"Arts, Faculty of"@en . "Psychology, Department of"@en . "DSpace"@en . "UBCV"@en . "Lawless, David Joseph"@en . "2011-12-14T02:50:53Z"@en . "1959"@en . "Master of Arts - MA"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "In this study an attempt was made to discover and compare some of the basic elements of the process of integration or Canadianization as expressed in the attitudes of leaders of ethnic minority groups in Vancouver. The role of leadership was emphasized because the leaders of ethnic minority groups are the mediators between their respective groups and the cultural majority. Their views represent the views of the members of their groups and they are the communicators and interpreters of the ways of living for both minority and majority groups. Personal interviews were conducted with the constituted leaders of thirty-six ethnic societies in Vancouver. In the interviews a non-directive approach was taken and the technique of open-ended questioning was employed with information being funnelled into expressed attitudes.\r\nEleven major areas pertinent to the process of integration were investigated. These major areas were: the nature of the societies, language, marriage, district of residence, general adjustment or orientation, acceptance by Canadians, feelings toward the homeland and Canada, permanent residence in Canada, retention of ethnic customs, governing bodies in Canada, and further immigration to Canada.\r\nConclusions relative to certain aspects of the integration process were drawn from the findings that illustrate much agreement but also a great deal of diversity in attitudes and opinions of the leaders of ethnic societies.\r\nSuggestions were made for further study. Especially recommended were similar studies to present a comparison. It was also suggested that further research concentrate on one or a few of the more important areas dealt with in this study and that similar research be carried out with non-leaders of ethnic minority groups and with members of the majority groups."@en . "https://circle.library.ubc.ca/rest/handle/2429/39673?expand=metadata"@en . "THE ATTITUDES OF LEADERS OF ETHNIC MINORITY GROUPS IN VANCOUVER TOWARDS THE INTEGRATION OF THEIR PEOPLE IN CANADA by DAVID JOSEPH LAWLESS B. A., Assumption University of Windsor, 1957 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Psychology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard > THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1959 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree th a t permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s \u00E2\u0080\u00A2 r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of Psychology The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date June, 10, 1959 ABSTRACT In this study an attempt was made to discover and compare some of the basic elements of the process of integration or Canadian!zation as expressed i n the attitudes of leaders of ethnic minority groups i n Vancouver. The role of leadership was emphasized because the leaders of ethnic minority groups are the mediators between their respective groups and the cultural majority. Their views represent the views of the members of their groups and they are the communicators and interpreters of the ways of livin g for both minority and majority groups. Personal interviews were conducted with the constituted leaders of thirty-six ethnic societies i n Vancouver. In the interviews a non-directive approach was taken and the technique of open-ended questioning was employed with information being funnelled Into expressed attitudes. Eleven major areas pertinent to the process of integration were investigated. These major areas were: the nature of the societies, language, marriage, d i s t r i c t of residence, general adjustment or orientation, acceptance by Canadians, feelings toward the homeland and Canada, permanent residence i n Canada, retention of ethnic customs, governing bodies i n Canada, and further immigration to Canada. Conclusions relative to certain aspects of the integration process were drawn from the findings that i l l u s t r a t e much agreement but also a great deal of diversity i n attitudes and opinions of the leaders of ethnic societies. Suggestions were made for further study. Especially recommended were similar studies to present a comparison. It was also suggested that further research concentrate on one or a few of the more important areas dealt with i n this study and that similar research be carried out with non-leaders of ethnic minority groups and with members of the majority groups. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION 1 II THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 4 (a) Integration (b) Results of Non-Integration (c) Immigration (d) The Factor of Role (e) Effect on the Social Structure (f) Minority Groups (g) Leadership (h) Investigation Techniques (i) Conclusion III RESEARCH METHOD 31 (a) Subjects (b) Procedure (c) Analysis of Data IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 39 Area I Nature of the Societies Area II Language Area III Marriage Area IV D i s t r i c t of Residence Chapter Page Area V General Adjustment or Orientation Area VI Acceptance by Canadians Area VII Feelings toward the Homeland and Canada Area VIII Permanent Residence i n Canada Area IX Retention of Ethnic Customs Area X Governing Bodies i n Canada Area XI Further Immigration to Canada Incidental Findings V CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS 82 (a) Conclusions (b) Implications (c) Suggestions BIBLIOGRAPHY 87 APPENDIX A 9 0 APPENDIX B 9 2 APPENDIX C 9 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express gratitude to Dr. W. G. Black, Regional Liaison Officer, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Citizenship Branch, Vancouver, B. C , and his staff for their co-operation and help i n this study; the Programs and Materials Division, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Canadian Citizenship Branch, Ottawa; and to the thirty-six leaders of the ethnic societies involved i n this study for the generous g i f t of their time and co-operation. For guidance and patience throughout this entire study, the writer i s sincerely grateful to Dr. Donald Sampson, Assistant Professor of Psychology. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION H i s t o r i c a l l y Canada has been a land which depended upon immigration for i t s progress. People have come to t h i s country from every major area i n the world bringing with them thei r own languages, t r a d i t i o n s , customs, and s k i l l s . Their offspring i n t h i s country usually maintain part of the heritage of th e i r ancestors. P e r i o d i c a l l y there have been instances of immigrant groups which f a i l to adjust completely to the Canadian s o c i a l environment. The abrupt change from a culture which affected his every thought and action to a new way of l i f e can have disastrous psychological consequences for the immigrant who f a i l s to adjust. Since the end of World War I I Canada has received more than 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 immigrants, a number roughly equivalent to one-tenth of the country fs population. For the common good and unity of the nation i t i s e s s e n t i a l that these people become integrated as completely and as quickly as possible. Yet i n the words of one of the ethnic leaders interviewed for t h i s thesis, \" I f you t r y to force integration down the people's throats they w i l l rebel against i t \" . Integration w i l l not and cannot take place overnight. Much must be l e f t to the natural course of events, but understanding and co-operation must be 2 mutual between the native-born Canadian and the immigrant. This research i s designed to study one aspect of the integration process. The aspect chosen for i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s the b e l i e f s and attitudes of the constituted leaders of ethnic minority groups. Such attitudes and b e l i e f s are s i g n i f i c a n t because leaders of ethnic groups are the main communicators of the larger s o c i a l system's ultimate values and problems and only those communications transmitted through them are f u l l y accepted by the member of the ethnic group. The e l i t e s or leaders (who, according to Eisenstadt's use of the term,-' are the groups which occupy r e l a t i v e l y high positions i n the s o c i a l s t r a t a and/or which hold positions of leadership, influence, and power) perform an important function between the primary groups of immigrants and the wider s o c i a l structure, and the extent of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n depends on this mediation. The e l i t e s seem to influence the formation of values and a c t i v i t i e s of the primary groups. For t h i s study, t h i r t y - s i x leaders of ethnic societies i n Vancouver were in t e n s i v e l y interviewed to determine the i r attitudes toward a number of areas pertinent to the integration process. Personal interviews were conducted i n the homes or o f f i c e s of the leaders during the period of May to September, 1958. The data obtained were analyzed to give information on the leaders' attitudes i n the following areas: 1) The purposes of the society 2 ) The language 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Marriage D i s t r i c t of residence General adjustment or orientation Acceptance or r e j e c t i o n by Canadians Feelings toward the Homeland and Canada Permanent residence i n Canada Retention of ethnic customs O f f i c i a l governing bodies i n Canada Further Immigration to Canada Attitudes were compared and discussed r e l a t i v e to integration and i t was indicated whether or not they were shared by the majority. 4 CHAPTER I I THEORETICAL BACKGROUND (a) Integration From i t s e a r l i e s t recorded history Canada has been the meeting place for autonomous cultures and the process of acculturation has been active up t i l l the present day. Although this can be regarded as a s o c i o l o g i c a l and anthropological o phenomenon, i t s roots l i e w i t h i n psychological s o i l . 0 In any discussion of society or culture we must have recourse to abstract concepts to understand functions and processes and underlying these concepts i s the basic unit of the i n d i v i d u a l and his behavior. Ultimately any complete understanding of these concepts depends upon the science of human behavior. The terms integration, a s s i m i l a t i o n , absorption, and acculturation tend to be used rather loosely. Most Canadians want the member of the minority group to share common goals with them and s t r i v e for these by the same means as they do. F i r t h ' s d e f i n i t i o n of integration appears to f i t t h i s desire: Organization Is to be regarded as a primary aspect of co-operation, a co-ordination of i n d i v i d u a l behavior for economic and s o c i a l purposes. In any group, organization involves the assign-ment of functions to d i f f e r e n t people, 5 a process known as ' a l l o c a t i o n ' ; and the r e l a t i o n of these functions one to another and the group ends, a process known as 'integration',\u00C2\u00B0 In Canada, the Department of Citizenship and Immigration dir e c t s i t s p o l i c y towards what i t c a l l s \" i n t e -gration\" and since t h i s study also prefers the term, i t would be wise to examine exactly what we mean by i t according to R. Alex Sim of the Citizenship Branch of t h i s Department. Ass i m i l a t i o n of people and groups, or to use the popular phrase 'melting pot* i s not, on the surface at l e a s t , as destructive of human values as segregation. At i t s face value the person who i s being assimilated i s being accepted...but he i s accepted upon certain terms...that he should change from' what he i s into something closer to the p r e v a i l i n g standards of the majority groups. When s o c i o l o g i c a l a s s i m i l a t i o n i s promoted as an active p o l i c y , many consider i t unjust,....For ( i t ) has a hidden aspect of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . For i f a s s i m i l a t i o n r e a l l y takes place, many important modifi-cations occur with i n the majority group as w e l l . A s o c i a l p o l i c y that rejects a s s i m i l a t i o n but turns to a goal that welcomes d i v e r s i t y . . . i s the most c i v i l i z e d approach. The p o l i c y of integration...not only encourages the smaller group to f l o u r i s h and grow, but i t i s the only method, as far as I can see, that does not a l t e r the larger dominant group i n a destructive way.2\" Sim goes on to speak of integration as a relationship which i s neither e a s i l y understood,, nor e a s i l y practised; a r e l a t i o n s h i p which c a l l s for mutual trust between groups which may be a c t u a l l y or p o t e n t i a l l y h o s t i l e . I t i s a concept which 6 should be taken as a long range view which w i l l benefit the whole by taking contributions from the parts, always stressing the value of d i v e r s i t y . The process of integration, on the part of the i n d i v i d u a l to be integrated, involves: a) Learning new r o l e s . b) Transformation of primary group values. c) The extension of p a r t i c i p a t i o n beyond the group i n the main spheres of the s o c i a l system. Only i f these changes occur can we say that the member of a minority group i s a f u l l y functioning member of the major society. This w i l l p a r t l y depend upon what roles are available to him, (whether some are monopolized by the \"old\" members) and whether there i s any deliberate segregation. I t could w e l l be, and often i s the case, that pressure i s put upon members of minority groups to change some of the things they do not r e a l l y want to change. Immigrants would be f u l l y integrated when they obtain a s a t i s f a c t o r y personal adjustment and a complete dispersion w i t h i n the main i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres of the major society. I f we look c l o s e l y , the foregoing appears to deal mainly with whether the member of the ethnic group stands out i n the society as having a separate i d e n t i t y . We may take three approaches'to examining whether this be the case: 7 I Acculturation (according to Eisenstadt's meaning): This i s concerned with how w e l l he learns the r o l e s , norms, customs, and practises the behavior patterns of the society. We must here look at not only the number of these behavior patterns (language, dress, economic customs, day-by-day actions, etc.) but also their proper use. I I Personal Adjustment This refers to the member's personality, s a t i s -f a c t i o n , and a b i l i t y to cope with problems. The negative indices of these are judged by the rates of suicide, mental i l n e s s , crime, and family upheaval. The absence of these i s one of the best c r i t e r i a . I I I Extent of Dispersion The ethnic group must cease to have a separate i d e n t i t y i n the new society. This i s the best c r i t e r i o n of f u l l absorption. Whether the existence of t h i s t h i r d c r i t e r i o n be a desirable goal i n Canadian society might be disputed as, i n many ways, the existence of ethnic groups i s fostered for the good of society. This c r i t e r i o n might not stand up to c r i t i c a l analysis for i t i s r e a l l y t h e o r e t i c a l and operative only i n a l i m i t e d way. But, i n long range terms, i f further immigration ceased, i t seems l i k e l y that ethnic groups would one day be mere shadows and Canadian culture would be more of a unity than many of the European societies which contributed 8 to i t , as many of these l a t t e r show no signs of losing the geographical and \"anthropological type\" d i s t i n c t i o n s which have existed for centuries within their borders. Two of the major reasons for a movement toward Canadian unity are the wide geographical dispersion of members of ethnic groups and the high rate of inter-ethnic marriage.* The immigrant cannot integrate by himself, nor can those who have been born and raised i n a semi-seclusive community wi t h i n this country. Part of the burden of s o c i a l change must be shouldered by the established members of the community. I t must not be l e f t to time alone. The immigrant arrives with a preconceived idea of Canada and Canadians. Although he has been supplied with adequate information before coming to Canada, he often r e j e c t s what i s d i s t a s t e f u l to his frame of reference and accepts much hearsay, building up a concept which i s more of wishful thinking than r e a l i t y . 2 ? Ignorance of the consequent psychological reactions of the members of ethnic groups, and then misinterpretation, may lead to a growth of antagonism and prejudice by some members of the host society. Kaye compares the immigrant with a tree transplanted from a d i f f e r e n t s o i l and climate. I f s u f f i c i e n t care i s taken, * Unfortunately, the only s t a t i s t i c s available on this point deal with inter-marriage on the basis of \"country of b i r t h \" , (see Appendix B). Implications which can be drawn from these s t a t i s t i c s plus i n c i d e n t i a l information obtained i n t h i s research are the bases for the above assumption. 9 i t w i l l t hrive and, i n time, bear f r u i t , even better f r u i t than a non-transplanted one. But i f there i s a lack of care and of suitable conditions, i t w i l l become stunted and perhaps 12 die. The example f i t s w e l l with the immigrant who ...comes with d i f f e r e n t mores and with d i f f e r e n t l i f e experience, and the problem he faces i n the new society i s e s s e n t i a l l y one of c u l t u r a l adjustment. 2 The newcomer or the member of the ethnic minority must not only be accepted or adapt himself to being accepted to the point where he can operate without disrupting the functioning of the system, but he must become integrated into and become part of i t . v But i t i s impossible for the immigrant to leave his past completely behind for i t has molded him into what he i s . Seyward thinks i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to speak of the immigrant ever being integrated, for t h i s would involve spending a f u l l l i f e cycle i n one environment. 2? Complete understanding and communication i s the ideal-type s i t u a t i o n but i n r e a l i t y i t i s never achieved. I f the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s inadequate, i t w i l l show up as apathy, rebelliousness, or as a verbal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n without acceptance. (b) Results of Non-integration The i n d i v i d u a l can absorb a vast amount of experi-e n t i a l d e t a i l without changing fundamentally his i n d i v i d u a l premises, values, habits of thought, and the l i k e . He assimilates the newer d e t a i l s , building them into the ground 10 plan of his former structure and thus maintains his o r i g i n a l course.24 21 Merton proposes a typology of adjustment for the behavior patterns of the immigrant: Conformity: Accepts the ends and prescribed means to them i n the new society. Innovation: Accepts the c u l t u r a l goals but rejects the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means and substitutes his own. Ritualism: Rejects the goals as unimportant and emphasizes the means, placing the highest importance on performance. Retreatism: Rejects both goals and means. This type includes those who evade s o c i a l contact, become mentally i l l , withdraw, or become apathetic. Rebellion: Rejects the pre v a i l i n g order and sub-s t i t u t e s a new set of values. This process of adjustment i s a successful or unsuccessful solution of tensions which develop according to fundamental patterns Inherent i n the process of changing from one c u l t u r a l background to another. Such tensions are natural and normal.35 Immigration, the actual physical t r a n s i t i o n from one society to another, involves considerable f r u s t r a t i o n and gives r i s e to many s o c i a l problems among immigrants. They can only f i l l a l i m i t e d number of roles at f i r s t , which means that 11 they must spend a considerable amount of t h e i r time i n a highly unstructured s i t u a t i o n \u00E2\u0080\u0094 a very poor state psychologically. This i s a great changeover from t h e i r former state of l i f e , c a l l i n g for a shrinkage of t h e i r usual s o c i a l l i f e and p a r t i c i -pation. At f i r s t glance, attending school, acquiring a new language, and getting positions i n industry appear to be good indices of integration. In f a c t , they are not good absolute indices for they vary greatly with periods of evolution i n the i n t e g r a t i o n process and often represent merely a s u p e r f i c i a l disguise for a lack of integration. For example, when the o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l pattern i s strongly upheld by the leaders of the group and the f i r s t generation, many c o n f l i c t s can a r i s e between these and succeeding generations, r e s u l t i n g i n disorganization, delinquency, etc., or the development of the marginal-type of quasi-leader. I t may also bring about fear of encroachment on the part of the older inhabitants. These types of disorganization may e x i s t beneath the facade of apparent inte g r a t i o n indices. The number of persons i n Canada who suffer mental disorders which are apparently precipitated by t h e i r f a i l u r e to adjust to the Canadian way of l i f e because of a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l background i s i n i t s e l f a sign of lack of complete i n t e g r a t i o n . ^ Their number i s larger per capita than i n any other group i n the country.^ 4 12 (c) Immigration Migration nearly always involves abandonment of one s o c i a l setting and acceptance of a new and d i f f e r e n t one. There are three major stages involved i n i t : a) The motive to migrate b) The s o c i a l structure of the migratory process c) Integration within the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l framework of the new society There are almost as many motives for migrating as there are immigrants. People have come to Canada for reasons ranging from having no home, no country, and nowhere else to go, to the s p i r i t of adventure or a desire for a change of background. The culture i s not a homogenous structure....The i n d i v i d u a l who finds himself i n c o n f l i c t with the culture on one plane may be able to move to another, i n which the standards and expectations are closer to his needs.32 The predisposing attitudes to a new c u l t u r a l setting are determined by the migrant's perception of an expected r o l e . However, the motives for immigration are not t o t a l i n s e c u r i t y i n every phase of the indi v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l l i f e . He may remain attached to his o r i g i n a l culture i n many ways. The motives and aspirations may vary with each i n d i v i d u a l but b a s i c a l l y they a r i s e because he cannot maintain a set l e v e l of physical existence i n his own c u l t u r a l framework; or his goals cannot be 13 attained i n his o r i g i n a l setting ( f r u s t r a t i o n ) ; or he cannot accept the aspirations of his own society (e.g. p o l i t i c a l ) ; or his culture doesn't afford him a worthwhile pattern of l i f e . Knowledge of motivation i s very important, for the s t a b i l i t y of any s o c i a l system depends on the optimum number of i t s members finding s a t i s f a c t i o n and g r a t i f i c a t i o n i n t h e i r r o l e s . I f the immigrant or member of an ethnic group has aspirations which focus on only one sphere of the basic motives mentioned i n the previous paragraph (e.g. merely accepting economic goals without the intention of adopting other r o l e s ) , his adaptation to the c u l t u r a l setting i s much more d i f f i c u l t . The physical t r a n s i t i o n to a new culture involves the shrinkage of the immigrant's f i e l d of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a detaching of one's s e l f from most of one's o r i g i n a l r o l e s . I f the immigrant's motives are merely economic, he may r e t a i n many of his t i e s with the o r i g i n a l culture. To adapt w e l l he must intend to develop a whole new pattern of l i f e . (d) The Factor of Role Cultures themselves do not come into contact, but rather the c a r r i e r s of cultures come into contact. That part of t h e i r culture which they carry to the scene of contact depends upon th e i r reason for making the contact; that i s , i t depends upon th e i r r o l e . Unless the number of roles i s equivalent on both sides, there can be only a p a r t i a l i n t e r c u l t u r a l transfer. I n t e r c u l t u r a l role-playing r e f l e c t s the i n t e r e s t 14 areas shared by the groups i n contact. On the Canadian scene i t would prove useful to know the important areas i n which there i s i n t e r c u l t u r a l role-playing, those i n which there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t contact, and the barriers to further contact, based on the opinions of the minority groups. To the immigrant the process of integration i s one of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g his role expectancies. This involves language, technical opportunities, orientation, etc. He must also learn the new roles expected of him and necessary to the new society. L a s t l y , he must rebuild and reform his own status-image by accepting a new set of values and testing them i n r e l a t i o n to the new set of r o l e s , both available and required of him. This i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of his behavior involves a trans-formation of his basic primary groups and f i e l d s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s (the basis of his p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n society) and the inter-weaving of these groups into the s o c i a l structure of the receiving culture. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of his behavior requires f i r s t l y an extension of s o l i d a r i t y by developing an i d e n t i f i -cation with the major c u l t u r a l group, i t s ultimate values, symbols, and a feel i n g of belonging to i t . Secondly, his scope of a c t i v i t i e s must go beyond primary ethnic groups to include associations and friendships with other members of society. Thirdly, his behavior must be directed toward wider \"reference groups\" i n the s o c i a l structure (e.g. class and status groups, professional organizations), and be accepted by these groups. 15 L a s t l y , he must develop stable r e l a t i o n s with older members of the s o c i a l structure, leading to a formation of primary groups with them. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of roles involves the r e - d e f i n i t i o n of old established roles to make them compatible with a l t e r n a t i v e roles i n the new society; the a c q u i s i t i o n of e n t i r e l y new r o l e s ; and the transformation of basic i d e n t i f i -cation to the new society, i t s goals, and i t s values. Tensions develop when i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of roles i s not achieved and hence unstructured behavior takes place. Tension i s associated with some ineffectiveness of communication between the immigrants and t h e i r new s o c i a l s e t t i n g . On t h i s account, great attention must be paid to the leaders of immigrant groups, who may either 21 block or foster the transformation of these values. (e) E f f e c t on the S o c i a l Structure Acculturation i s the culture change that i s i n i t i a t e d by the conjunction of two or more autonomous c u l t u r a l systerns.31 I t i s a mysterious thing involving more variables than the mind can manipulate. But the basic unit of culture i s the i n d i v i d u a l and any changes within the s o c i a l structure can be traced to him. No given c u l t u r a l element or complex of t r a i t s can r e t a i n i t s i d e n t i t y while being passed from one people to another. 1 0 Once brought to t h i s country i t a l t e r s and becomes part of Canadian culture. Consequently, any c u l t u r a l elements brought to t h i s country consist of processes which produce c u l t u r a l c r e a t i v i t y and so are culture-producing. As more individuals develop and rear children within a sub-culture, the p a r t i c u l a r deviations fostered there become widespread and gradually a f f e c t the remainder of the c u l t u r e . 3 2 Where conjunctive r e l a t i o n s take place, they must take the form of either fusion (where the give and take i s approximately equal and mutual, and which re s u l t s i n a new s o c i o - c u l t u r a l system) or of a s s i m i l a t i o n (which i s theoret-i c a l l y absolute). An a l t e r n a t i v e would be withdrawal. The l e v e l of absorption i s a consequence of i n t e r a c t i o n between the immigrants* aspirations (achievable i n s o c i a l roles) and the opportunity the s o c i a l structure provides for th e i r r e a l i z a t i o n . Although i t i s generally regarded by the majority that the minorities should assimilate, i f we think of a s s i m i l a t i o n as absolute t h i s would border the impossible. I f a s s i m i l a t i o n were forced, we would have withdrawal. There must be, then, at l e a s t a p a r t i a l fusion. According to Eisenstadt, D the factors concerned i n absorption on the part of the host culture are: a) The degree of s i m i l a r i t y between the cultures involved. b) The degree of \"monopolization\" of values by the \"old\" inhabitants. 17 c) The extent of expansion of the economic system and the r a t i o of immigrants to natives. d) The extent of p o l i t i c a l equality granted to the immigrants. Generally speaking, Canada offers these a t t r i b u t e s , but many Canadians seem to express ambivalence about the immigrant (welcome and h o s t i l i t y ) inasmuch as they are glad to have assistance i n developing the natural resources of the country and i n creating a larger consumer market; and on the negative side, because the immigrant presents a threat to s o l i d a r i t y through his d i f f e r e n t values as w e l l as threatening the status system and representing status competition. One leader interviewed i n this research expressed the opinion that Canadians react quite favorably to foreigners but are completely intolerant of foreign languages. Objects are more r e a d i l y adopted by another culture than are values. The greatest resistance to change occurs i n the universal categories\u00E2\u0080\u0094the maintenance systems, communication systems, and security systems. F i r t h asks, \"How far does s t r u c t u r a l change demand a l t e r a t i o n , not merely i n the objects of choice, but the procedures and p r i n c i p l e s of making the choice?\"^ H e r s k o v i t s 1 0 attempts to investigate the reasons behind some of this behavior i n analyzing why people c l i n g tenaciously to one thing yet w i l l i n g l y s a c r i f i c e another which I 18 they have held for generations. I t seems that new elements are accepted only i f they are congenial to pre-existing patterns of culture. In a culture, more i s taken for granted than i s thought out. North Americans are w i l l i n g to accept technological changes but r e s i s t anything that would a f f e c t t h e i r economic system, r e l i g i o n , or family l i f e . Technology appears to be our c u l t u r a l focus. According to Tax-^ 3 and Mandelbaum2^ mere contact of cultures doesn't s u f f i c e for the transmission of c u l t u r a l objects, values, or ideas. Rather, the adopting of new things i s a process of learning, which involves drive or motive\u00E2\u0080\u0094a new means of attaining an end. Integration of immigrants with i n a society gives r i s e to some sort of change i n at l e a s t part of the country's i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d structure and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population among various i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres. The evolution of a new i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure i s lengthy and cannot immediately o b l i t e r a t e the d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups, but at most transforms them and incorporates them withi n i t s e l f . So, from a large scale immigration, we usually see a p l u r a l i s t i c structure or network of substructures maintaining some degree of separate i d e n t i t y . (f ) Minority Groups We use the term \"minority group\" i n the manner that R. Alex Sim of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship 19 ...we cannot avoid the conclusion that ethnic aggregates are i n f a c t , minority groups. That i s to say, they constitute a segment i n the population of persons who d i f f e r with respect*to c e r t a i n unidentifiable physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , or who have chosen to d i f f e r i n certain e s s e n t i a l modes of behavior... . 2 9 The goals of the minority group are, broadly speaking, the adaptation of some of thei r ethnic patterns and values to those of the absorbing society. I t i s through the formalized agency (the ethnic society) that transformation of the immigrants s e l f - a s s o c i a t i o n from a primary-communal to a secondary-associational one i s usually effected. (7 , p. 175) Eisenstadt? c l a s s i f i e s three types of ethnic minority groups: a) A high degree of exclusiveness, accustomed c u l t u r a l patterns, and the maintenance of a s o c i a l status structure of their own, while at the same time forming an accepted part of general economic and p o l i t i c a l structure and the achievement of a recognized status i n i t . They do this by maintaining a geographical unity or a pa r t i c u l a r sector of the economic structure f a i r l y high i n status hierarchy. I t may be because of r e l a t i v e c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t y of the upper status groups. b) Groups confined to the lowest strata of the absorbing society because of discriminatory practises or of c u l t u r a l i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y . c) The most common group i s w i t h i n the o r b i t of the middle strata i n which achievement i s stressed and i n which s o c i a l and economic i s o l a t i o n i s small. Most formalized agencies are w i t h i n this type. Here the status 20 structure and behavior evolve patterned a f t e r the absorbing society and usually confined to lower middle stratum, stressing the association with the ethnic group as part of the (Canadian) way of l i f e and the compatibility of the two. The great majority of ethnic minority groups involved i n t h i s research f a l l w i t h i n t h i s t h i r d type. These formalized societies or agencies are of p a r t i c u l a r importance to the 17 process of integration i n Canada because, as Lewin says, the best way of effecting a change i n the behavior of an i n d i v i d u a l Is by changing the values and patterns of behavior of the groups i n which he p a r t i c i p a t e s . The ethnic minority group i s r e l a t i v e l y balanced i n as much as i t s value system i s not completely opposed to that of the major society but has some common premises. I t s status premises are usually accepted by the major society; and the minority group usually accepts the status premises i t i s a l l o t t e d . The development of c u l t u r a l associations, f e s t i v a l s , etc., are not a pure continuation of the old patterns of l i f e , but rather t h e i r adaptation to the values of the new country. They act, not only as f o c i of t r a d i t i o n , but also as channels of com-munication with the major society. Minority groups and their members are expected, even encouraged, to maintain some secondary roles,7 so we are bound to get a somewhat p l u r a l i s t i c network of substructures\u00E2\u0080\u0094ethnic minority groups. 21 (g) Leadership I f there are any changes to be made on the part of the minorities they must f i r s t be brought to the attention of their leaders, who are responsible for the formation of values and a c t i v i t i e s among t h e i r g r o u p s . T h e y are the main com-municators and only those communications which go through them are f u l l y accepted by those they represent. 4\" This i s summed up by Sim 2^ when he speaks of the homogeneity of the ethnic group and says: I t s leaders are conscious of defining i t s role and the status of i t s members i n r e l a t i o n to the whole. The importance of the attitudes and opinions of the leaders of ethnic groups can be thoroughly appreciated when we examine these leaders' functions. According to Eisenstadt,^ these are t h e i r main functions: a) The structuring and defining of new wider f i e l d s of s o c i a l r e l ationship and explaining them i n terms of t r a d i t i o n a l values and atti t u d e s . The people f e e l that their leaders are more competent because they understand them. b) They help solve the problems r e l a t i v e to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a wider cluster of ro l e s . They are an active guidance i n the d a i l y problems of behavior. c) They are the mediators of the wider, i n c l u s i v e value-system of the wider s o c i a l structure. d) They symbolize the s o c i a l system and a belongingness to i t , becoming symbols 22 of security and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . They are the main channels of communication connecting the immigrants and the values and problems of the t o t a l s o c i a l structure. These leaders are individuals whose views, r o l e s , and s o c i a l perspective are clos e l y oriented and related to the ultimate values of the host society and whose p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s more i n c l u s i v e , not being confined to minimal s o c i a l areas. The leaders, being more active, communicate these ultimate values to those who are less intense and have a narrower perspective. We see now the Janus-type personality of the leader of the ethnic minority group and how he plays such an important r o l e r e l a t i v e to the majority group as the channel of communication permitting both groups to co-exist. Within this process of extension of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , s p e c i a l importance should be attached to the establishment of channels of communication with the wider society. Foremost among such channels are the leaders, whether formal or informal, of various types, thrown up by the transformation of leadership i n immigrant communities, new types of leaders emerge as a r e s u l t of the impact of the s o c i a l s e t t i n g . The making of contact between the immigrants and these leaders i s one of the most important aspects of ? the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of th e i r behavior. 7 (h) Investigation Techniques There are a number of acceptable techniques for trans l a t i n g attitudes into tangible q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative measurements. Each technique has i t s p a r t i c u l a r advantages and 23 disadvantages and each i s more suitable i n some instances and less suitable i n others. An excellent outline of methods for measuring b e l i e f s and attitudes may be found i n Krech and C r u t c h f i e l d . 1 ^ I t i s intended here to look b r i e f l y at a few of the more common methods, to discuss their s u i t a b i l i t y or u n s u i t a b i l i t y for t h i s study, and to give reasons for selecting the unstructured, open-ended interviewing technique. Attitude Scale Of a l l methods of measurement of b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s , by far the most prominent, the most widely used, and the most c a r e f u l l y designed and tested i s the attitude or opinion scale. (15, p. 210) Any attitude scale b a s i c a l l y consists of a continuum upon which degrees of approach or withdrawal can be checked off to determine feelings toward some issue, thereby indicating the strength of the a t t i t u d e . Although there are a number of d i f f e r e n t types of a t t i t u d e scales, we w i l l mention here only the two most widely used. The Thurstone scale i s composed of a series of statements or items which have been judged for their degree of favorableness or unfavorableness toward a given attitude-object. The subject checks each statement with which he agrees and his attitude score i s the median value of the statements checked. The L i k e r t scale i s composed of a series of statements which have been a r b i t r a r i l y designated as favorable or unfavorable toward a given attitude-object. The subject i s asked to rate 24 his degree of agreement or disagreement with each statement hy checking one of the following categories: strongly approve, approve, undecided, disapprove, strongly disapprove. Each category has been assigned a value from one to f i v e and the subject's attitude score i s the sum of the category values he has checked. There have been a large number of studies on the r e l i a b i l i t y of both Thurstone and L i k e r t attitude scales and generally the correlations are quite favorable. (15, p. 262) The d i f f i c u l t y involved i n applying an attitude scale to t h i s study arises with the very f i r s t step i n the formation of an a t t i t u d e scale. This f i r s t step requires the formulation of a large number of preliminary items to be used i n the scale. But pre-formation of items was quite impossible because s p e c i f i c issues and the nature of attitudes toward them were unknown pr i o r to interviewing. This research was concerned f i r s t l y with discovering the pertinent issues with respect to integration and secondly, with assessing the attitudes toward these issues. Another unfavorable q u a l i t y of an attitude scale i s the f a c t that the respondent i s presented with a series of r e s t r i c t e d statements which he must check, whether or not they represent his true a t t i t u d e s . This tends to bias his responses, prevents him from qualifying his answers, and allows him no opportunity to offer the a d d i t i o n a l information which was considered to be e s s e n t i a l to this study. 25 Questionnaires There are a number of questionnaire techniques which serve good purpose i n many types of a t t i t u d e survey. The questionnaire requires the respondent to give a \"yes\" or \"no\" response or else to choose one of two or more a l t e r n a t i v e fixe d answers. There i s no provision for a l t e r n a t i v e answers other than those presented. Although the questionnaire supplies excellent standardization and e l i c i t s a response on every item, i t suffers from a number of disadvantages. Two unfavorable q u a l i t i e s mentioned when speaking of a t t i t u d e scales apply likewise to the questionnaire. In the f i r s t place, i n s u f f i c i e n t information was available to compose a questionnaire which would cover the pertinent areas. Secondly, i t r e s t r i c t s communication of further information and i n j e c t s bias into the a t t i t u d e by supplying a l i m i t e d number of responses. The closed question can also i r r i t a t e the respondent by putting the words of the f i x e d a l t e r n a t i v e answers into his mouth, whereas he may f e e l 18 that none of the provided answers represent his opinions. This l a s t objection i s especially relevant when the questionnaire i s concerned with sensitive and personal issues, as i n the present study. The Structured Interview Interview methods have an advantage over impersonal a t t i t u d e scales and questionnaires by allowing for the 26 establishment of better rapport between respondent and i n t e r -viewer. An interview permits freer communication and tends to minimize bias on the part of the respondent. Because of i t s s i m i l a r i t y to a conversation, i t i s probably the most natural form of communication. The structured interview has these advantages for i n i t the respondent i s free to express his opinions and a t t i t u d e s , to q u a l i f y his answers, to decline answering or committing himself, and to offer a d d i t i o n a l information. In addition, i t offers standardization by presenting i d e n t i c a l questions to a l l respondents, insuring that comparable data w i l l be obtained from each one. The structured interview would have been an acceptable technique for t h i s research but for one basic reason, which was also the main reason for r e j e c t i n g the formal rating scales and questionnaire methods\u00E2\u0080\u0094not only was there a lack of appropriate information to set up a series of standard questions for a l l respondents but also the interviewer was seeking information about areas which were considered to be pertinent issues by the subjects themselves, i . e . the leaders of ethnic societies i n Vancouver. The Unstructured Interview I t would be unfair to state that the unstructured interview i s the best method possible for s o c i a l research. 27 In spite of, and perhaps because of, i t s weaknesses i n other respects, the unstructured interview technique employing open-ended questions was selected as the most appropriate for t h i s research. The unstructured interview has disadvantages which make i t unsuitable for use i n many areas of s o c i a l research. I t lacks standardization and i t s r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y are d i f f i c u l t to determine. However, for some studies, these weaknesses are outweighed by strengths not provided by any of the previously discussed methods. I t incurs none of the d i s -advantages of i n j e c t i n g bias on the part of the respondent which ex i s t i n other more formal methods, and even to a degree i n the structured interview. I t does not antagonize or i r r i t a t e the respondent for i t permits him complete freedom of expression; i t offers him the opportunity to impart information which he believes i s pertinent; and i t permits excellent rapport i n the hands of a s k i l l e d interviewer. I t gives the interviewer the opportunity to get the true \"feelings\" of the respondent and to probe for as much information as he needs and as the respondent has a v a i l a b l e . For the researcher who has a d i f f i c u l t choice i n deciding between the structured or the unstructured interview, 16 between open and closed questions, Lazarsfeld has set f o r t h a number of s i t u a t i o n a l factors which should influence his choice. The f i r s t of these involves the objective of the interview and i n t his research the objective of gathering information about pertinent areas i n which attitudes would be expressed i s served 28 only by the unstructured interview. The unstructured interview i s c e r t a i n l y not without i t s advocates for s o c i a l research. Kahn and C a n n e l 1 1 strongly endorse i t . Rogers 2^ also recommends i t highly and states: I t i s useful because i t gets at deep attitudes of the person interviewed without i n j e c t i n g bias on the part of the interviewer. I t i s e s p e c i a l l y valuable i n attitude surveys.... The unstructured interview involves the use of open-ended questions which can be funnelled into expressed attitudes by means of probe questions. By proper use of probe questions the interviewer restrains the respondent from wandering away from the o v e r - a l l objectives of the interview. Once the interview i s i n i t i a t e d , the interviewer has the task of guiding the conversation i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n . He must always exercise the utmost caution not to bias the respondent's answers and consequently a l l his questions must be open-ended or non-directive. The open-ended question i s designed to e l i c i t free responses which are not r e s t r i c t e d to predetermined categories. The outstanding advantages of free-response questions (open-ended questions) i s that they can provide a more adequate picture of what the respondent has i n mind, how intensely he feels about i t , what the question means to him, within what frame of reference he i s answering. They give opportunity for spontaneous, unanticipated responses rather than confining the respondent to a choice \u00E2\u0084\u00A2 among alternatives imposed by the question. In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r research an open-ended question such 29 as \"Can you t e l l me something about your society?\" or \"You are the president of the ; could you t e l l me something about the organization?\", was used to \"break the Ice\". Once the interviewer had some knowledge about the history and purposes of the ethnic agency, a series of probe questions were employed to d i r e c t communication to broad areas such as economics, language, s o c i a l and family l i f e . As issues arose which the respondent f e l t were s i g n i f i c a n t , probe questions were used to funnel the conversation into a f u l l expression of relevant a t t i t u d e s . The unstructured interview employing open-ended questions gives r i s e to greater problems of data analysis than previously discussed methods. Many of the judgments required i n coding the data are subtle, requiring a s i m i l a r type of judgment employed by the c l i n i c i a n i n a psychological s e t t i n g . The material gathered must be c a r e f u l l y read and re-read and assigned to categories. I t must be re-examined, cross-compared, and checked for i n t e r n a l consistency and r e l i a b i l i t y . Sometimes a judgment i s made on the basis of a cluster of statements rather than on one p a r t i c u l a r statement so the coder must get the \" f e e l \" of the whole interview. Further discussion of the procedures employed i n the unstructured interview and the analysis of the data obtained through t h i s method w i l l be found i n the following two chapters. 30 ( i ) Conclusion We have now examined what i s involved i n the process of integration and i t s importance on the Canadian scene. We have discussed the problems which can aris e through non-integration, the process of immigration, and the r o l e which the i n d i v i d u a l must play i n the process. Whatever path the process takes, i t w i l l have long-lasting effects upon the structure of Canadian society. The ethnic minority group i s an important part of Canadian culture and plays a very s p e c i f i c role i n i t . To understand i t better and to see whether i t i s f a c t u a l l y b e n e f i c i a l or adverse for the nation at large i n carrying out the process of integration, we turn to the leaders of the ethnic groups as the communicators and sources of knowledge bridging the main culture with the sub-cultures. The best approach to the information we are seeking i s to conduct personal open-ended interviews with these leaders and thereby f i n d out what are pertinent issues i n t h e i r way of thinking i n the integration process and what are their attitudes i n these issues. 31 CHAPTER I I I RESEARCH METHOD (a) Subjects The leaders interviewed i n t h i s study were chosen from a l i s t prepared and revised annually by the Regional Office of the Citizenship Branch of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration e n t i t l e d Ethnic Societies i n Vancouver. An attempt was made to contact a l l leaders l i s t e d i n th i s pam-phlet as residing w i t h i n the C i t y of Vancouver. A t o t a l of t h i r t y - s i x s o cieties (about s i x t y percent) were contacted favourably, (see Appendix A) Many of the societies l i s t e d could not be contacted because of th e i r d i s s o l u t i o n , language b a r r i e r s , i n a b i l i t y to est a b l i s h contact, etc. The f i r s t few contacts were f a c i l i t a t e d by l e t t e r s of introduction by Dr. W. G. Black of the Citizenship Branch, Department of Citizenship and Immigration (see Appendix C) with the hope that an awareness of the research would spread to other societies i n the c i t y . \" I t i s of the greatest importance to be introduced by someone who i s trusted by p o t e n t i a l informants, and to attempt to make one's purpose (or part of i t ) clear and 18 acceptable.\" Although the groups used i n th i s research have a wide 32 range of purposes including p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , s o c i a l and educational; and although many represent minorities long established i n the community while others represent r e l a t i v e newcomers to the Canadian scene, they a l l have the common bond of being minorities i n Vancouver and, indeed, i n the Canadian population as a whole. The leaders interviewed were the elected presidents, secretaries, or r e l i g i o u s leaders of the groups. I t was found necessary and deemed es s e n t i a l to include the r e l i g i o u s leaders because of the i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of the trad i t i o n s and culture of many groups i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and secular thought and behavior, e.g., French-Canadian, Jewish. Also i t was patent that the r e l i g i o u s leaders were communicators and mediators between the major society and the sub-groups. However, i t was made clear by the interviewer that, where possible, r e l i g i o u s opinions should be kept d i s t i n c t from secular issues. Those interviewed were mostly s k i l l e d technicians, business, or professional people. They were well-informed and a l e r t regarding questions of d a i l y import. An interpreter was used on one occasion because of the language b a r r i e r . (b) Procedure Interviews took place i n the homes or o f f i c e s of the leaders, mainly i n the evenings, i n privacy, and generally under 33 circumstances favorable to the establishment of good rapport. The lengths of interviews varied from one half hour to several hours. P r i o r to each interview the respondent was promised anonymity and the secrecy of his responses was assured. Open-ended questions were employed covering major areas of i n t e r e s t and were followed up by probe questions i n a non-directive method. The eleven major areas which were chosen i n expectation that they would disclose the attitudes of the leaders were: A. Nature of the Society B. Language C. Marriage D. D i s t r i c t of Residence E. General Adjustment or Orientation F. Acceptance by Canadians G. The Homeland and Canada H. Permanent Residence i n Canada I. Retention of Ethnic Customs J. Governing Bodies i n Canada K. Further Immigration to Canada One of the great advantages of the open-ended question approach i s that i t puts the respondent at ease. \"The open question i s presumed also to have the advantage...that i t promotes rapport because the interchange between interviewer and respondent seems more l i k e an ordinary conversation.\" (18, p. 4-58. 34 The i d e a l which the interviewer was s t r i v i n g for was a natural form of verbal communication i n which the respondent would be more i n c l i n e d to give statements such as he would i n the ordinary course of his l i f e . Holding interviews i n the homes of the respondents, often i n easy chairs and with l i g h t refresh-ment supplied by the leaders, gave the atmosphere of a host-guest s o c i a l v i s i t and lent i t s e l f to freer communication. On a number of occasions information was imparted which the host requested not to be included i n the study. Such requests were complied with. Answers to opening questions were funnelled into pertinent areas i n the manner recommended by Kahn and Cannel. Because the attitudes of the leaders were unknown p r i o r to interviewing, the opening questions were given i n very general and unrestricted words, and followed up with successively r e s t r i c t e d questions, narrowing the content to precise objectives. For example, an area may be investigated i n t h i s manner: \"What about marriages?\" \"Well, there are not enough\u00E2\u0080\u0094girls,.. .so the boys marry any n a t i o n a l i t y . \" \"They marry any n a t i o n a l i t y ? \" \"Well, yes. They prefer , , and because they have a s i m i l a r background. I think i f they have a s i m i l a r background they w i l l get along better.\" \"But not a l l marry , , , and ?\" 35 \"No. They prefer their own and look for them f i r s t , then they w i l l choose the others.\" \"They do prefer their own?\" \"Yes.\" \"What do you think of t h i s ? \" \" I think i t i s only natural.\" Kahn and Cannel state \"The funnel sequence i s e s p e c i a l l y useful when one wants to ascertain from the f i r s t open questions something about the respondent's frame of reference.\" In the example given, i t i s easy to see how an attitud e i s evoked without biasing the a t t i t u d e through the form of the questions and yet reaching the desired end quite quickly and c l e a r l y . Responses were recorded by the interviewer as they were given, with f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n that i t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible to get down verbatim what the respondent says and sometimes i t was just a topic sentence or two^ D followed by a series of key words and phrases. The interviews were then typewritten at the e a r l i e s t convenience, usually only a matter of a few hours or less a f t e r they had been conducted. At the outset of each interview permission to take notes was asked of the respondent. A l l complied w i l l i n g l y to this request. In only one instance did the interviewer sense that t h i s was a hindrance to rapport and i n t h i s case notes were put away and the interviewer r e l i e d on his memory for the greater part of the interview. Several 36 respondents also supplied copies of radio broadcasts, newspaper interviews, and published a r t i c l e s i n which they had previously expressed attitudes and opinions on integration. Notes were taken on 6\" x 4\" cards on which the i n t e r -viewer had previously written symbols representing the major areas. These also served the purpose of making ce r t a i n a l l major areas were covered i n each interview. Respondents often assisted i n the note-taking process by repeating important phrases, speaking slowly, and pausing between sentences. As was anticipated, the note-taking process appeared to pose l i t t l e or no b a r r i e r to communication (with the one exception noted above). On previous discussions of leadership and the choice of the interview technique i t has been pointed out that one of the main roles of the leader of an ethnic minority group Is to act as communicator between those he represents and the majority group. The leaders f u l f i l l e d this r o l e admirably, not hesitating to answer questions as completely as they could even when there were personal involvements. They appeared to be acutely aware of a duty to f u l f i l l t h e i r roles as mediators and communicators between the majority and minority groups. The majority of those interviewed spontaneously i n v i t e d the interviewer to return for further information i f i t was ever desired and offered t h e i r services i n obtaining any i n f o r -mation they did not have immediately avai l a b l e . Such reactions were interpreted as c r i t e r i a of the establishment of favorable rapport and co-operativeness. 37 The advantages of this type of interview and recording method over a r t i f i c i a l or mechanical methods i n obtaining rapport and at the same time preserving s u f f i c i e n t accuracy for this type of research i s endorsed by Kahn and Cannell as w e l l as others. (c) Analysis of Data The data obtained from these Interviews were c a r e f u l l y studied and every expressed attitude and opinion, or pertinent fact was assigned a symbol. Eleven primary symbols represented the major areas which were covered i n a l l of the interviews. Each of these major areas were then scrutinized more closely and secondary symbols were assigned to each a t t i t u d e , opinion, or pertinent f a c t . When a l l relevant material i n a l l of the interviews had been coded i n this manner, the at t i t u d e s , opinions, and pertinent facts were catalogued under the headings of the eleven major areas. Secondary symbols were then categorized and assigned t e r t i a r y symbols according to their relationship one to another ( i . e . , as opposing at t i t u d e s , points on a continuum, et c . ) . The information was then sorted to obtain categories and subcategories which were common to a l l of the interviews. Attitudes, opinions, and pertinent facts about which information was obtained i n one or several of the interviews but not i n a l l of them was separated to be treated as i n c i d e n t a l information. 38 At t h i s point i t was determined that one interview would have to be omitted from a f u l l extensive analysis because of a lack of information brought about by d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c omm uni ca t i on. In the coding of attitudes and opinions more reliance was placed upon expressed statements than upon inference. This approach was retained even when l a t e r statements of a leader would supply grounds for the implication of moderation of previously expressed views. Inferences and implications were avoided. Berelson 1 has stated: In a great many studies there i s no r e a l problem of inference at a l l . This i s true for a l l those content analyses i n which the description of content i t s e l f i s the primary objective. Such studies can be said to contain i m p l i c i t inferences about the causes or the consequences of the content\u00E2\u0080\u0094and some contain them e x p l i c i t l y \u00E2\u0080\u0094 b u t such inferences are i n the nature of addenda to or reformulations of the basic data. The primary objective of t h i s study i s descriptive. Inferences and implications are drawn from a description and comparison of the expressed attitudes and opinions of the leaders. 39 CHAPTER IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The results and analysis of the att i t u d e s , opinions, and pertinent facts obtained i n interviewing the t h i r t y - s i x leaders of ethnic minority groups i n Vancouver are presented here under the headings of the eleven major areas: I Nature of the Society I I Language I I I Marriage IV D i s t r i c t of Residence V General Adjustment or Orientation VI Acceptance by Canadians VII The Homeland and Canada VIII Permanent Residence i n Canada IX Retention of Ethnic Customs X Governing Bodies i n Canada XI Further Immigration to Canada With the exception of Area I , the analysis of data refers to t h i r t y - f i v e of the interviews obtained. Results of data obtained from less than t h i r t y - f i v e of the leaders i n t e r viewed are included and referred to as \" i n c i d e n t a l findings\". 40 Area I NATURE OF THE SOCIETIES The t h i r t y - s i x ethnic societies were categorized from the interviews according to s i x major aims: r e l i g i o u s , benevolent, p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , and educational. They were also categorized chronologically as to when the members came to Canada and according to the conditions of membership. A. Religious This term i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c a l l s for l i t t l e explanation and i n most instances the leader i n t e r -viewed was the pastor of a national church. B\u00C2\u00AB Benevolent includes a l l those societies which are concerned with the welfare of thei r members or people of th e i r ethnic o r i g i n . The expression of t h i s may be i n sickness insurance, care for the aged, free l e g a l advice, s o l i c i t i n g jobs and dwellings, etc. C. P o l i t i c a l can refer to those societies which originated mainly as p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s , even though th i s i s no longer a major purpose; those which lobby i n Ottawa; or those which are united i n support of some p o l i t i c a l party or ideology. D. S o c i a l i s a broad category and includes those which are active i n holding banquets, entertainment, p i c n i c s , common recreation, etc., more than on a merely occasional basis. E. C u l t u r a l refers to those who are active i n f o l k dancing, t r a d i t i o n a l entertainment and f e s t i v a l s , hold study 41 groups on national l i t e r a t u r e , r e t a i n national l i b r a r i e s , etc. F* Educational includes those who offer i n s t r u c t i o n i n the national language, i n English or French, hold seminars and discussions on Canadian customs and laws, operate schools, etc. Table I i l l u s t r a t e s the relationship of the t h i r t y -s i x s o c ieties to these s i x major aims. As can be r e a d i l y seen, the aims, purposes, and functions of the soc i e t i e s are quite varied. However, their main goal i s i d e n t i c a l i n as much as they unite t h e i r ethnic group or part of i t . Looking at Appendix A, i t i s patent that t h i s research has sometimes dealt with d i f f e r e n t societies representing the same ethnic group. This i s only natural, as many of the societies unite c e r t a i n s o c i a l segments, p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s , r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , etc., of the broader ethnic group. For a further understanding of the t h i r t y - s i x s o c i e t i e s , they have been c l a s s i f i e d according to the h i s t o r i c a l period i n which the majority of t h e i r members came to Canada. Pre-World War I I 7 Post World War I I 13 Mixture of Both 16 Las t l y , the societies have been c l a s s i f i e d as to who are admitted to membership. In some there are no r e s t r i c t i o n s or very minor r e s t r i c t i o n s on membership. A good number stated 42 TABLE I Major Aims of T h i r t y - s i x Ethnic Societies i n Vancouver Religious Benevolent P o l i t i c a l S o c i a l C u l t u r a l Educa-1 x X X 2 X X 3 X X X X 4 X X 5 X X X X 6 X X X 7 X X 8 X X X X X X 9 X 10 X X X X X 11 X X X X 12 X X 13 X X X 14 X X X X 15 X X 16 X X X X 17 X X X X X 18 X X 19 X X 20 X X X X 21 X X X 22 X X X 23 X X X X 24 X X 25 X X X 26 X X 27 X X X 28 X X 29 X X 30 X X 31 X X 32 X X X 33 X X 34 X X X 35 X X X x 36 X X X x * This l i s t i n g i s i n random order and i n no way corresponds to the alphabetical l i s t of societies i n Appendix B. 43 that they did not permit members of the Communist party to be members, but this was considered to be a minor r e s t r i c t i o n because i t was f e l t that there was l i t t l e means of ascertaining this f a c t . Some of the societies have major r e s t r i c t i o n s i n as much as only a certain percentage of the membership can c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y belong outside the ethnic f o l d , or else non-ethnic members cannot hold o f f i c e . Thirdly, societies are c l a s s i f i e d as exclusive on r e l i g i o u s , r a c i a l , ethnic, or s o c i a l status whether by cons t i t u t i o n or f a c t . On th i s basis we l i s t the so c i e t i e s : Open to A l l 4 Restricted 2 Exclusive 30 Area I I LANGUAGE This part of the analysis was complicated by the fact that twelve of the groups interviewed had a national language of Canada either as thei r primary language, were very w e l l grounded i n the language (as a group) before coming to the country, or whose members have been i n Canada for so many years that a l l but the eldest members of the group speak without accent. However, only f i v e of these did not have the compli-cations of a second language and only one lacked the problem of an \"accent\". In these l a t t e r cases, questioning was directed to the accent as i f i t had been a d i f f e r e n t language. 44 As was mentioned i n Chapter I I , the means of com-munication i s one of the c u l t u r a l aspects which an immigrant i s most loath to r e l i n q u i s h and the degree to which he employs his new tongue can be a useful gauge to his integration. Language (A) Retention of National Language The f i r s t point of in t e r e s t about the language was the extent to which the leaders c l i n g to the tongue they learned from the i r infancy i n fact and i n f e e l i n g . The following was determined: Strong to r e t a i n native language 26 Want to lose the native language 2 Let the language take i t s natural course 7 Whether the leaders' opinions were strongly i n favor of retaining the spoken language of their o r i g i n was determined from outright statements to this e f f e c t ; from sounding out their opinions on conducting t h e i r meetings, business, corre-spondence, and s o c i a l gatherings i n the native language; t h e i r attitudes to national language newspapers; etc. In both instances of those who declared that they wanted to lose t h e i r national language, t h i s a t t i t u d e was d i r e c t l y expressed. These statements were followed by the expression of the opinion that retention of the language for Canadians served no p r a c t i c a l use. Both leaders who expressed t h i s opinion had been i n Canada longer than twenty-five years 4 5 and the groups which they represented had a membership composed of both pre-war and post-war immigrants. Both languages are quite d i s t i n c t from English and French. In the l a s t category the leaders expressed the attitude that i t i s of no consequence either way. They f e l t there i s no incentive or p r a c t i c a l i t y to retaining the native tongue, nor i s there anything to be gained by abandoning i t . Three of these referred to \"accents\". Language (B) Language i n the Home As a further check on t h i s point, the interviewer enquired into which language was used i n the homes of the leaders. The results are here stated: Speak English i n the home 8 Speak both languages interchangeably i n the home 9 Speak the native language i n the home 18 I t i s noteworthy that the t o t a l of those who speak both languages i n the home and those who speak the language of o r i g i n i n the home (twenty-seven) closely p a r a l l e l s the number of those who have been c l a s s i f i e d as strong to r e t a i n the native tongue (twenty-six). Language (C) Attitude to Children The interviewed were then directed to the leaders 1 46 opinions of what language the children of immigrants should speak. The following r e s u l t s were obtained: Want the children to learn the native tongue 28 Doesn't matter i f the children learn or not 6 Don't want the c h i l d to learn the native tongue 1 The majority here expressed the opinion that the more languages the c h i l d spoke, the better off he was, the better understanding he had, and the better his education was. The remainder expressed the attitude that i t did the c h i l d no good or that i t interfered with his knowledge of English. Language (D) Language of the Children Further funnelling attempted to determine whether the children a c t u a l l y did learn a secondary language. This information was obtained: The children learn the native language 14 The children learn some of the language 8 The children don't r e a l l y learn the language 13 I t i s quite apparent that what the parents want and what the children a c t u a l l y do i n regard to the language are two 47 d i s t i n c t things. The majority of those whose children learn the native language of t h e i r parents 1 o r i g i n are more recent immigrants. Among those children who learn some of the language are those who learn the language and speak i t up to school age and whose knowledge of the language deteriorates as they approach adolescence u n t i l t h e i r a b i l i t y to speak i t p r a c t i c a l l y disappears, although they may be able to follow the language as spoken by t h e i r parents. Those children who don't r e a l l y learn the language, i n some cases learn and r e t a i n some basic words or speak the language i n their pre-school years but eventually lose a l l knowledge of i t . These categories are complicated because d i f f e r e n t parents take d i f f e r e n t attitudes to teaching their children the secondary language. One leader indicated that the \"poorer\" immigrants ( r e f e r r i n g to quality or c u l t u r a l status) just don't care what the i r children do i n any circumstances. There i s also a probable bias towards believing that the children do learn the language among younger leaders and recent ethnic societies who are more f a m i l i a r with younger children, and as yet unfamiliar with the t r a n s i t i o n the children undergo i n la t e r years. There would seem to be grounds to postulate that those who learn the language and r e t a i n i t to adulthood belong to those groups which are at least somewhat compact geographically i n Vancouver, at least i n the majority of cases. Several leaders indicated that, because they learn English so r a p i d l y by mixing with t h e i r Canadian playmates, the 48 children are a great help to the parents learning English. Some mentioned that when they spoke to the children i n the language of o r i g i n , the children would answer them i n English without drawing a conscious d i s t i n c t i o n between the languages. One leader indicated that his son's knowledge of English was a source of embarrassment to himself and his wife because of the s u p e r i o r i t y of the child's grammar and vocabulary. Language (E) Language as a Ba r r i e r An attempt was made to get the feelings of the leaders on how much of a b a r r i e r they considered t h e i r foreign languages were to integration. Although they were unanimous i n stating that any newcomer should immediately concentrate on the language of Canada from the beginning, they considered the language to be a b a r r i e r i n d i f f e r i n g degrees. Is a great b a r r i e r 4 Is sometimes a b a r r i e r 16 Is no b a r r i e r 15 Those who f e l t that the lack of knowledge of English was a great b a r r i e r were those who found i t d i f f i c u l t because of the root difference between the i r language of o r i g i n and English; who found i t a great hardship communicating with those outside t h e i r ethnic group; or who f e l t that t h e i r poor English deprived them of s o c i a l status and better jobs. Among those who declared that the language was sometimes 49 a barrier, opinions varied between the two extremes. With some i t was a feeling that people were very conscious of their accents. Others stated that many of their people found i t impossible to conduct even everyday business but s t i l l f e l t this was not an extreme barrier because they always had access to other people who willingly acted as intermediaries and interpreters. In the last group were those who have English as a primary or secondary language, those who have been established i n Canada for many years, those of higher social status who had a f a i r knowledge of English before coming to Canada, and some of the original Displaced Persons of whom the far greater number came to Canada about ten years ago and whose numbers have not appreciably increased since that time. In regard to the language, a suggestion was made spontaneously by four of the leaders to the effect that the newcomer to Canada should have a specific time allotted to him (one suggested six months, another one year) i n which he should do nothing but learn the language. Before he has learned the language he should not even attempt to seek employment. Three suggested that the Federal government should pay for his upkeep during this time, arguing that i n the long run i t would be better for Canadian society. The other suggested that the immigrants sponsor should be responsible for this. Two leaders brought up instances of immigrants coming to Canada, finding 50 employment i n the bush or the North, and after being i n this country for several years having no more knowledge of the language than when they stepped off the boat. After a few years of th i s type of l i v i n g , such men f i n d integration i n an urban area to be an insurmountable personal threat. Most of them either return to the country of- o r i g i n or end up i n the slums of large c i t i e s . Although the point was not thoroughly pressed, the interviewer feels confident from t a l k i n g to other leaders that they would have taken a contrary stand on this matter. Some of the older leaders t o l d tales of the hardship they experienced i n becoming established i n Canada without any of the temporal or s p i r i t u a l helps offered to immigrants by various agencies today. They f e l t that such hardships were an advantage to the i n d i v i d u a l . Area I I I MARRIAGE A good Index of whether or not members of minority groups es t a b l i s h contacts of a l a s t i n g nature with persons outside th e i r primary groups i s th e i r preference for ma r i t a l partners. Although many of the r e l i g i o u s leaders and a few of the secular leaders were of the opinion that r e l i g i o n i s a basic issue i n marriage, the number who would be r e s t r i c t e d to marrying s t r i c t l y w i t h i n the confines of thei r own ethnic group on r e l i g i o u s grounds would be few. 51 Prefer to marry within th e i r own ethnic group 14 Doesn't matter whom they marry 12 Prefer to marry outside t h e i r group 9 Those who expressed the opinion that i t was better to marry w i t h i n th e i r own group based the i r thinking on the broad p r i n c i p l e that i t was better for the individuals to have the same c u l t u r a l r e l i g i o u s , h i s t o r i c a l , e x p e r i e n t i a l , and l i n g u i s t i c background to assure successful marriage. One of the leaders who held t h i s view was himself married to a member of a di f f e r e n t ethnic group which i s c u l t u r a l l y quite d i s t i n c t . Upon overhearing t h i s statement from another room, his wife came i n and argued heatedly for the opposite opinion. After a lengthy, m u l t i - l i n g u a l discussion, the leader softened his o r i g i n a l views. In this same regard s i x leaders stated the existence of a \"bachelor problem\" i n as much as the men of thei r ethnic group outnumbered the women. When asked i f they could suggest any p r a c t i c a l solution to th i s problem, four could not, and two could only suggest that more women should be brought to Canada. Two leaders stressed t h i s problem as being extreme and as leading to much personal maladjustment and discontent. Strangely enough two leaders were contradicted by leaders of d i f f e r e n t societies i n the same two groups who said that no bachelor problem existed. 52 Some groups overcome the barrier of the bachelor problem through marriages by proxy to g i r l s i n the land of o r i g i n or by family arrangements i n the old country to provide spouses for the bachelors i n Canada. I t must also be r e a l i z e d that i n many cases, although people of a minority group do prefer to marry t h e i r own kind, i n f a c t they do not. The reason for t h i s i s the lack of e l i g i b l e spouses within their own ethnic group. Among those who f e l t i t made no difference whom the members of t h e i r group married were several whose members do i n f a ct marry predominantly wit h i n t h e i r own group. However, for them to hold such an opinion i s s i g n i f i c a n t . The basic attitude underlying a l l w i t h i n t h i s group would seem to be a healthy one i n as much as they set up no marriage boundaries between t h e i r group and other groups with i n Canada. Two leaders indicated that within the countries of their o r i g i n they had never had to face color differences. Within these two groups there are apparently no known cases of i n t e r - r a c i a l marriage and the interviewer received the impression that these leaders would have to come across some such cases before they formulated a true opinion. Those who advocated inter-ethnic and i n t e r - r a c i a l marriage reasoned that i t would be much better for Canada, that i t would cut down on prejudice and discrimination, and even stated that genetically i t would bring about a stronger race. 53 In the opinion of the interviewer, these three degrees of preference for marriage represent, not points on a continuum, but three e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t concepts. Those who would prefer to marry with i n t h e i r own group appear to promote the \"patch-work q u i l t \" concept for Canada with i t s ethnic groups remaining d i s t i n c t , even though being w e l l integrated on many s o c i a l l e v e l s . The middle group express the idea that we are a l l Canadians and equal i n every respect; i f we want to maintain some a f f i l i a t i o n with others of our ethnic o r i g i n , w e l l and good, but th i s should be a very secondary role to the broader role of Canadian c i t i z e n . The f i n a l group appear to indicate some sense of urgency to speed up natural and h i s t o r i c a l processes so that a l l peoples i n the Dominion w i l l be equal i n every way, which i s tantamount to stating that t h i s i s not true at the present time as w e l l as being i n d i c a t i v e of the fee l i n g that they and their groups would benefit s o c i a l l y because they are presently on the lower end of the scale. The most refreshing view i s that of the moderates and i t would seem to be a very good index of integration as advanced by the Canadian Government and expressed by R. Alex Sim (p. 5). Area IV -DISTRICT OF RESIDENCE The next area probed i n t h i s research was the opinions of the leaders toward geographical c e n t r a l i t y among thei r members. This area i s also a good index of integration for i t indicates whether the members of an ethnic group are w i l l i n g to form 54 personal associations with those outside t h e i r \" f o l d \" or whether they are s t i l l dependent upon and i d e n t i f i e d with the primary group. The interviewer was aware of the existence of minority groups which are usually r u r a l l y located and bound together by r e l i g i o u s t i e s and which form t h e i r own geographical e n t i t i e s throughout the country, but none of these could be incorporated into t h i s thesis which was r e s t r i c t e d to the C i t y of Vancouver. Findings i n t h i s area were as follows: Prefer to l i v e i n a certain d i s t r i c t .. 5 Don't care what d i s t r i c t they l i v e i n 3 Prefer to be scattered 27 The protagonists of l i v i n g w ithin a group geographically do not necessarily advocate an area exclusive to their own members. Rather they would prefer to see the members within the proximity of some center. The reasons they forward for this include having rel a x a t i o n and entertainment which they prefer more than other ethnic groups; restaurants, cafes, bakeries, and shops where they can obtain national dishes and foods; being close to friends and r e l a t i v e s ; and the enjoyment of ta l k i n g t h e i r national language p u b l i c l y . Such conveniences are d i f f i c u l t to break away from, es p e c i a l l y among those who are recent immigrants, but through the course of time l i v i n g i n a defined d i s t r i c t appears to be taken for granted and either consciously or unconsciously, places the members i n a p o s i t i o n of dependence. 55 In the second category f e l l a few members who could see no strong argument for either side or who could see strong arguments for both sides. This i s an appropriate time to mention a point which was commented on by two of the leaders interviewed, concerning the p o l i c y of several r e a l estate firms operating i n Vancouver at the time the research was being done. Their p o l i c y c a p i t a l i z e d on the aspiration of many immigrants to own land i n Canada, which to many i s the ultimate symbol of security. From what has been t o l d the interviewer by r e l i a b l e sources, i t would seem that some r e a l estate companies advertised new subdivisions i n the Vancouver area i n national language papers which would be sold mainly to members of a certain ethnic group and would be a \" l i t t l e homeland\". One informant laughingly disclosed that i n fact t h i s was f a l l a c i o u s because the same subdivisions were advertised i n d i f f e r e n t language papers as exclusive for members of that p a r t i c u l a r group. Whatever the facts or consequences of such campaigns, the advertising probably did have some effect on the thinking of some members of ethnic groups by presenting an apparent s o c i a l sanction of ethnic com-munities and forming opinions that many of their former countrymen were supporting such a move. In this regard, i t i s quite under-standable that many thoughtful i n d i v i d u a l s can be undecided on which i s the better approach to resettlement i n Canada. The greatest bulk of the leaders f e l l w i t h i n the t h i r d category and advanced reasons for t h e i r opinions ranging from abstract notions of furthering integration and lessening 56 discrimination to concrete experiences of people getting along better i f they are not continuously associated. But to get the true picture of th i s s i t u a t i o n , another category was set up by the interviewer regarding the facts i n the s i t u a t i o n . In th i s category much of the information was not obtained d i r e c t l y from the leaders but from the interviewer\u00C2\u00BBs general knowledge of the c i t y . The following information about the ethnic groups used i n t h i s study was determined: Ac t u a l l y do l i v e within geographical proximity ... * 10 Actu a l l y are scattered 25 I t i s r e a d i l y seen that the figures for the stated preferences and the facts do not exactly correspond. Although this appears to point out an awareness i n some leaders of a physical s i t u a t i o n which they would l i k e to see changed, one leader who was questioned deeply on his reasons for wanting to see his group together i n a d i s t r i c t ended up by stating that he did not r e a l l y know why he held this opinion. In the f i n a l analysis i t appears that those who gather together i n at leas t a loosely-defined area of the c i t y display a tendency for dependence, some fear of stepping into the conglomerate environment, a necessity for maintaining i d e n t i t y w i t h i n t h e i r own group, or a necessity for maintaining 57 an i d e n t i t y with th e i r group to outsiders. This would he an excellent area for further research and might prove very useful i n helping the minority group and the majority to understand and overcome t h i s \"herding\" tendency. S u p e r f i c i a l l y , l i v i n g w ithin a defined area appears to hinder integration rather than hasten i t , i n spite of any advantages i t offers to the i n d i v i d u a l or the group. I t s basic e v i l may be the fact that i t fosters i n s e c u r i t y i n the i n d i v i d u a l i n his dealings with outsiders. Area V GENERAL ADJUSTMENT OR ORIENTATION This area attempted to probe the opinions of the leaders about how th e i r members have generally f i t t e d into the Canadian way of l i f e . The area was purposely kept vague and general and was intended to complement more defined areas of inves t i g a t i o n . The opening question was usually phrased some-what l i k e the following: \"Generally speaking, what about the integration, a s s i m i l a t i o n , adjustment, or whatever you may choose to c a l l i t , of the ? How do they f i t into the Canadian way of l i f e ? \" Adjustment i s d i f f i c u l t 7 Adjustment i s gradual 8 Adjustment i s rapid 14 Adjustment i s complete 6 Response i n the f i r s t category usually contained the term \" d i f f i c u l t \" or some synonym although the leader always went on to qua l i f y and soften the statement. Many leaders here 58 mentioned that i t would r e a l l y take another generation before they were f u l l y members of Canadian society. Within the second category interviewers stated that adjustment was slow or gradual but always q u a l i f i e d the state-ment by adding that i t was greatly improving now. Often they stated that the period of adjustment \"has been\" slow, implying that t h i s period was over or that they were now nearing the end of such a period. The interviewer did not give f u l l credence to many responses i n the t h i r d category as many of the leaders answered h a s t i l y or used jocular expressions such as, \"They are no sooner i n Canada than they become r e a l Canadians.\" As could be anticipated from such vague questioning on the part of the interviewer, the frames of reference of the leaders would vary from one extreme to the other. The discrepancy can be noticed r e a d i l y by comparing the figures i n some of the other areas; e.g. language as a b a r r i e r . The interviewer was aware that responses i n this area could very w e l l have been flavoured by concepts unearthed i n discussing other areas immediately preceding this l a t t e r area. S t i l l , the categorization i s j u s t i f i e d Inasmuch as i t pictures i n i t i a l reactions of the leaders or at least wishful thinking. The interviewer considers the responses of the fourth category to be quite thoughtful and r e l i a b l e and they represent mainly those groups who have been established i n Canada for a 59 considerable period of time. As an immediate follow-up check the opening questions were further funnelled into an area which would reveal one index of adaptation. The interviewees were asked about i n t e r -personal r e l a t i o n s \u00E2\u0080\u0094 w i t h whom did the people prefer to associate and to make friends. The results were: Quite clannish 7 Somewhat clannish 16 Prefer mixing with Canadians i n the majority group 12 Among those i n the f i r s t group are those who form few l a s t i n g personal associations with w e l l established members of Canadian society, whose s o c i a l l i f e i s r e s t r i c t e d l y shared with r e l a t i v e s or old-country friends, and whose secondary friends are mainly members of the same ethnic group. They may have casual friends among the established Canadians and i f they do have, make much of such friendship, e s p e c i a l l y i n public. Within the second group are those who have a number of secondary friendships and acquaintances among established Canadians and perhaps a few closer friendships, but the bulk of those with whom they associate are members of the ethnic group. The l a s t group represents those who prefer to form l a s t i n g primary r e l a t i o n s with established Canadians. They may i n fact not accomplish t h i s , but i t i s the i r preference. Their 60 main reason for desiring these relationships appears to be a desire not to be i d e n t i f i e d p r i m a r i l y with their ethnic group but rather to be i d e n t i f i e d with the broader society and to be i n a p o s i t i o n that w i l l leave a greater number of s o c i a l roles available to them. This l a t t e r a t t i t u d e i s a healthy one r e l a t i v e to complete integration. I t predisposes the i n d i v i d u a l to partake of a l l that a s o c i a l structure has to offer according to his a b i l i t i e s . But i t might here be pointed out that, although t h i s i s a predisposing a t t i t u d e , i n most instances i t requires a corresponding attitu d e on the part of the member of the majority group to make roles available and to take the i n i t i a t i v e i n fostering primary associations. The member of the minority group often feels inadequate because of his minor barriers such as an accent; or he i s self-conscious of his lack of deeper knowledge of Canadian mores; or because he fears the psychological disaster of r e j e c t i o n i n the midst of an attempt to form an association. Several leaders of a higher c u l t u r a l l e v e l expressed or implied these f e e l i n g s . They had a fear of expressing them-selves i n public meetings because of their accents and a fear of finding t h e i r English vocabulary s t e r i l e under s o c i a l pressure; or they feared that, although they were s u p e r f i c i a l l y accepted, they would be rejected i f they attempted to run for an executive p o s i t i o n i n some club or society of established Canadians. This may underlie the purpose of some ethnic societies composed of members i n the higher s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l e v e l s , many of whom speak 61 very good English but w i l l probably never lose their accents because of t h e i r age. One leader expressed that i t i s a. much easier task for the newcomer to Canada from the lower-middle class to become more f u l l y integrated, than i t i s for those of a higher s o c i a l stratum. Once again, i t must be emphasized that the established Canadian must take the i n i t i a t i v e i n helping to e s t a b l i s h new primary associations with the member of the ethnic minority group. This leads d i r e c t l y to the next area of investigation. Area VI ACCEPTANCE BY CANADIANS The opening question i n t h i s area usually started o f f , \"Being a member of an ethnic or minority group, how do you f e e l you get along with Canadians?\" The responses were funnelled into areas which would indicate acceptance or non-acceptance. The res u l t s were: Accepted by Canadians 21 Not accepted by a l l Canadians 14 Rejected by Canadians 0 Within the f i r s t category are those who f e l t that they are accepted on par with anyone else. I t was often mentioned that d i f f i c u l t i e s i n inter-personal r e l a t i o n s sometimes arose but that these had no base of ethnic d i s t i n c t i o n or discrimination. Several made mention of the fact that immigrants were refused 62 jobs but did not f e e l that i t was through discrimination but rather due to the economic conditions prevalent preceding and during the time the interviews were conducted. The economic s i t u a t i o n i n Canada at large i n 1957-58 sho?;ed a business and employment slump as compared with previous post-war years. B r i t i s h Columbia has been described as having i t s \"poorest boom i n years\". Saturday Night describes the B r i t i s h Columbia picture \"with the d i f f i c u l t sectors of B r i t i s h Columbia's economy becoming more aggravated, and the stronger elements varying between a l e v e l l i n g off and more moderate gain.\" I t also mentions \"the serious unemployment which was about twice as bad i n B r i t i s h Columbia as i n the remainder of Canada.\"3 Sometimes i t was mentioned that immigrants were turned down for jobs because of th e i r accents, but the leaders quickly q u a l i f i e d such statements by saying i t was only natural for employers to prefer people whose knowledge of English was better for many positions. There were a comparatively large number of negative responses. These leaders usually f e l t that they were accepted on a par with other people by the majority of Canadians. But they also f e l t that there were always a number of individuals who discriminated against them because of what they were or represented and that there were always a number of roles which were not open to them or which were more d i f f i c u l t for them to obtain than the member of the majority group. 63 Some mentioned that discrimination existed even at the Federal government l e v e l . One example of this c i t e d was that an immigrant can never become a f i r s t class c i t i z e n because, even af t e r he has received his ci t i z e n s h i p papers, he may not be absent from Canada for a period longer than two years without f o r f e i t i n g his c i t i z e n s h i p . Another example given was that c e r t a i n government positions are open only to those who have been resident i n Canada for a certain number of years beyond the time required to obtain c i t i z e n s h i p ( f i v e years). Another thing which was mentioned and interpreted as discriminatory was that r e l a t i v e s of Canadians who are immigrants are some times refused permission to immigrate to Canada but the reason for thei r r e f u s a l w i l l not be disclosed nor can i t be found out from the Federal government. On the municipal l e v e l , incidents were cit e d of certain r e s i d e n t i a l areas which excluded peoples on r a c i a l grounds. One leader blamed this on the r e a l estate companies which would not s e l l r e a l estate i n certain d i s t r i c t s to those of p a r t i c u l a r ethnic or r a c i a l o r i g i n . On the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l leaders complained that jobs were not open to members of certain races even i f they q u a l i f i e d on the basis of higher educational requirements; and other jobs preferred non-immigrants even when immigrants were capable of f i l l i n g them. I t was mentioned several times that some individuals scorned the immigrant with his accent or for speaking 64 his native language p u b l i c l y with his friends or r e l a t i v e s . C r i t i c i s m for speaking a di f f e r e n t language was f e l t most acutely by the French whose language i s a national language of Canada. A l l leaders noted that discrimination or non-acceptance on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l always was expressed by Canadianswhom they i n v a r i a b l y considered as ignorant and a poorer grade of Canadian. From this information i t cannot be pointed out too strongly that discrimination against people, i n spite of the fact that they are Canadian c i t i z e n s , does e x i s t i n Vancouver because they are of p a r t i c u l a r r a c i a l and ethnic o r i g i n . At the same time the writer wishes to stress that i n the course of the interviews four leaders indicated their prejudices against other ethnic groups. Five leaders also indicated that f r i c t i o n and some discrimination exists between newer and older immigrants within the same ethnic group, usually on p o l i t i c a l grounds. I t i s to be hoped that these feelings w i l l eventually be eradicated through education as they are always based on ignorance and fear. Area VII FEELING TOWARD THE HOMELAND AND CANADA The opening question i n t h i s area was usually phrased such as, \"Now that the people are i n Canada, how do they f e e l toward the homeland?\" 6 5 Stronger to the Homeland 1 Strong to both Homeland and Canada ... 9 Stronger to Canada 2 5 The only response i n the f i r s t category does not r e f l e c t d i s l o y a l t y to Canada. I t was expressed by a recently arrived leader. Because s t r i c t anonymity was promised to a l l interviewees, a description of this group or any further elaboration must be omitted for fear of transgressing t h i s pledge. Within the second category are those whose feelings are t r u l y divided. Their l o y a l t y (although most rejected the term \" l o y a l t y \" ) was equally strong to both Canada and the i r homeland. A l l these people were f a i r l y recent immigrants. The same words were spontaneously expressed by several leaders. \"A man cannot forget his mother.\" Even though some of these leaders and t h e i r people are now Canadian c i t i z e n s , they a v i d l y follow the news and p o l i t i c s of t h e i r homelands and cannot divorce themselves from the feelings to which they were conditioned from childhood. They suffer from a certain nostalgia and a desire to see the i r land of b i r t h again i f only through a short v i s i t . The majority f a l l w ithin the t h i r d category. This category cannot be viewed as terminal but rather as a number of points on one end of a scale. By the very fact that these people form ethnic societies we may j u s t l y i n f e r that they f e e l some attachment at least to the culture of o r i g i n , i f not to the country which sired them or the i r forebears. This very thing 66 t was expressed or implied by many of the leaders i n th i s category. Some ethnic groups or segments of ethnic groups are i n Canada only because they were exiles or refugees from the land of t h e i r b i r t h and came to Canada with the intention of returning when the p o l i t i c a l climate changed. Although they came under such circumstances, t h e i r presence i n Canada for a number of years and the gratitude they f e e l to this country for a s s i s t i n g them i n thei r p l i g h t has endeared them to their foster nation to the extent that t h e i r l o y a l t y to Canada i s strong. Some leaders expressed the opinion that they are or w i l l be better Canadians than the people who are born i n th i s country because they have an acute awareness of the functioning of t o t a l i t a r i a n societies which embody everything that Canada i s not and does not wish to become. These people set themselves up as counsellors and feelers of the pulse of the p o l i t i c a l health of Canada, vigorously r e p e l l i n g anything which would be p o l i t i c a l l y detrimental to Canada and exercising their franchise while conscious of the days when this p r i v i l e g e was denied them. Two i n c i d e n t a l findings pertinent to Area VII are given here. The number of responses i n these l i s t i n g s does not t o t a l t h i r t y - f i v e because i n the f i r s t l i s t there were some multiple responses and i n the second l i s t responses were not applicable to a l l of the leaders due to their responses i n Area VII. 67 Preferences for Canada In this area the interviewer searched for factors which members of the ethnic groups l i k e d most i n Canada to get some of the i r more po s i t i v e feelings. The responses i n this area f i t into three major categories and are given here. Like Canada f o r : Economic reasons 29 P o l i t i c a l reasons 18 Educational reasons 10 The greatest number of responses could be c l a s s i f i e d i n the economic sphere. People from other countries l i k e Canada because of higher wages and higher purchasing power for t h e i r money. Many of the leaders stated that i n the land of the i r o r i g i n they would never be able to buy cars, homes, e l e c t r i c a l appliances, or the var i e t y of foods which are available to them i n Canada. Several spoke of being penniless when they arrived i n Canada and are proud of the fact that they are now established businessmen. A fe e l i n g of f i n a n c i a l security and hope for future prosperity was expressed i n spite of the employment d i f f i c u l t i e s throughout B r i t i s h Columbia at the time of the interviews. The majority of leaders would be c l a s s i f i e d as members of the middle class and upper middle class of Canadian society. 68 A good number of the leaders who expressed a preference for Canada on p o l i t i c a l grounds have l i v e d i n t o t a l i t a r i a n states, but not a l l . Several mentioned that police and public servants are far more obliging i n Canada than i n other countries. One leader from a democratic state said, \"We have more freedom i n Canada than anywhere else i n the world. Colors and races mix here and don't clash.\" children had better educational opportunities here than i n other lands. Several stated that th e i r sons and daughters would never have been able to have a university education i n the land of the i r ethnic o r i g i n . This area led f r e e l y i n t o the next one. Preference for the Country of Ethnic Origin Enough of the leaders who were f a i r l y recent immigrants expressed a preference for t h e i r homeland over Canada i n some ways, and i t i s worth while to compare these findings with the previous ones. Within the t h i r d category leaders stated that their Preferred the Homeland for: C u l t u r a l reasons 12 Educational reasons 1 Reasons of Economics 1 P o l i t i c a l reasons 1 69 In t h i s regard a quotation from Kaye, ' i s pertinent. In conversation with non-adjusted immigrants we may hear complaints that Canadians lack culture, have no appreciation of f i n e a r t s , because they have no operas, theatres, permanent symphony orchestras, th e i r manners are crude, and they are only concerned with the chase af t e r the almighty d o l l a r . Such complaints usually emanate from Europeans whose educational background appears more polymathic than that of most Canadians. The professional or educated man i n many socie t i e s plays a d i f f e r e n t r o l e and belongs to a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l stratum.22 One of the leaders expressed this openly and stated that he found i t personally d i f f i c u l t to adjust i n Canada because he could not seem to get i n with people who had the same i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s . Not a l l such complaints come from the i n t e l l e c t u a l , however. Many \"ordinary\" people told the interviewer that they missed the l i v e entertainment, the parades, band concerts i n the park, the Sunday afternoon s t r o l l oh the boulevards where everyone spoke to everyone else, the Sunday afternoon dances and movies, the a r t g a l l e r i e s , or the cognac of the sidewalk cafes on Sundays. Canada's \"culture\" i s a frequent topic of debate. Suffice i t to say that, t e c h n i c a l l y speaking, Canada has as much of a culture as any society. In any case, many immigrants paint such a glorious picture of the c u l t u r a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l 70 pursuits of thei r homelands that one i s given to believe that much i s founded on nostalgia, reminiscence with a l l i t s psychological weaknesses, and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n due to the shrinkage of roles mentioned i n chapter I I . B l u n t l y , Canada does not offer everything which may be found i n other countries and those who are used to them w i l l miss them. Responses i n the other categories are not s i g n i f i c a n t enough to merit f u l l discussion but thei r presence i s worthy of being recorded. Area VIII PERMANENT RESIDENCE IN CANADA This proved an interesting area and unfortunately some aspects of the question did not arise u n t i l many of the interviews had been completed. Although the area i s divided into three categories, responses f e l l into but two. The t h i r d i s retained for emphasis. Want to stay i n Canada 27 Would l i k e to return home but only for a v i s i t or a short time 8 Want to return to the land of o r i g i n a f t e r some time 0 In the f i r s t category are the attitudes of the vast majority of the leaders who unequivocally stated that i t i s their i n t e n t i o n as w e l l as that of the members of th e i r groups to remain i n Canada as permanent residents. Many admitted that 71 cer t a i n members of their groups want to return home or have already returned home because they did not adjust or did not l i k e Canada. A good number of immigrants are d i s s a t i s f i e d with conditions here (especially f r u s t r a t i o n from f a i l i n g to obtain high paying jobs, or the shattering of other economic delusions) and want to return, but by the end of a year or so when they have earned and saved enough money to return to their country of o r i g i n they have so adjusted to the state that they delay the return, and with the passage of more time thoughts of returning are abandoned. Five leaders stated that the Canadian Government has been \"over-advertising\" for immigrants i n some countries and paints a glorious paradise before the eyes of p o t e n t i a l immigrants. One of the leaders interviewed commented that; i n many instances, a person who has made up his mind to move to Canada sees and hears only the good things about his chosen future home and ignores those things which he does not want to be true. Perhaps the actual s i t u a t i o n l i e s somewhere between these two charges. One leader interviewed stated that he attended a lecture on Canada i n his homeland and conversed with the government speaker afterwards. The immigration o f f i c i a l produced a l e t t e r from a person who had emigrated to Canada a few months before which described the fabulous paychecks he had been receiving since he had gone to Canada. The leader has now been i n Canada several years but has never approximated the earnings of the l e t t e r - w r i t e r and somehow feels he had been 72 deceived. A number of leaders described how some people come to Canada expecting to have new homes, cars, f u r n i t u r e , appliances, etc. w i t h i n two or three months. Such tales cause smiles and head-shaking i n c r e d u l i t y among established Canadians but bring g r i e f and b i t t e r disappointment to some new immigrants. Some leaders spoke of new immigrants becoming involved i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s w ithin a short period of a r r i v i n g i n Canada because unscrupulous businessmen (among them, often enough, immigrants) have c a p i t a l i z e d on th e i r dreams and milched them of their funds. Several leaders also mentioned that many of those who return a f t e r a short disastrous adventure i n Canada lack courage, persistence, and foresight, but they stress that c e r t a i n l y not a l l who return are of such character. Several leaders also stated that a good proportion of immigrants who f a i l to adjust to Canadian l i f e would be m i s f i t s i n any country under any circumstances. The second category contains the expressions of those leaders who f e l t that the majority of people intend to stay i n Canada but q u a l i f y th e i r intentions by wanting to return to the i r homelands for some short period of time then coming back to Canada. Although the d i s t i n c t i o n between these attitudes and those i n the f i r s t category i s a fi n e one, t h i s category i s necessary to contain attitudes which were q u a l i f i e d . In th i s respect nearly a l l of these eight leaders mentioned have returned themselves for a v i s i t ; know friends who had gone back to the 73 homeland for a short time; and spoke of a fee l i n g of r e l i e f upon the i r return to Canada. Several of them used the words \"couldn't get back fast enough\". The absence of responses i n the t h i r d category i s Indicative that the days of the immigrant coming to the New World, making his fortune, and returning home to r e t i r e as a r i c h adventurer have passed. Two leaders indicated that there are c e r t a i n l y some members of th e i r group who have intentions such as this today, but that th e i r number i s small. Some come to Canada with this as their o r i g i n a l intention but with the passage of years t h e i r attitudes change and the number who f u l f i l l the int e n t i o n i s n e g l i g i b l e . Two leaders stated that a s i g n i f i c a n t number of t h e i r group regard Canada only as a stopping-off point to the United States. Another leader representing members of an i d e n t i c a l minority thought that t h i s was r a r e l y the case. One stated that although quite a few go to the United States, most of them return to Canada aft e r a time. Area IX RETENTION OF ETHNIC CUSTOMS I t i s the p o l i c y of the Canadian government that ethnic groups should r e t a i n parts of t h e i r native customs and cultures. This i s the p o l i c y of which most or a l l writers on the subject of immigration approve. 74 ..., i t seems very advisable that immigrants should be encouraged to preserve the best i n the culture which they have brought with them from t h e i r native lands; their f o l k l o r e and dances, the i r language, and t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e occupational pursuits, for i t i s pre c i s e l y the mixture of peoples i n the country which makes the r i c h and varied culture....26 On probing the attitudes of the leaders i n t h i s area the following opinions were obtained. Want to r e t a i n a l l or most of their customs 6 Want to r e t a i n some of the customs ... 25 Want to lose former customs 4 In the f i r s t category only one of the leaders has been previously c l a s s i f i e d w ithin a group which i s geographically centralized. Four of the s i x , representing three ethnic groups, are commonly regarded as groups contributing a very large part of Canada's culture. H i s t o r i c a l l y , f i v e of these groups have always clung tenaciously to most of th e i r culture and customs i n Canada and i n so doing have played roles i n our society i n which this factor has always been recognized. In other words, this i s the r o l e which Canadians i n general have become accustomed to expecting from them. The second category represents the moderate view and the leaders expressed i n varying words the attitude encouraged both o f f i c i a l l y and n o n - o f f i c i a l l y , that they should contribute what i s good and adaptable i n their culture to the Canadian 75 s o c i a l structure and be prepared to slough off what cannot be reconciled to or w i l l not be accepted into the Canadian way. The l a s t category represents an extreme view i n which the leaders, i n t h e i r desire to become completely Canadianized, wish to sever t i e s with t h e i r background and accept the Canadian background as t h e i r own. In some ways this appears to be a healthy desire to be i d e n t i f i e d with Canadian society; perhaps i t indicates an attitude that t h e i r contribution to Canadian culture has been exhausted and completed, paid i n f u l l , as i t were; or again i t may express an urgency to knock down the barriers that an ethnic minority role e n t a i l s and open to them-selves a f u l l e r s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canadian l i f e . The attitude involves sound concepts, but i t could also be i n d i c a t i v e of fears and f r u s t r a t i o n s . The interviewer lacks s u f f i c i e n t information for further discussion of these points. Area X GOVERNING BODIES IN CANADA This area represents feelings toward constituted government i n Canada from the municipal to the federal l e v e l . Questioning i n t h i s area was always l e f t t i l l the end of the interview i n an attempt to take advantage of the f u l l e s t possible rapport. At the beginning and throughout the interview, the interviewer stressed the fact that t h i s was a private research for academic purposes and that the interviewer was i n no way connected with any branch of any governing body i n Canada; that respondents were free to express any attitudes they wished to 76 without danger of these attitudes ever being disclosed as belonging to any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l . In one instance, perhaps due to unsatisfactory l i n g u i s t i c communication the interviewer i s aware of having f a i l e d to have dissociated himself from a government agency i n spite of, and perhaps because of, heavy emphasis to the contrary. A category with negative response i s included for accentuation. Pleased or content with governing bodies 14 Would l i k e some changes i n p o l i c i e s of governing bodies 21 D i s l i k e c e r t a i n governing bodies 0 Responses i n the f i r s t category were i n f u l l accord with a l l o f f i c i a l governments i n Canada and the leaders ci t e d many examples of which they were p a r t i c u l a r l y pleased. Some examples of laws or p o l i c i e s c i t e d were pleasing because they were advantageous to the p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups but were pre c i s e l y what leaders within the second category decried because they thought these were impositions of hardship upon th e i r p a r t i c u l a r groups. In a society of any size i t i s debatable whether the utmost of tact and wisdom can please a l l individuals concerned. In a society of the magnitude and heterogeneity of Canada's s o c i a l structure t h i s borders the impossible. 77 The largest number of responses f e l l w ithin the second category where objections to and desires for change ranged from municipal by-laws to federal p o l i c i e s . Perhaps the greatest objection was that Canada was bringing i n too many immigrants and giving them extravagant promises of good jobs and quick wealth which could not be f u l f i l l e d . There were reports of immigrants landing i n Canada asking to be placed i n a job and being handed a copy of the want-ads of the l o c a l d a i l y paper. This problem of employment has been discussed i n a previous section. There were also several objections i n vague terms of JLnglo-saxonism i n the government and i t s p o l i c i e s . Several leaders objected to swearing allegiance to the Queen and wanted Canada to stand on i t s own feet. Two leaders stated that they would prefer p o l i t i c a l t i e s to the United States over t i e s to the English Crown. Some leaders objected to having so many members of p a r t i c u l a r n a t i o n a l i t i e s being allowed into Canada; others objected to the quota l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t i e s being permitted to immigrate. Some said the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments should, give more ai d to immigrants; some said the governments should give less f i n a n c i a l help to the immigrants, that i t i s good for them to get out on t h e i r own and fend for themselves ( a l l but one of these was an immigrant himself). There were objections to laws on the federal, p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal l e v e l by leaders of immigrant and non-immigrant groups. Most laws objected to worked i n d i r e c t l y to the disadvantage of p a r t i c u l a r groups, but perhaps 78 were b e n e f i c i a l to the majority whom they affected. Several federal government p o l i c i e s objected to have been mentioned i n previous sections. I t should be stressed that, i n spite of the foregoing wishes for change, a l l respondents with i n t h i s category were generally quite pleased with government functions. What concerned them was that there were p a r t i c u l a r points i n laws or p o l i c i e s which they would prefer to see changed. The absence of responses i n the t h i r d category, s i g n i f y i n g a d i s l i k e for the Canadian government or the ways i n which i t governs, speaks for i t s e l f . Area XI FURTHER IMMIGRATION TO CANADA The question of the number of immigrants who should be permitted to come to Canada has long been debated by individuals and organizations on the Canadian scene and there i s yet to be a unanimous conclusion. In th i s area the i n t e r -viewer attempted to get a true inward-turning look at the immigration s i t u a t i o n , as the vast majority of groups dealt with were immigrant s o c i e t i e s . Want a large quota of immigrants 11 The present quotas should remain 16 Want further quota r e s t r i c t i o n s 8 Although those i n the f i r s t category usually specified 79 or implied that a greater number of their own group should be brought to Canada, generally they f e l t that Canada should open her arms to more immigrants for the good of the country. Reasons advanced for t h i s opinion were based on economics, defence, world prestige, desire to make Canada a populous world power, and charity or philanthropy. The reasons given were those advanced by protagonists of greater immigration with th e i r usual facets. Within the second category were the respondents who were w e l l - s a t i s f i e d with the present immigration p o l i c y (1958 and the years previous) and could see no pressing reasons for change one way or the other. They were of the opinion that the p o l i c y should remain as i t was i n 1958. Within the l a s t category were those who wanted to see some quota l i m i t a t i o n s , at least as a temporary measure. Most reasons advanced here focused on the unemployment s i t u a t i o n mentioned previously. But some also wanted to see c e r t a i n groups r e s t r i c t e d because ,they thought such groups were c u l t u r a l l y incompatible with Canadian l i f e , or that they would upset the present c u l t u r a l balance i n Canada. Some f e l t that immigration should be given a few years rest u n t i l the present recent immigrants have integrated more f u l l y . INCIDENTAL FINDINGS This exhausts the major areas i n which a l l responses 80 could be analyzed. Following i s a b r i e f l i s t of comments and opinions which could not be f i t t e d into previous discussion because they did not appear frequently enough for complete coding. However they are worthy of mention and may present guides to further investigations. a) Some younger and newer immigrants s p l i t off from the main group and form t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s . b) There i s a necessity for the immigrant to preserve face to r e l a t i v e s and friends i n the homeland i n his \"Canadian adventure.\" c) The existence of a tendency to i d e n t i f y with members of the same ethnic o r i g i n who have obtained high public status i n Canada. d) Immigrants are baffled by s t r i k e s and unemployment i n a country with Canada's resources. e) \"We (the ethnic group) are g u i l t y of i s o l a t i n g ourselves (from the rest of Canadian society).\" f ) Smaller groups of immigrants integrate more ea s i l y and more ra p i d l y than larger groups. g) A l l non-Caucasian groups should get together and present a united front i n the face of any discrimination or to lobby i n Ottawa. h) Business t a c t i c s i n Canada are \"mild\" compared with practices i n other countries. i ) Buying on time i s d i f f i c u l t to accept or under-stand. 81 j) Some groups take a pride i n doing harder, heavier types of work or the majority d r i f t into c e r t a i n types of work. k) I t i s much more d i f f i c u l t for married women to integrate than i t i s for men. 82 CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS (a) Conclusions The role of leadership i n minority groups has been emphasized because the leader i s the mediator and communicator between minority and majority groups. His thoughts and attitudes w i l l have a great influence not only on the group he represents but also on the major society. He has probably attained the status of leader because many of his attitudes . are accepted by or are r e f l e c t i o n s of the feelings of those he represents. He holds a p o s i t i o n of authority and respect i n his group and i t i s l i k e l y that many of the members i n his organization and his ethnic group at large regard him as an exemplar. Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t conclusion which can be drawn from this study i s that there i s general agreement among the leaders of ethnic organizations i n Vancouver about the nature of issues relevant to the integration of t h e i r people into Canadian society. However, i n assessing the attitudes of the leaders to these issues, there i s some agree-ment and some disagreement. Of the t h i r t y - s i x leaders interviewed, a majority 83 (eighteen or more) shared agreement on the following: 1) Membership i n the society i s exclusive. 2) Attitudes are strong to r e t a i n the language of o r i g i n . 3) Members prefer to speak their native tongue i n their homes. 4) The people want their children to speak their parents' native languages. 5) They prefer to l i v e geographically scattered throughout the c i t y of Vancouver. 6) They are a c t u a l l y scattered throughout the c i t y . 7) They prefer Canada to the i r homelands mainly because of economic reasons but also because of p o l i t i c a l preferences. 8) They intend to remain as permanent residents i n Canada. 9) They would prefer to see some changes i n the p o l i c i e s and statutes of o f f i c i a l governing bodies i n Canada. 10) They are not accepted as equals by a l l Canadians. 11) They want to r e t a i n some of the i r culture and customs. 12) Sentiments are stronger to Canada than to the homeland. 84 There were seven categories i n which the leaders' opinions or facts about the groups were so varied that there was no majority opinion or mode of action. These are: 1) The groups represent peoples from a l l h i s t o r i c a l periods i n Canada's history. 2) Some children learn t h e i r parents' native language, some learn a l i t t l e of i t , some learn none. 3) Language represents a varying barrier to integration. 4) Preferences for spouses on the basis of thei r ethnic o r i g i n d i f f e r widely. 5) As a general view, adjustment i n Canada i s perceived i n diverse degrees of d i f f i c u l t y . 6) There are divergent leanings i n forming personal relationships with members inside and outside the ethnic f o l d . 7) Attitudes towards quotas of immigrants to Canada d i f f e r . (b) Implications There are suggestions of dissent among leaders of di f f e r e n t societies representing the same ethnic groups i n their attitudes towards certain aspects of integration. Also there are indications that there are differences of knowledge of the true state of various groups among leaders depending 85 upon their s o c i a l status and the \"f a c t i o n \" of the group they represent. Generally, but not always, younger leaders and more recent ( i n terms of a r r i v a l i n Canada) leaders are more r a d i c a l i n their views and attitudes toward integration than older, more established leaders. This apparently generates some f r i c t i o n within ethnic groups. Ethnic groups are not consolidated i n regard to s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s ideas and id e a l s , and are divided into formal and informal factions. Many older members of ethnic groups w i l l never completely i d e n t i f y with Canadian society i n a l l i t s aspects, but t h e i r offspring w i l l do so almost unanimously. There are strong indications of inter-ethnic pre-judice and non-co-operation among some ethnic societies i n Vancouver. Peoples have been conditioned negatively against t r a d i t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l enemies i n the lands of thei r b i r t h and have carried many of th e i r feelings with them to Canada. They w i l l probably pass on many of these feelings to their children. (c) Suggestions A further study along the same li n e s could w e l l be carried out i n which the respondents represented a random sampling of non-leaders wit h i n these ethnic organizations; i n 86 the same vein, a random sampling of respondents who were not a f f i l i a t e d with an ethnic society would provide an interesting comparison. Worthwhile comparisons could be made of similar attitudes to integration among immigrants divided according to the amount of time they had spent i n Canada, with a sample included of members of ethnic groups who have been born i n Canada. A f u l l e r and deeper in v e s t i g a t i o n of a few more important areas such as marriage, language, acceptance by Canadians, and attitudes towards forming primary groups and personal rela t i o n s with members of the majority would probably reveal more inte r e s t i n g data than the present study and con-tr i b u t e f u l l e r knowledge of the integration process. Although there i s a f a i r amount of i n t e r r e l a t i o n among leaders of groups on the s o c i a l l e v e l and the mutual attending of functions, the researcher i s of the opinion that there should be more active and l a s t i n g relations which would include members of the majority, but c e r t a i n l y not as sponsors or leaders, to conduct seminars and discussions on integration. 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Berelson, Bernard, \"Content analysis\", Handbook of S o c i a l Psychology, ed. Gardner Lindzey, Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., 1954, Vol. 1, p. 516. 2 . Davie, M. R., World Immigration. 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APPENDIX A LIST OF ETHNIC SOCIETIES INTERVIEWED MAY-SEPTEMBER, 1958 I Bibliotheque Francaise C u l t u r e l l e . I I B. C. Immigration Council of the C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church (Dutch). I l l Cambrian Society (Welsh). IV Canadian Japanese Citizenship Association. V Canadian P o l i s h Congress. VI Chinese Benevolent Association. VII Chinese Lion's Club. VIII Coqualeetza Indian Fellowship (Native Indian). IX Croation Peasant Society. X Czechoslovakian National A l l i a n c e i n Canada (B. C ) . XI Danish Benevolent Association. XII Danish Lutheran Church. XIII Den Norske Klub (Norwegian) XIV Finnish Bethel Tabernacle. XV Hungarian S o c i a l Club. XVI Icelandic National League. XVII I t a l i a n Assistance Center. XVIII I r i s h Society. XIX Jewish Community Center. XX Lithuanian Canadian Federation. XXI National Council of Jewish Women i n Canada (B. C ) . XXII National Society Suomi (Finnish). XXIII Negro Club. XXIV Newcomer's Club (English). XXV New Homeland Society Inc. (German). XXVI Russian Center of B r i t i s h Columbia. XXVII St. Andrew's and Caledonian Society (Scottish). XXVIII St. Casimir's P o l i s h Church. XXIX St. Mary's Ukrainian Catholic Church. XXX Scandinavian Business Men's Club. XXXI Serbian Orthodox Church. XXXII Sons of I t a l y Mutual Aid Society. XXXIII Swiss Society of Vancouver. XXXIV Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church. XXXV Vancouver Alpen Club (German). XXXVI Vancouver Italian-Canadian Mutual Aid Society. APPENDIX B TABLE I Marriages - Birthplace of Bridegrooms and Brides - 1950-1951 Birthplace of Bridegroom Canada Birthplace of Bride U.S.A. Others B r i t i s h I s l e s Europe Asia Canada 215,605 205,050 4 , 1 0 2 2 , 7 2 4 78 3 , 3 0 3 3 4 8 Br. I s l e s 9 , 4 4 8 6 , 4 3 4 2 , 4 6 9 2 1 0 8 255 72 Europe 1 7 , 6 2 4 6 , 1 3 0 372 10 ,663 18 3 9 9 42 Asia 283 1 9 0 9 16 52 1 0 .6-U.S.A. 8 , 4 5 1 6 , 7 5 3 251 4 2 5 9 9 6 5 4 8 Others 1 , 6 6 4 632 6 0 3 8 5 30 899 Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1950-1951 TABLE I I Married Persons Granted Certificate of Canadian Citizenship by Country of Former Allegiance and Citizenship Status of Spouse, 1954-1957\u00E2\u0080\u00A2 Country of Former Allegiance MALES FEMALES TOTAL Citizenship Status of Wife TOTAL Citizenship Status of Husband (1) (2) (3) (1) (2) (3) B r i t i s h Commonwealth Countries 8,021 2,460 2,922 2,639 6,924 1,713 3,830 1,381 European Countries 63,118 6,355 28,933 27,833 46,032 2,018 37,952 6,062 U. S. A. 1,413 690 315 408 722 201 357 164 Asiatic Countries 3,016 135 301 2 ,580 1,978 157 1,631 190 Other Countries 72 22 22 28 71 20 37 14 Stateless 10,978 805 6,299 3 ,874 8,936 148 7,012 1,776 (1) Canadian citizen by birth (2) Canadian citizen by naturalization or residence (3) Non-Canadian citiz e n Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Canadian Citizenship S t a t i s t i c s , 1954-1957 "@en . "Thesis/Dissertation"@en . "Vancouver (B.C.)"@en . "10.14288/1.0105966"@en . "eng"@en . "Psychology"@en . "Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library"@en . "University of British Columbia"@en . "For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use."@en . "Graduate"@en . "The attitudes of leaders of ethnic minority groups in Vancouver towards the integration of their people in Canada."@en . "Text"@en . "http://hdl.handle.net/2429/39673"@en .