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On the ideology of democratic socialism Pak, Kŭn 1956

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ON THE IDEOLOGY OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM by PAK KUN A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of PHILOSOPHY AND PSYCHOLOGY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the standard r e q u i r e d from candidates f o r the degree o f MASTER OF ARTS Members o f the Department o f P h i l o s o p h y and Psychology THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1956 ABSTRACT On the Ideology o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m — An attempt to determine the nature o f d i f f i c u l t i e s o f contemporary democratic s o c i a l i s m and to seek c l u e t o t h e i r s o l u t i o n through an i d e o l o g i c a l approach. Democratic S o c i a l i s m i s s a i d to be the theory o f e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l i s m by democratic means, i . e . through g r a d u a l changes brought about by the o p e r a t i o n o f democratic governmental a g e n c i e s , and hence i t has been put i n c o n t r a s t w i t h Communism, i . e . s o c i a l i s m through r e v o l u t i o n and d i c t a t o r -s h i p . Yet, w h i l e Communism has been g a i n i n g grounds i n some important p a r t s o f the world today, democratic s o c i a l i s m has l o a t n o t o n l y popular support, but a l s o i t s own s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e . I t has come, so to speak, t o an o v e r - a l l impasse. The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to grasp the nature of t h i s impasse and then t o help c o n t r i b u t e t o i t s s o l u t i o n through r e l e v a n t measures. The t h e s i s t h e r e f o r e c o n s i s t s o f t h r e e p a r t s . P a r t I d e a l s w i t h the nature o f prese n t s o c i a l -i s t t r o u b l e s . I t i s argued t h a t the r o o t o f i t s t r o u b l e s l i e s i n t h a t 1) democratic s o c i a l i s t s have underrated the import-ance o f p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y , and 2) the i d e o l o g y of democratic s o c i a l i s m i t s e l f has shortcomings. P a r t I I d e a l s w i t h the i d e o l o g y o f B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m i n o r d e r to have a good understanding o f the democratic s o c i a l -- I I -i s t i d e o l o g y . The two F a b i a n Essays are t r e a t e d here t o r e v e a l v a r i o u s shortcomings o f B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m . I t may be s a i d t h a t t h i s p a r t o f the t h e s i s c o n s i s t s , i n g e n e r a l , o f a b r i e f c r i t i c i s m o f Fabianism. I n P a r t I I I we t r y to come to the core o f the i d e o -l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . Gradualism, when a p p l i e d to the A s i a t i c s i t u a t i o n , can be no match a g a i n s t Communism and democratic s o c i a l i s m i s im p e l l e d to f i n d a way toward new c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f i t s own. I t i s argued i n t h i s P a r t t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t assumptions are no l o n g e r adequate to meet the present p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n o f the w o r l d . I n c o n c l u s i o n i t i s suggested t h a t the problem o f freedom, r a t h e r than o f e q u a l i t y , should be the c e n t r a l i s s u e f o r democratic s o c i a l i s m . I n g e n e r a l the t h e s i s t r e a t s democratic s o c i a l i s m i n c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h Communism and t h i s i s due to our c o n v i c t i o n t h a t Communism seems to be the r e a l enemy o f the democratic s o c i a l i s t movement. - 0 -TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I Chapter 1 Chapter 2 PART I I Chapter 3 PART I I I Chapter h Chapter 5 I n t r o d u c t i o n P o s i t i o n o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n the Contemporary World a. Modern Democracy b o Communism c. Democratic S o c i a l i s m Ideology o f B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m (Fabianism) a. H i s t o r i c a l Background b. C h i e f C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fabianism Democratic S o c i a l i s m and A s i a a. G r a d u a l i s m — I t s Background i n Temperament and Environment b. The Double Meaning of Democracy—and D e f e c t s and Confusion i n Current Democratic S o c i a l i s t Ideology c. The P r a c t i c a l Side o f the Q u e s t i o n o f Re t h i n k i n g Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n Terms of Freedom d o A s i a and Western Democracy e. Communist Success i n A s i a f . C o l o n i a l i s m — A Case Study g. The Chances f o r Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n A s i a h o The I d e o l o g i c a l Incompetence of Demo-c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m A New Approach Toward the Meaning o f Freedom a. A S o c i a l i s t Dilemma b. Freedom as Man's Power Over H i s Surroundings c. Freedom i n the-Means o f Freedom d. An A p p l i c a t i o n PART I -CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION It has been said that contemporary democratic socialism has come to an impasse, or has lost i t s "sense of 1 direct ion." Wherein l i e s the chief cause of i t s troubles? This thesis tr ies to help find an answer to this question. There may be various causes for this soc ia l i s t impasse. The purpose of this paper i s to argue that i t s chief cause i s to be found i n the ideological shortcomings of democratic socialism. Despite the various p o l i t i c a l and h i s tor ica l conditions that have contributed to i t s loss of "sense of direct ion," the main defects of democratic socialism seem to l i e i n i t s own ideology. What kind of ideological shortcomings does i t contain and how should they be overcome? F i r s t of a l l , we have to grasp the nature of the troubles of democratic socialism i n the world today. Since i t s troubles seem to be determined by i t s p o l i t i c a l and ideologi-ca l position with respect to other major p o l i t i c a l forces, i t w i l l be necessary to consider i t s relations with the two other chief p o l i t i c a l forces, modem l i b e r a l democracy and communism, and then we must try to understand the position of democratic socialism i n the contemporary world. By modern l i b e r a l democracy, we mean those ideals of representative government 1. R.H.S. Crossman "Towards a philosophy of Socialism." New Fabian Essays. London, Turnstile Press, 1953> PP«1 - 2 -that'accompanied l a i s s e z - f a i r e economic individualism. I t was the democracy of l a i s s e z - f a i r e . By communism, we mean here, those ideologies as represented by the communist p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y that of the Russian communist party, as expressed i n i t s various o f f i c i a l and s e m i - o f f i c i a l p ublications. The i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n of democratic socialism today must be evaluated i n connection with these two great p o l i t i c a l ideologies of the modern age. In view of the un-successful status of present democratic socialism, however, we have to consider the nature and various aspects of i t s present trouble that seem to have sprung from i t s i d e o l o g i c a l defects; The i d e o l o g i c a l defects, however, cannot be c l e a r l y understood without some detailed study of democratic s o c i a l -ism. We s h a l l discuss B r i t i s h socialism, therefore, as the representative of democratic socialism i n order to grasp the ch i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of democratic s o c i a l i s t ideology. We have to analyze B r i t i s h socialism and t r y to see i t s ideo-l o g i c a l shortcomings. Though the "New Fabian Essays" i s an expression of conscious e f f o r t to overcome the i d e o l o g i c a l defects of the B r i t i s h Socialism, the o v e r - a l l conclusion w i l l be that i t i s yet f a r from i t s proposed goal. Some of the analyses of the New Fabian Essayists seem to be Inadequate and i n c o r r e c t . Their basis of thinking seems to be too narrow and t h e i r outlook too l i m i t e d . They have not done away with - 3 -s o - c a l l e d p o l i t i c a l "empiricism", i . e . the a t t i tude of democratic s o c i a l i s t s ignoring the need for fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of t h e i r theory, and r e l y i n g on the short - s ighted p o l i t i c a l " t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r - i s m . " I t may be not proper, however, to c r i t i c i z e through B r i t i s h soc ia l i sm, democratic soc ia l i sm i n general , without paying a t t e n t i o n to general and e s sen t ia l character i s t ics o f democratic soc ia l i sm. Hence, gradualism i s a lso discussed i n terms of i t s o r i g i n and content. In order to show more c l e a r l y the nature of ideo-l o g i c a l defects of democratic soc ia l i sm, and to help prepare the way to a new d e f i n i t i o n of democratic soc ia l i sm, i t seems to be best to discuss democratic soc ia l i sm as appl ied to the A s i a t i c s i t u a t i o n . I t s weakness l i e s , not only i n gradualism, but a l so i n the basic assumptions that are common to a l l types of soc ia l i sm. The c e n t r a l weakness of democratic soc ia l i sm i s more c l e a r l y revealed here, i n that i t i s s t i l l confused about i t s own i d e a l s , and hence, s t i l l f a i l s to d i s t i n g u i s h i t s e l f c l e a r l y from communism except i n gradualism, which somehow, i s only a matter of t a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e . I t i s here that the need for a r e d e f i n i t i o n of democratic soc ia l i sm i s un-mistakably f e l t , and we must make an attempt to suggest a few out l ines for i t s r e d e f i n i t i o n . I t w i l l be said that the c e n t r a l point of the democratic s o c i a l i s t i d e a l i s not so much "about equal i ty" as "about freedom". And only i n t h i s - k -question of freedom may be found the true foundation of democratic socialism that can gain victory i n the struggle for human freedoms. This thesis, therefore, w i l l consist of four main chapters; the Position of Democratic Socialism i n the Con-temporary World; the Ideology of Br i t i sh Socialism; Democratic Socialism and Asia; and la s t l y some suggestions for redef ini -t ion of democratic socialism. CHAPTER II THE POSITION OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD In order to consider the position of democratic socialism i n the contemporary world, we are here going to discuss, (1) the chief l imitations of the ideas of early modern democracy, (2) the characteristics of contemporary communism, (3) the ideological position of democratic soc ia l -ism i n relat ion to modern l i b e r a l democracy and communism. a. Modern Democracy The evaluations of modern democracy di f fer accord-ing to one's standard of judgment. A man who knows the feudal system and i t s shortcomings cannot but help admire the whole development of modern democracy. But a man who seeks and en-visages a better l i f e for human beings cannot f a i l to see i t s l imitations and defects. In Ancient Greece, democracy developed from p o l i t i c a l expediency. It was thought to be the most convenient way of rul ing c i ty states, which had small areas and populations. It was, so to speak, "a purely pragmatic phenomenon, arising under special conditions, and regarded as the most convenient way of managing the affairs of people bound together by community 2 of interests and for the achievement of specific end." 2 . C L . Becker, Modern Democracy? New Haven; Yale University Press, 19^1, p. 17 - 6 -Plato could not see any merit i n democracy. To him what was important i n a government was whether or not i t had a "science 3 of government," i . e . , the "royal science." Only a s c i e n t i f i c government could be a true government, whether i t was a govern-ment of the few or of the manjp, or whether i t was accepted v o l u n t a r i l y or i n v o l u n t a r i l y . Thus, our ancient democracy was not i d e n t i f i e d with " s c i e n t i f i c government," but was rather an offspring of mere p o l i t i c a l expediency, and lacked i t s own t h e o r e t i c a l foundations. With the dawn of the modern age, democracy was given a dress of conscious j u s t i f i c a t i o n . This took the form of showing that i t possessed s c i e n t i f i c foundations. I f ancient democracy came into being by way of expediency and convenience, modern democracy came into being along with a conscious quest for t h e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n , without which many modern p o l i t i c a l movements would have l o s t t h e i r meaning. 5 "Natural law" and "natural r i g h t s " together with 3. Plato, "Statesman", Dialogues of P l a t o ? translated by B. Jowett. .Vol. h, 3rd ed. Oxford, 1891, p. h5l. h. Plato, op.cit.#.19 5. Both were derived from the concept of the i n d i v i d u a l as a r a t i o n a l animal. Grotius defined the natural law as "a dic t a t e of r i g h t reason" and said that "the very nature of man i s the mother of the law of nature.'.' " L i f e , l i b e r t y , and estate" which Locke enumerated as natural r i g h t s were equally derived from the p r e v a i l i n g concept of the i n d i v i -d u a l — t h e free form, s e l f preserving, r a t i o n a l b e i n g — , and were held to be as indefeasible as. the natural laws were i n t r i n s i c and ultimate. See Sabine, "A History of  P o l i t i c a l Theory." New York, Henry Holt & Co., 1953, pp. 4-23-4-2M-, pp. 526-528. - 7 -the "contract theory", - gave democracy something more than . 6 "minimum assumptions," and made i t possible for democracy to claim that i t alone deserved the name of "good and true" government. This new phase i n the development of democracy was made possible by the belief i n the new ego—the ultimate individual . The individual was a free, reason-controlled being, endowed with intr ins ic natural r ights . Man was thought 7 8 to be "born free," endowed with certain "inalienable rights ," and with the a b i l i t y to know what i s i n his best interests . In theory, when this concept of the individual was applied to government, i t meant that the best government was that which ruled the least, (since i t hampered the individual least . ) I f we could not run the government by direct part ic ipation because of the size of present-day state and population, then just i f i cat ion could be made for the notion of "contract" and "representation." In case of confl ict of interests or d i s -, - 9 agreement among individuals, the rule of the majority, agreed upon and accepted i n advance, would resolve the d i f f i cu l t i e s that occur. Thus modern democracy, i n principle at least , seemed to have accomplished the task of providing a theoretical foundation for i t s e l f . I f the theory of modern democracy had ° - B e c k e r , o p . c i t . , p . 1 9 . • 7. J . J . Rousseau, The social Contract. Oxford, 1953? p.2^-0. 8. Declaration of Independence. 1776. 9. J . hocke, "The True End of C i v i l Government," Social *—Contract. Oxford, 1953? p.82. - 8 -advanced one pace beyond ancient democracy i n the sense that i t had la i d a theoretical basis which was more than mere p o l i t i c a l expediency, i t was nevertheless so one-sided and abstract that i t was soon attacked at i t s very foundations. It was one-sided because i t failed to foresee the important role played by economics i n society. The laissez-faire system was elaborated and defended but i t s p o l i t i c a l and social implications were not seriously considered. It was not properly considered i n terms of historical context. The discovery that individuals are endowed with reason and natural rights was not linked with the discovery of the steam engine. Thus the newly discovered individual was an abstract individual, found nowhere else but i n the f i e l d of assumption. To a. reader who knows the later emphasis on history, i t seems strange to find that there i s l i t t l e sense of history i n the social contract theories of either Rousseau or Locke and l i t t l e refer-ence to man's economic l i f e . The newly created social and economic conditions, the division and regimentation of labour, the wage system, and the'plight of mass population, could not receive appropriate attention i n this basic theory of democracy. 10 b. Communism 10. The term "Marxism" i s used i n this chapter to mean the same as Communism. The word "Communism" i s ambiguous. For the purpose o f our i n q u i r y we mean by the term communism the d o c t r i n e r e p r e s e n t e d by the i d e o l o g y of the R u ssian Communist P a r t y . L e n i n once p o i n t e d out three main t h e o r e t i c a l sources 11 o f Marxism. They were (1) German p h i l o s o p h y , (2) E n g l i s h p o l i t i c a l economy, and (3) French s o c i a l i s m . T h e r e f o r e , the unique f e a t u r e o f Marx's d o c t r i n e c o n s i s t s i n the f a c t t h a t he attempted to u n i f y h i s t o r i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l t h e o r i e s i n t o a s i n g l e a l l embracing p h i l o s o p h i c a l d o c t r i n e . He c o u l d i n t e g r a t e , w i t h the help o f Engels, i n t o a coherent w o r l d -12 o u t l o o k c a l l e d d i a l e t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m , the v e r y t h r e e elements which were h i t h e r t o d e a l t w i t h s e p a r a t e l y 13 or l e f t out by the exponents o f modern l i b e r a l democracy . When t h e o r i e s o f h i s t o r y , s o c i e t y and economies were i n t e g r a t e d under the p r i n c i p l e o f m a t e r i a l i s m , a new concept o f humanity and a new concept of s o c i e t y and s t a t e were shaped and a p p l i e d . TTi L e n i n . Marx-Engels-Marxism. Hth. E n g l i s h ed.. Moscow F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g House, 1951, p. 77. 12. H i s t o r y o f the Communist P a r t y o f the S o v i e t Union ( B o l s h e v i k s ) , Short course, Toronto, Progress Books, 1952, p. 105. 13.. Even M i l l ' s "On L i b e r t y " f a i l e d to g i v e a p p r o p r i a t e c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o the s o c i a l and economic a s p e c t s o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y . H i s economic t h e o r y i s s a i d to have gone a ; l i t t l e f u r t h e r t han the c l a s s i c a l economists, but even so, f a i l e d to b r i n g about a c l e a r l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n o f i t s own. (See G.H. Sabine, A H i s t o r y o f P o l i t i c a l  Theory: NevfYork, H o l t & Co., 1953, pp. 712-713. - 10 -A chief characteristic of Marx's doctrine l i e s i n his analysis of the masses and classes i n accordance with the concept of d ia l e t i ca l development. The concept of col lect ive humanity and the concept of h i s tor ica l development of society were for the f i r s t time seriously considered by him. It i s interesting to note that when Hegel tr ied to give to individual l i f e a reasonable social and h i s tor ica l posit ion, he introduced the concept of "Cunn-14-ing of Reason." The individual might think himself as an independent and free person, but he was i n fact no more than a puppet cunningly controlled and handled by the "Reason" (or World Sp ir i t ) which would see to i t that every individual would act i n accordance with i t s plan of world history. But Marx did not require the "Cunning of Reason." He simply adopted a new concept of the individual and explained him i n terms of his social being. "In i t s rea l i ty i t (the human 15 essence)is the ensemble of the social relations." The new aspect of human l i f e , i . e . , i t s social aspect, was given exclusive attention. I f a man's l i f e has 14-. Hegel, Philosophy of World History, translated by J . Sibree, Hegel S e l e c t i o n s « ed. by J . Lowenberg, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, p. 380. 15. - Kar l Marx, "Thesis on Feuerbach" Marx-Engels Selected  Works %. Moscow, Foreign Language-Publishing House, 194-9, V o l . 2, ppA366 - 11 -two fundamental aspects, the social and the individual , as 16 Alexander Gray said, i t was Marx (and Engels)who consciously tried to cancel out the la t ter , to explain i t away by the former. The fundamental ingredient of man's social l i f e was said to be, after a l l , his economic l i f e . "Just as Darwin discovered the law of evolution i n organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of evolution i n human history; he discovered the simple f a c t , . . . t h a t mankind must f i r s t of a l l eat and drink, have shelter and clothing, 17 before i t can pursue p o l i t i c s , science, re l ig ion , art , e t c . . ." Thus the rational man was replaced by the col lect ive economic man. The most individual aspects of.man's l i f e , such as re l ig ion and the arts , were either regarded secondary or were subordinated to the interest of classes or demands of the party l i n e . As Marxism, through Lenin and again through Sta l in , underwent a course of theoretical reshaping, this tendency was carried to extremes. From the theory of class struggle to the theory of the revolution and dictatorship and from here to Stalinism which was the theory of the maintenance of dictator-ship through col lect iv izat ion and purges, through the s t r i c t "one party line" doctrine, through the increase of state 18 power by the building up of heavy industry, Marxism became 16. Alexander Gray. The Social is t Tradit ion. Moses to Lenin. London, 194-6, pp.487-4-88. 17. F . Engels, "Speech at the Graveside of Kar l Marx", Marx-Eneels Selected Works? V o l . 2,Moscow,Foreign Languages Publishing House, 194-9, p. 153. 18. J . S ta l in , Problems of Leninism, Moscow, Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953, p. 24-9, 273, 286, 4-98. - 12 -19 ever more t o t a l i t a r i a n . A p o l i t i c a l t heory r e v e a l s i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y when i t shows i t s power of m o b i l i z i n g and o r g a n i z i n g masses o f people, of r a l l y i n g them c o n s c i o u s l y around one c e n t e r , s u p p l y i n g theiji w i t h the nece s s a r y morale and energy f o r the r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement. E i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y l i b e r a l d o c t r i n e p l a y e d t h i s r o l e . But i t d i d not p l a y i t f o r l o n g . Though i t i s hard to de c i d e how much o f the weakness o f modern democracy was caused by and was due to the d e f i c i e n c y o f i t s t h e o r y and how much was due to the i n e v i t a b l e d i s p a r i t y between theory and p r a c t i c e , d o u b t l e s s , t o the 18th. c e n t u r y l i b e r a l s and r e v o l u -t i o n a r i e s , the phrase " a l l men are c r e a t e d e q u a l " must have had a gre a t d e a l o f meaning. I t i s not a p p r o p r i a t e to d i s p o s e o f the phrase, "Men are born f r e e . . . " simply because i t does not mean anything to us today. We w i l l be l e d to an i n t e l l e c t -u a l p o s i t i o n which under-rates the power and s i g n i f i c a n c e o f p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s i f we t h i n k they are " u n p r o f i t a b l e " and 20 " w o r t h l e s s . " I t may be t r u e t h a t some p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r s , l i k e Rousseau, Locke, Hegel and Marx might "have formulated q u e s t i o n s o f a type t o which no e m p i r i c a l l y t e s t a b l e answers c o u l d be g i v e n " and t h e r e f o r e t h a t such q u e s t i o n s are "non-21 s e n s i c a l " or "beyond the range of e m p i r i c a l c o n f i r m a t i o n . " 19. The c u r r e n t d e n u n c i a t i o n o f S t a l i n i s m by S t a l i n ' s s u c c e s s o r s may be a s i g n i f i c a n t phenomenon. Yet, i t s f u l l i m p l i c a t i o n w i l l p r o b a b l y not become c l e a r u n t i l the passage o f many more y e a r s from now. 20. T.D. Weldon, The Vocabulary o f P o l i t i c s . Penguin, 1953,p.14 21. I b i d . pp.74 &~957~~ - 13 -But such " e m p i r i c a l t e s t a b i l i t y " seems to have l i t t l e to do w i t h the p o t e n t i a l i t y o f a p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y . No one can deny the important r o l e s p l a y e d by the "theory of i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s " and Kant's " e n d - i n - i t s e l f " theory o f man i n the h i s t o r y o f modern democracy, though i t may be another q u e s t i o n t o d e c i d e the exact extent o f t h e i r i n f l u e n c e . Can we deny the statement t h a t "Marx's own i n f l u e n c e on modem h i s t o r y i s the 22 most s p e c t a c u l a r example o f the power of i d e a s and i d e a l s ? " Thus, a p o l i t i c a l i d e a l has some meaning i n i t when i t l i v e s i n the minds o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s and o r d i n a r y men; d r i v e s them toward something which they have not y e t got; makes them a s p i r e towards a reform or r e v o l u t i o n , s t i r s them up t o a g e n e r a l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l system. Although f o r a p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y , t h i s may not be the t e s t of t r u t h , n e v e r t h e l e s s , i t r e v e a l s to us i t s s i g n i f i -cance and p o t e n t i a l i t y . However, the d o c t r i n e of e a r l y modern democracy s u f f i c i e n t l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the process o f shaping modern i n s t i t u t i o n s . But i t was not long before the d o c t r i n e l o s t most o f i t s meaningfulness. To the people w i t h democratic governments i t had l i t t l e more to o f f e r , and to non-democratic people i t emerged as an instrument o f a new e x p l o i t a t i o n and o p p r e s s i o n . I t no longer appeared as a dynamic s o c i a l f o r c e . 22^ H.J. M u l l e r . The Uses o f the P a s t T Mentor Book. 199+.P.292 - Ih -Communism was born out o f the same a s p i r a t i o n s as modern l i b e r a l movements. I t s u l t i m a t e g o a l was the kingdom o f freedom, " i n which the f r e e development o f each i s the "23 c o n d i t i o n f o r the f r e e development o f al l ' . 1 I n p l a c e o f the a b s t r a c t i n d i v i d u a l , the r a t i o n a l and f r e e born man, communism put s o c i a l , c o l l e c t i v e , economic man; i n s t e a d o f i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s and n a t u r a l law, i t brought out the concept of e v o l u t i o n and h i s t o r y ; i n s t e a d o f a p p e a l i n g to a b s t r a c t humanity, i t c a l l e d f o r a working c l a s s o f the wo r l d . Communism spoke not o n l y i n terms o f a n a t i o n , but of every n a t i o n and a l l s o c i e t i e s . I t made the p l a i n f a c t known t h a t i n e q u a l i t y e x i s t e d not o n l y w i t h i n a s o c i e t y , but a l s o among s o c i e t i e s . Thus, when the modern democratic movement v i r t u a l l y ceased t o be a r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e , whereas th e r e were s t i l l many p l a c e s i n the worl d where such a f o r c e was s t i l l r e q u i r e d , communism took over to p l a y i t s f u n c t i o n and c a r r i e d out the overthrow o f the o l d regime. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t the R u s s i a n r e v o l u t i o n was achieved f i n a l l y by the B o l s h e v i k s , but not n e c e s s a r i l y under the B o l s h e v i k banner. The B o l s h e v i k s had to support the popular c o a l i t i o n government, and Pravda 23.. "Manifesto o f the Communist P a r t y , " Marx-Eneels S e l e c t e d Works, Moscow, F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g House, 1951, V o l . 1, p. 51. - 15 -(then edited by J . Stal in) announced that the fundamental problem i s to establish "a democratic republic." One of the major achievements of communism today i s that i t i s capable of leading and achieving a revolution. The i n a b i l i t y to do this is one of the chief deficiencies of the doctrine of democracy. It knows pretty well how to run an established democracy, but te l l s us l i t t l e about how to establish i t . Communism on the other hand was conceived as a theory of revolution, and set forth elaborate tactics and strategy for 25 i t . Of course there cannot be an in tr ins i c value i n revolu-t ion i t s e l f , and even Rousseau could not f a i l to see the danger and r i sk involved i n a revolution. To him the attitude of 26 caution with regard to any revolution was "a maxim of po l i t i c s ," but there seem to be many areas i n the world today where revolu-tion may s t i l l be necessary. Except for a few countries, the majority of the world's population have a long way to go before they can see any working pol i t ica l , system of the sort envisaged by early modern l i b e r a l thinkers. Thus, Sta l in could s t i l l say before the representa-tives of his communist party:". . . formerly the bourgeoisie could afford to play the l i b e r a l , to uphold the bourgeois-2*.Muller, o p . c i t . , p p . 2 9 6 - 2 9 7 . 25. Blueprint for World Conquest, as outlined by the Communist International, ed. by W.H. Chamberlin, Washington, Human Events, 19^6, pp.234-245. 26. Rousseau, T h e Social Contract. Oxford, 1953, p.3.81. - 16 -democratic l i b e r t i e s , and thus g a i n p o p u l a r i t y w i t h the peo p l e . Now not a t r a c e remains o f t h i s l i b e r a l i s m . The s o - c a l l e d " l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l " no l o n g e r e x i s t s — t h e r i g h t s o f the i n d i v i d u a l are now extended o n l y to those who possess c a p i t a l , w h i l e a l l o t h e r c i t i z e n s a r e regarded as human raw m a t e r i a l , f i t o n l y to be e x p l o i t e d . The p r i n c i p l e o f equal r i g h t s f o r men and n a t i o n s has been trampled i n the mud; i t has been r e p l a c e d by the p r i n c i p l e o f f u l l r i g h t s f o r the e x p l o i t i n g m i n o r i t y and no r i g h t s f o r the e x p l o i t e d m a j o r i t y . The banner o f bourgeois-democratic l i b e r t i e s has been thrown overboard. I t h i n k t h a t i t i s you, the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the communist and democratid p a r t i e s , who w i l l have to r a i s e t h i s banner and c a r r y i t forward, i f you want to gather around you the m a j o r i t y o f the people. There i s nobody e l s e t o r a i s e 27 i t . " These words may not mean much today to the people o f England, Canada or the U n i t e d S t a t e s , but they can have a tremendous meaning t o the people o f v a r i o u s c o l o n i e s and semi-c o l o n i e s . Now i t i s the communists who want t o p l a y a t being l i b e r a l s , and even n a t i o n a l i s t s . c. Democratic S o c i a l i s m The term "democratic s o c i a l i s m " i s no more p r e c i s e than "democracy" or "communism." However, as we t r i e d to 27. J.V. S t a l i n T Speech a t the Nineteenth P a r t y Congress~ f October 1^, 1952, Moscow, F o r e i g n Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1952,pp.12-13. - 17 -i n c l u d e , under "communism" the g e n e r a l i d e o l o g y o f the p r e s e n t - 2 8 communist p a r t y o f the USSR, i . e . , The M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t t r a d i t i o n , so we may i n c l u d e here the i d e o l o g y o f the demo-c r a t i c s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s i n the world today. But t h i s does not b r i n g us any c l o s e r t o i t s d e f i n i t i o n c h i e f l y because o f the f a c t t h a t t h e r e a re so many democratic s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s w i t h d i f f e r e n t i d e o l o g i e s . However, we can ro u g h l y d i v i d e most o f these i d e o -l o g i e s i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : the c o n t i n e n t a l i d e o l o g y and the B r i t i s h i d e o l o g y . From the very beginning o f the c o n t i n e n t a l s o c i a l i s t movement, t h e r e emerged two b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t t e n d e n c i e s w i t h r e g a r d t o both the t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f s o c i a l i s m , which l a t e r came to be known as communism and democratic s o c i a l i s m ( e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m ) . I n the matter of p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , the s p l i t was r e v e a l e d i n v a r i o u s q u e s t i o n s o f p a r t y p o l i c y or o r g a n i z a -t i o n . The h i s t o r y o f the communist p a r t y o f the USSR i s , i n t e r n a l l y , a s t r i k i n g example o f a h i s t o r y o f the s t r u g g l e between these two t e n d e n c i e s . With r e g a r d to theory t h i s s p l i t was r e v e a l e d n o t a b l y by Edward B e r n s t e i n ' s " R e v i s i o n i s m . " Thus .the c o n t i n e n t a l 2c\ H i s t o r y o f the Communist P a r t y o f the S o v i e t Union. Short CourseProgress Books, Toronto, 1952. - 1 8 -i d e o l o g y o f democratic s o c i a l i s m sprang, both i n theory and p r a c t i c e , out o f the o r i g i n a l Marxism. I n c o n t r a s t , the B r i t i s h democratic s o c i a l i s m has, i n i t s o r i g i n , c o m p a r a t i v e l y l i t t l e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the d o c t r i n e 29 o f K a r l Marx. Fabianism and the i d e o l o g y o f the B r i t i s h Labour p a r t y n e v e r t h e l e s s have something i n common w i t h c o n t i n e n t a l r e v i s i o n i s m , and t h i s common q u a l i t y i n the two i d e o l o g i e s i s o f great importance. They both r e j e c t : (1) r e v o l u t i o n and subsequent d i c t a t o r s h i p o f p r o l e t a r i a t as the necessary means o f e s t a b l i s h -i n g s o c i a l i s m , (2) m a t e r i a l i s m as the s o l e p h i l o s o p h i c a l b a s i s o f s o c i a l i s m , (3) the u n q u a l i f i e d concept o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e . They both b e l i e v e i n : (1) e v o l u t i o n a r y and g r a d u a l p r o g r e s s o f s o c i e t y , (2) the s p i r i t o f l i b e r a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l i t y , (3) defence and nourishment of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n o f modern democracy. I n the care o f these common f e a t u r e s l i e s one funda-mental p r i n c i p l e the p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom, 30 s u s t a i n e d by "a l i b e r a l c o n s c i e n c e . " The h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i s t h a t i t c o n s c i o u s l y t r i e d t o i n h e r i t e a r l y modern l i b e r a l i s m i n both theory and p r a c t i c e . B e r n s t e i n was aware of t h i s 29^ Gray. The s o c i a l i s t T r a d i t i o n pp. 38^-386 30. I b i d . , p. *f07 - 19 -p o i n t ; as Gray says: '•' "Democracy i s not merely a c o n d i t i o n o f s o c i a l i s m ; i t i s e x a l t e d u n t i l i t comes something more than the m e a n s — i t i s indeed the v e r y substance o f s o c i a l i s m . . . I t i s p a r t o f B e r n s t e i n ' s c o n f e s s i o n o f f a i t h t h a t s o c i a l i s m i s the l e g i t i m a t e h e i r o f l i b e r a l i s m , not o n l y i n c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence, but a l s o i n i t s s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s . There i s , he says, no t r u l y l i b e r a l thought t h a t does not a l s o have i t s p l a c e among the i d e a s o f s o c i a l i s m ; the t a s k of s o c i a l i s m i s indeed t h a t o f o r g a n i z i n g l i b e r a l i s m . " 3 1 T h e r e f o r e , i f communism was an o u t r i g h t r e a c t i o n . a g a i n s t the d e f e c t s o f modern democracy, democratic s o c i a l i s m was a conscious e f f o r t t o i n h e r i t i t s i d e a l s . Hence, demo-c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m c l a i m s t h a t " s o c i a l i s t s s t r i v e to b u i l d a new s o c i e t y i n freedom and by democratic means. Without freedom t h e r e can be no S o c i a l i s m . S o c i a l i s m can be a c hieved o n l y through democracy. Democracy can be f u l l y r e a l i z e d o n l y 32 through S o c i a l i s m . " I t denounces both c a p i t a l i s m and communism. " . . . S o c i a l i s m was born i n Europe as a movement of 33 p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the d i s e a s e s i n h e r e n t i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . " There a r e c e a s e l e s s a t t a c k s from the Communist s i d e upon democratic s o c i a l i s m , which charges i t w i t h not having e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l i s m anywhere i n the world or not having made any s e r i o u s e f f o r t s to do so, even when S o c i a l - D e m o c r a t i c 3lT Gray, o p . c i t . , p. 4-06. 32. Aims and Tasks o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m , D e c l a r a t i o n o f  the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l ( S e c t i o n : P o l i t i c a l Democracy) adopted i n F r a n k f o r t on 3 J u l y 1951. 33• I b i d . , Preamble, - p . l - 20 -p a r t i e s have l e d governments i n many c o u n t r i e s both before and a f t e r World War I I . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the D e c l a r a t i o n o f the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l o f 1951 c o u l d say " S o c i a l i s m has become a major f o r c e i n world a f f a i r s . I t has passed from propaganda 35 i n t o p r a c t i c e . " Democratic s o c i a l i s m i s , as we have a l r e a d y observed, a movement o f democracy and has today become a major p o l i t i c a l f o r c e . I t does not p l a y a t l i b e r a l i s m , as the communists do, but i s i t s e l f l i b e r a l and wants to be the t r u e h e i r o f the modern l i b e r a l i s t movement. And y e t democratic s o c i a l i s m has not been too s u c c e s s f u l i n i t s l o f t y e f f o r t s and s t r u g g l e s f o r the g o a l o f s o c i a l i s m . I t has been p a r t i c u l a r l y unsuccess-f u l i n the c o l o n i a l or s e m i - c o l o n i a l areas where communism has been g a i n i n g ground. What are the reasons f o r the f a i l u r e s o f contemporary democratic s o c i a l i s m ? There seem to be s e v e r a l c h i e f r e a s o n s . (1) Democratic S o c i a l i s m can be meaningful and can have s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the advanced democratic c o u n t r i e s o f Western Europe (or North America), even without c l e a r , systema-t i c d o c t r i n e o f s o c i a l i s t p h i l o s o p h y . Thus t h i s c a s u a l a t t i t u d e toward p r i n c i p l e and theory i s r e f l e c t e d i n the D e c l a r a -t i o n i n such phrases as: "W- W.Z. Foster? The T w i l i g h t o f World C a p i t a l i s m . New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 19*+9, p. 80. 35. D e c l a r a t i o n o f the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l . 1951, Preamble. - 21 -"Socialism is an international movement which does not demand a r i g i d uniformity of approach. Whether Social ists build their fa i th on Marxist or other methods of analysing society, whether they are inspired by religious or humanitarian principles , they a l l strive for the same goal— a system of social just ice, better l i v i n g , freedom and world p e a c e . " 3 ° Surely Socialism must be more than "a system of social justice, better l i v i n g , freedom and world peace." These words do not mean much to the people of, for example, Korea, unless they are interpreted i n the context of a coherent and overall doctrine, as well as a concrete pol icy . People w i l l not move for any sweet and beautiful phrases unless they are, f i r s t , reasonable and convincing to them, and, second, concrete and prac t i ca l . An appealing, pract ica l program and pol icy, founded on and supported by some convincing principles , i s what i s required i n order to set the people into motion. It i s , of course, extremely dangerous for any demo-cracy to be too restricted and to t ie i t s e l f to any trans-37 cendent creed or ideology. But some theory must be respected i f we want to defend democracy, and the theory must be more than an expression of such words as individual freedom, peace, equality, etc. In England even this amount of theory may be 3 6 > Declaration of the Social is t International, l o c . c i t . 37. R.M. Maclver, The Web of Government. New York: The Macmillan Company, 194-7, p. 206. - 22 -dispensed w i t h s i n c e the people t h e r e are i n no need o f i t . When they are l i v i n g a f r e e l i f e , the word freedom would have not much p r o v o c a t i o n except i n such times when they become aware o f any t h r e a t to t h e i r f r e e l i f e . I n such a c o u n t r y the a l r e a d y p e t r i f i e d phrase " a l l men a r e c r e a t e d e q u a l " may n o t sound as meaningful as i n Hanoi, Indo-China. Thus, u n d e r r a t i n g the r o l e o f a d o c t r i n e , f a i l i n g to see the r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f an i d e o l o g y , w h i l e expecting those people i n the underdeveloped areas to come to accept democratic s o c i a l i s m , the s o c i a l i s t s wanted to win an easy 38 v i c t o r y . They thought t h a t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l e m p i r i c i s m would a l s o be a s u f f i c i e n t g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e . I n r e c e n t y e a r s , the f a i l u r e o f e m p i r i c a l p o l i t i c s was more de e p l y f e l t among the l e a d i n g democratic s o c i a l i s t s . "...a f a i l u r e o f the sense o f d i r e c t i o n which alone can u n i f y and s u s t a i n a great p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . The Labour P a r t y was unsure where i t was going... How can the Labour P a r t y r e g a i n i t s sense o f d i r e c t i o n ? My c o n t e n t i o n , i n t h i s essay, i s t h a t i t cannot be done so long as p o l i t i c i a n s are con-t e n t to r e l y on t h e i r "hunch" and e m p i r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e s . The Labour P a r t y has l o s t i t s way 38. The word "empi r i c i s m " used here i s d i f f e r e n t from p h i l o -s o p h i c a l empiricism.. The term i s borrowed from Mr. Crossman's a r t i c l e "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " (New F a b i a n Essays, p. 2). I t may be i n t e r p r e t e d as a p o l i t i c a l e m p i ricism, i . e . a g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e o f p o l i t i -c i a n s to r e l y more on t h e i r "hunch and e m p i r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e , " and l e s s on p r i n c i p l e s . I t a l s o can imply an a t t i t u d e . t o underrate the importance o f i d e o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s , i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l movement. - 23 -not o n l y because i t l a c k s a map o f the new co u n t r y i t i s c r o s s i n g , but because i t t h i n k s maps unnecess-a r y f o r experienced t r a v e l l e r s . " 3 9 I f t h i s i s the t r u e case w i t h the l e a d e r s h i p o f the B r i t i s h Labour P a r t y , which r e p r e s e n t s a l e a d i n g democratic s o c i a l i s t movement, how can we expect t o see s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e among democratic s o c i a l i s t s i n other c o u n t r i e s ? (2) T h i s l a c k o f adequate agreement concerning p r i n c i p l e s o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m , except the empty concept o f a gradualism which w i l l be d e a l t w i t h l a t e r , c o n t r i b u t e s to the f u r t h e r widening o f the gap between l e f t and r i g h t wings w i t h i n the Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y . I t i s one t h i n g to accept as n a t u r a l or even as i n e v i t a b l e , some i n t e r n a l wings and f a c t i o n s i n a democratic p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . But i t i s another q u e s t i o n to have r i g h t and l e f t wings that might s p l i t away from each other so w i d e l y as to d e s t r o y i t as a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . When there are no agreed p r i n c i p l e s i n r e g a r d to the matter of fundamental p o l i c i e s , the Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y w i l l become so d i v i d e d i n t e r n a l l y t h a t i t w i l l cease t o e x i s t as a major p o l i t i c a l f o r c e . (3) Another e f f e c t of the absence o f agreed p r i n c i p l e s i s the p o s s i b i l i t y oi£?thevpa'rty l o s i n g i t s 39. R.H.S. Crossman, "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " , " New Fabian-Essays? ed. by R.H.S. Crossman, London: T u r n s t i l e P r e s s , 1953? pp.1-2. - 21+ -c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and. i d e n t i t y i n the h i g h l y f l e x i b l e and o p p o r t u n i s t i c p o l i t i c a l arena o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e govern-ments. T h i s can be more t r u e when a democratic s o c i a l i s t p a r t y i s i n o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n . I f t h e r e were nothi n g i n the p a r t y to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the p a r t y i n power, and an e l e c t i o n campaign had to be conducted on the b a s i s o f v i r t u a l l y an i d e n t i c a l p l a t f o r m , i t s p o l i t i c a l f u t u r e c o u l d be h a r d l y b r i g h t . I t can be s a i d t h a t the r e c e n t B r i t i s h e l e c t i o n i s another l e s s o n o f t h i s s o r t f o r the Democratic S o c i a l i s t movement. 0+) I t i s q u e s t i o n a b l e whether the g e n e r a l p u b l i c c o u l d ever be induced, by means o f "permeation," or other "democratic means" o f enlightenment t o accept and support a f u l l y s o c i a l i s t program under normal p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . I t may be not p o s s i b l e t o go beyond the "welfare program" or some h a l f - h e a r t e d "reform p o l i c i e s " without any s o c i a l impact t h a t would g i v e enough momentum to the g e n e r a l p u b l i c to throw the s o c i a l i s t p a r t y out of power. I t may be t r u e t h a t o n l y some d r a s t i c s o c i a l commotions, such as a g r e a t d e p r e s s i o n or war, or a s e r i o u s d e t e r i o r a t i o n of s o c i e t y , c o u l d induce t h e . g e n e r a l p u b l i c to accept any f u l l s c a l e s o c i a l i s t program. The democratic s o c i a l i s t ' s "piece-meal" approach has not y e t been proven capable of e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l i s m . - 25 -T h i s i s one o f the c e n t r a l t a s k s y e t to be s o l v e d by Democratic S o c i a l i s t s . (5) I n a d d i t i o n to these, t h e r e i s the i n a b i l i t y o f democratic s o c i a l i s m and of i t s p a r t y to l e a d ' a r e v o l u t i o n i n the areas where r e v o l u t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l e o r r e q u i r e d . I f a r e v o l u t i o n i s l e d , under whatever banner ( n a t i o n a l i s t , demo-c r a t i c , s o c i a l i s t , or communist,) i t i s more than apparent t h a t the subsequent regime w i l l be i n the hands o f the Comm-u n i s t P a r t y . I t i s o f utmost importance f o r a p a r t y , aiming a t capture of power, to r e g a i n and e x e r c i s e l e a d e r s h i p i n a r e v o l u t i o n over a l l other p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l f o r c e s . To do t h i s , the Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y must be a b l e to m o b i l i z e not o n l y the masses, but a l s o the i n t e l l e c t u a l s . I t w i l l be i m p o s s i b l e f o r any p o l i t i c a l f o r c e to perform t h i s f u n c t i o n without (1) a o c o n v i n c i n g p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y , and (2) a r e v o l u t i o n a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h a p p r o p r i a t e t a c t i c s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y l a c k s both c o n d i t i o n s . I t should be c l e a r l y understood by democratic s o c i a l i s t s t h a t the c h a r a c t e r o f the regime born out of a r e v o l u t i o n i s determined by the c h a r a c t e r o f the l e a d i n g f o r c e of t h a t r e v o l u t i o n . Nowhere i s l e a d e r s h i p so v i t a l as i n a r e v o l u t i o n . (6) The c o l d war between communism and democracy has f u r t h e r weakened the p o s i t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . I t has l e f t l i t t l e _ space f o r p o l i t i c a l e m p i r i c i s m . Where - 26 -t h e r e i s no b a s i c e s t a b l i s h e d d o c t r i n e , o n l y two courses o f a c t i o n are open to democratic s o c i a l i s t s . E i t h e r they tend to j o i n the communists or they tend to go over to the c a p i t a l -i s t i c movement. Unless democratic s o c i a l i s t s e x e r c i s e a l e a d e r s h i p i n t h i s c o l d war, sooner or l a t e r they w i l l be town i n t o two p a r t s . I t i s however encouraging to n o t i c e a s i g n o f con-s c i o u s s t r u g g l e by l e a d e r s of B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m towards more p r i n c i p l e s and l e s s d e t a i l s . "The F a b i a n S o c i e t y i s , or should be, B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m ' s t h i n k i n g machine. I wish i t would t h i n k , f o r the time being, more about f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , and l e s s about d e t a i l e d p l a n s , which^ can be got r i g h t o n l y when the ends are c l e a r . " w "What i s wrong w i t h the Labour P a r t y today i s a hi shortage, not o f l e a d e r s , but of i d e a s , " c r i e d the New  Statesman and Nat i o n . I t seems t o be a p p r o p r i a t e , a t t h i s s tage, to t u r n to B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m i n the hope t h a t , by examining i t , we w i l l come to the core o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , and to the understanding of i t s problems and tasks i n the contemporary wo r l d . - _ 0 - -hol G.H.D. C o l e . "What next." F a b i a n JournalTNo. 12. ( A p r i l , 1954) p. 3*+. *+l. o p . c i t . p. 678. ~ - 27 -' PART I I CHAPTER I I I IDEOLOGY OF BRITISH SOCIALISM (FABIANISM) I n t h i s chapter we are to d i s c u s s B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m , p a r t i c u l a r l y Fabianism, as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i d e o l o g y o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . At f i r s t , we c o n s i d e r b r i e f l y the h i s t o r i c a l background o f E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s m , then t r y t o an a l y z e the c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fabianism. The New F a b i a n Essays may be s a i d to r e p r e s e n t the most r e c e n t e x p r e s s i o n o f Fabianism as a r e s u l t o f the Fabina's conscious s t r u g g l e f o r the f o r m u l a t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . a. H i s t o r i c a l Background Before we proceed t o a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f Fabianism, i t seems to be a d v i s a b l e t o l o o k a l i t t l e f u r t h e r back i n the t r a d i t i o n o f E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s m , out o f which Fabianism i t s e l f grew. We can p o i n t out about f o u r important v a r i e t i e s o f p r e - F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m i n England. F i r s t , t h e r e was U t o p i a n s o c i a l i s m as r e p r e s e n t e d by Robert Owen. Although i t was l a t e r c r i t i c i z e d by many modern s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y by Marx and Engels, t h i s U t o p i a n s o c i a l i s m exposed v a r i o u s d e f e c t s o f the e x i s t i n g bourgeois s o c i e t y and grasped f a i r l y c l e a r l y the s o c i a l i s t order o f s o c i e t y . Second, there was a s o r t o f A g r a r i a n s o c i a l i s m as - 28 -r e p r e s e n t e d by Thomas Spence and W i l l i a m O g i l v i e . Both o f these men conceived a k i n d of s o c i a l i s m p r i m a r i l y i n terms of l a n d . "God gave the l a n d to the people." "God gave the 4-2 e a r t h i n common to a l l men." T h i r d , t h e r e was the R i c a r d i a n s o c i a l i s m as c o n c e i v e d by a number o f s o c i a l i s t s b efore 1 8 5 0 , such as C h a r l e s H a l l , W i l l i a m Thompson, John Gray, e t c . They prepared the way f o r Marx by f o r m u l a t i n g t h e i r t heory o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and s u r p l u s v a l u e on the b a s i s of R i c a r d o ' s Law o f Rent. F i n a l l y , we may mention the " C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s " , 4-4-to whom Sidney Webb r e f e r s i n h i s book S o c i a l i s m i n England. The C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l i s t s denounced the c u r r e n t bourgeois i d e a l s and a d v o c a t e d s o c i a l i s t order of s o c i e t y . They spoke l o u d l y , together w i t h the "Young England" o f C a r l y l e , around the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . D e s p i t e some l a t e r c r i t i c i s m a g a i n s t them, these e a r l y E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s t s made a unique and h i s t o r i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f u t u r e o f s o c i a l i s m i n England. They were a l l h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r d e r and e l o q u e n t l y exposed the s o c i a l d e f e c t s i n i t . 4~2l Gray. The S o c i a l i s t T r a d i t i o n , PP.258-9 4-3. Gray, o p . c i t . , p. 2 6 2 . 4-4-. Sidney Webb, S o c i a l i s m i n England, London, Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 1 9 0 8 , p. 2 0 . - 29 -They had, g e n e r a l l y speaking, another common f e a t u r e , namely, t h e i r common s p i r i t and z e a l towards the envisaged U t o p i a . They p o s t u l a t e d t h e i r i d e a l s o c i e t y and p i c t u r e d i t i n c o n t r a s t to the c u r r e n t one. L a t e r , i n Marx and Eng e l s , t h i s q u a l i t y was d i s c a r d e d f o r the sake o f g i v i n g a s c i e n t i f i c t i n g e t o s o c i a l i s m , and consequently, but f o r the help o f the labour v a l u e t h e o r y and su r p l u s v a l u e theory, Marxism would have had not h i n g to i n s p i r e people towards s o c i a l j u s t i c e . These e a r l i e r forms o f s o c i a l i s m faded away bef o r e n i n e t e e n t h century l i b e r a l i s m and, but f o r John S t u a r t M i l l , the r e v i v a l Of B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m i n the l a t e 1880's might have been de l a y e d . The i n f l u e n c e o f M i l l ' s " P o l i t i c a l Economy" - - - 45 g r a d u a l l y prepared the p u b l i c mind f o r S o c i a l i s t p r o p o s a l s . M i l l was, i n t h i s sense, a b r i d g e between L i b e r a l i s m and S o c i a l i s m . I n h i s "On L i b e r t y " he was a superb l i b e r a l i s t , but a t the same time i n h i s P o l i t i c a l Economy, e s p e c i a l l y on the s u b j e c t o f the "unearned increment" o f l a n d v a l u e s , he 46 was f o r s o c i a l i s m . Then the "Progress and Pov e r t y " o f Henry George came out which gave a strong push t o the then 47 a r i s i n g s o c i a l i s t movement. As a r e s u l t o f t h i s g e n e r a l r e v i v a l o f s o c i a l i s m , t h e r e appeared a number o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s , such as the Democra-t i c F e d e r a t i o n (1881) , the F a b i a n S o c i e t y (1884) , the W e b b > o p . c i t . , p.19 *+6. Xoc.cit., -4 7 . I b i d . , p.21 - 30 -Independent Labour P a r t y (1893). Out o f these movements and 48 o r g a n i z a t i o n s , supported by the growing t r a d e union movement, was born the B r i t i s h Labour P a r t y , which i s the p o l i t i c a l ex-p r e s s i o n o f c e n t u r y - o l d B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m . ! I t i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s to attempt any d e t a i l e d account o f the exact i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between these o r g a n i z a t i o n s or o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e i n f l u e n c e upon the p r e s e n t i d e o l o g y o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m . Whatever t h e i r i n f l u e n c e might have been, Fabianism has become today the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i d e o l -ogy o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m . b. C h i e f C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fabianism Apart from the d i f f i c u l t q u e s t i o n o f d e c i d i n g the extent to which an i d e o l o g y i s determined by the c l a s s s t a t u s of an i n d i v i d u a l or group o f i n d i v i d u a l s who e n t e r t a i n i t , i t i s s t i l l u s e f u l t o see the c l a s s background o f the F a b i a n S o c i e t y before we proceed f u r t h e r . I t has been admitted both by Fabians and *non-Fabians t h a t the F a b i a n S o c i e t y i s a movement o f m i d d l e - c l a s s i n t e l l e c -t u a l s . Though i t i s needless to mention the founders and o r i g i n a l members of the S o c i e t y , the g e n e r a l atmosphere o f the m i d d l e - c l a s s s t i l l p r e v a i l s even today, when the e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l p rogress o f modern s o c i e t y has c o n s i d e r a b l y 48. The T.U.C. has e x e r c i s e d a g r e a t d e a l of i n f l u e n c e upon the B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m . Perhaps, i t has shaped, t o a great extent, the c h a r a c t e r of the Labour P a r t y , but t h e o r e t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m as r e p r e s e n t e d today by the Labour P a r t y seems to be found i n Fabianism r a t h e r than trade unionism. - 31 -d i m i n i s h e d the d i s t i n c t i o n between lower and middle c l a s s e s . As r e c e n t l y as 19^2, the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a D i v i s i o n a l Labour P a r t y announced h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to welcome a l o c a l F a b i a n S o c i e t y to h i s d i v i s i o n , w i t h these words. "I t h i n k i t would be a good t h i n g t o have a snob s e c t i o n i n our P a r t y . " The body o f m i d d l e c l a s s i n t e l l e c t u a l s has shown i t s p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r , which may not be w h o l l y independent o f i t s c l a s s background. 50 (1) I t e x i s t s o n l y t o " a d v i s e , " t o "persuade the 51 . . . E n g l i s h people" and t h e i r p o l i t i c i a n s . (2) Though i t has produced no genius o f great o r i g i n a l i t y , i t has shown a remarkable example o f e c l e c t i c i s m . F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m was a body o f t h e o r y , the p a r t s o f which were borrowed from so many non-Fabian w r i t e r s . Thus, a c c o r d i n g to Margaret Cole, the e a r l i e r Fabians took much o f t h e i r h i s t o r y , w i t h l i t t l e or no acknowledgement, from Marx; t h e i r economics from Jevons and R i c a r d o ; and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y from Bentham and John S t u a r t M i l l , adding a dash of Henry George. (3) I t has had a h i g h degree of a d a p t a b i l i t y and f l e x i b i l i t y without l o s i n g any t e n a c i t y to i t s g e n e r a l pledge. T+9~. Margaret C o l e . "The S t o r y o f the S o c i e t y " . F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12, ( A p r i l 1954) p.7. 50. I b i d . , p.6. 51. F a b i a n T r a c t . No. 70, p . l - 32 -(4) I t s emp i r i c i s m remains unchanged. S t i l l today "the need t o be p r a c t i c a l " i s c h e r i s h e d . The F a b i a n s 1 major i n t e r e s t s have r e v o l v e d around the matter o f p r a c t i c a l p o l i c y 52 and t a c t i c s . They r e t a i n the common q u a l i t y o f the E n g l i s h p e o p l e — t h e d i s l i k e o f dogma. As Margaret Cole put i t , they show l i t t l e c oncern about the remote f u t u r e and "they have aimed a t g e t t i n g t h e i r f a c t s u n c h a l l e n g a b l e , a t p u t t i n g forward p r o p o s a l s which a r e (a) capable o f being adopted w i t h i n a reasonable space of time, and (b) d e f e n s i b l e a g a i n s t r a t i o n a l o p p o s i t i o n . I f U t o p i a n fundamentally, n e i t h e r the E s s a y i s t s nor t h e i r s u ccessors were concerned to make immediate sugges-53 t i o n s f o r U t o p i a . " With these F a b i a n q u a l i t i e s i n mind, we can gi v e a b r i e f c o n s i d e r a t i o n to some of the unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f what I s c a l l e d "Fabian s o c i a l i s m . " Apart from the numerous t r a c t s and j o u r n a l s , r e s e a r c h pamphlets and i n d i v i d u a l w r i t i n g s , there are two v e r y important documents which may best serve t o re p r e s e n t F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m as such. These a r e the " F a b i a n E s s a y s " (1889) and the "New F a b i a n Essays" (1952). Between the two Essays t h e r e i s an i n t e r v a l o f s i x t y - t h r e e y e a r s and i t i s not u n i n t e r e s t i n g to compare them w i t h each o t h e r . The most important t h i n g to be s a i d about the o r i g i n a l F a b i a n Essays i s t h a t (1) they l a i d down the fo u n d a t i o n s o f the W. Gray, o p . c i t . pp.387 and 398. 53. F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12, ( A p r i l 1954), p.8. - 33 -Welfare S t a t e and i t was f i n a l l y r e a l i z e d by the l a b o u r govern-ment o f 19^5-51, (2) they represented the f i r s t t h e o r e t i c a l program f o r an e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m d i s t i n c t from Marxism and U t o p i a n S o c i a l i s m . The main p o i n t s o f t h i s e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m which'were contained i n the Essays and had a l a s t i n g i n f l u e n c e may be enumerated as f o l l o w s : (1) C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m : Besides the simple s t a t e -ment expressed i n the F a b i a n T r a c t No. 70, under the t i t l e o f " F abian C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m , " the E s s a y i s t s b e l i e v e d i n the B r i t i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n and had a s t r o n g f a i t h i n a working democracy. Without t h i s f a i t h i n the e x i s t i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n a l democracy, e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m would have l o s t one o f i t s b a s i c grounds o f argument, which they were q u i t e r i g h t t o h o l d on t o . (2) E q u a l l y important was t h e i r o p t i m i s t i c view, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t o f Mr. Webb, on the a c t i v i t i e s o f the s t a t e . To them s o c i a l i s m meant o n l y s t a t e s o c i a l i s m , and i n t h i s r e s p e c t . " F a b i a n i s m becomes to a l a r g e extent synonymous w i t h 54 a demand f o r an i n d e f i n i t e e x t e n s i o n o f S t a t e a c t i v i t y . " (3) I t must be p o i n t e d out t h a t , though Fabianism i s i n g e n e r a l a l i e n t o a b s t r a c t d o c t r i n e , the e a r l i e r Fabians n e v e r t h e l e s s t r i e d to support t h e i r "gentlemen's s o c i a l i s m " w i t h some half-borrowed, h a l f - c o n c e i v e d a b s t r a c t economics. 5 4 . G r a y , o p . c i t . , p.395 - 34 -I t was the R i c a r d i a n Law of Rent t h a t gave them a c l u e t o the w i t t y but i l l - c o n c e i v e d analogy c a l l e d the "Rent o f A b i l -i t y " , Mr. Shaw t r i e d t o supply a t h e o r e t i c a l f o u n d a t i o n f o r h i s e q u a l i t a r i a n s o c i a l i s m by t h i s strange c o n c e p t i o n o f r e n t s o f a b i l i t y . A c c o r d i n g to him, a r e n t o f a b i l i t y was "the • 55 excess o f i t s produce over t h a t o f o r d i n a r y s t u p i d i t y " . T h i s concept seemed t o be ab l e to e x p l a i n the e x i s t -i n g s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t y without the Marxian concept o f c l a s s e x p l o i t a t i o n . I n e q u a l i t y was not due t o the e x p l o i t a -t i o n o f the r u l i n g c l a s s , but due t o the unequal a b i l i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s t h e o r y a p p a r e n t l y must have f i t t e d the F a b i a n mood—i.e., i t enabled the Fabians to d i s p o s e w i t h the concept o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e and u n i l a t e r a l e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the workers. I t d i d not r e q u i r e them t o condemn the S t a t e as the op p r e s s i v e organ o f the r u l i n g c l a s s f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n . Thus backing up t h e i r s o c i a l i s t c o n v i c t i o n by such concepts as "Law o f Rent" and "r e n t o f a b i l i t y " , the e a r l y Fabians worked out the p r a c t i c a l programs and p r o p o s a l s which, when c a r r i e d out l a t e r , brought about the presen t Welfare S t a t e . (^f) Beneath a l l the above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , l i e s the f a i t h o f Fabians i n gradualism. C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m , 'state s o c i a l i s m , r e n t s o f a b i l i t y t h a t s i d e s t e p s the n o t i o n o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e , a l l went hand i n hand under the gre a t f a i t h o f gradualism, which was c o n s c i o u s l y s t a t e d by Mr. Webb i n 55^  F a b i a n Essays i n S o c i a l i s m , ed. by Bernard Shaw, London, the F a b i a n S o c i e t y , 1931, p . 9 - 35-56 the F a b i a n E s s a y s . Before we be g i n t o c o n s i d e r the New F a b i a n Essays, i t may be a p p r o p r i a t e to l o o k a t some o f the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f e a r l y Fabianism. ( 1 ) As Mr. A t l e e s a i d , the reader o f F a b i a n Essays today " i s s t r u c k by the almost complete absence o f any r e f e r e n c e 57 to f o r e i g n a f f a i r s . " I t cannot but s u r p r i s e anyone who knows V i c t o r i a n England t h a t those E s s a y i s t s completely f a i l e d t o see the s i g n i f i c a n c e of i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s . T h e i r i n t e r e s t was c o n f i n e d t o t h a t o f the E n g l i s h people. I n t h i s sense, they were s o r t o f n a t i o n a l e g o t i s t s , whatever t h e i r p r a c t i c a l reasons might be. ( 2 ) Together w i t h the above d e f i c i e n c y t h e r e was a l a c k o f v i s i o n i n the Essays. Too e m p i r i c a l and p r a c t i c a l , they spoke o n l y i n terms o f today and tomorrow, here and us, "the E n g l i s h . " T h e i r words l a c k e d such a f a r - r e a c h i n g q u a l i t y of sound as "workers o f the world u n i t e ! " They f a i l e d to speak i n terms o f humanity. Above a l l , "they d i d not g i v e a 58 blue p r i n t f o r an i d e a l s o c i e t y . " For t h i s reason, F a b i a n -ism p l a y e d no s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e beyond the boundary of England. I t f a i l e d t o g i v e any moral or t h e o r e t i c a l support t o the c o n t i n e n t a l democratic s o c i a l i s m t h a t has f a i l e d t o do away 56. F a b i a n Essays i n S o c i a l i s m , ed. by B. Shaw, London, The F a b i a n S o c i e t y — 1 9 3 1 , p . 3 2 . 57. New Fab i a n Essays, p r e f a c e by C.R. A t t l e e . 58. L o c . c i t . - 36 -w i t h Marxism. (3) The most important t h i n g , however, was t h e i r f a i l u r e t o e s t a b l i s h a f i r m t h e o r e t i c a l ground f o r the grad-ual i s m which has been the core o f Fabianism. As Mr. Gray 59 p o i n t s out, they.had a strange f a i t h i n the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f automatic e v o l u t i o n t h a t was supposed t o go on w i t h o r without any conscious e f f o r t or r e c o g n i t i o n . T h i s view they might, as Margaret Cole p o i n t e d out, have, borrowed from Marx, but they combined t h i s i n e v i t a b l e process toward s o c i a l i s m w i t h the p r i n c i p l e o f gradualism and t h e i r o p t i m i s t i c view of S t a t e a c t i v i t y . Thus, the c o n c l u s i o n became t h a t the s t a t e would i n e v i t a b l y keep on expanding i t s sphere o f a c t i v i -t i e s , which would f i n a l l y , and perhaps without r e a l i z i n g i t , b r i n g us i n t o the realm of s o c i a l i s m . Few doubted about c o n g e n i a l i t y between a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y and s t a t e a c t i v i t y . Can s t a t e a c t i v i t y , when expanded i n f i n i t e l y , produce a s o c i a l -i s t s o c i e t y ? Even though we may assume t h a t the s t a t e a c t s f o r , and o n l y f o r , the common i n t e r e s t o f a l l , i t may be s t i l l d o u b t f u l whether we s h a l l have anything l i k e an i d e a l s o c i e t y which we c h e r i s h by the name of " s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . " Two c r u c i a l q u e s t i o n s a re i n v o l v e d here. (1) Whether or not i t i s p o s s i b l e t o expand s t a t e a c t i v i t y i n f i n i t e l y . (2) Whether or not t h i s expansion can b r i n g about a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . 59. Gray, op.511'.,pp.393-395. - 37 -We„ t u r n , a t t h i s stage, to the New F a b i a n E s s a y s . The t a s k o f these Essays i s , as Mr. A t t l e e puts i t , to answer 60 the q u e s t i o n , "Where do we go from here?" T h i s q u e s t i o n expresses two important F a b i a n t r a d i t i o n s . The word "we" does not assume "we" as the people of the world, and the primary concern and the i n t e r e s t o f the E s s a y i s t s are c o n f i n e d to t h a t o f the E n g l i s h p e o p l e . Secondly, they r e g a r d the accomplished Welfare S t a t e as a s t e p p i n g stone toward a s o c i a l i s t s t a t e , and as g r a d u a l i s t s , they a r e e n t i t l e d to t h i s a t t i t u d e . A f t e r the accomplishment o f those p r o p o s a l s and programmes formulated by the o r i g i n a l Fabians under the Welfare S t a t e of the l a s t Labour Government, t h e r e came t o B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m a p e r i o d of o v e r a l l impasse, l o s s o f momentum and sense of d i r e c t i o n . As we have observed i n the f o r e g o i n g chapter, t h e r e can be v a r i o u s reasons f o r t h i s impasse. But the most important o f a l l f a c t o r s must be found i n the inade-quate theory of s o c i a l i s m i t s e l f . There was n o t h i n g more i n the o r i g i n a l F a b i a n Essays which c o u l d guide the Labour move-ment beyond the C a p i t a l i s t Welfare S t a t e . S o c i a l i s t s are a t a l o s s f o r g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e s . The New F a b i a n Essays which appeared i n 1952 under the e d i t o r s h i p o f R.H.S. Crossman are a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f the . conscious s t r u g g l e on the p a r t o f B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s t s i n t h e i r 6 C New F a b i a n Essays. P r e f a c e by C R . A t t l e e . - 38 -quest f o r r e a p p r a i s a l o f s o c i a l i s m under new h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i -t i o n s . To summarise the main p o i n t s of the e i g h t essays, they can be s a i d to c o n s i s t o f (1) r e d e f i n i t i o n o f s o c i a l i s m , (2) a r e a p p r a i s a l o f new h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s and c o n d i t i o n s and (3) proposed measures and p o l i c i e s i n the l i g h t o f s o c i a l i s m as thus r e d e f i n e d and of h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s as thus r e l a t e d . A new p h i l o s o p h y o f h i s t o r y , however, dominates the e s s a y i s t s ' s a n a l y s i s , i n sharp c o n t r a s t to t h e i r p r e decessor's o p t i m i s t i c view o f the i n e v i t a b l e e v o l u t i o n o f s o c i a l i s m . I t i s t h e i r deep s c e p t i c i s m about the automatic h i s t o r i c a l p r o g r e s s . At some p o i n t s t h i s s c e p t i c i s m submerges i n t o a sense o f tragedy 61 and martyrdom. D i s i l l u s i o n e d by two c o n s e c u t i v e World Wars, which gave b i r t h t o communism and f a s c i s m , these Fabians c o u l d not share the r o s y V i c t o r i a n b e l i e f t h a t every step taken by s t a t e a c t i v i t y would b r i n g us n e a r e r s o c i a l i s m , t h a t every s o c i a l change which takes p l a c e s i l e n t l y o r a u t o m a t i c a l l y would r e p r e s e n t h i s t o r i c a l p r o g r e s s . In t h i s mood o f s c e p t i c a l humanism, as Mr. Crossman c a l l s i t , they d i s a g r e e w i t h the e a r l y Fabians as w e l l as w i t h Marx; they t u r n t h e i r backs on c o l l e c t i v i s m and many t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t i d e a l s . I n t h e i r e f f o r t to r e - d e f i n e s o c i a l i s m , t h e r e f o r e , they seem t o be l e s s d a r i n g than even the e a r l i e r F a b i a n s . 6ll See Mr. Crossman's "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m , " Mew F a b i a n Essays, p.10 and p.15 - 39 -They s h i f t emphasis from the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y t o democratic p l a n n i n g and c o n t r o l o f i n d u s t r y , from a b o l i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y t o r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth, from e f f i c i e n c y t o e q u a l i t y . They have an even l e s s d o c t r i n a i r e a spect than t h e i r p r e d e c e s s o r s , though they t r y t o be more than mere p o l i t i c a l e m p i r i c i s t s . There i s no such d a r i n g analogy as the " r e n t s o f a b i l i t y " i n the New F a b i a n Essays. Conse-q u e n t l y , i n g e n e r a l , there i s n o t h i n g t h a t can s t i r up the s e n s i t i v e f a c u l t y o f v i s i o n i n the people who have l o s t the d r i v i n g momentum o f s o c i a l i s m and who have been h e l d up i n an impasse. They need something more than a f a c t o r i t s explana-t i o n . They need a winged v i s i o n i n order t o proceed beyond the impasse. Though some o f the s o c i a l i s t s , on the r i g h t wing p a r t i c u l a r l y , were f a s c i n a t e d by t h e i r l a s t a c h i e v e m e n t — t h e Welfare S t a t e — a n d advocated o n l y c o n s o l i d a t i o n and improvement o f t h i s achievement as the next g o a l o f s o c i a l i s m , i t i s never-t h e l e s s to the c r e d i t o f Fabians t h a t they have not been d a z z l e d by i t . I n t h e i r e f f o r t t o d i s p e l the f e e l i n g o f com-pl a c e n c y among some c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l i s t s , and to c r e a t e momentum toward f u r t h e r s o c i a l i s t advancement, the Fabians have t r i e d t o e s t a b l i s h the argument t h a t the Welfare S t a t e i s not y e t a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . Thus i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d as the post c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y and named as S t a t i s m , a p r e -s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . "I s h a l l assume t h a t s o c i a l i s m s t i l l means - ifO-.-a s o c i e t y d i f f e r e n t i n k i n d , not o n l y from C a p i t a l i s m , but 62 a l s o from the s t a t i s m o f 1951." I t was, then, the concept o f c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y t h a t helped d i s t i n g u i s h the s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y from the p o s t -c a p i t a l i s t Welfare S t a t e . Henceforth the f o l l o w i n g two d e f i n i t i o n s o f s o c i a l i s m were quoted i n the New F a b i a n Essays. "By S o c i a l i s m , I mean a form o f s o c i e t y i n which men and women are not d i v i d e d i n t o oppos-i n g economic c l a s s e s , but l i v e t o gether under c o n d i t i o n s o f approximate s o c i a l and economic e q u a l i t y , using i n common the means t h a t l i e t o t h e i r hands of promoting s o c i a l w e l f a r e . A human f e l l o w s h i p which denies and expels d i s t i n c t i o n s o f c l a s s , and a s o c i a l system i n which no one i s much r i c h e r or poorer than h i s neighbours a s A t o be unable t o mix w i t h them on equal terms."°3 ( a s d e f i n e d by G.D.H. Cole i n 1935). "The s o c i a l i s t measures t h i s p rogress of m o r a l i t y by the degree of e q u a l i t y and r e s p e c t o f i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y expressed i n the d i s -t r i b u t i o n o f power and i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f law and p r o p e r t y w i t h i n a s t a t e . T h i s standard indeed, i s what we mean by the s o c i a l i s t i d e a l . n64 I n these d e f i n i t i o n s the g e n e r a l emphasis, as Mr. Cr o s l a n d says, i s l a i d on the " c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y " , and s o c i a l -ism has come to be "about e q u a l i t y " . I t was thought t h a t i n t h i s concept o f e q u a l i t y they c o u l d b r i n g about the nece s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n between the Welfare S t a t e and s o c i a l i s m . "Once we accept t h i s d e f i n i t i o n " , says Mr. C r o s l a n d , "and the 62. C.A.R. Crosland,. "The T r a n s i t i o n from C a p i t a l i s m " , New Fabian.Essays, p.61 63. L o c . c i t . 6*+. R.H.S. Crossman, "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " , New Fabian.Essays, p.10. - i n -d i f f e r e n c e s between s t a t i s i n and s o c i a l i s m come s h a r p l y i n t o 65 f o c u s . " Here the f e a t u r e s of s t a t i s m are analyzed and proved to be mere p r e - s o c i a l i s m . There i s , i t i s s a i d , too much i n e q u a l i t y y e t i n both wealth and power under s t a t i s m , So f a r so good. But when i t comes to i n t e r p r e t i n g the meaning o f " c l a s s " , Mr. C r o s l a n d s h i f t s the emphasis from the a c t u a l c l a s s d i v i s i o n to the mere mental c l a s s d i v i s i o n . "But perhaps even more d i s t u r b i n g t h a n t h i s r e s i d u e o f o b j e c t i v e l y measurable s o c i a l i n -e q u a l i t y was the p e r s i s t e n c e of a deep-seated sense of an unequal s o c i e t y . . . T h e purpose of s o c i a l i s m i s ( t h e r e f o r e ) q u i t e simply t o e r a d i -c a t e t h i s sense of c l a s s , and to c r e a t e i n i t s p l a c e a sense o f common i n t e r e s t and e q u a l s t a t u s . " ^ 5 Consequently as the "sense" of c l a s s r a t h e r than the " o b j e c t i v e l y measurable" c l a s s d i v i s i o n , came to be emphasized, so the proposed measures f o r the s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y were not so much the r e a l e q u a l i z a t i o n of wealth and power, as e d u c a t i o n and psychology. Consequently what we are i n most need o f now would become to be not the f a c t u a l change o f s o c i e t y , but our own mental change. Thus i t c o u l d be s a i d t h a t the U.S.A. i s 67 a more n e a r l y c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y than B r i t a i n . The l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n o f t h i s view would t h e r e f o r e amount to t h a t the 657 Op. c i t .p. 61 66. I b i d , p..62 (Crosland) 67. C r o s l a n d , l o c . c i t . , p.62. - 1+2 -f e u d a l Korean s o c i e t y , I n which few peasants or s e r f s had a "sense" o f c l a s s c o u l d have been nearer to the c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y l Through the whole Essays, one cannot but f e e l a g e n e r a l watering down o f the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t i d e a l s . V a r i o u s reasons can be a t t r i b u t e d to t h i s t r e n d . The l a s t Labour government's experience, the E n g l i s h p o l i t i c a l system, the temperament of E n g l i s h people, the e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s such as the Cold war and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h The U n i t e d S t a t e s and above a l l , the l o s s o f i n t e r e s t o f the p u b l i c towards "more s o c i a l i s m " owing to the e f f e c t o f the Welfare S t a t e , e t c . Gradualism, i f i n t e r p r e t e d and adopted i n the above way, may b r i n g us ever c l o s e r t o s o c i a l i s m , ( t he e q u a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y ) , but i t i s not l i k e l y t o do more than t h a t . Proposed measures of v a r i o u s k i n d s w i l l , o f course, d i m i n i s h c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n , but they may hever be a b l e to uproot i t s founda-t i o n s . I f we t r y to purge away the "sense" o f c l a s s from people's minds, we may be a b l e to do i t t e m p o r a r i l y , even without much f a c t u a l change i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . But i f we succeed i n c l e a n i n g up the c l a s s sense before we c l e a n up the a c t u a l c l a s s b a s i s o f s o c i e t y , the S o c i a l i s t s would never get enough enthusiasm from the people to h a l t the ever emerging c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n . Then the s o c i a l i s t s would e i t h e r have t o cease to be s o c i a l i s t s . , _qr_have t o r e s o r t t o e x t r a - l e g a l - 43 -means, such as a coup d ' e t a t i n order to sweep away the f i n a l b a s i s of c l a s s s o c i e t y . I t was Marx's i n s i g h t t h a t any p r o p o s a l which may a l l e v i a t e s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s and t r o u b l e s 68 w i l l harm the advance o f s o c i a l i s m . I t may sound i l l o g i c a l , as B e r n s t e i n s a i d , t h a t p rogress depends on the d e t e r i o r a t i o n 69 of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , but i t has some undeniable t r u t h . The p r e s e n t l o s s of momentum and the impasse o f Western s o c i a l i s m can a l s o be a t t r i b u t e d to the Welfare S t a t e . By e s t a b l i s h i n g i t , the s o c i a l i s t s have almost l o s t themselves and t h e i r cause. The e f f e c t of the Welfare S t a t e i s t h a t "the temper of the people w i l l be more contented and t h e r e f o r e more c o n s e r v a t i v e , and p u b l i c o p i n i o n w i l l take time to a c c l i m a t i s e i t s e l f t o the 70 p r o s p e c t o f each f u r t h e r r a d i c a l advance." The a c t u a l con-sequence of t h i s s o r t o f gradualism i s that change ceases t o be p r o g r e s s , t h a t s o c i a l changes w i l l become n o t h i n g but a c y c l e o f d e g e n e r a t i o n and reform. A few more p o i n t s should be mentioned. Though the E s s a y i s t s do not share the romantic n o t i o n o f automatic p r o g r e s s o f s o c i e t y , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h e i r b e l i e f i n the i n -e v i t a b i l i t y o f the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f c a p i t a l i s m . "Thus c a p i t a l -ism, w i t h no hope o f a b o r t i o n , i s f o r c e d to g i v e b i r t h to a new 681 "Manifesto o f the Communist P a r t y . " Marx Engels S e l e c t e d Works. V o l . 1, p.57. -69. Gray, The S o c i a l i s t T r a d i t i o n , p.407. 70. Op.cit.p . 6 8 . - ¥+ -s o c i e t y 1 ' . . ."These i n f l u e n c e s (on the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ,of c a p i t a l -i s m ) — p a r t e x t e r n a l , p a r t s e l f - g e n e r a t e d — h a v e proved, i n com-71 b i n a t i o n , i r r e s i s t i b l e . " P o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s appear t o be r e l u c t a n t t o have any the o r y without the f a i t h t h a t h i s t o r y i s more or l e s s on t h e i r s i d e . The New F a b i a n Essays c o n t a i n s a separate essay on E q u a l i t y — p e r h a p s because o f the new emphasis on i t — a n d Mr. Jenk i n s d i d not f o r g e t to mention the r e l a t i o n o f the e q u a l i t a r -72 -ian s o c i e t y to the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l . As f a r as the l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and economic l i f e i s concerned, the e q u a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y i s the h i g h e s t form o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom, because the i n d i v i d u a l becomes r e a l l y f r e e when and o n l y when he can enjoy and u t i l i z e the equal means and c o n d i t i o n s o f l i f e . What about p o l i t i c a l freedom, e s p e c i a l l y the freedom to form a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y and to pppose the government under s o c i a l i s m ? What about the p a r t y system under the e q u a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y ? I n answer t o the f i r s t q u e s t i o n , i f adequately e s t a b l i s h e d , the s o c i a l i s t - s t a t e would not have too much to worry about because the ba s i c cause of p o l i t i c a l , c o n f l i c t s , . 7 1 . I b i d . , p p . 3 7 - 3 8 ' 72. Roy J e n k i n s , " E q u a l i t y " , New F a b i a n Essavs. p.88 - 45 -i . e . , c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s among bodies of people, would have disappeared under s o c i a l i s m , and there would remain d i f f e r e n c e s of another c h a r a c t e r i n the f i e l d o f p o l i t i c s . The government may be opposed' not by a group of c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s , but by a group of d i f f e r e n t t a s t e s and tempers. T h e r e f o r e , i t i s not c o n t r a d i c t o r y t o i t s p r i n c i p l e f o r s o c i a l i s m to have more than one p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . I f i t i s w e l l ensured t h a t "our new s o c i e t y o f near equals i s l e f t c o n f r o n t i n g ^ s t a t e machine i n which power, both economic and 73 p o l i t i c a l , i s as w i d e l y d i f f u s e d as p o s s i b l e , " then p o l i t i -c a l freedom w i l l have the soundest s o c i a l f o u n d a t i o n t h a t i s p o s s i b l e . Thus f o r example, i t c o u l d be s a i d by the New F a b i a n E s s a y i s t t h a t i n England "the move towards and the attainment o f a c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y might w e l l l e a v e l a r g e l y u n d isturbed the present p a r t y b a s i s . " L a s t l y i t i s worth n o t i n g t h a t , though so much of the volume o f the New F a b i a n Essays i s g i v e n to f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , the e s s a y i s t s s t i l l cannot escape the t r a d i t i o n a l s e l f - c e n t e r e d way o f t h i n k i n g . As p r a c t i c a l t h i n k e r s , they are c h i e f l y con-cerned w i t h , and i n t e r e s t e d i n , the p o l i t i c a l problems of t h e i r own country.' And t h i s seems to c o n s t i t u t e the m e r i t as w e l l as the demerit of t h e i r approach to problems of s o c i a l i s m . 73. J e n k i n s , o p . c i t . , p.89 7*+. J e n k i n s , L o c . c i t . - 4-6 -They may be modest t h i n k e r s i n the sense that they are r e l u c t -ant to assume the r o l e o f s o l v i n g world-wide s o c i a l i s t problems. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l modesty on the p a r t o f F a b i a n s c o n s t i t u t e s a t the same time a l i m i t o f the F a b i a n i d e o l o g y . Though they need not, and should not d i c t a t e t o s o c i a l i s t s o f other c o u n t r i e s , they should a t l e a s t be aware o f t h e i r g r e a t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as l e a d e r s of democratic s o c i a l i s m amidst the b i t t e r i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e w i t h communism. No matter whether they want i t or not, they are sought by s o c i a l i s t s o f other c o u n t r i e s f o r guidance and l e a d e r s h i p . But when these s o c i a l -i s t s o f other c o u n t r i e s t u r n to Fabianism f o r some g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e s , do they f i n d any p o s i t i v e t h e o r e t i c a l guidance? They may be a d v i s e d not to i m i t a t e the B r i t i s h method, but they w i l l not be presented w i t h a l t e r n a t e methods. I t may be t h a t the Fabians are too busy w i t h t h e i r own country's problems to d e a l w i t h other c o u n t r i e s , but t h i s excuse does not change the s o c i a l i s t s i t u a t i o n s i n the world. Fabians should show more genuine i n t e r e s t a l s o i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s and peoples than shown i n such sentences as: "There i s no reason to b e l i e v e t h a t s o c i a l j u s t i c e i n the under-developed areas w i l l be b u i l t 75 by B r i t i s h or American metho'ds." Otherwise, u n c e r t a i n t y and l o s s o f s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e w i l l f u r t h e r spread among those s o c i a l -i s t s who f i n d themselves i n an i m p e l l i n g p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i -7T* Denis Healey, "Power P o l i t i c s and the Labour P a r t y , " r ..New F a b i a n Essays, p.175. : - h7 -c a l s t r u g g l e w i t h communism. The d e f i c i e n c y o f the above F a b i a n a t t i t u d e i s r e v e a l e d a l s o by t h e i r i n c o r r e c t a p p r a i s a l o f contemporary A s i a n n a t i o n -a l i s m and i t s r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l i s m . I t seems to be the agreed o p i n i o n among Fabians that the r e a l dynamic o f the contemporary A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n i s the w i l l o f , not the masses but the e l i t e — t h e m i n o r i t y , who does not share t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n w i t h the masses. "The dynamic of s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n i n A s i a and A f r i c a i s not a mass demand f o r t r a c t o r s or f o r bread, but the w i l l and the s o c i a l c o n s c i e n c e o f a s m a l l i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , whose aim ( n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n and modernization) i s shared n e i t h e r by the r u l i n g o l i g a r c h y nor by the masses."'" I f t h i s statement i s t r u e , how can we e x p l a i n the f a c t t h a t the A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n i s , l i k e most r e v o l u t i o n s elsewhere, being c a r r i e d out by the masses? Why do the masses j o i n and accomplish a r e v o l u t i o n i f they do not "share" the aims and a s p i r a t i o n o f t h e i r e l i t e l e a d e r s ? Those r e v o l u t i o n s i n A s i a today are not the few " e l i t e ' s movements," but the people's movements, even i f they are and have to be l e d by the e l i t e . And a g a i n when i t comes to what the essence o f A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s t movements i s , the E s s a y i s t s seem t o be s t i l l i n -adequate i n t h e i r judgment by i n t e r p r e t i n g the A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s m 76". R.H.S. Crossman, "Towards a 1 P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m ^ , New F a b i a n Essays, p.21 - 48 -s o l e l y i n terms of 19th and e a r l y 20th century e t h n i c n a t i o n a l i s t movements. I n f a c t , what has g i v e n r i s e to those n a t i o n a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n s i s not so much mere a s p i r a t i o n f o r n a t i o n a l independ-ence or any e x c l u s i v e n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment, as i t i s a demand f o r s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . T h i s i s why most o f the A s i a t i c n a t i o n -a l i s t p a r t i e s i n power, now or i n the p a s t , have been s t r o n g l y " s o c i a l i s t i c " i n t h e i r p o l i c i e s . I n d i a n Congress P a r t y , Indonesian n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y , as w e l l as the e a r l y Kuomintang under Sun Yat-Sen, a l l contain::, to some extent,, s o c i a l i s t p o l i c i e s . The reason i s p l a i n they a l l want to achieve a s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n and the appeal to n a t i o n a l i s m i s o n l y a necessary means. N a t i o n a l i s m i n A s i a i s not the cause but r a t h e r the e f f e c t o f demand f o r a s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . Yet when Fabians l o o k a t those A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n s merely from the stand-p o i n t o f t h e i r own country's i n t e r e s t , A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n s would appear as being not shared by the masses. A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s m would appear to be "the one f o r c e s t r o n g enough to d e f e a t a l l comers, whether the i m p e r i a l i s m o f the past or the t o t a l ! t a r -77 i a n i s m o f the p r e s e n t . " The two fundamental assumptions o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m , from which t h e i r s o c i a l i s t t h i n k i n g proceeds, are the B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n and the B r i t i s h n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . The 77. O p . c i t . , p.169 - 49 -Fabians a re seldom f r e e from the above assumptions i n t h e i r t h i n k i n g , consequently, t h e i r whole aspect o f t h i n k i n g , p r o p o s a l , and p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n s a re r e s t r i c t e d by the E n g l i s h boundary beyond which they cannot be i n f l u e n t i a l , w i t h the ex c e p t i o n o f those c o u n t r i e s where B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n and temper have somehow sent down deeper r o o t s . I t i s however, i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t o n l y r e c e n t l y t h e r e seems to be a growing awareness o f the need f o r i n t e r -nationalism, among the l e a d i n g c i r c l e s o f the B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t s . G.D.H. Co l e , the p r e s i d e n t o f the Fa b i a n S o c i e t y a t t h i s time, has w r i t t e n an a r t i c l e i n "The New Statesman and Na t i o n " about 78. the f u t u r e of s o c i a l i s m , i n which he proposes a new crusade of s o c i a l i s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m by which he hopes Western s o c i a l -ism w i l l overcome the presen t impasse and g i v e a new momentum to i t . But t h i s i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m would not do any good u n l e s s s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t s , based t h e i r t h i n k i n g not on l o c a l and n a t i o n a l grounds but on a higher and broader ground, i . e . humanity i n g e n e r a l . They w i l l f i n d themselves i n need o f more s o c i a l i s t " d o c t r i n e " than the mean-79 i n g l e s s phrases o f the F r a n k f o r t D e c l a r a t i o n o f 1951. A f t e r a l l , B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m , and Fabianism i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s e s s e n t i a l l y not a set of d o c t r i n e s , but "a W* G.D.H. Co l e , "The f u t u r e o f S o c i a l i s m . " The New S t a t e s - man and Nation. No. 1245, 12*+6,.. January 15 & 22, 1955. 79. Aims and Tasks o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m , D e c l a r a t i o n o f the  S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l ? J u l y 195l» F r a n k f o r t . See a l s o p.60 o f the New F a b i a n Essays f o r Mr. Cros-l a n d 's o p i n i o n about t h i s D e c l a r a t i o n . - 50 -set o f proposed p o l i c i e s and programs, conceived on the b a s i s of c e r t a i n fundamental p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s and assumptions, which are p e c u l i a r t o the E n g l i s h temper and p o l i t i c s , and which "commit no one but t h e i r authors and are open to be taken or 80 l e f t , or a l t e r e d f o r adoption." I n t h i s sense, i t may be s a i d t h a t t h e r e i s no Fabianism as such today, as t h e r e i s no B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m , a p a r t from some s o c i a l i s t p o l i c i e s tempered by E n g l i s h t r a d i t i o n s and p o l i t i c s . - - 0 - -80. A r t h u r S k e f f i n g t o n "The F a b i a n S o c i e t y and the Labour P a r t y " , F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12, ( A p r i l , 1954) P.27. - 51 -PART I I I CHAPTER IV DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM AND ASIA a. G r a d u a l i s m — I t s Background i n Temperament and Environment  Democratic s o c i a l i s m i s a form o f s o c i a l i s m t h a t attempts to e s t a b l i s h a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y by way o f changes brought about through o p e r a t i o n and u t i l i z a t i o n o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy. Democratic s o c i a l i s t s have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from Communists not o n l y i n t h e i r d i s i n c l i n a t i o n toward a r i g i d and dogmatic d o c t r i n e , but a l s o i n t h e i r d i s t r u s t o f and r e f u s a l to employ r e v o l u t i o n a r y methods. Hence democratic s o c i a l i s m i s sometimes c a l l e d e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s m , or gradualism. As we saw i n F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m , i t has r e j e c t e d the d o c t r i n e o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e and r e v o l u t i o n a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p . At f i r s t gradualism seemed to be more a product o f a p a r t i c u l a r temperament than a c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e o r e t i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n . I t grew up more through c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f p r a c t i c a l t a c t i c s than through a w e l l - c o n c e i v e d system o f p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y . I t i s s a i d t h a t the i n i t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s between g r a d u a l i s t s and r e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i a l i s t s (Communists) 81 were "not p r i m a r i l y i n i d e a s , but i n f e e l i n g . " cTlT Harry L a i d l e r and Norman Thomas ( E d s . ) T The S o c i a l i s m of Our Times. A Symposium.- New York, The Vanguard P r e s s , 1929, p.80. - 52 -The h i s t o r i c a l s p l i t between the Second and T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l s i s s a i d t o r e p r e s e n t "not o n l y s h a r p l y d i f f e r i n g t a c t i c s , but 82 the temperaments that go w i t h them." Temperament and ideology' are u s u a l l y i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d , and t h i s seems to be e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n the case o f gradualism. Yet t h e r e were a l s o p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t c o u l d j u s t i f y and support the g r a d u a l i s t approach to s o c i a l i s m . That i s , those who were o f g r a d u a l i s t temperament c o u l d f i n d i n the newly de v e l o p i n g h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s o f the l a t e 19th c entury a b a s i s f o r the new g r a d u a l i s t p r i n c i p l e and t a c t i c o f s o c i a l i s m . What k i n d of h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s were they, then t h a t c o u l d j u s t i f y the g r a d u a l i s t approach to s o c i a l i s m ? When the Communist Manifesto was f i r s t p u b l i s h e d , European democracy was s t i l l i n i t s embryonic stage o f develop-ment! I t was f u l l o f d e f e c t s . Only s i x t e e n y e a r s e a r l i e r , ' the f i r s t major r e f o r m a t i o n of the E n g l i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r y system had been achieved, and u n t i l then i t i s s a i d t h a t " c o n d i t i o n s d i d not e x i s t f o r the emergence o f a modern p a r t y system...The m a j o r i t y o f Members o f Parliament, even a f t e r 1832, c ontinued to take t h e i r orders from the i n f l u e n t i a l i n d i v i d u a l s or 83 groups c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . . . " The e a r l y BTI L o c . c i t . 83. Sidney D. B a i l e y ( e d . ) , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and the P a r t y  System i n B r i t a i n . A Symposium. New York, F r e d -e r i c k A. Praeger, 1952. p.27. - 53 -modern democratic government was indeed, "but a committee f o r managing the common a f f a i r s o f the whole b o u r g e o i s i e . " However, toward the beginning o f the 20th cen t u r y , the development o f p o l i t i c a l democracy, e s p e c i a l l y o f the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system, and w i t h i t , the emergence o f the mass p a r t y system i n Western Europe, n e i t h e r o f which was c l e a r l y envisaged by Marx, a f f e c t e d the t a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f some o f the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t s . The F a b i a n Essays i n S o c i a l i s m were f i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n 1889, and B e r n s t e i n ' s E v o l u t i o n a r y  S o c i a l i s m appeared i n 1899« Both expressed the f a i t h o f s o c i a l i s t s i n the newly de v e l o p i n g p o l i t i c a l democracy as a sa f e and a p p r o p r i a t e means o f a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l i s m . T h i s f a i t h was best expressed i n the Fab i a n T r a c t No. 70. When the House o f Commons i s f r e e d from the vet o o f the House o f Lords, and thrown open t o candidates from a l l c l a s s e s by an e f f e c t i v e system o f Payment of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and a more r a t i o n a l method o f e l e c t i o n , the B r i t i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r y system w i l l be, i n the o p i n i o n o f the F a b i a n S o c i e t y , a f i r s t -r a t e g r a c t i c a l instrument o f democratic govern-ment. 4" Furthermore, w i t h the development o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy and the p a r t y system, the s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s i n the Western c o u n t r i e s began to g a i n more and more s e a t s i n the p a r l i a m e n t s . There was stro n g hope of winning a m a j o r i t y o f W. F a b i a n T r a c t No. 70 (Report on Fab i a n P o l i c y ) p. 65 - 54 -e l e c t o r s t o t h e i r s i d e . They thus hoped t o capture p o l i t i c a l power through a p a r l i a m e n t a r y m a j o r i t y . R e v o l u t i o n thus became unnecessary f o r them. Moreover, to such s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s i t must t h e r e f o r e have seemed, f o r example, t h a t to oppose the war e f f o r t s o f t h e i r S t a t e s i n World War I would mean not o n l y the l o s s of t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s ' v o t e s , but a l s o the end o f t h e i r own e x i s t e n c e . To them, the t r a d i t i o n a l t a l k o f " r e v o l u t i o n " came to mean o n l y a p a r l i a m e n t a r y , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e v o l u t i o n , 85 i m p l y i n g the defence o f the democratic c o n s t i t u t i o n . F i n a l l y w i t h the break-up of the Second and T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l s , s o c i a l i s t s f o r the f i r s t time came to r e a l i z e the f u l l s i g n i f i -cance o f t h e i r o l d but h i t h e r t o v e i l e d disagreement i n tempera-ment and approach. Moderate and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , so t h a t the v o t e r s were not to be f r i g h t e n e d , s u f f i c i e n t l y n a t i o n a l i s t i c so t h a t e l e c t o r -a l chances might not be p r e j u d i c e d , the s o c i a l i s t s o f the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l began to r e - t h i n k t h e i r s o c i a l i s m , i n the l i g h t o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy. Under the ever improving p o l i t i -c a l democracy, the s o c i a l i s t s c o u l d have p r o b a b l y two c h o i c e s — e i t h e r adhere to the M a r x i s t t h e o r y o f r e v o l u t i o n and d i c t a t o r s h i p , and abandon hope f o r an e a r l y attainment o f p o l i t i c a l power, or adopt a new course o f t a c t i c s — d e m o c r a t i c c^f. C o l e . "The Future o f S o c i a l i s m " . The New Statesman and  Na t i o n . No. 1245> pp.60-61. - 55 -c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m — i n the hope t h a t i t would ensure the a c h i e v e -ment o f p o l i t i c a l power through an e l e c t o r a l m a j o r i t y . The democratic s o c i a l i s t s chose the second course. The Berne Conference of the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l adopted i n February 1919 a m a j o r i t y r e s o l u t i o n "On Democracy and D i c t a t o r s h i p " , which s t a t e s t h a t i t " f i r m l y adheres to the p r i n c i p l e s o f Democracy," and t h a t " e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l i s t development i s o n l y p o s s i b l e under democratic law." I t c a l l e d upon " S o c i a l i s t s throughout the world...to ensure t h a t S o c i a l i s m and Democracy, which a r e 86 i n s e p a r a b l e , s h a l l triumph everywhere." Having taken t h i s new course w i t h f u l l c onsciousness of i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e , the l e a d e r s of the democratic s o c i a l i s t movements t r i e d t o j u s t i f y t h e i r p o s i t i o n a g a i n s t Communism which came to be r e p r e s e n t e d by the T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l and by R u s s i a n Marxism. I n 1918, K, Kautsky thus wrote The D i c t a t o r - s h i p of the P r o l e t a r i a t , and i n the next y e a r , Ramsay MacDonald's Parliament and R e v o l u t i o n appeared, defending the p r i n c i p l e s o f p o l i t i c a l democracy. At about the same time, L e n i n wrote The S t a t e and R e v o l u t i o n and The P r o l e t a r i a n  R e v o l u t i o n and the Renegade Kautsky, denouncing the p r i n c i p l e o f gradualism. S i n c e then, the c h i e f d i s p u t e between Commun-86. R. Palme Dutt, The Two I n t e r n a t i o r a I s , London, A l l e n & Unwin, 1920, pp.54-5. See a l s o P a r t I I , Chapter I I I , o f t h i s paper f o r the p o s i t i o n o f the newly r e v i v e d Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l . - 56 -ism and Democratic Socialism has largely revolved about the questions of revolution and the proletarian dictatorship. The arguments for each case presented by many writers ever since are too long to be considered here. However, i t i s noteworthy that for Communists, proletarian revolution and the subsequent dictatorship are not only inevitable and necessary, but also more effective, more expedient and (in the sense i n which a tool is better for certain types of carpentry work) better ways of achieving socialism. Lenin wrote: "The revolutionary way i s the way of quick amputation, which is the least painful to the proletariat , the way of direct removal of the decomposing parts, the way of fewest concessions and least consideration for the monarchy and the disgusting, v i l e , rotten and contaminating institutions which go with it."87 How the natural necessity of the laws of social development, of the class struggle, of the inevitable revolution and dicta-torship could combine so fortunately with p o l i t i c a l expediency nobody seems to have explained yet. . Might i t perhaps be that the "inevitable", or the "necessary", is the "reasonable"? At any rate, this identity of necessity with expediency seems to be also, i n a less expl ic i t way, assumed by the democratic soc ia l i s t s . To democratic social ists , , the gradual change of a W» Lenin. Selected Works. Vo l . I l l , p.756 - 57 -c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y toward a new type of s o c i e t y seems t o be not o n l y " d e s i r a b l e " but a l s o q u i t e as much " i n e v i t a b l e " . Thus i t i s s a i d t h a t " c a p i t a l i s m , w i t h no hope o f a b o r t i o n , i s f o r c e d to g i v e b i r t h t o a new s o c i e t y . I t i s now q u i t e c l e a r t h a t C a p i t a l i s m has not the s t r e n g t h to r e s i s t the process o f meta-88 morphosis i n t o a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t k i n d o f s o c i e t y . " C a p i t a l i s t i c democracy here has become i t s e l f a stage to s o c i a l -ism. Thus w r i t e r s on democratic s o c i a l i s m have s t a r t e d to analyze changes i n the modern c a p i t a l i s t system and i t s s t a t e organs i n order to j u s t i f y t h e i r t h e o r y o f " g r a d u a l " s e l f -t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t o s o c i a l i s m . Somewhat abridg e d , the c h i e f f e a t u r e s of these changes, as d e s c r i b e d by C.A.R. C r o s l a n d , 89 may be summarized as f o l l o w s : 1) D e c l i n e o f the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n o f p r o p e r t y r i g h t s , and the p o l i t i c a l powers t h a t accompany these r i g h t s . 2) R i s e of the new managerial c l a s s , and t r a n s f e r o f power from owners to managers. 3) Enormous i n c r e a s e and e x t e n s i o n o f the power o f the S t a t e . 1+) Disappearance of the l a i s s e z - f a i r e economy, and the e x t e n s i o n o f s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . W. C.A.R. C r o s l a n d , "The T r a n s i t i o n from C a p i t a l i s m " , New Fabian.Essays, p.37-8. 89. O p . c i t . pp.33-68 - 58 -5) Removal of the deep i n s t a b i l i t y o f c a p i t a l i s m , and maintenance of a h i g h l e v e l o f employment. 6) Continued expansion o f p r o d u c t i v i t y and i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i o n . 7) V a r i a t i o n i n c l a s s d i v i s i o n s , and the r i s e o f the middle c l a s s e s . 8) Changes i n the i d e o l o g i c a l atmosphere o f s o c i e t y , and a s h i f t of emphasis from " p r i v a t e p r o f i t " t o "the p u b l i c good". The most important aspect o f change among those mentioned above, i s s a i d to be "the change from l a i s s e z - f a i r e 90 to s t a t e c o n t r o l . " T h i s t r e n d , which the g r a d u a l i s t names 91 " S t a t i s m " , i s s a i d to be the f i r s t stage of s o c i a l i s m , and to be now i n the process o f succeeding c a p i t a l i s m . I n t h i s way, modern democracy and the democratic s t a t e , which were branded by L e n i n as "the bourgeois d i c t a t o r -s h i p and s u p p r e s s i v e organ o f the r u l i n g c l a s s " , have under-gone a s e r i e s of changes which, to the democratic s o c i a l i s t s , seem to o f f e r promise o f a p e a c e f u l r e a l i z a t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y . Hence, i n a d d i t i o n to being an e x c e l l e n t machine th a t c o u l d be u t i l i z e d to produce, i n the manner most a c c e p t -a b l e to the l i b e r a l i s t temperament, a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y , modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy i s . now thought to be i t s e l f a _ I b i d e p > l f 3-91. L o c . c i t . - 59 -p r e l u d e to s o c i a l i s m . b. The Double Meaning of Democracy—and D e f e c t s and C o n f u s i o n i n Current Democratic S o c i a l i s t Ideology;  Democracy i s thus thought to be h e l p i n g the g r a d u a l -i s t s i n two ways, i . e . 1) by p r o v i d i n g them w i t h the instrument of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government through which t o b r i n g about the necessary changes l e a d i n g t o s o c i a l i s m , and 2) by becoming i t s e l f a stage to s o c i a l i s m . We may c a l l , f o r the sake of convenience, such aspects of modern democracy i t s instrument- a l i t y f o r gradualism, and we now can say i t i s t h i s instrument-a l i t y t h a t i s the f o u n d a t i o n o f gradualism. On i t i s gradualism founded and through i t i s gradualism p r a c t i c a b l e . Without i t gradualism becomes meaningless. I s , then, the importance o f democracy f o r democratic s o c i a l i s m t o be found o n l y i n I t s i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y f o r gradualism? To a t r u e h e i r o f l i b e r a l i s m , democracy should stand f o r more than a mere i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y . I t stands, i n o t h e r words, a l s o f o r the p r i n c i p l e o f freedom. The n o t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i m p l i e s democracy and hence s o c i a l i s m has been thought t o mean more than a mere economic order o f s o c i e t y . I n a t r u l y s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y , not o n l y the means o f p r o d u c t i o n would be owned s o c i a l l y , but a l s o a l l the p r i n c i p l e s of freedom should p r e v a i l . Democracy i n t h i s sense i s t h e r e -f o r e a l s o the u l t i m a t e end o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . - 60 -Thus we can say t h a t t o democratic s o c i a l i s t s demo-c r a c y has a double meaning, namely, as an instrument and as an end. T h i s double meaning of democracy f o r democratic s o c i a l i s m found i t s e x p r e s s i o n i n the p o s i t i o n o f the new Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l . Whereas the o l d Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l a s s e r t e d simply the i n s e p a r a b i l i t y o f democracy and s o c i a l i s m , 92 ( " S o c i a l i s m and Democracy are i n s e p a r a b l e " ) , the new Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l expressed a c l e a r e r understanding o f the above meaning of democracy when i t s t a t e d : " S o c i a l i s m can be achieved o n l y through democracy. Democracy can be f u l l y r e a l i z e d o n l y through S o c i a l i s m . " ° 3 I n other words, the f i r s t sentence o f the above statement expresses the i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y o f democracy f o r s o c i a l i s m whereas the second holds democracy as a d e s i r a b l e end to be r e a l i z e d through s o c i a l i s m . Here, democracy i s an instrument f o r s o c i a l i s m and, a t the same time, s o c i a l i s m f o r democracy. Democracy and s o c i a l i s m are each a means f o r the other and an end through the o t h e r . To democratic s o c i a l i s t s , t r u e s o c i a l -ism i s always s o c i a l i s m under democracy, and, t r u e democracy, democracy under s o c i a l i s m . 92~7 "On Democracy and D i c t a t o r s h i p , " the M a j o r i t y R e s o l u t i o n o f the Berne Conference, February 1919 (R. Palme D u t t , The Two I n t e r n a t i o n a l s . London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1920, pp.54-5). 93. D e c l a r a t i o n o f the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l , as adopted i n F r a n k f o r t on J u l y 3, 1951. ( S e c t i o n P o l i t i c a l Democracy) ( I t a l i c s not i n the o r i g i n a l . ) - 61 -I n t h i s way democratic s o c i a l i s m t r i e d somehow t o i d e n t i f y S o c i a l i s m w i t h Democracy, and i n t h i s attempt to u n i t e the two i d e o l o g i e s the democratic s o c i a l i s t s seem to be m o t i v a t -ed c h i e f l y by t h e i r c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human freedom. I n the h e a r t s o f g r a d u a l i s t s burns the time-honoured t o r c h o f l o v e f o r freedom. And y e t i t may be noted t h a t the p r i n c i p l e of freedom and gradualism are not the same t h i n g . The two are o f course c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o each o t h e r , but they are s t i l l not the same t h i n g . The p o i n t i s , freedom i s an end, gradualism merely a means to i t . T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between gradualism and the p r i n c i p l e o f freedom i n Democratic S o c i a l i s m i s important f o r both t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l r easons. The t h e o r e t i c a l r e a s on i s t h a t the d i s t i n c t i o n between the fundamental and a c c e s s o r y concepts o f democratic s o c i a l i s m w i l l f a c i l i t a t e and may h e l p o r i e n t more adequately any attempt to r e - d e f i n e democratic s o c i a l i s m . Gradualism would become meaningful not as an end i n i t s e l f , but as a means to p r e s e r v e or to a c h i e v e f r e e d o m — c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o , and p r a c t i c a b l e through, the i n s t r u m e n t a l -i t y o f modern democracy. Yet one o f t e n can get the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t the concept o f freedom i n Democratic S o c i a l i s m i s .be-clouded by the overemphasis on gradualism. Gradualism must not be l e f t t o usurp, even by i m p l i c a t i o n , the r o l e and p o s i -t i o n of the concept o f freedom i n Democratic S o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y . - 62 -In order to m a i n t a i n t h i s p o i n t i t i s necessary to c l a r i f y the proper meaning and r o l e o f gradualism. We have h i t h e r t o observed t h a t a t the core o f Democratic s o c i a l i s m l i e the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n and l i b e r a l temperament, and gradualism was adopted f i r s t because o f the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t were develop-i n g i n Europe d u r i n g the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and beginning of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . I t i s t h e r e f o r e one o f the t a c t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s o f Democratic S o c i a l i s t s : i t may not be a p p l i c a b l e under d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y where the i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y o f democracy i s l a c k i n g . Yet i t s u n d e r l y i n g cause, i . e . the p r i n c i p l e o f freedom, can be adopted f o r Democratic S o c i a l i s m even i f c o n d i t i o n s are i n i m i c a l t o the a d o p t i o n o f gradualism. When they attempted to r e - d e f i n e democratic s o c i a l i s m i n the New F a b i a n Essays? however, the Democratic S o c i a l i s t s , f o r a l l t h e i r l i b e r a l i s t bequests, seemed to put emphasis on the concept o f " e q u a l i t y " r a t h e r than on that o f "freedom". Thus i t was s a i d t h a t s o c i a l i s m i s "about e q u a l i t y " . The book a l s o c o n t a i n e d a separate a r t i c l e on " E q u a l i t y " , which i s an i n d i c a t i o n o f the a l l o c a t i o n of more emphasis to the concept. I f s o c i a l i s m i s "about e q u a l i t y " , democratic s o c i a l i s m Crosland? " T r a n s i t i o n from C a p i t a l i s m " . New F a b i a n .Essays? p.61. 95. I b i d . p.69. - 63 -or gradualism would mean "gradual e q u a l i z a t i o n " or " g r a d u a l n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f n a t i o n a l income". I n f a c t t h i s seems t o be more or l e s s what i s meant by democratic s o c i a l i s m to many people today. T h i s would be an inadequate r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , f o r i t l e a v e s out one of the fundamental dynamics o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , namely, the s p i r i t o f l i b e r a l i s m . Furthermore, without the concept o f freedom Democratic S o c i a l i s m may f a i l t o d i s t i n g u i s h i t s e l f c l e a r l y from Communism, thus p a r a l y z i n g i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s to c h a l l e n g e the Communist i d e o l o g y . I f s o c i a l i s m were meant to be "about e q u a l i t y " and not " a b o u t freedom", and i f i t i s with r e s p e c t to e q u a l i t y r a t h e r than freedom t h a t the Commun-i s t s today can c l a i m accomplishments, then how can Democratic S o c i a l i s t s c l a i m s u p e r i o r i t y f o r t h e i r i d e o l o g y ? Complete s o c i a l i z a t i o n and " l e v e l l i n g - o f f " a t the c o s t o f freedom a r e well-known Communist approaches. I f th e r e i s to be a r e a l d i f f e r e n c e between Democratic S o c i a l i s m and Communism, i t seems t o have to be w i t h r e s p e c t to the concept o f freedom. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the nature o f a d i f f i c u l t y which i s p r e s e n t l y f a c e d by the F a b i a n s . During the d i s c u s s i o n a t the F a b i a n Summer School a t Oxford i n 1955 the younger Fabians are s a i d to have t o l d R.H. Crossman, " I f you are going t o have S o c i a l i s m and a planned economy, why not make a r e a l job o f i t ? . . . F o r heaven's sake, make up your minds. I f you a r e . s t i l l S o c i a l i s t s , go f o r i t one hundred per cent." "° 96. R.H. Crossman, " S o c i a l i s m and the New Despotism", F a b i a n T r a c t No. 298. February 1956. - 64 -Mr. A.J.P. T a y l o r who had been i n v i t e d there by Mr. Crossman l i s t e n e d to these younger Fabians and i s s a i d t o have asked them i "Very w e l l , my f r i e n d s , answer me one q u e s t i o n . I f you r e a l l y b e l i e v e a l l t h a t , why don't you j o i n the Communist Pa r t y ? I f you want one hundred per cent S o c i a l i s m , what's wrong w i t h the S o v i e t Union?" A c c o r d i n g to Mr. Crossman, "they c o u l d not g i v e much o f an 97 answer to Mr. T a y l o r ' s q u e s t i o n . " These c o n v e r s a t i o n s i n d i c a t e somewhat the nature o f the c u r r e n t t r o u b l e o f democratic s o c i a l i s t s . They want freedom, or do not want to l o s e i t , y e t they are unable to r e - c a s t the i d e a o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n terms of freedom. They do not seem to have been s u c c e s s f u l i n the attempt to found s o c i a l i s m on the concept o f freedom, though they are them-s e l v e s e s s e n t i a l l y l i b e r a l s . The q u e s t i o n o f freedom w i l l have t o be f a c e d more s e r i o u s l y by the t h i n k e r s of democratic s o c i a l i s m today. I n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n , however, i t may be an encouraging tendency t h a t s e v e r a l y ears a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the New F a b i a n  Essays? the F a b i a n S o c i e t y p u b l i s h e d T r a c t No. 298, which seems to be more o r i e n t e d i n the d i r e c t i o n o f a r e - t h i n k i n g o f s o c i a l i s m i n terms of freedom. Such a r e - t h i n k i n g would not 97. I b i d . - 65 -be. an i n n o v a t i o n , a l i e n to the t r a d i t i o n o f Democratic S o c i a l -ism, but r a t h e r a r e s t o r a t i o n or r e t u r n t o i t s e s s e n t i a l char-a c t e r . I t i s known t h a t "men and women have j o i n e d the Labour P a r t y , " to quote The Economist? "because they b e l i e v e d t h a t i t was f i g h t i n g the b a t t l e f o r popular emancipation. They looked 98 f o r freedom through s o c i a l i s m . " What the Democratic S o c i a l i s t s should do i s to r e v i t a l i z e t h e i r e a r l y l i b e r a l i s t a s p i r a t i o n and r e i n t e r p r e t i t i n the l i g h t o f modern c o n d i t i o n s . c. The P r a c t i c a l Side o f the Q u e s t i o n o f R e t h i n k i n g  Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n Terms of Freedom: . The " p r a c t i c a l " importance of the d i s t i n c t i o n between gradualism and the p r i n c i p l e o f freedom w i l l become cogent when we c o n s i d e r the t a s k s to be faced by the democratic s o c i a l i s t s i n such r e v o l u t i o n a r y areas as A s i a or A f r i c a . I n such areas there may be, as we s h a l l d i s c u s s i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s , l i t t l e chance f o r s u c c e s s f u l a d o p t i o n o f gradualism. There may be n e i t h e r an e x i s t i n g democracy to serve as an instrument f o r gradualism nor s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s f a v o u r a b l e f o r i t s emergence. The " i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y " of democracy thus may be t o t a l l y l a c k i n g i n such a r e a s . The p o i n t i s , t h a t i f th e r e i s l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y f o r gradualism, should then democratic s o c i a l i s t s s i t back and watch the W. "NotSo P r o d i g a l Son". The Economist. London. February 11, 1956. - 66 -Communists take over such c o u n t r i e s . I f gradualism alone were to p r e s c r i b e the a c t i o n s o f democratic s o c i a l i s t s , then they would h a r d l y be a b l e t o a c t i n a r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n . I t seems to us, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t o n l y by r e - d e f i n i n g democratic s o c i a l i s m on a broader b a s i s than the g r a d u a l i s t p r i n c i p l e or on a more fundamental concept than e q u a l i t y , i . e . by founding i t on the concept of freedom, can Democratic S o c i a l i s t s hope to accomplish t h e i r t a s k . Moreover, s i n c e a r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n i t s e l f c o n s t i t u t e s a p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t t o freedom, i t i s v i t a l t h a t Democratic S o c i a l i s t s make freedom t h e i r c a r d i n a l concept. The more s e r i o u s l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y a s i t u a t i o n i s , the more important w i l l have to be the r o l e o f the concept o f freedom, i f Democratic S o c i a l i s t s want to e s t a b l i s h a f r e e s o c i e t y . Where there are few l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n s i n a country, t h e r e seems to be no s t r o n g e r bulwark f o r the development of f r e e government than an i d e o l o g y conceived i n freedom. I t has been s a i d that freedom means l i t t l e to the p o v e r t y - s t r i c k e n peoples i n A s i a and A f r i c a . I t i s t r u e , probably, that freedoms o f speech, a s s o c i a t i o n , or press may mean l i t t l e when people a r e s u f f e r i n g from p o v e r t y and thus cannot a c t u a l l y u t i l i z e these f o r m a l guarantees f o r freedom. To them, the d e s i r e f o r food would n a t u r a l l y come bef o r e t h e i r d e s i r e f o r the freedoms o f speech and a s s o c i a t i o n . Yet - 67 -t h i s f a c t must not b e l i t t l e the importance o f freedom f o r those p e o p l e . I t was the i n s i g h t o f e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s to p o i n t out th a t those formal guarantees f o r freedom were not enough f o r r e a l i z a t i o n o f a f r e e l i f e . The nec e s s a r y economic needs and b a s i c human d e s i r e s must be s a t i s f i e d before man can enjoy the val u e s o f freedom. Poverty or low l i v i n g - s t a n d a r d s can i n t h i s sense be l i n k e d w i t h the problem o f freedom. I n f a c t i t i s a p a r t o f the e n t i r e problem o f freedom. I f we r e g a r d the problem o f p o v e r t y i n r e l a t i o n w i t h freedom, i t can be made meaningful to the peoples o f underdeveloped a r e a s . A p a r t o f t h i s l o g i c has been used by the Communists to suppress freedom and to j u s t i f y t h e i r doing so when they say: " t h e r e can be no freedom u n t i l you have the means to enjoy i t . " I n t h i s way they not o n l y succeed i n subju g a t i n g peoples, but a l s o have managed t o put o f f , or to leave out, the q u e s t i o n o f freedom. The Democratic S o c i a l i s t s w i l l have to f a c e the q u e s t i o n h o n e s t l y and make i t t h e i r c a r d i n a l i s s u e . T h e r e f o r e , i n t h i s sense, the concept o f freedom can serve the purpose o f Demo-c r a t i c S o c i a l i s t s i n the underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s , t o o . So f a r we have argued t h a t 1) the concept o f freedom r a t h e r than that of e q u a l i t y or gradualism should be made the c e n t r a l concept o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m , 2) the attempt o f the New Fabians to r e d e f i n e Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n terms of - 68 -e q u a l i t y seems to be i n a p p r o p r i a t e , 3) gradualism should be regarded as one o f the t a c t i c a l concepts o f Democratic S o c i a l -ism, and h) under r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n d i t i o n s , Democratic S o c i a l -i s t s may not o n l y have to t u r n to p r i n c i p l e s other than gradualism, but a l s o the concept o f freedom w i l l need to p l a y a v i t a l r o l e and t h e r e f o r e should be adequately t r e a t e d . With these p o i n t s , we now t u r n to c o n s i d e r , i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s , the nature o f the present d i f f i c u l t y o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m when a p p l i e d to A s i a , g e n e r a l l y , and to Korea i n p a r t i c u l a r . d. A s i a and Western Democracy: The s t r u g g l e of W e s t e r n - s t y l e democracy a g a i n s t Communism i n A s i a has not been very s u c c e s s f u l , and t h e r e are many reasons f o r t h i s . I n r egard to the i d e o l o g y i t s e l f , c e r t a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e . F i r s t , one o f i t s e a r l y c e n t r a l i d e a l s , the i d e a of l a i s s e z - f a i r e economy, and w i t h i t , c a p i t a l i s m i n g e n e r a l , i s more or l e s s d i s c r e d i t e d there today, e s p e c i a l l y i n academic c i r c l e s and among i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Second, th e r e was and s t i l l i s the f a c t t h a t most o f the c o l o n i a l powers i n A s i a c l a i m to be "Democracies" a t home. T h i s means t h a t the c o l o n i a l i s m -h a t i n g peoples of A s i a see i n W e s t e r n - s t y l e "democracy" a symbol of W e s t e r n - s t y l e c o l o n i a l r u l e . a n d i m p e r i a l i s m . And, - 69 -i t i s to be noted t h a t these "democratic" n a t i o n s a r e a t the same time c a p i t a l i s t i c n a t i o n s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the p i c t u r e o f Western n a t i o n s thus c o n s t r u c t e d by A s i a n s i s something. l i k e t h i s . "Democracy", C o l o n i a l i s m ( i m p e r i a l i s m ) , and C a p i t a l i s m , the t h r e e d i f f e r e n t heads o f one monster. Another f a c t o r , however, perhaps the most important one, i s the contemporary A s i a n s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n , demanding o f s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n or at l e a s t d r a s t i c reform. I t demands s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n even before there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y o f r e a l i z i n g some o f the i d e a l s o f modern democracy, such as i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. I f the people there are now i m p e l l e d to take a c h o i c e , they would be more i n c l i n e d to take r e v o l u t i o n and even d i c t a t o r s h i p than the mere i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. "Democracy" without s o c i a l reform would be more meaningless than s o c i a l reform without "democracy". Moreover, without a r e v o l u t i o n a r y program f o r s o c i a l reform, "democracy" would sooner or l a t e r founder under the p r e s s u r e o f c u r r e n t A s i a n c o n d i t i o n s . I f I n d i a n democracy under Nehru and Burmese democracy under U Nu have been r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l so f a r , i t must be a t t r i b u t e d more to the d r a s t i c s o c i a l reforms the two l e a d e r s have a s p i r e d t o and so f a r brought about, than to any other f a c t o r . F i l i p i n o democracy under P r e s i d e n t Magsaysay seems to be no e x c e p t i o n i n t h i s r e s p e c t . - 70 -On the other hand, a s p e c t a c u l a r example o f f a i l u r e o f democracy t h a t was mainly due to the n e g l e c t o f s o c i a l reform was, as we know now, the Kuomintang's China. Over the p e r i o d o f a g e n e r a t i o n , the Chinese N a t i o n a l i s t s f a i l e d to i n s t i t u t e the s o c i a l and economic reforms so d e s p e r a t e l y needed, e s p e c i a l l y the land reform. Where economic power i s concentrated i n the hands o f a few semi-feudal l a n d l o r d s , even the process o f popular e l e c t i o n w i l l o n l y throw these power-hungry l a n d l o r d s i n t o o f f i c e , and enable them to u t i l i z e a l l the powerful machinery of government to p r e s e r v e t h e i r entrenched i n t e r e s t s and to f u r t h e r e x p l o i t the a l r e a d y down-trodden masses. T h i s i s what has happened i n Korea f o r i n s t a n c e , and even a l e a d i n g p u b l i c f i g u r e l i k e Syngman Rhee may be too impotent to remedy i t . I t i s not one man's f a u l t , i t i s the f a u l t o f the e n t i r e s o c i e t y . Thus o n l y the formal a s p e c t s o f democracy, such as mere u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e and a system o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l government, may be put forward. The supposedly r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government t u r n s out t o be the government o f the p r i v i l e g e d few, who manipulate the e n t i r e e l e c t i o n , and whose aims are power and money. "Democracy" here may produce, i n f a c t , nothing e l s e but an " e x e c u t i v e committee" o f the l a n d -l o r d s . C o r r u p t i o n o f the government becomes i n e v i t a b l e . - 71 -Thence, i n t e l l e c t u a l s become d i s i l l u s i o n e d , the masses become d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h W e s t e r n - s t y l e "Democracy". Such has been the g e n e r a l f a t e of democracy i n A s i a . e. Communist Success i n A s i a : Turning to A s i a n Communism, we f i n d a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n . There has been a s p e c t a c u l a r Communist success i n A s i a i n the l a s t t e n y e a r s . I t i s important t o grasp c l e a r l y and c o r r e c t l y those f a c t o r s t h a t have c o n t r i b u t e d to t h a t success, f o r o n l y through a proper a p p r a i s a l and understanding of those f a c t o r s can we hope to f i n d some b a s i s i n which f u t u r e p o l i c i e s and s t r a t e g y a g a i n s t Communism can be sought. E a r l i e r , i n the second s e c t i o n o f Chapter I I o f t h i s paper, we c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Communist P a r t y as p r i m a r i l y a r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t y . T h i s e s s e n t i a l n a t u r e of the Communist P a r t y as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n i s the source of i t s s t r e n g t h , as w e l l as of i t s weakness. We can say t h a t , whenever the Communist P a r t y commands strong support and w i e l d s great i n f l u e n c e , wherever i t becomes a major p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , t h e r e must e x i s t c o n d i t i o n s f a v o u r a b l e f o r r e v o l u t i o n . Conversely, i f th e r e i s l i t t l e i n the way o f a r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n i n a s o c i e t y , Communist s t r e n g t h i s n e g l i g i b l e . - 72 -What, then i s a r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n ? More s p e c i f i -c a l l y , what are those c o n d i t i o n s t h a t have u n d e r l a i n Communist success i n A s i a ? We can speak of the p o s s i b i l i t y o f r e v o l u t i o n when we f i n d (1) a widespread suppressed h o s t i l i t y of the masses o f a p o p u l a t i o n toward a r u l i n g m i n o r i t y , (2) a deep c o r r u p t i o n o f government, (3) the absence o f popular and l e g a l means to change government, (4) presence of o r g a n i z e d r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ; and other f a c t o r s , such as d e f e c t i o n o f armed f o r c e s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , f o r e i g n i n t e r v e n t i o n , e t c . With the e x c e p t i o n of the suppressed h o s t i l i t y o f the people, a l l the f a c t o r s are o b j e c t i v e , and can be grasped by an observer without much d i f f i c u l t y . And even the suppressed h o s t i l i t y o f the people may be grasped, through such o b j e c t i v e f a c t o r s as p o v e r t y and economic i n e q u a l i t y . I t o f t e n seems to be t h a t a r u l i n g government i s s t a r t l e d and f r i g h t e n e d by the i n t e n s i t y o f t h i s suppressed popular h o s t i l i t y , as m a n i f e s t e d i n some ou t b u r s t o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y enthusiasm. However, i t should not be too hard f o r the r u l e r s to sense any s u b s t a n t i a l h o s t i l i t y o f the people more i n d i r e c t l y , through v a r i o u s f a c t u a l symptoms and events. Leaving a s i d e a d e t a i l e d treatment o f the h i s t o r i c a l background o f the present r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n d i t i o n s i n A s i a , so f e r t i l e f o r the spread of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e , Communism, we w i l l o n l y t r y to i n d i c a t e b r i e f l y some of i t s s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 0 - 73 -f . . C o l o n i a l i s m — A ease Study: When Western c a p i t a l i s m , eager and anxious to f i n d new t r a d i n g markets, came i n t o A s i a more than a c e n t u r y ago, the A s i a t i c n a t i o n s were s t i l l under f e u d a l i s t i c r u l e . They had no i n t e n t i o n o f opening t h e i r p o r t s or t r a d i n g w i t h the new v i s i t o r s from the West. Japan was the f i r s t c o u n t r y to throw o f f the coat of f e u d a l i s m i n 1868. Korea was s t i l l a c o r r u p t e d , f e u d a l kingdom when Japan took i t over completely i n 1910, r e p r e s e n t a -t i v e now of the new Western order of t h i n g s . We w i l l t r y here, f o r the sake o f convenience, to r e s t r i c t our a t t e n t i o n to Korea alone and w i l l show what happened to a f e u d a l s o c i e t y a f t e r an advanced modern n a t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d a c o l o n i a l r u l e . Di d modern n a t i o n s w i t h t h e i r modern i n d u s t r y and p o l i t i c a l systems (such as democracy or c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy) t r y to do away w i t h the f e u d a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e or t r y to advance a s o c i e t y ? The f o l l o w i n g s t a t i s t i c s w i l l speak f o r themselves; the case here i s Korea. - 7h -99 Trend o f i n c r e a s e i n tenant farmers (Korea was, as i t i s s t i l l today, p r i m a r i l y an a g r i c u l t u r a l n a t i o n when Japan took over i n 1910). YEAR NUMBER OF FARMING FAMILIES  Independ- Owning P a r t and ent % Renting P a r t % Tenant % 1913-17 555,000 21.8 991,000 38.8 1,008,000 39.4-1918-22 529,000 20.4 1,015,000 39.0 1,098,000 40.6 1923-27 529,000 20.2 920,000 35.1 1,172,000 44.7 1928-32 497,000 18.4 853,000 31.4- 1,360,000 50.2 1933-37 5^7,000 19.2 732,000 25.6 1,577,000 55.2 1939- 539,000 19.O 719,000 25.3 1,583,000 55.7 (Note the sharp decrease o f farmers who owned a p a r t o f t h e i r l a n d , and re n t e d the r e s t o f i t , and who c o n s t i t u t e d a s o c i a l b r i d g e between the upper l a n d -owners and lower t e n a n t s ) . 100 T a b l e o f big landowners by n a t i o n a l i t y Over 100 square Over 150 square Over 200 square chong A: chong chong Year Japanese Korean Japanese Korean Japanese Korean 1921 213 266 108 94 I69 66 1922 199 189 105 76 176 62 1923 • 220 217 113 72 178 67 1924 228 237 126 71 I67 48 1925 230 270 130 7¥ * 1^ 0 45 1926 245 239 121 96 177 66 1927 239 210 122 80 • 192 45 (& about 14.5 chong make one m i l e ) . As we can see from the above two t a b l e s , as the y e a r s passed 99. S o c i a l and Economic H i s t o r y o f Korea under Japanese Rule, a symposium by Chon Suk-Tam, Lee Ki-Son, Kim Han-Ju, F e d e r a t i o n o f F i n a n c i a l A s s o c i a t i o n s , S e o u l , 1947, p.29. ( F i g u r e s borrowed from Tokemoto Suzuki's Korean Economy p.266) 100. I b i d . p.164 -- 75 -the concentration of land i n the hands of a few was further intensified under Japanese colonialism. The semi-feudal social structure was not eliminated, but preserved. Japan would claim that i t raised the amount of food production by so many per cent. It was true that Korean peasants were driven to increase food production. But where did the thus produced food go? Who benefited most by the increased production of food? Let us turn to the figures again. 101 Table of value of crop production and export Year Production % Export % Thousand yen Thousand yen 1911 241,722 100 13,167 100 1939 1,644,004 680 385,958 2,931 (We must not forget that 80-90$ of food export went to Japan.) How about the main crop, the Korean rice? Here are the figures about i t . 101. Ibid. p.133 - 76 -102 Table of r ice production and export. Amount of r ice consumed per Year Production % Export % person i n Korea thousand bushels thousand bushels 1912-16 12,303 100 1,309 100 0.7188 bushel 1917-21 14,101 115 2,^3 187 0.6860 1922-26 14,501 118 4,375 334 O.5871 1927-31 15,798 128 6,616 505 0.4964 1932-36 17,002 138 8,735 667 0.4017 1937 19,410 159 7,201 550 0.5679 1938 26,796 218 10,996, 840 0.7031 1939 24,138 196 6,894 527 0.7761 These figures show that an increase i n r ice production did not necessarily mean an increased consumption by Korean farmers instead, except i n 1939, the average amount consumed per person i n Korea steadily decreased under the Japanese rule . The Japanese would often talk about the colossal colonial expenditures, i n an attempt to show how generously they gave away their money to the Korean people. Actually, a l l the money spent i n Korea by the Japanese Government was squeezed from the already impoverished Koreans, as the follow-ing figures w i l l show: 103 Japanese Governmental Revenue and Expenditure in Korea YEAR TOTAL EXPENDITURE TOTAL REVENUE 1911 1915 1919 (thousand yen) 46,172 56,869 93,026 (thousand yen) 52,285 62,722 125,803 102. Ibid. pp.151-2 103. Ibid. pp.83-85 - l i -lt seems s u p e r f l u o u s to go f u r t h e r than t h i s i n t r y i n g to show the nature o f modern c o l o n i a l i s m i n Korea under the Japanese. The few b i g i n d u s t r i e s i n Korea were a l l owned by Japanese. No i n d u s t r y f o r the p r o d u c t i o n o f c a p i t a l equip-ment was e s t a b l i s h e d . The extremely low l i v i n g standard o f the Korean people, the backwardness i n i n d u s t r i a l development o f Korea i n comparison w i t h Japan today, prove how Japanese c o l o n i a l r u l e h e l d back the development of Korean s o c i e t y . The sharp i n c r e a s e i n r u r a l tenancy, the d e c l i n e i n independ-ent ownership brought f u r t h e r impoverishment o f the m a j o r i t y o f the Korean people. The e f f e c t of Japanese c o l o n i a l i s m was thus the p r e s e r v a t i o n and f u r t h e r s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f the c l a s s d i v i s i o n and i n e q u a l i t y o f the o l d , semi-feudal s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . We are o f t e n t o l d how modern c o l o n i a l powers helped modernize the f e u d a l and backward s o c i e t i e s o f t h e i r c o l o n i e s . I t i s t r u e t h a t these s o c i e t i e s were backward, and, f o r t h a t  reason, were taken over by r e l a t i v e l y more advanced n a t i o n s . For e f f e c t i v e e x p l o i t a t i o n the r u l i n g n a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d 1) a c e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 2) an improved system o f produc-t i o n to boost output o f raw m a t e r i a l s and food, 3) a modern t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system, and h) something i n the way o f p u b l i c h e a l t h and e d u c a t i o n . These "modernizations" were the necess-a r y measures f o r maximum c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . However, i t came to be an e f f e c t o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n - 78 -under colonialism that these backward and feudal societies started, gradually or suddenly, to develop and attain conscious-ness of social and national unity, independently and i n spite of the colonial rulers , whose chief goal remained economic exploitation—which goal was generally achieved, to the general impoverishment of the victimized nations. The combination of the above two effects of colonial -ism—the impoverishment of society under colonial exploitation and at the same time the awakening of colonial peoples under colonial modernization, i s the background of present colonial revolutions. Although the extent and degree of preservation of the old social structure varied according to circumstances, i t may be said i n general that elimination of feudal soc ia l structure did not go beyond what was expedient for maximum colonial exploitation. To do away with the old soc ia l order entirely meant to democratize these societies, and to democratize them meant to overempower them so much, that they threatened the rule of the colonial powers. Thus Asian society did not pass through the stages of such democratic revolutions as represented i n the West, by the French and American revolutions. These general observations apply not only to Korea, of course, but also to such countries as India, Burma, Indo-China, and 104 Indonesia. 104. For interesting description of Western colonialism i n Asia , see K.M. Panikkar's Asia and Western Dominance. New York, The John Day Co . , 1 9 5 4 . P a r t s II and I I I . - 79 -T h i s b a s i c c h a r a c t e r o f c o l o n i a l i s m as the d e t e r r e n t o f s o c i a l progress determines the nature o f A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s m today, A s i a n n a t i o n a l i s m i s not a mere " n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r -m i n a t i o n " or "independence" movement. I t i s a s o c i a l r e v o l u -t i o n . I f i t appears n a t i o n a l i s t i c , or i n s p i r e d c h i e f l y by n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment, i t i s so because without e l i m i n a t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m , which has been the perp e t u a t o r and p r o t e c t o r o f semi-feudalism, s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n i s i m p o s s i b l e . g. The Chances f o r Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n A s i a ; Communism has been s u c c e s s f u l i n A s i a because i t has met those r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n d i t i o n s f o r which i t i s best prepared. At the same time, the e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a -t i o n would a u t o m a t i c a l l y cut down i t s i n f l u e n c e , and b r i n g about i t s e v e n t u a l d o w n f a l l . One c o u l d say th a t t h i s e l i m i n a t i o n c o u l d be e f f e c t e d e i t h e r " g r a d u a l l y " or " a b r u p t l y " . But any-r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n , being " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " , presupposes the d i f f i c u l t y o f "g r a d u a l " improvement—or i t wouldn't be " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " . Hard as i t might be, however, t o attempt " g r a d u a l " change.of a s o c i e t y and avoidance o f any t o t a l d i s -r u p t i o n i s always worthwhile. To a v o i d r e v o l u t i o n as. much as p o s s i b l e i s , as Rousseau s a i d , an axiom o f p o l i t i c s . Here democratic s o c i a l i s m , or the s o c i a l i s m o f gradualism might be adopted i n A s i a , p r o v i d e d t h a t the f o l l o w -i n g c o n d i t i o n s are s a t i s f i e d : - 80 -(1) Presence of a s u c c e s s f u l p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy; (2) E x i s t e n c e of a government showing improvement i n democratic p r o c e s s e s ; (3) Presence o f a Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y , t h a t can a t l e a s t expect a p a r l i a m e n t a r y m a j o r i t y ; o r , ( 4 0 A g r e a t l e a d e r o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m who can command the support o f the masses; (5) S u f f i c i e n t time f o r g r a d u a l change; (6) Absence o f e x t e r n a l i n t e r f e r e n c e or a g g r e s s i o n ; ( f o r example, by a Communist country, or a former c o l o n i a l power) (7) S u f f i c i e n t s t r e n g t h to r e s i s t i n t e r n a l r e v o l u -t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n i n some p a r t s o f A s i a today seems h a r d l y t o s a t i s f y these l a v i s h requirements f o r a d o p t i o n o f gradualism. I n most c o u n t r i e s , the Western-s t y l e p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy seems unable to produce any r e s p o n s i b l e government bent upon d r a s t i c s o c i a l reform. A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s seem to be g e t t i n g more and more c o r r u p t . The i n t e r n a l unrest o f s o c i e t y growing out o f long e x i s t e n t s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e i s becoming more s e r i o u s . The presence and o p e r a t i o n of the Communists l e a v e l i t t l e time f o r an e v e n t u a l improvement by gradualism. A l l s o r t s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n t e r f e r e n c e and i n v a s i o n s seem to s t i f l e freedom of governments to c a r r y out t h e i r reform p o l i c i e s . Moreover, most o f the governments are - 81 -too weak to meet i n t e r n a l unrest without f o r e i g n a s s i s t a n c e . L a s t l y , the democratic s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s , except i n I n d i a and Burma, are e i t h e r too weak to command a m a j o r i t y , or too d i v i d e d i n t e r n a l l y to c a r r y out u n i t e d a c t i o n . (Japan, f o r example, had two separate s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s , l e f t wing and r i g h t wing ones.) The s i t u a t i o n might be l e f t t o the course o f n a t u r a l development, were there no Communist t h r e a t both from w i t h i n and from w i t h o u t . But time i s running a g a i n s t slow and g r a d u a l change. How about our second way o f d e a l i n g w i t h the A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n t h e n — t h e way o f abrupt e l i m i n a t i o n ? As soon as a democratic s o c i a l i s t t u r n s t o t h i s , he i s f a c e d w i t h d i r e c t r i v a l r y w i t h the Communists, the master r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . To l e a v e the q u e s t i o n o f r e v o l u t i o n e n t i r e l y t o Communists, however, means to guarantee establishment o f a Communist regime a f t e r r e v o l u t i o n , f o r whoever l e a d s a r e v o l u -t i o n w i l l a l s o c o n t r o l the p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y regime. There-f o r e , i f democratic s o c i a l i s t s amid r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n d i t i o n s want to prevent Communist p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y dominance, they must be the l e a d e r s o f r e v o l u t i o n . They must r e t a i n i n t h e i r hands "the hegemony o f r e v o l u t i o n " . Communists are f u l l y taught and aware o f the import-ance of r e v o l u t i o n a r y l e a d e r s h i p . - 82 -"The main t a c t i c a l p r i n c i p l e i s th a t the p r o - * l e t a r i a t can and must be the 'leader' o f the bourgeois-democratic r e v o l u t i o n , t h e - ' g u i d i n g f o r c e ' o f the bourgeois-democratic r e v o l u t i o n i n R u s s i a . " -5 Are the contemporary democratic s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s a b l e t o l e a d a r e v o l u t i o n ? As democratic s o c i a l i s m has come to mean more or l e s s the s o c i a l i s m o f gradualism, or s o c i a l i s m through p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , the q u e s t i o n o f r e v o l u t i o n i s e n t i r e l y n e g l e c t e d . To enquire i n t o t h i s q u e s t i o n might appear to go beyond the r e l e v a n t scope, t h e r e f o r e , o f the p o l i t i c s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . But t h i s may be a wrong p o s i t i o n , f o r (1) no genuine p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y should l e a v e out such a v i t a l p o l i t i c a l problem as r e v o l u t i o n from the scope o f i t s i n q u i r y ; (2) the essence o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i s not the f a i t h i n gradualism or p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , but the f a i t h i n l i b e r t y . As we have seen i n the t h i r d s e c t i o n o f Chapter I I , the core o f democratic s o c i a l i s m l i e s i n i t s assumption t h a t i t i s the t r u e h e i r of l i b e r a l i s m . The r o l e o f democratic s o c i a l i s m as the new champion o f l i b e r a l i s m i s e x e m p l i f i e d by the replacement o f the B r i t i s h L i b e r a l P a r t y by the Labour P a r t y . Gradualism, or p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , which s p l i t the s o c i a l i s t movement i n two, grew out not from some a b s t r a c t d o c t r i n e , but from the " l i b e r a l i s t temperament" of s o c i a l i s t s , who had j o i n e d the s o c i a l i s t ranks p r i m a r i l y t o save human 10J>. L e n i n , "Two T a c t i c s o f S o c i a l Democracy i n the Democratic R e v o l u t i o n " , H i s t o r y o f the Communist  P a r t y o f the S o v i e t Union, p. 66. - 83 -freedom. Democratic s o c i a l i s t s should t h e r e f o r e be not " f i r s t l i b e r a l s , second s o c i a l i s t s " , but " f i r s t l i b e r a l s , second l i b e r a l s . " They are and must be l i b e r a l s through and through. I f they were ever s o c i a l i s t s , i t was because they b e l i e v e d t h a t o n l y s o c i a l i s m c o u l d achieve the l i b e r a l i d e a l s . I n t h i s meaning o f democratic s o c i a l i s m l i e s the j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r f a c i n g the q u e s t i o n o f r e v o l u t i o n . I t i s not a g a i n s t the cause of democratic s o c i a l i s m to c a r r y out a r e v o l u t i o n i f o h l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y means are l e f t to a c hieve freedom. h. The I d e o l o g i c a l Incompetence of Democratic  S o c i a l i s m t I f democratic s o c i a l i s t s , then, must f a c e the q u e s t i o n o f r e v o l u t i o n and be capable o f l e a d i n g a r e v o l u t i o n a r y b a t t l e i n order to d e p r i v e the Communists o f any chance t o e s t a b l i s h a Communist regime, we must c o n s i d e r t h e i r competence f o r t h i s t a s k . T h i s q u e s t i o n o f competence must be c o n s i d e r e d from t h r e e a s p e c t s : o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , t a c t i c a l , and i d e o l o g i c a l . The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and t a c t i c a l a s p e c t s , however, a r e not o n l y beyond the scope o f t h i s t h e s i s , but a l s o are d e d u c i b l e from the i d e o l o g i c a l a s p e c t . For t h i s reason, we are here c h i e f l y concerned w i t h o n l y the t h i r d , the i d e o l o g i c a l , a s p e c t . The p i c t u r e i s h a r d l y an encouraging one. The i d e o l o g i c a l incompetence o f democratic s o c i a l i s t s t o l e a d - 84- -r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements may be due to n e g l e c t o f the l e a d e r s t o g i v e proper a t t e n t i o n to matters o f i d e o l o g y . But t h i s seems more an e f f e c t than the cause. The b a s i c cause seems to l i e i n the i d e o l o g y i t s e l f . (1) F i r s t o f a l l , g r a d u a l i s m should not be c o n s i d e r e d the s i n e qua non o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . I t i s o f course an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f democratic s o c i a l i s m t h a t i t does not exclude, but embraces w i t h i n i t s e l f . Gradualism i s and must be o n l y one o f i t s t a c t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . (2) As we have argued e a r l i e r , the concept o f f r e e -dom should be g i v e n adequate r o l e i n the s t r u c t u r e o f democratic s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y . (3) Democratic s o c i a l i s m seems to have an o l d dogma t h a t needs r e - e x a m i n i n g — i . e . t h a t s o c i a l i s t economic order , the State-owned and S t a t e - r u n system, would not o n l y be a b l e to put an end t o a l l s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s once and f o r a l l , but a l s o be a b l e t o b r i n g us a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n t o the "Kingdom o f Freedom". T h i s has been a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t assumption t o which a l l the e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s , Communists and Democratic ' S o c i a l i s t s a l i k e , s u b s c r i b e d . Even a f t e r the break w i t h the Communists, i t has been the haunting ghost t h a t has put Democratic S o c i a l i s t s i n t o a s t a t e o f constant i d e o l o g i c a l - 85 -u n c e r t a i n t y . By temperament, Democratic S o c i a l i s t s c h e r i s h e d democracy and the i d e a o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government. But i f the above g e n e r a l s o c i a l i s t assumption were t r u e , why should Democratic S o c i a l i s t s h e s i t a t e to e s t a b l i s h the s o c i a l i s t economy, even at the c o s t o f democracy? N e v e r t h e l e s s , they c o u l d n ' t become communists, f o r by nature they were too l i b e r a l i s t to s a c r i f i c e freedom to the p r i n c i p l e o f p o l i t i c a l expediency. T h i s s t a t e o f " d i v i d e d s e l f " o f Democratic S o c i a l i s t s f i n d s i t s e x p r e s s i o n i n the wide s p l i t o f l e f t and r i g h t wings w i t h i n democratic s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s . From the v e r y beginning, they must have f e l t t h i s d i v i d e d s e l f and t h e r e f o r e were aware o f the subsequent danger. Thus they c o n s c i o u s l y t r i e d to u n i f y t h i s d i v i d e d m e n t a l i t y when they a s s e r t e d t h a t " S o c i a l i s m and Democracy are i n s e p a r a b l e . " How and why they are or should be i n s e p a r a b l e , they c o u l d not e x p l a i n a t the time. I t was not a t h e o r e t i c a l c o n c l u s i o n a r r i v e d a t a f t e r a long i n v e s t i g a t i o n , but r a t h e r a demand, a c r y o f a d i v i d e d mind. I n t h i s d i v i d e d mind, many S o c i a l i s t s l i v e d a l i f e o f t r a g i c i d e o l o g i c a l wandering, and even the Webbs ended t h e i r l i f e i n a d m i r a t i o n o f the S o v i e t regime. However, i t was made c l e a r r e c e n t l y t h a t the o l d s o c i a l i s t assumption t h a t a s o c i a l i s t economy i s the gateway to the "Kingdom o f Freedom" i s a dogma. In t h e o r y , i n d i v i d u a l t - 86 -freedoms may be s a i d not to be compatible w i t h the planned 106 economy under s o c i a l i s m ; i n p r a c t i c e , S o v i e t R u s s i a ' s economic and p o l i t i c a l development o f f e r s an undeniable p r o o f t h a t s o c i a l i s t economy i s not a f r i e n d , but an enemy of i n d i v i -d u a l freedoms. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t seems t h i s s o c i a l i s t dogma i s s t i l l e n t e r t a i n e d by Democratic S o c i a l i s t s . I f they compete w i t h the Communists, burdened w i t h t h i s same dogma, they are doomed to l o s e the l e a d e r s h i p , f o r they want to go the same road o n l y " g r a d u a l l y " , i . e . "more s l o w l y " than the Communists, and to go the same road more sl o w l y means to g i v e up the l e a d i n g r o l e . T h i s i s one reason why democratic s o c i a l i s m should be something other than the "slower, c a u t i o u s s o c i a l i s m " or the "one-half s o c i a l i s m " . Democratic s o c i a l i s t s have two c h o i c e s . One i s to s t i c k t o the above s o c i a l i s t dogma, and thus take the same road as the communists, more s l o w l y , i n which case t h e r e w i l l be no democratic s o c i a l i s t l e a d e r s h i p — i n f a c t t h e r e w i l l be no democratic s o c i a l i s t s as such, except those p o l i t i c a l opport-u n i s t s who are used and then denounced and purged i n time by Communist l e a d e r s h i p . The f a t e o f so many Mehsheviks, e a r l y S o c i a l Democrats who l o s t t h e i r b a t t l e to the Communists, i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s s i t u a t i o n . 106. Hayek. F r i e d r i c h A. T The Road to Serfdom. Chicago. U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1944. - 87 -The other c h o i c e i s to f i n d a d i f f e r e n t and sounder assumption f o r democratic s o c i a l i s m , and thus take a d i f f e r e n t , and more c o r r e c t , road than the Communists, i n which case democratic s o c i a l i s t s w i l l be l e a d e r s o f t h e i r own movement. To do t h i s would r e q u i r e a new approach toward the d e f i n i t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , and we are w e l l aware o f the d i f f i -c u l t y i n v o l v e d . (k) Democratic s o c i a l i s t s should take a c l e a r e r stand i n regard to the modern democratic r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system o f government than those ambiguous statements t h a t Democracy and S o c i a l i s m are i n s e p a r a b l e or t h a t one can be achieved or f u l l y r e a l i z e d " o n l y through" the o t h e r . They a r e too* vague t o be a g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i n a l l types o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . I s Democracy, i . e . the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system o f modern government, the s i n e qua non of the democratic s o c i a l i s t i d e a l ? Should s o c i a l i s m be achieved o n l y through democratic means? Would s o c i a l i s m be p o s s i b l e under democracy? I f so, what s o r t o f s o c i a l i s m would i t be? We must have an answer t o these q u e s t i o n s , i f we are t o a c t , f o r they are imposed on us by contemporary p o l i t i c s . I t seems to be c l e a r by now t h a t these f o u r i d e o -l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f contemporary democratic s o c i a l i s m are c l o s e l y - 88 -r e l a t e d t o the q u e s t i o n o f freedom. They seem t o stem from the f a i l u r e o f democratic s o c i a l i s t s to grasp c l e a r l y the meaning o f freedom and to found t h e i r i d e o l o g y on i t . The f i r s t t ask i n r e d e f i n i n g democratic s o c i a l i s m t h e r e f o r e c e n t e r s around a r e d e f i n i n g o f the meaning o f freedom. I s freedom something t h a t must be s a c r i f i c e d or ign o r e d f o r the sake of s o c i a l i z e d economy? I f not, how should i t be understood and how should the concepts o f t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t economics and p o l i t i c s be r e c a s t i n the l i g h t o f i t s meaning? Here we fa c e a tremendous t a s k o f t h e o r e t i c a l r e s e a r c h . I t may mean a r e v o l u t i o n i n the i d e o l o g y o f demo-c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m . Yet, i t i s a c h a l l e n g e the contemporary democratic s o c i a l i s t s must f a c e . - - 0 - -- 89 -CHAPTER V A NEW APPROACH TOWARD THE MEANING OF FREEDOM I n t h i s c o n c l u d i n g chapter, we are going t o seek a new understanding o f the meaning o f f r e e d o m — t h e c e n t r a l problem i n the r e - t h i n k i n g o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . I t i s hoped t h a t t h i s attempt, though o n l y a very b r i e f s u g g e s t i o n , and anything but a t h e o r e t i c a l system, w i l l p r o v i d e something f o r overcoming the present impasse and u n c e r t a i n t y o f demo-c r a t i c s o c i a l i s t s , , a. A S o c i a l i s t Dilemma I n the f o r e g o i n g chapter, we t r i e d t o show the nature o f the i d e o l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i n r e l a t i o n to a c t u a l p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . Here, i n order t o i l l u m i n a t e the same d e f e c t s from a d i f f e r e n t a n g l e , we would l i k e to examine one more d e f i n i t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , t h a t seems t o us c l e a r e r than those d i s c u s s e d i n S e c t i o n I I of the t h i r d chapters " S o c i a l i s m i s a b e l i e f i n a fundamental r e -o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the s t r u c t u r e o f s o c i e t y , based on the common ownership o f the means o f p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and exchange, the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l , and the replacement o f motives of p r o f i t and ..aginpetition by those o f s e r v i c e and co o p e r a t i o n . " °' 107. Longmate, Norman, A S o c i a l i s t Anthology. London, Phoenix House L t d . , 1953? p.11. - 90 -There a r e , a t l e a s t , two problems i n v o l v e d i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , and we w i l l t r y to p o i n t them out i n o r d e r to show the nature o f the present s o c i a l i s t d i f f i c u l t y . F i r s t o f a l l , i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n o f s o c i a l i s m , " i n d i v i d u a l freedoms" are i m p l i c i t l y l i m i t e d and reduced t o "the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . " I t was anything but an e a r l y s o c i a l i s t dream to "reduce" i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. I t was the v i s i o n o f the "Kingdom o f Freedom" t h a t i n s p i r e d so many e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s ' thoughts and a c t i o n s . The reason f o r l i m i t i n g i n d i v i d u a l freedoms t o p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y i s t h a t the other i n d i v i d u a l freedoms, e s p e c i a l l y the freedom to choose and d e c i d e q u a l i t y , q u a n t i t y , and v a r i e t y ofeconomic products, are not thought to be compat-i b l e w i t h the "common ownership o f means o f p r o d u c t i o n , d i s -t r i b u t i o n and exchange." Whether or not " a l l forms" o f common ownership or o n l y "some forms" of common ownership o f economic means are i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s economic freedom, we must admit t h a t without the economic freedom o f the i n d i v i d u a l , h i s p o l i t i c a l freedom i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r i t i s h i s economic a c t i v i t y t h a t o c c u p i e s the g r e a t e r p a r t of h i s l i f e . I f a man i s not f r e e i n choosing h i s job, i n c o n t r o l l i n g p r o d u c t i o n through markets and the p r i c e system, or through whatever means, d e c i d i n g the economic trends o f society!,: where i s h i s f r e e l i f e ? - 91 -S o c i a l i s m was born not to reduce, but to extend t h e freedoms of the i n d i v i d u a l , and i f one s o r t o f "common owner-s h i p " o f economic means has proven t o c o s t i n d i v i d u a l f r e e -doms, i t must f i n d o t h e r s t h a t w i l l not. State-ownership or n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n should not be regarded as the o n l y form o f common ownership. The "co-ownership" o f an i n d u s t r y by both workers and owners, or by government and workers or by a l l o f them i s one o f such forms. Second, i f we c o n s i d e r f u r t h e r the nature of the s o c i a l i s t economy under s o c i a l i s m thus d e f i n e d , we w i l l come to r e a l i z e the d i f f i c u l t y o f even the " p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l " i n s o c i a l i s m . Common ownership o f the means of p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and exchange, the replacement o f the p r o f i t motive and c o m p e t i t i o n by motives o f s e r v i c e , must imply one or another s o r t o f comprehensive "planned economy". However, i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t t o c a r r y out a p l a n n i n g economy when the government, which i s the a c t u a l p l a n n i n g body, i s s u b j e c t to the c o n s t a n t l y s h i f t i n g popular w i l l . P l a n n i n g r e q u i r e s c o n t i n u i t y of the p l a n n i n g and ex e c u t i n g body, i . e . c o n t i n u i t y o f government. Yet the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l i m p l i e s a continuous or p e r i o d i c a l change o f government by the people. How can the government h o n e s t l y s t i c k t o i t s economic p l a n when i t s l i f e i s s u b j e c t to the constant f l u c t u a t i o n o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n ? - 92 -I t i s not so easy to u n i t e the n a t i o n a l economic p l a n n i n g w i t h the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system of government t h a t i s under ihe con-t r o l o f the popular w i l l . S o c i a l i s t economic p l a n n i n g i s not a mere s e c t i o n a l or short-range p l a n n i n g . I t i s an a l l -i n c l u s i v e , long-range p l a n n i n g . I t r e q u i r e s s t a b i l i t y and c o n t i n u i t y o f government as much as i t does a s t r o n g govern-ment. Mr. NehruJs ambitious F i v e Year P l a n would not have been p o s s i b l e i f h i s e x c e p t i o n a l p o p u l a r i t y d i d not more or l e s s guarantee the r e l a t i v e l y l o n g s t a b i l i t y o f h i s govern-ment. What w i l l happen to I n d i a ' s f u t u r e f i v e year p l a n when he has d i e d or when an o p p o s i t i o n p a r t y w i t h a d i f f e r e n t . p o l i c y gets i n power, i s anyone's guess. We cannot but sense, even a t t h i s moment, an u l t i m a t e d i f f i c u l t y which i n t h i s p o i n t the I n d i a n F i v e Year P l a n as a type o f s o c i a l i s t p l a n n -i n g may have to f a c e sooner or l a t e r . T r y i n g to make r e p r e s e n t a -t i v e democratic government and the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l f i t together w i t h the s o c i a l i s t i c planned economy may be to t r y to have one's cake and eat i t too. We may c a l l these two d i f f i c u l t i e s o f s o c i a l i s m the s o c i a l i s t dilemma. I n d i v i d u a l freedoms br o a d l y speaking do not go together w i t h s o c i a l i s m as d e f i n e d above, and even the p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l , or the modern democratic system of government which i s thought to be the i n d i s p e n s a b l e element of democratic s o c i a l i s m , can h a r d l y go t o g e t h e r w i t h - 93 -the planned economy of s o c i a l i s m . p. Freedom as Man's Power Over H i s Surroundings? Then what i s freedom? E q u a l i t y I s something not d i f f i c u l t t o grasp. But what about freedom? I s i t not one o f the o l d e s t and most d i f f i c u l t p h i l o s o p h i c a l problems? Would i t not be a t h e o r e t i c a l blunder t o drag the problem o f 0 freedom i n t o the p h i l o s o p h y o f s o c i a l i s m ? I t i s not our i n t e n t i o n , however, t o t a c k l e here the problem o f f r e e w i l l . The freedom we have to d e a l w i t h here i s o b j e c t i v e f r e e d o m — i . e . something o b j e c t i v e l y m eaningful. There are v a r i o u s d e f i n i t i o n s o f freedom, f o r example: v o l u n t a r y a c t i o n , o r absence o f r e s t r a i n t , e t c . These d e f i n i -t i o n s do not stand the t e s t o f modern p o l i t i c s . The m a j o r i t y o f the German people supported H i t l e r , and t h e i r support was f a r more a v o l u n t a r y than a f o r c e d a c t i o n , y e t we cannot say Germans were f r e e a t the time. Japanese supported t h e i r government v o l u n t a r i l y and d i e d w i l l i n g l y f o r t h e i r Emperor, yet we say they were under t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . The R u s s i a n people today may be v o l u n t a r i l y obeying and s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r Communist regime, y e t we are i n no way i n c l i n e d to c a l l them f r e e . Modern s c i e n c e and t e c h n i c a l advance have g i v e n r u l e r s such e f f e c t i v e means o f i n d o c t r i n a t i o n t h a t they can not o n l y wipe out the sense o f r e s t r a i n t from the mind of people, but - 94 -a l s o make them a c t " v o l u n t a r i l y " . Popular support o f govern-ment no more serves as a landmark to democratic government. A l s o , the "absence o f r e s t r a i n t " cannot r e p r e s e n t what we mean by freedom, f o r then we cannot d i s t i n g u i s h freedom from the " h a b i t u a t e d r e s t r a i n t " which i s the Communist concept o f freedom, as presented by L e n i n : "The escape from t h i s popular a c c o u n t i n g and c o n t r o l w i l l i n e v i t a b l y become so i n c r e d i b l y d i f f i -c u l t . . . t h a t the n e c e s s i t y of o b s e r v i n g the simple fundamental r u l e s o f human i n t e r c o u r s e w i l l v e r y soon become a h a b i t . And then the door w i l l be open f o r the t r a n s i t i o n from the f i r s t phase o f communist s o c i e t y t o i t s h i g h e r phase, and w i t h i t to the complete w i t h e r i n g away of the state."108 Here L e n i n has best expressed the Communist concept o f freedom. I t i s the " h a b i t u a t e d n e c e s s i t y " . I t i s the r e s t r a i n t t h a t has become a h a b i t , and ahhabituated r e s t r a i n t i s absence o f r e s t r a i n t . I n f a c t the Communists a l s o c l a i m freedom i n t h i s sense as much as a n a r c h i s t s . How c o u l d we accuse the Communists f o r t h e i r s u p p r e s s i o n o f freedom i f our meaning o f freedom were to be p r e t t y much the same as t h e i r s ? The " r e a l " meaning o f freedom seems t o be b e t t e r sought i n "man's power to change h i s s t a t u s and h i s surround-i n g s " . A s l a v e i s not f r e e because he has no power to change h i s s o c i a l s t a t u s . A people w i l l not be f r e e , i f i t has no power to change i t s government s h o r t o f r e v o l u t i o n . Revolu-t i o n may appear to be a way o f changing government, but when 108. L e n i n , " S t a t e and R e v o l u t i o n " , Marx ? E n e e l s , Marxism, ..Moscow, F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g House, 1951, pp.419-420 we l o o k a t i t s nature more c l o s e l y , we cannot.say i t changes a government, f o r i t does not change, but d e s t r o y s one govern-ment and c r e a t e s a new one; i t i s more p r o p e r l y termed a c r e a t i o n o f government. A government c r e a t e d by a r e v o l u t i o n may be a f r e e one, i . e . s u b j e c t t o popular c o n t r o l , or may be an unfree one as b e f o r e . A f r e e people must be a b l e to change i t s government p e a c e f u l l y , and i n t h i s p e a c e f u l change of government by the people l i e s the core o f modern p o l i t i c a l freedoms. For t h i s reason the e x i s t e n c e o f an o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a s t a t e can be one o f the best t e s t s f o r a f r e e government. Man's power to change h i s surroundings, however, depends on h i s knowledge; knowledge i s power, i t has been s a i d . Thus the extent o f h i s freedom may depend on h i s know-ledge which can i n c r e a s e h i s power to c o n t r o l or change h i s surroundings. T h e r e f o r e the more he knows, the more he may become f r e e . I n p o l i t i c s t h i s r e l a t i o n o f knowledge and freedom i s r e v e a l e d by the importance o f means of i n f o r m a t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l freedoms. R e s t r i c t i o n on news agencies by government may be t h e r e f o r e one o f the most, s e r i o u s l i m i t a -t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l freedom. In a s t r i c t e r sense i t may be s a i d t h a t knowledge i s a means of power, and hence a means of freedom. There thus seem to be a t l e a s t two important means o f freedom, one our - 96 -knowledge, and the other the m a t e r i a l means, i . e . our economic products i n g e n e r a l . Man's power to change h i s surroundings depends a l s o upon the m a t e r i a l means a v a i l a b l e to e f f e c t change. I t can be a c t u a l l y e x e r c i s e d o n l y through proper m a t e r i a l means, and o n l y when he has the m a t e r i a l means can man be s a i d to be a n l - a c t u a l l y f r e e being. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e r e f o r e , i t has been s a i d t h a t t o i n c r e a s e knowledge and economic p r o d u c t s , and thus to make both o f them a v a i l a b l e to as many as p o s s i b l e , i s the b a s i s o f a l l human freedom. I n order to make a v a i l a b l e f o r every-one a l l the m a t e r i a l means of l i v i n g the "community" system was envisaged. I n order to make the i n d e f i n i t e , expansion o f p r o d u c t i o n p o s s i b l e , common ownership and planned economy were advocated. The immense expansion o f economic p r o d u c t i o n through s o c i a l i z e d economy, i t was thought, would b r i n g about auto-m a t i c a l l y the "Kingdom o f Freedom". S o c i a l i s m and Communism both s t a r t e d from these assumptions. c. Freedom i n the Means o f Freedom; There was one p o i n t , however, t h a t escaped the t h i n k i n g o f t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t s . That was the freedom o f choosing means o f freedom. I f the meaning o f freedom i s man's power or a b i l i t y t o change h i s surroundings, he must be a b l e , not o n l y to "possess" means of freedom, but a l s o t o choose .- 9.7 -those means of freedom. I f he cannot change or choose the means, how can he change anything? Thus, the freedom o f choosing knowledge, o f choosing m a t e r i a l means becomes the i n d i s p e n s a b l e b a s i s o f a l l freedoms. Freedom of the p r e s s should always imply freedom t o choose any i n f o r m a t i o n . The mere abundance o f means of freedom does not guarantee the automatic r e a l i z a t i o n o f freedom. Man must be a b l e t o choose, to change h i s means o f freedom. I n s h o r t , he must be f r e e here a l s o , i n h i s means of freedom. Concerning o u r s e l v e s , then, not w i t h a p h i l o s o p h i c a l e n q u i r y i n t o the problem o f freedom per s e T but w i t h those as p e c t s o f freedom p e r t i n e n t t o a p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y , we have so f a r t r i e d to d e f i n e freedom as a k i n d of power, and have t r i e d a l s o to show t h a t i n order t o r e a l i z e freedom, not o n l y abundance o f means of freedom but a l s o freedom i n the means of freedom are n e c e s s a r y . There seem t h e r e f o r e to be two c o n d i t i o n s t h a t must be s a t i s f i e d together f o r r e a l i z a t i o n o f freedom. F i r s t w i l l be the continued expansion and a m p l i f i c a -t i o n , i n q u a n t i t y as w e l l as i n v a r i e t y , o f means o f freedom, namely economic p r o d u c t s , s c i e n t i f i c knowledge, and the l i k e . The second w i l l c o n s i s t i n the power by which man can change or choose such means of freedom. H i s power to c o n t r o l surroundings through v a r i o u s means must be s u b s t a n t i a t e d by h i s power to c o n t r o l those means as w e l l . A man may be surround-- .98 -ed by abundance o f goods, y e t i f he cannot use or choose anything except t h a t which he i s t o l d t o , he w i l l be no more f r e e than an i g n o r a n t man who does not know how to use them. The v a l u e o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y i n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n seems to" con-s i s t i n t h a t i t guarantees the power o f the i n d i v i d u a l to c o n t r o l or d i s p o s e of h i s p o s s e s s i o n s , which are a c t u a l l y means o f h i s freedom. d. An A p p l i c a t i o n s With these two a s p e c t s o f freedom, we now would l i k e t o c l a r i f y some of the b a s i c i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s o f demo-c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m . Among men's surroundings, those most important f o r freedom are perhaps the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l surroundings. S i n c e freedom i s r e l a t e d to the power of i n d i v i -d u a l s over these surroundings, we can say t h e r e a r e a t l e a s t t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f freedoms 1) economic, 2) s o c i a l , and 3) p o l i t i c a l freedom. (1) As the most important source o f m a t e r i a l means of freedom, the economy has two f u n c t i o n s f o r human freedom. I t must, on the one hand, c o n t i n u o u s l y expand and a m p l i f y economic products, thus making ever more means o f freedom a v a i l a b l e f o r men. On the other hand these p r o d u c t s , the process o f t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n , the process of t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n - 99 -and consumption, a l l these means o f freedom themselves must be s u b j e c t to i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l . When the f i r s t c o n d i t i o n i s s a t i s f i e d i n the absence o f the second, as i n the case o f the S o v i e t Union ( i n the assumption t h a t Communist cl a i m s o f more goods and more machines are t r u e ) r e a l freedom cannot e x i s t . Conversely when the second c o n d i t i o n i s met but the f i r s t i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , as i n the case o f some underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s today, " t r u e " freedom may h a r d l y p r e v a i l e i t h e r . I t w i l l have to be the duty o f democratic s o c i a l i s t s to see to i t t h a t both c o n d i t i o n s are s a t i s f i e d . (2) S o c i a l freedom a l s o i s s u b j e c t t o two c o n d i t i o n s , namely, i t must i n v o l v e a) maximum c i v i l r i g h t s or p r i v i l e g e s as the means o f s o c i a l freedom, and b) freedom o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n the use o f these p r i v i l e g e s . Thus the r i g h t t o education, f o r example, should imply a t l e a s t the freedom of the c i t i z e n to choose the type o f e d u c a t i o n or s c h o o l he wishes, i f not h i s freedom to send or not to send h i s c h i l d r e n t o s c h o o l . When c i v i l r i g h t s or p r i v i l e g e s are made compulsory, as i n the case o f compulsory " r i g h t t o work" f o r example, r e a l freedom may not e a s i l y p r e v a i l . When the r i g h t t o work i s made compulsory, we are not f a r from the f o r c e d l a b o u r camp. There-f o r e , s o c i a l freedom must be t e s t e d by the guarantee o f v a r i o u s s o c i a l r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s and l a c k o f r e s t r i c t i o n by the c l a s s and other s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y , as w e l l as by the power - 100 -of the i n d i v i d u a l i n the f r e e use of these means o f s o c i a l freedom,, (3) I n a s i m i l a r manner, p o l i t i c a l freedom c o n s i s t s i n a) the means a v a i l a b l e to c i t i z e n s t o e f f e c t t h e i r c o n t r o l over t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and b) t h e i r power o f f r e e use o f these means. The r i g h t to vot e , the r i g h t to o p p o s i -t i o n and other d e v i c e s o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government may-be s a i d to be the means by which c i t i z e n s can e x e r c i s e t h e i r power of c o n t r o l over government. These p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s must, i n order to be conducive t o freedom, be s u b j e c t t o the i n d i v i -d u a l ' s power i n the f r e e use o f them, i . e . these r i g h t s should not be made compulsory. When, f o r example, the r i g h t t o vote i s made "compulsory", i t may become i n i m i c a l t o freedom. When the r i g h t to c r i t i c i z e i s made compulsory, as i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the Communists' s o - c a l l e d " s e l f - c r i t i c i s m " , the e f f e c t may be a k i n t o Rousseau's i d e a o f " f o r c i n g a man to be f r e e " . T h e r e f o r e the mere e x i s t e n c e o f v o t i n g or other p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , or the mere guarantee o f them by a c o n s t i t u t i o n , may not per se prove e x i s t e n c e o f p o l i t i c a l freedom. I n order to be p o l i t i c a l l y f r e e , a c i t i z e n must have power t o use them as he d e s i r e s ; i n short he must be f r e e a l s o i n the use o f h i s p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . Such p r i n c i p l e o f freedom alone, however, may be i n s u f f i c i e n t i f we want t o work out some g u i d i n g r u l e s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and t a c t i c s . I t i s here t h a t we need some e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s , L e n i n once s a i d t h a t Communist e t h i c s c o n s i s t i n the i n t e r e s t s o f the c l a s s s t r u g g l e . "We say t h a t our m o r a l i t y i s e n t i r e l y sub-o r d i n a t e d to the i n t e r e s t s o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e o f the p r o l e t a r i a t . " 1 ° 9 From t h i s m o r a l i t y o f c l a s s i n t e r e s t s was d e r i v e d j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a l l kinds o f Communist p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s . I t was t h i s m o r a l i t y t h a t l e d S t a l i n d e l i b e r a t e l y t o s t a r v e m i l l i o n s o f peasants by a r t i f i c i a l famine. The m o r a l i t y o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m must be more i n c l u s i v e and broader than the Communist m o r a l i t y o f c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . I t must be a humanitarian e t h i c t h a t i s not con-f i n e d to the i n t e r e s t s o f one s e c t i o n of the pe o p l e . And f o r t h i s reason, U t i l i t a r i a n i s m seems to be the most u s e f u l m o r a l i t y f o r the p o l i t i c s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m . The d e t a i l s o f t h i s matter o f U t i l i t a r i a n e t h i c s f o r p o l i t i c s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , however, must be t r e a t e d i n a separate t h e o r e t i c a l i n q u i r y , and we have to a b s t a i n from any f u r t h e r treatment o f i t here. Democratic s o c i a l i s m i s o f t e n d e s c r i b e d as the t h i r d f o r c e , but t h i s term " t h i r d f o r c e " should not be taken as the 109. L e n i n , "The Tasks o f the Youth Leagues". Marx. E n g e l s T .Marxism, pp. 5-36. - 102 -"in-between" or "middle o f the road". I t i s not the c e n t r e o f the two extremes o f Communism and C a p i t a l i s m . C a p i t a l i s m i s more of an economic term, whereas, Communism i s an a l l -i n c l u s i v e p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y and world o u t l o o k . I f democra-t i c s o c i a l i s m i s fundamentally "about freedom", the enemy o f freedom i s the enemy o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , and Communism, r a t h e r than C a p i t a l i s m , i s the enemy o f our freedoms.' There-f o r e , under the l i g h t o f t h i s new meaning o f democratic s o c i a l i s m , i t s r e a l enemy w i l l become unmistakably c l e a r . The f u t u r e o f the democratic s o c i a l i s t s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t Communism may depend on the e l i m i n a t i o n and p r e v e n t i o n o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n s i n the world. I f necessary, i . e . when compelled by circumstances or when t h e r e seems to be no a l t e r n a t i v e , the democratic s o c i a l i s t s may have to t r y to l e a d and accomplish a r e v o l u t i o n . I t may be s a i d from experiences that the p r i c e o f r e v o l u t i o n i s u s u a l l y h i g h , y e t no p r i c e may be too h i g h i f i t i s f o r freedom. I n t h a t case, i t w i l l be a r e v o l u t i o n d e d i c a t e d to the cause of freedom and democracy. They w i l l have then d e p r i v e d the Communists o f any e x p l o i t -a b l e s i t u a t i o n and o p p o r t u n i t y . I t w i l l be, then, t h a t the democratic s o c i a l i s t s can f o r c e the Communist r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t i e s i n t o the course o f two p o s s i b l e p o s i t i o n s , i . e . i n t o a p o s i t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l impotence or i n t o e v e n t u a l s e l f -a l t e r a t i o n . I f the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t i e s o f Communism should - 103 -remain dogmatic and be r e l u c t a n t t o give up or adapt t h e i r b a s i c p h i l o s o p h y to the changing world where r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n s may h a r d l y e x i s t , i t w i l l be probable t h a t t h e i r s t a t u s would become something a k i n to th a t o f the A n a r c h i s t s , and t h e i r p h i l o s o p h y an o b j e c t o f mere academic i n t e r e s t . The mighty surge o f the p r e s e n t Communist f o r c e would then be reduced to a p o i n t o f p o l i t i c a l impotence. On the other hand, i f they want t o remain always " s c i e n t i f i c " and hope to " e n r i c h " t h e i r d o c t r i n e ever "with 110 new experiences", as they propose t o do, they w i l l l i k e l y have to e i t h e r c r e a t e r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n s or change t h e i r own r e v o l u t i o n a r y t a c t i c s . I t w i l l be dangerous to the world i f Communists should t r y t o c r e a t e r e v o l u t i o n a r y s i t u a t i o n s , f o r war and m i l i t a r y conquest would be t h e i r e v e n t u a l means t o cr e a t e such s i t u a t i o n s . The two World Wars have proven how s u c c e s s f u l they c o u l d be under such a s i t u a t i o n . However, i f they i n s t e a d should d e c i d e to change t h e i r e n t i r e t a c t i c , they might e v e n t u a l l y come to change t h e i r nature as the p a r t y o f r e v o l u t i o n . I t would then remain to be seen how they c o u l d r e t a i n t h e i r fundamental p h i l o s o p h y o f d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m and c o u l d manage to pr e s e r v e t h e i r i d e n t i t y as the p a r t y o f Communism. 110. H i s t o r y o f the Communist P a r t y of the S o v i e t Union? 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