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The attitudes of leaders of ethnic minority groups in Vancouver towards the integration of their people… Lawless, David Joseph 1959

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THE ATTITUDES OF LEADERS OF ETHNIC MINORITY GROUPS IN VANCOUVER TOWARDS THE INTEGRATION OF THEIR PEOPLE IN CANADA by DAVID JOSEPH LAWLESS B. A., Assumption University of Windsor,  1957  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Psychology  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  >  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1959  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t freely  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  study.  I further  c o p y i n g of t h i s  be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f  Department o r by h i s • r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Department of  Psychology  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date  June, 10,  1959  my  I t i s understood  t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r gain  thesis  financial  permission.  ABSTRACT  In t h i s study an attempt was made to discover and compare some of the basic elements of the process of integration or Canadian!zation as expressed i n the attitudes of leaders of ethnic minority groups i n Vancouver. The r o l e of leadership was emphasized because the leaders of ethnic minority groups are the mediators between their respective groups and the c u l t u r a l majority. Their views represent the views of the members of their groups and they are the communicators and interpreters of the ways of l i v i n g f o r both minority and majority groups. Personal interviews were conducted with the constituted leaders of t h i r t y - s i x ethnic s o c i e t i e s i n Vancouver. In the interviews a non-directive approach was taken and the technique of open-ended questioning was employed with information being funnelled Into expressed a t t i t u d e s . Eleven major areas pertinent to the process of integration were investigated. These major areas were: the nature of the s o c i e t i e s , language, marriage, d i s t r i c t of residence, general adjustment or orientation, acceptance by Canadians, feelings toward the homeland and Canada, permanent residence i n Canada, retention of ethnic customs, governing bodies i n Canada, and further immigration to Canada. Conclusions r e l a t i v e to c e r t a i n aspects of the integration process were drawn from the findings that i l l u s t r a t e much agreement but also a great deal of d i v e r s i t y i n attitudes and opinions of the leaders of ethnic s o c i e t i e s . Suggestions were made f o r further study. E s p e c i a l l y recommended were similar studies to present a comparison. I t was also suggested that further research concentrate on one or a few of the more important areas dealt with i n t h i s study and that similar research be carried out with non-leaders of ethnic minority groups and with members of the majority groups.  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Chapter I II  III  IV  Page INTRODUCTION  1  THEORETICAL BACKGROUND  4  (a)  Integration  (b)  Results of Non-Integration  (c)  Immigration  (d)  The Factor of Role  (e)  E f f e c t on the S o c i a l Structure  (f)  Minority Groups  (g)  Leadership  (h)  Investigation Techniques  (i)  Conclusion  RESEARCH METHOD (a)  Subjects  (b)  Procedure  (c)  Analysis of Data  RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Area I  Nature of the Societies  Area I I  Language  Area I I I  Marriage  Area IV  D i s t r i c t of Residence  31  39  Chapter  Page Area V  General Adjustment or Orientation  Area VI  Acceptance by Canadians  Area VII  Feelings toward the Homeland and Canada  Area VIII  Permanent Residence i n Canada  Area IX  Retention of Ethnic Customs  Area X  Governing Bodies i n Canada  Area XI  Further Immigration to Canada  Incidental Findings V  CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS (a)  Conclusions  (b)  Implications  (c)  Suggestions  82  BIBLIOGRAPHY  87  APPENDIX A  90  APPENDIX B  92  APPENDIX C  94  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  The writer wishes to express gratitude to Dr. W. G. Black, Regional L i a i s o n O f f i c e r , Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Citizenship Branch, Vancouver, B. C , and his s t a f f for their co-operation and help i n this study; the Programs and Materials D i v i s i o n , Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Canadian Citizenship Branch, Ottawa; and to the t h i r t y - s i x leaders of the ethnic s o c i e t i e s involved i n t h i s study for the generous g i f t of their time and  co-operation. For guidance and patience throughout t h i s entire  study, the writer i s sincerely g r a t e f u l to Dr. Donald Sampson, Assistant Professor of Psychology.  CHAPTER I  INTRODUCTION  H i s t o r i c a l l y Canada has been a land which depended upon immigration f o r i t s progress.  People have come to t h i s  country from every major area i n the world b r i n g i n g w i t h them t h e i r own languages, t r a d i t i o n s , customs, and s k i l l s .  Their  o f f s p r i n g i n t h i s country u s u a l l y maintain p a r t of the heritage of t h e i r ancestors.  P e r i o d i c a l l y there have been instances  of immigrant groups which f a i l to a d j u s t completely to the Canadian s o c i a l environment.  The abrupt change from a c u l t u r e  which a f f e c t e d h i s every thought and a c t i o n to a new way of l i f e can have d i s a s t r o u s p s y c h o l o g i c a l consequences f o r the immigrant who f a i l s to a d j u s t . Since the end of World War I I Canada has r e c e i v e d more than 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 immigrants, a number roughly equivalent to one-tenth of the c o u n t r y s p o p u l a t i o n . f  For the common good  and u n i t y of the n a t i o n i t i s e s s e n t i a l that these people become i n t e g r a t e d as completely and as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e . Yet i n the words of one of the e t h n i c leaders interviewed f o r t h i s t h e s i s , " I f you t r y to f o r c e i n t e g r a t i o n down the people's throats they w i l l r e b e l a g a i n s t i t " . I n t e g r a t i o n w i l l not and cannot take place overnight.  Much must be l e f t to the n a t u r a l  course of events, but understanding and co-operation must be  2  mutual between the native-born Canadian and the immigrant. This research i s designed i n t e g r a t i o n process.  to study one aspect of the  The aspect chosen f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s  the b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s of the c o n s t i t u t e d leaders of ethnic m i n o r i t y groups.  Such a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s are s i g n i f i c a n t  because leaders of e t h n i c groups are the main communicators of the l a r g e r s o c i a l system's u l t i m a t e values and problems and only those communications transmitted through them are f u l l y accepted by the member of the ethnic group.  The  elites  or leaders (who, according to Eisenstadt's use of the term,-' are the groups which occupy r e l a t i v e l y high p o s i t i o n s i n the s o c i a l s t r a t a and/or which hold p o s i t i o n s of l e a d e r s h i p , i n f l u e n c e , and power) perform an important f u n c t i o n between the primary groups of immigrants and the wider s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and the extent of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n depends on t h i s mediation.  The e l i t e s seem to i n f l u e n c e the formation of  values and a c t i v i t i e s of the primary groups. For t h i s study, t h i r t y - s i x leaders of e t h n i c s o c i e t i e s i n Vancouver were i n t e n s i v e l y interviewed to determine t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward a number of areas p e r t i n e n t to the i n t e g r a t i o n process.  Personal i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n the homes or  o f f i c e s of the leaders during the p e r i o d of May to September, 1958.  The data obtained were analyzed to give i n f o r m a t i o n on  the l e a d e r s ' a t t i t u d e s i n the f o l l o w i n g areas: 1)  The purposes of the s o c i e t y  2)  The language  3  Marriage  4  D i s t r i c t of residence  5  General adjustment or o r i e n t a t i o n  6  Acceptance or r e j e c t i o n by Canadians  7  F e e l i n g s toward the Homeland and Canada  8  Permanent residence i n Canada  9  Retention of e t h n i c customs  10  O f f i c i a l governing bodies i n Canada  11  Further Immigration to Canada  A t t i t u d e s were compared and discussed r e l a t i v e t o i n t e g r a t i o n and i t was i n d i c a t e d whether or not they were shared by the m a j o r i t y .  4  CHAPTER I I  THEORETICAL BACKGROUND  (a) I n t e g r a t i o n From i t s e a r l i e s t recorded h i s t o r y Canada has been the meeting place f o r autonomous c u l t u r e s and the process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n has been a c t i v e up t i l l the present day. Although t h i s can be regarded as a s o c i o l o g i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l o  phenomenon, i t s roots l i e w i t h i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l s o i l .  0  I n any  d i s c u s s i o n of s o c i e t y or c u l t u r e we must have recourse t o a b s t r a c t concepts to understand functions and processes and underlying these concepts i s the b a s i c u n i t of the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s behavior.  U l t i m a t e l y any complete understanding of  these concepts depends upon the science of human behavior. The terms i n t e g r a t i o n , a s s i m i l a t i o n , absorption, and a c c u l t u r a t i o n tend to be used rather l o o s e l y .  Most Canadians  want the member of the m i n o r i t y group to share common goals w i t h them and s t r i v e f o r these by the same means as they do. F i r t h ' s d e f i n i t i o n of i n t e g r a t i o n appears to f i t t h i s d e s i r e : Organization I s to be regarded as a primary aspect of co-operation, a coo r d i n a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l behavior f o r economic and s o c i a l purposes. I n any group, o r g a n i z a t i o n involves the a s s i g n ment of functions to d i f f e r e n t people,  5  a process known as ' a l l o c a t i o n ' ; and the r e l a t i o n of these functions one to another and the group ends, a process known as 'integration',° I n Canada, the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p  and  Immigration d i r e c t s i t s p o l i c y towards what i t c a l l s " i n t e g r a t i o n " and  since t h i s study a l s o prefers  the term, i t would  be wise to examine e x a c t l y what we mean by i t according to R. A l e x Sim of the C i t i z e n s h i p Branch of t h i s Department. A s s i m i l a t i o n of people and groups, or to use the popular phrase 'melting pot* i s not, on the surface a t l e a s t , as d e s t r u c t i v e of human values as segregation. At i t s face value the person who i s being a s s i m i l a t e d i s being accepted...but he i s accepted upon c e r t a i n terms...that he should change from' what he i s i n t o something c l o s e r to the p r e v a i l i n g standards of the m a j o r i t y groups. When s o c i o l o g i c a l a s s i m i l a t i o n i s promoted as an a c t i v e p o l i c y , many consider i t unjust,....For ( i t ) has a hidden aspect of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . For i f a s s i m i l a t i o n r e a l l y takes p l a c e , many important m o d i f i cations occur w i t h i n the m a j o r i t y group as w e l l . A s o c i a l p o l i c y that r e j e c t s a s s i m i l a t i o n but turns to a goal that welcomes d i v e r s i t y . . . i s the most c i v i l i z e d approach. The p o l i c y of i n t e g r a t i o n . . . n o t only encourages the smaller group to f l o u r i s h and grow, but i t i s the o n l y method, as f a r as I can see, that does not a l t e r the l a r g e r dominant group i n a d e s t r u c t i v e way. " 2  Sim goes on to speak of i n t e g r a t i o n as a r e l a t i o n s h i p which i s n e i t h e r e a s i l y understood,, nor e a s i l y p r a c t i s e d ;  a  r e l a t i o n s h i p which c a l l s f o r mutual t r u s t between groups which may  be a c t u a l l y or p o t e n t i a l l y h o s t i l e .  I t i s a concept which  6 should be taken as a long range view which w i l l b e n e f i t the whole by taking c o n t r i b u t i o n s from the p a r t s , always s t r e s s i n g the value of d i v e r s i t y . The process of i n t e g r a t i o n , on the part of the i n d i v i d u a l t o be i n t e g r a t e d , i n v o l v e s : a)  Learning new r o l e s .  b)  Transformation of primary group values.  c)  The extension of p a r t i c i p a t i o n beyond the group i n the main spheres of the s o c i a l system.  Only i f these changes occur can we say that the member of a m i n o r i t y group i s a f u l l y f u n c t i o n i n g member of the major s o c i e t y .  This w i l l p a r t l y depend upon what r o l e s  are a v a i l a b l e to him, "old"  (whether some are monopolized by the  members) and whether there i s any d e l i b e r a t e  segregation.  I t could w e l l be, and o f t e n i s the case, that pressure i s put upon members of m i n o r i t y groups to change some of the things they do not r e a l l y want to change.  Immigrants would be f u l l y  i n t e g r a t e d when they o b t a i n a s a t i s f a c t o r y personal adjustment and a complete d i s p e r s i o n w i t h i n the main i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres of the major s o c i e t y . I f we look c l o s e l y , the foregoing appears to d e a l mainly w i t h whether the member of the ethnic group stands out i n the s o c i e t y as having a separate i d e n t i t y . We may take three approaches'to examining whether t h i s be the case:  7  I  Acculturation  (according to Eisenstadt's meaning):  This i s concerned w i t h how w e l l he learns the r o l e s , norms, customs, and p r a c t i s e s the behavior patterns of the society.  We must here look a t not only the number of these  behavior patterns (language, dress, economic customs, day-byday a c t i o n s , etc.) but a l s o t h e i r proper use. II  Personal Adjustment  This r e f e r s to the member's p e r s o n a l i t y , s a t i s f a c t i o n , and a b i l i t y to cope w i t h problems.  The  negative  i n d i c e s of these are judged by the r a t e s of s u i c i d e , mental i l n e s s , crime, and f a m i l y upheaval.  The absence of these i s  one of the best c r i t e r i a . III  Extent of D i s p e r s i o n  The ethnic group must cease to have a i d e n t i t y i n the new s o c i e t y .  separate  This i s the best c r i t e r i o n of  f u l l absorption. Whether the existence of t h i s t h i r d c r i t e r i o n be a d e s i r a b l e goal i n Canadian s o c i e t y might be disputed as, i n many ways, the existence of e t h n i c groups i s f o s t e r e d f o r the good of s o c i e t y .  This c r i t e r i o n might not stand up to  c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s f o r i t i s r e a l l y t h e o r e t i c a l and operative only i n a l i m i t e d way.  But, i n long range terms, i f f u r t h e r  immigration ceased, i t seems l i k e l y that ethnic groups would one day be mere shadows and Canadian culture would be more of a u n i t y than many of the European s o c i e t i e s which contributed  8  to i t , as many of these l a t t e r show no signs of l o s i n g the geographical and " a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l type" d i s t i n c t i o n s which have e x i s t e d f o r centuries w i t h i n t h e i r Two  borders.  of the major reasons f o r a movement toward  Canadian u n i t y are the wide geographical d i s p e r s i o n of members of ethnic groups and the high r a t e of i n t e r - e t h n i c marriage.* The immigrant cannot i n t e g r a t e by himself, nor those who  can  have been born and r a i s e d i n a semi-seclusive community  w i t h i n t h i s country. be shouldered  P a r t of the burden of s o c i a l change must  by the e s t a b l i s h e d members of the community.  I t must not be l e f t to time alone. a preconceived  The immigrant a r r i v e s w i t h  idea of Canada and Canadians.  Although he  has  been supplied w i t h adequate information before coming to Canada, he o f t e n r e j e c t s what i s d i s t a s t e f u l to h i s frame of reference and accepts much hearsay, b u i l d i n g up a concept which i s more of w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g than r e a l i t y . ? 2  Ignorance of the consequent  p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a c t i o n s of the members of ethnic groups, and then m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , may  lead to a growth of antagonism  and p r e j u d i c e by some members of the host s o c i e t y . Kaye compares the immigrant w i t h a tree transplanted from a d i f f e r e n t s o i l and c l i m a t e .  I f s u f f i c i e n t care i s taken,  * Unfortunately, the only s t a t i s t i c s a v a i l a b l e on t h i s p o i n t d e a l w i t h inter-marriage on the basis of "country of b i r t h " , (see Appendix B ) . I m p l i c a t i o n s which can be drawn from these s t a t i s t i c s plus i n c i d e n t i a l information obtained i n t h i s research are the bases f o r the above assumption.  9 i t w i l l t h r i v e and, i n time, bear f r u i t , even b e t t e r f r u i t than a non-transplanted one.  But i f there i s a l a c k of care  and of s u i t a b l e c o n d i t i o n s , i t w i l l become stunted and perhaps 12 die. The example f i t s w e l l w i t h the immigrant who ...comes w i t h d i f f e r e n t mores and w i t h d i f f e r e n t l i f e experience, and the problem he faces i n the new s o c i e t y i s e s s e n t i a l l y one of c u l t u r a l adjustment. 2  The newcomer or the member of the e t h n i c m i n o r i t y must not only be accepted or adapt himself to being accepted to the p o i n t where he can operate without d i s r u p t i n g the f u n c t i o n i n g of the system, but he must become i n t e g r a t e d i n t o and become p a r t of i t .  v  But i t i s impossible f o r the  immigrant  to leave h i s past completely behind f o r i t has molded him i n t o what he i s .  Seyward t h i n k s i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to speak of the  immigrant ever being i n t e g r a t e d , f o r t h i s would i n v o l v e spending a f u l l l i f e c y c l e i n one environment. ? 2  Complete understanding  and communication i s the i d e a l - t y p e s i t u a t i o n but i n r e a l i t y i t i s never achieved.  I f the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s inadequate,  i t w i l l show up as apathy, r e b e l l i o u s n e s s , or as a v e r b a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n without acceptance. (b)  R e s u l t s of Non-integration The i n d i v i d u a l can absorb a vast amount of e x p e r i -  e n t i a l d e t a i l without changing fundamentally h i s i n d i v i d u a l premises, values, h a b i t s of thought, and the l i k e .  He  a s s i m i l a t e s the newer d e t a i l s , b u i l d i n g them i n t o the ground  10 p l a n of h i s former s t r u c t u r e and thus maintains h i s o r i g i n a l course.24 21  Merton  proposes a typology of adjustment f o r the  behavior patterns of the immigrant: Conformity:  Accepts the ends and p r e s c r i b e d means  to them i n the new s o c i e t y . Innovation:  Accepts the c u l t u r a l goals but r e j e c t s  the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means and s u b s t i t u t e s h i s own. Ritualism:  Rejects the goals as unimportant and  emphasizes the means, p l a c i n g the highest importance on performance. Retreatism:  Rejects both goals and means.  This  type includes those who evade s o c i a l contact, become mentally i l l , withdraw, or become apathetic. Rebellion:  Rejects the p r e v a i l i n g order and sub-  s t i t u t e s a new s e t of values. This process of adjustment i s a s u c c e s s f u l or unsuccessful s o l u t i o n of tensions which develop according t o fundamental patterns Inherent i n the process of changing from one c u l t u r a l background t o another. and normal.35  Such tensions are n a t u r a l  Immigration, the a c t u a l p h y s i c a l t r a n s i t i o n from  one s o c i e t y to another, i n v o l v e s considerable f r u s t r a t i o n and gives r i s e to many s o c i a l problems among immigrants.  They can  only f i l l a l i m i t e d number of r o l e s a t f i r s t , which means that  11 they must spend a considerable h i g h l y unstructured  amount of t h e i r time i n a  s i t u a t i o n — a very poor state p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y .  This i s a great changeover from t h e i r former s t a t e of l i f e , c a l l i n g f o r a shrinkage of t h e i r usual s o c i a l l i f e and  partici-  pation. At f i r s t glance, attending  school, a c q u i r i n g a  new  language, and g e t t i n g p o s i t i o n s i n i n d u s t r y appear to be good i n d i c e s of i n t e g r a t i o n .  I n f a c t , they are not good absolute  i n d i c e s f o r they vary g r e a t l y w i t h periods of e v o l u t i o n i n the i n t e g r a t i o n process and o f t e n represent merely a s u p e r f i c i a l d i s g u i s e f o r a l a c k of i n t e g r a t i o n .  For example, when the  o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n i s s t r o n g l y upheld by the leaders the group and the f i r s t generation,  of  many c o n f l i c t s can a r i s e  between these and succeeding generations, r e s u l t i n g i n d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , delinquency, e t c . , or the development of the marginal-type of quasi-leader.  I t may  a l s o bring about fear  of encroachment on the p a r t of the older i n h a b i t a n t s . types of d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n may  These  e x i s t beneath the facade of  apparent i n t e g r a t i o n i n d i c e s . The  number of persons i n Canada who  s u f f e r mental  disorders which are apparently p r e c i p i t a t e d by t h e i r f a i l u r e to adjust to the Canadian way  of l i f e because of a d i f f e r e n t  c u l t u r a l background i s i n i t s e l f a s i g n of l a c k of complete integration.^  Their number i s l a r g e r per c a p i t a than i n any  other group i n the c o u n t r y . ^  4  12  (c)  Immigration M i g r a t i o n n e a r l y always involves abandonment of one  s o c i a l s e t t i n g and acceptance of a new and d i f f e r e n t one. There are three major stages involved i n i t : a)  The motive to migrate  b)  The s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the migratory process  c)  I n t e g r a t i o n w i t h i n the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l framework of the new s o c i e t y  There a r e almost as many motives f o r m i g r a t i n g as there a r e immigrants.  People have come t o Canada f o r reasons  ranging from having no home, no country, and nowhere e l s e t o go, t o the s p i r i t of adventure or a d e s i r e f o r a change of background. The c u l t u r e i s not a homogenous structure....The i n d i v i d u a l who f i n d s himself i n c o n f l i c t w i t h the c u l t u r e on one plane may be able t o move t o another, i n which the standards and expectations are c l o s e r t o h i s needs.32 The predisposing a t t i t u d e s to a new c u l t u r a l s e t t i n g are determined by the migrant's p e r c e p t i o n of an expected r o l e . However, the motives f o r immigration are not t o t a l i n s e c u r i t y i n every phase of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l l i f e . attached to h i s o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e i n many ways.  He may remain The motives  and a s p i r a t i o n s may vary w i t h each i n d i v i d u a l but b a s i c a l l y they a r i s e because he cannot maintain a s e t l e v e l of p h y s i c a l existence i n h i s own c u l t u r a l framework; or h i s goals cannot be  13  attained i n his o r i g i n a l setting  ( f r u s t r a t i o n ) ; or he cannot  accept the a s p i r a t i o n s of his own  s o c i e t y (e.g.  political);  or h i s c u l t u r e doesn't a f f o r d him a worthwhile p a t t e r n of Knowledge of m o t i v a t i o n i s very important, f o r s t a b i l i t y of any  the  s o c i a l system depends on the optimum number  of i t s members f i n d i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n and roles.  life.  g r a t i f i c a t i o n i n their  I f the immigrant or member of an ethnic group  a s p i r a t i o n s which focus on only one  has  sphere of the basic motives  mentioned i n the previous paragraph (e.g. merely accepting economic goals without the i n t e n t i o n of adopting other r o l e s ) , his adaptation to the c u l t u r a l s e t t i n g i s much more d i f f i c u l t . The  p h y s i c a l t r a n s i t i o n to a new  c u l t u r e involves  the  shrinkage of the immigrant's f i e l d of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a detaching of one's s e l f from most of one's o r i g i n a l r o l e s . immigrant's motives are merely economic, he may his t i e s w i t h the o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e . intend to develop a whole new (d)  If  the  r e t a i n many of  To adapt w e l l he must  p a t t e r n of  life.  The Factor of Role Cultures themselves do not come i n t o contact,  rather the c a r r i e r s of c u l t u r e s come i n t o contact.  but  That p a r t  of t h e i r c u l t u r e which they c a r r y to the scene of contact depends upon t h e i r reason f o r making the contact; that i s , i t depends upon t h e i r r o l e .  Unless the number of r o l e s i s equivalent  on both s i d e s , there can be only a p a r t i a l i n t e r c u l t u r a l transfer.  I n t e r c u l t u r a l role-playing  r e f l e c t s the  interest  14 areas shared by the groups i n contact.  On the Canadian scene  i t would prove u s e f u l to know the important areas i n which there i s i n t e r c u l t u r a l r o l e - p l a y i n g , those i n which there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t contact, and the b a r r i e r s to f u r t h e r  contact,  based on the opinions of the m i n o r i t y groups. To the immigrant the process of i n t e g r a t i o n i s one of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g h i s r o l e expectancies.  This  involves  language, t e c h n i c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , o r i e n t a t i o n , e t c . He must a l s o l e a r n the new r o l e s expected of him and necessary to the new s o c i e t y .  L a s t l y , he must r e b u i l d and reform h i s own s t a t u s -  image by accepting a new set of values and t e s t i n g them i n r e l a t i o n to the new s e t of r o l e s , both a v a i l a b l e and required of him.  This i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of h i s behavior involves a t r a n s -  formation of h i s b a s i c primary groups and f i e l d s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s (the basis of h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i e t y ) and the inter-weaving  of these groups i n t o the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the  receiving culture. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of h i s behavior r e q u i r e s f i r s t l y an extension of s o l i d a r i t y by developing an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the major c u l t u r a l group, i t s ultimate symbols, and a f e e l i n g of belonging to i t .  values,  Secondly, h i s scope  of a c t i v i t i e s must go beyond primary ethnic groups to include a s s o c i a t i o n s and f r i e n d s h i p s w i t h other members of s o c i e t y . T h i r d l y , h i s behavior must be d i r e c t e d toward wider  "reference  groups" i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e (e.g. c l a s s and status groups, p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s ) , and be accepted by these groups.  15  L a s t l y , he must develop s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s w i t h older members of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , leading to a formation of primary groups w i t h them. The  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r o l e s involves  the  r e - d e f i n i t i o n of o l d e s t a b l i s h e d r o l e s to make them compatible with a l t e r n a t i v e r o l e s i n the new  s o c i e t y ; the a c q u i s i t i o n of  e n t i r e l y new r o l e s ; and the transformation c a t i o n to the new  of basic  identifi-  s o c i e t y , i t s goals, and i t s values.  Tensions  develop when i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r o l e s i s not achieved and hence unstructured  behavior takes place.  Tension i s associated  w i t h some i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of communication between the immigrants and t h e i r new  social setting.  On t h i s account, great a t t e n t i o n  must be paid to the leaders of immigrant groups, who block or f o s t e r the transformation (e)  of these values.  may  either  21  E f f e c t on the S o c i a l Structure A c c u l t u r a t i o n i s the c u l t u r e change that i s i n i t i a t e d  by the conjunction  of two or more autonomous c u l t u r a l systerns.31  I t i s a mysterious thing i n v o l v i n g more v a r i a b l e s than the mind can manipulate.  But the basic u n i t of c u l t u r e i s the  i n d i v i d u a l and any changes w i t h i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e can traced to  be  him. No given c u l t u r a l element or complex of t r a i t s  can  r e t a i n i t s i d e n t i t y while being passed from one people to another.  10  Once brought to t h i s country i t a l t e r s and becomes  part of Canadian c u l t u r e .  Consequently, any c u l t u r a l elements  brought to t h i s country c o n s i s t of processes which produce c u l t u r a l c r e a t i v i t y and so are culture-producing. As more i n d i v i d u a l s develop and rear c h i l d r e n w i t h i n a sub-culture, the p a r t i c u l a r deviations f o s t e r e d there become widespread and g r a d u a l l y a f f e c t the remainder of the culture.3 2  Where conjunctive r e l a t i o n s take place, they must take the form of e i t h e r f u s i o n (where the give and take i s approximately  equal and mutual, and which r e s u l t s i n a  new  s o c i o - c u l t u r a l system) or of a s s i m i l a t i o n (which i s theoreti c a l l y absolute).  An a l t e r n a t i v e would be withdrawal.  The  l e v e l of absorption i s a consequence of i n t e r a c t i o n between the immigrants* a s p i r a t i o n s (achievable i n s o c i a l r o l e s ) and the opportunity the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e provides f o r t h e i r realization.  Although i t i s g e n e r a l l y regarded by the m a j o r i t y  that the m i n o r i t i e s should a s s i m i l a t e , i f we t h i n k of a s s i m i l a t i o n as absolute t h i s would border the impossible. a s s i m i l a t i o n were f o r c e d , we would have withdrawal.  If  There  must be, then, a t l e a s t a p a r t i a l f u s i o n . According to E i s e n s t a d t ,  D  the f a c t o r s concerned i n  absorption on the p a r t of the host c u l t u r e are: a)  The degree of s i m i l a r i t y between the c u l t u r e s involved.  b)  The degree of "monopolization" the " o l d " i n h a b i t a n t s .  of values by  17 c)  The extent of expansion of the economic system and the r a t i o of immigrants to n a t i v e s .  d)  The extent of p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y granted t o the immigrants.  Generally speaking, Canada o f f e r s these a t t r i b u t e s , but many Canadians seem to express ambivalence about the immigrant (welcome and h o s t i l i t y ) inasmuch as they are glad to have a s s i s t a n c e i n developing  the n a t u r a l resources of the  country and i n c r e a t i n g a l a r g e r consumer market; and on the negative s i d e , because the immigrant presents a threat to s o l i d a r i t y through h i s d i f f e r e n t values as w e l l as threatening the status system and representing status competition.  One  leader interviewed i n t h i s research expressed the opinion that Canadians r e a c t quite f a v o r a b l y to f o r e i g n e r s but are completely i n t o l e r a n t of f o r e i g n languages. Objects are more r e a d i l y adopted by another c u l t u r e than are values.  The greatest r e s i s t a n c e to change occurs i n  the u n i v e r s a l c a t e g o r i e s — t h e maintenance systems, communication systems, and s e c u r i t y systems.  F i r t h asks, "How f a r does  s t r u c t u r a l change demand a l t e r a t i o n , not merely i n the objects of choice, but the procedures and p r i n c i p l e s of making the choice?"^ Herskovits  1 0  attempts to i n v e s t i g a t e the reasons  behind some of t h i s behavior i n analyzing why people c l i n g t e n a c i o u s l y to one t h i n g y e t w i l l i n g l y s a c r i f i c e another which  I  18  they have held f o r generations.  I t seems that new  elements  are accepted only i f they are congenial to p r e - e x i s t i n g patterns of c u l t u r e . thought out.  I n a c u l t u r e , more i s taken f o r granted than i s North Americans are w i l l i n g to accept t e c h n o l o g i c a l  changes but r e s i s t anything that would a f f e c t t h e i r economic system, r e l i g i o n , or f a m i l y l i f e .  Technology appears to be  our c u l t u r a l focus. According to Tax-^3 and Mandelbaum ^ mere contact  of  2  c u l t u r e s doesn't s u f f i c e f o r the transmission of c u l t u r a l o b j e c t s , values, or ideas.  Rather, the adopting of new  things  i s a process of l e a r n i n g , which involves d r i v e or m o t i v e — a new means of a t t a i n i n g an  end.  I n t e g r a t i o n of immigrants w i t h i n a s o c i e t y gives r i s e to some s o r t of change i n at l e a s t p a r t of the country's i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s t r u c t u r e and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the among various i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres.  population  The e v o l u t i o n of a  new  i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e i s lengthy and cannot immediately o b l i t e r a t e the d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups, but a t most transforms them and incorporates So, from a large scale immigration,  them w i t h i n i t s e l f .  we u s u a l l y see a p l u r a l i s t i c  s t r u c t u r e or network of substructures maintaining  some degree  of separate i d e n t i t y . (f)  M i n o r i t y Groups We use the term " m i n o r i t y group" i n the manner that  R. Alex Sim of the Department of Immigration and C i t i z e n s h i p  19  ...we cannot avoid the conclusion that ethnic aggregates are i n f a c t , m i n o r i t y groups. That i s t o say, they c o n s t i t u t e a segment i n the population of persons who d i f f e r w i t h respect*to c e r t a i n u n i d e n t i f i a b l e p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , or who have chosen to d i f f e r i n c e r t a i n e s s e n t i a l modes of behavior.... 9 2  The goals of the m i n o r i t y group are, broadly  speaking,  the adaptation of some of t h e i r ethnic patterns and values to those of the absorbing  society.  I t i s through the formalized agency (the e t h n i c s o c i e t y ) that transformation of the immigrants s e l f - a s s o c i a t i o n from a primary-communal to a secondary-associational one i s u s u a l l y e f f e c t e d . ( 7 , p. 175) E i s e n s t a d t ? c l a s s i f i e s three types of ethnic m i n o r i t y groups: a)  A high degree of exclusiveness, accustomed c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , and the maintenance of a s o c i a l status s t r u c t u r e of t h e i r own, while a t the same time forming an accepted p a r t of general economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e and the achievement of a recognized status i n i t . They do t h i s by maintaining a geographical u n i t y or a p a r t i c u l a r sector of the economic s t r u c t u r e f a i r l y high i n status hierarchy. I t may be because of r e l a t i v e c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t y of the upper status groups.  b)  Groups confined to the lowest s t r a t a of the absorbing s o c i e t y because of d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p r a c t i s e s or of c u l t u r a l incompatibility.  c)  The most common group i s w i t h i n the o r b i t of the middle s t r a t a i n which achievement i s stressed and i n which s o c i a l and economic i s o l a t i o n i s s m a l l . Most formalized agencies are w i t h i n t h i s type. Here the status  20 s t r u c t u r e and behavior evolve patterned a f t e r the absorbing s o c i e t y and u s u a l l y confined to lower middle stratum, s t r e s s i n g the a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the ethnic group as p a r t of the (Canadian) way of l i f e and the c o m p a t i b i l i t y of the two. The great m a j o r i t y of ethnic m i n o r i t y groups involved i n t h i s research f a l l w i t h i n t h i s t h i r d type.  These formalized  s o c i e t i e s or agencies are of p a r t i c u l a r importance to the 17 process of i n t e g r a t i o n i n Canada because, as Lewin says, the best way of e f f e c t i n g a change i n the behavior of an i n d i v i d u a l I s by changing the values and patterns of behavior of the groups i n which he p a r t i c i p a t e s . The ethnic m i n o r i t y group i s r e l a t i v e l y balanced i n as much as i t s value system i s not completely  opposed t o that  of the major s o c i e t y but has some common premises.  I t s status  premises are u s u a l l y accepted by the major s o c i e t y ; and the m i n o r i t y group u s u a l l y accepts the status premises i t i s a l l o t t e d . The development of c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , f e s t i v a l s , e t c . , are not a pure c o n t i n u a t i o n of the o l d patterns of l i f e , but rather t h e i r adaptation t o the values of the new country.  They a c t ,  not only as f o c i of t r a d i t i o n , but a l s o as channels of communication w i t h the major s o c i e t y .  M i n o r i t y groups and t h e i r  members are expected, even encouraged, to maintain some secondary r o l e s , 7 so we are bound to get a somewhat p l u r a l i s t i c network of s u b s t r u c t u r e s — e t h n i c m i n o r i t y groups.  21 (g)  Leadership I f there are any changes t o be made on the p a r t of  the m i n o r i t i e s they must f i r s t be brought to the a t t e n t i o n of t h e i r l e a d e r s , who are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the formation of values and a c t i v i t i e s among t h e i r g r o u p s . T h e y are the main communicators and only those communications which go through them are f u l l y accepted by those they represent. " This i s summed up 4  by S i m ^ when he speaks of the homogeneity of the e t h n i c group 2  and says: I t s leaders are conscious of d e f i n i n g i t s r o l e and the status of i t s members i n r e l a t i o n to the whole. The importance of the a t t i t u d e s and opinions of the leaders of e t h n i c groups can be thoroughly appreciated when we examine these l e a d e r s ' f u n c t i o n s .  According to E i s e n s t a d t , ^  these are t h e i r main f u n c t i o n s : a)  The s t r u c t u r i n g and d e f i n i n g of new wider f i e l d s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p and e x p l a i n i n g them i n terms of t r a d i t i o n a l values and a t t i t u d e s . The people f e e l that t h e i r leaders are more competent because they understand them.  b)  They help solve the problems r e l a t i v e to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a wider c l u s t e r of r o l e s . They are an a c t i v e guidance i n the d a i l y problems of behavior.  c)  They are the mediators of the wider, i n c l u s i v e value-system of the wider s o c i a l structure.  d)  They symbolize the s o c i a l system and a belongingness to i t , becoming symbols  22 of s e c u r i t y and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . They are the main channels of communication connecting the immigrants and the values and problems of the t o t a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . These leaders are i n d i v i d u a l s whose views, r o l e s , and s o c i a l perspective are c l o s e l y o r i e n t e d and r e l a t e d to the ultimate values of the host s o c i e t y and whose p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s more i n c l u s i v e , not being confined to minimal s o c i a l areas. The l e a d e r s , being more a c t i v e , communicate these u l t i m a t e values to those who are l e s s intense and have a narrower p e r s p e c t i v e . We see now the Janus-type p e r s o n a l i t y of the leader of the e t h n i c m i n o r i t y group and how he plays such an important r o l e r e l a t i v e to the m a j o r i t y group as the channel of communication p e r m i t t i n g both groups t o c o - e x i s t . W i t h i n t h i s process of extension of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , s p e c i a l importance should be attached to the establishment of channels of communication w i t h the wider s o c i e t y . Foremost among such channels are the l e a d e r s , whether formal or i n f o r m a l , of various types, thrown up by the transformation of leadership i n immigrant communities, new types of leaders emerge as a r e s u l t of the impact of the s o c i a l s e t t i n g . The making of contact between the immigrants and these leaders i s one of the most important aspects of ? the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of t h e i r b e h a v i o r . 7  (h)  I n v e s t i g a t i o n Techniques There are a number of acceptable techniques f o r  t r a n s l a t i n g a t t i t u d e s i n t o t a n g i b l e q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e measurements.  Each technique has i t s p a r t i c u l a r advantages and  23  disadvantages and each i s more s u i t a b l e i n some instances and l e s s s u i t a b l e i n others.  An e x c e l l e n t o u t l i n e of methods f o r  measuring b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s may be found i n Krech and Crutchfield. ^ 1  I t i s intended here t o look b r i e f l y a t a few of  the more common methods, to discuss t h e i r s u i t a b i l i t y or u n s u i t a b i l i t y f o r t h i s study, and to give reasons f o r s e l e c t i n g the unstructured, open-ended i n t e r v i e w i n g technique. A t t i t u d e Scale Of a l l methods of measurement of b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s , by f a r the most prominent, the most w i d e l y used, and the most c a r e f u l l y designed and tested i s the a t t i t u d e or opinion s c a l e . (15, p. 210) Any a t t i t u d e scale b a s i c a l l y c o n s i s t s of a continuum upon which degrees of approach or withdrawal can be checked o f f to determine f e e l i n g s toward some i s s u e , thereby i n d i c a t i n g the strength of the a t t i t u d e .  Although there are a number of d i f f e r e n t types  of a t t i t u d e s c a l e s , we w i l l mention here only the two most widely used. The Thurstone scale i s composed of a s e r i e s of statements or items which have been judged f o r t h e i r degree of favorableness or unfavorableness toward a given a t t i t u d e - o b j e c t . The subject checks each statement w i t h which he agrees and h i s a t t i t u d e score i s the median value of the statements checked. The L i k e r t scale i s composed of a s e r i e s of statements which have been a r b i t r a r i l y designated as favorable or unfavorable toward a given a t t i t u d e - o b j e c t .  The subject i s asked t o r a t e  24 his  degree of agreement or disagreement w i t h each statement  hy checking  one of the f o l l o w i n g categories:  approve, undecided, disapprove,  s t r o n g l y approve,  s t r o n g l y disapprove.  Each  category has been assigned a value from one to f i v e and  the  subject's a t t i t u d e score i s the sum of the category values  he  has checked. There have been a large number of studies on the r e l i a b i l i t y of both Thurstone and L i k e r t a t t i t u d e scales and g e n e r a l l y the c o r r e l a t i o n s are quite favorable. (15,  p.  262)  The d i f f i c u l t y i n v o l v e d i n applying an a t t i t u d e scale to t h i s study a r i s e s w i t h the very f i r s t step i n the of an a t t i t u d e s c a l e .  This f i r s t step requires the  formation formulation  of a large number of p r e l i m i n a r y items to be used i n the s c a l e . But pre-formation  of items was  quite impossible because s p e c i f i c  issues and the nature of a t t i t u d e s toward them were unknown p r i o r to i n t e r v i e w i n g .  This research was  concerned f i r s t l y  w i t h d i s c o v e r i n g the p e r t i n e n t issues w i t h respect to i n t e g r a t i o n and secondly, with assessing the a t t i t u d e s toward these i s s u e s . Another unfavorable  q u a l i t y of an a t t i t u d e scale i s  the f a c t that the respondent i s presented w i t h a s e r i e s of r e s t r i c t e d statements which he must check, whether or not they represent h i s true a t t i t u d e s .  This tends to bias h i s responses,  prevents him from q u a l i f y i n g h i s answers, and allows him opportunity to o f f e r the a d d i t i o n a l information which was considered  to be e s s e n t i a l to t h i s study.  no  25  Questionnaires There are a number of questionnaire techniques which serve good purpose i n many types of a t t i t u d e survey.  The  questionnaire r e q u i r e s the respondent to give a "yes" or  "no"  response or e l s e to choose one of two or more a l t e r n a t i v e f i x e d answers. other than those  There i s no p r o v i s i o n f o r a l t e r n a t i v e answers presented.  Although the questionnaire supplies e x c e l l e n t s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n and e l i c i t s a response on every item, i t s u f f e r s from a number of disadvantages.  Two  unfavorable  qualities  mentioned when speaking of a t t i t u d e scales apply l i k e w i s e to the questionnaire.  I n the f i r s t p l a c e , i n s u f f i c i e n t information  was a v a i l a b l e to compose a questionnaire which would cover p e r t i n e n t areas.  the  Secondly, i t r e s t r i c t s communication of  f u r t h e r information and i n j e c t s bias i n t o the a t t i t u d e by supplying a l i m i t e d number of responses.  The closed question  can a l s o i r r i t a t e the respondent by p u t t i n g the words of the f i x e d a l t e r n a t i v e answers i n t o h i s mouth, whereas he may  feel 18  that none of the provided answers represent h i s opinions. This l a s t o b j e c t i o n i s e s p e c i a l l y r e l e v a n t when the questionnaire i s concerned w i t h s e n s i t i v e and personal i s s u e s , as i n the present  study.  The Structured Interview Interview methods have an advantage over  impersonal  a t t i t u d e scales and questionnaires by a l l o w i n g f o r the  26 establishment of b e t t e r rapport between respondent and viewer.  inter-  An i n t e r v i e w permits f r e e r communication and tends to  minimize bias on the p a r t of the respondent.  Because of i t s  s i m i l a r i t y to a conversation, i t i s probably the most n a t u r a l form of communication. The s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w has these advantages f o r i n i t the respondent i s f r e e to express h i s opinions and a t t i t u d e s , to q u a l i f y h i s answers, to d e c l i n e answering or committing  himself, and to o f f e r a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n .  In  a d d i t i o n , i t o f f e r s s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n by presenting i d e n t i c a l questions to a l l respondents, i n s u r i n g that comparable data w i l l be obtained from each one. The s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w would have been an acceptable technique f o r t h i s research but f o r one b a s i c reason, which was a l s o the main reason f o r r e j e c t i n g the formal r a t i n g scales and questionnaire methods—not only was  there a l a c k of appropriate  information to set up a s e r i e s of standard questions f o r a l l respondents but a l s o the i n t e r v i e w e r was seeking information about areas which were considered to be p e r t i n e n t issues by the subjects themselves, i . e . the leaders of e t h n i c s o c i e t i e s i n Vancouver. The Unstructured  Interview  I t would be u n f a i r to s t a t e that the unstructured i n t e r v i e w i s the best method p o s s i b l e f o r s o c i a l research.  27  I n s p i t e of, and perhaps because of, i t s weaknesses i n other r e s p e c t s , the unstructured i n t e r v i e w technique employing openended questions was research.  s e l e c t e d as the most appropriate f o r t h i s  The unstructured i n t e r v i e w has disadvantages  which  make i t unsuitable f o r use i n many areas of s o c i a l research. I t lacks s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n and i t s r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y are d i f f i c u l t to determine.  However, f o r some s t u d i e s , these  weaknesses are outweighed by strengths not provided by any of the p r e v i o u s l y discussed methods.  I t incurs none of the d i s -  advantages of i n j e c t i n g bias on the p a r t of the respondent which e x i s t i n other more formal methods, and even to a degree i n the structured interview.  I t does not antagonize or i r r i t a t e  the  respondent f o r i t permits him complete freedom of expression; i t o f f e r s him the opportunity to impart information which he b e l i e v e s i s p e r t i n e n t ; and i t permits e x c e l l e n t rapport i n the hands of a s k i l l e d i n t e r v i e w e r .  I t gives the i n t e r v i e w e r the  opportunity to get the true " f e e l i n g s " of the respondent and to probe f o r as much information as he needs and as the respondent has a v a i l a b l e . For the researcher who has a d i f f i c u l t choice i n deciding between the s t r u c t u r e d or the unstructured i n t e r v i e w , 16  between open and closed questions, L a z a r s f e l d  has set f o r t h  a number of s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s which should i n f l u e n c e h i s choice. The f i r s t of these involves the o b j e c t i v e of the i n t e r v i e w and i n t h i s research the o b j e c t i v e of gathering information about p e r t i n e n t areas i n which a t t i t u d e s would be expressed  i s served  28 only by the unstructured i n t e r v i e w . The unstructured i n t e r v i e w i s c e r t a i n l y not without i t s advocates f o r s o c i a l research. endorse i t .  Kahn and C a n n e l  11  strongly  R o g e r s ^ a l s o recommends i t h i g h l y and s t a t e s : 2  I t i s u s e f u l because i t gets a t deep a t t i t u d e s of the person interviewed without i n j e c t i n g bias on the p a r t of the i n t e r v i e w e r . I t i s e s p e c i a l l y valuable i n a t t i t u d e surveys.... The unstructured i n t e r v i e w i n v o l v e s the use of open-ended questions which can be f u n n e l l e d i n t o expressed a t t i t u d e s by means of probe questions.  By proper use of probe questions  the  i n t e r v i e w e r r e s t r a i n s the respondent from wandering away from the o v e r - a l l o b j e c t i v e s of the i n t e r v i e w .  Once the i n t e r v i e w  i s i n i t i a t e d , the i n t e r v i e w e r has the task of guiding the conversation i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n .  He must always e x e r c i s e  the utmost caution not to bias the respondent's answers and consequently  a l l h i s questions must be open-ended or n o n - d i r e c t i v e .  The open-ended question i s designed to e l i c i t f r e e responses which are not r e s t r i c t e d to predetermined c a t e g o r i e s . The outstanding advantages of free-response questions (open-ended questions) i s that they can provide a more adequate p i c t u r e of what the respondent has i n mind, how i n t e n s e l y he f e e l s about i t , what the question means to him, w i t h i n what frame of reference he i s answering. They give opportunity f o r spontaneous, unanticipated responses rather than c o n f i n i n g the respondent to a choice ™ among a l t e r n a t i v e s imposed by the question. I n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r research an open-ended question such  29  as "Can you t e l l me something about your s o c i e t y ? " or "You are the  p r e s i d e n t of the  ; could you t e l l me something  about the o r g a n i z a t i o n ? " , was used to "break the I c e " . Once the  i n t e r v i e w e r had some knowledge about the h i s t o r y and purposes  of the ethnic agency, a s e r i e s of probe questions were employed to d i r e c t communication to broad areas such as economics, language, s o c i a l and f a m i l y l i f e .  As issues arose which the  respondent f e l t were s i g n i f i c a n t , probe questions were used to funnel the conversation i n t o a f u l l expression of r e l e v a n t attitudes. The unstructured i n t e r v i e w employing open-ended questions gives r i s e to greater problems of data a n a l y s i s than p r e v i o u s l y discussed methods.  Many of the judgments required  i n coding the data are s u b t l e , r e q u i r i n g a s i m i l a r type of judgment employed by the c l i n i c i a n i n a p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e t t i n g . The m a t e r i a l gathered must be c a r e f u l l y read and re-read and assigned to categories.  I t must be re-examined, cross-compared,  and checked f o r i n t e r n a l consistency and r e l i a b i l i t y .  Sometimes  a judgment i s made on the basis of a c l u s t e r of statements r a t h e r than on one p a r t i c u l a r statement so the coder must get the  " f e e l " of the whole i n t e r v i e w . Further d i s c u s s i o n of the procedures employed i n the  unstructured i n t e r v i e w and the a n a l y s i s of the data obtained through t h i s method w i l l be found i n the f o l l o w i n g two chapters.  30  (i)  Conclusion We have now  examined what i s involved i n the process  of i n t e g r a t i o n and i t s importance on the Canadian scene.  We  have discussed the problems which can a r i s e through noni n t e g r a t i o n , the process of immigration, and the r o l e which the i n d i v i d u a l must play i n the process.  Whatever path the process  takes, i t w i l l have l o n g - l a s t i n g e f f e c t s upon the s t r u c t u r e of Canadian s o c i e t y .  The ethnic m i n o r i t y group i s an  important  part of Canadian c u l t u r e and plays a very s p e c i f i c r o l e i n i t . To understand i t b e t t e r and to see whether i t i s f a c t u a l l y b e n e f i c i a l or adverse f o r the n a t i o n a t large i n c a r r y i n g out the process of i n t e g r a t i o n , we t u r n to the leaders of the ethnic groups as the communicators and sources of knowledge b r i d g i n g the main c u l t u r e w i t h the sub-cultures.  The  best  approach to the i n f o r m a t i o n we are seeking i s to conduct personal open-ended i n t e r v i e w s w i t h these leaders and  thereby  f i n d out what are p e r t i n e n t issues i n t h e i r way of t h i n k i n g i n the i n t e g r a t i o n process and what are t h e i r a t t i t u d e s i n these i s s u e s .  31  CHAPTER I I I  RESEARCH METHOD  (a)  Subjects The leaders interviewed i n t h i s study were chosen  from a l i s t prepared and r e v i s e d annually by the Regional O f f i c e of the C i t i z e n s h i p Branch of the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration  e n t i t l e d Ethnic S o c i e t i e s i n Vancouver.  An  attempt was made t o contact a l l leaders l i s t e d i n t h i s pamp h l e t as r e s i d i n g w i t h i n the C i t y of Vancouver.  A t o t a l of  t h i r t y - s i x s o c i e t i e s (about s i x t y percent) were contacted favourably,  (see Appendix A)  Many of the s o c i e t i e s l i s t e d  could not be contacted because of t h e i r d i s s o l u t i o n , language b a r r i e r s , i n a b i l i t y to e s t a b l i s h contact, e t c .  The f i r s t few  contacts were f a c i l i t a t e d by l e t t e r s of i n t r o d u c t i o n by Dr. W. G. Black of the C i t i z e n s h i p Branch, Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration  (see Appendix C) w i t h the hope that  an awareness of the research would spread to other s o c i e t i e s i n the c i t y .  " I t i s of the greatest importance t o be introduced  by someone who i s t r u s t e d by p o t e n t i a l informants, and to attempt to make one's purpose (or p a r t of i t ) c l e a r and 18  acceptable." Although the groups used i n t h i s research have a wide  32  range of purposes i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , s o c i a l and educational; and although many represent m i n o r i t i e s long e s t a b l i s h e d i n the community while others represent r e l a t i v e newcomers to the Canadian scene, they a l l have the common bond of being m i n o r i t i e s i n Vancouver and, indeed, i n the Canadian population as a whole. The leaders interviewed were the e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t s , s e c r e t a r i e s , or r e l i g i o u s leaders of the groups.  I t was found  necessary and deemed e s s e n t i a l to i n c l u d e the r e l i g i o u s leaders because of the i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of the t r a d i t i o n s and c u l t u r e of many groups i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and secular thought and behavior, e.g., French-Canadian, Jewish.  A l s o i t was patent that the  r e l i g i o u s leaders were communicators and mediators between the major s o c i e t y and the sub-groups.  However, i t was made c l e a r  by the i n t e r v i e w e r t h a t , where p o s s i b l e , r e l i g i o u s opinions should be kept d i s t i n c t from secular i s s u e s .  Those interviewed  were mostly s k i l l e d t e c h n i c i a n s , business, or p r o f e s s i o n a l people.  They were well-informed and a l e r t regarding  questions  of d a i l y import. An i n t e r p r e t e r was used on one occasion because of the language b a r r i e r . (b)  Procedure Interviews took place i n the homes or o f f i c e s of the  l e a d e r s , mainly i n the evenings, i n p r i v a c y , and g e n e r a l l y under  33 circumstances favorable to the establishment of good rapport. The lengths of interviews v a r i e d from one h a l f hour to s e v e r a l hours.  P r i o r to each i n t e r v i e w the respondent was promised  anonymity and the secrecy of h i s responses was assured. Open-ended questions were employed covering major areas of i n t e r e s t and were followed up by probe questions i n a n o n - d i r e c t i v e method.  The eleven major areas which were chosen  i n expectation that they would d i s c l o s e the a t t i t u d e s of the leaders were: A.  Nature of the S o c i e t y  B.  Language  C.  Marriage  D.  D i s t r i c t of Residence  E.  General Adjustment or O r i e n t a t i o n  F.  Acceptance by Canadians  G.  The Homeland and Canada  H.  Permanent Residence i n Canada  I.  R e t e n t i o n of Ethnic Customs  J.  Governing Bodies i n Canada  K.  Further Immigration to Canada  One of the great advantages of the open-ended question approach i s that i t puts the respondent a t ease.  "The open  question i s presumed a l s o to have the advantage...that i t promotes rapport because the interchange between i n t e r v i e w e r and respondent seems more l i k e an ordinary conversation." (18,  p. 4-58.  34 The i d e a l which the interviewer was  s t r i v i n g f o r was a n a t u r a l  form of v e r b a l communication i n which the respondent would be more i n c l i n e d to give statements such as he would i n the ordinary course of h i s l i f e .  Holding interviews i n the homes  of the respondents, o f t e n i n easy c h a i r s and w i t h l i g h t r e f r e s h ment supplied by the leaders, gave the atmosphere of a hostguest s o c i a l v i s i t and l e n t i t s e l f to f r e e r communication. a number of occasions  information was  On  imparted which the host  requested not to be included i n the study.  Such requests were  complied w i t h . Answers to opening questions were funnelled i n t o p e r t i n e n t areas i n the manner recommended by Kahn and Cannel. Because the a t t i t u d e s of the leaders were unknown p r i o r to i n t e r v i e w i n g , the opening questions were given i n very  general  and u n r e s t r i c t e d words, and followed up w i t h s u c c e s s i v e l y r e s t r i c t e d questions, narrowing the content to p r e c i s e o b j e c t i v e s . For example, an area may  be i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s manner:  "What about marriages?" "Well, there are not e n o u g h — g i r l s , . . .so the boys marry any n a t i o n a l i t y . " "They marry any n a t i o n a l i t y ? " "Well, yes.  They p r e f e r  ,  , and  they have a s i m i l a r background.  because I think i f  they have a s i m i l a r background they w i l l get along b e t t e r . " "But not a l l marry  ,  ,  , and  ?"  35 "No.  They p r e f e r t h e i r own and look f o r them f i r s t , then they w i l l choose the others."  "They do p r e f e r t h e i r own?" "Yes." "What do you t h i n k of t h i s ? " " I t h i n k i t i s only n a t u r a l . " Kahn and Cannel s t a t e "The  funnel sequence i s  e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l when one wants to a s c e r t a i n from the f i r s t open questions something about the respondent's frame of reference."  I n the example given, i t i s easy to see how  an  a t t i t u d e i s evoked without b i a s i n g the a t t i t u d e through the form of the questions and yet reaching the desired end quite q u i c k l y and  clearly. Responses were recorded by the i n t e r v i e w e r as they  were given, w i t h f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n that i t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible to get down verbatim what the respondent says and sometimes i t was  j u s t a t o p i c sentence or two^ followed by a s e r i e s of key D  words and phrases.  The interviews were then typewritten a t the  e a r l i e s t convenience, u s u a l l y only a matter of a few hours or l e s s a f t e r they had been conducted.  At the outset of each  i n t e r v i e w permission to take notes was asked of the respondent. A l l complied w i l l i n g l y to t h i s request. did  I n only one instance  the i n t e r v i e w e r sense that t h i s was a hindrance to rapport  and i n t h i s case notes were put away and the i n t e r v i e w e r r e l i e d on h i s memory f o r the greater p a r t of the i n t e r v i e w .  Several  36  respondents a l s o s u p p l i e d copies of r a d i o broadcasts, newspaper i n t e r v i e w s , and published a r t i c l e s i n which they had p r e v i o u s l y expressed a t t i t u d e s and opinions on i n t e g r a t i o n . Notes were taken on 6" x 4" cards on which the i n t e r viewer had p r e v i o u s l y w r i t t e n symbols representing the major areas.  These a l s o served the purpose of making c e r t a i n a l l  major areas were covered i n each i n t e r v i e w .  Respondents o f t e n  a s s i s t e d i n the note-taking process by repeating important phrases, speaking s l o w l y , and pausing between sentences. As was a n t i c i p a t e d , the note-taking process appeared to pose l i t t l e or no b a r r i e r to communication exception noted above).  (with the one  On previous d i s c u s s i o n s of l e a d e r s h i p  and the choice of the i n t e r v i e w technique i t has been pointed out that one of the main r o l e s of the leader of an ethnic m i n o r i t y group Is to a c t as communicator between those he represents and the m a j o r i t y group.  The leaders f u l f i l l e d t h i s  r o l e admirably, not h e s i t a t i n g to answer questions as completely as they could even when there were personal involvements.  They  appeared to be a c u t e l y aware of a duty to f u l f i l l t h e i r r o l e s as mediators and communicators between the m a j o r i t y and m i n o r i t y groups.  The m a j o r i t y of those interviewed spontaneously i n v i t e d  the i n t e r v i e w e r to r e t u r n f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n i f i t was ever d e s i r e d and o f f e r e d t h e i r services i n obtaining any i n f o r mation they d i d not have immediately a v a i l a b l e .  Such r e a c t i o n s  were i n t e r p r e t e d as c r i t e r i a of the establishment of favorable rapport and co-operativeness.  37  The advantages of t h i s type of i n t e r v i e w and recording method over a r t i f i c i a l or mechanical methods i n obtaining rapport and a t the same time preserving s u f f i c i e n t accuracy f o r t h i s type of research i s endorsed by Kahn and Cannell as w e l l as others. (c)  A n a l y s i s of Data The data obtained from these Interviews were c a r e f u l l y  studied and every expressed a t t i t u d e and opinion, or p e r t i n e n t f a c t was assigned a symbol.  Eleven primary symbols  represented  the major areas which were covered i n a l l of the i n t e r v i e w s . Each of these major areas were then s c r u t i n i z e d more c l o s e l y and secondary symbols were assigned to each a t t i t u d e , opinion, or pertinent fact. When a l l r e l e v a n t m a t e r i a l i n a l l of the interviews had been coded i n t h i s manner, the a t t i t u d e s , opinions, and p e r t i n e n t f a c t s were catalogued major areas.  under the headings of the eleven  Secondary symbols were then categorized and  assigned t e r t i a r y symbols according t o t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p one to another ( i . e . , as opposing a t t i t u d e s , points on a continuum, e t c . ) . The information was then sorted to o b t a i n categories and subcategories which were common to a l l of the i n t e r v i e w s . A t t i t u d e s , opinions, and p e r t i n e n t f a c t s about which information was obtained i n one or s e v e r a l of the interviews but not i n a l l of them was separated  to be t r e a t e d as i n c i d e n t a l information.  38  At t h i s p o i n t i t was determined that one i n t e r v i e w would have to be omitted from a f u l l extensive a n a l y s i s because of a l a c k of information brought about by d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c omm uni ca t i on. I n the coding of a t t i t u d e s and opinions more r e l i a n c e was placed upon expressed statements than upon i n f e r e n c e .  This  approach was r e t a i n e d even when l a t e r statements of a leader would supply grounds f o r the i m p l i c a t i o n of moderation of p r e v i o u s l y expressed views. avoided.  Berelson  1  Inferences and i m p l i c a t i o n s were  has stated:  I n a great many studies there i s no r e a l problem of inference a t a l l . This i s true f o r a l l those content analyses i n which the d e s c r i p t i o n of content i t s e l f i s the primary o b j e c t i v e . Such studies can be s a i d to contain i m p l i c i t inferences about the causes or the consequences of the c o n t e n t — a n d some contain them e x p l i c i t l y — b u t such inferences are i n the nature of addenda to or reformulations of the basic data. The primary o b j e c t i v e of t h i s study i s d e s c r i p t i v e . Inferences and i m p l i c a t i o n s are drawn from a d e s c r i p t i o n and comparison of the expressed a t t i t u d e s and opinions of the leaders.  39  CHAPTER IV  RESULTS AND DISCUSSION  The r e s u l t s and a n a l y s i s of the a t t i t u d e s , opinions, and p e r t i n e n t f a c t s obtained i n i n t e r v i e w i n g the t h i r t y - s i x leaders of e t h n i c m i n o r i t y groups i n Vancouver are presented here under the headings of the eleven major areas: I  Nature of the S o c i e t y  II  Language  III  Marriage  IV V  D i s t r i c t of Residence General Adjustment or O r i e n t a t i o n  VI  Acceptance by Canadians  VII  The Homeland and Canada  VIII IX X XI  Permanent Residence i n Canada Retention of Ethnic Customs Governing Bodies i n Canada Further Immigration to Canada  With the exception of Area I , the a n a l y s i s of data r e f e r s t o t h i r t y - f i v e of the interviews obtained. Results of data obtained from l e s s than t h i r t y - f i v e of the leaders i n t e r viewed are included and r e f e r r e d to as " i n c i d e n t a l f i n d i n g s " .  40 Area I  NATURE OF THE SOCIETIES The t h i r t y - s i x ethnic s o c i e t i e s were categorized  from the interviews according to s i x major aims:  religious,  benevolent, p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , and educational. They were a l s o categorized c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y as to when the members came to Canada and according to the conditions of membership. A.  Religious  This term i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c a l l s  f o r l i t t l e explanation and i n most instances the leader i n t e r viewed was the pastor of a n a t i o n a l church. B  «  Benevolent includes a l l those s o c i e t i e s which are  concerned w i t h the welfare of t h e i r members or people of t h e i r ethnic o r i g i n .  The expression of t h i s may be i n sickness  insurance, care f o r the aged, f r e e l e g a l advice, s o l i c i t i n g  jobs  and d w e l l i n g s , e t c . C.  P o l i t i c a l can r e f e r to those s o c i e t i e s which  o r i g i n a t e d mainly as p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s , even though t h i s i s no longer a major purpose; those which lobby i n Ottawa; or those which are united i n support of some p o l i t i c a l p a r t y or ideology. D.  S o c i a l i s a broad category and includes those  which are a c t i v e i n holding banquets, entertainment,  picnics,  common r e c r e a t i o n , e t c . , more than on a merely o c c a s i o n a l b a s i s . E.  C u l t u r a l r e f e r s to those who are a c t i v e i n f o l k  dancing, t r a d i t i o n a l entertainment  and f e s t i v a l s , hold  study  41 groups on n a t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e , r e t a i n n a t i o n a l l i b r a r i e s , e t c . F  *  Educational includes those who o f f e r i n s t r u c t i o n  i n the n a t i o n a l language, i n E n g l i s h or French, hold seminars and discussions on Canadian customs and laws, operate schools, etc. Table I i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the t h i r t y s i x s o c i e t i e s t o these s i x major aims. As can be r e a d i l y seen, the aims, purposes, and functions of the s o c i e t i e s are quite v a r i e d .  However, t h e i r  main goal i s i d e n t i c a l i n as much as they unite t h e i r ethnic group or part of i t .  Looking a t Appendix A, i t i s patent  that t h i s research has sometimes d e a l t w i t h d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s representing the same ethnic group.  This i s only n a t u r a l , as  many of the s o c i e t i e s unite c e r t a i n s o c i a l segments, p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s , r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , e t c . , of the broader ethnic group. For a f u r t h e r understanding of the t h i r t y - s i x s o c i e t i e s , they have been c l a s s i f i e d according to the h i s t o r i c a l period i n which the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r members came to Canada. Pre-World War I I  7  Post World War I I  13  Mixture of Both  16  L a s t l y , the s o c i e t i e s have been c l a s s i f i e d as t o who are admitted to membership.  I n some there are no r e s t r i c t i o n s  or very minor r e s t r i c t i o n s on membership.  A good number stated  42  TABLE I Major Aims of T h i r t y - s i x E t h n i c S o c i e t i e s i n Religious 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13  X  X X X X  14  15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23  24  25 26  27 28  29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36  X X X X X  Benevolent  Political  x  X  X  X  X X X X X X  X  X  X X X X  X X  X X  X X  X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X  X  X X  X  X X X X X X  X  Social  Vancouver  X X X X  Cultural  X  X X X X  X X  X X  X  X  X X X X X X X X X X X X  Educa-  X  X X X X X X X X  X X X X X X  x x  * This l i s t i n g i s i n random order and i n no way corresponds to the a l p h a b e t i c a l l i s t of s o c i e t i e s i n Appendix B.  43  that they d i d not permit members of the Communist party to be members, but t h i s was considered  to be a minor r e s t r i c t i o n  because i t was f e l t that there was l i t t l e means of a s c e r t a i n i n g this fact.  Some of the s o c i e t i e s have major r e s t r i c t i o n s i n  as much as only a c e r t a i n percentage of the membership can c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y belong outside the ethnic f o l d , or e l s e nonethnic members cannot hold o f f i c e .  T h i r d l y , s o c i e t i e s are  c l a s s i f i e d as e x c l u s i v e on r e l i g i o u s , r a c i a l , e t h n i c , or s o c i a l status whether by c o n s t i t u t i o n or f a c t . On t h i s basis we l i s t the s o c i e t i e s : Open to A l l  4  Restricted  2  Exclusive Area I I  30  LANGUAGE This part of the a n a l y s i s was complicated  by the  f a c t that twelve of the groups interviewed had a n a t i o n a l language of Canada e i t h e r as t h e i r primary language, were very w e l l grounded i n the language (as a group) before coming to the country, or whose members have been i n Canada f o r so many years that a l l but the e l d e s t members of the group speak without accent.  However, only f i v e of these d i d not have the compli-  cations of a second language and only one lacked the problem of an "accent".  I n these l a t t e r cases, questioning was d i r e c t e d  to the accent as i f i t had been a d i f f e r e n t language.  44 As was mentioned i n Chapter I I , the means of communication i s one of the c u l t u r a l aspects which an immigrant i s most l o a t h to r e l i n q u i s h and the degree to which he employs his new tongue can be a u s e f u l gauge to h i s i n t e g r a t i o n . Language (A) R e t e n t i o n of N a t i o n a l Language The f i r s t p o i n t of i n t e r e s t about the language was the extent to which the leaders c l i n g to the tongue they learned from t h e i r infancy i n f a c t and i n f e e l i n g .  The f o l l o w i n g was  determined: Strong to r e t a i n n a t i v e language  26  Want to lose the native language  2  Let the language take i t s n a t u r a l course  7  Whether the leaders' opinions were s t r o n g l y i n favor of r e t a i n i n g the spoken language of t h e i r o r i g i n was determined from o u t r i g h t statements t o t h i s e f f e c t ; from sounding out t h e i r opinions on conducting t h e i r meetings, business, correspondence, and s o c i a l gatherings i n the native language; t h e i r a t t i t u d e s to n a t i o n a l language newspapers; e t c . I n both instances of those who declared that they wanted to l o s e t h e i r n a t i o n a l language, t h i s a t t i t u d e was d i r e c t l y expressed.  These statements were followed by the  expression of the o p i n i o n that r e t e n t i o n of the language f o r Canadians served no p r a c t i c a l use.  Both leaders who expressed  t h i s o p i n i o n had been i n Canada longer than twenty-five years  45  and the groups which they represented had a membership composed of both pre-war and post-war immigrants.  Both languages a r e  quite d i s t i n c t from E n g l i s h and French. In the l a s t category the leaders expressed the a t t i t u d e that i t i s of no consequence e i t h e r way. They f e l t there i s no i n c e n t i v e or p r a c t i c a l i t y to r e t a i n i n g the native tongue, nor i s there anything t o be gained by abandoning i t . Three of these r e f e r r e d to "accents". Language (B) Language i n the Home As a f u r t h e r check on t h i s p o i n t , the interviewer enquired i n t o which language was used i n the homes of the leaders.  The r e s u l t s are here stated: Speak E n g l i s h i n the home  8  Speak both languages interchangeably i n the home Speak the n a t i v e language i n the home  9 18  I t i s noteworthy that the t o t a l of those who speak both languages i n the home and those who speak the language of o r i g i n i n the home (twenty-seven) c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s the number of those who have been c l a s s i f i e d as strong to r e t a i n the native tongue ( t w e n t y - s i x ) . Language (C) A t t i t u d e t o C h i l d r e n The interviewed were then d i r e c t e d to the l e a d e r s  1  46  opinions of what language the c h i l d r e n of immigrants should speak.  The f o l l o w i n g r e s u l t s were obtained: Want the c h i l d r e n to l e a r n the native tongue  28  Doesn't matter i f the c h i l d r e n l e a r n or not  6  Don't want the c h i l d to l e a r n the n a t i v e tongue  1  The m a j o r i t y here expressed the opinion that the more languages the c h i l d spoke, the b e t t e r o f f he was, the better understanding he had, and the better h i s education was. The remainder expressed the a t t i t u d e that i t d i d the c h i l d no good or that i t i n t e r f e r e d w i t h h i s knowledge of E n g l i s h . Language (D) Language of the C h i l d r e n Further f u n n e l l i n g attempted to determine whether the c h i l d r e n a c t u a l l y d i d l e a r n a secondary language.  This  information was obtained: The c h i l d r e n l e a r n the native language  14  The c h i l d r e n l e a r n some of the language  8  The c h i l d r e n don't r e a l l y l e a r n the language  13  I t i s quite apparent that what the parents want and what the c h i l d r e n a c t u a l l y do i n regard to the language are two  47 d i s t i n c t things.  The m a j o r i t y of those whose c h i l d r e n l e a r n  the native language of t h e i r p a r e n t s immigrants.  1  o r i g i n are more recent  Among those c h i l d r e n who l e a r n some of the  language are those who l e a r n the language and speak i t up to school age and whose knowledge of the language d e t e r i o r a t e s as they approach adolescence u n t i l t h e i r a b i l i t y to speak i t p r a c t i c a l l y disappears, although they may be able to f o l l o w the language as spoken by t h e i r parents.  Those c h i l d r e n who don't  r e a l l y l e a r n the language, i n some cases l e a r n and r e t a i n some basic words or speak the language i n t h e i r pre-school years but e v e n t u a l l y l o s e a l l knowledge of i t . These categories are complicated because d i f f e r e n t parents take d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s t o teaching the secondary language.  their children  One leader i n d i c a t e d that the "poorer"  immigrants ( r e f e r r i n g to q u a l i t y or c u l t u r a l status) j u s t don't care what t h e i r c h i l d r e n do i n any circumstances.  There  i s a l s o a probable bias towards b e l i e v i n g that the c h i l d r e n do l e a r n the language among younger leaders and recent ethnic s o c i e t i e s who are more f a m i l i a r w i t h younger c h i l d r e n , and as yet u n f a m i l i a r w i t h the t r a n s i t i o n the c h i l d r e n undergo i n l a t e r years.  There would seem to be grounds to postulate  that  those who l e a r n the language and r e t a i n i t to adulthood belong to those groups which are a t l e a s t somewhat compact  geographically  i n Vancouver, a t l e a s t i n the m a j o r i t y of cases. Several leaders i n d i c a t e d that, because they l e a r n E n g l i s h so r a p i d l y by mixing with t h e i r Canadian playmates, the  48  c h i l d r e n are a great help to the parents l e a r n i n g E n g l i s h . Some mentioned that when they spoke to the c h i l d r e n i n the language of o r i g i n , the c h i l d r e n would answer them i n E n g l i s h without drawing a conscious d i s t i n c t i o n between the languages. One  leader i n d i c a t e d that h i s son's knowledge of E n g l i s h was  a  source of embarrassment to himself and h i s wife because of the s u p e r i o r i t y of the c h i l d ' s grammar and Language (E)  vocabulary.  Language as a B a r r i e r  An attempt was made to get the f e e l i n g s of the leaders on how much of a b a r r i e r they considered  t h e i r f o r e i g n languages  were to i n t e g r a t i o n . Although they were unanimous i n s t a t i n g that any newcomer should immediately concentrate of Canada from the beginning,  they considered  on the language  the language to  be a b a r r i e r i n d i f f e r i n g degrees. Is a great b a r r i e r  4  Is sometimes a b a r r i e r  16  Is no b a r r i e r  15  Those who  f e l t that the l a c k of knowledge of E n g l i s h  was a great b a r r i e r were those who  found i t d i f f i c u l t because  of the root d i f f e r e n c e between t h e i r language of o r i g i n and E n g l i s h ; who  found i t a great hardship  outside t h e i r ethnic group; or who  communicating w i t h those  f e l t that t h e i r poor E n g l i s h  deprived them of s o c i a l status and b e t t e r jobs. Among those who  declared that the language was  sometimes  49 a b a r r i e r , opinions varied between the two extremes.  With  some i t was a f e e l i n g that people were very conscious of their accents.  Others stated that many of their people found i t  impossible to conduct even everyday business but s t i l l  felt  this was not an extreme barrier because they always had access to other people who w i l l i n g l y acted as intermediaries and interpreters. In the l a s t group were those who have English as a primary or secondary language, those who have been established i n Canada f o r many years, those of higher s o c i a l status who had a f a i r knowledge of English before coming to Canada, and some of the o r i g i n a l Displaced Persons of whom the f a r greater number came to Canada about ten years ago and whose numbers have not appreciably increased since that time. In regard to the language, a suggestion was made spontaneously by four of the leaders to the effect that the newcomer to Canada should have a s p e c i f i c time a l l o t t e d to him (one suggested s i x months, another one year) i n which he should do nothing but learn the language.  Before he has learned the  language he should not even attempt to seek employment.  Three  suggested that the Federal government should pay f o r his upkeep during this time, arguing that i n the long run i t would be better f o r Canadian society. immigrants  The other suggested that the  sponsor should be responsible f o r t h i s .  Two leaders  brought up instances of immigrants coming to Canada, finding  50  employment i n the bush or the North, and a f t e r being i n t h i s country f o r s e v e r a l years having no more knowledge of the language than when they stepped o f f the boat.  A f t e r a few  years of t h i s type of l i v i n g , such men f i n d i n t e g r a t i o n i n an urban area to be an insurmountable personal threat.  Most of  them e i t h e r r e t u r n to the country of- o r i g i n or end up i n the slums of large c i t i e s . Although the p o i n t was not thoroughly pressed, the interviewer f e e l s confident from t a l k i n g to other leaders that they  would have taken a contrary stand on t h i s matter.  Some  of the older leaders t o l d t a l e s of the hardship they experienced i n becoming e s t a b l i s h e d i n Canada without any of the temporal or s p i r i t u a l today.  helps o f f e r e d to immigrants by various agencies  They f e l t that such hardships were an advantage to the  individual. Area I I I  MARRIAGE A good Index of whether or not members of m i n o r i t y  groups e s t a b l i s h contacts of a l a s t i n g nature w i t h persons outside t h e i r primary groups i s t h e i r preference f o r m a r i t a l partners.  Although many of the r e l i g i o u s leaders and a few  of the s e c u l a r leaders were of the o p i n i o n that r e l i g i o n i s a basic i s s u e i n marriage, the number who would be r e s t r i c t e d to marrying s t r i c t l y w i t h i n the confines of t h e i r own ethnic group on r e l i g i o u s grounds would be few.  51  P r e f e r to marry w i t h i n t h e i r own ethnic group  14  Doesn't matter whom they marry P r e f e r to marry outside t h e i r group  12 9  Those who expressed the opinion that i t was b e t t e r to marry w i t h i n t h e i r own group based t h e i r t h i n k i n g on the broad p r i n c i p l e that i t was b e t t e r f o r the i n d i v i d u a l s  to have  the same c u l t u r a l r e l i g i o u s , h i s t o r i c a l , e x p e r i e n t i a l , and l i n g u i s t i c background to assure s u c c e s s f u l marriage.  One of the  leaders who held t h i s view was himself married to a member of a d i f f e r e n t ethnic group which i s c u l t u r a l l y quite d i s t i n c t . Upon overhearing  t h i s statement from another room, h i s wife  came i n and argued heatedly f o r the opposite opinion. a lengthy, m u l t i - l i n g u a l  After  d i s c u s s i o n , the leader softened h i s  o r i g i n a l views. In t h i s same regard s i x leaders stated the existence of a "bachelor problem" i n as much as the men of t h e i r ethnic group outnumbered the women. When asked i f they could suggest any p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n to t h i s problem, four could not, and two could only suggest that more women should be brought to Canada. Two leaders stressed t h i s problem as being extreme and as leading to much personal maladjustment and discontent. Strangely enough two leaders were contradicted by leaders of d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s i n the same two groups who s a i d that no bachelor problem e x i s t e d .  52  Some groups overcome the b a r r i e r of the  bachelor  problem through marriages by proxy to g i r l s i n the land of o r i g i n or by f a m i l y arrangements i n the o l d country to provide spouses f o r the bachelors  i n Canada.  I t must a l s o be r e a l i z e d that i n many cases, although people of a m i n o r i t y group do p r e f e r to marry t h e i r own i n f a c t they do not.  kind,  The reason f o r t h i s i s the l a c k of  e l i g i b l e spouses w i t h i n t h e i r own ethnic group. Among those who  f e l t i t made no d i f f e r e n c e whom the  members of t h e i r group married were s e v e r a l whose members do i n f a c t marry predominantly w i t h i n t h e i r own group. f o r them to hold such an opinion i s s i g n i f i c a n t .  The  However, basic  a t t i t u d e underlying a l l w i t h i n t h i s group would seem to be a healthy one i n as much as they set up no marriage boundaries between t h e i r group and other groups w i t h i n Canada.  Two  leaders  i n d i c a t e d that w i t h i n the countries of t h e i r o r i g i n they had never had to face c o l o r d i f f e r e n c e s .  W i t h i n these two groups  there are apparently no known cases of i n t e r - r a c i a l marriage and the i n t e r v i e w e r received the impression that these leaders would have to come across some such cases before they  formulated  a true opinion. Those who  advocated i n t e r - e t h n i c and  inter-racial  marriage reasoned that i t would be much b e t t e r f o r Canada, that i t would cut down on prejudice and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and even stated that g e n e t i c a l l y i t would bring about a stronger  race.  53 I n the opinion of the i n t e r v i e w e r , these three degrees of preference f o r marriage represent, not points on a continuum, but three e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t concepts. Those who would p r e f e r to marry w i t h i n t h e i r own group appear to promote the "patch-work q u i l t " concept f o r Canada w i t h i t s ethnic groups remaining d i s t i n c t , even though being w e l l i n t e g r a t e d on many social levels.  The middle group express the idea that we are  a l l Canadians and equal i n every respect; i f we want to maintain some a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h others of our e t h n i c o r i g i n , w e l l and good, but t h i s should be a very secondary r o l e to the broader r o l e of Canadian c i t i z e n .  The f i n a l group appear to i n d i c a t e  some sense of urgency to speed up n a t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l processes so that a l l peoples i n the Dominion w i l l be equal i n every way, which i s tantamount to s t a t i n g that t h i s i s not true a t the present time as w e l l as being i n d i c a t i v e of the f e e l i n g that they and t h e i r groups would b e n e f i t s o c i a l l y because they are p r e s e n t l y on the lower end of the s c a l e . The most r e f r e s h i n g view i s that of the moderates and i t would seem to be a very good index of i n t e g r a t i o n as advanced by the Canadian Government and expressed by R. A l e x Sim (p. Area IV  5).  -DISTRICT OF RESIDENCE The next area probed i n t h i s research was the opinions  of the leaders toward geographical c e n t r a l i t y among t h e i r members. This area i s a l s o a good index of i n t e g r a t i o n f o r i t i n d i c a t e s whether the members of an ethnic group are w i l l i n g to form  54  personal a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h those outside t h e i r " f o l d " or whether they are s t i l l dependent upon and i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the primary group.  The interviewer was aware of the existence of  m i n o r i t y groups which are u s u a l l y r u r a l l y located and bound together by r e l i g i o u s t i e s and which form t h e i r own  geographical  e n t i t i e s throughout the country, but none of these could be incorporated i n t o t h i s t h e s i s which was r e s t r i c t e d to the C i t y of Vancouver. Findings i n t h i s area were as f o l l o w s : P r e f e r to l i v e i n a c e r t a i n d i s t r i c t ..  5  Don't care what d i s t r i c t they l i v e i n  3  P r e f e r to be scattered  27  The protagonists of l i v i n g w i t h i n a group geographically do not n e c e s s a r i l y advocate an area e x c l u s i v e to t h e i r members.  own  Rather they would p r e f e r to see the members w i t h i n  the p r o x i m i t y of some center.  The reasons they forward f o r  t h i s include having r e l a x a t i o n and entertainment which they p r e f e r more than other ethnic groups; r e s t a u r a n t s , cafes, bakeries, and shops where they can obtain n a t i o n a l dishes  and  foods; being close to f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s ; and the enjoyment of t a l k i n g t h e i r n a t i o n a l language p u b l i c l y . Such conveniences are d i f f i c u l t to break away from, e s p e c i a l l y among those  who  are recent immigrants, but through the course of time l i v i n g i n a defined d i s t r i c t appears to be taken f o r granted and e i t h e r consciously or unconsciously, dependence.  places the members i n a p o s i t i o n of  55  I n the second category f e l l a few members who could see no strong argument f o r e i t h e r side or who could see strong arguments f o r both s i d e s .  This i s an appropriate time to  mention a p o i n t which was commented on by two of the leaders interviewed, concerning  the p o l i c y of s e v e r a l r e a l estate firms  operating i n Vancouver a t the time the research was being done. Their p o l i c y c a p i t a l i z e d on the a s p i r a t i o n of many immigrants to own land i n Canada, which t o many i s the ultimate symbol of security.  From what has been t o l d the i n t e r v i e w e r by r e l i a b l e  sources, i t would seem that some r e a l estate companies a d v e r t i s e d new s u b d i v i s i o n s i n the Vancouver area i n n a t i o n a l language papers which would be s o l d mainly t o members of a c e r t a i n ethnic group and would be a " l i t t l e homeland".  One informant  laughingly  d i s c l o s e d that i n f a c t t h i s was f a l l a c i o u s because the same s u b d i v i s i o n s were a d v e r t i s e d i n d i f f e r e n t language papers as e x c l u s i v e f o r members of that p a r t i c u l a r group.  Whatever the  f a c t s or consequences of such campaigns, the a d v e r t i s i n g probably did  have some e f f e c t on the t h i n k i n g of some members of ethnic  groups by presenting an apparent s o c i a l sanction of ethnic communities and forming opinions that many of t h e i r former countrymen were supporting such a move.  I n t h i s regard, i t i s quite under-  standable that many thoughtful i n d i v i d u a l s can be undecided on which i s the b e t t e r approach to resettlement i n Canada. The greatest bulk of the leaders f e l l w i t h i n the t h i r d category and advanced reasons f o r t h e i r opinions ranging from a b s t r a c t notions of f u r t h e r i n g i n t e g r a t i o n and lessening  56  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n to concrete experiences  of people g e t t i n g along  b e t t e r i f they are not continuously associated. But to get the true p i c t u r e of t h i s s i t u a t i o n , another category was set up by the interviewer regarding the f a c t s i n the s i t u a t i o n .  I n t h i s category much of the information was not  obtained d i r e c t l y from the leaders but from the interviewer»s general knowledge of the c i t y . The f o l l o w i n g information about the ethnic groups used i n t h i s study was determined: A c t u a l l y do l i v e w i t h i n geographical proximity ... * A c t u a l l y are scattered  10 25  I t i s r e a d i l y seen that the f i g u r e s f o r the stated preferences and the f a c t s do not e x a c t l y correspond.  Although  t h i s appears to p o i n t out an awareness i n some leaders of a p h y s i c a l s i t u a t i o n which they would l i k e to see changed, one leader who was questioned deeply on h i s reasons f o r wanting to see h i s group together i n a d i s t r i c t ended up by s t a t i n g that he d i d not r e a l l y know why he held t h i s opinion. I n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t appears that those who gather together i n a t l e a s t a l o o s e l y - d e f i n e d area of the c i t y d i s p l a y a tendency f o r dependence, some fear of stepping i n t o the conglomerate environment, a n e c e s s i t y f o r maintaining i d e n t i t y w i t h i n t h e i r own group, or a n e c e s s i t y f o r maintaining  57  an i d e n t i t y w i t h t h e i r group to o u t s i d e r s .  This would he an  e x c e l l e n t area f o r f u r t h e r research and might prove very u s e f u l i n helping the m i n o r i t y group and the m a j o r i t y t o understand and overcome t h i s "herding" tendency.  Superficially,  living  w i t h i n a defined area appears t o hinder i n t e g r a t i o n rather than hasten i t , i n s p i t e of any advantages i t o f f e r s t o the i n d i v i d u a l or the group.  I t s basic e v i l may be the f a c t that i t f o s t e r s  i n s e c u r i t y i n the i n d i v i d u a l i n h i s dealings w i t h o u t s i d e r s . Area V  GENERAL ADJUSTMENT OR ORIENTATION This area attempted to probe the opinions of the  leaders about how t h e i r members have g e n e r a l l y f i t t e d i n t o the Canadian way of l i f e .  The area was purposely kept vague and  general and was intended to complement more defined areas of investigation.  The opening question was u s u a l l y phrased some-  what l i k e the f o l l o w i n g :  "Generally speaking, what about the  i n t e g r a t i o n , a s s i m i l a t i o n , adjustment, or whatever you may choose to c a l l i t , of the  ?  How do they f i t i n t o the  Canadian way of l i f e ? " Adjustment i s d i f f i c u l t  7  Adjustment i s gradual  8  Adjustment i s r a p i d Adjustment i s complete  14 6  Response i n the f i r s t category u s u a l l y contained the term " d i f f i c u l t " or some synonym although the leader always went on to q u a l i f y and s o f t e n the statement.  Many leaders here  58  mentioned that i t would r e a l l y take another generation  before  they were f u l l y members of Canadian s o c i e t y . W i t h i n the second category interviewers stated that adjustment was slow or gradual but always q u a l i f i e d the s t a t e ment by adding that i t was g r e a t l y improving now.  Often they  stated that the period of adjustment "has been" slow, implying that t h i s period was over or that they were now nearing the end of such a p e r i o d . The interviewer d i d not give f u l l credence to many responses i n the t h i r d category as many of the leaders answered h a s t i l y or used j o c u l a r expressions  such as, "They are no sooner  i n Canada than they become r e a l Canadians."  As could be  a n t i c i p a t e d from such vague questioning on the part of the i n t e r v i e w e r , the frames of reference of the leaders would vary from one extreme to the other.  The discrepancy  can be noticed  r e a d i l y by comparing the f i g u r e s i n some of the other e.g. language as a b a r r i e r .  areas;  The interviewer was aware that  responses i n t h i s area could very w e l l have been flavoured by concepts unearthed i n d i s c u s s i n g other areas immediately preceding t h i s l a t t e r area.  S t i l l , the c a t e g o r i z a t i o n i s j u s t i f i e d Inasmuch  as i t p i c t u r e s i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n s of the leaders or a t l e a s t wishful thinking. The interviewer considers the responses of the f o u r t h category to be quite thoughtful and r e l i a b l e and they represent mainly those groups who have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n Canada f o r a  59  considerable period of time. As an immediate follow-up  check the opening questions  were f u r t h e r f u n n e l l e d i n t o an area which would r e v e a l one index of adaptation.  The interviewees were asked about i n t e r -  personal r e l a t i o n s — w i t h whom d i d the people prefer to associate and t o make f r i e n d s .  The r e s u l t s were:  Quite c l a n n i s h  7 16  Somewhat c l a n n i s h P r e f e r mixing w i t h Canadians i n the  12  m a j o r i t y group  Among those i n the f i r s t group are those who form few l a s t i n g personal a s s o c i a t i o n s with w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d members of Canadian s o c i e t y , whose s o c i a l l i f e i s r e s t r i c t e d l y shared w i t h r e l a t i v e s or old-country  f r i e n d s , and whose secondary  f r i e n d s are mainly members of the same ethnic group.  They may  have casual f r i e n d s among the e s t a b l i s h e d Canadians and i f they do have, make much of such f r i e n d s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y i n p u b l i c . W i t h i n the second group are those who have a number of secondary f r i e n d s h i p s and acquaintances among e s t a b l i s h e d Canadians and perhaps a few c l o s e r f r i e n d s h i p s , but the bulk of those w i t h whom they associate are members of the ethnic group. The  l a s t group represents  those who prefer to form  l a s t i n g primary r e l a t i o n s w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d Canadians.  They may  i n f a c t not accomplish t h i s , but i t i s t h e i r preference.  Their  60 main reason f o r d e s i r i n g these r e l a t i o n s h i p s appears t o be a d e s i r e not t o be i d e n t i f i e d p r i m a r i l y w i t h t h e i r ethnic group but rather t o be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the broader s o c i e t y and to be i n a p o s i t i o n that w i l l leave a greater number of s o c i a l r o l e s a v a i l a b l e t o them. This l a t t e r a t t i t u d e i s a healthy one r e l a t i v e to complete i n t e g r a t i o n .  I t predisposes  the i n d i v i d u a l to partake  of a l l that a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e has to o f f e r according abilities.  to h i s  But i t might here be pointed out that, although  t h i s i s a predisposing a t t i t u d e , i n most instances i t requires a corresponding a t t i t u d e on the part of the member of the m a j o r i t y group t o make r o l e s a v a i l a b l e and to take the i n i t i a t i v e i n f o s t e r i n g primary a s s o c i a t i o n s .  The member of the m i n o r i t y  group o f t e n f e e l s inadequate because of h i s minor b a r r i e r s such as an accent; or he i s self-conscious of h i s l a c k of deeper knowledge of Canadian mores; or because he fears the p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i s a s t e r of r e j e c t i o n i n the midst of an attempt t o form an association.  Several leaders of a higher c u l t u r a l l e v e l expressed  or implied these f e e l i n g s . They had a fear of expressing  them-  selves i n p u b l i c meetings because of t h e i r accents and a fear of f i n d i n g t h e i r E n g l i s h vocabulary  s t e r i l e under s o c i a l pressure;  or they feared t h a t , although they were s u p e r f i c i a l l y accepted, they would be r e j e c t e d i f they attempted to r u n f o r an executive p o s i t i o n i n some club or s o c i e t y of e s t a b l i s h e d Canadians.  This  may u n d e r l i e the purpose of some ethnic s o c i e t i e s composed of members i n the higher s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l e v e l s , many of whom speak  61 very good E n g l i s h but w i l l probably never l o s e t h e i r accents because of t h e i r age.  One leader expressed that i t i s a. much  easier task f o r the newcomer to Canada from the lower-middle c l a s s to become more f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d , than i t i s f o r those of a higher s o c i a l  stratum.  Once again, i t must be emphasized that the e s t a b l i s h e d Canadian must take the i n i t i a t i v e i n helping to e s t a b l i s h new primary a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h the member of the ethnic m i n o r i t y group. This leads d i r e c t l y to the next area of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Area VI  ACCEPTANCE BY CANADIANS The opening question i n t h i s area u s u a l l y s t a r t e d o f f ,  "Being a member of an ethnic or m i n o r i t y group, how you get along w i t h Canadians?"  do you f e e l  The responses were f u n n e l l e d  i n t o areas which would i n d i c a t e acceptance or non-acceptance. The r e s u l t s were: Accepted by Canadians  21  Not accepted by a l l Canadians  14  Rejected by Canadians  0  W i t h i n the f i r s t category are those who they are accepted on par with anyone e l s e .  I t was  f e l t that often mentioned  that d i f f i c u l t i e s i n i n t e r - p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s sometimes arose but that these had no base of ethnic d i s t i n c t i o n or d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . S e v e r a l made mention of the f a c t that immigrants were refused  62 jobs but d i d not f e e l that i t was through d i s c r i m i n a t i o n but r a t h e r due to the economic conditions prevalent preceding and during the time the interviews were conducted.  The economic  s i t u a t i o n i n Canada a t l a r g e i n 1957-58 sho?;ed a business and employment slump as compared w i t h previous post-war years. B r i t i s h Columbia has been described as having i t s "poorest boom i n years".  Saturday Night describes the B r i t i s h Columbia  p i c t u r e "with the d i f f i c u l t sectors of B r i t i s h Columbia's economy becoming more aggravated, and the stronger elements varying between a l e v e l l i n g o f f and more moderate gain." I t a l s o mentions "the serious unemployment which was about twice as bad i n B r i t i s h Columbia as i n the remainder of Canada."3 Sometimes i t was mentioned that immigrants were turned down f o r jobs because of t h e i r accents, but the leaders q u i c k l y qualified  such statements by saying i t was only n a t u r a l f o r  employers t o p r e f e r people whose knowledge of E n g l i s h was b e t t e r f o r many p o s i t i o n s . There were a comparatively responses.  large number of negative  These leaders u s u a l l y f e l t that they were accepted  on a par w i t h other people by the majority of Canadians. But they a l s o f e l t that there were always a number of i n d i v i d u a l s who d i s c r i m i n a t e d against them because of what they were or represented  and that there were always a number of r o l e s which  were not open to them or which were more d i f f i c u l t f o r them t o obtain than the member of the m a j o r i t y group.  63  Some mentioned that d i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x i s t e d even a t the  F e d e r a l government l e v e l .  One example of t h i s c i t e d was  that an immigrant can never become a f i r s t class c i t i z e n because, even a f t e r he has received h i s c i t i z e n s h i p papers, he may not be absent from Canada f o r a period longer than two years without forfeiting his citizenship.  Another example given was that  c e r t a i n government p o s i t i o n s are open only to those who have been r e s i d e n t i n Canada f o r a c e r t a i n number of years beyond the  time required to o b t a i n c i t i z e n s h i p ( f i v e y e a r s ) .  Another  thing which was mentioned and i n t e r p r e t e d as d i s c r i m i n a t o r y was that r e l a t i v e s of Canadians who are immigrants are some times refused permission to immigrate to Canada but the reason f o r t h e i r r e f u s a l w i l l not be d i s c l o s e d nor can i t be found out from the F e d e r a l  government.  On the m u n i c i p a l l e v e l , i n c i d e n t s were c i t e d of c e r t a i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas which excluded peoples on r a c i a l grounds.  One leader blamed t h i s on the r e a l estate  companies  which would not s e l l r e a l estate i n c e r t a i n d i s t r i c t s to those of p a r t i c u l a r ethnic or r a c i a l o r i g i n . On the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l leaders complained that jobs were not open to members of c e r t a i n races even i f they q u a l i f i e d on the b a s i s of higher educational requirements; and other jobs p r e f e r r e d non-immigrants even when immigrants were capable of f i l l i n g them.  I t was mentioned s e v e r a l times that some  i n d i v i d u a l s scorned the immigrant w i t h h i s accent or f o r speaking  64  h i s n a t i v e language p u b l i c l y w i t h h i s f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s . C r i t i c i s m f o r speaking a d i f f e r e n t language was f e l t most a c u t e l y by the French whose language i s a n a t i o n a l language of Canada.  A l l leaders noted that d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or non-acceptance  on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l always was expressed by Canadianswhom they i n v a r i a b l y considered as ignorant and a poorer grade of Canadian. From t h i s information i t cannot be pointed out too s t r o n g l y that d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against people, i n s p i t e of the f a c t that they are Canadian c i t i z e n s , does e x i s t i n Vancouver because they are of p a r t i c u l a r r a c i a l and ethnic o r i g i n . At the same time the w r i t e r wishes to s t r e s s that i n the course of the interviews four leaders i n d i c a t e d t h e i r prejudices against other ethnic groups.  F i v e leaders a l s o  i n d i c a t e d that f r i c t i o n and some d i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x i s t s between newer and older immigrants w i t h i n the same ethnic group, u s u a l l y on p o l i t i c a l grounds.  I t i s t o be hoped that these f e e l i n g s  w i l l e v e n t u a l l y be eradicated through education as they are always based on ignorance and f e a r . Area V I I  FEELING TOWARD THE HOMELAND AND CANADA The opening question i n t h i s area was u s u a l l y phrased  such as, "Now that the people are i n Canada, how do they f e e l toward the homeland?"  65  Stronger  to the Homeland  1  Strong to both Homeland and Canada ...  9 25  Stronger to Canada  The only response i n the f i r s t category does not r e f l e c t d i s l o y a l t y to Canada. a r r i v e d leader.  I t was expressed by a r e c e n t l y  Because s t r i c t anonymity was promised to a l l  interviewees, a d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s group or any f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n must be omitted f o r fear of transgressing t h i s pledge. W i t h i n the second category are those whose f e e l i n g s are t r u l y d i v i d e d .  Their l o y a l t y (although most r e j e c t e d the  term " l o y a l t y " ) was e q u a l l y strong to both Canada and t h e i r homeland.  A l l these people were f a i r l y recent immigrants.  The  same words were spontaneously expressed by s e v e r a l l e a d e r s . man cannot f o r g e t h i s mother."  "A  Even though some of these leaders  and t h e i r people are now Canadian c i t i z e n s , they a v i d l y f o l l o w the news and p o l i t i c s of t h e i r homelands and cannot divorce themselves from the f e e l i n g s to which they were conditioned from childhood.  They s u f f e r from a c e r t a i n n o s t a l g i a and a d e s i r e  to see t h e i r land of b i r t h again i f only through a short v i s i t . The m a j o r i t y f a l l w i t h i n the t h i r d category.  This  category cannot be viewed as t e r m i n a l but rather as a number of points on one end of a s c a l e .  By the very f a c t that these people  form ethnic s o c i e t i e s we may j u s t l y i n f e r that they f e e l some attachment a t l e a s t to the c u l t u r e of o r i g i n , i f not t o the country which s i r e d them or t h e i r forebears.  This very thing  66  t  was expressed or implied by many of the leaders i n t h i s category.  Some ethnic groups or segments of ethnic groups  are i n Canada only because they were e x i l e s or refugees from the land of t h e i r b i r t h and came to Canada w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of r e t u r n i n g when the p o l i t i c a l climate changed.  Although they  came under such circumstances, t h e i r presence i n Canada f o r a number of years and the g r a t i t u d e they f e e l to t h i s country f o r a s s i s t i n g them i n t h e i r p l i g h t has endeared them to t h e i r f o s t e r n a t i o n to the extent that t h e i r l o y a l t y to Canada i s strong.  Some leaders expressed the opinion that they are or  w i l l be b e t t e r Canadians than the people who are born i n t h i s country because they have an acute awareness of the f u n c t i o n i n g of t o t a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s which embody everything that Canada i s not and does not wish to become. These people s e t themselves up as counsellors and f e e l e r s of the pulse of the p o l i t i c a l h e a l t h of Canada, v i g o r o u s l y r e p e l l i n g anything which would be p o l i t i c a l l y d e t r i m e n t a l to Canada and e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r f r a n c h i s e while conscious of the days when t h i s p r i v i l e g e was denied them. Two i n c i d e n t a l f i n d i n g s p e r t i n e n t to Area V I I are given here.  The number of responses i n these l i s t i n g s does  not t o t a l t h i r t y - f i v e because i n the f i r s t l i s t there were some m u l t i p l e responses and i n the second l i s t responses were not a p p l i c a b l e to a l l of the leaders due to t h e i r responses i n Area V I I .  67  Preferences f o r Canada I n t h i s area the interviewer searched f o r f a c t o r s which members of the ethnic groups l i k e d most i n Canada to get some of t h e i r more p o s i t i v e f e e l i n g s .  The responses i n t h i s  area f i t i n t o three major categories and are given here. L i k e Canada f o r : Economic reasons  29  P o l i t i c a l reasons  18  Educational reasons  10  The greatest number of responses could be c l a s s i f i e d i n the economic sphere.  People from other countries l i k e Canada  because of higher wages and higher purchasing power f o r t h e i r money.  Many of the leaders stated that i n the land of t h e i r  o r i g i n they would never be able to buy cars, homes, e l e c t r i c a l appliances, or the v a r i e t y of foods which are a v a i l a b l e to them i n Canada.  S e v e r a l spoke of being penniless when they a r r i v e d  i n Canada and are proud of the f a c t that they are now e s t a b l i s h e d businessmen.  A f e e l i n g of f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y and hope f o r  f u t u r e p r o s p e r i t y was expressed i n s p i t e of the employment d i f f i c u l t i e s throughout B r i t i s h Columbia a t the time of the interviews.  The m a j o r i t y of leaders would be c l a s s i f i e d as  members of the middle c l a s s and upper middle c l a s s of Canadian society.  68  A good number of the leaders who expressed a preference f o r Canada on p o l i t i c a l grounds have l i v e d i n t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e s , but not a l l .  Several mentioned that p o l i c e  and p u b l i c servants are f a r more o b l i g i n g i n Canada than i n other c o u n t r i e s .  One leader from a democratic  state said,  "We have more freedom i n Canada than anywhere e l s e i n the world.  Colors and races mix here and don't c l a s h . " W i t h i n the t h i r d category leaders stated that t h e i r  c h i l d r e n had b e t t e r educational o p p o r t u n i t i e s here than i n other lands.  Several stated that t h e i r sons and daughters  would never have been able to have a u n i v e r s i t y education i n the land of t h e i r ethnic o r i g i n . This area l e d f r e e l y i n t o the next one. Preference f o r the Country of Ethnic O r i g i n Enough of the leaders who were f a i r l y recent immigrants expressed a preference f o r t h e i r homeland over Canada i n some ways, and i t i s worth while to compare these f i n d i n g s w i t h the previous ones. P r e f e r r e d the Homeland f o r : C u l t u r a l reasons  12  Educational reasons  1  Reasons of Economics  1  P o l i t i c a l reasons  1  69  I n t h i s regard a quotation from Kaye, ' i s p e r t i n e n t . I n conversation w i t h non-adjusted immigrants we may hear complaints that Canadians l a c k c u l t u r e , have no a p p r e c i a t i o n of f i n e a r t s , because they have no operas, theatres, permanent symphony orchestras, t h e i r manners are crude, and they are only concerned with the chase a f t e r the almighty d o l l a r . Such complaints u s u a l l y emanate from Europeans whose educational background appears more polymathic than that of most Canadians.  The p r o f e s s i o n a l or educated man i n many  s o c i e t i e s plays a d i f f e r e n t r o l e and belongs to a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l stratum.22  One of the leaders expressed t h i s openly  and stated that he found i t p e r s o n a l l y d i f f i c u l t to adjust i n Canada because he could not seem to get i n w i t h people who had the same i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s . Not a l l such complaints come from the i n t e l l e c t u a l , however.  Many "ordinary" people t o l d the interviewer that they  missed the l i v e entertainment, the parades, band concerts i n the park, the Sunday afternoon s t r o l l oh the boulevards where everyone spoke to everyone e l s e , the Sunday afternoon dances and movies, the a r t g a l l e r i e s , or the cognac of the sidewalk cafes on Sundays. Canada's " c u l t u r e " i s a frequent t o p i c of debate. S u f f i c e i t to say that, t e c h n i c a l l y speaking, Canada has as much of a c u l t u r e as any s o c i e t y .  I n any case, many immigrants  p a i n t such a g l o r i o u s p i c t u r e of the c u l t u r a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l  70  p u r s u i t s of t h e i r homelands that one i s given to b e l i e v e that much i s founded on n o s t a l g i a , reminiscence w i t h a l l i t s p s y c h o l o g i c a l weaknesses, and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n due to the shrinkage  of r o l e s mentioned i n chapter I I . B l u n t l y , Canada  does not o f f e r everything which may be found i n other  countries  and those who are used to them w i l l miss them. Responses i n the other categories are not s i g n i f i c a n t enough to merit f u l l d i s c u s s i o n but t h e i r presence i s worthy of being recorded. Area V I I I  PERMANENT RESIDENCE IN CANADA This proved an i n t e r e s t i n g area and unfortunately  some aspects of the question d i d not a r i s e u n t i l many of the interviews had been completed.  Although the area i s d i v i d e d  i n t o three categories, responses f e l l i n t o but two. The t h i r d i s r e t a i n e d f o r emphasis. 27  Want to stay i n Canada Would l i k e t o r e t u r n home but only for a v i s i t or a short time  8  Want t o r e t u r n to the land of o r i g i n a f t e r some time  0  I n the f i r s t category are the a t t i t u d e s of the vast m a j o r i t y of the leaders who unequivocally stated that i t i s t h e i r i n t e n t i o n as w e l l as that of the members of t h e i r groups to remain i n Canada as permanent r e s i d e n t s .  Many admitted that  71 c e r t a i n members of t h e i r groups want to r e t u r n home or have already returned home because they d i d not adjust or d i d not l i k e Canada.  A good number of immigrants are d i s s a t i s f i e d  w i t h conditions here ( e s p e c i a l l y f r u s t r a t i o n from f a i l i n g to obtain high paying jobs, or the s h a t t e r i n g of other economic delusions) and want to r e t u r n , but by the end of a year or so when they have earned and saved enough money to r e t u r n to t h e i r country of o r i g i n they have so adjusted to the s t a t e that they delay the r e t u r n , and w i t h the passage of more time thoughts of r e t u r n i n g are abandoned. F i v e leaders stated that the Canadian Government has been " o v e r - a d v e r t i s i n g " f o r immigrants i n some countries and paints a g l o r i o u s paradise before the eyes of p o t e n t i a l immigrants.  One of the leaders interviewed commented that;  i n many instances, a person who has made up h i s mind to move to Canada sees and hears only the good things about h i s chosen f u t u r e home and ignores those things which he does not want to be t r u e .  Perhaps the a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n l i e s somewhere between  these two charges.  One leader interviewed stated that he  attended a l e c t u r e on Canada i n h i s homeland and conversed w i t h the government speaker afterwards.  The immigration  official  produced a l e t t e r from a person who had emigrated to Canada a few months before which described the fabulous paychecks he had been r e c e i v i n g since he had gone to Canada.  The leader  has now been i n Canada s e v e r a l years but has never approximated the earnings of the l e t t e r - w r i t e r and somehow f e e l s he had been  72  deceived.  A number of leaders described how some people come  to Canada expecting to have new homes, cars, f u r n i t u r e , appliances, e t c . w i t h i n two or three months.  Such t a l e s cause  smiles and head-shaking i n c r e d u l i t y among e s t a b l i s h e d Canadians but bring g r i e f and b i t t e r disappointment to some new immigrants. Some leaders spoke of new immigrants becoming i n v o l v e d i n financial difficulties  w i t h i n a short period of a r r i v i n g i n  Canada because unscrupulous businessmen (among them, o f t e n enough, immigrants) have c a p i t a l i z e d on t h e i r dreams and milched them of t h e i r  funds.  Several leaders a l s o mentioned that many of those who r e t u r n a f t e r a short d i s a s t r o u s adventure i n Canada l a c k courage, p e r s i s t e n c e , and f o r e s i g h t , but they s t r e s s that c e r t a i n l y not a l l who r e t u r n are of such character.  Several  leaders a l s o s t a t e d that a good p r o p o r t i o n of immigrants who f a i l to adjust to Canadian l i f e would be m i s f i t s i n any country under any circumstances. The second category contains the expressions of those leaders who f e l t that the m a j o r i t y of people intend to stay i n Canada but q u a l i f y t h e i r i n t e n t i o n s by wanting to r e t u r n t o t h e i r homelands f o r some short period of time then coming back to Canada.  Although the d i s t i n c t i o n between these a t t i t u d e s  and those i n the f i r s t category i s a f i n e one, t h i s category i s necessary to contain a t t i t u d e s which were q u a l i f i e d .  In this  respect n e a r l y a l l of these eight leaders mentioned have returned themselves f o r a v i s i t ; know f r i e n d s who had gone back to the  73 homeland f o r a short time; and spoke of a f e e l i n g of r e l i e f upon t h e i r r e t u r n to Canada.  Several of them used the words  "couldn't get back f a s t enough". The absence of responses i n the t h i r d category i s Indicative  that the days of the immigrant coming to the  New  World, making h i s fortune, and r e t u r n i n g home to r e t i r e as a r i c h adventurer have passed.  Two  leaders i n d i c a t e d  are c e r t a i n l y some members of t h e i r group who  that there  have i n t e n t i o n s  such as t h i s today, but that t h e i r number i s s m a l l .  Some come  to Canada w i t h t h i s as t h e i r o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n but w i t h the passage of years t h e i r a t t i t u d e s  change and the number who  f u l f i l l the i n t e n t i o n i s n e g l i g i b l e . Two  leaders stated that a s i g n i f i c a n t number of t h e i r  group regard Canada only as a stopping-off p o i n t to the United States.  Another leader representing members of an i d e n t i c a l  m i n o r i t y thought that t h i s was r a r e l y the case.  One  stated  that although q u i t e a few go to the United S t a t e s , most of them r e t u r n to Canada a f t e r a time. Area IX  RETENTION OF ETHNIC CUSTOMS I t i s the p o l i c y of the Canadian government that  ethnic groups should r e t a i n parts of t h e i r native customs and cultures.  This i s the p o l i c y of which most or a l l w r i t e r s on  the subject of immigration  approve.  74 ..., i t seems very advisable that immigrants should be encouraged to preserve the best i n the c u l t u r e which they have brought w i t h them from t h e i r n a t i v e lands; t h e i r f o l k l o r e and dances, t h e i r language, and t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e occupational p u r s u i t s , f o r i t i s p r e c i s e l y the mixture of peoples i n the country which makes the r i c h and v a r i e d culture....26 On probing the a t t i t u d e s of the leaders i n t h i s area the f o l l o w i n g opinions were obtained. Want to r e t a i n a l l or most of t h e i r customs  6  Want to r e t a i n some of the customs ... Want to lose former customs  25 4  I n the f i r s t category only one of the leaders has been p r e v i o u s l y c l a s s i f i e d w i t h i n a group which i s g e o g r a p h i c a l l y centralized.  Four of the s i x , representing three e t h n i c groups,  are commonly regarded as groups c o n t r i b u t i n g a very l a r g e p a r t of Canada's c u l t u r e .  H i s t o r i c a l l y , f i v e of these groups have  always clung t e n a c i o u s l y to most of t h e i r c u l t u r e and customs i n Canada and i n so doing have played r o l e s i n our s o c i e t y i n which t h i s f a c t o r has always been recognized.  I n other words,  t h i s i s the r o l e which Canadians i n general have become accustomed to expecting from them. The second category represents the moderate view and the leaders expressed i n varying words the a t t i t u d e encouraged both o f f i c i a l l y and n o n - o f f i c i a l l y , that they should c o n t r i b u t e what i s good and adaptable i n t h e i r c u l t u r e to the Canadian  75  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and be prepared to slough o f f what cannot be r e c o n c i l e d to or w i l l not be accepted i n t o the Canadian  way.  The l a s t category represents an extreme view i n which the leaders, i n t h e i r d e s i r e to become completely  Canadianized,  wish to sever t i e s w i t h t h e i r background and accept the Canadian background as t h e i r own.  I n some ways t h i s appears to be a  healthy d e s i r e to be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h Canadian s o c i e t y ; perhaps i t i n d i c a t e s an a t t i t u d e that t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to Canadian c u l t u r e has been exhausted and completed, paid i n f u l l , i t were; or again i t may  as  express an urgency to knock down the  b a r r i e r s that an ethnic m i n o r i t y r o l e e n t a i l s and open to themselves a f u l l e r s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canadian l i f e .  The  a t t i t u d e involves sound concepts, but i t could a l s o be i n d i c a t i v e of fears and f r u s t r a t i o n s . The interviewer lacks s u f f i c i e n t information f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of these p o i n t s . Area X  GOVERNING BODIES IN CANADA This area represents f e e l i n g s toward c o n s t i t u t e d  government i n Canada from the municipal to the f e d e r a l l e v e l . Questioning  i n t h i s area was always l e f t t i l l the end of the  i n t e r v i e w i n an attempt to take advantage of the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e rapport.  At the beginning  and throughout the i n t e r v i e w , the  interviewer stressed the f a c t that t h i s was a p r i v a t e research for  academic purposes and that the interviewer was  i n no  way  connected w i t h any branch of any governing body i n Canada; that respondents were f r e e to express any a t t i t u d e s they wished to  76  without danger of these a t t i t u d e s ever being d i s c l o s e d as belonging to any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l .  I n one i n s t a n c e ,  perhaps due to u n s a t i s f a c t o r y l i n g u i s t i c communication the interviewer i s aware of having f a i l e d to have d i s s o c i a t e d himself from a government agency i n s p i t e o f , and perhaps because of, heavy emphasis to the contrary. A category w i t h negative response i s i n c l u d e d f o r accentuation. Pleased or content w i t h governing bodies  14  Would l i k e some changes i n p o l i c i e s of governing bodies D i s l i k e c e r t a i n governing bodies  21 0  Responses i n the f i r s t category were i n f u l l accord w i t h a l l o f f i c i a l governments i n Canada and the leaders c i t e d many examples of which they were p a r t i c u l a r l y pleased.  Some  examples of laws or p o l i c i e s c i t e d were p l e a s i n g because they were advantageous to the p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups but were p r e c i s e l y what leaders w i t h i n the second category d e c r i e d because they thought these were impositions of hardship upon t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r groups.  I n a s o c i e t y of any s i z e i t i s  debatable whether the utmost of t a c t and wisdom can please a l l i n d i v i d u a l s concerned.  I n a s o c i e t y of the magnitude and  heterogeneity of Canada's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t h i s borders the impossible.  77  The l a r g e s t number of responses f e l l w i t h i n the second category where objections to and d e s i r e s f o r change ranged from municipal by-laws to f e d e r a l p o l i c i e s .  Perhaps  the greatest o b j e c t i o n was that Canada was b r i n g i n g i n too many immigrants and g i v i n g them extravagant promises of good jobs and quick wealth which could not be f u l f i l l e d .  There were  reports of immigrants landing i n Canada asking to be placed i n a job and being handed a copy of the want-ads of the l o c a l d a i l y paper.  This problem of employment has been discussed i n  a previous s e c t i o n . There were a l s o s e v e r a l objections i n vague terms of JLnglo-saxonism  i n the government and i t s p o l i c i e s .  S e v e r a l leaders objected to swearing a l l e g i a n c e to the Queen and wanted Canada to stand on i t s own f e e t .  Two  leaders  stated that they would p r e f e r p o l i t i c a l t i e s to the United States over t i e s to the E n g l i s h Crown.  Some leaders objected to  having so many members of p a r t i c u l a r n a t i o n a l i t i e s being allowed i n t o Canada; others objected to the quota l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t i e s being permitted to immigrate.  Some s a i d the  f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments should, give more a i d to immigrants;  some s a i d the governments should give l e s s f i n a n c i a l  help to the immigrants,  that i t i s good f o r them to get out on  t h e i r own and fend f o r themselves ( a l l but one of these was  an  immigrant h i m s e l f ) . There were objections to laws on the f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal l e v e l by leaders of immigrant and non-immigrant groups.  Most laws objected to worked  i n d i r e c t l y to the disadvantage  of p a r t i c u l a r groups, but perhaps  78 were b e n e f i c i a l to the m a j o r i t y whom they a f f e c t e d .  Several  f e d e r a l government p o l i c i e s objected t o have been mentioned i n previous s e c t i o n s . I t should be stressed t h a t , i n s p i t e of the foregoing wishes f o r change, a l l respondents w i t h i n t h i s category were g e n e r a l l y q u i t e pleased w i t h government f u n c t i o n s .  What  concerned them was that there were p a r t i c u l a r points i n laws or p o l i c i e s which they would p r e f e r t o see changed. The absence of responses i n the t h i r d category, s i g n i f y i n g a d i s l i k e f o r the Canadian government or the ways i n which i t governs, speaks f o r i t s e l f . Area X I  FURTHER IMMIGRATION TO CANADA The question of the number of immigrants who should  be permitted to come to Canada has long been debated by i n d i v i d u a l s and organizations on the Canadian scene and there i s yet to be a unanimous conclusion.  I n t h i s area the i n t e r -  viewer attempted to get a true inward-turning look a t the immigration s i t u a t i o n , as the vast m a j o r i t y of groups d e a l t w i t h were immigrant s o c i e t i e s . Want a large quota of immigrants  11  The present quotas should remain  16  Want f u r t h e r quota r e s t r i c t i o n s  8  Although those i n the f i r s t category u s u a l l y  specified  79  or implied that a greater number of t h e i r own group should be brought to Canada, g e n e r a l l y they f e l t that Canada should open her arms to more immigrants f o r the good of the country. Reasons advanced f o r t h i s opinion were based on economics, defence, world p r e s t i g e , d e s i r e to make Canada a populous world power, and c h a r i t y or philanthropy.  The reasons given  were those advanced by protagonists of greater immigration w i t h t h e i r usual f a c e t s . W i t h i n the second category were the respondents were w e l l - s a t i s f i e d w i t h the present immigration p o l i c y  who (1958  and the years previous) and could see no pressing reasons f o r change one way or the other.  They were of the o p i n i o n that  the p o l i c y should remain as i t was i n  1958.  W i t h i n the l a s t category were those who wanted to see some quota l i m i t a t i o n s , a t l e a s t as a temporary measure. Most reasons advanced here focused on the unemployment s i t u a t i o n mentioned p r e v i o u s l y . But some a l s o wanted to see c e r t a i n groups r e s t r i c t e d because ,they thought such groups were c u l t u r a l l y incompatible w i t h Canadian l i f e , or that they would upset the present c u l t u r a l balance i n Canada.  Some f e l t that  immigration should be given a few years r e s t u n t i l the present recent immigrants have i n t e g r a t e d more f u l l y .  INCIDENTAL FINDINGS This exhausts the major areas i n which a l l responses  80  could be analyzed.  F o l l o w i n g i s a b r i e f l i s t of comments  and opinions which could not be f i t t e d i n t o previous d i s c u s s i o n because they d i d not appear f r e q u e n t l y enough f o r complete coding.  However they are worthy of mention and may  present  guides to f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s . a)  Some younger and newer immigrants  from the main group and form t h e i r own b)  s p l i t off  societies.  There i s a n e c e s s i t y f o r the immigrant to  preserve face to r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s i n the homeland i n his  "Canadian adventure." c)  The existence of a tendency to i d e n t i f y w i t h  members of the same ethnic o r i g i n who have obtained high p u b l i c status i n Canada. d)  Immigrants are b a f f l e d by s t r i k e s and unemployment  i n a country w i t h Canada's resources. e)  "We  (the ethnic group) are g u i l t y of i s o l a t i n g  ourselves (from the r e s t of Canadian s o c i e t y ) . " f)  Smaller groups of immigrants  e a s i l y and more r a p i d l y than l a r g e r g)  i n t e g r a t e more  groups.  A l l non-Caucasian groups should get together  and present a united f r o n t i n the face of any d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or to lobby i n Ottawa. h)  Business t a c t i c s i n Canada are "mild" compared  w i t h p r a c t i c e s i n other c o u n t r i e s . i) stand.  Buying on time i s d i f f i c u l t to accept or under-  81  j)  Some groups take a p r i d e i n doing harder,  heavier types of work or the m a j o r i t y d r i f t i n t o c e r t a i n types of work. k)  I t i s much more d i f f i c u l t f o r married women t o  i n t e g r a t e than i t i s f o r men.  82  CHAPTER V  CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS  (a)  Conclusions The r o l e of leadership i n m i n o r i t y groups has been  emphasized because the leader i s the mediator and communicator between m i n o r i t y and m a j o r i t y groups.  H i s thoughts and  a t t i t u d e s w i l l have a great i n f l u e n c e not only on the group he represents but a l s o on the major s o c i e t y .  He has probably  a t t a i n e d the status of leader because many of h i s a t t i t u d e s . are accepted by or are r e f l e c t i o n s of the f e e l i n g s of those he represents.  He holds a p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y and respect  i n h i s group and i t i s l i k e l y that many of the members i n his o r g a n i z a t i o n and h i s ethnic group a t large regard him as an exemplar. Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t conclusion which can be drawn from t h i s study i s that there i s general agreement among the leaders of e t h n i c organizations i n Vancouver about the nature of issues r e l e v a n t to the i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e i r people i n t o Canadian s o c i e t y .  However, i n assessing the  a t t i t u d e s of the leaders to these i s s u e s , there i s some agreement and some disagreement. Of the t h i r t y - s i x leaders interviewed, a m a j o r i t y  83 (eighteen or more) shared agreement on the f o l l o w i n g : 1)  Membership i n the s o c i e t y i s e x c l u s i v e .  2)  A t t i t u d e s are strong to r e t a i n the language of o r i g i n .  3)  Members p r e f e r to speak t h e i r native tongue i n t h e i r homes.  4)  The people want t h e i r c h i l d r e n to speak t h e i r parents' native languages.  5)  They p r e f e r to l i v e geographically  scattered  throughout the c i t y of Vancouver. 6)  They are a c t u a l l y scattered throughout the c i t y .  7)  They p r e f e r Canada to t h e i r homelands mainly because of economic reasons but a l s o because of p o l i t i c a l  8)  preferences.  They intend to remain as permanent r e s i d e n t s i n Canada.  9)  They would p r e f e r to see some changes i n the p o l i c i e s and statutes of o f f i c i a l governing bodies i n Canada.  10)  They are not accepted as equals by a l l Canadians.  11)  They want to r e t a i n some of t h e i r c u l t u r e and customs.  12)  Sentiments are stronger to Canada than t o the homeland.  84 There were seven categories i n which the l e a d e r s ' opinions or f a c t s about the groups were so v a r i e d that there was no m a j o r i t y opinion or mode of a c t i o n . 1)  These a r e :  The groups represent peoples from a l l h i s t o r i c a l periods i n Canada's h i s t o r y .  2)  Some c h i l d r e n l e a r n t h e i r parents' n a t i v e language, some l e a r n a l i t t l e of i t , some l e a r n none.  3)  Language represents a varying b a r r i e r to integration.  4)  Preferences f o r spouses on the b a s i s of t h e i r ethnic o r i g i n d i f f e r widely.  5)  As a general view, adjustment i n Canada i s perceived i n diverse degrees of d i f f i c u l t y .  6)  There are divergent leanings i n forming personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h members i n s i d e and outside the ethnic f o l d .  7)  A t t i t u d e s towards quotas of immigrants t o Canada d i f f e r .  (b)  Implications There are suggestions of d i s s e n t among leaders of  d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s representing the same ethnic groups i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards c e r t a i n aspects of i n t e g r a t i o n . A l s o there are i n d i c a t i o n s that there are d i f f e r e n c e s of knowledge of the true s t a t e of various groups among leaders depending  85  upon t h e i r s o c i a l status and the " f a c t i o n " of the group they represent. Generally, but not always, younger leaders and more recent ( i n terms of a r r i v a l i n Canada) leaders are more r a d i c a l i n t h e i r views and a t t i t u d e s toward i n t e g r a t i o n than o l d e r , more e s t a b l i s h e d leaders.  This apparently generates  some f r i c t i o n w i t h i n ethnic groups. E t h n i c groups are not consolidated i n regard to s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s ideas and i d e a l s , and are d i v i d e d i n t o formal and i n f o r m a l f a c t i o n s . Many older members of ethnic groups w i l l never completely  i d e n t i f y w i t h Canadian s o c i e t y i n a l l i t s aspects,  but t h e i r o f f s p r i n g w i l l do so almost unanimously. There are strong i n d i c a t i o n s of i n t e r - e t h n i c prejudice and non-co-operation among some ethnic s o c i e t i e s i n Vancouver.  Peoples have been conditioned n e g a t i v e l y against  t r a d i t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l enemies i n the lands of t h e i r b i r t h and have c a r r i e d many of t h e i r f e e l i n g s w i t h them to Canada. They w i l l probably pass on many of these f e e l i n g s t o t h e i r children. (c)  Suggestions A f u r t h e r study along the same l i n e s could w e l l be  c a r r i e d out i n which the respondents represented  a random  sampling of non-leaders w i t h i n these ethnic organizations; i n  86  the  same v e i n , a random sampling of respondents who were not  a f f i l i a t e d w i t h an ethnic s o c i e t y would provide an i n t e r e s t i n g comparison. Worthwhile comparisons could be made of s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e s to i n t e g r a t i o n among immigrants d i v i d e d according to the amount of time they had spent i n Canada, w i t h a sample included of members of ethnic groups who have been born i n Canada. A f u l l e r and deeper i n v e s t i g a t i o n of a few more important areas such as marriage, language, acceptance by Canadians, and a t t i t u d e s towards forming primary groups and personal r e l a t i o n s w i t h members of the m a j o r i t y would probably r e v e a l more i n t e r e s t i n g data than the present study and cont r i b u t e f u l l e r knowledge of the i n t e g r a t i o n process. Although there i s a f a i r amount of i n t e r r e l a t i o n among leaders of groups on the s o c i a l l e v e l and the mutual attending of f u n c t i o n s , the researcher i s of the o p i n i o n t h a t there should be more a c t i v e and l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s which would include members of the m a j o r i t y , but c e r t a i n l y not as sponsors or l e a d e r s , to conduct seminars and discussions on i n t e g r a t i o n .  87  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1.  B e r e l s o n , Bernard, "Content a n a l y s i s " , Handbook of S o c i a l Psychology, ed. Gardner Lindzey, AddisonWesley Pub. Co., 1954, V o l . 1, p. 516.  2.  Davie, M. R., World Immigration. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1939, p. 461.  3.  Ecroyd, L. G., "Business i n B r i t i s h Columbia: 'poorest boom i n years' slows upward climb", Saturday Night, May 24, 1958, p. 7.  4.  E i s e n s t a d t , S. N., "Communication processes among immigrants i n I s r a e l " , P u b l i c Opinion Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . XVI, 1952, p. 42.  5.  E i s e n s t a d t , S. N., "The place of e l i t e s and primary groups i n the a b s o r p t i o n of new immigrants i n I s r a e l " , American J o u r n a l of Sociology, V o l . X V I I I , Nov. 1951, p. 222.  6.  E i s e n s t a d t , S. N., The Absorption of Immigrants, London, Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1954.  7.  E i s e n s t a d t , S. N., "Analysis of patterns of immigration and a b s o r p t i o n of immigrants", P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s , V o l . V I I , p a r t I I , p. 167.  8.  F i r t h , Raymond, "Some p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n " , J o u r n a l of the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e , V o l . 85, 1955, p. 15.  9.  idem, p.  10.  H e r s k o v i t s , M. J . , "The processes of c u l t u r a l change", The Science of Man i n the World C r i s i s , ed. Ralph L i n t o n , New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1945, p. 147.  11.  Kahn, R. L. and Cannel, C. F., The Dynamics of I n t e r v i e w i n g , New York, Wiley, 1957? p. lW» Kaye, V. J . , "Immigrant psychology: r e a c t i o n s caused by changes of environment," Revue de 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e d'Ottawa, V o l . 28, no. 2, 1958, pp. 199-212.  12.  13.  17.  Katz, Sydney, "How mental i l l n e s s i s a t t a c k i n g our immigrants", MacLeans's Magazine, Jan. 4, 1958,  p. 9 .  88  14.  Kornhauser, A., "Constructing questionnaires and i n t e r v i e w schedules", Research Methods i n S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s , ed. M. Jahoda, M. Deutsch, and S. W. Cook, The Dryden P r e s s , New York, 1951, p a r t I I , p. 427.  15.  Krech, D. and C r u t c h f i e l d , R. S., Theory and Problems of S o c i a l Psychology. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co. Inc., 1948, p. 152.  16.  L a z a r s f e l d , P. F., "The controversy over d e t a i l e d i n t e r v i e w s — a n o f f e r f o r n e g o t i a t i o n " , P u b l i c Opinion Quarterly. V o l . 8, 1944, pp. 38-60.  17.  Lewin, K., "Resolving s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s " , Selected Papers on Group Dynamics, ed. Gertrud Weiss Lewin, New York, Harper, 1948, pp. 330-345.  18.  Maccoby, E. E. and Maccoby, N., "The i n t e r v i e w : a t o o l of s o c i a l science", Handbook of S o c i a l Psychology, ed. Gardner Lindzey, Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., 1954, V o l . 1, p. 473.  19.  idem, p. 458.  20.  Mandelbaum, D. G., " C u l t u r a l change among the N i l g i r i t r i b e s " , American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t, V o l . 43, 1941, p. 2 7 .  21.  Merton, R. K., S o c i a l Theory and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e , Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1957.  22.  R e f l e c t i o n s of an Immigrant, C i t i z e n , V o l . 3, Oct. 1957, no. 4, p. 3 .  23.  Report on C r i m i n a l i t y among the Foreign-born i n Canada; F o r e i g n and Native-born Rates of C r i m i n a l i t y , A Reference paper, Canadian C i t i z e n s h i p Branch (Ottawa), Sept. 1957> mimeographed, 9 pages, p. 1.  24.  Reusch, J . and Bateson, G., "Structure and process i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s " , P s y c h i a t r y , V o l . 12, 1949, no. 2, p. 1 0 5 . Rogers, C. R., "The n o n - d i r e c t i v e method as a technique f o r s o c i a l research", American Journal of Sociology, V o l . 1945, pp. 279-283.  25.  26.  Ross, E. J . , Fundamental Sociology, Milwaukee, The Bruce P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1942, p. 5*3.  27.  Seywerd, H., "Immigrants and immigration", De Nederlandse Courant voor Canada, Nov. 1956", p. 6.  89  28.  S h i l s , E. A., The Present State of American Sociology, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 194-8, p. 25.  29.  Sim, R. A l e x , "The concept of i n t e g r a t i o n i n Canada's treatment of ethnic groups", N a t i o n a l C i t i z e n s h i p Seminar, M i n a k i , Ont., Aug. 24-28, 1958.  30.  Simmel, G., The Stranger: the Sociology of Georg Sirnmel, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1950.  31.  S o c i a l Science Research C o u n c i l Summer Session, " A c c u l t u r a t i o n : an exploratory formulation", American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 56, 1953, p. 973-  32.  Stagner, Ross, Psychology of P e r s o n a l i t y , New McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1948, p. 436.  33.  Tax, S o l , "World view and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n Guatemaula", American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 43, 1941, p. 27.  34.  Time, Canadian A f f a i r s , Feb. 24, 1958 p. 11.  35.  Van Kooten, T. C , "Canadianization; the process of i n t e g r a t i o n " , C a l v i n i s t Contact, Feb. 11, 1955, p.  36.  (Canadian E d i t i o n ) ,  Woodward, J . L., and DeLott, J . , " F i e l d coding versus o f f i c e coding", P u b l i c Opinion Quarterly, 1952, V o l . 16,  37.  York,  pp.  432I3F:  Z n a n i e c k i , F l o r i a n , The P o l i s h Peasant i n Europe and America, A l f r e d A. Knopf, New York, 1927, p. 1330.  1.  APPENDIX A  LIST OF ETHNIC SOCIETIES INTERVIEWED MAY-SEPTEMBER, I II  1958  B i b l i o t h e q u e Francaise C u l t u r e l l e . B. C. Immigration C o u n c i l of the C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church (Dutch).  Ill IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV  Cambrian S o c i e t y  (Welsh).  Canadian Japanese C i t i z e n s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n . Canadian P o l i s h Congress. Chinese Benevolent A s s o c i a t i o n . Chinese Lion's  Club.  Coqualeetza Indian Fellowship (Native I n d i a n ) . C r o a t i o n Peasant S o c i e t y . Czechoslovakian  N a t i o n a l A l l i a n c e i n Canada (B.  Danish Benevolent A s s o c i a t i o n . Danish Lutheran Church. Den Norske Klub (Norwegian) F i n n i s h Bethel  Tabernacle.  Hungarian S o c i a l Club.  XVI  I c e l a n d i c N a t i o n a l League.  XVII  I t a l i a n A s s i s t a n c e Center.  XVIII XIX XX XXI  C).  I r i s h Society. Jewish Community Center. L i t h u a n i a n Canadian Federation. N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of Jewish Women i n Canada (B.  C).  XXII XXIII XXIV  N a t i o n a l S o c i e t y Suomi ( F i n n i s h ) . Negro Club. Newcomer's Club ( E n g l i s h ) .  XXV  New Homeland S o c i e t y Inc. (German).  XXVI  Russian Center of B r i t i s h Columbia.  XXVII XXVIII XXIX XXX XXXI XXXII XXXIII XXXIV XXXV XXXVI  S t . Andrew's and Caledonian S o c i e t y ( S c o t t i s h ) . S t . Casimir's P o l i s h Church. S t . Mary's U k r a i n i a n C a t h o l i c Church. Scandinavian Business Men's Club. Serbian Orthodox Church. Sons of I t a l y Mutual A i d S o c i e t y . Swiss S o c i e t y of Vancouver. U k r a i n i a n Greek Orthodox Church. Vancouver Alpen Club (German). Vancouver I t a l i a n - C a n a d i a n Mutual A i d S o c i e t y .  APPENDIX B TABLE I Marriages - B i r t h p l a c e of Bridegrooms and Brides - 1950-1951  B i r t h p l a c e of Bridegroom  B i r t h p l a c e of B r i d e Canada  Canada  British Isles  Europe  Asia  U.S.A.  Others  215,605  205,050  4,102  2,724  78  3,303  348  9,448  6,434  2,469  210  8  255  72  17,624  6,130  372  10,663  18  399  42  283  190  9  16  52  10  U.S.A.  8,451  6,753  251  425  9  965  48  Others  1,664  632  60  38  5  30  899  Br. I s l e s Europe Asia  Source:  Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1950-1951  .6-  TABLE I I  Married Persons Granted C e r t i f i c a t e of Canadian Citizenship by Country of Former Allegiance and Citizenship Status of Spouse, 1954-1957• Country of Former Allegiance  MALES TOTAL  C i t i z e n s h i p Status of Wife  (1) B r i t i s h Commonwealth Countries  FEMALES  (2)  (3)  TOTAL  6,924  8,021  2,460  2,922  2,639  63,118  6,355  28,933  27,833  46,032  U. S. A.  1,413  690  315  408  722  A s i a t i c Countries  3,016  135  301  2,580  72  22  22  10,978  805  6,299  European Countries  Other Countries Stateless  C i t i z e n s h i p Status of Husband  (1)  (2)  (3)  1,713  3,830  1,381  2,018 37,952  6,062  201  357  164  1,978  157  1,631  190  28  71  20  37  14  3,874  8,936  148  7,012  1,776  (1) Canadian c i t i z e n by b i r t h (2) Canadian c i t i z e n by naturalization or residence (3) Non-Canadian c i t i z e n Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Canadian Citizenship S t a t i s t i c s , 1954-1957  

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