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Population redistribution : an aspect of urbanization and settlement policy in Jamaica Jacques, Alfonso Fitz-Henley 1965

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POPULATION REDISTRIBUTION: AN ASPECT OF URBANIZATION AND SETTLEMENT POLICY IN JAMAICA by ALFONSO FITZ-HENLEY JACQUES B,Sc, Tuskegee In s t i t u t e , 1960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE i n the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1965 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r -m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t , c o p y i n g o r p u b l i -c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Alfonso Fitz-Henley Jacques D e p a r t m e n t o f Community and Regional Planning The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a D a t e A p r i l 9, 1965  ABSTRACT Urbanization as i t a f f e c t s the developing countries i s one of the c r i t i c a l problems facing Jamaica today. The ma-jor urban centre, Kingston, i s unable to cope with the many and varied problems introduced by the increasing number of people who are migrating from r u r a l areas with the hope of f i n d i n g a "better l i f e " i n the big c i t y . However, i t s un-healthy magnetic power p e r s i s t s , draining the other areas of the country of the better educated, more ambitious, wealthier, as well as the l e s s fortunate people, leaving these areas l i t t l e developed and depriving the country as a whole of some of the greater s o c i a l and economic potentials. The quest f o r a l i v e l i h o o d among Jamaicans, having com-menced from as early as the 1380's, also encouraged s i g n i f i -cant portions of the population to migrate to foreign coun-t r i e s i n search of employment even from such early times. Studies show that even t h i s emigration has been l a r g e l y un-successful. Although the migrants may r e a l i z e a regular (though small) money income at t h e i r destinations they often f a i l miserably to be desirably absorbed i n the s o c i a l and economic structures of the various societies to which they migrate - they have even descended steeply from the s o c i a l status which they enjoyed at home. On the basis of the above, I t i s contended that i f Ja-maica i s to achieve i t s goals of s o c i a l and economic s t a b i l i t y , i i i the f u l l national inventory of human and natural resources has to be mobilized into a process of regional development. A new process of urbanization i s necessary, that i s , an "ordered, guided, and purposeful" approach to t h i s phenome-non. The fundamental needs f o r which the population i s i n constant search namely: s o c i a l and economic security, and the f u l l range of services and amenities are more f e a s i b l y provided at the urban l e v e l , therefore, any development contemplated should take place i n urban areas. Puerto Rico has successfully demonstrated that an acute population and urbanization problem, can be resolved by a determination to resolve i t , and by ca r e f u l planning. To achieve a balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population i n Jamaica and an equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s o c i a l services and the wealth, a l l areas of the island should be included In the new urbaniza-t i o n process. The urban areas, i n order to produce aggregate e f f i c i e n c y should be coordinated within regional systems. Investigation of alternative regional systems of com-munities including the primate c i t y hierarchy, the central place system, and the multi-nucleated system indicates that a l l exhibit c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of incompatibility with the island and would have to be subject to modifications i n or-der to be adopted. Other determinants of lo c a t i o n were i n -vestigated Including theories of i n d u s t r i a l location, trans-portation, incidence of natural resources, occurrence of i v e x i s t i n g urban centres, and the surface configuration of the i s l a n d . It .Is, concluded that the urban centres d i s -playing c e r t a i n potentials conducive to i n d u s t r i a l - l o c a t i o n ( i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s the chosen mode f o r development) are to be selected f o r development along with other areas which the government should provide with the I n d u s t r i a l climate. With respect to development implementation, planning and development are considered more ef f e c t i v e i f executed at the regional l e v e l . There i s a tendency f o r national planning to neglect the small urban centre, while planning at the l o c a l l e v e l poses severe administrative problems as well as the p r o b a b i l i t y of gross aggregate i n e f f i c i e n c y i n -troduced by the potential r i v a l r y between various l o c a l u n i t s . Planning and development are also deemed more ef f e c -t i v e i f situated close to the source of power. The Prime Minister's o f f i c e seems to be the most suitable arm of gov-ernment to which t h i s should be attached. In order to avoid the i n f l e x i b i l i t i e s of the c i v i l service which retards e f f i -ciency, i t i s suggested that a Jamaica Development Corporation should be formed. This i s to be an autonomous body created by and accountable to the Prime Minister and charged with the function of i d e n t i f y i n g regional needs and executing regional planning and development techniques i n the best i n t e r e s t of the country. The Corporation could be r e a l i z e d through a merger of the present Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation V and the Jamaica Town Planning Department which should toe dissolved a f t e r i t s tasks are accomplished and proper pro-v i s i o n i s made for constant review. The hypothesis of the study i s considered to toe gen-e r a l l y v a l i d . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am deeply grat e f u l to Professor H. Peter Oberlander, Head, Community and Regional Planning, U.B.C. f o r h i s i n -valuable suggestions i n guiding t h i s thesis. His awareness of the problems and aspirations of the developing countries provided the much needed help i n times of d i f f i c u l t y . I am equally g r a t e f u l to Dr. Kevin Cross, assistant professor i n the Department of Community and Regional Planning f o r h i s guidance, and f o r the immense amount of time he afforded me i n d i r e c t i n g the study. I also extend my gratitude to the various government departments i n Jamaica which contributed l i t e r a t u r e and suggestions f o r the study. TABLE OP CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i TABLE OP CONTENTS v i i i LIST OP TABLES x i i LIST OP FIGURES x i i CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem 1 Objectives 5 Significance of the Problem 6 Assumptions 10 Definitions of Terms Used 11 Scope of the Study 12 Hypothesis 12 I I . THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS OP URBANI-ZATION IN THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 14 Movement to the C i t i e s 14 The Human Condition 16 Housing 18 Social and Health Services and Employment 20 Urbanization and Economic Development 22 i x The Need f o r Planning 25 Summary 30 I I I . APPROACHES TO SOLUTIONS OP URBANIZATION AND POPULATION PROBLEMS IN SOME DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 31 Puerto Rico 31 I s r a e l 43 Settlement 44 Planning In I s r a e l 47 The Master Plan 50 Summary 53 IV. URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION IN JAMAICA 55 Internal Migration 55 Movement Pre - 1921 55 Movement 1921 - 1943 57 The Current Situation 60 Kingston as Population Recipient 64 Economic Base Study of Kingston 64 Housing i n Kingston 73 The Implications of External Migration 77 Employment f o r the Migrants 80 Areas of Settlement f o r the Migrants ® 2 Summary 84 X V, REDISTRIBUTION - ALTERNATIVE REGIONAL SYSTEMS OP DEVELOPMENT AND THEIR EVALUATION RELATIVE TO JAMAICA 86 The Concept of Regional Planning 88 The Primate City 90 The Central Place System 95 The Multi-Nucleated System 100 Evaluation Relative to Jamaica 102 Summary 108 VI. SOME DETERMINANTS OP LOCATION DECISIONS 110 Theories of In d u s t r i a l Location 111 Losch's Net P r o f i t Approach 111 Isard's Comparative Cost Approach 113 The Concept of Pre-determlned I n d u s t r i a l Location 115 Evaluation 116 Other Determinants 118 Transportation 118 Natural Resources 123 Topography 131 E x i s t i n g Urban Centres 132 Summary 134-x i VII. DEVELOPMENT IMPLEMENTATION - LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSIDERATIONS 136 Fundamental Requirements 136 Div i s i o n of Power 138 Level of Planning f o r Development 140 Implementation and Administration 145 The Regions 145 Administration f o r Development 146 Indus t r i a l Settlement \ 150 Summary 152 VIII. GENERAL REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS 154 General Review 154 Conclusions 165 Recommendations 166 Alternative Approaches at Resolving the Problem 168 Development of the Centre of Focus 168 Mass Emigration 169 Evaluation of Hypothesis 170 BIBLIOGRAPHY 172 LIST OP TABLES Table Page 1 Urban Populations i n Excess of 1,000 i n Jamaica 63 2 Urban Employment i n Jamaica 1963 68 3 Jamaica Minimum Employment Requirements 69 4 Comparative Minimum Employment Requirements 69 5 Excess Employment i n Various Categories 70 6 Annual West Indian Migration to B r i t a i n 80 7 Previous Occupations of Migrants In the West Indies 80 LIST OP FIGURES Figure Page 1 Regions and In d u s t r i a l Centres of Puerto Rico 38 2 Main Currents of Internal Migration Towards Kingston - St. Andrew 1921 - 1943 61 3 E x i s t i n g Transportation Network and Main Urban Areas i n Jamaica 124 4 Geological Map of Jamaica 127 5 A g r i c u l t u r a l Land Use i n Jamaica 130 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Dominion of Jamaica has published i t s "Five Year Independence Plan 1963 - 1968". A remarkable recognition i n t h i s plan i s that one of the fundamental problems f a c -ing the country i s the one r e l a t i n g to population. The plan drew attention to the phenomenal rate of increase i n the population of the major urban centre, Kingston - an increase of roughly 88$ f o r the intercensal period 194-3 -1963. Such an increase i t a t t r i b u t e s " i n large part to the continuation of the d r i f t of population to t h i s area from other parishes, a movement which has been i n progress f o r a long time". 1 The problem was further defined by the statement - "The a t t r a c t i o n of the c i t y , where development i s most conspicuous, combined with the i n a b i l i t y of the r u r a l areas to absorb the growing population, create the movement into the towns and r e s u l t i n an unbalanced s i t u -ation because i n the town areas the rate of economic growth cannot cope with the abnormal growth i n population". This form of urbanization i s a c r i t i c a l a f f a i r . I t 1 Government of Jamaica, Five Year Independence Plan 1963 - 1968, Kingston, 1963, p. 15. 2 Ibid., p. 7. 2 a f f e c t s Jamaica i n a comparable manner as i s evident i n most of the developing countries of L a t i n America, A f r i c a and Asia, The United Nations recognizes that the phenom-enon i s one of the more severe problems a f f e c t i n g mankind p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the areas of lower economic development today. It also established that i n the urban centres of L a t i n America, A f r i c a , and Asia; s o c i a l , physical, and economic problems already acute are becoming even more inflamed by the increasing rate of urbanization. Kingston, Jamaica i s a proper demonstration of these f i n d i n g s . Already, i t i s unable to cope with the many and varied problems Introduced by the increasing number of people who are migrating from r u r a l areas with the hope of f i n d i n g a "better l i f e " i n the c i t y . Nevertheless, i t s unhealthy, strong, a t t r a c t i v e power p e r s i s t s , draining the r u r a l areas of the better educated, more ambitious, and wealthier, as well as the l e s s fortunate people. This leaves the r u r a l areas l i t t l e developed and deprives the country as a whole of some of the greater economic poten-t i a l s . And on the urban scene there i s an observable mush-rooming of slums and dete r i o r a t i n g s o c i a l conditions as well as inadequate employment opportunities. Another facet of the problem,.''•• one that i s often taken f o r granted, i s the question of emigration to f o r -eign countries i n search of employment. In t h i s respect, the Jamaican, government1 s policy towards"emigration i s regarded to be unfortunate. The Jamaican Five Year Plan recognizes that emigration "has been the most powerful fa c t o r i n the past i n preventing unemployment from mounting to c r i t i c a l l e v e l s " . ^ Nevertheless, what i s conceptualized as being even more c r i t i c a l i n t h i s thesis i s the implica-tions of emigration as i t a f f e c t s Jamaica and the Jamaican migrant. The country i s l o s i n g a great many of i t s better human resources as indicated by the Five Year Pain, " i t Is recognized that emigration usually involves the younger, more vigourous, and better trained section of the 4 population". Further inves t i g a t i o n reveals that not only i s the country l o s i n g these valuable personnel but the re-s u l t i s a s o c i a l , moral, and technical loss to the i n d i -v idual on a r r i v a l at h i s destination. Jamaican migrants con verge on such c i t i e s as New York i n the United States of America and London, Birmingham, Manchester, etc. i n the United Kingdom. While no detailed studies have been en-countered r e l a t i v e to the pl i g h t of the Jamaican migrant, , i n the United States, a study i n the United Kingdom d i -vulges very discouraging conditions. 3 Ibid., p. 51. 4 Ibid., 4 The greater majority of the migrants Invariably f a i l to procure employment i n t h e i r chosen f i e l d s of endeavour and are obliged to s e t t l e f o r menial jobs. Major d i f f i -c u l t i e s are also encountered i n f i n d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation, the migrants have to go to patches of inner London which have been neglected, and which have been already f o r some time i n the process of decline and s o c i a l downgrading". 3 These areas, they occupy i n over-crowded conditions. "Fourteen to a room" Is a phrase popularly used by the natives to describe migrant r e s i -d e n t i a l conditions. It was also shown that the migrants "descended steeply" from the s o c i a l status they occupied i n the home country. Thus the governments policy of exploring new migra-t i o n outlets may best be pursued with an awareness of these attendant problems. In the interim i t i s believed that many of the problems caused by i n t e r n a l and external migration can be resolved through c a r e f u l planning and organization of Jamaica's hu-man and natural resources. To begin at home, i t i s believed that i f a system of communities could be devised, provided with a l l necessary urban f a c i l i t i e s and services, the current 5 Ruth Glass, London's Newcomers. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1961, p. 48. 5 migratory movements with t h e i r attendant problems could be a l l e v i a t e d . Objectives One of the conclusions of the United Nations study on urbanization i n L a t i n America i s that u n s k i l l e d marginal groups can hardly be expected to h a l t the d r i f t to the c i t y slums unless they are offered r e a l opportunities nearer home, and t h i s could be done only i f the smaller c i t i e s can hold persons with administrative talents, professionals, entrepre-neurs and investors. This i s a very profound statement and i n i t i s contained the basic premise around which t h i s study revolves, A fundamental shortcoming of most development plans f o r "developing countries" seems to be the f a l l a c i o u s conceptu-a l i z a t i o n of the nature of development. Development Is con-ceived e s s e n t i a l l y as an economic process and t h i s f a i l u r e to give due consideration to other aspects p a r t i c u l a r l y s o c i a l and physical gives r i s e to a generally imbalanced structure of the countries involved. This imbalanced struc-ture takes the form of unplanned d i s t r i b u t i o n of industry and r u r a l services, and poor l o c a t i o n of transportation routes re-q u i r i n g expensive remedial measures. The urban centres are notorious f o r a l l forms of s o c i a l disorganization: crime, over-crowding, unemployment, and other s o c i a l problems. The simultaneous i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of and consideration f o r the s o c i a l , economic, and physical elements In planning cannot be over emphasized. The basic object of t h i s thesis i s to Investigate Jamaica's c a p a b i l i t y of resolving i t s population problems, talcing f u l l cognizance of population growth and movements, the extent of natural resources, a desirable pattern of i n t e r a c t i o n of communities, and the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of a l l these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n an e f f o r t to r e a l i z e a balanced development structure f o r the i s l a n d . Some developing countries have already diagnosed the s i t u a t i o n as i t a f f e c t s them and are taking positive steps towards solutions. Some of these w i l l be examined to de-termine t h e i r methods of approach and degree of success with the hope that some lessons can be derived to guide the Jamaican task. Significance of the Problem The significance of the phenomenon of urbanization i n the developing countries i s not only recognized at the national and l o c a l l e v e l s , i t i s one of the commonest pre-sent day phenomena. " I t i s hardly possible to point to any ' part or region of the world which i s not faced i n greater 6.r l e s s e r degree with the considerable changes i n l i v i n g and organizational patterns r e s u l t i n g from the growth not only of i t s towns but also of i t s spreading zones of urban 7 influence."^ I t has aroused maximum i n t e r e s t at the i n -te r n a t i o n a l l e v e l r e s u l t i n g i n the promotion of studies and knowledge of the s i t u a t i o n i n agencies at such l e v e l s , Santiago Conference The United Nations on i t s own account or i n conjunc-t i o n with UNESCO has sponsored several seminars on the topic, an important one being the one held i n Santiago, C h i l e . The analysis of the complex phenomenon of urbaniza-t i o n i n L a t i n America which was the object of t h i s seminar, "has of course an immediate purpose, namely, that of draw-ing conclusions not only as to the most important c a l l i n g f o r research or propagation, but also as to the set of administrative measures of every kind which seem best c a l -culated to solve or i n t e l l i g e n t l y f o r e s t a l l the most press-ing problems". Another objective of marked importance of the seminar, one of long term si g n i f i c a n c e , was "that of helping simultaneously to develop i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l science and to i n c i t e L a t i n American educational and r e -search centres to accord the subject i t s due need of a t -Q tention". 6 6 P h i l l i p Hauser, Urbanization i n L a t i n America, United Nations, New York, 1961, p. 19. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 8 The term "urban sociology" was derived from t h i s seminar and i t i s recognized to be passing a c r u c i a l phase of growth, "attributable to i t s exponents' conviction that the previous national or l o c a l approach must be superseded by comparative research or more general bases''.^ Contrarily, It was also recognized that t h i s same branch of study has not received such attention i n Latin America, because the nature of i t s s p e c i a l i z a t i o n requires more than the "assimilation of the doctrines of o t h e r s " , 1 0 In that i t e n t a i l s the formulation of an appropriate theory through empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the data themselves. World of Opportunity A further conference of the United Nations, Conference on the Application of Science and Technology f o r the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas, again dealt with the problems of r u r a l development and urbanization. Here i t was again recognised that "the 'rush to the c i t i e s ' i s a major and s t r i k i n g phenomenon i n many of the developing countries and brings i n i t s wake a host of s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and technical problems . It stated that although the problems •"Ibid. °Ibid. United Nations, Science and Technology for Development, United Nations, New York, 1963, Vol. I, p. 161. 9 caused by increasing world population and the continuous d r i f t of population from the country-side to towns i s a universal one, i t i s more serious f o r the developing coun-t r i e s , since population i s increasing much more r a p i d l y i n Asia, A f r i c a , and L a t i n America than i n Europe or North America. Also, the exodus to the towns i s undoubtedly assuming more alarming proportions i n some of the emerging countries of A f r i c a and c e r t a i n B r a z i l i a n states. A c r i t i c a l question was posed by the delegate from the United Arab Republic, "How can we prevent the exchange of r u r a l poverty f o r urban misery?" In response i t was thought that i t i s necessary "to control the harmful e f f e c t s of t h i s rapid urbanization both on the r u r a l areas where the d r i f t from the country-side reduces a g r i c u l t u r a l output and leads to economic stagna-t i o n , and on the towns where i t floods the labour market, depresses wages, increases the number of unemployed, and brings i n i t s wake such problems as slums, the break-up of 12 the family, juvenile delinquency and p r o s t i t u t i o n " . It was considered that the monstrous and uncoordinated growth of modern towns makes them u n f i t f o r the accommodation of human beings or to provide them with a suitable environment. "Liv i n g conditions are becoming inhuman and people are 12 Ibid., p. 162. 10 l o s i n g more and more of t h e i r basic q u a l i t i e s , turning more and more into displaced persons who are required to l i v e 13 l i k e machines." The scope of the problem i s demonstrated by the vastness of the slums surrounding many of the c a p i t a l and other large c i t i e s , covering sometimes one t h i r d to a ha l f of the t o t a l area of the c i t y . I t was predicted that the problems of urban settlements i n the next 40 years w i l l be much greater than the inhumanity suffered i n the l a s t 6,000 years. I t was made clea r that the problems of r u r a l develop-ment and urbanization are interdependent and that the s o c i a l problems created by development and urbanization could not be considered i n i s o l a t i o n from the other problems i n c l u d -ing economic, tec h n i c a l , administrative and p o l i t i c a l . Assumptions The assumption of t h i s study i s that despite the i n -tense population density of the i s l a n d of Jamaica and despite a lack of natural resources i t i s possible to or-ganize the use of land through s k i l l f u l planning such that a l l the needs of the population can be accommodated and that a balanced occupational structure of the is l a n d i n terms of s o c i a l , economic, and physical considerations i s possible. 13 Ibid.. p. 163 11 D e f i n i t i o n s Urban and Rural For the purposes of t h i s study settlements are divided into two broad types according to the occupations of the i n -habitants and according to the extent of i n t e r a c t i o n among inhabitants. Those i n which the greater proportion of the inhabitants are engaged i n primary occupations such as farm-ing, f i s h i n g , hunting or f o r e s t r y and i n which there i s l i t t l e physical concentration are c l a s s i f i e d as " r u r a l settlements". Those i n which the most of the working population are engaged i n secondary occupations, that i s , occupations not d i r e c t l y related to the s o i l or the sea, such as manufac-turing, transport, teaching, o f f i c e work, and the provision of various services; and i n which there i s much physical concentration are c l a s s i f i e d as "urban settlements". Urbanization Urbanization i s the process of change from r u r a l l i v i n g to urban l i v i n g , a process motivated by the rapid u t i l i z a -t i o n of human and other resources at the urban l e v e l as well as the stimulant of r i s i n g expectancies. Developing Country The word "under-developed" has been widely used i n r e -f e r r i n g to the countries of Latin America, A f r i c a and Asia but there i s much uncertainty as well as c o n f l i c t i n g 12 d e f i n i t i o n s i n t h i s usage. Many d i f f e r e n t indices have been employed i n the measurement of under-development which were found to be unsatisfactory. In t h i s study the word "Developing Countries" w i l l be used to r e f e r to the coun-t r i e s of Lat i n America, A f r i c a , and Asia since t h i s word implies change rather than the status quo of under-develop-ment. Scope of the Study It i s attempted i n t h i s study to enquire Into the im-p l i c a t i o n s of, and possible approaches to the solutions of problems caused by the migration of population from r u r a l areas to urban areas i n developing countries. In p a r t i c u -l a r , the study w i l l ultimately concentrate on the problems as they r e l a t e to Jamaica. Some of the developing countries have attacked the problem i n various ways dependent on the uniqueness of the problem i n the p a r t i c u l a r area. Some of these approaches w i l l be examined, and based on the various experiences, i t i s hoped that a solution can be derived pertinent to the Jamaican s i t u a t i o n . However, i n the interim, i t i s believed that a l l e v i a t i o n of the Jamaican urbanization problems i s la r g e l y dependent on the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population as w i l l be demonstrated by a te s t i n g of the hypothesis. Hypothesis The hypothesis f o r the study i s : 1 13 A PROPERLY ORGANIZED REGIONAL SYSTEM OP COMMUNITIES PROVIDED WITH ALL NECESSARY URBAN FACILITIES AND SERVICES WOULD AID IN A BAL-ANCED DISTRIBUTION OF JAMAICA'S POPULATION AND WOULD ALSO AID IN THE MAXIMUM UTILIZATION OF HUMAN AND NATURAL RESOURCES OF THE ISLAND AND ULTIMATELY IN ITS SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOP-MENT. For unpublished information a l l the relevant government departments and m i n i s t r i e s i n Jamaica have been asked f o r pertinent information. This, i n many instances was very l i t t l e e s t a b l i s h i n g a basic l i m i t a t i o n to the study. For published information, l i b r a r y resources were r e l i e d on. CHAPTER II THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS OP URBANIZATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Movement to the C i t i e s "The rush to the c i t i e s i s one of the most s t r i k i n g features of modern times". 1 The r u r a l exodus prec i p i t a t e d by the stagnant economic and c u l t u r a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e s and the magnet of the c i t y , although a universal trend, i s p a r t i c u l a r l y marked i n the developing countries bringing i n i t s wake a whole series of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and administrative problems. I f unchecked these movements would lead to "unhealthy and problem oriented urban develop-2 ment and stagnant s e l f retarding r u r a l development". Pacts and figures presented to one of the United Na- -tion's seminars on urbanization give some measure of the size of the problem f o r the developing countries. Colombia's rate of population growth has been estimated at 2,9% per annum. This i s one of the highest i n L a t i n America. 1 United Nations, Science & Technology f o r Development. United Nations, New York, 1963, Vol. 5, p. 131. 2 Ibid., p. 132. 3 The Seminar on Science & Technology f o r Development. 15 The rate of growth i n the r u r a l sector f o r the l a s t ten years was 1$ per annum compared to 5$ In the urban sector. According to forecasts, i n the 25 year period between 194-5 and 1970 the urban population i n Colombia i s l i k e l y to treble, while the r u r a l population w i l l increase by l e s s than 30$. In A f r i c a the urban population has doubled and i n many cases more than doubled i n f i f t e e n years. In the area of the Central A f r i c a n Republic, f o r example, there were 50,000 urban dwellers before the second world war accounting f o r 5$ of the population. Now that number has ri s e n to 200,000 representing more than 15$ of the t o t a l population. In the Congo, the urban population rose from 15$ or 100,000 to roughly 300,000 or about one t h i r d of the t o t a l population. In I s r a e l , the percentage of urban population i s among the highest i n the world. Of the t o t a l population, 65$ l i v e i n towns, 20$ l i v e i n l o c a l councils, and 10$ i n r e -gional councils. Eighty percent of a l l l o c a l i t i e s i n the country are urban centres, but these comprise 77$ of t o t a l population. Among the Jewish people, the urban inhabitants amounts to 84$. In Nigeria, between 1930 and 1962 the eastern section of the t e r r i t o r y l o s t not l e s s than four m i l l i o n people to the urban centres of Lagos, Ibadon, Benin, Warri, Kano, 16 Zarlo, Jos and the Cameroons. In India, where the villages offer limited opportuni-ties, a trek to urban centres i s again evident. Between 1941 and 1951 the urban population of India rose by 39.3$ as against an increase of 13.3% of total population. In 1951 the urban population was 17.35$ of the total popula-tion, but by 1961 i t had increased to 17.97$. In the United Arab Republic a study showed that over the last 60 years the rate of migration to the city of Cairo steadily increased, having reached i t s peak during the Second World War, after which i t tended to decrease a 1 l i t t l e . It was found that one of the significant factors in the transition i s that It i s mainly to the large c i t i e s that the migration seems to take place. "The big towns, particularly the capitals, seem to monopolize, for their own benefit, or for the benefit of only a few of their i n -habitants, a disproportionate share of the resources avail-4 able for the country as a whole." This accounts for their being such potent magnets. The Human Condition "The Development Decade i s a pledge that the conscience of mankind can no longer tolerate the disparate l i v i n g 4 Ibid. 17 5 standards of the r i c h and the poor nations of the world." What t h i s d i s p a r i t y means i n terms of human suffering was i l l u s t r a t e d by the United Nations seminars i n the discus-sions on the s o c i a l implications of urbanization. Popula-tion s , faced with sub-standard l i v i n g conditions i n the decaying v i l l a g e s , migrate In search of jobs to towns that are i l l - f i t to cope with them, where t h e i r l i v e s are dominated by squalor, i l l health, and poverty. These con-d i t i o n s i n turn create administrative problems f o r the towns, the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s of which are unable to pro-vide even basic community f a c i l i t i e s f o r the large numbers. The slums that surround many of the large c i t i e s i n develop-ing countries cover as much as one-third to one-half of the t o t a l c i t y area. "Because of t h e i r monstrous and uncoordinated growth, modern towns are i l l f i t to accommodate human beings or to .,6 provide them with a suitable environment. A seminar paper at the conference commented " l i v i n g conditions are becoming inhuman and people are l o s i n g more and more of t h e i r basic q u a l i t i e s , turning more and more into displaced 7 persons who are required to l i v e l i k e machines". Another 5 Ibid., p. 137. 6 Ibid . 7 Ibid. 18 speaker remarked that man i s becoming a new centaur-half man and h a l f machine, and that he i s becoming an unhappy-c i t i z e n of a world i n which he w i l l have no control over his surroundings. Housing Half the t o t a l population of Asia, A f r i c a , and L a t i n America (over 1,000 m i l l i o n s ) i s estimated to be either homeless or l i v i n g i n accommodation that constitutes health hazards. This i s another one of the findings of the United Nations. Major c i t i e s of these continents have large hovel settlements i n which as much as 20$ to 30$ of the c i t y ' s population l i v e i n rudimentary shelters with no water, sewers, roads, and other f a c i l i t i e s . It was also found that r u r a l areas are even more d e f i c i e n t i n these f a c i l i t i e s . "In the shanty towns that have grown up people often have no more than a 'corner to sleep i n ' . " In Bueno Aires more than 600,000 persons from the i n -t e r i o r of the country l i v e i n sub-standard settlements de-scribed as " v i l l a s miserlas". In Colombia, where large shack developments surround c i t i e s , 58.7$ of the population are without access to water mains and 72.3$ have no access to proper sewage disposal systems. In urban areas 8 Ibid.. p. 138. 19 approximately 80$ of the dwellings are e n t i r e l y or p a r t i -a l l y l a c k i n g i n sanitary services. In India, i t was revealed that the plynths, walls, and roofs of only 13$ of urban housing were made of durable materials; 20$ of these were made of mud and thatch and the rest were made of a combination of durable and non-durable material. Regarding sizes of houses, 39$ had only one room; 30$ two rooms; 13$ three rooms; and 18$ four or more rooms. In terms of f l o o r space per person, 49$ of f l o o r space allowed l e s s than 200 square feet per person and 47$ allowed only 50 square feet per person. Forty-two percent of the houses had no built-up l a t r i n e and only 20$ had i n d i v i d u a l l a t e r i n g s . Municipal sources of drinking water were a v a i l -able to 51$ of the households while 34$ used tanks and ponds 9 and the remainder u t i l i z e d wells, lakes and r i v e r s . Again, the appalling housing conditions i n many towns of the developing countries are further aggravated by specu-l a t i o n i n land, housing, and rent. Exorbitant prices f o r even a 'corner to sleep i n ' r e s u l t s i n over-crowding, poor sanitary conditions, and use of accommodation i n ro t a t i o n . In Greater Calcutta, and Greater Bombay, 77.6$ of house-holders l i v e i n one room tenements, i n Madras and Delhi the 9 These figures are taken from United Nations, Science &  Technology f o r Development. United Nations, New York, 1963, p. 138. 20 figure i s 68.9%. In Ghana, seasonal short term migrants from the North prevented by the building regulations from bui l d i n g t h e i r own houses according to v i l l a g e custom with t r a d i t i o n a l materials, Instead build temporary structures with such materials as packing cases, flattened t i n s and corrugated i r o n sheets. Many of the more permanent migrants stay with friends or r e l a t i v e s and sleep i n parlours or enclosed verandahs. Over-crowding and low l i v i n g standards are i n e v i t a b l e . Social and Health Services, and Employment Colombia, again was considered to be t y p i c a l of a country s t i l l handicapped by inadequate s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s . I t has a high i l l i t e r a c y rate (36$ of the population over 15 years old) and only 5% of the adult population have access to u n i v e r s i t y or adult education. Of the childr e n who are school age, 30$ have no education, 18$ completed primary education, and of the 15$ who go on to secondary education, only 10 - 15$ complete i t . The infant mortality rate i s high, 33$, and the l i f e expectancy i s 40 - 50 years. Hospital f a c i l i t i e s are n e g l i g i b l e , with three beds per 1,000 and a shortage of medical and h o s p i t a l s t a f f . Similar conditions e x i s t i n many other developing countries. In Enungu, the new regional c a p i t a l of Eastern Nigeria f o r example, only 18 medical o f f i c e r s were found to service a population of 50,000. Other Af r i c a n towns 21 experience general inadequacy of h e a l t h s e r v i c e s , c l i n i c s , h o s p i t a l s , maternity and c h i l d - w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s , as w e l l as s a n i t a r y f a c i l i t i e s , roads and s t r e e t l i g h t i n g . I t was st a t e d t h a t throughout the developing c o u n t r i e s there are too few schools, l i b r a r i e s , community ce n t r e s , and r e c r e a -t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . Unemployment and Under-employment are a l s o b a s i c problems f a c i n g the developing c o u n t r i e s . The f i g u r e s on I n d i a showed t h a t i n C a l c u t t a 10$ of the labour f o r c e was unemployed. In D e l h i and Madras, the s i t u a t i o n , though not c r i t i c a l as C a l c u t t a , was a l s o extremely u n s a t i s f a c t o r y . In Poona, 9% of the labour f o r c e was unemployed and i n Hyderabad and Boarda the percentages were 8.4 and 7.4 r e s -p e c t i v e l y . Many of the migrants to the towns have no t r a i n i n g and th e r e f o r e are unable to f i n d employment which introduces the f e e l i n g of i n s e c u r i t y i n many Instances. The C e n t r a l A f r i c a n Republic r e f e r r e d to t h i s as "those deep p s y c h o l o g i -c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l causes of unemployment having t h e i r « 10 r o o t s i n n o n - s p e c i a l i z a t i o n • This problem e x i s t s i n A f r i c a to a l a r g e degree. In most towns there are Increas-i n g numbers of young men who having completed a p e r i o d of academic education, are u n w i l l i n g or unable to f i n d the 10 I b i d . . p. 146. 22 type of work f o r which they consider t h e i r education f i t s them. Then there i s the dilemma of people who migrate to c i t i e s i n the hope of fi n d i n g work and who are ashamed to return to the v i l l a g e s when they f a i l to do so. Ghana i s a t y p i c a l example of t h i s . I t was reported that the number of applicants competing to enter l i m i t e d f i e l d s f a r out-s t r i p s e x i s t i n g vacancies at any given time. As a r e s u l t , there are thousands of young men and women hanging about i n places l i k e Accra, Kumasi, Sekondi-Takoradi, and Tema hunting f o r jobs i n vain. Impoverished, they f e e l r e l u c -tant to go back to the v i l l a g e s with empty pockets, thus they continue to hang on to friends and r e l a t i v e s under poor conditions of health, housing and d i e t . "Family parasitism" i s also found to be widespread. A member of a family who finds a job i s a pri v i l e g e d person. Other r e l a t i v e s who f a i l to f i n d jobs come to l i v e at h i s expense, and, i n accordance with the t r a d i t i o n a l code of family s o l i d a r i t y that s t i l l survives, he usually accepts them. This was regarded as an obstacle to the r a i s i n g of the exercise of h i s own i n i t i a t i v e . However, i t was thought, at the same time, to constitute a spontaneous regulation of the ef f e c t s of urban under-employment. Urbanization and Economic Development "There i s no worse combination than urbanization with-out development because to' the lack of urban f a c i l i t i e s i s 23 addedtthe want of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . " 1 1 The most widespread c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of economic development Is the change i n the structure of production which i t involves, consisting of a reduction of the r e l a t i v e importance of agricult u r e and an increase i n non-agricultural a c t i v i t i e s . Among countries where annual per capita Income i s l e s s than $200 there i s hardly any i n which a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y contributes l e s s than 35% of the t o t a l annual product while among those with income l e v e l s higher than $500, the cor-responding contribution i s seldom found to exceed 25$. Urbanization without economic development introduces changes i n the structure of production to the detriment of agriculture and i n favour of non-agricultural a c t i v i t i e s without a concomitant increment i n t o t a l percapita income. Also, once an urbanization process commences as a r e s u l t of development process, i t tends to continue by sheer force of momentum, even i f development comes to a s t a n d s t i l l . The l a t t e r can be i l l u s t r a t e d by the depression of the t h i r t i e s which caused a halt to development i n La t i n America. I t was noted that the migration from the countryside continued a l -though at a l e s s rapid rate. "The r e l a t i o n s h i p between urbanization and development 11 P h i l l i p Hauser, Urbanization i n L a t i n America. UNESCO, New York, 1961, p. 37. 24 has bath quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e aspects." In L a t i n America f o r example, the rechannelling of economic develop-ment from import substitution c a l l e d f o r a much higher de-gree of State intervention, which was extended, among other f i e l d s , to the supply of s o c i a l security services to a l l e v i -ate the s o c i a l tensions which i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n brought In i t s wake, the rationing of the very l i m i t e d supply of f o r -eign exchange, and the creation of State sources of c r e d i t . Done on centralized l i n e s t h i s helped to reinforce the pro-cess of concentration inherent i n the underlying development phenomena which were taking place. The prospects f o r the prolongation of the urbanization process w i l l be dependent on what happens i n the case of economic development coming to a s t a n d s t i l l , - urbanization i s l i k e l y to slow up but not halted completely. On the contrary, i t i s f e l t that i f economic development continues i t w i l l pursue a course much d i f f e r e n t than that of the past, also, the same w i l l be true of the trend of urbani-zation. L a t i n America, i t was believed, could not continue to base i t s development on import substitution i n respect of consumer goods. Its growth, hence f o r t h would have to depend upon the substitution of domestic production f o r im-ports of raw material, intermediate products, and c a p i t a l 12 Ibid., p. 38 25 goods. Such a c t i v i t i e s generally choose production s i t e s close to necessary raw material, most of which seldom coin-cide with present large consumer centres. The development of t h i s new type of a c t i v i t y was conceived as provoking the renaissance of old towns or the creation of new urban cen-t r e s . The f a c t that some c a p i t a l c i t i e s have attained or are a t t a i n i n g disproportionate sizes and that the a d d i t i o n a l investment required f o r further expansion w i l l produce de-c l i n i n g y i e l d s i s another fa c t o r that w i l l contribute to the l a t t e r phenomenon. Cognizance of the increasingly cost-l y venture of supplying c i t i e s with water, energy and food w i l l awaken consciousness of the need to combat the trend towards c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . The Heed f o r Planning The United Nations conference on the Application of Science and Technology f o r the benefit.of the l e s s developed areas of the world recognized the importance of the need f o r planning, both physical and economical i n these countries. The i n t e g r a t i o n of both i s considered more Important. It was emphasized that no development plan can succeed unless the l o c a l population Is involved i n i t from the s t a r t . "Every society exhibits a p e r s i s t i n g tension between wide-spread demands f o r Improvements i n the conditions of l i f e , on the one hand, and the l i m i t e d scarce resources on the 26 other."*3 On the basis of t h i s , i t was considered that since every society w i l l have to allocate i t s scarce r e-sources without being able to s a t i s f y a l l demands made on i t , those modes of a l l o c a t i o n are most l i k e l y to return the highest s o c i a l y i e l d which commands approval and assent from the widest range of persons i n the society. The idea of securing the cooperation of the people was evolved. Argentina's attitude towards t h i s idea was "As a con-sequence of t h i s new attitude, the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t and the planning technician s h a l l d e f i n i t e l y abandon a l l intent to promote changes i n c o l l e c t i v i t i e s without t h e i r members' p a r t i c i p a t i o n and de l i b e r a t i o n . Better s t i l l , they s h a l l t r y to elaborate objectives and techniques allowing the members of those communities a decisive function i n the 14 elaboration of the change considered indispensable". Puerto Rico and Isr a e l were ci t e d as examples of volun-tary and s p i r i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r a t i o n a l development and which show the greater success of development enterprises when people of a l l l e v e l s get experience i n problem solving, 13 United Nations, op. c i t . , p. 169. 14 Ibid. 27 decision making, and s e l f - h e l p . The diminution of extreme s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and the position of genuine opportuni-t i e s f o r s o c i a l mobility were considered to be high p r i o r i -t i e s f o r e f f e c t i v e development. Also, i t was conceived that only when men f e e l that they are valued by society, do they give of t h e i r best and come to f e e l valued only as they receive from that society that kind of share i n i t s material rewards; i t s decision-making process; and i n i t s symbols of s o c i a l s u s c e p t i b i l i t y that t e l l them more e f f e c -t i v e l y than a l l the propaganda can achieve, that they are worthy people and that under the best of circumstances they are as worthy as anyone else. It was also considered that women should be assigned more important r o l e s , the d i s p a r i t y between the sexes should be eliminated i f the concept of the family as the nucleus of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y i s to be strengthened* In terms of physical planning, there was general agree-ment at the conference that t h i s i s i n urgent need p a r t i c u -l a r l y at the regional l e v e l . Town and country planning were regarded to be of fundamental importance to the developing countries. I t was expressed that without r a d i c a l agrarian changes and planned i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , a l l attempts to e s t a b l i s h new urban centres and v i l l a g e s of an urban type are l i k e l y to be i n e f f e c t u a l . Planning and land organization are considered to be unavoidable. There was general recognition 28 f o r the need of active State p a r t i c i p a t i o n to solve plan-ning problems despite some disagreement on the extent to which the State should p a r t i c i p a t e . Again, i n order f o r planning to be ef f e c t i v e I t should be done -well i n advance and should be based on i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y research. Com-prehensive planning i s a must as emphasized and a dramatic des c r i p t i o n of t h i s was "the orchestration of a c t i v i t i e s to achieve community goals and to reduce inconsistencies, „ 1 c duplications, and overlapping a c t i v i t i e s . J In an e f f o r t to control migratory movements, the con-ference agreed that plans should consider the following: (a) A gradual improvement i n r u r a l l i v i n g standards; (b) The equalization of the condition of l i f e between sections of the population, and (c) Balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population over the whole country. A d i f f i c u l t y i n some present planning systems i s r e -garded to be the lack of l e g a l powers i n free enterprise and mixed economies, p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t applies to land. Many developed countries have experienced record success i n public a c q u i s i t i o n of land f o r urban development purposes i n such c i t i e s as Stockholm, Rotterdam, and the English new towns but the policy has been l i t t l e used i n the developing countries. 15 Ibid., p. 173. 29 Another d i f f i c u l t y regarding plans related to the f a i l u r e to r e l a t e national, regional, and l o c a l planning. National development plans were regarded to have centered on broad economic questions such as c a p i t a l formation, pro-d u c t i v i t y and income. L i t t l e attention has been given to planning i n space; to the impact of new industries on l o c a l population concentrations, and r e s u l t i n g requirements f o r f a c i l i t i e s and s o c i a l services; to questions of urban de-velopment; such as the desirable size and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n -ship of urban concentrations and optimum patterns of urban configurations. Looking at the other side i t was recognized that l o c a l planners, i n t h e i r pre-occupation with physical design, have neglected economic and s o c i a l considerations. The suggestion was f o r development plans to: (a) Include the r e l a t i o n of plans to resources; (b) Express the aspirations of the peoples concerned; (c) Establish the r e l a t i o n s h i p of planning, p o l i c y -making and administration and of l e g a l j u r i s d i c -t i o n to economic and s o c i a l organization. A main conclusion was the emphasis on the need f o r a more systematic approach to the problems of urbanization, p a r t i -c u l a r l y i n connection with the human f a c t o r . These were regarded as problems of human settlements within the wider frame of the development process. Humanity was considered to have reached the point of 30 looking at the human habitat as one single problem. "We must widen the frame of planning i n space and time, con* scious that urbanization i s moving ahead i n balance with economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , administrative, technological, „16 and c u l t u r a l developments. A new science, the science of human settlements, was thought necessary. A suggestion was that i n continuation of the e f f o r t to use science and technology i n helping developing coun-t r i e s , s pecial attention should be given to the problems of human settlements and that any future discussions on these should have the benefit of the views and experience not only of so c i o l o g i s t s and town planners, but also of economists, geographers, c i v i l engineers, a r c h i t e c t s , and a r t i s t s . Summary Populations faced with substandard l i v i n g conditions i n r u r a l areas of the developing countries migrate In search of jobs to towns that are i l l f i t to accommodate them. There i s inadequate housing and employment and high incidence of s o c i a l and moral deterioration. The l i v e s of the migrants are dominated by squalor, i l l health, and poverty. There i s a desparate need f o r planning and the recog-n i t i o n that urbanization and economic development should be combined. 1 6 I b i d . , p. 174. CHAPTER III APPROACHES TO SOLUTIONS OP URBANIZATION AND POPULATION PROBLEMS IN SOME DEVELOP-ING COUNTRIES Some of the developing countries have not only recog-nized the e v i l s of urbanization but have taken firm action to a l l e v i a t e them. Puerto Rico and I s r a e l are chosen as case studies f o r t h i s thesis because of t h e i r major accom-plishments towards solutions of t h e i r severe urbanization and population problems and because i t i s f e l t that other developing countries can learn much from t h e i r examples. Puerto Rico Puerto Rico's population problems were so c r i t i c a l that some writers up to twenty years ago were extremely pessimistic about the future of the i s l a n d i n terms of i t s a b i l i t y to cope with the r e s u l t i n g pressures. A t y p i c a l example of t h i s pessimism i s as follows: There i s not enough land i n Puerto Rico to care f o r the needs of the population. There i s l e s s than h a l f an acre of arable land per inhabi-tant, or about two and a quarter acres per family, and only a small portion of t h i s i s highly produc-t i v e . By 1965 the population w i l l have become three m i l l i o n , reducing further the amount of ara-ble land per person . One i s always wondering how long the hard pressed peasants, who c l i n g to t h e i r cabins on the crest of the h i l l s and yearn to return to them when facto r s beyond t h e i r c ontrol take them away, can continue reproducing 32 1 without l i t e r a l l y s p i l l i n g over into the sea. This author summarised the population trends i n Puerto Rico by stating that i t has been doubling i t s e l f every f i f t y years. He predicted that i f the trend continued 'standing room only' would have been the Puerto Rican dilemma. The population problems of t h i s i s l a n d present i t s e l f i n two d i f f e r e n t forms, that of urbanization and that of intense population density. In terms of urbanization, there was an observable mushrooming of slums, poor recre-a t i o n a l and educational f a c i l i t i e s , urban congestion and a l l the attendant problems of urbanization i n the San Juan and other important metropolitan areas. In terms of population density, t h i s i s l a n d ranks among the most densely populated areas of the world. With a land area of 3 , 4 - 3 5 square miles, the island has a population of 2 , 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 r e s u l t i n g i n the f a n t a s t i c density of 6 7 2 persons per square mile. To i l l u s t r a t e the meaning of t h i s density one author states: "Population pressure i n the United States would begin to compare with that of Puerto Rico i f a l l the people of the world - - — landed there overnight, and i f by the same nocturnal magic, a l l available mineral 1 Vincenzo P e t r u l l o , Puerto Rican Paradox. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1946, p .2 7 . 3 3 resources were eliminated, heavy industry disappeared, agriculture became the main source of employment and your top executive o f f i c e r s were selected i n some mysterious way by somebody else " . Coupled with the population problems t h i s i s l a n d i s almost destitute of natural resources. Its exploitable economic resources are l i m i t e d to i t s s o i l , which i s greatly depleted; i t s manpower, mostly u n s k i l l e d ; and i t s climate and scenery. However, despite these major disadvantages, Puerto Rico has emerged a t h r i v i n g commonwealth holding i t s own as a viable unit and o f f e r i n g a wealth of examples f o r other developing nations to follow. An awareness of i t s problems was f e l t and positive action through c a r e f u l planning was introduced to eradicate the sufferings of the population. One author comments on t h i s v i t a l awaken-ing as follows: Puerto Rico twenty years ago was one of the most poverty striken, disease ridden, under-developed countries i n the world. To-day i t stands foremost as a prosperous, healthy land of opportunity. Largely by i t s own Intensive e f f o r t , Puerto Rico has achieved today, a l e v e l of economic and s o c i a l develop-ment l i t t l e short of miraculous.3 2 Ralph Hancock, Puerto Rico, A Success Story. D. VanNostrand Co. Inc., Princeton, 1960, p. 14. 3 Ibid., p. 1. 34 Another author states: In the l a s t 17 years Puerto Rico has success-f u l l y i n i t i a t e d a transformation from a predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l economy based mainly on two commercial crops, sugar and tobacco, to a more d i v e r s i f i e d , high productivity economy.4 Planning was not only regarded to be a great e s s e n t i a l but the integration of economic and physical planning r e -sulted i n a balanced economic and s o c i a l structure f o r the i s l a n d . A single authority, was given the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of i n i t i a t i n g and coordinating both these aspects of plan-ning. The approaches to development are outlined as f o l -lows : Approach to Development Confronted with the two major problems of many people and few resources, the Puerto Rico Development Company, which was created to undertake development, recognized that the whole of the island's economic development program i s directed towards adjusting the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the island's people and i t s resources to achieve a higher l e v e l of l i v i n g . The two basic adjustments considered necessary were (1) " — - to e f f e c t a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the people so that they are i n the r i g h t place to do the most economic good, and 4 Raphael Pico, Puerto Rico. Crossroad of the Americas, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1957, p. 8. 35 (2) to see that people are engaged i n increasingly produc-ti v e employment".^ With a r e l a t i v e absence of natural resources Puerto Rico had the inevitable choice of turning to industry to achieve I t s economic v i a b i l i t y and to raise the l e v e l of l i v i n g f o r the population. Through i t s "Operation Boot-strap" program and through c a r e f u l analysis of the i s l a n d to determine the appropriate l o c a t i o n of industries a b a l -anced economic structure was possible. Regional analyses were conducted to understand the regional differences i n the economic and s o c i a l structure as well as to a s s i s t the planning function of organizing a g r i c u l t u r a l and economic development and the provision of transportation, education, and other public services which are necessary to make development possible. I t was rea-l i z e d that although the i s l a n d i s r e l a t i v e l y small i n area, i t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y varied i n i t s topography, s o i l s , and economic pattern so that a d i v i s i o n into sub-areas i s neces-sary f o r i n d u s t r i a l planning purposes. Eleven Integrated I n d u s t r i a l Areas and twenty-eight Local I n d u s t r i a l Centres were designated. These have been developed not only to give a regional basis to planning but 5 Puerto Rico I n d u s t r i a l Development Company, Master Plan-Physical F a c i l i t i e s f o r I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . San Juan, 1956, (p. foreward). 36 also to show how the remainder of the i s l a n d outside San Juan and other major c i t i e s would benefit by i n d u s t r i a l i -zation. It was thought that the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p o t e n t i a l not only of the centres themselves but also of the sur-rounding areas could be increased by the provision of ade-quate and e a s i l y accessable services and f a c i l i t i e s . C r i t e r i a used f o r the selection of these centres were as follows: 1. Large centre of population 2. E x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l development 3. Trade centre f o r surrounding towns 4 . E x i s t i n g I n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l services and f a c i l i t i e s 5. Accessible to surrounding towns as centre f o r new services and f a c i l i t i e s Based on these c r i t e r i a ten m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were selected as I n d u s t r i a l centres: 1. San Juan 6. Aguadilla 2. Ponce 7. Guayama 3. Caguas - Humacao 8. Arecibo 4. Mayaguez 9. Pajardo 5. Manati-Vega Baja 10. Yauco These centres were next studied to i d e n t i f y the towns with which they had economic relationships such as whole-sale and r e t a i l trade, farm produce markets, professional 37 and business services, and so on. However, i t was under-stood that f o r the provision of cer t a i n high order economic and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , San Juan would have to be r e l i e d on. Figure 1 page 38 shows the d i v i s i o n of the i s l a n d into i n d u s t r i a l centres and dependent towns. In terms of the economic relationships of centres to towns c e r t a i n factors were considered -(1) Topography. I t was conceived that the extent of economic r e l a t i o n s h i p among towns i s often dictated by to-pographic r e l a t i o n s h i p s . For towns on the coastal plains t h i s was found to be l e s s important than distance but f o r those i n the highlands t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with centres i s highly determined by topography and the ease of access be-tween both. Hence the central mountain spine of Puerto Rico makes a demarcation l i n e between north and south and when l a t e r a l ridges extend from the central mountains to the coasts, these serve as b a r r i e r s to separate groups of coastal towns. This configuration coupled with communica-t i o n routes determined the l o c a t i o n of centres and t h e i r related towns. (2) Highway Connections. Economic and s o c i a l i n t e r -course among towns are determined to a great degree by the amount of movement of people and goods between them. There-fore, i t was r e a l i z e d that highways are f i r s t constructed where there i s demand f o r movement of people and goods FIGURE 1 Regions and I n d u s t r i a l Centres of Puerto Pico OCEANO ATLANTICO MA R C A R 1 B B P. R. INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT CO. MAY 1114 INTEGRATED INDUSTRIAL A R E A S I . 2. Source: P R I D C O - MASTER PLANNING D I V I S I O N SAN JUAN AREA PONCE AREA CAGUAS-HUMACAO AREA MAYAGUEZ AREA M A N A T I - V E G A 8 A J A AREA AGUAOILLA AREA 7. GUAYAMA AREA 8. ARECIBO AREA 9. FAJAROO AREA 10. TAUCO AREA 11. C A Y E Y AREA 12. LOCAL INDUSTRIAL C E N T E R S MAY 1955 39 between centres of a c t i v i t y . The improved access generates a greater volume of movement, the r e s u l t being that the centres become increasingly important and t h e i r growth i s more rapid r e l a t i v e to the surrounding towns. "The group-ing of towns around regional centres, therefore, r e f l e c t s the e x i s t i n g pattern of highway connections." (3) Average Daily T r a f f i c Plows. This was considered to be another important f a c t o r . "The volume of flow of passenger and commercial t r a f f i c between towns Is propor-t i o n a l to t h e i r importance as centres of economic a c t i v i t y 7 and to the strength of the economic t i e s between them." Counts were maintained f o r major highways and t h i s Indicated the pattern of movement between centres. (4) Passenger Transportation Services. A f i e l d sur-vey was conducted to determine the pattern of passenger transportation services between towns. The reason f o r t h i s was to document general knowledge as to the c i t i e s which are the centres of economic a c t i v i t y and the towns which are t r i -butary to them because economic relationships between areas are r e f l e c t e d In the demand f o r transportation services and the number of c a r r i e r s which become available i n response to 6 Ib i d . . p. 16. 7 Ibid. 40 t h i s demand. (5) Commercial Banking Services. The geographic d i s -t r i b u t i o n of commercial banks i s another factor which was regarded as further evidence of economic t i e s between areas. A survey of the l o c a t i o n of these assisted i n the delinea-t i o n of the Integrated I n d u s t r i a l Areas. (6) P o t e n t i a l i t y as Centre of I n d u s t r i a l and Resident-i a l Services. It was thought that the subdivision of the i s l a n d into regions would permit more detailed studies of resources and needs of each area and would help to reveal i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s . In order to f o s t e r i n d u s t r i a l development i n towns outside the San Juan metro-p o l i t a n region, additional i n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l ser-vices would be provided i n the centres. This, i t was thought, would increase the p o t e n t i a l i t y f o r i n d u s t r i a l l o -cation of surrounding towns with easy access. Resultant of these foregoing considerations, eleven Integrated I n d u s t r i a l Areas and twenty-eight Local Indus-t r i a l Centres were delineated to serve as the basis f o r planning f o r future i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . "The Integrated I n d u s t r i a l Areas have been delineated so as to include contiguous m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , which because of topography, transportation routes, population concentra-t i o n , and e x i s t i n g economic development are seen as provid-i n g a homogeneous area within which concentrated i n d u s t r i a l 41 development w i l l take place i n the future." I t was con-ceived that the areas would develop so as to permit, with-i n each area, a ready exchange of manufacturing, labour, goods, and services between the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s included. The twenty-eight Local I n d u s t r i a l Centres, because of t h e i r i s o l a t i o n , rugged t e r r a i n , poor transportation and scattered population were not regarded as being capable of supporting very extensive i n d u s t r i a l development, there-fore, they were not included i n the Integrated I n d u s t r i a l Areas. Taken together, however, both categories were con-ceived as forming a regional pattern f o r the entire i s l a n d by which the future i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n could be guided i n such a manner as to balance area needs with area resources. I n d u s t r i a l Resources The next major step of the Puerto Rico I n d u s t r i a l De-velopment Company was to examine the i n d u s t r i a l resources of the i s l a n d . Land, pleasant climate, and people were observed to be the basic resources of the islan d therefore> the advancement of modern technology was found to be the chief hope f o r improving s o c i a l and economic conditions i n Puerto Rico. Technology, i t was r e a l i z e d , had developed "so that an e a r l i e r extreme dependence on the most e a s i l y worked aspects of land and climate has been replaced by a 8 Ibid., p. 17. 42 s i t u a t i o n where man i s able to shape his environment more to h i s needs and l i k i n g " . ^ Agriculture was discovered to be the basic raw ma-t e r i a l , upon which dependence f o r an economy was changing. The change, i t was found, required s h i f t s i n land use, improvements i n production techniques, and changes i n popu-l a t i o n density. A l i m i t e d amount of minerals were present but were not considered generally to be i n s u f f i c i e n t q uantities to warrant commercial exp l o i t a t i o n . Some l i k e sand, limestone, gravel, k a o l i n , clay building and ornamental stone, were found to be i n quantities s u f f i c i e n t to support considerable development while others such as lead, s i l v e r , gold, platimum etc., were i n such small deposits that they would add no s i g n i f i c a n t contribution. Pish and fo r e s t industries were also found to o f f e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r future development. It was r e a l i z e d that the development of the fo r e s t based industry was dependent on the decrease of population pressure on the l i m i t e d r e-source base of i r r e g u l a r t e r r a i n i n the i n t e r i o r , with such areas to be u t i l i z e d f o r pasture and forest growth. The improvement of the f i s h i n g industry depended on the 9 Ibid., p. 20. 43 replacement of primitive f i s h i n g devices and the introduc-t i o n of modern r e f r i g e r a t i o n equipment. The labour force was considered to be another major resource f o r future i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I n d u s t r i a l s i t e s were i n abundance. These are "consi-dered as a resource from the viewpoint that an i n d u s t r i a l s i t e Is not 'land alone' but land with c e r t a i n necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s " . 1 0 Prime I n d u s t r i a l land, i t was recognized, must be of an adequate area, r e a d i l y buildable, serviced with u t i l i t i e s , adjacent to labour, convenient to transpor-t a t i o n , and available at a reasonable cost. A l l these supporting conditions were c a r e f u l l y investigated and aided tremendously i n the orientation of i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s . I s r a e l The State of I s r a e l established i n 1948 for the re-settlement of the Jews experienced rapid population growth without a precedent i n modern times. In the course of four years a f t e r establishment t h i s State r e a l i z e d a population increase of approximately 240$, the r e s u l t of not only natural increase but predominantly from the intense pattern of immigration from a host of d i f f e r e n t countries i n Asia, A f r i c a , Europe, ,and North and South America. The d i f f e r e n t 10 Ibid., p. 22 44: standards of l i v i n g i n the countries from which these immi-grants came, the kinds of housing to which they were accus-tomed, and the various l e v e l s of t h e i r c u l t u r a l development, a l l served to confront the authorities i n the country with unique problems that had no precedent i n any other country. This mass immigration introduced severe problems. It was recognized that " i f bringing t h i s number of immigrants into the country was i t s e l f an impressive task, the housing of them, and t h e i r absorption into the economic and s o c i a l structure of the country, was a tremendous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " . 1 * Many world organizations and i n s t i t u t i o n s gave decisive help, but onus of absorbing something more than one extra person for every person already settled i n I s r a e l at the foundation of the State f e l l , of course, on the state i t s e l f and on the 650,000 o r i g i n a l Jewish residents. In the f i r s t few years conditions of severe economic and s o c i a l austerity had to be practiced by I s r a e l i n order to make possible the settlement of the newcomers. Settlement "The coaxing of new immigrants to the land or at least away from the towns to areas of new development, has been one of the big problems of the Government and the national 11 D.R. Elston, I s r a e l , The Making of a Nation, Oxford University Press, London, 1963, p.56. 45 12 i n s t i t u t i o n s concerned with Immigration and absorption." When mass Immigration began, the authorities were compelled to improvise and take advantage of whatever opportunities f o r the provision of housing, food and work there might be. Towns emptied of the Arabs, l i k e J a f f a , Ramble, and Lydda, and other abandoned Arab v i l l a g e s as remained i n t a c t r a p i d l y f i l l e d up with the newcomers. S t i l l t h i s was not s u f f i c i e n t and the government had to resort to tents and 'hutments1 i n camps intended merely as places of temporary sojourn with the hope of early d i s t r i b u t i o n of the immigrants to the nation's advantage. Early o f f i c i a l emphasis was on land settlement but the amount of suitable, i r r i g a t e d land was at that time severely l i m i t e d , and so were the resources necessary f o r the erec-t i o n of suitable v i l l a g e s . Then work fo r the newcomers had to be found, and the 'camp' system (dependent l a r g e l y on such detention establishments, barracks and so on, as had existed i n the time of the Mandate, and therefore not sited u s e f u l l y from the point of view of economic or s o c i a l absorp-tion) was replaced by the Maabara - a t r a n s i t i o n a l work-v i l l a g e system. This was not a p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e place of residence but i t was i n an area adjacent to some town, 12 Ibid,, p. 105. 46 group of v i l l a g e s , or development project, so that work was near at hand. Neatly designed and constructed huts took the place of tents. Schools, vocational t r a i n i n g centres, medi-c a l c l i n i c s and other welfare f a c i l i t i e s were provided i n the Maabara. But the Maabara played a very small role i n inducing land settlement. Their value was i n contributing to the expansion and development of small towns with large potent-i a l i t i e s , such as Beersheba and Migdal Ashkelon In the Negev; Afuleh, Tiberias and Safed i n the North; and a score of newly established townlets extending from Kiryat Shmone i n the north to Elath i n the south. "The l a t e s t and most successful technique, and one that Is l i k e l y to be l a s t i n g , i s a regional settlement plan by which a whole d i s t r i c t , with i t s v i l l a g e s and market centre, I t s communications, and a cautiously balanced admixture of farming and industry, i s set up and made ready to receive, i n more or le s s simultaneous occupation, the whole i n i t i a l 13 community." The regional plan i s s o c i a l l y more a t t r a c t i v e to the Immigrants than preceding contrivances and has proved to be of great benefit to the state. 13 Ibid., p. 106. 47 Planning i n I s r a e l Regional planning i n I s r a e l i s not a re-s u l t of a s o c i a l group's recognition of the need to reform the structure of the country and i t s population. Regional and National Planning was begun by a decision of a Govern-ment which considered i t s e l f responsible not only to the population settled already i n the country, but also to the hundreds of thousands of future inhabitants, who were expected to Immigrate within a short p e r i o d . ^ The physical conditions of t h i s backward country, and i t s economic structure, u n f i t f o r the support of a dense population, gave b i r t h to a demand to plan i n advance the way i n which the new immigration was to be absorbed, i t s s o c i a l adjustment, the a c t i v a t i o n of i t s creative powers, and i t s settlement locations. I t was obvious from the be-ginning that i n order to achieve the huge task e f f i c i e n t l y without a waste of time, a l l the p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , natural resources and geographical factors inherent i n the country had to be explored and brought to optimum use. The plan-ning process of intensive regional development was recog-nized as an indispensable requirement i n I s r a e l . The Regional planning problems were conceived to be characterized by the necessity to perform two types of de-velopment - development by colonization and development by consolidation. By 'development by colonization', the plan-ners referred to population emigration to areas r i c h i n 14 Arthur Glikson. Regional Planning and Development. Leiden, A.W. Sigthoff's Uitgeversmaatschappij N.V., 1955, p. 86. 48 natural resources, whereas 'development by consolidation' r e f e r s to the consolidation of over-populated areas. The primary c r i t e r i o n determining the need f o r the second cate-gory, development by consolidation, i s high population den-s i t y . The population density of I s r a e l i s approximately 400 persons per square kilometre of developed arable land. I t was r e a l i z e d that "what i s peculiar to our problems i s the f a c t that the population i s rapi d l y approaching the degree of density c a l l e d f o r by the estimated optimum ab-sorptive capacity of the country, while the f i r s t stage i n the development of the country's natural resources has not 15 yet been concluded". The country faced a developmental process i n the course of which a population i s se t t l e d i n permanent dwellings even before the development of l o c a l sources of l i v e l i h o o d had been started. I t was recognized that only by planning and by unprecedented e f f o r t s at s o c i a l , economic and educational progress, w i l l I s r a e l be able to bridge the gap between the stage of primary colonization t and a stage where a dense population w i l l be s e t t l e d stably i n regions developed to t h e i r optimum absorptive capacity. Decentralization was regarded as an indispensable tool i n planning as exemplified by the statement, "Our advocacy 15 Ibid.. p. 90. 49 f o r population dispersion i n I s r a e l i s motivated by two considerations: one i s the intention of f i n d i n g optimum locations f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l and urban settlements f o r the new immigrants i n a l l parts of the country: the other i s the contemplation of the future of the great I s r a e l i c i t i e s TelAviv e s p e c i a l l y , whose size i s already out of any rea-sonable proportion to r e a l i s t i c regional conditions whe-ther national or i n t e r n a t i o n a l " . ^ In terms of the second consideration i t was f e l t that besides the s o c i a l conse-quences and problems of h a b i t a b i l i t y , a big c i t y means a heavy f i n a n c i a l burden f o r a country caused by unproductive investments and expenditures on complex services f o r a l l kinds, which are needed f o r the maintenance of i t s functions and l i f e . S t i l l another factor had to be considered. There exist great differences between Isr a e l ' s highly organized pioneer-ing a g r i c u l t u r a l population and the new immigrants who se t t l e d i n the new towns. Whereas i n most countries the urban population succeeds i n developing enterprises and so-cio-economic forces which a t t r a c t the r u r a l population to v i s i t the c i t y and use i t s various services, i n I s r a e l the standard of l i v i n g as well as the c u l t u r a l l e v e l of the i n -habitants of the small towns i s s t i l l lower than that of the 16 Ibid., p. 102. 50 farmers l i v i n g i n t h e i r environment. These small towns, i n the socio-economic sense, do not represent n u c l e i and the planners recognize that they have to prevent the trans-formation of the new towns into problem areas e x i s t i n g i n the midst of developed and f l o u r i s h i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l regions. The National Plan "The objectives of the Master Plan include: s i t i n g of a g r i c u l t u r a l settlements and a g r i c u l t u r a l areas; determina-t i o n of a r a t i o n a l and healthy d i s t r i b u t i o n of urban centres; e f f e c t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n of industry i n the various regions of the country; i n d i c a t i o n of the road network and centres of communication; and provision of a chain of f o r e s t s and 17 national parks," I t was thought best to p r o f i t by the experiences of such vast and r i c h countries l i k e A u s t r a l i a and the Americas, the development of which was usually s u p e r f i c i a l and led sometimes to ruthless e x p l o i t a t i o n of the land r e s u l t i n g i n rapid impoverishment of the s o i l , and i t s undesirable concomitants (erosion, floods, e t c . ) , mainly because of the lack of adequate planning. Also, i n these countries, extensive ex p l o i t a t i o n was accompanied by inten-sive settlement and by a concentration of the majority of the urban population i n the large coastal towns, which were 17 Arleh Sharon, Planning i n I s r a e l , Town Planning Review. University of Liverpool Press, Liverpool, Vol. XXIII. 1952-53, p. 66. 51 transformed Into vast congested conurbations, while immense tr a c t s of the hinterland remained undeveloped. I s r a e l was considered to be too poor i n land, natural resources, and man power to permit a r e p e t i t i o n of the mis-takes of these vaster, r i c h e r countries. Precise planning was considered to be indispensable. Three factors which were considered to impress a unique character on planning i n I s r a e l were land, nation and time. In terms of land, the variat i o n s i n climate are accompanied by changes i n the properties of the s o i l , and the vegetative and topographic conditions produce a r i c h and c o l o u r f u l mosaic o f f e r i n g ample planning opportunities. In terms of the nation, the s o c i a l aspects were emphasized. An objective of balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population demanded that atten-t i o n be paid to s o c i a l composition, and that a planning frame work be prepared that would promote the acclimatisation of the diverse groups of population, and expedite t h e i r Integration into one organized and productive e n t i t y . The t h i r d factor, time, was considered to be exerting a negative influence on planning since planning by i t s nature i s a slow process. Immi-grant camps, t r a n s i t camps, permanent settlements and housing estates, a l l planned and b u i l t i n haste, would remain as s o c i a l and economic blots on the national landscape and may be succeeded by even worse blemishes l a t e r on. The Master Plan aimed at guiding development by d i r e c t i n g 52 the incessant and ever growing stream of immigration to undeveloped a g r i c u l t u r a l areas. The country was divided into planning d i s t r i c t s as a planning measure f o r accom-p l i s h i n g decentralization. Each planning d i s t r i c t was a • d i s t i n c t geographic e n t i t y delimited by physical and topo-graphical f a c t o r s , such as water-catchment areas or r i v e r basins; due consideration being given to present urban and r u r a l concentrations, land ownership and e x i s t i n g services. Twenty-four of these planning d i s t r i c t s , each to contain between 75,000 and 125,000 inhabitants were provided f o r the i n i t i a l stage of the country's development, not Includ-ing the p r i n c i p a l large towns. It was thought possible to reduce the number to sixteen by u n i t i n g neighbouring d i s -t r i c t s during the t r a n s i t i o n stage prior to the completion of development. One or two urban centres were assigned to each d i s t r i c t to serve the r u r a l hinterland as f o c i of trade industry, s o c i a l and educational a c t i v i t y , and seats of ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n . "The d i s t r i c t s mapped out as geographic and economic units can be expected to evolve into complete and well balanced s o c i a l and economic units, deriving benefit from the mutual r e l a t i o n s between the urban and r u r a l cen-t r e s . " 1 8 18 Ibid., p. 72 5 3 The Master Plan also made provision f o r the es t a b l i s h -ment of new towns to encourage development. The designation of the new towns -was; considered to be applicable to some ex i s t i n g centres l i k e Safed, Tiberias, Acre, Affuleh, Mig-dalGad, Beersheba, LIdda, and Ramleh. The small n u c l e i of population i n these centres do not permit development on any scale without a comprehensive development plan backed by generous government support. The structure of the new towns was based on a d i v i s i o n into neighbourhood units which d i f -f e r s from the conservative town planning methods employed i n European towns. The basic p r i n c i p l e adopted .was to d i -vide the new town into neighbourhood units, each to serve as a s e l f s u f f i c i e n t entity, supplying i t s residents with a l l t h e i r needs In the most e f f i c i e n t fashion. Each u n i t contains d i f f e r e n t types of dwellings answering to s o c i a l and family requirements, public buildings and business pre-mises i n the l o c a l centres, educational i n s t i t u t i o n s s i t u -ated near public gardens, sports grounds and playing f i e l d s . Summary Both Puerto Rico and I s r a e l were confronted with very acute urbanization and population problems equal to or sur-passing those of many developing countries. In the case of Puerto Rico, i t s s i t u a t i o n was considered so serious that many people were pessimistic about a solution. Coupled with i t s population problems the is l a n d i s almost destitute of 54 natural resources. Xet by intensive e f f o r t Puerto Rico has achieved today a very high l e v e l of s o c i a l and economic de-velopment. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was recognized to be the inev i t a b l e path to development. Industries were guided to various parts of the island i n a systematic way to bring employment to a l l the people, to d i v e r s i f y the economy, and to provide a balanced economic structure. The is l a n d now enjoys r e l a t i v e s o c i a l and economic s t a b i l i t y . I s r a e l encountered the intense pressures of rapid im-migration a f t e r i t s establishment In 1948. Displaced European Jews as well as other immigrants from Europe, A f r i c a , and Asia poured into the country i n vast converging numbers. The state was faced with the immediate problems of s e t t l i n g i n these immigrants. Temporary provisions were f i r s t devised f o r expediency a f t e r which a regional planning and development approach r e d i s t r i b u t e d immigrants to a l l areas of the country to make f u l l use of the resources and to en-sure that a balanced occupational structure of the country i s achieved. Both countries aimed at the maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of human and natural resources. This, of course, involved the d i s t r i -bution of economic a c t i v i t i e s throughout the countries so as to encourage active p a r t i c i p a t i o n from a l l people and a l l r e -sources. The technique i s found to be very successful and worthy of recommendation to other developing countries. CHAPTER IV URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION IN JAMAICA Internal Migration ^ Internal migration i n the case of Jamaica means, la r g e l y , urbanization. The main r e c i p i e n t of t h i s migra-tory movement i s Kingston. Evidence of the movement has been discovered as f a r back as 1881 - a committee set up to examine the conditions of the juvenile population of the i s l a n d i n 1880 stated: "We f i n d that there i s a ten-dency amongst portions of the r u r a l population to g r a v i -tate towards the towns and Kingston. The cl a s s to which we r e f e r are moved by a desire to obtain t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d by other means than a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, and by the hope of that casual employment at high rates which i s often to be obtained i n the towns." 1 The movement was observed to gather momentum i n the early years of the twentieth century and St. Andrew being the parish adjacent to Kingston de-veloped as the suburban area of the c a p i t a l . Movement Pre-1921 Internal migration In t h i s period was r e l a t i v e l y small as I t was predominantly taken up with external migration. 1 George Roberts, The Population of Jamaica. Cambridge University Press, London, 1957, p. 142. 56 There was a movement into Kingston as well as to St. An-drew, though to a smaller extent, from most parts of the i s l a n d . This was r e l a t i v e l y small but i t indicated the growing p u l l of the areas mentioned. The only parish that did not lose population to Kingston was St. Andrew whieh s i g n i f i e s that at t h i s early stage, the growth of St, An-drew as a suburban area of Kingston had begun. I t was noted that there was a net in-migration into t h i s parish from a l l of the other thirteen parishes except St. Thomas and Portland, Apart from t h i s main feature of in-migration, other i n t e r e s t i n g movements were present i n t h i s period. An ex-ample i s the movement into the adjoining parishes of Port-land, St. Mary, and St. Thomas involving over 3 ,000 people. What was thought to be responsible f o r t h i s trend was the increased banana c u l t i v a t i o n i n these areas. Banana c u l t i -vation constituted a notable feature of the agriculture of the i s l a n d i n the l a s t years of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth. Between 1891 and 1921 the proportion of cultivated land devoted to the production of bananas i n Portland rose from 22$ to 32$; while that of St. Mary rose from 40$ to 55$; and that of St. Thomas from 1 1 $ 2 to 26$. It was thought that the expansion of banana Ibid., p. 151. 57 c u l t i v a t i o n might have required additional labour. On the other hand, the in-migration into these parishes was thought to be associated with the external migration going on from the i s l a n d at the time. The parishes from which large quantities of bananas were exported, reported strong emi-gration during t h i s period because of good communications with foreign countries through ships which c a l l e d at ports of these parishes. The in-migration to these parishes could be regarded as replacements of the labour l o s t to emigration. Movement 1921 - 1943 "Approximately o n e - f i f t h of the island's native born population were involved i n i n t e r n a l migration between 1921 and 1943." Movement i n t h i s period was noted to assume greater proportions than during preceding years. Inter-parish migration involved approximately 198,000 people. Again i t was evident that the most prominent feature of the migration trend during the period was the enhanced move-ment into Kingston and St. Andrew. However, Kingston which was l a r g e l y the r e c i p i e n t i n the past was noted to y i e l d most in-migration attractions to i t s suburban parish St. Andrew. Even Kingston i t s e l f was observed to contribute 3 Ibid., p. 152. 58 the greatest movement of population into St. Andrew, an i n d i c a t i o n of the shrinking importance of Kingston as the r e s i d e n t i a l area of the metropolitan area. The contiguous parish of St. Mary provided an addi t i o n a l source of popula-t i o n to St. Andrew. KlngiStoa, however, continued to gain population from a l l other parishes except St. Andrew but i t s l o s s to the l a t t e r as mentioned e a r l i e r was observed to be considerable. It l o s t 5,400 males f o r example to St. Andrew which nearly equalled the gain of 6,000 from a l l other parishes. Again, i t was noticed that the migration into St. An-drew and Kingston were not the only i n t e r n a l movements taking place during t h i s period. The interchange of popu-l a t i o n between contiguous parishes which was evident i n the previous period, was observed to be likewise c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s period and involved even la r g e r numbers. The pat-terns of l o c a l movement were roughly the same though the dimensions were notably greater. Parishes showing appreci-able gains from neighbouring parishes were St. James, St. Catherine, St. Thomas and Clarendon, while those l o s i n g population to contiguous areas were St. Elizabeth and St. Ann. St. James was the only parish that did not lose heavily from out-migration. In common with a l l other parishes, t h i s parish experienced a net l o s s of 3*900 to Kingston but i t s 59 gain from contiguous parishes over-shadowed t h i s l o s s . The main town i n t h i s parish, Montego Bay, has been gain-ing importance as the chief t o u r i s t centre at t h i s time and t h i s accounts f o r i t s net gains. "A consideration of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the sources of net in-migration into St. James i s i n s t r u c t i v e , as i t i l l u s t r a t e s the extent to which t h i s secondary urban a t t r a c t i o n masks the main p u l l into the Kingston - St. Andrew area. This constitutes an im-portant exception to the general rule that, so f a r as popu-l a t i o n s h i f t s between contiguous parishes are concerned, a parish tends to lose most to areas between i t s e l f and the main urban centre. The net in-migration into Clarendon and St. Catherine apparently d i f f e r e d from the movement into St. James. St. Ann and Manchester contributed the gains to Clarendon whereas there was a l o s s to St. Catherine. This was not regarded as i n d i c a t i v e of a p u l l comparable to that exerted by St. James, but rather of an extension of the strong urban p u l l exerted by Kingston and St. Andrew, expressing I t s e l f i n inter-par-i s h movement. There were two d i s t i n c t modes of migration towards the urban centre which were observed. One took the migrant 4 Ibid., p. 155. 60 d i r e c t l y from h i s parish of b i r t h to the urban centre, and the other, probably a slow, long term movement involving a s h i f t i n stages, took the migrant nearer to t h i s centre. The proportion that went d i r e c t l y i s uncertain but an im-portant f a c t o r to note i s that, though migration to the Kingston - St. Andrew area dominated movement during the period, the secondary p u l l of St. James introduced an im-portant phase. "And t h i s break i n the d r i f t to the chief urban centre underlines the f a c t that any development i n a given' parish, such as the growth of the t o u r i s t trade i n Montego Bay, which creates new demands f o r labour, w i l l s u f f i c e to reduce in-migration into Kingston- St. Andrew and i n general to modify the pattern of urbanization i n 5 the i s l a n d . " Figure 2 on page 61 indicates the migratory trends towards Kingston - St. Andrew. The Current Situation No detailed analysis of population movements during the inter-censal period 1943 - 1960 has been derived but i t Is c l e a r l y evident that the urbanization trend has con-tinued i f not accelerated. For example, a comparison of Greater Kingston's population between 1943 and 1960 reveals an approximate doubling of the population during the FIGURE 2 Main Currents of Internal Migration towards Kingston - St. Andrew 1921 - 1943 Hanovej JamesJ Trelawny I Saint Ann Westmore: N Saint P o CO E l i z a b e t h Q I—1 to CO Saint Catherine ^Portland c f CD a: w to c+ o P Saint Thomas (Source - George Roberts - Population of Jamaica) 62 seventeen year period. Only i n the cases of urban Kingston-St. Andrew, Clarendon, and St. James did the population i n -crease i n any parish exceed the average population increase of the i s l a n d as a whole. This i s i n d i c a t i v e of the outward movement from most of the parishes to either the main urban centre Kingston - St. Andrew or externally to the United Kingdom. "On the whole, there has been an increasing tend-ency to move into the towns, or f o r the towns to spread out and include d i s t r i c t s formerly outside t h e i r l i m i t s . " A l i t t l e more than one-third of the population currently l i v e s i n c i t i e s and towns with a population of more than 1,000. The d i s p a r i t y between the population size of Greater Kingston and those of the other urban centres i s adequate demonstration of the intense a t t r a c t i o n of Kingston and the resultant high rate of urbanization. Table 1 page 63 shows the population of a l l urban centres with population exceed-ing 1,000. 6 United Kingdom Colonial O f f i c e , Report on Jamaica. Her Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , London, 1963» p. 4. 63 TABLE - 1 Urban Populations i n Excess of 1,000 i n Jamaica (Source: Report on Jamaica 1963) Greater Kingston 379,599 Montego Bay 24,445 Spanish Town . 16,547 May Pen 14,071 Savanna-La-Mar 9,807 Mandeville... 8,367 Port Antonio . 7,889 Mo rant Bay 5,081 St. Ann's Bay 4,987 Chapelton 4,4-55 Old Harbour 4,095 Christiana 3,948 Port Maria 3,919 Linstead 3,808 Falmouth 3,772 Anotto Bay 3,607 Old Harbour Bay.... 3,409 Highgate 3,313 Ocho Rios 2,983 Buff Bay 2,877 Lucea 2,848 Bog Walk 2,867 Porus 2,723 Lionel Town. 2,665 Port Mo rant 2,268 Black River 2,183 Spaldings... 1,959 Bath 1,803 Clarks Town 1,543 Santa Cruz 1,426 Claremont 1,417 Oracabessa 1,313 Balaclava 1,153 F r a n k f i e l d 1,068 Total 538,155 64 Kingston as Population Recipient Economic Base Study of Kingston In John Alexander's economic base study of Madison, Wisconsin, he stated that h i s main objectives f o r under-taking the study were "to achieve a better understanding of Madison f o r the benefit of Madison residents and com-munity leaders and to gain i n s i g h t into the advantages • and l i m i t a t i o n s of a p a r t i c u l a r method of community study." Charles Tiebout states that "economic base studies iden-t i f y the key economic a c t i v i t i e s of the community". Tiebout went on to explain that business firms and government bodies can benefit immensely from such studies since they provide valuable information which can be use-f u l i n research into marketing, urban renewal, land use, transportation, water supply, etc. Another v i t a l role of the base study i s that which i t plays i n the c i t y planning process. General economic data are employed to v e r i f y the soundness of a s p e c i f i c physical plan or the community master plan. This procedure rests on the idea that the urban economic base has a d i r e c t long run 7 John Alexander, An Economic Base Study of Madison. Wisconsin. Madison, 1955. p. 1. 8 Charles Tiebout, The Community Economic Base Study. Committee f o r Economic Development, #12, 1962, p. 56. 65 influence over the quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e make up of the community population. In terms of the Kingston economic base study, which was done f o r the purpose of t h i s t h esis, I t i s deemed important f o r the assessment of the extent of v i a b i l i t y of the urban area since such a vast proportion of Jamaica's population i s concentrated there. To a large degree the v i a b i l i t y of Kingston w i l l r e f l e c t the v i a b i l i t y of the nation as a whole since, again, a vast proportion of the economic a c t i -v i t i e s of the i s l a n d Is located i n t h i s urban area. The Kingston Study The study has not only revealed surprising r e s u l t s but seems to be providing the answer to some of the questions that might be raised regarding the r e l a t i v e l y weak economic conditions i n Jamaica as a whole. A l l the data were procured through the Department of S t a t i s t i c s i n Jamaica at request and the categories reported are, with just a few exceptions, b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r to those 9 used by Ullman and Dacey i n t h e i r Minimum Requirements approach to urban economic base studies. These differences are (1) the designation of two categories. Commerce and Business seemed a l i t t l e vague, and i t i s assumed fo r the 9 Edward Ullman and M. Dacey,, "The Minimum Employment Requirement", I.G.U. Symposium i n Urban Geography, 1960, 66 purposes of t h i s excereise that commerce i s intended to mean r e t a i l trade while business i s intended to mean f i -nance. The terms are not altered i n the study. (2) A category f o r Professional Services has not been reported and i t i s assumed that t h i s i s incorporated i n the cate-gory Personal Services. (3) Since tourism plays such an important role i n the economy as a basic industry, i t i s su r p r i s i n g that i t i s not r e f l e c t e d i n the data as a separate category. There also seems to be errors i n the figures and t h i s may also contribute to d i s t o r t i n g the o v e r a l l picture. The Minimum Requirements approach has been employed i n t h i s study since i t has been accepted as a f a i r l y accu-rate measure of the economic base. However, the accepted minima used i n studies i n North America were discarded since i t was not believed that they would have been applicable i n a study of a developing coun-tr y where the labour pattern i s somewhat d i f f e r e n t . The main reasons here are (1) there i s a l e s s e r degree of auto mation i n Jamaica which means more employment In an industry as compared to the same industry i n North America. (2) Because of the high degree of unemployment there might be a tendency to over employ, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n government ser-v i c e s . On the basis of these, minimum employment requirements 67 have been established f o r Jamaica from figures reported f o r c i t i e s ranging from 10,000 to 124,000. The accuracy may be o f f since the c i t i e s vary to such an extent i n size and since the sample used i n computations i s so small compared to that recommended by Ullman and Dacey. Attempts were made to procure data from c i t i e s of other West Indian islands which share si m i l a r economic conditions to be used i n the c a l c u l a t i o n s . These were however, unsuccessful. Tables 2,3, and 4 on pages 68, 69, and 70 respectively show Urban Employment i n Jamaica - 1963, Jamaica Minimum Re-quirements, Comparative Minimum Requirements, and Percent-ages of Excess i n the Kingston Study respectively. Analysis of the Study As might have been expected, the r e s u l t s of t h i s study are very revealing. Even with a 5$ allowance f o r inaccurate data and s l i g h t departures from the standard a p p l i c a t i o n of Minimum Requirements method, i t has revealed some of the basic d e f i c i e n c i e s i n economic a c t i v i t i e s i n Jamaica. This i s strongly substantiated by the recent adverse balance of payments statements which the country receives. The most remarkable r e s u l t i s that provided by the category "Personal Services". This has r i s e n from 20% of the t o t a l minimum requirement to 38$ of t o t a l excesses and r e f l e c t s the most s i g n i f i c a n t change. As a non-basic com-ponent of urban functions, t h i s category engages too many ^ TABLE - 2 vo Urban Employment i n Jamaica - 1963 (Source: Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Jamaica) ACTIVITY CITYi Kingston Montego Bay Spanish Town May Pen Port Antonio Savannah La-Mar pop. 123.404 pop. 23.610 pop. 14.706 pop. 14.085 pop. 7.830 pop. 9.789 No. % No. % No. % No. % No. 7° No. % Agriculture 421 .75 617 5.55 1,051 19. 1,420 30. 294 12.9 577 20. Mining 551 1.00 100 .9 137 2.9 73 1.5 137 6.1 159 5.49 Manufactur ing 14,550 26.5 1,793 16.1 1,580 28.5 1,520 32.1 432 19. 677 24. Construction 5,277 9.5 1,383 12.4 670 12.1 526 11.1 333 14.7 432 14.8 Transportation & Communication 3,767 6.77 786 7.1 200 3.6 250 5.3 395 17.3 227 7.8 Commerce 8,173 14.7 1,528 15.2 851 15.3 551 11.6 383 16.8 520 17.9 Public Admin 7,899 14.2 805 7.25 793 14.3 214 4.5 383 16.8 217 7.45 Trade 2,566 4.62 444 3.9 144 2.6 102 2.2 58 2.5 23 .8 Business 706 1.27 115 1.03 39 .7 14 .3 20 .9 29 ..10 Personal Services 11,162 20. 4,243 38. 45 .8 36 .8 23 1. 49 1.7 Recreational 238 .4 37 .3 14 r .2 15 .3 13 .57 4 .13 Total 55,640 11,113 5,524 4,725 2,271 2,914 TABLE - 3 Jamaica Minimum Requirements 6,9 Agriculture 0.75$ Mining 0.9 Manufacturing 16.0 Construction 9.5 Transportation & Communication Commerce 11.6 Public Administration 4.5 Trade Business Personal Services Recreational 0.8 0.29 0.8 0.13 Compared with the established minima by Ullman and Dacey f o r c i t i e s i n the same categories f o r North America, the r e s u l t i s as follows: TABLE - 4 Comparative Minimum Requirements A c t i v i t y Jamaica Minimum Requirements North America Minimum Requirements Agriculture 0.75 1.7 Mining 0.9 0.0 Manufac turing 16.0 4.9 Construction 9.5 3.3 Transportation & Communication 3.6 3.7 Commerce 11.6 10.8 Public Administration 4.5 1.6 Trade 0.8 Business (Finance) 0.29 Personal Services 0.8 5.8 Recreational 0.13 0.6 Professional Services 5.5 Wholesale Trade 1.2 70 The following Table provides a breakdown of the figures to a r r i v e at the percentages of excess i n the Kingston study: TABLE - 5 KINGSTON - 1960 ACTIVITY POPULATION No. % JAMAICA Min. Requi. EXCESS % of % Total Excess Empl. Agriculture 421 .8 0.8 0.0 0.0 Mining 551 1.0 0.9 0.1 .5 Manufacturing 14,550 26.5 16. 10.5 20.0 Construction 5,277 9.5 9.5 0.0 0.0 Transportation & Communication Commerce Public Admin 3,767 8,173 7,899 6.8 14.7 14.2 3.6 11.6 4.5 3.2 3.1 9.7 6.3 6.1 18.9 Trade 2,566 4.6 0.8 3.8 7.9 Business 706 1.3 0.3 1.0 5.1 Personal Services 11,162 20. 0.8 19.4 38.0 Recreational 238 0.4 0.1 0.3 .6 Total 55,640 100 39.0 51.1 100.1 71 of the employed population and the findings here could be i n d i c a t i v e of a s t a r t i n g point f o r a closer look into the economy. Information received from the Jamaica Department of S t a t i s t i c s shows a net d e f i c i t balance of £10,631,000 f o r 1960 which, however, i s an improvement over the 1959 figure of £16,298,000. This indicates that there i s ample room f o r the establishment of more extractive industry and t h i s should be undertaken i n an attempt to Improve t h i s undesir-able s i t u a t i o n . On the contrary, the picture might be s l i g h t l y ob-scured because as mentioned before the figures f o r employ-ment i n the t o u r i s t industry might have been included i n t h i s category. This would change the r e s u l t to a c e r t a i n extent but i t i s doubtful that i t would have a substantial e f f e c t on the o v e r a l l p i c t ure. Agriculture and mining reports i n s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t i c i -pation i n the urban economy. This i s not at a l l surprising since comparison with other urban areas reveal s i m i l a r s i t -uations. Just as a matter of inte r e s t i t may be pointed out that they play a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the national economy. Manufacturing has dropped from 26.5$ of the t o t a l mini-mum requirement to 20$ of the t o t a l excess. This i s quite reasonable i f one considers the exorbitant increase i n the figures f o r Personal Services which was discussed e a r l i e r . I t i s quite reasonable to conclude that t h i s category i s 72 shouldering a tremendous burden i n an attempt to bring about some kind of equilibrium between basic and non-basic functions. Although an equilibrium i s not the desired goal i t would be temporary r e l i e f u n t i l positive steps are made towards achieving a dominant basic to non-basic r a t i o . Public Administration has taken i t s normal place i n the economy. An increase from 14.2$ t o t a l minimum to 18.9$ t o t a l excess i s not s u r p r i s i n g . I t Indicates Kingston's importance as a c a p i t a l c i t y i n which the bulk of adminis-t r a t i v e , f i n a n c i a l and professional functions are concen-- trated. Like other c a p i t a l c i t i e s i t i s safe to c l a s s i f y t h i s function as one of the propelling forces. Another very surprising r e s u l t i s that connected with trade. Today, trade only accounts f o r 4.6$ of t o t a l employ-ment and t h i s decline could also provide part of the expla-nation f o r the unfavourable economic s i t u a t i o n , however, i n terms of a propellant force, i t must not be overlooked that i t has increased from 4.6$total employment to 7.9$ t o t a l excess employment. This confirms i t s role as a contributor to the basic functions. In terms of r a t i o s , the t o t a l minimum employment of 39$ produces a non-basic; basic ratio:, of 1:1.6. In comparison to Ullman and Dacey's r a t i o . o f 1:1 f o r c i t i e s i n t h i s range i n North America, i t i s again demonstrated that Kingston f a l l s short of the desired minimum. 73 Housing i n Kingston According to figures procured through the Ministry of Housing i n Jamaica, the number of private dwellings a v a i l -able i n Kingston (excluding i t s suburban St. Andrew) up to the f i r s t quarter of 1960 was 36,649. "On the basis of t h i s f i g u r e , and an estimated 600 dwellings constructed annually, the estimated number of units available to date i s approximately 13,000." 1 0 The Jamaica Ministry of Hous-ing also stated that "the estimated number of units needed to adequately house the population i s somewhere within the region of 49,000 units, both f o r the replacement of sub-standard houses and to provide f o r the estimated absolute „ 11 shortage, at the present time . Overcrowdedness i s the inevitable outcome of t h i s shortage. The Ministry states that the average family size i n Kingston i s 4.7 persons, and that the minimum amount of f l o o r space accepted by the Department of Housing as ade-quate f o r each person i s 50 square feet. However, i n most of the areas within Kingston where pre-housing s o c i a l sur-veys have been car r i e d out the 50 square feet minimum does not obtain. In many areas the average f l o o r space per per-son was found to be 35 square feet. The Ministry states 10 Excerpt from a l e t t e r received from the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Housing, Jamaica, 12th December, 1964. 1 1 I b i d . 74 that t h i s i s the pattern i n Kingston except for those areas which are occupied by middle income groups* In an extreme case, an area In which a pre-housing survey was carried out, 439 fa m i l i e s were enumerated of which 249 were found to l i v e i n one-room dwellings. In another area, 212 f a m i l i e s were enumerated of which 180 were l i v i n g i n one-room dwellings. Although the average family size i s 4,7, a number of families were found to have as many as ten persons. The Ministry of Housing regards the s o c i a l implica-tions of these conditions to be: (a) poor sanitation, and consequently (b) a variety of health problems, (c) i l l e g a l squatting Two others which they mention are, f i r s t , the growth of subcultures which have d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l values from those of the larger society. S p e c i f i c a l l y they mentioned "Ras-tafarianism", a n a v i s t i c c u l t , which s o c i a l surveys prove to f l o u r i s h most among the twin problems of poor housing and lack of employment. Secondly, i t was observed that over-crowdedness i n Kingston also play a large part i n bringing about "consensual" family unit s . The Ministry.also noted c r i t i c a l physical l i m i t a t i o n s i n the provision of houses by reason of the geographical l o c a t i o n of Kingston. With the rapid i n d u s t r i a l and 75 commercial growth of Kingston over the past couple of de-cades, the c i t y boundaries have had to be extended i n order to provide new space. Despite t h i s , however, land space i s becoming so scarce that the building of single-unit dwellings w i l l become impossible i n another decade or so. Squatting As pointed out e a r l i e r , the phenomenon of squatting i s the r e s u l t of overcrowdedness i n Kingston. Because of i t s alarming proportions and s o c i a l implications i t was thought necessary to bring i t into perspective. Charles Abrams who conducted a study of the s i t u a t i o n f o r the United Nations states: "Squatter areas dot Jamaica's c i t i e s and r u r a l areas, but the two most prominent colonies are i n Trenchtown, with some eight thousand squatters i n 1961 and Kingston Penn with some two thousand. Both are In Kingston, Jamaica's c a p i t a l , which had a population of 12 123,000 i n 1960." Abrams observed that the Kingston and St. Andrew area with 400,000 people Is annually increased by some twenty thousand, h a l f of whom pour into i t from the i s l a n d s hinterlands, while the-other h a l f represent the natural increase. Although the squatters are summarily evicted by poli c e , 12 Charles Abrams, Man's Struggle f o r Shelter. M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, 1964, p. 19. 76 they bide t h e i r time and move r i g h t back and i t i s believed that i f there i s defiance of law and order, the environment i n which the people l i v e i s to blame. "Conditions i n the squatter areas beggar description. Hordes of small c h i l d r e n roam the f i l t h y roads bare-foot, some of them completely naked." 1 5 The squatter shelters were discovered to be make s h i f t s of wood findings, t i n scrap, or cardboard, set up i n crowded c l u s t e r s of single-room hovels. "I v i s i t e d one where eight persons l i v e d i n a room 7 x 10 feet. The occupant was a cobbler, one of many jobless craftsmen, whose only customers were h i s squatter neighbours. It was observed that some of the squatters are eccentric, though most are normal people who lack a chance to emerge from t h e i r depressed p o s i t i o n . They complain about being refused jobs when they reveal t h e i r addresses. Abrams also noted that i n t h i s atmosphere, discontent and violence have been I n t e n s i f i e d by the r i s e of the Ras T a f a r i movement, a m i l i t a n t "Back to A f r i c a " c u l t , some of whose members openly advocate violence. This movement was observed to have grown into one of the most v o l a t i l e aspects of Jamaica's p o l i t i c a l l i f e . It f l o u r i s h e s despite a lack of concerted leadership 13 Ibid . 14 Ibid. 77 and has been able to draw more and more followers because of economic depression, ignorance, and hopelessness. The conditions i n the squatter colonies were regarded to be hardly conducive to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and respect f o r law. Unemployment, overcrowding, and desolation have i n -creased resentments, therefore, manipulation by trouble makers i s made easy. The danger of explosion i s always present and i t i s thought that i f a single strong leader were to emerge, violence would be more frequent. Eight people were k i l l e d i n cold blood by Ras T a f a r i i n Montego Bay, i n 1963. "Squatter areas breed many things i n many parts of the world: sullenness, hatred of authority, and v i o l a t i o n of law are only a few. The Ras T a f a r i movement and the many sympathizers i t has garnered happen to be the p a r t i c u l a r manifestation i n Jamaica. J It was f e l t that the creation of a decent environment with the provision of better hous-ing, as well as work and hope, could do much to stem the t i d e of discontent that surges i n the squatter colonies of Kingston and elsewhere. Implications of External Migration "People do not usually migrate to a new country without powerful and compelling reasons, e s p e c i a l l y when great d i s -tances have to be covered at considerable cost. 1 5 I b i d . , p.21. ^Douglas Manley et a l , The West Indian Comes to England. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1960. p. 3» 78 As discussed previously, external migration from Jamaica i n s i g n i f i c a n t proportions commenced as early as the 1880*8. This early period saw large scale emigration p a r t i c u l a r l y to the Panama Canal area when the French started t h e i r attempt to construct t h i s water-way. Workers were, recorded to have l e f t the island at the rate of 1,000 per month i n the year 1881 f o r such areas as Panama, Mexico, and Yucatan. The completion of the Panama Canal i n 1914 closed the era of large scale emigration to the Central America and the United States became the major r e c i p i e n t . Another trend was the considerable movement to Cuba i n the early years of the twentieth century i n response to a great demand f o r workers i n t h i s country's sugar estates. Twenty thousand Jamaican workers were reported to have re-sponded to t h i s demand by 1919 but the Depression of the t h i r t i e s brought about massive r e p a t r i a t i o n to the i s l a n d . Prom then on steady migration continued p a r t i c u l a r l y to the United States. However, the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act reduced the flow of Jamaicans and West Indians as a whole to t h i s country, to a mere t r i c k l e . Entries to other countries on the American continent previously open to the West Indians also became d i f f i c u l t , therefore, attention then focussed on B r i t a i n as a major outlet. B r i t a i n ' s post-war economic development provided the grand a t t r a c t i o n . It i s with t h i s aspect of Jamaica's external migration 79 that t h i s discussion i s mostly concerned since i t i s most re-cent and since studies have been conducted i n t h i s connection. One study contends that "no other recently arrived minority group has aroused emotions and controversies of the same i n -tensity and s c a l e " F u r t h e r reference to the West Indian mi-grants i n B r i t a i n w i l l be applicable to the Jamaican migrants since Jamaicans constitute a preponderance of West Indian mi-gration to B r i t a i n and since most studies were concerned with West Indians as a whole. The number of West Indian migrants to B r i t a i n was small u n t i l 1953* There was then a sudden Increase to a peak of 26,441 i n 1956 a f t e r which there was a decline i n 1958 and early 1959 followed again by an increase i n l a t e 1959. Table 6 on page 80 indicates t h i s trend: It w i l l be observed that the migrants constitute a select group. "They are predominantly young; more men than women mi-grate, and also more people of the higher than of the lower 18 occupational grades." This selective migration of the young and the s k i l l e d i s of great significance. The occupational backgrounds of the migrants were regarded to be very encourag-ing and with a period of normal economic a c t i v i t y i n London these could conceivably be absorbed i n the labour market with i t s range of opportunities. They have brought with them a suf-f i c i e n t d i v e r s i t y of experience, a s u f f i c i e n t share of s k i l l , and c e r t a i n l y a considerable share of youth and vigour. Table 7 on page 80 w i l l a t t e s t : 17 'Ruth Glass, London's Newcomers, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1961, p. 3 . I8lbid., p. 14. TABLE - 6 80 Annual West Indian Migration to B r i t a i n (Source: Ruth Glass, London's Newcomers) Year A l l Migrants Jamaicans Only 1948 - 547 1949 - 307 1950 - 357 1951 1,000 898 1952 2,000 1,293 1953 2,000 1,270 1954 10,000 8,000 1955 24,473 18,561 1956 26,441 17,302 1957 22,473 12,354 1958 16,511 9,992 1959 20,397 12,573 TABLE - 7 Previous Occupations of Migrants i n the West Indies (Source: Ruth Glass, London Newcomers) Occupation Men Women Professional workers 1 % Quasi Professional workers 6 16 Shopkeepers, Assistants and Salesmen 5 16 Clerks, Typists 12 18 Total Non-Manual Workers 24 % 50 % Manual Workers: S k i l l e d 46 27 Semi s k i l l e d 5 18 Unskilled 13 5 Total Manual Workers 64 % 50 % Farmers 9 Farm Labourers and Fishermen 3 Total A g r i c u l t u r a l Workers 12 % Grand Total ( a l l with known occupations) 100 % 100 % Number 608 77 Despite the occupational backgrounds of the migrants i n B r i t a i n there i s unfortunately much evidence of d i f f i c u l t y experienced i n procuring suitable jobs. Men and women who 81 had hoped f o r jobs i n the middle class status to which they were accustomed have f a i l e d miserably to f i n d such jobs. " I t seems that many of them have been disappointed, at le a s t i n the early period of t h e i r stay i n London, and that quite a number are l i k e l y to remain disappointed unless they •i 19 forget t h e i r previous aspirations. Many have been employed i n public transport, i n the post o f f i c e , and i n the service of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s ; some procure jobs i n the construction industry, others i n f a c -t o r i e s , restaurants, cafes, etc; and nurses have been em-ployed popularly i n London h o s p i t a l s . Despite these, how-ever, B r i t a i n ' s new minority group has been observed to be f a r from free of employment problems. Their jobs are r e -garded to be within a f a i r l y narrow range of status, con-tained p a r t i c u l a r l y In the low status types. "In London 60$ of the men and 66$ of the women had semi-skilled and uns k i l l e d manual jobs. In the West Indies, i n t h e i r previous occupations, only 21$ of the men and 23$ of the women i n the » , 2 0 sample had been i n these rather low categories. P r i o r to leaving the West Indies, the study shows, 24$ of the men and 50$ of the women occupied non-manual jobs whereas i n London only 6$ of the men and 23$ of the women 19 Ibid.. p. 27. 20 Ibid., p. 29. 82 procured comparable jobs. This represents a downgrading i n the occupational status of the migrants. The Ruth Glass study recognized that "they have moved downwards - not just one or two steps but steeply to the lowest rank of u n s k i l l e d labourers. They are bound to be b i t t e r l y disappointed; t h e i r period of re-21 adjustment i s i n e v i t a b l y a rather long and d i f f i c u l t one." Many explanations have been advanced f o r t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Prom the employers' side there i s the argument that c e r t a i n types of s k i l l are not r e a d i l y transferable, and again that i t takes time f o r the migrants to get acclimatised to B r i t -i s h employment conditions. In other quarters, and among the migrants themselves there i s the charge of colour prejudice and discrimination. The l a t t e r , as argued by Ruth Glass, i s not e a s i l y subject to documentary proof or quantitative assessment because "though there are colour bars, and more often colour quotas, these r e s t r i c t i o n s are not publicised." Another complaint of the migrants i s that they are not accepted f o r promotion. Areas of Settlement f o r the Migrants The migrants' choice of l o c a t i o n f o r housing i n London i s l i m i t e d . T r a d i t i o n a l reception centres f o r newly arrived 21 Ibid., p. 72. 22 Ibid.. p. 74. 83 minority groups - the Huguenots, the I r i s h , and the Jews -provide l i m i t e d space. They cannot f i n d lodgings i n the s o l i d working class d i s t r i c t s which have rooted population and stable tenancies and i n whose cottages and latter-day "model" tenements there i s no space f o r further subdivi-sion. They are not, i n current circumstances, e l i g i b l e f o r tenancy i n new municipal f l a t s , houses b u i l t by the London County Council and the metropolitan boroughs. The growing tendencies f o r upper and middle classes to "return to town" has created increased competition f o r central Lon-don s i t e s and f o r the previous tradesmen's and servants residences, consequently causing a sharp increase i n t h e i r p r i c e . It has also been the policy of the planners to re-duce the population of the County of London,: and patterns of development have been designed accordingly. These l i m i t i n g factors and others m i l i t a t e against adequate and desirable areas of settlement f o r the West Indian migrants. They are forced to go to parts of inner London which have been neglected, and which have been i n the process of decline and s o c i a l down-grading f o r some time. "West Indians f i n d rooms i n streets where the t a l l houses, covered with grime and peeling plaster, display t h e i r decay. The streets have been by-passed because t h e i r l o c a t i o n - near a railway, a noisy market, on a main t r a f f i c route, i n areas of mixed land use - has become an unfavourable 84 one." 2 3 Many of these houses, b u i l t i n the l a t e nineteenth century were found to have been l e f t to deteriorate because of t h e i r clumsiness and ugliness, and because i t was not thought worth while to convert them to f l a t s . These areas become more and more dense, t h e i r housing conditions deteriorate, and t h e i r rents go up. The West Indians pay high rents f o r the poor lodgings, both In re-l a t i o n to the kind of accommodation and i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r Income. They were found to be able to afford the rent only when they crowd together. Summary Internal migration, which i n the Jamaican contest i s b a s i c a l l y urbanization, has converged population on the major urban centre of Kingston from as early as 1880, a process which continues to the present day. The r e s u l t of t h i s process i s a sharp d i s p a r i t y between the population of t h i s major urban centre, Kingston, and a l l others i n the i s l a n d . Kingston's population currently stands at approxi-mately 400,000 while the urban area with closest population figures to that of Kingston's only record approximately 25,000. The c i t y seems hardly capable of coping with t h i s exodus of population. In terms of economic v i a b i l i t y , an economic 23 Ibid., p. 4 9 . 85 b a s e s t u d y s h o w s t h a t t h e r e i s m u c h t o be d e i s r e d . I t f a l l s i n t h e b a s i c - n o n b a s i c c a t e g o r y o f U l l m a n a n d D a c e y ' s e c o -n o m i c b a s e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . S i n c e , b y a n d l a r g e , t h i s a r e a r e p r e s e n t s t h e e c o n o m i c c l i m a t e o f t h e n a t i o n , t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e e c o n o m i c b a s e s t u d y a r e s u b s t a n t i a t e d b y t h e c o u n t r y ' s a d v e r s e b a l a n c e o f p a y m e n t s a c c o u n t s . U n e m p l o y m e n t i s s t i l l r a m p a n t a n d i n t e r m s o f h o u s i n g , t h e r e i s n o t o n l y i n a d e q u a t e a n d u n d e s i r a b l e h o u s i n g b u t t h i s i n a d e q u a c y h a s b e e n a l l e g e d l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a n o t h e r a w k w a r d p h e n o m e n o n - s q u a t t i n g . S q u a t t i n g h a s m a n y a d v e r s e i m p l i c a -t i o n s w i t h r e s p e c t t o J a m a i c a , a v e r y a c u t e o n e i s t h e b r e e d -i n g o f a s u b c u l t u r e , t h e R a s T a f a r l m o v e m e n t w h i c h h a s f r e -q u e n t l y b e e n t e r m e d a v i o l e n t m o v e m e n t . K i n g s t o n ' s p h y s i c a l a r e a , a l t h o u g h t h e b o u n d a r i e s h a v e b e e n e x p a n d e d , i s l i m i t e d a n d may n o t be a b l e t o c o p e w i t h t h e o v e r s h e l m i n g d e m a n d f o r s p a c e . E x t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n s t a r t e d a l m o s t a s e a r l y a s i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . M o v e m e n t s t o P a n a m a , C u b a , a n d t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s w e r e p r e v a l e n t i n t h e e a r l i e r p e r i o d s b u t w i t h s u b s e q u e n t r e -s t r i c t i o n s o n e n t r y t o m o s t o f t h e s e c o u n t r i e s t h e t r e n d w a s d i v e r t e d t o B r i t a i n . A t t e m p t s t o p r o c u r e s u i t a b l e e m p l o y m e n t a n d h o u s i n g i n B r i t a i n h a v e p r o v e n t o be a m o s t u n r e w a r d i n g e x p e r i e n c e t o m o s t o f t h e m i g r a n t s . T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c mo-b i l i t y o f t h e J a m a i c a n p o p u l a t i o n i s i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a d e s -p a r a t e q u e s t f o r e m p l o y m e n t a n d e c o n o m i c s e c u r i t y o n t h e p a r t o f t h e p e o p l e . CHAPTER V REDISTRIBUTION - ALTERNATIVE REGIONAL SYSTEMS OP DEVELOPMENT AND THEIR EVALUATION RELATIVE TO JAMAICA It was established i n Chapter IV that Jamaica's popula-t i o n consistently orients i t s e l f towards areas of economic prospects, though very often f a l l i n g short of i t s expecta-t i o n s . The Prime Minister of Jamaica, i n his message on the publication of the Pive Year Development Plan 1963 -1968 stated "Jamaica's most precious asset i s the energy and v i t a l i t y of I t s people; but t h i s same energy imbues the community with a r e s t l e s s , questing s p i r i t , s t e a d i l y seeking higher standards of l i v i n g , better amenities, and a f u l l e r l i f e f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , f o r the family, and f o r the com-munity," 1 The revolution of r i s i n g expectancy i s the major stimulant to t h i s r e s t l e s s , questing s p i r i t and i t w i l l apparently continue u n t i l f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n of these human resources i s r e a l i z e d . A new process of urbanization, that i s , not the misfor-tune of the e a r l i e r phenomenon, but an ordered, guided, and constructive process must be introduced to consciously pro-mote the advancement of Jamaica and i t s people. It i s im-possible to provide the f u l l range of amenities and services 1 Government of Jamaica, Pive Year Independence Plan  1963 - 1968. Kingston, 1963, p. 1. 87 f o r the f u l l e r l i f e at the r u r a l l e v e l because of the pro-h i b i t i v e costs involved. The congested urban area with overcrowdedness, Inadequate employment and housing, and so-c i a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n i s no better. Also, a haphazard pattern of urbanization does not seem to lend I t s e l f to maximum u t i -l i z a t i o n of natural and human resources. It would therefore appear that urban growth must be purposeful. Professor A. John Dakin argues that " i n thinking of desirable patterns of population d i s t r i b u t i o n we are increas l n g l y forced to make the urban centre a focus of attention." He thinks that i t requires conscious action to d i r e c t and control urban growth so that i t a c t i v e l y supports our p o l i -c i e s of advancement by ensuring optimum population d i s t r i b u -t i o n i n terms of economic e f f i c i e n c y . He also argues that p o l i c i e s f o r nation-wide s o c i a l and economic advancement formulated at central government l e v e l w i l l be inadequate un le s s they are carried out where urban expansion and new growth a c t u a l l y take place. "The rel a t i o n s h i p between na-t i o n a l economic development and urban development i s there-fore, r e c i p r o c a l . " The urban areas must be coordinated and integrated into 2 A. John Dakin, "Urbanization: A Tool f o r Social and Technological Advance", Plan Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1964, p. 51. 3 Ibid. 88 a functional and viable u n i t . A regional system of c i t i e s i s thought to be more desirable and e f f i c i e n t . The Concept of Regional Planning The phenomenon of regional planning i s becoming more and more widely accepted and u t i l i s e d i n development pro-grammes throughout the world. Some countries, f o r example, the United States, employ t h i s method with the recognition that poverty i s often l o c a l i z e d and c a l l s f o r regional solu-t i o n s ; Western Europe has given i t new emphasis because of a movement towards economic unity, and because of the per-sistence of large, poverty stricken regions imperfectly integrated with the national economy; and i n some t r a n s i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s the l o c a t i o n s h i f t s i n economic a c t i v i t i e s caused by rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n have brought about the i n t e r e s t i n regional planning. Again, i t i s recognized that the problems of e a r l i e r urbanization such as crowded central slums, t r a f f i c congestion, unemployment, and sub-standard squatter settlements are generated more often than not outside the l i m i t s of the c i t y and c a l l e d f o r solutions based on regional considerations. The concept of regional planning i t s e l f i s very elusive i n terms of a d e f i n i t i o n but most planners agree that i t s p r i -mary objective i n nearly a l l countries, i s economic development, concerning i t s e l f with long-term per-capita gains i n producti-v i t y and with the welfare implications of given Income d i s t r i -bution among areas. Many regional problems are within the 89 scope of national p o l i c y and planning, thus the importance of national as well as l o c a l p o l icy determination f o r r e -gional economic growth. 4 Walter Isard and Thomas Reiner recognize four dimen-sions that planning should take i f a sound economic development programme f o r a region must be r e a l i z e d . The f i r s t r e l a t e s to the administrative l e v e l recognizing that planning takes place at the l o c a l , regional, and national l e v e l s . The second rel a t e s to the economy, concerning i t -s e l f with the outputs of industries, resources f o r produc-t i o n , goods available to the people; income earned by the people, and investments made. The t h i r d i s the set of laws and p o l i t i c a l structure under which a region l i v e s . This dimension attempts to understand the way people make known t h e i r wants and desires, how c o n f l i c t s between the goals of d i f f e r e n t groups are reconciled, and how s p e c i f i c p o l i c i e s and programmes take form. The fourth i s the physical en-vironment. This r e l a t e s to land use, journey to work patterns, housing, and the s p a t i a l arrangements within ur-ban areas of c u l t u r a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l and other f a c i l i t i e s . An emphasis was l a i d on the importance of integrating (1) regional, urban, and national planning. Such aspects as Walter Isard and Thomas Reiner, "Regional and National Economic Planning and Analytic Techniques f o r Implementation", Regional Economic Planning. O.E.E.C. Paris, 1960, p. 19. 90 a l l o c a t i n g scarce c a p i t a l and resources among regions and projects would benefit from t h i s integration. In terms of s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s i n an economy John Fri e d -man observes two new types, (1) between a central c i t y and i t s surrounding region and (2) between one c i t y region .and another. He argues that the old "regional c r i t e r i a of 'need' are no longer as determining to policy as c r i t e r i a derived 5 from purely national 'needs' ". The old regional d i f f e r -ences i n the United States he finds to be not only disappear-ing, but most of the more densely settled parts of the country may eventually come within the influence of c i t y regions. "The landscape w i l l be overlaid with a network of such regions, one joined to the other. Many other regional planners have come to the same conclusions. Following i s an inv e s t i g a t i o n of three regional concepts r e l a t i v e to the idea of the system of c i t i e s i n the l i g h t of t h e i r relevance In the Jamaican context. The Primate P i t y The concept of the primate c i t y was introduced by Mark Jefferson some twenty years ago when he observed that some countries have disproportionately large f i r s t c i t i e s . In coining the term 'primate' to describe such urban areas he declared: " A l l over the world i t i s the law of the c a p i t a l s that the largest c i t y s h a l l be super-eminent, and not merely 3 John Friedman, "The Concept of a Planning Region", Land Economics, 1956, p. 12. 6 I b i d . 91 7 In si z e , but i n national influence." Primate c i t i e s , defined, are large urban agglomerations. Although they are present i n most so c i e t i e s to a c e r t a i n ex-tent, they are found to be p a r t i c u l a r l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the developing countries. They are f a r la r g e r than any other urban centre i n the countries concerned and are ob-served to dominate the economic, s o i e a l , and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the country to an overwhelming degree. I t i s also ob-served by many that the primate c i t y provides a dampening ef f e c t on economic growth as i s substantiated by the obser-vation that primacy tends to decline as a country ascends the developmental scale. In order to c l a r i f y the concept, one author uses Mexico City as a t y p i c a l example of primacy. Clyde Browning, who i s p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n the subject, argues that Mexico City i s one of the best examples of primate c i t i e s . "Here i s the seat of the national govern-ment, the largest manufacturing centre, the transportation focus, the mecca of the t o u r i s t , the f i n a n c i a l nerve centre, the corporate and managerial headquarters, and the educa-t i o n a l and entertainment heart of the country. Mexico City metropolitan area i n 1950 contained 27$ of the urban 7 Mark Jefferson, "The Law of the Primate C i t y " , Geo- graphical Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, ( A p r i l , 1939) p. 22. o Clyde Browning, "Primate C i t i e s and Related Concepts", Urban Systems and Economic Development, University of Oregon, Eugene, 1962, p. 17. 92 population, 40$ of the i n d u s t r i a l production, and 30$ of a l l Mexican Automobiles. This dominance of a c t i v i t i e s i n Browning's view represents a disadvantage. "Mexico City's a t t r a c t i o n i s powerful not only q u a n t i t a t i v e l y but q u a l i -t a t i v e l y as well, for i t a t t r a c t s the best brains and „ Q talent i n the country. A r e s u l t of t h i s i s the extreme d i f f i c u l t y f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to make a name f o r himself i n v i r t u a l l y any f i e l d without journeying to Mexico C i t y . I t was also discovered that many of the other provin-c i a l c a p i t a l s are unable to provide necessary services and f a c i l i t i e s . The professionals, f o r example, prefer the glamourous l i f e and the range of f a c i l i t i e s available i n the big c i t y and as a consequence t h i s c i t y has an abun-dance of professionals while there i s a sc a r c i t y i n other p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s . This i s regarded as a draining away of much of the strength and v i t a l i t y of the pr o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s . A l l these are related to the adverse e f f e c t s of the early processes of urbanization outlined i n Chapter I I . The primate c i t y , however, should not i n a l l cases be regarded as one that exerts unfavourable influence upon economic growth. Bert Hozelitz, who conducted further i n -v e s t i g a t i o n into the subject has discovered a dichotomy of 9 Ibid. 93 primate c i t i e s into "generative" and "pa r a s i t i c " . C i t i e s , he contends, are generative of many things including eco-nomic growth and c u l t u r a l change as well as s o c i a l d i s o r -ganization and other undesirable forms of s o c i a l behaviour, but he believes that there can be t h i s dichotomy i n terms of economic development. He designates a c i t y as genera-t i v e i f i t s impact on economic growth i s favourable, i . e . " i f i t s formation and continued existence and growth i s one of the fact o r s accountable f o r the economic development of H 1 0 the region or country i n which i t i s located. The c i t y whose impact on economic growth i s unfavourable, he desig-nates " p a r a s i t i c " . The generative or p a r a s i t i c q u a l i t y must not be judged with reference to economic growth within the c i t y and i t s immediate environs, but only with reference to the wider region which the c i t y dominates. I f the primate c i t y f i t s i n an o v e r - a l l process of de-velopment of a system of c i t i e s corresponding more or le s s to a functional and size d i s t r i b u t i o n model that i s , an organization of economising un i t s , t h i s i s considered a de-si r a b l e pattern of economic development i n which urbaniza-t i o n plays a predominantly generative r o l e . Under these 10 Bert Hozelitz, S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Economic Growth. The Free Press of Glencoe, Chicago, I 9 6 0 , p. 1 8 7 . 94 circumstances, the primate c i t y as the leading c i t y i n a system of c i t i e s would be of considerable significance and importance. "To the extent to which t h i s development of a system of c i t i e s i s impeded, or to the extent to which a top-heavy system exhibiting the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of primate c i t y domination cannot be overcome (and e s p e c i a l l y i n those cases where the dominance of a primate c i t y i s reinforced i n the process of urbanization) we may f i n d a series of at l e a s t temporary p a r a s i t i c influences exerted by the primate c i t y . " 1 1 John Friedman conceives of a h i e r a r c h i c a l approach to the system of c i t i e s consisting f o r example, of primate, regional, p r o v i n c i a l , and l o c a l service c i t i e s . The posi-t i o n i n the hierarchy Is dependent on the size - group of urban population taking into consideration such elements as (1) the t o t a l population over which the hierarchy extends i t s influence, (2) the l e v e l of economic development i n the area, and (3) the state of transportation technology. The primate c i t y , i n h i s view, could be the great centre of manufacturing and of specialized services such as finance, publishing, science, a r t s , communications, government etc., as well as the area which has the greatest r e l a t i v e market p o t e n t i a l ; the regional c i t y , within the sphere of influence 11 Ibid., p. 214. 95 of the primate c i t y could be a regional and trade centre p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r wholesale trade and may be f o r regional administration; p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s are generally sub-regional trade centres or manufacturing centres but could serve as c a p i t a l of a p o l i t i c a l subdivision; and the l o c a l service c i t y could provide l i m i t e d services to the r u r a l hinterland with l i g h t manufacturing mainly food processing. The Central Place System The concept of the cen t r a l place system evolved from the r e a l i z a t i o n that man has a number of s o c i a l and economic needs that can be s a t i s f i e d only by the cl u s t e r i n g together of people. This c l u s t e r i n g together i s accommodated by v i l l a g e s and towns which cater to the s o c i a l and economic needs of man. Some of these settlements develop as r e t a i l centres, some as i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , some as administrative centres, and others as resort towns. Some of the s o c i a l and economic needs to be s a t i s f i e d are education, medical care, recreation, economic a c t i v i t i e s , r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , news dissemination and a host of others. For each type of service performed by the settlement there must be a minimum number of people to patronize the service i n order f o r i t to be p r o f i t a b l e . This minimum popu-l a t i o n i s known as the threshold f o r that service. Some services require larger thresholds than others to the extent that they are not j u s t i f i a b l e i n some centres. Therefore, 96 a functional hierarchy among centres has been developed -a v i l l a g e f o r example w i l l provide only rudimentary services, while a c i t y w i l l provide the whole range of services. The central place system was introduced by a regional 12 geographer, Walter C h r i s t a l l e r , who observed these r e l a -tionships between settlements. In essence C h r i s t a l l e r ar-gues that, from the regional point of view, a c e r t a i n amount of productive land supports an urban centre and that the centre exists because ess e n t i a l services must be performed f o r the surrounding land. Thus the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p may be observed. The c i t y or other urban area performs services f o r the people within i t and at the same time c a p i t a l i z e s on the productivity of the surrounding land f o r sustenance. These i n d i v i d u a l c i t i e s performing t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r r o l e s are then brought together as a system of c i t i e s each i n t e r -acting with one another. They range from the small v i l l a g e "performing a few simple functions, such as providing a l i m i t e d shopping and market centre f o r a small contiguous area, up to a large c i t y with a large t r i b u t a r y area composed of the service areas of many smaller towns and providing more complex services such as wholesaling, large scale banking, 12 Edward Ullman, "A Theory of Location of C i t i e s " , Readings i n Urban Geography. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1963, p. 203• 97 13 s p e c i a l i z e d r e t a i l i n g , and the l i k e " . Services performed purely f o r a surrounding area i s c a l l e d ' c e n t r a l 1 functions, and i d e a l l y , each central place should have a c i r c u l a r t r i -butary area but the hexagonal shape of the t r i b u t a r y area was introduced since tangential c i r c l e s leave spaces between them. A r i g i d network of such central places and t h e i r hex-agonal trade areas could be applied r e g i o n a l l y . C h r i s t a l l e r observed the sizes, population, and distance apart of central places that follow a norm from largest to smallest i n an or-der: 1: 2: 6: 18: 54 etc. "The settlements are c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of spacing each larger unit i n a hexagon of next order s i z e , so that the distance between sim i l a r centres i n the order stated increases by the ¥ 3 over the preceding H14 smaller category. Most of these r e g u l a r i t i e s have been found to apply i n Germany when C h r i s t a l l e r developed h i s theory i n 1938. They apply on a uniform p l a i n . . . 1 5 The theory has since been modified. August Losch, f o r example, added to i t by developing an e x p l i c i t statement on the demand cores over areas f o r goods and v e r i f i e d the 13 Ibid.. p. 204. l 4 I b i d . , p. 205. 15 August Losch, The Economics of Location, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1954, 431. 98 hexagonal shaped complementary region as the best shape when purchasing power i s uniformly d i s t r i b u t e d . He also provided a clear r e l a t i o n s h i p between the arrangement of transportation routes among c i t i e s and central place ideas. He assumed a f l a t p l a i n with no geographical or p o l i t i c a l i r r e g u l a r i t i e s and with an equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources. The central place system has been adapted and used f o r planning purposes. In the Ghana Regional Programme and Plan, f o r example, produced by planning consultants Doxiadis Associates, the planners formed t h e i r community pattern on the basis of the central place theory. Their idea was that a c e r t a i n pattern of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n among various communi-t i e s should be determined by the physical and economic conditions of the p a r t i c u l a r region. Different classes of communities were i d e n t i f i e d . These were (1) v i l l a g e s serv-ing only t h e i r own inhabitants which constitute fundamental communities or Class "A" (2) other v i l l a g e s which serve the needs of other communities neighbouring them which were de-signated as Class "B" (3) bigger communities which serve l a r g e r areas covering major needs. These are the market towns, administrative centres etc., which were designated Classes C, D, etc. They were a l l regarded as related to one another, "each one depends on others, each one i s served f o r c e r t a i n functions by another and covers c e r t a i n needs of 99 •i 1 6 others . Each Class "A" community consists of a v i l l a g e and the a g r i c u l t u r a l area around i t , the size being determined by the permissible maximum distance a farmer walks to h i s farm. A homogeneous area was conceived to have six fundamental hexagonal communities i . e . Class "A" on a periphery, with one hexagonal Class "B" community i n the centre. Seven such groups of communities l a i d i n the same way, would determine the area and the number of v i l l a g e s served by a s t i l l higher order community Class "C" which would be the market town. Classes "D" and M E " are determined i n the same manner. The consultants regarded the model as being t h e o r e t i c a l and would have to be adapted to c e r t a i n regional and l o c a l physical considerations l i k e mountains, r i v e r s , lakes, tech-n i c a l works etc. The t h e o r e t i c a l pattern was considered to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y important In that through i t they may pro-perly perceive the problems, determine the number and size of v i l l a g e s , and a f t e r i t s adaptation to l o c a l conditions proceed to correct regional programming and planning. I t helped not only to plan e x i s t i n g and locate new communities but to determine the class of each community and i t s role i n the region. After t h i s step detailed programming and p o l i c y d e f i n i t i o n regarding other f i e l d s of development l i k e communications, schools, markets, etc., were possible. 16 Government of Ghana, Accra-Tema-Akosombo Regional  Programme and Plan, Volume 2, Accra, 1963, p. 178. 100 The Multi-Nucleated System The multi-nucleated system of c i t i e s i s another concept worthy of examination. This concept evolved p a r t i a l l y from observation of the re l a t i o n s h i p of some urban centres p a r t i -c u l a r l y i n the United States, a re l a t i o n s h i p which portrayed l i t t l e dominance of any one centre. In a s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l statement Ian Burton states: "The i d e a l - t y p i c a l dispersed c i t y consists of a number of discrete or phy s i c a l l y (but not necessarily p o l i t i c a l l y ) separate urban centres i n close proximity to each other and f u n c t i o n a l l y i n t e r - r e l a t e d , although usually separated by 17 t r a c t s of non-urban land." ' He argues that the size of the urban places i s larger than might normally be expected f o r centres so c l o s e l y spaced and pre-supposes an economic base other than the provision of services f o r a surrounding area i n which, f i e l d or row crop agriculture i s the dominant ac-t i v i t y . Any type of mining area may be expected to exhibit such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , as well as ce r t a i n areas of intensive a g r i c u l t u r a l production such as truck or f r u i t farming. The emergence of such type of centres depends p a r t i a l l y upon the l e v e l of transportation technology operating i n the formative stage of the settlement pattern. The size of the population of the centres could give an Idea of the existence of 1 7 I a n Burton, "A Restatement of the Dispersed City Hypo thesi s " , Canadian Geographer, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, University of Toronto, Vol. 53, Wo. 3, September, 1963, p. 256. 101 dispersed c i t i e s . Rather than having predominant c i t i e s with population twice that of t h e i r nearest r i v a l s , several c i t i e s i n the same size class of population would be more desirable. The r e t a i l trade patterns among the urban centres of the dispersed c i t y usually r e f l e c t s the inter-dependence of the centres. For example, one place may have a high or-der store (e.g. furniture) patronized by customers from the whole of the dispersed c i t y , yet another excels i n footwear, or radio and t e l e v i s i o n sales and service, or automobiles. Specialized services, such as a jet a i r p o r t , may be located i n one of the centres to serve the whole of the dispersed c i t y . Functional s p e c i a l i z a t i o n patterns may be r e f l e c t e d i n r e t a i l sales returns, t r a f f i c flow, or other r e a d i l y available data. External trade patterns i s another c r i t e r i o n f o r de-t e c t i n g the existence of a dispersed c i t y . For example, an unusually large proportion of the r e t a i l purchases may be outside a p a r t i c u l a r area. In such a case, l o c a l s p e c i a l i -zation as described e a r l i e r only partly compensates f o r the lack of other f a c i l i t i e s . I f the centre concerned embarked on planned development of the missing f a c i l i t i e s , the neces-sary threshold of purchasing power at which such a f a c i l i t y might seem attractive, may not be present and could disrupt the concept. 102 As pointed out e a r l i e r , a specialized c i t y or c l u s t e r of c i t i e s performing a specialized function f o r a large area may develop at a highly l o c a l i z e d resource. The re-source may not necessarily be a mineral. Equally important with physical resources are the advantages of mass produc-t i o n and a n c i l l a r y services. The specialized c i t y , once started, acts as a nucleus f o r similar or related a c t i v i t i e s . Concentration of Industry i n a centre means that there w i l l be a concentration of s a t e l l i t e services and indus t r i e s , such as supply houses, expert consultants, other industries using l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l by-products or waste, marketing chan-nels, s p e c i a l i z e d transportation f a c i l i t i e s , s k i l l e d labour and others. Either d i r e c t l y or In d i r e c t l y thesecelements benefit industry and cause i t to expand i n size i n a con-centrated place. Local personnel with the know how i n a given industry may also decide to star t a new plant producing s i m i l a r or l i k e products i n the same c i t y . This i s a prime example of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . Other unrelated a c t i v i t i e s may st a r t i n centres i n close proximity to t h i s example with the same degree of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . Thus are the beginnings of the dispersed c i t y because s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and inter-depend-ence are i n t e r - r e l a t e d . Evaluation Relative to Jamaica Having decided, then, that an ordered, guided, and constructive process of urbanization i s important to 103 development and that a system of c i t i e s would more e f f i c -i e n t l y accomplish t h i s task, an evaluation of the three systems reviewed would be more meaningful i f viewed i n the context of Jamaica's goals. The Jamaica Five-Year Development Plan (1963-1968) sets as i t s fundamental goals, economic v i a b i l i t y and s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l development and integration. More s p e c i f i c a l l y these could be broken down i n t o : f u l l employment, eradica-t i o n of I l l i t e r a c y , education f o r the masses, and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . Higher government spending and rapid i n d u s t r i a -l i z a t i o n were both regarded to be v i t a l i n achieving these aims. In terms of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n two of the approaches were conceived to be "to accelerate the process of indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n , and to encourage the location of industries 18 i n d i f f e r e n t sections of the i s l a n d " . This method of improving standards of l i v i n g i s widely acclaimed by most of the developing countries, but extreme care should be applied i n the process, f o r i t could bring dangerous r e s u l t s . The outcome of the I n d u s t r i a l revolution i n England i n the 19th century i s a prime example. In d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n should be planned. I t should be con t r o l l e d so that i t conforms with both the economic plans and the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n desired f o r towns and people. 18 Government of Jamaica, op_. c i t . , p. 51 • 104 "Industries should not be located with reference only to th e i r s c i e n t i f i c , technological and s t r i c t l y economic short-run requirements, but also In accordance with the II 19 long-term urban and regional needs of the national whole " Some ind u s t r i e s i n e v i t a b l y have to be directed to locations where t h e i r economic e f f i c i e n c y would be po t e n t i a l l y less than i n some f r e e l y chosen area. Ways have to be found to resolve t h i s . Other elements have to be c a r e f u l l y consi-dered such as sources of raw materials, transportation systems, markets f o r goods and services, labour supply, and land use. (Some of these w i l l be examined i n Chapter VI) They are i n re c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n to industry and to each other. The parts help the whole to grow into an ent i t y of greater or l e s s e f f i c i e n c y . Individual e f f i c i e n c i e s should not be allowed to add up to aggregate i n e f f i c i e n c i e s f o r lack of v i s i o n . Regarding the concept of the primate c i t y , Kingston i s observed to be one which currently f a l l s into the " p a r a s i t i c " category of Hoselitz dichotomy (because i t s present influence on general economic development i s not favourable). However, there i s no reason why t h i s could not be adjusted to the "generative" category and be made to f i t into a system of economising units. This could be accomplished through 19 A. John Dakin, OJJ. c i t . , p. 52. 105 regional planning and by strengthening the regional capi-t a l s ' competitive position r e l a t i v e to that of the national c a p i t a l . Friedman's hierarchy of the primate c i t y , the regional c a p i t a l , the parish c a p i t a l , and the l o c a l service c i t y could then be applicable. A major problem here though, i s that with the currently strong magnetic sphere of i n -fluence that the Kingston metropolitan area wields i t might not be easy to overcome the i n e r t i a and to encourage habita-t i o n of new or expanded centres. Perhaps nothing short of d r a s t i c action, f o r example, s h i f t i n g the c a p i t a l s h i p and the administrative functions from t h i s area to another de-signated area would create amineentive f o r movement. This would destroy the primate c i t y hierarchy but i t i s only an assumption and further i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s necessary before any decision can be taken r e l a t i v e to the acceptance or re-je c t i o n of the concept. Again, Friedman's view i s purely hypothetical thus care should be taken i f any adoption be proposed. The c e n t r a l place system has been developed and further tested i n developed economies. It seeks to ascertain what i s the most e f f i c i e n t d i v i s i o n of space, given an array of functions. In contrast to t h i s , i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n concepts deal with the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s which serve regional and national markets and which depend on a complex of resources, transportation and communication networks, as 106 well as supplies of labour. Although the l a t t e r i s more pertinent i n the Jamaican context, i t may be unwise to ignore the former f o r the s p a t i a l process of the develop-ment of r u r a l land uses p a r t i c u l a r l y i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and f o r e s t locations provides a l i n k between the natural en-vironment and human settlement. On the contrary the r e l a t i v e l y small size of Jamaica might rule t h i s out. Also, the non-central place a c t i v i t i e s , t y p i f i e d by the manufac-turing sector and by transport routes do not depend upon carving out l o c a l hinterlands. A great number of locations, whether central place or not, may compete fo r such a c t i v i -t i e s . I t must be r e a l i z e d that the p r o b a b i l i t y of an area obtaining investments and employment varies with population, i . e . the pool of labour and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; size of the community; the nature and extent of e x i s t i n g a c t i v i t i e s ; transport p o s s i b i l i t i e s ; and the natural resource complex. The topography of the country also does not permit f u l l use of the concept. Two important considerations could m i l i t a t e against the exclusive use of the dispersed c i t y i n Jamaica. F i r s t , the geography of the country consisting of a mountainous t e r r a i n may not lend I t s e l f r e a d i l y to easy i n t e r a c t i o n between spe-c i a l i z e d urban areas which i s so v i t a l to t h i s concept. Se-condly, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n may not be e a s i l y adapted to a de-veloping economy as i t would be to a developed one. For 107 example, there might not be the immediate need f o r a whole-sa l i n g urban centre u n t i l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s well estab-l i s h e d and markets well organized. Thus i t i s doubtful whether any one of the three systems of c i t i e s outlined could be applied to Jamaica i n i t s present form. Either a combination of the three or a modification of any one might, however, be j u s t i f i a b l e i f such variables as natural and human resources, topography, and transportation and communication patterns be thoroughly investigated and integrated into any scheme of proposals. Richard M o r r i l l has derived a simulation model f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of towns i n any region recognizing that l o c a t i o n i s the r e s u l t of a long and complex inter-play of forces. M o r r i l l argues that any approach to t h i s matter should take into account " (1) the economic and s o c i a l con-d i t i o n s which permit and/or encourage concentration of economic a c t i v i t i e s i n towns and c i t i e s ; (2) the s p a t i a l or geographic conditions which influence the spacing and size of towns; (3) the f a c t that such development takes place gradually over time; and (4) recognition that there i s an element of uncertainty or indeterminancy i n a l l be-20 haviour." The model, he admits, i s a p r o b a b i l i t y one 20 Richard M o r r i l l , "The Development of Spatial D i s t r i -butions of Towns i n Sweden: An H i s t o r i c a l - Predictive Approach", Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 53, No. 1, March, 1963, p. 1. 108 which i d e n t i f i e s the process of urbanization and migration, and generates patterns which are similar to actual ones. He takes as a s t a r t i n g point the population pattern at a p a r t i c u l a r time. Then fo r a designated l a t e r time period, he assigns by means of random numbers, locations f o r new transport l i n k s ; assigns locations f o r manufacturing or other non-central place a c t i v i t i e s ; each stage being de-pendent on the previous one. Such assignments of a c t i v i -t i e s change the attractiveness of areas - the anticipated urban population creates new opportunities. Paths f o r the migrants between a l l areas are then assigned i n r e f l e c t i o n of the altered opportunities. He contends that a new popu-l a t i o n structure would r e s u l t and the process i s to be repeated i n another time period. The Model i s also aimed at the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of popu-l a t i o n . It seems l e s s r i g i d than the previously discussed arrangements f o r towns and could rank high on the l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s f o r Jamaica i f , of course, i t i s rigorously ex-amined. Summary The urban area i s becoming inevitable as the focus of human habitation i f the tide of r i s i n g expectancy i s to be s a t i s f i e d . Only through e f f i c i e n t concentration can the range of f a c i l i t i e s and services be economically provided. Economic gains have to be foregone i n many instances i n 109 preference to economic f e a s i b i l i t y i . e . where the benefits (both economic and social) outweigh the costs. Individual c i t i e s without proper coordination could r e s u l t i n a d i s -jointed economy and a s o c i a l l o s s . It i s therefore, neces-sary to secure strong national, regional and l o c a l coordi-nation and an e f f i c i e n t system of c i t i e s located at t h e i r most advantageous positions to do the most good fo r people and country. Three regional systems of c i t i e s have been examined: the hierarchy of the primate c i t y ; the c entral place system; and the multi-nucleated concept. No i n d i v i d u a l one was found to be d i r e c t l y compatible with the Jamaican s i t u a t i o n . Modification of either one, or a combination of the more desirable features of each i s thought to be possible i f a l l the variables are considered. Richard M o r r i l l ' s new simu-l a t i o n model fo r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of towns i s thought to have much value. Some of the conditions which w i l l a f f e c t any decision on a system of c i t i e s f o r Jamaica are examined i n the next Chapter. CHAPTER VI SOME DETERMINANTS OP LOCATION DECISIONS Chapter V pointed to the need f o r an orderly, guided, and purposeful process of urbanization i f Jamaica i s to r e a l i z e i t s s o c i a l and economic goals. I m p l i c i t i n such a process i s the need f o r rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the appropriate l o c a t i o n of industries to y i e l d the most bene-f i t s since i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , as demonstrated by the de-veloped countries i s the f a s t e s t means to development. It was concluded that apparently no r i g i d t h e o r e t i c a l system of c i t i e s could be applied to Jamaica i f c e r t a i n repercus-sions are to be avoided. Certain modifications to such systems ( i f not t o t a l abandonment) are deemed necessary to achieve desired developmental structure. Since i n d u s t r i -a l i z a t i o n i s considered the medium for development, these modifications might be best accomplished i f related to the requirements of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n . Certain areas of the country may not r e a d i l y lend themselves to the performance of some i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s but f o r the purpose of " b a l -anced growth", the government i n e v i t a b l y must assume the i n i t i a t i v e of providing i n such places an environment i n which industry, as a functioning entity, can l i v e and grow and provide employment. Some of the c r i t e r i a which w i l l aid i n guiding the combined process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n 111 and urbanization i n Jamaica are investigated i n the follow-ing portion of t h i s Chapter. Theories of I n d u s t r i a l Location - B r i e f Reviews L'osch's Net P r o f i t Approach In h i s general theory of location, August Losch stated that i t i s meaningless to pick out a l o c a t i o n and examine i t s r e l a t i o n s to i t s neighbours i n i s o l a t i o n . "We are faced with the inter-dependence of a l l l o c a t i o n s " . 1 He argues that t h i s functioning of the whole system i s more important than the special l o c a t i o n theory which o f f e r s unrelated d e t a i l s . Between these two opposing views he r e a l i z e s the theory of economic regions. This theory re-cognizes the universal inter-dependence of locations and considers the r e l a t i o n s between a l l producers and consu-mers of the same goods, and between the producers of d i f -ferent goods i n so f a r as they are s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the establishment of major c i t i e s and main transport a r t e r i e s . In a r a t i o n a l choice of lo c a t i o n , " d e f i n i t e and charac-t e r i s t i c combinations emerge between the places where a commodity i s produced and where i t i s consumed depending 2 on t h e i r numbers and l o c a t i o n " . He argues that there w i l l August Losch, The Economics of Location. Yale Univer-s i t y Press, New Haven) 1959, p. 8. 2 Ibid.. p. 9. 112 be many such combinations i n the market as a whole which w i l l usually s p l i t into smaller groups c a l l e d submarkets. It i s rare that a single producing centre deals with a single consuming centre - several producers are usually grouped about one consumer or vice versa referred to as regions of supply or of demand, both included under the term "market areas". He regards these two basic types of p o s i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s as the core of every determina-t i o n of a l o c a t i o n . In terms of s p e c i f i c i n d u s t r i a l l ocation, L'Ssch d i s -agreed with some former theories, for example with A l f r e d Weber's theory which considers only cost factors such as costs of transportation and production, completely d i s r e -garding supply orientation; and another diametrically opposed scheme which considers only the demand side and which i s concerned with Gross Receipts and disregards costs of production. The l a t t e r looks towards the number of buyers i n an area and to t h e i r purchasing power. He r e -gards both these as one-sided orientations which i n h i s es-timation are in c o r r e c t . "The r i g h t l o c a t i o n depends neither upon expenses nor upon gross receipts alone, to say nothing of any i n d i v i d u a l cost or receipt component. The determin-ing f a c t o r i s t h e i r balance: the net p r o f i t . " He argues 3 Ibid., p. 26. 113 that the l o c a t i o n i n which net p r o f i t i s greatest i s the correct place f o r an i n d i v i d u a l enterprise In a free eco-nomy. He could designate no p a r t i c u l a r procedure f o r an Industry f i n d i n g t h i s area because he knows no s c i e n t i f i c and equivocal solution f o r the l o c a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l firm. Empirical t e s t i n g would have to be employed by the entrepreneur i n his view. Isard's Comparative Cost Approach In Walter Isard's approach to i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n analysis he endeavours to investigate the types of indus-t r i e s and amount of each that can be expected to exist or develop i n a region. He uses h i s 'comparative cost' method, "an approach that casts considerable l i g h t on the 'why' of 4 systems of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n s . " The objective of such studies i s to determine the region or regions i n which i n -dustry can achieve the lowest t o t a l cost of producing and d e l i v e r i n g i t s product to the market based on an anticipated pattern of markets and a given geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of raw materials or other productive f a c t o r s . B r i e f l y stated, a comparative cost study involves se-curing enough information to calculate the t o t a l production costs the industry would incur i n each of the regions to be 4 Walter Isard, "Methods of Regional Analysis". M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, 1963, p. 233. 114 compared. Such region or regions with the lowest production costs (including transport costs) would be the most desirable l o c a t i o n from an economic point of view. The difference i n t o t a l cost from region to region i s the important magnitude, thus the regional comparative cost study need consider only the production and transportation cost elements which d i f f e r s from region to region. Such components that do not vary may be ignored since they give r i s e to no regional advantage or disadvantage. In addition to f i n d i n g industries which can best use an abundance of resources, Isard r e a l i z e d that i t might be equally important to f i n d industries to d i v e r s i f y the eco-nomic base of a community, or to change the s p a t i a l pattern of population or to change over time the degree to which one or more industries are material or market oriented. To these ends he r e f e r s to the derivation of a useful c o e f f i c i e n t , the c o e f f i c i e n t of l o c a l i z a t i o n . "This i s a measure of r e l a t i v e regional concentration of a given industry compared to some t o t a l national magnitude such as population, land area, manu-5 f a c t u r i n g employment or income." E s s e n t i a l l y , I t compares the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of employment i n the given indus-t r y by region with the regional percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of the base magnitude, f o r example, t o t a l national employment. 5 Ibid.. p. 251 115 The computation involves: (1) subtracting each region's percentage share of t o t a l system employment i n the given industry from i t s percentage share of t o t a l manufacturing employment i n the system; (2) adding a l l positive or a l l negative differences; and (3) d i v i d i n g the sum of the d i f -ferences by 100. I f an industry i s d i s t r i b u t e d exactly the same as the base magnitude, the value w i l l be 0 and w i l l vary accordingly dependent on the degree of concentration. The Concept of Predetermined I n d u s t r i a l Location Kojo Twumasi,^ i n h i s master's thesis on i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n In the developing countries concluded that i n order f o r such countries to achieve t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n goals the l o c a t i o n of industry must be predetermined within a re-gional framework. This i s i n response to the tendency f o r some countries to select only a few large c i t i e s as points of i n d u s t r i a l concentration with complete disregard f o r the smaller towns and r u r a l areas. In the l a t t e r case, national development goals, such as f u l l employment, increase i n per capita income, and the other elements would be d i f f i c u l t to achieve. Predetermined i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n i s the approach followed by Puerto Rico i n accomplishing i t s development p o l i c i e s . In t h i s context i t was based on the premise that the country i s so varied i n topography, s o i l s , and socio-65. Kojo Twumasi, "I n d u s t r i a l Location i n the Developing  Countries, (unpublished Master's Thesis, the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1963). 116 economic pattern to permit i t s d i v i s i o n into sub-areas to f a c i l i t a t e i n d u s t r i a l planning purposes. A d i v i s i o n of a country i n such a manner permits de-t a i l e d examination of the needs and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of i t s various regions. Not only does i t present the geographical framework within which the economy operates but i t a s s i s t s i n planning f o r f a c i l i t i e s that support i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n e.g. transportation, water, e l e c t r i c i t y , and other u t i l i t i e s , housing, and other community f a c i l i t i e s . The main c r i t e r i a f o r selecting areas are: proximity to raw materials, trans-portation network, ex i s t i n g labour source i . e . large centres of population, e x i s t i n g labour source i . e . large centres of population, e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l services and f a c i l i t i e s , and a c c e s s i b i l i t y to surrounding towns as trade centre. Evaluation B a s i c a l l y , there i s a marked s i m i l a r i t y between Losch's "net p r o f i t " approach and Isard's "comparative cost" approach to i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n i n that they both aim at f i n d i n g l o c a -tions which w i l l ensure maximum returns from i n d u s t r i e s . Both theories are primarily concerned with aiding the private en-trepreneurs whose main motives are oriented towards securing locations f o r t h e i r i n d u s t r i e s such that money p r o f i t w i l l be maximized. Such a dimension i s important to a developing country since i t would be f o l l y for i t to attempt to produce 117 at a loss i n d e f i n i t e l y . However, the developing country needs an approach which considers more than the p r o f i t motive. Overall consideration f o r the population's needs, that i s , the s o c i a l welfare motive, should take high p r i -o r i t y i n the nation's programme and be incorporated i n any l o c a t i o n decision. A regional approach to I n d u s t r i a l l o c a -t i o n which w i l l a s s i s t national policy makers on development to examine c l o s e l y the resources of both urban and r u r a l areas, and to organize these resources to create employment and income f o r the population i s needed. Isard's c o e f f i -cient of l o c a l i z a t i o n procedure could be of immense value i n t h i s respect. The apparently successful use of the predetermined l o c a t i o n method i n Puerto Rico should not be overlooked. It recognizes that special purpose regions not only overlap, but seldom coincide with p o l i t i c a l boundaries on which most s t a t i s t i c a l data are based. Nevertheless, major regions were derived, each an approximation from the multipurpose point of view; each delimited by ex i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l bound-a r i e s ; each dominated by a major urban centre providing such c i t y functions as commercial exchange, manufacturing, and ocean shipping; but each also d i f f e r e n t from the others i n i t s problems and i t s r e s u l t i n g demands on integrated regional planning. Although t h i s system has not been widely tested i t i s believed that Jamaica could benefit from i t s use. Jamaica, 118 l i k e Puerto Rico, has the same development goals, namely to enable a l l areas of the country to benefit from i n d u s t r i a l i -zation; the geographic features of both islands are similar; and they are both characterized by a r e l a t i v e lack of natural resources. Also, the process affords easy application i n that It takes f u l l advantage of exi s t i n g elements such as settlements and transportation thus introducing the aspect of economy which i s so v i t a l to the developing country. The ease of ap p l i c a t i o n of t h i s method i s i t s main advantage over Isard's c o e f f i c i e n t of l o c a l i z a t i o n system. The follow-ing section i s devoted to i d e n t i f y i n g a physical framework of Jamaica which could aid i n l o c a t i o n decisions. Other Determinants Transportation Of the p r i n c i p a l determinants f o r the l o c a t i o n of eco-nomic a c t i v i t y , and hence, urban lo c a t i o n , namely: markets, raw materials, f u e l or power, labour and transportation, the l a t t e r has been widely acclaimed as the most important. Transportation as defined by Mossman dna Morton i n t h e i r P r i n c i p l e s of Transportation", i s "a service or f a c i l i t y which creates time and place u t i l i t y through the physical transfer of persons and goods from one location to another, while pro-duction creates form u t i l i t y through changes i n the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of goods." The authors contend that 7 Prank Mossman and Newton Morton, P r i n c i p l e s of Trans-portation. Ronald Press Company, New York, 1957, p.3. 119 transportation precedes production by bringing i n raw ma-t e r i a l s and supplies, as well as i t follows production through the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the f i n i s h e d or semi-finished a r t i c l e s . It has a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p with the economy i n terms of s a t i s f y i n g the needs of society. People pro-duce goods and services to s a t i s f y wants. What they produce depends on the kinds, numbers, and i n t e n s i t i e s of t h e i r wants; what they want depends to a considerable ex-tent on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of goods; and a v a i l a b i l i t y i s effected by the transportation service. As transportation costs decrease, goods can be secured from more distant points and w i l l cost l e s s time and e f f o r t , since a reduc-t i o n i n transportation costs i n turn r e a l i z e s a reduction of t o t a l costs at the destination. Relative to l o c a t i o n , the importance of transportation a r i s e s from the f a c t that l o c a t i o n i s a matter of s p a t i a l consideration, and transportation i s a means of overcoming space time. Thus Dudley Pegrum argues that "the influence of transportation on l o c a l and regional development stems from the function of transport to lessen the costs of the b a r r i e r s of time and space which aris e i n connection with the processes of production." He thinks that the d i f f e r -ences of regions and areas which lead to interchange must Dudley Pegrum, Transportation; Economic and Public Policy, Richard D. Irwin Inc., Homewood, 1963, p. 6. 120 be such as to make the incurrence of the transport costs worth while. At the same time the prices which are charged f o r the transport services are of v i t a l significance to the development of areas. Thus i f a l l costs to an industry are constant f o r any l o c a t i o n , that i s , ignoring transportation costs, the u l t i -mate l o c a t i o n decision w i l l be determined by ascertaining the s i t e which provides lowest transportation costs. The movement of both raw material and f i n i s h e d product have to be considered, hence processing w i l l take place near the market i f i t costs l e s s to transport the raw material, and near the material source i f product transportation i s l e s s c o s t l y . However, where considerable weight loss during f a b r i c a t i o n i s r e a l i z e d , the l o c a t i o n a l p u l l towards the raw material source i s r e a l i z e d ; and likewise when weight giving process i s involved, the orientation w i l l be towards the market i n v a r i a b l y . Transportation costs also vary with the medium used i . e . , whether water, road, r a i l , or a i r . Water transportation i s u sually the cheapest, though a slower mode, while a i r transportation i s usually the most expensive. The choice of a medium depends l a r g e l y upon the time required f o r the raw material to reach the plant or for the finished product to reach the market with reference to the r e l a t i v e cost of transportation. The various media may be used to supplement 121 or complement each other. Apart from the cost aspect of transportation there ,1s the fundamental consideration of l o c a l access. The f a c i l i t i e s required by transportation include harbours, railways, highways and a i r p o r t s . Harbours - Where raw materials required f o r processing, or where f i n i s h e d products are intended f o r foreign markets harbours are p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary. An e a r l i e r statement pointed to the cheapness of water transportation. Not only would harbours be required f o r the processes of importation and exportation but also on i n t e r n a l waterways, where, navig-able. Railways - These play an Important role i n transport-ing heavy materials both raw and processed. They also provide important l i n k s between communities by providing r e l a t i v e l y low fares to people. Highways - Highways provide the fundamental means of i n t e r n a l movement. With the increasing usage of the auto-mobile f o r domestic purposes and of the truck f o r i n d u s t r i a l transfers, highways have become an Important p r i o r i t y item on many national budgets. Good roads, properly maintained are of immense value to the l o c a t i o n of centres. Airports - A i r transportation handles both i n t r a and i n t e r n a t i o n a l movement of people and high-value commodities as well as expedited shipments. The presence of a i r trans-port i n an economy cannot be over emphasized i f gross 122 e f f i c i e n c y and speedy l i n k s to areas are to be accomplished. S t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d a i r p o r t s are i n v a l u a b l e to proper i n -t e r a c t i o n of communities. An a n a l y s i s of Jamaica's present t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system has not been too d i s a p p o i n t i n g . The g r e a t e r p o r t i o n of the i s l a n d i s provided w i t h road a c c e s s . Although many of these roads are i n a s t a t e of d i s r e p a i r and ot h e r s have not been pro v i d e d with proper s u r f a c i n g , the government i s embarking on a road c o n s t r u c t i o n program (as i n d i c a t e d i n the Five- Y e a r De-velopment Plan) "to bring: secondary roads up to proper stand-ards and so to provide b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l and Q i n d u s t r i a l t r a f f i c . T h i s w i l l v ery soon provide a d e s i r a b l e highway network. The i s l a n d at the moment i s served by two i n t e r n a t i o n a l a i r p o r t s and s e v e r a l minor a i r s t r i p s . C o n s i d e r -i n g i t s s i z e these may be regarded as reasonably adequate f o r the present but wit h f u r t h e r development a i r l i n k a g e s between a l l major c e n t r e s w i l l become necessary f o r domestic t r a f f i c . In terms of harbours n e a r l y a l l c o a s t a l towns are pro-v i d e d w i t h marine a c c e s s . For the convenience of the ot h e r s or f o r any proposed c o a s t a l community i t I s not b e l i e v e d that any d i f f i c u l t y w i l l be encountered i n p r o v i d i n g t h i s f a c i l i t y . For example, there i s a c u r r e n t p r o p o s a l f o r a deep water port a t Montego Bay. An i n l a n d r i v e r , the Black "River, i s a l s o n a v i g a b l e and co u l d e a s i l y be Incorporated i n the marine Government of Jamaica, Five-Year Independence Plan 1963 -1968, Kingston, 1963, p. 131. 123 c i r c u l a t i o n . Two spines of r a i l l i n e s connect the major c i t i e s of Kingston, Montego Bay, and Port Antonio as well as a l l intervening towns. Because of the mountainous t e r -r a i n provision of extra r a i l f a c i l i t i e s might prove to be p r o h i b i t i v e on a large scale, however, connecting the southern communities might be a p o s s i b i l i t y . Figure 3 page 124 i l l u s t r a t e s e x i s t i n g transportation network and the major towns i n the i s l a n d . Natural Resources Economic a c t i v i t i e s may again be influenced by the incidence of raw materials and other natural resources. Yet, the tremendous impact which raw material exerted i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n e a r l i e r has been modified greatly with the advancement of transportation technology as discussed i n the above section. Also, with technological advance, there i s extensive use of synthetic material i n the manufacturing processes. Some indus t r i e s , on the contrary, because of t h e i r special c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , r e l y on the source of raw material i n determining t h e i r l o c a t i o n . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the food processing industry. Also, some industries de-pend on the products or by-products of other industries i n which cases i t would be advantageous to locate close to these sources. Industries using low-valued, heavy, bulky raw materials are another group to which proximity to source F I G U R E 3 TRANSPORTATION N E T W O R K , M A I N U R B A N A R E A S , AND T O P O G R A P H Y O F J A M A I C A 125 i s h e l p f u l . Examples of some which f a l l i n the l a t t e r cate-gory are lumber production, cotton ginning, and brick manufacturing from clay. When other l o c a t i o n f a c t o r s , such as transportation, labour, or market are considered together with raw material, i t i s the cost of the l a t t e r that demands a major consideration. Minerals The mineral resource complex of Jamaica consists mainly of bauxite, a r e l a t i v e l y easy to mine ore with an estimated reserve of roughly 315 m i l l i o n tons. The deposits are said to have no overburden and are of considerable sizes generally. The parishes of St. Elizabeth, St. Ann, and Manchester are the chief areas i n which t h i s mineral e x i s t s . Suitable pro-cessing methods have been developed f o r the economic treatment of t h i s ore and large scale mining and processing (to alumina) operations are currently l h motion. Communities around such operations could benefit immensely from such strong economic bases. Large deposits of high quality gypsum have also been under development since 1949. '^ The deposits are not bedded but consist of massive and pure gysum rock, occurring under rather complex s t r u c t u r a l conditions along and on the east-ern side of the Wagwater f a u l t , as well as other parts of St. Andrew. The gypsum rock encountered i n a l l these areas i s considered to be of high q u a l i t y (over 85$ pure gypsum) 126 "grading i n many instances into alabaster . The bulk of t h i s mineral i s exported f o r processing. The Geological Survey Department of Jamaica i s current-l y prospecting f o r ferrous and base metals. Iron, copper, and other metalliferous ores are believed to exist which, i f v e r i f i e d , would permit the development of further mining operations. The parishes of Portland, St. Andrew, and Upper Clarendon are the favourable locations f o r these minerals. Prospecting f o r o i l i n the c e n t r a l and western end of the Island i s also i n process. The l o c a t i o n of a l l e x i s t i n g and probable mineral de-posits are shown on figure 4, page 127. Agriculture Despite i t s declining importance generally, agriculture should not be overlooked as a necessary element i n the Ja-maican economy. The continued exportation of rum, sugar, bananas and c i t r u s f r u i t s plays a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the economy. "Favourable projections f o r the world sugar mar-ket over the next few years have generated plans f o r a crash programme f o r expansion of production of sugar cane, which are now being worked o u t " . 1 1 This i s supported by the Land 10 V.A. Zans, Recent Geological Work and Mining Develop-ments i n Jamaica, Report to the Second Caribbean Geological Conference, University of Puerto Rico, 1959, p. 73. 11 Government of Jamaica, pj>. c i t . , p. 24. F I G U R E 128 Reform programme which i s designed to "achieve a rapid and continuous increase i n a g r i c u l t u r a l production and produc-t i v i t y by organizing, proper d i s t r i b u t i o n , servicing, and usage of large proportion of currently unused or underuti-l i s e d lands which are capable of intensive economic u t i l i -,,12 zation i n a g r i c u l t u r e . Agriculture i s therefore regarded as a main feature of Jamaica development. The land i s regarded as a national asset to be developed i n t e n s i v e l y by private endeavour aided and coordinated by the government. I t i s the po l i c y of the Five-Year Independence Plan to "streamline a g r i c u l -t u r a l production as a f u l l y productive arm of the new economy. It sets out to feed the rapid l y growing population, to stimulate and develop food processing industries, provide a higher standard of r u r a l l i f e , reduce dependence on im-ports protect and r e h a b i l i t a t e the land, increase the s k i l l , s elf-respect and status of the farming community." 1 5 The reliance on t h i s a c t i v i t y as a s i g n i f i c a n t contributor to the economy i s thus evident. In view of the significance attached to t h i s aspect of the economy by the government i t i s obvious that agriculture w i l l have a profound e f f e c t on l o c a t i o n decisions. P i r s t of 12 Ibid., p. 73. 13 Jamaica Information Service, "Programme f o r A g r i c u l t u r a l Development", Jamaica Now. Yol. 6, No. 1, July, 1963, p. 7. 129 a l l , i t would be undesirable to locate urban a c t i v i t i e s on prime a g r i c u l t u r a l land. Secondly, as discussed before, food processing industries tend to locate close to raw material source because of the perishable nature of such raw materials. Figure 5 , page 130 indicates the current a g r i c u l t u r a l land use of the i s l a n d . According to the map there are obvious c o n f l i c t s with other resources i n which case the ones with the greater economic potential should be given precedence. The arrows on the i l l u s t r a t i o n i n d i -cate major parts through which a g r i c u l t u r a l products are exported. Places of Interest Tourism i n Jamaica i s regarded as the t h i r d largest 14 export industry. S t i l l a new policy aims at boosting the industry to l a r g e r proportions by attempting to increase the number of middle income t o u r i s t s as well as by improv-ing standards i n the luxury c l i e n t e l e section. The endow-ment of a varied topography and serene beauty has continued to a t t r a c t v i s i t o r s to the islan d i n large numbers which has provided a steady income to the economy. It should be e v i -dent then that any planning should take cognizance of t h i s and preserve such areas of d i s t i n c t i v e i n t e r e s t that provide the main a t t r a c t i o n s . Almost the entire north shore of the 14 Ibid.. p. 10. F I G U R E 5 AGRICULTURAL LAND U S E - JAMAICA 131 i s l a n d has been dotted with resort towns. Other potential areas ex i s t which could be incorporated into t h i s sphere of a c t i v i t y . Topography In determining the pattern of economic rel a t i o n s h i p s , topography should be given due consideration. This element presents a l i m i t i n g f a c t o r to the extent of i n t e r a c t i o n be-tween towns. The Puerto Rico study established that towns on the coastal plains were not heavily affected "but the r e l a t i o n s h i p of towns i n the high lands to t h e i r centres i s b a s i c a l l y determined by topography and the ease of access between them." 1 5 This of course presupposes that major centres should not be located i n the highlands. In the case of Jamaica a few important towns are located i n the high-lands, many of which perform important functions to, f o r example, bauxite mining operations (bauxite deposits are l a r g e l y located i n the mountains). Mandeville and Olaremont are t y p i c a l examples of t h i s . These are currently connected with malni.road access and enjoy f a i r l y good re l a t i o n s h i p with other towns, however, the provision of other means of access might be d i f f i c u l t thus l i m i t i n g the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by these towns i n the o v e r a l l economy. Jamaica's surface configuration reveals a preponderance 15 Puerto Rico I n d u s t r i a l Development Co., Master Plan -Physical F a c i l i t i e s f o r I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , San Juan, 1956, p. 132 of mountains with ranges above 5,000 feet, the highest peak being the Blue Mountain Peak which i s over 7,400 feet high. These mountains occupy the central portion of the is l a n d allowing only an average of ten miles of coastal plains. E x i s t i n g Urban Centres Probably the most c r i t i c a l determinant of lo c a t i o n fo r Jamaica i s the occurrence of ex i s t i n g urban centres. The coastal plains of the i s l a n d are dotted with urban areas at f a i r l y regular i n t e r v a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y along the main transport routes. Some of these are important admin-i s t r a t i v e centres, being i n many instances the seat of parish administration while others are resort towns, a g r i -c u l t u r a l centres, or minor I n d u s t r i a l centres. They a l l i n v a r i a b l y possess some of the basic urban f a c i l i t i e s such as water, e l e c t r i c i t y , telephone, housing, commercial f a c i l i -t i e s , and some provision f o r health, recreation, education and welfare opportunities. Although, i f analysed, i t i s believed that the amounts of these urban amenities are i n -adequate i n many instances, there w i l l be no doubt that these places represent good foundations f o r urban expansion. Industries are very sensitive to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of u t i l i -16 t i e s necessary to t h e i r operation. Also the inhabitants of a l l areas should be provided with a l l necessary f a c i l i t i e s 16 G. Breeze, I n d u s t r i a l Site Selection, The Bureau of Urban Research, Princeton, 1954, p. 43. 133 and services. In attempting to optimise the amounts of these elements both f o r i n d u s t r i a l and community purposes, the extent to which they are available i n some areas would be a good i n d i c a t i o n of the scale of expansion as well as the proportion i n d u s t r i a l concentration to be expected i n such areas. These of course would have to be weighted against the other c r i t e r i a l i s t e d e a r l i e r . E x i s t i n g urban centres as a c r i t e r i o n , a f f e c t l o c a t i o n decisions both from the s o c i a l and economic points of view. In terms of a developing economy, the amount of c a p i t a l i n -vestment i s s u f f i c i e n t to discourage abandonment of any b u i l t up area except i n cases where there are obvious advantages to r e l o c a t i o n . From the purely s o c i a l point of view, aban-donment of areas could r e s u l t i n unexpected repercussions through the d i s l o c a t i o n of family and friendship groups. This has been proven only too often i n urban renewal schemes i n the United States and B r i t a i n . It would be apparent, then, that a l l urban areas should be analysed with reference to t h e i r various a b i l i t i e s to per-mit i n d u s t r i a l development. Those that display unfavourable potentials should be Incorporated into the trade areas of the i n d u s t r i a l centres to perform service functions and to provide a desirable habitat for t h e i r inhabitants. A l l areas, however, should be provided with a l l necessary urban f a c i l i t i e s and services. The network of e x i s t i n g urban areas i s shown i n 134 Figure 3, page 124. Summary Factors contributing to l o c a t i o n decisions include i n -d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n theories, transportation, natural resources, topography, and e x i s t i n g urban centres. The l o c a t i o n theories of Losch and Isard are mainly p r o f i t oriented, a fact which, though important to a develop-ing country, has to be subordinated to other s o c i a l goals because of the nature of the problems. However, Isard's c o e f f i c i e n t of l o c a l i z a t i o n method of i n d u s t r i a l analysis appears to be very valuable. The concept of predetermined i n d u s t r i a l l o cation, such as was applied i n Puerto Rico, seems to be more adaptable to Jamaica and appears to have a better p o t e n t i a l . The r e l a t i v e ease of a p p l i c a t i o n i s the main advantage of t h i s approach over Isard's c o e f f i c i e n t of l o c a l i z a t i o n method. Of the other supporting c r i t e r i a , transportation and the occurrence of e x i s t i n g urban areas are considered to exert profound influences on l o c a t i o n decisions. Transportation, however, provides more f l e x i b i l i t y . Analysis showed that most of the i s l a n d i s currently accessible by most modes though i t i s believed that improvements to many of the modes would be necessary. Urban centres are r e l a t i v e l y evenly dispersed on the coastal plains with quite a number on the highlands. The extent to which industries can be concentrated i n these w i l l 135 be influenced by the amounts of e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s together with the area's scope f o r expansion. Agriculture and tourism are quite c r i t i c a l to l o c a t i o n considerations because of t h e i r value and because of the government's policy towards economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n from these sectors. In conclusion i t may be said that the concept of prede-termined i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n could be applied to Jamaica i n the i n i t i a l stages of development f o r expediency. Since the concept has not been rigorously tested i t might be unwise to r e l y wholly on i t f o r complete i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ; Thus i n the secondary stages of development, Isard's c o e f f i c i e n t of l o c a l i z a t i o n process could be u t i l i z e d as a check f o r e f f i -ciency and to achieve necessary adjustments. An attempt to present some devices f o r implementation and administration of development i s made i n Chapter VII. CHAPTER VII DEVELOPMENT IMPLEMENTATION: LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONSIDERATIONS Some t h e o r e t i c a l regional systems of c i t i e s r e l a t i v e to development In Jamaica were reviewed but i t was concluded that neither one i n i t s present form i s suitable. The processes of urbanization and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n are regarded to be simultaneous and on t h i s basis i t was con-cluded that i n the context of Jamaica at lea s t the i n i t i a l stages of development should be approached through the pro-cess of predetermined i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n . I t was considered that the centres chosen f o r i n d u s t r i a l concentration should exhibit c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , while the other urban cen-tres would be within t h e i r trade areas performing other im-portant services. The c r i t i c a l question now a r i s e s : How can these i n d i -vidual centres, now presumed to be economically e f f i c i e n t , be brought together to form a viable unit and not add up to aggregate i n e f f i c i e n c y ? The answer w i l l l i e i n the imple-mentation techniques provided f o r development. Fundamental Requirements f o r Implementation One of the f i r s t requirements f o r a developing country aiming at complete development i s p o l i t i c a l independence. The United Nations seminar on Science and Technology f o r 137 development stated that "only the state through i t s govern-ment i s able to mobilize the country's human and natural resources, to integrate the s o c i a l and economic fac t o r s , and to i n i t i a t e p o l i c i e s that aim at lessening economic dependence." Another fundamental necessity i s the e l i m i -nation of t r a d i t i o n a l fuedal or t r i b a l structures which are considered to be responsible f o r general stagnation. A t h i r d and most v i t a l consideration i s the attainment of p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y . The Dominion of Jamaica i s fortunate to be endowed with these fundamental requirements. I t experienced an orderly evolutionary process from c o l o n i a l status to p o l i -t i c a l independence. This gradual and pragmatic approach to f u l l p o l i t i c a l independence over the years has been accompanied by some advances on the s o c i a l and economic fronts though there remains a l o t to be done. "Indeed the p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n of s t a b i l i t y ^inherited from B r i t a i n i s a major asset i n the f i g h t to provide urgently needed attention to chronic problems, whose solution require pro-grammes which would normally e n t a i l generations of e f f o r t s . " Thus the major background f o r development implementation 'United Nations, Science and Technology f o r Development, United Nations, New York, 1963, Vol. 1, p. 176. 2 Jamaica Information Service, "Jamaica's Five-Year Plan f o r Development", Jamaica Now. Vol. 6, No. 1, 1963, p. 1. 138 i s present. It now remains to ensure a proper decision making framework within which the process can be accom-plished e f f e c t i v e l y and e f f i c i e n t l y . D i v i s i o n of Power "The d i v i s i o n of power i s the basis of c i v i l i z e d government. It Is what i s meant by constitutionalism."^ This i s the view of C.J. P r i e d r i c h i n his discussion of the d i v i s i o n of governmental power among areas. Arthur Maass contends that to divide governmental power Is "to help r e a l i z e the basic objectives or values of a p o l i t i c a l community." Such d i v i s i o n s , l i k e government i n s t i t u t i o n s generally, he argues, are instrumental of community values; and the form of the d i v i s i o n at any time should r e f l e c t the values of that time. Some of the basic values of a modern democratic society which should govern the d i v i s i o n of powers i n his view are l i b e r t y , equality, and welfare: To promote l i b e r t y , he thinks that governmental powers can be divided as to protect the Individual and groups against a r b i t r a r y governmental action and other r e s t r a i n i n g e f f e c t s . To promote equality power can be divided as to provide broad opportunities f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public policy, and to promote welfare the d i v i s i o n can be such as to assure ^C.J. F r i e d r i c h , Constitutional Government and Democracy. New York, 1950, p. 5. 4 Arthur Maass, "Division of Powers: An Areal Analysis," Area and Power, The Pree Press, Glencoe, 1959, p. 9. 139 that governmental action w i l l be e f f e c t i v e i n meeting the needs of society. I t i s with the l a t t e r aspect t h i s chap-te r i s mainly concerned. Maass contends that the t o t a l capacity to govern can be divided among (1) governmental o f f i c i a l s and bodies of o f f i c i a l s at the c a p i t a l c i t y of a defined p o l i t i c a l com-munity which he l a b e l s " c a p i t a l d i v i s i o n of powers"; and (2) among areas which exist or can be created within the p o l i t i c a l community t h i s he c a l l s "areal d i v i s i o n of powers". The areal d i v i s i o n of powers i s regarded by most p o l i -t i c a l thinkers as the most e f f e c t i v e means of r e a l i z i n g the basic values of l i b e r t y , equality, and welfare. It i s to be seen not as a l e g a l excereise but as a dynamic mecha-nism. " I t involves the recognition of separate legitimate i n t e r e s t s , and, i f i t takes the form of federalism, the re-cognition of the existence of separate autonomous communities within the i n c l u s i v e one; i n a l l cases i t e n t a i l s the grant to the t e r r i t o r i a l bodies of s u f f i c i e n t powers to deal with t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . " Thus t h i s form of governmental d i v i s i o n of power has been adopted i n most democratic s o c i e t i e s . Paul Ylvisaker^ has derived f i v e basic c r i t e r i a f o r a 5 Stanley Hoffman, "Areal Div i s i o n i n Writings of French P o l i t i c a l Thinkers", Area and Power, The Free Press, Glencoe, 1959,.; p. 135. Paul Ylvlsaker, " C r i t e r i a f o r a Proper Areal D i v i s i o n of Governmental Powers", Area and Power, The Free Press, Glencoe, 1959, p. 34. : — 140 "proper" areal d i v i s i o n of governmental powers. These are summarised as follows: (1) The areal d i v i s i o n of powers should be concerned b a s i c a l l y with what i s meant by the phrase "the power to govern". (2) The optimum number of l e v e l s among which to share the power to govern seem to be three. Here, he thinks that two i s an i n v i t a t i o n to abiding c o n f l i c t and stymie or at the other extreme to subordination and quiescence. (3) The component areas should be constituted of a s u f f i c i e n t d i v e r s i t y of i n t e r e s t s to ensure e f f e c t i v e de-bate within each component and transcending communities of i n t e r e s t among the several components. (4) The components as such should not be represented i n the l e g i s l a t u r e s of the higher l e v e l s . (5) Good intergovernmental r e l a t i o n s should be pro-vided by (a) a process of l a s t resort to s e t t l e disputes and question of j u r i s d i c t i o n s ; (b) a process of i n t e r -governmental cooperation; (c) a process for separate and independent action; and (d) a process of organic change which cannot be dictated or stopped by a minority of com-ponents. Level of Planning f o r Development There are three l e v e l s at which planning f o r develop-ment may be carried out namely: the national, the regional, and the l o c a l l e v e l s . P o l i c i e s f o r nation wide s o c i a l and economic advance-ment formulated at c e n t r a l government l e v e l w i l l be inade-quate unless they can be carried out where urban expansion and new growth ac t u a l l y takes place. In considering plan-ning at the national l e v e l a major disadvantage i s that there i s always the tendency f o r the smaller town and r u r a l areas to be overlooked i n the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . 141 Increase i n income and employment then takes place i n the larger urban areas which encourages migration to these areas f o r jobs and other apparent benefits. As pointed out before, t h i s i s undesirable f o r general development since i t Inevitably r e s u l t s i n over-population of some areas as well as a general imbalance of the economic struc-ture. This would then not permit the f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n of development goals. Planning f o r development at the l o c a l l e v e l i s another a l t e r n a t i v e . This type of planning means that each c i t y , town, or v i l l a g e i s regarded as a separate entity i n the development p o l i c i e s of the country. To begin with, the administrative problems l i k e l y to arise from t h i s approach would be almost insurmountable and would make development a d i f f i c u l t task. Rivalry among the various l o c a l units f o r t h e i r potential share of national income could r e s u l t i n gross aggregate i n e f f i c i e n c y . Again, there would be the tendency f o r private entrepreneur to locate i n the larger towns to the detriment of the smaller centres because of the l o c a t i o n a l advantages of large supply of labour, large markets, more available u t i l i t i e s , and the urge for big c i t y l i f e . These would also serve only to retard o v e r a l l development progress. Regional planning i s more acceptable f o r development. This approach i s regarded by amny to be the best pr e s c r i p t i o n 142 f o r development. "We need to plan f o r areas where man himself i s the major factor, rather than the claims of resource development alone; that Is f o r the great c i t i e s 7 and t h e i r hinterlands." This author contends that only-regional planning can produce a marriage between c i t i e s and unspoiled hinterlands i n which the partners, while complementing each other, maintain t h e i r own i n t e g r i t y and personality. He argues that the regional plan should show (1) areas f o r industry, general urban development, and a g r i c u l t u r a l and other resource developments Including watersheds; (2) areas f o r s p e c i f i c key needs such as parks, beaches, a i r p o r t s , and hospitals; and (3) the communication system, p r i n c i p a l highways and bridges which guide develop-ment and t i e the parts together. " I t would thus be a long range general plan, requiring constant r e v i s i o n , which would act as a framework both for community planning i n the region and for a number of p r o v i n c i a l or federal department a c t i v i -t i e s . " 8 In regional planning f o r development a l l l e v e l s of government should be involved. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between national economic development and urban development should 7 James Wilson, "Putting Regional Planning to Work", Community Planning Review. Vol. 7, No. I I , June, 1957, p. 80 c 8 Ibid., p. 81. 143 be r e c i p r o c a l . The carrying out of economic policy stimu-l a t e s urban growth and urban growth i s used to accelerate economic and s o c i a l advance. "Because towns are intimately connected with t h e i r regions, the idea of following national p o l i c y through to the urban centres implies the need to understand the national t e r r i t o r y as a whole, and as a sys-tern of independent regions. John Dakin thinks that the regions must be understood i n t h e i r present c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and i n t h e i r future potential because such an understanding w i l l be valuable i n determining and r e v i s i n g national p o l i -c i e s with regard to the application of science and tech-nology. "Knowledge of the e x i s t i n g , possible and desirable urban development of the regions i s of v i t a l strategic im-portance i n achieving the highest standard of l i v i n g f o r the largest number of people.." 1 0 Having established that the l e v e l at which planning f o r development i s more e f f i c i e n t l y achieved i s the regional l e v e l , the question might be asked - Where does the regional planning function belong? It i s believed that In order f o r planning to be most e f f e c t i v e , i t should be c l o s e l y t i e d to the sources of r e a l power. Regional planning functions best 9 A. John Dakin, "Urbanization: A Tool f o r S o c i a l and Technological Advance", Plan Canada, Vol. 5, No. 2, Nov., 1964, p. 51. 10 Ibid. 144 when part of a broad national development programme. Thus the cooperation of the national government i s indispensible 11 i n committing I t s e l f to the regional plans. Charles Abrams l i s t s some of the agencies usually responsible f o r implement-ing national and regional coordination of development schemes as follows: (1) A central organization of experts concerned with the economic planning- who would evaluate the nations human and natural resources and the best means fo r u t i l i z i n g them i n the national welfare. I t would be concerned with the proper a l l o c a t i o n of public expenditure f o r the development of a g r i c u l t u r e ; Industry; water and power development; trans-port and communications; housing; t r a i n i n g and education; health; s o c i a l welfare; labour and employment. (2) P r o v i n c i a l or regional agencies operating within c l e a r l y defined areas of competence f o r the purpose of d i s -charging central r e s p o n s i b i l i t y under the plan on a l e s s c e n t r a l i s e d basis. (3) Statutory a u t h o r i t i e s or public corporations re-sponsible f o r executing s p e c i f i c a l l y designated programmes of development. 11 Charles Abrams, "Regional Planning L e g i s l a t i o n i n Underdeveloped Countries", Regional Plannlna United Nations, Housing, Building and Planning, Eds. 12 and 13, New York, 1 9 5 9 , p. 9 6 . 145 (4) Lesser d i s t r i c t administrative agencies which may-be needed to help speed up some developments at the l o c a l l e v e l s i n accordance with the national plan. (5) Local s e l f government or v i l l a g e agencies working i n cooperation with the national development units . (6) Such financing agencies and mechanisms as may be needed to help finance the development. Implementation and Administration The Regions C i t i e s have been regarded as the ultimate habitat f o r Jamaicans; regional planning i s regarded as a means of co-ordinating the development of c i t i e s and t h e i r hinterlands; and regional planning i s thought to function best near the r e a l source of power. It remains now to be seen just how a system of regional development can be mobilised into service f o r the nation as a whole. A f i r s t problem Involves the determination of develop-ment regions within which to function. In delimiting such regional areas, Jamaica could use such c r i t e r i a or combina-tions of c r i t e r i a as: (1) the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of major urban areas and t h e i r hinterlands of either resource areas or other minor urban centres; (2) special purpose areas e.g. water-sheds, hydro-electric development, or a g r i c u l t u r a l areas f o r farming programmes; p o l i t i c a l boundaries, or physiographic or topographic features. For example, the island i s divided 146 into three counties and fourteen parishes. The counties as p o l i t i c a l subdivisions would play a very minor r o l e i f any since there i s no governmental functions at the county l e v e l . Thus the fourteen parishes and t h e i r arrangements around the ce n t r a l mountain spine could be i d e n t i f i e d with the various problems and be grouped accordingly into re-gions. Within each region there should be formulated spe-c i f i c programmes for (1) Land use, including population d i s t r i b u t i o n , land improvements etc.; (2) Water use includ-ing drainage, I r r i g a t i o n , and navigation; (3) a r a t i o n a l i s e d pattern of transport; forest management and preservation and development of wild l i f e and f i s h e r i e s ; (4) use and conser-vation of power resources; (5) i n d u s t r i a l development and the proper u t i l i z a t i o n of minerals; and (6) general s o c i a l and economic improvement. Administration for Development Two l e v e l s of government currently ex i s t i n Jamaica: central government and l o c a l government. Since regional planning f o r development Is deemed to be more e f f e c t i v e i f connected to the source of power, the central government l e v e l i s the inevitable authority to which regional planning i n Jamaica should be attached. "Power i s the rock to which sound planning may be safely moored or upon which i t may 12 founder." Therefore, for maximum e f f i c i e n c y i t i s necessary 12 Ibid. 147 to provide a proper administration device to ensure e f f e c -t i v e planning f o r development as well as to execute actual development. In an e f f o r t to derive such a framework cer-t a i n c r i t e r i a were devised and are l i s t e d as follows: (1) Planning completely divorced from development i s apt to prove as f r u s t r a t i n g as development unrelated to proper planning. Merely producing a plan may have i n s p i -r a t i o n a l value but i t may be meaningless i f i t cannot be implemented. Combining these two elements i s desirable. (2) E f f i c i e n c y and effectiveness are very important. Effectiveness i s regarded as "producing the desired r e s u l t with a minimum of e f f o r t , expense, or waste". E f f i c i e n c y i s e f f e c t i v e operation as compared with alternative means of accomplishing the task, or e f f i c i e n c y gives maximum return on the Investment. These should be b u i l t i n to any administrative device. (3) Autonomy i s very important. It allows freedom from r e s t r a i n t s and red tape usually connected to government departments. These serve only to Inactivate the agency. "A r e a l i s t i c minimum of consents should be prescribed. At the same time any administrative device should be accountable to an executive arm of the government preferably the cabinet or to the prime minister d i r e c t l y . 13 Ibid.. p. 101 148 (4) There should be adequate f i s c a l provisions. Power without funds i s another means of i n a c t i v a t i n g an agency. Thus the administrative device should be f i t t e d into the f i n a n c i a l structure of the governments budget. The agency might have to incur heavy expenditures f o r example to ac-quire land f o r development. (5) The use of the ex i s t i n g bureaucracy i s s i g n i f i c a n t and h e l p f u l to a large degree. To begin with, an adminis-t r a t i v e framework already e x i s t s provided with technicians and other personnel and equipment capable of executing many of the development projects. These technicians and other personnel might have valuable information which would be v i t a l to planning. Secondly greater interdepartmental co-operation and coordination would be possible i f the govern-ment departments were brought i n and be made to f e e l that they participated i n development implementation! (6) The transfer of functions from the administrative agency back to the central or l o c a l government on the com-pl e t i o n of development should be provided. This i s the concept of devolution/evolution. For example, roads would go to whatever authority deals with the maintenance of roads; parks to i t s r e l a t i v e authority; u n t i l a l l aspects of the development have been accounted f o r . Thus provision should be made f o r d i s s o l u t i o n of the body on the accomplishment of i t s functions as long as proper measures have been taken 149 to ensure adequate maintenance of projects. In accordance with the above guide l i n e s i t might be appropriate to propose a "Jamaica Development Corporation". There ex i s t s at the moment a Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation which i s provided with a government grant and charged with the function of promoting and f a c i l i t a t i n g i n d u s t r i a l development. As w i l l be noted t h i s function i s very l i m i t e d . A major short coming with t h i s type of orga-n i z a t i o n i s that i t operates without a planning framework which could r e s u l t i n dangerous repercussions. Also i t concentrates on i n d u s t r i a l development alone with l i t t l e concern f o r other s o c i a l , physical, or economic phenomena which may be c r u c i a l to o v e r a l l national development. There also exists a Government Town Planning Department of Jamaica. This department operates under the Ministry of Development purely i n an advisory capacity. Withdrawal of t h i s planning department from the Ministry of Development and merging i t with the Jamaica Ind u s t r i a l Development Cor-poration to form the Jamaica Development Corporation such that a f t e r development both could revert to the regular roles of planning and i n d u s t r i a l promotion respectively, i s the re-commendation f o r the administrative device sought. The Jamaica Development Corporation would be charged with the function of i d e n t i f y i n g and of planning f o r a l l r e -gional requirements of the isl a n d , and to arrange f o r the 150 execution of development projects and the l o c a t i o n of i n -dustry. The a c t i v i t i e s should include plans for a l l com-munities. The Corporation could he composed of a board of d i r e c -tors appointed by the Prime Minister and accountable to him. Enough autonomy should be afforded i t to increase e f f i c i e n c y by reducing red tape. Yet autonomy without complete loss of control by the government and at the same time according f l e x i b i l i t y could be ensured by res t i n g c e r t a i n functions 14 with the government. These could include (1) the appoint-ment of key o f f i c e r s and dir e c t o r s ; (2) prescribing general d i r e c t i o n s on matters of national i n t e r e s t ; (3) granting approval on c a p i t a l programmes; (4) auditing accounts; (5) demanding regular reports; (6) ordering enquiries and i n t e r -vening i n cases where corruption or i n e f f i c i e n c y appears; and (7) d i s s o l v i n g the corporation when i t has completed i t s prescribed functions. I n d u s t r i a l Settlement Planning and development are not ends i n themselves -they are merely means to the end of a balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of Jamaica's population. The tremendous i n e r t i a of the big c i t y , Kingston, has to be overcome, not from the workers point of view (for i t has already been demonstrated that the 14 Many of these are taken from Charles Abrams a r t i c l e , p 151 workers w i l l orient themselves to areas of economic pros-pects), but from the stand point of the i n d u s t r i a l and other commercial enterprisers and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . " A l l the planner's grim forecasts of the forthcoming demise of the big, sprawling, chaotic c i t y have not stayed i t s ever-growing bulge or the mysterious magnetism which continuously 15 distends i t . " Public p o l i c y has to be manipulated to at-16 t a i n i n d u s t r i a l and commercial settlement. Some strategy f o r doing t h i s could Include: (1) Persuasion - Influencing enterprises to s e t t l e i n a l o c a l i t y through reasoning, altruism, or by an appeal to public s p i r i t and i t s g r a t i f i c a t i o n s . (2) Inducement - Offering loans, subsidies, housing, land, and other public aid or indulgences. ^ (3) Compulsion - Prescribing through zoning or d i r e c -t i v e orders the places where settlement i s permitted or where forbidden. (4) Direct operations - Purchasing of s i t e s with public funds, building f a c t o r i e s or other i n s t a l l a t i o n s by the cor-poration f o r public and private operations. (5) Public - private j o i n t ventures - Government 15 Ibid., p. 99. 16 Ibid. 152 investment i s made i n private operations, i n return f o r which the public partner i n s i s t s upon prescribing the con-d i t i o n s f o r i n d u s t r i a l or commercial settlement as part of the bargain. (6) Planned i n e v i t a b i l i t y - Placing public, transpor-t a t i o n a l , or other f a c i l i t i e s and investments i n so tempt-ing a manner that I t in e v i t a b l y steers the i n d u s t r i a l settlement toward the desired l o c a l i t y . The choice of approach w i l l c a l l f o r balancing the al t e r n a t i v e s . When funds are limited, such as i s the case i n Jamaica, subsidized expansion i n one d i r e c t i o n may s a c r i -f i c e expansion i n another and the choice between diversion of power from the l o c a l to the central l e v e l s may put at stake the pattern of democratic decentralization, l o c a l ef-f i c i e n c y , and better c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The ultimate choice might include a combination of many with an attempt to evade as much as possible, expenditure-involved cases. The proposed administrative modifications might require l e g i s l a t i v e changes to make them possible. The detailed structure of Jamaica's l e g i s l a t u r e i s not at hand i n order that recommendations can be made f o r such changes. Further studies have to be conducted i n t h i s respect. Summary The fundamental essentials for e f f e c t i v e planning and development namely: p o l i t i c a l independence, r e l a t i v e absence 153 of f r l c t i o n a l groupings, and p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y are con-sidered to be present i n Jamaica. An areal d i v i s i o n of governmental function with an optimum of three l e v e l s of government i s thought to be desirable. Planning f o r development i s preferable at the regional l e v e l since i t was found that (1) p o l i c i e s f o r nation-wide s o c i a l and economic advancement formulated at central govern-ment l e v e l are inadequate unless they can be ca r r i e d through where urban expansion takes place and that /there i s the tend-ency f o r the smaller urban areas to be l e f t out; (2) planning at the l o c a l l e v e l could r e s u l t i n uncoordinated growth and a d i s j o i n t e d economy. Regional planning i s considered to function more e f f e c -t i v e l y near the source of r e a l power, that i s , the central government. Certain c r i t e r i a were l i s t e d which would aid i n delineating regional areas f o r planning. In terms of implementation, planning and development are deemed more ef f e c t i v e i f c l o s e l y linked. Some c r i t e r i a were l i s t e d f o r accomplishing t h i s upon which the Jamaica Develop-ment Corporation consisting of a merger of the present Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation and the Jamaica Government Town Planning Department was proposed. The purpose of t h i s Corporation would be to plan and promote development. Indus-t r i a l and commercial settlements of new or expanded areas were regarded as potential problems, methods of probable solutions to which were proposed. CHAPTER VIII GENERAL REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS General Review The problems related to population growth and p a r t i -c u l a r l y to population movements i n Jamaica have been I d e n t i f i e d as being among the most c r u c i a l problems facing the country, solutions to which must be sought i f the coun-tr y i s to a t t a i n f u l l s o c i a l and economic s t a b i l i t y . In-tense concentration of a great portion of the island's population (indicated by an 88$ increase between 194-3 and 1963) i n the major urban centre, Kingston, has been equated with the phenomenon of urbanization as i t i s being experi-enced i n the developing countries. This process of urbani-zation i s regarded by the United Nations as well as by emi-nent urbanists, economists and so c i o l o g i s t s to be one of the more severe problems a f f e c t i n g mankind p a r t i c u l a r l y i n areas of lower economic development. Out migration from the is l a n d i n search of economic opportunities to locations such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom has also been deemed r e l a t i v e l y f u t i l e , thus constituting another facet of the population pro-blem. Jamaica's population problems, p a r t i c u l a r l y as they r e l a t e to urbanization are considered very s i g n i f i c a n t since 155 t h e i r general nature as they affect.jdeveloping c o u n t r i e s i n general has teen recognized as high as the I n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l commanding p r i o r i t y a t t e n t i o n at the United Nations. The world o r g a n i z a t i o n has sponsored s e v e r a l seminars d e a l -i n g w i t h t h i s important matter i n attempting to derive methods of approach towards s o l u t i o n . The "rush to the c i t i e s " , as i t i s p o p u l a r l y r e f e r r e d t o , i s considered a s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e of modern times c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a r u r a l exodus p r e c i p i t a t e d by the stagnant economic and c u l t u r a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e s and the magnet of the c i t y . I t brings i n i t s wake a host of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic, and ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e problems and I f unchecked could l e a d to un-h e a l t h y and problem o r i e n t e d urban development and s e l f r e t a r d i n g r u r a l development. In reviewing the i m p l i c a t i o n s of u r b a n i z a t i o n i n the developing c o u n t r i e s the reasons f o r m i g r a t i o n were f i r s t examined. I t was found that the Inequitable p a t t e r n of land d i s t r i b u t i o n was the most important cause. A number of very l a r g e e s t a t e s are i n the hands of a few owners ( i n many ins t a n c e s f o r e i g n ) which are not always used to suf-f i c i e n t advantage, and a l a r g e number of small holdings e x i s t which are o f t e n too small to warrant the expense of development by modern techniques. P r i m i t i v e methods of farming and s t o c k - r a i s i n g c h a r a c t e r i s e d by l a c k of mechani-z a t i o n , l a c k of adequate use of f e r t i l i z e r s , low l e v e l s of 156 labour s k i l l , and general deterioration of the s o i l r e s u l t i n low production y i e l d s and consequently low purchasing power of the r u r a l dwellers. Since the land cannot support i t s r u r a l population they are forced from the country-side into the urban areas i n search of work. The towns were also found to exert a " p u l l " condition i n that they appear to provide f o r better community and welfare services, a much stronger f e e l i n g of security, and many modern con-veniences which are lacking at the r u r a l l e v e l . Migrants from the r u r a l areas often f i n d l i f e i n the c i t y much more a t t r a c t i v e than l i f e i n the country-side despite the sub-standard l e v e l of l i v i n g conditions which the c i t y o f f e r s . In terms of substandard l i v i n g conditions i t was found that the monstrous and uncoordinated growth of many towns i n the developing countries make them i l l f i t to accommo-date human beings as they are invariably dominated by slums, squalor, i l l health, and poverty. "Living conditions are becoming inhuman and people are lo s i n g more and more of t h e i r basic q u a l i t i e s , turning more and more into displaced persons who are required to l i v e l i k e machines" 1 was the view of one participant i n the seminar on science and tech-nology f o r development. It was found that approximately 1 United Nations, Science and Technology for Development. United Nations, New York, 1963, Vol. 1, p. 162. 157 h a l f the t o t a l population of Asia, A f r i c a , and Latin Ameri-ca i s either homeless or l i v i n g i n accommodation that con-s t i t u t e s health hazards. The major c i t i e s of these areas consist of large hovel settlements i n which as much as 20% to 30% of the c i t y ' s population l i v e i n rudimentary shelters, and inadequate s o c i a l services, sanitary f a c i l i t i e s , roads, and street l i g h t i n g are observed to be also c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of these towns. The general s o c i a l structure of the coun-t r i e s concerned are also adversely affected by the present process of urbanization. Family structures, personal standards of conduct, and group mores are subjected to se-vere s t r a i n s . The family, f o r example, i s tending to d i s -integrate. The man usually leaves f i r s t , attempting to f i n d work i n the c i t y , leaving his family i n the v i l l a g e with the hope of sending f o r them when he i s s e t t l e d . The r e s u l t i s a preponderance of men i n the towns which produce sp e c i a l s o c i a l and moral problems that being about the f o r -mation of i r r e g u l a r a l l i a n c e s and the growth of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Thus urbanization without economic development i s re-garded to be a very unhealthy combination because to the lack of urban f a c i l i t i e s i s added the want of employment oppor-t u n i t i e s . The need f o r planning, both economic and physical, and p a r t i c u l a r l y the integration of both aspects i s considered to be indispensable to the developing countries. In order to control migratory movements i t was thought important to con-sider (1) a gradual improvement i n r u r a l l i v i n g standards; 158 (2) the equalization of the condition of l i f e between sec-tions of the population; and (3) balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of population over the whole country. In order to demonstrate that the pr o b a b i l i t y of s o l -ving urbanization and population problems i n the developing countries i s not remote, two case studies of positive action were reviewed. These were the programmes of Puerto Rico and I s r a e l . Puerto Rico was selected because i t s urbanization and population problems up to about twenty years ago were so acute that many people were pessimistic about a solution, yet today because of c a r e f u l planning and development i t represents a r e l a t i v e l y viable unit caring f o r i t s popula-t i o n needs. I s r a e l was thought to represent a good case study because of the firm action taken when the country was faced with an unprecedented mass immigration from the countries of Asia, A f r i c a and Europe which concentrated tremendous amounts of immigrants i n i t s towns, thus creat-ing severe shortages of basic f a c i l i t i e s . Puerto Rico recognized that i t was necessary to e f f e c t a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population so that they are i n the r i g h t place to do the most good and also that i t was neces-sary to ensure that people are engaged i n increasingly pro-ductive employment. Confronted with an abundance of people and few other resources, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was deemed the obvious avenue to development. The concept of predetermined 159 i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n was applied on a regional bases thus bringing employment opportunities to a l l areas of the i s -land and ultimately the provision of other services and f a c i l i t i e s . I s r a e l was confronted with the immediate problems of providing new areas of settlement and of coax-ing new immigrants away from the towns. Regional planning and development were regarded to be indispensable i n a-chieving these tasks. The physical conditions of the country and i t s economic structure, deemed u n f i t f o r the support of a dense population made i t mandatory to plan i n advance the way i n which the new immigration was to be absorbed. Development by colonization, that i s , d i r e c t i n g population to areas r i c h i n natural resources; and develop-ment by consolidation, that i s , concentrating dense popula-tions i n stable regions developed to t h e i r optimum absorp-t i v e capacity, were the development approaches followed. A master plan was prepared designating a l l areas of settlement as well as areas of other economic a c t i v i t i e s . With reference to Jamaica's s p e c i f i c urbanization pro-blems, i t was established that the island's population i s characterised by high mobility, a mobility which tends to orient the population towards places of economic prospects. The movement, both i n t e r n a l l y and to foreign countries, started as early as the 1880's and continues to the present day. The i n t e r n a l movement i s b a s i c a l l y an urbanization 160 trend with the major r e c i p i e n t of population being the ur-ban centre, Kingston. This r e s u l t s i n the formation of a primate c i t y . Further inves t i g a t i o n indicated that i n the dichotomy of primate c i t i e s into generative and p a r a s i t i c classes, Kingston f a l l s into the p a r a s i t i c class because of i t s present unfavourable influence on economic growth. Kingston's population currently stands at approximately 400,000 while the urban area with closest population f i g -ures to t h i s number only has 25,000 people. The c i t y Is incapable of coping with the exodus of population. An economic base study indicates that i t i s not economically v i a b l e . This i s a poor r e f l e c t i o n of the en-t i r e country since Kingston by and large, represents the economic nerve centre of the i s l a n d . This i s substantiated by the consistently adverse balance of payments statements. Housing i n the c i t y i s not only inadequate and substandard i n q u a l i t y i n many cases, but these d e f i c i e n c i e s have been responsible f o r the presence of squatting i n many areas. Squatting has many adverse implications i n Jamaica, a very important one being the alleged breeding of a sub-culture, the Ras Ta f a r i movement which i s regarded by many as being a v i o l e n t movement. Migration to foreign countries i n search of employment has been i n progress since the commencement of construction of the Panama Canal. On completion of t h i s project external 161 migration focussed on such countries as Cuba, the United States of America and the United Kingdom. A study shows that the Jamaican migrant i n the United Kingdom does not nearly enjoy the f u l l s o c i a l and economic status as other residents or as he would at home. Also, housing f o r these migrants i s generally of a substandard nature and concen-trated i n the neglected portions of c i t i e s which are i n the process of decline and s o c i a l down-grading. Since i t was established that the Jamaican population consistently adjusts i t s e l f to areas that show prospects of economic opportunities, and since these adjustments proved to be i n v a r i a b l y f u t i l e i t was concluded that a f u l l development program f o r the i s l a n d should be imminent. A r e f l e c t i o n on the revolution of r i s i n g expectancies i n d i -cated that the f u l l range of services and f a c i l i t i e s could be more feasably provided at the urban l e v e l . It was then deduced that a new process of urbanization, that i s , an ordered, guided, and constructive process must be introduced ;to consciously' promote the advancement of Jamaica and i t s people. Individual c i t i e s without proper coordination were regarded to be undesirable since they could lead to a d i s -jointed economy and s o c i a l l o s s . National, regional, and l o c a l coordination of an e f f i c i e n t system of c i t i e s located at the most advantageous locations and provided with a l l necessary urban f a c i l i t i e s and services was considered to 162 be the key to development. Based on these conclusions, three regional systems of c i t i e s were examined to determine t h e i r relevance to Jamaica: the hierarchy of the primate c i t y ; the central place system; and the multi-nucleated system. It was contended that none of these i n i t s present form was ap-propriate. Regarding the hierarchy of the primate c i t y , i t was thought possible to adjust the primacy of Kingston to f i t into a system of economising units but the major d i f f i c u l t y could conceivably be encountered i n overcoming the i n e r t i a of Kingston. The central place system i s not considered very compatible with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on which Jamaica must r e l y f o r development. It seeks to ascertain the most e f f i c i e n t d i v i s i o n of space given an array of functions while i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n concepts deal with s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s which serve regional and national markets and which depend on a complex of re-sources, transportation and communication networks, and supplies of labour. The topography of the country also m i l i t a t e s against i t s use. The multi-nucleated system r e l i e s on extensive i n t e r a c t i o n between n u c l e i . It i s not believed that the geography of Jamaica would permit easy access to a l l points at a l l times. On the basis of the f a i l u r e to ascertain a t h e o r e t i -c a l system of c i t i e s that would s a t i s f y the objectives 163 required, i t was thought necessary to examine the require-ments f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n since that i s the process through which Jamaica intends to r e a l i z e i t s s o c i a l and economic goals and since i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization should be simultaneous. These include the theories of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n and the supporting determinants such as transportation, natural resources, topography, and exis t i n g urban centres. rJosch's theory of location aimed at the r e a l i z a t i o n of maximum "net p r o f i t " ; and Isard's theory based on the "comparative cost" approach are mostly suited to a s s i s t private entrepreneurs i n guiding investments. They are p r o f i t oriented. Although these are important, a developing country l i k e Jamaica must consider more than p r o f i t motive - o v e r a l l consideration f o r the population's needs, that i s , the s o c i a l welfare motive, should take high p r i o r i t y i n the nation's development pro-gramme and be Incorporated In any lo c a t i o n decision. The concept of predetermined i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n , such as was applied i n Puerto Rico, was observed to be more adaptable to Jamaica and appears to have a better potential f o r use. It was recommended for use. The supporting determinants of transportation and the occurrence of exis t i n g urban centres were considered to exert a profound influence on loc a t i o n decisions though the a v a i l a b i l i t y of transportation provides more f l e x i b i l i t y . 164 Analyses showed that most of the i s l a n d i s currently ac-cessible by road, and that r a i l , water, and a i r transporta-t i o n f a c i l i t i e s could be e a s i l y provided to allow such linkages to many areas. Urban centres are r e l a t i v e l y evenly dispersed on the coastal plains with quite a number on the highlands. The extent to which industries can be concentrated In these centres w i l l be influenced by the amounts of exi s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s together with the centres' scope for expansion. Agriculture and tourism are quite c r i t i c a l to location d e c i -sions because of t h e i r economic value and because of the gov-ernment's policy towards economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n from these sectors. However, although tourism makes s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i -bution to the economy, areas of the island should not be carved out f o r t o u r i s t purposes and be excluded from f u l l l o c a l usage. Having decided on the technique f o r development, adminis-t r a t i v e measures f o r implementation were considered. The fundamental essentials for e f f e c t i v e planning and development: namely p o l i t i c a l independence, r e l a t i v e absence of feuding and f r i c t i o n a l groupings, and p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y are present i n Jamaica. Regional planning f o r development i s more desirable since (1) planning at the l o c a l l e v e l could r e s u l t i n uncoordi-nated growth and a di s j o i n t e d economy; and (2) p o l i c i e s f o r national l e v e l are inadequate unless they can be carried through where urban expansion takes place; (3) there i s the tendency f o r smaller urban centres to be neglected i f planning 165 Is executed at the national l e v e l . Regional planning func-tions more e f f e c t i v e l y near the source of r e a l power, that i s , the c e n t r a l government l e v e l , thus i t should be linked with t h i s l e v e l . In order to achieve more ef f e c t i v e r e s u l t s planning and development should be combined under one authority. Certain c r i t e r i a f o r accomplishing t h i s lead to a proposal f o r the establishment of a Jamaica Development Corporation comprised of a merger of the present Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation and the Jamaica Town Planning De-partment. The function of t h i s new corporation would be to plan and promote development. Independently, the Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation's purpose i s to promote i n d u s t r i a l development. This i t does without a planning framework which could produce dangerous r e s u l t s requiring expensive remedial measures. The Town Planning Department assumes a planning role without any power to implement which could be a f r u s t r a t i n g task. The Jamaica Development Corporation would be accountable to the Prime Minister and upon completion of i n i t i a l develop-ment should be dissolved, reverting to the two o r i g i n a l de-partments to continue the promotion of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the constant review of functional operations. Conclusion The r e s t l e s s , questing s p i r i t of Jamaicans, i n constant 166 search f o r higher standards of l i v i n g , better-amenities, and the f u l l e r l i f e as a whole, can be appeased through a systematic approach to development i n the i s l a n d . At pre-sent the population structure of the i s l a n d i s i n a state of imbalance and i n e f f i c i e n c y being mostly concentrated i n one centre and re a u l t i n g i n great pressures. Development of other urban centres and the provision i n these centres of the basic f a c i l i t i e s and services which people pursue w i l l r e l i e v e these conditions and allow f o r greater s o c i a l and economic s t a b i l i t y i n the country. Although In d u s t r i a l and commercial establishments probably would have to be coaxed to these new areas there would be no conceivable ba r r i e r s i n the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the general populace. A r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population i s also necessary i n order to achieve an equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth. Development at the urban l e v e l i s indispensable i n achiev-ing these objectives. Recommendations The following recommendations are proposed as an aid i n accomplishing general goals f o r Jamaica. (1) The government has adopted a clear p o l i c y for economic development but no corresponding policy has been encountered f o r s o c i a l or physical advancement. The f i r s t recommendation i s that the government recognize the simul-taneous i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s of s o c i a l , economic, and physical 167 advancement and adopt appropriate p o l i c i e s accordingly. (2) That the o v e r a l l needs and wants of the Jamaican populace be assessed as a basis f o r planning and development. (3) That a Jamaica Development Gorporation be formed incorporating the most e f f i c i e n t administrative techniques fo r the purpose of planning and implementing development proposals. (4) That the Jamaica Development Corporation be r e -sponsible d i r e c t l y to the Prime Minister. (5) That the Jamaica Development Corporation f i r s t prepare a national plan f o r the isla n d respecting regional requirements and aiming at providing equal opportunities for comfortable l i v i n g i n a l l areas of the i s l a n d . (6) That the Jamaica Development Corporation be d i s -solved a f t e r development completion, a f t e r which the func-t i o n of planning be accorded cabinet status preferably linked with the Ministry of Development. (7) That the government adopt a clear policy r e l a t i v e to emigration i n which the welfare of a l l Jamaican migrants i n other countries be protected possibly by negotiations with the relevant foreign countries. (8) That there be established a bureau f o r migrant a f f a i r s i n countries with concentrations of Jamaican migrants whose duty i t would be to organize proper housing and job opportunities f o r the migrants. This could be attached to 168 the relevant embassies or high commissions. Alternative Approaches at Resolving the Problem As opposed to r e d i s t r i b u t i n g Jamaica's population, two other approaches might be considered. These include (1) maximum development of the urban centre of focus, and (2) encouragement of mass emigration to areas of developed economies. Development of Centre of Focus If i t i s assumed that migrants converge on Kingston because t h i s i s the area i n which they prefer to be, then maximum development of t h i s area to accommodate a l l f o r e -seeable in-migration would be the ultimate solution. This could be accomplished by expanding the boundaries i n accord-ance with projected population and land use needs based on desired densities and concentrating economic and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n t h i s area s u f f i c i e n t to s a t i s f y the general needs of the people. This would of course involve the necessary urban renewal considerations and the general rendering of the urban area e f f i c i e n t during the expansion programme. It would also re-quire a master plan of the entire area to d i r e c t a c t i v i t i e s to t h e i r appropriate locations to ensure compatibility. Two d i s t i n c t disadvantages can be foreseen i n t h i s ap-proach. F i r s t an expansion of Kingston's boundaries would involve the encroachment on valuable lands which currently 169 r e a l i z e s tremendous revenue to the i s l a n d . For example, the western end of the c i t y abuts a major sugar estate. Sugar i s currently one of the major exports of the island and should be jealously guarded. However, a cost benefit analysis could probably j u s t i f y u t i l i z a t i o n of such lands. Secondly, neglecting the balance of the island would be unfortunate. Several natural and other resources which are not transportable to contribute to Kingston's develop-ment exis t which are p o t e n t i a l l y very valuable to o v e r a l l development. I t would, therefore, not be possible to a t t a i n optimum o v e r a l l development without ordering these into service through d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Mass Emigration Mass emigration could be accomplished through d i r e c t government Intervention. I t would require the adoption of government policy to t h i s end and the preparedness of the government to s o l i c i t areas of high economic and s o c i a l p o t e n t i a l f o r migrants and to negotiate terms of migration. Such negotiations would include commitments on employment guarantees, provision f o r desirable s o c i a l absorption and housing, and proper l i a i s o n between the Jamaican and other relevant governments r e l a t i v e to the general welfare of the migrants. Compulsory emigration should, however, be avoided. Assuming that t h i s could be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y organized the i s l a n d of Jamaica would be at a considerable disadvantage 170 as a consequence. To begin with, there would be a t r e -mendous loss of human resources which could be put to work to serve the i s l a n d . Again, although i t may appear to be less of a f i n a n c i a l burden to organize such a venture, the amount of administrative organization to ensure proper co-ordination and general effectiveness should not be under-estimated. In the long run such e f f o r t s , time, and fin a n -c i a l resources would probably be better spent preparing the country's own environment as the ultimate habitat f o r i t s people. There i s also the danger of v u l n e r a b i l i t y to other s o c i a l and moral problems caused by mass dislocations of family and friendship groups. In conclusion, neither of the two alter n a t i v e s pro-posed would seem to be a suitable substitute f o r a r e d i s -t r i b u t i o n of Jamaica's population since neither could be expected to r e a l i z e maximum s o c i a l or economic benefits to the people of the Island. Evaluation of Hypothesis In i t s present form the working hypothesis of t h i s study i s not considered to be v a l i d . However, the discus-sions i n Chapter VI suggest that cert a i n modifications could e a s i l y validate i t . Restated i n i t s present form the hypo-thesis reads: A properly organized regional system of com-munities provided with a l l necessary urban f a c i l i -t i e s and services would aid i n a balanced d i s t r i -bution of Jamaica's population and would also aid 171 i n the maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of human and natural resources of the island and u l -timately i n i t s s o c i a l and economic development. It was concluded that apparently no t h e o r e t i c a l r e-gional system of c i t i e s would achieve the desired r e s u l t s f o r the country. It was also demonstrated that a d i f f e r e n t organization of c i t i e s , that i s , a regi o n a l l y organized system might be more desirable. I f the hypothesis be re-organized accordingly to read: A re g i o n a l l y organized system of communities provided with a l l necessary urban f a c i l i t i e s and services would aid i n a balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n of Jamaica's population and would also aid i n the maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of human and natural resources of the i s l a n d and ultimately i n i t s s o c i a l and economic development. i t would then be a v a l i d hypothesis. The word "communities" used In the hypothesis i s preferred to the word " c i t i e s " since the emphasis i s on the welfare of the people l i v i n g i n the c i t y rather than the physical plant of the c i t y . With respect to the provision of " a l l necessary urban f a c i l i t i e s " , these f a c i l i t i e s are conceived to be - adequate housing, ade-2 quate employment within easy access, adequate commercial f a c i l i t i e s , adequate recreational f a c i l i t i e s , adequate schools, adequate open space, proper transportation and a l l other e l e -ments necessary f o r the promotion of health, welfare, safety, and amenity. A l l employment does not necessarily have to be provided i n every community as long as reasonable provision i s made f o r commuting to the source. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Abrams, Charles. Man's Struggle f o r Shelter. M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, 1964 Alexander, John. An Economic Base Study of Madison. Wis- consin, Madison, 1955. Alpert, Paul. Economic Development, Free Press of Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1963. Boating, Emanuel. A Geography of Ghana, Cambridge University Press, London, 1959. Breese, Gerald. Industrial Site Selection, Bureau of Urban Research, Princeton, 1954. Elston, David. I s r a e l , the Making of a Nation, Oxford University Press, London, 19o3. Glass, Ruth. London's New Comers, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1961. Glikson, Arthur. Regional Planning and Development, A.W. S i j t h o f f ' s Uitgeversmaatschappij N.V., Leiden, 1955. Hancock, Ralph. Puerto Rico, A Success Story, D. Van Nostrand Co. Inc., Princeton, I960. Hauser, P h i l l i p . Urbanization i n Asia and the Far East, UNESCO, Calcutta, 1957. . Urbanization i n Latin America, United Nations, New York, 1961. Isard, Walter. Methods of Regional Analysis, M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, 1963. L*6sch, August. The Economics of Location, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1954. Manley, Douglas, et a l . The West Indian Comes to England Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd.y London, 1960. Mass, Arthur ( e d i t o r ) . Area and Power, The Free Press of G l e n c o e , - I l l i n o i s , 1959. 1:73 Mayer, Harold, and Clyde Kohn, (editors). Readings In  Urban Geography, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1963. Mossman, Prank, and Newton Morton, P r i n c i p l e s of Trans-portation, Roland Press Co., New York, 1957. Pegrum, Dudley. Transportation: Economics and Public  P o l i c y . Richard D. Irwin Inc., Homewood, 1963. Pepelasis, Adamantios, et a l . Economic Development, Harper Brothers, New York] 1961. P e t r u l l o , Vincenzo. Puerto Rlcan Paradox, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1946, Pico, Raphael, Puerto Rico. Cross Roads of the Americas. University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1957. P i t t s , Porrest, ( e d i t o r ) . Urban Systems and Economic  Development. University of Oregon Press, Eugene, Roberts, George. The Population of Jamaica, Cambridge University Press, London, 1957. Tiebout, Charles. The Community Economic Base Study, Committee f o r Economic Development, Washington, Publications of Government, Learned Societies, and Other  Organizations Government of Ghana, Accra-Tema-Akosombo Regional Programme  and Plan, Vol. 2, Accra, 1963. Government of Jamaica, Pive-Year Independence Plan :1963 - 1968. Government P r i n t i n g Of f i c e , Kingston, 1963. Jamaica Central Planning Unit, Economic Survey of Jamaica. Government Printer, Kingston, 1963. Jamaica Department of S t a t i s t i c s , National Accounts. Gov-ernment Printer, Kingston, 1961. Jamaica Information Service, "Jamaica's Pive-Year Plan f o r Development", Jamaica Now, Vol. 6, No. 1, 1963. 1962. 1962. 174 . "Programme fo r A g r i c u l t u r a l Development", Jamaica Mow. Vol. 6, No. 1, July, 1963. Jamaica Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Annual Report. Government Prin t e r , Kingston, 1964. Puerto Rico I n d u s t r i a l Development Company. Master Plan -Physical F a c i l i t i e s f o r I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , San Juan, United Kingdom Colonial O f f i c e . Report on Jamaica, Her Majesty's Stationery Offic e , London, 1963. United Nations. Measures f o r the Economic Development of  Under-Developed Countries. United Nations, New York 1951. . Regional Planning, Reports No's. 12 and 13 of the Housing, Building, and Planning Section, United Nations, New York, 1959 . Science and Technology f o r Development, Vol. 1, United Nations, New York, 1963. Zans, V.A. Geology and Mineral Deposits of Jamaica, Gov-ernment Pri n t e r , Kingston, 1961. . Recent Geological Work and Mining i n Jamaica, Report to the Second Caribbean Geological Conference, University of Puerto Rico, 1959. P e r i o d i c a l s Burton, Ian. "A Restatement of the Dispersed City Hypothesis" Canadian Geographer, Annals of the Association of Ameri-can Geographers, University of Toronto, Vol. 53, No. 3, September, 1963. Dakin, A. John. "Urbanization: A Tool f o r Social and Technological Advance", Plan Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, November, 1964. Friedmann, John. "Regional Development In Post I n d u s t r i a l Development", Journal of the American In s t i t u t e of  Planners (Special issue), Vol. xxx No. 2, May, 1964. Jefferson, Mark. "The Law of the Primate City", Geographical  Review. Vol. 29, No. 2, A p r i l , 1939. 175 M o r r i l l , Richard. "The Development of Spatial D i s t r i b u t i o n of Towns i n Sweden: An H i s t o r i c a l Predictive Approach", Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Vol. 53, No. 1, March, 1963. ' Sharon, Arieh. "Planning i n I s r a e l " , Town Planning Review. University of Liverpool Press, Liverpool, Vol. XXIII, 1952 - 1953. Wilson, James. "Putting Regional Planning to Work", Com- munity Planning Review. Vol. 7, No. 2, June, 1957. Unpublished Master's Theses Kudiabor, Clemens. "Planning for Balanced Soc i a l , Economic and Physical Development: Ghana", The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1963. Snaggs, Kenneth. "The Integration of Physical Planning with Soc i a l and Economic Planning", The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1961. Twumasi, Kojo. "Ind u s t r i a l Location i n the Developing Countries", The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1963. Miscellaneous Documents Letter received from Conservator of Forests, Jamaica, dated 24th October, 1964, attaching Report on Forest Policy i n Jamaica. Letter received from Director of Geological Surveys, Jamaica, dated 14th September, 1964, advising on Mineral Resource Potential i n Jamaica. Letter received from Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Housing, Jamaica, dated 23rd November, 1964, reporting on Housing conditions i n Jamaica. Letter received from Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Labour, Jamaica, dated 26th October, 1964, reporting on Employ-ment Situation i n Jamaica. 

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