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On the ideology of democratic socialism Pak, Kŭn 1956

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ON THE IDEOLOGY OF DEMOCRATIC  SOCIALISM  by  PAK KUN  A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER  OF ARTS  i n t h e Department of PHILOSOPHY AND  We a c c e p t t h i s  PSYCHOLOGY  t h e s i s as conforming  standard required d e g r e e o f MASTER  to the  from candidates f o r the OF ARTS  Members o f t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f P h i l o s o p h y and P s y c h o l o g y  THE  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH October,  1956  COLUMBIA  ABSTRACT  On t h e I d e o l o g y o f D e m o c r a t i c  —  An attempt t o determine t h e n a t u r e o f d i f f i c u l t i e s o f contemporary d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m and t o seek clue t o t h e i r s o l u t i o n through an i d e o l o g i c a l approach.  Democratic establishing  Socialism i s said  socialism  governmental  about  by t h e o p e r a t i o n o f d e m o c r a t i c  a g e n c i e s , a n d hence i t h a s been p u t i n c o n t r a s t  w i t h Communism,  i . e . socialism  Y e t , w h i l e Communism  through r e v o l u t i o n and d i c t a t o r -  h a s b e e n g a i n i n g g r o u n d s i n some  important p a r t s o f the world  today, democratic  l o a t n o t o n l y popular support, but a l s o It  h a s come, s o t o speak,  The of  this  purpose  impasse  ist  troubles.  i n that  of this  thesis  s o c i a l i s m has self-confidence.  impasse.  i s to grasp the nature  and t h e n t o h e l p c o n t r i b u t e t o i t s s o l u t i o n The t h e s i s t h e r e f o r e c o n s i s t s o f  Part I deals with the nature of present I t i s argued  1) d e m o c r a t i c  ance o f p o l i t i c a l socialism  i t s own  t o an o v e r - a l l  through r e l e v a n t measures. three parts.  t o be t h e t h e o r y o f  by d e m o c r a t i c means, i . e . t h r o u g h  g r a d u a l changes brought  ship.  Socialism  that  socialists  the root  social-  of i t s troubles  lies  have u n d e r r a t e d t h e i m p o r t -  i d e o l o g y , and 2) t h e i d e o l o g y o f d e m o c r a t i c  i t s e l f has  shortcomings.  Part I I deals with the ideology o f B r i t i s h  Socialism  i n o r d e r t o have a good u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e d e m o c r a t i c  social-  -  ist  ideology.  The two F a b i a n E s s a y s a r e t r e a t e d  reveal various said  shortcomings o f B r i t i s h  that t h i s part  brief  II -  I t may be  o f the t h e s i s c o n s i s t s , i n general,  of a  c r i t i c i s m o f Fabianism.  In Part l o g i c a l defects applied  I I I we t r y t o come t o t h e c o r e  o f democratic  to the A s i a t i c  socialism.  s o c i a l i s m i s impelled  t o w a r d new c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f i t s own. that  the t r a d i t i o n a l  socialist  a d e q u a t e t o meet t h e p r e s e n t In conclusion rather  than o f e q u a l i t y , should  democratic  connection  conviction that democratic  to find  a way  I t i s argued i n t h i s longer  s i t u a t i o n of the world.  t h e problem o f freedom,  be t h e c e n t r a l i s s u e f o r  socialism.  In general i n close  against  a s s u m p t i o n s a r e no  political  i t i s suggested that  of the ideo-  G r a d u a l i s m , when  s i t u a t i o n , c a n be no m a t c h  Communism a n d d e m o c r a t i c  Part  Socialism.  here t o  the t h e s i s t r e a t s democratic w i t h Communism a n d t h i s  i s due t o o u r  Communism seems t o be t h e r e a l  s o c i a l i s t movement.  -  0 -  socialism  enemy o f t h e  TABLE OF CONTENTS  PART I Chapter  1  Introduction  Chapter  2  P o s i t i o n o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m Contemporary World a. bo c.  i n the  Modern D e m o c r a c y Communism Democratic S o c i a l i s m  PART I I Chapter 3  Ideology o f B r i t i s h a. b.  Socialism  (Fabianism)  H i s t o r i c a l Background Chief C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fabianism  PART I I I Chapter  h  Democratic a. b. c. do e. f. g. ho  Chapter  5  Socialism  and A s i a  G r a d u a l i s m — I t s B a c k g r o u n d i n Temperament and E n v i r o n m e n t The Double Meaning o f D e m o c r a c y — a n d D e f e c t s and C o n f u s i o n i n C u r r e n t Democratic S o c i a l i s t Ideology The P r a c t i c a l S i d e o f t h e Q u e s t i o n o f Rethinking Democratic S o c i a l i s m i n Terms o f Freedom A s i a a n d W e s t e r n Democracy Communist S u c c e s s i n A s i a C o l o n i a l i s m — A Case Study The C h a n c e s f o r D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m i n Asia T h e I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o m p e t e n c e o f Democratic Socialism  A New A p p r o a c h Toward t h e M e a n i n g o f Freedom a. b. c. d.  A S o c i a l i s t Dilemma Freedom a s Man's Power Over H i s S u r r o u n d i n g s F r e e d o m i n the-Means o f F r e e d o m An A p p l i c a t i o n  PART I CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION I t has been said that contemporary democratic socialism has come to an impasse, or has l o s t i t s "sense of 1 direction."  Wherein l i e s the chief cause of i t s  troubles?  This thesis t r i e s to help find an answer to t h i s question. There may be various causes for t h i s impasse.  socialist  The purpose of t h i s paper i s to argue that  its  chief cause i s to be found i n the i d e o l o g i c a l shortcomings of democratic socialism.  Despite the various p o l i t i c a l and  h i s t o r i c a l conditions that have contributed to i t s loss of "sense of d i r e c t i o n , " the main defects of democratic socialism seem to l i e i n i t s own ideology.  What kind of i d e o l o g i c a l  shortcomings does i t contain and how should they be overcome? F i r s t of a l l , we have to grasp the nature of the troubles of democratic socialism i n the world today.  Since  i t s troubles seem to be determined by i t s p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n with respect to other major p o l i t i c a l forces,  it  w i l l be necessary to consider i t s relations with the two other chief p o l i t i c a l forces, modem l i b e r a l democracy and communism, and then we must t r y to understand the p o s i t i o n of democratic socialism i n the contemporary world.  By modern l i b e r a l  democracy, we mean those ideals of representative government 1.  R . H . S . Crossman "Towards a philosophy of Socialism." New Fabian Essays. London, T u r n s t i l e Press, 1953> PP«1  - 2 -  that'accompanied l a i s s e z - f a i r e economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m . was the democracy o f l a i s s e z - f a i r e .  It  By communism, we mean  here, those i d e o l o g i e s as r e p r e s e n t e d by the communist  parties,  e s p e c i a l l y t h a t o f the R u s s i a n communist p a r t y , as expressed i n i t s v a r i o u s o f f i c i a l and s e m i - o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s . The i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n o f democratic  socialism  today must be e v a l u a t e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h these two g r e a t p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s o f the modern age.  I n view o f the un-  s u c c e s s f u l s t a t u s o f p r e s e n t democratic s o c i a l i s m , however, we have to c o n s i d e r the nature and v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f i t s present t r o u b l e t h a t seem to have sprung from i t s i d e o l o g i c a l defects; The i d e o l o g i c a l d e f e c t s , however, cannot be c l e a r l y understood without some d e t a i l e d study o f democratic ism.  social-  We s h a l l d i s c u s s B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m , t h e r e f o r e , as the  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f democratic s o c i a l i s m i n order t o grasp the c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f democratic s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y .  We  have t o a n a l y z e B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m and t r y t o see i t s i d e o l o g i c a l shortcomings.  Though the "New  F a b i a n Essays" i s an  e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n s c i o u s e f f o r t to overcome the i d e o l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f the B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m , the o v e r - a l l c o n c l u s i o n w i l l be t h a t i t i s y e t f a r from i t s proposed g o a l .  Some o f the  a n a l y s e s o f the New F a b i a n E s s a y i s t s seem to be Inadequate and i n c o r r e c t .  T h e i r b a s i s o f t h i n k i n g seems t o be too narrow  and t h e i r o u t l o o k too l i m i t e d .  They have not done away w i t h  -  3 -  s o - c a l l e d p o l i t i c a l "empiricism", i . e .  the a t t i t u d e  of  democratic s o c i a l i s t s i g n o r i n g the need f o r fundamental p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e i r t h e o r y , and r e l y i n g on the  short-sighted  p o l i t i c a l "trial-and-error-ism." I t may be not p r o p e r , however, British socialism,  democratic s o c i a l i s m i n g e n e r a l ,  paying a t t e n t i o n to g e n e r a l and e s s e n t i a l democratic s o c i a l i s m . terms o f i t s  t o c r i t i c i z e through without  characteristics of  Hence, gradualism i s a l s o d i s c u s s e d  o r i g i n and c o n t e n t .  I n order t o show more c l e a r l y the n a t u r e o f l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f democratic s o c i a l i s m ,  to be best t o d i s c u s s Asiatic situation.  it  seems  democratic s o c i a l i s m as a p p l i e d t o  I t s weakness l i e s ,  but a l s o i n the b a s i c assumptions of s o c i a l i s m .  ideo-  and to help prepare  the way to a new d e f i n i t i o n o f democratic s o c i a l i s m ,  the  not o n l y i n g r a d u a l i s m ,  t h a t a r e common to a l l types  The c e n t r a l weakness o f democratic s o c i a l i s m  more c l e a r l y r e v e a l e d h e r e , its  in  own i d e a l s ,  and hence,  i n that i t s t i l l fails  is  s t i l l confused  to d i s t i n g u i s h  is  about  itself  c l e a r l y from communism except i n g r a d u a l i s m , which somehow, i s o n l y a matter o f t a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e .  I t i s here  that  the need f o r a r e d e f i n i t i o n of democratic s o c i a l i s m i s unmistakably f e l t ,  and we must make an attempt to suggest a few  outlines  redefinition.  for i t s  I t w i l l be s a i d t h a t  the  c e n t r a l p o i n t of the democratic s o c i a l i s t  i d e a l i s not  much "about e q u a l i t y " as "about freedom".  And o n l y i n  so this  - k question of freedom may be found the true foundation of democratic socialism that can gain v i c t o r y i n the  struggle  for human freedoms. This t h e s i s , therefore, w i l l consist of four main chapters;  the P o s i t i o n of Democratic Socialism i n the Con-  temporary World;  the Ideology of B r i t i s h Socialism;  Socialism and A s i a ;  Democratic  and l a s t l y some suggestions for r e d e f i n i -  t i o n of democratic socialism.  CHAPTER II THE POSITION OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD In order to consider the p o s i t i o n of democratic socialism i n the contemporary world, we are here going to discuss,  ( 1 ) the chief l i m i t a t i o n s of the ideas of early  modern democracy, (2) the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of contemporary communism, ( 3 ) the i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n of democratic s o c i a l ism i n r e l a t i o n to modern l i b e r a l democracy and communism. a.  Modern Democracy  The evaluations of modern democracy d i f f e r according to one's standard of judgment.  A man who knows the feudal  system and i t s shortcomings cannot but help admire the whole development of modern democracy.  But a man who seeks and en-  visages a better l i f e for human beings cannot f a i l to see  its  l i m i t a t i o n s and defects. In Ancient Greece, democracy developed from p o l i t i c a l expediency.  I t was thought to be the most convenient way of  r u l i n g c i t y states, which had small areas and populations.  It  was, so to speak, "a purely pragmatic phenomenon, a r i s i n g under s p e c i a l conditions, and regarded as the most convenient way of managing the a f f a i r s of people bound together by community 2  of i n t e r e s t s and for the achievement of s p e c i f i c 2.  C L . Becker, Modern Democracy? New Haven; Press, 19^1, p . 17  end." Yale University  - 6 P l a t o c o u l d not see any m e r i t i n democracy. important  i n a government was  To him what  was  whether or not i t had a " s c i e n c e  3 o f government," i . e . , the " r o y a l s c i e n c e . "  Only a  scientific  government c o u l d be a t r u e government, whether i t was ment o f the few  or o f the manjp, or whether i t was  v o l u n t a r i l y or i n v o l u n t a r i l y . was  accepted  Thus, our a n c i e n t democracy  not i d e n t i f i e d w i t h " s c i e n t i f i c government," but  r a t h e r an o f f s p r i n g o f mere p o l i t i c a l expediency, and i t s own  theoretical  was lacked  foundations.  With the dawn o f the modern age, a dress o f conscious  a govern-  justification.  showing t h a t i t possessed  democracy was  T h i s took the form o f  s c i e n t i f i c foundations.  democracy came i n t o being by way  given  o f expediency and  I f ancient convenience,  modern democracy came i n t o being along w i t h a c o n s c i o u s  quest  f o r t h e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n , without which many modern p o l i t i c a l movements would have l o s t t h e i r meaning. 5 " N a t u r a l law" 3. h. 5.  and  "natural rights"  together  with  P l a t o , "Statesman", Dialogues o f P l a t o t r a n s l a t e d by B. Jowett. .Vol. h, 3rd ed. Oxford, 1891, p. h5l. P l a t o , op.cit.#.19 Both were d e r i v e d from the concept o f the i n d i v i d u a l as a r a t i o n a l animal. G r o t i u s d e f i n e d the n a t u r a l law as "a d i c t a t e o f r i g h t reason" and s a i d t h a t "the v e r y nature of man i s the mother o f the law o f nature.'.' "Life, liberty, and e s t a t e " which Locke enumerated as n a t u r a l r i g h t s were e q u a l l y d e r i v e d from the p r e v a i l i n g concept o f the i n d i v i d u a l — t h e f r e e form, s e l f p r e s e r v i n g , r a t i o n a l b e i n g — , and were h e l d to be as i n d e f e a s i b l e as. the n a t u r a l laws were i n t r i n s i c and u l t i m a t e . See Sabine, "A H i s t o r y o f P o l i t i c a l Theory." New York, Henry H o l t & Co., 1953, ?  pp. 4-23-4-2M-, pp. 526-528.  - 7 the "contract theory", - gave democracy something more than .6  "minimum assumptions,"  and made i t possible for democracy to  claim that i t alone deserved the name of "good and true" government. This new phase i n the development of democracy was made possible by the b e l i e f i n the new ego—the ultimate individual.  The i n d i v i d u a l was a free,  reason-controlled  being, endowed with i n t r i n s i c natural r i g h t s . Man was thought 7 8 to be "born free," endowed with c e r t a i n "inalienable r i g h t s , " and with the a b i l i t y to know what i s i n his best  interests.  In theory, when t h i s concept of the i n d i v i d u a l was applied to government, i t meant that the best government was that which ruled the l e a s t ,  (since i t hampered the i n d i v i d u a l l e a s t . )  I f we could not run the government by d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n because of the size of present-day state and population, then j u s t i f i c a t i o n could be made for the notion of "contract" and "representation." In case of c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t s or d i s , 9 agreement among i n d i v i d u a l s , the r u l e of the majority, agreed upon and accepted i n advance, would resolve the that occur.  difficulties  Thus modern democracy, i n p r i n c i p l e at l e a s t ,  seemed to have accomplished the task of providing a t h e o r e t i c a l foundation for i t s e l f .  I f the theory of modern democracy had  ° - B e c k e r , op.cit., p . 1 9 . • 7. J . J . Rousseau, The s o c i a l Contract. Oxford, 1953? p.2^-0. 8. Declaration of Independence. 1776. 9.  J . hocke, "The True End of C i v i l Government," S o c i a l *—Contract. Oxford, 1953? p.82.  - 8 advanced one pace beyond ancient democracy i n the sense that i t had l a i d a t h e o r e t i c a l basis which was more than mere p o l i t i c a l expediency, i t was nevertheless so one-sided and abstract that i t was soon attacked at i t s very foundations. It was one-sided because i t f a i l e d to foresee the important r o l e played by economics i n society.  The l a i s s e z -  f a i r e system was elaborated and defended but i t s p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l implications were not seriously considered. not properly considered i n terms of h i s t o r i c a l context.  I t was The  discovery that individuals are endowed with reason and natural rights was not linked with the discovery of the steam engine. Thus the newly discovered i n d i v i d u a l was an abstract i n d i v i d u a l , found nowhere else but i n the f i e l d of assumption.  To a.  reader who knows the l a t e r emphasis on history, i t seems strange to f i n d that there i s l i t t l e sense of history i n the s o c i a l contract theories of either Rousseau or Locke and l i t t l e  refer-  ence to man's economic l i f e . The newly created s o c i a l and economic conditions, the d i v i s i o n and regimentation o f labour, the wage system, and the'plight of mass population, could not receive appropriate attention i n t h i s basic theory of democracy. 10  b. 10.  Communism  The term "Marxism" i s used i n t h i s chapter to mean the same as Communism.  The o f our  word "Communism" i s a m b i g u o u s .  i n q u i r y we  represented  by  Lenin  11  of Marxism. political  into a  the  out  (1)  (3)  t e r m communism t h e  of the  once p o i n t e d  economy, and  to  the  ideology  T h e y were  unique f e a t u r e attempted  mean by  For  three  consists  (2)  Therefore,  i n the  e c o n o m i c , and  English  help  of  the  f a c t that  social  he  theories  s i n g l e a l l embracing p h i l o s o p h i c a l d o c t r i n e .  i n t e g r a t e , w i t h the  Party.  main t h e o r e t i c a l sources  French socialism.  unify historical,  purpose  doctrine  R u s s i a n Communist  German p h i l o s o p h y ,  o f Marx's d o c t r i n e  the  He  Engels, into a coherent  could  world-  12 outlook c a l l e d d i a l e t i c a l very three  and  h i s t o r i c a l materialism,  e l e m e n t s w h i c h were h i t h e r t o d e a l t w i t h  the  separately  13 or  left  out  by  the  e x p o n e n t s o f modern l i b e r a l  When t h e o r i e s integrated  under t h e  o f h u m a n i t y and s h a p e d and  a new  o f h i s t o r y , s o c i e t y and  p r i n c i p l e of materialism, concept of  s o c i e t y and  democracy  .  e c o n o m i e s were a new  concept  s t a t e were  applied.  TTi  Lenin.  M a r x - E n g e l s - M a r x i s m . H t h . E n g l i s h e d . . Moscow F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g House, 1951, p. 77.  12.  History  o f t h e Communist P a r t y o f t h e S o v i e t U n i o n (Bolsheviks), Short course, Toronto, Progress B o o k s , 1952, p. 105.  13..  E v e n M i l l ' s "On L i b e r t y " f a i l e d t o g i v e appropriate c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o t h e s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c a s p e c t s o f individual liberty. H i s e c o n o m i c t h e o r y i s s a i d t o have gone a ; l i t t l e f u r t h e r t h a n t h e c l a s s i c a l e c o n o m i s t s , b u t even so, f a i l e d to b r i n g about a c l e a r l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n o f i t s own. (See G.H. Sabine, A H i s t o r y of P o l i t i c a l T h e o r y : N e v f Y o r k , H o l t & Co., 1953, pp. 712-713.  - 10 A chief c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Marx's doctrine l i e s i n his analysis of the masses and classes i n accordance with the concept of d i a l e t i c a l development. The concept of c o l l e c t i v e humanity and the concept of h i s t o r i c a l development of society were for the f i r s t time seriously considered by him.  It i s interesting to note that  when Hegel t r i e d to give to i n d i v i d u a l l i f e a reasonable  social  and h i s t o r i c a l p o s i t i o n , he introduced the concept of "Cunn14ing of Reason."  The i n d i v i d u a l might think himself as an  independent and free person, but he was i n fact no more than a puppet cunningly controlled and handled by the "Reason" (or World S p i r i t ) which would see to i t that every i n d i v i d u a l would act i n accordance with i t s plan of world h i s t o r y . Marx did not require the "Cunning of Reason."  But  He simply  adopted a new concept of the i n d i v i d u a l and explained him i n terms of his s o c i a l being.  "In i t s r e a l i t y i t (the human 15 essence)is the ensemble of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . " The new aspect of human l i f e ,  aspect, was given exclusive a t t e n t i o n . 14-.  i.e.,  its  social  I f a man's l i f e has  Hegel, Philosophy of World H i s t o r y , translated by J . Sibree, Hegel S e l e c t i o n s « ed. by J . Lowenberg, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, p. 380.  15. - K a r l Marx, "Thesis on Feuerbach" Marx-Engels Selected Works %.Moscow, Foreign Language-Publishing House, 194-9, V o l . 2, pp 366 A  - 11 two fundamental aspects, the s o c i a l and the i n d i v i d u a l , as 16 Alexander Gray s a i d ,  i t was Marx (and Engels)who  consciously  t r i e d to cancel out the l a t t e r , to explain i t away by the former. The fundamental ingredient of man's s o c i a l l i f e was said to be, after a l l , his economic  life.  "Just as Darwin discovered the law of evolution i n organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of evolution i n human history;  he discovered the simple f a c t , . . . t h a t mankind  must f i r s t of a l l eat and drink, have shelter and c l o t h i n g , 17 before i t can pursue p o l i t i c s ,  science, r e l i g i o n , a r t ,  Thus the r a t i o n a l man was replaced by the c o l l e c t i v e man.  The most i n d i v i d u a l aspects of.man's l i f e ,  etc..."  economic  such as  r e l i g i o n and the a r t s , were either regarded secondary or were subordinated to the interest of classes or demands of the party line.  As Marxism, through Lenin and again through S t a l i n ,  underwent a course of t h e o r e t i c a l reshaping, t h i s tendency was carried to extremes.  From the theory of class struggle to the  theory of the revolution and dictatorship and from here to Stalinism which was the theory of the maintenance of d i c t a t o r ship through c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n and purges, through the  strict  "one party line" doctrine, through the increase of state 18 power by the building up of heavy industry, Marxism became 16. 17.  Alexander Gray. The S o c i a l i s t T r a d i t i o n . Moses to Lenin. London, 194-6, pp.487-4-88. F . Engels, "Speech at the Graveside of K a r l Marx", MarxEneels Selected Works V o l . 2,Moscow,Foreign Languages Publishing House, 194-9, p. 153. J . S t a l i n , Problems of Leninism, Moscow, Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953, p. 24-9, 273, 286, 4-98. ?  18.  e v e r more  totalitarian. A political  12 -  19  t h e o r y r e v e a l s i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y when i t  shows i t s power o f m o b i l i z i n g and o r g a n i z i n g m a s s e s o f p e o p l e , of r a l l y i n g with  them c o n s c i o u s l y a r o u n d one c e n t e r ,  the necessary  movement.  s u p p l y i n g theiji  m o r a l e and e n e r g y f o r t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y  Eighteenth century  l i b e r a l doctrine played  this  role.  But i t d i d n o t p l a y i t f o r l o n g .  Though i t i s h a r d t o  decide  how much o f t h e weakness o f modern d e m o c r a c y was  caused  b y and was due t o t h e d e f i c i e n c y o f i t s t h e o r y a n d how  much was due t o t h e i n e v i t a b l e d i s p a r i t y b e t w e e n t h e o r y a n d p r a c t i c e , doubtless, t o the 18th. tionaries, had  c e n t u r y l i b e r a l s and r e v o l u -  t h e p h r a s e " a l l men a r e c r e a t e d e q u a l " must h a v e  a g r e a t d e a l o f meaning.  of the phrase,  I t i s not appropriate to dispose  "Men a r e b o r n f r e e . . . "  n o t mean a n y t h i n g  t o us t o d a y .  u a l p o s i t i o n which under-rates  simply  We w i l l  because i t does  be l e d t o a n i n t e l l e c t -  t h e power a n d s i g n i f i c a n c e o f  political  i d e a l s i f we t h i n k t h e y a r e " u n p r o f i t a b l e " a n d 20 "worthless." I t may be t r u e t h a t some p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r s , l i k e R o u s s e a u , L o c k e , H e g e l and M a r x m i g h t "have  formulated  questions  o f a t y p e t o w h i c h no e m p i r i c a l l y  could  q u e s t i o n s a r e "non21 o r "beyond t h e range o f e m p i r i c a l c o n f i r m a t i o n . "  be g i v e n " a n d t h e r e f o r e t h a t s u c h  sensical" 19.  t e s t a b l e answers  20.  The c u r r e n t d e n u n c i a t i o n o f S t a l i n i s m by S t a l i n ' s s u c c e s s o r s may be a s i g n i f i c a n t phenomenon. Y e t , i t s f u l l i m p l i c a t i o n w i l l p r o b a b l y n o t become c l e a r u n t i l t h e p a s s a g e o f many more y e a r s f r o m now. T.D. Weldon, T h e V o c a b u l a r y o f P o l i t i c s . P e n g u i n , 1953,p.14  21.  Ibid.  pp.74  &~957~~  - 13 But  such  with  "empirical testability"  the p o t e n t i a l i t y  deny the rights" of  important and  seems t o h a v e l i t t l e  of a p o l i t i c a l  roles played  by t h e  Kant's " e n d - i n - i t s e l f "  modern d e m o c r a c y , t h o u g h i t may  decide  the  statement  exact  extent  of their  t h a t "Marx's own  ideology.  No  "theory  of  t h e o r y o f man be a n o t h e r  influence.  one  it  lives  drives  question we  i d e a l has  to the  is  the 22 ideals?"  some m e a n i n g i n i t when and  ordinary  something w h i c h t h e y have n o t y e t  makes them a s p i r e t o w a r d s a r e f o r m up  history  deny  i n f l u e n c e on modem h i s t o r y  i n the minds o f i n t e l l e c t u a l s  them t o w a r d  can  i n the  Can  do  inalienable  most s p e c t a c u l a r example o f t h e power o f i d e a s and Thus, a p o l i t i c a l  to  men; got;  or r e v o l u t i o n , s t i r s  to a general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with  the  existing  them  political  system.  Although the  test  c a n c e and  for a political  potentiality.  modern i n s t i t u t i o n s .  most o f i t s m e a n i n g f u l n e s s .  To  But  little  H.J.  I t no  long  before  the people  more t o o f f e r ,  i t emerged a s a n i n s t r u m e n t  oppression.  22^  c o n t r i b u t e d to the p r o c e s s not  g o v e r n m e n t s i t had  be  its signifi-  However, t h e d o c t r i n e o f e a r l y m o d e r n  i t was  people  not  o f t r u t h , n e v e r t h e l e s s , i t r e v e a l s t o us  democracy s u f f i c i e n t l y  lost  i d e o l o g y , t h i s may  and  o f a new  to  of  shaping  the d o c t r i n e with  democratic  non-democratic  exploitation  l o n g e r a p p e a r e d a s a dynamic s o c i a l  M u l l e r . The  Uses o f the P a s t  T  and  force.  M e n t o r Book. 199+.P.292  - Ih Communism was b o r n o u t o f t h e same a s p i r a t i o n s a s modern l i b e r a l movements.  I t s ultimate  g o a l was t h e k i n g d o m  o f freedom, " i n which t h e f r e e development o f each i s t h e  "23 condition  f o r t h e f r e e development o f all'. In place  and  of the abstract  individual, the r a t i o n a l  f r e e b o r n man, communism p u t s o c i a l ,  man; out  instead  1  collective,  o f i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s and n a t u r a l  t h e concept o f e v o l u t i o n and h i s t o r y ;  to a b s t r a c t  economic  law, i t brought  instead  of  appealing  humanity, i t c a l l e d f o r a working c l a s s o f t h e  world.  Communism of  every n a t i o n  known t h a t also  spoke n o t o n l y  and a l l s o c i e t i e s .  i n terms o f a n a t i o n , b u t I t made t h e p l a i n f a c t  inequality existed not only within  a s o c i e t y , but  among s o c i e t i e s .  T h u s , when t h e modern d e m o c r a t i c movement c e a s e d t o be a r e v o l u t i o n a r y many p l a c e s  f o r c e , whereas t h e r e  virtually  were  i n t h e w o r l d w h e r e s u c h a f o r c e was s t i l l  communism t o o k o v e r t o p l a y overthrow o f the o l d regime.  still required,  i t s f u n c t i o n and c a r r i e d o u t t h e I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note  the  R u s s i a n r e v o l u t i o n was a c h i e v e d  but  not n e c e s s a r i l y  had  t o s u p p o r t t h e p o p u l a r c o a l i t i o n g o v e r n m e n t , and P r a v d a  23..  finally  under t h e B o l s h e v i k  by t h e  that  banner.  Bolsheviks,  The  Bolsheviks  " M a n i f e s t o o f t h e Communist P a r t y , " M a r x - E n e e l s S e l e c t e d Works, Moscow, F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g H o u s e , 1951, V o l . 1, p . 51.  - 15 (then edited by J . S t a l i n ) announced that the fundamental problem i s to establish "a democratic r e p u b l i c . " One of the major achievements of communism today i s that i t i s capable of leading and achieving a r e v o l u t i o n . i n a b i l i t y to do t h i s i s one of the chief deficiencies doctrine of democracy.  of the  It knows pretty w e l l how to run an  established democracy, but t e l l s us l i t t l e about how to it.  The  establish  Communism on the other hand was conceived as a theory of  revolution, and set f o r t h elaborate t a c t i c s and strategy for 25 it.  Of course there cannot be an i n t r i n s i c value i n revolu-  t i o n i t s e l f , and even Rousseau could not f a i l to see the danger and r i s k involved i n a r e v o l u t i o n .  To him the attitude of 26  caution with regard to any revolution was "a maxim of p o l i t i c s , " but there seem to be many areas i n the world today where revolut i o n may s t i l l be necessary.  Except for a few countries,  the  majority of the world's population have a long way to go before they can see any working p o l i t i c a l , system of the sort by early modern l i b e r a l thinkers. Thus, S t a l i n could s t i l l say before the tives of his communist p a r t y : " . . . f o r m e r l y the  envisaged  representa-  bourgeoisie  could afford to play the l i b e r a l , to uphold the  bourgeois-  2*.Muller, op.cit.,pp. 2 9 6 - 2 9 7 . 25. Blueprint for World Conquest, as outlined by the Communist International, ed. by W.H. Chamberlin, Washington, Human Events, 19^6, pp.234-245. 26. Rousseau, T S o c i a l Contract. Oxford, 1953, p.3.81. h e  - 16 -  democratic  liberties,  and thus g a i n p o p u l a r i t y w i t h t h e p e o p l e .  Now n o t a t r a c e r e m a i n s  ofthis  liberalism.  The s o - c a l l e d  " l i b e r t y o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l " no l o n g e r e x i s t s — t h e t h e i n d i v i d u a l a r e now e x t e n d e d  rights of  o n l y t o t h o s e who p o s s e s s  c a p i t a l , w h i l e a l l o t h e r c i t i z e n s a r e r e g a r d e d a s human r a w material, rights has  f i t o n l y t o be e x p l o i t e d .  The p r i n c i p l e  f o r men a n d n a t i o n s h a s b e e n t r a m p l e d  b e e n r e p l a c e d by t h e p r i n c i p l e o f f u l l  o f equal  i n t h e mud; i t  rights  f o r the  e x p l o i t i n g m i n o r i t y a n d no r i g h t s f o r t h e e x p l o i t e d m a j o r i t y . The  banner o f b o u r g e o i s - d e m o c r a t i c  overboard.  I think that  communist a n d d e m o c r a t i d this you  liberties  has been thrown  i t i s you, the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the p a r t i e s , who w i l l  have t o r a i s e  b a n n e r a n d c a r r y i t f o r w a r d , i f y o u want t o g a t h e r the majority o f the people.  There  i s nobody e l s e  around  to raise  27 it." T h e s e w o r d s may n o t mean much t o d a y t o t h e p e o p l e o f England,  Canada o r t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , b u t t h e y c a n h a v e a  tremendous meaning t o t h e p e o p l e o f v a r i o u s c o l o n i e s and semicolonies. liberals,  Now i t i s t h e communists who want t o p l a y a t b e i n g and even  nationalists.  c.  Democratic  The  term  Socialism  "democratic  socialism"  t h a n " d e m o c r a c y " o r "communism." 27.  i s no more p r e c i s e  However, a s we t r i e d t o  J.V. S t a l i n S p e e c h a t t h e N i n e t e e n t h P a r t y Congress~ O c t o b e r 1^, 1952, Moscow, F o r e i g n L a n g u a g e s P u b l i s h i n g House, 1952,pp.12-13. T  f  - 17 include,  u n d e r "communism" t h e g e n e r a l i d e o l o g y o f t h e p r e s e n t  -28 communist p a r t y o f t h e USSR, tradition, cratic not  i . e . , The M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t  so we may i n c l u d e h e r e  socialist  parties  t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e demo-  i n the world  today.  But t h i s  b r i n g us any c l o s e r t o i t s d e f i n i t i o n c h i e f l y  the f a c t with  t h a t t h e r e a r e so many d e m o c r a t i c  because o f  socialist  parties  different ideologies. However, we c a n r o u g h l y d i v i d e most o f t h e s e  logies British  into  two c a t e g o r i e s :  movement, t h e r e emerged w i t h r e g a r d t o both which l a t e r socialism  t h e c o n t i n e n t a l i d e o l o g y and t h e  beginning  of the continental s o c i a l i s t  two b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t  tendencies  t h e t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f s o c i a l i s m ,  came t o be known a s communism and  democratic  (evolutionary socialism).  In the matter of p r a c t i c a l was r e v e a l e d i n v a r i o u s q u e s t i o n s  a striking  between t h e s e  two  activities,  the s p l i t  of party p o l i c y or organiza-  The h i s t o r y o f t h e communist  internally,  p a r t y o f t h e USSR i s ,  example o f a h i s t o r y o f t h e s t r u g g l e  tendencies.  With regard  to theory  this  by Edward B e r n s t e i n ' s " R e v i s i o n i s m . " 2c\  ideo-  ideology.  From t h e v e r y  tion.  does  s p l i t was r e v e a l e d  notably  T h u s .the c o n t i n e n t a l  H i s t o r y o f t h e Communist P a r t y o f t h e S o v i e t S h o r t C o u r s e P r o g r e s s Books, T o r o n t o , 1952.  Union.  -18 ideology  o f democratic  practice,  -  socialism  sprang, both i n t h e o r y and  o u t o f the o r i g i n a l Marxism. In contrast,  the B r i t i s h  democratic  i n i t s o r i g i n , comparatively l i t t l e  29  o f K a r l Marx. Labour p a r t y continental ideologies  socialism has,  connection with  Fabianism and t h e i d e o l o g y  the doctrine  of the B r i t i s h  n e v e r t h e l e s s have s o m e t h i n g i n common w i t h revisionism,  i s o f great  a n d t h i s common q u a l i t y i n t h e two  importance. (1)  They both r e j e c t :  revolution  and s u b s e q u e n t  d i c t a t o r s h i p o f p r o l e t a r i a t a s t h e n e c e s s a r y means o f e s t a b l i s h ing of  (2)  socialism,  (3)  socialism,  They both b e l i e v e of (3)  society,  (2)  materialism  as the s o l e p h i l o s o p h i c a l  the unqualified in:  (1)  the s p i r i t  concept o f c l a s s  evolutionary  and g r a d u a l  basis  struggle. progress  o f l i b e r a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l i t y ,  d e f e n c e and n o u r i s h m e n t o f p o l i t i c a l  institution of  modern democracy. In  t h e c a r e o f t h e s e common f e a t u r e s  mental p r i n c i p l e  lies  one f u n d a -  t h e p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom,  30 sustained  by "a l i b e r a l The  conscience."  historical  i t consciously  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f democratic  is  that  in  b o t h t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e .  29^  Gray.  30.  I b i d . , p . *f07  tried  The s o c i a l i s t  socialism  t o i n h e r i t e a r l y modern l i b e r a l i s m Bernstein  Tradition  was aware o f t h i s  p p . 38^-386  - 19 point;  as Gray  -  says:  '•' "Democracy i s n o t m e r e l y a c o n d i t i o n o f s o c i a l i s m ; i t i s e x a l t e d u n t i l i t comes s o m e t h i n g more t h a n t h e m e a n s — i t i s i n d e e d the v e r y substance o f s o c i a l i s m . . . I t i s part of Bernstein's confession of f a i t h that s o c i a l i s m i s the l e g i t i m a t e h e i r o f l i b e r a l i s m , not o n l y i n c h r o n o l o g i c a l s e q u e n c e , but a l s o i n i t s spiritual qualities. T h e r e i s , he s a y s , no t r u l y l i b e r a l t h o u g h t t h a t d o e s n o t a l s o have i t s p l a c e among t h e i d e a s o f s o c i a l i s m ; the task of s o c i a l i s m i s indeed that of organizing liberalism."3 1  Therefore, against was  defects  socialism claims  only  to i n h e r i t that  s o c i e t y i n f r e e d o m and  freedom there  can  an  outright  reaction  o f modern d e m o c r a c y , d e m o c r a t i c  a conscious e f f o r t  cratic new  the  i f communism was  be no  by  "socialists  s t r i v e to b u i l d  be  fully  a  Without  S o c i a l i s m can  Democracy c a n  socialism  H e n c e , demo-  d e m o c r a t i c means.  Socialism.  through democracy.  i t s ideals.  .  be  achieved  realized  only  32 through Socialism." communism. protest  I t denounces both c a p i t a l i s m  " . . . S o c i a l i s m was  against  the  There are  diseases ceaseless  born i n Europe as inherent attacks  and  a movement  in capitalist from the  society."  Communist  upon d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m , w h i c h c h a r g e s i t w i t h n o t established  s o c i a l i s m anywhere i n t h e  any  efforts  serious  t o do  so,  world or not  e v e n when  of  33  side  having  h a v i n g made  Social-Democratic  3lT  Gray, o p . c i t . , p.  4-06.  32.  Aims and T a s k s o f D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m , D e c l a r a t i o n o f the S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l ( S e c t i o n : Political Democracy) adopted i n F r a n k f o r t on 3 J u l y 1951.  33•  I b i d . , Preamble, - p . l  - 20 p a r t i e s h a v e l e d g o v e r n m e n t s i n many c o u n t r i e s a f t e r W o r l d War I I .  Nevertheless,  I n t e r n a t i o n a l o f 1951  Socialist  the D e c l a r a t i o n o f the  could  a major f o r c e i n w o r l d a f f a i r s .  both b e f o r e and  s a y " S o c i a l i s m h a s become  I t has passed from  propaganda  35 into practice." Democratic  s o c i a l i s m i s , a s we have a l r e a d y  a movement o f d e m o c r a c y and h a s t o d a y become a m a j o r force. but  I t does n o t p l a y a t l i b e r a l i s m ,  i s itself  movement.  a s t h e communists d o ,  And y e t d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m h a s  not  been t o o s u c c e s s f u l i n i t s l o f t y  for  the goal of socialism.  ful  i n the colonial  efforts  and s t r u g g l e s  I t has been p a r t i c u l a r l y  unsuccess-  o r s e m i - c o l o n i a l a r e a s where communism h a s  ground.  What a r e t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h e f a i l u r e s democratic  political  l i b e r a l a n d w a n t s t o be t h e t r u e h e i r o f t h e  modern l i b e r a l i s t  been g a i n i n g  observed,  socialism? (1)  o f contemporary  T h e r e seem t o be s e v e r a l c h i e f r e a s o n s .  D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m c a n be m e a n i n g f u l a n d c a n  have s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h e a d v a n c e d d e m o c r a t i c c o u n t r i e s o f W e s t e r n Europe tic  ( o r North America),  doctrine of socialist  attitude  toward p r i n c i p l e  even without c l e a r , systema-  philosophy. and t h e o r y  Thus t h i s i s reflected  casual i n the Declara-  t i o n i n such phrases a s :  "W-  35.  W.Z.  Foster?  The T w i l i g h t o f W o r l d C a p i t a l i s m . New  I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 19*+9, p .  D e c l a r a t i o n o f the S o c i a l i s t  80.  I n t e r n a t i o n a l . 1951,  York:  Preamble.  - 21 "Socialism i s an i n t e r n a t i o n a l movement which does not demand a r i g i d uniformity of approach. Whether S o c i a l i s t s build their f a i t h on Marxist or other methods of analysing society, whether they are inspired by r e l i g i o u s or humanitarian p r i n c i p l e s , they a l l s t r i v e for the same goal— a system of s o c i a l j u s t i c e , better l i v i n g , freedom and world p e a c e . " 3 ° Surely Socialism must be more than "a system of s o c i a l j u s t i c e , better l i v i n g , freedom and world peace." These words do not mean much to the people of, for example, Korea, unless they are interpreted i n the context of a coherent and o v e r a l l doctrine, as well as a concrete p o l i c y . People w i l l not move for any sweet and b e a u t i f u l phrases unless they are, f i r s t , reasonable and convincing to them, and, second, concrete and p r a c t i c a l .  An appealing,  p r a c t i c a l program and p o l i c y , founded on and supported by some convincing p r i n c i p l e s , i s what i s required i n order to set  the  people into motion. It i s , of course, extremely dangerous for any democracy to be too r e s t r i c t e d and to t i e i t s e l f to any trans-  37 cendent creed or ideology.  But some theory must be respected  i f we want to defend democracy, and the theory must be more than an expression of such words as i n d i v i d u a l freedom, peace, equality, e t c .  In England even t h i s amount of theory may be  36>  Declaration of the S o c i a l i s t International, l o c . c i t .  37.  R.M. Maclver, The Web of Government. New York: Macmillan Company, 194-7, p. 206.  The  - 22 dispensed  with  s i n c e the people  When t h e y a r e l i v i n g  t h e r e a r e i n no  a free l i f e ,  n o t much p r o v o c a t i o n e x c e p t aware o f a n y  -  t h e word f r e e d o m w o u l d  i n s u c h t i m e s when t h e y  t h r e a t to t h e i r f r e e l i f e .  already p e t r i f i e d  phrase  sound as m e a n i n g f u l  as  need o f i t .  "all  men  i n Hanoi,  have  become  I n such a c o u n t r y  a r e c r e a t e d e q u a l " may  the  not  Indo-China.  Thus, u n d e r r a t i n g the r o l e o f a d o c t r i n e , f a i l i n g to  see  the r e a l  those people democratic  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f an  i n the  underdeveloped  socialism,  ideology, while areas  t o come t o  t h e s o c i a l i s t s wanted t o w i n  expecting accept an  easy  38 victory.  They thought  would a l s o the f a i l u r e  that their p o l i t i c a l  be a s u f f i c i e n t  empiricism  guiding principle.  o f e m p i r i c a l p o l i t i c s was  In recent  more d e e p l y f e l t  years,  among  the l e a d i n g democratic s o c i a l i s t s . "...a f a i l u r e o f the sense o f d i r e c t i o n which a l o n e c a n u n i f y and s u s t a i n a g r e a t p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . The L a b o u r P a r t y was u n s u r e where i t was g o i n g . . . How c a n t h e L a b o u r P a r t y r e g a i n i t s s e n s e o f direction? My c o n t e n t i o n , i n t h i s e s s a y , i s t h a t i t c a n n o t be done s o l o n g a s p o l i t i c i a n s a r e c o n t e n t t o r e l y on t h e i r "hunch" and e m p i r i c a l experiences. The L a b o u r P a r t y has l o s t i t s way  38.  The word " e m p i r i c i s m " u s e d h e r e i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m p h i l o s o p h i c a l e m p i r i c i s m . . The t e r m i s b o r r o w e d f r o m Mr. C r o s s m a n ' s a r t i c l e "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " (New F a b i a n E s s a y s , p . 2). I t may be i n t e r p r e t e d a s a p o l i t i c a l empiricism, i . e . a general a t t i t u d e of p o l i t i c i a n s t o r e l y more on t h e i r "hunch and e m p i r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e , " and l e s s o n p r i n c i p l e s . I t a l s o can imply an a t t i t u d e . t o underrate the importance o f i d e o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s , i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l movement.  - 23 n o t o n l y b e c a u s e i t l a c k s a map o f t h e new i t i s c r o s s i n g , b u t b e c a u s e i t t h i n k s maps ary f o r experienced travellers."39 If  this  i s the true case with  B r i t i s h Labour P a r t y , which r e p r e s e n t s s o c i a l i s t movement, how c a n we e x p e c t among d e m o c r a t i c (2)  socialists  i n other  the leadership o f the a leading  democratic  t o see s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e countries?  T h i s l a c k o f adequate agreement  p r i n c i p l e s o f Democratic S o c i a l i s m , except which w i l l  country unnecess-  be d e a l t w i t h  concerning  t h e empty  later,  concept  of  a gradualism  to  t h e f u r t h e r w i d e n i n g o f t h e gap between l e f t a n d r i g h t  wings w i t h i n the Democratic S o c i a l i s t P a r t y . to  accept  as n a t u r a l o r even as i n e v i t a b l e ,  wings and f a c t i o n s i n a d e m o c r a t i c a n o t h e r q u e s t i o n t o have r i g h t split  away f r o m e a c h o t h e r  political to  party.  exist  some  internal  party.  so w i d e l y  as t o d e s t r o y  But i t i s might i t as a  When t h e r e a r e no a g r e e d p r i n c i p l e s  (3)  i n regard  the Democratic  become so d i v i d e d i n t e r n a l l y t h a t i t w i l l  as a major p o l i t i c a l  principles  I t i s one t h i n g  and l e f t w i n g s t h a t  the matter o f fundamental p o l i c i e s ,  Party w i l l  39.  political  contributes  Socialist cease t o  force.  Another e f f e c t  i s the p o s s i b i l i t y  o f t h e absence o f agreed oi£?thevpa'rty l o s i n g i t s  R.H.S. C r o s s m a n , "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " , New F a b i a n - E s s a y s ? e d . by R.H.S. C r o s s m a n , London: T u r n s t i l e P r e s s , 1953? pp.1-2.  "  - 21+ characteristics  and. i d e n t i t y  opportunistic p o l i t i c a l ments. party the  This  can  highly flexible  is in official  opposition.  t o be  govern-  socialist  I f t h e r e were n o t h i n g  p a r t y to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the  i d e n t i c a l platform,  and  a r e n a o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  be more t r u e when a d e m o c r a t i c  e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n had an  i n the  p a r t y i n power, and  conducted on  its political  in  the  basis of  future could  be  an  virtually hardly  bright.  It  can  be  said  another l e s s o n of t h i s  that the recent  British  s o r t f o r the Democratic  election i s  Socialist  movement. 0+) could  ever  be  I t i s questionable induced,  whether the  by means o f  general  "permeation," or  " d e m o c r a t i c means" o f e n l i g h t e n m e n t t o a c c e p t fully  socialist  I t may  be  not  program under normal p o l i t i c a l  p o s s i b l e t o go  some h a l f - h e a r t e d t h a t would g i v e the  socialist  some d r a s t i c o r war,  not  enough momentum t o t h e  p a r t y out  o f power.  p u b l i c to accept  yet  democratic  any  any  general  I t may  full  socialist's  been p r o v e n c a p a b l e  of  support  "welfare  p o l i c i e s " without  be  other a  conditions. program" social  true  that  throw  only  depression  society, could scale s o c i a l i s t  "piece-meal"  or  impact  p u b l i c to  s o c i a l commotions, s u c h a s a g r e a t  The has  "reform  beyond the  or a s e r i o u s d e t e r i o r a t i o n of  the.general  and  public  induce program.  approach  establishing socialism.  - 25 This  i s one  o f the  -  c e n t r a l tasks yet  t o be  solved  by  Democratic  Socialists. (5)  In a d d i t i o n to these, s o c i a l i s m and  t h e r e i s the  inability  of  democratic  of i t s party to lead'a r e v o l u t i o n  in  the a r e a s where r e v o l u t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l e o r r e q u i r e d .  a r e v o l u t i o n i s l e d , under whatever banner cratic, that  subsequent  unist Party. at  capture  this,  o f power, t o r e g a i n and  be  o n l y the masses, but  impossible  f u n c t i o n without (2)  conditions. socialists  hands o f t h e  f o r any  (1)  t h a t the  be  a l s o the  that revolution.  forces. able  clearly  by  the  To  to  intellectuals.  appropriate Party  understood  and  tactics.  lacks by  both  democratic  regime born out  c h a r a c t e r o f the  of  a  leading force  Nowhere i s l e a d e r s h i p so v i t a l a s  in a  revolution.  (6) has It  The  c o l d war  b e t w e e n communism and  f u r t h e r weakened t h e p o s i t i o n o f d e m o c r a t i c has  left  It  this  p o l i t i c a l philosophy,  c h a r a c t e r of the  r e v o l u t i o n i s determined  social  P a r t y must be  the D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s t  I t should  aiming  p o l i t i c a l f o r c e to perform  aoconvincing  Comm-  exercise leadership i n a  a revolutionary organization with  Unfortunately,  of  i n the  a l l o t h e r p o l i t i c a l and  the Democratic S o c i a l i s t  m o b i l i z e not will  r e g i m e w i l l be  demo-  apparent  I t i s o f utmost i m p o r t a n c e f o r a p a r t y ,  r e v o l u t i o n over do  (nationalist,  s o c i a l i s t , o r communist,) i t i s more t h a n  the  If  democracy  socialism.  l i t t l e _ space f o r p o l i t i c a l e m p i r i c i s m .  Where  - 26 there  i s no  a c t i o n are to  basic  istic  town i n t o two  It scious  Unless democratic  i n this  c o l d war,  only  socialists.  communists o r t h e y t e n d  movement.  leadership  established doctrine,  open to democratic  j o i n the  -  t o go  two  E i t h e r they over to the  socialists  sooner or  courses  later  of  tend capital-  exercise  a  they w i l l  be  parts.  i s however e n c o u r a g i n g t o n o t i c e  struggle  p r i n c i p l e s and  by  leaders  less  of B r i t i s h  a  sign of  con-  s o c i a l i s m t o w a r d s more  details.  "The F a b i a n S o c i e t y i s , o r s h o u l d be, B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m ' s t h i n k i n g machine. I w i s h i t would t h i n k , f o r t h e t i m e b e i n g , more a b o u t f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , and l e s s a b o u t d e t a i l e d p l a n s , w h i c h ^ c a n be g o t r i g h t o n l y when t h e ends a r e c l e a r . " w  "What i s wrong w i t h t h e  Labour P a r t y  today i s a  hi shortage, not  of leaders,  S t a t e s m a n and It  seems t o  come t o t h e  understanding  of  ideas,"  cried  the  New  Nation.  to B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s m will  but  be  appropriate,  i n the  core  at this  hope t h a t ,  of democratic  o f i t s p r o b l e m s and  by  stage,  examining  s o c i a l i s m , and  tasks  i n the  to  i t , we to  hol  G.H.D. C o l e .  *+l.  o p . c i t . p.  _ 0 -  -  "What n e x t . " F a b i a n J o u r n a l T N o . ( A p r i l , 1954) p. 3*+.  678.  ~  the  contemporary  world. -  turn  12.  - 27 ' PART I I  CHAPTER I I I IDEOLOGY OF B R I T I S H SOCIALISM  In this  (FABIANISM)  c h a p t e r we a r e t o d i s c u s s B r i t i s h  p a r t i c u l a r l y Fabianism,  as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i d e o l o g y o f  democratic  socialism.  historical  background o f E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s m ,  At f i r s t ,  the c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may  be s a i d  Fabianism  we  consider b r i e f l y the  of Fabianism.  as a r e s u l t  a.  of the Fabina's  Historical  The New  conscious  by R o b e r t  Fabianism, back i n t h e  out o f which Fabianism  itself  varieties of  s o c i a l i s m i n England.  First,  t h e r e was U t o p i a n  Owen.  Although  socialism  bourgeois  further  can p o i n t out about f o u r important  modern s o c i a l i s t s , Utopian  struggle f o r  to a consideration of  tradition of English socialism,  pre-Fabian  Essays  socialism.  seems t o be a d v i s a b l e t o l o o k a l i t t l e  We  Fabian  Background  B e f o r e we p r o c e e d  grew.  then t r y t o analyze  t o r e p r e s e n t t h e most r e c e n t e x p r e s s i o n o f  the f o r m u l a t i o n o f democratic  it  socialism,  i t was  particularly  s o c i a l i s m as r e p r e s e n t e d  later  criticized  by many  by M a r x and E n g e l s ,  this  exposed v a r i o u s d e f e c t s o f the e x i s t i n g  s o c i e t y and g r a s p e d  fairly  clearly  the s o c i a l i s t  order o f society.  S e c o n d , t h e r e was a s o r t o f A g r a r i a n s o c i a l i s m a s  represented  by Thomas Spence and  t h e s e men  conceived  of  "God  land.  -  28  William Ogilvie.  a k i n d o f s o c i a l i s m p r i m a r i l y i n terms  gave t h e l a n d t o t h e p e o p l e . "  e a r t h i n common t o a l l Third,  Both o f  men."  t h e r e was  gave  the R i c a r d i a n s o c i a l i s m as before 1850,  by a number o f s o c i a l i s t s  "God  the  4-2  such  conceived  as C h a r l e s  Hall,  W i l l i a m Thompson, J o h n G r a y , e t c . They prepared  t h e way  t h e o r y o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and Ricardo's  Law  f o r M a r x by f o r m u l a t i n g  their  s u r p l u s v a l u e on the b a s i s o f  o f Rent.  Finally,  we  may  mention the  "Christian  Socialists",  4-4t o whom S i d n e y Webb r e f e r s i n h i s book S o c i a l i s m i n The  Christian  socialists  denounced the c u r r e n t b o u r g e o i s  and a d v o c a t e d  s o c i a l i s t order  together with  the  of  of s o c i e t y .  "Young E n g l a n d "  the nineteenth century.  a g a i n s t them, t h e s e  England.  early  They spoke l o u d l y ,  of C a r l y l e , around the  Despite  some l a t e r  E n g l i s h s o c i a l i s t s made a u n i q u e  They were a l l h i g h l y c r i t i c a l e l o q u e n t l y exposed the  4~2l  G r a y . The  4-3.  Gray, o p . c i t . , p.  4-4-.  Sidney  Socialist  middle  criticism  h i s t o r i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f u t u r e of s o c i a l i s m i n  and  ideals  of the  social  existing  social  defects i n i t .  Tradition,  PP.258-9  262.  Webb, S o c i a l i s m i n E n g l a n d , London, Swan S o n n e n s c h e i n & Co. 1 9 0 8 , p.20.  and  England. order  - 29 T h e y had, namely, t h e i r Utopia. in  g e n e r a l l y speaking,  common s p i r i t  common f e a t u r e ,  and z e a l towards t h e e n v i s a g e d  They p o s t u l a t e d t h e i r  ideal  c o n t r a s t t o t h e current one.  this  another  s o c i e t y and p i c t u r e d i t  L a t e r , i n Marx a n d E n g e l s ,  q u a l i t y was d i s c a r d e d f o r t h e s a k e o f g i v i n g a  scientific  t i n g e t o s o c i a l i s m , and consequently,  but f o r t h e help  labour  theory,  value  theory  have had n o t h i n g  and s u r p l u s v a l u e  to i n s p i r e people  These e a r l i e r nineteenth  century  the r e v i v a l  Of B r i t i s h  been d e l a y e d .  M i l l was, i n t h i s Socialism.  towards s o c i a l  socialism i nthelate  -  away  before Mill,  1880's m i g h t  "Political  -  t h e p u b l i c mind f o r S o c i a l i s t sense, a b r i d g e  justice.  but f o r John S t u a r t  The i n f l u e n c e o f M i l l ' s  g r a d u a l l y prepared  Marxism would  forms o f s o c i a l i s m faded  l i b e r a l i s m and,  o f the  have  Economy"  - 45  proposals.  between L i b e r a l i s m a n d  I n h i s "On L i b e r t y " he was a s u p e r b  liberalist,  but  a t t h e same t i m e i n h i s P o l i t i c a l  the  s u b j e c t o f t h e " u n e a r n e d i n c r e m e n t " o f l a n d v a l u e s , he 46 for socialism. Then t h e "Progress and P o v e r t y " o f  was  Economy, e s p e c i a l l y o n  H e n r y G e o r g e came o u t w h i c h g a v e a s t r o n g p u s h t o t h e t h e n 47 a r i s i n g s o c i a l i s t movement.  As  a result of this  general r e v i v a l  of socialism,  t h e r e a p p e a r e d a number o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s , s u c h a s t h e Democratic  Federation  W  e  b  b  >  (1881),  the Fabian  o p . c i t . , p.19  *+6.  Xoc.cit.,-  47.  I b i d . , p.21  Society  (1884), t h e  - 30 Independent Labour P a r t y  (1893).  organizations,  by t h e  was  born the  supported  British  d e t a i l e d account o f the  ogy  has  ex-  t h e s i s to attempt between  Whatever t h e i r  any  these  r e s p e c t i v e i n f l u e n c e upon t h e  socialism.  48  !  interrelationship  present  i n f l u e n c e might  become t o d a y t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  Chief C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  Apart extent  from the d i f f i c u l t  t o w h i c h an  of  an  is  still  ideol-  question of deciding  ideology i s determined  useful to  It that  Fabianism  by  i n d i v i d u a l o r g r o u p o f i n d i v i d u a l s who  S o c i e t y b e f o r e we  has  the Fabian  tuals.  see  the  proceed  class  class  still  s o c i a l progress  status  entertain i t , i t  background o f the  Fabian  both  by F a b i a n s  and * n o n - F a b i a n s  S o c i e t y i s a movement o f m i d d l e - c l a s s  Though i t i s n e e d l e s s  middle-class  the  the  further.  been a d m i t t e d  o r i g i n a l members o f t h e  48.  movement,  of B r i t i s h socialism.  b.  and  socialism.  scope of t h i s  exact  organizations or of t h e i r  h a v e been, F a b i a n i s m  union  and  Labour P a r t y , which i s the p o l i t i c a l  i s beyond t h e  ideology of B r i t i s h  o f t h e s e movements  growing t r a d e  pression of century-old B r i t i s h It  Out  to mention the founders  S o c i e t y , the  prevails  intellecand  g e n e r a l atmosphere o f  e v e n t o d a y , when t h e  o f modern s o c i e t y has  the  educational  considerably  The T.U.C. has e x e r c i s e d a g r e a t d e a l o f i n f l u e n c e upon t h e B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m . P e r h a p s , i t has s h a p e d , t o a g r e a t e x t e n t , the c h a r a c t e r o f the Labour P a r t y , but t h e o r e t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m as r e p r e s e n t e d t o d a y by t h e L a b o u r P a r t y seems t o be f o u n d i n F a b i a n i s m rather than trade unionism.  - 31  -  d i m i n i s h e d t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between l o w e r and m i d d l e As r e c e n t l y a s 19^2,  the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a D i v i s i o n a l  P a r t y announced h i s w i l l i n g n e s s  t o welcome a l o c a l  S o c i e t y t o h i s d i v i s i o n , w i t h these words. be a good t h i n g  The peculiar its  t o have a snob  Labour  Fabian  " I t h i n k i t would  s e c t i o n i n our  Party."  body o f m i d d l e c l a s s i n t e l l e c t u a l s  c h a r a c t e r , w h i c h may  class  classes.  has  shown i t s  n o t be w h o l l y i n d e p e n d e n t  of  background.  50 (1)  I t exists only to "advise,"  .  51  English people" (2)  and  their  i t has  shown a r e m a r k a b l e  F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m was w h i c h were b o r r o w e d according  to Margaret  their  economics  genius o f  example o f  great eclecticism.  o r no  of  Thus,  F a b i a n s t o o k much o f  a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t , f r o m Marx;  f r o m J e v o n s and R i c a r d o ;  p h i l o s o p h y f r o m Bentham and  the  a body o f t h e o r y , t h e p a r t s  Cole, the e a r l i e r  history, with l i t t l e  Henry  .  f r o m so many n o n - F a b i a n w r i t e r s .  their  of  t o "persuade  politicians.  T h o u g h i t has p r o d u c e d no  originality,  .  and  John S t u a r t M i l l ,  their  political  adding a  dash  George.  (3) flexibility  I t has  had a h i g h d e g r e e  without losing  T+9~.  Margaret  50.  Ibid.,  51.  F a b i a n T r a c t . No.  any  of a d a p t a b i l i t y  and  t e n a c i t y to i t s general pledge.  C o l e . "The S t o r y o f t h e S o c i e t y " . F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12, ( A p r i l 1954) p.7. p.6. 70,  p.l  - 32 (4)  I t s e m p i r i c i s m remains  " t h e n e e d t o be p r a c t i c a l " interests and  i scherished.  have r e v o l v e d a r o u n d  52  tactics.  unchanged.  the matter  The F a b i a n s  dislike  show l i t t l e  c o n c e r n about  aimed a t g e t t i n g  o f dogma.  As M a r g a r e t  Cole put i t , they  space  opposition. nor  their  have  unchallengable, a t putting  p r o p o s a l s which a r e (a) capable o f being adopted reasonable  policy  o f the English  t h e remote f u t u r e and " t h e y  their facts  today major  1  of practical  T h e y r e t a i n t h e common q u a l i t y  people—the  Still  within a  o f time, and (b) d e f e n s i b l e a g a i n s t  I f Utopian fundamentally,  s u c c e s s o r s were c o n c e r n e d  forward  rational  neither the Essayists  t o make i m m e d i a t e  sugges-  53 tions f o r Utopia." With these Fabian q u a l i t i e s  i n m i n d , we c a n g i v e a  b r i e f c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o some o f t h e u n i q u e  characteristics of  what I s c a l l e d  from  "Fabian socialism."  t r a c t s and j o u r n a l s ,  These a r e t h e " F a b i a n  (1889) a n d t h e "New F a b i a n E s s a y s " (1952).  t h e two E s s a y s t h e r e i s a n i n t e r v a l i s not uninteresting  The Fabian Essays  i s that  (1)  thing  they l a i d  W.  G r a y , o p . c i t . pp.387 a n d 398.  53.  F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12,  (April  Between  o f s i x t y - t h r e e y e a r s and  t o compare them w i t h e a c h  most i m p o r t a n t  writings,  documents w h i c h may b e s t s e r v e t o  r e p r e s e n t F a b i a n s o c i a l i s m as such.  it  t h e numerous  r e s e a r c h pamphlets and i n d i v i d u a l  t h e r e a r e two v e r y i m p o r t a n t  Essays"  Apart  t o be s a i d  other.  about  the original  down t h e f o u n d a t i o n s o f t h e  1954), p.8.  - 33 Welfare State  and  (2)  ment o f 19^5-51, program f o r an and  i t was  -  finally  r e a l i z e d by  they represented  evolutionary  Utopian Socialism.  The  the  the  first  socialism distinct main p o i n t s  from Marxism  of t h i s  i n t h e E s s a y s and  i n f l u e n c e may  follows:  (1)  enumerated as  Constitutionalism:  Besides the  ment e x p r e s s e d i n t h e F a b i a n T r a c t "Fabian Constitutionalism," B r i t i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n and democracy.  hold  on  simple  under t h e  a strong  a  lasting  statetitle  in  of  the  f a i t h i n a working existing constitutional  s o c i a l i s m w o u l d have l o s t  one  of i t s to  to.  particularly  Equally that  i m p o r t a n t was  o f Mr.  Webb, o n  them s o c i a l i s m meant o n l y  respect."Fabianism a demand f o r a n (3) is  had  grounds o f argument, w h i c h t h e y were q u i t e r i g h t  (2)  To  evolutionary  Essayists believed  Without t h i s f a i t h i n the  democracy, e v o l u t i o n a r y basic  had  the  70,  No.  govern-  theoretical  s o c i a l i s m which'were c o n t a i n e d be  labour  i n general  nevertheless  t h e i r o p t i m i s t i c view,  the a c t i v i t i e s  state  s o c i a l i s m , and  becomes t o a l a r g e  i n d e f i n i t e extension  I t must be p o i n t e d alien tried  to abstract to  out  extent of State  this  synonymous w i t h activity."  doctrine,  the  earlier  support t h e i r "gentlemen's  o p . c i t . , p.395  in  state.  54  t h a t , though Fabianism  w i t h some h a l f - b o r r o w e d , h a l f - c o n c e i v e d 54.Gray,  o f the  abstract  Fabians  socialism" economics.  - 34 I t was t h e R i c a r d i a n Law o f R e n t t h a t gave them a c l u e t o the w i t t y but i l l - c o n c e i v e d ity", his  Mr. Shaw t r i e d  According  called  t h e "Rent o f A b i l -  to supply a t h e o r e t i c a l  equalitarian socialism  of a b i l i t y .  analogy  by t h i s  foundation f o r  strange conception o f rents  t o h i m , a r e n t o f a b i l i t y was " t h e  • 55 excess  o f i t s produce over T h i s concept  ing  that o f ordinary  seemed t o be a b l e t o e x p l a i n t h e e x i s t -  s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t y w i t h o u t  of class  exploitation.  t i o n o f the r u l i n g individuals.  of class  workers.  the Marxian  concept  I n e q u a l i t y was n o t due t o t h e e x p l o i t a -  class,  b u t due t o t h e u n e q u a l  a b i l i t y of  T h i s t h e o r y a p p a r e n t l y must have f i t t e d t h e  Fabian mood—i.e., concept  stupidity".  i t enabled  the Fabians  s t r u g g l e and u n i l a t e r a l  to dispose with the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the  I t d i d n o t r e q u i r e them t o condemn t h e S t a t e a s t h e  oppressive organ  o f the r u l i n g  backing  socialist  up t h e i r  class  forexploitation.  c o n v i c t i o n by s u c h c o n c e p t s  "Law o f R e n t " a n d " r e n t o f a b i l i t y " ,  the early Fabians  Thus as worked  out  t h e p r a c t i c a l p r o g r a m s and p r o p o s a l s w h i c h , when c a r r i e d  out  later,  brought  about  the present Welfare  State.  (^f) B e n e a t h a l l t h e a b o v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , faith  o f Fabians  socialism, class  i n gradualism.  rents of a b i l i t y  l i e s the  C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m , 'state  that sidesteps the notion of  s t r u g g l e , a l l went hand i n hand u n d e r t h e g r e a t  faith  o f g r a d u a l i s m , w h i c h was c o n s c i o u s l y s t a t e d by Mr. Webb i n 55^  F a b i a n E s s a y s i n S o c i a l i s m , e d . by B e r n a r d t h e F a b i a n S o c i e t y , 1931, p.9  Shaw, L o n d o n ,  - 3556 the F a b i a n  Essays. B e f o r e we b e g i n t o c o n s i d e r t h e New F a b i a n  it  Essays,  may be a p p r o p r i a t e t o l o o k a t some o f t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s o f  early  Fabianism. (1)  today  A s Mr. A t l e e s a i d ,  " i s s t r u c k by t h e a l m o s t  the reader o f Fabian  complete  Essays  absence o f any r e f e r e n c e  57 to  foreign affairs."  V i c t o r i a n England see  I t cannot  b u t s u r p r i s e anyone who knows  that those E s s a y i s t s completely f a i l e d t o  the s i g n i f i c a n c e of i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s .  was c o n f i n e d t o t h a t o f t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e .  Their  In this  t h e y were s o r t o f n a t i o n a l e g o t i s t s , w h a t e v e r t h e i r  interest sense,  practical  r e a s o n s m i g h t be. (2)  Together  w i t h t h e a b o v e d e f i c i e n c y t h e r e was a  lack of v i s i o n i n the Essays.  Too e m p i r i c a l and p r a c t i c a l ,  t h e y spoke o n l y i n t e r m s o f t o d a y a n d tomorrow, h e r e a n d u s , "the E n g l i s h . " of  T h e i r words l a c k e d s u c h a f a r - r e a c h i n g q u a l i t y  sound a s " w o r k e r s o f t h e w o r l d  speak i n terms o f humanity.  unite!"  They f a i l e d t o  Above a l l , " t h e y d i d n o t g i v e a  58 blue p r i n t  f o r an i d e a l s o c i e t y . "  i s m p l a y e d no s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e It failed  t o g i v e any moral  c o n t i n e n t a l democratic  For t h i s reason,  Fabian-  beyond t h e b o u n d a r y o f E n g l a n d .  or t h e o r e t i c a l  support  s o c i a l i s m t h a t has f a i l e d  t o the  t o do away  56.  F a b i a n E s s a y s i n S o c i a l i s m , e d . by B. Shaw, London, The Fabian Society—1931, p.32.  57.  New F a b i a n E s s a y s , p r e f a c e by C.R.  58.  Loc.cit.  Attlee.  - 36 with  Marxism. (3)  failure  T h e most i m p o r t a n t t h i n g ,  to establish a firm theoretical  however, was t h e i r ground f o r t h e g r a d -  u a l i s m w h i c h h a s been t h e c o r e o f F a b i a n i s m .  A s Mr. G r a y  59 points  out,  they.had a strange f a i t h  i n the i n e v i t a b i l i t y  o f a u t o m a t i c e v o l u t i o n t h a t was s u p p o s e d t o go o n w i t h o r without any conscious e f f o r t  or recognition.  might, as Margaret Cole p o i n t e d but  t h e y combined  this  o u t , have, b o r r o w e d  i n e v i t a b l e p r o c e s s toward  w i t h t h e p r i n c i p l e o f g r a d u a l i s m and t h e i r of State a c t i v i t y . s t a t e would  bring  Thus,  finally,  for,  society?  between a s o c i a l i s t  Few d o u b t e d  s o c i e t y and s t a t e infinitely,  E v e n t h o u g h we may assume t h a t  a n d o n l y f o r , t h e common i n t e r e s t we s h a l l have a n y t h i n g  w h i c h we c h e r i s h  by t h e name o f " s o c i a l i s t  Two c r u c i a l or n o t i t i s p o s s i b l e  t o expand  op.511'.,pp.393-395.  about activity.  the state  socialacts  i t may be  an ideal  still  society  society." here.  state a c t i v i t y  expansion can bring  society.  Gray,  like  questions are involved  ( 2 ) Whether o r n o t t h i s  view  produce a  of a l l ,  d o u b t f u l whether  59.  optimistic  and perhaps w i t h o u t r e a l i z i n g i t ,  C a n s t a t e a c t i v i t y , when expanded ist  socialism  on expanding i t s sphere o f a c t i v i -  us i n t o t h e r e a l m o f s o c i a l i s m .  congeniality  f r o m Marx,  t h e c o n c l u s i o n became t h a t t h e  i n e v i t a b l y keep  t i e s , which would  T h i s view they  ( 1 ) Whether  infinitely.  about a  socialist  - 37 We„ t u r n , a t t h i s The  s t a g e , t o t h e New  t a s k o f t h e s e E s s a y s i s , a s Mr.  t h e q u e s t i o n , "Where do we e x p r e s s e s two  p r i m a r y c o n c e r n and  Fabian Essays.  A t t l e e puts i t , 60  go f r o m h e r e ? "  t o answer  This question  important Fabian t r a d i t i o n s .  d o e s n o t assume "we"  to  -  The  word  a s t h e p e o p l e o f t h e w o r l d , and the i n t e r e s t  that of the E n g l i s h people.  Secondly, they regard  S t a t e as a s t e p p i n g stone toward  socialist  as g r a d u a l i s t s ,  this  the  o f the E s s a y i s t s are c o n f i n e d  accomplished Welfare s t a t e , and  "we"  the a  they are e n t i t l e d  to  attitude. After  the accomplishment  of those p r o p o s a l s  programmes f o r m u l a t e d by t h e o r i g i n a l F a b i a n s State of the l a s t  Labour  Socialism a period sense  of d i r e c t i o n .  under the  Government, t h e r e came t o  o f o v e r a l l impasse, As we  theory of socialism  itself.  for this  T h e r e was  impasse. i n the  beyond t h e C a p i t a l i s t W e l f a r e S t a t e .  But inade-  n o t h i n g more i n  t h e o r i g i n a l F a b i a n Essays which c o u l d guide the Labour ment  and  i n the f o r e g o i n g  t h e most i m p o r t a n t o f a l l f a c t o r s must be f o u n d quate  Welfare  British  l o s s o f momentum  have o b s e r v e d  c h a p t e r , t h e r e c a n be v a r i o u s r e a s o n s  and  move-  Socialists  are at  F a b i a n Essays which appeared  i n 1952  under  t h e e d i t o r s h i p o f R.H.S. C r o s s m a n a r e a d i r e c t  result  o f the .  a loss  f o r guiding principles.  The  New  c o n s c i o u s s t r u g g l e on the p a r t  6C  New  of B r i t i s h  F a b i a n E s s a y s . P r e f a c e by C R .  Socialists  Attlee.  i n their  - 38 quest  -  f o r reappraisal of socialism  u n d e r new  historical  condi-  tions.  To t h e y c a n be  summarise t h e m a i n p o i n t s o f t h e e i g h t said  to c o n s i s t  ( 2 ) a r e a p p r a i s a l o f new (3) as  proposed  A new  policies  i n sharp  deep s c e p t i c i s m a b o u t  c o n d i t i o n s and  i n the l i g h t  by two  s t a t e a c t i v i t y would  bring  h i s t o r i c a l progress.  that  us n e a r e r  every  tragedy  socialism,  humanism, a s Mr.  it,  many t r a d i t i o n a l  that  by every  o r a u t o m a t i c a l l y would  I n t h i s mood o f  e a r l y F a b i a n s a s w e l l a s w i t h Marx;  c o u l d not  step taken  represent h i s t o r i c a l progress.  effort  of  At  c o n s e c u t i v e W o r l d Wars, w h i c h  change w h i c h t a k e s p l a c e s i l e n t l y  In their  essayists's  It i s their  fascism, these Fabians  Crossman c a l l s  related.  optimistic  s c e p t i c i s m submerges i n t o a s e n s e  share the r o s y V i c t o r i a n b e l i e f  sceptical  they disagree with they t u r n t h e i r  socialist  the  backs  on  ideals.  to r e - d e f i n e socialism, t h e r e f o r e ,  they  seem t o be l e s s d a r i n g t h a n e v e n t h e  6ll  See  Mr. Mew  socialism  however, d o m i n a t e s t h e  the automatic  g a v e b i r t h t o communism and  c o l l e c t i v i s m and  of  c o n d i t i o n s as thus  evolution of socialism.  Disillusioned  social  socialism,  contrast to t h e i r predecessor's  view o f the i n e v i t a b l e  some p o i n t s t h i s 61 and m a r t y r d o m .  f a c t s and  of h i s t o r i c a l  philosophy of history,  analysis,  (1) r e d e f i n i t i o n o f  historical  m e a s u r e s and  t h u s r e d e f i n e d and  of  essays,  earlier  Fabians.  C r o s s m a n ' s "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m , " F a b i a n E s s a y s , p.10 and p.15  - 39 They s h i f t  emphasis from  the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n  o f i n d u s t r y t o d e m o c r a t i c p l a n n i n g and c o n t r o l o f i n d u s t r y , from a b o l i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y t o r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h , from  efficiency to equality.  aspect than t h e i r mere p o l i t i c a l  T h e y have a n e v e n l e s s  p r e d e c e s s o r s , though  empiricists.  as t h e " r e n t s o f a b i l i t y "  There  doctrinaire  t h e y t r y t o be more t h a n  i s no s u c h d a r i n g a n a l o g y  i n t h e New F a b i a n E s s a y s .  quently, i n general, there i s nothing that  Conse-  can s t i r  up t h e  s e n s i t i v e f a c u l t y o f v i s i o n i n t h e p e o p l e who h a v e l o s t t h e driving  momentum o f s o c i a l i s m a n d who h a v e been h e l d  impasse. tion. the  They need something  more t h a n a f a c t  or i t s explana-  They need a winged v i s i o n i n o r d e r t o p r o c e e d  beyond  impasse.  T h o u g h some o f t h e s o c i a l i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y , were f a s c i n a t e d Welfare  State—and  o f t h i s achievement  advocated  by t h e i r  to the credit  dazzled  by i t .  last  effort  have t r i e d  further  i t i s never-  t h e y have n o t been  to d i s p e l the f e e l i n g  p l a c e n c y among some c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l i s t s , momentum t o w a r d  socialist  society.  o f com-  and t o c r e a t e  advancement, t h e F a b i a n s  t o e s t a b l i s h t h e argument t h a t t h e W e l f a r e  not yet a s o c i a l i s t  wing  achievement—the  goal of socialism,  o f Fabians that  In their  on the r i g h t  o n l y c o n s o l i d a t i o n and improvement  as the next  theless  is  up i n a n  State  Thus i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s  the post c a p i t a l i s t  s o c i e t y a n d named a s S t a t i s m , a p r e -  socialist  " I s h a l l assume t h a t  society.  socialism  still  means  - ifO-.a  society different  a l s o from  i n k i n d , not o n l y from 62 t h e s t a t i s m o f 1951."  I t was, t h e n ,  the concept  helped d i s t i n g u i s h the s o c i a l i s t c a p i t a l i s t Welfare  State.  C a p i t a l i s m , but  of classless  s o c i e t y from  Henceforth  d e f i n i t i o n s o f s o c i a l i s m were q u o t e d  society that  the post-  t h e f o l l o w i n g two i n t h e New F a b i a n  Essays.  "By S o c i a l i s m , I mean a f o r m o f s o c i e t y i n w h i c h men and women a r e n o t d i v i d e d i n t o o p p o s i n g economic c l a s s e s , but l i v e t o g e t h e r under c o n d i t i o n s o f a p p r o x i m a t e s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c e q u a l i t y , u s i n g i n common t h e means t h a t l i e t o t h e i r hands o f p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l w e l f a r e . A human f e l l o w s h i p w h i c h d e n i e s a n d e x p e l s d i s t i n c t i o n s o f c l a s s , and a s o c i a l system i n w h i c h no o n e i s much r i c h e r o r p o o r e r t h a n h i s n e i g h b o u r s a s t o be u n a b l e t o m i x w i t h them o n e q u a l terms."°3 ( d e f i n e d by G.D.H. C o l e i n A  a s  1935). "The s o c i a l i s t m e a s u r e s t h i s p r o g r e s s o f m o r a l i t y by t h e d e g r e e o f e q u a l i t y a n d r e s p e c t of i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y expressed i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power a n d i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s o f law and p r o p e r t y w i t h i n a s t a t e . This standard n64 indeed, i s what we mean by t h e s o c i a l i s t i d e a l .  I n these Crosland  definitions  says, i s l a i d  t h e g e n e r a l e m p h a s i s , a s Mr.  on the " c l a s s l e s s  i s m h a s come t o be " a b o u t e q u a l i t y " . this  concept  distinction we a c c e p t 62. 63. 6*+.  of equality  I t was t h o u g h t  that i n  t h e y c o u l d b r i n g about t h e n e c e s s a r y  between t h e W e l f a r e  this  s o c i e t y " , and s o c i a l -  definition",  S t a t e and s o c i a l i s m .  "Once  s a y s Mr. C r o s l a n d , " a n d t h e  C.A.R. C r o s l a n d , . "The T r a n s i t i o n f r o m C a p i t a l i s m " , New F a b i a n . E s s a y s , p . 6 1 Loc.cit. R.H.S. C r o s s m a n , "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m " , New F a b i a n . E s s a y s , p . 1 0 .  - i n differences  between s t a t i s i n and  socialism  come s h a r p l y  into  65 focus."  H e r e t h e f e a t u r e s o f s t a t i s m a r e a n a l y z e d and  p r o v e d t o be mere p r e - s o c i a l i s m .  There  much i n e q u a l i t y y e t i n b o t h w e a l t h and So f a r so  i s , i t i s said, power u n d e r  statism,  good. B u t when i t comes t o i n t e r p r e t i n g  " c l a s s " , Mr. class  too  Crosland shifts  division  the meaning  t h e emphasis f r o m t h e  t o t h e mere m e n t a l  class  of  actual  division.  "But p e r h a p s e v e n more d i s t u r b i n g t h a n t h i s r e s i d u e o f o b j e c t i v e l y measurable s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y was t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f a d e e p - s e a t e d sense o f an unequal s o c i e t y . . . T h e purpose o f socialism i s (therefore) quite simply to e r a d i c a t e t h i s s e n s e o f c l a s s , and t o c r e a t e i n i t s p l a c e a s e n s e o f common i n t e r e s t and e q u a l status."^ 5  Consequently as the "sense" o f c l a s s r a t h e r " o b j e c t i v e l y measurable" so t h e p r o p o s e d much t h e r e a l  own  the  emphasized,  s o c i e t y were n o t  so  e q u a l i z a t i o n o f w e a l t h and power, a s e d u c a t i o n C o n s e q u e n t l y what we  become t o be n o t t h e f a c t u a l  mental  came t o be  measures f o r the s o c i a l i s t  and p s y c h o l o g y . would  class division,  than  change.  Thus i t c o u l d  a r e i n most n e e d  change o f s o c i e t y , be  said  that  of  now  but  our  t h e U.S.A. i s  67 a more n e a r l y c l a s s l e s s  society than B r i t a i n .  The  logical  c o n c l u s i o n o f t h i s v i e w w o u l d t h e r e f o r e amount t o t h a t  657  Op. c i t .p. 61  66.  I b i d , p..62  67.  Crosland, l o c . c i t . ,  (Crosland) p.62.  the  - 1+2 feudal  Korean s o c i e t y ,  "sense" o f c l a s s  could  I n w h i c h few p e a s a n t s o r s e r f s had a have been n e a r e r t o t h e c l a s s l e s s  societyl  T h r o u g h t h e w h o l e E s s a y s , one c a n n o t b u t f e e l g e n e r a l w a t e r i n g down o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t V a r i o u s r e a s o n s c a n be a t t r i b u t e d Labour government's e x p e r i e n c e , the as  temperament o f E n g l i s h  the E n g l i s h  The  last system,  factors  w i t h The U n i t e d  such  States  above a l l , t h e l o s s o f i n t e r e s t o f t h e p u b l i c  "more s o c i a l i s m "  ideals.  political  people, the external  t h e C o l d war and r e l a t i o n s h i p s  and  to t h i s trend.  a  towards  owing t o t h e e f f e c t o f t h e W e l f a r e  State,  etc.  Gradualism, i f interpreted way, may b r i n g society),  us e v e r c l o s e r  and adopted  to socialism,  but i t i s n o t l i k e l y  i n t h e above  (the equalitarian  t o do more t h a n t h a t .  Proposed  measures o f v a r i o u s k i n d s w i l l ,  of course, diminish  distinction,  be a b l e t o u p r o o t i t s f o u n d a -  tions.  I f we  b u t t h e y may h e v e r  class  t r y t o p u r g e away t h e " s e n s e " o f c l a s s  from  p e o p l e ' s m i n d s , we may be a b l e t o do i t t e m p o r a r i l y ,  even  w i t h o u t much f a c t u a l change i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . succeed i n c l e a n i n g actual  class  basis  up t h e c l a s s of society,  s e n s e b e f o r e we c l e a n  distinction.  up t h e  t h e S o c i a l i s t s would never g e t  enough e n t h u s i a s m f r o m t h e p e o p l e t o h a l t t h e e v e r class  B u t i f we  emerging  Then t h e s o c i a l i s t s would e i t h e r  c e a s e t o be s o c i a l i s t s . , _qr_have t o r e s o r t  have t o  to extra-legal  - 43 means, s u c h as  a coup d ' e t a t  final  class  any  basis  of  i n order to  society.  p r o p o s a l w h i c h may  -  I t was  sweep away  the  Marx's i n s i g h t  that  a l l e v i a t e s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s and  troubles  68 will as  harm t h e  Bernstein  advance o f said, that  socialism.  I t may  p r o g r e s s d e p e n d s on  sound the  illogical,  deterioration  69 of  social conditions,  but  i t has  p r e s e n t l o s s o f momentum and be a t t r i b u t e d  the  some u n d e n i a b l e t r u t h .  impasse o f Western  can  also  it,  the  The  e f f e c t of the Welfare S t a t e i s t h a t  socialists  people w i l l and  public  to the W e l f a r e S t a t e .  have a l m o s t l o s t  be more c o n t e n t e d and opinion  will  By  therefore  socialism  establishing  t h e m s e l v e s and "the  their  temper o f more  take time to a c c l i m a t i s e  The  cause.  the  conservative, itself  to  the  70 prospect of  each f u r t h e r  r a d i c a l advance."  sequence o f  t h i s sort of  gradualism i s that  be  progress, that  cycle  o f d e g e n e r a t i o n and A few  Essayists of  s o c i a l changes w i l l  do  society,  evitability  share the  actual  con-  change c e a s e s  become n o t h i n g  but  a  should  be m e n t i o n e d .  romantic notion  of  Though  automatic  the progress  i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h e i r b e l i e f i n the of  the  to  reform.  more p o i n t s  not  The  transformation of  hope o f a b o r t i o n ,  capitalism.  i s forced  w i t h no  681  " M a n i f e s t o o f t h e Communist P a r t y . " M a r x E n g e l s Works. V o l . 1, p.57. -  69.  G r a y , The  70.  Op.cit.p.68.  p.407.  give  "Thus c a p i t a l -  ism,  Socialist Tradition,  to  in-  b i r t h to a Selected  new  - ¥+ s o c i e t y ' . . ."These i n f l u e n c e s  ( o n t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ,of c a p i t a l -  1  ism)—part  external,  part  self-generated—have  p r o v e d , i n com-  71 bination,  irresistible."  reluctant  t o have a n y t h e o r y w i t h o u t t h e f a i t h  is  more o r l e s s o n t h e i r The  Political  t h e o r i s t s a p p e a r t o be that  history  side.  New F a b i a n E s s a y s c o n t a i n s a s e p a r a t e e s s a y o n  Equality—perhaps  b e c a u s e o f t h e new e m p h a s i s o n i t — a n d  Jenkins d i d not forget  Mr.  to mention the r e l a t i o n o f t h e e q u a l i t a r -  72 -ian s o c i e t y t o the p o l i t i c a l far is  as t h e l i b e r t y  l i b e r t y of the i n d i v i d u a l .  As  o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c  concerned, the e q u a l i t a r i a n  society  i s the highest  life  form o f  i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m , b e c a u s e t h e i n d i v i d u a l becomes r e a l l y f r e e when and o n l y and  when he c a n e n j o y a n d u t i l i z e  conditions  of l i f e .  What a b o u t p o l i t i c a l to form a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y socialism?  t h e e q u a l means  freedom, e s p e c i a l l y t h e freedom  and t o pppose t h e government  What a b o u t t h e p a r t y  under  system under t h e e q u a l i t a r i a n  society? I n answer t o t h e f i r s t established,  i f adequately  t h e s o c i a l i s t - s t a t e w o u l d n o t h a v e t o o much t o  worry about  because t h e b a s i c  71.Ibid.,  pp.37-38'  72.  question,  Roy J e n k i n s ,  "Equality",  cause o f p o l i t i c a l , c o n f l i c t s , .  New F a b i a n E s s a v s .  p.88  - 45 i.e.,  c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s among b o d i e s o f p e o p l e , w o u l d  disappeared  under s o c i a l i s m ,  of another character may a  be  opposed' n o t  i n the  by  a  Therefore, socialism  is well  t h e r e would remain  field  and  i t i s not  of p o l i t i c s .  "our  new  have  differences  The  government  c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s , but  by  tempers.  contradictory  t o have more t h a n one  ensured t h a t  confronting^  and  group o f  group o f d i f f e r e n t t a s t e s  for  -  to  political  i t s principle  party.  If i t  s o c i e t y o f near equals i s  left  s t a t e m a c h i n e i n w h i c h power, b o t h e c o n o m i c  and  73 political, cal  i s as w i d e l y d i f f u s e d a s  freedom w i l l  possible. Essayist  have the  soundest  that  i n England "the  present party  volume o f t h e  the  essayists  way  of  c e r n e d w i t h , and own as  c o u n t r y . ' And the  demerit of  said  by  the  the  leave l a r g e l y  New  is Fabian  attainment  undisturbed  basis."  New  still  thinking.  be  move t o w a r d s and  L a s t l y i t i s worth noting the  then p o l i t i -  s o c i a l foundation that  Thus f o r example, i t c o u l d  o f a c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y might w e l l the  possible,"  As  that,  t h o u g h so much  Fabian Essays i s given to  cannot escape the  i n , the  t h i s seems t o  they are  political  Jenkins, op.cit.,  7*+.  Jenkins,  Loc.cit.  p.89  affairs,  constitute  c h i e f l y con-  problems of  the  t h e i r approach to problems of  73.  foreign  t r a d i t i o n a l self-centered  p r a c t i c a l thinkers,  interested  of  merit  as  their  well  socialism.  - 4-6 T h e y may ant  -  be modest t h i n k e r s i n t h e s e n s e  this  c o n s t i t u t e s a t the  other countries,  same t i m e a l i m i t  bitter  they  ideological  should not d i c t a t e  should at l e a s t  t h e y a r e sought  c o u n t r i e s f o r guidance  and  T h e y may  they f i n d  No  matter  by s o c i a l i s t s  leadership.  any  to s o c i a l i s t s  positive  not  of other  B u t when t h e s e  social-  f o r some g u i d i n g  theoretical  guidance?  be p r e s e n t e d w i t h a l t e r n a t e m e t h o d s .  the Fabians are too  busy w i t h  to d e a l w i t h other c o u n t r i e s , the s o c i a l i s t more g e n u i n e  social  this  also  sentences  justice  own  "There  Fabians  i s no  be  problems change  should  reason  i n the under-developed  I t may  does not  i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s and  as:  but  country's  excuse  s i t u a t i o n s i n the world. interest  shown i n s u c h  but  their  the  whether  be a d v i s e d n o t t o i m i t a t e t h e B r i t i s h method,  they w i l l  of  great  s o c i a l i s m amidst  of other countries t u r n to Fabianism do  Fabians  be aware o f t h e i r  s t r u g g l e w i t h communism.  t h e y want i t o r n o t ,  principles,  problems.  of the Fabian ideology.  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as l e a d e r s o f d e m o c r a t i c  that  reluct-  i n t e l l e c t u a l modesty on t h e p a r t o f  Though t h e y n e e d n o t , and  that  they are  t o assume t h e r o l e o f s o l v i n g w o r l d - w i d e s o c i a l i s t  Nevertheless,  ists  that  show  peoples to  than  believe  areas w i l l  be  built  75 by B r i t i s h  o r A m e r i c a n metho'ds."  loss of self-confidence w i l l i s t s who 7T*  find  themselves  Denis Healey,  further  u n c e r t a i n t y and  s p r e a d among t h o s e  i n an i m p e l l i n g  "Power P o l i t i c s ..New  Otherwise,  and  political  and  socialideologi-  the Labour P a r t y , "  F a b i a n E s s a y s , p.175.  :  r  - h7 cal  struggle with  communism.  The d e f i c i e n c y o f t h e a b o v e F a b i a n a t t i t u d e i s r e v e a l e d also  by t h e i r  i n c o r r e c t a p p r a i s a l o f contemporary A s i a n  a l i s m and i t s r e l a t i o n opinion Asian  among F a b i a n s  that  the r e a l  r e v o l u t i o n i s the w i l l  elite—the the  to socialism.  minority,  who  nation-  I t seems t o be t h e a g r e e d dynamic o f t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y  o f , n o t t h e masses  does n o t share t h e i r  but the  aspiration with  masses.  "The dynamic o f s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n i n A s i a and A f r i c a i s n o t a mass demand f o r t r a c t o r s o r f o r b r e a d , but t h e w i l l and t h e s o c i a l c o n s c i e n c e o f a s m a l l i n t e l l i g e n t s i a , whose a i m ( n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n and m o d e r n i z a t i o n ) i s s h a r e d n e i t h e r by t h e r u l i n g o l i g a r c h y n o r by t h e m a s s e s . " ' "  If fact  that  this  statement  the A s i a n  elsewhere, being  i s true,  how  c a n we  r e v o l u t i o n i s , l i k e most  c a r r i e d o u t by t h e m a s s e s ?  explain the  revolutions Why  do t h e m a s s e s  j o i n and a c c o m p l i s h a r e v o l u t i o n i f t h e y do n o t " s h a r e " t h e a i m s and a s p i r a t i o n o f t h e i r i n Asia  elite  leaders?  Those  revolutions  t o d a y a r e n o t t h e few " e l i t e ' s movements," but t h e  p e o p l e ' s movements, e v e n i f t h e y a r e and have t o be l e d by t h e elite.  And a g a i n when i t comes t o what  nationalist  movements i s , t h e E s s a y i s t s  adequate i n t h e i r 76".  judgment  the essence o f  Asian  seem t o be s t i l l i n -  by i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e A s i a n  nationalism  R.H.S. C r o s s m a n , "Towards a P h i l o s o p h y o f S o c i a l i s m ^ , New F a b i a n E s s a y s , p.21 1  -  s o l e l y i n terms of 19th movements.  ence o r any  exclusive nationalist  "socialistic"  The  reason  rather Fabians  the  means.  appear as  own  being  the  appeal  w o u l d a p p e a r t o be  shared "the  comers, whether the  the  e a r l y Kuomintang socialist  a l l want t o a c h i e v e  a  to nationalism i s only  a  i n A s i a i s not  the  cause  social revolution.  but Yet  when  stand-  i n t e r e s t , A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n s would  by t h e  one  nation-  Party,  A s i a n r e v o l u t i o n s merely from the  country's  not  i t i s a demand  h a v e been s t r o n g l y  some e x t e n t , ,  i s p l a i n they  o f demand f o r a  look at those  point of their  nationalist  Indian Congress  p a r t y , as w e l l as  Nationalism  effect  nationalist  most o f t h e A s i a t i c  i n the past,  Y a t - S e n , a l l contain::, t o  s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n and necessary  or  i n their policies.  Indonesian n a t i o n a l i s t  policies.  to those  sentiment, as  T h i s i s why  p a r t i e s i n power, now  under Sun  given r i s e  ethnic  so much mere a s p i r a t i o n f o r n a t i o n a l i n d e p e n d -  social revolution.  alist  -  e a r l y 20th century  I n f a c t , what has  r e v o l u t i o n s i s not  for  and  48  masses.  force strong  Asian  nationalism  enough t o d e f e a t a l l  i m p e r i a l i s m o f the past  or the  total!tar-  77 ianism  o f the The  present." two  from which t h e i r political  77.  fundamental assumptions o f B r i t i s h socialist  i n s t i t u t i o n and  Op.cit.,  p.169  t h i n k i n g proceeds, are the  the  socialism, British  British national interests.  The  - 49 F a b i a n s a r e seldom f r e e from t h e above assumptions i n t h e i r thinking,  consequently, t h e i r  proposal,  and p o l i c y  whole a s p e c t  formulations  b o u n d a r y beyond w h i c h t h e y c a n n o t exception  o f those countries  temper h a v e somehow s e n t  It there  are restricted  by t h e E n g l i s h  be i n f l u e n t i a l , w i t h t h e  where B r i t i s h  down d e e p e r  i s however, i n t e r e s t i n g  t r a d i t i o n and  roots.  to note that only  seems t o be a g r o w i n g a w a r e n e s s o f t h e n e e d f o r  n a t i o n a l i s m , among t h e l e a d i n g G.D.H. C o l e , has  of thinking,  the president  c i r c l e s o f the B r i t i s h  o f the Fabian Society  recently inter-  socialists.  at this  time,  w r i t t e n a n a r t i c l e i n "The New S t a t e s m a n a n d N a t i o n "  about  78. the of  future  of socialism,  i n w h i c h he p r o p o s e s a new c r u s a d e  s o c i a l i s t i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m by w h i c h he h o p e s W e s t e r n  i s m w i l l overcome t h e p r e s e n t to i t .  But t h i s  socialists,  impasse and g i v e  social-  a new momentum  i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m w o u l d n o t do a n y good  particularly  the B r i t i s h  socialists,  based  unless their  t h i n k i n g n o t on l o c a l and n a t i o n a l grounds but on a h i g h e r and broader ground, i . e . humanity i n g e n e r a l .  They w i l l  t h e m s e l v e s i n n e e d o f more s o c i a l i s t " d o c t r i n e "  find  t h a n t h e mean-  79 i n g l e s s phrases o f the Frankfort After particular,  a l l , British  i s essentially  Declaration  of  1951.  s o c i a l i s m , and F a b i a n i s m i n  not a s e t o f doctrines,  but "a  W*  G.D.H. C o l e , "The f u t u r e o f S o c i a l i s m . " T h e New S t a t e s man and N a t i o n . No. 1245, 12*+6,.. J a n u a r y 15 & 22,  79.  Aims a n d T a s k s o f D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m , D e c l a r a t i o n o f t h e S o c i a l i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l ? J u l y 195l» F r a n k f o r t . See a l s o p.60 o f t h e New F a b i a n E s s a y s f o r Mr. C r o s l a n d 's o p i n i o n a b o u t t h i s D e c l a r a t i o n .  1955.  set of  -  50  o f p r o p o s e d p o l i c i e s and p r o g r a m s , c e r t a i n fundamental  which a r e p e c u l i a r "commit no one  c o n c e i v e d on the  p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s and  assumptions,  t o t h e E n g l i s h temper and p o l i t i c s ,  but t h e i r  a u t h o r s and  basis  and  which  a r e o p e n t o be t a k e n o r  80 left, said  or a l t e r e d  f o r adoption."  s e n s e , i t may  be  t h a t t h e r e i s no F a b i a n i s m a s s u c h t o d a y , a s t h e r e i s no  British  socialism,  a p a r t f r o m some s o c i a l i s t  by E n g l i s h t r a d i t i o n s and  policies  -  A r t h u r S k e f f i n g t o n "The F a b i a n S o c i e t y and t h e P a r t y " , F a b i a n J o u r n a l . No. 12, (April,  P.27.  tempered  politics.  - - 0 -  80.  In this  Labour 1954)  - 51 PART  III  CHAPTER  IV  DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM AND  a.  Gradualism—Its and  Democratic  B a c k g r o u n d i n Temperament Environment  s o c i a l i s m i s a form of  attempts to e s t a b l i s h a s o c i a l i s t brought about through o p e r a t i o n representative  democracy.  traditionally  distinguished  their  d i s t r u s t o f and  methods.  and  utilization  s o c i a l i s m , or  i t has  rejected  changes  have only  dogmatic d o c t r i n e ,  r e f u s a l t o employ  that  o f modern  socialists  f r o m Communists n o t and  of  been in  their  but  saw  called  gradualism.  As we  the  of class struggle  doctrine  also  revolutionary  Hence d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s m i s sometimes  evolutionary socialism,  socialism  s o c i e t y by way  Democratic  d i s i n c l i n a t i o n toward a r i g i d in  ASIA  i n Fabian and  revolutionary dictatorship.  At  first  gradualism  seemed t o be more a p r o d u c t  a p a r t i c u l a r temperament t h a n a c o n c l u s i o n investigation.  of theoretical  I t grew up more t h r o u g h c o n s i d e r a t i o n  practical  tactics  political  philosophy.  than through a well-conceived  between g r a d u a l i s t s and  I t i s said that revolutionary  the  of  system  initial  socialists  of of  differences (Communists)  81 were "not  cTlT  p r i m a r i l y i n ideas,  but  in  feeling."  H a r r y L a i d l e r and Norman Thomas ( E d s . ) The S o c i a l i s m o f Our T i m e s . A Symposium.- New Y o r k , The V a n g u a r d P r e s s , 1929, p.80. T  - 52 The is  historical said to  split  between t h e  represent  "not  only  S e c o n d and  sharply 82  the  temperaments t h a t  are  u s u a l l y i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d , and  true  i n the  case of  Yet that  could  socialism. could  find  there  go w i t h them."  support the  l a t e 19th  century a basis  and  t a c t i c of  socialism.  could  justify When t h e  I t was  full  the  be  but  ideology'  especially  gradualist  still  gradualist  historical new  first  major r e f o r m a t i o n  had  b e e n a c h i e v e d , and  did  not  e x i s t f o r the  of  conditions  conditions approach to  were t h e y ,  first  then  published,  stage of  develop-  earlier,'  English parliamentary  emergence o f a modern p a r t y  o f Members o f P a r l i a m e n t ,  e v e n a f t e r 1832,  influential  of  socialism?  u n t i l then i t i s said that  to take t h e i r orders from the  temperament  Only s i x t e e n years the  to  gradualist principle  i n i t s embryonic  of defects.  conditions  g r a d u a l i s t approach  Communist M a n i f e s t o was  the  majority  t h i s seems t o  f o r the  of h i s t o r i c a l  E u r o p e a n d e m o c r a c y was ment!  Temperament and  were o f  newly d e v e l o p i n g  the  that  tactics,  were a l s o p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l  T h a t i s , t h o s e who  What k i n d  differing  Internationals  gradualism.  j u s t i f y and  i n the  Third  system  "conditions system...The continued  individuals  or  83 groups c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . . . "  The  early  BTI  Loc.cit.  83.  S i d n e y D. B a i l e y ( e d . ) , P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s and t h e S y s t e m i n B r i t a i n . A Symposium. New Y o r k , e r i c k A. P r a e g e r , 1952. p.27.  Party Fred-  - 53 modern d e m o c r a t i c  government was i n d e e d ,  managing t h e common a f f a i r s  o f t h e whole  However, t o w a r d t h e b e g i n n i n g  "but a committee f o r bourgeoisie." o f the 20th  century,  t h e development o f p o l i t i c a l democracy, e s p e c i a l l y o f t h e representative party  i t , t h e emergence o f t h e mass  s y s t e m i n W e s t e r n E u r o p e , n e i t h e r o f w h i c h was  envisaged of  system, and w i t h  b y Marx, a f f e c t e d t h e t a c t i c a l  the traditional  were f i r s t  socialists.  socialists  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f some  The F a b i a n E s s a y s  p u b l i s h e d i n 1889, a n d B e r n s t e i n ' s  S o c i a l i s m a p p e a r e d i n 1899«  Both expressed  i n t h e newly d e v e l o p i n g  i nSocialism  Evolutionary  the f a i t h of  p o l i t i c a l democracy as a  s a f e a n d a p p r o p r i a t e means o f a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l i s m . was  best  expressed  clearly  This  faith  i n t h e F a b i a n T r a c t No. 7 0 .  When t h e House o f Commons i s f r e e d f r o m t h e v e t o o f t h e House o f L o r d s , and t h r o w n o p e n t o c a n d i d a t e s f r o m a l l c l a s s e s by a n e f f e c t i v e s y s t e m o f Payment o f R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d a more r a t i o n a l method o f e l e c t i o n , t h e B r i t i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r y system w i l l be, i n the opinion o f the Fabian Society, a f i r s t r a t e g r a c t i c a l instrument o f democratic government. " 4  Furthermore, w i t h t h e development o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy and t h e p a r t y system, t h e s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s i n t h e W e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s began t o g a i n more a n d more s e a t s i n t h e parliaments. W.  T h e r e was s t r o n g hope o f w i n n i n g  F a b i a n T r a c t No. 70 ( R e p o r t  a majority of  o n F a b i a n P o l i c y ) p . 65  electors to their  side.  54 -  T h e y t h u s hoped t o c a p t u r e  power t h r o u g h a p a r l i a m e n t a r y u n n e c e s s a r y f o r them.  majority.  Revolution  Moreover, t o such s o c i a l i s t  must t h e r e f o r e h a v e seemed, f o r example, t h a t efforts of their States the  loss of their  own e x i s t e n c e .  political t h u s became partiesi t  t o o p p o s e t h e war  i n W o r l d War I w o u l d mean n o t o n l y  supporters'  votes,  b u t a l s o t h e end o f t h e i r  To them, t h e t r a d i t i o n a l t a l k o f " r e v o l u t i o n "  came t o mean o n l y a p a r l i a m e n t a r y ,  constitutional revolution,  85 implying  the defence o f the democratic c o n s t i t u t i o n .  F i n a l l y with socialists  t h e b r e a k - u p o f t h e S e c o n d and T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l s ,  f o r the f i r s t  cance o f t h e i r  t i m e came t o r e a l i z e  o l d but h i t h e r t o v e i l e d  the f u l l  signifi-  disagreement i n tempera-  ment a n d a p p r o a c h . M o d e r a t e and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , not  so t h a t  the voters  t o be f r i g h t e n e d , s u f f i c i e n t l y n a t i o n a l i s t i c  a l c h a n c e s m i g h t n o t be p r e j u d i c e d , International  democracy.  c a l democracy, t h e s o c i a l i s t s e i t h e r adhere to t h e M a r x i s t  socialism, i n the l i g h t  Under t h e ever  improving  c o u l d have p r o b a b l y theory  so t h a t e l e c t o r -  t h e s o c i a l i s t s o f t h e Second  began t o r e - t h i n k t h e i r  of parliamentary  two  c^f.  Cole.  politichoices—  o f r e v o l u t i o n and  d i c t a t o r s h i p , and a b a n d o n hope f o r a n e a r l y a t t a i n m e n t political  were  power, o r a d o p t a new c o u r s e  of  of tactics—democratic  "The F u t u r e o f S o c i a l i s m " . T h e New S t a t e s m a n a n d N a t i o n . No. 1245> pp.60-61.  - 55 constitutionalism—in ment o f p o l i t i c a l  t h e hope t h a t  i t would  ensure  power t h r o u g h a n e l e c t o r a l m a j o r i t y .  democratic  socialists  Conference  o f the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l adopted  chose  a majority resolution states that and  that  "On  the second  "effective  socialist  law."  the world...to ensure  course.  D e m o c r a c y and  i t " f i r m l y adheres  under d e m o c r a t i c  the achieve-  Berne 1919  i n February  Dictatorship",  to the p r i n c i p l e s  which  o f Democracy,"  development i s o n l y p o s s i b l e  It called that  The  The  upon " S o c i a l i s t s  throughout  S o c i a l i s m and D e m o c r a c y , w h i c h  are  86 inseparable,  shall  Having  triumph  t a k e n t h i s new  of i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e , movements t r i e d  everywhere."  their  w h i c h came t o be r e p r e s e n t e d by I n 1918,  K,  ship of the P r o l e t a r i a t ,  and  M a c D o n a l d ' s P a r l i a m e n t and principles  of p o l i t i c a l  L e n i n w r o t e The R e v o l u t i o n and of gradualism.  86.  R.  consciousness  the l e a d e r s of the democratic  to j u s t i f y  R u s s i a n Marxism.  course with f u l l  p o s i t i o n a g a i n s t Communism the T h i r d  Kautsky  I n t e r n a t i o n a l and  t h u s w r o t e The  by  Dictator-  i n t h e n e x t y e a r , Ramsay  R e v o l u t i o n appeared,  democracy.  S t a t e and  socialist  At about  R e v o l u t i o n and The  t h e Renegade K a u t s k y ,  defending  t h e same  the  time,  Proletarian  denouncing  the  principle  S i n c e t h e n , t h e c h i e f d i s p u t e between Commun-  Palme D u t t , The Two I n t e r n a t i o r a I s , L o n d o n , A l l e n & Unwin, 1920, pp.54-5. See a l s o P a r t I I , Chapter I I I , o f t h i s paper f o r the p o s i t i o n o f the newly r e v i v e d Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l .  - 56 ism and Democratic Socialism has l a r g e l y revolved about the questions of revolution and the p r o l e t a r i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p . The arguments for each case presented by many writers ever since are too long to be considered here.  However, i t  is  noteworthy that for Communists, p r o l e t a r i a n revolution and the subsequent dictatorship are not only inevitable and necessary, but also more effective,  more expedient and ( i n the sense i n  which a t o o l i s better for certain types of carpentry work) better ways of achieving socialism.  Lenin wrote:  "The revolutionary way i s the way of quick amputation, which i s the l e a s t painful to the p r o l e t a r i a t , the way of d i r e c t removal of the decomposing parts, the way of fewest concessions and least consideration for the monarchy and the disgusting, v i l e , rotten and contaminating i n s t i t u t i o n s which go with it."87 How the natural necessity of the laws of s o c i a l  development,  of the class struggle, of the inevitable revolution and d i c t a torship could combine so fortunately with p o l i t i c a l expediency nobody seems to have explained yet. . Might i t perhaps be that the "inevitable", or the "necessary",  i s the  "reasonable"?  At any r a t e , t h i s i d e n t i t y of necessity with expediency seems to be also, i n a less e x p l i c i t way, assumed by the democratic socialists. To democratic s o c i a l i s t s , , the gradual change of a W»  Lenin. Selected Works. V o l . I l l , p.756  - 57 capitalist only is  society  "desirable"  said that  to give  t o w a r d a new  but a l s o  quite  seems t o be n o t  a s much " i n e v i t a b l e " .  " c a p i t a l i s m , w i t h no hope o f a b o r t i o n ,  b i r t h t o a new  Capitalism  type of s o c i e t y  society.  I t i s now  has n o t the s t r e n g t h  to r e s i s t  quite  Thus i t  i s forced  clear  that  t h e p r o c e s s o f meta-  88 morphosis i n t o a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t kind  of  Capitalistic  a stage to s o c i a l -  ism.  d e m o c r a c y h e r e h a s become i t s e l f  Thus w r i t e r s  on democratic  socialism  a n a l y z e c h a n g e s i n t h e modern c a p i t a l i s t organs i n order t o j u s t i f y transformation into features  society."  have s t a r t e d  s y s t e m and i t s s t a t e  t h e i r theory of "gradual"  socialism.  to  self-  Somewhat a b r i d g e d , t h e c h i e f  o f these changes, as d e s c r i b e d  by C.A.R. C r o s l a n d ,  89 may  be summarized a s 1) D e c l i n e and  follows: o f the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of property  the p o l i t i c a l  powers t h a t  accompany  rights,  these  rights. 2) R i s e  o f t h e new m a n a g e r i a l c l a s s , and  transfer  o f power f r o m owners t o m a n a g e r s . 3)  Enormous the  increase  and e x t e n s i o n o f t h e power o f  State.  1+) D i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e l a i s s e z - f a i r e economy, the W.  89.  extension of s o c i a l  services.  C.A.R. C r o s l a n d , "The T r a n s i t i o n f r o m New F a b i a n . E s s a y s , p.37-8. Op.cit.  pp.33-68  Capitalism",  and  - 58 5)  Removal o f and  6)  deep i n s t a b i l i t y o f  capitalism,  maintenance of a h i g h l e v e l of  employment.  Continued  the  e x p a n s i o n o f p r o d u c t i v i t y and  increased  production. 7)  V a r i a t i o n i n c l a s s d i v i s i o n s , and middle  8)  the  r i s e of  classes.  Changes i n t h e  i d e o l o g i c a l atmosphere o f  and  a  emphasis f r o m " p r i v a t e  to  "the  The  the  shift  of  public  society,  profit"  good".  most i m p o r t a n t  mentioned above, i s s a i d to  aspect of be  "the  c h a n g e among t h o s e  change f r o m l a i s s e z - f a i r e  90 to  state  control."  This  trend,  which the  gradualist  names  91 "Statism", to  be  now  i s s a i d to i n the  be  process of  I n t h i s way,  and  first  succeeding  by  suppressive organ of  L e n i n as the  seem t o o f f e r p r o m i s e o f a p e a c e f u l Hence, i n a d d i t i o n  that  could  able  to  the  be  utilized  liberalist  modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  _ 91.  I b i d e  p>lf3  -  Loc.cit.  to  socialism,  the  "the  the  democratic  bourgeois d i c t a t o r -  democratic  r e a l i z a t i o n of  being an  to produce, i n the  excellent  under-  socialists, socialist machine  manner most  temperament, a s o c i a l i s t d e m o c r a c y i s . now  and  capitalism.  r u l i n g c l a s s " , have  gone a s e r i e s o f c h a n g e s w h i c h , t o  society.  stage of  modern d e m o c r a c y and  s t a t e , w h i c h were b r a n d e d ship  the  accept-  society,  thought to  be  itself  a  prelude to  The D o u b l e M e a n i n g o f D e m o c r a c y — a n d D e f e c t s and C o n f u s i o n i n C u r r e n t D e m o c r a t i c Socialist Ideology;  Democracy i s thus  of  -  socialism.  b.  ists  59  i n two  thought  t o be  h e l p i n g the  ways, i . e . 1) by p r o v i d i n g them w i t h  itself  changes l e a d i n g t o s o c i a l i s m ,  a stage  convenience,  to socialism.  such  aspects  We  may  and  call,  f o r gradualism,  ality  t h a t i s the f o u n d a t i o n of gradualism.  founded  and  gradualism  through  and we  To  can  democratic  I s , then,  socialism  society.  i t i s gradualism  the  Without i t  importance  be  of  only i n Its  I t stands, The  socialist  s o c i e t y , not  owned s o c i a l l y ,  u l t i m a t e end  but  notion of  hence  socialism of  o n l y t h e means o f  a l s o a l l the  Democracy i n t h i s of democratic  stand  i n other  t o mean more t h a n a mere e c o n o m i c o r d e r  freedom should p r e v a i l .  f o r e a l s o the  On  instrument-  democracy s h o u l d  s o c i a l i s m i m p l i e s d e m o c r a c y and  In a t r u l y  of  gradualism?  f o r the p r i n c i p l e o f freedom.  p r o d u c t i o n would  f o r the sake  t o be f o u n d  a true heir of liberalism,  been thought  becoming  say i t i s t h i s  more t h a n a mere i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y .  words, a l s o  by  i t i s gradualism p r a c t i c a b l e .  democracy f o r democratic  of  now  becomes m e a n i n g l e s s .  instrumentality for  2)  the  o f modern d e m o c r a c y i t s i n s t r u m e n t -  ality  has  instrument  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government t h r o u g h w h i c h t o b r i n g a b o u t  necessary  for  the  gradual-  sense  socialism.  principles i s there-  - 60 Thus we c a n s a y t h a t cracy  t o democratic  socialists  demo-  h a s a d o u b l e m e a n i n g , namely, a s a n i n s t r u m e n t and a s  an end.  This  d o u b l e meaning  s o c i a l i s m found  i t s e x p r e s s i o n i n t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e new  Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l . asserted  o f democracy f o r d e m o c r a t i c  Whereas t h e o l d S e c o n d  International  s i m p l y t h e i n s e p a r a b i l i t y o f democracy and s o c i a l i s m ,  92 ("Socialism  a n d Democracy a r e i n s e p a r a b l e " ) ,  International  t h e new S e c o n d  e x p r e s s e d a c l e a r e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e above  meaning o f d e m o c r a c y when i t s t a t e d : " S o c i a l i s m c a n be a c h i e v e d o n l y d e m o c r a c y . Democracy c a n be f u l l y only through Socialism."°3 I n o t h e r words, t h e f i r s t  s e n t e n c e o f t h e above  expresses the i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y whereas t h e second realized for  through  through realized  statement  o f democracy f o r s o c i a l i s m  h o l d s democracy a s a d e s i r a b l e  socialism.  end t o be  Here, democracy i s an i n s t r u m e n t  s o c i a l i s m a n d , a t t h e same t i m e ,  s o c i a l i s m f o r democracy.  D e m o c r a c y and s o c i a l i s m a r e e a c h a means f o r t h e o t h e r and a n end  through the other.  To d e m o c r a t i c  socialists,  ism i s always s o c i a l i s m under democracy, and, t r u e democracy under  true  social-  democracy,  socialism.  92~7  "On Democracy and D i c t a t o r s h i p , " t h e M a j o r i t y Resolution o f t h e B e r n e C o n f e r e n c e , F e b r u a r y 1919 (R. Palme D u t t , The Two I n t e r n a t i o n a l s . L o n d o n , A l l e n and Unwin, 1920,  93.  D e c l a r a t i o n o f t h e Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l , as adopted i n F r a n k f o r t o n J u l y 3, 1951. ( S e c t i o n P o l i t i c a l Democracy) ( I t a l i c s not i n the o r i g i n a l . )  pp.54-5).  - 61  In  t h i s way  democratic  -  socialism tried  i d e n t i f y S o c i a l i s m w i t h D e m o c r a c y , and t h e two  ideologies  ed c h i e f l y  the democratic  by t h e i r  to  seem t o be  the time-honoured  unite  motivat-  In the  torch of love  freedom.  And and  y e t i t may  gradualism are not  closely  related  same t h i n g .  The  a means t o i t . principle  that  concepts  be n o t e d  that  point  The  i s a n end,  Socialism  p r a c t i c a l reasons.  of democratic  of  are of not  freedom course  the  gradualism  between g r a d u a l i s m and  i n Democratic  the d i s t i n c t i o n  two  they are s t i l l  i s , freedom  This distinction  and  the p r i n c i p l e  t h e same t h i n g .  t o each o t h e r , but  o f freedom  both t h e o r e t i c a l is  socialists  attempt  c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human f r e e d o m .  h e a r t s o f g r a d u a l i s t s burns for  i n this  somehow t o  The  o r i e n t more a d e q u a t e l y a n y a t t e m p t  the  i s important f o r theoretical  between t h e f u n d a m e n t a l socialism w i l l  merely  facilitate  to re-define  and  reason  accessory  and may  help  democratic  socialism.  G r a d u a l i s m would itself,  become m e a n i n g f u l n o t  a s a n end  b u t as a means t o p r e s e r v e o r t o a c h i e v e  freedom—  closely related ity that  o f modern d e m o c r a c y . the concept  clouded not  t o , and  practicable Yet  o f freedom  by t h e o v e r e m p h a s i s  be l e f t  t o usurp,  one  through,  Socialism  on g r a d u a l i s m .  e v e n by i m p l i c a t i o n ,  t i o n o f the concept o f freedom  the i n s t r u m e n t a l -  o f t e n can get the  i n Democratic  impression i s .be-  Gradualism the r o l e  i n Democratic  in  and  Socialist  must posiideology.  - 62  In order to maintain t h i s point p r o p e r meaning and We Democratic  have h i t h e r t o  socialism  temperament, and particular ing  role of  observed  political  that  at the core  t r a d i t i o n and  adopted  first  conditions  I t i s therefore Socialists :  under d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l instrumentality cause,  one  conditions,  because o f  of the  i t may  Socialism  adoption of  even i f c o n d i t i o n s  Yet  F a b i a n Essays?  a l l their liberalist  the concept  of "equality"  T h u s i t was  said that  book a l s o  tactical  n o t be  applicable  for  are i n i m i c a l to  to re-define  the  democratic  socialism  however, t h e D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s t s , bequests, rather  socialism  seemed t o p u t  t h a n on i s "about  contained a separate a r t i c l e  If  socialism  Crosland?  Ibid.  the  i t s underlying  on  that  of  emphasis  i s "about  " T r a n s i t i o n from .Essays? p.61.  p.69.  on  "freedom".  equality".  The  " E q u a l i t y " , which i s  a n i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e a l l o c a t i o n o f more e m p h a s i s t o t h e  95.  the  gradualism.  When t h e y a t t e m p t e d t h e New  develop-  e s p e c i a l l y where  o f democracy i s l a c k i n g .  the  beginning of  i . e . t h e p r i n c i p l e o f f r e e d o m , c a n be a d o p t e d  Democratic  of  liberal  t h a t were  i n E u r o p e d u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and  of Democratic  the  gradualism.  g r a d u a l i s m was  s o c i a l and  principles  for  i t i s necessary to c l a r i f y  l i e the l i b e r a l  twentieth centuries.  in  -  equality",  Capitalism".  democratic  New  Fabian  concept.  socialism  - 63 or  g r a d u a l i s m w o u l d mean " g r a d u a l e q u a l i z a t i o n "  or "gradual  n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f n a t i o n a l income". fact  this  seems t o be more o r l e s s what i s meant by d e m o c r a t i c  s o c i a l i s m t o many p e o p l e t o d a y . representation o f democratic of  t h e fundamental  of liberalism.  of  Democratic  clearly  T h i s w o u l d be a n i n a d e q u a t e  socialism,  Furthermore,  f r o m Communism, t h u s p a r a l y z i n g  be " a b o u t  ists  a  claim  the concept  to distinguish  freedom", and i f i t i s that  t h e Commun-  t h e n how c a n D e m o c r a t i c  superiority f o rtheir  ideology?  Complete  s o c i a l i z a t i o n and " l e v e l l i n g - o f f "  a t the cost  w e l l - k n o w n Communist a p p r o a c h e s .  I f t h e r e i s t o be a  difference  between D e m o c r a t i c  o f freedom a r e  i s interesting  to note  t h e F a b i a n Summer S c h o o l a t O x f o r d  Fabians are said  o f freedom.  the nature o f a  w h i c h i s p r e s e n t l y f a c e d by t h e F a b i a n s . at  real  S o c i a l i s m a n d Communism, i t  seems t o have t o be w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e c o n c e p t  It  itself  i t s effectiveness to  r a t h e r than freedom  today c a n c l a i m accomplishments,  Socialists  namely,  I f s o c i a l i s m w e r e meant  e q u a l i t y " and n o t " b o u t  with respect to equality  socialism,  without  S o c i a l i s m may f a i l  c h a l l e n g e t h e Communist i d e o l o g y . to  f o r i t l e a v e s o u t one  dynamics o f d e m o c r a t i c  the s p i r i t freedom  In  During  i n 1955  difficulty  the discussion  t h e younger  t o have t o l d R.H. C r o s s m a n ,  " I f y o u a r e g o i n g t o have S o c i a l i s m a n d a p l a n n e d economy, why n o t make a r e a l j o b o f i t ? . . . F o r h e a v e n ' s s a k e , make up y o u r m i n d s . I f you a r e . s t i l l S o c i a l i s t s , go f o r i t one h u n d r e d p e r c e n t . " " ° 96.  R.H. C r o s s m a n , " S o c i a l i s m a n d t h e New D e s p o t i s m " , T r a c t No. 298. February 1956.  Fabian  - 64 Mr.  A . J . P . T a y l o r who  listened  had  been i n v i t e d t h e r e  t o t h e s e y o u n g e r F a b i a n s and  by Mr.  Crossman  i s s a i d t o have asked  them i  " V e r y w e l l , my f r i e n d s , answer me one question. I f you r e a l l y b e l i e v e a l l t h a t , why d o n ' t you join t h e Communist P a r t y ? I f you want one h u n d r e d p e r c e n t S o c i a l i s m , w h a t ' s wrong w i t h t h e S o v i e t U n i o n ? "  According  t o Mr.  Crossman, " t h e y c o u l d  not  g i v e much o f  an  97 answer t o Mr.  Taylor's  question."  These c o n v e r s a t i o n s the  current  trouble  f r e e d o m , o r do r e - c a s t the do  not  idea of  of democratic want t o  on  the  lose i t , yet  socialization  nature  of  T h e y want  they are  unable  i n terms o f freedom. attempt  to  concept o f freedom, though they are  to They  found them-  essentially liberals.  The seriously  by  question the  o f freedom w i l l  thinkers  of democratic  this  connection,  that  s e v e r a l y e a r s a f t e r the  Essays? seems t o  the  however, i t may  Fabian Society published  be more o r i e n t e d  Ibid.  be  an  have t o  i n the  be  faced  more  s o c i a l i s m today. encouraging  p u b l i c a t i o n of the  s o c i a l i s m i n terms o f f r e e d o m . 97.  socialists.  seem t o have been s u c c e s s f u l i n t h e  socialism selves  not  i n d i c a t e somewhat t h e  Tract  No.  New 298,  In  tendency Fabian which  d i r e c t i o n of a re-thinking Such a r e - t h i n k i n g would  not  of  - 65 be. a n i n n o v a t i o n , ism,  but r a t h e r  a l i e n to the t r a d i t i o n o f Democratic S o c i a l -  a r e s t o r a t i o n or r e t u r n t o i t s e s s e n t i a l char-  acter.  I t i s known t h a t  "men a n d women have j o i n e d  Party,"  t o q u o t e The E c o n o m i s t ?  the Labour  "because t h e y b e l i e v e d  was f i g h t i n g t h e b a t t l e f o r p o p u l a r  emancipation.  that i t  They  looked  98 for  freedom through s o c i a l i s m . "  Socialists  should  What t h e D e m o c r a t i c  do i s t o r e v i t a l i z e  their  a s p i r a t i o n and r e i n t e r p r e t i t i n t h e l i g h t  early  o f modern  The P r a c t i c a l S i d e o f t h e Q u e s t i o n o f R e t h i n k i n g D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m i n Terms o f F r e e d o m: .  The  "practical"  when we c o n s i d e r  importance o f the d i s t i n c t i o n  following  serve  t o be f a c e d  such a r e a s there sections, l i t t l e  of gradualism. to  the tasks  W.  by t h e d e m o c r a t i c  may be, a s we s h a l l  discuss i n  chance f o r s u c c e s s f u l  T h e r e may be n e i t h e r  favourable  adoption  an e x i s t i n g democracy  f o r i t s emergence.  o f d e m o c r a c y t h u s may be t o t a l l y i s , that  should  become c o g e n t  as an instrument f o r gradualism nor s u f f i c i e n t  conditions  point  between  i n such r e v o l u t i o n a r y areas as A s i a o r A f r i c a .  In the  conditions.  c.  g r a d u a l i s m and t h e p r i n c i p l e o f f r e e d o m w i l l  socialists  liberalist  i f there  i s little  then democratic s o c i a l i s t s  "NotSo P r o d i g a l  11,  1956.  The " i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y "  l a c k i n g i n such a r e a s . possibility  The  f o r gradualism,  s i t back and w a t c h t h e  Son". The Economist. London. F e b r u a r y  - 66 -  Communists t a k e o v e r s u c h c o u n t r i e s . to p r e s c r i b e  the actions  would h a r d l y  be a b l e  It democratic principle  o f democratic  socialists,  seems t o u s , t h e r e f o r e ,  by f o u n d i n g i t o n t h e c o n c e p t  that  basis  o r o n a more f u n d a m e n t a l  constitutes a potential threat  if  more s e r i o u s l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y  Democratic  concept  task.  government t h a n an i d e o l o g y  cannot To  their  cardinal  that  that  concept.  a s i t u a t i o n i s , t h e more o f freedom, society.  t r a d i t i o n s i n a country, there f o r the development o f f r e e  conceived i n freedom.  has been s a i d t h a t  poverty-stricken  mean l i t t l e  situation itself  S o c i a l i s t s want t o e s t a b l i s h a f r e e  seems t o be no s t r o n g e r b u l w a r k  probably,  than equality,i . e .  have t o be t h e r o l e o f t h e c o n c e p t  Where t h e r e a r e few l i b e r a l  It  by r e - d e f i n i n g  t o freedom, i t i s v i t a l  S o c i a l i s t s make f r e e d o m  important w i l l  only  than the g r a d u a l i s t  Moreover, s i n c e a r e v o l u t i o n a r y  The  they  o f freedom, c a n Democratic  hope t o a c c o m p l i s h t h e i r  Democratic  then  to act i n a revolutionary situation.  s o c i a l i s m on a broader  Socialists  I f g r a d u a l i s m a l o n e were  freedom  means l i t t l e  p e o p l e s i n A s i a and A f r i c a .  freedoms o f speech,  to the  I t i s true,  association, or press  may  when p e o p l e a r e s u f f e r i n g f r o m p o v e r t y and t h u s  actually utilize  these formal guarantees  f o r freedom.  them, t h e d e s i r e f o r f o o d w o u l d n a t u r a l l y come b e f o r e  their  desire  f o r t h e freedoms o f speech and a s s o c i a t i o n .  Yet  - 67 this  fact  must n o t b e l i t t l e  t h e importance  o f freedom  f o r those  people. I t was t h e i n s i g h t o f e a r l y s o c i a l i s t s t o p o i n t o u t that  those formal guarantees  realization  f o r freedom  of a free l i f e .  The n e c e s s a r y economic needs and  b a s i c human d e s i r e s must be s a t i s f i e d v a l u e s o f freedom. this is  sense  a part  problem  were not enough f o r  b e f o r e man c a n e n j o y t h e  P o v e r t y o r low l i v i n g - s t a n d a r d s  be l i n k e d w i t h t h e p r o b l e m o f t h e e n t i r e problem  o f freedom.  o f freedom.  t o the peoples o f underdeveloped  this  has been used  no  In fact i t  I f we r e g a r d t h e  o f p o v e r t y i n r e l a t i o n w i t h f r e e d o m , i t c a n be made  meaningful  and  can i n  logic  to j u s t i f y freedom  their  areas.  by t h e Communists t o s u p p r e s s  doing  so when t h e y s a y :  freedom  " t h e r e c a n be  u n t i l y o u h a v e t h e means t o e n j o y i t . "  they n o t o n l y succeed  A part of  I n t h i s way  i n subjugating peoples, but also  have  managed t o p u t o f f , o r t o l e a v e o u t , t h e q u e s t i o n o f f r e e d o m . The  Democratic  Socialists will  h o n e s t l y a n d make i t t h e i r sense,  the concept  cratic  Socialists  have t o f a c e t h e q u e s t i o n  cardinal issue.  o f freedom  can serve t h e purpose  i n the underdeveloped  So f a r we have a r g u e d rather than that central  concept  Therefore, i n this  that  o f Demo-  countries, too.  1) t h e c o n c e p t o f f r e e d o m  o f e q u a l i t y o r g r a d u a l i s m s h o u l d be made t h e o f Democratic  Socialism,  New F a b i a n s t o r e d e f i n e D e m o c r a t i c  2) t h e a t t e m p t  Socialism  i n terms o f  o f the  - 68 equality  seems t o be  r e g a r d e d as  one  ism,  under r e v o l u t i o n a r y  and  h)  i s t s may  not  gradualism, a vital  of  inappropriate,  only but  the  tactical  have t o  a l s o the  r o l e and  the  should  conditions,  be  Democratic S o c i a l -  turn to p r i n c i p l e s other concept of  therefore  sections,  gradualism  concepts of Democratic S o c i a l -  should  W i t h t h e s e p o i n t s , we following  3)  nature of  freedom w i l l  need t o  adequately  treated.  be  now  t u r n to c o n s i d e r ,  the  o f D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m when a p p l i e d  than play  in  present  difficulty  to A s i a ,  generally,  the  and  to Korea i n p a r t i c u l a r .  d . A s i a and The  struggle  Communism i n A s i a has many r e a s o n s f o r  First,  laissez-faire more o r  one  of W e s t e r n - s t y l e democracy not  been v e r y  to the  ideology  economy, and  there  are  itself,  difficulties  certain  is  the  t h a t most o f t h e  be  " D e m o c r a c i e s " a t home. see  of is  today, e s p e c i a l l y i n academic  among i n t e l l e c t u a l s .  peoples of Asia  idea  with i t , capitalism i n general,  c i r c l e s and  hating  s u c c e s s f u l , and  o f i t s e a r l y c e n t r a l i d e a l s , the  l e s s d i s c r e d i t e d there  fact  against  this.  In regard arise.  Western Democracy:  Second, t h e r e  was  c o l o n i a l powers i n A s i a  T h i s means t h a t  the  i n Western-style  symbol o f W e s t e r n - s t y l e c o l o n i a l r u l e . a n d  and  still  claim  to  colonialism-  "democracy"  imperialism.  a And,  - 69 it  i s t o be n o t e d  that  same t i m e c a p i t a l i s t i c of Western nations like  this.  these "democratic" nations are a t the nations.  thus c o n s t r u c t e d  "Democracy",  Capitalism,  Unfortunately,  by A s i a n s i s s o m e t h i n g .  Colonialism  the three d i f f e r e n t  Another f a c t o r ,  the p i c t u r e  (imperialism),  and  h e a d s o f one m o n s t e r .  however,  p e r h a p s t h e most  one, i s t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y A s i a n s o c i a l  situation,  s o c i a l revolution or at least  reform.  drastic  important  demanding  I t demands  s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n even before there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y realizing  some o f t h e i d e a l s o f modern d e m o c r a c y ,  i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. take a choice,  and e v e n d i c t a t o r s h i p "Democracy"  without  social  than s o c i a l reform without  impelled  to take  t h a n t h e mere i n d i v i d u a l  of  such as  I f t h e p e o p l e t h e r e a r e now  t h e y w o u l d be more i n c l i n e d  of  to  revolution  freedoms.  r e f o r m w o u l d be more m e a n i n g l e s s "democracy".  Moreover, without a r e v o l u t i o n a r y program f o r s o c i a l reform,  "democracy" would  sooner or l a t e r  pressure of current Asian conditions.  f o u n d e r under the  I f Indian  democracy  u n d e r N e h r u and Burmese d e m o c r a c y u n d e r U Nu have relatively the d r a s t i c and  successful social  so f a r , i t must  r e f o r m s t h e two  be a t t r i b u t e d more t o  l e a d e r s have a s p i r e d  so f a r b r o u g h t a b o u t , t h a n t o a n y o t h e r f a c t o r .  democracy under P r e s i d e n t Magsaysay in  been  this  respect.  seems t o be no  to  Filipino exception  - 70 On t h e o t h e r hand, a s p e c t a c u l a r example o f f a i l u r e o f d e m o c r a c y t h a t was m a i n l y  due t o t h e n e g l e c t o f s o c i a l  r e f o r m was, a s we know now, t h e K u o m i n t a n g ' s C h i n a . p e r i o d o f a generation, the Chinese institute  Nationalists  the s o c i a l and economic r e f o r m s  needed, e s p e c i a l l y t h e l a n d  Over t h e  f a i l e d to  so d e s p e r a t e l y  reform.  Where e c o n o m i c power  i s concentrated  i n t h e hands o f  a few s e m i - f e u d a l l a n d l o r d s , e v e n t h e p r o c e s s o f p o p u l a r election w i l l office,  o n l y throw t h e s e power-hungry l a n d l o r d s i n t o  and e n a b l e  o f government further  them  to u t i l i z e  to preserve their  exploit  a l l the powerful machinery  entrenched  i n t e r e s t s and t o  the a l r e a d y down-trodden masses.  T h i s i s what  h a s happened i n K o r e a f o r i n s t a n c e , and e v e n a l e a d i n g p u b l i c figure It  l i k e Syngman Rhee may be t o o i m p o t e n t  i s n o t one man's f a u l t ,  i t i s the fault  t o remedy i t .  of the entire  society.  Thus o n l y t h e f o r m a l a s p e c t s o f d e m o c r a c y , s u c h a s mere u n i v e r s a l  s u f f r a g e and a s y s t e m o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a n d  constitutional  g o v e r n m e n t , may be p u t f o r w a r d .  representative  government t u r n s o u t t o be t h e government o f  the p r i v i l e g e d  few, who m a n i p u l a t e  whose aims a r e power in fact, lords.  nothing  else  a n d money.  The  supposedly  t h e e n t i r e e l e c t i o n , and  "Democracy"  h e r e may  produce,  but a n " e x e c u t i v e committee" o f t h e l a n d -  C o r r u p t i o n o f t h e government  becomes  inevitable.  - 71 Thence, i n t e l l e c t u a l s dissatisfied the  general  t h e m a s s e s become  w i t h W e s t e r n - s t y l e "Democracy".  S u c h has b e e n  f a t e o f democracy i n A s i a .  e.  Communist S u c c e s s i n A s i a :  Turning different  become d i s i l l u s i o n e d ,  to Asian  situation.  Communism, we  find  a  T h e r e has been a s p e c t a c u l a r  success i n A s i a i n the l a s t  ten years.  success,  understanding  f o r only  o f t h o s e f a c t o r s c a n we hope t o f i n d  contributed  some  basis  Communism c a n  sought.  Earlier, p a p e r , we  i n the second s e c t i o n o f Chapter I I o f t h i s  characterized  revolutionary party. Party  This  as p r i m a r i l y a  e s s e n t i a l n a t u r e o f t h e Communist i s the source of i t s  as w e l l as o f i t s weakness.  We strong  t h e Communist P a r t y  as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n  strength,  c a n s a y t h a t , whenever t h e Communist P a r t y  s u p p o r t and w i e l d s  a major p o l i t i c a l for  have  t h r o u g h a p r o p e r a p p r a i s a l and  i n which f u t u r e p o l i c i e s and s t r a t e g y a g a i n s t be  Communist  I t i s important to  grasp c l e a r l y and c o r r e c t l y t h o s e f a c t o r s t h a t to that  totally  revolution.  a revolutionary is negligible.  great  force, there  commands  i n f l u e n c e , w h e r e v e r i t becomes must e x i s t c o n d i t i o n s  Conversely, i f there  is little  favourable  i n t h e way o f  s i t u a t i o n i n a s o c i e t y , Communist  strength  - 72  -  What, t h e n i s a r e v o l u t i o n a r y c a l l y , what a r e  those conditions  success i n Asia? when we  find  We  (1)  can  corruption of  speak o f the  a widespread  masses o f a p o p u l a t i o n  that  situation?  (3)  Communist  possibility  revolution  (4)  revolutionaries;  f a c t o r s , s u c h as  armed f o r c e s and With the all  the  other  intellectuals,  exception  of the  f a c t o r s are  presence of  o f the  o b j e c t i v e , and  f a c t o r s a s p o v e r t y and be  that a ruling  intensity of in  this  not  be  symptoms and  events.  we  w i l l only  spread of  an  suppressed  as  seems by  the  conditions  some o f  the  manifested  substantial  through various  revolutionary  to  However, i t  r u l e r s to sense any  indicate briefly  objective  frightened  enthusiasm.  revolutionary the  by  of  people,  It often  a d e t a i l e d treatment of  present  t r y to  characteristics.  even the  p e o p l e more i n d i r e c t l y ,  Leaving aside  f o r the  And  economic i n e q u a l i t y .  hard f o r the  the  background o f the  grasped  suppressed popular h o s t i l i t y ,  h o s t i l i t y of  fertile  be  and  legal  etc.  o f the  grasped, through such  of revolutionary  too  defection  can  government i s s t a r t l e d  some o u t b u r s t  should  be  a deep  organized  suppressed h o s t i l i t y  p e o p l e may  (2)  the  foreign intervention,  o b s e r v e r w i t h o u t much d i f f i c u l t y . hostility  of  a b s e n c e o f p o p u l a r and  means t o change g o v e r n m e n t , and  of  suppressed h o s t i l i t y  the  specifi-  have u n d e r l a i n  toward a r u l i n g m i n o r i t y ,  government,  More  force,  factual  historical i n Asia,  so  Communism,  i t s salient  0  - 73 f..  -  C o l o n i a l i s m — A ease  Study:  When W e s t e r n c a p i t a l i s m , new  t r a d i n g markets,  the  Asiatic  had  no  new  visitors  n a t i o n s were s t i l l  i n t e n t i o n o f opening  find  A s i a more t h a n a c e n t u r y  ago,  under  They  their  the f i r s t  f e u d a l i s m i n 1868.  kingdom when J a p a n t i v e now  to  Korea  after Did  K o r e a was  still  a corrupted, feudal  Western o r d e r of t h i n g s .  a l o n e and w i l l  to r e s t r i c t  We  representa-  will try  our  attention  show what happened t o a f e u d a l  modern n a t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d a c o l o n i a l  modern n a t i o n s w i t h t h e i r  modern i n d u s t r y and  society rule.  political  (such as democracy o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy) t r y t o  do away w i t h t h e f e u d a l  social  society?  statistics will  the  the  c o u n t r y t o throw o f f t h e c o a t  t o o k i t o v e r c o m p l e t e l y i n 1910,  o f t h e new  an advanced  systems  rule.  ports or trading with  h e r e , f o r the sake o f convenience, to  feudalistic  f r o m t h e West.  J a p a n was of  came i n t o  e a g e r and a n x i o u s  The  following  case here i s Korea.  s t r u c t u r e o r t r y t o advance speak  a  f o r themselves;  - 7h 99  Trend o f i n c r e a s e i n tenant farmers ( K o r e a was, a s i t i s s t i l l t o d a y , p r i m a r i l y a n a g r i c u l t u r a l n a t i o n when J a p a n t o o k o v e r i n 1910).  YEAR Independent  1913-17 1918-22 1923-27 1928-32 1933-37 1939-  555,000 529,000 529,000 497,000 5^7,000 539,000  NUMBER OF FARMING FAMILIES Owning P a r t a n d % Renting Part %  21.8 20.4 20.2 18.4 19.2 19.O  991,000 1,015,000 920,000 853,000 732,000 719,000  38.8 39.0 35.1 31.425.6 25.3  Tenant  1,008,000 1,098,000 1,172,000 1,360,000 1,577,000 1,583,000  %  39.440.6 44.7 50.2 55.2 55.7  ( N o t e t h e s h a r p d e c r e a s e o f f a r m e r s who owned a p a r t o f t h e i r l a n d , and r e n t e d t h e r e s t o f i t , a n d who c o n s t i t u t e d a s o c i a l b r i d g e between t h e u p p e r l a n d owners a n d l o w e r t e n a n t s ) .  100  T a b l e o f b i g landowners  100 s q u a r e chong A: Japanese Korean Over  Year  1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927  213 199 • 220 228 230 245 239 (&  266 189 217 237 270 239 210  a b o u t 14.5  by n a t i o n a l i t y  Over 200 s q u a r e 150 s q u a r e chong chong Japanese Korean Japanese Korean Over  108 105 113 126 130 121 122  7¥ *  96 80 •  100.  66 62 67 48 45 66 45  chong make one m i l e ) .  As we c a n s e e f r o m t h e a b o v e two t a b l e s , 99.  I69 176 178 I67 1^0 177 192  94 76 72 71  as the years passed  S o c i a l a n d Economic H i s t o r y o f K o r e a u n d e r J a p a n e s e R u l e , a symposium by C h o n Suk-Tam, Lee K i - S o n , K i m H a n - J u , F e d e r a t i o n o f F i n a n c i a l A s s o c i a t i o n s , S e o u l , 1947, p.29. ( F i g u r e s b o r r o w e d f r o m Tokemoto S u z u k i ' s K o r e a n Economy p.266) I b i d . p.164 -  - 75 the concentration of land i n the hands of a few was further i n t e n s i f i e d under Japanese colonialism.  The semi-feudal  social  structure was not eliminated, but preserved. Japan would claim that i t raised the amount of food production by so many per cent.  I t was true that Korean  peasants were driven to increase food production. did the thus produced food go? increased production of food?  But where  Who benefited most by the Let us turn to the  figures  again. 101 Table of value of crop production and export  Year  Production  %  Thousand yen  Export  %  Thousand yen  1911  241,722  100  13,167  100  1939  1,644,004  680  385,958  2,931  (We must not forget that 80-90$ of food export went to Japan.)  How about the main crop, the Korean r i c e ?  are the figures about  101.  I b i d . p.133  it.  Here  - 76 Table of r i c e production and export.  Year  Production thousand bushels  1912-16 1917-21 1922-26 1927-31 1932-36 1937 1938 1939  12,303 14,101 14,501 15,798 17,002 19,410 26,796 24,138  %  102  Export  %  Amount of r i c e consumed per person i n Korea  thousand bushels 100 115 118 128 138 159 218 196  1,309 2,^3 4,375 6,616 8,735 7,201 10,996, 6,894  100 187 334 505 667 550 840 527  0.7188 bushel 0.6860 O.5871 0.4964 0.4017 0.5679 0.7031 0.7761  These figures show that an increase i n r i c e production did not necessarily mean an increased consumption by Korean farmers instead, except i n 1939, the average amount consumed per person i n Korea steadily decreased under the Japanese r u l e . The Japanese would often t a l k about the colossal c o l o n i a l expenditures, i n an attempt to show how generously they gave away their money to the Korean people. all  Actually,  the money spent i n Korea by the Japanese Government was  squeezed from the already impoverished Koreans, as the following figures w i l l show: 103 Japanese Governmental Revenue and Expenditure i n Korea YEAR 1911 1915 1919 102. 103.  Ibid. Ibid.  TOTAL EXPENDITURE (thousand yen) 46,172 56,869 93,026 pp.151-2 pp.83-85  TOTAL REVENUE (thousand yen) 52,285 62,722 125,803  - l i lt trying  seems s u p e r f l u o u s t o go f u r t h e r  than t h i s i n  t o show t h e n a t u r e o f modern c o l o n i a l i s m i n K o r e a  the Japanese.  T h e f e w b i g i n d u s t r i e s i n K o r e a were a l l owned  by J a p a n e s e . ment was  under  No i n d u s t r y f o r t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c a p i t a l e q u i p -  established.  The e x t r e m e l y l o w l i v i n g  the K o r e a n p e o p l e , t h e backwardness  standard of  i n industrial  development  o f K o r e a i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h J a p a n t o d a y , p r o v e how c o l o n i a l rule held  back t h e development  The  i n r u r a l tenancy, the d e c l i n e i n independ-  sharp i n c r e a s e  ent ownership brought f u r t h e r of the Korean people.  of Korean  Japanese  impoverishment  The e f f e c t  t h u s t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n and f u r t h e r  society.  of the majority  o f Japanese c o l o n i a l i s m strengthening  o f the c l a s s  d i v i s i o n and i n e q u a l i t y o f t h e o l d , s e m i - f e u d a l s o c i a l We modernize It  are often told  structure.  how m o d e r n c o l o n i a l powers h e l p e d  t h e f e u d a l and backward  i s true that  was  societies of their  colonies.  t h e s e s o c i e t i e s were b a c k w a r d , a n d , f o r t h a t  r e a s o n , were t a k e n o v e r by r e l a t i v e l y more a d v a n c e d  nations.  For e f f e c t i v e  e x p l o i t a t i o n the r u l i n g nations established  a centralized  administration,  2) a n improved  1)  system o f produc-  t i o n t o b o o s t o u t p u t o f raw m a t e r i a l s a n d f o o d , 3 ) a modern transportation  s y s t e m , a n d h) s o m e t h i n g i n t h e way o f p u b l i c  h e a l t h and e d u c a t i o n .  These  " m o d e r n i z a t i o n s " were t h e n e c e s s -  a r y m e a s u r e s f o r maximum c o l o n i a l  exploitation.  However, i t came t o be a n e f f e c t  of modernization  - 78 under colonialism that these backward and feudal societies started, gradually or suddenly, to develop and a t t a i n consciousness of s o c i a l and national unity, independently and i n spite of the c o l o n i a l r u l e r s , whose chief goal remained economic exploitation—which goal was generally achieved, to the general impoverishment of the victimized nations. The combination of the above two effects of c o l o n i a l ism—the impoverishment of society under c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n and at the same time the awakening of c o l o n i a l peoples under c o l o n i a l modernization, i s the background of present c o l o n i a l revolutions. Although the extent and degree of preservation of the old s o c i a l structure varied according to circumstances, i t may be said i n general that elimination of feudal s o c i a l structure did not go beyond what was expedient for maximum c o l o n i a l exploitation.  To do away with the old s o c i a l order e n t i r e l y  meant to democratize these s o c i e t i e s , and to democratize them meant to overempower them so much, that they threatened rule of the c o l o n i a l powers.  the  Thus Asian society did not pass  through the stages of such democratic revolutions as represented i n the West, by the French and American revolutions.  These  general observations apply not only to Korea, of course, but also to such countries as India, Burma, Indo-China, and 104 Indonesia. 104.  For interesting description of Western colonialism i n A s i a , see K.M. Panikkar's Asia and Western Dominance. New York, The John Day C o . , 1 9 5 4 . P a r t s II and I I I .  - 79 This of  basic  character  o f c o l o n i a l i s m as t h e d e t e r r e n t  s o c i a l progress determines the nature o f A s i a n  today,  Asian  nationalism  i s n o t a mere " n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r -  m i n a t i o n " o r " i n d e p e n d e n c e " movement. tion.  I f i t appears n a t i o n a l i s t i c ,  nationalist  It i s a social  c o l o n i a l i s m , which has been t h e perpetuator  g.  social  At  revolution i s impossible.  The Chances f o r D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m  those r e v o l u t i o n a r y  conditions  eventual  could  downfall.  the  difficulty  One c o u l d  situation,  "gradual"  being  o f "gradual"  "revolutionary".  say that  this  prepared. situaabout  elimination  or "abruptly".  "revolutionary",  Hard as i t might  B u t any-  presupposes  i t w o u l d n ' t be  be, however, t o a t t e m p t  change.of a s o c i e t y and a v o i d a n c e o f any t o t a l To a v o i d  dis-  r e v o l u t i o n as. much a s  i s , as Rousseau s a i d , a n axiom o f p o l i t i c s .  Here d e m o c r a t i c g r a d u a l i s m might ing  revolutionary  improvement—or  r u p t i o n i s always worthwhile. possible  because i t has  c u t down i t s i n f l u e n c e , and b r i n g  be e f f e c t e d e i t h e r " g r a d u a l l y "  revolutionary  i n Asia;  f o r which i t i s best  t h e same t i m e , t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h i s  t i o n would a u t o m a t i c a l l y its  elimination of  and p r o t e c t o r o f  Communism h a s been s u c c e s s f u l i n A s i a met  revolu-  o r i n s p i r e d c h i e f l y by  s e n t i m e n t , i t i s so because w i t h o u t  semi-feudalism,  nationalism  conditions  socialism, or the socialism of  be a d o p t e d i n A s i a , p r o v i d e d  are satisfied:  that  the follow-  (1) P r e s e n c e  80  -  of a successful parliamentary  (2) E x i s t e n c e o f a government i n democratic (3) P r e s e n c e  showing  improvement  processes;  of a Democratic S o c i a l i s t  can a t l e a s t  democracy;  expect  Party,  that  a parliamentary majority;  ( 4 0 A g r e a t l e a d e r o f D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s m who command t h e (5) S u f f i c i e n t  support time  o f the  f o r gradual  change;  (7)  aggression;  example, by a Communist c o u n t r y ,  former c o l o n i a l Sufficient  can  masses;  (6) A b s e n c e o f e x t e r n a l i n t e r f e r e n c e o r (for  or,  or  a  power)  s t r e n g t h to r e s i s t  internal revolu-  tion. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n i n some p a r t s Asia  today  seems h a r d l y t o s a t i s f y t h e s e  f o r adoption of gradualism. style parliamentary  internal injustice of the by  upon d r a s t i c  i s becoming more s e r i o u s .  Communists l e a v e l i t t l e  invasions  policies.  any  reform.  more c o r r u p t .  The  of long e x i s t e n t s o c i a l  The  presence  f o r an  A l l sorts of i n t e r n a t i o n a l  seem t o s t i f l e  reform  time  Western-  to produce  social  g e t t i n g more and  u n r e s t o f s o c i e t y growing out  gradualism.  their  seem t o be  requirements  I n most c o u n t r i e s , t h e  d e m o c r a c y seems u n a b l e  r e s p o n s i b l e government b e n t Administrations  lavish  of  and  eventual  operation  improvement  i n t e r f e r e n c e and  freedom o f governments to c a r r y out M o r e o v e r , most o f t h e  governments  are  -  81 -  t o o weak t o meet i n t e r n a l u n r e s t  without  Lastly,  p a r t i e s , except i n I n d i a and  the democratic  socialist  Burma, a r e e i t h e r t o o weak t o command divided  internally  t o c a r r y out united  example, had two s e p a r a t e s o c i a l i s t r i g h t wing ones.)  f r o m w i t h i n and f r o m w i t h o u t . and  gradual  assistance.  a majority, action.  or too  (Japan, f o r  p a r t i e s , l e f t wing and  The s i t u a t i o n m i g h t  o f n a t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t , were t h e r e  foreign  be l e f t  t o the course  no Communist t h r e a t  both  But time i s r u n n i n g a g a i n s t  slow  change.  How a b o u t o u r s e c o n d way o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e A s i a n revolutionary As is  faced  s i t u a t i o n t h e n — t h e way o f a b r u p t soon as a democratic  with d i r e c t r i v a l r y with  socialist  elimination?  turns  to this,  he  t h e Communists, t h e m a s t e r  revolutionaries. To  leave  the question  of revolution entirely to  Communists, however, means t o g u a r a n t e e e s t a b l i s h m e n t Communist r e g i m e a f t e r r e v o l u t i o n , f o r whoever l e a d s tion will fore,  also control the post-revolutionary  i fdemocratic  socialists  must be t h e l e a d e r s  of revolution.  a revolu-  regime.  amid r e v o l u t i o n a r y  want t o p r e v e n t Communist p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y  of a  There-  conditions  dominance,  they  They must r e t a i n i n t h e i r  hands " t h e hegemony o f r e v o l u t i o n " . Communists a r e f u l l y ance o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y  t a u g h t and aware o f t h e i m p o r t -  leadership.  -  82 -  "The m a i n t a c t i c a l p r i n c i p l e i s t h a t t h e p r o - * l e t a r i a t c a n a n d must be t h e ' l e a d e r ' o f t h e bourgeois-democratic revolution, the-'guiding force' o f t h e b o u r g e o i s - d e m o c r a t i c r e v o l u t i o n i n R u s s i a . " -5  Are able  t o lead  t h e contemporary democratic a revolution?  As d e m o c r a t i c  t o mean more o r l e s s t h e s o c i a l i s m  socialist  parties  socialism  h a s come  of gradualism, or s o c i a l i s m  through parliamentarism, the question o f r e v o l u t i o n neglected.  T o e n q u i r e i n t o t h i s q u e s t i o n m i g h t a p p e a r t o go  beyond t h e r e l e v a n t democratic (1)  socialism.  vital political  faith  the  o f the p o l i t i c s o f  B u t t h i s may be a wrong p o s i t i o n , f o r ideology  should l e a v e o u t such a  problem as r e v o l u t i o n from t h e scope o f i t s  (2) the essence o f democratic  socialism  i s not the  i n gradualism or parliamentarism, but the f a i t h i n  liberty.  it  scope, t h e r e f o r e ,  no g e n u i n e p o l i t i c a l  inquiry;  i s entirely  A s we h a v e s e e n i n t h e t h i r d  core o f democratic i s the true  socialism  lies  heir of liberalism.  section  o f Chapter I I ,  i n i t s assumption  that  The r o l e o f d e m o c r a t i c  s o c i a l i s m a s t h e new c h a m p i o n o f l i b e r a l i s m i s e x e m p l i f i e d the  replacement o f the B r i t i s h L i b e r a l Party  Party.  Gradualism, o r parliamentarism, which  by t h e L a b o u r s p l i t the  s o c i a l i s t movement i n two, grew o u t n o t f r o m some doctrine,  but from the " l i b e r a l i s t  who had j o i n e d  10J>.  Lenin,  the s o c i a l i s t  by  abstract  temperament" o f s o c i a l i s t s ,  ranks p r i m a r i l y  t o s a v e human  "Two T a c t i c s o f S o c i a l Democracy i n t h e D e m o c r a t i c R e v o l u t i o n " , H i s t o r y o f t h e Communist P a r t y o f t h e S o v i e t U n i o n , p . 66.  - 83 freedom.  Democratic  liberals,  second  liberals." If  socialists  socialists",  T h e y a r e and  t h e y were ever  should  but  must be  socialists,  meaning o f d e m o c r a t i c facing  liberals,  liberals  through  socialism  lies  socialism  h.  If  the  I t i s not  of  r e v o l u t i o n and  in  order  be c a p a b l e  then,  In  this  against  the  freedom.  Democratic  must f a c e t h e  question  of leading a revolutionary battle  t o d e p r i v e t h e Communists o f a n y  Communist r e g i m e , we  through.  a revolution i f  to a c h i e v e  socialists,  and  ideals.  The I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o m p e t e n c e o f Socialismt  democratic  second  justification for  t o c a r r y out  o h l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y means a r e l e f t  "first  because t h e y b e l i e v e d  the l i b e r a l  the q u e s t i o n of r e v o l u t i o n .  cause of democratic  a  "first  i t was  that only socialism could achieve  t h e r e f o r e be n o t  must c o n s i d e r t h e i r  chance t o  establish  competence f o r  this  task. T h i s q u e s t i o n o f competence must be three aspects: The  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and  beyond t h e the  organizational, tactical,  scope o f t h i s  ideological aspect.  concerned  tactical  The  but  ideological.  also are deducible  t h i s reason,  with o n l y the t h i r d ,  and  from  a s p e c t s , however, a r e n o t  thesis, For  considered  we  are here  the i d e o l o g i c a l ,  p i c t u r e i s h a r d l y an encouraging  i d e o l o g i c a l incompetence o f democratic  from  chiefly  aspect.  one.  socialists  only  The  to lead  - 84r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements may to  give proper  seems more a n to  than  l i e i n the ideology  the  s i n e qua  important not  First non  but  o n l y one  (2) dom  should  socialist  to n e g l e c t o f the  the cause.  be  of democratic  all,  but  should  seems  of i t s tactical  not  be  considered  I t i s of course  an  s o c i a l i s m t h a t i t does  embraces w i t h i n i t s e l f .  Gradualism  is  and  principles.  have a r g u e d  earlier,  g i v e n adequate r o l e  Democratic  i n the  the  concept  of  structure of  s o c i a l i s m seems t o have an  t h e S t a t e - o w n e d and  able  this  b a s i c cause  socialism.  dogma t h a t n e e d s r e - e x a m i n i n g — i . e .  be  But  itself.  of a l l , gradualism  As we  leaders  free-  democratic  ideology.  (3)  order,  The  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f democratic  exclude,  must be  be due  a t t e n t i o n to matters o f i d e o l o g y . effect  (1)  -  to put  a n end  that s o c i a l i s t  State-run  to a l l s o c i a l  old  economic  system, would not injustices  only  o n c e and  a l s o be a b l e t o b r i n g us a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n t o  for  the  "Kingdom o f F r e e d o m " .  T h i s has which a l l the  been a t r a d i t i o n a l  early socialists,  Socialists alike, Communists, i t has  subscribed. been t h e  Democratic S o c i a l i s t s  into  Communists and Even a f t e r  haunting a  socialist  ghost  the  assumption Democratic '  break w i t h  t h a t has  state of constant  to  the  put  ideological  - 85 uncertainty.  By  d e m o c r a c y and  the  -  temperament, D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s t s i d e a o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  But  i f the  above g e n e r a l  why  should  Democratic S o c i a l i s t s  socialist  economy, e v e n a t t h e  Nevertheless, by n a t u r e t h e y were t o o p r i n c i p l e of p o l i t i c a l self"  parties. divided  of l e f t From t h e  s e l f and  danger.  and  they c o u l d not  sacrifice  to  expediency.  This  very  state of  How  and  tried  that  why  e v e n t h e Webbs ended t h e i r  " S o c i a l i s m and  time.  of tragic life  the  socialist  or  I t was  this  subsequent  to u n i f y t h i s  they are  a demand, a c r y o f a d i v i d e d m i n d . a life  in  t h e y must have f e l t  t h e r e f o r e w e r e aware o f t h e  the  "divided  finds i t s expression  beginning,  for  freedom to  r i g h t wings w i t h i n democratic  e x p l a i n a t the  lived  democracy?  liberalist  conclusion a r r i v e d at a f t e r a long  Socialists  e s t a b l i s h the  become c o m m u n i s t s ,  when t h e y a s s e r t e d  inseparable."  h e s i t a t e to  they couldn't  Thus t h e y c o n s c i o u s l y  mentality  government.  assumption were t r u e ,  cost of  of Democratic S o c i a l i s t s  wide s p l i t  are  socialist  cherished  Democracy  should not  divided  be  inseparable,  a theoretical  i n v e s t i g a t i o n , but  rather  I n t h i s d i v i d e d m i n d , many i d e o l o g i c a l wandering,  i n admiration  o f the  and  Soviet  regime.  However, i t was socialist to the  made c l e a r r e c e n t l y t h a t t h e  assumption that a s o c i a l i s t  economy i s t h e  "Kingdom o f Freedom" i s a dogma.  old  gateway  In theory, i n d i v i d u a l  t  - 86  f r e e d o m s may  be s a i d n o t  t o be c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e 106  economy u n d e r s o c i a l i s m ; e c o n o m i c and that  political  socialist  still  i n practice,  Soviet  Russia's  a friend,  N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t seems t h i s  e n t e r t a i n e d by D e m o c r a t i c  socialist  indivi-  dogma i s  Socialists. burdened  with  same dogma, t h e y a r e doomed t o l o s e t h e l e a d e r s h i p , f o r  t h e y want t o go  t h e same r o a d o n l y " g r a d u a l l y " ,  s l o w l y " t h a n t h e Communists, and  democratic  socialism  s h o u l d be  "slower, cautious s o c i a l i s m "  Democratic  s t i c k t o the above s o c i a l i s t  role.  T h i s i s one  something  h a v e two  dogma, and  reason  other than  or the "one-half  socialists  i . e . "more  t o go t h e same r o a d more  s l o w l y means t o g i v e up t h e l e a d i n g why  proof  b u t a n enemy o f  I f t h e y compete w i t h t h e Communists, this  planned  development o f f e r s an u n d e n i a b l e  economy i s n o t  d u a l freedoms.  -  the  socialism".  choices.  One  i s to  t h u s t a k e t h e same  r o a d a s t h e communists, more s l o w l y , i n w h i c h c a s e t h e r e be no no  democratic  democratic  u n i s t s who Communist  socialist  socialists  a r e used  leadership.  S o c i a l D e m o c r a t s who illustrates  106.  and  this  leadership—in fact  as  such,  except those p o l i t i c a l  t h e n d e n o u n c e d and The  lost  there w i l l  purged  i n time  f a t e o f so many M e h s h e v i k s , their  b a t t l e to the  be opportby  early  Communists,  situation.  Hayek. F r i e d r i c h A . The Road t o S e r f d o m . C h i c a g o . U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1944. T  will  - 87 The assumption and  other choice i s to f i n d  f o r democratic  more c o r r e c t ,  democratic To do  socialism,  a different and  thus take a  be l e a d e r s o f t h e i r  t h i s w o u l d r e q u i r e a new socialism,  approach  and we  toward  different, case  own  movement.  the  definition  a r e w e l l aware o f t h e  Democratic  socialists  should take a  s t a n d i n r e g a r d t o t h e modern d e m o c r a t i c o f government t h a n t h o s e ambiguous  diffi-  realized  "only through"  one  the o t h e r .  t o be a g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e o f d e m o c r a t i c of p o l i t i c a l  clearer  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system  statements  S o c i a l i s m are i n s e p a r a b l e or that  fully  sounder  involved.  (k)  and  and  r o a d t h a n t h e Communists, i n w h i c h  socialists will  of democratic culty  -  that  Democracy  c a n be a c h i e v e d  T h e y a r e too* v a g u e socialism  i n a l l types  action.  I s Democracy, i . e . t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s y s t e m g o v e r n m e n t , t h e s i n e qua n o n Should  socialism  Would s o c i a l i s m of  q u e s t i o n s , i f we  It  of the democratic  be p o s s i b l e u n d e r d e m o c r a c y ? We  o f modern  socialist  be a c h i e v e d o n l y t h r o u g h d e m o c r a t i c  s o c i a l i s m w o u l d i t be?  contemporary  or  ideal?  means?  I f s o , what  must have a n answer t o  sort  these  a r e t o a c t , f o r t h e y a r e i m p o s e d o n us  by  politics.  seems t o be c l e a r  l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f contemporary  by now  that  democratic  these four  ideo-  socialism are  closely  - 88 related the  t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f freedom.  failure  meaning  They  of democratic s o c i a l i s t s  o f f r e e d o m and t o f o u n d t h e i r  The f i r s t  seem t o stem  from  to grasp c l e a r l y the i d e o l o g y on i t .  task i n r e d e f i n i n g democratic s o c i a l i s m  therefore  c e n t e r s around a r e d e f i n i n g o f t h e meaning o f  freedom.  I s f r e e d o m s o m e t h i n g t h a t must be s a c r i f i c e d o r  ignored it  f o r t h e sake o f s o c i a l i z e d  be u n d e r s t o o d and how s h o u l d  socialist  research. cratic  should  be r e c a s t i n t h e l i g h t o f  H e r e we f a c e a t r e m e n d o u s  task o f t h e o r e t i c a l  I t may mean a r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e i d e o l o g y o f demo-  socialism.  democratic  I f n o t , how  the concepts o f t r a d i t i o n a l  e c o n o m i c s and p o l i t i c s  i t s meaning?  economy?  Yet, i t i s a challenge  s o c i a l i s t s must  face.  - - 0 - -  the contemporary  - 89 CHAPTER V  A NEW APPROACH TOWARD THE MEANING OF FREEDOM  In this new  understanding  c o n c l u d i n g c h a p t e r , we a r e g o i n g o f t h e meaning o f f r e e d o m — t h e  problem i n the r e - t h i n k i n g o f democratic hoped t h a t t h i s a t t e m p t , and  anything  for  overcoming  cratic  central  socialism.  though o n l y a v e r y b r i e f  but a t h e o r e t i c a l  t o seek a  It i s  suggestion,  system, w i l l p r o v i d e  something  t h e p r e s e n t i m p a s s e a n d u n c e r t a i n t y o f demo-  socialists,, a.  A Socialist  Dilemma  I n t h e f o r e g o i n g c h a p t e r , we t r i e d of t h e i d e o l o g i c a l d e f e c t s o f democratic to a c t u a l p o l i t i c a l  and s o c i a l  socialism  conditions.  i l l u m i n a t e t h e same d e f e c t s f r o m  t o show t h e n a t u r e  a different  i n relation  Here, i n order t o a n g l e , we w o u l d  like  t o examine one more d e f i n i t i o n o f d e m o c r a t i c  that  seems t o us c l e a r e r t h a n t h o s e d i s c u s s e d i n S e c t i o n I I  of the t h i r d  socialism,  chapters  " S o c i a l i s m i s a b e l i e f i n a fundamental r e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e s t r u c t u r e o f s o c i e t y , based o n t h e common o w n e r s h i p o f t h e means o f p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and exchange, t h e p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l , and t h e r e p l a c e m e n t o f m o t i v e s o f p r o f i t and ..aginpetition by t h o s e o f s e r v i c e a n d c o o p e r a t i o n . " °'  107.  Longmate, Norman, A S o c i a l i s t A n t h o l o g y . L o n d o n , P h o e n i x House L t d . , 1953? p.11.  - 90 There are, at l e a s t , definition, the  and we  "individual "the  an e a r l y  involved  socialist difficulty.  of a l l , i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of  l i b e r t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . "  socialism, and r e d u c e d t o  I t was  anything  s o c i a l i s t dream t o " r e d u c e " i n d i v i d u a l  t h e v i s i o n o f t h e "Kingdom o f Freedom" t h a t  so many e a r l y  s o c i a l i s t s ' t h o u g h t s and  the freedom  and v a r i e t y  inspired  freedoms  l i b e r t y i s that the other i n d i v i d u a l  especially  freedoms.  actions.  The r e a s o n f o r l i m i t i n g i n d i v i d u a l political  i n this  them o u t i n o r d e r t o show  freedoms" are i m p l i c i t l y l i m i t e d  political  I t was  problems  t r y to point  n a t u r e o f the present  First  but  will  two  to  freedoms,  t o c h o o s e and d e c i d e q u a l i t y ,  quantity,  o f e c o n o m i c p r o d u c t s , a r e n o t t h o u g h t t o be  compat-  i b l e w i t h t h e "common o w n e r s h i p o f means o f p r o d u c t i o n , t r i b u t i o n and e x c h a n g e . "  Whether o r n o t  dis-  " a l l forms" o f  common o w n e r s h i p o r o n l y "some f o r m s " o f common o w n e r s h i p economic  means a r e i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s  f r e e d o m , we the  must a d m i t t h a t w i t h o u t t h e economic  individual,  his political  it  i s h i s economic  of  his l i f e .  controlling or  freedom  o c c u p i e s the g r e a t e r  i s not free  of  t h r o u g h w h a t e v e r means, d e c i d i n g life?  part  i n choosing h i s job, i n  p r o d u c t i o n through markets  society!,: where i s h i s f r e e  economic  freedom i s i n s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r  a c t i v i t y that  I f a man  of  and t h e p r i c e  the economic  system,  trends  of  S o c i a l i s m was freedoms  nationalization  others that w i l l  The  Second, socialist  of the  realize  individual  i m p l y one  i f we  consider  m o t i v e and  further  the nature of the  o f even the " p o l i t i c a l  i n socialism.  Common o w n e r s h i p and  exchange,  competition  or another sort  when t h e g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h  of  o f t h e means  economy  body, i s  popular w i l l .  requires c o n t i n u i t y of the planning  political  l i b e r t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l  must  " p l a n n e d economy".  i s the a c t u a l planning  body, i . e . c o n t i n u i t y  o f government. implies  s t i c k t o i t s economic  Yet  and  the  a continuous or  p e r i o d i c a l change o f government by t h e p e o p l e .  subject  liberty  t o c a r r y out a p l a n n i n g  executing  is  come  by m o t i v e s o f s e r v i c e ,  to the c o n s t a n t l y s h i f t i n g  government h o n e s t l y  will  the replacement of  o f comprehensive  be d i f f i c u l t  Planning  both  o r by a l l o f  s o c i a l i s m t h u s d e f i n e d , we  the d i f f i c u l t y  However, i t w i l l  by  forms.  production, d i s t r i b u t i o n , profit  free-  State-ownership or  "co-ownership" o f an i n d u s t r y  economy u n d e r  individual"  subject  not.  o f "common owner-  and owners, o r by government and w o r k e r s  them i s one o f s u c h  the  sort  s h o u l d n o t be r e g a r d e d a s t h e o n l y f o r m o f  common o w n e r s h i p .  to  and i f one  means has p r o v e n t o c o s t  doms, i t must f i n d  workers  b o r n n o t to r e d u c e , but t o extend t h e  of the i n d i v i d u a l ,  s h i p " o f economic  -  91  How  can the  p l a n when i t s l i f e  to the constant f l u c t u a t i o n of p u b l i c opinion?  92  It  i s not  the  -  so e a s y t o u n i t e t h e n a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c p l a n n i n g  with  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s y s t e m o f government t h a t i s u n d e r ihe  con-  trol  of the popular  will.  a mere s e c t i o n a l o r inclusive,  Socialist  short-range  economic p l a n n i n g  planning.  long-range planning.  Mr.  NehruJs ambitious  I t i s an a l l -  It requires s t a b i l i t y  c o n t i n u i t y o f g o v e r n m e n t a s much a s ment.  i s not  i t does a  strong  and  govern-  F i v e Year P l a n would not  have  been p o s s i b l e i f h i s e x c e p t i o n a l p o p u l a r i t y d i d not  more  less  govern-  guarantee the  relatively  long  stability  ment.  What w i l l  he  d i e d o r when a n o p p o s i t i o n p a r t y w i t h  has  p o l i c y gets  happen t o I n d i a ' s f u t u r e f i v e  i n power, i s a n y o n e ' s g u e s s .  e v e n a t t h i s moment, an point ing tive  the  may  be  government and  socialist go  may  c a l l these  dilemma.  political  liberty  a different . c a n n o t but  the  two  T r y i n g t o make  socialistic  s o c i a l i s m as  element o f democratic  representaof  planned  economy  the  o f s o c i a l i s m the speaking  d e f i n e d a b o v e , and o r the modern  which i s thought s o c i a l i s m , can  plann-  eat i t too.  difficulties  o f the i n d i v i d u a l ,  system o f government  sense,  liberty  I n d i v i d u a l freedoms b r o a d l y  together with  p l a n when  of s o c i a l i s t  the p o l i t i c a l  t o t r y t o h a v e o n e ' s c a k e and  We  not  a type  have t o f a c e s o o n e r o r l a t e r .  i n d i v i d u a l f i t together with may  We  year  ultimate d i f f i c u l t y which i n t h i s  I n d i a n F i v e Y e a r P l a n as  democratic  of his  or  t o be  h a r d l y go  the  do  even  the  democratic indispensable  together  with  the planned  economy o f  p.  93 -  socialism.  F r e e d o m a s Man's Power Over H i s  T h e n what i s f r e e d o m ? difficult of  to grasp.  the o l d e s t  Would i t n o t  and  Equality  B u t what a b o u t  most d i f f i c u l t  be a t h e o r e t i c a l  Surroundings?  I s something  freedom?  not  Is i t not  philosophical  blunder t o drag  one  problems? the problem  of  0  freedom  into  It problem is  i s n o t our  of free w i l l .  objective  There  the p h i l o s o p h y o f  of far  intention, The  freedom—i.e.  freedom  however, t o t a c k l e we  something  have to d e a l w i t h objectively  do n o t  o r absence  of restraint, etc.  These  s t a n d t h e t e s t o f modern p o l i t i c s .  t h e German p e o p l e  s u p p o r t e d H i t l e r , and  more a v o l u n t a r y t h a n a f o r c e d  action,  was  y e t we  say  cannot  willingly for their  supported  s a y t h e y were u n d e r t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . t o d a y may  Communist r e g i m e , free.  died  be v o l u n t a r i l y o b e y i n g y e t we  M o d e r n s c i e n c e and  a r e i n no way technical  sense o f r e s t r a i n t from  The  their Emperor,  Russian  supporting t h e i r  inclined  to c a l l  them  advance have g i v e n r u l e r s  s u c h e f f e c t i v e means o f i n d o c t r i n a t i o n wipe out the  and  defini-  t h e i r support  g o v e r n m e n t v o l u n t a r i l y and  people  here  The m a j o r i t y  Japanese  we  the  meaningful.  Germans w e r e f r e e a t t h e t i m e .  yet  here  a r e v a r i o u s d e f i n i t i o n s o f f r e e d o m , f o r example:  voluntary action, tions  socialism?  that  they can not  t h e mind o f p e o p l e ,  only but  - 94 a l s o make them a c t " v o l u n t a r i l y " .  Popular  support  ment no more s e r v e s a s a l a n d m a r k t o d e m o c r a t i c Also,  the  "absence o f r e s t r a i n t "  mean by f r e e d o m , f o r t h e n we  cannot  cannot  of  govern-  government.  r e p r e s e n t what  we  d i s t i n g u i s h freedom  from  t h e " h a b i t u a t e d r e s t r a i n t " w h i c h i s t h e Communist c o n c e p t freedom, as p r e s e n t e d  by  of  Lenin:  "The e s c a p e f r o m t h i s p o p u l a r a c c o u n t i n g and c o n t r o l w i l l i n e v i t a b l y become so i n c r e d i b l y d i f f i c u l t . . . t h a t the n e c e s s i t y of o b s e r v i n g the simple f u n d a m e n t a l r u l e s o f human i n t e r c o u r s e w i l l v e r y s o o n become a h a b i t . And t h e n t h e d o o r w i l l be open f o r the t r a n s i t i o n from the f i r s t phase o f communist s o c i e t y t o i t s h i g h e r p h a s e , and w i t h i t t o t h e c o m p l e t e w i t h e r i n g away o f t h e s t a t e . " 1 0 8  H e r e L e n i n has of  freedom.  restraint is  I t i s the  t h a t has  become a h a b i t , and  accuse  sense  t h e Communist  "habituated necessity".  absence o f r e s t r a i n t .  freedom i n t h i s  best expressed  In fact  sought  his  How  A  same a s  " r e a l " m e a n i n g o f f r e e d o m seems t o be  s l a v e i s not f r e e  social  could  status.  b e c a u s e he  A people w i l l  not  has be  no  free,  his  108.  a p p e a r t o be a way  o f changing  theirs?  better surround-  power t o  change  i f i t has  power t o change i t s government s h o r t o f r e v o l u t i o n . t i o n may  we  s u p p r e s s i o n o f freedom i f our  i n "man's power t o change h i s s t a t u s and  ings".  restraint  t h e Communists a l s o c l a i m  m e a n i n g o f f r e e d o m w e r e t o be p r e t t y much t h e  The  I t i s the  ahhabituated  a s much a s a n a r c h i s t s .  t h e Communists f o r t h e i r  concept  no  Revolu-  g o v e r n m e n t , but when  L e n i n , " S t a t e and R e v o l u t i o n " , M a r x E n e e l s , M a r x i s m , ..Moscow, F o r e i g n Language P u b l i s h i n g H o u s e , 1951, pp.419-420 ?  we  l o o k a t i t s n a t u r e more c l o s e l y , we  cannot.say i t changes  a g o v e r n m e n t , f o r i t d o e s n o t c h a n g e , b u t d e s t r o y s one ment and c r e a t e s a new  one;  c r e a t i o n o f government. may  i t i s more p r o p e r l y t e r m e d a  A government c r e a t e d  be a f r e e o n e , i . e . s u b j e c t  a n u n f r e e one a s b e f o r e . its  by a  by t h e p e o p l e l i e s  freedoms.  For this  t h e c o r e o f modern  reason the existence o f an  political  official tests  for a  government.  Man's power  t o change h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s ,  depends on h i s knowledge; said.  k n o w l e d g e i s power,  Thus t h e e x t e n t o f h i s f r e e d o m may  l e d g e w h i c h c a n i n c r e a s e h i s power surroundings. become f r e e .  political  government may tions  however,  i t has been  depend o n h i s know-  t o c o n t r o l o r change h i s  T h e r e f o r e t h e more he knows, t h e more he In p o l i t i c s  freedom i s r e v e a l e d  this  freedoms.  information  R e s t r i c t i o n o n news a g e n c i e s  be t h e r e f o r e one o f t h e most, s e r i o u s  of p o l i t i c a l  by  limita-  freedom.  a means o f power,  seem t o be a t l e a s t  may  r e l a t i o n o f k n o w l e d g e and  by t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f means o f  In a s t r i c t e r is  be  be a b l e t o c h a n g e  o p p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a s t a t e c a n be one o f t h e b e s t  for  o r may  and i n t h i s p e a c e f u l c h a n g e o f  government  free  revolution  to popular control,  A f r e e p e o p l e must  government p e a c e f u l l y ,  govern-  s e n s e i t may  be s a i d  that  a n d h e n c e a means o f f r e e d o m .  knowledge There thus  two i m p o r t a n t means o f f r e e d o m , one o u r  - 96 k n o w l e d g e , and  t h e o t h e r t h e m a t e r i a l means, i . e . our  products i n general. depends a l s o change.  man  be  Man's power t o change h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s  upon t h e m a t e r i a l means a v a i l a b l e t o  I t c a n be a c t u a l l y  m a t e r i a l means, and said  exercised  o n l y when he  has  t o be a n l - a c t u a l l y f r e e  Traditionally,  therefore,  i t has  been s a i d  t o as many a s p o s s i b l e ,  o f a l l human f r e e d o m .  I n o r d e r t o make a v a i l a b l e  one  a l l t h e m a t e r i a l means o f l i v i n g  was  envisaged.  that  The  common o w n e r s h i p  i s the  basis  f o r every-  t h e "community"  and  to  t h u s t o make  system  I n o r d e r t o make t h e i n d e f i n i t e , e x p a n s i o n  production possible,  planned  of  economy were  immense e x p a n s i o n o f e c o n o m i c p r o d u c t i o n t h r o u g h  economy, i t was  thought, would  m a t i c a l l y t h e "Kingdom o f F r e e d o m " .  c.  can  being.  b o t h o f them a v a i l a b l e  both s t a r t e d  proper  t h e m a t e r i a l means  e c o n o m i c p r o d u c t s , and  socialized  effect  only through  i n c r e a s e k n o w l e d g e and  advocated.  economic  from  these  b r i n g about  S o c i a l i s m and  auto-  Communism  assumptions.  Freedom i n t h e Means o f Freedom;  T h e r e was  one  thinking of traditional  point,  socialists.  c h o o s i n g means o f f r e e d o m . power o r a b i l i t y  however, t h a t T h a t was  escaped  the  the freedom  I f t h e meaning o f f r e e d o m  of  i s man's  t o change h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s , he must be a b l e ,  n o t o n l y t o " p o s s e s s " means o f f r e e d o m , b u t a l s o t o  choose  .- 9.7 t h o s e means o f f r e e d o m . means, how  I f he c a n n o t change  c a n he change a n y t h i n g ?  c h o o s i n g knowledge, indispensable  or choose the  Thus, t h e freedom o f  o f c h o o s i n g m a t e r i a l means becomes t h e  basis o f a l l freedoms.  Freedom  of the press  s h o u l d always i m p l y freedom t o choose any i n f o r m a t i o n . mere abundance  o f means o f f r e e d o m d o e s n o t g u a r a n t e e t h e  automatic r e a l i z a t i o n o f freedom. to  change  here a l s o ,  h i s means o f f r e e d o m .  enquiry into  far tried  of  In short,  namely The or  T  to a p o l i t i c a l  free  philosophical  but w i t h t h o s e i d e o l o g y , we  o f power, and  have  T h e r e seem t h e r e f o r e  First  will  together  be t h e c o n t i n u e d  only  second w i l l  consist  scientific  amplifica-  o f means o f f r e e d o m ,  knowledge,  and t h e  i n t h e power by w h i c h man  c h o o s e s u c h means o f f r e e d o m .  two  for realization of  e x p a n s i o n and  i n q u a n t i t y as w e l l as i n v a r i e t y , economic p r o d u c t s ,  t o be  H i s power t o  can  power t o c o n t r o l t h o s e means a s w e l l .  like.  change  control  s u r r o u n d i n g s t h r o u g h v a r i o u s means must be s u b s t a n t i a t e d his  have  o f means o f f r e e d o m b u t a l s o f r e e d o m i n t h e means  c o n d i t i o n s t h a t must be s a t i s f i e d  tion,  he must be  i n order t o r e a l i z e freedom, not  freedom are n e c e s s a r y .  freedom.  be a b l e t o c h o o s e ,  then, not w i t h a  to d e f i n e freedom as a k i n d  a l s o t o show t h a t  abundance  must  the problem o f freedom per s e  a s p e c t s o f freedom p e r t i n e n t  tried  Man  i n h i s means o f f r e e d o m .  Concerning ourselves,  so  The  A man  may  by  be s u r r o u n d -  - .98 ed  -  by a b u n d a n c e o f g o o d s , y e t i f he  anything free The sist  except  t h a n an  t h a t w h i c h he  i g n o r a n t man  who  cannot  i s told  or  t o , he w i l l  d o e s n o t know how  value of private property i n t h i s i n t h a t i t guarantees  use  choose be no  t o use  connection  more them.  seems to" c o n -  t h e power o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l  c o n t r o l or dispose of h i s p o s s e s s i o n s , which are  to  actually  means o f h i s f r e e d o m .  d.  An A p p l i c a t i o n s  W i t h t h e s e two to c l a r i f y cratic  some o f t h e  a s p e c t s o f f r e e d o m , we  now  would  like  b a s i c i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s o f demo-  socialism.  Among men's s u r r o u n d i n g s , freedom are perhaps the p o l i t i c a l , surroundings. duals over  s u r r o u n d i n g s , we  t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f freedoms  1)  can  social  t o t h e power o f  say t h e r e a r e a t  e c o n o m i c , 2)  for  social,  indivileast  and  freedom.  ( 1 ) As  t h e most i m p o r t a n t  o f f r e e d o m , t h e economy has I t must, on  e c o n o m i c , and  S i n c e freedom i s r e l a t e d  these  3) p o l i t i c a l  t h o s e most i m p o r t a n t  t h e one  economic p r o d u c t s , a v a i l a b l e f o r men. process of their  two  s o u r c e o f m a t e r i a l means  f u n c t i o n s f o r human f r e e d o m .  h a n d , c o n t i n u o u s l y expand and  amplify  t h u s m a k i n g e v e r more means o f  freedom  On  t h e o t h e r hand t h e s e p r o d u c t s ,  production, the process  of t h e i r  the  distribution  - 99 and  consumption,  be  subject  is  satisfied  the  a l l t h e s e means o f f r e e d o m  to i n d i v i d u a l  control.  When t h e f i r s t  ( i n the assumption that  more goods and more m a c h i n e s  first  t h e m s e l v e s must  Communist c l a i m s  are true) r e a l  freedom  t o d a y , " t r u e " f r e e d o m may  hardly prevail  h a v e t o be t h e d u t y o f d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s t s  that  both c o n d i t i o n s a r e  also  i s subject  n a m e l y , i t must i n v o l v e a ) maximum c i v i l a s t h e means o f s o c i a l  his  freedom,  t h e use o f t h e s e p r i v i l e g e s . example, choose  It  to see t o i t  t o two  rights  b) f r e e d o m  Thus t h e r i g h t the freedom  or of  conditions, privileges  individuals  to education, of the  t o send or not t o send h i s c h i l d r e n t o rights  or p r i v i l e g e s "right  not e a s i l y p r e v a i l .  c o m p u l s o r y , we  social  and  should imply at l e a s t  case o f compulsory  fore,  either.  citizen  t h e t y p e o f e d u c a t i o n o r s c h o o l he w i s h e s , i f n o t  freedom  When c i v i l  may  the  satisfied.  (2) S o c i a l freedom  to  but  i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , a s i n t h e c a s e o f some u n d e r d e v e l o p e d  will  for  of  cannot  C o n v e r s e l y when t h e s e c o n d c o n d i t i o n i s met  countries  in  condition  i n the absence o f the second, as i n the case o f  Soviet Union  exist.  -  a r e made c o m p u l s o r y ,  t o work" f o r example, When t h e r i g h t  s o c i a l f r e e d o m must be t e s t e d and  real  as i n the freedom  t o w o r k i s made  are not f a r from the f o r c e d  r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s  school.  labour  camp.  There-  by t h e g u a r a n t e e o f v a r i o u s  lack of restriction  by t h e  c l a s s and o t h e r s t r u c t u r e s o f s o c i e t y , a s w e l l a s by t h e power  -  of  the individual  100 -  i n the f r e e  u s e o f t h e s e means o f s o c i a l  freedom,, (3)  In a similar  i n a ) t h e means a v a i l a b l e  manner, p o l i t i c a l to citizens  freedom  to effect  over t h e i r p o l i t i c a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s , and b) t h e i r  use  The r i g h t  o f t h e s e means.  to vote,  consists  their  control  power o f f r e e  the right  to opposi-  t i o n a n d o t h e r d e v i c e s o f modern r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government maybe  said  t o be t h e means by w h i c h c i t i z e n s  power o f c o n t r o l i n order  o v e r government.  can exercise  These p o l i t i c a l  t o be c o n d u c i v e t o f r e e d o m , be s u b j e c t  their  rights  t o the i n d i v i -  d u a l ' s power i n t h e f r e e  u s e o f them, i . e . t h e s e r i g h t s  not  When, f o r example, t h e r i g h t  is the  be made c o m p u l s o r y .  made " c o m p u l s o r y " , i t may become i n i m i c a l right  to c r i t i c i z e  t h e Communists'  be  a k i n t o Rousseau's i d e a o f " f o r c i n g  to vote  t o freedom.  so-called  a man t o be  p e r se prove e x i s t e n c e o f p o l i t i c a l politically  he  desires;  political  free,  i n short  freedom.  may  free".  political  o r t h e mere g u a r a n t e e o f them by a c o n s t i t u t i o n ,  be  When  " s e l f - c r i t i c i s m " , the effect  T h e r e f o r e t h e mere e x i s t e n c e o f v o t i n g o r o t h e r  not  should  i s made c o m p u l s o r y , a s i s i l l u s t r a t e d  by  rights,  must,  may  I n order to  a c i t i z e n must h a v e power t o u s e them a s he must be f r e e  also  i n t h e use o f h i s  rights.  Such p r i n c i p l e insufficient  o f f r e e d o m a l o n e , however, may be  i f we want t o work o u t some g u i d i n g  rules of  political  a c t i o n and t a c t i c s .  I t i s here  that  we n e e d  some  ethical principles,  L e n i n once s a i d  that  the i n t e r e s t s o f the c l a s s  Communist  ethics  consist i n  struggle.  "We s a y t h a t o u r m o r a l i t y i s e n t i r e l y s u b ordinated to the i n t e r e s t s o f c l a s s struggle of the p r o l e t a r i a t . " 1°9  From t h i s m o r a l i t y  o f c l a s s i n t e r e s t s was  j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a l l k i n d s o f Communist p o l i t i c a l I t was  this morality  m i l l i o n s of peasants  The  fined this  of  must  t h a n t h e Communist m o r a l i t y  I t must be a h u m a n i t a r i a n e t h i c t h a t  t h i s matter  of Utilitarian  have t o a b s t a i n  i s n o t conAnd f o r  useful  socialism.  ethics f o r p o l i t i c s  be more  of class  of the people.  of democratic  however, must be t r e a t e d  i n q u i r y , a n d we  The d e t a i l s of democratic  i n a separate t h e o r e t i c a l  from any f u r t h e r  treatment o f  here.  Democratic force, 109.  Socialism  r e a s o n , U t i l i t a r i a n i s m seems t o be t h e most  socialism,  it  o f Democratic  f o r the p o l i t i c s  starve  famine.  t o t h e i n t e r e s t s o f one s e c t i o n  morality  actions.  led S t a l i n deliberately to  by a r t i f i c i a l  morality  i n c l u s i v e and b r o a d e r interests.  that  derived  but t h i s term  socialism i s often described "third  force"  as the t h i r d  s h o u l d n o t be t a k e n a s t h e  L e n i n , "The T a s k s o f t h e Y o u t h .Marxism, p p . 5-36.  Leagues".  Marx. E n g e l s  T  -  102 -  "in-between" o r "middle o f the road". of  I t i s not the centre  t h e two e x t r e m e s o f Communism a n d C a p i t a l i s m .  i s more o f a n e c o n o m i c t e r m , w h e r e a s , Communism inclusive political tic  socialism  fore,  under t h e l i g h t  of  future  when c o m p e l l e d alternative,  be  become u n m i s t a k a b l y  of the democratic  the democratic  revolution dedicated  socialists  socialists  into  and p r e v e n t i o n  I f necessary,  i.e.  may have t o t r y t o l e a d  I t may be s a i d f r o m i s usually  experiences  h i g h , y e t no p r i c e  I n that  case,  i tw i l l  can force  It will  be a  be, t h e n , t h a t t h e  t h e Communist  t h e c o u r s e o f two p o s s i b l e  a position of political  revolutionary  positions,  impotence o r i n t o  eventual  i.e.  into  self-  alteration.  If  may  t h e Communists o f a n y e x p l o i t -  s i t u a t i o n and o p p o r t u n i t y .  parties  struggle  t o t h e cause o f freedom and democracy.  have t h e n d e p r i v e d  democratic  clear.  by c i r c u m s t a n c e s o r when t h e r e seems t o be no  t o o h i g h i f i t i s f o r freedom.  able  socialist  s i t u a t i o n s i n the world.  the p r i c e o f r e v o l u t i o n  They w i l l  There-  o f t h i s new meaning o f d e m o c r a t i c  accomplish a r e v o l u t i o n .  that  a n d Communism,  Communism may depend o n t h e e l i m i n a t i o n  revolutionary  and  socialism,  i s t h e enemy o f o u r freedoms.'  i t s r e a l enemy w i l l  The against  I f democra-  i s f u n d a m e n t a l l y " a b o u t f r e e d o m " , t h e enemy o f  than Capitalism,  socialism,  i s an a l l -  p h i l o s o p h y and w o r l d o u t l o o k .  f r e e d o m i s t h e enemy o f d e m o c r a t i c rather  Capitalism  the revolutionary  p a r t i e s o f Communism  should  -  103 -  r e m a i n d o g m a t i c a n d be r e l u c t a n t t o g i v e basic philosophy  t o the  s i t u a t i o n s may h a r d l y  up o r a d a p t  c h a n g i n g w o r l d where  exist, i t w i l l  and  their  philosophy  mighty surge o f the reduced  to a point  On  the  "scientific"  an object present  o f the  their  Anarchists,  o f mere a c a d e m i c i n t e r e s t . T h e  Communist  ofpolitical  other  revolutionary  be p r o b a b l e t h a t  s t a t u s w o u l d become s o m e t h i n g a k i n t o t h a t  their  f o r c e w o u l d t h e n be  impotence.  hand, i f t h e y want t o r e m a i n a l w a y s  a n d hope t o " e n r i c h "  their  doctrine  ever  "with  110 new  experiences",  a s t h e y p r o p o s e t o do,  have t o e i t h e r c r e a t e own if  revolutionary  tactics.  Communists s h o u l d  for  war and  create  revolutionary  be d a n g e r o u s t o t h e revolutionary  m i l i t a r y conquest would  such s i t u a t i o n s .  s u c c e s s f u l they could  entire tactic,  n a t u r e as the  party  s e e n how t h e y c o u l d dialectical  be under  i d e n t i t y as the 110.  should  eventually  of revolution. retain their  party  world  situations,  eventual  means t o  such a s i t u a t i o n .  they might  materialism  be t h e i r  their  T h e two W o r l d Wars have p r o v e n how  However, i f t h e y i n s t e a d their  likely  s i t u a t i o n s o r change  It w i l l  t r y t o create  they w i l l  and  could  d e c i d e t o change come t o c h a n g e  their  I t w o u l d t h e n r e m a i n t o be  fundamental philosophy o f manage t o p r e s e r v e  their  o f Communism.  H i s t o r y o f t h e Communist P a r t y o f t h e S o v i e t U n i o n ? T o r o n t o , P r o g r e s s B o o k s , 1952, pp.355-358.  - 104 The  t a s k and  the process  D e m o c r a t i c S o c i a l i s t s may still  -  be  have a h o p e f u l f i g h t  on  that  l o n g and their  - - 0 - -  l i e before  arduous, but  hands.  the they  can  - 105 B I B L I O G R A P H Y "After the Labour Purge", The New Statesman and Nation, v o l . 1238, November 27, ±99+. "Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism", Declaration of the S o c i a l i s t International, adopted i n Frankfort i n July A t t l e e , C . R . , The Labour Party i n Perspective. Golancz L t d . , 1937.  London, V i c t o r  A t t l e e , C . R . , As It Happened, London, William Heinemann, 195*+. A t t l e e , C . R . . "70th Anniversary Message", (for the Fabian Society).-Fabian Journal. No. 12, A p r i l 199+. A t t l e e , C . R . , "Preface" (for the New Fabian Essays), New Fabian Essays, ed. by R.H.S. Crossman, London, T u r n s t i l e Press, 1953. 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