Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The reign of the emperors Valerian and Gallienus, A.D. 243-268 Hall, John Greenway 1960

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1960_A8 H18 R3.pdf [ 4.48MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0105960.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0105960-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0105960-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0105960-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0105960-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0105960-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0105960-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0105960-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0105960.ris

Full Text

THE REIGN OF THE EMPERORS VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS, A.D. 253-268 by JOHN GREENWAY HALL B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1957 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department o f CLASSICS We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the re q u i r e d standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, i960 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date I ftp i . ABSTRACT This study of the re i g n s of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , two Roman Emperors of the m i d - t h i r d century a f t e r C h r i s t , was undertaken to re-assess t h e i r achievements i n the l i g h t of modern d i s c o v e r i e s about the Roman world. The view f r e q u e n t l y expressed by h i s t o r i a n s — t h a t V a l e r i a n and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , G a l l i e n u s , were t o blame f o r a l l the misfortunes t h a t occurred i n the E m p i r e — has been found i n c o r r e c t . G a l l i e n u s was vigorous and b o l d i n t a k i n g a c t i o n to check the r a p i d d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the Empire. Although he f a i l e d , the reforms t h a t he introduced i n t o the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the army and of pro-v i n c i a l government l i v e d on a f t e r him. His c o n t r i b u t i o n was not so much to d i s c o v e r these changes ( l a r g e l y begun by Septimius Severus) but to c a r r y t h e i r development t o a d e f i n i t e c o n c l u s i o n . I n order t o present the h i s t o r y of the p e r i o d c l e a r l y , the study has been d i v i d e d i n t o two p a r t s , the f i r s t d e a l i n g w i t h the c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence of events, and the second w i t h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s , or l a c k of p o l i c y , and w i t h s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s . Many problems s t i l l remain unsolved, but the r e s u l t of t h i s work, i t i s hoped, has been a v e r s i o n t h a t reasonably accounts f o r a v a i l a b l e evidence. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A. J . P. — American J o u r n a l of P h i l o l o g y C. A. H. — The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y C. I . L. — Corpus In s c r i p t i o n u m Latinarum CI. Ph. — C l a s s i c a l P h i l o l o g y CI. Q. -_- C l a s s i c a l Q u a r t e r l y E. S. A. R.— An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome H. E. — H i s t o r i a E c c l e s i a s t i c a I . L. S. — I n s c r i p t i o n s Latinae Selectae J . R. S. — J o u r n a l of Roman Studies Num. Ch. — Numismatic C h r o n i c l e R. I . C. — The Roman I m p e r i a l Coinage R. R. A. M.— Roman Rule i n A s i a Minor S. E. H. — The S o c i a l and Economic H i s t o r y of The Roman Empire i i i . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS i i PART I ; THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE YEARS A.D. 253-268. A. I n t r o d u c t i o n : c o n d i t i o n s i n the t h i r d century A.D 1 B. The sources: a short survey 2 C. Events l e a d i n g to the accession of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , A.D. 250-253 4 1. I n the West. 2. I n the East. D. Events of the r e i g n o f V a l e r i a n ; and G a l l i e n u s 13 1. The L i c i n i a n house. 2. V a l e r i a n i n the East. 3. G a l l i e n u s as co-Emperor i n the West. 4. The s o l e r u l e of G a l l i e n u s ; PART I I : THE ADMINISTRATION OF VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS A. M i l i t a r y p o l i c i e s • 38 1. The army of the S e v e r i . 2. The reforms o f G a l l i e n u s . a. The new mobile army. b. Army commands. B. C i v i l and economic p o l i c i e s 44 1. S o c i a l conditions: the S e n a t o r i a l and Eq u e s t r i a n o r d e r s . 2. Economics: c o n d i t i o n s from the S e v e r i to G a l l i e n u s . * a. Finance. b. Industry, c. The provi n c e s . d. Summary: the trends of the p e r i o d . C. P o l i c i e s r e garding the C h r i s t i a n Church 54 1. Emperors and the Church. 2. The t o l e r a t i o n o f G a l l i e n u s . D. Conclusion: the achievements of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s and t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s 56 APPENDIX: • CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 60 BIBLIOGRAPHY 62 1. PART I THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE YEARS A.D. 253 -268 The t h i r d century a f t e r C h r i s t was one of the most u n s e t t l e d periods i n the h i s t o r y of Rome. I f the f i r s t century could be c a l l e d the p e r i o d of development of the Empire, the second the time of c o n s o l i d a t i o n and p r o s p e r i t y , •i the t h i r d must be termed the century of t r i a l - a n d change. War became the u s u a l way of l i f e ; the army was i n many respects the l e a d i n g power and h e l d the l i v e s of many emperors-in i t s hands. The danger of m i l i t a r y i n v a s i o n became an a l l too frequent r e a l i t y and the years 2 3 5 - 2 6 8 were the grimmest i n -.'the h i s t o r y of Rome. That Rome recovered i s remarkable, but the new s t a b i l i t y was gained only by the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t the world was too great a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one man t o manage. A u r e l i a n d i d much to r e s t o r e order and D i o c l e t i a n f i n i s h e d the process, but not before c r e a t i n g f o u r a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the s i n g l e Roman world. I n economic and s o c i a l l i f e there were a l s o f a r - r e a c h i n g changes. The o l d n o b i l i t y , very few i n number since the c i v i l wars of Caesar and Octavian, 2 had disappeared completely by the times of the F l a v i a n s ; the commercial c l a s s e s t h a t then rose i n p r e s t i g e now s u f f e r e d under the s t r a i n of supporting continuous warfare. In f a c t , the c l a s s e s and types of p o p u l a t i o n of the Empire were q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those of even the prosperous second century. With the d e c l i n e of the commercial groups a l a r g e p a r t of the p o p u l a t i o n was 1 The number of emperors alone i n each century shows t h i s trend: t h i r t e e n i n the f i r s t , ten i n the second, but w e l l over t h i r t y i n the t h i r d . 2 M. R o s t o v t z e f f , S. E. H.. I (second e d i t i o n , Oxford, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. x i i . 2. l e f t unprotected and o f t e n unable t o support i t s e l f — a . c o n d i t i o n which could l e a d t o v i o l e n c e . I t should be remembered a l s o t h a t the army was not n e c e s s a r i l y "Roman", t h a t men of any o r i g i n and c o n d i t i o n f i l l e d i t s ranks and could furthermore r i s e to p o s i t i o n s of l e a d e r s h i p and a u t h o r i t y . The a l l e g i a n c e of such men was o f t e n more to t h e i r own ambition than to maintain-i n g the s t a b i l i t y of Rome. Another f a c t o r t o be considered i s the great i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n . The Roman bureaucracy was w e l l -e s t a b l i s h e d and f a r - r e a c h i n g , but the new demands made upon the vast area under i t s c o n t r o l by the emergencies of war exhausted i t s r e s o u r c e f u l n e s s . I t s u r v i v e d nevertheless and became the b a s i s of the new autocracy and s t a t e -c o n t r o l of the f o u r t h and f i f t h centuries.-* I n matters of philosophy and r e l i g i o n as w e l l there had been important i n f l u e n c e s through the growth of o r i e n t a l c u l t s and of C h r i s t i a n i t y . With so many divergent i n t e r e s t s c a l l i n g f o r a t t e n t i o n , i t i s no wonder th a t t h e . t h i r d century was a time of growing confusion. To see the Roman world i n a p e r i o d of widespread c r i s i s one need only t u r n to the events of the years 253-268, the r e i g n s of the emperors V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s . For t h i s p e r i o d the sources vary c o n s i d e r a b l y i n q u a l i t y . ^ Unhappily, much of the contemporary m a t e r i a l 'has been l o s t , e s p e c i a l l y w r i t t e n h i s t o r i e s . The extant l i t e r a t u r e , much of i t Byzantine and c o n s i s t i n g of epitomes and chronographies, i s admittedly drawn from these e a r l i e r sources but o f t e n i n so u n c r i t i c a l and unsystematic a manner as to cause considerable confusion. A case i n p o i n t i s the discrepancy i n the H i s t o r i a Augusta between the V i t a  G a l l i e n i and the V i t a C l a u d i i over Gothic i n v a s i o n s i n Europe i n the years 3 R o s t o v t z e f f , S. E. H.. I , p. x i i i . ^.For a concise review of the sources see the Appendix by N. H. Baynes and H. M a t t i n g l y , C. A. H.. X I I (Cambridge, 1939), PP- 710-720. 3. 26 7-270. The H i s t o r i a Augusta i s not at a l l f r e e from rthe i n t e r p o l a t i o n of many l e t t e r s , speeches and other documents which are f o r the most p a r t f a l s e . The reason f o r t h i s i s p a r t l y to maintain a r h e t o r i c a l s t y l e but c h i e f l y , i n the case of G a l l i e n u s and Claudius, to g l o r i f y Claudius a t the expense of h i s predecessor.^ I t i s a l s o awkward t o use w i t h assurance because i t contains much th a t i s mere gossip and scandal. But not a l l i s poor; the epitomes of such men as A u r e l i u s V i c t o r , Zosimus and Zonaras are, d e s p i t e the l e n g t h of time a f t e r the events, much more r e l i a b l e . H e l p f u l , too, are the C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r s Cyprian and Eusebius i n g i v i n g a p i c t u r e of the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of the time. But there s t i l l remains the d i f f i c u l t y of accepting any of the accounts at face value: second or third-hand i n f o r m a t i o n or worse must be checked c l o s e l y . The value.of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence i s apparent: one can thereby augment or c o r r e c t the more s u b j e c t i v e l i t e r a r y r ecords. The study of Roman-Persian r e l a t i o n s has been served w e l i i n recent years by the d i s c o v e r i e s i n I r a n of s e v e r a l i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r r i n g t o the time of V a l e r i a n and Gallienus.'' 1' Much work has been done (and remains to be done) i n the Danube area; the f r o n t i e r - h i s t o r y of Rome i s extremely d i f f i c u l t t o understand without sound a r c h a e o l o g i c a l a i d . E p i g r a p h i c a l source-material i s s c a n t y — p r o b a b l y destroyed 5 A. A l f t t l d i i n C. A. H., X I I , pp. 721-723. 6.D. Magie, The S c r i p t o r e s H i s t o r i a e Augustae. I (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y . London, 1930), pp. x x i - x x i i i . 7 A. T. Olmstead, "The M i d - t h i r d Century of the C h r i s t i a n Era," C l . Ph.. XXXVII (1942), pp. 241-262, 398-420. The P e r s i a n records are here compared w i t h a l i t t l e used but valuable source, the t h i r t e e n t h S i b y l l i n e Oracle. 4. i n the t u r m o i l of the t h i r d and succeeding c e n t u r i e s . The extant i n s c r i p -t i o n s give i n general the t i t l e s or o f f i c e s held by the emperors and prominent m i l i t a r y commanders or senators. F o r t u n a t e l y f o r h i s t o r i c a l study, ancient coins were more l i k e medallions than mere pi e c e s of exchange. That i s , events of importance t o the Empire and the i m p e r i a l viewpoint could be brought to the a t t e n t i o n of a l l . This a d v e r t i s i n g - v a l u e of coins must be c a r e f u l l y considered: i n p o i n t of f a c t , was the o f f i c i a l i m p e r i a l v e r s i o n the t r u t h ? Such legends as PAX AETERNA.  LIBERT AS. or RESTITVTOR QRBIS do not seem s u i t a b l e t o the c o n d i t i o n s i n many p a r t s of the Empire under V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s . The i m p e r i a l p o l i c y was probably t o encourage the popular b e l i e f i n a strong and durable Rome (ROMA  AETERNA) under the p r o t e c t i o n of heaven and guided by the emperor (VIRTVS  AVGVSTI). The news-value of coins i s seen i n such legends as VICTORIA GERMANICA and VICT. PARTICA and i n the s p e c i a l v o t i v e and ceremonial i s s u e s and those of the l e g i o n s . Matters of chronology can o f t e n be determined by a c a r e f u l study of coinage. I n many instances the coins provide a continuous l i n k of evidence where other sources are incomplete or even c o n t r a d i c t o r y . Apart from the appearance of c o i n s , t h e i r composition i s of s p e c i a l importance i n economics. During the r e i g n s of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s the debasement of currency reached c r u c i a l p r o p o r t i o n s . The e f f e c t on commerce of a world shaken by wars and i n v a s i o n s i s thus a l l too c l e a r . Numerous coin-hoards ( u s u a l l y coins of good weight) b u r i e d at t h i s time show the i n s e c u r i t y f e l t i n a l l p a r t s of the Empire. I t can be seen from t h i s b r i e f account of the evidence t h a t a general understanding of the h i s t o r y of the m i d - t h i r d century i s r e a d i l y acquired. There are, however, many problems of chronology and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of sources to be overcome before the h i s t o r y i s seen i n any d e t a i l . The events l e a d i n g to the accession of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s should now 5. be considered. I n 24?/248, during the r u l e of P h i l i p , Rome ce l e b r a t e d her m i l l e n a r y , but not w i t h p l e a s a n t prospects. The f o r e i g n wars and the l o c a l r e v o l t s of P h i l i p ' s c o n s c i e n t i o u s r e i g n were a por t e n t of the great c r i s e s t o come w i t h i n the next few years. His successor Decius (2^9-251) t r i e d d i l i -g e n t l y by a programme of r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n the provinces (notably m i l i t a r y g roads i n the Balkans) and of r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Rome to check the s t r a i n upon the resources of the Empire. He created a new o f f i c e i n i R o m e , probably l a r g e l y f i n a n c i a l and eq u i v a l e n t to t h a t of a deputy, which was f i l l e d by the fu t u r e emperor, Gaius P u b l i u s L i c i n i u s Valerianus.9 Decius f u r t h e r t r i e d to safeguard the a u t h o r i t y of the Roman s t a t e by e n f o r c i n g the i m p e r i a l power on the body of C h r i s t i a n s u b j e c t s . For t h i s he re c e i v e d the e p i t h e t e x e c r a b i l e  animal from one great C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r , - ' 0 but he had a very r e a l reason f o r 11 demanding popular s a c r i f i c e t o the Emperor—to ensure l o y a l t y to the s t a t e . 1 1 I t was a p o l i t i c a l move and a l s o an e f f o r t to b r i n g under the c o n t r o l of law any possible-outbreak of f e e l i n g against the C h r i s t i a n s . ' ' 2 On t h i s p o i n t the Roman and C h r i s t i a n minds could not s e e each other's p o i n t of view. Decius, however, '-had l i t t l e time to develop h i s plans f o r he was c a l l e d from Rome t o Moesia and Thrace to meet two invading armies of Goths—and death. While Decius was f i g h t i n g the Goths a usurper named Valens L i c i n i a n u s appeared, but 8 H. Dessau, I . L. S.. 415, 416. 9 Zonaras, X I I , 625B-C. 10 L a c t a n t i u s , de Morte Persecutorum, IV, 1. 11 Eusebius, H. E., VI, 39, and Zonaras, X I I , 635C, note as a reason Decius' hatred of P h i l i p f o r h i s t o l e r a n c e toward C h r i s t i a n s . 12 F. S. S a l i s b u r y and H. M a t t i n g l y , "The Reign of Tra j a n Decius," J . R. S.. XIV (1924), p. 8; H.M.D. Parker, A H i s t o r y of the Roman World from  A.D. 138 t o 337 (second e d i t i o n , r e v i s e d by B. H. Warmington, London, 1958). pp. 159-160. only f o r a few days and probably i n I l l y r i c u m . ^ Many commentators p r e f e r Rome as the scene of h i s . r e v o l t but i t may w e l l have been a p r o v i n c i a l a f f a i r s i n c e V a l e r i a n was presumably c l o s e to Rome. A s i m i l a r r e v o l t i n P h i l i p p o p o l i s by the governor, Lucius P r i s c u s , caused the c i t y to be taken by the G o t h s . ^ As a r e s u l t of t h i s Gothic i n v a s i o n i n 250 or 251 the Lower Danube area was open to continuous r a i d s and invasions.^-5 Decius was succeeded by h i s governor i n Moesia, Trebonianus G a l l u s , who had been sent by Decius t o help i n t u r n i n g back the Goths. The new emperor immediately concluded a t r e a t y w i t h the Goths, a l l o w i n g them to keep t h e i r booty and p r i s o n e r s , and promised an annual t r i b u t e from Rome to ensure f u t u r e p e a c e . ^ Returning to Rome, Ga l l u s r a i s e d H o s t i l i a n u s , Decius' younger son, t o the p o s i t i o n of Augustus and made h i s own son Volusianus a Caesar.^? H o s t i l i a n u s , 1R however, d i e d soon of the plague t h a t had j u s t broken out. I t should be noted here t h a t t h i s plague, which appeared f i r s t i n North A f r i c a and q u i c k l y spread over the Mediterranean world, not only caused u n t o l d damage f o r some f i f t e e n years to the populations of c i t i e s and towns but a l s o s e r i o u s l y diminished 13 A u r e l i u s V i c t o r , Epitome. 29, 5; T r i g i n t a Tyranni, 20. 14 Aur. V i c t . , de Caesaribus. 29, 3; Ammianus M a r c e l l i n u s , XXXI, 5» 17' 1 5 . A l f t t l d i i n C. A. H., X I I , pp. 143-145, argues f o r 250 whereas S a l i s b u r y and M a t t i n g l y , J . R. S.. XIV (1924), pp. 17-18, and Parker, H i s t o r y , p. l 6 l , n. 51i hold t o e a r l y i n 251 on the ground t h a t the evidence makes i t c l e a r t h a t other campaigns on the Danube and Rhine occupied Decius f o r the whole of 250. 16 Zosimus.'I, 24, 2; Zonaras, X I I , 628A. 17 Aur. V i c t . , de Caes.. 30, 1. 18 Zosimus, I , 25, notes t h a t G a l l u s , a c t i n g from f e a r ;of r e v o l t , was i n v o l v e d i n h i s death. the f i g h t i n g s t r e n g t h of the Roman army.^9 The events t h a t f o l l o w w i l l be found t o r e v e a l an empire d e s p a i r i n g of recovery and almost demoralized through epidemic and i n v a s i o n . By the end of 251 G a l l u s and Volusianus were j o i n t Emperors. 2 0 T h e i r r u l e l a s t e d b a r e l y two years and was spent i n Rome—in 21 f a c t , G a l l u s seems to have p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o events f a r t h e r a f i e l d . G a l l u s 1 successor as governor of Moesia, Aemilius Aemilianus, an obscure f i g u r e 22 even to contemporaries, was i n a c t i o n meanwhile against the renewed a t t a c k s of the Goths. He achieved notable successes against them and was s h o r t l y proclaimed Augustus. ' He then marched to I t a l y a g ainst G a l l u s and was accepted by the Roman army, which then disposed of the Emperor. G a l l u s , however, had not r e c e i v e d the help he had expected: V a l e r i a n had been sent to R a e t i a t o gather an army i n defense of the Emperor but had not a r r i v e d . Aemilianus su r v i v e d o nly a short time i n Rome, probably from May to e a r l y August of 253*^ He i n t u r n was deserted by the army, which welcomed the slow-coming 19 Aur. V i c t . , de Caes.. 30, 2; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 5; Zosimus, I , 26, 2; Zonaras, X I I , 623B. 20 Pao. Ox.. X I I , 1554, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 3^ 2, n. 60. 21 Zosimus, I , 27, 1. 22 E u t r o p i u s , IX, 6. 23 Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 342-343, n. 8, favours May to August on the b a s i s of the coinage of two Dacian years but only one year a t Viminacium f o r Aemilianus; H. M a t t i n g l y , "The Reign of Aem i l i a n , " J . R. S., XXV (1935), ?• 56, p r e f e r s a s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r d a t i n g . Dessau, I . L. S., 531, dated 22 October 253. has been taken as evidence t h a t the defeat of Aemilianus took p l a c e i n August sin c e i t would have taken some time f o r a detachment from a l e g i o n to be disbanded and sent home. 8. V a l e r i a n as Emperor. The problem of chronology here i s i n t e r e s t i n g , although the sources agree i n general on the order of events from Decius to V a l e r i a n . The Goths, p l a c a t e d by G a l l u s , renewed t h e i r o f f e n s i v e i n 251/252 and were defeated by Aemilianus i n 252. Perhaps even at t h a t time he was looked upon as a r u l e r . ^ 4 From then on he had h i s hopes set upon Rome and probably was i n I t a l y e a r l y i n 253* (The. u s u a l account assigns Aemilianus' ascendancy and whole r e - , corded career t o 2 5 3 V a l e r i a n ' s r o l e i n these a f f a i r s may then date from before the end of 252 i n R a e t i a . I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t he purposely de-lay e d i n a s s i s t i n g G a l l u s and allowed Aemilianus t o h o l d power only u n t i l he was f u l l y prepared to assume c o n t r o l . I t has thus been suggested t h a t he 26 reckoned h i s t r i b u n i c i a n power from 252 as a successor t o G a l l u s . This view has not been w i d e l y accepted s i n c e the d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h regard t o dates on 27 coins would be in c r e a s e d . The Roman East at t h i s time was a source of c o n t i n u i n g t r o u b l e . 24 M a t t i n g l y , J . R. S.. XXV (1935), p. 57. The Dacian mint was s i l e n t i n 251/252 but s t r u c k f o r Aemilianus i n 252/253. He was recognized on Alexandrian coins i n the summer of 252. 25 A l f t t l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I , p. 168. 26 M a t t i n g l y , TRIBVNICIA ,POTESTATE. J . R. S.. XX (1930), pp. 89-91. 27 A i f o l d i , "The Reckoning of the Regnal Years and V i c t o r i e s of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , " J . R. S., XXX (1940), p. 1, p o i n t s out t h a t d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n dated evidence are accounted f o r not only by numerous e r r o r s but a l s o by abnormal systems of c a l c u l a t i n g r e g n a l years (which, as i t happens, are co n s i s t e n t w i t h i n themselves). I t w i l l . r e a d i l y be seen how d i f f i c u l t i t i s t o determine a sound chronology of the m i d - t h i r d century. 9. The various Gothic peoples and the Persians under the l e a d e r s h i p of the Sassanid k i n g Sapor I (241-272) made repeated inroads i n t o Roman t e r r i t o r y — probably so frequent and s i m i l a r as t o cause the confusion found i n the s o u r c e s . 2 ^ Decius was w e l l aware of the danger from I r a n ; c o ins show t h a t he re-organized Edessa (given up by P h i l i p ) as a m i l i t a r y c e n t r e . Although Ga l l u s d i d nothing, Aemilianus probably intended to f i g h t the P e r s i a n s , as one source s t a t e s . 2 9 V a l e r i a n went t o the East immediately a f t e r h i s con-f i r m a t i o n i n Rome but achieved l i t t l e success. For some time Roman c o n t r o l over the East had lessened; the f u l l e f f e c t was seen i n the time of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s . The renewed P e r s i a n vigour began t o be f e l t when Sapor gained c o n t r o l of Armenia i n 250/251 by d r i v i n g out the young T i r i d a t e s , a f t e r having had h i s f a t h e r , the A r s a c i d k i n g Chosroes, murdered.30 A S y r i a c source notes t h a t 28 F a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h between " G a l l u s " and " G a l l i e n u s " i s o f t e n given as a reason f o r the.wrong order of e-vents i n Byzantine h i s t o r i e s ( A l f f i l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I , p..146, n. 2 ) . I t may w i t h as much reason be the case t h a t i n v a s i o n s were s i m i l a r and continued under both r u l e r s . The f o l l o w i n g v e r s i o n of the h i s t o r y i s drawn l a r g e l y from Olmstead, CI. Ph.. XXXVII (1942), pp. 241-262, 398-420, and A l f o l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I , Chapters V and VI. D i f f e r e n c e s among these and other accounts are c o n s i d e r a b l e . The present w r i t e r has t r i e d to a r r i v e a t a reasonable view i n the b e l i e f t h a t the sources are by no means s a t i s f a c t o r y and t h a t subsequent attempts at r e c o n s t r u c t i o n must be thoroughly analysed. 29 Zonaras, X I I , 628D. 30 The Artavasdes i n V i t a V a l . , 3, 1. may be the satrap or regent who took T i r i d a t e s t o '.the Romans f o r refuge. This view i s opposed by W. E n s s l i n , i n . C. A. H., X I I , p. 132. 10. an i n v a s i o n of S y r i a and Cappadocia then took place i n 251/252 and another much neglected and o f t e n maligned source notes an i n v a s i o n of Cappadocia even before the death of Decius.3"! That the Armenian campaign and the move i n t o Cappadocia-are p a r t of a general P e r s i a n p l a n of expansion i s o b v i o u s — f i r s t secure the northern approach (Armenia) and then take o p p o r t u n i t i e s as they come.3^ A Gothic i n c u r s i o n i n t o Cappadocia and Pontus i s noted next, con-temporary w i t h other a c t i v i t y of the Goths i n Moesia and Thrace.33 A f t e r t h i s i s recorded the main i n v a s i o n by the Great King, helped by the adventurer from A n t i o c h , Mariades.3^ These events may be explained as f o l l o w s . Sapor 31 Land, Anecd. Syr.. I , p. 18 c i t e d by E n s s l i n , i n C. A. H.. X I I , p. 132, n. 4; Oracula S i b y l l i n a . X I I I , 18-102 i n Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 400. 32 The degree of o p p o s i t i o n to Sapor i s u n c e r t a i n , but t h a t some b i t t e r episodes d i d occur may be i n f e r r e d from V i t a V a l . . 4, 1. 33 Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 401, holds t o 251; Zosimus, I , 26, 1; 2?, 1; 28, 1, p l a c e s t h i s event i n the year 252/253- The year 252 i s not unreasonable. Zonaras, X I I , 628A-B, notes P e r s i a n and Scythian (Gothic) advances under G a l l u s . 34 The biography of Mariades ( T r i g . Tyr.. 2) d e r i v e s from a P e r s i a n or Aramaic source (Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 242) and should t h e r e f o r e be c a r e f u l l y examined, i t i s d o u b t f u l whether Mariades was ever an Augustus s i n c e coins are not known i n :his name, whereas other minor r u l e r s , such as Uranius Antonius of Emesa, d i d i s s u e c o i n s . There may be more t r u t h t o ..the t r a d i t i o n t h a t h i s treachery and execution took p l a c e before V a l e r i a n a r r i v e d i n the East, although most commentators place Mariades a t the capture of V a l e r i a n . The much-debated rock-carvings from Bishapur (near Kazerun) and Naqsh-i-Rustan (near P e r s e p o l i s ) have been i n t e r p r e t e d as showing Sapor g i v i n g Mariades a f a v o r a b l e p o s i t i o n over the captured V a l e r i a n . This heed not be the case: B. C. MacDermott, "Roman Emperors i n the Sassanian R e l i e f s , " J . R. S.. XLIV (1954), pp. 76-80, has p o i n t e d out t h a t the f i g u r e s may w e l l be the emperors Gordian, P h i l i p and 11. h i m s e l f d i d not invade Armenia but sent h i s son Hormizd t h e r e . J J Hormizd appears i n the northern p a r t of S y r i a and Cappadocia, probably encouraged by Mariades, i n 251/252^ a n d seems t o have returned t o Armenia afterwards, f o r there i s a l i s t of c i t i e s (again from Cappadocia) t h a t are evidence f o r a campaign from Armenia by Hormizd p a r a l l e l to Sapor's main invasion.3? C l o s e l y f o l l o w i n g the P e r s i a n e x p e d i t i o n came the Goths.38 The suggestion t h a t the Persians urged the Goths and l a t e r the Borani to invade from the re g i o n of the Black Sea.is thus strengthened.39 Sapor d i d , however, keep Hormizd i n the nort h t o guard a g a i n s t too f a r - r e a c h i n g a t t a c k s by the Goths. While these operations were under way Sapor began h i s advance i n t o Mesopotamia and S y r i a . His path was along the Euphrates, one of the f i r s t s i t e s besieged being Doura-Europos. This town was not taken (the name i s l i s t e d s e p a r a t e l y i n the Valerian—Romans who e i t h e r were defeated i n the East or bought peace t h e r e . I t would be a f i t t i n g memorial to Sapor showing h i s supremacy over the Roman emperors--no need to mention the i n s i g n i f i c a n t Mariades. 35 Any v i c t o r i e s by h i s son would be added t o the g l o r y of the Great King. Zonaras, X I I , 628A, does not s p e c i f i c a l l y name Sapor. 36 A l f o l d i i n C. A. H.. X I I , pp. I 7 I - I 7 2 , places the P e r s i a n a t t a c k on Cappadocia i n 260 and has Mariades w i t h Sapor i n 2 5 8 / 2 5 9 . 37 Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 410. Though the e x p e d i t i o n may be s l i g h t l y l a t e r i t i s probably from Armenia. 38 Zosimus, I , 28, 1, has them take Ephesus and Pessinus. He says l i t t l e of P e r s i a n a c t i v i t y at t h i s time. 39 E n s s l i n i n C. A. H., X I I , p. 1 3 4 , objects to t h i s on the . ground t h a t the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the Empire were so w e l l known t h a t no i n v i t a t i o n was needed. 12. i n s c r i p t i o n ) and i n f a c t h e l d out t i l l 255/256.^ Although Sapor was near Palmyra he d i d not capture the town ( i t i s not on the l i s t ) . The i n c i d e n t concerning the r e j e c t i o n by Sapor of Cdenath's o f f e r of f r i e n d s h i p , i f true 41 at a l l , may be dated at t h i s time. Continuing northward the k i n g appeared 42 before N i s i b i s i n 252, though the town he l d out f o r a short time, probably 43 u n t i l 254. From there the march continued t o Antioch, which was i n P e r s i a n 44 hands e a r l y i n 253. The move southward "against Emesa, which was guarded 45 by S u l p i c i u s Uranius Antoninus, was u n s u c c e s s f u l . J F o l l o w i n g t h i s setback the P e r s i a n s returned home by a n o r t h e r l y route, Palmyra being c l o s e d to them. Whether the anecdotes concerning the Per s i a n s at Edessa and Carrhae ( i f true) 40 A l f o l d i i n C. A. H.. X I I , p. argues f o r 255 on the b a s i s of coins found i n the excavation* Olmstead, op. c i t . , p. 411, and M. R o s t o v t z e f f , "Dura and the Problem of P a r t h i a n A r t , " Yale C l a s s i c a l S t u d i e s . V (1935), p. 202, and the excavators hold to 256. 41 Petrus P a t r i c i u s , f r a g . 10, i n H i s t o r i c i G raeci Minores. ed. L. Dindorf, I , ( L e i p z i g , 1870), p. 430. 42 An Arab source, T a b a r i , has t h i s i n the eleventh year of the k i n g ( E n s s l i n , i n C. &•. H.. X I I , p. 132). 43 E n s s l i n , l o c . c i t . ; Warmington, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 390. 44. A l f o l d i , i n C. A. H., X I I , p. I70, on the ground t h a t coins of Antioch continue u n i n t e r r u p t e d from t h i s time to 258/259; Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 405; Warmington, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 389* 45 Coins of t h i s r u l e r continue to 253/254 a f t e r which date he disappears. A Greek i n s c r i p t i o n at Qalaat e l Haways (near Emesa) dated 252/253 records a defeat of the Persians (Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 408). 13. r e f e r to events of t h i s i n v a s i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to d e t e r m i n e . ^ This whole campaign can be a c c u r a t e l y described as a s e r i e s of r a i d s : the Persians made l i t t l e e f f o r t t o occupy the country but contented themselves w i t h ho plunder. ' Since events i n the East were so urgent, i t i s no xronder t h a t V a l e r i a n made hasty p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r war there., At t h i s p o i n t I t would be h e l p f u l t o note the members of the L i c i n i a n house who were prominent i n the f o l l o w i n g y e a r s . V a l e r i a n h i m s e l f was.a d i s t i n g u i s h e d senator and s o l d i e r who had served 48 the emperors from the time of the Gordians. His w i f e , Mariniana, has coins f o r the years 253-257 but she had d i e d before h i s accession (she i s always r e f e r r e d t o as Diva on the c o i n s ) . ^ His son P. L i c i n i u s Egnatius G a l l i e n u s was made co-Emperor i n .Rome by the Senate when V a l e r i a n reached the city.5° G a l l i e n u s 1 w i f e was C o r n e l i a S a l o n i n a , whose c o i n s continue u n t i l her death s h o r t l y a f t e r the murder of her husband. Coins of hers i n s c r i b e d AVG. IM PACE 46 Petrus P a t r i c i u s , f r a g . 11., i n H. G. M., I , pp. 430-431; Ammianus M a r c e l l i n u s , XX, 11, 11.. Olmstead.op. c i t . . pp. 408-410, would pl a c e them on t h i s i n v a s i o n though they may as reasonably have taken p l a c e a f t e r the capture of V a l e r i a n . The two expeditions must have been almost i d e n t i c a l . 4? Zosimus, I , 27, 2., gives t h i s impression. 48 V i t a Gordianorum. 9, 7; Aur. Vict.., E p i t . . 32, 1; de Caes.. 32, 2; Zosimus, I , 14, 1. The fulsome p r a i s e of V i t a V a l . . 5 and 6 i s i n many of i t s d e t a i l s f a l s e but other sources c o r r e c t i t . 49 P. H. Webb, R. I . C . ed. H. M a t t i n g l y and E. A. Sydenham, V, 1 (London, 1927), p. 27. 50 Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . , 32, 2; Eutropius, IX, 7; Zosimus, I , 30, 1; Dessau, I . L. S., 531. 14 . need not mean th a t she was a C h r i s t i a n , . but were i s s u e d f o r s e v e r a l years d u r i n g G a l l i e n u s ' s o l e r e i g n and probably afterwards by Claudius i n memory of a l o y a l w i f e . ^ There are records of two sons of G a l l i e n u s , the e l d e r , P. Cor. L i e . V a l e r i a n u s , and the younger, P. Cor. L i e . Saloninus Valerianus.-' 2 The e l d e r son was made Caesar by the Emperor V a l e r i a n i n the f i r s t year of h i s r e i g n and d i e d a few years l a t e r (Alexandrian coins continue only f o r CO S a l o n i n u s ) . Saloninus, made a Caesar by G a l l i e n u s , remained a t A g r i p p i n a (Cologne) u n t i l he was k i l l e d by Postumus when the c i t y was taken* 54 The sources 51 Webb, R. I . C , V, 1, pp. 28, 197, n. 2 . I n so doing, Claudius hoped t o p a c i f y the army of G a l l i e n u s angered a t h i s death. 52 Dessau, I . L. S., 557, l i s t s both. 53 Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 32, 2;. Webb, R. I . C , V, 2, p. 29, i/has 255 f o r t h i s change. Supplementum Epjgraphicum Graecum. VI (1932), n. 759, l i s t i n g V a l e r i a n u s , i s dated 256-259. Magie, S. H. A.. I l l , p. 6 9 , n. 3, dates the death of Valerianus i n 258 on the evidence of p a p y r i . A l f t t l d i , i n C. A. H., X I I , p. 181, notes t h a t Valerianus was made Caesar i n 256 and d i e d i n 258, succeeded by Saloninus. . 54 V i t a G a l l . . 19-21 ( S a l o n i n i ) ; Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 33, 1; Zosimus, I , 38, 2. There i s some question as t o the dates of Postumus' a c t i v i t y . Saloninus i s named i n an i n s c r i p t i o n of 259/260 (Dessau, I . L. S.. 539) and i s -the Caesar on e n t r i e s i n the J u s t i n i a n Code to the end of 259 (IV, 35, 8 i s dated 30 December). Only once i s he so named i n 260 w i t h c e r t a i n t y (IV, 6 5 , 16, of 29 J u l y ) . This entry, i t should be noted, f o l l o w s s e v e r a l of 259 w i t h the same heading— t a n e r r o r i n c o m p i l a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e . 15. a l s o note a V a l e r i a n , b r o t h e r of G a l l i e n u s , and another son of h i s who were k i l l e d by the Senate a f t e r h i s death.55 Concerning these'there i s l e s s c e r -t a i n t y : the consular l i s t s have ( L i c i n i u s ) V a l e r i a n u s as consul f o r the second time i n 265, but there i s no .^mention of h i s f i r s t c o n s u l s h i p . ^ As f o r the son, there i s a Quintus J u l i u s G a l l i e n u s known from only two c o i n s , of doubt-f u l a u t h o r i t y , ^ 7 and an (Egnatius?) Marinianus known again from the consular r e c o r d s . ^ Both Quintus and Marinianus probably belong t o the L i c i n i a n house, but s i n c e there are at most only three sons of G a l l i e n u s on record t h e i r exact r e l a t i o n s h i p i s impossible to determine. The l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n remains, but other evidence i s i n c o n c l u s i v e . That the Senate d i d vent i t s b i t t e r n e s s toward G a l l i e n u s on h i s f a m i l y and a s s o c i a t e s immediately a f t e r h i s death may s a f e l y be drawn from the' sources. The L i c i n i a n house d i d not s u r v i v e f i f t e e n years of r u l e . 55 V i t a V a l . . 7-8; V i t a G a l l . . 12, 14| Zonaras, X I I , 635C. 56 A. D e g r a s s i , I F a s t i C o n s o l a r i dell'Impero Romano (Rome, ' 1952), p. 72. Coins i n s c r i b e d VALERIANVS P. F. AVG. and showing a younger man have been i n - . t e r p r e t e d by Webb, R. I . C . V, 1 , pp. 28-29, as being G a l l i c i s s u e s f o r the Emperor and not those of a b r o t h e r . 57 Webb, R. I . C , V, 1 , p. 128, dates these c o i n s , both posthumous, t o 255. That a t h i r d son should l i v e without l e a v i n g s u b s t a n t i a l r e c o r d when the other two sons (who had both i s s u e d c o i n s ) were dead i s hard to b e l i e v e . "Quintus" i s s t i l l a mystery. 58 Degrassi, l o c . c i t . A l f t t l d i , "The Numbering of the V i c t o r i e s of the Emperor G a l l i e n u s and of the L o y a l t y of h i s Legions," Num. Ch.. s e r i e s 5, IX (1929), pp. 266-267 b e l i e v e s t h a t a m e d a l l i o n ( B e r l i n ) and l a t e c o ins from Rome i n s c r i b e d FECV&JDITAS AVG. p o i n t to the b i r t h of a new h e i r , '.Marinianus. 16. Leaving G a l l i e n u s as j o i n t Emperor and i n charge of the army i n Europe, V a l e r i a n a r r i v e d i n the East i n the w i n t e r of 253/254 and made h i s way immediately t o Antioch.5 9 The presence of an Augustus i n the East was noted i n the c o i n s by o p t i m i s t i c legends. S h o r t l y afterwards the Borani launched an a t t a c k against P i t y u s but were turned back by the m i l i t a r y commander th e r e , Successianus. V a l e r i a n then c a l l e d him t o Antioch, r a i s e d him t o the rank of p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t and set about r e s t o r i n g the c i t y . The next year (255) the Borani were s u c c e s s f u l , c a p t u r i n g P i t y u s and Trapezus. Then the Goths i n 256 s a i l e d to Chalcedon and from there scoured B i t h y n i a . V a l e r i a n sent the general F e l i x to h o l d Byzantium, s e t t i n g out himself f o r B i t h y n i a . He pro-ceeded only as f a r as Cappadocia, however, where h i s army was s t r i c k e n by the plague. This c r i p p l i n g hardship f o r c e d him to t u r n back to A n t i o c h where he remained t i l l j u s t before h i s death.• S h o r t l y b e f o r e , V a l e r i a n had strengthened Roman defences as a r e s u l t of the capture of Doura by the P e r s i a n s . Coins i n s c r i b e d VICTORIA PART, and RESTITVT. ORIENTIS may r e f e r t o Roman successes i n keeping the P e r s i a n s from any noteworthy c r o s s i n g of the Euphrates at t h i s t i m e . ^ 0 I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t even now V a l e r i a n had encouraged Odenath of Palmyra t o support the Romans.6"1 59 Zosimus, I , 30-36, gives the c h i e f o u t l i n e of events i n the East under V a l e r i a n . 60 A l f o l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I 4 p. 148, c a l l s ' , these legends a "groundless boast." I t should be noted, though, t h a t there i s l i t t l e P e r s i a n aggression f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s . 61 Corpus Inscriptionum S y r i a e . I l l , 3945 ( c i t e d by Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 411, n. 132) , has Odenath c a l l e d v i r c o n s u l a r i s by 258. 17. Coins were a l s o i s s u e d from 255 a t a new mint, presumably i n support of f u r t h e r m i l i t a r y re-inforcements. But t h i s hopeful s i t u a t i o n was r u i n e d by V a l e r i a n l : s f a i l u r e to check the Goths: A s i a Minor was i n a s t a t e of p a n i c . ^ V a l e r i a n , i t seems, was unable t o r e s t o r e confidence i n the Roman army a f t e r the Gothic r a i d . F e e l i n g s of hatred and d e s p a i r were a l l about him; h i s r e a c t i o n was t o begin a p e r s e c u t i o n of the Church (summer, 257).^ There i s evidence t h a t he was urged t o t h i s a c t i o n by the f u t u r e 'usurper Macrianus, but he needed no excuse at t h i s time t o d i r e c t h o s t i l i t y away from the Roman r u l i n g forces.^5 The higher c l e r g y were r e q u i r e d to show a l l e g i a n c e t o the s t a t e by s a c r i f i c e s made before a ranking Roman o f f i c i a l . Harsher measures, however, were taken the next year; the c l e r g y could be executed 62 The l o c a t i o n of t h i s mint has been the subject of much debate. A l f t t l d i , i n C A. H.. X I I , p. 177, and Magie, R. R. A. M. ( P r i n c e t o n , 1950), I , p. 707, have Samosata; Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 419, has Emesa. A l f t t l d i holds the view t h a t V a l e r i a n e s t a b l i s h e d h i s m i l i t a r y headquarters a t Samosata when moving n o r t h . Olmstead notes t h a t i s s u e s from t h i s mint f o r Macrianus and Quietus and the legend s o l i n v i c t u s point.i t o Emesa as a b e t t e r s i t e . That Samosata was a Roman m i l i t a r y post i s c e r t a i n (Macrianus s e n i o r was there) but whether i t was ever the headquarters under V a l e r i a n can be doubted (Antioch was s t i l l the c h i e f c i t y ) . At t h i s time Emesa would have been u s e f u l i n b l o c k i n g the Euphrates through a Palmyra-Sura l i n k of defence. 63 Zosimus, I , 3, 6, 2 , censures V a l e r i a n f o r f a i l i n g t o a i d the s u r v i v o r s , though r a t h e r too severeLy, c o n s i d e r i n g the c o n d i t i o n of the army. 64 Zonara.s, X I I , 629C, -^connects h i s p e r s e c u t i o n w i t h the popular d i s c o n t e n t . 65 Eusebius, H. E., V I I , 10, 4-5. Cyprian, E p i s t l e s . 76-82, shows the extent and e f f e c t of h i s measures. 18. immediately, C h r i s t i a n s of importance i n the s t a t e s e r v i c e l o s t p r o p e r t y and l i v e s , meetings were denied everyone. As could be expected such a c t i o n s d i d nothing to r e c t i f y the s e r i o u s s i t u a t i o n i n the Roman East. The Emperor's movements s h o r t l y before h i s capture are obscure. He i s known t o have been i n A n t i o c h i n May 258 and probably remained there u n t i l drawn out to meet the hew P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n . ^ This new t h r e a t probably began w i t h d e c i s i v e inroads i n t o Mesopotamia l e a d i n g t o the siege of Carrhae and Edessa.^? V a l e r i a n faced the Pe r s i a n s at Edessa but f e l l i n t o t h e i r hands, along w i t h 68 other o f f i c e r s , i n c l u d i n g Successianus. Various s t o r i e s of t h i s tragedy r e - . l a t e t h a t the army was s t r i c k e n by the plague a t Edessa and t h a t V a l e r i a n e i t h e r t r i e d t o purchase an a r m i s t i c e and was s e i z e d a t a conference or surrendered t o Sapor i n f e a r of a r e b e l l i o n amongst h i s own men. That he s u r v i v e d some years i n s e r v i l e c a p t i v i t y i s c e r t a i n , although probably not f o r l o n g , con-• 69 s i d e r i n g h i s advanced age. ' The shock to the Roman world was i n t e n s e : 66 Codex Iustiniahus. V, 3» 5; IX, 9» 18. The episode of Mariades' tr e a c h e r y l e a d i n g t o the sacking of An t i o c h by Sapor i s o f t e n placed j u s t p r i o r t o V a l e r i a n ' s capture. As shown above (p. 10, n. 34) t h i s need not have been the case. 67 E u t r o p i u s , IX, 8., 2, and Orosius, adversus Paganos. V I I , 22, 7, f o r Mesopotamia; Zonaras, X I I , 629D. Zonaras' account of events surrounding the defeat of V a l e r i a n (629-630) i s the f u l l e s t . 68 Kaaba i n s c r i p t i o n (Greek) 11, 23-6 ( c i t e d by Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 413, n. 145); Zonaras XII , '630A. 69 L a c t a n t i u s , de Morte Pers.. IV; Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 32, 5-6; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 7; Hieronymi Chronicon, (Helm) p. 220; V i t a V a l . . 1-3; Orosius, adv. Pag..-V I I , 22, 4; Zosimus, I , 36, 2; Zonaras, X I I , 63OB. Two e n t r i e s i n the Codex  I u s t i n i a n u s name V a l e r i a n a f t e r the year 260 ( I I I , 8, 8, of 262 and V, 62, 17, of 265). Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 33. 3, says t h a t G a l l i e n u s was - f i f t y years o l d 19. G a l l i e n u s , however, d i d not t r y to salvage Roman d i g n i t y by ransoming h i s f a t h e r . The capture of V a l e r i a n presents s e v e r a l problems: when i t happened and what the immediate circumstances were s t i l l admit d i s c u s s i o n . The P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n began i n 259 and continued i n t o 261 w i t h S y r i a , Cappadocia, C i l i c i a •and Lycaonia being overrun a f t e r the great success a t Edessa.? 0 When V a l e r i a n had been drawn from A n t i o c h , i t i s q u i t e probable t h a t a P e r s i a n f o r c e moved 71 behind h i s advance and besieged the c i t y . ' V a l e r i a n was thus doubly f o r c e d to make a stand a t Edessa. The main P e r s i a n army then broke through the Roman • defences near Samosata, and, j o i n i n g , w i t h the v i c t o r s from A n t i o c h , ran rampant 72 over Cappadocia and C i l i c i a . The problem of the date of V a l e r i a n ' s defeat when he d i e d . V a l e r i a n , t h e r e f o r e , was probably w e l l over s i x t y a t h i s death. 70 H i e r . Chron.. p. 220; Zonaras, X I I , 63OD. For a l i s t of the v i c t o r i e s from the P e r s i a n i n s c r i p t i o n s see Olmstead, op. c i t . . pp. 414-418. 71 Zonaras, X I I , 63IB, notes A n t i o c h taken along w i t h Tarsus and Caesarea. A l f t t l d i , C. A. H., X I I , p. 170, n. 1, notes t h a t c o ins from A n t i o c h are l a c k i n g f o r a time from 259 and c i t e s :the capture as the reason. I t should be r e -membered t h a t there were s e v e r a l "Antiochs" i n A s i a Minor. Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 415 remarks t h a t the Antioch taken by the Persians i s l i s t e d among c i t i e s from the coast of C i l i c i a , thus r a i s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of only one capture of the c a p i t a l A n t i o c h . The t r a d i t i o n i n the sources i s t h a t the c a p i t a l was taken c l o s e l y f o l l o w i n g the defeat of V a l e r i a n . I t i s . reasonable, then, to say t h a t the c i t y was taken twice during V a l e r i a n ' s l i f e t i m e . ( A l f t t l d i , C. A. H., X I I , p. 172, b e l i e v e s i t :was captured three times.) 72 Warmington, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 392, notes t h a t Samosata i t s e l f was taken only on the P e r s i a n s ' r e t u r n . Macrianus withdrew the g a r r i s o n from there when he prepared h i s e x p e d i t i o n t o I l l y r i c u m i n 260. 20. i s more d i f f i c u l t to determine. A c o i n hoard from Hamath (south of Antioch) contains i s s u e s from the second Asi a n mint, but only of V a l e r i a n . That they were b u r i e d i n connection w i t h the t a k i n g of Antio c h i s c e r t a i n but whether before or a f t e r i s impossible t o s a y . ^ P a p y r i show t h a t the successors of V a l e r i a n were recognized i n Egypt from September of 260. ( E n t r i e s i n the J u s t i n i a n Code, on the other hand, continue i n the names of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s r i g h t through 260.) To f i n d a more p r e c i s e date i t has been sug-gested t h a t the e l e c t i o n of Dionysius as bishop of Rome i n some way depended upon the a r r i v a l of news of V a l e r i a n ' s defeat.'^ However, as there i s some question about when the e l e c t i o n took p l a c e , no d e f i n i t e date can be e s t a b l i s h e d 73 A l f d l d i , Berytus. IV (1935), P- 51 ( c i t e d by Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 419), dates the hoard to 260, f o l l o w e d b y Olmstead. But when the coins were minted need not be 260. This hoard i s not n e c e s s a r i l y t o be taken as evidence t h a t A n t i o c h was taken twice w i t h i n the space of a s i n g l e year (as A l f o l d i i n t e r -p r e t s i t ) s i n c e the P e r s i a n siege and occupation might have l a s t e d some time i n t o 260. 74 Magie, S. H. A.. I l l ' , p. 18, n. 1. Coins from Al e x a n d r i a were being pre-pared from August of 260 s t i l l i n V a l e r i a n ' s name ( A l f o l d i , i n C. A. H., X I I , p. 173)' This d i f f e r e n c e p o i n t s up the i n d e c i s i o n i n o f f i c i a l c i r c l e s as. to whether V a l e r i a n r e t a i n e d h i s power when i n c a p t i v i t y and demonstrates as w e l l the d i v i d e d l o y a l t i e s of many p a r t s of the East. 75 A l f o l d i , C. A. .H.. X I I , p. 172. (He mistakenly has J u l i u s f o r Dionysius.) 21. from t h i s evidence.76 Stronger help i s the f a c t t h a t coins of Antioch f a i l i n 259 and i t i s thus reasonable t o place the capture of both the Emperor and h i s c a p i t a l i n A s i a i n the l a t t e r h a l f of 259« The records of 260 i n V a l e r i a n ' s name show t h a t he was s t i l l the s e n i o r . Augustus and tha t some hope remained t h a t he would y e t be returned to the Empire. G a l l i e n u s was now s o l e r u l e r of the Roman world. At t h i s p o i n t i t i s f i t t i n g to recount h i s a c t i o n s i n the West and the events i n the r e s t of the Empire up t o the beginning of h i s s e n i o r i t y . The sources record continuous inv a s i o n s by various peoples and t r i b e s of Europe and what i s now Western 77 Russi a . ' ' The Goths who had been so troublesome i n the Danube area under 76 22 J u l y 259. l i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s . ed. l'Abbe L. Duchesne (second e d i t i o n , P a r i s , 1955). I . P« CCLXI; 22 J u l y 260, according to E. Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums (Tubingen, 1930), I , pp. 72, 575-576. This l a t t e r date i s commonly quoted. . The l a s t Roman bishop, Xystus I I , d i e d i n 258 under the renewed p e r s e c u t i o n . There was no delay, however, a t An t i o c h (where V a l e r i a n was) i n the succession of bishops. Since G a l l i e n u s i n the West had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n C h r i s t i a n i t y and probably would not i n t e r f e r e , the e l e c t i o n of the Roman bishop need not be so closely.connected w i t h the capture of V a l e r i a n as some i n t e r p r e t e r s would have i t . 77 Goths ( S c y t h i a n s ) , C a r p i , Quadi, Sarmatae, Marcomanni, Alamanni and the Franks are seen i n Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . , 33, 1, de Caes.. 33, 3; Eutropius, IX, 7-8; H i e r . Chron.. pp. 220-221; Orosius, adv. Pag.. V I I , 22, 7-8; Zosimus, I , 29-31, 37-38; Zonaras, X I I , 629C-D, 63IC. The f o l l o w i n g account i s based l a r g e l y on the s p e c i a l work of A l f t t l d i i n Mum. Ch.. IX (1929), pp. 218-279, and i n C. A. H.. X I I , Chapters V and VI.' 22. G a l l u s again made inroads i n t o Thrace i n 254 and threatened t o invade Greece (the w a l l s of Athens and the Isthmus were h a s t i l y r e b u i l t ) . The C a r p i and other f r e e Dacians r a i d e d Dacia and M o e s i a ; ^ the Quadi and Sarmatae, were a c t i v e i n Pannonia. Marcomanni were a l s o i n v a d i n g Pannonia (254) and even pushed i n t o North I t a l y as f a r as Ravenna. G a l l i e n u s , however, f e l t the greater danger t o be on the Rhine f r o n t i e r and a c c o r d i n g l y turned h i s a t t e n t i o n there, l e a v i n g the e a s t e r n provinces t o h i s generals t o c o n t r o l . As i t happened, he was occupied f o r the next f i v e years i n wars against the Germanic Invaders i n t h a t area, spending l i t t l e time i n Rome i t s e l f . ^ Two t r i b e s , the Franks and Alamanni, are prominent i n these a t t a c k s . (The Franks when defeated by G a l l i e n u s turned t o p i r a c y on the E n g l i s h Channel and the coast of Gaul. They a l s o reached Spain and Mauretania on t h e i r extensive t r a v e l s . As a counter-move t o >.the repeated r a i d s of the Germans, G a l l i e n u s e n l i s t e d the a i d of some of the b a r b a r i c leaders t o h o l d o f f other c h i e f t a i n s . ( L a t e r , a f t e r the r e v o l t of Regalian, he s e t t l e d a band of Marcomanni i n Pannonia f o r the same defensive p u r p o s e . ) ^ These measures were expedient f o r the moment 78 G a l l i e n u s used the t i t l e DACICVS MAXIMYS i n 257 t o show v i c t o r i e s t h e r e . 79 F i v e v i c t o r i e s over the Germans are recorded on the coins between 254 and 259. Numerous c o i n hoards along the Gallic-German f r o n t i e r are ample evidence f o r the c h a o t i c s t a t e of. Europe, under G a l l i e n u s . 80 Aur. V i c t . , de. Caes.. 33. 3; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 8; H i e r . Chron.. p. 221; Orosius, adv. Pag;., V I I , 22, 7. 81 I t i s a l s o nnoted t h a t he took the daughter of a Marcomannic c h i e f as h i s secondary w i f e (Aur. Vict.., E p i t . . 33» 1; . 'de Caes., 33. 6; V i t a G a l l . , 21, 3«) I t i s evident t h a t Roman m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l was weakening and too t h i n l y spread t o cope w i t h s e r i o u s emergencies. 23. but G a l l i e n u s f u l l y r e a l i z e d t h a t t o be s u c c e s s f u l i n these wars he would need t o be present c o n s t a n t l y and w i t h a much stronger army based i n the tr o u b l e d area. I n 257 he made A g r i p p i n a (Cologne) h i s headquarters and conducted the war w i t h renewed v i g o u r . ^ 2 I n 258/259 the Alamanni made:.- a seri o u s a t t a c k on Gaul and I t a l y , advancing as f a r as Rome where they were h e l d o f f by the s e n a t o r i a l f o r c e s . ^ G a l l i e n u s q u i c k l y crossed the Alps and defeated them at Mediolanum ( M i l a n ) . Thus f a r G a l l i e n u s had done h i s best t o preserve the Roman Empire. I n A f r i c a as w e l l i n c u r s i o n s were made i n t o Roman t e r r i t o r y . Throughout the r e i g n of V a l e r i a n the Bavares and Quinquegentanei were a c t i v e u n t i l defeated by the governor of Numidia i n 260.^ I t should be noted here t h a t the " f r i n g e " 82 The mint at Viminacium (Moesia) was moved t o Cologne, probably f o r m i l i t a r y funds ( A l f f i l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , pp. 158, 182). G a l l i e n u s ' presence i n Rome i n October 256 (Codex l u s t . . V I , 42, 15) i s l i k e l y connected w i t h h i s proposed move to Cologne. Coins from Cologne and from Lugdunum (Webb, R. I . C., V, 1, p. 39, n. 7; P. 70, nos. 21-23) i n s c r i b e d CVM EXERCITV SVO are evidence f o r h i s move and f o r h i s f u l l y independent m i l i t a r y command—as w e l l as f o r a probable s e r i o u s disagreement w i t h V a l e r i a n on matters of s t a t e p o l i c y . One cause of the r i f t might have been G a l l i e n u s ' strong d i s a p p r o v a l of the pe r s e c u t i o n of the Church as a means of easing the widespread t e n s i o n and resentment which was a product of the overwhelming i n v a s i o n s throughout the Roman world. D i r e c t m i l i t a r y a c t i o n was the only answer. 83 Zosimus, I , 37,^  1-2. 84 Dessau, I . L.'S.. 1194, 2766, 2767, 3000; Cyprian, Ep_j_, 60. 24. areas of the Roman f r o n t i e r i n p a r t i c u l a r r e c e i v e d i n s u f f i c i e n t p r o t e c t i o n . The "sphere of i n f l u e n c e " between Gaul and Germany northward along the Rhine ( a g r i decumates) was overrun and l o s t t o Rome du r i n g G a l l i e n u s 1 s o l e a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n . The s t r i p between the Rhine and Danube l i n e s , beyond the Raetian l i m e s , was a l s o l o s t d u r i n g t h i s time.^5 Dacia i t s e l f , though badly t o r n , was probably not o f f i c i a l l y abandoned u n t i l the time of A u r e l i a n ; t h a t any exten-s i v e degree of Roman c o n t r o l remained under G a l l i e n u s may be s e r i o u s l y doubted.^ I t i s -no wonder, then, t h a t the provinces of Europe f e l t neglected. Although G a l l i e n u s was f u l l y occupied on the Rhine, Europe was i n a dangerous frame of mind. The d e s p a i r of the Danube peoples at the Emperor's absence now broke f o r t h 85 A l f d l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , p. 155, dates and i n s c r i p t i o n from the Raetian border (C. I . L.. I l l , 5933) t o 256/25? and notes t h a t i t i s the l a t e s t from t h a t area. This date r e s t s on a very l i t t l e evidence, but i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t i n s c r i p t i o n s do f a i l there e a r l y i n V a l e r i a n ' s r e i g n . 86 Aur. V i c t . , de Gaes.. 33, 3; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 8; Orosius, adv. Pag;.. V I I , 22, 7 a l l p l a c e the l o s s i n the r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s . C. I . L., I I I , 1577 and 8010, from Dacia, are both dated 257-260. There i s evidence, however, from recent excavations t h a t some m i l i t a r y f o r c e s were sustained i n Dacia under G a l l i e n u s ( A l f o l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , pp. 151, 213-214). The c l a i m t h a t l e g i o n s were moved by G a l l i e n u s from the Transylvanian r e g i o n of Dacia t o Lower W a l l a c h i a (Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 343-3^. n. 22) has been denied on the grounds t h a t there was nothing of p r o v i n c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n W a l l a c h i a ( A l f o l d i , review of P a r k e r , H i s t o r y , i n J . R. S.. XXVII (1937), p. 259). 25. i n a s e r i e s of r e v o l t s . ^ F i r s t , Ingenuus, a commander i n Pannonia, gained the support of the l e g i o n s i n Moesia and was proclaimed Emperor, probably making Sirmium h i s headquarters. G a l l i e n u s , l e a v i n g h i s son Saloninus a t Cologne under the charge of the p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t , S i l v a n u s , set out w i t h Aureolus, h i s c a v a l r y commander. Aureolus soundly defeated Ingenuus, who f l e d t o h i s death. The remnant of Ingenuus 1 army, however, e l e c t e d Regalianus (a Dacian) t o c a r r y on the r e v o l t . He based h i s r u l e i n Carnuntum, aided by h i s w i f e , D r y a n t i l l a (of a s e n a t o r i a l f a m i l y ) . L i t t l e i s known of h i s r u l e but i t l a s t e d Q O only a matter of weeks. Both these usurpers were u n q u a l i f i e d f o r anything more than causing a dis t u r b a n c e , though t h e i r defeat was much t o G a l l i e n u s ! c r e d i t . ^ I t should be noted here t h a t the armies on the Danube would pro-bably have supported the Emperor f u l l y i f he had chosen to stay i n t h a t r e g i o n . What d i f f e r e n c e i t would have made i s hard t o say; usurpers would appear any-where during the absence of the Emperor. 87 Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 32, 3-4; de Caes.. 33. 2; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 8-10; T r i g . Tyr.. 3. 5-6, 8-10, 12-14; Orosius, adv. Pag.. V I I , 22, 10-12; Zosimus, I , 38, 1-2; Zonaras, X I I , 63IC-633A. The sources agree on the order of the usurpations and are g e n e r a l l y c o n s i s t e n t i n d e t a i l s of the events. 88 Webb, R. I . C . V, 2, pp. 575-577. Coins of Regalian and D r y a n t i l l a from Carnuntum are n e a r l y a l l r e - s t r u c k , i n d i c a t i n g a s h o r t - l i v e d l o c a l r e v o l t but g i v i n g no c l u e as t o the date. The d i f f i c u l t y here i s t h a t i t i s hard t o b e l i e v e t h a t Regalian*s r e v o l t f o l l o w e d c l o s e l y on the defeat of Ingenuus, e s p e c i a l l y when a strong. Roman army was i n the v i c i n i t y . The t r a d i t i o n i s t h a t he succeeded Ingenuus and f o r the present should be r e t a i n e d . 89 Coins number these v i c t o r i e s VI and V I I f o l l o w i n g those commemorating the German campaigns ( A l f t t l d i , Num. Ch.. IX (1929) p. 255). 26. One r e v o l t was s u c c e s s f u l , however, t h a t of M. Cassianius L a t i n i u s Postumus i n Gaul. L e f t i n charge of the Rhine f r o n t i e r when G a l l i e n u s went t o meet Ingenuus, he founded an Empire which l a s t e d w e l l i n t o the r e i g n of 90 A u r e l i a n . There i s some question about the date of h i s r e v o l t , as there i s about the previous v i o l e n c e i n eastern Europe. That Postumus f o l l o w e d Ingenuus i s c e r t a i n , and he was probably; contemporary w i t h Regalian.^^ Postumus took advantage of the Emperor's absence t o besiege and capture Cologne where Saloninus and S i l v a n u s , h i s guardian, were s t a t i o n e d . References t o Saloninus are common i n 259 but stop sometime i n 260.^ 2 From t h i s evidence i t i s reasonable 90 T r i g . Tyr.. 3. 1 and 9» has him a l s o named governor of Gaul'by V a l e r i a n . Coins note s i x t e e n years of t r i b u n i c i a n power i n Gaul, t e n of them f o r Postumus (Webb, R. I . C, V, 2, p. 329). 91 Legionary coins of v i c t o r i e s s i x and seven i n c l u d e the Rhine l e g i o n s which l a t e r went over t o Postumus. B r i t i s h detachments were i n c l u d e d i n the army which fought Ingenuus, but they a l s o l a t e r supported Postumus. A l f o l d i , Num. Ch.. IX (1929), p. 262, n. 62, holds t h a t the absence of B r i t i s h and Spanish f o r c e s on c o i n s of 260 has no h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . T h e i r a c t i o n s , however, are s u r e l y as v a l u a b l e as those of .the Rhenish f o r c e s i n determining the date of Postumus' a c t i v i t y . Postumus was recognized on the Rhine a f t e r the defeat of Regalian, though h i s r e v o l t was probably under way at the same time as Regalian's (Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 168, 343-344, n. 22, 27.). 92 See above, p. 14,'n. 54. Alexandrian coins i n h i s name stop w i t h the year 260/261 (Magie, S. H. A., I l l , p. 57, n. 1). This mint wastslbw to chang^" 1 from i s s u e s f o r V a l e r i a n and may have i s s u e d f o r Saloninus f o r some time a f t e r h i s death. Egypt, i t should be noted, was not u r g e n t l y concerned w i t h the a c t i v i t y of V a l e r i a n and h a r d l y at a l l w i t h Saloninus. Even ".the occupation of A l e x a n d r i a l a t e r by Palmyrene f o r c e s d i d not cause an immediate break i n r e l a t i o n s w i t h Rome (A.C. Johnson, Egypt and the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, 1951), p. 43). 27. t o p lace the beginning of Postumus' r e v o l t l a t e i n 259. The r e v o l t s of Ingenuus and Regalian thus would occur a t the same time as the P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n which r e s u l t e d i n ' the capture of V a l e r i a n . When the defeat of V a l e r i a n was known i n " t h e West, Postumus 1 u s u r p a t i o n was i n the meantime e s t a b l i s h e d i n Cologne ( e a r l y i n 26o).^3 L i t t l e more than t h i s can be s a i d w i t h c e r t a i n t y . The r e s u l t of Postumus' r e v o l t was the r e s t o r a t i o n of some order i n Gaul, but not before he escaped the a t t a c k s of G a l l i e n u s . The Emperor, making sure of h i s defences i n the A l p i n e area,9 ^ r e s i s t e d him s u c c e s s f u l l y a t f i r s t but 93 Aur. V i c t . , de' Caes.. 32, 2, has the r e v o l t of Ingenuus take p l a c e when the capture o f V a l e r i a n was known. A connection between the western r e v o l t s and a f f a i r s i n the East i s thus probable. (The H i s t o r i a Augusta. T r i g . Tyr.. 9 , 1» places the r e v o l t of Ingenuus i n 2 5 8—too e a r l y . ) ' A l f t t l d i , Num. Ch.. IX (19 2 9 ) , pp. 260-262 and i n C. A. H.. X I I , pp. 184-185, basing h i s v e r s i o n on the b e l i e f ..that news of V a l e r i a n ' s defeat a r r i v e d i n Rome i n the summer of 260, has Ingenuus and Regalian i n the autumn and Postumus i n the l a t t e r h a l f of December (260). 'However i t i s not known when Rome heard of events i n the E a s t , and i t may be doubted t h a t such a moment i s an important terminus f o r d a t i n g the re-• v o l t s . I t was probably common knowledge t h a t V a l e r i a n was f u l l y occupied w i t h the P e r s i a n s and other invaders long before t h i s . The number of t r i b u n i c i a n years on G a l l i c c o i ns i s more s i g n i f i c a n t . Since T e t r i c u s abdicated i n 273 i t i s probable t h a t Postumus counted h i s r u l e from the beginning of h i s r e v o l t i n 259 (Webb, R. I . C . V, 2 , pp. 326, 329; Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 168, 344, n. 2 6 ) . 94 Vindonissa was r e f o r t i f i e d i n 260 (C; I . L . . X I I I , 5203). That G a l l i e n u s was c o n s i s t e n t i n h i s e f f o r t s to h o l d northern I t a l y i s shown i n the f o r t i f i -c a t i o n s of the important town of Verona i n 265 (C. I . L. t V, 3329). 28. -was f o r c e d t o withdraw by an injury. 9 5 Aureolus was sent t o pursue Postumus bi t l e t him -^escape. (Aureolus may w e l l have been t e s t i n g G a l l i e n u s 1 dependence upon h i m s e l f . At any r a t e , he was not punished f o r h i s supposed negligence.) Postumus then s e t about to s o n s o l i d a t e h i s r u l e , ' . f o r t i f y i n g the Rhine f r o n t i e r and keeping i t c l o s e d t o the Germans by s e v e r a l v i c t o r i e s . 9 ^ At the height-of h i s power he could count'large areas of Spain a n d ' B r i t a i n as subject t o himself . 9 7 He e s t a b l i s h e d T r e v e r i as h i s c a p i t a l and b u i l t a palace there.9 ^ He may a l s o have begun a new mint t h e r e , but the evidence f o r t h i s i s not secure.99 i t i s c e r t a i n , though, t h a t he d i d move the mint from Lugdunum to Cologne, probably i n 2 6 5 . ^ ^ Postumus 1 r u l e was thoroughly Roman i n o r g a n i z a t i o n . 95 V i t a G a l l . . 4, 4; T r i g . Tyr., 3, 5; Zonaras, X I I , 632A-B. His urgent preparations against Postumus are ample reason f o r not having .negotiated the re l e a s e of V a l e r i a n from the P e r s i a n s . There i s a l s o some evidence t h a t G a l l i e n u s had no i n t e n t i o n of ransoming V a l e r i a n and- a c t u a l l y d i d much t o ". erase memory of him ( A l f o l d i , C. A. H., X I I , p. 183). The c o s t , at any r a t e , would probably have been l a r g e p o r t i o n s of the Empire. 96 C.-I.- L., X I I I , 8882, 8883, 9023, 9092, record the r e s t o r a t i o n of roads i n Gaul. Dessau, I . L. S.t 561 (of 260), and coins of s-everal years record c o n t i n u i n g m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t y on t h i s f r o n t . 97 C. I . L.. I I , 4919,, f o r Spain; C. I . L.. V I I , 820, 1161, f o r B r i t a i n . His i n f l u e n c e spread i n t o n o r t h I t a l y a l s o ; coins were s t r u c k there f o r him by Aureolus when the l a t t e r r e v o l t e d i n '268 (Webb, R. I . C., V, 2, pp. 327-328). See below p. 35 . 98 C. I . L.. X I I I , 3679, P. 584, c o l . 2. 99 C II, L., VI, 1641, i s i n t e r p r e t e d by A l f S l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I , p. 188, as r e f e r r i n g t o the time of Postumus, though i t i s p o s s i b l y much l a t e r . 100 Webb, R. I . C., V, 2, pp. 330-331, who notes t h a t the move was not made from l a c k of s e c u r i t y . 29. He kept the Roman m i l i t a r y system, reckoned h i s r u l e by t r i b u n i c i a n a u t h o r i t y and consulships and may even have had a senate of h i s own. How ambitious he was f o r wider power cannot be determined. The progress i n legends on h i s c o i n s from RESTITVTOR GALLIARUM to REST. ORBIS had at l e a s t a value as propa-ganda, but p o s s i b l y meant nothing m o r e J 0 2 Towards the end of h i s r e i g n he a s s o c i a t e d V i c t o r i n u s , h i s p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t , w i t h h i m s e l f i n h i s f o u r t h consulate (266 or 2 6 7 )—evidence t h a t he expected d i f f i c u l t i e s . I n 268 he put down a r e v o l t by L a e l i a n u s i n Mogontiacum (Mainz) but was k i l l e d by h i s men f o r h i s handling of t h i s r e b e l l i o n . ^ His immediate successor was Marius, an ironworker, whose recorded r u l e i n Cologne was three days, though he s u r e l y was i n power longer than t h a t (there are at l e a s t nineteen v a r i e t i e s of h i s c o i n s ) . V i c t o r i n u s then h e l d power (268-270) and the l a s t r u l e r of the G a l l i c Empire was T e t r i c u s (270-273). In c o n s i d e r i n g the e f f e c t of Postumus' r e v o l t i t w i l l be seen t h a t the m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h of the Roman Empire was s e r i o u s l y weakened. The f r o n t i e r areas now s u f f e r e d by being the b a t t l e g r o u n d not only of invaders but of opposing Roman f o r c e s as w e l l . Numerous coin-hoards show t h a t i n s e c u r i t y s t i l l p r e v a i l e d i n Gaul i n s p i t e of Postumus. While these r e v o l t s were i n progress i n the West, the Roman commander at Samosata, Macrianus, and C a l l i s t u s , the p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t ( a l s o c a l l e d " B a l l i s t a " ) , began t o re-organize the army i n a campaign t o r e g a i n power i n 101 S. C. on h i s e a r l y coins has a l s o bean i n t e r p r e t e d as r e f e r r i n g to the Roman Senate and showing Postumus' hopes of r u l i n g from Rome (Webb, R. I'.. C . V, 2, pp. 332-333). 102 A l f t t l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , p. 187, f e e l s t h a t the various legends show a developing d e s i r e f o r world r u l e . 103 L a e l i a n u s was probably the governor of Germania Superior:- (Degrassi, F a s t i , p. 72). 30. A s i a from the P e r s i a n s . Macrianus and Quietus, the sons of the commander, were named Emperors and were accepted i n A s i a and Egypt. I n 260/261 the Romans under C a l l i s t u s a t t a c k e d , winning a d e c i s i v e v i c t o r y at Corycus i n Cappadocia and f o r c i n g the Persians to r e t r e a t . When the i n v a s i o n of Sapor had been checked through s e v e r a l more successes, the two ^ M a c r i a n i set out f o r the Balkans i n an e f f o r t t o enlarge t h e i r empire. (Quietus and C a l l i s t u s moved t h e i r headquarters t o Emesa i n S y r i a . ) The M a c r i a n i gained the support of some Pannonian legions,.-supplementing an already s u b s t a n t i a l army. Before meeting the army of G a l l i e n u s they disposed of two pretenders i n Macedonia and Thessaly, Valens and Pis'o.''^ G a l l i e n u s then sent Aureolus to check them. He was helped i n crushing them by some of the. Pannonian troops, who again changed s i d e s , abandoning the M a c r i a n i . This v i c t o r y took p l a c e e i t h e r i n I l l y r i c u m or on the borders of Thrace, both M a c r i a n i being k i l l e d . Q u i e t u s and C a l l i s t u s were thus l e f t i n Emesa w i t h l i t t l e m i l i t a r y support. By the end of 261 both were dead; C a l l i s t u s was defeated by Ode'nath and Quietus was k i l l e d by the people of Emesa. 104 V i t a G a l l . . 1-3; T r i g . Tyr.. 12-14; Zonaras, X I I , 632C-633A, f o r d e t a i l s o f . t h e i r a c t i o n s . 105 T r i g . Tyr.. 19, 21. Aur. V i c t . , Epit.-. 32, 4, and Ammianus M a r c e l l i n u s , XXI, 16, 10, mention Valens among the opponents of G a l l i e n u s . P i s o i s probably a general sent by Macrianus t o dispose of Valens, but who r e v o l t e d and was k i l l e d by Valens i n s t e a d . L i t t l e i s known f o r c e r t a i n about e i t h e r of them. There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t they were a c t i v e before 260 (Webb, R. I . C . V, 2, p. 574), but i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o suppose they xrould s u r v i v e the much stronger r e v o l t s of 260. 106 Coins number t h i s the e i g h t h v i c t o r y of G a l l i e n u s ( A l f t t l d i , Num. Ch., IX, (1929), P. 248). 31. With the defeat of the M a c r i a n i the s i t u a t i o n i n the Danube area i m p r o v e d — no f u r t h e r r e v o l t s occurred there during the remainder of G a l l i e n u s ' r e i g n . I n Egypt, however, there i s evidence t h a t a minor r e v o l t was i n progress. Aemilianus, the p r e f e c t t h e r e , had supported Macrianus and Quietus but on t h e i r deaths a s s e r t e d h i s independence by stopping shipments of g r a i n to R o m eJ 0^ G a l l i e n u s q u i c k l y sent one Theodotus there t o r e s t o r e order, afterwards appoint-10Q i n g him p r e f e c t i n p l a c e of the r e b e l . 7 G a l l i e n u s had now h e l d power f o r almost ten y e a r s . A c c o r d i n g l y , i n -:ithe autumn of 262 G a l l i e n u s was i n Rome to c e l e b r a t e the beginning of h i s d e c e n n i a l year; s p e c i a l c o i n s and medallions 110 commemorate the event. For s e v e r a l years afterwards G a l l i e n u s 1 a c t i o n s are not c l e a r l y known. With Postumus. secure i n Gaul he would need t o watch northern I t a l y c l o s e l y : he probably p a i d a t t e n t i o n t o m a i n t a i n i n g the defences of the Empire i n g e n e r a l . ^ 107 A l f d l d i , i n G. A. H.. X I I , p. 147, notes the undisturbed a c t i v i t y of the mint a t S i s c i a from 262 as evidence f o r some r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n . 108 V i t a G a l l . . 4 , 1-2; T r i g . Tyr.. 22; Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 32, 4 . 109 From p a p y r i i t i s known t h a t Aemilianus was p r e f e c t i n October of 259 and the Theodotus succeeded him by August of ;262 (Magie, S. H. A., I l l , p. 119, n. 1 ) . Magie, l o c . c i t . . gives a d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n of the i n c i d e n t , h o l d i n g t h a t Aemilianus defended c e n t r a l Egypt f o r G a l l i e n u s against the M a c r i a n i . This i s a l s o the view of Johnson, Egypt, p. 141. 110 V i t a G a l l . . 7, 2^4, notes t h a t G a l l i e n u s went t o Byzantium t o put down a m i l i t a r y disturbance s h o r t l y before r e t u r n i n g to Rome. C. S t a r r , The Roman  I m p e r i a l Navy ( I t h a c a , New York, 1941), p. 195. b e l i e v e s t h a t G a l l i e n u s v i s i t e d Byzantium before the H e r u l i invaded. Since the H e r u l i may w e l l have been a c t i v e i n 262, the coincidence of t h e i r a c t i v i t y w i t h G a l l i e n u s ' d e c e n n i a l c e l e b r a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e (see below, p. 3*0* 111 A l f o l d i , C. A. H., X I I , pp. 188-189, notes t h a t he r e b u i l t the i m p e r i a l 32. With the defeat of the M a c r i a n i a new power came i n t o prominence i n A s i a . ^ 2 Palmyra, l e d by Odenath, was now the centre f o r Roman r e s i s t a n c e t o the P e r s i a n s . Odenath, probably f o r economic reasons, turned t o Rome and accepted commands from V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s t o r e s t o r e Roman c o n t r o l of the East. He outgrew the p o s i t i o n of subj e c t p r i n c e , however; h i s r i s e i n p r e s t i g e under G a l l i e n u s i s shown i n the numerous t i t l e s given h i m . ^ 3 ' S h o r t l y a f t e r p u t t i n g down the M a c r i a n i he began a campaign a g a i n s t the P e r s i a n s . He advanced i n t o Meso-potamia, r e g a i n i n g N i s i b i s , and then went as f a r south as Ctesiphon, c a p t u r i n g r i c h booty on these e x p e d i t i o n s . His r e i g n was not l o n g , however, f o r he was dead by 267.^5 He was succeeded by Vaballathus ( h i s second son) and Zenobia f l e e t and ordered the f o r t i f i c a t i o n s of c o a s t a l c i t i e s i n A s i a Minor t o be repaired.' 112 Most sources give the f o l l o w i n g sequence of events but T r i g . Tyr.. 15, p l a c e s h i s defeat of the M a c r i a n i a f t e r h i s campaign a g a i n s t Sapor. 113 V i t a G a l l . . 1 , 1 ; 3; 1 0 , 1 ; 1 2 , 1 ; T r i g . Tyr.. 15, 2 ; Zonaras, X I I , 631 A, 6 3 3 B . I t i s odoubtful t h a t he-;was ever an Augustus as i s sometimes mentioned. That h i s r u l e was secure i s ,-seen from the t i t l e s i n h e r i t e d by h i s son V a b a l l a t h u s . 114 Probably i n 262 ( A l f t t l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , p. 1 ? 4 ; Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 174). Olmstead, op. c i t . . p. 420, holds t o 264 basing h i s argument on a date i n the V i t a G a l l . . 1 0 , 1-6. G a l l i e n u s r e c e i v e d Odenath 1s s u c c e s s e s — a n i n s c r i p t i o n o f 263 (Dessau, I . L. S.. 8923) c a l l s the Emperor PERSICVS MAXIMVS. 1.15 Some u n c e r t a i n t y s t i l l remains about h i s death. There i s the t r a d i t i o n i n many sources t h a t he was k i l l e d by h i s r e l a t i v e s , but i t has been suggested t h a t the Romans had a hand i n h i s death. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the Roman Rufinus noted i n connection I.with h i s f a t h e r ' s death may r e a l l y be i n v o l v e d w i t h Odenath (Warmington, i n Parker. H i s t o r y , p. 393)• He d i e d probably a t Emesa (Zosimus, I , 33-( h i s wife) who maintained Palmyrene power:: u n t i l defeated by A u r e l i a n . By t h i s time two l a r g e areas o f - t h e Roman world were under independent r u l e r s , Gaul and Syria-Mesopotamia. An i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l between these independent s t a t e s should be noted. Both were maintained by Roman troops and both r u l e r s claimed t o be upholding the good name of Rome. Sources p r a i s e both Postumus and Odenath 116 as being more f i t t o r u l e than the unfortunate G a l l i e n u s . But the Emperor d i d not recognize e i t h e r area as separate and there i s evidence to show t h a t 117 he planned t o r e t r i e v e S y r i a . ' "While Odenath was r u l i n g S y r i a the Goths invaded A s i a Minor, s a i l i n g down the coast as f a r as Ephesus and M i l e t u s and sending a la n d army i n t o B i t h y n i a , P h r y g i a and Cappadocia.' There i s , however, some question about the date 39» 2) though many h i s t o r i a n s p r e f e r the account i n which he was a t Heraclea-Pontica (Cappadocia) defending the Taurus passes a g a i n s t a Gothic i n v a s i o n (De*ippus, i n S y n c e l l u s I , pp. 716-717, c i t e d by Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 175, 3^5, n. 18). See below, p. 3^. A l f o l d i , C A. H., X I I , p. I76, has 267 f o r the date of h i s death, u s i n g an i n s c r i p t i o n r e f e r r i n g t o a m i l i t a r y governor under Odenath. I t should be noted t h a t c o i n s of Vaballathus begin a t A l e x a n d r i a i n 266/267 (Magie. S. H. A.. I l l , p. 107, n. 1). 116 E u t r o p i u s , IX, 11. This i s the general tone of the H i s t o r i a Augusta, a l s o . 117 Coins from S i s c i a ,at t h i s time read ORIENS AVGYSTI. A new mint i n the west of, A s i a was s e t up probably t o supply an army intended t o defeat Odenath ( A l f o l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , p. 177; Warmington, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , p. 393). The account t h a t G a l l i e n u s sent a .general Heraclianus a g a i n s t Palmyra, though p l a u s i b l e , i s not s u b s t a n t i a t e d ( V i t a G a l l . , 13). 118 V i t a G a l l . . 11; S y n c e l l u s , I , p. 716, i n A l f o l d i , C. A. H . . X I I , r. p. 72. 34. of t h i s a t t a c k . The H i s t o r i a Augusta places i t i n 264; Dexippus and Syncellu s connect i t w i t h the end of Odenath*s r e i g n (266/267). But r e c e n t l y i n -s c r i p t i o n s have been p u b l i s h e d from Lyd i a which could w e l l mean t h a t t h i s i n v a s i o n took p l a c e i n 262. u I f t h i s i s the case, the strengthening or r e b u i l d i n g by G a l l i e n u s of c i t y - w a l l s on the coast of A s i a Minor (as at M i l e t u s i n 263) can w e l l be u n d e r s t o o d . ^ The Emperor hims e l f could w e l l have been i n the Aegean area at t h i s time: the account t h a t he became eponymous archon o f Athens and was i n i t i a t e d i n t o the E l e u s i n i a n mysteries would then 122 be probable. . G a l l i e n u s , however, d i d not check the Goths a t t h i s time. There i s thus s t i l l the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t s i m i l a r Gothic r a i d s occurred a t l e a s t twice d u r i n g Odenath 1s r e i g n . Furthermore, s i n c e the evidence f o r each e p i -sode i s good, i t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t the Goths made frequent r a i d s unchecked i n t o A s i a Minor from 262 to 267. I n 267/268 the gr e a t e s t i n v a d i n g f o r c e (Goths and H e r u l i ) ever to a t t a c k the Empire pade i t s way by both l a n d and sea to the Danube provinces and Greece.^ 119 This i s the view h e l d by many recent s c h o l a r s and i s w e l l supported by documents. 120 L. Robert, " I n s c r i p t i o n s grecques de Ly d i e , " H e l l e n i c a . VI, (1948), pp. 117-122. The barbarians r e f e r r e d t o i n the i n s c r i p t i o n are presumably the Goths ..since the Per s i a n s were out of A s i a Minor by 262. The order of events i n Odenath*s car e e r given by Zosimus ( I , 39) would thus be corroborated (he i s s a i d t o have defended him s e l f against the "Scythians" before a t t a c k i n g Sapor). 121 A l f t t l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , p. 148, n. 3, f o r the date of the w a l l s a t M i l e t u s . 122 V i t a G a l l . . 11, 3-4. 123 V i t a G a l l . . 13; E u t r o p i u s , IX, 11; Zosimus, I , 42-43. 35. I n Greece the d e v a s t a t i o n was t e r r i b l e even though the attackers: were r e s i s t e d f i e r c e l y by Athenian commanders, i n c l u d i n g the h i s t o r i a n Dexippus. The ex-p e d i t i o n by sea was not so s u c c e s s f u l , running i n t o d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h ocean currents and being hampered' by the i m p e r i a l f l e e t . Some of the invaders pro-ceeded i n t o Macedonia and Thrace but were met by G a l l i e n u s and defeated. The main f o r c e j o i n e d b a t t l e w i t h the Romans a t Naissos and was a l s o defeated, though probably a t heavy c o s t to the Romans. G a l l i e n u s and h i s generals had turned back the f u l l s t r e n g t h of the b a r b a r i a n s ; s c a t t e r e d bands s t i l l roamed i n 1 24 Thrace but the i n v a d i n g c h i e f s had e i t h e r surrendered or had been k i l l e d . The i n v a s i o n s by .:the Goths were not over, however, f o r f r e s h bands soon came and more s h i p s . I t was l e f t t o Claudius, the successor t o G a l l i e n u s , t o d i r e c t the war "to an end i r i 269, thereby earning f o r h i m s e l f the name "Gothicus". A f t e r h i s v i c t o r y at Naissos, G a l l i e n u s was c a l l e d back t o I t a l y by news t h a t Aureolus, who had been l e f t i n R a e t i a t o hold defences there and t o watch Postumus, had r e v o l t e d ( p r o b a b l y w i t h Postumus 1 ^.approval) and had s e t himself up i n Mediolanum ( M i l a n ) . ^  2 5 Leaving the general Marcianus t o continue opera-t i o n s a g a i n s t the Goths, G a l l i e n u s and h i s a d v i s o r y s t a f f s e t out a t once to d e a l w i t h the usurper. G a l l i e n u s defeated Aureolus near M i l a n but Aureolus 124 Many of the sources p l a c e these events i n the r e i g n of Claudius. That the above v e r s i o n i s the l i k e l y one has been shown by A l f f i l d i , C. A. H., X I I , pp. 721V723'. Naulobatus, a H e r u l i a n c h i e f who surrendered, i s s a i d t o have been honoured by G a l l i e n u s w i t h a consular rank and was p o s s i b l y used i n the Roman army ( A l f S l d i , C. A. H.. X I I , pp. 149, 162). 125 T r i g . Tyr.. 11; Aur. V i c t . , E p i t . . 32. 4; 33, 2; de Caes.. .33, 17-18; Zosimus, I , 40-1; Zonaras, X I I , 633D-634D. 36. escaped i n t o the c i t y . The Emperor l a i d siege and would have taken the c i t y , but he was assas s i n a t e d through a p l o t by " h i s generals (summer 268). Accounts of h i s death vary but i t i s probable t h a t the generals Heraclianus, Claudius 126 and A u r e l i a n were r e s p o n s i b l e . Aureolus was then crushed by C l a u d i u s — the siege continued, i t should be noted, evidence t h a t G a l l i e n u s 1 c h i e f s t a f f - o f f i c e r s xrere i n v o l v e d . Claudius proved himself a capable commander (the sources p r a i s e him h i g h l y ) as d i d h i s successor, A u r e l i a n . Under these two emperors the p a r t s of the Empire t h a t were weakened or l o s t under V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s were i n general c o n s o l i d a t e d or regained. The r e a c t i o n t o the death of Gallienus. came s w i f t l y and was l o n g - l a s t i n g . He was blamed f o r a l l the t r o u b l e s of the .Empire—a view r e c u r r e n t i n almost a l l the h i s t o r i e s now used as sourc e s . ^ 2 ? His u n p o p u l a r i t y w i t h the s e n a t o r i a l c l a s s w i l l be seen t o be the d i r e c t r e s u l t of h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s . P e r s o n a l j e a l o u s y and ambition coupled w i t h the o p p o r t u n i s t i c hope of t u r n i n g misfortune f o r the Empire i n t o p r i v a t e gain are t o be seen i n the many r e v o l t s , t h a t took place under h i s s o l e r u l e . But i f some generals thought only '.of t h e i r own advancement, the men i n the army were w i l l i n g to accept the l e a d e r -s h i p of G a l l i e n u s . Claudius was f o r c e d t o p l a c a t e the army, angered a t the death of G a l l i e n u s , by ".having the former Emperor ..consecrated.^ 2^ To the same end he had p r e v i o u s l y arranged a considerable donative f o r \each man .and had 126 Zonaras, X I I , 634, i s the f u l l e s t v e r s i o n . 127 For the harsh measures taker} against h i s r e l a t i v e s and associates'see above pp. 13-14. 128 Aur. V i c t . , de Caes.. 33, 27. 37. invented the s t o r y t h a t G a l l i e n u s had named him as h i s s u c c e s s o r . B u t any favourable comment on G a l l i e n u s was soon f o r g o t t e n . During the l a s t few years of h i s r e i g n there was l e s s m i l i t a r y a c t i o n i n Europe than there had been f o r over t e n y e a r s , but the uneasy peace d i d n o t . b r i n g r e l i e f from the hardships of an economy undermined by the expenses o f war. G a l l i e n u s was thus d e s t i n e d to be known as an incompetent emperor. 129 V i t a G a l l . . 15, 2; Aur. V i c t . , de Caes.. 33. 28; E p i t . . 34, 2 38. PART I I • THE ADMINISTRATION OF VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS I n t h i s h a l f of the t h e s i s an attempt w i l l be made to o u t l i n e the p o l i c i e s of government f o l l o w e d by V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s and t o evaluate t h e i r achievements. I t w i l l a l s o be f i t t i n g , i n c o n c l u s i o n , t o determine whether the long-accepted condemnation of these r u l e r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y o f G a l l i e n u s , i s i n f a c t the t r u e estimate of t h e i r r e i g n s . Considerably more i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e f o r the p o l i c i e s of G a l l i e n u s than f o r those of V a l e r i a n . The e x p l a n a t i o n undoubtedly l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t V a l e r i a n spent almost the whole of h i s short r u l e engaged i n m i l i t a r y operations w i t h i n the province of S y r i a , whereas G a l l i e n u s was a c t i v e over a wider area f o r a much longer p e r i o d and was a l s o more vigorous and venturesome than h i s f a t h e r ; . Since warfare was the d a i l y o l i f e of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , i t i s o n l y t o be expected t h a t most of t h e i r reforms were connected i n some way w i t h the army. Here, e s p e c i a l l y , the a b i l i t y of G a l l i e n u s i s . r e v e a l e d . To see the nature of h i s reforms i t i s necessary f i r s t to understand the s t r u c t u r e of the army w i t h which he worked.^ A f t e r the r e i g n of Septimus Severus the number of l e g i o n s was t h i r t y - s i x , twelve each on the Danube and i n the E a s t (Severus had created three new ones here) and nine on the Rhine f r o n t i e r . The l e g i o n s were always the backbone of the army, but i n the t h i r d century i n -c r e a s i n g importance was attached to the a u x i l i a and numeri. These l e s s e r groups 1" For det a i l ' s ' o f the development of the army under the S e y e r i see i n p a r t i c u l a r the f o l l o w i n g : S. N. M i l l e r , i n C. A. H., X I I , Chapter I ; A l f f l l d i , i n C. A. H., X I I , pp. 208-213; Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 80-88. 39. had Aintended t o defend the f r o n t i e r s as l o c a l u n i t s ( e s p e c i a l l y the numeri) and were t h e r e f o r e r e c r u i t e d l a r g e l y from the area i n which there were s t a t i o n e d . Thus there developed the c o n d i t i o n i n which these f o r c e s became s e t t l e d i n the defence of t h e i r own homes. Men from beyond the f r o n t i e r s who had been accepted p r e v i o u s l y as f o e d e r a t i ( a l l i e s of Rome by agreement) were now en-l i s t e d i n u n i t s - o f the Roman army i t s e l f i n e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g numbers. I n f a c t , the personnel of the army changed completely during the r u l e of the S e v e r i . C a r a c a l l a , " i n an e d i c t of 212, made a l l people of the Empire c i t i z e n s , 2 thereby r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t the Roman world was no longer made up of p r i v i l e g e d I t a l i a n s and p r o v i n c i a l s of lower s t a t u s . But the composition of the army was al r e a d y an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t men from a l l p a r t s of the Empire could share i n the r e -s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of S t a t e . Severus, a p r o v i n c i a l f a v o u r i n g the pro v i n c e s , had brought p r o v i n c i a l s and f o r e i g n e r s i n t o I t a l y and had opened the ranks of the favoured but o f t e n arrogant P r a e t o r i a n Guard t o a l l men.3 I t was now p o s s i b l e f o r anyone, peasant or townsman, t o reach the highest m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s . The army had become "democratic", but was not on t h a t account a b e t t e r f i g h t i n g f o r c e . Wide d i f f e r e n c e s i n t a c t i c s and armament were s t i l l t o be found i n the new army. F r o n t i e r f o r c e s continued t h e i r l o c a l methods of f i g h t i n g which had been developed to s u i t the nature o f the t e r r a i n . I n the East, f o r example, archers and c a v a l r y m e n w e r e the strongest t r o o p s , e s p e c i a l l y the Palmyrene army l a t e r developed by Odenath. I n the Roman army i t s e l f the long sx«>rd and lance were now standard equipment, the o l d weapons being o b s o l e t e . Such changes, however, co u l d be e x p l o i t e d to t h e f u l l e s t b e n e f i t by competent commanders. A more f a r - r e a c h i n g change was the f a c t t h a t the new army was l a r g e l y of peasant o r i g i n . The problems i t created were many and l o n g - l a s t i n g . 2 Dio Cassius, LXXVUI," 9 / 5 . 3 Dio Cassius, LXXV,' 2, Dio notes the d e c l i n e o f m i l i t a r y a p t i t u d e i n I t a l i a n youth and blames Severus f o r i t . 40. Severus, basing h i s power on a strong array, was f o r c e d to grant important concessions t o r e t a i n c o n t r o l over h i s t r o o p s . Legionary pay was i n c r e a s e d ; i m p e r i a l . .congiaria ( l a r g e s s e s ) were more frequent and much more i n d u l g e n t ; marriages i n camps were d e c l a r e d l e g a l ; c o n d i t i o n s of s e r v i c e i n general were made more a t t r a c t i v e . As c o u l d be expected, the d i s t i n c t i o n s between o f f i c e r and s o l d i e r were q u i c k l y d i s a p p e a r i n g j u s t as the d i f f e r e n c e s between Roman and p r o v i n c i a l had disappeared. The army thus grew powerful w i t h i m p e r i a l support, but i t soon o v e r r u l e d i t s masters, the Severan house, t o b r i n g a champion from i t s own ranks to the throne. Under Maximinus a c i v i l war broke out from which the m i l i t a r y c l a s s emerged as masters of the S t a t e . The army had become almost f r e e from t r a d i t i o n — a s e l f - r e l i a n t body capable;- of des-t r o y i n g or p r e s e r v i n g the Empire. Such was the army as G a l l i e n u s found i t . With the constant t h r e a t of u t t e r r u i n t o the Empire, he could i n no way l e s s e n the expense of ma i n t a i n -i n g such a f o r c e . I n stead, he strengthened f o r t i f i c a t i o n s and encouraged enlistment from Germanic peoples i n p a r t i c u l a r t o help check f r o n t i e r r a i d s . I n s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s he even s e t t l e d such t r i b e s i n t r o u b l e d areas (see above, pp. 22, 35» n. 124). The r e l i e f thereby gained was o n l y temporary; G a l l i e n u s r e a l i z e d t h a t t o be sure of any m i l i t a r y s e c u r i t y along a wide area of i n v a s i o n he would heed a h i g h l y mobile and v e r s a t i l e army. His measures to a t t a i n t h i s aim form one of h i s most l a s t i n g reforms.^ 4 The f o l l o w i n g account i s based on a comparison of these a u t h o r i t i e s : A l f o l d i , i n C. A. H.. X I I , pp. 213-222; N. H. Baynes, "Three Notes on the Re-forms of D i o c l e t i a n and Constantine. I . The E f f e c t of the E d i c t of ^ G a l l i e n u s , " J . R. S.. XV (1925), PP. 195-201; Parker, "The Antigua Legio of Vegetius.",CA Q. XXVI (1932), pp. 137-149; H i s t o r y , pp. 179-182. I n r e - o r g a n i z i n g the form of the army, G a l l i e n u s p a i d p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the c a v a l r y . The I l l y r i a n troops were s k i l l e d horsemen and one of the most powerful groups i n the whole army. When the Emperor decided t o con-cen t r a t e h i s p e r s o n a l energies on the l e s s well-defended Rhine, i t was necessary to give the D a n u b e - I l l y r i a n f o r c e s an important p a r t t o p l a y i n h o l d i n g the Empire, both t o r e t a i n t h e i r l o y a l t y and to s a t i s f y t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o f i g h t f o r t h e i r homes.-5 Using these troops as the c e n t r a l core, G a l l i e n u s created a .highly mobile c a v a l r y f o r c e independent of the l e g i o n s . This f o r c e , commanded by Aureolus, came i n t o being s h o r t l y before the r e v o l t of Ingenuus, i n which i t played an important p a r t . At the same time, the Emperor increased the c a v a l r y attached t o the l e g i o n s . A t f i r s t the l e g i o n a r y c a v a l r y was c l o s e l y connected w i t h the i n f a n t r y , but d u r i n g the r e i g n of A u r e l i a n and i n c r e a s i n g l y t h e r e a f t e r , i t was o f t e n used i n detachments without:'.infantry. There thus developed a gradual s e p a r a t i o n between i n f a n t r y and c a v a l r y which 5 The army on the Danube had supported Severus and Decius and l a t e r was to r a i s e Claudius, A u r e l i a n and Probus t o power. G a l l i e n u s , f o r e s e e i n g t r o u b l e on the Rhine, was f o r c e d t o take the chance of I l l y r i a n d i s l o y a l t y . The l a t e r r e v o l t s on the Danube were the r e a l i z a t i o n of h i s f e a r s . 6 Zosimus, I , 40, 1, and Zonaras, X I I , 631C, 'have'Aureolus connected w i t h t h i s f o r c e from i t s i n c e p t i o n . I t i s probable t h a t the c a v a l r y was s t a t i o n e d a t M i l a n a f t e r the i n v a s i o n by the Alamanni i n 258/259, but not b e f o r e . See above p. 22. A l f t t l d i , C. A. H., X I I , p. 182, b e l i e v e s t h a t i t was formed i n 257 and was always based i n M i l a n . . G a l l i e n u s ' plans f o r reform seem to date from 257 but i t may w e l l have been the case t h a t the c a v a l r y d i d not r e c e i v e a thorough t e s t i n a c t i o n u n t i l . t h e r e v o l t of Ingenuus. That t h i s mounted f o r c e was extremely u s e f u l i s seen i n the amount of a u t h o r i t y given i t s commander. 42. reached i t s f i n a l stage i n the time of Constantine.? Two other changes of note should be.mentioned here. E a r l y i n h i s r e i g n , G a l l i e n u s formed a corps known as p r o t e c t o r e s d i v i n i l a t e r i s . open a t f i r s t o n l y to high-ranking s t a f f Q o f f i c e r s but l a t e r to a l l c e n t u r i o n s . This corps, i n attendance on the Emperor and t h e - p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t s , became a t r a i n i n g - s c h o o l towards f u r t h e r -p r o m o t i o n — a n e c e s s i t y , s i n c e many o f f i c e r s now l a c k e d education. There i s a l s o the p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t the reduced.size of a l e g i o n seen under D i o c l e t i a n (by A.D. 290) began t o be f e l t ' i n G a l l i e n u s 1 time. New cohorts under G a l l i e n u s had f i v e c e n t u r i e s r a t h e r than the u s u a l s i x , w i t h the number o f centurions.; i n a l e g i o n , now f i f t y i n s t e a d o f s i x t y . ^ The r e s u l t o f these changes i n form was an army intended t o meet a l l emergencies, but having a tendency towards s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . 7 The change i n meaning of c e r t a i n m i l i t a r y terms shows t h i s development. The term promoti came to be a p p l i e d to the i n c r e a s e d l e g i o n a r y c a v a l r y when used s e p a r a t e l y . The s p e c i a l c a v a l r y f o r c e o f G a l l i e n u s was known a t f i r s t s imply as eauites (Dessau. I. L. S.. 569, of A.D. 269) i n , c o n t r a s t t o the v e x i l l a t i o n e s , or i n f a n t r y detachments from l e g i o n s . But by the r e i g n of D i o c l e t i a n the term v e x i l l a t i o had changed completely to mean now the c a v a l r y f o r c e ( i n c l u d i n g the p r o m o t i ) . To r e f e r to the i n f a n t r y f o r c e o n l y , l e g i o bqgan to be used (Codex l u s t . . X, 55» 3; V I I , 64, 9)• There i s evidence from p a p y r i t h a t detachments from l e g i o n s were not f u l l y independent u n t i l a f t e r 302; Constantine l a t e r i n u s i n g detachments as independent, u n i t s gave r e c o g n i t i o n t o the f a c t t h a t , through the hazards o f war, detachments had o f t e n been unable t o r e t u r n to t h e i r parent l e g i o n s . 8 Centurions were admitted by 261 (Dessau, I . L. S.t 1332). G a l l i e n u s a l s o decreed t h a t sons of c e n t u r i o n s should be o f the e q u e s t r i a n order a t b i r t h . 9 Parker, C I . Q.. XXVI (1932), pp. 146-147, f o r the best e x p l a n a t i o n . 43 To c o i n c i d e w i t h these developments, G a l l i e n u s thoroughly r e v i s e d the system o f m i l i t a r y commands. The t r a d i t i o n a l m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been i n the hands o f men of the s e n a t o r i a l order.. I n f a c t , the p e r i o d spent as a legatus was always :.part o f the s e n a t o r i a l ' s t r a i n i n g f o r s e r v i c e i n the: government, whether m i l i t a r y o r c i v i l . But over the years i t happened t h a t the s e n a t o r i a l order became l e s s s u i t e d t o m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s , being f o r the most p a r t men whose c h i e f i n t e r e s t s were i n business. T h e i r p l a c e s i n l e g i o n commands were taken by men from the e q u e s t r i a n order; a new c l a s s o f pro-f e s s i o n a l commanders was being created to handle the changing personnel o f the army and to meet the s t r i n g e n t demands o f c r u c i a l warfare. This extensive use of equestrians by G a l l i e n u s i n government s e r v i c e was i n no way a n o v e l t y ; Augustus had administered Egypt through the e q u e s t r i a n order, Commodus had made use of equestrians and, more r e c e n t l y , Septimius Severus had placed equestrians i n command o f h i s new P a r t h i a n l e g i o n s . The new commander of a l e g i o n was c a l l e d a prae f e c t u s l e g i o n i s agens v i c e ( s ) l e g a t i ; G a l l i e n u s softened the e f f e c t of h i s measures by pretending t h a t these p r e f e c t s were merely ser v -i n g i n pl a c e o f a s e n a t o r i a l o f f i c i a l . ^ This reform was complete f o r there i s no record o f a le g a t u s l e g i o n i s a f t e r the r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s J 1 I n the pro v i n c e s , the c h i e f m i l i t a r y commanders were a l s o \.equestrians, o f t e n c a l l e d p r a e p o s i t i ; t h i s t i t l e continued i n use f o r some time u n t i l dux became the common term f o r a m i l i t a r y commander i n the time of D i o c l e t i a n . Thus as a r e -s u l t o f G a l l i e n u s ' reforms, the p o s i t i o n s of importance i n the a r m y — c a v a l r y commander, commander o f a p r o v i n c i a l army, p r e f e c t o f a l e g i o n and le a d e r of l e g i o n a r y d e t a c h m e n t — a l l were h e l d by men of the eq u e s t r i a n o r d e r . 10 Dessau, I . L. S., 545; C. I . L.. I l l , 3424, 3426, 3^9, 4289. 11 Aur. V i c t , , de Caes.. 33» 34, i s d e f i n i t e on t h i s p o i n t , although the reason '•< he gives f o r G a l l i e n u s ' a c t i o n s ( f e a r f o r h i s throne) i s i n c o r r e c t . 44. The r i s e i n importance of the equestrian c l a s s i n e v i t a b l y meant a change i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s c l a s s and the s e n a t o r i a l o r d e r . 1 2 I n making m i l i t a r y commands the e x c l u s i v e p r i v i l e g e of equestrians, G a l l i e n u s had separated the m i l i t a r y from the c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , l e a v i n g the l a t t e r l a r g e l y i n the hands of s e n a t o r i a l s . The e f f e c t s of t h i s p r i n c i p l e are seen to f u l l advantage i n the system o f p r o v i n c i a l government, which G a l l i e n u s developed. I t had been the custom t h a t the governor of a province was supreme i n a l l de-partments, but now an eq u e s t r i a n was i n command of the army and not subje c t to the governor i n any m i l i t a r y matter. Not a l l p r o v i n c e s , however, were governed by s e n a t o r i a l s . Egypt and Mesopotamia 'had r e g u l a r l y been r u l e d by equestrians and Septimius Severus had made temporary use o f equestrians regu-l a r l y i n many i m p e r i a l provinces ( C i l i c i a , Cappadocia, G a l a t i a , A r a b i a , Numidia and Dalmatia). There was no abrupt change, i t should be noted; B i t h y n i a -Pontus d i d not have an eq u e s t r i a n governor u n t i l 279, and i n B r i t a i n , Hispania Tarraconensis, Moesia I n f e r i o r and S y r i a Coele there was no change t i l l the time of D i o c l e t i a n . I n s e n a t o r i a l provinces the se p a r a t i o n was slower, since l i t t l e m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h "was there anyway.^ That the s e p a r a t i o n of d u t i e s and l o s s o f s e v e r a l governorships caused much b i t t e r n e s s on the p a r t of many senators toward G a l l i e n u s i s c e r t a i n . But the Emperor took a c t i o n not from p r e j u d i c e o r hatred (he was hi m s e l f a s e n a t o r i a l ) , but r a t h e r to ensure r e s p o n s i b l e 12 I n a d d i t i o n t o the b i b l i o g r a p h y i n notes 1 and 4, the f o l l o w i n g references are p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l a t t h i s p o i n t : Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. 73-76; E n s s l i n , i n C. A. H.. X I I , Chapter I I ; Magie, R. R; A. M., I , p. 711; I I , p. 1571, n. 35. L. Homo, "L'Empereur G a l l i e n e t l a C r i s e de l'Empire Romain au H i e S i e c l e , " Revue H i s t o r i q u e . C X I I I (1913),• e s p e c i a l l y pp. 257-260; Homo, Roman P o l i t i c a l  I n s t i t u t i o n s . t r a n s , by M. R. Dobie (London, 1929), pp. 251-265. 13 The term f o r a governor of a s e n a t o r i a l province was praeses (common i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y ) . This same t i t l e was used whether the governor was 45. management o f the Empire i n a p e r i o d of c r i s i s . Some f u r t h e r p o i n t s of i n t e r e s t i n connection w i t h the change i n f u n c t i o n of these two c l a s s e s c a l l f o r d i s c u s s i o n here. I t was Septimius Severus who undertook the reform of the c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , as w e l l as of the army, by admi t t i n g equestrians i n t o s e n a t o r i a l p o s i t i o n s . The comites Augusti ( s e n a t o r i a l s ) were now chosen from the eq u e s t r i a n order, as were high-ranking t r e a s u r y o f f i c i a l s , such as the d i r e c t o r of Severus' new p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y , the res • p r i v a t a . The p r e f e c t of the P r a e t o r i a n Guard (an equestrian) took on wide j u d i c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d u t i e s , i n c l u d i n g c o n t r o l over, the annona o r food supply, but was l e s s concerned w i t h m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s . I n f a c t , some of the most capable p r e f e c t s , P a p i n i a n , P a u l and U l p i a n , were lawyers. The Senate a t t h i s time h e l d l i t t l e power; as the c o n c i l i u m p r i n c i p i s i t had i n theory the poxrer to refuse decrees o f the emperor, but i n p r a c t i c e Severus disregarded i t and r u l e d to s u i t h i m s e l f . I t should be remembered, a l s o , t h a t the compo-s i t i o n o f the Senate was a l t e r e d by the S e v e r i . At most, h a l f of the senators were I t a l i a n , some were from the western p r o v i n c e s , and about a t h i r d were from 14 the E a s t . I n some i n s t a n c e s , probably f o r the sake o f expedience, eques-t r i a n s were admitted t o the s e n a t o r i a l c l a s s by the process of a d l e c t i o i n order t o hold s e n a t o r i a l commands.^5. Under Severus Alexander, however, con-d i t i o n s changed; a r e a c t i o n :to the p o l i c i e s of Septimius took p l a c e , but more i n s p i r i t than i n e f f e c t . Although the supreme c i v i l post i n the Empire, t h a t of p r a e t o r i a n p r e f e c t , could now be hel d by a s e n a t o r i a l , l i t t l e more . was •^••accomplished to r e t u r n any power to the Senate. The . s h o r t - l i v e d , s e n a t o r i a l o r e q u e s t r i a n . C. I . L.. I I , 4102, 4103; H I , 3418, from the time o f D i o c l e t i a n , note t h a t a praeses sometimes kept the term legatus t o show t h a t he'was of s e n a t o r i a l rank, though he d i d not have m i l i t a r y power. 14 Warmington, i n Parker, H i s t o r y , pp. -385-386. 15 Homo, I n s t i t u t i o n s . p. 261. 46; senatorially biased rule of the Gordians was ineffective: ..-warfare cut i t short,16. i t was l e f t to Gallienus to .'recognize openly that the equestrian order had become the administrative class, A thoroughly militarized ad-ministration, both i n the c i t y of Rome and i n the c i v i l service, was the result.'''' Since Gallienus was pre-occupied with.military a f f a i r s , he showed less AO ingenuity i n dealing with the growing economic c r i s i s . 1 0 The system of govern-ment begun by the Severi was i n i t s e l f an ever-increasing drain on the finances of the Empire, not to mention the frequent ;wars which followed closely on the death of Severus Alexander. In an effort to increase his financial reserve, Septimius Severus had re-organized the treasuries. The aerarium became the municipal treasury of Rome, and the fiscus contained the revenue from imperial and senatorial provinces and most of the patrocinium. The new res privata was formed from the many estates confiscated by Severus and from the reserves of c i t i e s punished for opposition to his rule. Caracalla also was aware of financial need; his edict of citizenship meant that a l l men i n the Empire were liab l e to equally heavy taxation (foreigners had previously not paid the same taxes as :citizens). Taxes however, were not shared equably by rich and poor. Severus and Caracalla granted many exemptions to the army and poorer classes. 16 There i s evidence that the Senate regained some '_of i t s former rights (electoral, j u d i c i a l , military and administrative) during the reigns of Tacitus and Probus (275-282). For a discussion of this view, see Homo, Institutions. PP» 253-255* The reforms of Gallienus, however, were more durable than this compromise and continued to be expanded. 17 Early i n his sole reign Gallienus introduced his reforms into the urban government at Rome; the f i r s t equestrian consul on record was consul ordinarius for the year 261 (Degrassi, Fasti. p. 71.) 18 The following version i s Vidrawn chiefly from Rostovtzeff, S. E. H.. I, Chapters IX to XI; F. Oertel, i n C. A. H. , Chapter VII; Magie, R. R. A. M.t 47. The r e s u l t was an in c r e a s e i n t a x a t i o n f o r the commercial and s e n a t o r i a l c l a s s e s . Various methods were employed to c o l l e c t revenues, the c h i e f one being through the many branches of the c i v i l s e r v i c e . Community and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s of a l l kinds were a l s o used f o r t h i s purpose,, si n c e i t was an expedient way of keeping records i n order. For the upper classes, a common method of ex a c t i n g funds was through the custom of " l i t u r g i e s " — c o m p u l s o r y s t a t e s e r v i c e . The d u t i e s i n v o l v e d became more demanding and the expense un-bearable. I t was the system of l i t u r g i e s as much as anything t h a t brought frequent r u i n to members of the r i c h e r c l a s s e s . Some attempts t o ease the s i t u a t i o n were made by the Gordians, who had been brought to power i n a r e -v o l t o f nobles i n North A f r i c a a g a i n s t h i g h t a x a t i o n , and by P h i l i p , but abuses of t a x a t i o n p o l i c i e s were frequent nonetheless. V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s enacted l e g i s l a t i o n which gave some r e l i e f to communities but apparently l i t t l e , i f any, to c i t i z e n s i n r e s p o n s i b l e p o s i t i o n s . ^ Such measures were q u i t e i n s u f f i c i e n t to r e c t i f y the c r i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n o f the Empire's f i n a n c e s . A c l e a r p i c t u r e o f economic d i f f i c u l t i e s i s given by the pr o g r e s s i v e de-basement of coinage. More money was needed than the reserves of gold arid s i l v e r would a l l o w s i n c e the e x i s t i n g mines were f a s t becoming exhausted, but no new ones were found. F i d u c i a r y coinage was begun, e s p e c i a l l y i n s i l v e r i s s u e s , but t h i s money was not based on a standard p u r i t y . The s t a t e reckoned the new co i n s a t the same value as previous f u l l - w e i g h t i s s u e s , but they were not accepted as such and t h e i r purchasing value dropped. Furthermore, gold and s i l v e r coins of b e t t e r weight soon disappeared from c i r c u l a t i o n , being hoarded I , pp. 711-719; Webb,, R. I . C , V, '1, pp. 6-18, 30-32. 19 No new taxes without i m p e r i a l consent (Codex l u s t . f IV, 62, 3)» the i n t e r e s t s of a community were not to s u f f e r through f a v o u r i t i s m oto a debtor ( I I , 4, 12); an o f f i c i a l ' s p r i v a t e estate was l i a b l e f o r h i s debts o f o f f i c e (X, 32, 1). 48 . wherever p o s s i b l e ( t h i s process i s today known as "Gresham's Law"). Many coi n s were a l s o c a r r i e d outside the Empire i n trade w i t h Germany, South Russia and even I n d i a , again l e a v i n g a s m a l l e r supply of good coins i n use. I t should":be noted, too, t h a t the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f coinage was c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s equable than i n the prosperous time of the Antonines. These trends be-gan to be f e l t i n the r e i g n o f Septimius Severus w i t h the s t a r t o f a general i n f l a t i o n . To help c l o s e the widening gap between gold c o i n s , which were r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e , and s i l v e r , C a r a c a l l a introduced a c o i n roughly e q u i v a l e n t to two d e n a r i i . This c o i n , the s o - c a l l e d antoninianus.'' became a standard u n i t of commerce, the reason being t h a t p r i c e s were i n c r e a s i n g . Here can be seen the higher.' p r i c e s and lower purchasing-power combination f a m i l i a r t o students of i n f l a t i o n . By the time o f V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s the s i t u a t i o n was urgent, but the Empire was too u n s e t t l e d to a l l o w much change. As i t happened, the s i l v e r coinage was f u r t h e r debased to an .unheard o f extent; i n 256/257 the antoninianus was a t best o n l y 5$ pure. The aureus by t h i s time had a l s o f a l l e n , being struck a t n i n e t y t o the pound. There i s evidence t h a t G a l l i e n u s r e s t o r e d the aureus t o a b e t t e r weight d u r i n g h i s s o l e r e i g n , but the s i l v e r coins wsre s t i l l l i t t l e more than coated bronze. 2^ Some degree o f adjustment to the t a r i f f between the aureus and antoninianus was e f f e c t e d by A u r e l i a n , but f i n a n c i a l c o n d i t i o n s remained s e r i o u s . 2 ^ 20 Bronze coins (the s m a l l e r denominations) Issued under a u t h o r i t y of the Senate had become p r a c t i c a l l y worthless and were d i s c o n t i n u e d a t t h i s time. Some s e n a t o r i a l bronzes were s t r u c k by C l a u d i u s , but more to f l a t t e r the Roman govern-ment than to recognize s e n a t o r i a l power. I n the r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s l o c a l mints throughout the Empire a l s o ceased to f u n c t i o n , except f o r a few i n A s i a . 21 There i s s t i l l disagreement over the exact value of the antoninianus and on whether any s u b s t a n t i a l reform to the system of coinage took p l a c e from the time o f Nero to t h a t o f D i o c l e t i a n . For a d i s c u s s i o n o f these questions see Webb, R. I . C . V, i , p. 6; Magie, R.'R. A. M.. I , pp. ?13, 719. 4 9 . Some other aspects of the f i n a n c i a l problem should now be considered. Corresponding to the general r i s e i n p r i c e s , the wages of labourers and the lower c l a s s e s a l s o rose, but not enough to ensure them any b e t t e r standards of l i v i n g than b e f o r e . Army pay continued to r i s e and o f t e n provided an adequate l i v e l i h o o d , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h a d d i t i o n a l donatives and bonuses. Those who s u f f e r e d the most were men on a s a l a r y o r f i x e d - f e e b a s i s — t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s — a n d those whose income was based on investments. Because of unstable conditions, i n many p a r t s o f the Empire the r a t e s o f i n t e r e s t f e l l f a r below the maximum of 12$. For the same reason endowments and donations d e c l i n e d s h a r p l y ; many of the bequests s p e c i f i e d va. d e f i n i t e value by the weight o f c o i n s , not the fa c e - v a l u e . S p e c u l a t i o n on the r a t e o f exchange, however, was widespread: fortunes were made and l o s t w i t h equal ease. Although c a p i t a l investment was c u r t a i l e d , the commercial c l a s s found one pathway to r e l a t i v e s e c u r i t y , the a c q u i s i t i o n of l a n d . A p r o p e r t i e d e s t a t e continued t o give dividends s i n c e the p r i c e s p a i d f o r i t s produce and the r e n t s t o the owner were as f l e x i b l e as the i n f l a t i o n a r y process i t s e l f . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to say how many such e s t a t e s there were, but by the time of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s there was a d e f i n i t e t r e n d toward t h i s type o f investment. The question of landed e s t a t e s i n t r o d u c e s the l a r g e r problem of the conditions i n i n d u s t r y i n gen e r a l . Normal production and trade were unknown f o r so '.'many years i n the t h i r d century t h a t o n l y a complete change of economic p r i n c i p l e s developed under D i o c l e t i a n and Constantine could b r i n g any r e l i e f . A g r i c u l t u r e was perhaps the f i r s t i n d u s t r y t o s u f f e r and c e r t a i n l y s u f f e r e d the most. As wars swept over the Empire the l a n d was abandoned, i r r i g a t i o n and drainage were neglected, and disease spread. The emperors took great care t o encourage and enforce p r o d u c t i o n o f food; the f r o n t i e r settlements o f f o r e i g n e r s were perhaps farming groups as much as defensive u n i t s . C i t i e s 50. were r e q u i r e d by law to pay taxes on unused lands i n the hope of keeping them under c u l t i v a t i o n . As could be expected, communities and p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s a l i k e t r i e d d e s p e r a t e l y t o avoid the burdens of these laws, but w i t h no success. Although r u r a l l i f e was d i s r u p t e d , c i t i e s were o f t e n no more prosperous s i n c e i n l a r g e measure they depended upon the c o n t i n u a t i o n of l a n d - i n d u s t r i e s . I n other i n d u s t r i e s the problem was not abandonment but r a t h e r an in c r e a s e i n the q u a n t i t y of goods of poor q u a l i t y . S k i l l e d ' c r a f t s m e n were numerous, but the f o r c e o f f r e e and o n l y p a r t l y - t r a i n e d workers was enormous. Since the pur-chasing-power of t h i s c l a s s was s m a l l , the consumption of i n d u s t r i a l l y produced wares was low. As a r e s u l t , the demand f o r low-priced a r t i c l e s of poor q u a l i t y i n c r e a s e d . I n s p i t e of the i m p e r i a l l e g i s l a t i o n r e l a t i v e t o a l l phases of i n d u s t r y , c o n d i t i o n s became no e a s i e r . I t should be n o t i c e d , however, t h a t the d e c l i n e was by no means uniform throughout the Empire. Although the p r o s p e r i t y and importance o f I t a l y was dw i n d l i n g , the provinces assumed a grea t e r share of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r economic l i f e . I n the West, Gaul remained f r e e from s e r i o u s damage u n t i l the Germanic r a i d s o f 254-259, but t h e r e a f t e r continued t o produce f o o d s t u f f s which were always i n demand. I n Spain c o n d i t i o n s were more s e r i o u s : the many c o n f i s -c a t i o n s of esta t e s by Severus there had been p a r t i c u l a r l y i n j u r i o u s . 2 2 P r o s p e r i t y i n Roman A f r i c a was checked when the overthrow of the Gordians meant the d i s r u p t i o n o f c a p i t a l and productive power. 2^ Numidia and Mauretania i n p a r t i c u l a r s u f f e r e d from frequent Moorish r a i d s , but there were s t i l l many l a r g e i m p e r i a l and p r i v a t e e s t a t e s over the whole r e g i o n which f l o u r i s h e d . 22 The d e c l i n e of c i t y l i f e i n Spain i s noted s a d l y by Orosius, VII, 22, 8. 23 For c o n d i t i o n s i n A f r i c a see R. M. Haywood, i n E. S. A. R., IV, 1 ( B a l t i m o r e , 1938), pp. 115-119. 5 1 . Of a l l the western p r o v i n c e s , B r i t a i n s u f f e r e d l e a s t . Being an i s l a n d and removed from the European c o n f l i c t , B r i t a i n continued i t s l a r g e l y s e l f - c o n -t a i n e d economy i n peace. I n the East, however, conditbns were much more severe. A s i a Minor and S y r i a and G i l i c i a i n p a r t i c u l a r probably r e c e i v e d the worst damage of a l l 24 areas. From the time of Septimius Severus to the r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s , A s i a was f o r c e d to bear heavy expenses f o r war as w e l l as the d e s t r u c t i o n i n v o l v e d i n being used as a bat t l e g r o u n d . A few l a r g e r c i t i e s , such as Pergamum, Nicaea and C y z i c u s , continued to be pr o d u c t i v e , but i n many regions v i l l a g e l i f e and sm a l l l o c a l systems of r u l e were a l l the economy could s u s t a i n . I n s e v e r a l p a r t s of A s i a l o c a l r u l e r s came i n t o prominence who were a l l but independent of Rome. They held power probably through popular f e a r of even f u r t h e r hard-ships a f t e r Roman m i l i t a r y p r e s t i g e had been bad l y shaken by the capture of V a l e r i a n . Strong l o c a l a u t h o r i t y a l s o served as a necessary p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t the r a i d s and disturbances to trade caused by numerous robbers and p i r a t e s . I n A s i a as i n the West, many c i t i z e n s found i t more p r o f i t a b l e to f l e e from a l i f e of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and t u r n t o p i r a c y — a sad comment on the despondency of the Empire. The province of Egypt, on the o t h e r hand, f a r e d much b e t t e r s i n c e i t s c h i e f product, g r a i n , was always i n demand.^ I n the time of Ga l l i e n u s the food supply i n the Empire as a whole, however, was poor i n s p i t e of s u b s t a n t i a l p r o d u c t i o n by Egypt. As could be expected, i n f l a t i o n took hold on Egypt d u r i n g the r e i g n of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , but not because of f a i l -i n g s i n the Egyptian budget. The probable reason f o r the great volume of i n -f l a t e d coinage from A l e x a n d r i a i s the l o s s of revenues from A s i a and western 2k For d e t a i l s see Magie, R. R. A. M.. I , p. 712; T.R.S. Broughton, i n E. S. A. R.. IV, 4, pp. 903-910. 25 P a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l here i s Johnson, Egypt, pp. 30-34, 140-141. 52. Europe. As f a r as the war-torn provinces o f Europe were concerned, sur-p r i s i n g l y , a l l was not l o s t . Greede and Macedonia, f o r example, were not much a f f e c t e d by the monetary c r i s i s and even a f t e r the i n v a s i o n s of 267/268 were s t i l l v i t a l . 2 ? From t h i s b r i e f survey of the economic c o n d i t i o n s o f the t h i r d century from the S e v e r i t o G a l l i e n u s , i t i s evident t h a t the Roman Empire was i n a st a t e of shock. To r e c t i f y the t o t a l upheaval of the u s u a l way of l i f e was too immense a s t r u g g l e f o r G a l l i e n u s i n s p i t e of h i s many m i l i t a r y successes. At t h i s p o i n t i t w i l l be h e l p f u l to i n d i c a t e the c h i e f s o c i a l and economic trends of the times. Of b a s i c importance was the change i n s t r u c t u r e of the va r i o u s c l a s s e s of s o c i e t y . The c u l t u r e d a r i s t o c r a c y was d i m i n i s h i n g and the l e a d -i n g p a r t i t once played was taken over l a r g e l y by the r e c e n t l y dominant m i l i t a r y c l a s s . M i l i t a r y success ensured a man of a p o s i t i o n of importance i n c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as w e l l . A once s u b s t a n t i a l middle c l a s s , the commercial element, now faced imminent r u i n s i n c e the monetary system i t was so c l o s e l y connected w i t h was i t s e l f upset. The lowest c l a s s ( s t i l l the v a s t l a b o u r i n g f o r c e ) was u n a l t e r e d . The d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the commercial c l a s s l e d t o widespread changes, e s p e c i a l l y i n i n d u s t r y . A tendency towards d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was marked; manufacturing was c a r r i e d on by sma l l groups, even the household, t o provide f o r the needs of the many separate communities t h a t arose when c i t y l i v i n g became unbearable. I n a g r i c u l t u r e t h i s trend gave f u r t h e r emphasis to the system of tenant-farming, w i t h l a r g e land-holdings i n the hands of a few men. 26 This''. ,process-.wasviaggrayate^ huge q u a n t i t i e s of debased coins from A l e x a n d r i a . 27 J . A. 0. Larsen, i n E. S. A. R.. IV. 3, pp. 492-4-98. 28 R o s t o v t z e f f , S. E. H.. I , pp. 494-501, b e l i e v e s i t was the c o n f l i c t o f c l a s s - i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n the Empire :as much as ba r b a r i a n i n v a s i o n which caused the breakdown of order. 53. The farmers' descendants, i n many i n s t a n c e s , stayed on the lan d where more s e c u r i t y could be found. 29 . One r e s u l t o f t h i s change was a r e v e r s i o n to a more p r i m i t i v e economy i n which pr o d u c t i o n was l e s s i n t e n s e and of crops indigenous to the l a n d . I n many p a r t s of the Empire b a r t e r was the common form of exchange—not n e c e s s a r i l y a s i g n o f f u r t h e r c o l l a p s e but perhaps r a t h e r an attempt to a t t a i n s t a b i l i t y i n values and p r i c e s . With the d i v i s i o n of i n d u s t r y and the sep a r a t i o n o r i s o l a t i o n of p a r t s of the Empire by i n v a s i o n , a deep-seated reason f o r the l a c k of u n i t y 'in the Empire was revealed.3° There was such a d i v e r s i t y of peoples, each w i t h l o c a l , " n a t i o n a l " customs, languages and r e l i g i o n s , t h a t any "Roman" sentiment could e a s i l y be f o r -gotten i n favour of t h e i r immediate s a f e t y . Many of the r e v o l t s i n the r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s rwere due t o l o c a l resentment a t measures intended f o r a wider area o f b e n e f i t . Thus the tendency towards sepaiatism was a l o g i c a l develop-ment of the p e r i o d o f c r i s i s . E q u a l l y l o g i c a l , however, from the i m p e r i a l p o i n t o f view, were the e f f o r t s by the government to enforce obedience to s t a t e p o l i c i e s . The demands made upon the c i t i z e n by the State were i n c r e a s -i n g l y severe. But the aim of a l l i m p e r i a l reforms was t o ensure an1'.unchanging process o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a common f e a t u r e of anc i e n t c i v i l i z a t i o n s . Unfor-t u n a t e l y , the method chosen ( S t a t e - c o n t r o l and compulsion i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n of many resources and i n the ope r a t i o n o f i n d u s t r i e s ) d i d l i t t l e t o create any w i l l i n g n e s s on the p a r t of the c i t i z e n s to share t h i s aim. Two dominant trends are thus exposed, the d r i v e towards u n i f o r m i t y through the i m p e r i a l 29 This f e u d a l i s t i c system was widespread i n A s i a where many s m a l l r u l e r s f l o u r i s h e d . 30 For d e t a i l s see C. E. Van S i c k l e , " P a r t i c u l a r i s m i n the Roman Empire During the M i l i t a r y Monarchy," A; J . P., H , (1930), pp. 3^3-357. 54. bureaucracy and the opposite urge, to l i v e independent of Roman a u t h o r i t y x i t h i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The a c t i o n s of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s on a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t s u b j e c t , the matter of r e l i g i o n , are a l s o worthy of note s i n c e t h e i r p o l i c i e s r e -garding C h r i s t i a n i t y bore very important r e s u l t s . ^ The C h r i s t i a n and pagan p h i l o s o p h i e s were completely i n c o m p a t i b l e : the C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f i n the freedom of the s p i r i t and i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y was viewed w i t h s u s p i c i o n by those who h e l d t o the conservative i m p e r i a l c u l t . F a i l u r e to conform w i t h the p r e -v a i l i n g r e l i g i o u s customs, such as s a c r i f i c i n g to the Emperor, could be c o n s i - -dered an a c t of d i s l o y a l t y . This misunderstanding l a y behind the s e v e r a l persecutions endured-by the Church. There seems to have been no o f f i c i a l p o l i c y i n d e a l i n g w i t h C h r i s t i a n s ; p r o v i n c i a l governors r a t h e r than the emperors were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r persecutions i n many p a r t s of the Empire. The Church had become strong by the t h i r d century, but i n - the time of c r i s i s there was a corresponding upsurge of emphasis upon the i m p e r i a l c u l t . Septimius Severus renewed the connection between p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the r e -l i g i o u s i d e a of i m p e r i a l power. Succeeding emperors were o f t e n d e p i c t e d as being under the guidance of d i v i n i t i e s ( f o r G a l l i e n u s , S o l i n v i c t u s and Sarapis were h i s comites) and. t h e r e f o r e were t o be thought of as e a r t h l y counter-parts to d i v i n e b e ings. 3 2 Eastern c u l t s were dominant f o r a short time d u r i n g the r e i g n s of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander, but a r e a c t i o n soon began. Decius^ \whose support was based onion-Christian I l l y r i a n troops, was eager to r e s t o r e Roman p r e s t i g e and was thus h o s t i l e towards any f o r e i g n i n f l u e n c e . V a l e r i a n 31 For a good account of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Church and the S t a t e see A. D. Nock, i n C. A. H., X I I , Chapter, X I I , and H. Lietzmann, Chapter XV. 32 A. D. Nock, "The Emperor's Di v i n e Comes." J . R. S.t XXXVII (1947), pp. 104, 114. 55. next authorized a determined p e r s e c u t i o n ( G a l l u s probably had planned to continue Decius 1 measures, but d i d not l i v e long enough to cause much harm.)?3 Both V a l e r i a n and Decius rece i v e d the support of the Roman Senate, which, ithough weak, nonetheless h e l d to the e s t a b l i s h e d b e l i e f s . For n e a r l y t e n years from the ac c e s s i o n of Decius the Church s u f f e r e d treatment t h a t was o f t e n v i c i o u s . One important r e s u l t o f the harsh r e p r e s s i o n of the c l e r g y i n p a r t i c u l a r was the open h o s t i l i t y between the Church and the Roman govern-mental a u t h o r i t i e s , whereas p r e v i o u s l y the c o n f l i c t had not been as b i t t e r . For the Church i t s e l f , there was a l s o the matter o f r e s t a t i n g b e l i e v e r s who had submitted to the Roman demands T-the question of the l a p s i . This problem remained i n di s p u t e f o r many years. Toward the end of V a l e r i a n ' s r e i g n prospects improved f o r the Church, and s h o r t l y a f t e r the tragedy i n A s i a , G a l l i e n u s reversed h i s f a t h e r ' s p o l i c y . I n two e d i c t s he r e s t o r e d the use of church b u i l d i n g s and cemeteries and pro-claimed the Church f r e e from f u r t h e r interferences.-- Although C h r i s t i a n i t y was not y e t a r e l i g i o l i c i t a . . t h e r i g h t o f the Church to hold p r o p e r t y as a corporate body was confirmed. The r e s u l t of G a l l i e n u s ' concessions was a pe r i o d of peace i n which the Church o r g a n i z a t i o n was developed and i n which the d o c t r i n e s and ceremonies r e v i s e d by Cyprian became c a t h o l i c . 3 5 I n answer 33 Zonaras, X I I , 628A, records a vigorous p e r s e c u t i o n under G a l l u s . For the measures taken by Decius and V a l e r i a n see above, pp. 5, 17* V a l e r i a n ' s p e r s e c u t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e i n A f r i c a where the p r e f e c t Aemilianus was i n charge (Eusebius, H. E., V I I , 11, 1-26). 34 Eusebius, H. E., V I I , 13. That G a l l i e n u s had disagreed w i t h h i s f a t h e r ' s a c t i o n s f o r some time i s apparent from the :.tone of the r e s c r i p t . 35 The question of the primacy of the Church a t Rome was a l s o r a i s e d ; Cyprian .-•/; of..anyjpne^.bishop, and other A f r i c a n churchmen were vigorous:'in opposing i n c r e a s e s i n the a u t h o r i t y / However, A u r e l i a n acted i n favour of the Roman Church i n p e r m i t t i n g i t t o 56. to the question why G a l l i e n u s chose t h i s a c t i o n , s e v e r a l reasons are probable. The Emperor c e r t a i n l y saw t h a t no b e n e f i t was to be gained by c r e a t i n g f u r t h e r t e n s i o n amongst a people lo n g s i n c e t i r e d o f any k i n d of c o n f l i c t . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t G a l l i e n u s was hopeful of r e g a i n i n g power i n the East and was t o l e r a n t to C h r i s t i a n s s i n c e l a r g e numbers of them were there.^6 G a l l i e n u s 1 own p h i l o s o p h i c a l views may a l s o have been a cause. There i s evidence t h a t he favoured neo-Platonism as advocated by P l o t i n u s , and t h a t he made f r i e n d s of l e a d i n g exponents of t h i s s c h o o l . By encouraging the growth of neo-Platonism he p o s s i b l y envisaged t h a t the teachings of P l o t i n u s would subvert much of the i n f l u e n c e of C h r i s t i a n i t y . Each of the reasons has something to recommend i t . The important f e a t u r e of h i s t o l e r a n c e , however, i s the chance i t gave the Church to expand and e v e n t u a l l y become the powerful instrument of S t a t e -r e l i g i o n i n Constantine's Empire. To conclude t h i s study of the m i d - t h i r d century, i t i s f i t t i n g to comment on the nature of the r u l e of V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s and on t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s . V a l e r i a n , i t i s known, was an^experienced a d m i n i s t r a t o r before becoming Emperor. His a b i l i t i e s would undoubtedly have been appreciated i n a time of s e c u r i t y and order, but the m i l i t a r y emergencies t h a t harrassed him were too much f o r him to manage. His r u l e began amid hopes f o r success, but h i s i n c a p a c i t y f o r d e c i s i v e m i l i t a r y a c t i o n i n S y r i a caused much b i t t e r n e s s . I n the sources determine who should succeed P a u l of Samosata (Eusebius, H. E.. V I I , 30, 19). 36 H. Gregoire, "Note sur l ' E d i t de Tolerance de l'Empereur G a l l i e n , " Byzantion. X I I I (1938), pp.. 587-588. 57; he i s both hero and v i l l a i n , depending upon the b i a s o f the w r i t e r , s e n a t o r i a l o r C h r i s t i a n . An estimate c l o s e r t o the t r u t h i s t h a t he was growing too o l d t o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r leadership.37 G a l l i e n u s , on the other hand, was more s u c c e s s f u l . Most of the L a t i n sources note h i s r e i g n w i t h abuse; he was c r u e l , degenerate and s e l f i s h , as; w e l l as r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the break-up of the Empire. But the view of Greek w r i t e r s i s b e t t e r balanced; he was noble-minded, energetic and wished to be w e l l thought o f , but he could not c o n t r o l o p p o s i t i o n to h i s s o l e rule.38 That t h i s l a t t e r v e r s i o n , i s , i n the main, q u i t e r e l i a b l e can be;:seen from a review of h i s achievements. His reforms i n the army and i n the government of pro-v i n c e s were not hasty, i l l - c o n c e i v e d schemes to escape from a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n , but r a t h e r a programme c a l c u l a t e d t o e s t a b l i s h maximum e f f i c i e n c y and s t a b i l i t y i n departments v i t a l to the s u r v i v a l of the Empire. G a l l i e n u s was h i m s e l f s u c c e s s f u l on the f i e l d and was f o r much o f h i s r e i g n absent -50 from h i s c a p i t a l s - , Rome and Cologne, on campaigns. 7 I n s p i t e of h i s e f f o r t s , however, the Roman world was d i v i d e d by the secession of Gaul and S y r i a to form independent s t a t e s . • I n matters of economics he could not supply a s o l u -t i o n ; i t i s probably- f o r t h i s reason and because he continued a p o l i c y which l e d to a b a s i c change i n the s o c i a l c l a s s - s t r u c t u r e t h a t G a l l i e n u s received the condemnation o f h i s t o r i a n s . Nor i s i t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the accepted view of h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , u n t i l very r e c e n t l y , was one of blame and 37 Zosimus, I , 36. 2, draws a t t e n t i o n to h i s "softness and slackness of l i f e " — a probable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s statement i s t h a t the rugged c o n d i -t i o n s of warfare i n A s i a had taken the t o l l of h i s s t r e n g t h and energy. 38 Zonaras, X I I , 63^0. 39 Where he gained the necessary experience i n war i s not known. I n f a c t , nothing i s known about him u n t i l he appears as Emperor. 58. r e p r o a c h . ^ On the s u r f a c e , the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t G a l l i e n u s was i r r e s p o n s i b l e seems to be v a l i d , but a thorough examination of h i s p o l i c i e s shews t h a t t h i s o p i n i o n i s m i s l e a d i n g : G a l l i e n u s t r i e d h i s utmost to preserve the Empire as he thought b e s t . There i s another side to the p e r s o n a l i t y of G a l l i e n u s which had not been mentioned thus f a r , and t h a t i s h i s n a t u r a l i n t e r e s t and a b i l i t y i n l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c p u r s u i t s . He i s s a i d to have been famous f o r h i s l i t e r a r y accom-plishments, and'a few l i n e s from an epithalamium of h i s are s t i l l e x t a n t . ^ As an educated man, he encouraged men of l e t t e r s t o v i s i t h i s court and took a keen i n t e r e s t i n h e l p i n g t o r e v i s e a r t i s t i c standards, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s c u l p -t u r e . I n many itfays G a l l i e n u s was probably more " H e l l e n i c " i n outlook than "Roman"; h i s a r t i s t i c aim seemed t o be a r e t u r n to the c l a s s i c a l s t y l e of the Antonine p e r i o d , '.cleaving behind the p r i m i t i v i s m of h i s own day.^ 2 There i s a l s o some evidence t h a t he found i n s p i r a t i o n " i n the ideas of Augustus and t h a t he even used him as a m o d e l . ^ Although evidence i s l i m i t e d , enough e x i s t s t o j u s t i f y the acceptance of b e l i e f i n G a l l i e n u s 1 a r t i s t i c nature a t l e a s t , This f e a t u r e o f h i s p e r s o n a l i t y probably won him l i t t l e p o p u l a r i t y and may w e l l have a l i e n a t e d many i n f l u e n t i a l men who.felt t h a t there was no time f o r 40 The work o f Leon Homo ( e s p e c i a l l y Revue H i s t o r i a u e . CXIII (1913), pp. 1-22, 225-267) was one of the f i r s t important attempts t o re-examine the evidence f o r G a l l i e n u s . Recently, A l f t t l d i has continued t h i s approach w i t h success. 41 V i t a G a l l . . 1 1 , 6-9. The author's comment on t h i s aspect o f G a l l i e n u s ' nature deserves note: "This i s a l l very w e l l , but the requirements of a good poet are not those of an Emperor." 42 The account by Gervase Mathew, "The Character of the G a l l i e n i c Renaissance," J . R. S., XXXIII (1943). PP. 65-70, though perhaps o v e r - e n t h u s i a s t i c , never-t h e l e s s t r a c e s the evidence f o r t h i s view. , 43 A l f f l l d i , Num. Ch., IX (1929), pp. 2?0-279, notes t h a t the 'hew golden 59. l i t e r a t u r e i n government under c o n d i t i o n s of utmost c r i s i s . But i t i s pleasa n t to know t h a t G a l l i e n u s was not completely overwhelmed by the pressures of s t a t e business. I n an age when so much of d a i l y l i f e was f i l l e d w i t h h o r r o r , the Emperor G a l l i e n u s stands out as an i n t e r e s t i n g and a t t r a c t i v e person. age" theme--the d e s i r e f o r u n i v e r s a l p e a c e — c a n be. t r a c e d i n the legends of many coins of G a l l i e n u s . APPENDIX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE: A.D* 253-268 YEAR EVENTS 253 G a l l u s overthrown ( s p r i n g ) . Reign of Aemilianus (May-August) . V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s accepted as c o - r u l e r s (September). I n v a s i o n by Sapor i n progress i n the East; A n t i o c h captured e a r l y i n the year. V a l e r i a n a r r i v e s i n the East (win t e r •253-254), headquarters a t A n t i o c h . 254 Borani beaten back from P i t y u s . P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n ends. Goths i n Thrace; Marcomanni and Quadi i n Pannonia. From 254 to 259, G a l l i e n u s , i n command of the West, was faced w i t h i n -vasions by v a r i o u s Germanic peoples. 255 Borani capture P i t y u s and Trapezus. V a l e r i a n r e i n f o r c e s m i l i V t a r y establishments. 256 Goths ravage B i t h y n i a ; V a l e r i a n , going t o meet them, advances o n l y as f a r as Cappadocia (plague i n army). Economic c r i s i s : debasement of coinage a t i t s worst* 257 V a l e r i a n begins p e r s e c u t i o n of the Church. G a l l i e n u s makes Cologne h i s headquarters a g a i n s t the Germans. From t h i s time, G a l l i e n u s a s s e r t s h i s f u l l independence, probably through disagreement w i t h h i s f a t h e r on matters of p o l i c y . G a l l i e n u s p l ans reforms i n m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n and i n pro-v i n c i a l government which are c a r r i e d out i n general by 261. • 258 P e r s e c u t i o n of the Church renewed w i t h v i g o u r . G a l l i e n u s 1 son, V a l e r i a n u s , d i e s sometime between 255 and 258. Alamanni invade Gaul and I t a l y 258-259. D e c l i n e of Roman c o n t r o l i n Dacia. 259 Sapor again invades A s i a 259-261. Revolt of Ingenuus i n Pannonia; Regalianus continues the r e v o l t . A t the same time Postumus s u c c e s s f u l l y r e v o l t s , t a k i n g Cologne and p u t t i n g G a l l i e n u s 1 younger son, Saloninus, t o death ( l a t e w i n t e r ) . Meanwhile,.in A s i a , V a l e r i a n was captured by Sapor and A n t i o c h was taken ( l a t e i n the y e a r ) . 260 Sole r e i g n of G a l l i e n u s . 61. YEAR EVENTS ' 260 Postumus escapes the a t t a c k s of G a l l i e n u s and e s t a b l i s h e s h i s G a l l i c Empire. The P e r s i a n s sweep over C i l i c i a and Cappadocia. G a l l i e n u s o f f i c i a l l y ends p e r s e c u t i o n . I n -vasions by Bavares ( f o r s e v e r a l years) i n t o Roman A f r i c a checked. Roman m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h i n A s i a re-organized by Macrianus and C a l l i s t u s . Macrianus and Quietus, sons of the commander Macrianus, accepted as Emperors i n A s i a and Egypt (by September). Romans f o r c e the P e r s i a n s to r e t r e a t 260-261. 261 The two M a c r i a n i invade Europe, are defeated on the Thracian border. Quietus and C a l l i s t u s overthrown i n Emesa by Odenath. Conditions i n Danube improve. Rise of Palmyra under Odenath; Odenath, honoured by the Romans from a t l e a s t 258, campaigns a g a i n s t the Pe r s i a n s w i t h success. . 262 G a l l i e n u s i n Rome to c e l e b r a t e the d e c e n n i a l year of h i s r e i g n (autumn). Goths r a i d A s i a Minor from 262 t o 267; B i t h y n i a , Phrygia and Cappadocia s u f f e r most. 262-266 Conditions i n Europe r e l a t i v e l y p e a c e f u l . L i t t l e improve-ment, however, i n economic l i f e . D e a t h o f Odenath i n 266/ 267; Zenobia r u l e s i n Palmyra. 26? Goths and H e r u l i invade Danube provinces and Greece: the g r e a t e s t i n v a d i n g f o r c e ever to a t t a c k the Empire. 268 G a l l i e n u s defeats the main at t a c k of the Goths a t Naissos. Aureolus r e v o l t s i n M i l a n ; G a l l i e n u s murdered by h i s generals w h i l e a t t a c k i n g Aureolus (summer). Deaths o f L a e l i a n u s , Postumus and Marius i n Gaul; succession of V i c t o r i n u s . Claudius, and A u r e l i a n continue the war ag a i n s t the Goths 268-269. Claudius acclaimed Emperor (summer). 62. BIBLIOGRAPHY ANCIENT AUTHORITIES 1. Ammianus Marcellinus, trans, by J. C. Rolfe, 3 vols. (Loeb Classical Library. London, 1935-1939). 2. Codex Iustinianus (Corpus Iuris C i v i l i s . II) ed. by P. Krueger (Berlin, 195*0. 3« Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. II, ed. by E. Hiibner (Berlin, 1869). 4. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. I l l , ed. by T. Mommsen (Berlin, 1873)• 5. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. V, ed. by T. Mommsen (Berlin, 1872). 6. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. VI, ed. by E. Bormann and ¥. Henzen (Berlin, 1876). 7. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. VII, ed. by E. Hubner (Berlin, 1873). 8. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. XIII, ed. by 0. Hirschfeld and C. Zangemeister (Berlin, 1899-1905). 9. Dio's Roman History, trans, by E. Cary, IX (Loeb Classical Library. London, 1927). 10. Eusebius, Die Chronik des Hieronymus (Hieronymi Chroniaon). ed. by R. HeLn (Berlin, 1956). 11. Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History, trans, by Kirsopp Lake and J.E.L. Oulton, 2 vols. (Loeb Classical library. London, 1926-1932). 12. Eutropius, Breviaria Historiae Romanae. ed. by H. Verheyk (London, 1821). 13. Historici Graeci Minores. ed. by L. Dindorf, I (Leipzig, 1870). 14. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. ed. by H. Dessau, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1892-1916). 15. Lactance, De l a Mort des Persecuteurs. ed. and trans, by J. Moreau (Paris, 1954). 16. Liber P o n t i f i c a l i s . ed. by Abbe' L. Duchesne, second edition, I (Paris, 1955) 17. Orosius, Historiae Adversum Paganos. ed. C. Zangemeister (Leipzig, 1889). 18. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae, trans, by D. Magie, 3 vols. (Loeb Classical Library, London, 1921-1932). 19. Sexti A u r e l i i Victoris, Historia Romana. ed. by T.C. Harles, 2 vols. (London, 1829). . 63. 20. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, ed. by L. Robert, VI (1932). 21. Zonaras, Epitome H i s t o r i a r u m . ed. by L. Dindorf, I I I ( L e i p z i g , 1870). 22. Zosimus, H i s t o r i a Nova, ed. by L. Mendelssohn ( L e i p z i g , 1887). MODERN AUTHORITIES . 1. A l f t i l d i , A., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y . X I I (Cambridge, 1939), Chapters V and V I . 2. A l f o ' l d i , A., ''The Numbering of the . V i c t o r i e s o f the Emperor G a l l i e n u s and of the L o y a l t y of h i s Legions," Numismatic C h r o n i c l e . IX (1929), pp. 218-179. 3. A l f o l d i , A., "The Reckoning by the Regnal Years and -'Victories o f V a l e r i a n and G a l l i e n u s , " J.R.S.. XXX(1940), pp: 1-10. 4. A l f f l l d i , A., Review of H.M.D. Parker, A H i s t o r y o f the Roman World from A.D. 138 to 337. J.R.S.. XXVII (1937), pp. 2-54-260. 5. Baynes, N.'H., "Three Notes on the Reforms of D i o c l e t i a n and Constantine. • I . The E f f e c t of the E d i c t o f G a l l i e n u s , " J.R.S.. XV (1925), pp. 195-201. 6. Broughton, T.R.S., i n An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome. IV, 4, Roman A s i a (Baltimore, 1938). 7. Caspar, E r i c h , Geschichte des Pabsttums. I (Tubingen, 1930). 8. D e g r a s s i , A., I F a s t i C o n s o l a r i dell'Impero Romano. (Rome, 1952). 9. E n s s l i n , W., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y . X I I (Cambridge, 1939), Chapters I I and IV, 6. 10. Gregoire, H., "Note sur l ' E d i t de Tolerance de l'Empereur G a l l i e n , " Byzantion. X I I I (1938), pp. 587-588. 11. Haywood, R.M., i n An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, IV, 1, Roman A f r i c a ( B a l t i m o r e , 1938). 12. Homo, L., "L'Empereur G a l l i e n e t l a C r i s e de l'Empire Romain au H i e S i e c l e . " Revue H i s t o r i q u e . CXIII (1913), PP. 1-22, 225-267. 13. Homo, L,, Roman P o l i t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s , t r a n s , by M.R. Dobie (London, 1929), 14. Johnson, A.C, Egypt and the Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, 1951). 15. l a r s e n , J.A.O., i n An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, IV, 3, Roman Greece (B a l t i m o r e , 1938). 64. 16. Lietzmann, H., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y , X I I (Cambridge, 1939). Chapter XV. 17. MacDermott, B. D., "Roman Emperors i n the Sassanian R e l i e f s , " J.R.S., XLIV (1954), PP. 76-80. 18. Magie, D., Roman Rule i n A s i a Minor. 2 v o l s . ( P r i n c e t o n , 1950). 19. Mathew, Gervase, "The Character o f the G a l l i e n i c Renaissance," J.R.S., , , x x n n (1943). pp. 65-70. 20. M a t t i n g l y , H,, "The Reign of Ae m i l i a n , " J.R.S.. XXV (1935), PP. 55-58. 21. M a t t i n g l y , H., "TRIBVNICIA POTESTATE." J.R.S.. XX(1?30), pp. 78-91. 22. M i l l e r , S. N., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y . X I I (Cambridge, 1939), Chapter I . 23. Nock, A.D., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y . X I I (Cambridge, 1939), Chapter X I I . 24. Nock, A.D., "The Emperor's D i v i n e Comes." J.R.S.. XXXVII (1947), pp. 102-116. 25. O e r t e l , F., i n The Cambridge Ancient H i s t o r y . X I I (Cambridge, 1939), Chapter V I I . 26. Olmstead, A.T., "The Mid-Third Century of the C h r i s t i a n E r a . " C l a s s i c a l P h i l o l o g y . XXXVII (1942), pp. 241-262, 398-420. 27. Parker, H.M.D., "The Antigua Legio of Vegetius," C l a s s i c a l Q u a r t e r l y . xxvi (1932), PP. 137-149. 28. Parker, H.M.D., A H i s t o r y of the Roman World from A.D. 138 to 337. second' e d i t i o n , r e v i s e d by B. H. Warmington (London, 1958). 29. R o s t o v t z e f f , M.I., "Dura and the Problem of P a r t h i a n A r t , " Yale C l a s s i c a l S t u d i e s . V (1935), PP- 155-304. 30. R o s t o v t z e f f , M.I., The S o c i a l and Economic H i s t o r y o f the Roman Empire. second e d i t i o n , r e v i s e d by P.M. F r a s e r , 2 v o l s . (Oxford, 1957). 31. S a l i s b u r y , F.S., and M a t t i n g l y , H., "The Reign of Trajan Decius," J.R.S.. XIV (1924), pp. 1-23. 32. S t a r r , C., The Roman I m p e r i a l Navy ( C o r n e l l Studies i n C l a s s i c a l P h i l o l o g y , XXVI, I t h a c a , New York, 1941). 33. Van S i c k l e , C. E., " P a r t i c u l a r i s m i n the Roman Empire During the M i l i t a r y Monarchy," A.J.P., L I (1930), pp. 343-357. 34. Webb, P. H., The Roman I m p e r i a l Coinage, ed. by H. M a t t i n g l y and E. A. Sydenham, V, 1-2 (London, 1927-1933). 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0105960/manifest

Comment

Related Items