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Some aspects of the teachings of Hans Hut (c. 1490-1527). A study of the origins in South Germany and… Klassen, Herbert Cornelius 1958

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SOME ASPECTS OP THE TEACHINGS OF HANS HUT ( c . 1490-1527)  A Study of t h e i r Origins i n South Germany and t h e i r Influence on the Anabaptist Movement  1526-1531  by HERBERT CORNELIUS KLASSEN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1951  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OT ARTS  i n the Department of HISTORY We aocept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1958  -ii-  SOMB ASPECTS 07 THE TEACHINGS uF HANS HUT  (o. 1490-1527)  A Study of t h e i r O r i g i n s i n South Germany and t h e i r Influence on the Anabaptist Movement  1526-1531  ABSTRACT Hans' Hut has "usually been considered a r e v o l u t i o n a r y c h i l i a s t who s t i r r e d up the South German peasants against the c i v i l " and r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s * Because he was associated w i t h the Anab a p t i s t s the l a s t year and a h a l f of h i s l i f e the" character of Anabaptism and i t s r e l a t i o n t o Protestantism have been o a l l e d i n t o question* My task has"been t o determine from Hut's t r a o t s and confessions and from the testimonies of h i s f r i e n d s and enemies what Hut taught i n the general areas of church and s t a t e . In studying the o r i g i n s of h i s teachings i t was necessary to oonsider the influenoe of two men: 'Thomas Muehtzer, a S p i r i t u a l i s t and leader i n the Peasants' Revolt", and Hans Dehok, a Humanist scholar and partner i n the South German Anabaptist movement. Tracing Hut's influence on the South German Anabaptist movement from 1526 t o 1531 involved a study of the w r i t i n g s of Ambrbsius Spittelmayr, A u s t r i a n u n i v e r s i t y student"from L i n z , Hans S c h l a f f e r , former C a t h o l i c ' p r i e s t from Upper A u s t r i a , Leonhard Schiemer, student for" the"priesthood i n Vienna and Franciscan monk f o r s i x years, Wolfgang Brandhuber, pastor at Linz"; Pete"r~l£demann, shoemaker from S i l e s i a , Leupold Scharhschlager, a teaoh'er from the T y r o l , Jflrg Probst Rothenfelder, a painter from Switzerland, and Pilgram Marpeck, a o i v i l engineer from the T y r o l . Hut conceived of the church as a covenant community of d i s c i p l e s f o l l o w i n g a f t e r C h r i s t , going the way of"the cross and s u f f e r i n g , baptized oh" confession of f a i t h , p r a c t i c i n g sharing of goods, and sent to preabh the Gospel t o a l l men* Hut was convinced t h a t C h r i s t would "soon"return to e s t a b l i s h His Kingdom and b r i n g the world t o an end; u n t i l then obedience t o the a u t h o r i t i e s was expeoted of a l l C h r i s t i a n s . "Although the "influence of'Thomas Muehtzer on Hut can be traced i n common terminology and some teaching's about the C h r i s t i a n l i f e " , hie did not cause Hut to take a r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o s i t i o n once'he took up the cause of Anabaptism. Hut's view of d i s c i p l e ship, the covenant", and the nature of the church are quite f o r e i g n to'Muentzer. Hans Denck's c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the Anabaptist movement l a y i n h i s struggle with," and c l a r i f i c a t i o n of some of the t h e o l o g i c a l presuppositions of Anabaptism. Denck was concerned about the  -iii-  problems of man*s free w i l l and God's sovereignty, the r e l a t i o n ship of the ceremonies of OjLd and New Testament,' the r o l e of the S p i r i t and f a i t h i n understanding the S c r i p t u r e s , and the tension between s i n and righteousness, law and Gospel, love and d i s c i p l e ship, church and world. Hut's concern about the"nature of the ohurch and i t s missionary 'task d i d not c o n t r a d i c t w i t h Denck's teachings so the' two men were able to cooperate as oo-founders of the South German Anabaptist movement. When Hut's eschatology caused f r i c t i o n he agreed t o r e f r a i n from propagating h i s i d e a s . Through his"'influence "on Hans S c h l a f f e r , Wolfgang Brandhuber, and Peter Ridemanri, Hut contributed to the o r i g i n s and the teachings of the Moravian Anabaptists, l a t e r c a l l e d Hutte'rian'Brethren. H i t ' s emphasis on conununity and sharing prepared the s o i l f o r communal l i v i n g and C h r i s t i a n bommonism. His concept'of the missionary apostolate was c a r r i e d on"more e f f e c t i v e l y by the H u t t e r i t e s than any other Anabaptists of the' s i x t e e n t h century." Hut's general view of d i s c i p l e s h i p and the nature of the church are a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n H u t t e r i t e w r i t i n g and p r a c t i o e . Hut's influenoe on" Leonhard Sohiemer and, through him and other a p o s t l e s , oh Pilgram Marpeok and Leupold Scharnschlager contributed"to the o r i g i n s "and teachings of the South German Anab a p t i s t movement that centered i n Strassburg and Augsburg. The oommon p o s i t i o n (Gemeindetheoiogie) represented by South German Anabaptist codices makes i t d i f f i c u l t t o determine who i s responsible f o r " s p e c i f i c Anabaptist ideas and concepts but since Hut was one of the e a r l i e s t w r i t e r s and leaders of the'South German brotherhood i t i s h o t out of question t o suggest t h a t the items which appeared f i r s t i n h i s w r i t i n g s arid reappear i n l a t e r w r i t i n g s , c o n s t i t u t e part of h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the South German Anabaptist movement. Among these are h i s emphasis on the covenant, on s u f f e r i n g and the c r o s s , on r e b i r t h , the imminent r e t u r n of C h r i s t , and the need f o r u n i t y i n the church. Hut's teachings challenged the t o t a l i t a r i a n charaoter of church and state i n h i s day and c o n t r i b u t e d , on the one hand, t o the erumbTing'of the corpus ohristianum, and on the other hand, t o the e r e c t i o n of the p r i n c i p l e s of the separation of church and state and r e l i g i o u s freedom.  In presenting the  this  requirements f o r  freely  agree t h a t for  I agree t h a t  for  purposes  o r by h i s  degree at the  may be g r a n t e d  representative of t h i s  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada.  Q(PQ\W  3.^  Columbia,  {  lQ£g  of  University  L i b r a r y s h a l l make  by t h e It  is  I  further  thesis  thesis  Head o f my understood  for  be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Department  Date  the  extensive copying of t h i s  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  g a i n s h a l l not  fulfilment  f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y .  permission  scholarly  Department that  available  in partial  an a d v a n c e d  of B r i t i s h Columbia, it  thesis  financial permission.  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My i n t e r e s t i n pursuing a subject i n the f i e l d of i n t e l l e c t u a l history goes back to the stimulating lectures and discussions with Dr. William J . Hose, v i s i t i n g professor i n Slavonic and Eastern European history at the u n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. At an important point i n my pursuit"after a thesis area i t was Dr. Margaret Ormsby who encouraged me tbwo'rk i n the f i e l d of the Reformation. I t was under her help and guidance that I made my-first ventures into h i s t o r i c a l research, and considered h i s t o r i c a l method and theories of history f o r the f i r s t time. My interest i n Anabaptism goes back t o my father, who was a twentieth century "Anabaptist" without knowing i t . I am indebted to Dr. Harold S. Bender and his lectures i n Anabaptist and Mennohite history f o r an introduction t o the " f l e s h and blood" of Anabaptism. Without the "excellent c o l l e c t i o n i n the Mennonite Historical" Library, a monument to Dr. Bender*s labor of love, and the u n t i r i n g assistance of i t s curator, Nelson P. Springer, this thesis would not have come into being. Dr. Robert "Friedmann, an outstanding authority on Austrian and Moravian Anabaptism, not only provided i n s p i r a t i o n a l l along the way but also read the whole manuscript and made many valuable suggestions. Mrs. E l i z a b e t h H. Bender read the f i r s t two ohapters and ironed out much clumsiness of style and obscurity of thought. I am very g r a t e f u l t o Prof. A.'C. Cooke, my advisor, f o r keeping me aware of the larger implications of the study and the underlying problems and pre-suppositiohs,"and"for doing t h i s while suffering the inconveniences of corresponding by mail and despite an extra-heavy sohedule. Above a l l 1 am indebted to William KLassen, doctoral candidate at Princeton Theological Seminary, a research colleague and friend who saw the thesis through every stage"of i t s existenoe. The'hours of discussion i n which every major problem I encountered i n pursuing my subject was aired are r e f l e c t e d a t more places i n the thesis" than either of us are aware o f . He also read the entire manuscript with the c r i t i o a l eye of a scholar and a f r i e n d .  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION: ANABAPTISM AND THE REFORMATION A. .  Origins and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Anabaptism . . . .  4  B. C.  1  .  .  .  .  .  •3  .  The Spread of 'Anabaptism i n the L e f t Wing of the Reformation  6  The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n and Contribution of Anabaptism  16  CHAPTER I.  BACKGROUND AND METHOD. A.  .  26  The F i e l d . . . . . . 26 1. The State of Research on Hut . . . . . . . . .26 2. Trends " i n " Research oh Anabaptism i n General. .27 3. The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Anabaptism! 29 The Approach. . . . . . . . . . . 30 1. The Writings and Confessions of Hut* . . . . .30 2. The Problem. 32 3. The Purpose and Plan 33 -  B.  C.  The S e t t i n g . 1. A B r i e f Sketch of Hut's L i f e . 2. The Sociology of Hut's A c t i v i t i e s . 3. P o l i t i c a l Opposition  Footnotes . II.  •  ••  THE TEACHINGS OT HANS HUT A.  The Church . . . . . . • 1. Suffering D i s c i p l e s h i p 2. Community o f Goods. . " 3. "The Mystery of Baptism" 4. Church Order 5. "A C h r i s t i a n I n s t r u c t i o n "  B.  The State 1. Esohatolbgy. 2. Obedience t o the Government. 3. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Warfare  Footnotes  34 34 45 47 51 59 59 60 .....61 62 68 69 70 70 .75 76 82  -V-  CHAPTER  Page  • I I I . BANS BUT AND THOMAS MUENTZER  87  A.  Contacts i n L i f e  87  5.  The 1. 2. 3. 4.  91 91 93 95 97  C.  The State 1. Esohatology. 2. Government 3. Comparison and Contrast. .  Church Covenant and Baptism Community of Goods • • Cross and F a i t h . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Scriptures and the S p i r i t • . . . . 4  100 100 102 103  •  "Footnotes IV.  HANS HUT AND HANS DENCK.  105 .  108  A.  Contacts i n L i f e ;  108  B.  The Church.'. 1. Baptism and Covenant • 2. Suffering D i s c i p l e ship 3. D i s c i p l i n e  113 113 116 119  C.  The 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  State Separation from the World The Oath . .". . . . . . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Government Nbnresistahce Esohatology . . . . . . . . .  '  Footnotes V.  THE INFLUENCE OF HANS HUT ON THE SOUTH GERMAN ANABAPTIST MOVEMENT . . A.  121 121 121 122 123 124 127  •  131  The Church. . . . . . . . . 1. S u f f e r i n g D i s c i p l e s h i p ( C h r i s t ) a) Spurious F a i t h . . . . . . . . . . . b) Imitation of C h r i s t c) The Cross d) S u f f e r i n g " . e) "Creaturen" * f ) Righteousness • . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Baptism and the Covenant (Holy S p i r i t ) • •  133 133 133 134 136 137 139 139 141  -vi-  CHAPTER  Page a) b) o) d) e) B.  Covenant Baptism ' ' Discipline. Love Sharing, o The Lord's Supper  •  . •  The State 1. God's World arid the Church 2. God's State and the Church . . . . . . . . a) Separation of'Churoh and S t a t e . • . b) Obedience t o the A u t h o r i t i e s . . . . c) P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Government « . . . d) Noriresistance to E v i l . . . . . . . e) The Oath . . . . . . . .. 3. God "in H i s t o r y (Eschatology) and the Churoh  141 .143 143 145 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152  Conclusions and Summary.. •  154  "Footnotes  158  APPENDIX I. II. III.  Hans Hut's Open L e t t e r t o the Anabaptist Brotherhood.  164  The Seven Decisions of Ambrosius Spittelmayr . . .  165  The A. B. C. D. E.  167 168 169 170 171  Songs of"Hans Hut Danksa'gung. . . •"•'•'•' 0 Allmfiohtiger Herre" Gott A u f f das Tbst der Geburt C h r i s t i Der V i i j . P s a M David. Die Danksagung Genannt  • .  BIBLIOGRAPHY I. II. III.  B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l Aids  172  Primary Sources  173  . . . . . . . . . . . .  Secondary Sources. .  176  INTRODUCTION ANABAPTISM AND THE REFORMATION Before looking at the influence of Hans Hut (c. 149Q-1527) on the rise and spread of Anabaptism i n South East Germany i t may be helpful to review the relationship of Anabaptism to the t o t a l Protestant Reformation and the larger historic forces of the sixteenth oentury.  This i s especially  neoessary because of the radical re-assessment of Anabaptism that has taken place among historians i n Europe i n the l a s t 100 years and i n America in the l a s t generation. In his recent edition of S p i r i t u a l and Anabaptist writers i n the Library of Christian Classics, G. H. Williams of Harvard says, "From a l l sides we are coming to recognize i n the Radical Reformation a major expression of the religious movement of the sixteenth century.  It  is one'.that i s as distinctive as Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Anglioanism, and i s perhaps comparably significant in the rise of modern Christianity."^ No one reading the three standard surveys of the Reformation i n Engl i s h would find any basis for believing this statement.  J . P. Whitney  dismisses the Anabaptists i n three pages giving the impression that 2 they were an insignificant peripheral phenomenon.  According to  Preserved Smith the Anabaptists were the bolsheviki of the Reformation. Thomas Lindsay did his best with the sources available before 1903 but reflects the traditional view of the enemies of Anabaptism by devoting half of his spaoe to the revolutionary Kingdom at Mu*nster (1534-35).*  This interpretation of Anabaptism must be considered  inadequate f i r s t l y , because i t r e l i e s almost exclusively on the t e s t i mony of enemies and partisans, and secondly, because the primary  0  -2-  sources of Anabaptism were not yet readily available. More radioal solutions to the problems of church and state than those of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, were just about stamped out by Roman Catholics and Protestants a l i k e .  Anabaptist histories, tracts, confessions, and  hymns were only printed in small editions, i f at a l l , and even these were destroyed when possible by the authorities, making Anabaptist source 5  materials rare.  The primary sources that are now available, however,  make necessary a thorough revision of the prevailing judgments of those called  "AnabaptistwV  Not only i s four centuries of p a r t i a l interpretation by defenders of state-church Protestantism being called into question but i t i s being suggested that i t was exactly the ideas of the Anabaptists that found expression i n the sects of seventeenth century England, i n the great Free Church communions of England and America, and in.Western Christendom's tradition of human l i b e r t y and toleration.  H. N.  Brailsford has said, "The English Puritan Left can be understood only when we realize that i t drew much of i t s inspiration d i r e c t l y from the Swiss, German, and Dutch Anabaptists."® Ernest A. Payne has proposed that the bases of free society i n our modern Western wo'rld are to be found in Renaissanoe Humanism, sixteenth century Anabaptism, and the  7 Independents of seventeenth century England. The foundations of these sweeping claims must be tested i n a discussion of the changes that have taken place i n the study of the origins and basic principles of the Anabaptists.  In 1843 Leopold  von Ranke decried the fact that there was no oompetent treatment of Q  Anabaptism a v a i l a b l e .  0  In 1922 Karl Holl said, I t i s a grievous lack t !  that we s t i l l possess no r e a l l y exhaustive and comprehensive picture  of the Anabaptist movement.  This i s s t i l l true today but substantial  119  advances have been made in f i t t i n g the h i s t o r i c a l facts together. I t w i l l s t i l l be some time before a comprehensive treatment of Anabaptist thought w i l l be available. The name "Anabaptist" has usually been used to cover the whole Left Wing of the Reformation.*  0  During the Reformation and. later i t  was used in a derogatory way as a sign of abuse and slander. Many s t i l l use i t to designate a heretic and revolutionary. Actually the name was applied  to a l l those who separated themselves from the state  churches and i t led to their persecution by both Protestants and Roman Catholics.  The major Protestant Reformers, Luther, Zwingli^ and Calvin,  and their associates Melanchton, Rhegius, Bfenius, Bullinger, and Bucer, were the bitterest fo'/es and persecutors of the Anabaptists.** The Reformers were primarily responsible for the fact that u n t i l the nineteenth century "Anabaptist" was synonymous with Muentzerite and Mtfnsterite and the sedition, licentiousness, and heresy of which they were g u i l t y .  Re-baptizing i t s e l f was made punishable by death i n  529 A.D. under Justinian and this law was reinstated i n the Imperial code of January 4, 1528.*^ Some mediaeval sects had rejected infant baptism but none had adopted adult baptism, so that i t was in defiance of a thousand year tradition that the f i r s t adult baptism based on B i b l i c a l principle, took place i n Zurich, January 21, 1525. •  *  A. Origins and Classification of Anabaptism. Many theories have been advanced concerning the origins of the Anabaptists. Ludwig Keller i s responsible for emphasizing the mediaeval origin, especially through the Waldenses.  w  According to his view a  _4,  remnant of f a i t h f u l Christians survived down through the Middle Ages of whom the sixteenth century Anabaptists were the heirs. No concrete evidence has been found to support this view, although the question has again been raised by Delbert Gratz' study of the Bernese Ana14 baptists.  Ritschl i s responsible for stressing the Spiritual  Franciscans as the forerunners of the Anabaptists.^  Research has not  j u s t i f i e d this interpretation on h i s t o r i c a l grounds although ideol o g i c a l l y there i s some relationship. Most scholars now acknowledge the sixteenth century origins of the Anabaptist movement but on the one hand, there are those who find the origins i n the Zwickau prophets, Thomas Muntzer^® and the socio-economic  conditions that led to the  Peasants' War,-^ and on the other hand those who find the origins i n  18  M  the group of dissenters who gathered around Zwingli in Zurich. There are s t i l l many unanswered questions about the relationship of the movements that began in each area but Zurich i s now generally recognized as the place of origin of Anabaptism proper. Not a l l members and movements of the Radical or Left Wing of the Reformation can r i g h t l y be called Anabaptists. As a result of the work of Ernst T r o e l t s c h , Alfred Hegler, 19  20  and Walter Koehler  21  three  larger groups are usually distinguished, the Anabaptists, the S p i r i t u a l i s t s , and the Evangelical Rationalists or Anti-Trinitarians.  This  larger c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s not always satisfactory for some important figures do not f i t into any class and might warrant a type of their own. They have, however, helped to establish some order where before there was only confusion.  I t i s quite obvious that a neat and simple  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n within these larger groups i s out of question, and yet attempts continue to be made. Williams has suggested that the Anabaptists  -5-  oan be divided into three groups, revolutionary (Melchior Hofmann, Mflnsterites), contemplative (Hans Denck, Louis Hetzer, Adam Pastor), and evangelical (Conrad Grebel, Jakob Huter,' Menno Simons); and the S p i r i t u a l i s t s into three p a r a l l e l groups, revolutionary (Thomas Muentzer), rational (Sebastian Franck), and evangelical (Caspar Schwenkfeid).  The Evangelical Rationalists are represented by men  l i k e Lefevre, Juan de Valdes, Servetus, Oohino, Castellio, Biandrata, and Soeinus.*^ After a l l the possible sub-classifioations have been made i t must not be forgotten that probably 80 to 90 per cent of the Radical Reformation was Anabaptist and of a l l the Anabaptists 80 to 90 per cent were Evangelical, main-/line Anabaptists.  Because some of the  sub-classifications are represented by single individuals i t i s probably more useful to speak of the main line Anabaptists and marginal Anabaptists.  The general distinction between Anabaptists and S p i r i t u a l i s t s  i s significant, however, and does help to c l a r i f y some of the confusion about the origins and character of the Anabaptist movement. What are some of the crucial differences between Anabaptists and S p i r i t u a l i s t s ? In a summary way i t could be said that the ultimate source of divine authority for the Anabaptists was the New Testament and for the S p i r i t u a l i s t s , the Holy S p i r i t ,  The Evangelical Anabaptists accepted  only the New Testament as normative f o r doctrine, ethics, and p o l i t y , and from the New Testament the imitation of the historic Jesus as normative for disoipleship.  This implied a disciplined brotherhood  exercising the ban and an itinerant ministry of evangelists and apostles.  In one instance i t meant disciplined organized communism.  This introduces another general but very significant distinction between  -6-  Anabaptists and S p i r i t u a l i s t s .  The Anabaptists gathered disciplined  communities of believers stressing individual disoipleship and corporate d i s c i p l i n e , whereas the S p i r i t u a l i s t s were u t t e r l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and q u i e t i s t i c , except for the radical egalitarian zeal .of Muentzer. The S p i r i t u a l i s t s rejected water-baptism and the Lord's Supper and thought only in terms of conventicles.  The Anabaptists looked to the past, to  the New Testament, to the martyr church of antiquity, and participated in the restoration of the f a l l e n church.  The S p i r i t u a l i s t s looked to  the future and a true church of the S p i r i t that had not yet been Ol.  re-established.  L i t t e l l has shown that in t h i s matter the S p i r i t u a l -  i s t s and Reformers were agreed i n their c r i t i c i s m of the Anabaptists 24  for trying to realize the Kingdom on earth.  This i s why there i s no  martyr book or martyr hymnal in the sixteenth century to compare with that of the Anabaptists. . The factor common to the whole l e f t wing of the Reformation was dissent from the "magisterial Reformation"  2o  of Protestantism. This  does not mean, however, that there was a common understanding of the separation of church and state and the b i b l i c a l distinction between ohurch and world. Hubmaier, Muentzer, and Schwenkfeld, for example, saw no reason why a Christian could not participate in the a f f a i r s of the government through office-holding or m i l i t a r y service.  The further  distinctions between Anabaptists and S p i r i t u a l i s t s w i l l become clearer as the origin and course of the Radical Reformation i n continental Europe i s traced. ^ B. The Spread of Anabaptism in the Left Wing of the Reformation. 2  The f i r s t radical upsurge of the Reformation came late in 1521 at Wittenberg while Luther was in refuge at the Wartburg.  Luther's  -7  popularity had attracted a wide variety of men with mixed social, economic, revolutionary, and religious hopes to the cause of the Reformation. At Zwickau Marcus Thome (Stuebner) became the leader of a group that demanded a return t o the usage of the Apostles under the guidance of the Living S p i r i t .  Drawing from c h i l i a s t i c (Joachim of  Piore), mystical (Tauler) and prophetic sources (Hussite), he predicted that the Turks would soon invade Europe, that the world would come to an end i n a mighty battle, and that the righteous would be elevated and the godless a n n i h i l a t e d . ^ He soon won Muentzer and Carlstadt to the new oause and even caused Melanchton to waver in his support of Luther. When Luther heard of these deviations he returned to Wittenburg and stopped the Radical Reformation i n mid-flight. He attacked i t s Puritan legalism, i t s inspirationism, i t s repudiation of infant baptism, and i t s c h i l i a s t i c world-view.^S After leaving Wittenberg Muentzer s 1  spiritualism gradually turned revolutionary and i n the spring of 1525 he gained the support of the peasants i n a mighty attempt to usher i n the Kingdom of God by force and violence.  Carlstadt, Schwenkfeld, and  others l e f t Wittenberg disappointed and disillusioned and became wanderers propagating an individual s p i r i t u a l r e l i g i o n .  This e a r l i e s t  upsurge i n the Radical Reformation cannot truly be called Anabaptist. Infant baptism was repudiated but adult believers' baptism was never introduced and no permanent gathering of believers resulted.  This  development i s more important i n the l i g h t of i t s influence on Luther's view of the Church than i n i t s effect on the Radical Reformation. Before 1522, Luther had been contemplating a reordering of the Churoh as a fellowship of believers but he was frightened by the Zwiokau  -8-  prophets, Muentzer's claims to special illuminations of the S p i r i t , and the revolt of the Peasants, so he threw i n his l o t with the princes and deoided to remain with the mediaeval parish-concept of the church (Volkskirche).  In his Address to the German Mobility he spoke i n  terms of the corpus ohristianum and after -the revolt of the peasants, dissent was regarded as a breach of brotherly relations that was classed 30  with perjury, rebellion, and blasphemy.  Luther's attitude to the  SchwSrmer was moulded by a series of unfortunate events.  That he  identified the SchwSrmer with the Anabaptists and became responsible for encouraging the death penalty upon them i s one of the tragic aspects of the Reformation. The church which Carlstadt headed at OrlanuSnde from spring 1522 to September 1524 might have been an exception to the s p i r i t u a l i s t and revolutionary character of the North German Radical Reformation but the principle of voluntary religious association was never introduced nor were there any other parallels to the Anabaptist movement that originated in ZuYich in 1525. The character of the Radical Reformation i n ZiXrich and throughout Switzerland differed substantially from that i n Saxony. As a result of Erasmus' influence at the University of Basel, Zwingli and others interested in reform were encouraged to study the Bible i n the original languages and to cultivate inward r e l i g i o n .  Lay reading groups  appeared i n Zurich, St. G a l l , and in other places that cultivated B i b l i c a l radicalism among the common people. It was in Zurich in a c i r c l e around Zwingli that the f i r s t radical tendencies in Switzerland became evident.  Zwingli and Vadian had  opposed infant baptism on b i b l i c a l grounds in the early 1520's but when  i t became clear that the gathering of a church by believers' baptism was incompatible with the state-churoh, Zwingli chose the l a t t e r .  0  A group of young, able men around Zwingli appealed to the New Testament alone, concerning the mass, baptism, and the nature of the church, and called for courage and consistency in carrying through reforms.  Zwingli  oame to believe that the nature of the change and the rate at which i t should take place could be determined by the c i t y council.  This did not  satisfy the radical group and when they pressed on despite Zwingli and the magistrates, c i v i l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l authority united to threaten religious deviation with banishment and death. The leader of the small group of radicals i n Zurich was Conrad Grebel,  00  a humanist student at the universities of Basel, Vienna, and D  Paris, and the son of the leader of the c i t y council, Jakob Grebel. With him were Felix Manz, Wilhelm Reublin, Georg Blaurock, Simon Stumpf and others.  In the disputation of January 1523, there was unity of  radicals and reformers against the Roman church, but during the summer Stumpf approaohed Zwingli about gathering a church of believers 'and Zwingli declined. At the disputation in October, 1523, the radicals called for the complete abolition of the Mass and the restitution of apostolic Christianity.  This view of the church f i n a l l y led to the f i r s t  adult baptism on January 21, 1525 and to the banishment of the group from Zurich. Fritz Blanke has described the founding of the f i r s t Free Churoh of the modern world as i t came into being in Zoilikon 34  among the refugees from Zurich in the spring of 1525. After leaving ZiSrioh, Grebel, Manz, Reublin, and Blaurock became evangelists and apostles of the new f a i t h and carried i t quickly to the d i s t r i c t s around Zurich and on to St. Gall, Berne, and Basel. Manz  -10-  was the .first Anabaptist martyr.  He was tried i n Zurich and on refusing  to recant was cast into the Linmat River in January 1527,  This was  the beginning of a long line of martyrs but also the beginning of a great missionary ingathering. Driven by persecution and the Great Commission they became the f i r s t missionary community of the modern world. As persecution increased in Switzerland the Anabaptists began to s p i l l over into South Germany and into Tyrol, At Easter time 1525, Reublin appeared in Waldshut and won Balthasar Hubmaier ^ f 0  faith.  o r  the new  He in turn won his congregation and i n a short time baptized  360 converts.  This i s one of the few oases where an Evangelical con-  gregation was won over bodily to Anabaptism, Hubmaier was forced to flee from Waldshut toward the end of the year and after a brief imprisonment i n ZiSrich he set out for Moravia, Late in March, 1526 Hubmaier arrived i n Augsburg and won and baptized Hans Denck, a young humanist teaoher who had been foroed to flee from Murenberg because he would not agree with the Lutheran  supporters,  Denck maintained that f a i t h , the Scriptures, and the S p i r i t had no meaning apart from death with Christ and resurrection to newness of l i f e ; that outer baptism only has meaning i f there i s an inner covenant with God, and that participation i n the Supper only takes on meaning as the individual becomes w i l l i n g to refuse false comfort and to accept suffering.  ~In May, Denck won and baptized Hans Hut and these  two together, Denck with his writings and Hut through his evangelistic a c t i v i t i e s , became the co-founders of the South German Anabaptist movement. Hut represents the only h i s t o r i c a l l i n k between the Radical Reformation of Saxony and the Anabaptist movement of Switzerland.  He  -li-  as the only important Anabaptist leader of South Germany who had been under the direct influence of Muentzer and had supported his program. After his baptism Hut swept through Franconia and Kbnigsberg on a successful evangelistic tour returning to Augsburg February 1527.  He  remained in Augsburg ten days, baptizing many and establishing the congregation, but then he l e f t on a missionary journey that took him over Passau to Nikolsburg, Moravia and from there to Vienna and through Lower and Upper Austria, Salzburg and back to Augsburg where he arrived on time to take a leading role in the Martyr Synod August, 1527.  On  September 15, 1527 he was taken captive in Augsburg never to be released. Some of the disciples of Hut, i.e., Schiemer, Schlaffer, and Brandhuber, carried the f a i t h to the Tyrol where i t flourished i n 1527 but then met very severe persecution. From the Tyrol Jakob Huter went up to Moravia where he was able to reorganize and unify the Anabaptist communal settlements that later bore his name.^ Pilgram Marpeok and Leupold Soharnschlager, also won to the f a i t h by disciples of Hut, were forced to flee from the Tyrol in 1528 and made their way to Strassburg. Tne communistic Anabaptist settlements in Moravia were founded by refugee South German and Swiss Brethren who did not find in Hubmaier's great church at Nikolsburg the discipline which they read about in the New Testament. In 1529 under pressure to take the oath a group of 200 followers of Jacob Widemann went out into the country, l a i d a l l their belongings on a cloak and resolved to l i v e the l i f e of sharing depicted in Acts 2 and 4.  Under the able leadership of Wolfgang Brandhuber a  strong economy based on s k i l l s and crafts was established that kept them as far as possible from compromising with the world i n war and  -12-  commeroe. Ridemann was the early author who gave the communal system i t s confessional grounding.  Peter Walpot headed the f i r s t large-  scale lay missionary organization of the modern world. Every spring a corps of lay evangelists was sent out into Middle and South Germany to return i n the f a l l with a harvest of converts. Some apostles stayed out for years and many were caught, imprisoned, and executed. work was especially effective in Wflrttemberg and Hesse.  Their  The settlements  back in Moravia represent the f i r s t large-soale communist experiments •z 7  in modern times.  While the line of f a i t h went out from Zurich through Reublin, Hubmaier, Denck, Hut and Schiemer to South East Germany, Austria, and the Tyrol; at the same time Michal Sattler carried the f a i t h from Zurich  to Strassburg and South West Germany in 1526.  Prom this time on  Strassburg became a center for Anabaptists of a l l kinds and for representatives of a l l brands of the Radical Reformation. ^ 3  Denck  arrived late in 1526 and in 1528 Scharnsohlager and Marpeck arrived. Some of the leaders" who gathered here from 1526 to 1531 were Gross, Hetze'r, Hofmann, J o r i s , Marpeck, Scharnsohlager, as well as representatives of the Lutheran and Reformed f a i t h s .  I t was here that the lines  between Reformers and Anabaptists, and S p i r i t u a l i s t s and Anabaptists were worked out i n discussions and disputations. 39 between Marpeck and Schwenkfeld  The conversation  continued on u n t i l the middle of the  century, Marpeck s center of work being Augsburg after 1540. 1  Marpeck s 1  contacts with the Anabaptist groups i n Switzerland, South Germany, and Moravia and his efforts at bringing them together has been illuminated 40 by the reoently discovered Kunstbuoh. The two most important Anabaptist meetings of the early years convened at Schleitheim i n February, 1527 and at Augsburg in  -13-  August, 1527.  Michal Sattler was the guiding s p i r i t at the Schleitheim  meeting and i s the author of the Schleitheim confession.^*  The Swiss  Anabaptist position on baptism, excommunication, Lord's Supper, separation from the world, the church, nonresistance, and the oath are crystallized i n this confession.  The meeting at Augsburg was under the  leadership of Eans Hut and was an action group rather than a meeting to discuss the f a i t h .  Instead of drawing up a oonfession, Anabaptist  apostles were commissioned to go to a l l the adjoining areas.  I t has been  called the Martyr Synod because most of the leaders i n attendance were executed i n the following three years. One of the leaders at Strassburg who did not represent the evangelical Anabaptist position but played an important role i n the dissemination of the Anabaptist f a i t h was Melchior Hofmann,  His  a c t i v i t i e s as an agitator and evangelical preacher took him to Wittenberg, Stockholm, K i e l , Amsterdam, Strassburg, and many points along the Rhine. He worked together with Nicolaus Amsdorf, Thomas Muentzer, Carlstadt, Knipperdollinck, and Campanus at different times i n his colored career. Although the Swiss and South German Anabaptists d i s owned him because of his millenarian views and his heretical Christology he was instrumental i n carrying Anabaptist doctrines to the Netherlands. He was imprisoned i n Strassburg i n 1533 not to be released u n t i l  1540,  but i n the meantime his c h i l i a s t i c ideas had contributed to the building of the New Jerusalem at Minster i n 1534-35. The incidents that led to the tragic attempt to erect the New Jerusalem at Mu*nster are well known. Bernt Rothmann, representative of the Lutheran oause i n Mflnster, began the movement to a radical reformation by adopting the Zwinglian view of the Supper and repudiating infant  -14-  baptism.  When Jan Matthysz, one of Hofmann's followers, arrived i n  Munster, a n d established himself as a prophet, and called for the founding of a holy community separated from the unbelieving godless, Rothmann joined him.  The revolutionary step that separated them from  a l l peaceful and evangelical Anabaptists was the decision to expel a l l those from the c i t y who would not join them. This was a oonfusion of the voluntary principle and the parish principle; everyone was welcome but the resultant church was to be coterminous with the whole c i t y community. Word spread rapidly that Monster was the key c i t y of the New Age.  After a second prophet, Jan of Leyden, arrived, communism and  polygamy were introduced and not long after Jan set himself up as "King David."  Missioners were sent out with the message that after a  time of suffering and revolution the messianic age would be ushered i n . The wild dream was brought to a sudden and tragic end when Protestant and Roman Catholic troops combined to destroy the Kingdom with the utmost oruelty. Even though the congregations i n the Netherlands had been founded by. Hofmann, and even though Qbbe Philips the f i r s t leader of the Anabaptists i n the Netherlands had been a follower of Hofmann, the majority of these groups never went over to the revolutionary position. Prophetism and chiliasm and the divisive influence of David Joris and Adam Pastor could have thrown the northern Anabaptists into hopeless confusion and frustration had i t not been for the inspiring and effective leadership of Menno Simons.^3 As a priest, Menno had been caused to doubt the Mass i n 1528 on reading Luther.  In 1530 he was stirred by the Scriptural command for  believers!: baptism, but i t was not u n t i l 1535 that the plight of the  -15-  struggling evangelicals f i n a l l y led him to forsake the priesthood and take up leadership i n the Anabaptist sect. From 1535 to his death i n 1561 he travelled secretly from town to town binding together the shattered fragments of a great movement and building of them a church. From 1535 to 1555 the Anabaptists constituted the larger part of the Protestant movement i n Holland.  From Holland, Anabaptist refugees  fled to many parts of northern Germany and as far as the Vistula delta. Dutoh Anabaptist refugees probably contributed to the rise of independent and separatist movements i n England  44  i n the sixteenth  century but no organized movement developed there. As early as 1534 the name Anabaptist occurred i n an English Statute and there were representatives from England at an Anabaptist synod held at Bockholt i n 1536.  By 1549 books by Calvin and Bullinger against the Anabaptists  were translated into English. I t i s believed that Robert Browne, the 45  father of English separatism was influenced by the Anabaptists. English refugees i n Holland i n the early seventeenth century a f f i l i a t e d with the Mennonites and on their return shared i n the founding of the Baptist Churoh, The early English Baptists through John Smyth provided only one of the many bridges by which the ideas of the continental radicals passed over to B r i t a i n .  Besides these direct  historic connections i t i s quite correct to say that a l l the English Free Churches are indebted to the Anabaptists.  46  There were earlier  parallels i n England to the F i f t h Monarchy Men, Levellers, and Diggers, and even behind the Quakers were the Seekers and Familists who at 47 times reflect Anabaptist thought.  It i s important to keep i n mind  that a l l the English sects maintained an interest i n the state, something that i s not typical of the continental Anabaptists of the  -16-  sixteenth century.  Technically i t i s just as wrong to refer to  the F i f t h Monarchy Men as Anabaptists as i t i s to refer to the Italian R a t i o n a l i s t s *  8  as Anabaptists or to tine Polish A n t i -  Trinitarians as Anabaptists. C.  The Interpretation and Contribution of Anabaptism. The rapid spread of the Anabaptist movement i n German speaking  lands i s an indication that the s o i l was f e r t i l e and had been prepared by Lutheran and Reformed teaching and by groups such as the Brethren of the Common L i f e .  Just how much credit should be given to the f l u i d 49  social and economic conditions i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate.  In parts of  Switzerland, Austria, the Tyrol, Germany, and Holland i t reached the proportions of a popular movement that was stopped only by severe persecution.  I t spread without formal organization, without much  l i t e r a r y guidance, and was soon driven underground by harsh persecution. In the l i g h t of these conditions i t i s no wonder that there were some aberrations and excesses. Wo ideology can survive unless i t i s related to the large historic forces that provide the atmosphere i n which a movement can l i v e .  Since  the early sixteenth century was a time of social unrest, economic upheaval, attempted reform, and revolutionary dreams there has been a temptation to interpret Anabaptism as a cause or an expression of these forces."^  The research of this century has shown that evangelical  Anabaptism i n Switzerland, South Germany, Moravia, and Holland was primarily a religious movement, but this does not mean that i t can be divoroed from the social forces and movements of the sixteenth century. L i t t l e attention has been given i n the past to the determinative  -17-  influence of social factors as a background for understanding the Protestant and sectarian social ethic. Some of the social forces that relate more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the following study w i l l be mentioned here. I t seems that many of the craftsmen and peasants of the sixteenth century found themselves displaced i n an economy made f l u i d by commerce with Asia and wealth from America. * 5  I t i s no coincidence that these  two classes were the centers f o r r e v o l t . The fact that the same olasses supported both Muentzer s revolutionary esehatology, and fled 1  to the Hutterite communities i n Moravia, should not, however, cloud the difference between the motives i n each instance.  Wandering journey-  men and craftsmen without a fixed place of residence were a common sight i n Europe at this time. Other social classes were also effected. It i s important to know that the Reformation almost led to the l i q u i d a tion of the clergy as a d i s t i n c t class i n parts of Europe.  Together  with this went the rise of Humanism and the stimulation of lay i n t e l lectuals.  The role of the clergy and humanists i n the origin and spread 5?  of Anabaptism has usually been underestimated.  I t was as true i n  the sixteenth century as i t has always been, that the social classes with the largest stake i n the status quo were least open to a new, radical message. The fact that Hans Hut was a wandering craftsman who came under the influence of Luther's reform ideas, was then inspired by Muentzer's revolutionary program, but f i n a l l y joined the Anabaptist movement, i s an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the unstable social conditions and the s h i f t i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l atmosphere. The mixture of sooial and religious factors should not blind one from considering which was dominant i n a particular instance.  Increasing numbers from a l l classes were forced to become  -18-  mobile as a result of religious persecution. This i s the primary reason for Hut's wandering i n the l a s t few years of his l i f e , together with a new factor:  the religious compulsion to carry out the Great  Commission. Paul Peaohey has traoed the change i n the sociological center of S3  gravity of the Anabaptist movement as i t spread i n Switzerland.  It  arose i n an academic and theological milieu, was spread largely by craftsmen, and then moved from the bourgeois classes to the peasantry. Prolonged persecution turned i t into  a  purely  r u r a l phenomenon.  Hiis  description of the sociological progression i n Switzerland can be applied i n general to the course of Anabaptism wherever i t arose i n Europe, with the possible exception of some plaoes i n Holland and North Germany. Anabaptism i s now widely acclaimed as the pioneer e f f o r t i n the modern world to achieve the great twin principles of religious voluntarism and of the separation of ohurch and s t a t e . ^  Other distinctive teach-  ings common to evangelical Anabaptism are the baptism of adults on confession of f a i t h and commitment to disoipleship; a brotherhood type of ohurch with sharing; f u l l l i b e r t y of conscience; a love-ethie including nonresistance and total rejection of warfare and the use of force; and the non-swearing of oaths.  Bainton has summed up their  contribution as follows: ". . .the Anabaptists anticipated a l l other religious bodies iii the proclamation arid exemplification of three principles which are on the North American continent among those truths which we hold to be self-evident:" the voluntary church, the separation of"church and state, and religious "liberty. Prom the days of" Constantino"to the Anabaptists these principles, to us so cardinal, had been in abeyance."55  -19-  The recognition of the obligation resting on a l l Christians to charity, community, and evangelism might also be mentioned as central to Anabaptist thought. If the principles j u s t outlined represent the position of the largest branch of the Radioal Reformation why did the Reformers i n i t i a t e and encourage the harsh persecution that nearly led to the extinction of the Anabaptists?' The answer to this question l i e s i n the fact that behind the rather innocent concern of the Anabaptists f o r a voluntary ohurch of believers loomed a view of the relationship of ohurch to society that was incompatible with that of the Reformers. Leaning on the mediaeval synthesis, Luther and Zwingli both consoiously embraoed the religious and secular order i n the corpus C h r i s t i .  5 6  In their eyes  the borders of the ohurch and society were considered ooterminous. is the ideal of the "Volkskirche'* or state-church.  This  I f church and  society are t r u l y related to this intimate way, then the demand of the Anabaptists for the separation of church and state must be looked upon as "revolutionary." This i s the central explanation for the strange fact that Roman Catholics and Protestants agreed i n saying that failure to observe infant baptism was worthy of persecution and death. The agreement of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism in this matter i l l u s t r a t e s the fact that the principle underlying the relationship of Anabaptism to Protestantism was the same as that between Anabaptism and Catholicism. Understood in sociological terms the t o t a l i t a r i a n social order, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic, could not tolerate i n i t s midst an autonomous, voluntary, noninclusive social grouping. ^ 5  The union of church and society i n the corpus ohristianum took plaoe, according to the Anabaptists, when Constantino  accepted  -20-  Christianity as the o f f i c i a l r e l i g i o n of the Empire.  "From the time  when the conversion of the Emperor Constantino f i r s t placed the power of the Roman Empire on the side of Christianity, the history of churohes 58 is beset with anomalies."  This was the downfall of the churoh and  i t was not u n t i l the sixteenth century that God began raising up the church again by c a l l i n g i t to be separate from the world and the state. It was as a result of the original union of church and state that a l l the evils orept into the church. As soon as the Anabaptists challenged the basic presupposition of the corpus christianum, a l l the other tenets and principles of their f a i t h followed in l o g i c a l succession. "Churoh d i s c i p l i n e ; a level of ethical requirements d i s t i n c t from the average behaviour of the average c i t i z e n ; economic fellowship within the local congregation, whether through common ownership of goods or through the deaeon's o f f i c e ; baptism upon confession of f a i t h ; refusal of the oath and of c i v i l office; a l l the f o c i of disagreement with the Reformers f e l l into place as parts of a consistent whole once one dared, at the price of scandal and persecution, c a l l into question the Constantinian synthesis, and to conoeive of the church as being d i s t i n c t from the world."59 The history of the Reformation i s being rewritten.  I t i s now  acknowledged that the f i r s t great battles for modern l i b e r t y were waged against the authority of the Churoh by the sects of the sixteenth century.  This was a time when both Protestants and Roman Catholics  tended to be untrue to the principle of freedom of conscience for both claimed that their religion should be that of the people as a whole. In later centuries men i n the Western world agreed that no government should be allowed to decide the form of Christianity for i t s citizens and then set out to suppress those who dissent from their choice. "The tragedy of the Protestant Reformation. . .was that on the one  hand i t broke up the misconceived corpus,christianum practice presupposed i t s continuation."  60  and yet i n  The Anabaptists knew four  centuries too soon that "Christian Europe was an i l l u s i o n and Reformation a never-finished renewal." * 6  -22-  POOTNOTES INTRODUCTION: ANABAPTISM AND THE REFORMATION George H. Williams, S p i r i t u a l arid Anabaptist Writers (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1957j- The Library of Christian Classics XXV, p. 19. 1  ^ James'P. Whitney, History of the Reformation Macmillan Co., Ltd., 1940).  (London::  .... 3  Preserved Smith, The Age of the Reformation (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1920), p. 244. 4 T. M. Lindsay, A History of the Reformation (New York: Charles Soribner's Sons7 1941). F i r s t published i n 1907. 5  A survey of in-group records and writings appears i n Franklin H. L i t t e l l , The Anabaptist View of the Church. An Introduction to Sectarian Protestantism (Boston: American Society of Church History, 1952); Studies i n Church History VIII, pp. 9-11. 6  Quoted i n Ernest A. Payne, The Anabaptists of the Sixteenth Century and Their Jhfluenoe on"the Modern World (London: The Carey Kingsgate Press, Ltd., 1949), pp. 5-6. 7  8  ibid** P. 7. .-  Leopold von Ranke, History of the Reformation in Germany (London: George Routledge and Sons7~1905), p. 728. F i r s t published in 1843. Karl Holl, "Luther und die Schwfirmer," Gesammelte AufsStze zur. Kirohengeschiohte I (Tubingen:. J . C. B. Mohr, 1923), p. 424. 9  *° See Harold S. Bender, "Anabaptists,"' Twentieth Century Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, ed. Lefferts A. Loetscher, Vol. I (1955), p. 35. 11 A survey of the writings of the Reformers against the Anabaptists appears i n L i t t e l l , " op. c i t . , pp. 5-9. See John S. Oyer, "The Writings of Luther Against the Anabaptists," The Mennonite Quarterly Review (hereafter, MQR) XXVII (1953), pp. 100-10; idem, The Writings of Melanehton Against the Anabaptists," MQR XXVI (1952), pp. 259-76. 12 A copy appears m Gustav Bossert, ed., Quelien zur Geschichte der Wiedert&ufer: Herzogtum WuVttemberg (Leipzig: M.'Heinsius Naohf., 1930);Quelien und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohiohte x n i s i , PP. i*-2*. [ : : h  :  -23-  Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die filteren Reformationsparteien (Leipzig: S. Herzel, 1885J. A survey of the mediaeval sects and their relationship to Anabaptist thought appears i n Albert H. Newman, "The Significance of the^Anabaptist Movement i n the History of the Christian Church," Goshen College Reoord Review Supplement XXVII (1926), pp. 15-22. 14 Delbert Gratz, Bernese Anabaptists and Their American Descendants (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1953J. 15 , Albreoht Ritschl, Geschichte des Pietismus (Bonn: Adolph Marcus, 1880). 16 Karl Holl, bp. cit"., as well as most standard surveys of the Reformation and encyclopedia a r t i c l e s on Anabaptism. 17 E. Belfbrt Box, Rise and f a l l of the Anabaptists (Londons Swan Sonnenschein and Co., Ltd., 1903). 18 ' • See Harold S. Bender, Conrad Grebel, o, 1498-1526, Founder of the Swiss Brethren (Goshen, Ind.: Mennonite Historical Society, 1*9~50), and the literature cited there. 1 3  19  Ernst Troeltsch, The" Social' Teaching of the Christian Churches (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1931), 2 volumes. F i r s t published in German in' 1912. 20 Alfred Hegler, Beitrflge zur Geschichte der Mystik i n der Reformationszeit (Berlin: C. A. Schwetschke und Sohn, 1906J7 21  Walter Koehler, "WiedertSufer," Die Religion i n Gesohichte und Gegenwart, Vol. V (1931), pp. 1915-17; idem, "Das T5ufertum i n der neueren kirohenhistorischen Forsohung;" Archiv fflr 'Reformations^ geschichte (hereafter, ARG) XXXVII (1940), pp. 93-107; XXXVIII (1941), pp. 349-64; XL (1943), pp. 246-70; XLI (1948), pp. 165-86. Williams, op. c i t . , pp. 28-35. c  2 3  Ibid., pp. 21-23.  24 Franklin H. L i t t e l l , " S p i r i t u a l i z e r s , Anabaptists, and the Churoh," MQR XIX (1955), pp. 34-43. 25 Williams, op. c i t . , p. 21. no In summarizing the origin and course of the Radical Reformation I have followed L i t t e l l * s scholarly survey i n The Anabaptist View of the Churoh, pp. 19-49. Excellent regional" studies and biographies of Anabaptist leaders appear i n the Mennonite Enoyolbpedia, 3 volumes, ed. by Harold S. Bender (Scottdale, Pa.:: Mennonite Publishing House, 1955-57). Hereafter, ME. 27 L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , p. 21.  -2428 29 30 31 32  Ibid., pp. 22-23. Ibid., p. 23. Ibid. Ibid., p. 27. Ibid., p. 28.  33 A definitive study of his l i f e and contribution has been made by Harold S. Bender, op. c i t . 3 4  Fritz Blanke, Brflder i n Christo (Zurich:  Zwingli Verlag, 1955).  35 H. C. Vedder, Balthasar Hubmaier, the Leader of the Anabaptists (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, the Knickerbocker Press, 1905). 36 '' John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren, 1528-1931 (Goshen, Lad.: Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l .Society, 1931). See Robert Friedmann, "Comprehensive Review of Research on the Hutterites, 1880-1950," MQR XXIV (1950), pp. 353-63. ^ Johann Loserth, "Der Communismus der Mfihrischen WiederiaSufer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert," Archiv fu*r flsterreiohische Gesohiohte 81 (1895), pp. 135-322. ": ^ Robert Kreider, "The Anabaptists and the C i v i l Authorities of Strassbourg,1525-1555," Church History XXIV (1955), pp. 99-118. 5  Johann Loserth, ed., Quelien und Forschungen zur Gese hie hte der oberdeutsohen Taufg'esinhten im 16. Jahrhundert. Pilgram Marbecks Antwort auf Kaspar~Sohwenkfeids Beurteilung des" Buches der Bundesbezeugung von 1542 (Wien: Carl Fromme, 1929). 4 0  See discussion i n Chapter I .  *1 Beatrice Jenny, "Das Schleitheimer Tfiuferbekenntnis 1527," Sohaffhauser Beitrage zur "vaterlandischen Geschichte, Heft 28, 1951. For an English translation see,J.'C.'Wenger, "Sohleitheim Confession of Faith," MQR XLX (1945), pp. 243-53. See Kunstbuch, p. 286. 42  Friedrich Otto zur Linden, Melchior Hofmann, ein Prophet der Wiedertaeufer (Haarlem: de Ervon F. Bohn, 1885); Verhandelingen u i t gegeven door Teylers Godgeleerd Genootschap XI (1885), 2. 43 J . C. Wenger, ed., The Complete Writings of Menno Simons o. 1496-1561 (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1956). ~ A comprehensive treatment of Anabaptism i n England was written' by Irvin B. Horst, "England," (1956), pp. 215-21. See also idem., "The Anabaptists i n English Literature, ' A Research Note," MQR XXIX (1955), pp. 232-39. 4 4  :  -25  ^  Payne, op, c i t . , pp. 18-19.  4 6  I b i d . , pp. 19-20.  47 See C e c i l E. Quainton, "Anabaptists i n England during the Commonwealth, 1648-1654," MQR V (1932), pp. 30-42. Henry A. DeWind, "Relations "Between I t a l i a n Reformers and Anabaptists i n the Mid-Sixteenth Century," (Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1951). 4 8  49 See Peter von Zahn, "Studien zur Entstehuhg der sozialen Ideen des Tfiufertums i n den ersten Jahren der"Reformation"(Unpublished Ph. D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Albert-Ludwigs-Universitflt zu Freiburg i . Br., 1942).  50  Paul Peachey, " S o c i a l Background and S o c i a l Philosophy of the Swiss Anabaptists, 1525-1540," MQR XXVIII (1954), p. 103.  51  L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , pp. 103-06.  52  '  "'. '  Paul Dedic, " S o c i a l Background of the A u s t r i a n Anabaptists,"  MQR X I I I (1939), pp. 12-14.  53  Paul Peachey, Die s o z i a l e Herkunft der Sohwelzer TSufer i n der Reformationszeit (Karlsruhe: H e i n r i c h Schneider, 1954)• Paul Peachey, "The Modern Recovery o f the Anabaptist V i s i o n , " The Reoovery of the' Anabaptist" V i s i o n , ed. by Guy F. Hershberger XScbttdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1957), p. 332. 5 4  55  Roland H. Bainton, "The Anabaptist C o n t r i b u t i o n to H i s t o r y , " i b i d . , p. 317.  56  Paul Peachey, " S o c i a l Background and S o c i a l Philosophy o f the Swiss Anabaptists, 1525-1540," MQR XXVIII (1954), p. 117.  57  I b i d . , p. 120.  58  .  Herbert B u t t e r f i e l d , C h r i s t i a n i t y and H i s t o r y (G. B e l l and Sons, L t d . , 1950), p. 135.  59  John Howard Yoder, "The' Prophetio Dissent of the Anabaptists," The Reoovery of the Anabaptist V i s i o n , ed. by Guy F. Hershberger XScottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1957), p. 98.  60  Peachey, op. c i t , , p. 120, O A  Yoder, op, c i t . , p, 103,  CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND METHOD A.  The Field. 1.  The State of Research on Hut.  Although i t was early recognized that Hans Hut played a very important role in the spread of Anabaptism i n South Germany,* no research was done on his l i f e , thought, and influence u n t i l Christian 2  Meyer published Hut's confessions in 1874.  In 1893, Alexander  Nicoladoni threw considerable l i g h t on Hut's work in Upper Austria and i n 1901 Friedrich Roth's history of the Reformation in Augsburg carefully analyzed this Anabaptist center and studied Hut's role there.  4  Georg Berbig, i n 1903, threw new l i g h t on Hut's a c t i v i t i e s i n Franconia^ g  and Paul Wappler i n 1913 on his influence in Thuringia. It was not u n t i l 1913, that a detailed study of Hut's l i f e was undertaken.  Wilhelm Neuser, writing at the University of Bonn, out-  lined an ambitious study of his l i f e and thought but only completed a part of his l i f e for a thesis.'' Neuser has pieced together the facts of his l i f e from the sources i n a masterly way.  His work i s limited i n  i t s usefulness because i t only covers a part of his l i f e and by the fact that most of the souroes have since been published i n the Quelien zur Geschichte der Taufer.  8  A few new sources have turned up since 9  1913, but nothing that would change the picture to any extent. In recent research on the South German Anabaptist movement i t has become increasingly apparent that a thorough study of the teachings and influence of Hut i s necessary.*  0  Most scholars have f e l t that Hut had  27-  a negative influence on the South German Anabaptist movement^ on the contrary, Bergsten, studying Pilgram Marpeck and Caspar Schwenkfeld suggests that Marpeck i s greatly indebted to Hut, much more than to Denck. But neither Bergsten nor the many scholars who decry Hut's influence on the Anabaptist movement, have attempted to prove their point. An important aspect of researoh i n Hut's thought i s his r e l a t i o n ship to Thomas Muentzer.  Grete Mecenseffy has indicated that radical  revolutionary and esehatological influences crept into the South German Anabaptist movement from Muentzer through Hut.  Robert  Friedmann suggests that a comparative study of their world view and 13 thought concepts excludes this p o s s i b i l i t y .  Both regret the fact that  a thorough and systematic study of the teachings of Hut has not yet been made. Some of the most recent l i g h t on Hut's relationship to the South German Anabaptist movement has come from the newly discovered Kunstbuch,** in which one of Hut's major writings appears with many other South German Anabaptist tracts.  A l l of these tracts and epistles r e f l e c t 15  Hut's influence, as Heinold "Past has pointed out.  The omissions and  additions that were obviously made i n editing Hut's tract throw considerable new l i g h t on the development of thought among South German Anabaptists.  In the course of a generation after his death,  Hut's insights were sharpened and modified as the character of the opposition changed, but his basic position was not significantly altered. 2.  Trends i n Research on Anabaptism i n General.  There has been a tremendous increase i n serious Anabaptist researoh i n the l a s t generation.*®  This has been stimulated by the  new problems that the Church has had to face i n the twentieth century  —28—  and f a c i l i t a t e d by the publication of the original source materials. Two important trends can be noted in reviewing this research.  First,  most of the energies have of necessity been consumed in gathering and organizing the h i s t o r i c a l facts.  Only very recently have attempts been 18  made to grapple with the thought and theology of the Anabaptists. It i s generally recognized that the task of the new generation of Anabaptist scholars w i l l l i e i n this area.  Secondly, most of the  energies of the Anabaptist scholars of the past generation have been devoted to the study of the Dutch Mennonites, the Swiss Brethren and the Hutterian Brethren.  Only very recently has the South German  Anabaptist movement been recognized as a semi-independent development with certain points of distinctive theology. Jan Kiwiet has pioneered 19  this view i n his studies on Denck and Marpeck.  The Kunstbuch has  also added to the view that the South German Anabaptist movement must be studied as a phenomenon not synonymous with the Swiss Brethren and the Hutterites. A study of Hans Hut must be olosely related to these two trends. It must f i r s t of a l l be a study of his thought and influenoe rather than merely an h i s t o r i c a l account of his l i f e .  This means that the  categories of religious and i n t e l l e c t u a l history must be applied and that Hut must be seen over against the thought of his contemporaries. Since Hut was the cofounder of the South German Anabaptist movement i t w i l l at the same time be a study i n the origins of the movement as over against the Swiss beginnings and as a background for the movement in Moravia.  -29-  3.  Interpretations of Anabaptism.  There are two basic reasons for the speculative and erroneous interpretation of Anabaptism.  In the f i r s t place, research has been  limited primarily to h i s t o r i c a l facts and differences among sixteenth 20  century Anabaptists themselves have not been c l a r i f i e d .  In the  seoond plaoe, confusion i s compounded by the fact that the interpretations by their enemies and the f a i l u r e to distinguish between the moderate Anabaptist brotherhood on the one hand, and on the other the revolutionary doctrines of Thomas MuentEer and the JMumsterites and the spiritualism of Hans Bflnderlin, Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkf e l d , have persisted down to our own day.*** If there i s anything that scholars generally (though not unanimously) agree on i t i s that the Anabaptist movement was primarily a religious phenomenon. ^  I t was not, as their enemies have charged,  the desire for free love, economio improvement, social justice, or an attempt to overthrow the government that motivated the Anabaptists, but rather the desire to follow Christ and to be God's people. Troeltsch helped to c l a r i f y some of the religious confusion of the sixteenth century by interpreting the Anabaptists sociologically as a sect.  I t gradually came to be f e l t , however, that i f the whole  Left Wing of the Reformation i s classed as sectarian something must be done to distinguish between the divergent elements represented i n this heterogeneous group.^ Johannes K3hnn was the f i r s t to suggest on  that Hachfolge Christenturn characterized a part of the l e f t wing. This was developed further by Harold Bender, who placed discipleship 26  as central and added to i t the voluntary church and pacifism. Franklin L i t t e l l has suggested that the view of the church as a  -30  "true church" gathered and disciplined upon the apostolic pattern represents the essence of Anabaptism. ^ Paul Peachey interprets the 2  view of state-church relations to be c e n t r a l .  Robert Priedmann has  28  most recently advanced the "two kingdoms" v i e w .  29  In studying Anabaptism not too much i s accomplished by disputing about which part of Anabaptist l i f e and thought i s central.  Disciple-  ship and the view of the church do l i e close to the core but a whole view of Christian f a i t h , l i f e , and order i s involved. Variations among Anabaptists themselves must not be overlooked. ,,A simple c l a s s i f i c a t i o n that excludes men l i k e Denck and Hut i s not very helpful. Each leader stands and f a l l s on his own merits as  do.also'the/\branches  of the larger movement. B. The Approach. 1.  The Writings and Confessions of Hut.  Of Hut's l i t e r a r y efforts only two traots, a l e t t e r and a small concordance have beoome known, besides some hymns of lasting value. Eia ohristlicher Unterrioht (A Christian Instruction) was published by 31 Johannes Landtsperger i n 1527.  The main part was republished io. 3o  Mittheilungen aus dem Antiquariat S_. Calvary, in 1871.  In this tract  there are a l i s t of forty contradictory Scripture references. Thirtynine of the forty appear in an e a r l i e r work by Denck. If they were inserted by Hut i t demonstrates a clear reliance on Denck.  The  writing i t s e l f i s based on a three-fold breakdown of the Apostolic Creed. There are no extant oopies of his tract Vom Geheimnis der Tauff, (The Mystery of Baptism) except as they appear i n numerous Hutterite codices.  I t i s believed to be identical with the "book with the seven  -31-  seals" that Hut refers to at his t r i a l in November 1527.  Both works  appear in several Hutterite manuscript books and both were published by Lydia M t f l l e r ,  35  Vom Geheimnis der Tauff, except for the l a s t part and  a number of other omissions, appeared i n the Kunstbuch of 1561.  Both  tracts were written sometime between his baptism in May 1526 and his imprisonment i n September 1527.  I t i s probable that they were written  early i n this period. The open l e t t e r which Hut wrote to the Anabaptist brotherhood was probably written in Augsburg in August, 1527.  When i t came into the  hands of Urbanus Rhegius in Augsburg he replied in 1528 with a pamphlet, Sendbrief Hans Huthen etwan ains Fuernemen Vorsteers im Wieder tauf36 forden. VeraAtwortet durch Urbanum Rhegium. has printed the main section of the epistle.^7  Lydia M i l l e r again I t i s a short document  and i t i s believed to have been sent with Anabaptist apostles commissioned by the Martyr Synod. The Rathsbuechlein containing a short catechism, prayer, and a concordance of 78 items was found i n the possession of-Eitelhans Langenmantel when he was arrested and i s commonly attributed to Hut. I t was published by Roth without the Scripture references i n a study 38 of Hans Langenmantel. The confessions of Hut a l l date from the time of his imprisonment in Augsburg.  Ten records of his answers have been published i n Meyer's  39 study  and one more appears i n Schornbaum's collection of Anabaptist  source materials for B a v a r i a .  40  The confessions of friends and followers of Hut that throw most l i g h t on his teachings have been- printed i n Berbig, Wappler, Nicoladoni  -3241 and Schornbaum.  The influenoe of Hut on other South German Ana-  baptist leaders can be traced best in Mflller's two volumes of South German tracts and e p i s t l e s . * 2.  2  The Problem.  In the study of Hut's teachings i t w i l l be necessary to review what his contemporaries, friendly and hostile, thought of him, and examine the verdict of history and the problem i t presents. It seems very clear that the sentence which the court at Augsburg passed on Hut in 152^ powerfully influenced the position of later writers concerning him.  The sentence accuses him s p e c i f i c a l l y of  holding infant baptism i n contempt, of raising up a league to overthrow the authorities, and in general of heresy, revolution, and  seduction.  He was further accused of claiming special revelations from God, participating in the Peasants' War,  i n c i t i n g the common man to annihilate  the authorities, associating with Muentzer, leading the pious citizens of Mflhlhausen and Pranconia astray and, while i n prison, attempting to 43  strangle his guard in an effort to escape by violence. Sebastian Franok was one of the f i r s t to interpret Hut in t h i s negative l i g h t .  In his estimation Hut was the founder of a new sect  that wanted to annihilate the ungodly and encouraged community of goods and of women.** Schwenckfeld u%qas»e of the same opinion.*^ r  Most Roman Catholic and Protestant writers condemned him as dangerous. Johannes Jaber, for example, called him an arch-heretic and lying 46 fraud and Sender revived the superstition about a flask which bewitched those who drank from i t and caused them to j o i n the Ana47  baptist  movement.  Although Kessler was not as antagonistic he  did aocuse Hut of dating the coming of Christ, teaching that the  -33-  pious would eradicate the ungodly with the sword and implying that the devil would ultimately be saved.  48  More systematic than a l l these was Heinrich Bullinger's condenmation of Hut.  5  He dedicated a whole ohapter in his l a s t and  f i n a l book on the Anabaptists to a refutation of Hut and his followers. Revolution, special revelations, and apocalyptic indifference to property are a l l refuted. Neuser has pointed out that Wigand, Ottius, Arnold, B. N. Krohn, G. A. W i l l , Heller, Hagin, Ritschl, Linden, Hegler, and Koehler a l l follow Bullinger with minor modifications. ^ Friedrich 5  RHdel, * Lowell Zuck, Norman Cohn 5  52  53  and a host of other scholars  have followed Bullinger as well since 1913.  In the l i g h t of Fast's  study of Bullinger and the Anabaptists i t i s no longer possible to 54  aocept Bullinger's position u n c r i t i c a l l y . Not u n t i l Meyer's study of 1874, was the positive interpretation of the Geschichtbuch  55  and the Martyrs M i r r o r ^ once more picked up. 6  It i s his opinion that after Hut's baptism his teaching was of a l l Anabaptists the most honorable and moderate.  Keller,  57  58  Nicoladoni,  59  60  and Hartmann  have followed Meyer and continued this interpretation.  The sharp difference of opinion on Hut i s not accidental, however, or unjp.stifled, for on most questions of his teaching there i s strongly contradictory evidence, both i n the writings of others who knew him and i n even his own.  It i s therefore imperative to weigh the evidence  very carefully, even though i t i s most probable that some of the -  contradictions w i l l never be resolved unless new sources are found. This presents the greatest problem i n the study of Hut's teachings. 3.  Purpose and Plan. .  The major task i n this thesis i s to determine i n as far as the sources permit what Hut taught concerning ohurch and State.  In order  -34-  to do this a brief sketch of his l i f e w i l l be made relying as far as possible on the work done by Neuser. After a systematic presentation of his teachings, i n which the contradictions w i l l be stated and the weighing begun, i t w i l l be necessary to consider two divergent major influences on his l i f e , that of Thomas Muentzer and that of Hans Denck. What i s then known about Hut w i l l be related to the writings and influence of other leaders of the South German Anabaptist movement. In the l i g h t of this conclusions w i l l be drawn about the problem of 6hurch and istate i n the l i f e of Hans Hut and his associates. C.  The Setting. 1.  A Brief Sketch of Hut's L i f e .  The Peasants' Revolt of 1524-1525 caught the imagination of a large proportion of the German population. When the peasants saw their hopes suddenly shattered and themselves violently suppressed a wave of disappointment spread over the masses.  The apocalyptic dreams of the  Zwickau prophets and of Thomas Muentzer had not materialized.  The  imminent change they had promised, v i z . , the purging of the world through the annihilation of the ungodly, and the beginning of a new Golden Age of righteousness, had come to naught. But with this one hope crushed, the theme of the Turks as being the judgment of God upon the ungodly and the authorities was once more picked up with renewed vigor.  61  Hans Hut more than anyone else i n the few years after 1525 was responsible for fanning the dying embers of hope and channeling them into new directions.  The time of his greatest a c t i v i t y and widest  influence i s divided into two periods by his baptism on May 26, 1526.  -35-  The f i r s t period begins with the defeat of the peasants at Frankenhausen in March 1525, and finds Hat primarily under the influence of Muentzer. The second period comes to an end with Hut's death i n Augsburg on December 6, 1527, and i s characterized by his identification with the Anabaptist movement. Cn  Hans Hut was a native of Haina near Rbmhild i n Thuringia. For four years after 1517,he was a sexton i n the service of the knights Hans and George von Bibra of Schwebenheim i n the village of Bibra near Memmingen.  From about 1521 on, his work as a bookbinder and book-  salesman took him to Wflrzburg, Bamberg, Nurnberg, Passau, and to Austria. In the early twenties muoh of t h i s work of selling and distributing pamphlets contributed to the propagation of the evangelical Lutheran faith.  His interest i n the new religious awakening often took him to  Wittenberg where he attended the ohurch services and lectures of the Reformers. These trips also brought him into contact with current radical ideas. Sometime during the course of the year 1524 he met three craftsmen at Weissenfels with whom he discussed the necessity of infant baptism. Sinoe the Wittenberg theologians were not able to help him i n this 65 matter,  he was troubled by such Scripture passages as Matthew 28:20,  Mark 16:16, and Acts 19:3, so he refused to have his next child baptized, i n s i s t i n g that i f Christ and the apostles did hot baptize children i t might be best to postpone baptism u n t i l children had acquired understanding about the Christian l i f e and the sufferings 66  that accompany i t . When i t became known i n Bibra that he refused to have his child baptized, the lords of Bibra ordered a disputation and at the same time  -36-  demanded that he have his ohild baptized within eight days or s e l l his property and move out.  Tne decision to comply with the l a t t e r  alternative was an important one i n his l i f e , f o r i t was the beginning of a series of steps that led him into the hands of the Anabaptists. After a short imprisonment he l e f t Bibra with his wife and five children, and i n the summer of 1524 began a l i f e of wandering. Some of his time i n the f a l l of 1524 he spent in Kurnberg, where he met and stayed with Hans Denck  68  and Wolfgang vogel, pastor at Eltersdorf.  Hut probably had aocess through these men to the meetings of the radical Humanists of Nurnberg who were an active group u n t i l the t r i a l s of January 1525, that f i n a l l y led to Denck*s banishment.  69  In the spring of 1525 while peddling his books between Wittenberg and Erfurt Hut became involved i n the Peasants' Revolt.  In the hope of  selling some of his books and pamphlets he made his way to Prankenhausen, where he heard Muentzer preaoh on a number of days before the battle of May 27, 1525. On the day of the battle he aocompanied the troops but when his l i f e was endangered he fled to safety.  He was taken captive  once by the Peasant forces but released at the command of Muentzer, and by the conquerors after the battle only to be freed again—probably because he was peddling Reformation tracts.  Muentzer knew Hut beoause  he had visited him at Bibra early i n the summer of 1524, at which time he l e f t his exposition of the f i r s t chapter of Luke and Hut arranged to have i t printed. In June 1525, Hut was preaching i n muoh the same s p i r i t as Muentzer i n Bibra.  He was invited to speak on the subject of baptism  by the pastor Jflrg Haug von Juchsen. - - According to his own account 7  1  72  he spoke on baptism, the Lord's Supper, ungodliness, and the mass,  -37-  and preached open revolt against the authorities.  Hut was not able  to remain i n Bibra long and soon resumed his l i f e as a wandering agitator, Where he spent his time between June 1525, and his appearance in Augsburg May 1526, i s not clear. Hut's brief v i s i t i n Augsburg on Pentecost of 1526 became a turning point i n his l i f e .  He stayed with his old friend Hans Denck, who had  been baptized by Balthasar Hubmaier i n March of the same year. With Denck was a friend, Caspar Perber from the Inntal, who had also been baptized.and told of the s p i r i t u a l r e v i v a l among those rebaptized i n the Inntal.  Hut says that he had not heard of baptism for adults pre-  74  viously and had no desire t o be baptized; having been persuaded by Denck and Jerber he allowed Benck to baptize him on May 26, 1526. After his baptism, Hut l e f t Augsburg for Franconia and Thuringia, now eagerly winning people for the Anabaptist cause.  I t i s impossible  to traoe his a c t i v i t i e s accurately but a certain amount of chronology and geography are supplied by the sources from the areas in which he 75 preached. It seems that he began his Anabaptist a c t i v i t i e s at a m i l l near his birthplace Haina, for the miller and his brother were baptized by Hut. More important for the spread of the movement was the baptism of J&'rg Volok of Haina, who thereafter accompanied Hut on his travels i n Franconia.  From Haina his work spread out into neighboring t e r r i t o r i e s  and he was soon baptizing followers in Rbmhild, Breitensee, GrossWalbur, KLein-Walbur, and Coburg.  In Gross-Walbur he won K i l i a n  Volokamer, and i n Coburg Eukarius Kellermann took up the Anabaptist faith.  These two men together with the latter's servant, Joachim Mertz,  accompanied Hut on most of his missionary journeys,^  6  -3&-  In the f a l l of 1526 Hut travelled to Kbnigsberg with his companions and gathered a small congregation. Hut gives a rather detailed account 77  of a sermon he preached here. The passages from Scriptures of Old and New Testaments and the Apocrypha a l l relate either to the f i n a l judgement or to the sword.  I t i s not always clear whether the position  he took was revolutionary or peaceful.  He did say that the peasants  were wrong i n r i s i n g up against the authorities and that swords should be l e f t in their sheaths u n t i l oommanded otherwise by God, who would soon return to judge the ungodly.  The righteous would be given  authority to reign, rule and judge over the ungodly and God would overthrow a l l authority and power and bring the world to an end. Hut also made excursions into the neighboring countryside with his companions.  In Ostheim, Thoman Spiegel was won for the cause and a  small group grew up here. In preaching that God was bringing the world to a sudden end, Hut apparently assured his listeners that before the end the Turks would invade Europe, overthrow the authorities and destroy countless multitudes.  Christians should flee to MiShlhausen, Nurnberg  and Hungary f o r God would wipe out the Turks and a l l that remained save for those who had been rebaptized. At the Auraohsmflhle Hut preaohed for three days with great success whereas i n Leutershausen no one received the "covenant•"  In Unfinden and Mechenried Hut again preaohed  78  and baptized freely. Leaving JbYg Volck to carry on the work in Kbnigsberg, Hut l e f t this area sometime i n November 1526, planning to pass through Nurnberg to Augsburg.  He passed over Zilgendorf to Uetzing where he baptized  Mertain and Veit Weischenfelder along with a number of others. preaching here-was of a peaceful nonresistant v a r i e t y .  79  Hut's  The congregation  -39-  soon grew to the point where a common purse had to be instituted; the message also spread into the surrounding v i l l a g e s , A large gathering met at the HopfenmShle j u s t before Christmas of 1526.  80  Hans  Weischenfelder*s report of this meeting indicates that Hut was preaohing revolutionary doctrine. Mertain, on the other hand, says that Hut never preached anything revolutionary. Shortly after t h i s meeting Hut l e f t to pass on to Nurnberg and Augsburg, but this time by way of Bamberg and Erlangen. Hut made his way to Bamberg i n the company of Eukarius Kellermann, Joachim Mertz, Endres Ryss, Hans Weischenfelder, Sebastian, Thoman Spiegel, J8rg Volok and K i l i a n Volckhamer. After a short unsuccessful stay in Bamberg the group went on to Erlangen, lodging in the home of Hans Nadler, who received baptism with his wife. Soon there was a congregation of some t h i r t y Anabaptists here.  In a short time word spread to A l t e r -  langen, where Marx and Michel Maier entered the covenant brotherhood. Sometime around Shrove Tuesday,(Pastnacht) Hut appeared i n Uttenreut. 81  The message Hut proclaimed here was of a very moderate variety. After preaching repentance and forgiveness of sins, Hut baptized about twelve persons and closed with-the celebration of the Lord*s Supper. The : same night Hut moved - on never to return; but behind him he l e f t a small Anabaptist congregation. A similar series of events took place i n Eltersdorf, where the pastor Wolfgang Vogel joined the Anabaptist brotherhood.  In early  February 1527, Hut l e f t his companions and travelled on to Numberg, planning to meet them at Erlangen on Sunday, February 17.  In Nurnberg  Hut worked at his trade for~some time while propagating the Anabaptist f a i t h during the evening.  Hut was not able to remain here long. News  -40-  of the discovery and persecution of Anabaptists i n the Kilnigsberg area soon spread down to Nurnberg. Hut l e f t , but i n the meantime Yogel was placed on t r i a l , Spiegel was imprisoned and the authorities i n Bamberg and Coburg and throughout many parts of Franconia were notified and alerted. After a long series of t r i a l s Vogel was f i n a l l y accused of revolutionary intentions and heresy and was decapitated on March 26, 1527.  None of the charges placed against him are reflected i n the  lengthy confession we have from his hand.82 At Erlangen the Maier brothers, Hans Nadler, and others escaped before they were imprisoned. In the meantime Hut spent nine to ten days i n Augsburg.  He  arrived at just the right time to establish the congregation on a solid footing. Hut baptized Langenmantel and his servants Hermann Anwalt and Margarethe, also Sigmund Salminger,  84  Konrad Huber,  Gall Fischer and his wife, Peter Soheppach and his wife, and the wife of Georg Regel.  Hut's zeal attracted men from a l l classes of society.  The congregation here grew rapidly to the point where a treasury for the poor had to be organized.  Before Hut l e f t Sigmund Salminger was  chosen as leader and two assistants, Jakob Dachser 85 and Jakob Gross R 6 were appointed. After his work i n Augsburg was accomplished i t was Hut's intention to return to Erlangen, but since the authorities were now hot on his t r a i l , return was impossible. Hut then decided to v i s i t the Anabaptists in Moravia with his companions Eukarius von Coburg, Joachim Mertz, and Hans Weisohenfelder.  Early in.April 1527, the four wandering apostles  turned i n at Passau where they were received by Georg Nespitzer, the brother-in-law of Eukarius. His interest i n the new doctrines had been aroused e a r l i e r and when Hut arrived and read to him from Old and  -41-  New Testaments he and his wife were baptized and received into the oovenant of the Lord.  Hut explained that the covenant consists of a  readiness to forsake one's sins and a willingness to discipline one's 87 brother when he sins, and to help him i n time of need. Hut remained here u n t i l A p r i l 21, and then continued to Moravia with Eukarius and 88  Joachim as well as Georg Nespitzer and his wife.  Hans Weischen-  felder stayed behind to tend the flook at Passau. At Nikolsburg the Anabaptist cause was flourishing.  Balthasar  Hubmaier had been there about a year preaching Anabaptist doctrines. Leonhard, Lord of Liechtenstein, joined the movement and soon a 89 multitude of men and women were baptized into the f a i t h .  Nadler  reports that up to seventy were baptized i n one day. ^ 9  Shortly before Hut arrived trouble had begun i n the congregation when a group led by Jacob Widemann began c a l l i n g for community of goods and rejection of the sword in every form.  The l a t t e r point was oruoial  at this time i n Austria since the Turkish threat made the payment of a wartax oompulsory as well as military service. Widemann maintained that government and the S p i r i t of Christ could not mix and that ua-.iz* Christian could under no circumstances use the sword. Hubmaier opposed this f l a t l y and maintained that under a l l circumstances obedience to the authorities i s o b l i g a t o r y .  91  When Hut arrived i n Mkolsburg he^was forced into this debate. He sided with Widemann, believing that the Christian must suffer patiently under the authorities u n t i l God would bring the world to an end; this meant that Hut's weight in the debate went to the StSbler 92 rather than to the Schwertler.  Hans Schlaffer's account however,  shows that this was not the only point of confliot between Hubmaier  -42-  and Hut.  Antagonism also centered i n the ease with which members  were accepted into the brotherhood.  The church at Nikolsburg under  Hubmaier, as at Waldshut, lacked some of the Anabaptist voluntarism i n the matter of baptism and church membership. The subject matter of the discussions between Hubmaier and Hut i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. 94 Nadler suggests that Hut's Seven A r t i c l e s were up for debate; but  95  since he was not present his word alone i s not absolutely authoritative. But i t i s substantiated by Georg Nespitzer, who also reports that the 96  Seven Articles of Hut were debated. Hut, on the other hand, says in his confessions that Hubmaier set up a l i s t of a r t i c l e s against him 97 and l i s t s eleven of them.  Hut denied a l l but one of them and when  i t appeared that he would be imprisoned on account of them he f l e d . Neither the eleven artioles that Hubmaier i s supposed to have formulated nor Hut's Seven A r t i c l e s have anything to do with the question of the wartax and the sword.  I t i s now clear that the Anabaptists were not  responsible for the notorious Nikolsburg A r t i o l e s ^ long been accused of supporting.  0  that Hut has so  If Hubmaier raised 52 a r t i c l e s , as  Hut suggests, i t i s possible that the questions regarding the sword and concerning the three and one-half years of the Prophet Daniel were among them." From Nikolsburg Hut made his way to Vienna with Oswald G l a i t , ^  0 0  arriving there early i n June. While they were i n Vienna f i f t y converts were baptized.  The most important of them was Leonhard Schismer who  reports that after hearing Hut preach for two days.and finding nothing e v i l i n i t he accepted baptism'from Oswald G l a i t . * * 0  From Vienna Hut proceeded on to Melk, where he i s said to have baptized f i f t e e n persons. At Steyr, Hut was introduced into the company  -43-  of respected citizens by Jakob Portner, the ohaplain of Count Regendorf. Leonhard Dorfbrunner, a former priest and chaplain at Pechlarn, was baptized here with a number of others. Hut escaped just before the whole group was arrested. Several were exeouted, a number were expelled, and only those who recanted were released. At Freistadt and G a l l neukirohen Hut baptized about twenty persons.  At Linz Ambrosius  Spittelmayr and a number more were baptized. Linz became the center of the Anabaptist movement i n Upper Austria when the congregation at Steyr was broken up.  Wolfgang Brandhuber and Hans Schlaffer spear-headed  the Anabaptist movement here and i n the environment. Prom Linz Hut passed on through Sohfirding, Braunau, Laufen, and Salzburg on his way to Augsburg.* ^ 0  Hut arrived i n Augsburg on time for a gathering of Anabaptist leaders that has been described as the Martyr Synod. Because i t was of a spontaneous character without o f f i c i a l leadership i t i s probably inaccurate to refer to i t as a synod and yet to deny that there was an important meeting of Anabaptist leaders and a great missionary sending out of apostles, i s contrary to fact.  The two most i n f l u e n t i a l leaders  in attendance were Hans Denck and Hans Hut.  Whereas i t had u n t i l  recently been taken for granted that Denck played the most important role, i t i s now generally agreed that Hut was the dominant personality. Sinoe Denck was not active as an Anabaptist i n baptizing, commissioning leaders, and founding new congregations i t i s reasonably safe to assume that Hut took the i n i t i a t i v e in c a l l i n g the meeting and served as leader at i t s sessions. According to Georg Nespitzer  and Marx  104 Maier  the major meeting at which the commissioning was done took  place on August 24, 1527, in the home of Matthias Finder. A meeting  -44-  had been held a few days earlier i n the home of Gall Vischer, the deaoon of the Augsburg Anabaptist congregation. A third meeting at the home of the other deacon, Konrad Huber, was probably not attended by Denck. The central theological problem was probably Hut's eschatology. Walter Fellmann suggests wrongly that there was general agreement on f i x i n g the date of the return of Christ at 1528. v  105  Hut and most of  the disciples he influenced stated that the date of the return of Christ i s unknown. Although the note of eschatological urgency and the constant threat of the Turks formed the basic setting for Hut's theology, i t seems clear that i f he ever taught the end of the world would come in 1528 he had abandoned this position by the summer of 1527.  A H the disciples from his Austrian ministry denied that Hut  ever taught a revolutionary chiliasm and a f i x i n g of the time at which God would oulminate history.  The problem of those that say he did so,  of course, remains; this must be weighed against his own testimony and that of his closest and most i n f l u e n t i a l disciples. Hut remained in Augsburg after the Synod and was arrested on September 15, 1527, and tried for the f i r s t time a day l a t e r .  The  available confessions indicate that he was tried at least ten times, sometimes on the rack.  The facts concerning his death are conflicting  and i n that respect typical of the many divergent reports concerning his l i f e and thought. His accusers relate that Hut was planning a violent escape. By setting f i r e to the straw i n his c e l l , he hoped to lure his guard, intending to strangle him, take the keys, and escape.  On the other  hand, his son related that as Hut lay in his c e l l l i k e a dead man from the treatment he had received, his candle aocidenidfy- ignited the straw  -45-  and caused his death by asphyxiation.  At any rate, lacking respect  even for the dead, sentence was pronounced the following day on his oorpse, and his dead body was burned at the stake, December 7, 1527. 2.  The Sociology of Hut's A c t i v i t i e s .  If Hut's religious oonvictions and a c t i v i t i e s before his baptism could be characterized by revolutionary chiliasm and aimless wandering, his l i f e thereafter was one of determination and t o t a l commitment to the propagation of the Anabaptist f a i t h i n the oontext of the Anabaptist brotherhood.  But what kind of person was he, what form did the move-  ment he originated take sociologically, and who were the authorities that had so much to say about him? Hut must have been a dynamic person with many and varied a b i l i t i e s . He i s described by the Nurnberg Council as follows:  "The highest and  chief leader of the Anabaptists i s Johannes Hut, a well-educated, clever fellow, rather t a l l , a peasant with l i g h t brown cropped hair and a blond mustache. He i s dressed i n a gray, sometimes black, ridingcoat, a broad gray hat, and gray pants.  He i s from K9nigsberg and  a book salesman by trade. He i s also a oabinetnaker and adept at other 1  trades."  Oft  Some of the other trades he plied, i f necessary, were  bookbinding, locksmithing, and the making of screws. His religious fervor and intensity can be seen in his remarkable a b i l i t y to move men. Oh his missionary tours Hut appeared l i k e an Old Testament prophet with a New Testament group of disoiples around him.  He would turn up suddenly in some out-of-the-way place and leave  just as suddenly, thus evading the authorities. As long as he was not known he could perform his trade during the day and spread the f a i t h during the evening.  At times he conducted his meetings at night so  -46-  109 that men would not have to leave their work during the day. Ones he was being hunted he had to move secretly, aocepting sustenance from his friends and converts. His eloquence and knowledge of the Bible together with a note of urgency fasoinated people and won them quickly to the Anabaptist cause. On a number of ocoasions Hut v i s i t e d a place for the f i r s t time some evening and after a few hours of preaching and baptizing would move on leaving a small Anabaptist congregation.  This a b i l i t y gave rise to fantastic reports about his powers  and influence. Legend says that he changed the color of his clothing 110 and his name, that he instituted secrets that were carefully restricted to a select few who recognized each other by mysterious signs,  1 1 1  and that he had i n his possession a book that was given to 112  the Prophet Daniel 113 men.  and a secret f l u i d that could be used to beguile •  -  . In a typical meeting he would preach Christ crucified, showing that he was obedient to the Father i n suffering and unto death. He would t e l l them that the Gospel must be preached to a l l creatures and whoever believed and was baptized would be saved. A man must be w i l l i n g to follow Christ i n suffering, a f f l i c t i o n , distress and persecution. There was no time to lose i n making this decision for God would soon come to judge the world. After the sermon Hut baptized and welcomed into the brotherhood those who desired i t .  After the simple baptism,  the Lord's Supper was celebrated, Hut explaining that Christ was not present i n the bread and wine but that i t was a memorial of His suffering. As long as possible, Hut preached openly and i n the homes of friends, but as time went on he was driven to preach i n out-of-the-way m i l l s , i n meadows, in brick k i l n s , i n woods, gardens and basements.  -47-  He found the best response among tradesmen,  but men in the pro-  f e s s i o n s — p r i e s t s , sextons, students—were also attracted.  In his  confessions he accounted for about 250 men that he baptized but there were probably many more. Although Hut has a l l the marks of a charismatic leader he was not so carried away by the moving of the S p i r i t that he was oblivious to the form of the Church. He was oareful to provide s u f f i c i e n t organization to maintain order, preserve the f a i t h , and keep the brotherhood united while expanding. His preaching had a strong congregational note and an emphasis on brotherly love and sharing, covenant loyalty and discipline.  Leaders, and at times also deacons, were chosen to head the  l o c a l groups. He commissioned most of the wandering apostles himself. Only those who were sent by the Church should preach and baptize. Finally, to establish the brethren in the f a i t h , to face the missionary challenge, and to keep the larger brotherhood unified, Hut planned larger meetings that he referred to as councils. The only one that materialized during his lifetime was the one at Augsburg, August 1527. 3.  P o l i t i c a l Opposition a ' : ' Z\t u Ac f  iiy  L.l'-.&iw,  The area of Hut's a c t i v i t y and influence was under Hapsburg domination during the 1520's. Ferdinand I was Archduke of Austria after 1521 and after 1526 King of Hungary and King of Bohemia.  Charles  V was Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire from 1519 to 1556, and though some Protestants looked to him with hope i n the early twenties, he remained strongly with the old Roman Church.  In Bavaria the reigning  dukes were William IV and Louis, who also represented the old order and were responsible for the horrifying watchword, " A l l Anabaptists are to be punished with death.  Whoever recants w i l l be beheaded;  -48-  whoever does not recant w i l l be burned."  This command was carried  out with great severity, for between 1527 and 1581, 223 Anabaptists were executed i n Bavaria alone. According to one source the Inn Valley in Tyrol saw the burning of no fewer than 1,000 Anabaptists between 1527 and 1530. procedure.**  At Linz i n 1529, 70 brethren were put to death i n one  8  Because this area was under the control of the Roman Church there were no debates or disputations between the Anabaptists and their opponents. This i s significant in a period of rapidly ideas.  changing  religious  In Switzerland there were about forty disputations between the  Anabaptists and their enemies between 1523 and 1540.  This gave the  Anabaptists opportunity to demonstrate that they were not sectarian but were w i l l i n g to converse about points of difference from statechurch theologians and o f f i c i a l s .  The disputations provide a valuable  and unique source for the plaoe of the Anabaptists i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l history of sixteenth-century Switzerland. Debates, recorded discussions, and disputations were also conducted in Strassbourg and at other points up the Rhine.  Although this type of source material i s missing for  the southeast German area, the ruthless persecution by the authorities did drive the Anabaptists to write more tracts, confessions, and epistles than in other areas. The government opposition to the Anabaptist movement i n the South German area followed i n the t r a i l of Hut's l a b o r s . T h e  f i r s t man-  date directed s p e c i f i c a l l y against Anabaptists was that of Bishop Weigand of Bamberg i n March 1, 1527. issued an edict against Hans Hut.  In the same month Nurnberg  On October 11, 1527, while Hut was  in prison, Augsburg threatened membership i n an Anabaptist group with  -49-  corporal and capital punishment. On October 18 and 27, 1527, Matthias Lang, Cardinal of Salzburg, ordered raids to hunt out the Anabaptists. On A p r i l 18, 1528, he decreed the death penalty for Anabaptist preaohers.  On November 1, 1527, Regensburg announced severe corporal  punishment for adult baptism and for sheltering Anabaptists.  On  November 5, 1527, Dukes William and Louis of Bavaria required a l l Anabaptists to be seized and on January 26, 1529, Styria ordered the seizure of Anabaptists and the burning of their homes. Ferdinand  I was most active in attacking the Anabaptists.  On August 20, 1527, while the Martyr Synod was in session, Ferdinand issued a general mandate against a l l Protestants. On October 23, 1527, a special mandate against the Anabaptists was proclaimed for Upper Austria that was reissued January 16, 1528.  A similar mandate  was issued on February 4, 1528 for Lower Austria.  On February 27, 1528,  Ferdinand stipulated that rebaptized persons be put to death i n spite of recantation. On March 24, 1528, this was further sharpened by ordering death by f i r e for Anabaptist preachers and beheading for the penitent.  On A p r i l 1, 1528, a note of lenienoy appeared i n a man-  date for Upper Austria; pardon was to be granted to Anabaptists i f they voluntarily reoanted, aocepted church penance, and betrayed their preachers I The mandate of Emperor Charles V passed at Speyer on January 4, 1528, less than a month after Hut's death, extended the persecution of Anabaptists to the whole empire. Henceforth no Anabaptist was safe any longer.  The imperial deoree was i n short order supported by further  mandates by princes, bishops, and c i t i e s .  On February 22, 1528, the  Swabian League decided to send out 400 horsemen as scouts to ferret out  -50-  Anabaptists.  When the D i e t of Speyer on A p r i l 22, 1529, assented to  the imperial mandate of the previous year persecution of Anabaptists reached i t s u l t i m a t e s e v e r i t y . Since the teachings of Hut were responsible f o r the flow o f so much blood i n South Germany, they must be looked a t c a r e f u l l y .  -51-  FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND METHOD C. A. Cornelius, Geschicfrfce des Mfinsterisohen Aufruhrs (Leipzig: T. 0. Weigel, 1855), pp. 42, 49 f . Christian Meyer, "Zur Geschichte der Wiedertfiufer in Qberschwaben: I. Die "AnfSnge des Wiederta^ferthums i n Augsburg," Z e i t s c h r i f t des Historisohen Yereins fflr Schwab en und Neuburg I (1874), pp 207256. Hereafter, Confessions. Alexander Nicoladoni, Johannes Bflhderlinvoh Linz und die oberflsterreichischen Tfiufergemeinde in den Jahren 1525-1531 (Berlin: R. Gartners Verlag, 1893). 4  Friedrich Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgesohichte I 1517-1530 (Mflnchen: Ackermann, 1901). 5 Georg Berbig, "Die. Wiedert&i'fer im Amt KBnigsberg i . Fr. i . J. 152 7/28," Deutsche Z e i t s c h r i f t fflr Klrohenrtecht 13. Bd., 3. Heft (1903), pp. 291-353. Also "Die WiedertSuferei im Ortslande zu Frankeri, im Zusainmenhahg mit dem Bauernkrieg," i b i d . , 22. Bd., 3. Heft (1912), pp. 378-403. . Paul Wappler, Die TaHiferbewegung i n ThiSringen von 1526-1584 (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1913). 7 . .... ... .. Wilhelm Neuser, Hans Hut. Leben und Wirkeh bis zum Nikolsburger Religibnsg'esprSch (Berlin:" Hermann Blanke, 1913). This volume includes only two of the six chapters that" made up the original thesis. The chapter t i t l e s ' a r e : "(I) Gegenwfirtiger Stand der Forschuhg. (2) Quellenschau. (3)~"Bis' zur Wiede'rtaufe. (4) Der tfiuferische Agitator. (5) Hut's TStigkeit i n ThiSringen und Franken. (6) Das Nikolsburger Religionsgesprfich. Only numbers" three and six'are published. A typewritten copy of the other chapters i s located at" the Goshen College Library. " Hereafter the references to the typewritten copy w i l l have MSS after them. 6  8  '.  ; . /  The Yerein fflr Reformatibnsgeschiohte undertook in the 1920's to publish a l l the Anabaptist" "source materials available i n German ard hive's. The following volumes were "used in this study: ( l ) Karl Schornbaum,'ed.," Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertaufer: 'Markgrafturn Brandenburg, Bayern I (Leipzig: M. Heinsius Nachf., 1934), Quellen und Forschungen'zur Reformationsgeschiqhte XYI:2. "Hereafter, Bayern I. (2) Lydia Mflller, ed., Glaubehszeugnisse bberdeutscher Taufgesinnten I (Leipzig: M. Heinsius Nachf., 1938), Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XX.' Hereafter, Glaubenszeugnisse I. (3) Karl Sohornbaum, ed., Quellen zur "Geschichte der TSufer: Bayern I I (GiStersloh: C. Bertelsmann Yerlag, 1951), Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgeschichte XXIII. Hereafter, Bayern I I . A second volume  52-  of Glaubenszeugnisse edited by Lydia Mflller and Robert Friedmann was available i n typewritten manuscript at the Goshen College Library. Hereafter, Glauben s zeu gnis s'e I I , with the number of the tract and (MSS) .after the page reference. 9 One of Hut's confessions that Meyer missed has been printed in Bayern I, pp. 41-44. Jan J . Kiwiet, "The Life of Hans Denok," MQR XXXI (1957), pp. 227-259j idem., "The Theology of Hans Denck," MQR XXXII (1958), pp. 327; idem., Pi 1 gram Marbeck, Bin Fflhrer i n der Tfluferbewegung der Reformationszeit (Kassel: , J . G. Oneken Verlag, 1957). Hereafter, Kiwiet, Denck and Kiwiet, Marpeck. 1 0  11 Torsten"Bergsten, "Pilgram Marbeck und seine Auseinandersetzung mit Caspar Schwenkfeld," Kyrkohistorisk A r s s k r i f t (1957), pp. 1-58. Only the page proofs were available. 12 Grete Mecenseffy, "Die fierkunft des obero*sterre ionise hen Tfiuferturns," ARG 47:2 (1956), pp. 252-258. 13 ..." Robert Friedmann, "Thomas Muentzer's Relation to Anabaptism," MQR XXXI (1957), pp. 75-87. 14 , Jorg Maler, ed., Das Kunstbuch (manuscript, 1561). This manuscript codex of oa. 740 pages was discovered i n 1955 i n the Bflrgerbibliothek at Bern, Switzerland by Dr. Heinold Fast and Dr. J . F. G. Goeters. I t contains i n addition to certain minor items, 42 letters and documents of 1527-1555, largely from the Pilgram Marpeck South German Anabaptist brotherhood. A typewritten copy prepared by Samuel Geiser i s located at"the Goshen College Library. Hereafter, Kunstbuch, with Geiser's pagination. 15 Heinold Fast, "Pilgram Marbeck und das oberdeutsche Tfiufertum. Ein neuer Handschriftenfund," ARG 47:2 (1956), pp. 212-241. 1 fi  See the a r t i c l e oh "Historiography," i n ME I I (1956), pp. 751769; L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , particularly Chapter I, Former Treatments of Anabaptism, pp. 1-18, and Chapter II, The Quest for the Essence of Anabaptism, pp. 19-49. A l i s t of 62 doctoral dissertations relating to Anabaptist and Mennonite history" written since World War I I was prepared for the Mennonite World Conference i n Karlsruhe 1957, and w i l l appear i n the published proceedings. 17 For those not described above i n footnote 8, see the i n t r o duction to Manfred Krebs, ed., Quelien zur Geschiohte der Tfiufer: Baden und Pfalz (Gu'tersloh:: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1951), Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohiohte XXI. 18 See L i t t e l l , " op. c i t . / Prank Wray, "History i n the Eyes of the Sixteenth Century AnablTptists," (Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Dept. of History, Yale University, 1953); Hans Hillerbrand, "Die Politische Bthik des Oberdeutsohen"Tfiufertums" (Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Erlangen, 1957); John Howard Yoder,  -53  "Das Schweizerische TaVifertum i n Gesprfich mit der Reformation," a typewritten companion volume to his Basel dissertation now i n publication; Heinold Fast, "Heiririoh Bullinger und die Tfiufer" (Unpublished Th. D. dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1957). 19  See above, footnote 10. See Robert Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptists," Church History IX (1940), pp. 341-365; idem,, "Recent Interpretations of Anabaptism," Church History XXIV (1955)7 PP» 132-151; L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , pp. 19-49. 2 0  21 22.  See L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , pp. i x - x i i .  A good example of this appears i n the chapter on the Anabaptists in Roland H. Bainton, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century (Boston: Beacon Press^ 1*952). Troeltsch, on. c i t . , pp. 693 f, 729 f . 2 3  24.  Attempts to do this are described i n Friedmann's studies, see above, footnote 20. 25 Johannes KiShn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1923), p. 224. Harold S. Bender, "The Anabaptist Vision," MQR XVIII (1944), pp. 67-88; idem, "The Anabaptist Theology of Discipleship," MQR XXIV (1950), pp. 25-32; idem, "The Anabaptists and Religious Liberty in the 16th Century,"MQR XXIX (1955), pp. 83-100; idem, "The Pacifism of the Sixteenth Century Anabaptists," Church History XXIV (1955), pp. 119-131. 2 6  27 28  L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , p. x i .  Paul Peaohey> "Social Background and Social Philosophy of the Swiss Anabaptists, 1525-1540," MQR XXVIII (1954), pp. 102-27; idem, "Anabaptism and Churoh Organization," MQR XXX (19 )# PP« 213-28. Robert Friedmann, "The Doctrine of the Two Worlds," The Recovery of the Anabaptist Vision, ed. by Guy F. Hershberger (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1957), pp. 105-18. 56  2 9  , Some of the differences among Anabaptists are due to the fact that they "were encountering different opponents at different places and at different times. The point'of "view i s also important i n interpreting Anabaptism. Seen over against the world, discipleship i s c r u c i a l , but seen over against the state-church and the S p i r i t u a l i s t s the view of the ohurch i s central. In seeking to find what the Anabaptists had i n common i t i s important not' to forget that there Were some things that the Anabaptists had i n common with the Reformers, the S p i r i t u a l i s t s , and the revolutionaries. 3 0  .-5431  See Karl Schottenloher, P h i l i p Ulhart. Ein Augsburger Winkeldnieker und Helfershelfer der "Schwfirmer" und "Wjedertfiufer," 1523-1529117nchen; Dr. F. P. Dalterer und Cie, 1921), pp. 60-4. 3 2  (Berlin:  1869), pp. 156-66.  33 They appear i n Hut i n Glaubehszeugnisse I, pp. 29-31; and i n Denck i n Walter Fellmann, ed., Hans Denck Schriften 2. T e i l , ReligiSse Schriften (Gfltersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1956), pp. 67-74. Hereafter, Fellmann, Denck. 34 "Das buch mit den syben sigeln" (Confessions, p. 240). 35 Glaubenszeugnisse I, pp. 12-37. 36 sg Christian Neff, "Urbanus Rhegius," Mennonitisches Lexikon, III (1957), pp. 486-87. 37 Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 12. 38 Friedrich Roth, "Zur Geschichte der Wiedertfiufer i n Obersohwaben. I I . Zur Lebensgeschichte Eitelhans Langenmantels von Augsburg," Z e i t s c h r i f t des Historischen Vereins fAr Schwaben und Meuburg XXVII (1900), pp. 38^40. 39 Confessions, pp. 223-45. Q  4 0  Bayern I, pp. 41-44.  41 See above, footnotes 3, 5, 6, 8. 42 '  4 3  Glaubenszeugnisse I and I I . Confessions, pp* 252-3.  44 Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeytbuch vnd Geschycht Bibel von Anbegyn bisz inn disz Gegenwertig M; D. xxxj. Jar (Straszburg: Balthasar Beck, 153lJ, pp. 444», 449b f. 45 In "K. Ecke, Sohwenkfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin: Warneck, 1911), p. 20S f . Keuser, op. c i t . , p. 2 (MSS). 4 6  47  Ibid.  48 Emil E g l i and "Rudolph Schooh, Johannes Kesslers Sabbata (St. Gallen: Fehr'sche Buchhandlung, 1902), pp. 272-3. Heinrich Bullinger, Per Widertoeufferen vrsprung/" fflrgang/ Sec ten/ Wae sen/ 'Fflrnemen vnd Gemeine j r e r leer A r t i c k e l (Zurich: Christoph Froschauer, 1561), pp. 42 -44a. 4 9  b  -55-  5 0  Neuser, op. c i t . , pp. 3-4 (MSS).  51  Friedrich RBdel, "Die anarchischen Tendenzen bei den WiedertSufern des Reformationszeitalters. Dargestellt auf Grund ihrer Qbrigkeitsanschauung," (Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Erlangen, 1950), p. 44 f . 52 Lowell H. Zuck, "Anabaptist Revolution through the Covenant in Sixteenth'Century Continental Protestantism" (Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Yale University, 1954), p. 64 f . 53 Norman Cohn, The Pursuit" of the Millennium. A History of Popular Religious and Social Movements i n Europe from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Century (London: Seeker and Warburg, 1957), p. 275. Fast, op. c i t . , pp. 206-11. 5 4  55  Josef Beck, ed., Die Geschichts-B^cher der Wiedertaufer i n 0sterreich-Ungam (Wien: Carl Gerold's Sohn, 1883), pp. 22, 34, 35. 56 Thieleman J . vanBraght, The Bloody' Theater or Martyrs Mirror (Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1951), p7 433. The f i r s t edition was published i n the Netherlands in 1660. 57 Meyer, op. c i t . , p. 218. 58 Ludwig Keller, Bin Apostel der Wiederta*ufer (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1882), p. 41 f. 59 Nicoladoni, op. c i t . , p. 22, footnote 2. 1  60 Neuser, op. c i t . , p. 5 (MSS). 61  Wappler, op. c i t . , p. 26 f .  62 Along with Neuser, op. c i t , , see also J . Hartmann, "Hut," Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, Vol. XIII (1881); S. Hegler, "Hut," Realenzyklop&die fAr prote stantisohe Theologie und Kirche 3 ed., Vol. VIII (1900); Walter Koehler, "Hut," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. I l l (1912); W. Wiswedel, Bilder""und Eu'hrergestalten aus dem Tfiufertum 5. Bd. (Kassel: J . G. Ohcken, 1929), pp. 125-36; Johann Loserth and Robert Friedmann, "Hut," ME I I (1956). 63 Confessions, P. 245., 64 Confessions, PR* 223-4. Cf. Fast, ARG, p. 217, footnote 21. 65 Confessions, 224:7. '  66  Confessions,  67  Confessions, P> 250:11.  68  Confessions, pp. 229:6, 230:9.  250.  -56-  6 9  Kiwiet, Denok, p. 236 f.  7 0  Neuser, op. c i t . , p. 22.  71  A tract of his i s printed i n Glaubenszeughisse I, pp. 3-10. It i s dated 1524 and manifests a s p i r i t that has much more i n common with Hut than with Muentzer. Dr. Robert "Friedmann has suggested in a l e t t e r that J8rg Haug might havebeeri the" f i r s t one after the battle of Frankenhausen to direct Hut into moderate and peaceful paths. 72 Confessions, p. 251. 73 Confessions, pp. 249, 251. - . 74 Confessions, pp. 224, 245. Fast believes that the reference here should be to the Swiss Anabaptists arid not to"the Inrital (ARG, p. 217, footnote 30). Unless some new sources turn up I am inclined to agree With Fast.. 75 The only f u l l account of Hut's a c t i v i t i e s in Franconia, Thuringia, and atNikolsburg i s in Neuser's thesis. I have documented the account from recently published source materials where I f e l t i t was necessary. above, footnotes 7 and 8. 76 Neuser,See op. c i t . , pp. 47-8 (MSS). 77  Confessions, pp. 241-2.  78 Neuser, op. c i t . , pp. 50-3 (MSS). 79 Ibid., p. 57. 80  Ibid., p. 59.  81  Ibid., p. 62.  82  Wiswedel, Bilder I, pp. 152-69.  83  Confessions, p. 224.  84  See Sohottenlpher, op. c i t . , pp. 81-3.  b »« pp. 72-81. He" attributes the tract, Ein GBttlioh vnnd Grflritlioh.Offeribarung: yon "den wahrhaftigen Widerteulfern 1527 (Augsburg: Ulhart, 1527), to Jacob Dfichser. I t had earlier been attributed to Eitelhans Langenmantel. 8 5  I  id  Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschiohte I, pp. 224-39. 87 88  ' "  ,  x  Neuser, op. c i t . , pp. 29-30 (MSS). Nicoladoni, op. c i t . , p. 207:17.  57-  on  • 90  Beck, op. c i t . , p. 48. Bayern I, p. 132.  91 See Paul Dedic, "Mkolsburg," ME I I I (1957), pp. 883-6. .' .. Ibid., p. 884. Hubmaier's followers were called the group of the "sword" and Widemann's the group of the "staff." Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 123. 94 See Appendix I I . 95 Bayern I, p. 153. 92  96 97  Ibid., p. 194. Confessions, p. 232.  98 Vide W. Wiswedel, "Nikolsburg, A r t i c l e s of," ME I I I (1957), pp. 886-8. 99  Hubmaier complained against the application of the three and a half years to the present. See C. Sachsse, Dootor Balthasar Hubmaier als Theologe (Berlin: Trowitzsch and Sohn, 1914), p. 401. Wilhelm Wiswedel, "Oswald Glait von Jamnitz," Zeitsohrift fflr Kirchengeschichte Dritte Folge VII, Bd. LVI, Heft 4 (1937), pp. 550-64. 101 Glaubenszeugnisse ,1, p. 80. 102 Loserth and Friedmann, ME I I , p. 848. 103 Bayern I, p. 187. 104 Ibid., p. 199. 105 Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 17-8. 106 Confessions, p. 253. 107 Rudolph Wolkan, "Gesohichts-Buoh der Hutterischen Brflder (Macleod, Alta., and Vienna:; Carl "Fromme, 1923), p. 47. ;  108 •  109  B  &  y  e  r  P  H» P» 8, and Wappler, op. c i t . , p. 245.  Confessions, p. 225. Confessions, p. 221. Ill 112  Nicoladoni, i t . , p. 173. Confessions, op. p. p240.  -58-  H ° See Leonhard Schiemer* s t r a c t , Volget; nun vam Flaesohlen, garitz Claerlich endteokt, was es bedifl^yitet, alien Frommen TroestTToh leesen, i n Glaubenszeugnisse I, pp. 72-77.  . ... 114  ..  The following i s a l i s t of some of the trades represented among his converts: needle makers, linen weavers, cabinet-makers, m i l l e r s , butchers, coopers, smiths, stone masons, carpenters, hoe makers, t a i l o r s , brick'layers, grinders, and shoemakers. Cf. Neuser, op. c i t . , p. 43 (MSS). 1 1 5  Confessions, p i 226 f .  116  A l i s t of the men that Hut commissioned to serve as Anabaptist apostles would be impressive. See the l i s t of those i n attendance at the Martyr Synod in ME I I I (1957), pp. 529-31. 1 1 7  ME I, p. 251.  See Paul Showalter, "Martyrs," Jffi I I I (1957), pp. 521-5; also John Horsdh, "Persecution of the Evangelical Anabaptists," MQR XII (1938), pp. 3-26. 1 1 8  119 ^ l i s t of the mandates directed against the Anabaptists appears i n ME I I I (1957), pp. 446-53. 120 Grete Mecenseffy and Robert Friedmann, Ferdinand I," ME I I (1956), pp. 322-3.  CHAPTER I I THE TEACHINGS OF HANS HUT A. The Church. The centrality of the church i n Hut's writings and l i f e i s s t r i k i n g . Hut must be acknowledged as one of the greatest evangelists and congregation founders of the whole Left Wing of the Reformation, making him in a sense the Apostle Paul of the South German Anabaptist movement. Although he had no direct relationship with the founding disciples i n Zurich* (1523-25), he entered into their heritage and beoame one of the greatest propagators of the new f a i t h .  The primary sources f o r  his view of the church and the Christian f a i t h are his two major tracts. After his baptism on May 26, 1526 in Augsburg, the Church-brotherhood was the key to Hut's view of the Christian f a i t h and the work of God i n the world. In his confessions Hut referred continually to 2  "his brotherhood," and his teachings concerning baptism, the covenant, the Lord's Supper, community of goods based on love, discipleship, and church leadership are a l l set i n the context of the new brotherhood that God was raising up among men. He speaks of following Christ "and His chosen ones," and of preaching Christ c r u c i f i e d , "but not alone 3  Christ the head, but rather the whole Christ with a l l His members.'™ When speaking of suffering he can also refer to Christ suffering " i n a l l His members."  5  Paul's figure of the members and the head, the  Body of Christ, i s very common i n Hut's writings and plays an important part i n his view of the nature of the church.  -60-  1.  Suffering Discipleship.  Hut believed that i t i s impossible to know Christ and be a member of His Body without being w i l l i n g to suffer with Christ.  The path from  the realm of the world into the realm of the church can never by-pass the experience of suffering, a f f l i c t i o n , and persecution. "For no one i s able to arrive at the truth unless he follows i n the steps of Christ and His chosen ones i n the school of a f f l i c t i o n (Trflbsal)."  Men must  give themselves i n obedience to Christ and suffer the w i l l of God i n 7  body and soul i n order to attain salvationJ  Whoever did not walk i n  His footsteps and in His way and did not want to bear the cross of o  Christ, would never know or possess Christ.  In order to receive the  righteousness that Christ provided for His own by the Cross men must be w i l l i n g to bear the cross in order to be made righteous. With other Anabaptists, Hut o r i t i c i z e d the easy f a i t h and easy j u s t i f i c a t i o n q  that the Reformers preached.  Without aocepting the claims of per-  fectionism Hut believed that righteousness was desired by Christ and was possible for voluntary, disciplined members i n the Body of Christ. Besides the figures of following i n the steps of Christ and bearing His cross, Hut also used the parable of the Word becoming flesh in Christians even as Christ was born in Mary.-^  When this becomes true  0  the l i f e , suffering, persecution, death, and resurrection are also relived in the Christian.  "This w i l l not come to pass except through nil  pain, poverty, and misery within and without."  The imitation of  Christ and suffering are accompanied by the virtue of resignation (Gelassenheit).  If the preaching of the scribes and priests does not  lead to reformation of their l i v e s , i t i s because "They lacked the d i s cernment which one receives through suffering and poverty, which leads  -61-  to separation from the world and resignation, and on the other hand to incorporation in the Body of Christ where a l l understanding i s revealed.  I t appears as i f everyone wants to know Christ but no  one wants to suffer with Him.  I f the S p i r i t of God were known through  sensual pleasure and the pomp of this world the world would be f u l l of 13 Christians. the flesh.  Christ disguised and hid Himself from man by coming on I t i s i n suffering the highest resignation that He has  revealed and i s revealing Himself to His brothers. Here the graoe of God i s f i r s t discoveredj here the highest degree of divine righteousness and the beginning of divine mercy i s found.  Here man becomes  conformed to Christ and completely united with his brothers into , 14 one Body. 2.  Community of Goods.  Hut does not have much to say about community of goods but he does say a number of times that those who are one Body and community i n Christ practice sharing.  In the Body of Christ, the Kingdom of God,  a l l goodness, mercy, honor, and praise are present i n the Holy S p i r i t , "there a l l things are common, nothing p r i v a t e . "  15  The oovenant means  submission i n obedience to Christ and expresses i t s e l f i n , "godly love to a l l brothers and sisters with body, l i f e , property, and honor, 16 regardless of the e v i l gossip and misunderstanding  of the world."  This total commitment of every area of the believer's l i f e to the brothers within the brotherhood was very clearly and forcefully delineated i n Hut and his converts.  I t has some similarity to the  love-communism of the early Church as Troeltsch has described i t . For Hut, property was one of the areas of the t o t a l l i f e that had to submit to the purposes and responsibilities of the Kingdom of God.  -62-  Hut compared the ambitions and temptations i n a Christian's l i f e to the branches of a tree that must be out off before the trunk can be worked into a log for building purposes including among these 17 branches the desire for property, f i e l d s , and pastures.  No man  has  a right to a particular vocation or to property; a Christian must be w i l l i n g to forsake a l l for the Kingdom of C h r i s t .  1 8  When Hut was questioned about his teaching on property he said that he never taught or forced anyone to s e l l his property.  Surplus, however,  should be directed to helping the needy and should the wealthy s e l l land, vineyards, and other things i n order to share with their poorer brethren, he saw nothing wrong with i t .  Certainly he never encouraged  anyone to s e l l his property so as to be able to move to a location 20 from which an overthrow of the government oould be staged.  There i s  no basis in Hut's teachings and a c t i v i t i e s to j u s t i f y the oharge that Hut required the wealthy to give their property and riches to strangers. It i s quite possible, however, that his emphasis on the subordination of property and possessions to the Church-brotherhood had some bearing on the beginnings of the Hutterite movement.  He certainly was  responsible for providing the background for the easy transition from South German and Austrian Anabaptism to the Moravian communal s e t t l e ments. In South Germany, however, sharing was never formally organized although i t remained a v i t a l part of the covenant commitment. 3.  "The Mystery of Baptism."  When Hut was asked what the central teaching and a r t i c l e of the Anabaptist covenant and brotherhood was he answered,  "The Gospel of  Christ the crucified who suffered for us and was obedient to the Father unto death and what this means for us, namely that we must be w i l l i n g  2  -63-  to follow Christ and suffer for His sake whatever i s placed upon us, even unto death."  In the light of the church and i t s challenge to  24  men, this means three things: the preaching of the Gospel, f a i t h , and 25 baptism.  Baptism w i l l be looked at f i r s t , and the other two i n  relationship to i t . Hut's view of baptism must be seen in the l i g h t of his own experience.  Before his baptism his message and influenoe had been  primarily revolutionary and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c but afterwards his conoern was the expansion of the corporate Body of Christ.  For him to identify  himself with the Anabaptist movement, in the realization that his previous insights were faulty, meant a deep struggle. He had received some stimulus and direction from Luther's teachings and some inspiration from his contaots with Muentzer. Previous to his baptism he had also paid the b i t t e r loss of house and home for his convictions.  To admit  that a l l this was not the culmination of what God was doing in the world and to realize that there was a Church-brotherhood  to which he  could relate his l i f e was a great step in-his l i f e . His age, approximately 38 years, did not make i t any e a s i e r .  26  In j u s t i f y i n g his baptism to the authorities he gave the following reasons for having accepted i t : Caspar Ferber's description of the Christian l i f e of some brothers i n the Inn Valley who had received baptismj ?he absence of reformation i n the lives of the followers of 2  Lutherj  28  and the Scriptural order, i . e . , f i r s t preaching, then f a i t h ,  and then baptism.  According to the l a s t chapter of Matthew, one i s  to teach f i r s t and then baptize. Nowhere i n the Holy Scriptures did Christ command that infants be baptized nor did He or the apostles ever baptize any i n f a n t s .  29  -64-  Hut dedicated his longest single tract to the interpretation of baptism, About the Mystery of Baptism, both the Sign and the Essence: the Beginning of a Right and True Christian L i f e .  3 0  Hut began his  writing by lamenting the distortion of the Gospel by the new evangelicals, who after having driven the Pope, monks and priests from authority were doing no better themselves.  Out of the false f a i t h which they  31  preached no reformation of l i f e followed.  In order to change this he  suggested that the b i b l i c a l order, preaching, faith, and then baptism, be observed. Wherever this order was not maintained there could be no true Christian congregation. The preaohing of the Gospel i s to be done using created things, i.e., "through the whole c r e a t i o n . "  32  He explained this by saying that  God had given us created things that the v i s i b l e might be used to understand the i n v i s i b l e .  Christ, for example, explained the nature of  l i f e and eternity to the woman at the well by means of the material water she had given him to drink.  Similarly any occupation or trade  can become a book through whioh one learns to know the w i l l of God. A l l of history can even be looked upon as "creature" through which we can learn what God has to say. This i s not thought of as a substitute for the written Word of God, but merely a means for explaining the Gospel message to seeking people. A common use of this figure i n Anabaptist writings of South Germany i s the example of the suffering that animals must go through i n order to be of any use to man; i n the same way Christ had to suffer before His redemption became effeotive, and even so, man must suffer as he follows Christ and does the w i l l 33 of God.  Once the gospel had been preached and understood r i g h t l y i t  issued i n obedience and suffering. baptism must be added.  This i s f a i t h .  To these two  -65-  Baptism must be understood i n relationship to the concept of covenant. Hut interpreted baptism as a covenant made before a Christian congregation that had i t s e l f received the covenant from God and i n the name of God had the power to extend i t to those who desired i t .  3 4  What the fellowship-brotherhood would bind on earth would be bound i n heaven. Only those who had heard the Gospel, accepted i t , and believed i t could be added to the fellowship-community. This covenant was considered a commitment of obedienoe to Christ that manifested i t s e l f in love to a l l brothers and sisters with body, l i f e , property, and 35  honor, regardless of the criticisms of the world.  An individual  making this commitment was assured through baptism that he was an accepted child of God, a brother or sister of Christ, a member of the 3 6  Christian community and of the Body of Christ.  Baptism, following  proclamation and f a i t h , was not i t s e l f the true means by which men become religious, but was merely a sign, a covenant, and reminder of the commranent which would daily involve him i n true baptism, which Christ called the water of a l l a f f l i c t i o n (Wasser a l l e r Trflbsal). This figure referred to the process by which Christ washed, purified, and j u s t i f i e d men from their lusts, sins, and e v i l deeds.  I f God i s  to j u s t i f y a man he must remain quiet and allow God to accomplish His work i n him.  "In this manner the water of a l l a f f l i c t i o n , i s the  true essence and power of baptism and the means by which man sinks into •27  the death of Christ.  This baptism was not introduced for the f i r s t  time i n the days of Christ but a l l the chosen friends of God from Adam on have experienced this baptism. Christ received this covenant from God i n the Jordan when He t e s t i f i e d of His obedience to the Father and His love for a l l men, even unto d«ath.  38  -66  The sign of the covenant of baptism i s given and offered by the Christian community through a f a i t h f u l servant, even as Christ received i t from John, but the essenoe of baptism i s a g i f t of God that He grants through the water of a l l a f f l i o t i o n and through comfort i n the Holy S p i r i t .  Whoever desires to be a disciple of Christ must be  baptized i n this way and be cleansed in S p i r i t through the covenant of peace into one Body.  39  The latber part of Hut's tract on baptism i s devoted to i n t e r preting baptism  as a  the Holy S p i r i t . munity under God.  4 0  covenant of rebirth (Wiedergeburt)and  renewal  in  This i s the only basis for an irreproachable comBaptism as rebirth or regeneration i s to be under-  stood as a c r u c i f i x i o n and annihilation of l u s t and disobedience that . arise i n an individual against God.  The way to eternal l i f e i s nar-  row i f i t leads to newness of l i f e i n God through the death of the old self.  Seen i n this l i g h t true baptism i s nothing other than a struggle 41  with sin through the whole of l i f e . In his confessions Hut summarized and related baptism, the covenant, and the dhurch as follows: "Baptism consists of three things, S p i r i t , water and blood. They are i n essence one and give testimony on earth. The S p i r i t refers to trust i n the" Word"of God and commitment to l i v e according to i t . The' Word c a l l s this the covenant of God that He makes by His S p i r i t i n the hearts of men. Beyond this God gave water as a sign of the covenant that a man might reveal himself openly and t e s t i f y of his" desire to lead an irreproachable l i f e i n true obedience to God and a l l Christians. Whoever transgresses and sins against God and brotherly love should be disciplined orally by the others. This i s the b a n that God refers to as the w i t ness before the Church. Blood i s the baptism' that Christ mentioned to His disciples when He asked them, 'do you desire to receive the baptism with which I have been baptized?' This i s the baptism that gives testimony throughout the world when the blood of one who has received i t i s spilled."43 42  -67-  Hut had a high view of baptism and he gave i t an important place. The following i s an attempt to summarize i t s role:  ( l ) Baptism i s  related to the beginning of a l i f e of suffering disciple ship (blood). (2) Baptism i s connected with rebirth, regeneration, and the beginning of a renewal of one's l i f e under the chastening hand of God. (3) Baptism i s a part of one's injunction and incorporation into the Body of Christ as a l i v i n g , functioning member. (4) Baptism i s a public sign administered by the binding and loosing brotherhood to indicate the real baptism that takes place when one participates i n the death of Christ through the water of a l l a f f l i c t i o n .  (5) Baptism i s an  expression of the covenant commitment of one's whole l i f e to God and the brotherhood.  (6) Baptism i s the beginning of a l i f e of love,  admonishment, and discipline among covenant brothers.  ( 7 ) Baptism i s  the beginning of a common struggle against sin and e v i l that lasts through a l l of l i f e . Hut's extant writings do not say muoh about the Lord's Supper. Nothing appears i n his two major tracts, and i n his confessions he merely answers the questions about transubstantiation.  44  He interpreted  communion as a partaking i n the bread and wine, not i n the body and blood of Christ. the vine.  Christ himself referred to the cup as the f r u i t of  I t was after He had offered the twelve bread and wine that  He spoke of i t as the new covenant i n His blood, and i t was after they had partaken that He l a i d down His l i f e and gave His blood for them. A l l this convinoes Hut that Christ gave His disciples bread and wine i n remembrance of His sufferings and not His flesh and blood. On several occasions during his work in Franconia he observed the Lord's Supper.  45  It i s possible that Hut was influenced i n his view of .the Supper as a mem46 o r i a l meal by Zwingli through some Swiss Anabaptists.  -68-  4.  Church Order.  When Hut was asked in the course of a t r i a l who the leading brethren i n his brotherhood were he said that there were so many leaders and teachers that he would not be able to indicate them a l l .  As examples  he mentioned Jacob Dachser, Sigmund Salminger, Jakob Gross, Eukarius von 47 Coburg, Joachim, and Leonhard.  He was quite sure that none of these  were special disoiples and apostles of the brotherhood.  I f somebody  was to be sent on a speoial commission, they chose one from among the brethren.  Although there  was  no doubt about the fact that Hut played  a speoial role in the l i f e of the Anabaptist movement of South Germany in the year 1527, he was quite right in saying that every group had i t s own leaders and when he v i s i t e d them he merely proclaimed his message as one of them. Hut consistently denied the oft repeated accusation that the Anabaptists i n South Germany had special signs whereby they recognized 48 one another.  When they met they merely called each other brethren and  recognized each other by their Christian conversation and by their willingness to give an account of their f a i t h .  Even though the severity  of the persecution from 1527 to 1530 made only a minimum of normal congregational l i f e possible, this did not mean that the local groups did not function together and think of themselves as members of the church.  The Martyr Synod was a glowing witness to the fact that they  not only functioned as a church, but, driven by their missionary zeal and by persecution, they operated as a small missionary band.  Any  brother that was commissioned to go out as an apostle was merely instructed to comfort and teach the brethren wherever he would find 49 them.  The l e t t e r which Hans Hut gave the Anabaptist apostles who  69-  were commissioned by the Martyr Synod i s an honor to his ecumenicity and peace-loving s p i r i t .  5 0  In the l e t t e r he confesses that he has  allowed the brotherhood to influence his teaching, and he appeals to a l l the brothers to manifest the same s p i r i t for the sake of the unity of the ohurch.  There i s a contagious awareness in the letter of the  breaking i n of the Kingdom of God with power. Nothing was to hinder the spread of the Body of Christ i n the crucial days i n whioh he was l i v i n g . 5. "A Christian Instruction." Hans Hut's view and understanding of the Scriptures throws l i g h t on his concept of church and world.  In his tract, "A Christian  Instruction on how the Holy Scriptures are to be Compared and Judged,"  51  he showed that the ohurch stands opposed to the world and i s the c u l mination of God's redemptive work i n history.  The o'hurch, according  to Hut, i s the reason f o r whioh Christ gave His l i f e and the realm i n which the Holy S p i r i t i s working redemptively. Hut's tractrraised one main question: why do so many people misunderstand the Scriptures?  He attacked the problem by analyzing three  means by whioh men come to know God: ( l ) through His almighty power evident in created things; (2) through the severity and righteousness of the Son; and (3) through the graoe and.mercy of the Holy S p i r i t . ^ These three are interrelated and a l l three necessary for a true understanding of God. There are three p a r a l l e l areas of which the Soriptures speak:  ( l ) Scripture t e l l s us of created things and that man, tempted,  oonfused, and blinded by them, turns from God; (2) Scripture speaks of suffering, a f f l i c t i o n , and persecution, and how these lead man to turn from his lust and love for created things baok to God; and (3) Scripture speaks of the perfection that i s open to those who l i v e by the command  -70-  of God through the Holy S p i r i t i n the church.  In his tract he  related these three areas to the three parts of the Apostolic Creed: We believe i n God the Father, oreator of heaven and earth; and i n Jesus Christ His only Son, our Lord, conceived of the Holy S p i r i t ; and in the Holy S p i r i t , one holy community of saints and the forgiveness of sins. Hut related these three categories of ideas by postulating that man (l) w i l l only be released from bondage to the lust of this world and the love for ^created things, (2) through the cross of Christ, suffering and sorrow, and (3) thereby become a member of the Body of Christ through the Holy S p i r i t .  5 4  The second area, suffering d i s c i p l e -  ship, i s the crucial one, for i t i s the only means whereby a man pass from the world into the church.  may  The great error of the false  preachers was that they preached to the people about the church without ever t e l l i n g them about the means of attaining membership in the Body of Christ.  This makes an insolent, lazy people i n whom no improvement  in l i f e i s evident. °  It i s in the l i g h t of this threefold outline  that Hut's influence on the South German Anabaptist movement w i l l be analyzed, but before this i s done i t w i l l be necessary to look at his esohatology, his attitude to the State, and the influence that Thomas Muentzer and Hans Denck exerted upon him. B.  The State. 1.  Esohatology.  In discussing esohatology  00  i t i s easy to think of the aberrations  i t has produoed rather than of i t s significant role i n the l i f e of the early church.  On the one hand there i s the example of the Milhisterite  episode with violence and bloodshed, a t r u l y abortive attempt to bring  -71-  in the Kingdom of God by foroe and violence; but on the other hand there i s the testimony of the early church, which was keenly aware of Christ*s words about the signs of His coming and the close of the age. Paul spoke of Christ turning over the Kingdom to God, who w i l l destroy every rule and every authority and power u n t i l He reigns over a l l His 57  enemies."  A pertinent, frequently cited section of Scripture was  Matthew 24.  58  Hut referred to these passages when he spoke of his hope  in the return of Christ and he found i n them many parallels to his own day and his own experience, such as the severe suffering of Christians, false prophets i n the Evangelical and Roman Churches, and urgent rumors of the threatening Turkish armies. Hut's disappointment i n the Wittenberg Reformers and the shattering of his confidence i n Muentzer fanned the flame of his hope that God would soon return to judge the earth. What did Hut actually say about eschatology?  La his confession of  November 26, 1527, he admitted that there had been a time when he believed according to Revelation 13 and Daniel 12, that God had given the world three and one-half years to repent.  In the meantime those  who believed i n God would be persecuted and would suffer and there would be famine, disease and war.  Then God would return to gather His  own and they would punish the authorities, and a l l s i n .  5 9  The attitude  of the court toward Hut's eschatology i s clearly shown by the f a c t that the l i s t of charges against him included predictions that the oppressed would rule and destroy a l l c i t i e s , the Kingdom of Christ would be established on earth, the righteous would take revenge on the ungodly, and the ungodly would be forced to turn over their property to strangers.  60  -72-  Although Hut denied eaoh one of these charges h i s word was never accepted and .after h i s death more d e t a i l s were added to t h i s charge. 1529 and 1530 Hut's teaching was pictured thus:  three and  By  one-half  years a f t e r the Peasants' Revolt God would give the Anabaptists the sword to punish s i n , a n n i h i l a t e the a u t h o r i t i e s , murder a l l those not rebaptized, and i n s t i t u t e community of property and wives.  Before t h i s  took place there would be wars, famine, disease and judgment; and the Turks would invade the land a n n i h i l a t i n g a l l those not doing the w i l l of God.  But w i t h the coming of the Turks the Gospel would be proclaimed  f r e e l y and those covenanted would f l e e t o Hungary, MiShlhausen, Switzerland.  and  Those who had accepted the covenant would a n n i h i l a t e those  l e f t by the Turks and a f t e r t h i s C h r i s t would r e t u r n and the Day of the  61 Lord would begin and C h r i s t ' s Kingdom would be established on e a r t h . This i s i n summary what Hans W e i s c h e n f e l d e r ,  62  i n March 1527,  accused Hut of teaching and what the a u t h o r i t i e s i n 1529 and 1530 those who were reoanting to acknowledge. Marx M a i e r ^ Passau  64  3  asked  and J8rg von  both recanted t h e i r previous Anabaptist p o s i t i o n s and both  admitted that Hut was g u i l t y of the accusations the a u t h o r i t i e s had drawn up.  But there i s another aspect to Hut's esohatology that i s  e a s i l y overlooked.  Even though Hut was more i n t e r e s t e d i n Matthew 24,  I Corinthians 15, and the books of Daniel and Revelation than any other e a r l y Anabaptist, there are other d i f f e r e n c e s i n h i s p o s i t i o n more subtle and more obvious than the above accusations might i n d i c a t e . To begin w i t h , the Turks are not mentioned anywhere i n Hut's w r i t i n g s or confessions.  I f he did r e f e r to them, which i s q u i t e  l i k e l y , i t was probably i n a manner s i m i l a r to others who were convinced that i t would be a sorry day f o r Europe i f they should gain c o n t r o l .  This would not be the f i r s t time t h a t the ohuroh recognized a f o r e i g n foe as the soourge of God. Hut did not r e l a t e the three and one-half years that God was  giving  the world t o repent to any s p e c i f i c time, but on the contrary i n h i s confessions he vehemently denied that anyone could know the day of Christ's return.  "He believes t h a t C h r i s t w i l l soon come to judge the  world and a l l things i n t h e i r present d i s o r d e r , according to the c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n s of Holy S c r i p t u r e .  But what time and what hour i t w i l l be  65 is hidden from a l l men.  No  one  can know this but  God  alone."  While Hans Weischenfelder was t e s t i f y i n g concerning Hut's r e v o l u t i o n a r y eschatology h i s brother Mertein gave e x a c t l y the opposite testimony.  He said t h a t Hut never spoke about the Turks or about an  overthrow of the a u t h o r i t i e s ; i n f a c t , Hut said t h a t i f there were war one should not p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t , i f a l o r d asked for. a penny he should be given two, and i f he struok a man he should t u r n the other oheek.  If  the war cry were sounded and an i n d i v i d u a l was requested to go, he should r a t h e r f l e e to the woods or hide i n a c a v e .  66  This testimony  has more i n common w i t h the w r i t i n g s and confessions of Hut than does V e i t Weischenfe]der!s and Marx Maier's testimonies.  I t i s quite probable t h a t  men found i n Hut what they were l o o k i n g f o r and t h a t someone w i t h r e v o l u t i o n a r y tendencies would f i n d some support i n Hut's i d e a s . Among Hubmaier's charges l i s t e d by Hut were the accusations that Hut claimed the Day of the l a s t judgment could be f i x e d , that the Anabaptists would judge the world, that no r u l e r or prince of t h i s world had accepted or acknowledged the t r u t h , and t h a t power would be taken from the a u t h o r i t i e s and be given t o the Anabaptists. ' Hut denied a l l these accusations and said t h a t he knew no more about the judgment  -74  and the Day of the Lord than was revealed i n the S c r i p t u r e s . He merely gathered comfort from the Scripture so that those being  had persecuted  might know of the reward that was awaiting them. Furthermore, Hut maintained  that God would do the judging on the  69 Last Day, not man.  Some hearing him preach, who were s t i l l under the  influenoe of Muentzer and the Peasants' Revolt, would n a t u r a l l y miss this distinction. God, not men,  There i s an important d i f f e r e n c e between claiming that  would judge the world, and that God, not the church, would  take the power from the a u t h o r i t i e s . In h i s confession of October 5, 1527, Hut s a i d :  " I know of no other future of C h r i s t than as the holy  Scriptures i n d i c a t e ; there w i l l not be a temporal Kingdom but a s p i r i t u a l 70 one." Ambrosius Spittelmayr, Hans Nadler, Leonhard. Schiemer, and Hans S c h l a f f e r a l l t e s t i f y that Hut took t h i s nonrevolutionary and 71 biblical position. In the l i g h t of t h i s testimony, what was i t that Hut promised not to preach, according to the open l e t t e r that he wrote while a t the Martyr Synod? Although there i s no extant account of Hut's t e l l i n g any of h i s converts i n A u s t r i a about the three and one-half years, i t i s possible that he s t i l l held t h i s p o s i t i o n and that he agreed at the Martyr Synod to keep quiet about i t .  This was the point i n Hut's a l l e g e d  teaching that would have been most objeotionable to Hans Denck and the other Anabaptist leaders gathered at the Martyr Synod.  But the l e t t e r  i n d i c a t e s that he went beyond t h i s and promised to be quiet about the e n t i r e subject of eschatology.  This places Marx Maier's report of three  years l a t e r i n suspicion f o r i t i s very u n l i k e l y that the s i x t y Anab a p t i s t s attending the Synod would have agreed on a f i x e d termination of the world as Maier s u g g e s t e d .  72  -75-  2.  Obedience, t o the Government.  Since there was no basis i n Hut's esohatology f o r the charge of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y a t t i t u d e toward the a u t h o r i t i e s what f u r t h e r l i g h t do h i s confessions throw on h i s view and r e l a t i o n s h i p to the a u t h o r i t i e s ? Of the accusations directed against Hut three were concerned w i t h a r e v o l u t i o n a r y a t t i t u d e to government.  They accused him of being one  of  Muentzer's d i s c i p l e s w i t h the same r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n t e n t i o n s , of i n c i t i n g men  to a n n i h i l a t e the a u t h o r i t i e s , and of agreeing w i t h the pastor of  E l t e r s d o r f t h a t the a u t h o r i t i e s are .not C h r i s t i a n .  7 3  Hut admitted i n h i s confessions that he had once been under the influence of Muentzer, "but since then he had changed h i s mind, and been t o l d and taught other t h i n g s . "  7 4  On two other occasions  had  in his  confessions he denied ever having been an adherent of the Muentzer sect.  7 5  He said repeatedly, "that he knows of no r e v o l t directed against  the a u t h o r i t i e s , e i t h e r i n a c t i o n or otherwise.  He has not encouraged  r e v o l t himself, nor has.'he helped anyone else." ® 7  He said that he  believed f i r m l y w i t h Paul and C h r i s t that one must be obedient to the 77 authorities.  Barring the possible misunderstanding of h i s esohatology  there i s no basis i n the sources f o r b e l i e v i n g that he advocated anyt h i n g but obedience to the a u t h o r i t i e s a f t e r the spring of  1527.  Hut had very l i t t l e to say about the nature of government, i t s o r i g i n , i t s duties, and the l i m i t s t o i t s a u t h o r i t y .  The few statements  he made show t h a t he believed that the. o r i g i n and destiny of governments abide i n God.  In h i s preaching he was more concerned about t h e i r  destiny than he was about any t h e o r i z i n g regarding t h e i r o r i g i n . agreed w i t h the Reformers and peaceful Anabaptists a l l power comes from God."  78  i n confessing  He "that  His leading d i s c i p l e s and f o l l o w e r s , who  -76-  i n other respects r e f l e c t h i s thought most c l o s e l y , stated c l e a r l y 79 that a l l governments have been i n s t i t u t e d by God,  but that the  e x e r c i s i n g of government r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s was as s i n f u l as man had become j the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s did n o t always c a r r y out t h e i r duty o f p r o t e c t i n g the good and punishing the e v i l .  This c o n v i c t i o n was sub-  s t a n t i a t e d by h i s own experiences w i t h the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s .  When, as  a r e s u l t of scruples of consoienoe, he refused t o have h i s c h i l d baptized, the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s t r i e d t o coerce him w i t h the t h r e a t of imprisonment and banishment.  At Nikolsburg he was imprisoned because of h i s  noiiresistant p o s i t i o n and had t o f l e e t o avoid the harsh hand of the authorities.  In Augsburg he was imprisoned and severely t o r t u r e d by  the a u t h o r i t i e s because of h i s r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s .  This would have  been enough t o convince him t h a t the a u t h o r i t i e s were n o t on the side of God, a t l e a s t i n t h i s one area of the exercise of t h e i r a u t h o r i t y . That he recognized the l i m i t a t i o n s of governmental a u t h o r i t y i s shown i n h i s r e f u s a l t o swear an path to the government i f the occasion c o n f l i c t e d w i t h the w i l l of God.  80  This was i n keeping w i t h h i s  c o n v i c t i o n that the sword should not be drawn from i t s sheath except a t the command of God.81  In other words, the C h r i s t i a n must be obedient  to the a u t h o r i t i e s , but the a u t h o r i t i e s do not have an absolute r i g h t over h i s conscience. 3.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Warfare.  There i s one passage i n Hut's confession of September 16, 1527, that presents a serious problem, sinoe i t does not c l e a r l y show whether or n o t Hut took the b a s i c a l l y nonresistant p o s i t i o n of the other Swiss and South German Anabaptists. report f o l l o w s :  A t r a n s l a t i o n of the recorder's  -77-  He does not agree w i t h the a r t i c l e s even though the f u r r i e r and others spoke about them arid he has been d i s c i p l i n e d on account of i t . He showed them S c r i p t u r e s to prove t h a t swearing an oath"for the a u t h o r i t i e s i s hot against G o d . I f anything were contrary" to God he would""riot swear i t . Mangmeister also'asked him about swearing to t h e " a u t h o r i t i e s and he showed him t h a t i t was not against God. Concerning the oath he taught the brethren t h a t the demand of the a u t h o r i t i e s to swear oaths i n common state and c i v i l matters i s not forbidden. Men must obey the government, f o r some maintain t h a t ' C h r i s t i a n s should riot engage i n combat nor p a r t i c i p a t e i r i warfare, but he showed them S c r i p t u r e s to prove t h a t they are obliged to do so ( i f they want to be subject to the a u t h o r i t i e s ) even as C h r i s t subjected Himself to the a u t h o r i t i e s . Whoever does not want to do t h i s may s e l l what he has and move away. Some a l s o maintained t h a t C h r i s t i a n s should not oarry arms as i n Switzerland f o r example, where they have made a r e g u l a t i o n to t h i s e f f e c t . He a l s o denied t h i s and showed them t h a t i t i s not forbidden and i s not against God. In a s i m i l a r manner concerning dress, some had indicated that clothes must be simple, but he showed"them that t h i s i s a l s o not forbidden by God, f o r every man should be allowed to dress as he pleases.82 There are four d i s t i n c t matters involved here:  the swearing of  oaths, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare, the bearing and possession of arms, and conformity i n dress.  Concerning the oath, Hut d i d not i n t e r p r e t '  the Sermon on the Mount l i t e r a l l y , but regarded i t as an appeal to honesty.  I f i n common state and c i v i l matters the t r u t h was c l e a r and  evident, one could v e r i f y the t r u t h by means of an oath.  This was  not  83 s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the p o s i t i o n of Denck  and J8rg Probst  84 Rothenfelder.  The Swiss at times took a more l i t e r a l p o s i t i o n .  Concerning the bearing of arms, Hut, p u t t i n g a l i t e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n on C h r i s t ' s statement that t h e < d i s c i p l e s should s e l l t h e i r coats and buy swords,  85  thought there could therefore be nothing wrong w i t h  probably and an objection r e g u l a tThe i o n made S t . G a l l by'marginal oarrying possessingtoa a sword. s e c t iio nn concerning dress i s 86 Anabaptists.  This statement i s c l e a r i n a l l respects except i n the  matter of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare.  Hut seems to say t h a t i n order to  be obedient to the a u t h o r i t i e s i t i s neoessary f o r a C h r i s t i a n t o  -78-  p a r t i c i p a t e i n warfare.  This kind of statement appeared nowhere else  i n h i s w r i t i n g s or confessions.  Since t h i s put him i n a good l i g h t w i t h  the a u t h o r i t i e s there i s very l i t t l e l i k e l i h o o d t h a t they f a l s i f i e d h i s answer.  Hut's n a t u r a l i n t e r e s t i n being released would make him  t r y to state h i s confession i n as p l a u s i b l e terms as possible to q u e l l the charge of s e d i t i o n .  Hut's statement must be seen i n the context  of an ardent plea on h i s part to prove t h a t he always had  advocated  obedience to the a u t h o r i t i e s . Hut can hardly have based' h i s advocacy of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare on the conoept of absolute obedience to the a u t h o r i t i e s , f o r he openly challenged such a u t h o r i t y i n the matter of swearing oaths and the baptism of h i s c h i l d .  His statement that the man who cannot obey  has the a l t e r n a t i v e of s e l l i n g what he has and moving away, c i t i n g C h r i s t as our example i n that He did subject Himself w i l l i n g l y t o the autho r i t i e s i s not c l e a r .  I t i s not l i k e l y that Hut was t r y i n g to imply  that C h r i s t would have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n warfare, f o r he presents C h r i s t as the s u f f e r i n g n o n r e s i s t a h t Messiah.  The weight of h i s argument seems  to r e s t on the c o n v i c t i o n that there i s no simple or easy j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r any kind of disobedience to the a u t h o r i t i e s .  That times might come  when God c a l l s f o r a d i f f e r e n t way he never denied.  He was  probably  saying that though the S c r i p t u r e s do not teach disobedience on any f  point, they do not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of disobedience.  This was at  any rate Hut's p r a c t i c e . There are some passages i n the sources t h a t seem to oppose h i s apparent support of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare.  In h i s sermon at  Kflnigsberg i n the f a l l of 1526, Hut said that i t was permissible t o possess a sword but i t should not be drawn from i t s sheath u n t i l God  -79-  so commands."'  In h i s confession of Maroh 1527, a f t e r r e v e a l i n g a good  understanding of Hut's basic p o s i t i o n on preaching through created t h i n g s , f a i t h , baptism, and s u f f e r i n g , Mertein Weischenfelder said that Hut taught that one should love God above a l l things and one's neighbor as one's s e l f .  D O  In another oonfession he said that Hut taught one  should help no.one i f the Turks should invade the country, but t r u s t 89 alone i n God.  " T h i r d l y , concerning a r e v o l u t i o n against the govern-  ment, he said w i t h emphasis, that he never heard the b a p t i s t (Hut) speak about a r e v o l u t i o n against the government.  In contrast he  (Hut)  said to him, ' i f there i s warring, do not go along, and i f your l o r d demands a penny give him two, and i f he s t r i k e s you on the cheek turn the other a l s o .  And i f the c r y of warfare approaches and men  desire  that you p a r t i c i p a t e , you should r a t h e r f l e e t o the woods and hide in a cave."  90  Mertein We ischenfelder seemed convinced t h a t Hut  taught n o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare. 91 Prom the same area but t e s t i f y i n g two years l a t e r i s Hans Nadlor. La h i s long oonfession he demonstrated h i s dependence on Hut concerning baptism, the covenant, c r e a t i o n , the role of s u f f e r i n g , d i s c i p l e s h i p , and church d i s c i p l i n e .  He confessed w i t h Hut that the f i n a l day was near  but t h a t the date was unknown.  He said that he knew nothing about a  new Kingdom except t h a t i t was i n the future and that the l i v i n g and the dead would be judged at that time.  About the a u t h o r i t i e s Nadler s a i d  t h a t they were necessary because of e v i l d o e r s and are a l l ordained of God whether they are good or bad.  "One  should not r e s i s t the a u t h o r i t i e s ,  f o r no C h r i s t i a n ought to engage i n combat and f i g h t i n g .  Numerous  brethren among us desire t h a t we l a y down our swords and arms.  I have  done t h i s but i t i s no law; one may c a r r y them or leave them aooording  -80-  to the strength or weakness of one's f a i t h . " * Nadler taught t h a t a C h r i s t i a n should demonstrate love and f a i t h f u l n e s s t o a l l men, none and doing good wherever p o s s i b l e .  offending  This would b r i n g w i t h i t s u f f e r -  ing and persecution f o r the sake of C h r i s t . Although the record of the proceedings  at Nikolsburg i s not at a l l  c l e a r , i t does seem that Hut opposed Hubmaier i n the matter of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare and the payment of the war, t a x .  As w i l l become  evident i n the l a s t chapter, a l l Hut's d i s c i p l e s during h i s a c t i v i t i e s from Nikolsburg to h i s imprisonment i n Augsburg, were of the peaceful, nonresistant type.  ,  This s t i l l does not solve the question of Hut's nonresistanoe. Two conclusions must be drawn,  ( l ) There i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y evidence on  t h i s matter t h a t w i l l not be solved unless or u n t i l new evidence comes i n t o the p i c t u r e .  (2) Hut's influence on h i s f r i e n d s and on the South  German Anabaptist movement was b a s i o a l l y nonrevolutionary and i n favor of n o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare. I f the c o n t r i b u t i o n of Hans Hut's l i f e l i e s i n the f a c t that he baptized more converts, founded more new congregations, and commissioned more Anabaptist apostles than any other e a r l y leader i n South Germany, then the c o n t r i b u t i o n of h i s teaching l i e s i n h i s c l e a r d e l i n e a t i o n of the c r u c i a l r o l e of s u f f e r i n g d i s c i p l e s h i p , and the corporate nature and missionary character of the church-brotherhood.  L i k e other  great leaders and reformers Hut i s not remembered because he made no errors and b u i l t up a consistent system of teaching, but despite these things.  There are many c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n h i s w r i t i n g s and he  was  obviously preoccupied w i t h the e s c h a t o l o g i c a l element i n S c r i p t u r e , but  -81-  he was spared from becoming the v i c t i m of these weaknesses of h i s hi/gh view of the church and i t s u n i t y .  because  In h i s l e t t e r to the  churches he stated h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to r e f r a i n from teaching h i s e s c h a t o l o g i c a l i n s i g h t s f o r the sake of the spread of the Church. I t i s because of t h i s that h i s influence on the South German Anab a p t i s t movement was p r i m a r i l y wholesome.  -82-  FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER I I THE TEACHINGS OF HANS HUT See Harold S. Bender, Conrad Grebel (o_. 1498-1526) The Founder of the Swiss Brethren (Goshen, Ind.: Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l Society, 195(37. 1  o  Bayern, I , pp. 41-2.  g Glaubenszeugnisse  I , p. 14.  4 I b i d . , p. 16. I b i d . , p. 14. This passage sounds very s i m i l a r to one i n the w r i t i n g s of Hans Denck: "No one can come t o know C h r i s t i n t r u t h unless he follows Him w i t h h i s l i f e " (Fellmann, op. c i t . , p. 4 5 ) . g I b i d . , p. 19. 7  8 9 10 11 12 13 1 4  15 16 17 18 19 20 21  Ibid. I b i d . , p. 34. I b i d . , pp. 13, 37. I b i d . , p. 34. Ibid. I b i d . , p. 32. I b i d . , p. 26. Ibid. I b i d . , p. 36. I b i d . , p. 20. I b i d . , p. 18. I b i d . , p. 22. Bayern I , p. 44. Confessions, p. 232; Bayern I , p. 44. Confessions, p. 244.  -83-  22 Wolfgang Brandhuber*s l e t t e r i n Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 137-43 was a popular document among the e a r l y H u t t e r i a n s . Bayern,I, p. 46.  2 3  24  I b i d . , p. 42.  25  Ibid.  26  Wappler, op. c i t . , p. 232.  27  Confessions, p. 224. Ibid.  2 8  29  Bayern I, p. 42;  Confessions, pp. 223-4.  30  "Von dem'geheimnus der "tauf, baide des zaichens und des wesens, e i n anfang eines recnten xwaxhaftigen c h r i s t l i c h e n lebens" (Glaubenszeugnisse I, pp. 12-28). I b i d . , p. 14. 32 I b i d . , p. 15. Bayern I, p. 35 (Ambrosius Spittlemayer); Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 49 (Leonhard Schiemer); I b i d . , p. 85 (Hans S c h l a f f e r ) . 3 3  34  Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 20.  35  Ibid.  36  Ibid.  37  I b i d . , p. 21.  38  Ibid. Ibid.  3 9  40  . . . . . I b i d . , pp. 24-8. This i s as comprehensive a treatment of the new b i r t h (Wiedergeburt) as appears i n any e a r l y South German Anabaptist t r a c t . 41 I b i d . , p. 25. This i s the only reference to the ban i n the w r i t i n g s of  4 2  Hans Hut.  44  Bayern I, p. 43;  Confessions, p. 227.  I b i d . , pp. 43-4;  Confessions, p. 228.  -84-  45  See above, Chapter I , section C.  4-fi  Jacob Gross would be an example. See C h r i s t i a n N e f f , "Jakob Gross," ME I I (1956), pp. 598-9. 47 Bayern I , pp.-41-2. 48 Confessions, p. 225. 49 I b i d . , p. 226. 50 Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 12. See Appendix I f o r an E n g l i s h translation. 51 , "Eiri c h r i s t l i c h e r u n d e r r i c h t , wie g S t t l i c h e g e s c h r i f t v e r g l e i c h t und g e u r t a i l t s o l l e werden" (Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 28-37). I b i d . , p. 28. 5  2  53  I b i d . , p. 29.  54  I b i d . , p. 36.  55  Ibid. , p. 37.  56  L i t t e l l , op. c i t . , pp. 70 f , 88 f , 106 f . This i s probably the best treatment of the r o l e of eschatology among e a r l y Anabaptists. See also Frank Wray,. op. c i t . , j pp. 224-52. I Cor. 15:24-7 (RSV). In order to provide a background f o r Hut's eschatology a paraphrase of a seotion of Matthew 24 f o l l o w s . C h r i s t said there w i l l be wars and rumors of wars, kingdom w i l l r i s e up against kingdom, and there w i l l be famines and earthquakes. Men w i l l be hated f o r C h r i s t ' s sake and w i l l be delivered up t o t r i b u l a t i o n and put t o death. False prophets w i l l a r i s e , and there w i l l be greater t r i b u l a t i o n than there has been from the beginning of the world. "Men w i l l f l e e t o the mountains arid a man i n the f i e l d w i l l not turn back t o take h i s mantle. Two men w i l l be i n a f i e l d , one w i l l " be taken arid the other l e f t . For those eating arid d r i n k i n g w i t h the'drunkeri' the Master w i l l " come on a day when they "do riot expect Him~and He w i l l puriish them arid they w i l l weep and gnash t h e i r t e e t h . When the t r i b u l a t i o n i s a t i t s height the t r i b e s of the earth w i l l mourn arid they w i l l "see the Son of man coming on the clouds of heaven w i t h power arid great g l o r y . He w i l l gather a l l the nations before Him arid w i l l separate them one from another as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats. ""He w i l l "send out His angels w i t h a loud" trumpet c a l l arid they w i l l gather His e l e c t from the four winds. Of t h a t day and hour no one knows, therefore men must be ready, f o r the Son of man i s coming i n an hour they do not expect. 5 8  -85-  59  60  . 61 188; 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71  Confessions, p. 239. I b i d . , pp. 243-4. Wappler, dip. c i t . , pp. 242, 244, 247-8, 280-1 ; Bayern I , Bayern I I , pp7T78-9. I b i d . , pp. 242-8. Bayern I I , pp. 178-9. Bayern I , p. 188. I b i d . , p. 44. Wappler, op. c i t . , pp. 240, 243. Confessions, p. 232. I b i d . , pp. 232-4. I b i d . , p. 242. I b i d . , p. 231. See below, Chapter V, section B.  72  Bayern I , p. 199. "Fellmann has accepted Maier's statement true (Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 17-8). 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84  Confessions, pp. 243-4. I b i d . , p. 251. I b i d . , p. 243;  Bayern I , p. 44.  Bayern I, p. 43. Confessions, p. 227. Bayern I, p. 43. I b i d . , p. 52.  See. a l s o below, Chapter V, section B.  Confessions, p. 227. See above, p. $8 Confessions, pp. 227-8. Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 83-4, 110. Kunstbuch, p. 194.  -86  8 5  86 87 88 89 9 0  91 92  Confessions, pp. 241-2. E g l i and Schoch, Kesslers Sabbata, p. 164 f . Confessions, p. 242. Wappler, op. c i t . , p. 237. I b i d . , p. 240. n>l*»» P»  2 4 2  »  Bayern I , pp. 131-41. I b i d . , p. 136.  CHAPTER I I I HAN'S HUT AND THOMAS MUENTZER In order t o trace and discuss the influence of Thomas Muentzer on Hans Hut i t w i l l be necessary f i r s t , t o trace t h e i r a c t u a l contacts i n l i f e and second, t o study and compare t h e i r teachings.  There are no  references or even a l l u s i o n s t o Hut i n the l e t t e r s and w r i t i n g s of 1 Muentzer,  but during the course of Hut's t r i a l s he was repeatedly  asked about h i s relationship to Muentzer and i t i s from h i s confessions that t h e i r encounters i n l i f e can be t r a c e d . A.  Contacts i n L i f e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p began, according t o the sources, w i t h Muentzer's  v i s i t t o Hut i n B i b r a f o r a n i g h t and a day sometime during the  course  p  of the summer, 1524.  Because Hut was acquainted w i t h the book trade,  Muentzer l e f t a manuscript of a book f o r Hut to have p r i n t e d .  This book  was a commentary on the f i r s t chapter of Luke t h a t Muentzer wrote toward the end of June 1524, and submitted w i t h a few changes t o the censors on August 1, 1524. He took the o r i g i n a l along to MiHhlhausen, reworked i t , and on h i s f l i g h t from Mflhlhausen t o Nurnberg, l e f t i t w i t h Hut i n B i b r a . Although Hut denied i t i n h i s confessions, there might have been some r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two previous to t h i s v i s i t .  Muentzer was  always very eager t o see h i s w r i t i n g s i n p r i n t , so that one f i n d s i t d i f f i c u l t t o imagine t h a t he would have l e f t h i s commentary w i t h Hut i f they had not known each other p r e v i o u s l y .  Since Hut was w i l l i n g t o  accept the r i s k involved i n having i t published he must have had a c e r t a i n amount of sympathy f o r the cause that Muentzer represented.  -88-  Both of them t r a v e l l e d rather widely and f r e e l y i n Saxony, Franconia and beyond i n the years a f t e r 1521, so i t i s possible that they knew one another.  Because they both refused to accept the status quo  and  took an i n t e r e s t i n Luther and the dissemination of r a d i c a l ideas, i t i s conceivable that they were f r i e n d s . The only other contact between the two men  that we know of took  place the f o l l o w i n g spring at the b a t t l e of Frankenhausen,  Hut was  on  h i s way from Wittenberg to E r f u r t during the time of the Peasants' War and hearing of the troubles at Frankenhausen he went there w i t h the 4 hope of s e l l i n g books.  A f t e r a r r i v i n g he was taken captive but  released at the command of Muentzer,  On May  16, the f a t e f u l day f o r  the peasants, Hut a l s o made h i s way up the h i l l but the shooting became too t h i c k f o r him and he f l e d . In Frankenhausen he was taken captive by the Hessian troops and although some of the prisoners were beheaded, he was  released.  5  The Sunday before t h i s b a t t l e Hut heard Muentzer preach p u b l i c l y i n Frankenhausen.  He summarizes h i s impression of Muentzer's sermon  as f o l l o w s : God almighty now desires to cleanse the world, so He has taken the power from t h e ' a u t h o r i t i e s "and i s g i v i n g i t to the subjects. The a u t h o r i t i e s are becoming weak and i n t h e i r weakness they w i l l plead w i t h the subjects", but they should not accept t h i s i n f a i t h , f o r the a u t h o r i t i e s themselves have not kept f a i t h . God i s on the side of the' subjects. On every small f l a g the peasants"carried they had drawn a rainbow. Muentzer picked" up t h i s symbol and said that i t was "a sigh of the'c ovenarit that God had made with them. Muentzer preached to the masses oh three" days previous to the b a t t l e and each day a rainbow appeared i n the sky. Muentzer t o l d them that t h i s rainbow was a" covenant and sign to show them t h a t God was w i t h them. A l l they must now do i s f i g h t h e a r t i l y and be b o l d . 6  Hut adds t h a t he also saw the rainbow.  -89-  A f t e r Hut l e f t Frankenhausen he returned to Bibra and preaohed i n very much the same s p i r i t as Muentzer:  "the subjects should murder a l l  the a u t h o r i t i e s , f o r the opportune time has a r r i v e d , the power i s i n 7 t h e i r hands."  I t i s because of t h i s kind of preaching that Hut  been condemned as a d i s c i p l e and follower of Thomas Muentzer. are a l i s t of accusations  i n the sources that i l l u s t r a t e t h i s :  has  There "Because  he has r e f e r r e d to Muentzer and those from Mtfhlhausen i n h i s t r a c t , we consider him to be one of Muentzer*s sect w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of establishing i t . "  8  The accusations d i r e c t e d a t Hut are no d i f f e r e n t  from those that could be directed against Muentzer. I t i s on the basis of these accusations that Hut has been accepted as a d i s c i p l e of Muentzer and that H e i n r i c h B u l l i n g e r and h i s partisans 9  down to Boehmer  10  and H o l l  the Anabaptist movement.  1 1  have claimed Muentzer to be the father of  I f there i s any way  i n which Muentzer was  the father of the Anabaptist movement i t would be through Hut.  It is  therefore important t h a t a study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two men be made.12  Their r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c r u c i a l f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  of the o r i g i n s of South German Anabaptism. Hut d i d acknowledge the two mentioned encounters w i t h Muentzer but he also said more. A f t e r having described Muentzer's f i r s t v i s i t t o him he said that he was not one of h i s seot, and though he had heard him preach a number of times he had not r e a l l y been able to comprehend him."  He probably said t h i s i n l i g h t of the change that l a t e r took  place i n h i s l i f e .  When he heard Muentzer preach death to the a u t h o r i t i e s  and the cleansing of the world by God, he said that he r e a l l y believed God was backing the war, and t h a t the time had come f o r the f u l f i l m e n t of the events as Muentzer described them.  14  But they did not m a t e r i a l i z e  -90-  and since then, he s a i d , h i s a t t i t u d e had changed, "He has been t o l d and taught other t h i n g s . "  1 5  This i s probably a reference to h i s  baptism and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the Anabaptist movement. The preaching t h a t Hut did i n Bibra j u s t a f t e r the Peasants' Revolt assumed t h a t the cause of the Peasants was a righteous one but i n a sermon preached at Kbnigsberg a f t e r h i s baptism he said outspokenly that the peasants were i n e r r o r , t h a t they had been seeking t h e i r own honor •I  and not that of God.  £•  Before, he had said that the C h r i s t i a n s must  murder the a u t h o r i t i e s , but now he said t h a t no C h r i s t i a n should take the sword out of i t s sheath u n t i l God b i d s him do so.  Whereas he pre-  v i o u s l y thought t h a t the time was opportune f o r r e v o l u t i o n and overthrow, now he said that God would i n i t i a t e the Day of the Lord and the f u l f i l m e n t of His Kingdom. ' A  I f the Gesohicht-buch  18  of the Hutterian brethren, the Kunstbuoh  19  of the South German Anabaptists, and the Martyrs Mirror20 accept Hut as a peaceful Anabaptist and f a i t h f u l martyr, what i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i s teaching and that of Muentzer?  The c o n t r a d i c t i o n between  the claims of h i s accusers and h i s own testimony can only be probed by a comparison of t h e i r w r i t i n g s and by a study of t h e i r influence upon t h e i r f r i e n d s and a s s o c i a t e s . In studying the w r i t i n g s of Hut and Muentzer i t i s evident t h a t there i s some r e l a t i o n s h i p and s i m i l a r i t y between them. however, ,is not solved by determining t h i s .  The  problem,  The unique words and  ?1 phrases that are repeated and the p a r a l l e l concepts and ideas w i l l be looked at i n the l i g h t of t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o Church and S t a t e .  -91-  B.  Church. The Church i s probably the key t o the difference between Hut and  Muentzer.  Muentzer had a rather vague concept of the renewal o f  Christendom by the immediate i n t e r v e n t i o n of God a s s i s t e d by the armies of the f a i t h f u l .  Hut worked i n terms of l o c a l f e l l o w s h i p s and the  spread of the brotherhood u n t i l C h r i s t would r e t u r n .  The goal t h a t  c o n t r o l l e d Muentzer's view of the Church was the e r e c t i o n o f the Kingdom of God by f o r c e .  This i s n o t c l e a r l y stated i n the Prague Mani-  22  festo  of 1521 but by 1524 h i s revolutionary p r i n c i p l e was c r y s t a l l i z e d .  In a summary way i t could be said t h a t Muentzer began h i s r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s as a moderate and ended as a r a d i c a l , whereas Hut began as a r a d i c a l and made h i s major c o n t r i b u t i o n as a moderate.  A comparison  of a number of key concepts from the l a s t year of each man's l i f e w i l l illustrate this. 1.  Covenant and Baptism.  The f i r s t time that Muentzer gave any i n s i g h t i n t o the. nature of 23 the covenant was i n a l e t t e r t o Schosser on J u l y 25, 1524.  Outwardly  the covenant was a sign of the union of the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h God and a t the same time i t was a covenant among b e l i e v e r s t o encourage prophecy and new r e v e l a t i o n . Everyone i n t e r e s t e d was i n v i t e d to j o i n the covenant and.its purpose was expressed as the punishment of those who 24 opposed i t .  Beyond t h i s the covenant was e s s e n t i a l l y a form of  s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n (Notwehr).^ Although the duties of the covenant were both s p i r i t u a l and p o l i t i c a l Muentzer was quick t o i n s i s t that the essence was s p i r i t u a l .  I t becomes c l e a r , however, i n h i s l a t e r w r i t i n g s  that the r e v o l u t i o n a r y purpose of the covenant stood i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o the i d e a l of despair and r e s i g n a t i o n i n s t i l l e d by the Cross.  -92'  The rainbow on the banners of the peasants was the only sign of the  covenant of God to which Muentzer r e f e r r e d .  of Muentzer's b e l i e f i n new r e v e l a t i o n s .  This i s an example  Not baptism or some other  b i b l i o a l sign need confirm the new covenant i f God grants a new r e v e l a t i o n . The p r a c t i c a l manifestations of the covenant as they were developed i n MiShlhausen and A l l s t e d t are b e t t e r described as a secret society or conspiracy than a Church.  The f a c t t h a t the covenant was immediately  d i s s o l v e d when the peasants were defeated and t h e i r leader k i l l e d , i s a testimony to the f a c t that i t was more p o l i t i c a l than s p i r i t u a l .  The  covenant had been established to found the Kingdom of God by force but when God r e f r a i n e d from intervening on behalf of Muentzer and the peasants i n the war, the covenant became inoperative by d e f i n i t i o n ; one partner had not kept f a i t h . between an army and i t s l e a d e r s .  Muentzer's covenant was more l i k e that I f the army had been v i c t o r i o u s the  r e i g n of the leader would have begun. Muentzer staked not only h i s l i f e but a l s o h i s theology on the success of the troops a t Frankenhausen and when they f a i l e d h i s whole system of teaching i n c l u d i n g what he had t o say about the C h r i s t i a n l i f e and the Church, were shown to be bankrupt. Hut's concept of the covenant had a completely d i f f e r e n t o r i e n t a t i o n . Even though i t i s possible that Hut f i r s t heard the word from Muentzer and adopted the concept of a covenant from him, he so f i l l e d  i t with  new meaning that there i s no r e a l p a r a l l e l between t h e i r respective uses of i t . For Hut the covenant i s i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to baptism, which i s interpreted as an expression of the corporate l i f e of the churohbrotherhood.  The sign of baptism as a covenant w i t h God i s the means  whereby the i n d i v i d u a l becomes a l i v i n g member of the Body of C h r i s t  93  i n a l o c a l congregation.  Baptism as a covenant must take place  before  a congregation, which, as the Body of C h r i s t , can accept the new member i n t o i t s midst.  Hut's d e f i n i t i o n of the covenant i s a c l a s s i c s t a t e -  ment of the South German Anabaptist p o s i t i o n :  "For t h i s covenant i s a  commitment under obedience to C h r i s t t h a t manifests i t s e l f i n godly love to a l l brothers and s i s t e r s w i t h body, l i f e , property, and honor, regardless of the c r i t i c i s m s of the w o r l d . "  2 7  The sign of the covenant  assured the b e l i e v e r that he was an aooepted c h i l d of God and a member of the C h r i s t i a n community on e a r t h . Muentzer believed t h a t the purpose of the covenant i s to u n i t e brothers against the' godless; Hut taught t h a t the covenant u n i t e s i n d i v i d u a l s to the Body of C h r i s t , to l o v i n g membership w i t h  one  another, and to the missionary t a s k of preaching the Gospel.  Muentzer  thought the sign of the covenant was the rainbow, a symbol of the f a c t that God would a s s i s t the peasants i n slaughtering the ungodly; Hut accepted the sign of b e l i e v e r ' s baptism, a symbol that the S p i r i t of God i s present among His gathered people. 2.  Community of Goods.  The only statement i n the w r i t i n g s of Muentzer t h a t led scholars t o believe he taught community of goods was h i s confession from the rack i n which he expressed the desire that " a l l become equal" (omnia sunt communis.). " 20  He also did say that everyone should be  given  29 according to h i s need and as opportunity presents i t s e l f ,  but t h i s i s  not s u f f i c i e n t basis f o r accusing Muentzer of teaching communism; even as Muentzer i s f a l s e l y accused of introducing the a n n i h i l a t i o n of c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s , renouncing p r i v a t e property, and supporting the r i g h t to e q u a l i t y and freedom f o r a l l men.  There i s nothing i n h i s w r i t i n g s  -94-  to support these c l a i m s .  There i s , however, a gradual t r a n s i t i o n i n  h i s l i f e from an emphasis on r e l i g i o u s reform t o s o c i a l reform.  There  i s a growing concern f o r the improvement of the l o t of the common man evident i n h i s w r i t i n g s , even though he d i d not develop the d e t a i l s 30 carefully.  Muentzer staked everything on a successful overthrow^of  the a u t h o r i t i e s ; a f t e r that the consequences could be worked out.  It i s  because of t h i s t h a t he gave so l i t t l e thought to what he would r a i s e up i n the place of the a u t h o r i t i e s and the e x i s t i n g churches. A theme that i s repeated i n h i s w r i t i n g s i n 1524 i s the accusation that the l o r d s have p r e c i p i t a t e d the c r i s i s i n Germany by t h e i r greed. The needs and poverty among the common people was understood t o be a r e s u l t of the f a c t that the n o b i l i t y had assumed c o n t r o l of everything. "The old f l a t t e r e r (Luther). . .has kept secret the o r i g i n s of a l l s t e a l i n g . He d e s i r e s t o gain the praise of men by s p i l l i n g blood, f o r "the sake of temporal goods. The ground and source o f all"gambling, robbery, and s t e a l i n g l i e s w i t h the l o r d s and p r i n c e s . They have taken a l l created things as t h e i r Own possession; the f i s h of trie streams, the b i r d s of the a i r , and a l l plant l'ife belongs t o them. I t i s under these circumstances that they warn the poor that God has ordained, thou s h a l t not s t e a l . This does riot help "the s i t u a t i o n an i o t a , f o r i f the poor man v i o l a t e s the law i n some minor way he must hang. To a l l t h i s Luther adds h i s amen. The l o r d s are responsible f o r the enmity of the common man arid they do not want to r i d us of the cause of revolution... Under these circumstances conditions w i l l never improve. "If t o say t h i s means t o be r e v o l u t i o n a r y , then let's begin." 3 1  In Muentzer* s t r a c t . Die hoohverursaohte Schutzrede, the tension between h i s teaching about the cross and h i s concern f o r the temporal needs of the people i s quite evident. To begin w i t h Muentzer advocated the Peasants* Revolt t o propagate the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and t o r i d society of the ungodly element that was hindering the f a i t h , but t o t h i s he added the goal of improving the m a t e r i a l status of the common man. Lohmann has pointed out that these are two d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed  -95-  grounds f o r drawing the sword.  On the one hand i t i s done so that  the common man might become a C h r i s t i a n and experience the Cross; and on the other hand i t i s done t o r e l i e v e the need of the people, which he had already accepted as one aspect of the c r o s s . Whereas Muentzer might have cherished the hope of community of goods as an i d e a l f o r s o c i e t y , Hut advocated sharing f o r the Churchbrotherhood  alone.  The d i f f e r e n c e between these two men centers on t h e i r  d i f f e r e n t concepts of the Church and the World.  Hut worked a t the  propagation of the Anabaptist brotherhood, advocating sharing as an expression of love and concern f o r the covenant b r o t h e r .  Muentzer  directed h i s e f f o r t s a t s o c i e t y a t large and drew supporters from the suppressed  elements of s o c i e t y . I t i s very u n l i k e l y i n the l i g h t of  t h i s contrast t o assume that there was any r e l a t i o n s h i p between Muentzer*s one i s o l a t e d plea f o r e q u a l i t y and Hut's c o n v i c t i o n that even property must be brought under the Lordship of C h r i s t i n the Church. 3.  The Cross and F a i t h .  What are the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r membership i n the Church and what i s t o characterize the l i f e of the b e l i e v e r ? Muentzer*s  disappointment  w i t h Luther centered i n the f a c t that he made i t too easy f o r people t o take up the f a i t h .  He preached the "honey-sweet" C h r i s t and neglected  the " b i t t e r " C h r i s t , f o r he made no mention of "the law, the fear of God, and the s e v e r i t y of C h r i s t . ° •men t o have f a i t h .  A l l Luther did was encourage  This cannot issue i n anything but a spurious f a i t h .  The true path t o f a i t h i s the cross, but t h i s does not mean only t o b e l i e v e i n the cross but t o be w i l l i n g t o experience i t i n body and soul.  In pain, s u f f e r i n g , and sorrow man i s released from h i s bondage  to created t h i n g s . When s u f f e r i n g and despair are at t h e i r height,  -96-  then the depths of the soul are bared; man stands i n fear and trembling before God, hoping against hope. When t h i s happens the Word of the l i v i n g God springs f o r t h out of the depths of man's own heart. the beginning  of f a i t h and a sign of the possession  This i s  of the S p i r i t .  3 4  In the matter of j u s t i f i c a t i o n Muentzer s m y s t i c a l view of the 1  cross (Kreuzesmystik) replaced, any r e a l doctrine of redemption or 36  atonement (Erlflsungsgedanken).  His emphasis on immersion i n God  and renunciation of the world was a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the influence of Tauler.  In r e a l i t y h i s advocacy of the s p i r i t of renunciation, s e l f -  d e n i a l , and r e s i g n a t i o n was strongly contradicted by h i s a c t i v i s t i o program of violence and d e s t r u c t i o n .  I f s a l v a t i o n comes as a r e s u l t  of r e s i g n a t i o n then h i s r e a c t i o n t o s o c i a l need stands i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n to h i s concept of redemption and the c r o s s . center of h i s system d i d not go unnoticed  3 7  This cleavage a t the  by Muentzer himself.  He  always maintained that the only way t o f i n d knowledge of God was v i a the cross, but despite t h i s he t r i e d t o j u s t i f y h i s appeal f o r r e s i s t a n c e by i n s i s t i n g that the a u t h o r i t i e s of church and state were keeping the common people from gaining access t o the S c r i p t u r e s .  This argument  never became a s a t i s f a c t o r y bridge between h i s r e l i g i o u s convictions on the one hand and h i s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l hopes on the o t h e r .  38  Although there i s a s i m i l a r concern i n Hut f o r a f a i t h t h a t i s expressed i n s u f f e r i n g and d i s o i p l e s h i p , h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i s quite different.  Hut understood s u f f e r i n g t o be conditioned by obedience  to C h r i s t and t o the w i l l o f God as revealed i n the S c r i p t u r e s .  There  i s no counterpart t o Hut's concept of the new b i r t h (Wiedergeburt) as a struggle w i t h s i n through the whole of l i f e , i n the thought o f Muentzer.  Contrary t o Muentzer's extreme i n d i v i d u a l i s m and morbid  -97-  view of s u f f e r i n g Hut s a i d one goes the way of d i s c i p l e s h i p together w i t h the other members of the Body of C h r i s t — t h e whole Church s u f f e r s . The experience of u t t e r despair i s not understood by Hut as the w e l l i n g up of the Word of God from w i t h i n the soul of the i n d i v i d u a l , as the mystics described i t . Hut had a place f o r pain, poverty, and misery i n f l i c t e d from w i t h i n and w i t h o u t ,  39  but t h i s was not contradicted by  v i o l e n t opposition to the forces that were responsible f o r these afflictions.  Hut taught that the Kingdom of God. w i l l be e s t a b l i s h e d  by God, not His f o l l o w e r s , and t h a t s a l v a t i o n i s r e l a t e d to the p r e s e n t r e i g n of C h r i s t over His Body and not only to the future r e i g n of God over a l l men.. 4.  The Scriptures and the S p i r i t .  Muentzer gave a high place to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s possession l i v i n g S p i r i t f o r he had much more confidence  of the  i n d i r e c t r e v e l a t i o n and  i n s t r u c t i o n by the S p i r i t than Luther and the Anabaptists  did.  The  Word of God was hidden deep i n the heart of the i n d i v i d u a l and w i t h the possession of the S p i r i t i t rose up and t h e . i n d i v i d u a l became convinced 40 that he had the l i v i n g Word of God i n him.  This experience assured a  man that he was a member of the e l e c t of God.  41  The nature of t h i s  experience makes i t possible to come to true f a i t h i n God without 42 ever having heard or seen the S c r i p t u r e s .  The Scriptures are only  a witness to the f a i t h , not the power t h a t c a l l s i t i n t o being.  Only  a f t e r the experience does one have the key ...to the Scriptures w i t h a l l 43 i t s mysteries and apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n s .  Once one has the S p i r i t ,  hew r e v e l a t i o n s i n v i s i o n s and dreams are to be expected. In the struggle between Luther and the S p i r i t u a l i s t s such as Schwenkfeld, Sebastian  Pranok, Muentzer and others, the d i s t i n c t i o n  -98-  between outer and inner Word became important. Whereas Luther l a i d s t r e s s on the Scriptures (outer Word), the sacraments, and the Church, the  S p i r i t u a l i s t s emphasized the inner Word and i t s manifestations,  thereby minimizing the sacraments and the v i s i b l e church.  There are  two ways i n which men have t r i e d to e x p l a i n the Word that a r i s e s out of man as the divine Word of God.  Both f i n d a b a s i s i n M u e n t z e r .  One stream says that the f l e s h whioh C h r i s t took on was  44  spiritualized  and became heavenly f l e s h , therefore C h r i s t as the second Adam i s drawing mankind up i n t o the realm of the S p i r i t and the d i v i n e .  The othe  stream emphasized the divine l i g h t that l i g h t e t h everyman coming i n t o the  world.  This d i v i n e spark r e f l e c t s the o r i g i n a l nature of man  and'is God's point of contact w i t h mankind.  Revelation i s t h a t moment  i n a man's l i f e when t h i s spark of the d i v i n e i s awakened. Muentzer's view of i n s p i r a t i o n i s m as a d i r e c t r e v e l a t i o n to the soul of man through v i s i o n s and dreams was probably a r e s u l t of the influence of S t o r c h .  4 5  In h i s Prague Manifesto he already attacked Luther's view  of the Scriptures as the souroe of f a i t h by saying one must possess the l i v i n g S p i r i t i n a way of which Luther was not aware. In the l i g h t of h i s s p i r i t u a l i s m and i n s p i r a t i o n i s m i t Is i n t e r e s t i n to observe how Muentzer used the Scriptures of Old and New  Testaments.  Although he rejected them as a source of grace and s a l v a t i o n he d i d bind himself s l a v i s h l y . t o them as the norm f o r personal e t h i c s and 46  aspects of group l i f e .  The law of God which man was to f o l l o w he  found i n the Old Testament rather than i n the New.  When u s i n g examples  of men t o be followed he r a r e l y referred to C h r i s t and the apostles, 47 but rather t o Gideon, E l i j a h , Jehu, and J o e l .  This was p a r t i c u l a r l y  evident i n the l a s t years of h i s l i f e when he was advocating r e v o l u t i o n .  -99-  In t h i s matter he was a forerunner of the Mi&isterite leaders and t h e i r emphasis on, and i m i t a t i o n of, the Old Testament. In c o n t r a s t i n g Luther's emphasis on the outer Word w i t h Muentzer*s on the inner, the Anabaptists are often i d e n t i f i e d c o l l e c t i v e l y w i t h Muentzer and the S p i r i t u a l i s t p o s i t i o n .  Wiswedel has attacked t h i s  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n and shown that i t i s not true f o r the mainline peaceful Anabaptists. ^ 4  In Hut's t r a c t on the S c r i p t u r e i t i s obvious that he  r e l a t e s d i s c i p l e s h i p very c l o s e l y to the S c r i p t u r e s , maintaining that the w i l l i n g n e s s to go the martyr way was a true response to the Word of God, w i t h i n the context of the brotherhood.  The challenge t o go the  martyr way and the i n s i g h t i n t o what t h i s means f o r the Body of C h r i s t are both derived from the S c r i p t u r e s . Hut does disagree w i t h the Reformers that they take f a i t h too e a s i l y but he does not agree w i t h Muentzer's a l t e r n a t i v e .  The S p i r i t works i n the heart of a d i s c i p l e  but he does i t i n r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the Word.  There w i l l , therefore, not  be any new r e v e l a t i o n s t o supercede the S c r i p t u r e s . At t h i s point the Scriptures are a c o n t r o l on any s o - c a l l e d new r e v e l a t i o n and even the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the S c r i p t u r e s i s subject t o the Church which helps to keep men  from the dangers of i n d i v i d u a l i s m and f a n a t i c i s m .  The f a c t that Hut was admonished by h i s brothers at the Martyr Synod i n a c e r t a i n area of h i s teaching i s a good example of t h i s concept.  This  i s the only basis on which a common view of the S c r i p t u r e s (Gemeindetheologie) can emerge. The goal f o r Muentzer was i n d i v i d u a l d i r e c t communion w i t h God based on new r e v e l a t i o n s . The. goal f o r Hut was oommunion with God through the S c r i p t u r e s , supported by the d i s c i p l i n e d Church.  A con-  t r a d i c t i o n a r i s e s , according t o Hut, when the words that Paul d i r e c t e d  -100-  at the Churoh are directed by the Reformers a t those who are not w i l l i n g to accept the means that lead i n t o the Church, i . e . , suffering. the  d i s o i p l e s h i p and  The c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n Muentzer*s p o s i t i o n a r i s e s out of  f a c t that he spoke of the l i v i n g S p i r i t and s u f f e r i n g , but never  c a l l e d f o r a gathered Church—the goal and context f o r a l l true d i s o i p l e s h i p and s u f f e r i n g . C.  State. 1.  E s c h a t o l o g y and the  State.  The difference i n the eschatology of Muentzer and Hut i s c r u c i a l for an understanding of the d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e to the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s , but since eschatology and the state are so c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i n Muentzer's thought they w i l l be considered together. Already i n 1521 i n the Prague Manifesto, Muentzer said that once a l l men had been warned, those who remained i n d i f f e r e n t would be delivered i n t o the hands of the Turks f o r d e s t r u c t i o n .  A f t e r t h i s the  true A n t i - C h r i s t would appear but he would be overthrown by C h r i s t who would give the Kingdom of t h i s . w o r l d i n t o the hands of His chosen ones. ' 4  I t was not u n t i l the Effrstenpredigt (Sermon before the Princes) and the  Ausgedrflckte Entblo'sung (A Clear Exposure), both of 1524, that the  d e t a i l s and consequences of t h i s view were worked out. About March 1524, while Muentzer was i n A l l s t e d t , he organized a covenant of the e l e c t (Bund der Auserwanlten) that o r i g i n a l l y was made up of about t h i r t y members. Shortly a f t e r being organized t h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y society undertook i t s f i r s t t a s k ;  the burning down of a chapel  50 near A l l s t e d t .  Soon a f t e r t h i s the c o u n c i l and the church of A l l s t e d t  joined the covenant and I t was'then organized on a f i r m m i l i t a r y basis  -101-  w i t h f i v e covenant leaders headed by Muentzer, and s t r i o t orders t o a l l members t o be on guard and ready f o r m i l i t a r y a c t i o n . * 0  I t was i n  t h i s s e t t i n g that Muentzer preached h i s sermon t o the prinoes on J u l y 13, 1524. In t h i s sermon h i s esohatology and a t t i t u d e t o the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s are  f u r t h e r developed.  His program was f i r s t of a l l to include an 5?  i n v i t a t i o n to the prinoes t o j o i n the covenant.  I f they refused, the  sword would be taken from them and given t o the people.  I t seems that  Muentzer never counted too s t r o n g l y on t h e i r assent^ f o r h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y program based on the support of the peasants, was f a i r l y f i x e d by June 1524.  53  Muentzer*s view of churoh h i s t o r y came t o the support of h i s p o s i tion.  According t o h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the e a r l y church was only pure  u n t i l the end of the a p o s t o l i c p e r i o d .  The change took place p r i m a r i l y  as a r e s u l t of p o l i t i c a l and s o o i a l f a c t o r s . pure i t was democratic and s o c i a l i s t i c .  As long as the church was  With the development of a  hierarchy and a trend toward a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m the p u r i t y l e f t the churoh.' Muentzer brought a l l these f a c t o r s to a olimax i n h i s sermon by choosing Daniel chapter two as h i s t e x t .  His eschatological-dialectical  p o s i t i o n and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o p o l i t i c a l - r e v o l u t i o n a r y a o t i o n c o u l d e a s i l y be read out of t h i s passage. resistance t o the a u t h o r i t i e s .  His aim was t o j u s t i f y r e v o l u t i o n a r y  Using D a n i e l 2, he understood C h r i s t to  be the mountain from which the s t o n e — t h e l i v i n g S p i r i t — w a s taken t o shatter the four kingdoms.  The u n b i b l i c a l mixture of ohurch and s,tate  t h a t had lasted t o h i s own day made up a f i f t h epoch that must also be shattered by the l i v i n g S p i r i t .  This was a challenge to those who  possessed the S p i r i t i n h i s day to j o i n the covenant that was dedicated  -102to destroying the ungodly.  Since the f a l l of the Churoh i t has been  p r i m a r i l y the princes and a u t h o r i t i e s who  had hindered the work of the  "stone," so i t was they who must be i n v i t e d to j o i n the covenant, and i f they were u n w i l l i n g they must be 2.  destroyed.  55  Government.  Muentzer traced the o r i g i n s of government back to the time of Samuel when the people r e j e c t e d God and asked f o r a k i n g .  God i n His  anger granted them a king and i n s t i t u t e d c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , but i n the sixteenth century God  i n His b i t t e r n e s s was going to a n n i h i l a t e the  a u t h o r i t i e s and set up His own r u l e once m o r e .  56  therefore, c i v i l a u t h o r i t y was e v i l and godless.  In i t s o r i g i n s , In order f o r the  true f a i t h to break through a l l p r i n c e l y a u t h o r i t y would have t o be wiped out. The true purpose and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the government, according to Muentzer, was to cut o f f and do away w i t h those who were r e s i s t i n g God;  I f the government was  doing t h i s i t was a servant of God.  I f the  c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s do not do t h i s and r e s i s t the r e v e l a t i o n of God own,  f o r example) they must be destroyed  (his  i n l i k e manner as Hezekiah,  J o s i a h , Cyrus, and Daniel did away with t h e i r enemies and as E l i j a h did  away w i t h the p r i e s t s of Baal.  I t i s quite c l e a r from h i s  w r i t i n g s that Muentzer thought of himself as the new Daniel to lead C O  the new r e v o l u t i o n against the ungodly.  Everyone was welcome to j o i n  the covenant of the e l e c t to accomplish t h i s task. hoped that a l l those who  joined him would be men who  Muentzer probably had experienced  u t t e r despair and possessed the l i v i n g S p i r i t , but since h i s league was not a d i s c i p l i n e d Church he had no means of implementing t h i s .  From  the Ausgedrflckte Entblo'sung, i t becomes c l e a r that the Covenant of the  -103-  B l e c t was more l i k e a secret s o c i e t y dedicated t o r e v o l u t i o n a r y purposes than a Church, f o r the true Shurch w i l l only come i n t o existence when the e l e c t are separated from the ungodly i n the f i n a l a p o c a l y p t i c r e v o l u t i o n a r y event. 3.  Comparison and  Contrast.  A c r u c i a l d i f f e r e n c e between Hut and Muentzer grows out of t h e i r d i f f e r i n g views of the great judgment. According to Muentzer i t was a t e m p o r a l - h i s t o r i c a l event, even though i t brings a l l previous h i s t o r y to an end.  On t h i s f i n a l Day of the Lord, the e l e c t of the new  faith  would a n n i h i l a t e the ungodly and thereby b r i n g i n t o existence the r i g h t C h r i s t i a n Church. Muentzer considered the f i n a l judgment, t h e r e f o r e , to be i d e n t i c a l to the r e v o l u t i o n that he was b r i n g i n g to pass.  This  comes close t o making himself equal t o God and i t i s at t h i s point t h a t he was opposed by the Reformers and the Anabaptists.  The  latter  maintained that the judgment would take place a f t e r C h r i s t returned and that God would do the judging. An important d i f f e r e n c e between these two men  r e s t s i n the f a c t  that Hut said the members of the Shurch of C h r i s t must s u f f e r on earth u n t i l C h r i s t returns, whereas Muentzer taught that the e l e c t should u n i t e to destroy the ungodly, then C h r i s t would r e t u r n .  Hut and Luther,  though quite d i f f e r e n t , did make a place f o r the ohurch and the state i n t h i s present l i f e .  Luther was convinced they could cooperate;  Hut  thought the one must s u f f e r under the other; but Muentzer saw them as absolutely i r r e o o n c i l a b l e .  The two can only e x i s t together u n t i l the  e l e c t are s u f f i c i e n t l y organized to wipe out the other.  This type of  thought i s based on the presupposition t h a t the world must suddenly come to an end.  I t made no allowance f o r an intermediary p e r i o d .  -104-  I f the end does not come the whole system i s doomed t o f a i l u r e , as Muentzer and the Mfinsterites were foroed t o experience. Hut, however, i n g i v i n g up h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o s i t i o n , i n i d e n t i f y i n g himself w i t h a s u f f e r i n g Church on earth, and i n allowing i t to modify h i s eschatology, d i d become a partner i n the founding of the free Churoh movement. H o l l might be r i g h t when he says that the concept of voluntary r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n can be found i n M u e n t z e r ,  59  but the means by  which you become a part of the group, and the purpose f o r which you j o i n i t , are so d i f f e r e n t from Hut's concept of the church t h a t any other s i m i l a r i t y i s meaningless.  H i s t o r i c a l l y Hut and Muentzer were partners  i n the L e f t Wing of the Reformation, but when Hut joined the Anabaptist movement a year a f t e r Muentzer's death there was no s i g n i f i c a n t way i n which Muentzer influenced the o r i g i n s or determined the oharaoter of the South German Anabaptist movement.  Other r a d i c a l s l i k e Augustine  Bader rose up i n h i s place but they were not received i n t o the Anab a p t i s t brotherhood.  -105-  F00TN0TES:  CHAPTER I I I  HANS HUT AND THOMAS MUENTZER His major t r a c t s appear i n modernized German i n Otto H. Brandt, Thomas Muentzer, Seih Leberi urid seine S c h r i f t e n (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1933),-andvihis.vletters-in H. B8hmer and P. K i r n , Thomas Muentzers Briefwebhsel " ( L e i p z i g : B. G. Teubner, 1931). Muentzer*s l a s t three and most important w r i t i n g s have been edi"ted i n a e r i t i b a l e d i t i o n by C a r l H i n r i c h s , Thomas Muentzer. Polit'isorie""Schriften mit Kommentar ( H a l l e : Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1950)." A t r a n s l a t i o n of Muentzer's Sermon Before the Princes appears "in George H. "Williams; S p i r i t u a l and Anabaptist Writers ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Westminster Press, 1957), pp. 47-70; The L i b r a r y ' o f C h r i s t i a n Classics'XXV. Three of the most u s e f u l studies on Muentzer are K a r l H o l l , "Luther und "die Schwfirmer," Gesammelte AufsStze zur Kirohengeschiohte i (TiSbingen: J . C." B. Mohr, 1923); Annemarie Lohmann, Zur g e i s t i g e n Eritwiokelung "Thomas Muentzers ( L e i p z i g : B.'G. Teubner, 1931); and C a r l Hinrichs,, Luther und Muentzer. Ihre Auseinandersetzung iHber Obrig'keit urid Widerstandsreo'ht ( B e r l i n : . Walter De Gruyter, 1952) • Some of the above include extensive bibliographies. 2  Confessions, p. 243.  3  Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 243.  4  Confessions, p. 239.  5 6  7 8  9  I b i d . , pp. 239, 241. I b i d . , p. 241. Ibid. I b i d . , p. 244. B u l l i n g e r , op. o i t . , pp. l a - 8 a .  10  Heinrich BShmer, "Thomas Muentzer urid das jtfngste Deutsohland," Gesammelte AufsStze (Gotha: .Flamberg Verlag, 1927), p. 221. 1 1  H o l l , op. c i t . , pp 423-5.  12 i y attempt "has beeri'made, by Robert Friedmann, "Thomas Muentzer's R e l a t i o n to Anabaptism," MQR XXXI (1957), pp. 81-2. o n  13 Confessions, p. 243. 14 I b i d . , p. 251. 1 5  Ibid.  -106-  1 6  I b i d . , p. 241.  1 7  I b i d . , p. 242.  18 Beck, op. c i t . , p. 22. 19 Kunstbuch, pp. 42-55. This i s a s l i g h t l y revised e d i t i o n of Hut's t r a c t on the mysteries of baptism. 2 0  .  van Braght, op. c i t . , p. 433.  21  . . . . . • A number of these have been l i s t e d i n Grete Meoenseffy, Die Herkunft des oberSsterreichisohen Tfiuferturns," ARG 47, Heft 2 (1956), pp. 257-8. "Creatur, Bruder Sanftleben, d i e zarten S o h r i f t g e l e h r t e n , die Verwerfung des "falsehen und e r t i c h t e n glaubens^'Gelassenheit," as w e l l as the concept of experiencing s u f f e r i n g and a f f l i c t i o n i n order t o come to f a i t h i n God, are a few examples.  22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31  BiJhmer and K i r n , op_. c i t . , pp. 139-59. I b i d . , p. 74 f . Lohmann, op. c i t . , p. 57. BiJhmer and K i r n , op. c i t . , p. 76. Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 33. Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 20. Brandt,.op. c i t . , p. 82. Ibid. I b i d . , ,p. 30. I b i d . , p. 192.  32 Lohmann, op. c i t . , p. 68. 33 34 35 3 6  Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 129. C f . H o l l , op. c i t . , pp. 426-7. H o l l , op. c i t . , pp. 428-30. I b i d . , pp. 433.-4. Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 24.  37 Lohmann, op. c i t . , p. 60. 3 8  ^  i d  *»  ?•  6 1  *  39 Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 34. *  H o l l , op. c i t . , p. 430.  -107-  4 1  rpid*, P- 431, footnote 2.  42 Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 169. 4  3  n  i  d  ' i  P-  1  S  1  *  44 H o l l , op. p i t . , pp. 437-8. 45 Brandt, op. p i t . , p. 6. . . . . According to h i s convictions i t i s ungodly t o out one's beard (Lev. 19:2), and princes should be hung not beheaded (Num. 25:4), (Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 28). 47 I b i d . , p. 28. 48 Wilhelm Wiswedel, "The Inner and the Outer Word, a Study i n the Anabaptist Dootrine of S c r i p t u r e , " MQR XXVI (1952), pp. 171-91. 49 Bohmer and K i r n , op. c i t . , p. 150. H i n r i c h s , Luther und Muentzer, p. 12. 51 Itiidy, p. 18. 46  5 0  Williams, op. orb., p. 68. 5 3  54  5 5  5  ^  H i n r i c h s , op. c i t . , p. 25.  Etll'* ?• * 28  I b i d . , p. 46-7. 15id., p. 111.  5 7  I o i d  » » P»  5 8  I p i d  » « PP* »  6 2  «  5 9  64  >  68  >  1 1 8  »  59 H o l l , op. c i t . , p. 452.  CHAPTER IV HANS HUT AND HANS DENCK In the l a s t chapter i t has been pointed out t h a t though there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s between Hut and Muentzer they are found p r i m a r i l y i n areas of l i t t l e consequenoe, whereas i n the c r u c i a l matters of Churoh and iSfcate there i s very l i t t l e s i m i l a r i t y between the two.  In compar-  ing the l i f e and w r i t i n g s of Hut and Denck* the opposite seems t r u e . In the c r u c i a l questions of dhurch and state there i s s i g n i f i c a n t agreement between the two, whereas i n many other areas they represent two d i f f e r e n t approaches t o C h r i s t i a n l i f e and thought, A,  Contacts i n L i f e , There were three major contacts between Hut and Denck,  The f i r s t  in Nurnberg i n the f a l l of 1524, before e i t h e r was an Anabaptist; the second a t the time Denck baptized Hut i n Augsburg, May 1526; and the t h i r d during the Martyr Synod i n Augsburg, August 1527. Very l i t t l e i s known about the d e t a i l s o f the f i r s t meeting i n Nurnberg.  I t took place a f t e r Hut's encounter w i t h the three craftsmen,'  which had resulted i n h i s r e j e c t i o n of i n f a n t baptism and h i s expulsion from B i b r a because of h i s r e f u s a l t o baptize h i s c h i l d .  I t was probably  i n J u l y 1524, that Hut had Muentzer's commentary on the f i r s t chapter of Luke published i n Nurnberg.  0  I t was between Muentzer s v i s i t t o him 1  and Denck's expulsion from Nurnberg i n January 1526, t h a t Hut v i s i t e d Denck a number of times i n Nurnberg.  Hut says that he was Denck's  guest while he bound books i n Nurnberg but that he a l s o stayed a t other homes and p r a c t i c e d other t r a d e s .  4  -109-  I t was during the summer and f a l l of 1524  that Denok was  influenced  most strongly i n h i s opposition to Luther by the humanists of Nurnberg. Two dialogues of Hans Sachs were published at t h i s time, a s s e r t i n g that no C h r i s t i a n i t y was possible without an i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t and  that  no reformation could be achieved by merely changing e x t e r n a l forms. plete r e s i g n a t i o n to the w i l l of God was necessary.  These themes are  a l s o c e n t r a l i n Denck's thought and probably exerted  considerable  Com-  g  influence on him i n these months. berg was 1524.  The^ opposition to Luther i n Nurn-  stimulated from the outside by a v i s i t of Muentzer i n September,  There i s , however, no s i g n i f i c a n t influence of Muentzer on  Denck, neither i n h i s January 1525,  Confession nor i n h i s l a t e r w r i t i n g s .  Tha a l l u s i o n s to Muentzer s w r i t i n g s that Fellmann has found i n Denck 1  are of l i t t l e consequence.  They might i n d i c a t e a t most t h a t Denck and  others i n Nurnberg read the published works of Muentzer, p o s s i b l y i n the f a l l of 1525.  Neither Muentzer's r e l i a n c e on inner r e v e l a t i o n s  through dreams, v i s i o n s , and e c s t a s i e s , nor h i s r a d i c a l  chiliastic  teaching, nor h i s i n s i s t e n c e on r e a l i z i n g the Kingdom by force, are r e f l e c t e d anywhere i n Denck. A f o l l o w e r of C a r l s t a d t , Martin Reihhard, appeared i n Nurnberg i n November 1524, and s t i r r e d up the d i s c u s s i o n of the bread and wine i n the Supper.  Along w i t h these disturbances the sermons of Tauler were 7  being studied and also the German Theology.  These troubles  culminated  in the case of the three godless painters i n which Denck became i n v o l v e d . o  A f t e r a number of t r i a l s , f o r which Denck wrote a confession the S c r i p t u r e s , s i n , righteousness  of God,  concerning  law, Gospel, baptism, and  the Lord's Supper, Denck was f i n a l l y expelled on January 1,  1525.  -110-  I t was t h i s atmosphere into whioh Hut entered when he v i s i t e d Denck i n Nurnberg i n the f a l l of 1524.  Apparently he and Denck became warm  f r i e n d s and found c e r t a i n common areas i n t h e i r disagreement w i t h Luther. The next meeting between Hut and Denck was i n May, 1526 i n Augsburg. Denck spent some time i n MiShlhausen a f t e r h i s expulsion from Nurnberg i n January 1525, but apparently did not meet Hut who was active w i t h Muentzer at Mflhlhausen and Frankenhausen•  By June 1525, Denck was already i n  St. G a l l , where he contacted some of the Swiss A n a b a p t i s t s . From the f a l l of 1525 to November 1526, Denck was occupied as a teacher i n Augsburg.  I t was toward the end of A p r i l 1526, that Balthasar Hubmaier  passed through Augsburg on h i s way t o Moravia.  A f t e r having convinoed  9 Denck of the importance of b e l i e v e r s ' baptism, he baptized him.  Hub- .  maier and Denck had probably met i n Regensburg i n the f a l l of 1522, and i t i s possible t h a t Hubmaier won him f o r the cause of the Reformation at that t i m e .  1 0  In t h i s way Denck became the f i r s t Anabaptist of  South East Germany. A f t e r v i s i t i n g Denck i n the f a l l of 1524, Hut had come under the influence of Muentzer and in.the spring of 1525 was present a t the b a t t l e of Frankenhausen.  Immediately a f t e r the b a t t l e he took up the  cause of r e v o l u t i o n i n h i s home town B i b r a .  There i s no trace of Hut i n  the sources from t h i s time u n t i l he turned up i n Augsburg toward the end of May, 1526.  This v i s i t to Augsburg only lasted about three to four days  and while there he stayed a t the home Denck near the gate of the holy cross.  A f t e r a s e r i e s of discussions Denck baptized Hut on May 26, 1526;  the f i r s t and the l a s t time that Denck baptized anyone.  Hut had never  encountered anyone previous t o t h i s who had been rebaptized and he said that he had no i n t e n t i o n of r e c e i v i n g baptism.  Denck s own experience 1  -111-  and the testimony of a v i s i t o r , Caspar Ferber, about the godly l i v e s of those who had been rebaptized, f i n a l l y convinoed him."'"*  The change to  a more moderate tone that i s noticeable from Hut's sermon a t Bibra, May 12 1525, to the one i n KSnigsberg  i n the f a l l of 1526, i s without doubt  due to h i s baptism and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the Anabaptist movement.  A  few days a f t e r h i s baptism Hut l e f t on a journey, now as an Anabaptist missionary b a p t i z i n g and founding congregations wherever he went.  After  working i n Franconia and Thuringia he returned to Augsburg, i n February 1527, but he d i d not meet Denck u n t i l August 1527, a f t e r he had v i s i t e d Moravia and t r a v e l l e d through A u s t r i a . According to Fellmann, Denck only wrote one t r a c t before he was baptized.*3  Hut does not r e f e r to any of Denok*s t r a c t s but i t i s  possible t h a t Denck had w r i t t e n another one or two and that Hut was able t o see them a t the time of h i s baptism.  The only d i r e c t dependence  of Hut on Denck i s i n the 39 S c r i p t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s which Denck published i n t h i s y e a r tures.  1 5  1 4  and which appear i n Hut's t r a c t on the S c r i p -  There seems to be no t e x t u a l way of determining which s e r i e s  was w r i t t e n f i r s t but i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d Hut borrowed from Denok.  The  f a o t that only eight of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s appear i n Landperger's edition  of Hut's t r a c t might be an i n d i c a t i o n that Denck's l i s t was  added l a t e r . are  The s i m i l a r i t i e s i n p o i n t of view between Denck and Hut  many and w i l l be traced i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n . The l a s t meeting between Hut and Denok took place i n Augsburg,  August, 1527.  Denok l e f t Augsburg i n November 1526 and spent two months  in Strassburg. From February t o June 1527, he was i n Worms where he t r a n s l a t e d the prophets together w i t h Hfitzer, and wrote h i s t r a c t Yon der Wahren Liebe.  In J u l y he was i n Basel and i n August he passed  through Zurich, a r r i v i n g i n Augsburg i n time f o r the Martyr Synod.  -112-  Hut had been a c t i v e from May 1526 t o August 1527 as an Anabaptist apostle i n Franconia, Moravia, and A u s t r i a .  The Martyr Synod was a  f i t t i n g climax and culmination of h i s work as an Anabaptist leader. Many of the men who gathered a t the synod were won t o the Anabaptist cause by Hut, and h i s v i s i o n of the apostolate was responsible f o r the f a c t that men were commissioned and sent out to spread Anabaptist teachings i n a l l the a d j o i n i n g areas. According to Hut the so-called Synod was made up of two or three major meetings.  The purpose of the gathering was t o review the f i e l d of  work and commission Anabaptist a p o s t l e s .  I t i s now recognized that Hut 17  was the dominant f i g u r e a t the Synod and that the one l e t t e r * from h i s hand was probably w r i t t e n at t h i s time.  we have  The l e t t e r was t o be  sent along w i t h the commissioned apostles and i s a s t r i k i n g example of Hut's concern f o r the u n i t y of the Church.  The men who wrote and  worked a f t e r the Synod are the best testimony to the f i n a l e f f e c t Hut's l i f e and thought had on the South German Anabaptist movement, but t h i s i s the story of the l a s t chapter.  The concern of t h i s chapter i s to  trace the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the co-founders of the South German Anabaptist movement. The d i f f e r e n c e i n the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of these two men i s s i g n i f i c a n t . Denck struggled w i t h the r e l i g i o u s problem i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l and theol o g i c a l way; Hut was an a c t i v i s t who struggled w i t h the r e l i g i o u s problem i n p r a c t i c a l and r a d i c a l terms.  Denck's f i n a l p o s i t i o n was a  l o g i c a l development from the foundation of h i s f i r s t confession; Hut s h i f t e d r a d i c a l l y from one extreme to the other.  Denck only baptized  one man and never founded any Anabaptist congregations; Hut baptized hundreds of men and founded new congregations wherever he went.  Toward  -113-  the end of h i s l i f e Denck became .somewhat d i s i l l u s i o n e d w i t h h i s r e l a t i o n 10  ship to the Anabaptist movement;  Hut threw h i s whole weight i n t o the  spread of the Anabaptist movement and gave h i s l i f e f o r the f a i t h of the brotherhood.  These d i f f e r e n c e s should be kept i n mind as t h e i r  w r i t i n g s are compared and contrasted. Although they both came to the Anabaptist movement by d i f f e r e n t routes and served i t i n d i f f e r e n t ways, they both did receive b e l i e v e r s ' baptism and served as j o i n t founders of the movement i n South Germany. D i f f e r e n t as they were, they did successfully.  accept  one another and worked together  In h i s confession of September 16, 1527, Hut says that  they taught together; the subject of t h e i r teaohing being "The  crucified  C h r i s t , the Lord's Supper, and that men should be converted i n these l a s t days." ^ 1  I t i s quite possible t h a t Denck was i n f l u e n t i a l i n  changing Hut's conviotions about esohatology.  Their oooperation i s a  testimony to the f a c t that the d e d i c a t i o n t o the spread of the Kingdom of God on earth can be greater than d i f f e r e n c e s i n p e r s o n a l i t i e s and teachings. B.  Church. 1.  Baptism and the Covenant.  Both Denck and Hut i d e n t i f i e d themselves w i t h the Anabaptist movement from May 1526, to the Martyr Synod.  Denck never became quite as  involved as Hut i n the p r a c t i c a l l i f e of the Church but he wrote and worked w i t h i n the context of a voluntary brotherhood of b e l i e v i n g rebaptized a d u l t s .  He r e f e r s to those who l i v e i n the f e a r of God and  lead a l i f e of d i s c i p l e s h i p as the e l e c t of God, among whom the Anab a p t i s t s were i n c l u d e d .  -114-  In the matter of baptism Denck maintained that anything unclean by nature i s not helped by washing; i t i s l i k e attempting to wash the b l a c k 21 ness from c o a l .  In l i k e manner a man whose body and soul are by nature  unclean i s not helped i f he i s washed outwardly, he must be won and helped beginning from the i n s i d e .  The Word of G o d  22  i s alone able t o  do t h i s , to penetrate i n t o the unclean recesses of man.  Man, however,  r e s i s t s , and before h i s nature surrenders he i s brought to d e s p a i r .  This  despair l a s t s as long as he remains i n the body but i t i s a t the same time the way i n which C h r i s t ' s work takes e f f e o t . by baptism and possession of the S p i r i t .  This work i s climaxed  Baptism i n the S p i r i t , i . e . ,  "water of despair," i s s a l v a t i o n , the covenant of a good conscience w i t h God.  Baptism as a covenant i s death w i t h C h r i s t .  As C h r i s t died  men must d i e t o the Adam i n them and as He arose they must r i s e t o newness of l i f e .  Where t h i s covenant has been made the Holy S p i r i t  enters i n and f i l l s a l i f e w i t h the love that culminates the work of Christ,  When water baptism i s performed i n the l i g h t of t h i s covenant  i t i s genuine, when not, i t i s useless.''  Denck repeatedly emphasized  the f a c t t h a t the C h r i s t i a n who i s keeping the law of love i s f u l f i l l i n g 24 a l l ceremonies.  Seen from t h i s standpoint he maintains t h a t the  outward sign of baptism i s not as important as the inner r e a l i t y , i . e . , he agrees w i t h Paul when he s a i d , " I am not sent to b a p t i z e , but to preach the G o s p e l , "  25  Denck says i n h i s Widerruf (Recantation) that a d u l t baptism s i g n i f i e s entrance i n t o the congregation of b e l i e v e r s .  He j u s t says  t h i s once and i t does not sound l i k e he i s l i m i t i n g the congregation of b e l i e v e r s t o the Anabaptist brotherhood, but i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that he says i t f o r i t separates him s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the S p i r i t u a l i s t s and  -115-  marginal Anabaptists who rejected water baptism and the v i s i b l e church. In one instance he r e f e r s t o baptism as the sign of the covenant (Bundeszeichen) and t o those who accept i t as covenant companions 27 (Bundesgenossen).  Denck says p l a i n l y that i f someone i s baptized  without having been taught and challenged to d i s c i p l e s h i p , i t i s an abomination before the eyes of God. A f t e r having denied the e f f i o a c y of outward ceremonies Denck j u s t i f i e d the two ordinances of the new covenant, baptism and the Lord's Supper, by saying that they are p r i m a r i l y a testimony and reminder t o the c h i l d r e n of God of t h e i r c a l l i n g .  C h r i s t i a n s have been c a l l e d out  of t h i s world t o God, that they might l i v e t h e i r whole l i v e s i n h o l i n e s s and righteousness. To l i v e i n holiness means t o separate oneself from the e v i l of the world and t o serve God alonej t h i s i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of water baptism. due.  To l i v e i n righteousness means t o give everyman h i s  Since men owe everything to God, they should be w i l l i n g t o give  and r i s k soul and body, property and honor f o r one another and f o r His  name's sake.  "Even as He ( C h r i s t ) gave everything to take on  human f l e s h , so we should be w i l l i n g to become bread f o r one another and be broken even as He was broken f o r u s .  Of these t h i n g s we should  remind and admonish ourselves when breaking b r e a d . "  29  I t i s c l e a r from  t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n that the new covenant i n h o l i n e s s (baptism) takes place only once, but the working out o f the covenant i n righteousness (the  Lord's Supper) must take place o o n t i n u a l l y . There are some p a r a l l e l s between t h i s view o f baptism and that of  Hut's.  Hut a l s o r e l a t e d baptism to the death of the Adam i n us, and  r e s u r r e c t i o n to newness of l i f e .  Baptism i s thereby i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d 30 to the new b i r t h and to the beginning of a l i f e of h o l i n e s s .  -116-  More obvious than t h i s i s Hut's p a r a l l e l use covenant.  of baptism as a  Denck r e l a t e d the covenant more to the i n d i v i d u a l and  good conscience w i t h God,  x  whereas Hut r e l a t e d i t to the congregation  and t h e i r acceptance of a man covenant community.  his  i n t o the covenant r e l a t i o n s h i p  and  Both r e l a t e the covenant commitment to the w i l l i n g 3 2  ness to lead a l i f e of d i s c i p l e s h i p and 2.  suffering.  Suffering-Discipleship.  Although the concept of conversion i s strong i n Denck i t i s not very h e l p f u l to suggest, as Kiwiet does, that conversion i s the crux of Denck's t e a c h i n g .  33  The transformation that takes place i n a man's  heart when he i s changed from a son of man  to a Son of God  i n some sense, t o the teaching of the Reformers, the and the Anabaptists.  i s central,  Spiritualists,  I t i s important, however, t h a t Denck r e l a t e s t h i s  transformation to d i s c i p l e s h i p and s u f f e r i n g , and not j u s t to f a i t h love.  and  F a i t h and love are the goals of the C h r i s t i a n , l i f e i n the Church,  but the means thereto are d i s c i p l e s h i p and s u f f e r i n g .  In order to  pass from the world i n t o the Church, from bondage to created things *' 3  to f e l l o w s h i p i n the Gospel, there i s no other way  1  than'• through C h r i s t ,  "whom no one t r u l y knows except he i s w i l l i n g to f o l l o w Him w i t h h i s life."  3 5  I t i s not the r e j e c t i o n of outward t h i n g s , nor the acceptance  of them, that i s of s i g n i f i c a n c e , but a r e l a t i o n s h i p t o God.  "But i f  someone thinks he belongs to C h r i s t , he must walk i n the way  i n which  C h r i s t walked.  Only then w i l l he reach the eternal h a b i t a t i o n of  Whoever does not walk i n t h i s way must stray e t e r n a l l y . " When Denck was  whole world and was  3 6  asked whether C h r i s t ' s redemption f u l f i l l e d  accomplished enough f o r men,  God.  and  he r e p l i e d that C h r i s t did enough f o r the  a forerunner i n the way  that men must walk i f they  -117-  would a t t a i n unto l i f e .  3 7  C h r i s t did not f u l f i l l the law to put us a t  a disadvantage but rather to be an example f o r us that we might f o l l o w a f t e r Him.  Denck never taught that C h r i s t ' s s u b s t i t u t i o n a r y death  leaves the b e l i e v e r without o b l i g a t i o n . J u s t i f i c a t i o n i s s t i l l l e f t i n the hands of God, and i t only becomes operative through f a i t h , but whoever would respond to the c a l l of Jesus must come and d i e , and do so f o r the r e s t of l i f e .  This i s never thought of l e g a l i s t i c a l l y , f o r immediately  f o l l o w i n g t h i s Denck says that "the true followers of C h r i s t have been freed from a l l ceremonies."  38  In f u l f i l l i n g the law of love a l l other  things f a l l i n t o place. Denck saw the answer to the problem of e x e r c i s i n g power and a u t h o r i t y over men,  and the problem of taking l i f e i n wartime, w i t h i n  the context of the d i s c i p l i n e d f o l l o w i n g of C h r i s t .  "He who  t r u l y could  have done these things (exercise power, r u l e , and take l i f e ) chose to neglect them as an example f o r us. things and f o l l o w a f t e r Him who  How much more should we avoid these  alone w i l l bring us to the  Father."  39  According to Denck men w i l l never a r r i v e at knowledge of God i f they do not f o l l o w a f t e r C h r i s t i n a l l these t h i n g s . Denck r e l a t e d f a i t h and the Word of God by saying t h a t to have f a i t h means to.obey the Word of God u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y , whether i t brings 40 l i f e or death.  At the same time, a C h r i s t i a n can have the sure hope  t h a t things w i l l turn out f o r h i s good. paradox here. cannot.  There i s a r e a l element of  We are to obey u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y even though we know we  Though i t means death, man  not possible f o r one who  i s to hope against hope.  does t h i s (obeys the Word of God  "It is  unconditionally)  to stray, even i f he i s astray; he i s f u l f i l l i n g the law of God to the uttermost,  even i f he i s breaking  it."  4 1  -118-  Denck not only equates f a i t h i n God w i t h obedience t o the Word of God, but he says that whoever knows C h r i s t and obeys Him from the heart, i s free from s i n even though he i s s t i l l tempted and under a t t a c k . The pace a t which a man runs i n the path of God w i l l depend on h i s knowledge of the t r u t h , the extent of h i s obedience, and the r e a l i t y of h i s freedom. Denok was not quiet on the subject of s u f f e r i n g .  In h i s f i r s t  confession he l e d up t o h i s concept of covenant and baptism by a d i s oussion of despair and s u f f e r i n g ^  0  and he a l s o introduced the Lord's  Supper w i t h the theme of s u f f e r i n g .  4 4  f e r i n g he used the image of the body. are s i c k and f e v e r i s h i n body and s o u l .  In d e s c r i b i n g the r o l e of sufAs r e l a t e s t o the t r u t h a l l men The only way to reduce the  fever and a l l e v i a t e the malady i s t o refuse t o accept any f a l s e comfort and to accept s u f f e r i n g q u i e t l y according t o the advice of the doctor. "This i s the work of C h r i s t i n a n n i h i l a t i n g the old Adam i n me. Although t h i s i s not completed as long as I l i v e i n the body, i t i s nevertheless begun i n the body and suffered p a r t l y on account of the covenant made w i t h God i n baptism, when I placed my w i l l i n t o God's through C h r i s t the m e d i a t o r . "  45  When Denck was asked about predestination as a neoessary source of comfort f o r the e l e c t he r e p l i e d that i t cannot be given t o anyone n o r can i t be taken away, unless a man submits t o the punishment of the 46  Father and tastes the "sweetness" of the " b i t t e r c r o s s . "  This " b i t t e r "  cross plays a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the t h i n k i n g of Denck. His c l e a r e s t statement on the e f f i c a c y of s u f f e r i n g appears i n h i s t r a c t Ordnung G o t t e s .  47  Here he states that the Word of G d comes t o 0  the godless man under comdemnation and preaches t o him and t e l l s him that he i s a t f a u l t , t h a t he should not t r y t o pass h i s g u i l t t o someone  -119-  8lse,  but s u f f e r w i l l i n g l y .  As soon as t h i s man becomes aware of the  Word he i s p a r t i a l l y free and can choose to continue i n e v i l or o f f e r himself up i n s u f f e r i n g .  The more he r e s i s t s s u f f e r i n g , the more  condemnation he i s b r i n g i n g upon h i m s e l f — t h e end r e s u l t being  death.  The more he submits t o s u f f e r i n g and humbles himself under the mighty hand of God, the sooner God accomplishes h i s work i n him. t h i s s u f f e r i n g by e x p l a i n i n g t h a t God had suffered i n man Word from the beginning.  In order f o r s i n f u l man  God he must l i k e w i s e s u f f e r .  Denck j u s t i f i e d through His  to become one w i t h  The lamb that suffered i n C h r i s t ,  4 8  suffered from the beginning of the world and w i l l s u f f e r unto the end of the world.  The lamb i s the e t e r n a l Word t h a t s u f f e r s i n men f o r AO  his  condemnation as long as he seeks only himself and r e j e c t s C h r i s t .  The scribes proclaim a f a l s e peace; "the peace of God can be expected only i n a f f l i c t i o n and f e a r . "  5 0  Because Denok was not as p r a c t i c a l l y involved i n the l i f e spread of the Anabaptist brotherhood  and  as Hut, i t i s understandable  that  he has but l i t t l e to say i n h i s w r i t i n g s about problems of Church order, leadership, and the sharing of goods. Most of the l i g h t we have from Hut on these subjects comes from h i s court confessions, but Denck was never put on t r i a l as an Anabaptist and none of h i s t r a c t s were d i r e c t e d at the p r a c t i c a l problems of a congregation. 3.  Discipline.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n the l i g h t of t h i s dearth of p r a c t i c a l i n s i g h t s and in,.spite of a c l e a r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the expansion of the Anab a p t i s t movement, that Denck d i d t r e a t the matter of d i s c i p l i n e and the b a n .  5 2  Denck said that t o love somebody, but not according to the  t r u t h and love of God, i s to hate him.  I f you hate someone because of  -120-  the love of God, you cannot oontinue i n t h i s state unless you are ready to admonish and t o apply serious d i s c i p l i n e .  I f your brother w i l l not  respond, you must avoid him w i t h a sorrowful heart, f o r t h i s i s true love.  This i s the b a s i s f o r the separation of the c h i l d r e n of God from  the c h i l d r e n of the world and the foundation of the b a n — t h e excommunication of f a l s e brethren.  The ban must be exercised i n true love i f  the o r i g i n a l covenant of holiness and separation from world^society i s to be m a i n t a i n e d .  5o  The s i m i l a r i t i e s between the views of Hut and Denck are many. Concerning the covenant, baptism, the Lord's Supper, d i s c i p l e s h i p , s u f f e r i n g , and d i s c i p l i n e , there seem t o be p a r a l l e l s . d i f f i c u l t , however, to trace much d i r e c t dependence.  I t i s quite Since many of the  b a s i c concepts that Hut and Denck shared were included i n Denck s f i r s t 1  confession, w r i t t e n long before Hut ever became an Anabaptist, i t i s probably j u s t i f i a b l e t o suggest that more concepts and ideas flowed from Denck t o Hut than v i c e versa.  This does not deny the mutual e f f e c t  they had on one another i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n and work together before and a f t e r they became a c t i v e members of the Anabaptist movement. Even as there was some common ground between Hut and MuentZer, there i s some among a l l three men.  The emphasis on s u f f e r i n g , conversion,  fear of God, and a r a d i c a l f a i t h , are i n some sense oommon to a l l t h r e e . When Hut and Denck r e l a t e d a l l these concepts t o the gathered  church  rather than t o d i r e c t r e v e l a t i o n s , v i s i o n s , dreams, and a r e v o l u t i o n a r y esohatology, a g u l f was f i x e d t h a t was u n b r i d g e a b l e .  54  I t i s not very  l i k e l y that Hut and Denck would have cooperated as w e l l w i t h Thomas Muentzer, had he been at the Martyr Synod, as they d i d w i t h one another.  -121-  C.  The State. 1.  Separation from the World.  In h i s d i s c u s s i o n of admonition, d i s c i p l i n e , and the ban, Denck indicated that the covenant w i t h God made i n baptism and the p r a c t i c e of avoiding those who would not respond to punishment, form the b a s i s f o r the p o s i t i o n t h a t there should be a basic separation between the 55 c h i l d r e n of t h i s world and the c h i l d r e n of God,  between the state  and the church. Baptism and the Supper a l s o serve as a testimony and reminder to the members of the Body of C h r i s t that they have been c a l l e d out of the world to serve God i n holiness and r i g h t e o u s n e s s .  56  Denck thought of t h i s separation i n a t h r e e f o l d way; from those who refuse to hear even though they do n o t manifest the mind of C h r i s t ; from those who have a f a l s e f a i t h but i n s i s t on t r y i n g to force men'<t'o'^'accept i t ; and from those who make.separation neoessary because of i n t i m i d a t i o n , persecution, and v i o l e n c e .  5 7  As f a r as i t i s p o s s i b l e , Denck d i d not  want to have f e l l o w s h i p w i t h e r r o r and unrighteousness even though he co  was forced t o l i v e among men who were sinning and mistaken.  This  p o s i t i o n would not be very much d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of the Reformers and S p i r i t u a l i s t s , except f o r the covenant of b e l i e v e r s ' baptism and the ban. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the separation of church and state i n the thought of Denck i s f u r t h e r i l l u m i n a t e d i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the oath, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government, and nonresistance. 2.  The Oath. 59  Denck got a t the problem of the oath was a dangerous t h i n g .  by suggesting that a vow  I f a man promised something that he could  e a s i l y keep then there was no point i n making a vow.  I f he promised  -122-  something beyond himself i t was e i t h e r a matter of presumption, because of ignorance,  or hypocricy despite b e t t e r knowledge.  I f men knew any-  t h i n g as c e r t a i n l y as God does they would be able t o swear oaths and r u l e over men without e x e r c i s i n g revenge and s e l f i s h n e s s , even as God does.  I f anyone wants t o t e s t i f y t o something t h a t took place i n the  past i t should be done i n a l l s i m p l i c i t y r e a l i z i n g that anything above yes or no i s accountable t o God. I t i s possible t o c a l l upon God as a witness to a testimony but His name should not be used i n vain f o r t h i s i s forbidden i n the Law and i n the New Testament. In h i s Widerruf, Denck developed t h i s l a s t point s t i l l f u r t h e r by saying that swearing an oath was not wrong i n i t s e l f but should be used d i s c r e e t l y so as n o t t o encourage s i n f u l men who were already constantly 60 misusing the oath.  A man w i t h the S p i r i t of God should not promise  or swear things unless he f e l t i n h i s conscience that he could f u l f i l them.  C h r i s t i a n s should be able t o swear not t o do the things that  C h r i s t c l e a r l y taught them not t o do, such as s t e a l i n g , k i l l i n g , and committing a d u l t e r y .  "God may be c a l l e d as a witness t o the t r u t h we  speak, f o r whether t h i s i s c a l l e d swearing or not i t i s c l e a r l y not 61 forbidden by C h r i s t . "  This was probably quite s i m i l a r t o Hut's con-  v i c t i o n t h a t i t was quite permissible t o swear i n community, s t a t e , and c i v i l matters, but i n things t h a t were contrary t o God, swearing was not permissible. 3.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Government.  In the problem of the C h r i s t i a n ' s r o l e i n government, Denck stated c l e a r l y , that "to use power and t o r u l e w i t h force i s not a t a l l possible for a C h r i s t i a n who wants t o bring glory t o h i s L o r d . "  6 2  Because the  Kingdom of God i s not characterized by force and. power does not mean  -123-  that the e v i l world should not use them.  Denok d i s t i n g u i s h e d between  the r o l e of the a u t h o r i t i e s as servants of God i n His wrath, and the role of the Church as the servant of God i n His mercy and redemption.. Both have a r i g h t t o e x i s t before God, and both are channels  63  through  which God operates; one f o r the conservation of law and order and the other f o r the redemption Kingdom of God. love.  of men from the Kingdom of t h i s world i n t o the  One i s the arm of His wrath and one i s the arm of His  A f a t h e r should manage h i s household, h i s wife and c h i l d r e n ,  servants and maids, the way God deals w i t h him, the head of the house. In as f a r as i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s t o operate i n t h i s way, they are C h r i s t i a n i n t h e i r o f f i c e .  But because the world  cannot bear t h i s , a f r i e n d of God ought t o g r a v i t a t e out of the government rather than i n t o i t , i f he r e a l l y wants t o have C h r i s t as His 64 Lord and master. 4.  Nonresistance.  Denck believed t h a t r e s i s t a n c e t o e v i l , v i o l e n c e , and k i l l i n g are contrary t o the example of C h r i s t and the p r i n c i p l e s of the Kingdom of God.  I f anyone wants to f o l l o w a f t e r C h r i s t he should recognize  His example i n avoiding the e x e r o i s e i o f f o r c e and the t a k i n g of human life.  In the Kingdom of God there i s to be only teaching and the  exercise of the power of the S p i r i t .  Concerning e v i l d o e r s , God com-  manded men t o teach and admonish them f o r t h e i r improvement.  I f they  refuse t o hear and desire to remain pagan they should be avoided, f o r they are outside the Body of C h r i s t i f they refuse t o hear His teaching. Denck's p o s i t i o n was l i k e that of the Swiss Anabaptists i n t h a t he supported the separation of church and s t a t e .  Although Denck was  opposed to t h e . C h r i s t i a n ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government and the swearing  -124-  of oaths, he d i d not state h i s p o s i t i o n quite as c a t e g o r i c a l l y as the Swiss Brethren.  An oath was possible i f the t r u t h was to be t e s t i f i e d  t o , and those who p a r t i c i p a t e i n government are not a u t o m a t i c a l l y nonChristian.  The conclusions reached by-the Swiss Brethren and Denck  were quite s i m i l a r but the approach of Denck was that of a theologian and the Swiss Brethren that of laymen. 5.  Eschatology.  Although Denck has u s u a l l y been thought of as having nothing t o say about eschatology there are some statements and b i b l i c a l references that indicate i t was not completely f o r e i g n t o h i s theology. speak about the end of the w o r l d ,  6 6  the great judgment,  67  He d i d  and echoed  CO  Hut i n saying that God was stronger than His enemies them t o shame and a n n i h i l a t e them.  69  and would put  H i s p o s i t i o n , however, culminated  i n a p a t i e n t w a i t i n g r a t h e r than any kind of r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t y . A f t e r s t a t i n g h i s hope t o be separated from the unrighteous, he s a i d t h a t " i t i s w i t h t h i s conscience,that I await w i t h j o y and without f e a r the 70 d e c i s i o n of Jesus C h r i s t . "  Although Denck quoted from Matthew 24,  i t i s not reasonable to say t h a t Hut was influenced by him i n the f i e l d of eschatology. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between eschatology and e t h i c s i s very c l o s e . A sketch of t h i s i n the l i v e s of Luther and some of the men under study i n t h i s paper can serve as an i l l u s t r a t i o n .  Luther  7 2  believed  that the Roman Church w i t h i t s Pope was the A n t i - C h r i s t and that the end of the world was not f a r o f f . Because the true church was i n v i s i b l e i t was necessary t o preach the Gospel and administer the sacraments to the whole t e r r i t o r i a l community.  Out of t h i s esohatology grew h i s  theory of the two kingdoms; f i r s t the realm of God and the neighbor,  -125-  and secondly,  the realm of the State and s o c i e t y .  A C h r i s t i a n man  must l i v e i n both, even i f he has to accept the Sermon on the Mount i n the one and r e j e c t i t i n the Muentzer  73  other.  believed that the church and s o c i e t y were  incompatible.  The l a t t e r , p a r t i c u l a r l y through i t s a u t h o r i t i e s , was f r u s t r a t i n g the work of God and consequently a l l those who  possess the l i v i n g S p i r i t  must u n i t e to a n n i h i l a t e the ungodly, that God might be able to set up His Kingdom on earth and r u l e over His people.  This esohatology  j u s t i f i e d the use of the sword and was dependent on v i o l e n c e and  the  overthrow of established a u t h o r i t y . Denck believed t h a t the Kingdom of God was  represented  on earth  i n the Anabaptist movement and that the church must be holy and separate as i t l i v e s i n the world and witnesses.  C h r i s t was already Lord of  a l l but t h i s would be f u l l y r e a l i z e d when He returned and the ment was accomplished.  fulfil-  This esohatology implied that the C h r i s t i a n  must keep the d i s t i n c t i o n between church and world c l e a r by f o l l o w i n g C h r i s t i n the path of n o n r e s i s t a n t , s u f f e r i n g l o v e .  This way  i n i t i a t e d by the Word of God, must be responded to by men  was  i n the covenant  of baptism, and i s sustained i n the d i s c i p l i n e d f e l l o w s h i p of b e l i e v e r s . 74 Hut  believed at one point i n h i s l i f e that Muentzer's r a d i c a l  revolutionary p o s i t i o n was  r i g h t , but he changed h i s p o s i t i o n when he  i d e n t i f i e d himself w i t h the Anabaptist movement. He believed then that the Kingdom of God was represented  on earth by the Anabaptist movement  and that i t did not have t o be ushered i n by f o r c e .  Hut was  s t i l l con-  vinced that C h r i s t would return s h o r t l y but the date was unknown and Kingdom he would r a i s e up would be s p i r i t u a l .  This implied a r a d i c a l  the  -126-  subjection of every area of l i f e to the church-brotherhood and a w i l l i n g n e s s to go the way of s u f f e r i n g , f o r the church i n the world i s under the sign of the Cross. Hut was not always c l e a r what the consequenoes would be when he c a l l e d f o r a voluntary church separated from the world, but he was w i l l i n g to take the r i s k .  What i t involved can be seen more c l e a r l y  i n the l i v e s and w r i t i n g s of h i s d i s c i p l e s and associates i n the South German Anabaptist movement.  -127-  FOOTNQTES: CHAPTER IV HAMS HUT AND HANS DENCK The w r i t i n g s of Hans Denck have r e c e n t l y been published i n an e x c e l l e n t e d i t i o n by Walter Fellmann, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer, V o l . VI, Part I I , Hans Denck Schrif^tid~(Wte7s*lohI C. BerEiTsmann Verlag, 1956), Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XXIV. Part I i s a b i b l i o g r a p h y of Denok's w r i t i n g s prepared by Georg Baring, The most recent study of Denck"was made by Jan J . K i w i e t , "The L i f e of Hans Denck," MQR XXXI (1957),pp. 227-59; and idem, "The Theology of Hans Denck," MQR XXXII (1958), pp. 3-27. A study has been done by the B r i t i s h scholar A l f r e d Coutt's, "Hans Denck' (1495-1527); "Humanist and Heretio (Edinburgh:: Maoni'veri and Wallace, 1927). "The "classic study on Denck i s that of Ludwi'g K e l l e r , E i n 'Apostel der Wiedertaufer ( L e i p z i g : S. H i r z e l , 1882). A very u s e f u l sketch of h i s l i f e w i t h a comprehensive bibliography'by C h r i s t i a n Neff arid'Waiter Fellmann appears i n Mennonite Encyclopedia, ed. Harold S. Bender, V o l . I I (1956). 2 3 4  Confessions, p. 223. Brandt, op. c i t . , p. 243. Confessions, pp. 224, 229, 230.  5  Kiwiet, Denck, p. 237.' Cf. F r i e d r i c h Roth,'Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Mtfnchen: Theodor Ackermann, "1881), pp. 185-88. 6 Fellmann, op. o i t . , pp. 6, 20 f . 7  8  Kiwiet, Denck, p. 239.  9  Fellmann, op. o i t . , pp. 20-26.  10  Kiwiet, Denck, p. 245.  11  I b i d . , p. 233. , .  12  Confessions, p. 224.  1%  I b i d . , p. 241. Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 27, 48.  u  14 15  I b i d . , pp. 68-73.  Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 29-31. I® Mittheilurigen aus dem A n t i q u a r i a t e von S. Calvary and Co. I ( B e r l i n : 1869), pp. 156-66. . 17  See Appendix I,  -128-  The reasons that Kiwiet gives (Denok, pp. 257-9) f o r challenging one paragraph i n the recantation are not very s a t i s f y i n g . There are other places i n which Denck makes s i m i l a r a l l u s i o n s (Fellmann, op. c i t . , p. 105). These "statements do not negate h i s p o s i t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n to the South German Anabaptist movement. 1 8  19 Confessions, p. 227. 20 Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 42, 93, 108.  22  I b i d . , p. 23. In the w r i t i n g s of Denek the Word of God means more than j u s t the S c r i p t u r e s , c f . i b i d . , p. 106. 23 I b i d . , p. 24. 2 1  24  I b i d . , p. 54.  25  I Cor. 1:17 (RSV),  26  I b i d . , p. 109.  27  I b i d . , pp. 80-1.  28  I b i d . , p.' 83.  29  I b i d . , pp. 81-2.  30  Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 24-5.  31  Fellmann, op. c i t . , p. 24.  32  I b i d . , pp. 80-1, and Bayern I , p. 43.  33  Kiwiet, Denok, p. 12.  34  Fellmann, op. c i t . , p. 35.  35  I b i d . , p. 45.  36 37 38 39  I b i d . , pp. 50-1. I b i d . , p. 53. I b i d . , p. 54. I b i d . , p. 84.  40; I b i d . , p. 97. 41  Ibid.  -129-  4 2  I b i d . , p. 107.  4 3  I b i d . , p. 24.  4 4  I b i d . , p. 25.  4 5  Ibid.  4 6  I b i d . , p. 42.  4 7  I b i d . , p. 92.  4 8  I b i d . , p. 94.  49 I b i d . , p.  95. 50.  " The l a s t s e c t i o n of h i s t r a c t Von der wahren L i e be ( i b i d . , pp. 83-6) might be considered an exception to t h i s general r u l e . JJ  52 I b i d . , p. 82-3. 5 3  I o i d  «*  P-  8 3  «  54 I f a contemporary i l l u s t r a t i o n (not p a r a l l e l ) were permitted, the quoting that a s o c i a l i s t might do from the w r i t i n g s of Marx could serve the purpose. There c e r t a i n l y are some p a r a l l e l s between the two but to say that t h i s r e l a t e s or equates them i n any s i g n i f i c a n t way i s t o overlook the b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e s . 55 Fellmann, op. c i t . , 56 57 58 59 60 fi  l  62 63 64 65  I b i d . , P- 81. I b i d . , P« 108. Ibid. I b i d . , PP'. 83-4. I b i d . , P» 110. Ibid. I b i d . , P* 84. I b i d . , P. 85. Ibid. I b i d . , P. 84-5.  -130-  I b i d . , p. 26. Ibid. 6 8  6 9  70  ^id.,  p. 100.  Ibid. I b i d . , p. 108.  71 I b i d . , p.  100.  See George" W. Fore11, F a i t h A c t i v e i n Love; An I n v e s t i g a t i o n of the P r i n c i p l e s Underlying Luther's S o c i a l E t h i c s (New.York: The American Press, 1954). C f . a review by W i l l i a m Klassen, MQR XXIX (1955), pp. 244-47. 7 2  7 3  See above, Chapter I I I , C.  74 See above, Chapter I I , B.  CHAPTER V THE  INFLUENCE OF HANS HUT  ON THE SOUTH GERMAN ANABAPTIST MOVEMENT In h i s t r a c t E i n c h r i s t l i c h e r Underricht, Hut said that there are three ways i n which a man can come t o knowledge of God:  f i r s t , through  the might and power ( a l l m e c h t i g k a i t und k r a f t ) of God expressed i n created t h i n g s ; secondly, through the s e v e r i t y and righteousness (ernst und gereohtigkait) of Jesus C h r i s t ; and t h i r d l y , through the goodness and mercy (go'ete und barmkerzigkait) of the Holy S p i r i t .  1  Regarding the f i r s t , he said t h a t i t was through created things that man became a slave t o t h i s world.  Creation tempts and entices man away  from h i s true purpose, which i s f e l l o w s h i p with God.  Concerning the  second, he said that i t was through the s e v e r i t y and righteousness of C h r i s t that the bonds of servitude to created things are broken.  Christ  i s the only way out of the Kingdom of t h i s world and the only means i n t o the Kingdom of God.  Concerning the t h i r d , he said that the church was  the realm where the Holy S p i r i t was a c t i v e and i t represented the goal for the C h r i s t i a n i n d i v i d u a l and the r e a l i z a t i o n of God's purpose f o r man.  This was the covenant brotherhood where the Holy S p i r i t was  a c t i v e i n works of love, j u s t i c e , sharing, and b r o t h e r l y d i s c i p l i n e . In h i s t r a c t , Hut r e l a t e d these three categories t o the three parts of the A p o s t o l i c Creed:  the Father,  3  the Son,  4-  and the Holy S p i r i t .  5  Much of Hut's thought and that of h i s f o l l o w e r s and f r i e n d s of the South German Anabaptist movement f i t s into t h i s t h r e e - f o l d scheme. Leonhard Schiemer's t r a c t Von d r e i e r l e i Gnad, follows the t h r e e - f o l d 6  pattern, and h i s commentary on the A p o s t o l i c Creed i s probably one o f  -132-  the f i n e s t examples among Anabaptist w r i t i n g s of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Peter Ridemann's Confession of F a i t h w r i t t e n a t Gmunden between 1529 and 1532, i s a l s o organized around the three c e n t r a l a s s e r t i o n s of the p A p o s t o l i c Creed.  These are the obvious examples that help t o focus  the Anabaptist point of view but beyond these there are many more p a r a l l e l s as the f o l l o w i n g w i l l  illustrate.  Jesus' command to His d i s c i p l e s , "Go i n t o a l l the world and preach the gospel to the whole c r e a t i o n ; he who believes and i s baptized w i l l be saved,"  9  was understood by Hut and h i s followers to t i e i n w i t h the  t h r e e - f o l d scheme.  The preaching was t o be done i n the world t o those  enslaved by created t h i n g s .  I f they believed the preaching, came t o  f a i t h i n God, and committed themselves t o the way of the cross and suff e r i n g , they were ready to be baptized i n t o the church, the covenant community of the Holy S p i r i t .  This progression through preaching and  b e l i e v i n g , t o baptism, appeared often i n South German Anabaptist t r a c t s and c o n f e s s i o n s .  10  In Hut's t r a c t the created things represented the world, and the realm of the Holy S p i r i t represented the churoh. ever, was t h a t which l a y between.  The c r u c i a l area, how-  I t was c r u c i a l because Hut and most  other Anabaptists, f e l t t h a t t h i s was the area t h a t was being neglected by the Reformers.  I t was important, furthermore, because i t represented  the only possible means t o move from the world i n t o the c h u r c h .  11  I t w i l l be necessary t o look f i r s t a t the c e n t r a l area, concerning the s e v e r i t y and righteousness of C h r i s t .  This involved Hut's teach-  ing about s u f f e r i n g d i s c i p l e s h i p and the work of C h r i s t .  -The l o g i c a l  step from here i s t o a study of the church, the realm of'the Holy S p i r i t . This includes p r i m a r i l y a d i s c u s s i o n of baptism and the covenant w i t h a  -133-  b r i e f look a t economic sharing. L a s t l y , oomes the f i r s t d i v i s i o n , the world.  This w i l l be looked at i n the l i g h t of the church's r e l a t i o n to  the world and more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the s t a t e .  This w i l l lead to a  study of esohatology and the Anabaptist view of God's hand i n h i s t o r y . Though there i s a progression f o r the i n d i v i d u a l from ( l ) a t t a c h ment t o the world, through (2) i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h C h r i s t , t o (3) the church-brotherhood,  i t i s a l s o important to r e a l i z e i n u s i n g the t h r e e -  f o l d scheme that there i s a r e a l sense i n which the church and the C h r i s t i a n l i v e i n a l l three at the same time and a l l the time.  This  i s the reason f o r the f a c t that the People of God stand under the Cross and must s u f f e r .  The C h r i s t i a n l i v e s i n the world while he i s l i v i n g  i n the church and i t i s because of t h i s that he must go the way of s u f f e r i n g and misunderstanding.  C h r i s t alone could r e c o n c i l e church and  world and when He d i d so i t meant s u f f e r i n g , the cross, and death. The f a c t that C h r i s t was the God-man and went t h i s way, not only provides f o r man's redemption and s a l v a t i o n but C h r i s t c a l l s each C h r i s t i a n to go the same way that He went. As soon as a man  i s w i l l i n g to go t h i s  way he f i n d s that he i s not a l o n e — t h e r e i s a community under the c r o s s . This i s the church. A.  Church. 1.  Suffering Discipleship. a) Spurious F a i t h .  In h i s w r i t i n g Vom geheimnus der t a u f f , Hut o r i t i c i z e d those taught nothing other than " f a i t h , f a i t h " means by which one comes t o i t .  1 2  who  but d i d not i n d i c a t e the  The whole t r a c t i s centered around the  idea t h a t preaohing must come f i r s t , then f a i t h , and a f t e r both, baptism.  -134-  In the c l o s i n g paragraph of h i s other t r a c t , E i n c h r i s t l i c h e r u n d e r r i c h t , Hut said again that some talked about the goal and purpose of God f o r His people but they did not r e v e a l how one progresses toward that g o a l . They received men as i f they had attained s a l v a t i o n through the s u f f e r ing  C h r i s t , not r e a l i z i n g t h a t these men desired nothing but an easy  faith.  This always produces an impudent, l a z y people, w i t h no 13  reformation of l i f e . Tn h i s commentary on the A p o s t o l i c Creed, Schiemer said that men i n h i s day spoke a great deal about f a i t h but when they were asked j u s t *  14.  what i t was and how one came t o possess i t , they had no answer.  They  heard songs about f a i t h and heard i t spoken about, but had come t o b e l i e v e that the p h y s i c a l hearing of the word was s u f f i c i e n t .  This kind  of person refused t o stand by C h r i s t when He was before P i l a t e and t o 15 s u f f e r w i t h Him when He was on the cross.  C h r i s t has suffered f o r  mankind but not so that men would not have t o s u f f e r . An easy f a i t h t h a t t r i e s t o avoid s u f f e r i n g w i l l l a s t only u n t i l i t i s persecuted. 16 This always shows i t up f o r what i t r e a l l y i s .  S c h l a f f e r s a i d the  carnal preachers were saying that C h r i s t had done everything, a l l man could do was b e l i e v e .  1 7  The c r i t i c i s m of s o l a f i d e theology i s common among South German Anabaptists.  In contrast t o an easy f a i t h that does not aocept the  consequences and i m p l i c a t i o n s i n l i f e , Hut and the South German Anabaptists emphasized the idea of the i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t and the New Testament teaching that d i s c i p l e s h i p brings w i t h i t s u f f e r i n g , a f f l i c t i o n , the cross, and persecution. b)  Imitation of C h r i s t .  Concerning the i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t , Hut stated very  unequivocally  that "No one i s able t o a r r i v e a t the t r u t h unless he follows i n the  -135-  steps of C h r i s t and His chosen ones i n the school of a f f l i c t i o n . "  1 8  An image that was common t o Hut and his followers was that of the C h r i s t i a n s u f f e r i n g w i t h C h r i s t i n His l i f e , death, and r e s u r r e c t i o n . Ambrosius Spittelmayr  said that members o f the Body of C h r i s t must 19  l i v e , s u f f e r , and die as the Head died f o r them.  This does not  minimize the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the atonement of C h r i s t .  " C h r i s t , true God  and man, the head of a l l His members, has erased w i t h His s u f f e r i n g the e t e r n a l wrath of God that was directed against us. us and restored us t o peace w i t h God,  He has reconciled  and as our personal mediator  His s u f f e r i n g and death have opened f o r us the Kingdom from which we had f a l l e n because of Adam."  20  From t h i s Spittelmayr  did n o t conclude  that t h i s must merely be believed, but rather that men must believe i t and be w i l l i n g t o go the same way. He a l s o made use of the image of C h r i s t as the Word t h a t i s s p i r i t u a l l y conceived, born, circumcised, baptized, and preached i n His d i s c i p l e s . * Schiemer 2  use t h i s concept i n a s i m i l a r manner.  22  and S c h l a f f e r  2 3  In h i s 1531 Confession, Marpeck  referred t o sins and l u s t s being n a i l e d t o the cross with C h r i s t and being buried i n His d e a t h .  24  The anonymous t r a c t Von der Genugthuung  C h r i s t i , was w r i t t e n from a s i m i l a r s t a n d p o i n t .  cu  Ridemann said that  C h r i s t .lived His l i f e as an example that men might f o l l o w i n His  steps.  2 6  The i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t was also c a r r i e d over to C h r i s t ' s descent into h e l l . led  Hut said that the C h r i s t i a n must descend .into h e l l and be 27  out i n h i s struggle from u n b e l i e f t o f a i t h .  In h i s  discussion  of the Apostolic Creed, Schiemer r e l a t e d a l l eleven sections concerning C h r i s t , t o the l i f e of the C h r i s t i a n .  In the section on C h r i s t ' s des-  cent i n t o h e l l he referred t o the experience of Jonah and Job and to C h r i s t ' s cry of despair from the cross.  When a C h r i s t i a n had experienced  -136-  t h i s descent i n t o h e l l and r e a l i z e d that he had been forsaken by God f o r a moment he came t o know what i t means t o love God f o r His own  sake.  pa  Schiemer compared despair and s u f f e r i n g w i t h C h r i s t to wine i n a wound, pq  and the comfort and meroy of the Holy S p i r i t , t o o i l .  Schlaffer said  that every man who wanted t o experience s a l v a t i o n i n C h r i s t must also experience the depths of C h r i s t i n the cross, i n d e s e r t i o n , and i n h e l l . "For whoever i s not condemned by the world and cast i n t o h e l l w i t h C h r i s t w i l l be cast i n t o h e l l l a t e r w i t h the damned. Whoever descends i n t o h e l l w i t h C h r i s t , i . e . , i n C h r i s t , w i l l be led out again by for  He w i l l not a l l o w His members to remain i n h e l l . " ^ 3  God  Marpeck  believed that water was a sign of the new b i r t h i n the Scriptures and referred t o a f f l i c t i o n , dread, need, and s u f f e r i n g . of'Jonah.  This was the sign  A l l f l e s h must receive the death sentence and pass through  the gates of. h e l l before i t can enter the narrow path that leads to •z-i  life.  A  Denck r e l a t e d C h r i s t ' s descent i n t o h e l l t o despair and 32  s u f f e r i n g i n the C h r i s t i a n l i f e , c)  The  Cross.  Related t o the C h r i s t i a n ' s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h C h r i s t i s h i s acceptance of the oross.  The cross played an important r o l e i n the l i f e  and thought of the Anabaptists of South Germany.  The challenge of  Jesus to His d i s c i p l e s to deny themselves, take up t h e i r c r o s s , and f o l l o w Him i s echoed i n most South German Anabaptist t r a c t s and confessions.  Schiemer saw the cross as the t e s t that revealed whether f a i t h  was genuine or n o t .  3 3  The S p i r i t of C h r i s t w i l l not enter a man  he submits under the cross and d i s c i p l i n e of God.  unless  "Without the cross i t  i s impossible f o r God to save me, despite His power."  34  Men who ask f o r  righteousness are praying f o r the cross and i f they submit under i t  -137-  they w i l l enter the f e l l o w s h i p of the s a i n t s .  35  Marpeok r e f e r r e d to  the mystery of the cross i n the context of a f f l i c t i o n , f e a r , d i s t r e s s , and  suffering. d)  3 6  Suffering.  When the consequences of d i s c i p l e s h i p and the i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t were made more e x p l i c i t there was a strong emphasis on s u f f e r i n g , a f f l i c t i o n , a n d persecution.  This has been i l l u s t r a t e d i n the w r i t i n g s  of Hut, where even the righteousness of C h r i s t expressed s u f f e r i n g , a f f l i c t i o n , and persecution. of the C h r i s t i a n means a c a l l to s u f f e r . s u f f e r because of Him.  i t s e l f through  Schiemer said t h a t the c a l l i n g Men who b e l i e v e i n C h r i s t must  A statement of Peter's was very popular among  the Anabaptists, "Sinoe therefore C h r i s t suffered i n the f l e s h ,  arm  yourselves w i t h the same thought, f o r whoever has suffered i n the f l e s h has ceased from s i n . "  3 9  S c h l a f f e r s a i d i n h i s t r a c t , A Short I n s t r u c t i o n at the  Beginning  of a True C h r i s t i a n L i f e , that the whole B i b l e speaks about the s u f f e r i n g of the e l e c t frop. Abel down to the a p o s t l e s . ^ 4  IQ t h i s same  context the Revelation of S t . John r e f e r s to C h r i s t as the lamb that was s l a i n from the foundation of the w o r l d .  4 1  Baptism of f i r e i s the  fervent love t o God and the neighbor that makes a man w i l l i n g t o s u f f e r all things.  4 2  In r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the d i s c u s s i o n of the Lord's Supper and the eating and d r i n k i n g of the body and blood of C h r i s t , the theme of s u f f e r i n g was f r e q u e n t l y i n t r o d u c e d . crushed grapes:  43  Schiemer used the image of the  "A draught from t h i s f l a s k i s nothing other than a  beaten, p u l v e r i z e d , crushed, and g r i e v i n g heart, beaten w i t h the mortar of the cross, f o r the grapes i n God's vineyard must a l l submit to the  -138-  winepress and be trodden by a f f l i c t i o n , i f wine i s to r e s u l t . "  4 4  Ridemann also used t h i s parable, as w e l l as that of the crushed grains of wheat.  45  The Supper was not only conducted i n memory of the  suffer-  ings of C h r i s t by the Anabaptists but as a reminder to the ohurch of the s u f f e r i n g i t must endure. The theme of s u f f e r i n g a l s o played an important r o l e i n Marpeck*s Confession.  Members of the church are considered to be companions 46  i n s u f f e r i n g f o r they have been baptized i n t o the a f f l i c t i o n s of C h r i s t . No man  w i l l enter the Kingdom of God unless he i s born of water and  the  S p i r i t , i . e . , of a f f l i c t i o n and comfort, of C h r i s t and the Holy S p i r i t . Marpeck interpreted water as a symbol of s u f f e r i n g and  4 7  distress.  A f t e r s t a t i n g w i t h Paul that the C h r i s t i a n makes up i n h i s body the sufferings that began i n C h r i s t , Ridemann emphasized the f a c t that t h i s did not i d e n t i f y s u f f e r i n g and was  salvation.  4 8  L i f e i n the branch  a r e s u l t of i t s attachment to the vine, and where t h i s union existed  f r u i t was  to be expected.  Members of the Body of C h r i s t who  share the  joys of s a l v a t i o n must a l s o share C h r i s t ' s s u f f e r i n g . Beginning w i t h Hut, a patterned use was  made of St. John's l i s t of  three witnesses t o the C h r i s t i a n l i f e , the S p i r i t , the water, and  the  49  blood. man  The S p i r i t was  when man  r e l a t e d to the covenant that God makes w i t h  commits himself to l i v e by His Word. Water was  r e l a t e d to the outward sign of baptism whereby a b e l i e v e r was to be a. l i v i n g member of the Body of C h r i s t on earth.  always acknowledged  The blood  was  r e l a t e d t o s u f f e r i n g and persecution, both as i n d i v i d u a l d i s c i p l e s and as a church.  I t i s important to remember that a l l main l i n e Anabaptists  thought of s u f f e r i n g as not only an i n d i v i d u a l experience that led t o true faith-membership i n the Body of C h r i s t , but also as a corporate  -139-  r e a l i t y that characterized the continuing l i f e of the church.  I f one  member suffered the whole Body suffered f o r the whole brotherhood was under the c r o s s . e)  Creaturen.  One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c aspects of Hut's teaching that r e l a t e s t o h i s understanding  of Scripture and the nature of the C h r i s t i a n proclama-  t i o n and experience, was h i s concept of created things (Creaturen). These created things play a two-fold r o l e ; n e g a t i v e l y , they tempt man to l i v e as i f the things that are seen are the most important part of l i f e , and p o s i t i v e l y , man can experience the might and power of God through them.  Created things can serve as a l l e g o r i e s or parables of  what God i s t r y i n g t o teach and achieve i n His c h i l d r e n . has already been made t o the parable of the t r e e  5 1  0 0  Reference  that must have i t s  branches cut o f f before i t can be used i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a house, and t o animals that must s u f f e r and die before they can be consumed by men.  52  In both instances they i l l u s t r a t e the n e c e s s i t y of s u f f e r i n g i n  the C h r i s t i a n l i f e . f)  Righteousness.  L a s t l y i t w i l l be h e l p f u l t o look at the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s u f f e r i n g d i s c i p l e s h i p t o righteousness and j u s t i f i c a t i o n before God. I t has already been i n d i c a t e d t h a t s u f f e r i n g and the i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t are not set f o r t h by the authors under study, as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r the righteousness that comes by f a i t h .  This righteousness, however, i s  never thought of as a mere change of a t t i t u d e i n the heart of God, i n l e g a l or f o r e n s i c terms.  Hut believed that when God declared a man  righteous He a l s o made him righteous.  "In order to be used of God,  God must j u s t i f y us and cleanse us from i n s i d e and out.  Internally  -140-  from inordinate d e s i r e s and l u s t s and e x t e r n a l l y from wrong paths and misuse of created t h i n g s , "  To be declared righteous ( G e r e c h t f e r t i g t )  and to be made righteous (Gerechtmachung) go hand i n hand i n the of the South German Anabaptists,  thought  "The righteousness t h a t i s accept-  able with God does not derive from an u n t r i e d f a i t h .  But the whole  world fears righteousness l i k e the d e v i l , and would g l a d l y pay f o r i t w i t h a spurious f a i t h , but t h i s w i l l not achieve righteousness.  This  righteousness i s not taught or proclaimed by i t s preachers for they themselves are enemies of the ..cross of C h r i s t and of r i g h t e o u s n e s s , "  54  The c e n t r a l a s s e r t i o n of Hut's t r a c t s i s that man experiences the 55 righteousness of God through i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h C h r i s t ,  This i s b a s i c  to the Anabaptist p o s i t i o n i n South Germany, The experience of the righteousness of God does not make men  per-  f e c t or s i n l e s s , but as long as they are hungering and t h i r s t i n g a f t e r righteousness God does not forsake them when they s i n .  5 6  The Anabaptists  were convinced t h a t reformation of the l i f e of the d i s c i p l e was  a  v i t a l part of the reformation of the church. One of the more comprehensive discussions of righteousness by an Anabaptist author i s contained i n Schiemer's t r a c t Von der D r e i e r l e i 57 Gnad,  In a masterly way he r e l a t e d righteousness t o i m i t a t i o n of  C h r i s t , s u f f e r i n g , s e l f - d e n i a l , the c r o s s , sharing, admonition, and church d i s c i p l i n e . and Ridemann.  Somewhat s i m i l a r discussions are found i n S c h l a f f e r  The l a t t e r i s the only one i n the e a r l y South German  area who used the term "Gerechtmachung,"  F a i t h not only j u s t i f i e s  men  before God but makes them pious (fromm) and r i g h t e o u s , Ridemann taught that those who f o l l o w i n C h r i s t ' s footsteps and go the way of d i s o i p l e ship and s u f f e r i n g w i l l f i n d t h a t C h r i s t ' s yoke i s easy and His burden ,. l i g ,. h t . 60  5 8  -141-  2.  Baptism and Covenant (Holy S p i r i t ) .  A f t e r the s e v e r i t y and righteousness of C h r i s t have been experienced the goodness and mercy of the Holy S p i r i t provide c o n s o l a t i o n and comf o r t f o r the d i s c i p l e i n the church.  Although s u f f e r i n g d i s c i p l e s h i p  and r e l a t e d concepts played a o r u c i a l role i n the thought of the Anab a p t i s t s , i t was i n the area of the nature of the church t h a t they made t h e i r major c o n t r i b u t i o n and ran i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h the  Reformers.  I t has already been pointed out t h a t Hut's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the Anabaptist Church was a o r u c i a l point i n h i s experience and consequently a c e n t r a l f a c t i n h i s thought.  "When there are a number of  C h r i s t i a n s who have gone the way of the c r o s s , s u f f e r i n g , and sorrow, and are covenanted together, they become one congregation and one Body in C h r i s t — a visible church."  61  Since most of the men whose w r i t i n g s  are under study i n t h i s chapter were e i t h e r baptized by Hut or one of h i s f o l l o w e r s , i t i s understandable t h a t they shared h i s view of the church.  In breaking down the general view of the nature o f the church  i n t o the role of the covenant, b e l i e v e r s ' baptism, d i s c i p l i n e , economic sharing, and the Lord's Supper, i t w i l l be possible to trace the influence of Hut on the South German Anabaptist movement more c a r e f u l l y , a)  Covenant.  Hut's concept of the covenant was l a r g e r than h i s concept of baptism.  The covenant was the commiiment t o l i v e by the Word of God,  under obedience t o C h r i s t , s u f f e r i n g whatever God ordained f o r H i s 6? disciple.  I t was a l s o considered a commitment before a C h r i s t i a n  congregation that had the r i g h t t o bind and to l o o s e .  When t h i s was 64  true i t became a covenant of r e b i r t h and renewal i n the Holy S p i r i t . Spittelmayr substantiated t h i s view when he s a i d , "God makes His covenant  -142-  w i t h His own when He receives them as c h i l d r e n .  This covenant i s  r e a l i z e d i n the S p i r i t , i n baptism, and i n the d r i n k i n g of the c u p — cc  which C h r i s t has c a l l e d the d r i n k i n g of blood." Sohlaffer said that a man who accepted the Gospel, received repentance and forgiveness of s i n s , and gave himself t o t a l l y i n f a i t h t o God, had entered the covenant that God makes w i t h man and man makes 66 w i t h God.  Marpeck sharpened t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of covenant by introducing 67  the d i s t i n c t i o n between sign and testimony. ant sign that God made w i t h a l l men. the part of man  Circumcision was a coven-  Because i t was not a testimony on  i t could include i n f a n t s .  The new covenant was  the  testimony of a man's good conscience w i t h God and beoause of t h i s i t implied f a i t h .  Only those should be baptized who had made a covenant  w i t h God i n f a i t h as the testimony to a good conscience.  I t was  Mar-  peck's c o n t r i b u t i o n to i n s i s t that the form of the covenant and i t s essence, outward baptism and inner baptism, the v i s i b l e church and i n v i s i b l e church, cannot be s e p a r a t e d .  68  the  I f Hut would have been forced  to face the opposition and c r i t i c i s m of S p i r i t u a l i s t s i t i s possible that he would have developed the l o g i c of the Anabaptist p o s i t i o n i n t o the same channels. In h i s 1529-32 Confession, Ridemann r e f e r r e d to the covenant i n 69 baptism as the testimony of a good conscience w i t h God. the covenant, an i n d i v i d u a l recognized  In acoepting  that he had a gracious Father  who  had forgiven h i s sins and had received him i n t o the congregation of the saints.  I t was  on t h i s basis that man bound himself to keep God's  statutes and walk i n His ways.  This was what the covenant of baptism  meant—something impossible f o r a c h i l d that could not yet d i s t i n g u i s h between good and  evil.  -143-  The Anabaptist i n s i s t e n c e on i m i t a t i o n of C h r i s t and s u f f e r i n g was not f o r e i g n to mediaeval C h r i s t i a n i t y and would not have been offensive to e i t h e r Roman or Reformation Churches had i t not been r e l a t e d to voluntary church membership through b e l i e v e r s ' baptism.  This was a  d i r e c t challenge to a thousand year s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n and 70 could not be t o l e r a t e d . b)  Baptism.  The stage was set f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of b e l i e v e r s ' baptism i n South Germany by the multitude of grievances against the Roman Church and the churches of the Reformers.  The grievances i n the thought of  Hans Hut, Thomas Muentzer, and Hans Denok have been b r i e f l y t r a c e d . To these grievances was added the deepening i n s i g h t that though baptism was b i b l i o a l and necessary, i n f a n t baptism was n o t .  The gathering 71  storm f i n a l l y broke loose i n South Germany when Balthasar Hubmaier, coming from Switzerland, proclaimed the message that baptism should be by confession of f a i t h and church membership by voluntary choice. The view of baptism need not be traced here since i t was oommon to the whole South German movement beginning w i t h Denck and Hut. c)  Discipline.  Baptism and covenant were c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to i n j u n c t i o n i n t o the church-brotherhood i n South German Anabaptist thought.  After stating  that the covenant i n baptism involved a w i l l i n g n e s s to l i v e i n obedience to God and a l l C h r i s t i a n s , Hut said that those who transgressed and sinned against God and b r o t h e r l y love should be d i s c i p l i n e d . instance Hut described t h i s p r a c t i c e w i t h the word " b a n . "  73  7 2  In one  Spittelmayr  followed Hut i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of b r o t h e r l y admonition and d i s c i p l i n e . Within the church-brotherhood members should be subject to one another . i n humble obedience.  7 4  -144-  Ih h i s discussion, of "forgiveness of s i n s " i n the A p o s t o l i c Creed, Schiemer quoted C h r i s t ' s words from Matthew 18, " I f your brother s i n s against you, go and t e l l him h i s f a u l t , between you and him alone. i f he does not l i s t e n , take one or two others w i t h you. . . .  But  I f he  refuses to l i s t e n to them, t e l l i t to the ohurch, and i f he refuses to l i s t e n even to the church, l e t him be t° y ° collector.  u  a s  a  Gentile and a tax  Truly, I say t o you whatever you bind on earth s h a l l be  bound i n heaven."  He a l s o quoted the i n c i d e n t from the Gospel of  John i n which C h r i s t came t o the d i s c i p l e s through locked doors and s a i d , "Receive the Holy S p i r i t .  I f you f o r g i v e the sins of any,  they  are f o r g i v e n ; i f you r e t a i n the s i n s of any, they are r e t a i n e d . "  7 6  One of the important r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of being covenanted to a C h r i s t i a n congregation was that of b r o t h e r l y d i s c i p l i n e .  I t was understood t h a t  whatever was bound or loosed by the covenant community was bound or 77 loosed i n heaven.  The importance of admonition and d i s c i p l i n e i s  very obvious i n the D i s c i p l i n e of B e l i e v e r s , used at Rattenberg  and  78  a t t r i b u t e d t o Schiemer. S c h l a f f e r s a i d that water baptism served as a sign whereby C h r i s t i a n s could recognize one another, show b r o t h e r l y love to one another, and help each other w i t h teaching, admonition, excommunication, binding, and l o o s i n g .  7 9  discipline,  A f t e r having described the  steps t h a t led to membership i n the Kingdom of God, Marpeck, s a i d that c h i l d r e n of God have the r i g h t t o bind and loose.  This he c a l l e d  the ban and said that i t was c o n t r o l l e d by the Holy S p i r i t .  Those who  l i v e i n d i r e c t opposition t o love should be exoluded from the Lord's Supper, which he described as a love f e a s t .  8 0  The Anabaptist f e e l i n g  concerning the nature of the ohurch was expressed very warmly i n one  -145-  of Marpeok's prayers, "That we might l i v e together i n f a i t h f u l n e s s and t r u t h , teaching,warning,  admonishing, and d i s c i p l i n i n g one another  so that we might be able t o hear, understand, and l i v e i n obedience t o the Word by f a i t h .  To t h i s end I have committed myself to God, t o a l l  true b e l i e v e r s , and to a l l men, w i t h a l l that I am and have, i n order t o give myself i n service through Jesus, C h r i s t . " d)  Love Sharing.  Common to a l l the Anabaptists of South Germany, beginning w i t h Hut, was the c o n v i c t i o n that voluntary sharing of goods should be a part of the l i f e of the covenant community.  In d e s c r i b i n g the C h r i s t i a n  congregation Hut s a i d , "There a l l goodness, mercy, p r a i s e , g l o r y , and honor appear i n the Holy S p i r i t , there a l l things are common, nothing private."  8 2  Hut a l s o characterized the covenant commitment t o C h r i s t  and a l l brothers and s i s t e r s as i n v o l v i n g body, l i f e , property, and honor regardless of what the world might  say.  8 3  One of the f i n e s t expressions of t h i s i d e a l of voluntary, love sharing i s found i n a w r i t t e n confession of Ambrosius Spittelmayr: Nobody can i n h e r i t the Kingdom unless he i s poor w i t h C h r i s t , f o r a C h r i s t i a n has nothing of h i s own; no place where he can l a y h i s head. A r e a l C h r i s t i a n should not even have enough property on earth t o "be able to stand on i t w i t h one f o o t . This does hot mean" that"he should go and l i e down i n the woods and not have a trade, or t h a t he should not h a v e T i e l d s and meadows or t h a t he should not work, but" alone that he might not think they are f o r h i s own use and be tempted t o say: t h i s house i s mine, t h i s f i e l d ' i s mine, t h i s d o l l a r i s mine. Rather he should say i t i s ours, "even "as"we pray: Our Father. In summary, a C h r i s t i a n should' riot have anythirig of h i s own but should have a l l things i n common w i t h ' h i s brother, i . e . , not a l l o w him "to s u f f e r need. In other "words, T w i l l not work that my house be f i l l e d , t h a t my l a r d e r be supplied w i t h meat, but rather I w i l l see t h a t my brother has enough, f o r a C h r i s t i a n looks more to h i s neighbor than to himself. Whoever desires to be r i c h i n t h i s world, who i s concerned that he miss nothing when i t comes to h i s person and property, who i s honored by meri arid feared by them, who"refuses to prostrate himself at the f e e t of h i s Lord. . . w i l l be humbled. 84  -146-  There i s an element of paradox i n Spittelmayr's a t t i t u d e to property that i s noticeable i n Paul's s o c i a l e t h i c , "Let. . .those who  buy  ( l i v e ) as though they had no goods, and those who deal w i t h the world as though they had no dealings w i t h i t . "  8 5  Spittelmayr was  convinced  i n theory that i f a l l men became C h r i s t i a n s at once, and i f they were at u n i t y i n f a i t h and S p i r i t , they would hold a l l goods equal and i n common. When the a u t h o r i t i e s t r i e d to apply what Hut and Spittelmayr said about the churoh to sooiety at large they became alarmed.  I f nobody  should possess anything, who would t i l l the s o i l and work? Men would become i r r e s p o n s i b l e and there would be nobody t o maintain peace and order.  As soon as something was accumulated i t would have t o be  given away to some l a z y drunkard who  refused t o work.  Spittelmayr  explained that he was t h i n k i n g only of the church and i n the there should be no l a z y drunkards.  church  True C h r i s t i a n s would not be i d l e  and l a z y , nor would they r e l y on t h e i r brothers f o r sustenance.  If a l l  men were C h r i s t i a n s they would s t i l l work to capacity and earn t h e i r bread by the sweat of t h e i r brows. Any fears i n the hearts of the a u t h o r i t i e s about law and order should have been assuaged by Spittelmayr's confession " I f there should be one hundred (Anabaptists) i n this, or any other town and there were only ten not of t h e i r f a i t h , they would not molest them nor take away t h e i r land and property.  A l l they would do  i s pray to God f o r them that they might a l s o be enlightened by the divine Word."  86  This view of sharing w i t h i n the brotherhood  i s w e l l represented  i n Schiemer's t r a c t s ' and i n the D i s c i p l i n e of B e l i e v e r s that has 0  been ascribed to h i m .  88  In S c h l a f f e r , Marpeck, 8 9  90  and Ridemann, * 9  -147-  sharing i s alluded to i n the context of the Lordship of C h r i s t over every area of a covenant brother's l i f e .  Brandhuber's l e t t e r to the  church a t Rattenberg works out the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the free sharing of goods ^ i 9  n  greater d e t a i l than any other p r e - H u t t e r i t e statement. e)  The Lord's Supper.  A l l the Anabaptists of South Germany agreed i n r e j e c t i n g the Roman i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the presence of the body and blood of C h r i s t i n the bread and wine o f the Lord's Supper.  Hut stated t h i s very b r i e f l y i n  93 one of h i s confessions.  Spittelmayr went somewhat f u r t h e r and decried  t'he wooden i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the S c r i p t u r e s t h a t supported the view of the Roman p r i e s t s .  He showed how eating the f l e s h of C h r i s t meant the  i m i t a t i o n of the l i f e of C h r i s t , and d r i n k i n g the blood of C h r i s t meant the w i l l i n g n e s s to s u f f e r a l l that God o r d a i n e d .  94  The a c t u a l p a r t i c i p a -  t i o n i n the Supper was advocated by Schiemer, S c h l a f f e r and the other leaders i n South Germany as a memorial to the death of C h r i s t .  9 5  The  f i r s t comprehensive treatment of the Lord's Supper by a South German 96 Anabaptist appeared i n Ridemann's Confession w r i t t e n a t Gmunden. There i s very l i t t l e said about church order i n the t r a c t s of the South German Anabaptists.  The D i s c i p l i n e of B e l i e v e r s adopted a t  Rattenberg a f f o r d s a c l e a r e r i n s i g h t i n t o ohurch order than a l l the other w r i t i n g s combined.  Hut's dynamic view of the missionary task  of the churoh and of the apostolate characterized the South German Anabaptist movement u n t i l i t was persecuted out of existence i n the e a r l y 1530's.  -148-  B.  The State. The l a s t s e c t i o n of Hut s three-fold scheme i s concerned r  about  God and what He i s doing i n the world, i n the State, and i n h i s t o r y . I f t h i s i s God's world, i f the State i s ordained by God, and i f God i s going to b r i n g h i s t o r y t o an end, then what i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of God's people, the church to these other realms i n whioh God i s active?; 1.  God's World and the Church.  The Anabaptists of South Germany had no c l e a r l y defined doctrine of the w o r l d .  They made no e f f o r t to r e l a t e t h e i r view of God,  and the world, to c u l t u r e and c i v i l i z a t i o n .  man,  Their one consuming  i n t e r e s t was the church and i n t h e i r eyes everything that was not church was w o r l d .  The p r i n c i p l e s of voluntary membership, charismatic  leadership, economio sharing, and the subjection of every area of l i f e to the task of spreading the Kingdom of God did b r i n g them into sharp c o n f l i c t w i t h the economio system and the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s norms of the s i x t e e n t h century. Hut's ooncept of the covenant brotherhood  implied a r a d i c a l d i s -  t i n c t i o n between the Kingdom of t h i s world and the Kingdom of God. In the eyes of Spittelmayr as w e l l , the borders of s o c i e t y and the borders of the church were not coterminus.  In the  covenant-brotherhood  there was to be l o v e , j u s t i c e , sharing, and b r o t h e r l y admonition. These things have never been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the world. Schiemer said t h a t there was more t o the C h r i s t i a n l i f e than j u s t a submission t o God under the cross of C h r i s t .  A C h r i s t i a n must be  ready to separate himself from a l l those who w i l l not submit to C h r i s t and on the other hand he must be w i l l i n g to p r a c t i c e love and community  -149-  w i t h a l l those who do.  97  17  This separation was a l s o i n t r i n s i c t o  S c h l a f f e r ' s view of the nature of church and w o r l d .  9 8  In Marpeck*s Confession there i s a strong sense of the Lordship of C h r i s t over a l l p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , dominions, and powers; although C h r i s t r u l e s over the world, He i s alone recognized as Head of His Body, the c h u r c h . "  I t was  only the churoh t h a t was submitting w i l l i n g l y  to His Kingship and r u l e .  I t was because of t h i s d i f f e r e n c e that the  world arid i t s governments should play no r o l e i n the f u n c t i o n i n g of the churoh. among men.  A Christian's citizenship  was  i n heaven  f i r s t and  then  Ridemann a l s o c a l l e d f o r separation of the People of God  from the contamination of the w o r l d .  1 0 0  Separation from the world was expressed i n e s o h a t o l o g i c a l terms i n the t r a c t Von der Genugthuung C h r i s t i .  The churoh must go out from  Babylon and not b e l i e v e i t s s c r i b e s , f o r they have based t h e i r s a l vation on works.  Those under the d i s c i p l i n e of C h r i s t hear the voice  of God c a l l i n g them t o be separate from the s i n and uncleanness Babylon. 2.  of  101  God's State and the Church. a|  Separation of Church and S t a t e .  The separation of church and state was a d o c t r i n e common to main l i n e South German Anabaptism.  This meant p r i m a r i l y t h a t the state  should not be permitted t o exert any i n f l u e n c e or a u t h o r i t y over the church i n i t s f a i t h and l i f e .  Spittelmayr said that the a u t h o r i t i e s  should not have any power to coerce the souls and consciences of m e n .  102  Marpeck pointed out very c l e a r l y that the state had i t s place as long as i t d i d not i n t e r f e r e i n the work of the church.  The Holy S p i r i t  blasphemed when secular a u t h o r i t i e s were allowed t o r u l e i n the  was  -150-  Kingdom of C h r i s t .  u o  The church was made up only of those who  submitted w i l l i n g l y and obediently to the r u l e of C h r i s t , b)  Obedience t o the A u t h o r i t i e s .  Just what separation of church and state implied f o r the church was a question that constantly faced the Anabaptists.  Beginning  with  Hut there was agreement among South German Anabaptists that i n community, s t a t e , and c i v i l matters there should be t o t a l obedience to the government.  104  that was due them.  C h r i s t taught that one must give them the obedience Schiemer stated the p r i n c i p l e i n t h i s manner, "But  C h r i s t i a n s are obedient to the prince of t h i s world i n matters pert a i n i n g to body and property; but to the prince of heaven, our Lord Jesus C h r i s t , they are obedient w i t h souls and a l l things that p e r t a i n to the faith."105  S c h l a f f e r was  sure that i f the a u t h o r i t i e s knew of  the healthy a t t i t u d e of the Anabaptists they would desire that a l l t h e i r c i t i z e n s were C h r i s t i a n s .  1 0 6  Marpeck s a i d , "Secular r u l e r s are  servants of God i n temporal matters and not i n the Kingdom of C h r i s t . They deserve t o receive a l l human honor, f e a r , obedience, t a x a t i o n , and 107 t r i b u t e , according to the words of P a u l . "  This w i l l i n g n e s s to be  obedient i s a c l e a r testimony of the non-revolutionary p o s i t i o n of the South German Anabaptists. c)  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Government.  In acknowledging obedience to the a u t h o r i t i e s the 1  recognized that government was  ordained of God  and t h a t i t was  responsible to protect the good and punish the e v i l . was  Anabaptists  OR  If c i v i l authority  ordained of God, could a C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t e i n a government  office?  Hut was quiet on t h i s matter and Spittelmayr was not e x p l i c i t .  The l a t t e r s a i d , "Those who  are attached to the government because of  -151-  human f e a r , and submit i n the area of the soul and conscience, cannot be saved unless they do the command of C h r i s t when He s a i d : you have and f o l l o w a f t e r me."  109  forsake what  Schiemer, S c h l a f f e r , Brandhuber, and  Ridemann were a l s o nonoommital i n t h i s area.  Marpeok did say t h a t i f  an o f f i c e holder i n the government was a C h r i s t i a n or became one, he was not permitted to exercise h i s human power, a u t h o r i t y , and r u l e i n the Kingdom of C h r i s t . ^ 1 1  Marpeck was a c i v i l engineer who was employed  by the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s i n Strassburg and Augsburg even while he served the Anabaptist brotherhood. view, who  This p o s i t i o n had more a f f i n i t y to Denck's  said t h a t a C h r i s t i a n i n government should be g r a v i t a t i n g out ' 111  of h i s o f f i c e ,  than i t does t o the simple c l a r i t y w i t h which the  Schleitheim c o n f e s s i o n * * p r o h i b i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government. 2  d)  Nonresistanoe to E v i l .  I f the South German Anabaptists did not give a simple c l e a r ansvrer regarding p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n governmental o f f i c e s , what d i d t h i s imply regarding the use of the sword and nonresistance t o e v i l ? They obviously saw a d i s t i n c t i o n between the two f o r most of them were nonresistant as has already been shown. According to Weischenfelder and Wadler, Hut taught n o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare and love f o r one's enemies.* But here.  13  Spittelmayr,  1 1 4  Schiemer,*  15  and S c h l a f f e r * * followed 6  Ridemann made a strong plea i n h i s confession f o r love of 117  one's enemies and f o r r e t u r n i n g good f o r e v i l .  Nothing i s said i n  Marpeck's e a r l y confession; probably because t h i s was not an issue between Bucer and himself at the time.  In h i s l a t e r w r i t i n g s he stated IIP  a view consistent w i t h the E v a n g e l i c a l Anabaptist p o s i t i o n . e) The Oath.  In the matter of the oath Hut, Denck, and JBrg Probst Rothenfelder shared a somewhat s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n .  The views of Hut and Denck have  119  -152-  already been examined.  I t could be said i n general that the South  German Anabaptist movement d i d not apply the i n j u n c t i o n of C h r i s t i n the Sermon on the Mount concerning the oath as l i t e r a l l y and simply as did  the Swiss A n a b a p t i s t s  A < w  and the Dutch Mennonites,  The South  German Anabaptists maintained that an oath could be sworn i n community, state, and c i v i l matters; only those things t h a t opposed God should be avoided, 3,  Esohatology and the Church.  In analyzing esohatology i n South German Anabaptist thought i t i s w e l l to remember that esohatology i n the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i s not something i n t r i n s i c a l l y e v i l .  Apart from the books of E z e k i e l , D a n i e l ,  and Revelation there i s i n the teaching of Jesus and Paul a healthy emphasis on the hope of the C h r i s t i a n t h a t C h r i s t w i l l return and b r i n g the world to an end and His Kingdom to i t s consummation. A concern about the end of the world', the r e s u r r e c t i o n of the dead, the l a s t judgment, and the f i n a l goal of a l l men, need not imply anything not found i n Roman and Protestant thought. of S p i t t e l m a y r ,  1 2 2  Schiemer,  This was l a r g e l y true of the esohatology 123  and  Schlaffer.  1 2 4  The f a c t that the Geschioht-buch and the Kunstbuch contain no t r a c t s w i t h an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n i s perhaps due to the abuse of esohatology by Thomas Muentzer and the MiSnsterites.  This might be  one of the reasons f o r the e x c l u s i o n of t r a c t s l i k e Die Aufdeckung der 125 Babylonische Huren,  and Yon der Genugthuung C h r i s t i from South  German Anabaptist codices. Schiemer included more e s c h a t o l o g i c a l references i n h i s t r a c t s than a l l the other main l i n e South German Anabaptists together, but none of them are r a d i c a l or r e v o l u t i o n a r y . Schiemer r e f e r r e d to Daniel's  -153-  three and one-half the world, Daniel Articles  127  years, 126 t o the f a c t that C h r i s t i a n ' s w i l l judge  to two r e s u r r e c t i o n s , 128 and t o other terminology  129 and.Revelation,  from  I f Spittelmayr's version of Hut's Seven  was influenced by Hut then they are a f u r t h e r witness t o  an eschatology  that has had the r e v o l u t i o n a r y barbs removed.  There i s no simple and consistent answer to Hut's p o s i t i o n on the dating of the return of C h r i s t a t three and one-half years a f t e r the Peasants' Revolt, or concerning the invasion of the Turks and the a n n i h i l a t i o n of the a u t h o r i t i e s . Hut admitted that he taught these things before he was baptized, and i t i s possible i n the l i g h t of the a v a i l able sources that some of t h i s crept i n t o h i s m i n i s t r y i n Franconiaj but there are no signs of i t during h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n A u s t r i a or a f t e r the Martyr Synod,  The f a c t does stand that Hut was not responsible  f o r t r a n s m i t t i n g these r a d i c a l and r e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas t o the South German Anabaptist movement.  -154-  CONCLUSIONS AID SUMMARY The South German Anabaptist movement received i t s i n i t i a l impulse from the Swiss Brethren through Balthasar Hubmaier.  The d e c i s i o n t o  break w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l church pattern and t o begin gathering a voluntary church based on b e l i e v e r s * baptism was f i r s t made i n Zurich. H i s t o r i c a l l y the evidence i s strongly i n favor of r e l a t i n g the Anab a p t i s t movement that mushroomed f o r t h i n many parts of Europe t o the ZiHrich o r i g i n s . I t would be quite u n h i s t o r i c a l , however, t o i n t e r p r e t South German Anabaptism as a simple continuation of main l i n e Swiss Anabaptism. F i r s t , Balthasar Hubmaier i s not a t y p i c a l representative of Swiss Anabaptist d i s s e n t .  He d i d not accept the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the basio  plea f o r the separation of church and state and i t s concomitants: nonr e s i s t a n c e , n o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government o f f i c e s t h a t use f o r c e , and the nonswearing of oaths.  Secondly, the only dependence of Denck on  Hubmaier i s i n the question of a d u l t baptism, and p o s s i b l y concerning the Lord's Supper and ohurch d i s c i p l i n e .  Without underestimating the  c r u c i a l character of b e l i e v e r s ' baptism as the symbolic s t a r t i n g - p o i n t f o r the Anabaptist dissent, i t would s t i l l not be r e a l i s t i c t o say that much of the s p i r i t of Swiss Anabaptism was transmitted from Denck to Hut during the three or four days that Hut was i n Augsburg a t the time of h i s baptism.  This i s substantiated- by the f a c t that the Swiss  Brethren are n o t r s f e r r e d to anywhere i n the w r i t i n g s and confessions of Hut and D e n c k .  131  This means that though Swiss Anabaptism was a year and a h a l f old when Hut was baptized, he benefited very l i t t l e from t h e i r experience besides the basic i n i t i a t i v e i n c a l l i n g f o r a b e l i e v e r s '  -155-  church, i . e . , a Free Church. Franconia immediately his  In the eight months that Hut spent i n  a f t e r h i s baptism, he worked out, i n the heat of  e v a n g e l i s t i c e f f o r t s , the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s one basic i n s i g h t  received from the Swiss.  I t i s no wonder t h a t traces of an e x c i t e d ,  though b a s i c a l l y peaceful, c h i l i a s m were able t o creep i n t o f i e r y ing.  I t was not u n t i l he returned t o Augsburg i n February,  preach-  1527, but  p a r t i c u l a r l y during h i s stay a t Nikolsburg i n A p r i l and h i s attendance at the Martyr Synod i n August, 1527, t h a t Hut was able to t e s t h i s p o s i t i o n and theology i n an encounter w i t h other leaders of the L e f t Wing of the Reformation.  I t was a t Nikolsburg and Augsburg that Hut  f i r s t met some Swiss Anabaptists i n Jakob Gross, Gregor Maler, and 132 Jakob. Wid emann. Hut received h i s basic motivation and i n c e n t i v e t o baptize from Submaier through Denck; a l s o the view of the Supper as a memorial and the n e c e s s i t y of d i s c i p l i n e i n the church.  This was enough to make  Hut's l i f e and thought a c r i t i q u e of the corpus Christianum sent against the state-church p a t t e r n .  and a d i s -  Hut saw c l e a r l y the i m p l i c a t i o n s  of voluntary r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n and the need f o r a brotherhood type of church w i t h sharing, but h i s e a r l y preoccupation w i t h seems t o have prevented  eschatology  him, during h i s b r i e f pilgrimage as an Ana-  b a p t i s t apostle, from seeing c l e a r l y a l l the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the separ a t i o n of church and s t a t e .  His own l i f e was consistent w i t h the basic  tenets of the Anabaptists as they were l a t e r c r y s t a l l i z e d i n the w r i t i n g s of Pilgram Marpeck, Peter Ridemann, and Menno Simons, but h i s conf e s s i o n i n p r i s o n , though not o u t r i g h t l y a n t a g o n i s t i c , demonstrates some confusion and inconsistency.  •156-  Hut's basic acceptance of the Free Church p r i n c i p l e was responsible ( l ) f o r h i s transformation of Muentzer's morbid view of s u f f e r i n g t o a p o s i t i v e concept of the i m i t a t i o n o f C h r i s t i n a l i f e of d i s c i p l e ship; (2) f o r a change of Muentzer's i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c view of the S p i r i t , new r e v e l a t i o n s and dreams, to a view of the S p i r i t as a g i f t t o the ohurch; and (3) f o r the m o d i f i c a t i o n of Muentzer's r e v o l u t i o n a r y eschatology to a peaoeful, though urgent, expectation of the r e t u r n of C h r i s t . I t i s impossible t o separate the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f Hut's l i f e and a c t i v i t y as an Anabaptist from h i s thought and theology.  He was a  dynamic leader and a c r e a t i v e t h i n k e r . Besides h i s opposition t o sola f i d e theology, h i s emphasis on Naohfolge Christenturn, and martyrtheology, he i s responsible f o r i n j e c t i n g some new seminal ideas i n t o the Anabaptist movement that bore f r u i t a f t e r h i s death.  An important  c o n t r i b u t i o n he made, which was a t the same time an example of the close r e l a t i o n s h i p of h i s l i f e t o h i s thought, was h i s view of the apostolate. Although missioners had gone f o r t h i n the Swiss d i s p e r s i o n i t was not u n t i l Hut that i t was so c a r e f u l l y worked out and given so c e n t r a l a place i n the Anabaptist movement. His witness and work i n A u s t r i a and at the Martyr Synod are a testimony to t h i s .  The H u t t e r i t e s , more  than any other branch of the Anabaptists, picked thishup and became the greatest missionary churoh of the s i x t e e n t h century.  Hut's  emphasis on community and sharing a l s o played, i n a s p e c i a l way, i n t o the hands of the Moravian H u t t e r i t e Anabaptists. «•  Hut's s t r e s s on the covenantal character of baptism and the church was another i n s i g h t t h a t bore f r u i t among Anabaptists, t h i s time  -157-  among the South German Brotherhood of which Pilgram Marpeck was the most outstanding leader.  Hut's ooncern f o r the u n i t y of the church  as expressed i n h i s open l e t t e r i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d more d i r e c t l y i n Marpeck and the South German Anabaptists than i n any other branch of the movement.  Hut's two t r a c t s were w r i t t e n anonymously and  represent the e a r l i e s t s e l e c t i o n s i n a r i c h t r a d i t i o n of brotherhood theology (Gemeindetheologie) that i s j u s t beginning to be probed by soholars and of which the Kunstbuch and the other w r i t i n g s of Marpeck, Scharnschlager, and Maler are prominent examples. I t was through h i s influence on these two groups, the Hutterian Brethren and the Marpeck brotherhood, that Hut has made h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the Anabaptist movement and t o the great Free Church t r a d i t i o n of Western Christendom.  -158-  FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER V THE INFLUENCE OF HANS HUT ON THE SOUTH GERMAN ANABAPTIST MO YEMENI *  Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 28.  2  I b i d . , p. 29.  3  I b i d . , p. 32.  4  5  6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18  i J i i i * * P« « 3 3  I b i d . , p. 35. I b i d . , pp. 58-71; c f . Kunstbuch, pp. 99-121. I b i d . , pp. 44-58; c f . Kunstbuch, pp. 122-37. Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8 (MSS). Mark 16:16 (RSV). Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 15. I b i d . , p. 36. I b i d . , p. 13; c f . Kunstbuch, pp. 42-3. I b i d . , p. 37. I b i d . , p. 48. I b i d . , p. 53. I b i d . , p. 73. I b i d . , p. 95. I b i d . , p. 14.  Bayern I, p. 51. See Herbert C. KLassen, "Ambrosius His L i f e and Teachings," MQR XXXII (July, 1958). 1 9  2 0  I^b i., d.  Spittelmayr!  •  21 Bayern I , pp. 52-3. 22 Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 53, 66. 23 I b i d . , pp. 89, 95'. .24 J . C. Wenger, ed., "Pilgram Marpeck's Confession of F a i t h Composed a t Strassburg, December,'1531-January, 1532," MQR XXII (1938), pp. 189:15, 200:20. Hereafter, Marpeck, Confession.  -159-  2 5  26  Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 1, p. 6 (MSS). " I b i d . , number 8, p. 20 (MSS).  27 Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 21, 23. 2 8  I b i d . , p. 52.  2 9  I b i d . , pp. 70-1. I b i d . , p. 96.  G  ^  3 1  Marpeck, Confession, p. 190.  32 Fellmann, op. c i t . , pp. 23, 92, 93, 95. 33 Schiemer, Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 51; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , pp. 90, 113; Von der Genugthuung C h r i s t i , Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 1,  pp. 4, n~(IssJT^ 34  Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 66. 3 5  I b i d  «»  P»  7 3  »  36 Marpeck, Confession, p. 190. "  Glaubenszeugnisse,I, p. 29.  3 8  I b i d . , p. 51.  39  o  I Peter 4:1.' Schiemer, i b i d . , pp". 66, 72; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , pp. 89, 115; Ridemann, i b i d . , I I , p. 113 (MSS). I b i d , I, p. 88. 41 Hut, i b i d . , p. 22; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , pp. 88, 109; Kunstbuch, p. 153; Fellmann, op. c i t . , p. 95. 42 4 0  ...  Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 92.  43 Hut, Bayern I, p. 44;; Spittelmayr, i b i d . , pp. 49, 52-3; Schiemer, Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. '54;'Schlaffer, Kunstbuch, pp. 109, 155; Marpeck, Confession, p. 196; Ridemann, Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, pp. 95, 99, 104, 105. 44 Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 72. 4 5  Ibid.,II, number 8, pp. 104-5 (MSS).  46 Marpeck, Confession, pp. 170, 173. 4 7  I b i d . , p. 189.  -160-  48 49  Glaubenszeugnisse I I , pp. 102-3.  I John 5:8. See Hut, Bayern I , p. 43; Spittelmayr, i b i d . , pp. 53, 55; Schiemer, Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 52, 73, 77, 79; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , pp. 93, 114; Marpeck, Confession, pp. 170, 190, 194, 195. Hut, Glaubens.zeugnisse I , pp. 17-19; Spittelmayr, Bayern I , p. 48; Schiemer, Glaubenszeugnisse I, pp. 49, 62; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , pp. 85-8, 94-5, 112; Ridemann, Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, p. 53. 5 0  Hut, Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 18, 33; Schiemer, i b i d . , p. 67; S c h l a f f e r , i b i d . , p"; 86; Ridemann Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, p. 52. U A  See Mecenseffy, op. c i t . , pp. 255-57. She points out the s i m i l a r i t y between Hut, Scnlaffer, and an Anabaptist £ptta.sB^e''istr«d"fe-'6il" t h i s subject. 5 2  Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 18.  w o  5 4  l D i d  . , p. 23; c f . Kunstbuch, p. 52.  55 See above, Chapter V, Section A. ^ 57  Glaubenszeugnisse,I, p. 36.  58  I b i d . , pp. 65-70.  59  I b i d . , p. 95.  60  Glaubenszeugnisse I I , p. 31.  61  I b i d . , number 8, pp. 31-2 (MSS). Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 36.  62  I b i d . , p. 20.  63  Ibid.  s  64  I b i d . , p. 21.  5 5  Bayern I , p. 49.  ^  Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 90.  6 7  68 69 70  s  Marpeck, Confession, pp. 170, 192. This has been c l e a r l y demonstrated by Bergsten, op. c i t . , p. 33 f . Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, p. 39 (MSS).  See A l b e r t H.Newman, A"History of Antipedobaptism ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : American B a p t i s t P u b l i c a t i o n Society, 1897). This work i s somewhat dated but i t i s s t i l l very u s e f u l .  -161-  See Johann Loserth, "Balthasar Hubmaier," ME I I , Harold S. Bender, ed. (1956), pp. 826-34. 7 1  7 2  73 74 75 76 77  Bayern I , p. 43. Ibid. I b i d . , p. 48. Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 57 (Matthew 18:15-18). John 20:22-3 (RSV). I b i d . , p. 68.  78  Robert Friedmann, ed., "The Oldest Church D i s c i p l i n e of the Anabaptists," MQR XXIX (1955), p. 164. Hereafter, D i s c i p l i n e of B e l i e v e r s . 79 . Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 93. 80 Marpeck, Confession pp. 170-1. 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88  I b i d . , p. 197. Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 36. I b i d . , p. 20. Bayern I, p. 49. I Cor. 7:30-1 (RSV). I b i d . , p. 37. Glaubenszeugnisse I, pp. 49, 56, 58, 60, 67. D i s c i p l i n e of B e l i e v e r s , p. 164.  89  Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 109.  90  Marpeck, Confession, p. 197.  91 92 93 94 95 96  v  Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, p. 21 (MSS). I b i d , , I , p. 137. Bayern I , pp. 43-4. I b i d . , pp. 52-3. Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 54. Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 8, pp. 99-105 (MSS).  -162-  Glaubenszeugnisse  9 7  98  99 100 101  I b i d . , p. 122. Marpeck, Confession, pp. 198-99. Glaubenszeugnisse  I I , number 8, p. 116 (MSS).  I b i d . , number I , p. 14 (MSS).  10 2 103  Bayern I , p. 38-9. Marpeck, Confession, p. 197.  104 105  Confessions, p. 227. Glaubenszeugnisse  106 1°  I , p. 67  I , p. 50.  I b i d . , p. 91. Marpeck, Confession, p. 197.  7  108 Spittelmayr, Bayern I , p. 52; S o h l a f f e r , Glaubenszeugnisse I , p. 97; Marpeck, Confession, p . 197. Bayern I , p. 36.  1 0 9  *"'' Marpeck, Confession, p. 197. 0  Fellmann,  jop. o i t . , p. 84.  See J . C. Wenger, ed"., "The Schleitheim Confession of F a i t h , " MQR XIX (1945), p. 251. 1 1 2  113 See above, Chapter I I , Section B. Bayern I , p. 48. 1 1 5  1 1 6  117  Glaubenszeugnisse I , pp. 64, 70. " PP» » «  I b i d  97  1 2 4  I b i d . I I , number 8, pp. 26-7 (MSS).  118 Johann Loserth, ed., Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der oberdeutschen Taufgesinnten im 16. Jahrhundert. Pi1gram Marbeoks Antwprt auf Kaspar Schwenkfelds" Beurteiluhg des Buohes der Bundesbezeugung von 1542 (Wienl C a r l Fromme, 1929), pp. 303-4. See Bergsten, op. c i t . , ppT 29-32. iiinstbuch, p. 149. 1 1 9  -163-  1 2 0  J . C. Wenger, op. c i t . , pp. 251-2.  1 ?1  - J . C. Wenger, ed., The Complete Writings of Menno Simons c. 1496-1561 (Scottdale: Herald Press, 1956), pp. 517-21, 922-277 X6J  1 2 2  Bayern I , p. 50.  ^  Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 57.  1 2 4  I b i d . , p. 90.  1  ?K.  Glaubenszeugnisse I I , number 6 (MSS); a l s o Hans J . H i l l e r brand, "An E a r l y Anabaptist Treatise on the C h r i s t i a n and the State," MQR XXXII (1958), pp. 28-47. 126 Glaubenszeugnisse I, p. 55. 127 128 129 130  I b i d . , p. 54. I b i d . , p. 57. I b i d . , p. 75. See Appendix I I .  131  The one reference that Hut makes to brethren i n Switzerland i s a c r i t i c i s m of l e g a l i s m concerning dress of which some marginal Anabaptists of S t . G a l l were g u i l t y . This i s not t y p i c a l of Swiss Anabaptism i n general. 132 In comparing the best representatives of Swiss and South German Anabaptism i t seems that the basio o r i e n t a t i o n of each i s the same and t h a t there i s no fundamental question on which t h e i r respective p o s i t i o n s are incompatible. The difference between the opposition t h a t each group faced and the difference between the types of w r i t i n g t h a t a r e ' a v a i l a b l e from each group, give the impression that Kiwiet (Marpeck, p. 148) was r i g h t i n suggesting that the Swiss Anabaptist testimonies tend t o sound b i b l i c l s t i c whereas the w r i t i n g s of the South German Anabaptists are more t h e o l o g i c a l . This d i f f e r e n c e should not be divorced from the f a c t that the comparison i s u s u a l l y made between the e a r l i e s t statements of the Swiss and the l a t e r documents from South Germany.  APPENDIX I.  "A LETTER BY HANS HUT, ONE OF THE CHIEF LEADERS OF THE ANABAPTISTS" I, Hans Hut, desire f o r a l l the beloved i n C h r i s t the pure fear of godly wisdom, which i s the beginning of a true C h r i s t i a n l i f e . Since the almighty God, our f a i t h f u l Father, i n t h i s l a s t and most p e r i l o u s epoch, i s once again r e b u i l d i n g the devastated and ruined churches-r-His own b r i d e t h a t has so long been u n f r u i t f u l but now i s bearing c h i l d r e n " i n many places i n t o the knowledge of true love and f a i t h through the power of the Holy S p i r i t — i t i s extremely necessary that the example and l i f e of C h r i s t be upheld, no matter by what means. S i n c e T have upheld the same t h i n g a t a l l places t o each i n d i v i d u a l w i t h parables from c r e a t i o n , through S c r i p t u r e , and e s p e c i a l l y through the l i f e of C h r i s t and have encouraged them i n the way of t r u t h arid godly power (according to the need of the i n d i v i d u a l ) l e t everyone's i n t e l l e c t be l e d captive t o obedience through the commitment t o God t o l i v e i n u n i t y arid i n true love w i t h a l l C h r i s t i a n s . I have a l s o encouraged them not t o neglect the mysteries of the w i l l of God nor to confuse the true b i b l i c a l order. Since these l a t t e r t h i n g s are not being discussed and upheld i n every c o n g r e g a t i o n — u s u a l l y the l i f e of C h r i s t i s presented i n a l l s i m p l i c i t y without emphasis on the mysteries and judgments which are described a t places throughout the Scriptures--and i n order that no t e n s i o n or d i v i s i o n a r i s e among any, I admonish a l l brothers i n general and everyone i n p a r t i c u l a r , who have any i n s i g h t or understanding "into these judgments and mysteries, t h a t they bear those who know nothing about them w i t h patience. On the other hand I ask the others not t o be e a s i l y offended a t things they do not understand. One i s supposed t o judge a l l things but whoever i s not able t o judge should r e f r a i n from t r y i n g t o do so. I t i s w i t h t h i s i n mind that I have come to an agreement w i t h a l l brothers, and i n p a r t i c u l a r w i t h the f e l l o w s h i p a t Augsburg, i n order that u n i t y and true love be found among us. I am committed t o t e l l no one these judgments and mysteries, namely about the day of judgment, the end of the world, the r e s u r r e c t i o n , the Kingdom of God, and the e t e r n a l judgment, unless they s i n c e r e l y desire i t . Because many have been offended through ignorance,T pray by the w i l l of God that a l l the brothers whom I have i n s t r u c t e d , n o t speak i n s o l e n t l y and c a r e l e s s l y about these t h i n g s , so t h a t others not having heard about them might not be offended. Glaubenszeugnisse  I , p. 12; a l s o C o r n e l i u s , op. o i t . , pp. 251-52.  -165-  II.  "THE  SEVEN DECISIONS OF AMBROSHJS SPITTELMAYR"  There are seven decisions ( a r t i c l e s ) i n the Scriptures that reveal the w i l l of God i n f u l l . But they are scattered throughout the Scriptures and are only summed up here as f o l l o w s : The f i r s t d e c i s i o n i s about the d i v i n e covenant, the covenant which God has made w i t h His own when He'accepts them as c h i l d r e n . This covenant i s r e a l i z e d i n t h e S p i r i t , i n baptism, and i n the d r i n k i n g of the"cup, which C h r i s t has c a l l e d the baptism of blood (Matt. 20:26; Luke 22; I Cor. 11). We are to covenant ourselves t o God to remain w i t h Him i n "one love, S p i r i t , f a i t h and baptism (Eph. 2 ) . On the other hand God covenants t o be our Father, t o stay w i t h us i n t r i b u l a t i o n . This covenant concept i s found throughout the Holy S c r i p t u r e s . The second d e c i s i o n i s about the Kingdom of God, which w i l l be given alone to those who are poor i n s p i r i t (Matt. 5; Luke 6:50). Nobody can i n h e r i t t h i s Kingdom unless he i s poor w i t h C h r i s t , f o r a C h r i s t i a n has nothing, of h i s own, no place ,where he can l a y his head. A r e a l C h r i s t i a n should not even have enough property on the face of the earth to be able to stand on I t w i t h one f o o t . This does not mean that he should go and l i e down i n the woods and not have a trade, or that he should not have f i e l d s and meadows or that he should not work, but alone that he might not t h i n k they are f o r h i s own use and be tempted to say: t h i s house i s mine, t h i s f i e l d is'mine", t h i s d o l l a r i s mine. Rather, he should say i t i s o u r s , even as we pray: O u r Father. In summary, a C h r i s t i a n should not have anything of h i s own but should have a l l things i h common w i t h h i s b r o t h e r , i . e . , not allow him t o s u f f e r need. In other words, I w i l l not work t h a t my house be f i l l e d , that my l a r d e r be supplied w i t h meat, but rather I w i l l see that my brother has enough, f o r a C h r i s t i a n looks more t o h i s neighbor than to "himself.* Whoever desires to be r i c h i n t h i s world, who i s concerned that he miss nothing when i t comes to h i s person and property, who i s honored by men and feared by them, who refuses to prostrate himself at the feet of h i s Lord l i k e Magdalene or l i k e the King of Nineveh, or King David, w i l l be humbled (Luke 22:18; I Peter 5 ) . The Kingdom 6f God Is on t h i s earth (Matt. 5) but heaven and earth w i l l f i r s t be renewed by f i r e ( I s a i a h 66). ;  The t h i r d d e c i s i o n i s about the Body of C h r i s t . A l l who are one w i t h C h r i s t through His d i v i n e Word are members of His Body, i . e . , hands, f e e t , or eyes (such members of the Body of C h r i s t are, of course, s p i r i t u a l not v i s i b l e ) . C h r i s t , a true man i n the f l e s h , i s the head of the members and i t i s through the head that the members are governed. This head, w i t h i t s members, functions much l i k e a v i s i b l e body. In one body there are" many members, each w i t h i t s own f u n c t i o n , nevertheless, each one serves the others, so that what one member has, a l l the others have as Bayern I , pp. 49-50.  -166-  w e l l . Members are a l s o humble i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h one another and are obedient to one another (Luke 22; I Cor. 12; Romans 14). The f o u r t h decision i s about the end of the world. The time has come when God w i l l purge a l l things through f i r e , earthquake, l i g h t n i n g and thunder. Everything b u i l t w i l l be knocked down and destroyed even as happened i n the great c i t y of Babylon (Hab. 4:6, 7 ) . A l l f i n e r y and wisdom of the world and i t s r i c h e s must melt, t h a t the Kingdom of heaven might be resurrected (Ezek. 7; J e r . 30). The f i f t h d e c i s i o n i s about the future and the judgment. A f t e r a l l things have been dashed t o the ground and a l l mankind has died, then C h r i s t w i l l come (Matt. 25; I I Cor. 5) i n a l l His g l o r y t o judge the l i v i n g and the dead. Everyone w i l l receive according to h i s works (Matt. 20), as we have sown here, we w i l l reap there. No condemned man has i n h e r i t e d h i s condemnation as yet, nor has any s a i n t received what i s i n store f o r him. The s i x t h decision i s about the r e s u r r e c t i o n . A l l mankind w i l l be resurrected i n body and s o u l , the godly w i l l r i s e and l i v e , for they have been dead here (Romans 6), and the godless w i l l a r i s e to death, f o r they have l i v e d here (Ezek. 18). Some have had t h e i r Kingdom of Heaven here, f o r they have l i v e d i n peace enjoying the l u s t s of t h i s world (Matt. 19; Luke 12:16; I Tim. 6 ) . The seventh and l a s t d e c i s i o n i s about the e t e r n a l v e r d i c t . The godless w i l l i n h e r i t damnation and be case i n t o the e t e r n a l f i r e (Hebrews 4; Matthew,25) which does not consume. There the b i t i n g worm w i l l begin t o gnaw a t t h e i r hearts and men w i l l begin t o weep and howl and gnash t h e i r t e e t h , f o r they have laughed here and had peace a l l t h e i r l i v e s (Matt. 23).  -167-  III. * 1.  2.  3.  4.  5.  6.  7.  A.  DANKSAGUNG  THE SONGS OF HANS HUT 1  Wir danks'agen d i r , Herre Gott der Ehren, Der du uns a l l e t u s t ernfihren. Du giebest uris'vom Himmeldie Speise, Darum vdr d i c h , Herr, ewig prei3en. Durch C h r i s t i Sterben uns'Heil erwerben, Dass w i r n i o h t e w i g l i o h verderben. , Da ward das Weizeriko'rnlein gemahlen, Das unsre Siffnden t f i t b e z a h l e n . Da ward das wahre Brot gebroohen, Von dem auoh die Prbpheten gesprochen. Das Brot'zum Leben ward uns gegeben, Da Christus an dem Kreuz t S t sohweben, A l l e n Mensohen h i e r m i t z u t e i l e n , Die unter das Kreuz C h r i s t i tun e i l e n . Nach se'inem W i l l e n h i e r auf Erden, Darinhen ihm gleichfSrmig werden, Mit unserri Leiden i n dem Herren, Des Vaters Reiohe-zu ererben. Also s o l l t i h r die Speis vernehmen, Der Gelst C h r i s t i g i b t ' s und t u t ' s bekennen. Die Merisohheit C h r i s t i muss h i e r sterben, S o l l t "er uns H e i l beim Vater erwerben. Dass er's beweise wbhl mit der Speise, Darum er ewig wird gepreiset. Das Brot gab er i n der Figur, Die Mensohen leben i n der Nature, Darbei s o l i man s i e uriterweisen, Dass i n Gbtt s e i die wahre Speise, Den Tod des Herrn s o l i man e r k l a r e n , Den Leib C h r i s t i unterscheiden lehren. Darum hat er das Brot gebroohen Und hat nSmlich dabei gesproohen. So o f t i h r h i e r das werdet esseri, S o l l t i h r meines Leidens nic'ht vergesseh. Ihr " s o l l t gedenken was ioh euch t i i schenken, Darum i c h an das Kreuz muss henken. Also i s s e t man den Leib ides Herren, Als w i r vom h e i l i g e n Geist tun l e h r e n . Dass w i r Gott wahrhaftig erkenhen, G 8 t t l i c h e Lieb s o l i in'uns brennen. Die maoht uns zu Reben, der Geist g i b t das Leben, Also wird uns der Leib C h r i s t i gegeben. Amen. Hutterian Brethren, Die Lieder der Hutterisohen ' Brflder (Winnipeg, Man.: C h r i s t i a n Press, 1953), pp. 38-9; a l s o Wappler, op; c i t . , p. 248.  -168-  B.  0 ALLMACHTIGER HERRE GOTT  1  7. Drum hat Gott seinen Sohn gesandt, Der uns die Wahrheit macht bekannt Und auch den Weg zum Leben. So w i r darnach tun streben. Sein Geist w i l l er uns geben.  1.  0 allmSchtiger Herre G o t t i Wie gar l i e b l i c h sind deih Gebot. Ueber a l i a s Gold so r e i n e , Du w i r s t geehrt a l l e i n e In deiner h e i l i g o n Gemeine.  2.  Dein W i l l , der i s t uns offe'nbar, 8. Der "zeigt uris an d i e h e i l i g S o h r i f t , Drin Gott seih Testament'gestift, Darin leuoht uns die Wahrheit k l a r In seiriem Sohnso r e i c h e , In a l i e n Kreaturen. In" al'ler Welt zugleiche. Gott'hat "uris auserkbren, Wiemand drum von ihm weiohe. Darzu auoh neugeboren.  3.  Der Himmel und das Firmament Uns zeigen die Werke seiner Hand, Darzu sein grosse Ehre, Im Land und auf dem Meere. Tun w i r erkennen Lehre,  4.  Die Werk Gottes sind tfberall ' Auf hohem Berg und tlefem T a l , Darzu i n ebnen Felderri. Die VSgel i n den WSldern Tun uns die Wahrheit meIden.  10.  5.  E i n jedes Werk t u t preisen Gott, Wie e r s so gut ersohaffen hat, Das t u t der Mensch zerbreohen, Der Wahrheit -widersprechen, Gott wird es an ihm rSohen.  11. Der h e i l i g Geist der i s t das Pfand, Der uns zum E r b t e i l i s t gesandt, Welch's Christus uns erworben, A l s er am Kreuz gestorben. Mit der Welt n i c h t verdorben.  Die YiTerk"Gottes sind wunderlich, In rechter Ordnung e w i g l i c h , Der Mensch s o l i s i e erfahren. Gott w i l l ' s ihm offe'ribaren. Er s o l i ' s i e auch bewahren.  12. Dem Vater s e i nun Lob und Ehr, Der ewig b l e i b t und immerdar Und ewig hfilt sein Wamen. Seines Sohhs w i r uns n i c h t sc hitmen, Der h e l f uns ewig. Amen. Amen.  1  6.  " I b i d . , pp. 39-40. e d i t i o n s . o f the Ausbund.  9. Den Tod er tfberwunden hat, E i n reohter Mensch und wahrer Gott, Mit K r a f t hat er's beweiset, Mit Wahrheit unsi gespeiset, Darum wird er gepreiset. Drum sandt er uns den h e i l i g e n G e i s t , Der a l l e r BlBden Tr8ster h e i s s t , Ins Herz w i l l er uns schreiben, Dass w i r i n ihme bleiben, A l l SiHnd und Laster meiden.  f h i s hymn a l s o appears i n a l l modern  -169-  C.  AUFF DAS FEST DER GEBURT CHRISTI  1.  Last uns von hertzen singen a l l , l a s t loberi mit frfllichem s c h a l l l Vom auffgang bysz zum riyddergang i s t c h r i s t geburt worden bekant.  2.  Sey uns wilkommen, o k i n d l e i n z a r t l welohe l i e b zwang dich a l s o hart? E i n schflpfer a l l e r c f e a t u r scheint schlimmer dann e i n schlechter bawer.  3*  Czeyoh an inn unsers hertzen grundt, das uns der heylandt werde kundt, Das w i r mit d i r so new geborn dein werok befinden u n v e r l o r n .  4.  Des hymels thaw vons v a t t e r s thron schwingt s i o h wol inn die junckfraw schon, Des w i r t die zarte gnaden v o l ins hertzen grundt do a l l zumal,  5.  Eya, gots mutter, dein f r u c h t , die uns benympt fraw Eva suoht, Wie gabriel" vorkiSndigt hat unnd Johannes der Prophet sagt.  6.  Frawet euoh, i r engel, solcher ding, i r hyrten unnd i r frembdeling, Gebt gott jm hflchsten preysz und s i e g , den menschen a u f f der erden f r i d .  7.  Got l e y t hye i n dem krippeleyn, gewunden i n die inSchelein, Gesenget so gar kfimmerlich der do h i r s c h e t jm hymelreioh.  8.  Des dancken w i r d i r , vater got, d i r son, d i r geyst, e i n ewiges gut, Wilchs uns vorg8tet durch seyn wort, y e t z t vormenschet durch seyn geburt. P h i l i p p Wackernagel, Das deutsohe K i r c h e n l i e d I I I ( L e i p z i g : B. G. Teubner, 1870), pp. 445-46.  -170-  D.  DER V I I J .  PSALM DAVID  1.  0 Herre Gott i n deynem reyoh wie i s t dein nam so wunderleich, Er w i r t gelobt i n allem laridt und i s t den menschen wol bekandt.  2.  Vol grosser gwalt unnd meohtigkeyt du w i r s t erhflhet a l l e zeyt, Ini hymel b i s t u auch bekandt und w i r s t e i n gwaltiger Got genant.  3,  Von die Von und  4.  Herr, i c h beger zu sehen an die Sunn, sternen und auch den Man, Die du hast gmacht mit'deiner handt, h i l f f , das w i r kumen i n deyn l a n d t .  5.  Was und Und die  6.  Und heymgesucht des menschen k i n d t , auch a l l e ding unter j n sind, Damit du j n doch hast begabt, Herr, d i r sey lob und ehr gesagt.  7.  Im  jungen kind w i r s t u gepreyst, noch mit milch'wern gespeyst, wegn der feynd, die d i c h l e s t e r n s i e s i c h dardurch bessern.  i s t der mensch, dass du sein gedenokst jm so grosse gaben schenckst hast j n gmacht deh Engelri gleych, do wonen i n deynem reych,  sol  thier,  Und  wie,  darum  8.  auchunterworffen  all  der  sie  Herr,  sind ich  mensch  seyri  gross die  dir  Oder  riennen  dancken  kleyn, sol, sol.  Im l u f f t die kleynen vdgeleyn, die miSssen jm gehorsam seyn, Und dy f i s c h , die im wasser seyn, Herr, d i r sey lob und ehr a l l e y n l I b i d . , pp. 446-47.  -171-  E.  DIE DANKSAGUNG GEN ANN T'  1.  Der wahre Fels ward da gesohlagen, Da Christus arts Kreuz ward genagelt, Da kam lebendiges Wasser geflossen, Das haban w i r a l l e wohl genossen. Er nahm den Kelch, gab inn uns w i l l i g Und sprach: T r i n k t a l l e daraus f r f l h l i c h .  2.  Der Keloh bedeut uns C h r i s t i Leiden, Der h e i l i g Geist w i l l uns bescheiden, Dasz w i r C h r i s t o g l e i c h mSchten werden Und das Kreuz h i e r tragen auf Erden, Bis an das Ende vori ihm "nicht wende, Bis er uns nimmt aus dem Elende.  3.  Wollen wir C h r i s t i Eeich ererben, So miSssen w i r auoh mit ihm sterben, Darum hat er uns den Keloh gegeben, Dasz w i r ihm s o l l e n folgen eben. Uns s e l b s t verlassen urn s e i n ' t w i l l e n hassen. Darum hat er s e i n Blut vergossen.  4.  So ward das WeizkiJrnlein gemahlen, Davon auch Gott vor hat gesaget, Dasz er i n u n s e r Herz we'll schre'iben, Dasz es s o i l ewig beI uns b l e i b e n Und ihn erkennen, e i n Vater nennen, Die Lieb seins Geistes stets i n uns brennen,  5.  Laszt uns i n Gottes Purohte leben, Dasz er uns sein Erkenntnis gebe Und w i r in" Gottes Gunst gefreue^;, Er durch u h s w e r d gebenedeiet. Hier und dort ewig s e i n w i r e l i g , Wenn w i r nur Gott dienen f r e i w i l l i g .  Amen.  Hutterian Brethren, Die Lieder der Hutterischen BnSder (Winnipeg, Man.: C h r i s t i a n Press, 1953), p. 40. Hut»s authorship of t h i s song i s u n c e r t a i n . 1  BIBLIOGRAPHY I.  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS:  Bainton, Roland H., Bibliography of the Continental Reformation, M a t e r i a l s Available' i n E n g l i s h , Chicago: American Society of Church H i s t o r y , 1935. Bender, Harold S., "Recent Anabaptist B i b l i o g r a p h i e s , " Quarterly Review, XXIV (1950), 88-91.  Mennonite  "Reoent Progress i n Research i n Anabaptist H i s t o r y , " Quarterly Review, V I I I (1934), 3-17. f  ,,  "New  D i s c o v e r i e s of  Mennonite  Important S i x t e e n t h Century A n a b a p t i s t  "Codices," Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXX (1956), 72-77. Dedic, Paul, "Forschungen zur Geschichte des Oesterreichischen Protestantismus." Sammelbericht iYber die Epoche 1918-1939," A r c h i v fiHr Reformationsgesohichte, XXXV (1938), 277-281. Friedmann, Robert, "Die B r i e f e der Oesterreichischen Tfiufer, IV: B i b l i o g r a p h i e , " A r c h i v ftffr Reformatiohsgeschiohte, XXVI (1929), 170-187. Horsch, John ed., - Catalogue of the Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l L i b r a r y , Scottdale, Penna.: Mennonite P u b l i s h i n g House, 1929. Koehler, Walter, "Das Taufertum i n der neuern k i r c h e n h i s t o r i s c h e n Fbrschung," Archiv' fflr Reformationsgeschiohte, XXXVII (1940), 93107; XXXVIII (1941), 349-364j XL (1943), 246-270; XLI (1948), 164-186. Mennonite Encyclopedia, ed. by Harold S.' Bender, S c o t t d a l e , Penna.: Mennonite Publishing House", T955-I957. 3 volumes; 4th forthcoming. The a r t i c l e on "Historiography" and the b i b l i o g r a p h i e s appended t o general a r t i c l e s are e x c e l l e n t . Mennonitlsches Lexikon, ed. by C h r i s t i a n Hege and C h r i s t i a n Neff, Frankfurt am Main and Weierhof, P f a l z : Hege and Neff, 1913, 1937 f . The l a s t supplement was published i n 1957 and takes the work as f a r as "Rohrbach." The b i b l i o g r a p h i e s are very complete. Pauck, Wilhelm, "The Historiography of the" German Reformation During the Past Twenty Years, IV: Research i n the H i s t o r y of the Anabaptists," Church H i s t o r y , IX (1940), 335-364. Schotteriloher, K a r l , Bibliographie zur Deutsohen Geschichte im Z e i t a l t e r der Glaubensspaltung, 1527-1585, L e i p z i g : K a r l W. Hiersemann, 19331939. 5 volumes.  -173-  Springer, Nelson P., "The Holdings of the Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l L i b r a r y , " Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXV (1951), 307-319. Teufel, E., "TSufertum uridQuSkertum "im L i c h t e der neueren Forschung," Theologische Rundschau, X I I I (1941), 24-57, 103-127, 183-197j XIV (1942), 27-3 2, 124-154; XV (1943), 246-270; XVI (1948), 164-186. Van der Laag, A l b e r t i n a , Index to the Mennonitica i n the Amsterdam Mennonite L i b r a r y , 1919, Goshen, Indiana; Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1950. II.  PRIMARY SOURCES:  Beck, Josef, ed., Die Geschichts-Btfoher der WiedertSufer i n Oesterreich-Ungarn, Wien: C a r l Gerold's Sohn, 1883. Berbig, Georg, "Die Wiedertfiuferei im Ortslande zu Franken, im • Zusammenhang'mit dem Bauernkrieg," Deutsche Z e i t s o h r i f t f 9 r Kirohenrecht, 22. Bd. 3. Heft (1912J, 378-403. BHhmer, H e i n r i c h and Paul K i r n , ed., L e i p z i g : B.G. Teubner, 1931.  Thomas Muentzers Briefwechsel,  Braght, Thielmann J . van, ed., The Bloody Theater or Martyrs M i r r o r , Scottdale, Penna.: Mennonite P u b l i s h i n g House, 1951. The f i r s t edition.was published i n 1660 and i t was based on sixteenth century martyr c o l l e c t i o n s . Brandt, Otto H., ed., Thomas Muentzer, Sein Leben und Seine S c h r i f t e n , Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1933. B u l l i n g e r , Heinrich, Per Widertoeufferen vrsprung/ Pflrgang/ Secten/ Waesen/ Fflrnemen vnd Gemeine j r e r l e e r A r t i c k e l , Zflrich: Christoph Froschauer, 1561. Pachser, Jakob, E i n G B t t l i c h vnnd grflndlich offenbarung; von den warhaftigen w i d e r t e u f f e r n : mit G f l t t l i c h e r warhait angezaigt, Augsburg: P h i l i p p UlhartJ 1527. E t l i o h e schorie c h r i s t l i c h e Geseng/ wie s i e i n der Gefengknisz zu Pas saw im Schlosz von den Schweitzer Brtfdern duroh Gottes gnad g e t i c h t * und gesungen worden, n.p.: 1564. Fellmann, Walter, ed., "Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer, V o l . VI, Part I I , Hans Penck S c h r i f t e n , Gfltersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1956; Quellen und Forsohungen zur Reformat ion s ge sch ichte XXIV.  -174Franck, Sebastian, Chronica, Zeytbuch vnd Geschyoht B i b e l von Anbegyn bias' inn disz Gegenwertig M.D. x x x j . Jar, Straszburg: Balthasar Beck, 1531. Friedmann, Robert, ed^, "The Oldest Church D i s c i p l i n e of the Anabaptists," Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXIX (1955), 162-166. Geiser, Samuel, "Ancient Anabaptist Witness f o r Nonresistance, " Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXV (1951), 66-69. A. typewritten t r a n s c r i p t of the Codex i s located at the Goshen College L i b r a r y . H i l l e r b r a n d , Hans J . , ed., "An E a r l y Anabaptist Treatise on the C h r i s t i a n and the S t a t e , " Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXXII (1958), 28-47. The t i t l e of the t r e a t i s e i s : Aufdeckung der Babylohisohen Hum vnd A n t i o h r i s t s * a n d H i l l e r b r a n d has e s t a b l i s h e d the date somewhere between 1525-and 1535. •  • •  •  •  - "•  •  '  -  •  Hinriohs, Carl," ed., Thomas Muentzer. P o l i t i s o h e S c h r i f t e n mit Kommentar, H a l l e : Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1950. Clare verantwurtung e t t l i c h e r a r t i o k e l . . . , n.p., 1531. W i l l i a m Klassen in h i s d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n on the hermeneutics of Pilgram Marpeck (in preparation) presents evidence i n favor of a c c r e d i t i n g t h i s work to Leupold Scharnsohlager or Pilgram Marpeck. Landsberger, Johannes, "Eine c h r i s t l i c h e Unterrichtung," M i t t h e i l u n g e n aus dem A n t i q u a r i a t e von S. Calvary and Company, I (1869), 156-167. With a few minot exceptions t h i s i s the same as Hut's t r a c t , E i n o h r i s t l i c h e r u n d e r r i c h t . I t has wrongly been ascribed to Johannes Landsberger. Lieder der Hutteris'chen Brflder, Die, Winnipeg, Man.p The C h r i s t i a n Press 1953. Loesche, Georg, " A r c h i v a l i s c h e Beitrfige zur Geschichte des Ta*ufertums und des Protestantismus i n Tirol.und Voralberg," Jahrbuch der Gesellsohaft fflr die Geschichte des Protestantismus i n ehemaligen und im neuen Oesterreich, 47 (1926). Menius, Justus, Per Widder-tauffer" Lere vnd Geheimnis aus h e i l i g e r S c h r i f f t w i d d e r l e g t / M i t einem~schl nen Vorrede M a r t i n T u t h e r , Wittemberg: 1530. 1  Meyer, C h r i s t i a n , "Zur Geschichte der WiedertSufer i n Obersohwaben: I. Die Anfahge des WiedertHuferthums i n Augsburg," Z e i t s o h r i f t des Historisohen Vereins fflr Sohwaben und Neuburg, I (1874), 207-256. M f l l l e r , L y d i a , ed., Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesihnter I, L e i p z i g : M. Heinsius Nachf., 1938; Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XX.  -175-  Mu*ller, Lydia and Robert Friedmann, eds., Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutseher Tauf gesinnter I I , typewritten manuscript a v a i l a b l e i n Goshen College L i b r a r y . To be published soon i n Germany. N e s t l e r , Hermann, Die WiedertSuferbewegung i n Regensburg, Regensburgi Josef Hobbel,~l926. Nicoladoni, Alexander, Johannes Bftnderlin von Linz und die oberBsterreichischen Taufergemeinde i n den Jahren 1525-1531, B e r l i n : R. Gartners Verlag, 1893. Rhegius, Urbanus, Wider derineweri "Taufforden/ notwendige Warnung an a l l e Christgleubigen durch d i e diener des Euangeli zu Augsburg^ Augsburg, 1527. Rhegius, Urbanus, E i n sendbrieff Hans Huthen etwa a i n s furnemen Vorsteers im widertaufferordenn, Augsburg, 1528. Rhegius, Urbanus, Zween wunderseltzame Sendbrieff zweyer WidertRuffer an ihre Rotten gen Augsburg gesandt, Veran^wortung a l l e r irthum d i s z e r obgenannten b r i e f durch Urbanum Rhegium, Augsburg, 1528. Roth, F r i e d r i c h , Z u r Geschichte der WiedertSufer i n Oberschwaben. I I . Zur Leberisgeschichte Eitelharis Langenmantels von Augsburg," Z e i t s c h r i f t des H i s t o r i s c h e n Vereins f o r Schwaben und Neuburg, XXVII (1900), 1-45. n  Rothenfelder, J8rg Probst (also c a l l e d Jorg M a l e r ) , ed., Das Kunstbuch, manuscript: 1561. A t y p e w r i t t e n manuscript of 414 pages i s a v a i l a b l e at the Goshen College l i b r a r y . For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the contents see Harold S. Bender, "New Disooveries of Important Sixteenth Century Anabaptist Codices," Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXX (1956), 72-77. Salminger, Sigmund, Ausz was grund die l i e b e n t s p r i n g t / vrid was grosser k r a f f t sy hab/ vnd wie nutz sy sey/ deh i n n e r l i c h e n mensohen zu reformieren/ das der eu'sserliche s t e r b . No place, publisher, or date i s given but Schottenloher suggests that i t was published by P h i l i p p U l h a r t i n Augsburg about 1526. Sohornbaum, K a r l , ed., Quellen zur Geschichte der WiedertSufer: Markgraftum Brandenburg, Sayern I, L e i p z i g : M. Heinsius, T934; Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XVI:2. — ed. Quellen zur Geschichte der Htufer: ^Bayern I I , Go'ters.loh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1951; Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XXIII:5. 9  a  Wappler, Paul, Die iSuferbewegung i n Thu'ringen von 1526-1584, Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1913.  -176-  Wenger, John C , ed., ' "Pilgram Marpeok's Confession of F a i t h Composed at Strasburg, December 1531-January 1532," Mennonite Quarterly Review, X I I (1938), 167-202. . ———,  ed., "The Schleitheim Confession of F a i t h , " Review, XIX (1945), 243-253.  Mennonite Quarterly  Williams, George H., ed., S p i r i t u a l and Anabaptist W r i t e r s , P h i l a d e l p h i a : The Westminster Press, 1957; The L i b r a r y of C h r i s t i a n C l a s s i c s XXV. Wiswedel, Wilhelm, "Wolfgang Vogel, P f a r r e r zu E l t e r s d o r f , " B i l d e r und Fflhrergestalten aus dem Taufertum I, Kassel: J.G. Oncken Verlag, 1928, pp. 462-169. Wolkan, Rudolf, Gesohicht s-Buch der Hutterisohen Brffder, Macleod, Alta«, and Vienna: C a r l Fromme, 1923. Zieglschmid, A.J.F., ed., Die S l t e s t e Chronik der Hutterisohen Brftder, P h i l a d e l p h i a : C a r l Sohurz Memorial Foundation, 1943. III.  SECONDARY SOURCES.: " , (General works on the Reformation and the Anabaptists are only included i f they throw l i g h t on the l i f e and thought of Hans Hut.)  Bender, Harold S., "The Anabaptists and R e l i g i o u s L i b e r t y i n the 16th Century," Arohiv fflr Reformationsgeschiohte, 44(1953), 32-50; a l s o i n Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXIX (1955), 83-100. — - — " T h e Pacifism of the S i x t e e n t h Century Anabaptists," Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXX (1956), 5-18. —-----, "Anabaptist Theology of D i s c i p l e s h i p , " Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXIV (1950), 25-32. "Die Zwickau Propheten, Thomas Muentzer und die WiedertSufer," Tneologisohe Z e i t s o h r i f t , V I I I (1952), 262-278. B e r g f r i e d , U l r i c h , ' Verahtwortuhg a l s theologisohes Problem im TSufertum des' 16". Jahrhuriderts, Wuppertal: A. M a r t i n i & G r t l t t e f i r n , 1938. A comprehensive review by'Walter Kflhler appeared i n Mennonitische Geschichtsb l g t t e r , V (1940), 10-19. Bergsten,"Torsten, "Pilgram Marbeck und seine Auseinandersetzung mit Caspar Schwenckfeld," K y r k o h i s t o r i s k I r s s k r i f t (1957-58), 1-58. Bossert, G., "Augustih Bader von Augsburg, der Prophet und Koriig, und seine Genosseh, nach den Prozessakten von 1530," A r o h i v fflr Reformationsgosohichte, X (1912/13), 117-165, 209-241, 297349; XI (1914), 19-64, 103-133, 176-199.  -177Brush, John, " R a d i c a l Esohatology of the Continental Reformation," Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1942. Burrage, H.S., The Anabaptists of the S i x t e e n t h Century, New York and London, 1891j Papers of the American Society of Churoh History III. Cohn, Norman, The P u r s u i t of the M i l l e n i u m , London: Seeker and Warburg, 1957. Cornelius, C.A., Geschichte des Mflnsterisohen Aufruhrs, L e i p z i g : T.O. Weigel, 1855. Book I I i s on the l a r g e r Anabaptist movement. Coutts, A l f r e d , Hans Denck (1495-1527): Humanist and Heretic, Edinburgh: Macniven & Wallace, 1927. Dedic, Paul, " S o c i a l Background of the A u s t r i a n Anabaptists," Mennonite Quarterly Review, X I I I (1939), 5-20. 11111 1  11  • II II • II • •• ll II Mtli I-  y  Erbkam, H.W., Geschichte der protestantischen Sekten im Z e i t a l t e r der Reformation, Hamburg und Gotha: F r i e d r i c h und Andreas Perthes, i8t&\ Evans, A u s t i n Patterson, An Episode i n the Struggle f o r R e l i g i o u s Freedom the Sectaries of Nuremberg, 1524^1528, New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1924. Fast, Heinold, "Heinrich B u l l i n g e r und die TSufer," d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Heidelberg, 1957.  Unpublished  Th.D.  "pilgram Marbeck und das oberdeutsohe Taufertum. E i n neuer Hands c h r i f t e n f u n d , " A r c h i v fflr Reformationsgeschichte, 47:2 (1956), 212-241. t  Friedmann, Robert, "Die B r i e f e der B s t e r r e i c h i s o h e n Taufer. E i n B e r i c h t , " A r o h i v fflr Reformationsgesohichte, XXVI (1929), 30-80, 161-187. , "Conception of the Anabaptists," Churoh H i s t o r y , IX (1940), 341-365. t  —  -, "Recent Interpretations of Anabaptism," XXCT-(1955), 132-151.  ChurohIMstory%ovly  "Thomas Muentzer»s R e l a t i o n t o Anabaptism," Review, XXXI (1957), 75-87.  Mennonite Quarterly  Goeters, J.F. Gerhard, Ludwig H i t z e r (oa. 1500 b i s 1529), S p i r i t u a l i s t und A n t i t r i n i t a r i e r . Eine Randfigiir der fru'hen iHuferbewegung, Gtftersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1957j Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgesohichte XXV.  -178-  Hartmann, J . , "Hut," Allgemeine Deutsohe Biographie, V o l . X I I I , 1881. Heath, Richard, "Hans Denck, the Anabaptist," Contemporary Review, LXII (1892), 880-894. Hegler, S., "Hut," RealenzyklopSdie fflr protestantische Theologie und Kirohe, 3..ed., V o l . V I I I , 1900. Hershberger, Guy F., ed., The Recovery of the Anabaptist V i s i o n , Scottdale, Penna,: Herald Press, 1957. Heyer, F r i t z , "Der Kirchenbegriff der SchwSrmer," S c h r i f t e n des Vereins f A r Reformationsgeschichte, 56 (1939), 1-108. H i l l e r b r a n d , Hans J . , "Die P o l i t i s c h e E t h i k des Oberdetuschen TSufertums," Unpublished Ph. D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Erlangen, 1957 H i n r i c h s , C a r l , Luther und Muentzer. Obrigkeit und Widerstandsrecht,  Ihre Auseinandersetzung flber B e r l i n : Walter De Gruyter, 1952.  H o l l , K a r l , "Luther und die SchwSrmer," Gesammelte AufsStze zur Kirchengesohiohte I , Tflbingen: J . C. B. Mohr, 1923. Horsch, John, " H i s t o r i c a l Survey of the P o s i t i o n of the Mennonite Church on Wonresistance," Mennonite Quarterly Review, I (1927), 3-20. , Mennonites i n Europe, House, 1942. "  S c o t t d a l e , Penna.: Mennonite Publishing  Jacobs, Eduard, "Die WiedertSufer am Harz," Z e i t s o h r i f t des Harz-Vereins fAr Geschichte und Altertumskunde, XXXII (1899), 423-536. Jfikel, Joseph, "Zur Geschichte der WiedertSufer i n Ober fa'sterraich und s p e c i a l ! i n F r e i s t a d t mit e i n e r " E i n l e i t u n g "uber Entstehung und Wesen des TSuferthums tfberhaupt," Jahresberioht des Museums Franc. Carol., XLVII (1889), 3-82. J8rg, J . Edmund, Deutsohland i n der Revolutions-Periode von 1522 b i s 1526, Freiburg im Breisgau:: Herder'sche Verlagshandlung, 1851. Keim, Karl Theodor, SchwSbische Reformationsgeschichte b i s zum Reichstag, Tflbingen: L. F r . Fues, 1855. K e l l e r , Ludwig,  E i n Apostel der WiedertSufer, L e i p z i g :  Augsburger  S. H i r z e l ,  1882.  Kiwiet, Jan J . , "The L i f e of Hans Denok," Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXXI (1957), 227-259. ——•  , "The Theology of Hans Denck, " Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXXII (1958), 3-27. •, Pilgram Marbeck. E i n PJhrer i n der TSuferbewe gung der Reformationszeit, Kassel: J . G. Oncken Verlag, 1957.  -179-  Koehler, Walter, "Hut," R e l i g i o n i n Geschichte und Gegenwart, V o l . I l l , 1912. ).' Krohn, B. N., Geschichte der" Panatischen und Enthusiastichen Wiedertaufer vornehmlioh i n Niederdeutsohland. Melchior Hofmann und die Seote der Hofmannianer, L e i p z i g : Breitkopf, 1758. :  •<•  L i t t e l l , F r a n k l i n H., The Anabaptist View of the Church, American Society of Church H i s t o r y , 1952. , " S p i r i t u a l i z e r s , Anabaptists and the Church," Quarterly Review, XXIX (1955), 34-43.  Boston:: Mennonite  Lohmann, Annemarie, Zur geistigen Entwickelung Thomas Muentzers, B. G. Teubner, 1931.  Leipzig:  Loserth, Johann, "Anabaptists i n S t y r i a i n 1528," Mennonite Quarterly Review, VII (1933), 133-141. , "Der Anabaptismus i n T i r o l von seinen Anfangen b i s zum Tode Jakob Huter's 1526-1536," A r c h i v fuV flsterreichisohe Geschichte, 78:2 (1892), 429-604. , Doctor Balthasar Hubmaier und die Anfarige der Wiedertaufe i n Mariren, Brflnn: R. M. Rohrer, 1893. , and Robert Friedmann, 1956.  "Hut," Mennonite Encyclopedia, V o l . I I ,  , "Der Communismus der Mfihrisohen WiedertaSafer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert," A r c h i v fflr osterreichisohe Geschichte, 81 (1895), 135-322. , "Die Wiedertaufe i n N i e d e r S s t e r r e i c h von ihren AnfSngen b i s zum Tode Balthasar Hubmaiers 1525-1528, B l o t t e r des Vereins fflr Landeskunde von Niederflsterreioh, XXXIII (1899), 417-435. ~ Mecenseffy, Grete, "Die Herkunft des oberHsterreichisohen TSufertums," A r c h i v figr Reformationsgesohichte, 47:2 (1957), 252-258. Meissner, E r i c h , "Die Rechtssprechung i2ber die WiedertSufer und die a n t i - t a u f e r i s c h e P u b l i z i s t i k , " Unpublished Ph. D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of GSottingen, 1921. Mi3ller, L y d i a , "Der Kommunismus der mfihrischen WiedertSufer," S c h r i f t e n des Vereins fflr Reformationsgeschiohte, 45 (1927), 1-123. Neuser, Wilhelm, Hans Hut, Leben "urid Wirkeri b i s Zum Nikolsburger ReiigibnsgesprSch, B e r l i n : Hermann Blanke, 1913. & t y p e w r i t t e n manuscript of the four unpublished sections of t h i s work are located at the Goshen College L i b r a r y .  -180Radlkofer, M., "Jakob Daohser und Sigmund Salmihger," Beitrage zur Bayerischen Kirchengeschiohte, VI (1900), 1-30. RBdel, Friedrich", "Die aharohischen Tendenzen b e i den Wiedert&ufern des Reforraationszeltaltars. D a r g e s t e l l t auf Grund i h r e r Obrig'keitsanschauung," Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Erlangen, 1950. Roth, F r i e d r i c h , Augsburg* s Reformationsgeschiohte 1517-1527, Mftrichen: Theodor Aokermann, 1881. Roth, F r i e d r i c h , Augsburgs"Reformatibhsge schiohte I , 1517-1530, Mu'nchen: Theodor Ackermann, 1901. Sachsse, C a r l , D. Balthasar Hubmaier a l s Theoioge, B e r l i n : Trowitsch und Sohn,~T914; Neue*~Studien zur~~G"e schiohte der Theologie und der Kirohe XX. Schottenloher, K a r l , P h i l i p Ulriart. E i n Augsburger Winkeldrucker und H e l f e r s h e l f e r der'gohwarmer" und "Wiedertaufer" 1523-1529, Mu'nchen: F.P. Datterer und C i e , 1921. Smithson, R.J., The Anabaptists, London: Limited, 1935.  James Clarke & Company  S t a u f f e r , E t h e l b e r t , "Mfirtyrertheologie und Tfiuferbewegung," Z e i t s o h r i f t f a r Kirchengesohiohte, L I I (1933), 545-598. Uhlhorn, Gerhard, Urbarius Rhegius. Leben und ausgew&hlte S c h r i f t e n , E l b e r f e l d : Verlag von R.L. F r i d e r i c h s , 1861. Winter, Vitus Anton, Geschichte der baierisohen WiedertSufer im seohszehnten Jahrhundert, Muno"hen: Joseph Lindauer, 1809. Wiswedel, Wilhelm, B i l d e r und Fflhrergestalten aus dam Tau f a r turn, Kassel: J.G. Oncken, 1928, 1930, 1952. 3 volumes. —_——,  "Oswald" G l a i t von Jamnitz," Z e i t s o h r i f t ftir Kirchengesohiohte, 56:4 (1937), 550-564.  Wray, Frank J . , ""History In the Eyes "of the Sixteenth Century Anabaptists," Unpublished Ph. D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1953. Zahn, Peter von, "Studien zur Entstehung der s b z i a l e n Ideen des i B u f e r tums i n den e r s t e n Jahren der Reformation," Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of F r e i b u r g , 1942. Zuck, L o w e l l H., "Anabaptist Revolution through the Covenant i n S i x teenth Century Continental Protestantism," Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1954.  

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