e s t a b l i s h -  ment of immense h o l d i n g s by l a r g e companies, two of which c o n t r o l  149  almost a l l o f the timber l a n d i n the Douglas Channel-Gardner Canal r e g i o n .  As Pearse e x p l a i n s i t . , these l i c e n c e s were  granted: ...To promote i n d u s t r i a l development, w i t h a t t e n dant community s t a b i l i t y by p r o v i d i n g t h e i r h o l d e r s w i t h long-term s u p p l i e s o f timber s u f f i c i e n t t o meet the needs o f e x i s t i n g o r new u t i l i z a t i o n p l a n t s . Since 1907, Timber S a l e s , f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, had been the only means o f o b t a i n i n g new a l l o c a t i o n s of t i m b e r , and i t was argued t h a t these d i d not prov i d e raw m a t e r i a l s u p p l i e s t h a t were secure enough to j u s t i f y the heavy investments r e q u i r e d f o r pulp m i l l s - and other c o n v e r s i o n p l a n t s . . . { C l e a r l y , these l i c e n c e s were designed to accomodate l a r g e , i n t e g r a t e d c o r p o r a t i o n s ,) although some l i c e n c e s have been i s s u e d to s m a l l e n t e r p r i s e s and to one m u n i c i p a l i t y as w e l l . Many o f the l i c e n c e s i n i t i a l l y i s s u e d to the s m a l l e r operators have s i n c e been a c q u i r e d by the l a r g e r concern (Pearse 1974: 6 3 ) .  f  |The  i n t e r e s t s o f the lumber i n d u s t r y , as p e r c e i v e d by the  government o f the day, took precedence over the i n t e r e s t s o f the s m a l l producers,  w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t very l i t t l e timber  land  t r a d i t i o n a l l y e x p l o i t e d by the H a i s l a i s a v a i l a b l e today,/as Fig.  11, p. 150 shows.  What l i t t l e remains has been c u t over  s e v e r a l times d u r i n g the course o f the past e i g h t y y e a r s , and there i s some q u e s t i o n whether the remaining  available tracts  w i l l be worth b o t h e r i n g about for.some decades t o come.  150 F i g u r e 11 Areas H e l d Under Tree Farm Licences in, H a i s l a  Territory  Haisla Territory TFL Boundaries Issued t o Rayonier Corp. Issued t o Eurocan Corp. Source:  Tree Farm Licence Map 19 76  Markets The number, t y p e , and l o c a t i o n of markets f o r the l o g producers v a r i e d not only w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  or c l o s u r e of the  m i l l s themselves, but w i t h the development of t r a n s p o r t technology.  Because logs w i l l keep f o r a c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d i n the  water,* loggers t h e o r e t i c a l l y c o u l d s e l l to any m i l l on the s u b j e c t only to access  coast  and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s  P r a c t i c a l l y , however, f o r the g r e a t e r p a r t of the l o g g i n g p e r i o d , the coast has been d i v i d e d i n t o two r e g i o n s : access  that with sheltered  to the Vancouver r e g i o n , and t h a t w i t h o u t .  A l l producers  n o r t h of Queen C h a r l o t t e Sound must s h i p t h e i r logs through t h a t open s t r e t c h of waterway between the s h e l t e r e d passages of the n o r t h coast and the i n l a n d waterways of Georgia and Johnstone Straits.  As long as booms remained the s o l e method of t r a n s p o r -  t i n g logs by w a t e r , t h a t open s t r e t c h of rough, storm-prone sea acted as q u i t e an e f f e c t i v e hindrance  to the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of  logs from n o r t h e r n f o r e s t s to southern m i l l i n g c e n t e r s . although operators  f l e x i b l e i n c o n s t r u c t i o n and convenient  Booms,  for small  to b u i l d , are unstable and break up e a s i l y i n rough  weather. Tugboats h a u l i n g these r a f t s were o f t e n o b l i g e d to l a y up f o r c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d s i n s h e l t e r e d a r e a s , and dash ( i f t h e i r TT  except f o r a v a r i e t y of hemlock w i t h an unfortunate tendency to become waterlogged and s i n k soon a f t e r e n t e r i n g the water. Some loggers u n s u c c e s s f u l l y sought r e l i e f from r o y a l t i e s and deadlines because, they c l a i m e d , t h e i r stands contained too high a p r o p o r t i o n of " s i n k e r s , " which would not make i t to the m i l l .  152  one to two mph  average can be c a l l e d t h a t ) across the more open  regions d u r i n g calm weather, p e r i o d s which are r a t h e r l e s s f r e quent than rough on c e r t a i n s t r e t c h e s of the c o a s t . These two f a c t o r s , d i s t a n c e and r i s k , produced p r o h i b i t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s f o r s m a l l loggers and o b l i g e d them to s e l l to the l o c a l m i l l s or to no one at a l l . /'  ; R e c e n t l y , s e l f - l o a d i n g and self-dumping  barges have l a r g e l y  e l i m i n a t e d the problem by c o n v e r t i n g logs i n t o a deck cargo. These c r a f t can be towed long d i s t a n c e s at c o m p a r a t i v e l y  high  speeds w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e s a f e t y , i n weather t h a t would almost c e r t a i n l y destroy a boom.  This development has a l t e r e d the pro-  c e s s i n g s i t u a t i o n on the c o a s t , to the extent t h a t Vancouver area m i l l s now  dominate the e n t i r e r e g i o n . ^  During the p e r i o d t h a t the H a i s l a were most a c t i v e i n l o g g i n g , however, booms were the s o l e convenient means of t r a n s p o r t i n g logs by w a t e r , and the unprotected water above Queen C h a r l o t t e Sound continued to i s o l a t e the n o r t h e r n  producers.  This l i m i t a t i o n p l a c e d the n o r t h e r n m i l l s i n e f f e c t i v e cont r o l of l o g g i n g i n t h e i r r e g i o n .  S c a l e and Royalty accounts  for  H a i s l a loggers i n d i c a t e t h a t the overwhelming m a j o r i t y of t h e i r booms went to a s i n g l e dominant m i l l f o r almost the whole o f the logging period.  ( A c t u a l l y , they s o l d t o t h r e e p l a n t s , each b e i n g  dominant during a d i f f e r e n t p e r i o d . ) During the l a t e 19th century and through to 1917, except f o r a b r i e f p e r i o d when the m i l l at Swanson Bay was  open, ;the s a w m i l l  at Georgetown bought almost a l l the H a i s l a s ' timber.  This m i l l ,  153  l o c a t e d n o r t h o f what i s now P r i n c e Rupert, l a y some 240 m i l e s  j  from Kitamaat. With the re-opening o f the Swanson Bay m i l l i n 1917, the focus o f " " a c t i v i t y s h i f t e d s o u t h , not s u r p r i s i n g l y , as the m i l l , l a y f a r c l o s e r t o H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y than d i d Georgetown.  During  the p e r i o d t h a t Swanson Bay o p e r a t e d , more H a i s l a s took up l o g ging than a t any other time. A f t e r Swanson Bay f i n a l l y c l o s e d , i n 1924, the only ready market l a y a t Ocean F a l l s , some 180 m i l e s south o f Kitamaat. This m i l l remained the l a r g e s t market f o r the H a i s l a u n t i l the 19 50's, when they ceased t a k i n g out independent  licences.  The type o f o p e r a t i o n conducted by these m i l l s and the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s o f the companies had some b e a r i n g on the type o f l o g g i n g t h a t the H a i s l a were able to c a r r y out.  The  Georgetown s a w m i l l , f o r example, would not accept hemlock i n any great q u a n t i t y , f o r no market e x i s t e d at t h a t time f o r lumber o f that species.  The impact of t h a t p o l i c y can be seen i n t h e c u t  records of the H a i s l a f o r 1915, shown as f i g u r e 12, p. 154. Although hemlock comprised over o n e - t h i r d o f the timber o f the Kitamaat f o r e s t s , i t accounted f o r l e s s than o n e - t h i r t i e t h of the c u t .  Having to o v e r l o o k the most numerous s i n g l e s p e c i e s  f o r c e d the loggers i n t o a form o f "creaming" o p e r a t i o n , t a k i n g only the timber t h a t would s e l l . of handloggers  Given the c o n s i d e r a b l e m o b i l i t y  (they d i d not have to s h i f t masses o f equipment--  heavy b l o c k s , l i n e s , and donkey e n g i n e s - - i n order to range the woods), t h a t was no great drawback immediately.  More s e r i o u s was  F i g u r e 12 Percentages of V a r i o u s Species Cut by H a i s l a Loggers i n 1915, Compared to Species D i s t r i b u t i o n i n F o r e s t s  50  i4 it i'  I  'hi  Cedar  Spruce  i  Balsam  Hemlock  rcentage of Timber Cut HU  Percentage of Timber i n F o r e s t Source:  S c a l e and R o y a l t y Records and F o r e s t S e r v i c e Annual Reports  was  the d e p l e t i o n o f the r e m a i n i n g  saleable larger from  species,  tracts  forest.  the l o g g e r s s t r i p p e d  By  taking  the prime  t h a n they w o u l d have done by  o n l y the  timber  taking  from  a l l the l o g s  a stand. When t e c h n o l o g i c a l  economical  tree  and market developments made hemlock  t o c u t , l o g g e r s were f a c e d w i t h s t a n d s  an  from w h i c h  the f i n e s t , most v a l u a b l e t i m b e r had been removed, a c i r c u m s t a n c e that  lowered  the v a l u e o f the t r a c t c o n s i d e r a b l y .  Consequently,  many o f t h e s e c u t - o v e r t r a c t s  t e d o n l y d u r i n g h a r d t i m e s , when the l i t t l e c o n s i d e r e d w o r t h the e f f o r t ,  applications  years,  foresters  r a t h e r poor  o r when the r i s i n g  independent  remarked t h a t the t r a c t  In s e v e r a l  was  lumber  Timber War  under c o n s i d e r a t i o n  t h a t under p r e v a i l i n g  f o r timber  was  c o n d i t i o n s the  ( c f . Appendix I I , pp.  ).  Thus the s t a n d s o f good t i m b e r t h a t remained  I n more t o be open t o  l o g g e r s were f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d .  T h i s imbalance no p u l p m i l l s  i n the hemlock c u t p e r s i s t e d  o p e r a t e d i n the v i c i n i t y ,  market i n t h o s e p l a n t s ,  c u t i n more or l e s s  o n l y as l o n g as  f o r hemlock found a ready  i f not a p a r t i c u l a r l y  the r e - o p e n i n g o f Swanson Bay p u l p m i l l  woods .  of  t i m e s , however, l o g g e r s d i d n o t c o n s i d e r the s t a n d s  economical.  be  price  the D e p r e s s i o n and Second World  o v e r a l l , but  t r e e s would pass stable  from  exploi-  t h e y would b r i n g  made o t h e r w i s e m a r g i n a l s t a n d s e c o n o m i c a l . Sales  c o u l d be  good p r i c e .  i n 1917,  With  hemlock began t o  the same p r o p o r t i o n as i t appeared  i n the  Prices > ! The p r i c e s a l o g g e r c o u l d expect f o r h i s timber depended to a great extent on w o r l d market c o n d i t i o n s .  The economy and popu-  l a t i o n of t h i s p r o v i n c e c o u l d never p r o v i d e an adequate  domestic  market, which l e f t the c o a s t a l l o g g e r p a r t i c u l a r l y s u s c e p t i b l e to the v a g a r i e s of the w o r l d economy.^ The B r i t i s h Columbia f o r e s t industry...depended on a w o r l d market i n which i t s u p p l i e d l e s s than three per cent of the t o t a l lumber consumed and l e s s than three per cent of the p u l p . I t c o u l d , t h e r e f o r e , e x e r c i s e no c o n t r o l over the p r i c e at which i t was s o l d . These handicaps made the B r i t i s h Columbia i n d u s t r y extremely v u l n e r a b l e to i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic and p o l i t i c a l c r i s e s . . . W a r s , embargoes, trade agreements, and exchange d i f f i c u l t i e s i n f a r d i s t a n t p a r t s made or undid the B r i t i s h Columbia i n d u s t r y from time to time (Lawrence 1957: 194). In consequence, the h i s t o r y of the lumber i n d u s t r y o f t h i s p r o v i n c e can be seen as a s e r i e s of booms and slumps.  This i s  o b v i o u s l y not the p l a c e to engage i n a lengthy account o f f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g the w o r l d p r i c e of lumber or p u l p , but (It i s i n s t r u c t i v e to c o n s i d e r the v a r i e t y of e x t r i n s i c events t h a t c o u l d profoundly a f f e c t the c o a s t a l , and t h u s , the n a t i v e economy ?) |What f o l l o w s i s a b r i e f catalogue of events t h a t sent p r i c e s s o a r i n g or plummeting. \ The s e t t l e r s who to the F i r s t World War f o r B.C.  poured onto the " t r e e l e s s p r a i r i e s " p r i o r s u p p l i e d the f i r s t l a r g e , steady market  lumber, and underpinned  i n d u s t r y d u r i n g those y e a r s .  much of the expansion of the  Came the War,  v i r t u a l l y d r i e d up, and the market w i t h  and the s e t t l e m e n t  it.  Two American developments, the completion of the Panama  157  !  C a n a l , and the passage o f the Jones A c t , b e n e f i t t e d the B.C. i n d u s t r y enormously.  For the f i r s t t i m e , i t became cheaper t o  s h i p lur,;t^x to the e a s t c o a s t by water than by r a i l .  In addition  to the Canadian and European markets the c a n a l opened up, the e a s t e r n U.S. became an important customer, f o r the Jones A c t r e q u i r e d t h a t cargoes shipped between U.S. p o r t s t r a v e l v i a American s h i p s , and made S e a t t l e lumber a p p r e c i a b l y more expens i v e i n New York than lumber exported from Vancouver, s i n c e the l a t t e r c o u l d go by cheaper f o r e i g n f r e i g h t e r s . The r e b u i l d i n g programs f o l l o w i n g the massive earthquakes i n San F r a n c i s c o , V a l p a r a i s o , and Tokyo c r e a t e d sudden, massive mark e t s , and the B.C. i n d u s t r y boomed f o r s h o r t p e r i o d s as a r e s u l t . The s a l e s to the Japanese market f o l l o w i n g the Tokyo earthquake e s t a b l i s h e d a steady trade t h a t c o n t i n u e d u n t i l Japan invaded Manchuria and secured her own s u p p l i e s o f t i m b e r . The e n t r y o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s i n t o the F i r s t World War a f f e c t e d the n o r t h coast timber producers e s p e c i a l l y , f o r , p r i o r to 1917, the U.S. had s u p p l i e d much o f the a i r p l a n e spruce f o r the"European a i r c r a f t i n d u s t r y .  A f t e r 1917, t h a t spruce went f o r  the manufacture o f American warplanes, and the Europeans looked elsewhere, p a r t i c u l a r l y to the n o r t h e r n B.C. c o a s t .  For a t i m e ,  a l l independent l o g g i n g was d i r e c t e d towards the supply o f grade\ one spruce.] Because Kitamaat l i e s i n one of the major spruce j  b e l t s of the r e g i o n , the H a i s l a were q u i t e deeply i n v o l v e d i n the t r a d e .  For some t i m e , the government  issued c u t t i n g permits  f o r spruce o n l y , and forbade the l o g g i n g of other trees from  158  Crown l a n d . the as  The  market was  demands f o r o n l y the  tree  a devalued  forest.  cut records ( The ticularly  timber  had  i t l a s t e d , but  the  same  m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r - - t h e most  woods was Very  little  for a considerable  depression  l u c r a t i v e while  airplane-grade  creaming o p e r a t i o n s  i n the n o r t h e r n  quite  o f the  removed w h o l e s a l e , top  grade s p r u c e  period after  1930's h i t the  the  effect profitable  leaving  behind  appears i n end  o f the  lumber i n d u s t r y  the war.  par-  hard.  W i t h i n two y e a r s the b u i l d i n g t r a d e o f the w o r l d was p a r a l y z e d ; the consumption o f lumber on the A m e r i c a n c o n t i n e n t tumbled to the l o w e s t p o i n t s i n c e 1869; and the p r o d u c t i o n o f lumber i n N o r t h A m e r i c a f e l l by s e v e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t to the l o w e s t p o i n t s i n c e 1859. Not o n l y was C o a s t p r o d u c t i o n r e d u c e d by a p p r o x i m a t e l y s i x t y p e r c e n t , b u t the p r i c e o f lumber dropped i n the y e a r 1932 t o l e s s t h a n h a l f the average o f the p r e c e d i n g s e v e n t e e n y e a r s . In the f i v e - y e a r p e r i o d between 1930 and 1935, many o p e r a t i o n s , b o t h l a r g e and s m a l l were f o r c e d t o d i s c o n t i n u e o p e r a t i o n s , and many o t h e r s worked on r e d u c e d time schedules. O t h e r p l a n t s r e d u c e d wages from t h i r t y to f o r t y p e r c e n t to m a i n t a i n o p e r a t i o n s (Lawrence 1957: 136). These c o n d i t i o n s p r e c i p i t a t e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e  d e c l i n e i n the  number  \ o f H a i s l a who  went l o g g i n g d u r i n g  the  1930's.  This reduction i s  / shown on  the h i s t o g r a m  [ During  the  on  page  Second W o r l d War,  the  c o u n t r i e s removed a major c o m p e t i t o r , cially ping  to B r i t a i n ,  left  occupation and  expanded c o n s i d e r a b l y .  deliveries  o f the  Baltic  pulpwood s a l e s , espeThe  shortage  of  ship-  u n c e r t a i n , a f a c t o r t h a t tempered the boom  somewhat. C l e a r l y , the stances  B.C.  i n d u s t r y was  beyond i t s c o n t r o l .  highly vulnerable  A l t h o u g h the n a t i v e s may  to  circum-  have  159  operated  a s a t e l l i t e economy to the B.C.  economy, t h a t was  a s a t e l l i t e to m e t r o p o l i s economies i n the U.S.,  itsel  Europe, and  e a s t e r n Canada.) (^During the boom p e r i o d s , the ever o p t i m i s t i c p l a n t owners h a b i t u a l l y o v e r i n v e s t e d , o v e r b u i l t , and overbought, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t when the good times ended, which they d i d w i t h s t a r t l i n g suddenness o c c a s i o n a l l y , the lumbermen found themselves h o l d i n g massive u n s a l e a b l e i n v e n t o r i e s . buying  timber from the l o g g e r s , who  t i o n to take advantage of the boom.  They n a t u r a l l y ceased  had o f t e n stepped up producThey, too, c o u l d f i n d them-  s e l v e s w i t h o u t a market, or w i t h plummeting p r i c e s w i t h warning.; The  little  I n d i a n Agent f o r Kwawkewlth Agency r e p o r t e d  one  such i n c i d e n t . E a r l y i n the season there was a tremendous demand for logs and many of the people took advantage of i t . L a t e r i n the year the demand suddenly f e l l o f f and p r i c e s dropped to such an extent t h a t most of those who were l o g g i n g stopped work. Those who continued working have had the g r e a t e s t d i f f i c u l t y i n d i s p o s i n g of t h e i r logs (IAR 1908: 224). In a d d i t i o n to the v o l a t i l i t y of the c o a s t a l i n d u s t r y as a whole, dependence on l o c a l m i l l s put the H a i s l a at a f u r t h e r disadvantage.  Because n o r t h e r n loggers could not a f f o r d the h i g h  insurance and towing charges i n v o l v e d i n s h i p p i n g logs to the south, the l o c a l m i l l s remained f o r them the only f e a s i b l e market. These p l a n t s appear to have acted a c c o r d i n g l y .  A ranger  reported  t h a t the northern pulp m i l l s , at Swanson Bay and Ocean F a l l s , followed this price structure:  160  P r i c e s P a i d by  Swanson Bay*  No. No.  1 § 2 Spruce 3 Spruce  $9-11 $7.50  No. No.  1 § 2 Fir 3 Fir  $9-11 $7.50  Prices No. No.  P a i d by Ocean 1 § 2 Spruce 3 Spruce  From $8 to $15 under Vancouver p r i c e s  Falls no amount listed  ~~|_ _J  $9 to $15 under Vancouver p r i c e s  (Timber Mark S u p e r v i s i o n F i l e s 5  rices  paid for particular  independently vation  species  a southern  mill  n.p.)  c o u l d sometimes f l u c t u a t e  o f o u t s i d e market f o r c e s .  a d o p t e d by  1920:  One  enabled  t e c h n o l o g i c a l inno-  Ocean F a l l s  to  squeeze  \  northern  producers  even h a r d e r  than  usual, j  D u r i n g the y e a r a cheap b l e a c h i n g p r o c e s s f o r heml o c k p u l p was d e v e l o p e d and the P o w e l l R i v e r Company r e d u c e d t h e s p r u c e c o n t e n t o f the p u l p a c c o r d i n g l y . . . . D i s p o s i n g o f s p r u c e p u l p became a d i f f i c u l t p r o b lem and the l o g g i n g companies were c o m p e l l e d t o s e l l as much as p o s s i b l e to P a c i f i c M i l l s , L t d . . . . P a c i f i c M i l l s a r e now i n a f a v o u r a b l e p o s i t i o n t o d i c t a t e terms to [ n o r t h e r n ] m a i n l a n d c o a s t o p e r a t o r s (Timber Mark S u p e r v i s i o n F i l e s 1935: n.p.). T a b l e XIV, p . I 6 i r e p r e s e n t s what I have been a b l e to p i e c e together  o f the p r i c e  the p e r i o d 1915 calculate timber  stumpage, and subject  to 1947.  a logger's  t h a t he  s t r u c t u r e s a v a i l a b l e to H a i s l a loggers  income s i m p l y  c u t by towing  Unfortunately,  by m u l t i p l y i n g the then  to a maze o f arrangements a n d ' c o n d i t i o n s from y e a r  TT,  feet.  thousand board  amount  deducting  to y e a r .  The  of  royalty,  f o r the p r i c e s p a i d to l o g g e r s  company to company and  Per  i t i s not p o s s i b l e to -  the p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e , charges,  for /  were  t h a t v a r i e d from  b e s t we  can  do i s  Table XIV Log P r i c e s P a i d by V a r i o u s Northern M i l l s To H a i s l a Loggers, f o r S e l e c t e d Years 1915-1947 Species  Year: 1915  1922  grade 1 grade 2 grade 3  $4.50 4.50 4.50  $10.00 10.00 10 .00  Spruce grade 1 grade 2 grade 3  4.50 4.50 4.50  13.00 13.00 13.00  $12 25 12 25 12 25  Hemlock  4.50  1Q.00  10 25  Cedar  Balsam  4.50  10.00  1923  1923  $13.50 13.50 13.50  1923  1925  1925  1925  $10 2S f 7.00 10 25 7.00 10 25  1923  $10.00 10.00 10.00  $11.00 11.00 11.00  $15 00 15 00 15 00  12 25 12 2S 12 25  9.00 9.00  13.00 13.00 13.00  13.00 13.00 13.00  IS 00  10 25  8.00  10.00  11.00  15 00  8.00  Source:  10.00  11 .'00  Timber Sales A p p l i c a t i o n s and I n d i a n ' A f f a i r s Commission Evidence.  1930 $9.SO10.00* II  tr  1935  1935  1935  1938  1940  1942  1942  1942  1947  1947  1947  $ 7.00 7.00 7.00  $7.00 7.00 3.50  $ 7.25 7.25 5.70  $ 7.50 7.50 5.00  $ 7.50 7.50 5.50  $10.65 10.65 7.65  $11.00 11.00 .8.00  $11.50 11.50 11.50  $17.00 17.00 17.00  $38.00 31.00  $48.00 38.00 31.00  9.00 9.00 9.00  9.SO 9.50 8.50  8.90 8.90 8.90  8.90 8.90 8.90  10.25 10.25 10.25  12.65 12.65 12 .65  12.00 12.00 12.00  13.50 13.50 13.50  17.00 17.00 17.00  35.00 30.00  45.00 35.00 20.00  5.00 5.00 5.00  8.SO  7.90  7.90  9.25  11.50  10.50  13.50  17.00  35.00  30-45  8.50  7.90  9.25  11.50  10.50  13.50  17.00  30.00  30.00  iOZ  to make rough c a l c u l a t i o n s of the range o f income f o r loggers o f a p a r t i c u l a r time and p l a c e . With the e x c e p t i o n o f the 1915 f i g u r e s , a l l the p r i c e s i n the t a b l e come from i n f o r m a t i o n i n Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n s . (Rangers i n c l u d e d the s e l l i n g p r i c e as p a r t of the c a l c u l a t i o n of stumpage,)  I t becomes q u i t e c o n f u s i n g to c o n s i d e r t h a t o f t e n  the same ranger l i s t e d w i d e l y v a r y i n g p r i c e s f o r the same types of t i m b e r , c u t i n the same r e g i o n i n the same year f o r s a l e t o the same m i l l .  Estimates w i t h i n a d o l l a r o r two per thousand  are e x p l i c a b l e , but v a r i a t i o n s l i k e that o f 1947--from $17 t o $45 per thousand f o r grade-one spruce--make i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r me t o determine income from the f i g u r e s i n c l u d e d i n the a p p l i c a t i o n s . A f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t i o n i s the p r a c t i c e o f P a c i f i c M i l l s o f paying some or a l l o f the expenses i n c u r r e d by the l o g g e r s .  A  number o f s c a l e and r o y a l t y accounts o f the p o s t 1925 p e r i o d c a r r y the n o t a t i o n " a l l charges to be met by P a c i f i c M i l l s . "  Thus,  stumpage and r o y a l t y , towing and a n c i l l a r y charges may w e l l be hidden somewhere i n t h i s p r i c e s t r u c t u r e , b u t i n such a manner t h a t d i g g i n g i t out without longer e x i s t i s i m p o s s i b l e .  supplementary i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t may no  Production  Data  Because government revenue from timber was c a l c u l a t e d from a formula  i n v o l v i n g q u a n t i t y and species c u t , s c a l e r s kept  records o f the s i z e and type o f every t r e e t h a t went t o a m i l l . These accounts, c o v e r i n g 1915 t o the p r e s e n t , make i t p o s s i b l e to f o l l o w the l o g g i n g a c t i v i t y o f any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l or group over s e v e r a l decades.  Because the a s s o c i a t e d s c a l i n g s l i p s  run i n t o the hundreds o f thousands and are not indexed,  I found  i t too time consuming t o t r y t o account f o r the a c t i v i t i e s o f H a i s l a loggers f o r every year.  I t h e r e f o r e s e l e c t e d every  fifth  y e a r , w i t h a view t o d i s c o v e r i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d , the l o c a t i o n s and type o f l o g g i n g , and the g e n e r a l q u a l i t y o f the timber c u t . This m a t e r i a l , together w i t h data from handloggers' l i c e n s e l e d g e r s , Timber Sales a p p l i c a t i o n f i l e s , and the l i k e ,  permitted  me t o form some i d e a o f the l o g g i n g a c t i v i t y o f the H a i s l a over the p e r i o d they were a c t i v e l y engaged as independent timber  cut-  ters . I t soon became apparent t h a t my o r i g i n a l aim, t o determine i n d i v i d u a l income from l o g g i n g , was not p o s s i b l e .  Although the  q u a n t i t y o f logs c u t i s e a s i l y c a l c u l a b l e and the p r e v a i l i n g p r i c e s are known f o r some y e a r s , I l a c k d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n conc e r n i n g c o s t s o f p r o d u c t i o n , and, more important, p a t t e r n s o f co-operation  and s h a r i n g among loggers o f the e a r l y p e r i o d .  During the handlogging p e r i o d ( l a t e 1800's t o c a . 1930), a boom submitted  i n the name o f one i n d i v i d u a l may a c t u a l l y have  164  been the work of s e v e r a l .  This would n a t u r a l l y i n f l a t e any  d u c t i v i t y f i g u r e s and leave an u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y h i g h  pro-  impression  of the output of i n d i v i d u a l loggers during the p e r i o d . ' Although handloggers were r e q u i r e d under the terms of t h e i r l i c e n s e to work a l o n e , such a c o n d i t i o n was  not e n f o r c e a b l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n  an i s o l a t e d r e g i o n l i k e Douglas Channel, where the boat of i n s p e c t o r c o u l d be seen or heard from m i l e s away.  The  any  natives  found the $25 handloggers' l i c e n s e fee to be q u i t e onerous, and i t i s not i m p o s s i b l e t h a t a number banded together under one  or  two l i c e n s e s to cut timber c o - o p e r a t i v e l y , thus s a v i n g a not \  i n c o n s i d e r a b l e sum  i n l i c e n s e charges./  from a boom as one man's income may  \  To c a l c u l a t e the proceeds  t h e r e f o r e be assuming too  much. In a d d i t i o n , the Timber Sales c o u l d l e g a l l y be logged  by  any number of i n d i v i d u a l s , making a c a l c u l a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l income i m p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r a b l e f i e l d data s p e c i f y i n g the i d e n t i t i e s of crews, m a t e r i a l which I was most o f t e n unable to c o l l e c t . Even the p r o f i t margins c a l c u l a t e d by the rangers time can be m i s l e a d i n g .  at the  For example, w i t h Timber S a l e s , the  stumpage and upset p r i c e of the t r a c t were c a l c u l a t e d to r e t u r n the logger a c e r t a i n p r o f i t , v a r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d as $1.15 $1.50  or  per thousand board f e e t . (On one o c c a s i o n , I encountered  a f i g u r e of 75<£ per thousand, but t h a t was The  exceptional.)  t o t a l c o s t s f o r one Kitamaat's Timber Sale were estimated  as f o l l o w s :  Royalty . F a l l i n g § Bucking..... Hauling Driving Tow to Boom ; Booming Tow to M i l l Profit  $1.15 per thousand 1.25 2.00 1.00 25 50 2.25 1.50  Total  $9.90 (Timber S a l e s F i l e s , No.  Stumpage was  then c a l c u l a t e d as:  5514,  1923)  m i l l p r i c e minus t o t a l  costs. m i l l p r i c e costs Spruce Hemlock  80,000 fbm 20,000 fbm  $12.25 10.25  1  stumpage  $9.90 9.90  $2.35 .35 (Ibid.)  Thus the stumpage i s a v a r i a b l e t a x , c a l c u l a t e d to leave the l o g g e r a p a r t i c u l a r margin of p r o f i t . I t i s tempting was  about $150  to i n f e r t h a t the p r o f i t from t h i s example  ($1.50 p r o f i t margin X 100,000 f e e t bm).  b e l i e v e , however, t h a t expenses would have reached the estimated by the ranger.  The  o n l y f i x e d charges i n the  were the r o y a l t y , stumpage, and tow to m i l l .  I cannot level operation  A l l other f a c t o r s  were v a r i a b l e , and i n a s m a l l o p e r a t i o n l i k e t h a t of the example, probably d i d not approach t h a t of the e s t i m a t e . the ranger l i s t e d c o s t s of f e l l i n g at $1.25  For example,  per thousand.  the operator would almost c e r t a i n l y do h i s own  Since  f e l l i n g in;.an  o p e r a t i o n of t h a t s i z e , h i s only expenses would be wear and t e a r on h i s axe and saw,  h a r d l y a matter of $1.25  t e e t , board measure  f o r one or two t r e e s .  In the l a r g e r camps, w i t h s p e c i a l i s t s ' s a l a r i e s to meet, costs may  have reached t h a t l e v e l .  In the f a m i l y a f f a i r s t h a t charac-  t e r i z e d Indian o p e r a t i o n s , the c o s t s would d i f f e r from t h a t s e t down i n the Sale a p p l i c a t i o n . n a t i v e logger may  The  considerably r e t u r n to the  w e l l have been double t h a t estimated  i n the  F o r e s t r y accounts, c o n s i s t i n g as i t d i d of the p r o f i t margin p l u s the expenses t h a t were, i n e f f e c t , p a i d to h i m s e l f .  167  The Number of H a i s l a  Loggers  I t i s noteworthy t h a t although most H a i s l a men  engaged I n  handlogging at one time or another, c o m p a r a t i v e l y few d i d so w i t h any great frequency ( o f f i c i a l l y , at l e a s t ) . who  took out h a n d l o g g e r s  fewer than f i v e times.  1  / \  Of the H a i s l a \  p e r m i t s , n e a r l y t h r e e - q u a r t e r s d i d so /  Each p e r m i t l a s t e d f o r one y e a r .  In  \  \  a d d i t i o n , o n l y t h r e e i n d i v i d u a l s took out more than one Timber Sale. (see  j  One took out two, another t h r e e , and the t h i r d , e i g h t Table XV, p. 1 6 8 ) . Most o f the i n d i v i d u a l s who  took out s i n g l e l i c e n c e s d i d so  d u r i n g the 1917-1924 p e r i o d , the years of o p e r a t i o n of the Swanson Bay p u l p m i l l .  A f t e r the c l o s u r e of t h a t p l a n t , l o g g i n g  s u b s i d e d as a g e n e r a l o c c u p a t i o n , w i t h a core of l o g g e r s remaining,  o n l y a few of whom gave up commercial f i s h i n g to f o l l o w  logging e x c l u s i v e l y . l o g g i n g was  For the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f the H a i s l a , however,  looked on as a q u i c k , r e l a t i v e l y convenient means of  a c q u i r i n g cash over and above t h e i r r e g u l a r earnings from f i s h i n g .  !  F i g u r e s 13 and 14, pp. 169-70 show the h i s t o r y of H a i s l a  , >  I I  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n independent or quasi-independent ( c o n t r a c t ) j I i p r o d u c t i o n q u i t e c l e a r l y . From an i n i t i a l h i g h p a r t i c i p a t i o n \ \ r a t e , w i t h n e a r l y 40 men engaged i n hand l o g g i n g (out o f a v i l l a g e t o t a l of about 50 men  aged 21-65) , the number dwindled to around  I >  \  ;  1  f i v e by 1950, and has f l o a t e d around that f i g u r e s i n c e . A l l loggers now working do so f o r Crown-Zellerbach or M a c M i l l a n - B l o e d e l , who  conduct truck l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s around the K i t i m a t v a l l e y . This d i m i n u t i o n i s remarkable when one c o n s i d e r s t h a t , as I  noted e a r l i e r , out of 1223 men who  took out handloggers' l i c e n c e s  168  Table Handloggers'  XV  L i c e n c e s Issued to H a i s l a s , 1915-1927  No. o f L i c e n c e s Per Man  No. of H a i s l a Men  1  26  2  16  3  22  4  8  5  12  6  3  7  5  8  2  9  1  10  0  11  1  Source:  Handloggers'  L i c e n c e Ledgers  Figure  13  Number and Type o f Logging L i c e n c e s Worked on by H a i s l a s , f o r S e l e c t e d Years 40  35  30 Legend Handloggers' L i c e n c e  25  Pulp Lease (Swanson Bay) ^  Timber S a l e L i c e n c e  20  15  10  1  No. of Licences l-l  o  LO  Cn  cn  cn  o to cn  to cn  Spurce:  o  m  o  cn  cn  cn  Year  Handloggers'Licence Ledgers and Timber S a l e F i l e s  170  F i g u r e 14 Probable Number o f H a i s l a Loggers 40  For S e l e c t e d Y e a r s , by Type o f Licence-  35  Legend 30  Logged under Handloggers* L i c e n c e s  L^j Employed by Swanson Bay M i l l t o Cut Timber on Pulp Lease  25  Logged under Timber Sale L i c e n c e s  20  15  10  No. of Loggers  r-i  o  cn  cn  o  cn  cn  cn  o  in  cn  en  Source:  Ti-  o m cn  Year  Handloggers' L i c e n c e and Timber S a l e F i l e s  in  the p r o v i n c e between 1910  During  and  1927,  96,  or 8% were H a i s l a s .  t h a t p e r i o d , K i t a m a a t or K i t l o p e l o g g e r s  accounted f o r  a l m o s t o n e - t h i r d o f a l l i n d e p e n d e n t I n d i a n h a n d l o g g e r s on entire  coast.  Cut  records  one-quarter  show t h a t i n 1915,  o f the  cedar taken  out  Haisla  to the A l a s k a b o r d e r ,  and  the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d ^ an considering  scores  of whites a r r i v e d  cut dwindled r a p i d l y and  Royalty  the  two  to c u t s p r u c e armistice.  to around 41  Records:  cut  from  around  villages.  o f the  n.p.).  Rivers  pre-  the F i r s t W o r l d  Haisla total  and  performance,  Their  for a i r c r a f t , The  Forest  lower Skeena  a l t o g e t h e r remarkable  l a s t , however, f o r w i t h  r e m a i n e d to l o g a f t e r  (Scale  forests  i n c l u d e s the  the p o p u l a t i o n o f the  eminence c o u l d not  loggers  o f the P r i n c e Rupert  D i s t r i c t , a r e g i o n t h a t c o m p r i s e s a l l the Inlet  the / i;  War,  and  share  f o r the  of  the  district.  Chapter 6 Alcan Kitamaat remained one o f the more I s o l a t e d o f c o a s t a l comm u n i t i e s u n t i l around 1950, when the development o f the r e g i o n t h a t had been p r e d i c t e d f o r over h a l f a century f i n a l l y place.  took  At t h a t time, plans were l a i d f o r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of  an aluminum smelter and an ' i n s t a n t c i t y ' a t the head o f Douglas Channel, some seven m i l e s from Kitamaat. The s m e l t i n g o f aluminum r e q u i r e s enormous q u a n t i t i e s o f e l e c t r i c i t y ^ w h i c h was to be s u p p l i e d by a massive h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t a t Kemano, near the s i t e o f the o l d v i l l a g e of the K i t lope.  The most s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n f o r the s m e l t e r i t s e l f was  c o n s i d e r e d to be a t the head o f Douglas Channel, where the comb i n a t i o n of p r o x i m i t y to the power source, good deep water harbour, adjacent l e v e l l a n d , and a s u i t a b l e grade f o r a r a i l w a y between the smelter and the nearest r a i l l i n e made f o r the best site.  The p r o j e c t , i n v o l v i n g both a major p l a n t and a town o f  some t e n thousand p e o p l e , grew almost o v e r n i g h t from the w i l d e r ness, and transformed Kitamaat into a v i r t u a l  from an i s o l a t e d f i s h i n g v i l l a g e  suburb.  Regular wage work i n the p l a n t was o f f e r e d to the Kitamaat beginning around 1953. In 1965, the Eurocan Company e s t a b l i s h e d a pulp m i l l near the A l c a n p l a n t .  Thus, i n the past two decades,  three major sources o f r e g u l a r , p r e d i c t a b l e , and f a i r l y h i g h income have appeared: of K i t i m a t .  A l c a n , Eurocan,  and the C i t y § D i s t r i c t  173  The a r r i v a l o f these i n d u s t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y M e a n , a c c e l e r a t e d and exaggerated a t r e n d t h a t was w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d before the p l a n t l o c a t e d i n the r e g i o n , namely the d e c l i n e o f the n a t i v e s ' p o s i t i o n i n the l o g g i n g and f i s h i n g i n d u s t r i e s .  Although  few c o a s t a l Indians p a r t i c i p a t e i n e i t h e r occupation to n e a r l y the extent as f o r m e r l y , the process Kitamaat,  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y marked at  as I noted i n the f i s h i n g s e c t i o n .  The change from f i s h i n g to smelter work has not been steady or smooth, however. ing  I t has been marked by many i n d i v i d u a l s s w i t c h -  back and f o r t h between the two, at l e a s t d u r i n g the f i r s t  years o f o p e r a t i o n o f the p l a n t .  Many Kitamaat,  faced w i t h the  prospect o f steady but d u l l work i n the A l c a n p l a n t , o r i r r e g u l a r and u n p r e d i c t a b l e , though p o t e n t i a l l y l u c r a t i v e work i n f i s h i n g , o f t e n chose the l a t t e r .  The f i e l d workers on the Hawthorn p r o j e c t  noted: One b i g reason f o r the n a t i v e ' s l a c k o f i n c e n t i v e w h i l e he works f o r A l c a n i s t h a t there he i s j u s t a l a b o r e r , w h i l e when he goes f i s h i n g he i s e i t h e r "my own b o s s " on a g i l l n e t t e r , an engineer on a seine boat, o r even a p a r t n e r i n a f i s h i n g enterp r i s e . So f a r there i s more p r e s t i g e t o be found i n f i s h i n g than there i s i n l a b o r i n g . A l s o common i s the b e l i e f t h a t t h i s year j u s t might be a good season and he j u s t might make a k i l l i n g , way more than he would make working f o r A l c a n , e s p e c i a l l y i f he can get a l a b o r job upon h i s r e t u r n a f t e r f i s h i n g season. F i s h i n g o f f e r s the men a change, excitement, some p r e s t i g e , sometimes some money. A man i s not l o s i n g much i f anything as long as he can r e t u r n to Kitamaat and f i n d a l a b o r job paying $280 per month (Hawthorn F i e l d Notes 1953: n.p.). T h e i r choice was eased by the knowledge t h a t they c o u l d i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d land jobs at the p l a n t upon t h e i r r e t u r n , f o r  174  labour shortages have plagued A l c a n at K i t i m a t s i n c e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the p l a n t .  I n i t i a l l y , I s u s p e c t , A l c a n planned to t o l e r a t e  the I n d i a n s ' coming and going only as long as the labour shortage lasted.  They b e l i e v e d t h a t when the a c t u a l o p e r a t i o n s began and  the town grew up, then the work f o r c e would s t a b i l i z e and they c o u l d p i c k and choose among p r o s p e c t i v e w o r k e r s , weeding out those who were not w i l l i n g to s t a y year round. t h a t way.  Even now,  I t has not worked out  n e a r l y a q u a r t e r of a century a f t e r the  opening of the p l a n t , the company experiences severe l a b o u r and turnover problems.  The reasons are t w o f o l d :  the p l a n t and the  town. The technique of aluminum s m e l t i n g r e s u l t s i n d i r t y  and  unpleasant working c o n d i t i o n s , a circumstance t h a t l i m i t s both the number of men w i l l i n g to work at the p l a n t , and the tenure of those who  do h i r e on.  The r e d u c t i o n of alumina to aluminum p l u s oxygen takes p l a c e i n l a r g e e l e c t r o l y t i c c e l l s , c a l l e d 'pots' l o c a l l y the requirement of cheap and p l e n t i f u l power).  (hence  These c e l l s  generate an a s t o n i s h i n g amount of heat, which becomes so i n t e n s e along the pot l i n e s that workers can spend only twenty or so at a time i n the s m e l t i n g area i t s e l f .  minutes  The company i s  s e n s i t i v e to charges of p o l l u t i o n , and so even i n summer the windows are most o f t e n kept c l o s e d i n order to prevent the escape of alumina dust.  The r e s u l t i n s i d e i s an atmosphere both h o t t e r  and d i r t i e r than most men  can t o l e r a t e f o r l o n g .  These d i s a g r e e a b l e c o n d i t i o n s , coupled w i t h s h i f t work and  175  the  absence o f any f r e e p e r i o d s  like  make t h e p l a n t an u n a t t r a c t i v e p l a c e  those  found  i n fishing,  t o work f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f  n a t i v e s , most o f whom t r y the p l a n t f o r a w h i l e , are n o t a l o n e Indians  tend  whom l e a v e  in this.  In f a c t ,  to remain longer  during  the f i r s t  then  quit.  They  as F i g u r e 15 , p . 176 shows,  than w h i t e s ,  nearly two-thirds of  year.  In a d d i t i o n t o t h e w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s , t h e town o f K i t i m a t itself the i  i s a factor  i n many w o r k e r s ' l e a v i n g .  company n o t so much t o g e t o u t o f t h e s m e l t e r  town.  The l a c k o f a m e n i t i e s  forbidding leave  |  o f barracks  f  f o r the s i n g l e  j  during  the f i r s t life  year  their  ;  always fall  i  \  o f t h e l a r g e r towns,  i s quite small  have t h e i r  i n Kitimat.  f a m i l i e s with  lives  are w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d .  lived  there  and a r e n o t u n d u l y o p p r e s s e d  expecting  the i s o l a t i o n  A significant  them, and  M o r e o v e r , they  have  by t h e h i g h  and t h e b l e a k n e s s  families  o f t h e town.  rain-  Many  come n o t i n t e n d i n g t o s t a y f o r  p r o p o r t i o n are Spanish,  Portuguese,  German immigrants who come t o accumulate a s t a k e  moving t o the s o u t h . |  life  a: s o r t  and l o n g snowbound p e r i o d as a r e many w h i t e s who move i n  long.  1 i  o p p o r t u n i t i e s and t h e  social  w h i t e s who do b r i n g t h e i r  and  as t o e s c a p e t h e  a r e young, s i n g l e men who l i v e  female p o p u l a t i o n  leave  Many o f t h e w h i t e employees who  and miss t h e s o c i a l  The n a t i v e s , o f c o u r s e ,  I  and s o c i a l  c l i m a t e do n o t h e l p .  \  not  Often, whites  Italian,  before  Figure X5 Indian and Non-Indian Tenure at Alcan Smelter  •  Indian  Employee  ° Non-Indian  % of Men  111 <1  1  n  1  n 10  11  12  13  "  I  n w 17  Years Worked Source:  Alcan Employee Records  177  Chapter 7 White Development and We  come now  Indian Underdevelopment  to the q u e s t i o n  expressed e a r l i e r - - w h a t  accounts  f o r the change between the n a t i v e s ' e a r l y success and prominence i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy of the coast and the subsequent d e c l i n e of t h e i r a b i l i t y to compete and of t h e i r o v e r a l l economic p o s i t i o n ? I b e l i e v e t h a t t h e i r present i n f e r i o r p l a c e i n the economy can explained  be  i n terms of Jorgensen's development-underdevelopment' 1  schema, and  t h a t t h e i r former success can be seen as a c o r o l l a r y  to i t . As Jorgensen  maintains:  Underdevelopment, i n my view, has been caused by the development of the w h i t e - c o n t r o l l e d n a t i o n a l economy, and the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of Indians are not improving because the American Indian i s , and has been f o r over one hundred y e a r s , f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l economy. Underdevelopment, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e n , has been caused by the development of the c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c a l economy of the United States (1971: 6 8 - 9 ) . Conversely, the e a r l y n a t i v e success and r e l a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y was  caused by the underdevelopment of the white i n d u s t r i a l economy.  The  n a t i v e s ' i n i t i a l advantages i n the economy were e l i m i n a t e d  by the t e c h n o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s the development of the The  that constituted  coast.  underdevelopment proceeded from e n v i r o n m e n t a l , techno-  l o g i c a l , and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s , which I w i l l c o n s i d e r  i n turn.  Environmental f a c t o r s White settlement very few not  of the coast c o u l d not proceed except i n a  l o c a t i o n s , f o r the environment of the r e g i o n simply  (nor i s ) conducive to a g r i c u l t u r e and l a r g e s c a l e  was  occupation.  (p. 179 does not e x i s t . )  Except  f o r a few f a v o u r e d  l o c a t i o n s , m a i n l y on t h e s o u t h  the mountainous t e r r a i n , p o o r s o i l , tively their  discouraged territories  settlement,  absence o f w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t industries large  The not  sites  whites that  resource  occupied  the  base, which r e v o l v e d  subsistence different  fish  around r e l a t i v e l y  seasonality  patterns.  Native  time.  timber,  minimal d i s r u p t i o n  and w h i t e e x p l o i t e r s  niches.  and t e r r a i n of f i s h i n g  the v i r t u a l  absence o f t h e major com-  to whites  and l o g g i n g  season's work. that  to loggers  and d e l a y e d  experienced.  the i n t e n In a d d i t i o n ,  o f t h e r e g i o n hampered development. discouraged  s e v e r a l hundred m i l e s  o r the l i k e l i h o o d inaccessible  small  and t i m b e r s p e c i e s , sockeye and Douglas F i r , r e d u c e d  from t r a v e l l i n g short  tradi-  t e r r i t o r y - - s a l m o n s t r e a m s , clam  e x p l o i t a t i o n that southern natives climate  figured  The items t h a t t h e w h i t e s d e s i r e d most,  a t t r a c t i v e n e s s o f the r e g i o n  tively  f o r those  the n a t i v e s ' e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r  In H a i s l a t e r r i t o r y , mercial  pool  took items i n a way  and sockeye salmon, c o u l d be t a k e n w i t h  of n a t i v e  sive  the labour  d i d come t o t h e r e g i o n  with  b e d s , and the l i k e .  the  Moreover, the  t o compete f o r j o b s .  s c a t t e r e d throughout t h e i r  furs,  t o occupy  that d i d l o c a t e i n the r e g i o n , a f a c t o r that  incompatible  tional  the n a t i v e s  unhindered.  restricted  i n the n a t i v e s ' a b i l i t y  coast,  and dense f o r e s t c o v e r e f f e c -  and l e f t  comparatively  178  many  to the north  The  outsiders for a rela-  The s h o r t p e r i o d o f the salmon  runs,  the f o r e s t would be snowed i n and made h e l d back massive e x p l o i t a t i o n f o r some  Technological Factors The rudimentary  s t a t e of the e a r l y technology worked to the  n a t i v e s ' advantage i n two ways:  l a c k of adequate t r a n s p o r t  mechanisms o b l i g e d owners to l o c a t e f i s h and l o g p r o c e s s i n g p l a n t s near the source of s u p p l y , and away from the p o p u l a t i o n c e n t e r s , l e a v i n g the n a t i v e s as v i r t u a l l y the only r e a d i l y a v a i l able source of cheap l a b o u r .  Second, the p r i m i t i v e h a r v e s t i n g  equipment, and consequent low c o s t , enabled n a t i v e s to a c q u i r e both the gear i t s e l f and the s k i l l s to operate i t w i t h difficulty.  Where the gear i t s e l f was  comparatively  little  expensive  (a g i l l n e t , f o r example), the shortage of labour o f t e n o b l i g e d p l a n t owners to supply the equipment to the n a t i v e s anyway. (Shortage of labour i n t h i s i n s t a n c e c o u l d as e a s i l y apply to I n d i a n women as to  men.)  This ease.of access brought on by r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e gear p e r m i t t e d ease of egress and c o n s i d e r a b l e o c c u p a t i o n a l f l e x i b i l i t y , f o r the n a t i v e was  not bound to any occupation by  weight of h i s investment.  In a d d i t i o n , because the o u t l a y  r e q u i r e d f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n any p a r t i c u l a r occupation  the  was  minimal, he c o u l d a c q u i r e the means to engage i n s e v e r a l d u r i n g the course of the y e a r , a v o i d i n g the 'eggs i n one basket'  hazard.  The s e a s o n a l i t y of t r a p p i n g and s u b s i s t e n c e and commercial f i s h i n g and the r e l a t i v e f l e x i b i l i t y of independent l o g g i n g enabled the n a t i v e s to engage s e q u e n t i a l l y i n two, three or even more wage earning occupations w h i l e c o n t i n u i n g to r e l y f o r food on t r a d i t i o n a l f o o d s t u f f s . T h i s , I b e l i e v e , accounted f o r much of the n a t i v e s ' i n i t i a l  181  success i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy, f o r w i t h the f l e x i b i l i t y came a p a t t e r n of o c c u p a t i o n a l m u l t i p l i c i t y t h a t tended to transform a s e r i e s of u n p r e d i c t a b l e and l a r g e l y unremunerative  occupations  i n t o a v i a b l e t o t a l i t y t h a t not only r e t u r n e d a f a i r amount of cash f o r the t i m e , but a l s o ensured t h a t a f a i l u r e i n any o c c u p a t i o n was b u f f e r e d by the income from the o t h e r s . l y i n g t h i s p a t t e r n was  one  Under-  the t r a d i t i o n a l resource base t h a t con-  t i n u e d to support the band no matter what happened i n the market economy. The development of the i n d u s t r i a l economy undermined both the n a t i v e s ' p r o s p e r i t y and t h e i r independence. the case of the coast took three main forms: r e g i o n by w h i t e s and subsequent  Development i n  o c c u p a t i o n o f the  c o m p e t i t i o n f o r j o b s , the e l a -  b o r a t i o n of technology, and the promulgation of laws f o r the r e g u l a t i o n of the e x p l o i t a t i o n  of f i s h and timber.  With the s e t t l e m e n t of the c o a s t , an a l t o g e t h e r p r e d i c t a b l e process took p l a c e .  N a t i v e s who,  u n t i l then had enjoyed a q u i t e  f a v o u r a b l e job s i t u a t i o n , found themselves  f a c i n g i n c r e a s e d com-  p e t i t i o n i n a number of areas t h a t they had h i t h e r t o c o n s i d e r e d v i r t u a l l y t h e i r own.  The process began even b e f o r e the t u r n of  the c e n t u r y , as t h i s r e p o r t from the I n d i a n Superintendent attests: I t i s n o t i c e a b l e t h a t w i t h i n the past few years there has been a f a l l i n g o f f i n . t h e gross earnings of the n a t i v e s of B.C., which may be accounted f o r by the gradual i n f l u x of s e t t l e r s of every n a t i o n a l i t y i n t o the p r o v i n c e , which i n c r e a s e s each y e a r . They do not now, nor can they expect to i n the f u t u r e , make as much money as f o r m e r l y i n any l i n e " f business or e n t e r p r i s e where the n a t i v e s used to e the only people a v a i l a b l e f o r such employment  and p u r s u i t s ; whitemen and Japanese and o t h e r s , are at present competing w i t h them i n the labour market, and i n the occupations of f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g and h u n t i n g , e t c . This n a t u r a l outcome of the s e t t l e ment of the country i s c o n s t a n t l y being brought to the a t t e n t i o n o f the Indians by myself and by the I n d i a n agents; the n a t i v e s b e i n g urged to c o n c e n t r a t e t h e i r energies more i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of t h e i r r e s e r v e s , the r a i s i n g of s t o c k and i n such p u r s u i t s w i t h i n themselves as w i l l prove of permanent use to them i n the f u t u r e (IAR 1894: 202). How  the agents c o u l d r e a l i s t i c a l l y  encourage the n a t i v e s t o  concentrate on c u l t i v a t i o n and s t o c k r a i s i n g i s p r o b l e m a t i c , c o n s i d e r i n g the r e p o r t s t h a t they were s u b m i t t i n g at about the same time. These Indians can never depend on a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s f o r a food s u p p l y . The p r i n c i p a l source of supply must be f i s h i n g and h u n t i n g . . . . These people are not stock r a i s e r s as t h e i r lands are mostly u n s u i t a b l e f o r stock r a i s i n g (IAR 1896: 94) (Northwest Coast Agency) These bands of Indians have about 17,000 acres of land a l l o t t e d to them, a great p a r t of which i s u n f i t f o r c u l t i v a t i o n ( I b i d . 1897: 93 ) (Kwawkewlth Agency) The Reserves of t h i s band [Kitamaat] are a l l \ s i t u a t e d i n Douglas Channel and are the p o o r e s t s reserves and of s m a l l e r dimensions a c c o r d i n g to ;: f the s i z e of the band than any other i n the agency. [ ,. . \ They c o n t a i n no farming l a n d and no timber of any 1 s value ( I b i d . 1905: 268) ( B e l l a Coola Agency) l  Thus the superintendent encouraged n a t i v e s to take up  farm-  ing on land t h a t would not support farms, to compensate f o r b e i n g squeezed from the commercial  f i s h e r y by whites who needed supple-  mentary incomes because t h e i r own  farms c o u l d not support them  ( c f . unattached l i c e n c e s , p. 76). Development of Technology The development of technology a f f e c t e d the Indians i n two  ways:  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of r e f r i g e r a t e d f i s h packers and l o g  barges enabled  the p l a n t operators to overcome t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  problems t h a t had kept the p l a n t s d e c e n t r a l i z e d .  The/  v.ere thus  able to c o n s o l i d a t e and c e n t r a l i z e the p l a n t s , c l o s i n g most of the o u t l y i n g o p e r a t i o n s and l a y i n g o f f workers. was  This  process  most marked i n the c a n n e r i e s , where a l l the R i v e r s I n l e t  p l a n t s were closed, i n 1956. I n d i a n women of v i r t u a l l y but the men  Not only d i d these c l o s u r e s deprive  t h e i r only independent source of cash,  found i t more d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n equipment once the  leverage c o n f e r r e d by t h e i r wives'  labour had  The e l a b o r a t i o n of h a r v e s t i n g technology I n d i a n men  disappeared. tended to squeeze  out of independent p r o d u c t i o n as w e l l .  While the  gear remained simple and cheap, almost anyone c o u l d engage i n f i s h i n g and l o g g i n g .  As engines and power h a u l i n g equipment f o r  f i s h i n g boats r e p l a c e d s k i f f s and hand h a u l i n g , and as donkey engines took over from handloggers, n a t i v e s found themselves o b l i g e d to i n v e s t many thousands of d o l l a r s to o b t a i n c o m p e t i t i v e equipment, a course t h a t most were unable or u n w i l l i n g to t a k e . For a l l the i n c r e a s e d investment,  the occupations  remained a t the  mercy of i n t e r n a t i o n a l market f o r c e s as w e l l as u n p r e d i c t a b l e f l u c t u a t i o n s of supply, which added the c o m p l i c a t i o n that a bad year or two could w e l l r e s u l t i n the s e i z u r e of equipment f o r non-payment of f e e s , t a x e s , or any of a number of charges. happened to the s i n g l e Kitamaat to operate h i s own Thus the mechanization  (That  donkey.)  of f i s h i n g and l o g g i n g demanded a g r e a t e r  commitment of c a p i t a l without i m p a r t i n g an i n c r e a s e d measure of security.  The  a l t e r n a t i v e to independent investment was  employment  w i t h a cannery, m i l l , or independent w h i t e o p e r a t o r , a course w i t h numerous drawbacks.  F i r s t , those operations  were them-  s e l v e s o f t e n e r r a t i c , and many went under, l e a v i n g t h e i r employees w i t h o u t work and o f t e n w i t h o u t pay. one  Second, employment i n  of those concerns i n v o l v e d a v i r t u a l l y complete commitment  to t h a t o p e r a t i o n , which deprived  the n a t i v e of the  flexibility  t h a t had s h i e l d e d him from the thousand n a t u r a l shocks t h a t those i n d u s t r i e s were h e i r t o .  A H a i s l a who  logged or f i s h e d f o r the  whites found i t d i f f i c u l t to take time o f f to go o o l i c h a n  pro-  c e s s i n g or salmon f i s h i n g as he had been able to do when he worked f o r h i m s e l f .  Should he do so, he j e o p a r d i z e d h i s repu-  t a t i o n w i t h h i s employer and found i t almost i m p o s s i b l e work a g a i n , f o r he was liable The  to f i n d  i n d e l i b l y stamped as a ' s h i f t l e s s , unre-  Indian.' l e g i s l a t i o n and r e g u l a t i o n s formulated  i l l u s t r a t e quite  g r a p h i c a l l y Jorgensen's comment t h a t : Underdevelopment of r u r a l areas i s a product of the development of urban centers of f i n a n c e , and the l a t t e r w i e l d c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e i n e n a c t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n to maintain t h e i r growth (1971: 87). These r e g u l a t i o n s took the form of r e s t r i c t i o n s governing who  was  to gain access to the r e s o u r c e s , and where, when, and  they should be taken. amount of resource  how  I n i t i a l l y , r e g u l a t i o n s a l s o decreed the  t h a t an e n t i t y should c o n t r o l .  In the case of  l o g g i n g , the r e g u l a t i o n s granted e x c l u s i v e access to p a r t i c u l a r t r a c t s of r e s o u r c e s , i n the form of timber c u t t i n g l i c e n c e s . f i s h i n g , the l i c e n c e s granted the r i g h t to f i s h i n  competition  In  185  w i t h other l i c e n c e h o l d e r s .  Cannery l i c e n c e quotas ensured t h a t  p l a n t operators c o u l d a c q u i r e f o r t h e i r e x c l u s i v e use a c e r t a i n p o r t i o n of the i n d u s t r y w i t h i n t h e i r r e g i o n . Most of the r e g u l a t i o n s brought out favoured of the l a r g e r operators the s m a l l e r .  (or even non-operating  the i n t e r e s t s  s p e c u l a t o r s ) over  Timber l i c e n c e s and l e a s e s , f o r example, were  i n i t i a l l y granted f o r 160 a c r e s , a move t h a t p l a c e d the annual r e n t a l beyond the reach of n a t i v e l o g g e r s , although i t was a b s u r d l y s m a l l f o r the companies. non-transferable  'one  Moreover, the r e l a x a t i o n of  l i c e n c e per operator' clauses  effectively  p l a y e d i n t o the hands of s p e c u l a t o r s and worked a g a i n s t the i n t e r e s t s of the s m a l l loggers or would-be l o g g e r s .  When timber  s a l e s were i n s t i t u t e d i n p a r t to r e c t i f y the imbalance caused by the timber l i c e n c e p o l i c i e s , the p r a c t i c e of p u t t i n g the  timber  out f o r b i d s once again ensured t h a t only the m i l l s and most s u c c e s s f u l independent operators stood a chance of o b t a i n i n g the best timber w h i l e s m a l l operators were l e f t to scramble f o r the poorer  tracts.  S i m i l a r l y , measures t h a t were designed  to promote r a t i o n a l i t y  and discourage non-economic operations i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y most o f t e n favoured the l a r g e r , more s u c c e s s f u l operators  and  hampered the marginal o p e r a t i o n s , of which the Indians formed a s i g n i f i c a n t part. Two  other aspects of settlement and development i l l u s t r a t e  the source of the d e c l i n i n g fortunes of the n a t i v e .  One  i s the  e f f e c t of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and i t s almost i n e v i t a b l e concomit a n t , p o l l u t i o n , on the t r a d i t i o n a l resource base; the other  186  concerns the c o n f i s c a t i o n of n a t i v e t e r r i t o r i e s and the r e s t r i c t i o n of t h e i r a b i l i t y to m a i n t a i n t h e i r resource base i n the face of ever t i g h t e r r e g u l a t i o n s and  laws.  Development of the coast can have y e t another d e l e t e r i o u s e f f e c t on n a t i v e l i f e , f o r the wastes of the i n d u s t r i e s that l o c a t e there can hamper both commercial and s u b s i s t e n c e ties.  The  Indians' i n i t i a l  activi-  a b i l i t y to m a i n t a i n t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e  economy i n t a c t r e s u l t e d from a f o r t u i t o u s d i v i s i o n between resources e x p l o i t e d f o r the i n d u s t r i a l economy and those on f o r s u b s i s t e n c e . This d i v i s i o n was  relied  a s p a t i a l one too, f o r the  m a j o r i t y of p r o c e s s i n g p l a n t s were l o c a t e d some d i s t a n c e from the v i T l l i g e of the H a i s l a . In the Kitamaat  r e g i o n , at l e a s t , niches  regained f a i r l y d i s t i n c t , and whites and Indians were able to avoid ruinous c o m p e t i t i o n f o r the same r e s o u r c e . ~" R e c e n t l y , however, some o v e r l a p has o c c u r r e d , and the H a i s l a are the l o s e r s .  With the l o c a t i o n of a pulp m i l l at the head of  the i n l e t , the r i v e r t h a t the Kitamaat  r e l i e d on f o r food became  a dumping ground f o r i n d u s t r i a l e f f l u e n t . The Kitamaat  R i v e r i s one of the major o o l i c h a n streams o f  the c o a s t , and the H a i s l a a c c o r d i n g l y p l a c e d great emphasis on the grease making i n d u s t r y , rendering a product of p a r t i c u l a r l y h i g h q u a l i t y , one sought by n a t i v e s f a r from Kitamaat. was  used both to supply the H a i s l a s  1  goods not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e l o c a l l y .  This f i s h e r y  own needs and to trade f o r Douglas Channel i s poor i n  e d i b l e seaweed, f o r example, and the H a i s l a t r a d i t i o n a l l y i t from the B e l l a B e l l a i n exchange f o r grease.  obtained  The trade has  continued to the p r e s e n t , at the r a t e of one f i v e g a l l o n can of  grease f o r an equal volume o f seaweed. The lage.  grounds a t Kitamaat were only seven m i l e s from the v i l -  Each A p r i l , when the sun s e t behind the ' o o i i c n a n canoe,  1  a canoe-shaped hollow i n the l i n e o f mountains opposite the v i l lage , they moved to the camp, l o c a t e d at the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e of the X ' a i s l a , and prepared f o r the run.  Most o f the v i l l a g e  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the move, and c u s t o m a r i l y spent about a month there.  So important  an item was the grease t h a t a l l other  v i t i e s took second place to r e n d e r i n g i t . f u l loggers took a month or so o f f at old  acti-  Even the most success  grease making time.  o o l i c h a n camp remained a s i g n i f i c a n t resource  r e c e n t l y , so much so t h a t when A l c a n pressured  site  The  until  the v i l l a g e to  s e l l the land or move t h e i r reserve to a d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n o f r i v e r , they s t e a d f a s t l y r e f u s e d , d e c l a r i n g t h a t 'Our main l i v e l i hood i s t h a t v i l l a g e .  We w i l l never l e t i t go.' They s t a y e d ,  and A l c a n l o c a t e d some d i s t a n c e away. Thus i t was a c o n s i d e r a b l e shock when the o o l i c h a n took on a p e c u l i a r t a s t e , a problem t h a t began a f t e r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the pulp m i l l u p r i v e r from the camp. the discharge  The H a i s l a c l a i m t h a t  o f e f f l u e n t i n t o the r i v e r imparts  the d i s a g r e e -  able f l a v o u r t o the o o l i c h a n , making the grease i n e d i b l e . e r i e s personnel  agree t h a t the f i s h do not t a s t e as they  Fishshould,  but c l a i m t h a t the cause i s unknown. Whatever the cause or whoever the c u l p r i t , the f i s h are now u n s u i t a b l e f o r r e n d e r i n g .  Those H a i s l a who wish t o o b t a i n  grease must now t r a v e l to the Kemano R i v e r , t h e i r secondary o o l i c h a n stream, l o c a t e d i n former K i t l o p e t e r r i t o r y some 50  188  m i l e s from Kitamaat. Those who  c o u l d have pursued the p r o j e c t w h i l e i t was  car-  r i e d on near Kitamaat o f t e n f i n d i t i n c o n v e n i e n t or i m p o s s i b l e to do so at Kemano.  P a r t of the convenience of the Kitamaat s i t e  was i t s p r o x i m i t y to the v i l l a g e , and l a t e r , t o A l c a n .  Workers  i n the p l a n t c o u l d h e l p i n the process d u r i n g t h e i r o f f hours or days o f f , f o r the camp l a y q u i t e c l o s e to the s m e l t e r .  Also,  f a m i l i e s c o u l d remain t o g e t h e r f o r the month or more t h a t the grease making might t a k e . With the s i t e f a r removed from Kitamaat, a number of s i t u a tions arise.  Because  the s i t e can only be reached by a r e a s o n a b l y  l a r g e boat, those who gave up t h e i r f i s h i n g boats are now  reliant  on someone e l s e f o r a r i d e , p u t t i n g a premium on access t o a b o a t , or on a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h someone who Those who  enjoys such a c c e s s .  f i n d i t i n c o n v e n i e n t or i m p o s s i b l e to go grease  making w i l l h e n c e f o r t h be r e l i a n t f o r grease on someone who t r a v e l to Kemano, a circumstance t h a t may  l e a d to the  can  development  of i n t r a - v i l l a g e r e c i p r o c i t y s t r u c t u r e s , or to the r e a c t i v a t i o n of dormant ones. P a r t i c u l a r l y hard h i t are the former grease makers whose most abundant a s s e t was f o r $45 TT.  time, f o r grease now s e l l s i n the v i l l a g e  per g a l l o n , i f people w i l l p a r t w i t h i t at a l l . *  Those  This s p r i n g , the Kemano run f a i l e d c o m p l e t e l y , which the H a i s l a a t t r i b u t e t o b l a s t i n g t a k i n g p l a c e u p r i v e r . They say t h a t the o o l i c h a n , a n o t o r i o u s l y s k i t t i s h f i s h , entered the e s t u a r y , encountered the upheavals from the b l a s t , and r e t r e a t e d i n a body back to the sea. T h e r e f o r e , no new supply of grease c o u l d be put up. A l l grease consumed-this year comes from the remainder of l a s t year's s u p p l y . The u n c e r t a i n t y of f u t u r e s u p p l i e s prompts many who have grease not to s e l l or trade i t but to hoard i t , which f u r t h e r decreases the amount available.  w i t h more time and  than c a s h c o u l d once have s u p p l i e d  acquired herring  trade  with  eggs and seaweed, b o t h  the S k i a s g a t e or B e l l a  p r o s p e c t o f p a y i n g cash or  do w i t h o u t  important  Now,  s h o r t o f money, t h e y w i l l  own  f o o d s , from  c u t down  Because they are the ones who f i n d i t most d i f f i c u l t  foods.  needs  f a c e d w i t h the  f o r a l l t h e s e i t e m s , t h e y must  altogether.  items w i t h s t o r e - b o u g h t  Bella.  their  are  to r e p l a c e those  T e r r i t o r i a l Encroachment by Whites The e s s e n t i a l i n a b i l i t y of the n a t i v e s to d e a l w i t h white encroachment onto t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s i s q u i t e e v i d e n t i n t h e i r requests f o r a d d i t i o n a l reserves made b e f o r e the McKenna-McBride Commission.  The  type of r e q u e s t s , and the d i s p o s i t i o n s o f them  by the a u t h o r i t i e s , were to consign the n a t i v e s to m a r g i n a l o p e r a t i o n s at the f r i n g e of the i n d u s t r i a l economy, f o r the lands requested and granted were, by and l a r g e , q u i t e u n s u i t e d to the type of economy t h a t was  f a s t developing on the c o a s t .  T r a d i t i o n a l s u b s i s t e n c e p a t t e r n s are much i n evidence requests.  i n the  Most o f t e n , the Indians asked f o r s m a l l p a r c e l s of  l a n d adjacent to t h e i r salmon streams,  ideal sites for fishing  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner ( c f . Table XVI, p. 191).  Only  one  band requested timber grounds, even though most of the v i l l a g e s were engaged i n l o g g i n g by t h a t time, and presumably had experienced some d i f f i c u l t y i n s e c u r i n g good l o g g i n g claims of their  own. S i m i l a r l y , farming was  applications.  not a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the  I t i s note\\rorthy t h a t among the Kitamaat,  s i t e s " f i g u r e d q u i t e l a r g e i n the r e q u e s t s :  fishing  8 out of 11, a t o t a l  q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those of the Owikeno, f o r example, who  saw  f i t to request but two, and those i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h garden sites.  P a r t of the reason, I b e l i e v e , was  the Kitamaats'  isola-  t i o n from and the Owikenos' p r o x i m i t y t o , w h i t e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Fisheries O f f i c i a l s .  The Owikeno l i v e at R i v e r s I n l e t , and  had  had c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t a c t w i t h F i s h e r i e s p e r s o n n e l , and knew at the time the requests were made t h a t t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l forms of  Table XVI Requests f o r A d d i t i o n a l  Reserves,  B e l l a Coola . Agency »  c  -  1913  to to Pi  CD  to  to  to  •• Fl H 3  P  Cf <D  o o in  M-l  .  Pi M-l O O  •  z  Band Kitamaat  11  Kitlope  1  Kitasoo  32  to  •xi  <u p Pi  P  bO bO  to •xi Pi  3  o Hi  bo  P  to CD  bO 03  bC Pi  rH rH • r-l  Pi  •x)  O  to •xi Pi rH  u  c Q  Pi m  tc  9  2  8  1  3  0  0  0  1  1  1  0  20  16  2  16  0  1  0  •H  a  l  b  12  •H P  >  CD  3  o f-i bO  CD CO  H  e  Hi  a  Pi  CD  to pi CD - H 3 X cr to  CD Tj  to  'd  •rl  i—1 03  •H  rH  03 Hi  CD  bC Pi  •H  CD  H 03  0  0  3  0  1  0  0  0  0  0  1  0  0  0  0  0  0  1  rH  •H  rH  H  Hi  3  pq  Pi  U  Kimsquit  1  l  B e l l a Coola  2  0  2  0  0  0  0  0  1  1  0  Owikeno  2  0  2  2  0  0  0  0  0  0  2  Bella  3  2  1  3  1  0  0  0  0  0  2  23  12  11  11  4  1  6  2  0  0  0  Hartley  Bella Bay  a  Often, the requests s p e c i f i e d m u l t i p l e use, f o r example " f i s h i n g ground and o l d v i l l a g e s i t e . " Hence the f i g u r e s i n the breakdown may number more than the t o t a l of r e q u e s t s . a. b.  out of 160 acres requested, 40 were granted. out of 200 acres requested, 10 were granted. (Reserve Commission Report  1916)  192  f i s h i n g c o u l d not be pursued.  The use o f w e i r s , t r a p s , and the  l i k e had been p r o h i b i t e d i n the F i s h e r i e s A c t o f 1892, and F i s h e r i e s O f f i c e r s were i n the h a b i t o f i n s p e c t i n g the streams, orderi n g the n a t i v e s out, and d e s t r o y i n g t h e i r equipment whenever they d i s c o v e r e d them f i s h i n g w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l methods.  The Kitamaat,  l i v i n g as they d i d f a r from the mainstream, were l e f t alone t o p r a c t i c e whatever methods they wished f o r much l o n g e r , a condit i o n w h i c h , I b e l i e v e , l e d to t h e i r r e q u e s t i n g a p a t t e r n o f a d d i t i o n a l reserves t h a t was i n a p p r o p r i a t e . Thus the p a t t e r n o f reserves t h a t developed was o b s o l e t e , i n some cases even b e f o r e the reserves were granted, f o r i t f i t t e d the n a t i v e s to pursue a way o f l i f e t h a t was f a s t being denied them, but d i d not s u i t the occupations r e p l a c e d the t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . H a r t l e y Bay requests  t h a t might have  Almost a l l o f the K i t k a t l a -  f o r timber land were denied, many on f r i v o -  lous grounds, such as t h a t the land under c o n s i d e r a t i o n was already a l i e n a t e d under a handlogger's l i c e n c e , a permit t h a t remained i n e f f e c t f o r only one year i n any event. A c t u a l l y , the development o f the c o a s t a l f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y as we know i t was contingent  on the p r o h i b i t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l  n a t i v e c a t c h i n g methods and the removal o f t h e i r c o n t r o l over the ; rivers.  Although C r u t c h f i e l d and Pontecorvo r e f e r to salmon as  an 'open-access' r e s o u r c e , a c c e s s i b l e to everyone e q u a l l y (1969: 7 ) . t h a t c o n d i t i o n could only o b t a i n afte'r the n a t i v e s had been removed from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r o l over the f i s h i n g streams. For i t i s the nature o f anadromous f i s h l i k e salmon that they can be completely  c o n t r o l l e d by m a n i p u l a t i o n  o f t h e i r spawning  streams.  Anyone who  can monopolize the streams up which they  t r a v e l to spawn can take the whole p o p u l a t i o n i f he chooses, simply by b l o c k i n g the channel.  The n a t i v e s were w e l l aware of  t h a t , of course, f o r the system of resource f o l l o w e d was  ownership t h a t they  p r e d i c a t e d on the c o n t r o l of such streams.  were, i n t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n ,  a closed-access  Salmon  r e s o u r c e , the p o t e n t i a l  p r o p e r t y of the owner of the p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n of stream they happened to occupy at any given Before  time.  the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y c o u l d develop i n the  i n g , c o m p e t i t i v e way  freewheel-  t h a t i t d i d , based on the m i d - i n l e t or o f f -  shore t a k i n g of f i s h , n a t i v e forms of ownership and c a t c h i n g  had  to be a b o l i s h e d , e l s e the Indians would have c o n t r o l l e d the f i s h e r y , a s i t u a t i o n t h a t the tenor of the times would not countenance.  Nor would the f i e r c e l y c o m p e t i t i v e canners r e a d i l y  a l l o w c o n t r o l of a stream to go to a r i v a l . using t r a d i t i o n a l in-stream c o n t r o l - - n e v e r came to pass.  Thus the a l t e r n a t i v e - -  f i s h i n g methods, a l b e i t under white The way  was  opened, t h e r e f o r e , f o r  m i d - i n l e t net f i s h i n g to r e p l a c e n a t i v e forms of e x p l o i t a t i o n . The  change was  i n i t i a l l y most s e r i o u s f o r the Owikeno, f o r not  only were t h e i r o l d s u b s i s t e n c e p a t t e r n s f o r c i b l y a l t e r e d , but the development of the m i d - i n l e t f i s h e r y drew hundreds of outs i d e r s , n a t i v e s i n c l u d e d , to R i v e r s I n l e t f o r cannery work. Thus, i n order to promote the development of the i n d u s t r y , both the a c c e s s i b i l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the n a t i v e s ' f i s h were manipulated i n such a manner as to favour the companies and white fishermen  at the expense of the l o c a l  Indians.  194  Chapter  8  Miss i o n i z a t i o n We come now  to two non-economic determinants  change among the H a i s l a :  of c u l t u r a l  m i s s i o n i z a t i o n by an u l t r a - e v a n g e l i c a l  form o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , and d r a s t i c d e p o p u l a t i o n .  In t h i s c h a p t e r ,  I w i l l c o n s i d e r aspects of m i s s i o n i z a t i o n t h a t may  bear on the  H a i s l a s ' abandonment of c e r t a i n forms of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . The v a r i o u s churches  and m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s t h a t appeared  on the coast d u r i n g the l a s t century were among the most p e r v a s i v e agents o f c u l t u r a l change, and t h e i r e f f o r t s i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n were d i r e c t and e x p l i c i t .  I t i s tempting, t h e r e f o r e , t o a s c r i b e  a l l manner of changes to m i s s i o n a r y i n f l u e n c e , simply because the churchmen exhorted the n a t i v e s to adopt c e r t a i n forms of behaviour t h a t t h e y d i d indeed take up.  L a t e r i n the t h e s i s , I w i l l argue  t h a t t h i s o s t e n s i b l e adoption of the m i s s i o n a r i e s ' p r o p o s a l s  may  have r e s u l t e d i n p a r t from a convergence of i n t e r e s t s - - e c o n o m i c or demographic p r e s s u r e s may  have been abroad t h a t made i t l o g i c a l  or convenient f o r the Indians to behave i n ways t h a t were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the teachings of the church.  Before t a k i n g up t h a t  argument, however, I w i l l d e s c r i b e the p a r t i c u l a r m i s s i o n a t Kitamaat. The K i t a m a a t s  1  f i r s t recorded c o n t a c t w i t h C h r i s t i a n i t y  came i n 1864, when t r a v e l l i n g C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s b a p t i z e d a number of n a t i v e s .  Nothing f u r t h e r came of i t , however, and i t was  not  u n t i l 1876 before the f i r s t s e r i o u s e f f o r t s at c o n v e r s i o n were made, by Wahaksgumalayou, a Kitamaat who had become converted w h i l e on a f u r t r a d i n g e x p e d i t i o n to V i c t o r i a .  He r e t u r n e d home  determined to p r o s e l e t y z e h i s f e l l o w s .  His i n i t i a l attempts  w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e h o s t i l i t y from nobles  i n the v i l l a g e , and  minated i n a remarkable form- c t excommunication. by a l a t e r m i s s i o n a r y , the scene was  As  met cul-  recounted  s i m p l e , but r a t h e r awesome:  One of the head c h i e f s passed sentence i n a > c h a r a c t e r i s t i c manner; he took i n the palm of h i s hand a p i e c e of dry cedar bark and powdered i t to f i n e dust then blew i t away w i t h the remark "Thus s h a l l you, Wahaksgumalayou and your f a m i l y and you, Ningohs and your f r i e n d s p e r i s h and v a n i s h from the j e a r t h . Your names s h a l l not be handed down. You Wahaksgumalayou s h a l l be the l a s t to p e r i s h , and s h a l l see a l l your f r i e n d s pass b e f o r e you. This i s a l l I have to say" (Raley 1902: 17-2). Matters became so tense t h a t Wahaksgumalayou f l e d t o the p r o t e c t i o n of the Methodist m i s s i o n at P o r t Simpson, which at t h a t time was  l e d by Thomas Crosby.  S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , Crosby began to v i s i t Kitamaat c a l l y , and won  a number of c o n v e r t s .  periodi-  (Actually, since conversion  at t h a t p o i n t i n v o l v e d only the acceptance of baptism, t h e r e i s some q u e s t i o n about the u l t i m a t e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the  venture.)  He then persuaded a l a y m i s s i o n a r y to take up r e s i d e n c e i n the village.  She a r r i v e d around 1885, by which time the c h i e f s '  o p p o s i t i o n to the m i s s i o n seems to have abated somewhat, f o r the woman r e p o r t e d t h a t she was met w i t h courtesy and  co-operation  from the h i g h e s t r a n k i n g n o b l e s . George Raley, the f i r s t ordained m i n i s t e r , and the dual who  was  indivi-  d e s t i n e d to have the g r e a t e s t impact on the c u l t u r e  of the H a i s l a , a r r i v e d i n 1893  and remained f o r some 13 y e a r s .  During h i s tenure, the great m a j o r i t y of the Kitamaat  accepted  baptism and became nominal C h r i s t i a n s , t a k i n g up r e s i d e n c e about  196  seven m i l e s down channel from the w i n t e r v i l l a g e o f the unconverted. . . .  In time, as more n a t i v e s converted, the m i s s i o n v i l l a g e -  -  .  -  i  .  became the main p o p u l a t i o n center f o r the Kitamaat, and the f o r mer" v i l l a g e was abandoned f o r a l l but a few a c t i v i t i e s , such as a o o l i c h a n f i s h i n g d u r i n g the s p r i n g , or p o t l a t c h i n g out o f reach of the m i s s i o n a r y and the Indian Agent. Whatever the n a t i v e m o t i v a t i o n f o r c o n v e r s i o n t o C h r i s t i a n i t y , an impulse which has never been s a t i s f a c t o r i l y e x p l a i n e d ( c f . Rumley, 1973 ) , the a c t i o n had more r a d i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s than c o u l d have been a n t i c i p a t e d by the I n d i a n s .  For i t was a r a r e  m i s s i o n a r y t h a t c o u l d t o l e r a t e the s i g h t o f undiminished culture.  Even matters  t h a t had l i t t l e or n o t h i n g to do w i t h the  church or the n a t i v e s ' a b i l i t y t o l e a d C h r i s t i a n l i v e s to  native  according  the l i g h t s o f the church f e l l under h i s p r o s c r i b i n g eye. The  more i n t o l e r a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s o f t e n s e t out t o e r a d i c a t e not only n a t i v e elements t h a t were c l e a r l y i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the c h u r c h , but any t h a t i n t h e i r o p i n i o n might s e t the Indians to p i n i n g f o r t h e i r o l d ways. [Mumming i n B r i t a i n ] was supposed to be harmless by many, however, by not a few, a u s e l e s s r e l i c o f a b a r b a r i c age. And so amongst the Indians there are customs harmless i n themselves, y e t when assoc i a t e d w i t h a savage l i f e , i t i s b e t t e r f o r t h e i r w e l f a r e to d i s c a r d them (Raley 1904: 25-8). Raley s e t h i m s e l f to create a European-style  v i l l a g e on the  Northwest Coast, shorn o f a l l the more obvious I n d i a n c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s , such as ranks, c l a n s , ceremonials, and the l i k e .  Accord-  i n g l y , he does not appear to have attempted to r e c o n c i l e the n a t i v e and church h i e r a r c h i c a l systems even to the extent t h a t ,  say, Durieu d i d at S e c h e l t , w i t h a system of warders, c o n s t a b l e s , and other o f f i c e r s drawn from among the' nobles and d i s t r i b u t e d i n a manner r e f l e c t i n g the o r i g i n s of the d i v i s i o n s of the band ( c f . Lemert 1954). sterner s t u f f .  North coast m i s s i o n s , i t seems were to be made of Raley d i d i n s t i t u t e system of church o f f i c e r s ,  b u t , so f a r as I c o u l d determine, they were not n e c e s s a r i l y h e l d by persons of h i g h rank.  In f a c t , when T s a S i h , the c h i e f of  the v i l l a g e , e v e n t u a l l y appeared on the r o l l of church members, he was  p l a c e d f a r down the l i s t , and on one  as being position.  o c c a s i o n was  marked  'on t r i a l , ' a s u p p l i c a n t , s u r e l y a most u n - c h i e f l i k e At the same time, v i l l a g e r s of u n d i s t i n g u i s h e d back-  ground were l i s t e d p r o m i n e n t l y ,  as f u l l members.  Raley never succeeded i n e f f e c t i n g as thoroughgoing a renunc i a t i o n of n a t i v e ways as some other m i s s i o n a r i e s of the r e g i o n , such as Duncan at M e t l a k a t l a .  I n s t e a d , a complex of n a t i v e forms  s u r v i v e d , w i t h g r e a t e r or l e s s e r v i g o u r , to c o - e x i s t w i t h European forms, i n s p i t e of h i s e x h o r t a t i o n s .  the  A l l t o l d , he d i d  ;  have c o n s i d e r a b l e success i n a l t e r i n g the face of H a i s l a c u l t u r e ; and i n e n l i s t i n g the c o - o p e r a t i o n  of the n a t i v e n o b l e s , however.  On one o c c a s i o n , f o r example, the K i t l o p e c o u n c i l r e c e i v e d a v i s i t from him.  They  ... Closed w i t h the f i r m c o n v i c t i o n that pagan customs are wrong and i t i s t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to use a l l means to suppress them (Raley 1901: 16-2). The p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t s of t h a t type of r e s o l u t i o n are r a t h e r d i f f i c u l t to determine p r e c i s e l y .  One  gets the impression  that  the n a t i v e s became adept at t e l l i n g the m i s s i o n a r y what he wanted • to hear, but doing more or l e s s as they pleased when he was  not  present.  The proclamations  on pages 199  and  200  show the type  of document t h a t r e s u l t e d when the n a t i v e c o u n c i l s acceded to missionary pressure. maat, threatened  The  f i r s t , the p o t l a t c h p r o h i b i t i o n at K i t a  a f i n e approximately  equal to a season's income  at a cannery, c e r t a i n l y a major d e t e r r e n t , were i t to be  enforced  I t i s d o u b t f u l t h a t the e d i c t made a l l that much d i f f e r e n c e at Kitamaat, however, f o r the p o t l a t c h e r s merely moved t h e i r ceremonies to the o l d v i l l a g e up the K i t i m a t R i v e r .  For s e v e r a l  y e a r s , Raley complained i n h i s j o u r n a l t h a t h i s p a r i s h i o n e r s were s t e a l i n g o f f to engage i n p o t l a t c h i n g . The  second document was  drawn up f o r the K i s p i o x , but  was  w i t n e s s e d by Raley some years a f t e r he had l e f t Kitamaat to take the church at P o r t E s s i n g t o n , on the Skeena. f a c t t h a t he had a hand i n i t prompts me  Nevertheless,  the  to i n c l u d e i t , f o r i t i s  i l l u s t r a t i v e of the approach taken by the M e t h o d i s t m i s s i o n a r i e s to the q u e s t i o n of I n d i a n ceremonialism  and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n .  I t i n d i c a t e s the d i r e c t i o n of the missionary's  a s s a u l t on n o r t h  c o a s t a l c u l t u r e s , and shows c l e a r l y the attempt to e x t i n g u i s h the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l order.  Attempts to rout out the fundamental  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the n a t i v e system u s u a l l y f o l l o w e d the e l i m i n a t i o n of the more flamboyant and o v e r t l y 'savage' p r a c t i c e s . E a r l y white witnesses n a t i v e ceremonials,  were h o r r i f i e d by the  e s p e c i a l l y the dramatic  formances w i t h t h e i r c a n n i b a l i s m  boisterous  dances and l i k e  (probably f e i g n e d , though h i g h l y  r e a l i s t i c ) , g r i s l y stage d e c a p i t a t i o n s f o l l o w e d by r e s u r r e c t i o n s , and the l i k e .  per-  dramatic  When Raley began to win  converts,  he l o s t no time i n c o n v i n c i n g the n a t i v e s t h a t to continue  such  KITAMAAT COUNCIL 10th„ Nov. 1893  ANY PERSON IN THE VILLAGE OF KITAMAAT WHO GIVES A FEAST OR POTLATCH WILL BE PUNISHED BY A FINE OF ONE-HUNDRED AND FORTY DOLLARS $140.00  yj3 Sam v Chief  Amos  Councelor  P o t l a t c h p r o h i b i t i o n , the o r i g i n a l o f which i s i n the Raley papers i n the P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , V i c t o r i a . WaL^gumalayoS" ' ° ° > b r o t h e r o f Charley Amos, J ?  1  ?  "  a  £ ° P y  0 ±  a  16  C  U n c i l l  T  W a s  t h e  200 We  the undersigned  C h i e f s of K i s p i o x B.C.  wish i t to be  known:- 1.  That we d e s i r e no more P o t l a c h h e l d i n our  village.  2.  That we want no more o l d f a s h i o n e d f e a s t s or f e a s t s i n memory of the dead, but i f f e a s t s are h e l d we d e s i r e them to be s e t w i t h c l e a n t a b l e s and as up to date as our means w i l l a l l o w and such harmful and o b j e c t i o n a b l e f e a t u r e s as w a s t e f u l extravagance, the c a l l i n g of names of l i v i n g or dead, the g i v i n g of money or other g i f t s i n c l u d e d w i t h ceremonial f e a s t s p r o h i b i t e d .  3.  We f u r t h e r d e s i r e a l l dancing feasts .  4.  We d e s i r e there s h a l l be no more d r e s s i n g up i n o l d f a s h i o n e d costume or the p a i n t i n g of t a t t o o i n g of the body or f a c e .  5.  We f u r t h e r d e s i r e t h a t the H a l l i e t or I n d i a n Medicine Doctor s h a l l cease h i s p r a c t i c e f o r many reasons, but e s p e c i a l l y the f o l l o w i n g : - (a) I t i s a b s o l u t e l y deceptive, (b) I t i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the education of the c h i l d r e n and general progress of the people. (c) I t tends to s e n s u a l i t y and i s a cloak f o r i m m o r a l i t y . (d) I t i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the work of the l e g a l l y appointed medical Doctor whose i n s t r u c t i o n s are f r e q u e n t l y countermanded by the heathen Doctor i n a manner d e t r i m e n t a l to the p a t i e n t . (e) Such p r a c t i c e i s the enemy of m o r a l i t y and r e l i g i o n . ( f ) I t i s the medium of darkest s u p e r s t i t i o n and w i t c h c r a f t .  to be a b o l i s h e d at our  We are so aroused at the present time on t h i s q u e s t i o n t h a t we ask the a i d of the Government and the Church. We f e e l t h a t some^law should be made to p r o t e c t our v i l l a g e a g a i n s t these enemies to advancement, law, o r d e r , s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s progress and we f e e l that a severe p e n a l t y should be attached to any breach of the law. Signed,  Chief Chief Chief Chief Chief Chief Chief  Walter K a i l Solomon Johnson P a u l Thlamleha P h i l i p Williams Robert W i l l i a m s Isaac Sholsh John Kunnulaha  Dated at K i s p i o x t h i s 13th day of February,  his his his his his his his  mark, mark, mark, mark, mark, mark, mark,  X X X X X X X  1914.  Witness to s i g n a t u r e s a f t e r the matter h e r e i n had been read and meaning i n t e r p r e t e d , Signed, G.H. Raley. I hereby c e r t i f y t h a t I have f a i t h f u l l y i n t e r p r e t e d the words to the C h i e f s so t h a t when i t was read over they d e c l a r e d they understood i t . (Sgd) Robert Tomlinson, M i s s i o n a r y . (Raley papers: n.p.)  a c t i v i t i e s could not but harm t h e i r chances of s a l v a t i o n . When C h r i s t i a n i t y came, my grandmother s a i d t h a t h e r uncle went down t o the beach and burned e v e r y t h i n g . He had heard t h a t the Lord w i l l n u t r e c e i v e you i f you s t i l l look t o your t r e a s u r e s .  ; ;  That a t t i t u d e e f f e c t i v e l y removed many o f the converts f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the ceremonial converts  cycle.  from  Nevertheless,  many  remained at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l  sy-5~teifr,~"for they continued  t o stage or attend p o t l a t c h e s .  It  seems t h a t f o r some time a f t e r the a r r i v a l o f the m i s s i o n a r y , many n a t i v e s remained unconvinced t h a t p o t l a t c h i n g and adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l forms were i n i m i c a l t o proper For the most p a r t , those who converted i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y .  conversion.  maintained the p o s i t i o n s Even though they may have  abandoned some o f the dances and t h e a t r i c a l performances, they continued  to operate i n the s t a t u s system f o r some decades.  As  l a t e as 1918, d i f f e r e n c e s i n rank could impede p r o j e c t e d marriages ( c f . Butcher's account, p. 203,in which the f a m i l y o f a young noblewoman had d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g a husband o f s u i t a b l e rank f o r her).  Butcher a l s o d e s c r i b e s a number o f s i t u a t i o n s i n which  parents  f o r c e d marriages on t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  of d e f i a n c e was c o n s i d e r e d  The o c c a s i o n a l  instance  remarkable, and seldom succeeded.  The m i s s i o n a r i e s f o r t h e i r p a r t i n v e i g h e d a g a i n s t n o t only the ceremonials and what was, t o t h e i r eyes, the s h o c k i n g l y w a s t e f u l p o t l a t c h d i s t r i b u t i o n s , b u t attempted t o e l i m i n a t e the " c a l l i n g o f names o f l i v i n g or dead, the g i v i n g o f money o r other g i f t s i n c l u d e d w i t h the ceremonial  f e a s t s " ( c f . p. 200). Had  t h a t succeeded, i t would have undermined the e n t i r e Northwest Coast form o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n .  Most n a t i v e s were not p r e -  202  pared t o abandon e v e r y t h i n g , however. Although the churchmen claimed p e r i o d i c a l l y t h a t p o t l a t c h i n g was not being c a r r i e d on w i t h i t s o l d ardour, i t seems e v i d e n t t h a t the Kitamaat c o n t i n u e d not only to p o t l a t c h among themselves, but engaged i n the major i n t e r - v i l l a g e p o t l a t c h e s as w e l l .  A  1911 r e p o r t i n a Vancouver newspaper d e s c r i b e s a p o t l a t c h h e l d at B e l l a C o o l a , at which "$3875 i n money, 700 boxes of b i s c u i t s , 1000 sacks of f l o u r and 500 bags of sugar" were d i s t r i b u t e d (Rushton 1974:  65).  The account a l s o noted t h a t "The  next  Indian p o t l a t c h i s to be h e l d i n K i t i m a t , where many of the g i f t s w i l l f i n d t h e i r way back to the g i v e r "  (Ibid.).  Tlie Kitamaat continued to p a r t i c i p a t e i n major i n t e r v i l l a g e p o t l a t c h e s u n t i l the 1930's, at l e a s t .  Garfield reports  a d i s c u s s i o n t h a t took p l a c e at K i t k a t l a f o l l o w i n g the death of a major c h i e f : Upon Wakas' s u g g e s t i o n i t was decided to i n v i t e the Gitamat and H a r t l e y Bay p e o p l e , s i n c e , as he s a i d , they honored t h e i r debts and a l s o know Dzi'basa b e t t e r than h i s P o r t Simpson b r o t h e r c h i e f s (1939: 253). Two  items are worthy of note here.  F i r s t , the Kitamaat main-  t a i n e d c l o s e ceremonial connections (they honoured t h e i r debts) w i t h a Tsimshian v i l l a g e - - c l o s e r , i n f a c t , than a neighbouring Tsimshian v i l l a g e had done. of church o p p o s i t i o n .  Second, those t i e s continued i n s p i t e  P o r t Simpson, l i k e Kitamaat, was  of a s u c c e s s f u l Methodist m i s s i o n .  the s i t e  G a r f i e l d remarks t h a t some  of the P o r t Simpson Tsimshian had used t h e i r c o n v e r s i o n to C h r i s t i a n i t y as a p r e t e x t f o r r e f u s i n g to repay t h e i r p o t l a t c h debts, an a c t i o n t h a t c r e a t e d c o n s i d e r a b l e i l l  f e e l i n g among t h e i r  neighbours.  In s p i t e of a s i m i l a r o p p o r t u n i t y to remove them-  s e l v e s from the p o t l a t c h system, the Kitamaat continued t o engage in  it. A c t u a l l y , the Kitamaat ceremonials remained underground  only  as long as a s t r o n g , w i l f u l m i s s i o n a r y l i k e Raley was p r e s e n t . L a t e r m i n i s t e r s seem t o have l a c k e d Raley's f o r c e f u l presence, and i n consequence p r a c t i c e s t h a t were p r o s c r i b e d d u r i n g h i s tenure began t o reappear or be p r a c t i s e d more openly.  In  1918,  Margaret Butcher, a nurse at the l o c a l s c h o o l , d e s c r i b e d a wedding. Being of h i g h caste i t has been d i f f i c u l t to f i n d her a husband.... There was a b i g c o u n c i l meeting to arrange [the marriage] of the P r i n c e s s , and had to be chosen as he was the only e l i g i b l e man of h i g h enough rank.... [In the r e c e p t i o n banquet] the Eagles and Beavers, being e n t e r t a i n e r s d i d not s i t down....Before the c l o s e two s l e d s were drawn i n t o the room loaded w i t h j o i n t s of meat. A j o i n t was given to the head of each f a m i l y . To others were g i v e n p a r c e l s of soda c r a c k e r s or boxes or oranges and money was given q u i e t l y . $70 was g i v e n to the Band and $10 was l a i d i n f r o n t of Mr. A l l a n f o r the Church. The whole f e a s t and P o t l a t c h c o s t $1000. A f t e r our r e t u r n home the people w.ould have a n a t i v e dance and the next day there was a second f e a s t and dance given by another branch of the same f a m i l y . . . . There has been a s u c c e s s i o n of f e a s t s s i n c e t h a t day at l e a s t one every other day. Our f r i e n d Mr. Anderson [a l o c a l white s e t t l e r ] has s o l d f i v e beeves f o r t h i s f e a s t . A f t e r the Stewarts (the P r i n c e s s ' f e a s t ) three b r o t h e r s the Grants gave one and t h e i r s c o s t $1100 so t h a t now they are very b i g people. There have been numerous dances but they are kept very q u i e t and the white man i s not welcome to those (1918: January 1 s t and 8 t h ) . The Kitamaat m i s s i o n a r y ' s fundamental  technique i n e f f e c t i n g  the abandonment of n a t i v e c u l t u r a l elements was  the s e p a r a t i o n  of converts from the i n f l u e n c e of t h e i r uhregenerate kinsmen.  To  204  that  end, R a l e y e n c o u r a g e d  the m i s s i o n v i l l a g e .  the c o n v e r t s to take up r e s i d e n c e i n  In i t s l a t e r  stages,  the a d o p t i o n o f the E u r o p e a n - s t y l e frame campaigned  strenuously  communal house, the d i s e a s e s  f o r the abandonment o f the  t h a t were so p r e v a l e n t transmitted  In a d d i t i o n , he was dards o f p r o p r i e t y  traditional feared  that  among I n d i a n s a t t h a t  time  among p e o p l e who  particularly  involved  d w e l l i n g , f o r Raley  f o r m e d i c a l and m o r a l r e a s o n s .  were too e a s i l y  b r o u g h t up  t h i s move a l s o  He  lived  communally.  c o n c e r n e d t h a t European  c o u l d n e v e r be i n c u l c a t e d  among  stan-  children  i n the o l d h o u s e s .  I t u s e d t o be, t h a t i n t h e o l d n a t i v e h o u s e s , a l l the members o f 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 f a m i l i e s l i v e d t o g e t h e r i n a s i n g l e room, where a l l ages and b o t h sexes s l e p t , a t e and d w e l t t o g e t h e r . Fancy what a p i c t u r e o f human l i f e must be formed i n the mind o f a c h i l d who i s f a m i l i a r w i t h v i c e i n a l l i t s forms from i n f a n c y upward, and who l o o k s on scenes o f s i n as the normal c o n d i t i o n o f humanity ( R a l e y 1901: 14-9) . The rapidly,  c o n s t r u c t i o n o f frame houses f o r by  1903,  R a l e y remarked  e v i d e n t l y proceeded  quite  that:  Ten y e a r s ago the v i l l a g e p r e s e n t e d a l t o g e t h e r a d i f f e r e n t a p p e a r a n c e , t h e n the o l d f a s h i o n e d I n d i a n houses p r e d o m i n a t e d , now none a r e to be seen (1903: 24-1). This s h i f t  i n native residence patterns  tion  figures  o f the t i m e .  that  the v i l l a g e was  l a t i o n o f 266,  1900  Indian A f f a i r s  Report notes  ;*  made up o f 42 frame h o u s e s , and had a popu-  an average o f j u s t  age-distribution p e r s o n s below  The  can be seen from p o p u l a -  f i g u r e s we  o v e r 6 p e r house.  have are f o r 1902, which  the age o f 20, and 166  above  The  show 87  (IAR 1903).  assume the same number o f h o u s e s , t h a t would  closest!,  I f we  l e a v e about 4 a d u l t s  205  (20 and above) and 2 c h i l d r e n per house. This t r a n s i t i o n to s m a l l households i s o f some consequence i n matters  of i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l o f p r o p e r t y , r i g h t s of i n h e r i -  t a n c e , c o - o p e r a t i v e p a t t e r n s , p o s t - m a r i t a l r e s i d e n c e , and the like.  These w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n succeeding  chapters.  A second form o f r e s i d e n t i a l s h i f t took p l a c e a t t h i s  time,  one t h a t was to have c o n s i d e r a b l e importance i n the e v e n t u a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms.  This s h i f t was a l s o  i n i t i a t e d by the m i s s i o n a r i e s , and grew out of t h e i r concern  that  even the converted parents were too c l o s e t o t h e i r heathen past to be r e l i a b l e models f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  A boarding s c h o o l was  therefore constructed for v i l l a g e children.  G i r l s remained there  from the ages o f about 6 or 7 to 17, boys from about 7 to 12. Boys who showed promise then l e f t to a t t e n d Coqualeetza r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l a t S a r d i s , near Vancouver, and about 500 m i l e s from Kitamaat.  The regimen was q u i t e s t r i c t , and proceeded from  Raley's motive f o r removing converts from the long houses. Therefore i f we want the f u t u r e of the people to jj. be C h r i s t i a n , the c h i l d r e n must be removed from such ii d e m o r a l i z i n g s u r r o u n d i n g s , i n t o homes where they are if under the constant i n f l u e n c e o f C h r i s t i a n t e a c h i n g ii (Raley 1901: 14-9) . 1  C h i l d r e n were p e r m i t t e d to s t a y w i t h t h e i r parents only on weekends and h o l i d a y s , even though t h e i r houses were a l l w i t h i n a q u a r t e r - m i l e o f the s c h o o l . even among themselves,  They were f o r b i d d e n to speak H a i s l a ,  and were punished  i f caught doing so. The  boys d i d not see home f o r months, or even y e a r s , at a time, Coqualeetza being a thousand m i l e round t r i p from the v i l l a g e . This i s o l a t i o n had f a r - r e a c h i n g consequences.  Butcher  206  remarked i n 1918 t h a t some o f the g i r l s had t o l d her t h a t they c o u l d not understand a l l the H a i s l a of t h e i r parents and grandparents .  Informants t o l d me t h a t upon t h e i r r e t u r n from Coqualeetza  they had l o s t almost a l l of t h e i r H a i s l a and had t o r e - l e a r n i t i n order t o communicate w i t h t h e i r  elders.  In a d d i t i o n , the prolonged s e p a r a t i o n of c h i l d r e n from the s o c i a l l i f e o f the v i l l a g e p r e v e n t e d , or at l e a s t hampered, t h e i r undergoing the i n t e n s i v e and prolonged t r a i n i n g f o r the i n h e r i tance o f t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t u s e s .  The c o n s i d e r a b l e stock o f what  S u t t l e s c a l l s " p r i v a t e knowledge" and o r a l l y imparted informat-ton t h a t any h e i r t o a t i t l e would be expected t o know was not easy t o impart only on weekends.* A f u r t h e r problem f o r the e l d e r s of the v i l l a g e who t r i e d to s o c i a l i z e t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e was the a t t i t u d e s developed by the students who were r e g u l a r l y exhorted to f o r g e t the heathen p a s t .  I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t many  c h i l d r e n developed c a s u a l or even h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s towards the maintenance of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms, c o n s i d e r i n g the conf l i c t i n g p r e s s u r e s t h a t they were s u b j e c t e d t o .  One ot my most knowledgeable informants was a gentleman who c o n t r a c t e d t u b e r c u l o s i s at the age of 8, and was sent home from the s c h o o l to d i e . He r e c o v e r e d , but d i d not a t t e n d s c h o o l a g a i n , and consequently was exposed to more t r a d i t i o n a l H a i s l a l e a r n i n g than h i s f e l l o w s .  207  Chapter  9  Depopulation According  to Duff  l o w i n g c o n t a c t was  (1964:  causes  suffered  a shattering  o f the d e c l i n e were t h r e e f o l d :  u s i n g European  and  d i s e a s e s such  as t u b e r c u l o s i s  fol-  coastal  i n numbers.  intertribal  warfare,  a succession of  o f f thousands  a number o f s l o w e r a c t i n g  endemic among the t r i b e s and  drop  weapons t o d e v a s t a t i n g e f f e c t ;  p l a g u e s w h i c h swept the c o a s t , c a r r y i n g subsiding;  a half  a demographic c a t a s t r o p h e f o r the  I n d i a n s , as most t r i b e s The  3 9 ) , the c e n t u r y and  though  no  before  less  deadly  and v e n e r a l d i s e a s e , w h i c h became  and r a v a g e d  the s u r v i v o r s  o f the  plagues  wars. The  effect  difficult  of a l l t h i s  to estimate.  they remained  on the p o p u l a t i o n o f the H a i s l a i s  Living  relatively  f a r up  remote i n l e t s  unknown t o the w h i t e  until  as t h e y d i d , very l a t e i n  the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  To what e x t e n t they s u f f e r e d  warfare  i s t h e r e f o r e not recorded.  groups  o r the e p i d e m i c s were a f f e c t e d  t o the same d e g r e e ,  from  the  Not a l l  as T a b l e XVII, p .  208  shows. Some K i t a m a a t  have t o l d me  t h a t a b o r i g i n a l l y , the  were somewhat more numerous than t h e y , w i t h around to K i t a m a a t ' s  1000.  1200  Kitlope persons,  I f t h a t were t r u e , i t would i n d i c a t e  that  the K i t l o p e were e s p e c i a l l y h a r d h i t , f o r by the 1890's, they had been r e d u c e d  t o fewer  than 100,  and were d e c l i n i n g  D u r i n g s e v e r a l y e a r s , the I n d i a n Agent r e p o r t e d t h a t no had  t a k e n p l a c e among them I f we  (IAR  a c c e p t the K i t a m a a t s '  steadily. births  passim.). c l a i m o f about  2200 f o r b o t h  Table XVII P o p u l a t i o n D e c l i n e Among N a t i v e s o f the Coast, 1835-1885  Tribe  Population  D e c l i n e i n Percentage  1855  1885  Haida  6,000  800  87  Tsimshian  8,500  4,550  47  10,700  3,000  72  Nootka  7,500  3,500  53  B e l l a Coola  2,000  450  78  Coast S a l i s h  12",000  5,525  54  Kwakiutl  Source:  Duff 1964: 39  209  peoples  the t u r n - o f - t h e - c e n t u r y p o p u l a t i o n o f around  sents a d e c l i n e  o f some 82 p e r c e n t .  c o n s e r v a t i v e Mooney-Kroeber f i g u r e considerable:  70 p e r  Some i n d i r e c t he  lists  note  Even i f we  o f 1300,  use  400  repre-  the more  the d e c l i n e  is  still  cent.  evidence e x i s t s  of smallpox  H a i s l a names, O l s o n i n c l u d e s  at Kitamaat.  When^  the f o l l o w i n g e x p l a n a t o r y  :  f o r one woman's t i t l e :  •  Ma'manakelaxs ("she g a t h e r e d t o g e t h e r the b o d i e s " ) . About one hundred y e a r s ago, a f t e r an e p i d e m i c o f s m a l l p o x a t K i l d a l a Arm, a woman b u r i e d the numerous dead, t h e n came t o K i t i m a t , gave a f e a s t and took the t i t l e (1940: 172). By  the time  Xa'isla,  t h a t George R a l e y a r r i v e d ,  Whatever t h e i r  a possible losses  from  indicator  a number o f y e a r s b e f o r e 1920, of persons  the p l a g u e s  noted that  1919)  the v i l l a g e  Margaret  the m o r t a l i t y ness  seemed t o be  Butcher, a nurse  gave h e r r e l a t i v e s  felt  from  a t the s e e m i n g l y  into  this  remarked on  tuberculosis,  For  the  and i n the  a t the M i s s i o n home (1916-  and conveyed  o f the human s i d e  the f e e l i n g  inexorable slide  to  of  of hopeless-  extinction:  I was r e m a r k i n g on the growth o f one s t u r d y boy; the answer was--"Yes, we hope he w i l l win t h r o u g h . Two o f h i s s i s t e r s are dead and a n o t h e r w i l l be soon. We must t a k e care o f him." ( O c t o b e r 4 t h , 1916) S a r a h , aged 12, the youngest i n a f a m i l y i n which 2 g i r l s have succumbed, has j u s t matured, and s t a r t e d a cough, and l o o k s v e r y s i c k . . . . T h e l u n g t r o u b l e has to be r e c k o n e d w i t h a l l the t i m e . . . .  ;  endemic  century.  the h a r d e s t h i t o f any  a p a t h e t i c account  statistics,  and w a r f a r e , the  the I n d i a n agent  at Kitamaat, p r i m a r i l y  vil-  of severe depopulation.  d i s e a s e s p l a y e d havoc w i t h the H a i s l a w e l l  agency.  the N a l a b i l a , ; ^  and G i l d a l i d o x had begun t o w i n t e r t o g e t h e r i n the  l a g e o f the X a ' i s l a ,  toll  i n 1893,  210  M i r i a m i s the e i g h t h t o d i e s i n c e months ago (n.d.)  I came h e r e  seven  Maud l a s t A u g u s t , Amy l a s t J a n u a r y ; Maggie i n J u n e - - t h r e e s i s t e r s w i t h i n 12 months. Norah has j u s t m a r r i e d . H a z e l and S a r a h are s t i l l i n the home--which one w i l l d i e n e x t ? Do you wonder t h a t we f u s s when a c h i l d g e t s a cough? (n.d.) One man l o s t 7 c h i l d r e n , a n o t h e r 9--[he] b r o u g h t the l a s t r e m a i n i n g t o t h e home t o t r y t o save him from the same f a t e ( O c t o b e r 1 s t , 1917). A n o t h e r has b r o u g h t h i s one p r e c i o u s l i t t l e son, he has l o s t n i n e o t h e r c h i l d r e n and has o n l y a boy of 22 or so b e s i d e s ( n . d . ) . These  deaths o c c u r r e d among c h i l d r e n  seven t o e i g h t e e n , w h i c h , burial  r e c o r d s was  The b u r i a l the  death r a t e  a c c o r d i n g to f i g u r e s  for infants  group w i t h the l o w e s t m o r t a l i t y  rates  shown t h r o u g h to the l a s t  higher  t h a n f o r o t h e r age  total. the  late  the t o t a l  1930's, the f i g u r e had The  groups.  one* y e a r o f age  Nearly h a l f  least.  declined  from the  Between 1897  first  and 1906,  deaths  a c c o u n t e d f o r o n e - t h i r d o f the  came from c h i l d r e n under  dropped, b u t was  still  six.  For  very high--37%.  h i t Kitamaat with p a r t i c u l a r v i r u l e n c e .  attempts were made to i s o l a t e  pp.  shown, i t c o n t i n u e d t o be f a r  epidemic of Spanish i n f l u e n z a that struck North  i n 1918  that  are given i n Tables XVIII-XXI,  period  c h i l d r e n under  rate.  phenomenally  t h r o u g h the 1940's, a t  A l t h o u g h the r a t e o f i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y  of  indicate  and young c h i l d r e n was  that p e r s i s t e d  relative mortality  o f about  drawn from the  r e c o r d s k e p t by the m i s s i o n a r i e s  high, a s i t u a t i o n The  the age  from the ages  America  Although  the v i l l a g e by p r e v e n t i n g anyone  from d i s e m b a r k i n g t h e r e , some s i c k H a i s l a r e t u r n e d home and  infec-  211  t e d the r e s t . lation  died.  comprised  no  the v i c t i m s .  p. 2 1 3 .  families  escaped  than o t h e r s .  this The  the o t h e r -who l o s t The  social  effect  The  mortality  of t h i s  decline entirely, f a t h e r who  l o s t nine of h i s  imbalance  was  to c r e a t e a r e c e p t i v i t y  were f o r c e d t o a c c e p t more i n an attempt  continuity  o f names o r l i n e s .  In a s i t u a t i o n  later,  c l a n was  unwilling  obliged  t o a c c e p t as t h e i r  or l i v e d  t o move to K i t a m a a t  decline  strict  rules  thus p r e p a r e d  of descent  and  the ground  the  t o be d e s c r i b e d chief  i n distant villages  t o t a k e up  the son  of  died during and were  the p o s i t i o n .  The  f o r the d i s s o l u t i o n  the a c c e p t a n c e  to  diffuse  to maintain  A l l the more d i r e c t p o t e n t i a l h e i r s had  lation  ones .  children,  s i x , have been m e n t i o n e d .  o f kinsmen as h e i r s  the i n f l u e n z a e p i d e m i c ,  Whereas  some were h i t much  categories  former head.  are shown  o f t h o s e under 6 succumbed.  i n n o v a t i o n , as groups  one  rates  Whereas one - t w e n t i e t h o f t h o s e between 6  1 5 d i e d , over o n e - f i f t h  harder and  than e i g h t weeks, t e n p e r c e n t o f the popu-  A g a i n , the h a r d e s t h i t were t h o s e under s i x , who  nearly half  on Table XIX, and  In l e s s  o f f a r more  popuof  lenient  212  Table XVIII Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1897-1906  Age  Number o f Deaths  Percentage of Deaths  Cohort's Percentage o f Population"  Male  Female  Total  -1  18  12  30  32  1 -6  8  5  13  14  7-15  5  12  17  18  14  16-20  2  2  4  4  11  21-65  6  9  15  16  55  65-  11  3  14  15  4  Total:  SO  TS  9T  99"  9~9  Source:  15  Raley, Na-Na-Kwa O b i t u a r i e s  213  Table XIX Mortality  During the  1918  Spanish I n f l u e n z a Epidemic  Age  Number of Deaths Male  Female  Percentage of Deaths  Cohort's Percentage of P o p u l a t i o n  Total  -1  2  2  4  15  1 -6  2  6  8  30  7-15  2  2  4  15  25  16-20  0  2  2  7  9  21-65  3  4  7  26  36  65-  0  2  2  7  8  Total:  9  18  27  100  100  Source:  22  Kitamaat B u r i a l  Records  214  Table XX Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1920-1929  Age  Number of Deaths  Percentage of Deaths  Cohort's Percentage of P o p u l a t i o n  Male  Female  -1  13  6  19  23  1 -6  3  8  11  13  7-15  12  10  22  26  20  16-20  2  4  6  7  10  21-65  7  7  14  17  46  65-  6  6  12  14  4  43  41  84  100  100  Total:  Total  Source:  20  Kitamaat B u r i a l Records  Table XXI  Kitamaat M o r t a l i t y , 1930-1939  Ml  Number ofJDeaths  Percexvtage of Deaths  Cohort's Percentage "of P o p u l a t i o n  Male  Female  -1  11  10  21  24  1 -6  7  7  14  16  7-15  8  6  14  16  27  16-20  2  3  5  6  7  21-65  9  16  25  28  65-  45  7  3  10  11  5  44  45  89  101  Total:  Total  Source:  16  100  Kitamaat B u r i a l  Records  Table XXII P o p u l a t i o n at Kitamaat, 1902-1934  O CO  U1  VO  I  vO  13 12  m 20 20  20  £  19 20  .m 17 17  28  30  19  27  21 18 20 24 29 29 28 28  £  <u~> vO  £  15 15  m 76 77  f 77 76  m 6 6  7 6  Tota 263 262  9  12  82  69  3  2  275  28  9  12  82  69  2  2  268  31 12 14 34 29 29 39 29  24 14 16 32 37 37 35 35  10 11 12 14 14 14 13 13  10 13 13 10 11 11 10 11  81 90 91 54 56 57 52 52  73 75 77 44 44 45 41 41  2 12 12 8 7 7 11 11  2 17 17 8 8 8 10 10  271 275 287 241 262 265 269 260  33  31  30  17  14  86  55  8  4  305  28  43  45  15  •7  89  55  8  9  323  Source:  £  Indian A f f a i r s Department Annual Reports  217  Chapter 10 S o c i a l Change:  The Adoption of V a r i a n t s  The process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n among the H a i s l a can be c l a r i f i e d somewhat by r e f e r e n