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The theory and practice of education in Ontario in the 1860's Miller, Albert Herman 1968

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THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF EDUCATION IN ONTARIO IN THE 16*60'{3 by ALBERT HERMAN MILLER B.A., Concordia Seminary, Missouri, 1947 M.A., Wheaton College, I l l i n o i s , 1954 B.Ed., University of Alberta, I960 M.Ed., University of British Columbia, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION in the Faculty of Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 196B In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Br i t ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission Department of Educational Foundations The University of Br i t ish Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date A P r i l 22, 1968 ABSTRACT The study hypothesizes that even as the l£60 Ts were years of significant p o l i t i c a l , social, and economic change, they can also be identified as the beginning of modern education in Ontario. Primary sources u t i l i z e d included textbooks for teachers and pupils, letters, family papers, diaries, minutes of the meetings of teachers' associations and school boards, journal articles, books, annual reports, and various other documents. The study i s divided into three parts: society and education; theory of education; and practice in education. The f i r s t discusses the social environment, the educational level of Ontarians, political-religious issues that affected education, and the extent-and quality of public participation in school management. The second investigates concepts of education and of child nature. The third deals with common and grammar schools, teacher-training and certification, teaching techniques, and the Ontario teacher. The 1860's were years of transition as Ontario was changing from a pioneer to a modern society. Educators strove to keep pace with the forward thrust of Ontario l i f e . New concepts and practices co-existed with traditional ones to a degree that the decade i s unique as a turning point i i i i n Ontario education. Specific examples indicating the pivotal position of the l&^O's in education are: the resolution of the separate school question by the Scott Act of 1&63 and the British North America Act of 1867; the increasing humanitarian concern for children in and out of school; the growing desire for a more scientific approach to teaching; the changing concepts of pupil discipline and motivation; the extension of free schooling to include over 90% of the province's elementary schools; the broadening of the aims of education and the expansion of the common school curriculum; the change from a predominantly religious to a more secular and nationalistic emphasis in pupil textbooks; the widespread adoption of grading in elementary schools; the revision of the form and function of secondary schools; the large influx of g i r l s into secondary schools, as they were granted the legal right to enroll; the popularity of object and oral teaching; the dramatic rise in the number of women teachers; and the organization of a provincial teachers' association which gave the teachers a united voice and contributed to greater professionalism. The Chief Superintendent of Education, the Rev. Dr. Egerton Ryerson, played a prominent role in nearly every area. New theories and practices in education were being i v tested and accepted to such an extent that the 1860's mark the beginning of modern education in Ontario. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I . INTRODUCTION 1 The objective of the study (1); Scope and limitations (3); Significance (6); Acknowledgements (10J. PART I . SOCIETY AND EDUCATION II . THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 11 The rural society (11); The urban society (20); Transportation (25); Economic conditions (28); Pol i t ics (30). III . THE EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF THE PEOPLE . . . . 34 Literacy and level of education (34); Books and l ibrar ies (35); Newspapers (46): Magazines (52); Adult education (54). IV. THE POLITICAL-RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT 59 The primacy of re l ig ion in everyday l i f e (59); The separate school problem (64); Religious education in the schools (79). V. PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATION 92 Provincial administration and control of education (92); Local administration and control of education (99); Ryerson and public relations (114). PART I I . THEORY OF EDUCATION V I . CONCEPTS OF CHILD NATURE 128 Growing humanitarianism (128); How children learn (136); Motivation for learning (142). VII. THE NATURE OF EDUCATION 165 Teachers1 journals (166); School textbooks (169); Commonly expressed concepts of education (184); Free and compulsory education (191). v i CHAPTER PAGE PART III . PRACTICE IN EDUCATION VIII. THE COMMON SCHOOLS 201 The extent of free and compulsory education (201); School buildings (205); The curriculum (212): Segregation of the sexes (214); Grading (219); The school day and the school year (225); Pupil-teacher ratio (227). IX. THE GRAMMAR SCHOOLS 232 Grammar schools before I860 (233); Curriculum (239); Coeducation (245); Finances. (252);- Outstanding grammar schools (258); Ryerson's attitude to grammar schools (262); Reform in 1871 (269). X. THE TRAINING AND CERTIFICATION OF TEACHERS . . . 275 The Normal School (275); Model schools (298); Cert i f icat ion (305); In-service training (311). XI. TECHNIQUES OF TEACHING 315 The textbook and individual recitat ion (315); Review, d r i l l , and thoroughness (319); The object method (324); Teaching reading (332); Teaching spelling (341); Teaching writing (345); Teaching arithmetic (351); Teaching grammar, geography, and history (356): Principles of classroom management (3o2). XII. THE ONTARIO TEACHERS 371 Ideals for teachers (371); Reality for teachers (376); Women teachers (380); Salaries (384); Superannuation (390); Living conditions (393); Professional associations (396). XIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 403 Society and education (403); Theory of education (415); Practice in education (423); Years of transit ion (431). BIBLIOGRAPHY 437 Introduction (437); Primary sources (440); Secondary sources (44&v). LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. L i s t of National and Other School Books Formerly Sanctioned by the Council of Public Instruction f o r Use i n the Common Schools of Upper Canada 175-77 2. Color Photograph of a Stone School i n Jordan, Ontario, B u i l t i n 1859 209 3. Color Photograph of Dickson's H i l l Brick School i n the Pioneer T i l l a g e , Ontario, B u i l t i n 1861 209 4. One of a Series of School House Plans . Published i n the Journal of Education, March, 1857 . 210 5. Programme of Studies i n the Grammar Schools of Upper Canada . . . . . . 243 6. Programme of Lectures i n the Normal School f o r Ontario, 1869, 1870 283 7. Course of Study and Programme of the Entrance Examination i n the Normal School f o r Ontario . 284 8. L i s t of Text Books Used i n the Normal School f o r Ontario 285 9. General Regulations to be Observed by the Normal School Students 286 10. Object Lesson on Glass, Third Book of Reading Lessons, I r i s h National Series . . 327-28 11. Lesson I, F i r s t Book of Reading Lessons, Part I, Canadian Series . 335 12. Lesson I, F i r s t Book of Reading Lessons. Part I I , Canadian Series . . . . . 336 13. "Penmanship—Its Theory and Practice," an A r t i c l e i n the Journal of Education, October, 1863 . . . ~ 343-49 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The objective of the study* The objective of t h i s study i s to ascertain what people thought and d i d about public education i n Ontario i n the 1860's. This decade was chosen f o r study on the assumption that i t was an important turning point i n education as a t r a n s i t i o n a l l i n k between pioneer and modern education. The hypothesis i s that even as the 1860 Ts were years of s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic change, they can also be i d e n t i f i e d as the beginning of modern education i n Ontario. The term "modern" refers to theories and practices i n education which have been generally accepted and are followed today. Because important developments a f f e c t i n g a l l of Ontario l i f e were occurring i n the l860 fs and because schools are an extension and r e f l e c t i o n of the s o c i a l order, the s o c i a l milieu was investigated f o r i t s e f f e c t on concepts of education and teaching practices. The study i s divided into three parts: society and education, theory of education, and practice i n education. The f i r s t part discusses the s o c i a l environment, the educational l e v e l of Ontarians, p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s issues, and the extent and q u a l i t y of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the educational process. The second part investigates concepts of c h i l d nature and the nature of education. The t h i r d part deals with common and grammar schools, teacher^training and 2 certification, teaching techniques, and the status of Ontario teachers in the decade. Educators in the 1860fs emphasized distinctions between theory and. practice and delighted in analyses and categorizations, for such delineations were regarded as signs that education was coming of age and.assuming a sc i e n t i f i c outlook. The.terms "theory and practice" were often used in books and articles. "The Science and Art of Teaching" was a phrase commonly employed by educational writers to describe theory and practice. John Herbert Sangster, mathematical master and headmaster of the Toronto Normal School and the author of numerous textbooks, defined the two terms in.this way;l 1. Science i s a collection of the general- principles or leading truths relating to any branch of knowledge, arranged in systematic order so as to be readily remembered, referred to, and applied. 2. Art i s a collection of rules serving to f a c i l i t a t e the performance of certain operations. The rules of Art are based upon the principles of Science. 3. Arithmetic i s both a Science and an Art. 4. As a Science, Arithmetic treats of. the nature and properties of numbers; as an Art, it. teaches the mode of applying this knowledge to practical purposes. The former may be called Theoretical, and.the latter Practical Arithmetic. To Practical. Arithmetic belong Ijohn Herbert Sangster, National Arithmetic, in Theory and Practice (3rd ed.; Toronto: R. & A. Miller, 1802;, p7~lT. 3 a l l the operations we perform upon numbers, as addition, subtraction, m u l t i p l i c a t i o n , d i v i s i o n , the-extraction of roots, &c. The discussion of the p r i n c i p l e s upon which these operations are founded, constitutes the theory of Arithmetic. Science, or theory, meant concept or p r i n c i p l e ; a r t , or pr a c t i c e , meant rules and. t h e i r application, the execution of the p r i n c i p l e s i n the p r a c t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . In t h i s study not only rules, f o r . p r a c t i c e as laid.down by experts w i l l be considered, but also the actual -teaching.practices i n the schools, which often deviated widely from what, was suggested as good pr a c t i c e . Scope and l i m i t a t i o n s . The theory and practice of education i n Ontario i n the lS60.f.s i s not a narrow and " p r o v i n c i a l " topic which ignores educational developments elsewhere. Quite the contrary. Any study of Ontario education during.the superintendency of the Reverend Doctor Egerton Ryerson becomes, deeply involved i n comparative education. Ryerson went to Europe four times during his administration and often t r a v e l l e d to other Canadian provinces, and to the United States.- During, these t r i p s he consulted-leading educationists and v i s i t e d many schools, ever a l e r t to ideas that could benefit Ontario. He also read widely and was a genius at adopting and.adapting ideas and practices from many lands, and so Ontario r e f l e c t s world-wide educational developments. 4 The quotations and presentations of theories and the examples of teaching practice i n the thesis are nearly always taken from Ontario sources. Sometimes they are endorsements by Ontarians of views and practices from elsewhere, and examples from outside Ontario, are occasionally included when they c l e a r l y r e f l e c t the position or experience of educators i n Ontario. The province was known by three names during the 1860's. The Constitutional Act. of 1791 o f f i c i a l l y designated the area Upper Canada. The Act of Union i n 1840 united Upper Canada and Lower Canada (Quebec) and the former became Canada West and the l a t t e r Canada East. However, the new names never became popular, and both areas continued to be known as Upper Canada and Lower Canada. At Confederation i n 1867 the Canadas again became separate provinces and were named Ontario and Quebec.2 In t h i s study Ontario i s used when r e f e r r i n g to the decade i n general and to s p e c i f i c events a f t e r July 1, 1867. Following common usage i n the decade, Upper Canada rather than Canada West w i l l be used f o r pre-Confederation references. The t h e s i s gives l i t t l e e x p l i c i t attention to private schools, not because they are unimportant, but because they ^Robert L e s l i e Jones, History of Agriculture i n Ontario t 1613-1880 (Toronto: universrEy oi Toronto Press, 194b), p. x i i . 5 were comparatively few i n number and can be more appropri-ately investigated i n a separate study to show t h e i r con-tr i b u t i o n s as alternatives to public, education.3 Attention has been given to Roman Catholic separate schools since they are i n the context of the public education system i n Ontario. A l l but one (the University of Toronto) of Ontario's sixteen colleges and u n i v e r s i t i e s i n 1870 were private, church-related i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i n that year only 1,960 were enrolled i n all A U n i v e r s i t i e s w i l l be treated only i n c i d e n t a l l y to i l l u s t r a t e certain aspects of theory and practice, as, f o r example, t h e i r e f f e c t on the grammar school, curriculum. A study of t h i s nature which takes a comprehensive look at many factors, and facets of educational, thought and practice i n a ten-year period cannot describe and analyze 3 j . George Hodgins, The Establishment of Schools and  Colleges i n Ontario, 1792-1910 (3 vols.; Toronto: L. K. Cameron, 1^10), I, 126 c i t i n g the Hon. Mr. J u s t i c e John Wilson, l o c a l superintendent of public schools i n London, Upper Canada, who reported that the ascendancy.of public schools had caused the closure of many private, schools with about 500 pupils from 1855-1863 so that no notable private schools were l e f t i n 1863. Ryerson's annual report f o r 1870 recorded 284 academies and private schools which enrolled but 6,562 pupils out of a provincial, t o t a l of 459,161, or l e s s than Zfo of the t o t a l , c i t e d i n J . George Hodgins, 1 Documentary  History of Education i n Upper Canada (28 vols.; Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter, I-VI, L. K. Cameron, VII-XXVIII, 1894-1910), XXII, 260, 264. ^Hodgins, Documentary History, XXII, 260. 6 i n d i v i d u a l topics i n the same depth as specialized studies. The student interested, i n the development of the theory and practice .of teaching arithmetic, English, or reading, or the t r a i n i n g of teachers,.or grammar schools,.or other topics treated i n t h i s thesis w i l l , not get as complete a picture here, as i n studies of. s p e c i f i c areas covering longer periods of time, but he w i l l get. a f a i r l y complete description of t h e i r status i n the l8 6 0 f s . Likewise, s o c i a l h i s t o r y i s not presented i n depth here, but i t i s re l a t e d to education and even a s l i g h t .treatment should give, some f e e l i n g f o r the l i f e and times of Ontarians i n the. years.under review. Significance. There are; a number of studies i n the histo r y of Canadian .education which trace the .development of aspects of education through a century or more: studies of school readers; of subjects i n the c u r r i c u l a of elementary and secondary schools; of Ryerson^ influence on c e r t a i n educational developments—but t h i s thesis i s a new departure in. that i t takes a broader look at many trends i n education as they manifested themselves i n the comparatively short period of ten years. I t presents a cross-section of education as a whole during a short span of time. Yet within the decade progress can. be traced, and i n order to place developments in. context, aspects of education.prior to i860 and subsequent to 1870-are included 7 to keep the study from being a r t i f i c i a l l y i s o l a t e d from the flow of larger educational trends. There were a number of events i n the 1860's that affected a l l Ontarians and give special, significance to the decade. Foremost among them was the enactment of. the B r i t i s h North America Act which united four provinces into the Dominion of Canada on July 1, 1867. The accelerating development of natural resources, the effects of the railway b u i l d i n g boom of the l 8 5 0 Ts, the development of commerce and industry, p o l i t i c a l c r i s e s and international, tensions, c h i e f l y the American War. between the States, a l l made the l860's p i v o t a l i n Ontario and Canadian h i s t o r y . Developments i n communication and transportation were shrinking the world and thoughtful people were tr y i n g to r e l a t e these changes to the f i e l d of education. In the l 8 6 0 Ts Ontario*s size and prosperity enabled i t to do more than other provinces, and i t s school system was the. most admired i n Canada. Ontario enrolled more than h a l f of a l l children i n school i n B r i t i s h North America: of the 600,000.in school i n 1861, 344,000 were i n Ontario; of 800,000 i n 1871, 463,000 were Ontarians. 5 By i 860 Ontario was the leading Canadian-province i n educational thought and prac t i c e . The Ontario school system ^Charles E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Company Limited, 1957), p. 182. 8 was already attracting the notice of other countries. Prominent persons from the United States and Europe v is i ted and usually praised what they saw. Ontario influenced educational thought and practice throughout Canada and was especially inf luent ia l in the new. provinces in.the West. As Ontarians moved westward to settle in Manitoba, the North West Territory (later to become Saskatchewan and Alberta), and Br i t i sh Columbia, they took their educational system with them. The curriculum and organization of the schools from Ontario to the Pacific were a l l based largely on the Ontario prototype, which also affected the older provinces to the East.^ The architect and builder of the Ontario system of public education was Egerton Ryerson, the Chief Superin-tendent of Education from 1844^1^76. Before his appointment to head the Education. Department, he had distinguished himself as a Methodist minister, as a champion of equal °Some of the sources which test i fy to Ontario's great influence on Canadian, education are: H. T. Coutts and B. E . Walker, G. Fred, the Story of G. Fred McNally (Don M i l l s , Ontario: J . M. Dent & Sons TCanada) Limited, 1964), pp. 22, 60; F. Henry Johnson, A History of Public  Education in Br i t i sh Columbia (Vancouver: University of Br i t i sh Columbia Publications Centre, 1966), pp. 19, 23, 30, 32, 33, 45, 49, 50, 64, 69, 73, 77; Charles E . Ph i l l ip s , op. c i t . , p. 224; J . George Hodgins, Ryerson Memorial  Volume (Toronto: Warwick & Sons, 1889), p. 27; George Kennedy Sheane, "The History and Development of the Curriculum of the Elementary School in Alberta" (Doctor of Pedagogy thesis, University of Toronto, 1948'), p. 16*. 9 r i g h t s f o r a l l r e l i g i o u s denominations, and as the president of V i c t o r i a College. He succeeded i n erecting an enduring system of public education from primitive beginnings. He was i n f l u e n t i a l - i n the highest echelons of government i n both province and nation, and was well-received i n high places abroad. His a b i l i t y to develop structures suitable to Upper Canada and h i s administrative a b i l i t y , which included a grasp of the smallest d e t a i l s as well as larger concepts, were remarkable. In I860 he was at the mid-point of h i s career i n the Education Department, i n which he was to do more f o r Ontario education than any other person, and he was already the outstanding fig u r e i n public education i n Canada. In the l860 Ts educators were coming, to grips with fundamental questions: the purposes of education, the organization of elementary and secondary schools.,, the place of g i r l s and women i n schools, the development and ap p l i c a t i o n of more appropriate and e f f e c t i v e methodology i n teaching, f i n a n c i a l support f o r schools, compulsory education, the place of r e l i g i o n i n schools and the v a l i d i t y of separate schools f o r Roman Catholics, the adequacy of e x i s t i n g textbooks, i n short, a whole gamut of problems i n theory and prac t i c e . The schools had grown to a point where these problems had to be dealt with—and the answers had-not yet been f u l l y provided or accepted. The 10 whole system of public education was under review and beginning to take a firm form.that was to influence Ontario thought and practice down to this day. Acknowledgements. The writer i s grateful to the members of the thesis committee for their gracious and valuable assistance: Dr. F. Henry Johnson, chairman; Dr. Kenneth F. Argue; Dr. Charles W. Humphries; Dr. Clarence E. Smith; and Dr. George S. Tomkins. Appreciation i s also extended to The University of British Columbia for providing funds for two extended stays in Ontario which made possible the u t i l i z a t i o n of many primary sources. Notes on the bibliography w i l l comment on them at greater length. PART I. SOCIETY AND EDUCATION CHAPTER II THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT This chapter w i l l summarize some of the events and forces that were giving momentum to the rate of change i n Ontario i n the l860*s. Fundamental changes were occurring i n both the c i t i e s and the country areas, brought, about by developments i n p o l i t i c s , transportation,, economic and s o c i a l conditions. Many Canadian-historians have asserted that the 1860*s mark an important turning point i n Canadian histo r y . People involved i n education, administrators, teachers, and pupils,cannot be i s o l a t e d from the s o c i a l milieu, and the winds of change were f e l t also in. the schools. A review of Ontario society i n the 1860's w i l l help put the decade into perspective, and w i l l provide a background f o r a clearer understanding of educational developments. The r u r a l society. From i t s e a r l i e s t settlement, Upper Canada had offered a vast expanse of f e r t i l e farm land, free for the settling... Hundreds of thousands of immigrants had come, cleared land, endured many privations, and established farms. Ontario's society and economy were agrarian; i n the s i x t i e s ninety per cent of the people 12 l i v e d on farms or i n communities with fewer than 5,000 inhabitants." 1" However, on closer scrutiny, an important change i s evident during the s i x t i e s . Twenty years e a r l i e r , i n the l840 Ts, there had been.a great i n f l u x of immigrants to Upper Canada, which continued into the f i f t i e s . As a r e s u l t , by the end of the l850»s the supply of crown lands i n the f e r t i l e peninsula of Upper Canada was exhausted. At t h i s c r i t i c a l juncture, the great American West was beckoning with i t s open f e r t i l e p r a i r i e s , free to homesteaders. With the great Canadian Shield blocking access to the Canadian p r a i r i e s , the American propaganda f o r immigrants, plus the bu i l d i n g of r a i l -ways that connected Upper Canada with the M i s s i s s i p p i River and beyond, lured large numbers of Canadians southward and westward. By I860, then, the f r o n t i e r of Upper Canada had moved to the United S t a t e s . 2 Already by the l a t e 1850*s the practical-question was not so much the promotion, of immigration to.Upper Canada but rather the prevention of. emigration to the United States. Upper Canada's population had grown by 32$ i n the decade -"-Census of Canada t 1670-1&71 (5 vols.; Ottawa: I. B. Taylor, I-IV, Maclean, Roger, & Co., V, 1873-1378), V, 32-33. 2Robert L e s l i e Jones, History of Agriculture i n Ontario. 1613-1880 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1946), pp"TWr~9"4 • 13 from 1851-61 (from 952,004 to 1,396,091); but during the next census period, 1861-71, the increase i n population was only 11$ (from 1,396,091 to- 1,620,851).3 The decline of immigrants and the large scale emigration caused the government much concern, f o r a steady i n f l u x of pioneers was considered es s e n t i a l to c o l o n i a l prosperity. The government took action to counteract the trends. Immigration pamphlets were published f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n i n Europe. Immigration o f f i c e r s posted i n Great B r i t a i n and Canadian ports of entry were to do everything i n t h e i r power to a s s i s t and welcome newcomers. Special immigration commissioners exhorted Canadians to welcome the new s e t t l e r s . But despite o f f i c i a l zeal the e f f o r t s met with l i t t l e success. The appeal of the American West and the disappearance of good land f o r homesteading i n Upper Canada were potent deterrents to a successful immigration campaign. . The new areas that were opened f o r s e t t l e r s were of poor q u a l i t y and provided only the barest existence f o r homesteaders.^ ^Census o f Canada, 1870-1371. V, 2, 4, 6. The figures f o r a l l of Canada from 1861-71 show 187,000 immigrants and 379,000 emigrants, a net loss of 192,000 in.population movement f o r the decade. These figures given, i n Urquhart, M. C. and Buckley, K. A., eds., H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of  Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1965), p. 44. 4jones, 0 £ . cit.» p. 294. The government was as yet unaware that i t was becoming necessary to industrial ize in order to attract and keep a larger population.. With limited farm land, greater divers i f icat ion in the economy was necessary, and the handwriting was on the wall already in the f i f t i e s . For the f i r s t time the proportion of farmers to the general population began to decrease, a trend that has continued ever since. The t r i ck le to the c i t i e s beginning then was eventually to become a torrent in the twentieth century. The decade of the 1850 !s had been revolutionary i n Upper Canadian rural l i f e . Farmers began to turn from the overseas market to those of New York and New England. They began to shift from their "everlasting wheating" to other branches of agriculture. They acquired new kinds of implements. They had better tools, better and a greater variety of products, and greater markets, a l l made possible by mass production of farm machinery and the coming of the rai lways. 5 The more prosperous farmers were applying the principles of sc ient i f ic farming.- During.and after the American C i v i l War more farmers than ever before began using labor-saving devices. The period from 1854 to 1866 saw the f i r s t large scale introduction of labor-saving 5 I b i d . t p. 215. 15 machinery into Upper Canada, especially the. mower and reaper. Livestock were improved, factory cheese-making developed, and the expansion and consolidation of a g r i c u l t u r a l organization also took place i n that, period. In 1866 the demand f o r farm equipment was so great, that the manufacturers had d i f f i c u l t y s a t i s f y i n g i t . By 1870 there were 36,874 reapers and mowers i n use i n Ontario. After 1866 farmers began to adjust to changes brought about by the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States and-the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of worldwide competition i n the European market.^ These changes meant that the quality of r u r a l l i f e was improving noticeably in. the 1860's. The crude pioneer l i f e of p r i v a t i o n and subsistence farming was becoming the exception rather than the r u l e . By i860 many farms were being t i l l e d by the second and t h i r d generation of the same f a m i l i e s . Farmers b u i l t better houses and larger barns and abandoned the candle and the f i r e p l a c e f o r the c o a l - o i l lamp and the cooking stove.? Rural l i f e was considered the good l i f e . The wholesome country a i r was analogous to the purity and moral uprightness fostered by country l i v i n g . Even c i t y -dwellers extolled i t as they decried the decadence of 6 I b i d . , pp. 309-10, 353. 7Ibid., p. 215. Stoves were usually bought from peddlers who were w i l l i n g to give almost unlimited credit i f the purchaser held t i t l e to his land. 16 the "morally sunken and depraved." c i t i e s . The Toronto Globe published an a r t i c l e which decried parents 1 indifference to the education of t h e i r children i n r u r a l areas, and concluded: "And i f well-to-do farmers are acting i n t h i s way what i s to be expected from many of the ignorant and vicious inhabitants of towns and v i l l a g e s ? " ^ So extensive were the changes among progressive farmers that f o r the f i r s t time i n Upper Canadian his t o r y the a g r i c u l t u r a l economy was e s s e n t i a l l y modern i n i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Rural standards of l i v i n g continued to r i s e s t e a d i l y i n the 1860 Ts.9 When the Canada Farmer compared Upper Canada of the 184G Ts with Ontario of the early 1870*3 i t burst into a paean:^° Priv a t i o n has given place to comfort and abundance. The Canadian farmer wheels i t to market and church i n a modern and handsome vehicle drawn by a f i n e team of horses, instead of jumbling slowly along i n an ox-cart. The mower and reaper do the work of the back-breaking scythe and cradle. Sewing machines, and pianos have crept into the house and girls.-disport themselves i n the l a t e s t fashions. The r a i l r o a d whistle, whose s h r i l l sound means near markets, can be heard i n almost every r u r a l homestead. ^Toronto Globe, c i t e d i n the Journal of Education  fo r Ontario, XXII (July, 1369), 102. 9jones, op_. c i t . , p. 215. IQCanada Farmer, August 15, 1873, c i t e d by Jones, op. c i t . , pp. 306-07. 17 In the r u r a l community the Puritan ethic of hard work ruled supreme, though there were "ne'er-do-wells" who f e l l f a r short of the i d e a l . Family l i f e was stable; recreation was family and church-centered, and involved p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Relationships were primary and personal, not secondary and formal. When people went to lectures or lantern s l i d e exhibitions, i t was not only to see the program, but also to see and v i s i t with friends and neighbors. Certain seasons afforded s p e c i a l opportunities f o r social, l i f e . Christmas was a time of v i s i t i n g back and f o r t h between neighbors, playing games, cards, ;sports, having s l e i g h - r i d e s , and dances, complete with old-time f i d d l e r s . H In February, when.most of the winter indoor work was done and the weather permitted l i t t l e outside work, protracted church meetings, temperance and phrenological lectures were often scheduled. Many of these were held i n the school-house, with the permission of good-natured trustees, although the teacher was not always pleased with the state of a f f a i r s the next morning.12 Churches held tea-meetings, at which ^ G a v i n H. Green, The Old .Log School and Huron Old Boys i n Pioneer Days (Goderich, Ontario: Signal-Star Press, 12W. F. Munro, The Backwoods L i f e (Toronto: Hunter, Rose, & Co., 1869), pp. 58-59. Phrenology was then regarded as a v a l i d science. Many educated persons, including Horace Mann, believed i n the v a l i d i t y of i t s p r i n c i p l e s . pies, cakes, and other sweets were served with entertainment f o r a modest admission price.13 Various types of work bees provided opportunities to complete major projects, and to s o c i a l i z e and drink as w e l l . Sports and games were simple and home-made. Shooting matches, swimming, - skating, and primitive versions of baseball and hockey were, played. Shinty, or "shinny" as i t was commonly c a l l e d , was an importation from Scotland and a great f a v o r i t e of the boys. I t was usually played on hard-beaten- snow i n the schoolyard with a rubber b a l l and home-made s t i c k s . Good elm or hickory cudgels with a natural crook were cut from the bush. It was a savage game, akin to f i e l d hockey, with few rules and frequent f i g h t s . No such f r i l l s as referees were indulged in.14 other games played around the schoolyard were leap frog,, pump-pump-pullaway, b u l l - i n — t h e - r i n g , rounders, tag,.and big r i n g . The seasons were identified.by games popular at c e r t a i n times, l i k e "marble-time, top-time, or kite-time."15 The great majority of the people could trace t h e i r • l3Green, p_p_. c i t . , pp. 100-01. l^Charles ¥. Gordon, Postscript to Adventure; The  Autobiography of Ralph Connor (New York; Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1938), pp. 18-19. 15w. J . Alexander, "Memories of Schools Sixty Years Ago," The School, XVI (March, 1928), 641. o r i g i n to the B r i t i s h I s l e s . In 1871 there were 559,442 of I r i s h o r i g i n , 439,429 English, and 3 2 8 , 8 8 9 S c o t t i s h i n Ontario, the three groups combined making up. more than 82$ of the population. Of the t o t a l population of 1 , 6 2 0 , 8 5 1 , about 7 0 $ (1,131,334) had been born i n O n t a r i o . 1 6 But whether a man was a r e l a t i v e newcomer to Ontario or of ten generations on the continent, he followed the same way of l i f e , f o r newcomers r a p i d l y f i t t e d themselves into the p r e v a i l i n g pattern.17 Family size was shrinking i n the s i x t i e s . In 1861 the average Ontario family numbered 6.4 persons. In 1871 the f i g u r e was 5.5. In 1861 the r a t i o of males to females per thousand population was 520-430; i n 1871 i t was 5 1 1 - 4 3 9 . B o t h the reduction of family size and the narrowing of the imbalance i n numbers between, the sexes are i n d i c a t i o n s of movement away from a pioneer society. The b i r t h rate was declining, while the death rate was about the same as i n the preceding decade. The annual average b i r t h rate per thousand population, from 1851-61 for all.Canada was 4 5 . 2 ; from 1861-71 the annual average was 39.6. This compares with the 1956-61 Canadian average ^Census £_ Canada. 1870-1371, I, 280-81, 364. 17Arthur R. M. Lower, Canadians i n the Making (Toronto: Longmans, Green and Company, 1958), p. 336. I3census of Canada, 1870-1371, V, 4-7. of 27.5 and a 1966 figu r e of less than 20. The death rate fo r the 1851-61 period averaged 21.6 per thousand; f o r 1861-71 i t decreased very s l i g h t l y to 20.3; i n 1956-61 i t was 8.0. In 1871 there were 2,792 physicians i n Canada, or one per 1,249 people; i n 1959 Canada had 19,000, or one per 913 of the population."^ It was a young country: the average age of the Ontarian of 1871 was 22.68 years (male-23.09; female-22.25). 395,285 or 55$ of the population of Ontario i n that year was under twenty-one years of age..2^ The lack of medical knowledge and medicines meant a lower l i f e expectancy; many diseases which are controlled today were f a t a l then. The urban society. While Ontario i n the s i x t i e s was e s s e n t i a l l y a r u r a l society, an urban trend, was becoming more evident. Between 1861 and 1871 the. f i v e largest c i t i e s i n Ontario (Toronto, Hamilton, Ottawa, Kingston,, and London) grew by 23%, exactly double the percentage increase of the province as a whole. 2! while the t o t a l number of c i t y -dwellers was not yet imposing, the importance of c i t i e s i n the economic l i f e of the province was growing. Spelt wrote l^Urquhart and Buckley, op_. c i t . , p. 44. 2 0Census of Canada, 1870-1371, V, 36, 70; I I , 53-60. 2 1 I b i d . , V, 32-33. 21 that the period between 1851 and 1881 i n Ontario was characterized by a vigorous growth of urban settlement, and the s i x t i e s l a y right, i n the heart of that p e r i o d . 2 2 Clark repeatedly points s p e c i f i c a l l y . t o i860 as the turning point i n the growth of c i t i e s and towns, the increasing mobility of urban l i f e , and the development of new economic, p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l forces i n Canadian society. 2 3 I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was a major cause of the r i s e of Ontario c i t i e s . A number of factors contributed to i t . Technological advances a f t e r 1850 made the conditions f o r manufacturing much d i f f e r e n t than before: water power was replaced by steam, coal took the place of wood as f u e l , and railways provided cheaper transportation of materials and goods unhampered by seasonal i n t e r r u p t i o n s . 2 ^ S c i e n t i f i c farming and.the.opening of markets ca l l e d f o r better farm machinery and greater production. The r i s i n g affluence of. the r u r a l population c a l l e d f o r more consumer goods as the farmer became, l e s s s e l f - r e l i a n t and looked f o r f i n e r goods than he could make at home. In response to the need, Massey had begun manufacturing 2 2J. Spelt, The Urban Development i n South-Central  Ontario (Assen, The Netherlands: Van Gorcum & Co". N. V.— G. A. Hak & Dr. H. J. Prakke, 1955), p. 132. 2 3 S . D. Clark, Church and Sect i n Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1948), cEapter VI. 24spelt, op_. c i t . , p. 114. 22 mowers and reapers i n Canada i n 1852 and combined mowers and reapers i n I856. The self-rake reaper was developed i n 1863.25 In the 1850's most of the machines used i n Upper Canada were imported from the United States, but i n i860 i t was said that "so great has the supply become from our home manufactures that an American-made machine i s now as great a r a r i t y as a Canadian one was a few years ago..."26 In 1864 a factory at Oshawa.manufactured 700 mowers, plus a number of reapers, "horsepowers," threshing machines, and plows. Every town and important v i l l a g e had one or more small f a c t o r i e s producing farm machinery, indicating.the importance of farming i n the creation of a home market, f o r i n d u s t r i a l production. 2? The opening, of small and large f a c t o r i e s i n the s i x t i e s caused a decline of i n d i v i d u a l craftsmen. By 1870 fa c t o r i e s were producing woollens and cottons., boots and shoes, f u r n i t u r e , stoves, doors and sashes, a g r i c u l t u r a l implements, and a host of other products i n Ontario. The number of f a c t o r i e s increased steadily, though most were r e l a t i v e l y small i n s i z e . 2 ^ 25Tweedsmuir History f o r Home and-Country, Kars, Ontario (A scrapbook on microfilm, Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa), I I , 19. 2 6 J o n e s , op_. c i t . , p. 202. 27ibid. 2 ^ I b i d . . p. 308. The chief items of manufacture i n Ontario in.1869 were l i s t e d as clo t h , l i n e n , f u r n i t u r e , sawn timber,flax, i r o n and hardware, paper, soap, cotton and The discovery of petroleum i n Upper Canada i n 1858 provided a new industry. Three, hundred wells were d r i l l e d there i n 1866, and. nearly a million, b a r r e l s of o i l were produced from 1864-69. Refined petroleum, c a l l e d mineral o i l , rock o i l , but most commonly coal o i l , provided a new and e f f i c i e n t type of l i g h t i n g and revolutionized home il l u m i n a t i o n . Previous to t h i s innovation gas. manufactured from coal was available i n c i t i e s , but i t was.expensive. The new coal o i l lamps gave l i g h t equal to four candles at a cost of h a l f a cent f o r two hours l i g h t . Lamps cost as l i t t l e as t h i r t y cents. I t became more convenient to stay up l a t e r i n the evening a s - l i g h t i n g homes became more e f f i c i e n t and economical.29 The reduction of available land- f o r growing sons to farm, the development of industry, and the concomitant growth of towns and c i t i e s meant an increasing number of options f o r young men unable or unwilling.to remain on the farm. The c i t i e s offered more scope, money, and prestige woollen goods, steam engines, locomotives, wooden ware, and a g r i c u l t u r a l implements. The main exports were a g r i c u l t u r a l products, timber, and l i v e s t o c k . Minerals found i n Ontario were i r o n , copper, lead, plumbago (graphite), antinomy (white metal used i n a l l o y s ) , arsenic, manganese, heavy spar (a type of c r y s t a l l i n e mineral), calc-spar, gypsum or plaster of Paris, marble, gold, s i l v e r , mica, petroleum, s a l t , and peat beds. This information i s given i n Emigration to the Province of Ontario (Toronto: Province of Ontario, 185?), pp. 13-14. 29Emigration to the Province of Ontario, p. 20. 24 to the able and ambitious i n trades, professions, and businesses, and these gravitated to where money and opportunities were more p l e n t i f u l . The c i t i e s also provided a greater variety of c u l t u r a l and recreational options than the country did. For example, the i n t e l l e c t u a l s looked forward to the meetings of the L i t e r a r y and S c i e n t i f i c Society of Toronto f i v e or s i x times a year at University College. The programs, featured essays on poetry and l i t e r a t u r e , declamations of poetry and prose, speeches ("Does the Present System of Schools and University Education.Give Undue Prominence to the Study of Antiquity?"), and debates ("Has the Mind, of Man Exerted a More B e n e f i c i a l Influence on Humanity than that of Woman?").30 Toronto was moving i n t o . i t s proud, self-claimed p o s i t i o n as "Queen C i t y of the West." It was also "Toronto the Good" and that because so many of i t s inhabitants were zealous Protestants and had so many churches which they zealously attended. I t s population was about 45,000 and i t s p r i n c i p a l constituents (as i n Montreal) were I r i s h . 3 ! Metropolitan!sm was becoming a more dominant force i n economic, p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s organizations a l i k e . The 30printed programs i n the C. R. W. Biggar Papers (Public Archives of Canada). ~" 3-J-Lower, op_. c i t . , p. 265. end of the front ier , the development of manufacturing, the r i se of railways, and better communication were a l l combining to shrink Ontario's distances and were contributing to the r ise of her c i t ies and towns.32 Transportation. Waterways and rough overland roads were the chief routes of travel in pioneer days, but in the 1850's the railway boom exploded in Upper Canada with a vigor that was to change the face of the land and the pace of l i f e . In 1852 not a single railway was to be found in the United Province of Canada, yet by i860 1,876 miles of track were in use. The Grand Trunk had 870 miles, the Great Western 357, the Buffalo and Lake Huron 159, and thirteen others each had less than a.hundred miles of track.33 Clark points to the completion of the Grand Trunk Railway in 1859 as marking the. passing of the backwoods community in Canada and the rise of the industr ial town.34 Almost every part of Upper Canada was then within reasonable distance of a railway. Dis tr ic ts which had. been considered out of the way because they were th i r ty or forty miles from 32ciark, op_. c i t . , p. 345. 33The Canadian Settlers' Guide (tenth edition; London: Edward Stanford, 1860), p. 95", Emigration to  Canada (Quebec: John Love l l , i860), pp. 9-10. 34ciark, op_. c i t . , p. 364. 26 navigable water found their i solat ion at an end. Inland vi l lages now got their merchandise from Montreal or Toronto i n a few days instead of having to wait weeks or even months for i t .35 Glazebrook emphasizes the revolution in transportation that the coming of the railway brought to Canada. It drew aside a curtain from between people in previously isolated d i s tr i c t s and the outside world. To. the farming areas and backwoods towns i t gave a l ink with the main, centers of population. To the larger towns i t brought easier communication with the United States and Europe. To the isolated pioneer d i s tr ic t s of Upper Canada.the railway brought mail and newspapers, and carried passengers in comfort and ease in summer or winter over long or short distances which before had meant laborious and expensive journeys. The products of the farms could now be trans-ported to market many miles away; and to the farms came the manufactured products of the Canadian, and English factories . The railways "brought a revolution in the l i f e of a l l the provinces—socially, economically, and po l i t i ca l ly ."36 35jones, op_. c i t . , p. 212. 3 6 G . P. deT. Glazebrook, A History of Transportation in Canada (2 vo l s . ; Toronto: McClelland and Stewart l imited, 1964), I , 170, 179. 27 Newspapers, mail, and goods, flowed much more f r e e l y between c i t y and country areas a f t e r the railways came. They extended the influence of c i t i e s i n r u r a l areas. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of c i t y markets f o r farm goods brought prosperity to farmers. The railway was the most important factor i n the development of new urban centers. Even v i l l a g e s and small towns soon recognized t h i s f a c t , and desperately t r i e d to excel each other i n granting bonuses to a t t r a c t railways. The coming of railways meant that urban development was no longer r e s t r i c t e d to waterfront s i t e s , f o r inland locations saw.their p o t e n t i a l markets considerably expanded.37 Glazebrook points also to the profound impact of the railways on the. p o l i t i c a l .as well as the economic l i f e during the st r a t e g i c years of the l 8 6 0 t s : 3 ^ The decade of the s i x t i e s marks a turning.point i n the h i s t o r y of Canadian railways, as, indeed, i t does i n 37spelt, op. c i t . , pp. 107-08. The railways also added adventure and glamor to the Canadian countryside. The Fred W. Grant Scrapbooks (on microfilm in. the.Public Archives of Canada) give evidence that the trains, i n the* s i x t i e s could a t t a i n speeds of s i x t y miles per hour. Such a sight would have a profound effect on the farm boy used to dr i v i n g teams of horses or even oxen. In one of the scrapbooks there i s a picture of the steam locomotive that made the f i r s t run on the f i r s t railway operated i n Upper Canada, the Toronto, Simeoe and Huron, which ran a l l the way from Toronto to what i s now Aurora. I t was built.by James Good i n Toronto and made i t s f i r s t run i n May, 1853. 33Glazebrook, O_D. c i t . , I I , 1. 28 the whole p o l i t i c a l and economic position of the provinces. The evident failure of the Canadian trunk lines to secure such a portion of American business as would repay their generous expenditure led to a major change of policy; and the circumstances and atmosphere of the day suggested as an alternative the exploitation of national territory. . . . Thus the movement toward a single British country in North America, as approached from the p o l i t i c a l point of view, coincided in time with the recognition, from the economic point of view, of the end of the continental projects. Economic conditions. The growth of industry and i t s extension by railways did not mean uninterrupted prosperity, however,.for the early s i x t i e s were troubled and anxious years. The business boom caused by the Crimean War and the Grand Trunk Railway construction collapsed i n the crash i n the autumn of 1857. By i860 Canada was beginning to come out of the commercial and f i n a n c i a l depression and the sun of prosperity was again beginning to shine shyly on Upper Canada. The American C i v i l War, which began i n 1861, did not immediately bring Canada the r e v i v a l of trade that was expected as a r e s u l t - o f the c o n f l i c t . On.the contrary, the shock caused by.the Trent A f f a i r at the end of 1861 disturbed the business s i t u a t i o n . There was widespread apprehension that Canada would be drawn into war with the Americans. Added to t h i s external fa c t o r was the turbulence of i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s as frequent elections and changes of government unsettled business and trade.39 But the o v e r a l l 39john Squair, John Seath and the School System of  Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1920J, pp. 13-14. 29 picture i n the s i x t i e s showed progress i n commercial and economic growth i n the province. The expansion, of industry and markets did not r e s u l t i n a marked escalation of either prices or wages i n the 1860 fs. Both varied from l o c a l i t y to l o c a l i t y i n response to supply and demand. In 1862 farm.labor was-paid from $8 to $12 per month with board and lodging. A shortage of farm labor caused, t h i s to r i s e to 75£ to $1-25 per day i n 1869, according to immigration pamphlets. Tradesmen's wages were from $1 to $3 per day, depending on the trade.40 The immigration pamphlets said the cost of l i v i n g i n Canada was lower than i n England. In 1869 cottages and small houses rented from $4 to $8 per month i n c i t i e s and 40canada < 1862. For the Informati on of Immigrants (Quebec: Government Emigration O f f i c e , 1862*7, p. 4. f K i s pamphlet gives t h i s scale of wages: Farm labor, per month, from $8 to $12 with board and lodging. Female servants, per month, from $2 to $5 with board and lodging. Boys, over 13 years, per month, from $2 to $8 with board and lodging, G i r l s , over 13 years, per month, from $1 to $3 with board and lodging. Mechanics, per day, $1 to $1.50 without board. In 1869 Emigration to the Province of  Ontario (Toronto: John Carling, Commissioner of Agriculture and Public Works f o r the Province of Ontario, 1869), pp. 20-21, gave t h i s scale: Farm indoor servants from $10 to farm servants, $4 to 14 per month by the year; female 6 per month by the year; labourers, 750 to $1 .25 per day with board, harvest time, $1.50 to $2.25 per day. Boys of 12 and up could get work. In the three or four months of winter wages went down. Mechanics: carpenters, $1.50 to $2.25 per day; Bricklayers, Plasterers, and Stone Masons from $1.75 to $3.00 per day. Painters and Plumbers, $1.50 to $2.25; Tinsmiths, $1.25 to $1.50; Blacksmiths, $1.25 to $2.00; Wheelwrights, $1.00 to $1.75; T a i l o r s , $1.50 to $2.00, Shoemakers nearly the same. 30 towns, and were even l e s s i n the country. Flour cost about $5 or $6 per two hundred pound b a r r e l . Meat was available at $5 to |7 per hundred pounds at the butcher*s. Other pr i c e s , per pound, were: cheese, 12 to 16 cents; butter, 15 to 20 cents; tea, 60 cents to a d o l l a r ; coffee, 25 to 40 cents; sugar, 8 to 13 cents. Poultry was p l e n t i f u l and cheap: geese, 30 to 50 cents apiece, turkeys 50 to 75 cents, ducks, and chickens " i n proportion" to other poultry p r i c e s . Potatoes "moderate," apples, pears, plums, et a l , "a v a i l a b l e , " grapes and sometimes peaches a l s o . ^ l P o l i t i c s . P o l i t i c a l l y the most s i g n i f i c a n t event of the 1860's was the Confederation of Upper and Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, 1 and New Brunswick, The American C i v i l War played an important part i n the eventual enactment of that l e g i s l a t i o n . The i n i t i a l sympathy which most Canadians f e l t f o r the North because.of t h e i r opposition to slavery was eroded by the m i l i t a n t statements of Americans l i k e Seward and Sumner who spoke f r e e l y of the p o s s i b i l i t y of annexing Canada to the United States. The Trent A f f a i r i n 1861, various border incidents, and the Fenian raids were a l l disruptive of Upper Canada's, s t a b i l i t y . They caused Canadians to think seriously of u n i t i n g the provinces to ^Emigration to the Province of Ontario, p. 21. 31 provide a more effective defense against potential American aggression. Great Britain encouraged the provinces to unite as a means of discouraging possible American designs on British North America. While some Canadian leaders did not actually expect a Northern invasion, they were willing to use the fear entertained by their colleagues to promote the union.42 Politics within the province were also unstable. Maintaining a government to the satisfaction of both Upper and Lower Canada after the Act. of Union in 1840 had always been d i f f i c u l t . Until Confederation governments i n the sixties f e l l , with appalling regularity. Upper Canadian politicians looked to a separation of the United Province and a federal union of a l l the provinces as a solution to their dilemma. Another motivating factor for Confederation was the growing productivity of Upper Canada's farms and the rise of industry, which sought new markets for crops and goods; i t was believed that a federal union would f a c i l i t a t e trade between the provinces. Thomas D'Arcy McGee spoke of the "three warnings" the British North American provinces had been given: the warning shown in the attitude of the "Little..Englanders" 4 2Robin W. Winks, Canada and the United States: The C i v i l War Years (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, T9WJ7~pT 3T8\ (who believed colonies were a drain on the homeland) i n B r i t a i n ; the warning of the C i v i l War; and the warning of deteriorating p o l i t i c s , deadlock, and "double-majority" problems i n the Canadas.43 A l l of these., plus a r i s i n g t i d e of nationalism, contributed to the union ultimately effected by Confederation. Lower comments, "The s p i r i t of the years to come was moving i n the eighteen-sixties and the r e s u l t was to be the Dominion of Canada."44 He speaks of the psychological roots of Confederation that were evident long before the event i n the e f f e c t s of growth and development which bring a larger sense of community with them. Accounts of how things were " i n the youth of the author," which abound i n the p u b l i -cations of the eighteen-sixties, i n v a r i a b l y remark on the amazing rate of advance i n Canada.45 As Upper Canada stood at the threshhold of the s i x t i e s the age of the pioneer was passing and the i n d u s t r i a l revolution was at hand. The railway and steamship symbolized a new era of speedy communication, busy speculation, and material progress. The growing c i t i e s and towns, though 43ibid., p. 349. 44i,OWer, op. c i t . , p. 286. 45ibid., p. 292. 33 s t i l l outranked by r u r a l areas, imparted a new a i r of soph i s t i c a t i o n to p r o v i n c i a l society and epitomized the increasing complexity of i t s needs and aspirations.46 The implications of the progress noted i n t h i s chapter f o r education were not l o s t on those who were giving serious thought to the role of education i n a changing society. They, too, were looking i n new directions and attempting to make schools relevant to the society which nurtured them. 46ooldwin French, Parsons and P o l i t i c s (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1962), p. 278. CHAPTER II I THE EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF THE PEOPLE Literacy and l e v e l of education. The Hope Commission reported that f o r those who went to school i n Upper Canada before the middle of the nineteenth century formal education consisted of about four months each year f o r three to four years, or an average of from nine to f i f t e e n months. During t h i s time the scholar would learn to read h a l t i n g l y , to write simply, and to do some ciphering. Precise information on the l i t e r a c y of Upper Canadians at mid-century i s not available. The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of news-papers . and l a t e r of magazines, and the large number of l i b r a r i e s , i n d i c a t e that printed material found a ready market among Upper Canadians. Lower writes that at mid-century i l l i t e r a c y was becoming the exception rather than the rule.2 L i t t l e appears to be recorded about i n a b i l i t y to read, save fo r dire warnings against allowing young delinquents who did not attend, school to grow up i l l i t e r a t e . Perhaps an estimate of a l i t e r a c y rate of 65% to 75% at about I860 w i l l ^-Report of the Royal Commission on Education i n Ontario, 1950 (Toronto: Baptist Johnson, King's Printer, 1950), p."TIT 2Arthur R. M. Lower, Canadians i n the Making, A Social. History of Canada (Toronto: Longmans, Green and Company, 1958), p. 237. 35 serve, with the percentage improving yearly as more schooling became normal i n the s i x t i e s , and became compulsory i n 1871. The Census of 1871 included information.on l i t e r a c y , and shows what may be an unduly high l i t e r a c y rate. Of those above twenty years of age, 57,379 of a t o t a l population of 1,620,851 of whom 45$ were above twenty, were unable to-read, and 93,220 (above twenty) were unable to write, which suggests that some 36,000 could read but not write. These s t a t i s t i c s indicate that 87$ of the people twenty-one and over could read and write, though doubtless many could read very l i t t l e , and perhaps write l i t t l e more than t h e i r own names.3 Books and l i b r a r i e s . While those interested i n reading could obtain books, the public attitude toward the practice of reading was l i m i t i n g and i n h i b i t i n g . There was s t i l l a strong f e e l i n g that reading was dangerous i f the wrong books were read. A persistent feature of nineteenth century thinking was the b e l i e f i n the value of a book as a source of moral benefit as.well as i n t e l l e c t u a l gain. This may have been the r e s u l t of the eighteenth century doctrine 3census of Canada, 1870-1371 (5 vols.; Ottawa: I. B. Taylor, I^TV, Maclean~7~loger, & Co., V, 1873-1878), II , 211. This apparently was the f i r s t census to include information on l i t e r a c y , and no doubt people hesitated to admit i n a b i l i t y to read or write and would use the barest competency to avoid the stigma of i l l i t e r a c y . 36 of the p e r f e c t i b i l i t y of man. Reading good l i t e r a t u r e was one of the methods by which mankind could r a i s e his s p i r i t u a l l e v e l , and a t t a i n greater happiness. Not only would the virtuous be made better, but evil-doers would be redeemed. Therefore, l i b r a r i e s were placed i n prisons so the inmates might develop "a purer and nobler ambition." "As you educate the people," said Ryerson, "you proportionately diminish crime."4 The concept of knowledge giving v i r t u e , and the wise being the happiest and best, harks back to Socrates. In the 1860's, when s t r i c t V i c t o r i a n ideas were i n vogue, reading, l i k e nearly everything, was judged on moral grounds. The best books were those which.contributed not simply to the reader's knowledge, but also to h i s morality. Books which contributed to his knowledge without harming h i s morals were acceptable, and bad books were those which could subvert h i s morals. There was widespread prejudice against reading books which were simply entertaining, f o r even though they contained-no objectionable materials, they contributed l i t t l e to one's knowledge and could i n s i d i o u s l y undermine character by developing habits of wasting time and thus jading the i n t e l l e c t . Besides, one could be both entertained and instructed by reading more s o l i d tomes. 4Journal of Education f o r Upper Canada, III (October, 1850), 14*71 37 This p r i n c i p l e of reading i s i l l u s t r a t e d by a d i c t a t i o n exercise written by S i r George Parkin, afterward p r i n c i p a l of Upper Canada College, when he was at Normal School i n New Brunswick i n 1863: 5 We should employ our minds, as l i t t l e as possible, i n those occupations which require no e f f o r t of attention. He who spends much of his time i n reading that which he does not wish to remember, w i l l f i n d his power of a c q u i s i t i o n r a p i d l y to diminish. Light reading i s e n t i t l e d to i t s place, and need not be proscribed altogether. But l i g h t reading need not be useless reading. Facts of a l l kinds, to him who i s able to make a proper use of them, are always of inestimable value. But much that i s c a l l e d l i g h t reading, tends to no r e s u l t whatever, except present amusement, and nothing i s more destructive of every manly energy than amusement pursued as a business. Nor l e t i t be supposed that- the vigorous employment of our own f a c u l t i e s , i s destitute of i t s appropriate enjoyment. Here, as everywhere e l s e , happiness i s found, not when we seek f o r i t d i r e c t l y , but when, thoughtless of ourselves, we are honestly doing our duty. The weariness caused by labour, i s either r e l e i v e d [ s i c ] by r e s t , or by a change of pursuits, and the mind returns, with renewed r e l i s h , to i t s appointed labours. But what change can r e l i e v e an i n t e l l e c t , jaded and worn down by excessive excitement, and vexed with incessant cravings of u n s a t i s f i e d desires. As the idea of " l i g h t " reading was developed, i t sounded more and more l i k e the approved reading educators loved to recommend. The emphasis was ever on knowledge, duty, and u t i l i t y , while avoiding the dangers of i n t e l l e c t u a l deterioration through too much, l e v i t y . The concept, of good stewardship, getting the most f o r the time 5George W. Parkin Papers, Normal School notebook, p. 28 (Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa). 38 spent, i s i m p l i c i t i n the advantages stated f o r learning f a c t s , improving one's morals., and being entertained a l l at the same time. The Bible, r e l i g i o u s books, h i s t o r i e s , biographies, and books with general and s c i e n t i f i c i n f o r -mation were among those that best suited the standards of reading. Novels generally were denounced as morally debasing, f o r example: E v i l s of Novel Reading It sows the seeds of vice; i t t a i n t s the imagination and undermines the foundation of virt u e and morality. It corrupts the heart, obscures the reason, paralyzes the conscience, depraves the i n t e l l e c t , and perverts the judgement. The f o u l p r i n c i p l e s imbibed and the images gathered w i l l abide i n the. memory and extend t h e i r pernicious influence to the close of l i f e . It i n s t i l s into the mind a habit of reading merely f o r amusement instead of i n s t r u c t i o n . Our insane assylums [ s i c ] could f u r n i s h us with many a b l i g h t e d . i n t e l l e c t , many a dark picture of insanity, caused by the d i r e f u l e f f e c t s of novel-reading. Case h i s t o r i e s were c i t e d to prove the charges against the novel. The Peterborough Review ran an a r t i c l e headlined "Effe c t s of Novel Reading in. Belmont." It-recorded that a farmer got a l l " f i r e d up" by reading.a trashy American novel e n t i t l e d The Scalp Hunter, and. that.night, while dreaming, started to choke his wife. During the s c u f f l e the baby awoke and i t s c r i e s woke the farmer and saved, h i s wife from ^Journal, of Education f o r Upper Canada, XV (October, 1862), 1W. the dire consequences. The next night the same thing happened. Whereupon the wife brought her mother into t h e i r bedroom to keep watch over the husband. The moral was p l a i n l y drawn: beware of trashy s t o r i e s and sensational novels.7 Hodgins recorded that i n 1863 reading bad-books l e d a boy to commit crimes and that some grown boys i n a common school bought some pernicious books without the teacher*s knowledge. When discovered, the books were p u b l i c l y burned, and a large Public School Library of excellent books was procured to guide youth on the proper path.** The vehemence with which f i c t i o n was being denounced i n the l860 fs indicates i t s wider c i r c u l a t i o n and the consequent wider public acceptance of l i g h t reading. In the pioneer era there was l i t t l e reading save f o r the Bible and an occasional newspaper. After mid-century, when more reading material (and more time and better l i g h t i n g for evening reading) became available, only the purposeful reading of f a c t u a l books was regarded as reasonably respectable. But with the coming of Confederation, f i c t i o n and poetry were more r e a d i l y available i n response to a 7 i b i d . , XVIII (November, 1865), 163. . George Hodgins, Documentary History of Education i n Upper Canada (28 vols.; Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter, I-VI, L. K. Cameron, VII-XXVIII, 1894-1910), XX, 94. 40 national consciousness of the need f o r culture. In the 1870's the prejudice against reading-as a pastime was to disappear almost entirely.9 Before 1850 c i r c u l a t i n g l i b r a r i e s had appeared spasmodically, and were regarded with.some suspicion. But as Ryerson's school system began to take hold.and f l o u r i s h , he argued that with schools teaching- nearly a l l Canadians to read i t became necessary to di r e c t t h i s a b i l i t y into wholesome and useful channels.10 He inaugurated a scheme of public and common school l i b r a r i e s that met with phenomenal i n i t i a l success. The Education Act of 1850 provided f o r the e s t a b l i s h -ment of common school l i b r a r i e s which were free public l i b r a r i e s operated by school trustees, housed i n school buildings, and which were available to pupils, teachers, and to the inhabitants of the school d i s t r i c t . A "public l i b r a r y " could also be established i n some other building than a school, and was operated and financed by the council of a municipality.!1 9Report of the Royal Commission on Education i n Ontario, 1950, p. 15. lOcharles E. P h i l l i p s , "The Teaching of English i n Ontario, 1800-1900" (Doctor of Pedagogy th e s i s , University of Toronto, 1935), p. 27. HThe material on l i b r a r i e s i s based l a r g e l y on Gordon T. Stubbs, "The Role of Egerton Ryerson i n the Development of Public Library Service i n Ontario" (Master of Arts thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965); and J. W. Emery, The 41 The policy f o r s e l e c t i o n of l i b r a r y books set by the Council of Public Instruction i n 1850 made p l a i n that t h i s promotion of reading would i n no way v i o l a t e the moral s e n s i t i v i t i e s of Upper Canadians: (1) No consideration would be given to works of a l i c e n t i o u s , v i c i o u s or immoral tendency, or h o s t i l e to the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n . (2) No controversial works on theology or on denominational disputation would be admitted. (3) On h i s t o r i c a l subjects, an e f f o r t should be made to include works presenting a variety of d i f f e r e n t viewpoints. (4) For the r e s t , the books selected should cover as wide a range as possible of a l l major departments of human knowledge. In 1853 a catalogue of somewhat les s than 2,000 books was published, i n 1857 i t was expanded to nearly 3,000 t i t l e s , and the revised catalogue of i860 made 4,000 books available. The selections were notable f o r t h e i r depth and s o l i d i t y . Only books l i s t e d , i n the catalogue could be included i n the l i b r a r i e s . Ryerson believed that the right books f o r the l i b r a r i e s of Upper Canada were those that imparted information and conveyed good moral lessons. Consequently only a very few works of f i c t i o n were on the l i s t and they were scattered under other headings. The heading " F i c t i o n " did not appear i n the catalogue u n t i l Library, the School, and the Chi l d (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada, Limited, 1917). 42 1868 and even i n 1871 i t was represented by l e s s than l / l 6 of the volumes l i s t e d . " ^ 2 Ryerson r e s i s t e d public pressure against l i m i t i n g book selections to the catalogue.; he believed that a l i m i t a t i o n of freedom was necessary to guard against books of "a vicious or immoral tendency." While t h i s practice prevented one e v i l — t h e c i r c u l a t i o n , of immoral books, i t created another—an i n f l e x i b l e , p a t e r n a l i s t i c control that eventually had a s t i f l i n g . e f f e c t on l i b r a r y development. Books ordered from the catalogue of the Book Depository of the Education Department received a grant of 100$ of the value of the order. In e f f e c t t h i s meant that books were purchased at half p r i c e — f o r to every order of $5.00 or more the trustees could add books, of equal value at no extra cost. Often they would.leave i t to Ryerson to select books f o r t h e i r l i b r a r i e s . In explaining the subsidy, Ryerson almost always stated that a 100$ bonus would be added to the order, rather than saying that books could be had f o r h a l f - p r i c e . He was conditioning trustees.to order a l l the books they f e l t they needed, and then to get again as many free, thus increasing the books available i n the l i b r a r i e s . The regulations f o r borrowing books provided that 1 2 p h i l l i p s , op_. c i t . , p. 18?. 43 a book was to be returned within as many weeks as i t contained hundreds of. pages, i . e . , a four-hundred page book could be kept four weeks. A book could be renewed i f no one else had spoken f o r i t . One penny a day was the f i n e f o r overdue books. The l i b r a r i e s experienced a rapid i n i t i a l growth as much of the money the municipalities r e a l i z e d from the sale of Clergy Reserve Lands was devoted to the establishment and extension, of l o c a l public and common, school l i b r a r i e s . " 1 3 When some objected to the expenditure of Clergy Reserve funds f o r books and the givi n g of subsidies to l i b r a r i e s , Ryerson f o r t h r i g h t l y asserted that Upper Canada was ready to leave behind the "bush mentality" of. pioneer days. The province could no longer a f f o r d to neglect the development of i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l resources, he. said, which i n future "would t e l l powerfully upon the. advancement of the country i n knowledge, wealth and happiness."^4 When the Clergy Reserve funds began to dwindle, around 1853, i n t e r e s t i n l i b r a r i e s began to l a g . Energetic and imaginative measures were needed to challenge public l^Ryerson widely publicized the fact that Clergy Reserve Funds would double t h e i r value i f invested i n l i b r a r y books because of the 100$ bonus on book orders. This and his argument that l i b r a r i e s would benefit a l l . c i t i z e n s caused many municipalities to use the Clergy Reserve Funds at t h e i r disposal f o r l i b r a r i e s . ^Hodgins, o_o. c i t . , XIV, 73. apathy, and Ryerson was ready to undertake them. The effectiveness of his campaigning was demonstrated by the remarkable growth i n the number of l i b r a r i e s between I860 and 1870. In that period common school l i b r a r i e s grew from 411 to 1146, and public l i b r a r i e s from 347 to 389. The t o t a l number doubled, from 753 to 1535; the t o t a l number of volumes increased from 344,463 to 413,503. Books were also available at the same low cost from the Depository f o r Sunday School l i b r a r i e s and Mechanics I n s t i t u t e s , but these agencies did not receive the 100% bonus. Sunday School l i b r a r i e s i n i860 numbered 1756 with 273,643 volumes; i n 1870 there were 2433 l i b r a r i e s with 345,355 books. The development of l i b r a r i e s under Ryerson was a hothouse growth rather than a natural development. After 1870, l o c a l superintendents of schools i n areas that previously had shown a sincere i n t e r e s t i n acquiring and c i r c u l a t i n g books began to report " l i t t l e used, long neglected, most discouraging" i n reference to the l i b r a r i e s . A mood of disillusionment began to replace the bright promise of the f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s . Although Ryerson always stressed the importance of l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e , he was i n f a c t i n c l i n e d to force his wishes on the public. He could not r e f r a i n from giving the public what was good f o r them, whether they wanted i t or not. 45 As the students began to demand interesting story books, the serious books in the l ibrar ies were voted dry and.neglected. The following books are representative, and present-day pupils and adults would perhaps be incl ined to agree with those who avoided them a century ago: ttA Book of Worthies; Thri f t ; Great Triumphs of Great Men; Whiston's Josephus; City of Saints; Notable Shipwrecks; The History of Ireland (two volumes); Johnson's Works; Byron's Poems; History of France; Macaulay's History of England; Creasy's English Constitution; Gibbon's Rome (three volumes); Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations; Memoirs of Sydney Smith; History of the Jews; and Geological Cosmogony." Though heavy, these books offered one of the few sources of information and self-help available to enter-pris ing young people in most l o c a l i t i e s . Many prominent persons in later years tes t i f ied to the benefits received from their local l i b r a r i e s . When Ryerson ret ired in 1876, the l ibrar ies lost their greatest supporter, and the decline accelerated. By the end of the century nearly every, one had disappeared through neglect. This was tragic , for had they been kept up and augmented by books more compatible with popular taste, they would have given Ontario the foundation of a public l ibrary system at a very early date. Ryerson was ahead of his time, but he was unable to bring the public where he 46 wished i t to be. Had he set h i s sights lower and tolerated books of greater popular i n t e r e s t he would have done better by the l i b r a r i e s . But he would not bend h i s p r i n c i p l e s , and ultimately most of the impetus he provided f o r l i b r a r i e s was l o s t . Newspapers. In the 1860*3 every town and hamlet had i t s newspaper, which was avidly read and discussed. In 1869 about 180 newspapers were published i n the province; F i f t e e n were d a i l i e s and the others weeklies or bi-weeklies.^5 Thomas D*Arcy McGee wrote i n 1867 that newspapers had a c i r c u l a t i o n of fourteen million-copies i n Canada at Confederation: eight m i l l i o n were Canadian and s i x m i l l i o n were from the United States and Europe.^ 6 The "yellow press" had not yet made an appearance i n Upper Canada. Editors were extremely conscious of t h e i r roles as educators and newspapers were more l i t e r a r y i n s t y l e than today. They were sharply divided along p o l i t i c a l and sometimes r e l i g i o u s l i n e s , and controversies often spawned new newspapers. People took r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s s e r i o u s l y , and expected editors to be f o r t h r i g h t and candid. l^H. McEvoy (ed.), The Province of Ontario Gazetteer  and Directory (Toronto: Robertson and Cook, 1869), p. 695. 16Journal of Education f o r Ontario. XX (November, 1867), 177: 47 Differences of opinion were generally sharply defined with l i t t l e room f o r compromise.^7 Much news from other countries, e s p e c i a l l y B r i t a i n , was published. Many a r t i c l e s and e d i t o r i a l s were re-printed from other papers. Local news was prominent i n a l l , and poetry, extracts from moral novels, and l e t t e r s to editors were featured. Education was prominent i n the news when l e g i s l a t i o n on controversial issues l i k e separate schools for. Roman Catholics, grammar school reform, and free and compulsory education were before the l e g i s l a t u r e . School examinations held f o r the public were usually well-covered by the press, with the names of d i g n i t a r i e s and p r i z e -winning scholars f u l l y reported. Stories of crime, scandal, and human f o i b l e s were printed, t h e i r ostensible purpose being to point out e v i l s to be avoided, but the. editors also r e a l i z e d there was much i n t e r e s t i n such accounts. Advertisements were stereotyped and generally ran unchanged f o r weeks. Lack of payment f o r subscriptions l e d to frequent f a i l u r e s and changes i n ownership. Struggling editors would be reduced to accepting eggs, pork, produce, or even firewood as payment i n l i e u of c a s h . x o The growth of Toronto's newspapers i n the 1860's ^ E d i t h G. F i r t h (ed.), Early Toronto Newspapers, 1793-1867 (Toronto: Baxter Publishing Company, 1961), pp. 2-3. l^Edwin C. G u i l l e t , Early L i f e i n Upper Canada (Toronto: The Ontario Publishing Company, Limited", 1933), p. 135. 48 reflected the expansion of the economy in the province. The large circulation newspapers there had three editions, a daily for the city, a tri-weekly for the neighborhood, and a weekly for mailing across the province, to other provinces, and even to Great- Britain.- The railways and cheap postal rates made this wide distribution possible. From the late l850 fs financial papers reflected the growth of business and industry. From 1793 to 1367 Toronto alone had a total of eighty-two newspapers.. By i860, two of them, the Conservative Leader and the Liberal Globe dominated Toronto and the province.19 In a discussion of Upper Canadian. Newspapers in general and the Globe and the Leader in particular, Careless writes that mid-Victorian Liberalism seems the best term to describe their pattern of thought and opinion.20 There was constant reference to British ideas, not only in pol i t i c s and economics, but also in the field s of social welfare, Sabbatarian morality, and intellectual standards. Newspapers f e l t a strong sense of belonging to a physical British Empire and of being in the mainstream of ideas, emanating ^ F i r t h , loc. c i t . 2GThe following paragraphs are based on J. M. S. Careless, "Mid-Victorian Liberalism i n Central Canadian Newspapers, 1850-1867." Canadian.Historical Review, XXII (September, 1950), 221-36. 49 from Brita in at the height of her power and prestige. As the radical and Tory newspapers declined and were absorbed, the press generally transferred i t s main opinions from Liberal Victorian B r i t a i n . The main reason for this attitude was the great numbers of Br i t i sh immigrants to Canada during the f i r s t half of the nineteenth century. This steady stream from Brita in had inundated the ear l ier English-speaking people who had deeper North American roots, many having come from the United States. By mid-century the newcomers had established themselves so well that many Canadian leaders, including many of the Fathers of Confederation, had been born in Great B r i t a i n . This was especially true in the newspaper world, and the Globe boasted in 1861 that i t s entire staff was from the old country. Canada was also effectively t ied to the Br i t i sh imperial system. Nationalism had not yet fu l l y developed (I85G-67), and the Br i t i sh t ie meant l iberty and security against the st i l l - threatening United States. Steamships and telegraphs had cut down the barrier of distance from Br i ta in , and transcontinentalism had not yet begun to turn Canada's eyes inward and toward the West to any considerable degree. Central Canada was s t i l l essentially a long, narrow sett le-ment along the St. Lawrence system that pointed to Bri ta in and channelled every impulse from the imperial center deep 50 into the Great Lakes country. B r i t i s h ideas were exported to Canada along with her goods and news. By steamship came newspapers, pe r i o d i c a l s , books, and immigrants, who influenced t h e i r communities to look to B r i t a i n . As a r e s u l t , newspapers and English-speaking Canadians accepted the bulk of t h e i r ideas from B r i t a i n . In t h i s c r u c i a l period, then, i n which the modern Canadian nation was being founded, opinion in.Ontario was tending away from the exciting extremes of both radicalism and Toryism and moving toward a moderate cast of mind, Careless concludes. Given t h i s powerful B r i t i s h influence which reinforced the t r a d i t i o n of the United Empire L o y a l i s t s , i t i s not surprising to f i n d strong anti-American sentiments among Upper Canadians. The strong b e l i e f i n the power of the printed word and the m a l l e a b i l i t y of young minds caused great objections e s p e c i a l l y against American textbooks f o r children. Many complaints were lodged against the pernicious influence of these books, even afte r the province adopted authorized, non-American books. Schools which persisted i n using unauthorized books were threatened with having t h e i r school grants withheld. The chief complaint against the books was t h e i r rampant republicanism and a n t i - B r i t i s h sentiment. Histories were scored f o r being.inaccurate. In 1865 Ryerson again 5 1 threatened to withhold grants from any schools using American texts and ascribed great powers to them when he wrote: 2 ! I believe such books are one element of powerful influences against the established Government of the Country. From facts which have come to my knowledge, I believe i t w i l l be found, on inquiring, that in precisely these parts of Upper Canada where United States School Books had been used most extensively, there the s p i r i t of insurrection, i n 1 8 3 7 and 1 8 3 8 , was most prevalent. The Br i t i sh naturally supported Canadians in their resistance to American influence. A Br i t i sh journal in decrying the ant i -Br i t i sh propaganda in the United States said: "You may dot a land with School-houses to any extent you please, but-Society i s the great free School, after a l l . The plant l ives from the-atmosphere." 2 2 If the atmosphere in the United States was ant i -B r i t i s h , i t was strongly pro-Brit ish in Upper Canada. So strong were these sentiments that- the Common. School Acts of 1 8 4 1 and 1 8 4 3 had excluded teachers from the United States . 2 3 This attitude pervaded society and was reinforced in school Z^Egerton Ryerson to Chas. P. Coburn, State Superin-tendent of Schools., Pennsylvania (who had written to Ryerson protesting the proscribing of American textbooks i n Upper Canada on October 5, I865), October 1 1 , I865, cited in Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XIX, 6 8 . 2 2 The Rev. Dr. Vaughan. in Br i t i sh Quarterly Review, cited in Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XIX, 6 9 . George Hodgins, The Legislation and History of  Separate Schools in Upper Canada, 1 8 4 1 - 1 8 7 6 (Toronto: William Briggs, 1T&7), P» 3 T " and by the newspapers and other p e r i o d i c a l s . The e f f e c t was to strengthen Canadian l o y a l t y to B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s and to inculcate a f e e l i n g of su p e r i o r i t y among Canadians with respect to t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s , the qu a l i t y of t h e i r l i v e s , and t h e i r morality, as compared with Americans. Magazines.. Students of l i t e r a t u r e have found i n the advent of l i t e r a r y magazines afte r the mid-nineteenth century the beginnings of a post-pioneer period i n Upper Canadian l i f e . There was an e s p e c i a l l y auspicious f l u r r y of magazines beginning at Confederation. B i s s e l l notes that between 1851 and 1870 a number of p e r i o d i c a l s made b r i e f , apologetic appearances and then speedily and q u i e t l y withdrew, but i n the seventies the p e r i o d i c a l emerged as one of the dominant expressions of the time. This was the r e s u l t of a growth of national consciousness and pride, and the recognition.of a need to esta b l i s h a Canadian culture. National unity required a broader basis than "the n i c e t i e s of p o l i t i c a l compromise." The l i t e r a r y men sought to sink p o l i t i c a l divergence i n a di s i n t e r e s t e d concern f o r the c u l t u r a l l i f e of the new nation.24 Most of the p e r i o d i c a l s published i n the l a t e eighteen-sixties r e f l e c t a good deal of conscious 24ciaude T. B i s s e l l , " L i t e r a r y Taste i n Central Canada during the Late Nineteenth Century." Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Review, XXXI (September, 1950),237-51. 53 nationalism.25 The journals of the sixties do not impress as being sophisticated or inte l lectual in content. They had to struggle for survival and tr ied to appeal to as many people as possible. Typical fare for the l i t e r a r y magazine reader in the s ixt ies i s i l lus trated by the contents of the New  Dominion Monthly which made i t s first.appearance in October, 1867 with i t s front cover featuring the Union Jack in f u l l color. It offered horror stories, anecdotes of great men, hymns, recipes, household hints, plus poetry, edi tor ia ls , and correspondence. Ti t les of some of the art ic les were "Blind Robert" (a story about a good bl ind boy), "The Horrors of Nuremberg Castle," a poem entit led "The Maniac," "A Horrible Story," and a children's department which included a story of a boy who was ashamed to pray (he missed church to go swimming and drowned).26 The editor of Stewart 1s Literary Quarterly, which appeared in A p r i l , I 8 6 7 , said he was motivated by concern for the youth of the country, who were being seduced by "the cheap novels, the trashy weeklies and immoral 25x,ower, op. c i t . , p. 293. 2%ew Dominion Monthly, I (October, 1867). The writer reviewed a l l the magazines circulating- in Ontario (including Br i t i sh ones) in the 1860's available in the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa. The content of the New Dominion is typ ica l . monthlies" from the United States that l e d the unwary into l i v e s of crime. 27 The magazines reinforced the mores and values of the people. No innovators, the editors t r i e d to get more people to read and to become informed on what was happening i n the country and the world, and to improve l i t e r a r y taste. Patriotism, sugary sentimentality, and moralizing were standard fare. Adult education. The Education Department encouraged education f o r adults. Its most obvious e f f o r t was the promotion of public l i b r a r i e s , indicated e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter. An Educational Museum was opened i n the Education Department b u i l d i n g i n Toronto i n 1857 which exhibited school apparatus, models of a g r i c u l t u r a l and other implements, specimens of natural history, busts of antique and modern statues, a r c h i t e c t u r a l sculpture, copies of busts selected from leading European museums, plus t y p i c a l copies of works by masters of the Dutch, Flemish, French, German, Spanish, and I t a l i a n schools of painting. I t was a means of educational improvement, to create and develop a taste f o r art among Canadian people.23 2'Stewart's L i t e r a r y Quarterly Magazine, I ( A p r i l , 1867). " 2 % o d g i n s , Documentary History, XVIII, 102. I t was open from.nine to f i v e d a i l y except Sundays and holidays, and admission was f r e e . 2 ^ I t was the closest thing to an a r t g a l l e r y and museum the province had. I t was designed f o r the people at large, as well as f o r teachers and pu p i l s , to be entertaining and i n s t r u c t i v e . 30 The purpose was o f f i c i a l l y described i n these words: "The object of a National Gallery i s to improve the public taste, and a f f o r d a more refined description of enjoyment to the mass of people."31 An early attempt to provide education more formally f o r adults was the organization of mechanics i n s t i t u t e s i n England i n the 1820's. One of the f i r s t i n Upper Canada was formed i n York i n 1830. The purpose of these i n s t i t u t i o n s was the provision of l i b r a r i e s and lectures f o r the benefit of "mechanics," which meant tradesmen, cl e r k s , and workingmen i n general. Their employers were commonly the o f f i c e r s of the institutes.32 2 9 E g e r t o n Ryerson, Annual Report of the. Normal, Model. Grammar, and Common Schools, i n Ontario, 1869 (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1870), p.~T3cn 3°Robin S. Harris, Quiet Evolution. A Study of the  Educational System of Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 196777 P« 39. 3lHodgins, Documentary History, XXV, 2 6 6 . 32Edwin C. G u i l l e t , Pioneer L i f e i n the County of  York (Toronto: Hess-Trade Typesetting Company, 194o), pT~8 r9. 56 Although i n s t i t u t e s were a good idea, paternalism s t i f l e d t h e i r healthy growth from the s t a r t . Upper class people were uneasy about the prospect of workingmen getting too much education f o r t h e i r own good, so that they might aspire to a class beyond t h e i r reach. There was much apprehension about upsetting the s o c i a l s t r a t a . So long as the upper classes could condescend to o f f e r education and culture to the masses and have them d u t i f u l l y and humbly received, there would be no problem—but there were ever those who feared such opportunities would cause the lower classes to become discontented with t h e i r l o t . Members of the mechanics i n s t i t u t e s were expected to take the advice of t h e i r superiors, who tolerated no free discussion of s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l problems, but rather provided lectures which did not upset the status quo. Lecture subjects and books ( a l l . serious and so l i d ) were selected without consulting the members. Such i n s t i t u t e s provided the ambitious workingman with an opportunity to better himself, but the classes f o r formal learning were never numerous or p a r t i c u l a r l y successful i n a t t r a c t i n g students, and the teaching function of the i n s t i t u t e s was eventually abandoned i n 1895. Soon t h e i r reading rooms and l i b r a r i e s became public l i b r a r i e s . 3 3 33charles E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n  Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Company Limited, 1957), pp. 359-60; Harris, op_. c i t . , pp. 102-03. 57 At l e a s t two c i t y school boards, Toronto and Kingston, i n s t i t u t e d evening classes f o r young workers who were unable to attend school during the day. These flourished f o r a time, but were unable to continue to a t t r a c t s u f f i c i e n t numbers to warrant t h e i r continuance.34 While neither venture thrived a t - f i r s t , they demonstrated a willingness to accommodate school programs to l o c a l needs and were prophetic of l a t e r programs- of academic and vocational opportunities f o r working youth and adults. The chapter on public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n education w i l l discuss the extent of adult i n t e r e s t i n c h i l d education. There was apparently l i t t l e i n t e r e s t by the average adult i n hi s own continuing education. L i b r a r i e s , mechanics i n s t i t u t e s , public lectures and programs, the Educational Museum, newspapers, magazines,, the growth of the book trade, a l l indicate some growth i n opportunities and. awareness of the need-for adult education, but most material offered to adults bored them, and they l e f t i t alone. Adults needed strong motivation and appeals to t h e i r i n t e r e s t s ; instead 34Honora M. Cochrane (ed.), Centennial Story, the  Board of Education f o r the C i t y of Toronto, 1850-1950* (Toronto: Thomas Nelson & Sons TCanada) Limited, 1950), p. 49; James Porter, Second Annual Report of the Local  Superintendent of the Public Schools of the C i t y of Toronto, f o r the Year Ending December 31st, l£5U (Toronto: Maclear & Co., 1861), p. 77; Minutes, Board of Trustees of Common Schools, Kingston, Ontario, January 7. 1362 (Archives, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario). 58 they were offered what was considered good for them. Most adults confined themselves to reading newspapers. Effective adult education would become possible on a wide scale only when a more open attitude to the betterment of lower classes developed, and when shorter working hours.and a rising standard of l i v i n g made participation possible for the average man. CHAPTER IV THE POLITICAL-RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT The primacy of r e l i g i o n i n everyday l i f e . Ontario i n the 1860's was no secular s o c i e t y — r e l i g i o n was a fundamental part of l i f e . The existence of God and His dir e c t concern with the a c t i v i t y of men were not open to question. Since God's existence and His nature were hardly debatable, the expression of man's rel a t i o n s h i p to Him and the divergence of theological doctrines were important considerations. These differences had deep h i s t o r i c a l roots i n Europe. Because society was r e l i g i o u s , the differences between denominations were magnified. H o s t i l i t y was espe c i a l l y evident between Roman Catholics and Protestants, though the s i x t i e s saw a waning of the in t e n s i t y of intolerance both among Protestants and between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Ontario was predominantly Protestant. Roman Catholics represented only 18$ of the population by 1861 and i n 1871 comprised 17$ of the t o t a l . The three largest church bodies were the Methodist, the Church of England, and the Presbyterian, which together numbered about 70$ of the population i n the s i x t i e s . 2 A s t r i k i n g measure of r e l i g i o u s Ijohn S. Moir, Church and State i n Canada West (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,~T959), p. 2 2 . 2Census of Canada, 1870-1371 (5 vols., Ottawa: I. B. Taylor, I-IV, Maclean, Roger, &Co., V, 1873-78), V, 10-15. 60 feeling i s that fewer than 3% of the respondents in the census of 1861 acknowledged no church a f f i l i a t i o n ; and in the census of 1871 i t was less than 2%.^ For the Protestant majority the Bible was the source of authority for re l ig ion and l i f e , and clergymen were the backbone of the educated and inf luent ia l class in most communities. Applications for Normal School and University entrance and for many jobs required a statement of good moral character and s t r i c t l y temperate habits from a clergyman. The re l ig ion of every school teacher was dut i -f u l l y reported and recorded on o f f i c i a l reports. Public and inte l lectual opinion was closely aligned with a conservative Protestant ethic, and nq>religious attitudes were s t i l l decades away. A remarkable demonstration of the interest and loyalty of the populace to their churches was the boom in church building in the s ix t ies . From 1861 to 1871 the number of churches in Ontario increased from 844 to 4,093.^" Besides underlining the interest of members in their churches, this phenomenal growth indicates the rapidity and Wesleyans and other Methodists—341,572-, Church of England— 311,565, Presbyterians—303 ,384. ^Census of the Canadas, 1860-1861 (2 vo l s . ; Quebec: S. B. Foote, 1867-6X7, I , 158-59; Census of Canada, 1870-1871, V, 15. ^Census of the Canadas, 1860-1861, I I , 319; Census of CanadaTWO^TTT I I , 436-37. extent of Ontario's development from a frontier economy to a more settled community l i f e in the l £ 6 0 ' s . There was considerable certainty about re l ig ion and conduct in those days. People knew the tenets of their church and held them firmly. Although there was denominational diversi ty , disagreements among Protestants in re l ig ion and po l i t i c s rested on the solid underpinnings of universal bel ief in God and the Br i t i sh system. One did not need to explain what a Christian c i t izen was. People knew what moral training was and believed i t was impossible apart from the principles of re l ig ion . The meanings of words were seldom questioned—most people spoke the same language. Clergymen were highly placed in the academic and sc ient i f ic world. They were the presidents of the universi t ies , they were active in the learned societies, and their views were sought and respected. As Ontario's frontiers became settled areas, more communities obtained resident pastors instead of being served by itinerant c i rcu i t r iders . Church attendance in Ontario was on an upswing that was to reach an all-time high in Canada in the lSSO's. Ontario was a bastion of respectabil ity and virtue (cf. "Toronto the Good"). It had a heritage of piety and virtue , as the earliest white settlers were the loyal and 62 devout United Empire Loyal ists , who were quite unlike many immigrants to other areas of the world who sought escape or adventure. Behind many confl icts in p o l i t i c a l l i f e lay a strong Calv in is t ic heritage which was evident in a popular tendency to judge a l l public issues on moral grounds rather than by p o l i t i c a l expediency.5 Church bodies would not ordinari ly endorse a particular party, but would support those individual candidates who pledged themselves on certain issues important to that denomination. Churchmen were the backbone of the temperance movement, which brought pressure to bear on the government to enact leg is lat ion l imit ing or prohibiting the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages.1 The Protestant denominations were mil i tant , dogmatic, and vocal on p o l i t i c a l issues with religious implications.7 Public- assemblies would regularly be called when important issues were before the province, and clergymen took active and leading roles in these meetings. Religious considerations were often included in resolutions and public 5Moir, op_. c i t . , p. 26. 6The definit ive work on the temperance movement in Ontario i s Ruth Elizabeth Spence, Prohibition in Canada (Toronto: The Ontario Branch of the Dominion STliance, 1919). 7Moir, c_p_. c i t . , p. 11. 63 statements. A public meeting i n Colborne resolved^ that^ i n a Chr i s t i a n Community, no System of Education can be considered sound, or conducive to the higher i n t e r e s t s of man, unless i t be conducted under a safe moral supervision, based on C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s . This r e s o l u t i o n expressed the opposition of most churches to the preferred f i n a n c i a l status of the secular University of Toronto, which enabled i t to a t t r a c t some students who would otherwise have matriculated at denominational colleges. These students, educated away from the influence of home and church, would suffe r s p i r i t u a l harm and ultimately the whole country would be the l o s e r . The Rev. Dr. Green, a prominent Methodist, said i n 1860:9 We wish to throw around our College the f o s t e r i n g arms of a Chr i s t i a n Church, and to keep upon i t the watchful eye of a C h r i s t i a n people. And we are not alone i n our preferences, but a large portion of our fellow countrymen j o i n with us i n these views. There was a community of outlook on problems of r e l i g i o n and morality which embraced p r a c t i c a l l y a l l Protestants i n Upper Canada i n the s i x t i e s . Generally, attitudes toward temperance and Sabbath labor transcended denominational l i n e s , although there was a closer connection between r e l i g i o u s reform and p o l i t i c a l reform than between r e l i g i o u s reform and p o l i t i c a l conservatism. The end of the George Hodgins, Documentary History of Education i n Upper Canada (28 vols., Toronto: Warwick Bros & Rutter, T=Vl, L. K. Cameron, VII-XXVIII, 1894-1910), XVI, 36. 9 l b i d . , XVI, 161. 64 clergy reserves antagonism with the settlement in 1854 had removed the last major barrier to a Protestant unity of outlook, paving the way for a sort of Protestant omnibus denomination which was not an organization but an attitude. The process of union among the Protestant churches of Ontario began soon after Confederation.^ 0 The separate school problem. Two Acts that have had a permanent effect on public and separate schools i n Ontario were enacted in the 1860»s: The Scott Act (1863) and the B r i t i s h North America Act (1867). To better appreciate their impact i t w i l l be useful to review the history of separate school leg is lat ion in Upper Canada. The principle of separate schools for rel igious minorities was established by Solicitor-General Day's Common School Act of 1841 It provided for dissentient schools on the request of any number of people of different fa i th from the majority, and was mainly the result of Anglican petitions. It was repealed two years later because i t s provisions were so sweeping that any loca l group could Moir, op_. c i t . , p. xv. ! " h r o r information on earl ier Roman Catholic act iv i ty in seeking f inancial support for religious schools, chiefly by Bishop Alexander Macdonell, see Franklin A. Walker, Catholic Education and Pol i t i cs i n Upper Canada (Toronto: d. M. Dent & Sons (CTanadaJ Limited", 1955 ) , pp. 1 7 - 3 5 . 65 set up a school, which could have resulted i n educational chaos.12 Francis Hincks 1 B i l l of 1843 l i m i t e d separate schools to either Roman Catholic or Protestant ones, which could be established by p e t i t i o n of ten or more householders who d i f f e r e d i n f a i t h from the common school teacher. I n i t i a l l y and throughout the 1840*s separate schools were conceived of as safeguards against tyranny or i n s u l t by the majority i n a community, and consequently the numbers of separate schools would be and remain i n s i g n i f i c a n t , as i n most areas a l l children would attend the same school peacefully. The only objection raised to Hincks* B i l l was registered by Anglican Bishop John Strachan, who, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , wanted the moneys for common schools to be di s t r i b u t e d to the r e l i g i o u s denominations according to t h e i r number—which would have probably meant the end of the public school system.13 At f i r s t few separate schools were established. In 1850 there were only f o r t y - s i x , twenty-five of which were Protestant while only twenty-one were Roman Catholic.14 l % o i r , op_. c i t . , pp. 132-33. 13Ibid., p. 134. 14j. George Hodgins, The L e g i s l a t i o n and History of  Separate Schools i n Upper Canada, 1841-1876 (Toronto: W i l l i a m bnggs, i 8 y y ) , p. 57T However, i n 1851 Protestant separate schools dwindled to only four and Roman. Catholic schools declined to sixteen. 66 Bishop Power chaired the Board of Education u n t i l his untimely death i n 1847, and Catholics did not make an issue of the r i g h t to es t a b l i s h t h e i r own schools. Ryerson and others hoped that eventually the separate schools would die out as Catholics would f u l l y accept the public system.15 For about the f i r s t decade i t appeared that t h i s would be the outcome. But early i n the 1850's the climate changed, and separate schools became a controversial issue. Ryerson wrote that u n t i l 1850 the leading men and the newspapers of a l l types acquiesced i n the separate school l e g i s l a t i o n . He r e c a l l e d no objection to the idea. U n t i l 1852, he said, Roman Catholics had never advocated the establishment of separate schools as a doctrine or an a r t i c l e of f a i t h . 1 ^ The change i n attitude i s i l l u s t r a t e d by an o f f i c i a l c i r c u l a r issued by Toronto Bishop Charbonnel i n 1856 which included these words ;17 Catholic electors i n t h i s country, who do not use t h e i r e l e c t o r a l power i n behalf of Separate Schools are g u i l t y of mortal s i n . Likewise parents who do not make the s a c r i f i c e s necessary to secure such Schools, or send t h e i r children to Mixed Schools. 15por a d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Ryerson's attitude toward separate schools, see Howard Adams, The Education of  Canadians, 1800-1867: The Roots of Separatism (Montreal: Harvest House, 1967). i 6Hodgins, Documentary History, XXVII, 255; XIII, 2 6 9 . 0 17Hodgins, The L e g i s l a t i o n and History of Separate  Schools, p. 1 2 4 . 67 Bishop Charbonnel, who succeeded Power as Bishop of Toronto and served from 1848-1860, was the leader of Roman Catholic demands f o r the extension of separate school r i g h t s . At f i r s t he cooperated well with the other members of the p r o v i n c i a l Board of Education (which was c a l l e d the Council of Public Instruction a f t e r 1850), but early i n 1852 h i s attitude changed abruptly. On March 24, 1852, he defected i n s p i r i t from the Council i n a l e t t e r attacking Ryerson and the school system. In a l e t t e r to Ryerson written May 1, 1852, he hints at pressure exerted upon him by his church:-^ A l l my previous intercourse with you and the Council of Public Instruction has been p o l i t e and Chris t i a n , and sometimes tolerant to an extent that I have been required to j u s t i f y . What caused t h i s change i n attitude? There were two main f a c t o r s . F i r s t , the number of Roman Catholics i n Upper Canada was rapidly increasing, l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the potato famines i n Ireland i n the la t e f o r t i e s . From 65,203 i n 1842, the Roman Catholic population i n Upper Canada grew l gCharbonnel to Ryerson, May 1, 1852? c i t e d . i n C. B. Sissons, Church & State i n Canadian Education (Toronto: the Ryerson Press, 1959), p. 27. To the Chairman of the Council of Public Instruction, Hon. S. B. Harrison, Charbonnel wrote of n a tolerance f o r which my church made me responsible." Cited i n Hodgins, Documentary History, XXVII, 255. See also Egerton Ryerson, Dr. Ryerson*s Letters i n Reply to the  Attacks of Foreign Ecclesiastics~Against the Schools and  Mu n i c i p a l i t i e s of Upper Canada, Including the Letters of  Bishop Charbonnel, Mr. Bruyere, and Bishop Pinsoneault (Toronto! L o v e l i STTribson, 185777~l04 pp. 68 to 167,695 i n 1851, an increase of 157% i n nine years. x^ Second, and even more s i g n i f i c a n t , was the changing temper of Roman Catholicism throughout the world. On A p r i l 12, 1850, Pope Pius returned to Rome from e x i l e , h o s t i l e to p o l i t i c a l l i b e r a l i s m or national sentiment, no longer l i b e r a l . 2 0 This change of heart had i t s e f f e c t on Roman Catholic p o l i c y everywhere, and l a r g e l y explains Charbonnel 1s demands f o r completely separate schools f o r Catholic children. 2-*-In the 1850 fs there was continual pressure from the hierarchy of the Church f o r more rights and more public money f o r the support of separate schools. The Act of 1853 allowed the separate schools to share i n the common school fund and the Tache Act i n 1855 (the f i r s t b i l l s o l e l y concerned with separate schools—others included them i n general school l e g i s l a t i o n ) , gave further r i g h t s to Roman Catholics, including the reduction of the number of house-holders necessary t o . e s t a b l i s h a school to f i v e , and the provision that the common school teacher no longer had to be Protestant before a Roman Catholic school could be e s t a b l i s h e d . 2 2 19 Moir, op_. c i t . , p. 143. 2 0 S i s s o n s , op_. c i t . , p. 28. 2 x F o r a more complete discussion of the issues, see also Walker, op_. c i t . , p p . 114-39; 312-17. 2 2 M o i r , ojo. c i t . , pp. 150-61. The broader provisions of the Tache Act and the emphasis the Roman clergy placed on sending children to separate schools resulted i n exceptional growth between 1855 and I860. In that period the number of separate schools increased from 41 to 115, and the number of pupils from 4,886 to 14,708. In i860 there were 162 Roman Catholic teachers i n separate schools, but 300 were teaching i n common schools.23 At the beginning of the s i x t i e s , i t looked as though the separate school issue was se t t l e d . The number and quality of separate schools showed constant improvement—rbut s t i l l over three times as many Roman Catholic children were i n common schools as i n separate schools.24 After each b i l l extending Roman Catholics r i g h t s was passed there followed what became almost a r i t u a l : f i r s t the Catholics would express t h e i r great s a t i s f a c t i o n at the law, generally saying i t met t h e i r needs, and then after some weeks or months they began to f e e l the b i l l did not i n f a c t do a l l they had hoped, and that further remedies were required. And so the ag i t a t i o n began anew as Richard Scott, a Roman Catholic, introduced a Separate School Act B. Sissons, My_ Dearest Sophie. Letters from  Egerton Ryerson to his Daughter (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1955), p. xxiv. 2 4Moir, op_. c i t . , p. 170. 70 i n the Legislature i n I860, 1861, 1862, and again i n 1863 when i t passed, receiving royal assent on May 5. The Scott Act was given permanent tenure by Section 93 of the B r i t i s h North America Act of 1867 which retained the status quo f o r minority, schools. Although a great deal of controversy surrounded S c o t t 1 s attempts to get his b i l l passed, Ryerson supported i t i n i t s f i n a l form (he, as always, had a hand i n r e v i s i n g the b i l l before i t passed) saying that i t did not extend the p r i n c i p l e of separate schools but c l a r i f i e d the e a r l i e r l e g i s l a t i o n and reconciled some i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s . 2 5 Some of the main points of the b i l l were the following: f i v e heads of families could establish a separate school anywhere i n the province (incorporated v i l l a g e s had been excluded); separate school sections could unite, with three trustees over the united section; trustees were to have i d e n t i c a l powers to the common school trustees; Roman Catholic children from other school sections were permitted to attend; separate school teachers were required to -meet-the same c e r t i f i c a t i o n standards as common school teachers; separate schools would share i n the municipal grants as well as the p r o v i n c i a l grants (according to monthly average attendance f o r the preceding twelve months, i n proportion 2 5Hodgins, Documentary History, XVII, 273. to the numbers i n the common schools i n that section); Roman Catholics no longer had to declare t h e i r tax exemption from common schools annually; a one-time declaration was s u f f i c i e n t ; trustees no longer had to take an oath when reporting the average attendance at separate schools; and the separate schools were made subject to inspection by l o c a l superintendents of common schools. 2^ Regardless of which party was i n power, Ryerson was regularly consulted on educational b i l l s before the House. In 1862, when Scott introduced his b i l l f o r the t h i r d time, John A. Macdonald wrote Ryerson that he wanted him to come to Quebec City to see the b i l l and advise the government of his wishes regarding i t . He wrote i n part: 2" 7 Dick Scott who i s a very good fellow although no Solon introduced the present B i l l without showing i t to me. Notwithstanding t h i s I thought i t well to support the p r i n c i p l e of hi s B i l l on an understanding that i t should be sent to a spe c i a l Committee and made to s u i t me. Scott was regarded as the spokesman f o r the Roman Catholics and his b i l l would be accepted by them as t h e i r b i l l . Ryerson recounted that the Roman Catholic Prime Minister when the Act was passed, John Sandfield Macdonald, the Very Reverend Cazeau, the Very Reverend Macdonnell, 2 6 I b i d . , XVII, 275-79. 27john A. Macdonald to Rev. Dr. Ryerson, May 3rd, 1862. Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa. 72 Scott, and he had agreed that this was a f i n a l settlement of the separate school issue.28 This was later disputed by the Roman Catholics, but further controversy was inhibited by the Br i t i sh Worth America Act. At the Quebec Conference i n 1864 the i n i t i a l draft on education stated simply "That i t shal l be competent for the loca l legislatures to make laws respecting: 1. Agriculture [this was struck out] 2. Education." Then Thomas D'Arcy McGee's amendment was substituted: "Education; saving the rights and privileges which Protestant or Catholic minority i n both Canadas may possess as to their Denominational Schools, at the time when the Union goes into operation."29 In Section 93 of the Br i t i sh North America Act this was worded to the effect that no law relating to schools "shall prejudically affect any Right or Privilege with respect to Denominational Schools which any Class of Persons have by Law in the Province at the Union."30 When the provision for freezing the status quo of schools at Confederation became known, there was a resurgence of act iv i ty both among Protestants in Lower Canada and Roman Catholics in Upper Canada to improve their * Hodgins, Documentary History, XVIII, 310. 29sir John A. Maedonald Papers, Public Archives of Canada. 30 S i s sons, Church & State in Canadian Education, p. 5 7 . 73 situation before the Union was effected. But both sides thwarted each other in each province, and the public was weary of the issue; in the last session of the United Legislature in 1866 new and sweeping school legis lat ion that had been introduced was withdrawn. It seemed at long last that a plateau of agreement had been reached that a l l sides could l ive with.31 Thus the compromise of 1863 became Ontario's educational legacy from the United Province of Canada. It was a legacy embittered and jeopardized by the memory of harsh words, fanatical opinions, and shattered dreams, both of unity and of separation.32 Scott's Separate School Act established a pattern for elementary education which remains pract ical ly unaltered. It represented a balance of opposing forces. The Roman Catholics gained their goal of religious schools, but the schools remained within a single unified system and under one general control, rather than creating an educational dualism.33 Moir summarizes;34 3lMoir, o £ . c i t . , pp. 177-79. 3 2 i b i d . , p. 179. 3 3 i b i d . , p. 180. 3 4 i b i d . , p. 181. 74 The moderation of the majority i n Canada West enabled p o l i t i c i a n s to s t r i k e with f a i r success a compromise i n the re l a t i o n s of church and s t a t e — t h a t type of compromise so t y p i c a l of Canada, which has robbed her of s u p e r f i c i a l colour while marking her with inherent s t a b i l i t y . During the s i x t i e s the separate schools continued to grow, from 115 schools i n I860.to 163 i n 1870; pupils increased from 14,708 to 20,652.35 i n 1865 Ryerson wrote t h a t 3 6 separate schools . . . are . . . attended by hardly one fourth of the R. Catholic c h i l d r e n — t h e parents of more than three fourths of them s t i l l p r eferring and i n s i s t i n g upon sending t h e i r children to Common Schools. In 1870 592 Roman Catholics taught i n elementary schools, 356 i n public schools and 236 i n separate schools. Ryerson estimated that i n 187© s t i l l only about one-third of the Roman Catholic children were i n separate schools.37 At the s t a r t of the s i x t i e s Ryerson could s t i l l hope that separate schools would wither away with universal acceptance of u n i f i e d common schools; but while at the end of the s i x t i e s he could s t i l l comfort himself with the knowledge that the majority of Roman Catholic children were i n the public schools, i t was evident that separate schools 35Egerton Ryerson, Annual Report of the Normal. Model, Grammar, and Common Schools, i n Ontario, 1870 (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1871), pp. 86-88. 3 6Egerton Ryerson to Hon. John A. Macdonald, January 27, 1865. Public Archives of Canada. 37Hodgins, Documentary History, XXII, 251, 256. 75 were to stay and grow in strength, numbers, and percentages of Catholic children enrolled. In the l860's, the number of separate schools increased by 42%, the number of pupils by 43%, and the number of teachers by 46%, and their future existence was guaranteed by the Confederation Act. When Ryerson became Superintendent of Education in 1844 the separate school provision was already enacted. Throughout his career he endeavored to administer the provisions f a i r l y . He wanted nothing to endanger the school system he was bui lding, and he vehemently opposed any attempts to establish a dual system l ike Quebec's. He accepted the compromise between national and separatist educational interests effected by the Tache Act. His aim was to maintain the l imited educational dualism against secularists who were for tota l repeal and against ecclesiastics who wanted to extend separate school provisions unduly .33 In resist ing attempts to separate Roman Catholic schools from the public system, Ryerson pointed out that in Lower Canada the majority of schools were Roman Catholic, and the Protestant separate schools were actually public schools, open to a l l . In Upper Canada, the majority schools were non-denominational and therefore truly public while the 3%oir, op_. c i t . , p. 167. 76 minority were denominational. This d i s t i n c t i o n made specious the p a r a l l e l s between the two provinces that separate school supporters t r i e d to draw. 39 Reforming s e c u l a r i s t s l i k e George Brown of the Globe castigated him f o r supporting the "papist schools," and Roman Catholics attacked him f o r refusing to accede to t h e i r demands f o r further benefits. Throughout the years of pressure f o r two separate school systems, Ryerson i n s i s t e d on maintaining three p r i n c i p l e s : (1) the freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l Catholic to support public schools, (2) department of education control over textbooks and curriculum, and (3) f a i r l y apportioned public grants and common inspection.40 In p r i n c i p l e he did not agree with the Roman Catholic view, but held i t as his duty to do r i g h t by them according to' law, hoping they would be persuaded to accept the one public system and by t h e i r own v o l i t i o n abandon t h e i r own schools. He defended t h e i r r i g h t to maintain t h e i r own, and approved l e g i s l a t i o n enabling them to do so more e f f i c i e n t l y , f o r he could not stand i n e f f i c i e n c y anywhere. Throughout a l l the controversies, Ryerson steadfastly maintained a middle way, because, while the others on both sides had axes to grind, 39iMd., p. 166. 40sissons, My. Dearest Sophie, p. x x i i i . 77 he had a school system to preserve. That was his chief goal. At the heart of the whole problem lay dif fering concepts of what rel igious education was. In a homogeneous Protestant society, Bible reading and prayer i n the school, f o r t i f i e d by Scripture selections and moral lessons in the readers, was regarded as natural, benef ic ial , and essential . Sectarian re l ig ion would not be taught, but schools would have a rel igion-in-general , re-inforced by the example of Christian teachers. To have schools without this rel igious atmosphere would have been to deny a great value of Christian Ontario. However, this type of self-confident assertion of how to supply re l ig ion in school was a threat to those Catholics who took their re l ig ion seriously, and part icularly to the Catholic clergy, who were concerned with the welfare of their people. For the Bible in the schools was a Protes-tant Bible , a forbidden book to Catholics, and the non-sectarian religion-in-general was nevertheless a Protestant, not a Catholic re l ig ion . The nature of the Catholic re l ig ion was not such as would easi ly tolerate a smoothing over of rel igious differences. Catholics believed their church taught the truth and this i s what their children should learn. Catholic clergymen worried about losing their members through Protestant influence in the public schools. They believed that re l ig ion was an essential part of 73 education and should be integrated with i t . They believed t h i s could not be done s a t i s f a c t o r i l y i n Protestant public schools—while the Protestants believed t h i s could be done without hurting anyone.41 I f the public schools had been completely secular r i g h t from the s t a r t , Roman Catholics might not have i n s i s t e d on separate schools to the extent that they did. But secular schools would have been a denial of what Protestant Ontario stood f o r . As i t was, Ryerson was regularly c a l l e d to task, p a r t i c u l a r l y by Anglicans, f o r promoting godless and secular public schools. Another f a c t o r was the d i s t r u s t which Protestants had toward Roman Catholics, who reciprocated. Public statements l i k e that of Rev. John Nelles, president of V i c t o r i a College, i n an address to the Ontario Teachers 1 Association i n 1870 doubtless caused Catholics to be glad they had t h e i r own schools. He spoke of undesirable immigrants as "violent mobs," and of the " e v i l t r a d i t i o n s . . . t h i s foreign element and i t s medieval superstitions that has come [to be] the chief danger to our Common Schools." "When our 4lHodgins, The L e g i s l a t i o n and History of Separate  Schools, p. 37, c i t e s the l e t t e r of Bishop Charbonnel of May 1, 1852, which quoted the Canons of the Roman Catholic Council of Baltimore, sanctioned by the Pope: "To take especial pains l e s t such youth use the Protestant version of the Scriptures, or r e c i t e hymns or prayers of Sectaries. I t must be c a r e f u l l y provided, that no books or exercises of t h i s kind be introduced i n the Public Schools, to the danger of f a i t h and piety." 79 Educational Institutions are well-established in the hearts of the people," he continued, "and the country is pervaded by the leaven of a Protestant Christ ianity , we shal l less fear 'the bl ind hysterics of the comers.'"42 Ultimately, the Protestants' desire to have re l ig ion in the schools led to the pract ical ly complete seculari-zation of public schools because i t was impossible to please a l l ; whereas Roman Catholic insistence on re l ig ion in education led to the development and growth of Catholic rel igious schools. Religious education in the schools. In separate schools the issue of re l ig ion was clear-cut and straight-forward—the teachers and pupils were Roman Catholic and the re l ig ion taught was the same. These schools had been established so that the Church could teach i t s doctrines freely in a thoroughly Catholic environment. They used the regular textbooks prescribed for the various subjects by the province, and also had their catechisms and other religious books. However, the teaching of re l ig ion in the regular common schools was not so simple, though there was no lack of intent. Ryerson, a Wesleyan Methodist minister, remained active in the ministry throughout his l i f e , 42Hodgins, Documentary History, XXII, 134. preaching and even holding office in his denomination. Sissons wrote that "religion was the deepest and most constant interest i n Ryerson's life."43 He sincerely believed that the Christ ianity of the Bible must be the basis of a system of public instruction and that i t was absolutely necessary to make Christ ianity "the basis and cement of a l l the structure of Public Education. His viewpoint reflected the feelings of most Protestant people and clergymen. In the s ix t ies , speeches and printed media abound with references to the fundamental position of re l ig ion in education. It was said that no one was properly educated who had no religious instruction and that the moral instruction given in Canadian Schools was the primary factor in their superiority over schools of other nations.45 Bel ief in the value of re l ig ion extended to the university l eve l , as President Daniel Wilson of the University of Toronto said: "Moral and religious training must go hand i n hand with inte l lectual culture in the education of our youth, i f they are to be f i t ted for the 43c. B. Sissons, Egerton Ryerson, His Li fe and Letters (2 vo l s . , Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, & Company Limited, 1937, 1947), II , 285. 44nodgins, Documentary History, VI, 151. 45ibid., XVI, 29, 160, 163. 31 citizenship of a free country."4-6 It was agreed: re l ig ion is necessary. But how was i t to be taught? Again there was no lack of theory about how to proceed. Ryerson said broadly that "the principles of Christ ianity have been, and may be carried into effect, without any compromise of principle in any party concerned, or any essential deficiency in any subject taught."47 He asserted that for education to be universal.and pract ica l , i t must be based on re l ig ion and morality, and continued:43 By Religion and Morality I do not mean sectarianism in any form, but the general system of truth and morals taught in the Holy Scriptures. Sectarianism i s not morality. . . . Such sectarian teaching may, as i t has done, raise up an army of pugi l ists and persecutors, but i t i s not the way to create a community of Christians. I am persuaded that a l l that i s essential to the moral interests of youth may be taught in what are termed Mixed Schools. Theoretically, Ryerson supported rel igious education from elementary to university l eve l , but he knew that Christ ianity could not be taught exp l i c i t ly in the public schools. From a pract ical standpoint he believed that the ^Pri tam S. Dhil lon, "An Historical Study of Aims of Education in Ontario, 1800-1900" (Master of Education thesis, University of Toronto, 1961), p. 53. Prayers were offered daily even in the "secular" University of Toronto. 47Ho dgins, Documentary History, VI, 147. 43ibid., VI, 147, 153. 82 state was not bound to give r e l i g i o u s education on the elementary l e v e l , no matter how desirable i t might be. Religious t r a i n i n g was primarily the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the parents and the pastors, and since children l i v e d at home, there was no need f o r denominational schools. A r e l i g i o u s atmosphere, the extension of a C h r i s t i a n society i n the classroom was what he looked f o r . He f e l t i t was most important to preserve the universal system of schools, rather than to jeopardize t h i s by unduly stressing r e l i g i o u s teachings of a s p e c i f i c nature.49 In a c i r c u l a r he issued to a l l church bodies i n 1859, Ryerson reviewed and recounted the p r i n c i p l e s of r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n obtaining i n Upper Canada. He reminded a l l that the r i g h t s of Roman Catholics and Protestants were protected from compulsion, and of the i n v i o l a b l e right of each parent i n respect of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of his c h i l d , and the right of clergymen to v i s i t and use the common schools f o r one hour a week, from four to f i v e p.m. af t e r school, f o r the r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of adherents of t h e i r denominations He quoted from the School Law which stated that the 4 9 R e p ort of the Royal Commission on Education i n Ontario, 1950 (Toronto: Baptist Johnson, King's Printer, 1950), p.~840. 5 0Hodgins, Documentary History, XIV, 265-66. $3 teacher in a "Mixed School" is bound by51 what i s held in common by the Religious Persuasions of the Parents supporting the School,—chiefly to the Ten Commandments and Our Savior's summary of them,— embracing indeed 'the whole duty of Man;* but that the teaching of the Catechism or any Religious Persuasion, ( i f taught at a l l , ) must be a matter of private agreement between the parents of each chi ld and the Teacher, and cannot be a part of the o f f i c i a l teaching in a school supported by public grants and taxes for a l l classes of Citizens in common, but not for any Religious Persuasion in part icular . No chi ld was required to read or study any religious book, or to take part in any devotion to which his parents or guardian objected. The Council of Public Instruction did recommend, however, that dai ly exercises of each common school open and close with Scripture reading and prayer, the Lord's Prayer to open, and the Ten Commandments be taught to a l l and repeated at least once a week. This was at the option of the loca l trustees. No pupil could be compelled to be present for these exercises and a note in writing from parent or guardian would excuse him. The Bible could be used as a textbook i f loca l trustees allowed i t . 5 2 In theory, re l ig ion had a central place in education, and public men extolled the great good that would result . Dr. Nelles to ld teachers they should teach the love of God and neighbor, the bel ie f in the sacredness of justice, of 5 1 I b i d . 5 2 I b i d . , XIV, 267, 269. 84 veracity, of kindness, and of the manifold i n t e g r i t i e s and c h a r i t i e s of l i f e . The r e l a t i o n of these to the Gospel may be more f u l l y explained i n the Sunday School, the family, and the p u l p i t . Their paramount importance should be inculcated, and t h e i r habit of exercise fostered everywhere.5-^ His reference to teachers using deference i n applying the Gospel i s i n d i c a t i v e of the nature of the r e l i g i o n inculcated i n s c h o o l s — i t was concerned exclusively with precepts and injunctions regarding behavior, rather than with the C h r i s t i a n Gospel of love. The Law, the Ten Commandments and other standards of behavior were adduced from the Bible, with dire threats of punishment f o r misbehavior. By thus staying on the safe side, as a l l r e l i g i o n s agreed on the necessity of moral behavior, the "thou shalts and thou shalt nots" were stressed and gave a rather barren and dreary view of the Ch r i s t i a n f a i t h . Nelles again referred to the necessity of teachers c a r e f u l l y delineating between what was general enough to apply to a l l and what was too s p e c i f i c f o r classroom consumption, as he spoke o f 5 ^ 5 3IbJ_d., XXII, 138. 54lbid., XXII, 139. At the other end of the continent, Governor Seymour of B r i t i s h Columbia was l e s s sanguine i n his estimate of teachers 1 a b i l i t i e s to teach r e l i g i o n i n public schools. He i s quoted i n Charles E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Company Limited, 195777 pp. 161-62: 6*5 A wide vocation open to them i n giving to the young the purest and best moral conceptions . . . high-toned morality i s as necessary as dogmatic theology . . . he w i l l know where to draw the l i n e between what f a i r l y belongs to his province as a teacher and what must be l e f t to other hands. Probably few teachers attempted to do any serious teaching of r e l i g i o n . The school readers were heavily laced with s t o r i e s with r e l i g i o u s and moral themes, and many selections were taken d i r e c t l y from the Bibl e . S p e c i f i c r e l i g i o u s teaching could be done by clergymen once a week af t e r school, but there i s l i t t l e evidence of c l e r i c a l a c t i v i t y i n t h i s , indeed, the evidence i s to the contrary. For example, i n the s i x t i e s the Toronto School Board year a f t e r year reported with chagrin that only two clergymen made use of the time provided f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , i n spite of the f a c t that the Board encouraged ministers to do so, and even passed a res o l u t i o n admonishing them:55 "Religious teaching ought not to be allowed. . . . It i s vain to say that there are certain elementary matters i n which a l l Ch r i s t i a n s , leaving out the Jews, must agree. It i s merely c a l l i n g upon a man picked up at random, a l l u r e d by a t r i f l i n g salary, to do what the whole r e l i g i o u s wisdom, f e e l i n g , and a f f e c t i o n of the world has not yet done. The paring down of a l l excresences, which a man on a hundred and f i f t y pounds a year may think disfigure the several r e l i g i o n s , and the reducing them to a common standard, becomes a sort of Methodism which may l o c a l l y be named a f t e r the School master who performs i t . " 55j ames Porter, Ninth Annual Report of the Local  Superintendent of the Public Schools of the C i t y of Toronto, 18o7 (H. RowsellT 1868), c i t i n g the minutes of the School Board meeting of May 16, 1867. 8 6 That this Board views with regret, that so few of the Clergymen in this c i ty have availed themselves of the opportunity by law afforded them to v i s i t the Public Schools, and administer rel igious instruction to the children. The ministers of the Church of England, s t i l l vainly hoping for denomination schools when the Scott Act was passed in 1 8 6 3 , said i t was impossible to teach re l ig ion in the public schools, f o r 5 ^ How could i t be expected that any good could be accomplished in case the Ministers attended the Schools after four o'clock, for the very reason that the children could not be. prevailed upon to remain to l i s t en to Religious instruction; and this was the only means open to them to impart the teaching of re l ig ion . Ryerson encouraged teachers to have "Friday Afternoon Talks of a Master with his Pupils" which were to be pleasant informal talks to inculcate Christian morals, but not doctrine. J . George Hodgins, Ryerson's deputy, drew up a l i s t of suitable topics which included: Love and Hatred; Obedience; Truth, Falsehood, and Dissimulation; Selfishness and Self-Denial; Gentleness; Kindness and Cruelty; Cleanliness and Tidiness; Loyalty and Love of Country; Generosity and Covetousness; Order; Punctuality and the Reverse; Perseverance; Patience; Justice; Self-Control; Destructiveness; Tale-Tel l ing , when right and when wrong; Forbearance and Sympathy; Tendency of One Fault to give 5%odgins, Documentary History, XVII, 2 8 9 . 87 Rise to Another; P r i n c i p l e s of Honesty and Dishonesty; Respect f o r Superiors; Obedience to Persons Placed i n Authority.57 Noting the diminishing of r e l i g i o n i n the schools, Ryerson wrote a textbook t i t l e d " F i r s t Lessons i n C h r i s t i a n Morals" which was issued i n 1871 f o r use i n the common schools. It was to be a non-sectarian exposition of C h r i s t i a n teaching and morality. Already on March 14, 1372, f i f t y ministers of various denominations sent a protest to Premier Mowat against i t as being "too sectarian;" nor was t h i s the only protest lodged against it.5** In 1874 the text was withdrawn from the schools, and the episode became an object lesson to Ryerson i n the d i f f i c u l t y of teaching "non-sectarian" r e l i g i o n i n the public school. Despite a l l the t a l k of r e l i g i o n , l i t t l e was actually taught i n school. Matthews' study of r e l i g i o u s factors i n Ontario education shows a diminishing of r e l i g i o u s emphasis i n schools i n the 1860's. He i d e n t i f i e s a number of reasons. One was the growth of churches and the consequent m u l t i p l i -cation of the numbers of Sunday Schools f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n and t h e i r improving q u a l i t y . No longer did 57lbid., XIX, 100. 5&rhe Mowat Papers, 1872-1882, c i t e d i n Edith Wagner, "Education as Revealed i n Family Papers, Ontario, 1800-1900" (Master of Education t h e s i s , University of Toronto, 1954), p. 82. 88 parents have the same concern for re l ig ion in school as in the pioneer period where this might be the only place they could get i t . He believes this i s why Ryerson and the teachers' association paid re lat ively l i t t l e attention to the teaching of re l ig ion in schools in the decade of the sixties.59 He also relates the rise of patriotism and nationalism in the sixties to the decline in rel igious emphases, which was reflected in dissatisfaction with the authorized readers with their heavy religious orientation. The new readers of 1867 had far fewer B i b l i c a l and rel igious selections than the old series, and the new books were decidedly more national ist ic Matthews suggests that the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States, i n effect from 1854-1866, brought not only prosperity, but also a stronger emphasis on secular interests to Canadian society. Other pertinent factors were the public acceptance of non-sectarian public schools and the decreasing homogeneity of religious f a i t h . ^ l The many public statements on the necessity of 59w. D. Edison Matthews, "The History of the Religious Factor in Ontario Elementary Education" (Doctor of Pedagogy thesis, University of Toronto, 1950), p. 115. 6 o I b i d . , p.. 117. 6 1 I b i d . , p. 127. rel ig ion in public education made in the s ixties seem to be a kind of mass self-assurance that i f they said schools were rel igious often enough, they would indeed be so. This i l l u s i o n could be kept alive as long as society i t s e l f was re l ig ious , for the lack of specific instruction in school was compensated for by rel igious instruction in the churches. The concerns of clergymen that no other church's doctrine be taught effectively kept any real instruction in re l ig ion from taking place. A perceptive minister from Britain who vis i ted Upper Canada made these comments on the dilemma posed by the place of re l ig ion in Upper Canada's public system of education: 6 2 This System does not secure by i t s e l f the religious and scriptural education of the Scholars, but in i t s present superintendency the practice i s better in this respect than the profession. Doctor Ryerson, as a Methodist Minister, i s evidently watching over this part of education, and by his own arrangements and superintendency, to a great and admirable extent secures i t . But we could not help inquiring with solicitude: "How shal l this be secured in perpetuity, when i t i s not provided for in the System." He could see that while clergymen held the responsible positions in public education, the rel igious emphasis was impl ic i t . But what would happen when that leadership had disappeared from the scene? The writing 6 2 J . George Hodgins, The Establishment of Schools and  Colleges in Ontario, 1792-19T0* (3 vo l s . , Toronto: L . K. Cameron, l9~10) , I , 36. 90 was on the wall i n the l860»s, but i t could not e a s i l y be read, f o r clergymen s t i l l dominated public education. To demonstrate the influence of the church i n public schools, i n the year 1868 eight of the ten members of the P r o v i n c i a l Council of Public Instruction were clergymen. The inspector of grammar schools, ten headmasters of grammar schools, and many chairmen of the County Boards of Public Instruction were ministers. In addition, 140 of the 268 l o c a l superintendents of education were ministers, as well as Ryerson himself, who was the head of the entire structure of public education i n the province.^3 The new l e g i s l a t i o n of 1871 which required that inspectors of schools be experienced teachers and the consequent development of greater professionalism among teachers caused control of education to s l i p from the clergy. I f Ryerson had known to what extent the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of society and consequently also of the schools was to progress, he would doubtless have t r i e d much harder to give r e l i g i o n a permanent place i n the c u r r i c u l u m . ^ ^Hodgins, Documentary History, XXI, 43. 64one can e a s i l y imagine the vehement rebuttal Ryerson would have made to the views expressed by Ontarians i n t h i s report i n the Vancouver Sun, March 3, 1966: "Religion has no place i n the school but sex education and p o l i t i c s have, three members of the Ontario l e g i s l a t u r e from three parties agreed. "At a panel discussion, Education Minister William 91 In 1870 about 70% of the common schools opened and closed with prayer and used the Bible f o r readings, a somewhat higher average than i n 1860.^5 Thus as the s i x t i e s ended, the formal use of r e l i g i o n had not declined, but the r e l i g i o u s orientation of the classroom a c t i v i t i e s was l e s s i n evidence. The school system was increasingly able to stand on i t s own merits. The strong and s p i r i t e d support of the clergy, so important i n the early years, was no longer e s s e n t i a l , as public acceptance of the concept of public education was more widely and deeply accepted. With the diminution of the role of clergymen i n public education and the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of external f o r c e s -nationalism, economic development, the r i s e of c i t i e s — t h e r e l i g i o u s emphasis, i n school waned. While any tampering with the l e g a l i t y of reading the Bible and having prayer would have raised an outcry of protest, few expected the schools to become seriously involved i n r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , nor did the churches desire or expect them to do so. Davis shared the platform with Donald MacDonald, leader of the New Democratic Party and Vernon Singer, L i b e r a l . " 65Ryerson, Annual Report, i860, pp. 7-9; Hodgins, Documentary History, XXII, 255. CHAPTER V PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATION Pr o v i n c i a l administration and control of education. Chief Superintendent of Education Egerton Ryerson was dedicated to the proposition that an enlightened and interested public was v i t a l to the cause of education. He encouraged the public to bring i t s weight to bear i n passing l e g i s l a t i o n to improve the schools. By giving each l o c a l i t y a voice i n operating the schools he sought to avoid any f e e l i n g that the central authority formally and coldly imposed the system from above. His motto was that the government should do nothing that the people could more e f f e c t i v e l y do f o r themselves. x Three p r i n c i p l e s which Ryerson considered essential to the progress of education and which involved the public were: (1) the machinery of education should be managed by the people themselves; (2) the aid of government should only be given where i t would most e f f e c t i v e l y stimulate and a s s i s t l o c a l e f f o r t ; and (3) a l l property should be taxed to supply funds f o r the education of the entire youth of X J . George Hodgins, Documentary History of Education  x n Upper Canada (28 vols.; Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter, T^VI, L. K. Cameron, VII-XXVIII, 1894-1910), XVI, 82. 93 the country. Complementary to this he advocated compulsory education, properly enforced. 2 In considering the machinery established by the central authority for local participation in operating schools, however, two important facts must be noted: f i r s t , the lack of local experience and ab i l i t y in educational matters, particularly in the early years of Ryerson's administration; secondly, Ryerson's confidence in his own ab i l i t y to decide what was best for Ontario and to achieve his implied goals. These two factors suggest that local autonomy was not as free and flexible as regulations and public, statements indicate, for Ryerson used his enormous energy, a b i l i t y , and grasp of the educational issues to blanket the province with his view of what should be done. He had tremendous influence, not the least of which was power to withhold provincial grants of money from any area that did not follow depart-mental regulations. He had the highest motives in seeking to influence the public and what he suggested and prescribed was consistently in their best interests, but the freedom of local areas was restricted by their educational and psychological disadvantages when confronted by the imposing Ryerson. 2 J . George Hodgins, Ryerson Memorial Volume (Toronto: Warwick & Sons, 1889), p. 90. 94 Putman comments on this t r a i t in Ryerson as follows: "Conscious of purity of purpose and personal integrity, he was ever more desirous of giving the people what he thought they needed than of giving them what they wanted."3 Am American, after studying Upper Canada's school system, said:4 So complete indeed i s the system, so carefully i s every contingency provided for, that the observer, accustomed to the greater freedom and opportunity for local and individual i n i t i a t i v e , prevalent in most states of the Union, i s apt to feel that i t s Completeness i s perhaps i t s greatest defect. There i s no question about Ryerson's genius as a school organizer and administrator—he combined a sense of the v i t a l principles of education with a passion for administration, so that i n him good theory and good practice were consistently applied to Ontario schools. It is due to his passion for statistics that many comparisons can be made and trends identified. He devised forms for nearly every-thing. 5 3j . Harold Putman, Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada (Toronto: William Briggs, 1912), p. 262. 4cited in Herbert T. J. Coleman, Public Education in Upper Canada (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1907), p. 105. 5The Ontario Provincial Archives in Toronto has many of these forms: superintendents' reports, based on trustees' reports; applications for Normal School entrance; appli-cations for license for keepers of Boarding Houses for Normal School students; et. a l . 95 The School Act of 1841 provided for one Superintendent of Education for both Canadas with two assistants, one in charge of Upper Canada and the other responsible for Lower Canada. This arrangement proved to be impractical, and a policy of one superintendent over each province was soon adopted, so that when Ryerson was appointed in 1844 he was in charge of common schools i n Upper Canada. Immediately upon his appointment, Ryerson arranged a tour of Europe and the United States, to study the school systems of the various countries. He said that since Upper Canada had no system and he had no experience, the wisest course was to see what was being done elsewhere and to learn. Upon his return, he published his Report of 1846, which contained the results of his studies and a blueprint for a system of education in Upper Canada, much of which was enacted in 1846. In 1850 another education act was passed which greatly improved earl ier legis lat ion and has been called the "Magna Carta" of Ontario education. Ryerson was not an original thinker, nor did he ever claim or ig ina l i ty for the component parts of the system he created. But he was a genius at taking ideas and inst itutions from many places, selecting those that f i t t ed the needs of Ontario, and placing them into a structure he envisioned as f i l l i n g those needs. He had an open mind, yet he knew what he was looking for , for he knew the mind 96 and character of Upper Canadians, and he wisely b u i l t the necessary components into the evolving system. John M i l l a r , deputy minister of education at the end of the nineteenth century, spoke of Ontario's system as combining the best features of many lands. From the Old World i t acquired i t s s t a b i l i t y , uniformity, and c e n t r a l i -zation, from the New World i t s popular nature, i t s f l e x i b i l i t y , and i t s democratic p r i n c i p l e s . From New lor k was borrowed the machinery of the schools, from Massachusetts, the p r i n c i p l e of l o c a l taxation, from Ireland the f i r s t series of school books, from Scotland the cooperation of parents with the teacher i n upholding his authority, from Germany the system of Normal schools, and from the United States generally the-undenominational character of elementary and secondary education. 6 Ryerson's judicious blending of these components into an e f f e c t i v e system of education was recognized by educators i n other countries. By the l860*s, commissioners and v i s i t o r s came to learn what Ontario was doing. Two t y p i c a l examples of foreign i n t e r e s t are the English Commissioner who inspected Ontario schools i n 1863 and commented both on the administration's pride i n the system and i t s superiority 6John M i l l a r . The Educational System of the- Province  of Ontario, Canada (Toronto! Warwick & Sons, .1893), pp. 1-2. 97 over England 1s:7 A System, i n the eyes of i t s Administrators, who regard i t with j u s t i f i a b l e self-complacency, not perfect, but yet f a r i n advance, as a System of National Education, of anything that we can show at home. In 1863 the Colony of V i c t o r i a , A u s t r a l i a , obtained documents and school reports from the Education Department of Upper Canada and made changes i n i t s school system following the Upper Canadian pattern.3 The P r o v i n c i a l Department of Education was t e c h n i c a l l y not a part of the Government, f o r i t s head was neither a cabinet minister nor a member of Parliament. The Chief Superintendent of Education reported to the Government and the Legislature through the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary, a cabinet member. The Superintendent was the executive o f f i c e r of the P r o v i n c i a l Council of Public Instruction ( c a l l e d Board of Education before 1850), a body of no more than nine members (plus Ryerson), appointed by the Crown to advise the Superintendent and the Government on educational p o l i c y . It approved regulations to expedite the organi-zation, government, and d i s c i p l i n e of the common schools, i t examined and recommended or disapproved of textbooks, and supervised the Normal School. Appointments to the Council 7Hodgins, Documentary History, XVIII, 99• &Ibid., XVII, 291. 98 were on Ryerson's recommendation to the Government, and as he tended to dominate any organization with which he was connected, the Council was l i k e an advisory council or cabinet to him, and never took any independent action.9 As chief educational o f f i c e r Ryerson both administered and proposed p o l i c y . He advised the Government on a l l l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g education. He published annual reports, he edited the Journal of Education monthly from 1848 to the end of his administration, and he sent numerous c i r c u l a r s to l o c a l o f f i c i a l s . He apportioned the School Fund, prepared regulations, supervised the Normal School, common schools, and grammar schools (after 1853), and was i n general the promoter of education and a d i f f u s e r of useful knowledge. The Education Department maintained a Depository with a l l kinds of educational supplies which were sold to schools at cost. I t contained about 1 ,000 d i f f e r e n t kinds of maps; charts; and apparatus f o r natural h i s t o r y , chemistry, natural philosophy, and geometry. Over 4 , 0 0 0 volumes of books were available f o r school, public, and other l i b r a r i e s to purchase, and an educational museum and l i b r a r y were also maintained i n the Education Building i n Toronto.1© 9Robin S. Harris, Quiet Evolution, A Study of the  Educational System of Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 196777 PP« 105-07. ^Onodgins, Documentary History, XXIV, 31. 99 Local administration and control of education. Upper Canada was divided into forty-two counties, each county into ten townships, about ten miles square, and the townships were divided for school purposes into school sections of from two to four miles square. The respective authorities, a l l elective, were the County Council, the Township Council, and the Trustees of the School Section.H Each county had a Board of Public Instruction, made up of the local superintendents of common schools and the trustees of the grammar schools in the county. Their function was to examine teachers applying for county school teaching certificates, to select textbooks for schools, and to ascertain and recommend the best f a c i l i t i e s for providing schools. But since the provincial Council of Public Instruction authorized uniform textbooks for a l l the schools and the local trustees provided school f a c i l i t i e s , in practice the County Board became an examining body, meeting about twice a year to test aspiring teachers and to issue certificates to successful candidates which permitted them to teach in that county only.^ 2 i : LIbid., XX, 8 7 . 12«J. George Hodgins (ed.), The Acts Relating to Common  Schools and also Separate Schools in Ontario, together with  the Forms, General Regulations, and Instructions for Executing  their Provisions (Toronto; Hunter, Rose & Co., 1870), p. 50. 100 Each l o c a l Board of School Trustees had the d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of operating the school i n i t s section. Already i n 1816 the Common School Act had provided f o r the ele c t i o n of school trustees to administer common schools i n Upper Canada. The Act of I 8 4 6 and subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n c a r e f u l l y defined t h e i r duties and powers. Each school section had three trustees, elected by the freeholders and householders of the section f o r a three-year term; one trustee was elected and one r e t i r e d each year. Trustees had power to provide a school and to furnish i t , to hire and dismiss teachers, and to see that the school was conducted according to law. They made f u l l annual reports to the l o c a l superintendent which were read at the annual meetings of the school section and which were the basis of the l o c a l superintendents' reports to Ryerson.13 U n t i l 1847 c i t i e s were also divided into school sections, but i n that year boards were appointed to administer a l l the schools i n a c i t y , and from 1850 onwards trustees were elected by wards. Secondary school boards remained separate from common school boards u n t i l the end of the century. 14 13Nathanael Burwash, Egerton Ryerson (Toronto: Morang & Co., Limited, 1910), pp. 175-76. 14charles E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Company Limited, 1957), p. 273. 1G1 Trustees were e n t i t l e d to v i s i t the school at any time, and parents were also o f f i c i a l l y encouraged to v i s i t . Certain prominent c i t i z e n s , clergymen, judges, members of the Legislature, magistrates, members of County Councils, and aldermen were designated by law as "school v i s i t o r s . " Trustees were to provide schools with v i s i t o r s 1 books so they could record t h e i r v i s i t s and write remarks about the school.15 The trustees were to determine the amount of money needed to operate the school, but the people of each school section had the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of deciding the manner of financing. The law provided that money could be ra i s e d by voluntary contributions, by r a t e - b i l l s , or by taxing the property of a l l . A r a t e - b i l l or school rate was not a tax but a levy on parents per c h i l d i n school. The law did not permit r a t e - b i l l s (sometimes c a l l e d fees) to exceed twenty-f i v e cents a month per c h i l d . I f tax was l e v i e d on property, then the schools would be free to the pupils. In c i t i e s , towns, and incorporated v i l l a g e s the boards of trustees were empowered to decide how the money should be rai s e d . The annual school meetings were held on the second Wednesday i n January. The school reports were given, school business was discussed, and a trustee elected. Three notices ^Hodgins, The Acts, pp. 52, 39. l^Hodgins, Documentary History, XX, 129. 102 of the meeting were required, to a l e r t a l l to i t s coming.17 The annual meeting brought the concerns of the school to public notice i n a formal way at l e a s t once a year. The cooperation of neighbors i n the organization and management of t h e i r school was an educational influence i n i t s e l f . I t was an open forum, and by engendering i n t e r e s t , promoted a f e e l i n g of proprietorship i n the humblest of c i t i z e n s . 1 ^ Ryerson sent a l l trustees copies of the Journal of  Education every month, as well as many b u l l e t i n s and c i r c u l a r s to keep them informed of the l a t e s t developments i n school laws and regulations. They were given precedence at school functions and county educational conventions. The passing of the f r o n t i e r and the movement of many able people to the c i t i e s meant that a d i f f e r e n t type of trustee served i n the urban centers. There was a greater concentration of business and professional men i n the c i t i e s , and consequently the electors not only had a greater number of p o t e n t i a l trustees because of the larger population, but also a higher percentage of q u a l i f i e d men. Reading the minutes of r u r a l boards of trustees i n various parts of Ontario reveals that they were almost 17j©urnal of Education f o r Ontario, XXI (December, 1868), 177-73. i^Adam Harkness. Iroquois High School, 1845-1895, A Story of F i f t y Years (Toronto: William.. Briggs, 1896), pT 14. 1G3 wholly pre-occupied with f i n a n c i a l factors i n the operation of t h e i r schools. Many references are found to teachers' s a l a r i e s , costs of land, buildings, maintenance, and wood fo r stoves, with discussions of how to keep costs low. Seldom did r u r a l boards r i s e above the mundane and f i n a n c i a l aspects of t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . ^ C i t y boards were by no means uninterested i n the f i n a n c i a l problems of school operations, but because they had more than one school to administer, had more than three members, and usually had a f u l l - t i m e superintendent to i n j e c t professional educational concerns as well as business matters into the meetings, they were drawn into considering the purposes and functions of the schools i n greater depth. In Toronto, f o r example, two men from each of the seven wards were elected to the board, a t o t a l of fourteen. They sub-divided into three standing committees, I. Gn Finance, Assessment, and Salaries (four men), I I . On School Management ( f i v e men), I I I . On Sites and Buildings (four men). The Chairman was e x - o f f i c i o a member of a l l the standing committees. The Board had two f u l l - t i m e o f f i c e r s , the 19Minutes of the Board of School Trustees, School Section Number 16, Township of Mathilda, Ontario, Minutes of the Board of School Trustees, School Section Number 2, Township of L o c h i e l , Ontario, both i n Upper Canada V i l l a g e , Morrisburg, Ontario; and George Klinck, The Development  and Progress of Education i n Elmira and V i c i n i t y (Elmira", Ontario: Th*e Elmira Signet, 1938), pp. 19-20; et a l . 104 Rev. James Porter, Local Superintendent at a salary of $1,200 per year and Mr. G. A. Barber, Esq., Secretary, at $600 a year. 2 0 The Committee on School Management visited a l l the schools annually and gave a rather complete report on classroom atmosphere, teaching methods, and general efficiency or lack of i t in the individual schools. In 1865 the Board appointed a Select Committee to study whether attendance at Toronto common schools had kept pace with the population growth since their establishment in 1844, whether the character of attendance had or had not deteriorated, to determine the cost per child according to school divisions, and to see "whether in view of the depressed state of finances of the city some change cannot be made i n the administration of schools to effect considerable savings consistent with e f f i c i e n c y . " 2 x In a rural school the trustees most li k e l y would have attempted to hire a teacher at a lower salary to effect the desired savings. The Toronto committee did in fact recommend a number of ways to save money, but Superintendent Porter 20james Porter, Ninth Annual Report of the Local  Superintendent of the Public Schools of the City of Toronto, For the Year Ending December 31st, 186"7 (Toronto: H. Rowsell, 18^ 87; pTTT 2lporter, Annual Report, 1865, p. 52. 105 challenged t h e i r f i n d i n g s , pointing out that some of t h e i r statements were "without documentary evidence" and were therefore "unsustained opinions." In the face of the documented r e b u t t a l Porter presented, the f u l l Board, aft e r hearing a l l the evidence, sustained the views of the superintendent. The incident provides evidence that the f u l l - t i m e superintendent i n the c i t y was a stimulus to trustees and provided a check to l e t t i n g f i n a n c i a l consid-erations run roughshod over educational needs. However, the professional superintendent, who was coming into prominence i n the 1860's, was not responsible d i r e c t l y to the e l e c t o r s . He provided continuity f o r the Board and h i s experience gave him considerable influence and power. His advice was sought and generally accepted by the Board. The development of professional superintendents reduced the involvement of the general public and diminished the democratic functioning of the community i n the operation of the schools. The r u r a l areas were more chaotic and miserly, but the w i l l of the public was f e l t more re a d i l y f o r i t exerted pressure more d i r e c t l y . It took much more public e f f o r t to e f f e c t changes i n the more highly structured c i t y systems. Ci t y boards of trustees had more people to please, 22 ib i d . , pp. 58-69. 106 and t h e i r relationships were more on an impersonal l e v e l rather than on the person-to-person basis which was possible i n a school section two miles square i n which the trustees knew everyone. Therefore c i t y boards needed more sophisticated means of moving information to t h e i r constituents. For example, when the grammar school trustees i n Hamilton bought some chemical apparatus f o r the school i n 1869, they issued a pamphlet to parents and ratepayers which explained the educational value of the purchase. This type of public r e l a t i o n s fostered better understanding of the p o l i c i e s and goals of school boards. 2 3 The problem of c o n f l i c t of interests was more l i k e l y to a f f e c t c i t y boards than r u r a l boards. The Board at Kingston decided that no board member should do any work or f u r n i s h any materials or goods to the schools i n his private capacity. They were also concerned that newspapers send reporters i f they wished to p r i n t school board news,and not r e l y on hearsay. 2^ In c i t i e s the problems of bigness were becoming apparent, and accurate reporting became necessary because i t was no longer true that everyone knew what was happening i n the schools. 2 3 L . T. Spalding (comp.), The History and Romance of  Education (Hamilton), 1816-1950 THamilton: Board~oT Education 1950), p. 15. 2 % i n u t e s , Board of Trustees of Common Schools, Kingston, Ontario, February 24, i860; June 12, 1865. Queen*s University Archives, Kingston, Ontario. 107 The need f o r school supervision was recognized immediately when Ryerson took o f f i c e and the School Act of I846 provided f o r the appointment of D i s t r i c t Superintendents of Common Schools, who were superseded by Local Superin-tendents by the Act of 1850 i n order to provide more personnel. Part-time l o c a l superintendents were appointed by the county councils f o r each township or union of town-ships f o r a one year period. In c i t i e s and towns large enough to have t h e i r own education o f f i c e r , the superinten-dent was appointed by the Board of School Trustees. In the larger centers these men were f u l l - t i m e employees. 2 5 During t h i s period up to 1871, school supervision was more a public than a professional function. Superintendents were chosen from the l o c a l community and most were laymen i n education. The superintendent was required to v i s i t each school under his j u r i s d i c t i o n twice a year, and to provide some public education himself i n the form of an annual public lecture on a t o p i c relevant to education i n each school section i n his area. 2^ M. McCutcheon, Public Education i n Ontario (Toronto: T. H. Best Co., Limited, 1941), p. 98~" 26james Porter's annual lecture i n 1867 was t i t l e d : "On What Does a Child's Future, i n t h i s L i f e , Depend?" He reported that the attendance, with one or two exceptions, was by no means large. He gave the lecture i n seven of Toronto's nine common schools. 108 Superintendents were responsible for distributing the provincial grants among the schools and were to submit annual reports to the Chief Superintendent. Detailed information was required by the report forms: an accounting of school moneys; teachers' salaries; the population of the area; the school-age population; the number of children attending school; the number in each branch of instruction (arithmetic, grammar, etc.); books used; names and certification status of teachers; the construction of the schools, whether brick, stone, frame, or logj and whether freehold, leased, or rented; the number of school v i s i t s made; the maps and apparatus in each school; the size of school l i b r a r i e s ; the number of private schools and academies in the area; the post office of each section; and other information. The reports for the preceding year were generally received at the Education Department office in February, and formed the basis of Ryerson's extensive annual reports. 27 In the letters that accompanied the reports, the superintendents candidly related the state of the schools and of public opinion in their areas. Often they deplored conditions in certain school sections in their care. Many advocated free and compulsory education and the need for ^Superintendents' R E P O r t s are in the Ontario Provincial Archives, Toronto. 109 r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools. Some exhibited t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n over t r u s t e e s 1 i n a b i l i t y to keep accurate records and to submit them properly and promptly. Many commended Ryerson f o r the way he was doing his job, and emphasized the d e s i r a b i l i t y of having f u l l - t i m e superintendents throughout the province. The superintendent at Gait expressed t h i s view i n his l e t t e r of 1860: 2^ At present, l o c a l superintendents, are too often bones of contentions among sects, or sops to one here and there, without much regard to f i t n e s s i n the i n d i v i d u a l , a public p u l p i t . The system of l o c a l superintendency on a part-time basis worked i n d i f f e r e n t l y , at best, e s p e c i a l l y i n the back townships, due to the lack of q u a l i f i e d men. The great obstacle was the meager remuneration. The Act of 1850 set the salary at £1 per school v i s i t e d ; with the change to decimal currency i n 1859, t h i s amount became $4.00. There were not enough schools to support a l o c a l superintendent f u l l - t i m e (save i n c i t i e s where f u l l - t i m e men were employed on a s a l a r y ) . Very few men had more than twenty-five schools. In 1863 the 314 superintendents had an average of thi r t e e n schools per; man. I f he was able to v i s i t each school twice annually, he earned only $104. 29 2^A. Gonitshsutin (?) to Egerton Ryerson, March 3, i860. Superintendents 1 l e t t e r s are kept with the annual reports i n the Ontario P r o v i n c i a l Archives. G. Althouse, "The Ontario Teacher, An H i s t o r i c a l Account of Pro gress, 1800—1910" (Doctor of Pedagogy thesis, 110 Therefore, only a person with an independent income or another means of livelihood that would not interfere with the duties of the superintendency could accept the position. For this reason, and also because of their devotion to the welfare of society, clergymen accounted for the largest proportion of superintendents. There were also a number of physicians who served. Because clergymen had the respect and confidence of the public and were best f i t t e d by education and temperament for the job, they were generally f i r s t considered for the position. However, educational functions were not their chief calling. As a class they were more interested in secondary education, and they seldom had any teaching experience in the schools. 3 0 The lack of experience was the chief complaint against the superintendents, especially by the teachers. With the formation of a provincial teachers' association in 1861, teachers became more outspoken in regard to matters that directly affected them. In the convention of 1865, one teacher said;31 University of Toronto, 1929), pp. 139, 78; Hodgins, Documentary History, XVI, 20o. 30Althouse, ojo. c i t . , pp. 140, 7 5 - 7 6 . 3xEdwin C. Guillet, In the Cause of Education. Centennial History of the Ontario Educational Association, 1861-1960"" (Toronto; University of Toronto Press, I960), p. 38. I l l No inspector, however f i n e his report, can adequately inspect teachers without f i r s t having been a teacher himself. The l o g i c a l persons to be inspectors are the most eminent teachers. At present inspectors are usually chosen from clergymen with no other q u a l i f i c a t i o n . Superintendents were amateurs. Teachers complained that i t was humiliating and g a l l i n g to be supervised by part-time incompetents drawn from other professions or occupations. The professional man who took the job did not lack education but often lacked i n t e r e s t ; the better he was i n his own profession, the busier he was and the l e s s time he had f o r inspection.32 Lacking insight into teachers' problems, the superin-tendents tended to be external inspectors rather than i n s i g h t f u l supervisors. Their v i s i t s consisted of watching the teacher and then putting questions to the pupils. They could c r i t i c i z e what they observed and offer t h e i r evaluation of the teacher, but were not able to give teachers much help i n the performance of t h e i r tasks. The superintendent's report that i n s t r u c t i o n i n the in d i v i d u a l subjects was good, f a i r , or i n d i f f e r e n t , and that order was or was not adequately maintained, may have r e f l e c t e d the s i t u a t i o n f a i r l y , but did l i t t l e to help the teacher improve. As amateurs may tend to hide incompetency behind formality, some superintendents attempted to conceal t h e i r 3 2Hodgins, Documentary History, XXIII, 153. 112 inab i l i t y by a show of pomp and authority. Although i t was a time of great fai th in the value of prizes as incentives to learning, one superintendent (in Canada East) pushed this principle to ridiculous lengths by allegedly a l lo t t ing prizes by having youngsters stick pins into the Bible and rewarding those who punctured the le t ter "a". Others spent hours ranking pupils in the various subjects to arrive at pr i z e-winners.33 However, again a difference in quality between the urban and rura l school systems is observable. With the emphasis on progress and efficiency more sharply enunciated i n the metropolitan milieu, the ablest supervision was given by the ful l-t ime superintendents appointed by c i ty school boards. Clergymen s t i l l dominated but were those who had shown an interest and aptitude for education. These more professional administrators compiled extensive annual reports in the s ixties that not only offered s tat is t ics but commented on the trends in society and education. City superintendents required a measure of finesse in their work, for they had to cope with a more demanding society. Whereas rural children would take their classroom whippings manfully and hope that their parents would not f ind out lest they get 33charles E . P h i l l i p s , "An Historical Perspective," i n George E . Flower & Freeman K. Stewart (eds.), Leadership in Action: the Superintendents of Schools in Canada {Toronto: W. J . Gage Limited, l"""!T8), p. 18. 113 another at home, c i ty pupils appeared to be far more wi l l ing to report punishments at home and their parents would complain to the school of unfairness or undue severity. Superintendent Porter's diaries of his work in Toronto in the s ixt ies are a mine of information about the daily duties of a c i ty superintendent, and underscore the need that existed for sensi t iv i ty to public relations in his work. The scope of his ac t iv i t i e s , which he undertook with patience and devotion, included: placating numerous parents who complained of undue severity in the punishment of their children; investigating a report that someone had broken into a school and burned the general register and the v i s i tors ' book; admonishing pupils who had been disobedient, smoked, or used profane language; following up school dropouts to ascertain the reasons; investigating a mother's complaint only to f ind her intoxicated; ca l l ing at the homes of teachers who were i l l to learn when they might return; dealing with a woman teacher who was found to be intoxicated in school; consulting trustees; answering requests to transfer children to other schools; and attending to a myriad of details.34 34porter*s diaries are in the Records Room, Toronto Education Centre. Two instances of his need for and use of tact: One over-zealous woman teacher indiscreetly told a parent "If children had not brains, i t was not possible to give them to them"—"Which statement was offensive" to the mother, Porter adds wryly.—May 8 , 1862. On the morning of July 8, 1861 Porter went "To Louisa 114 The need f o r competent and regular supervision throughout the province, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r u r a l areas, was becoming p a i n f u l l y evident i n the s i x t i e s . The School Act of 1871, which corrected many problems that had been i d e n t i f i e d with increasing c l a r i t y i n the s i x t i e s , provided f o r f u l l - t i m e county school inspectors who replaced the part-time l o c a l superintendents throughout the province. A l l inspectors were to have teaching experience and f i r s t class teaching c e r t i f i c a t e s . This was a giant step forward i n the evolution of responsible superintendency. Althouse wrote that the years 1860-1880 saw the greatest advance i n the hi s t o r y of Ontario school supervision. 35 Ryerson and public r e l a t i o n s . For one who l i v e d i n an authoritarian era, Ryerson had a remarkable appreciation of the need to c u l t i v a t e the public to support h i s educational goals. He saw very c l e a r l y that i n order to develop an e f f i c i e n t educational program fo r children, the adults had to appreciate i t s value. Therefore, he assiduously c u l t i v a t e d public i n t e r e s t i n schools and extolled the benefits of education f o r t h e i r children and f o r the country. He gave Street School, to make arrangements about the more moderate rin g i n g of the b e l l s , on account of the sickness of a person i n the neighbourhood of the School House." ^^Althouse, op_. c i t . , p. 138. 115 the public a large share of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r operating the l o c a l school so they could learn about education by p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n i t . He was i n t h i s sense a forerunner of Dewey's emphasis of "learning by doing" on the adult l e v e l . He observed with considerable s a t i s f a c t i o n the progress made and the methods employed i n an a r t i c l e i n the Journal of Education i n 1869: 3 6 No power has been employed but that of persuasion; and no attempt has been made to advance f a s t e r than the f e l t necessities and convictions of the country would j u s t i f y . To educate the people through themselves i s the fundamental p r i n c i p l e of the school system; and to a s s i s t them to advance t h e i r own best i n t e r e s t s and manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s , has been the s p i r i t and sole object of i t s administration. Ryerson worked toward a happy combination of an e f f i c i e n t central authority (the Education Department) and enlightened l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . He believed that j o i n t e f f o r t s to b u i l d good schools would r e s u l t i n morally upright and i n t e l l i g e n t i n d i v i d u a l s and a progressive and prosperous nation. In the 1960's some Canadians advocate free un i v e r s i t y education as necessary f o r progress and prosperity i n Canada; Ryerson used t h i s argument to promote free and universal elementary education a century ago. To accomplish his ends, Ryerson t r a v e l l e d up and 36 j 0 u r n a l of Education, XXII (February, 1869), 21. 116 down the province on execrable roads, explaining school law, winning approval f o r i t , and encouraging progress wherever he found i t . He wrote interminable l e t t e r s , he spoke, preached, and argued; he kept cool most of the time and never l o s t sight of his goal: free schooling, i n secondary as well as primary schools. He had enemies i n a l l quarters, but he knew his friends outnumbered them and was not greatly concerned.37 His Methodist zeal and h i s abiding f a i t h that he was an instrument of God sustained him i n every adversity. The Hope Commission observed that Ryerson's success was due not only to his unquestioned genius, but also to his singleness of purpose, vigor i n action, and unusual f a c i l i t y f o r propaganda. He won acceptance f o r h i s ideas not only because they were convincingly presented, but because they were so often repeated. For over t h i r t y years an unending stream of words issued from Ryerson's pen—annual reports, pamphlets, newspaper controversies, and innumerable meetings addressed i n c i t y and country.38 Ryerson i d e n t i f i e d himself so c l o s e l y with the school system that he regarded any personal attack as a threat to 37nonora M. Cochrane (ed.), Centennial Story. The  Board of Education for the City of Toronto, 1850-1950 (Toronto: Thomas Nelson & Sons TCanada) Limited, 1950), p. 68. 38Report of the Royal Commission on Education i n Ontario, 1950 (Toronto: Baptist Johnson, King's Printer, 1950), pT827. the schools. He was sensitive to c r i t i c i s m , sometimes hyper-s e n s i t i v e . Discussing his attitude to attacks i n the press, he w r o t e : 3 9 I remembered, as I s t i l l do, Lord Macaulay's advice, given as early as January, 1827, i n the Edinburgh Review, i n respect to replying to attacks. He says:-"No misrepresentations should be suffered to pass unrefuted. When a s i l l y l e t t e r makes i t s appearance i n the corner of a p r o v i n c i a l newspaper, i t w i l l not do to say, 'What s t u f f ! ' We must remember that such statements constantly r e i t e r a t e d , and seldom answered, w i l l assuredly be believed." He had a passion f o r his cause, and appeared to emerge victo r i o u s i n any controversy. He suffered the attacks of many b i t t e r and powerful enemies, yet each of these attacks served to o f f e r another opportunity to explain his case and sway the public mind.40 He would castigate teachers and trustees f o r not doing t h e i r duty and point out many shortcomings i n the schools to those involved i n them d i r e c t l y , but nevertheless tempered c r i t i c i s m with praise f o r what the schools were doing. To the public he always emphasized the benefits f o r the province. In his annual reports he included excerpts from l e t t e r s of superintendents which showed progress, and other statements that advocated reforms close to his own 39Hodgins, Documentary History, XVIII, 3 0 9 . 40Report of the Royal Commission on Education i n Ontario, l o c . c i t . 118 heart. He systematically fostered a posi t i v e image of the school system. In h i s annual reports he r e g u l a r l y compared Ontario's school system with those of other countries and states and the s t a t i s t i c s quoted generally showed Ontario's sup e r i o r i t y , except when he wished to use t h e i r example to spur Ontarians on. When educationists from other countries alluded favorably to Ontario, Ryerson proudly quoted them i n his speeches, reports, and the Journal of Education. Ryerson was both wise and patient i n spreading his educational ideas. He would talk about major innovations f o r years, recommend l e g i s l a t i o n repeatedly, and eventually win the public and the lawmakers over to his point of view. One of his chief means of promoting l e g i s l a t i o n was the county educational convention i n which he met with the people of Ontario i n each county. When he assumed o f f i c e i n 1844, he planned to make the t r i p through Ontario every f i v e years, and he succeeded i n doing so f i v e times, i n 1847, 1853, i860, 1866, and 1869.41 The county conventions were held i n the county towns from January to March. It was a cold time to t r a v e l , but i t ensured better attendance as the farmers had more time then; t r a v e l was easier, as the muddy Ontario roads were frozen 4 1 p h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada, p. 259. 119 into t h e i r best condition of the year. The purpose of the conventions was^"2 to hold free consultations as to the progress and defects of our own System of Public Instruction, and the means of improving and adapting i t to the I n s t i t u t i o n s and wants of our Country. These meetings were open to everyone i n the county, and were well-publicized and well-attended. School superintendents, trustees, clergymen, teachers, judges, and elected o f f i c i a l s were prominently represented. When possible, Ryerson would meet p r i v a t e l y with trustees, teachers, and superintendents, i n addition to the large public meeting. A l o c a l d i g n i t a r y would preside over the gathering. Ryerson would d e l i v e r a lecture on a topic relevant to the educational needs of the province and propose ways of improving the schools through new l e g i s l a t i o n . Issues considered were questions on school law, suggestions f o r improvement, teacher-training i n the Normal School, l i b r a r i e s , free schools, county inspectors, teacher examinations, prize books, and compulsory education. Resolutions were passed favoring changes and improvements i n the schools.43 Ryerson's views regularly c a r r i e d the day i n these resolutions. For example, i n his tour of 1866, he reported 4 2Hodgins, Documentary History, XVI, 77. 43ibid., XXVII, 238. 12G that thirty-seven of the f o r t y meetings passed resolutions recommending that parents whose children were not i n school should be punished.44 j n a parting c i r c u l a r to municipal councils on his retirement, Ryerson wrote that "Not a single important feature of our School Laws have been adopted with-out previous consultations with the people of the Province, during the f i v e v i s i t s which I have made to the several Counties."45 He said further that he did not recommend l e g i s l a t i o n on any subject without the concurrence of at lea s t two-thirds of the conventions.4 6 When Ryerson went to the l e g i s l a t u r e with a new school b i l l he was armed with supporting resolutions from a l l over the province—powerful incentives to p o l i t i c i a n s to consider his ideas very c a r e f u l l y . The county school conventions were eminently successful. They stimulated i n t e r e s t , disarmed h o s t i l i t y , and provided suggestions to remedy ex i s t i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s . They demonstrated that the Education Department i n the person of i t s Chief was interested i n the schools i n every corner of the province. The large attendances, f u l l press coverage, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n by leading c i t i z e n s a l l served 44ibid., XIX, 181. 45ibid., XXVII, 238. 46ibid. 121 to create and nourish i n t e r e s t i n the schools, and kept Ryerson close to the public mind. He reported to Hodgins during his tour i n I860: "My v i s i t to the Counties seems to give much s a t i s f a c t i o n , and the best f e e l i n g appears to exis t i n regard to myself and the School System."47 Another means of public involvement i n the l o c a l school was the public school examination. Teachers were required to have public examinations of t h e i r pupils to give parents the opportunity to judge the effectiveness of i n s t r u c t i o n . Although the law c a l l e d f o r four examinations each year, i t was common prac t i c e , even i n the Pr o v i n c i a l Model School attached to the Toronto Normal School, to hold two, one at the end of each school term. The Christmas examination was held on the Friday before Christmas, and the summer examination was held at the close of term i n Ju l y . Examination day was the greatest school event and the chief s o c i a l function of the school section as w e l l . Pupils wore t h e i r best clothes and put on t h e i r best manners. The school room was "a bower of evergreen; the teacher's desk was a s o l i d mass of roses and l i l i e s . " 4 8 Parents were 47i b i d . , XVI, 95. ^ J . George Hodgins, The Establishment of Schools and  Colleges i n Ontario, 1792-1910 (3 vols.; Toronto: L. K. Cameron, 1^10), I, 192~T~ 122 present i n large numbers, with women predominating.49 Trustees had the places of honor and many v i s i t o r s sat on chairs and benches but the majority had to stand. Most brought lunches and stayed f o r the day, to hear the questions and answers, the singing and r e c i t a t i o n s . Green r e c a l l e d that the trustees of old dressed i n t h e i r Sabbath blacks or homespun, and with hair and whiskers o i l e d and trimmed, marched up the a i s l e to t h e i r seats on the platform with a l l the d i g n i t y and solemnity of Judges of the Supreme Court. The classes were examined by the teacher, with the l o c a l superintendent, trustees, clergymen, and even guests occasionally putting questions to the pupils. Prizes of books were given, and sometimes trustees passed out treats of candies, nuts, and apples.5® Some l o c a l superintendents organized larger examinations, bringing together the best pupils from a l l the schools under th e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . These events could l a s t from nine or ten i n the morning u n t i l seven, eight, or even nine o'clock i n the evening and would draw as many as f i v e hundred or even a thousand people. The Court House or a 49perth Courier, December 27, 1867. 50Gavin Hamilton Green, The Old Log House and Bygone  Days i n Our V i l l a g e s (Goderich, Ontario: Signal-Star Press, 1948"), pp. 71-72; by the same author, The Old Lp_ School  and Huron Old Boys i n Pioneer Days (Goderich, Ontario: Signal-Star Press, 1939), pp. U v ^ . 123 large h a l l would be used to accommodate the crowds.51 Grammar schools also held public examinations at which pupils and ex-pupils r e c i t e d poetry and sang, pupils were questioned, and the headmaster read his r e p o r t . 5 2 The newspapers announced the examinations i n advance and gave f u l l reports of them afterward. Ryerson attached great importance to these examin-ations. He was a f i r m believer i n the wholesome effects of competition, and also believed they were an excellent means of promoting public interest i n the schools and of spurring teachers on to do t h e i r best. In h i s report f o r 1869 he observed with chagrin that the number of public examinations had f a l l e n o f f by f i v e hundred from 1868, and he threatened to withhold the p r o v i n c i a l apportionment to those schools which d i d not conduct examinations as required by law. 5 3 However, despite t h e i r widespread popularity and o f f i c i a l sanction, there was dissent to the concept and practice of public examinations. I t was argued that often the performance of the pupils determined whether the teacher 5 l j o u r n a l of Education, XVIII (February, I865), 28-30; XX (January, 18677, 9; Perth Courier, May 22, 1868; Porter's Diary, July 22, 1861. 5 2Hodgins, The Establishment of Schools, I, 193. 5 3Egerton Ryerson, Annual Report of the Normal, Model, Grammar, and Common Schools, i n Ontario, 1869 (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1870), p.~6". 124 would be re-hired for the next term, causing him to display-prominently only his best scholars; the school had to prepare for weeks just to put on a good show for the public; the indolent and superficial scholars were often the most showy and fluent and received laurels over more deserving pupils . Many claimed that the time would be better spent doing proper lessons.54 Whatever i t s shortcomings, the public examination did keep schools in the public eye and promoted parental interest in them. They provided gifted teachers opportunities to demonstrate progressive educational techniques, and infer ior teachers were motivated to do better, knowing they had to face the tribunal of public opinion twice a year. Ryerson*s control of the provincial grants of money to schools was a potent weapon i n his campaign to gain the cooperation of local areas in promoting good education. He made i t plain that the Ontario school system was a voluntary one. No c i ty or municipality was forced to become a part of the provincial system. An area was free to develop i t s own system, but i n that case would receive no provincial grants. If i t adopted the provincial system i t received grants, and was also obligated to obey school law and observe the rules and regulations l a i d down by the Council of Public Instruction. 54Alexander Forrester, The Teacher 1s Text-book (Halifax: A. & W. Mackinlay,"T""67), p. 523. 125 A l l Ontario, with but one exception, opted to join the provincial system.55 The Legislature annually voted a fixed sum for schools. Each municipality was required to raise by assessment an amount at least equal to the government grant. The sum raised by local taxes and the government grant became the Common School Fund, applicable only to teachers' salaries . Further expenses were the responsibil ity of each school section. The voters determined how to raise the money at their annual meetings. The.provincial grant was apportioned to the municipalities on the basis of the most recent decennial census of the tota l population, and was then divided among the individual school sections in the munici-pal i ty by the loca l superintendent on the basis of average attendance at the school and the length of time the school was open. In c i t i e s , towns, and incorporated v i l lages , the boards of trustees determined the apportionment of the government grant to the several schools without being bound to the provisions regarding average attendance and length of time open.56 55Hodgins, Documentary History, XX, 88; XVII, 290. The sole exception was the Town of Richmond, which original ly opted to be independent, but joined the provincial system in 1865. 56Hodgims, Documentary History, XVIII, 97; XX, 87; XXI, 302. 126 For 1863 the total budget for common schools was:57 Legislative Grant $159,927 Municipal, or County Assessment 287,768 Trustees' Assessment 631,755 Rate-Bil ls 72,680 Clergy-Reserve and other 108,467 Balance over from last year 167,285 Total $1,432,885 [s ic] It appears that Ryerson never actually withheld the government grants because of fai lure to abide by regulations— but he used his power to do so regularly as a threat against deviating from the norm. He warned trustees severely about the poss ib i l i ty of losing the government grant, part icularly i f they disregarded regulations on using school books not approved by the Council of Public Instruction (this was aimed at American textbooks), fa i led to conduct public examinations, and did not observe the required length of the school year. He wrote that awarding money on the basis of average attendance and length of time schools were open^^ has been found to have had a salutary influence not only upon the attendance of children at the Schools, but also upon the character of the instruction given, and the length of time in the year during which Schools have been kept open. In the various ways detailed in this chapter,Ryerson and his associates, by writ ing, speaking, meeting with the 7 ' I b i d . , XX, 88. 53ibid., XIX, 38 127 public, encouraging them to vis i t the schools, providing the structure for discussion and decision on local schools, by encouraging people to support their schools intelligently and finance them adequately, caused the public to become involved in the school system and to accept i t as a necessary and important part of community l i f e . Althouse, in assessing public feeling during the sixties and seventies, stated that a large part of the population believed in the excellence of the Ontario school system, regarded their schools as a national asset, and assumed an air of proprietary pride in them. In the sixties public opinion was consolidating behind the schools, and with the growth of the public system, private schools decreased in importance.59 59Althouse, op_. c i t . , p. 36. PART I I . THEORY OF EDUCATION CHAPTER VI CONCEPTS OF CHILD NATURE Growing humanitarianism. With the growth of c i t i e s and the attendant problems of slums, v i c e , and crime, the 1860's saw a heightened awareness of the s o c i a l i l l s spawned by c i t y l i f e and some attempts to cure them. Many public meetings were held i n Toronto i n the decade on s o c i a l issues, p e t i t i o n s were sent to the Legislature, church bodies and teachers 1 associations discussed problems of juvenile crime, vagrant children, and defects i n the prison system to reform criminals.^ There were private agencies dedicated to welfare work, close l y t i e d to r e l i g i o u s groups, l i k e the Young Men's Ch r i s t i a n Association and i t s d i s t a f f counterpart; the St. George's Society, founded by Englishmen; and the St. Andrew's Society, f o r Scotsmen; the John Howard Society; and others.; which v i s i t e d homes, j a i l s , and ships to do mission work and to r e l i e v e d i s t r e s s . 2 Private organizations operated ho s p i t a l s , orphanages, an i n s t i t u t i o n for the deaf, g i r l s ' l j . George Hodgins, Documentary History of Education i n Upper Canada (28 vols.; Toronto: Warwick Bros. & Rutter, I-VI, L. K. Cameron, VII-XXVIII, 1894-1910), XX, v i i . 2Annual Reports of these s o c i e t i e s are i n the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa. 129 homes, nurseries, houses of industry, and asylums, many of which were aided by government grants. C i t i e s , m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , and the p r o v i n c i a l government were becoming increasingly aware of the necessity f o r broader public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the welfare f i e l d . The p r o v i n c i a l government's concern i s evident i n that twenty-four per cent of i t s t o t a l expenditures i n 1868 was f o r s o c i a l welfare.3 The appointment of a Board of Inspectors of Prisons, Asylums and Public C h a r i t i e s i n 1859 was a s i g n i f i c a n t step i n the evolution of public r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r welfare. This group of f i v e was the f i r s t i n Canada charged with the general d i r e c t i o n of public i n s t i t u t i o n s . In 1868, a single inspector, John W. Langmuir, was appointed to replace the Board of Inspectors. He served with d i s t i n c t i o n u n t i l h i s retirement i n 1882.4 However, the emphasis was placed on custodial and corrective i n s t i t u t i o n s rather than on preventive measures. Mental asylums, gaols, prisons, and reformatories received most of the government funds. The government r e l i e d almost e n t i r e l y on the apprenticeship system to care f o r children lac k i n g parents or adequate homes, although i t gave some 3Richard B. Splane, S o c i a l Welfare i n Ontario, 1791-1893 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), pp. 282-83. 4-Ibid., pp. 36; 44-46. 130 f i n a n c i a l assistance to private orphanages. A s t r i k i n g example of growing concern f o r c h i l d welfare was the inauguration i n 1868 of a private project to place destitute B r i t i s h children into Canadian homes. From 1868-93 nearly 23,000 children were brought from the B r i t i s h I s l e s to Ontario through t h i s program. 6 People were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned over the vagrant and delinquent children i n c i t i e s . In 1 8 6 8 Superintendent Porter of Toronto wrote:7 I am almost weary of wri t i n g and speaking, from year to year, respecting the many neglected i d l e children whom we meet with on the streets, who are mutually educating each other, and, I fear, are i n many instances being educated by t h e i r parents and others i n uncleanness, profanity, and dishonesty. It i s now generally acknowledged that s p e c i a l public l e g i s l a t i v e provisions are required on t h e i r behalf. In 1866 Porter delivered his annual lecture on the topic "Child Neglect."^ At the public d i s t r i b u t i o n of scholarships and prizes f o r children i n Toronto on July 27, 1866, Police Magistrate Alex McNabb t o l d children to stay away from l i q u o r , and he urged compulsory education so that 5 I b i d . , p. 2 2 1 . 6 I b i d . , p. 2 6 0 . 7james Porter, Tenth Annual Report of the Local  Superintendent of the Public ' schools of the City of Toronto, For the Year EndTng December 31st, 185"8" (Toronto: Daily Telegraph Publishing House, 1869), p. 14. ^Porter, Annual Report, 1866, p. 25. 131 children of drunken parents might have better opportunities i n l i f e . 9 There was optimism that education could redeem the i n d i v i d u a l and elevate society. Dr. Nelles, president of V i c t o r i a College, said i n 1869: "The time w i l l come when we s h a l l hear no more of irreclaimable children, or even of irreclaimable men."-*-® Dr. Daniel Wilson, professor and l a t e r president of the University of Toronto expressed concern f o r children not attending any school and said something must be done fo r them. He was the prime mover of an abortive attempt to e s t a b l i s h voluntary or separate denominational schools f o r vagrants that would provide two good meals d a i l y and clothing i n addition to the regular benefits of schooling. The Teachers' Association favored compulsory education at i n d u s t r i a l boarding schools where inmates would be trained and kept separated from t h e i r erstwhile companions and e v i l influences.11 In 1868 i t was estimated that 1,600 children were receiving no i n s t r u c t i o n at school or home. There was an annual average of 120 youths of both sexes under sixteen convicted of crime and "subjected to the ruinous influences 9lbid., pp. 41-42. l°Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XXI, 294. llRodgins, op_. c i t . , XX, 269, 271. 132 of associating with hardened criminals of mature age" i n the c i t y gaol.12 Using t h i s information, a group of c i t i z e n s attempted to persuade the Toronto School Board to esta b l i s h a r e s i d e n t i a l school. The Board turned down the request on the grounds that such a school would require compulsory education, not yet enacted i n Ontario, and that the combination of both voluntary and tax support which was envisioned would be too complex to administer.13 In addition to concern f o r the vagrants who stayed out of school, there was also some worry over the health of the children who were i n school. In f a c t , the Pr o v i n c i a l Teachers' Association i n 1863 suggested that conditions i n the schools contributed to "the pernicious and baneful influence of truancy" when i t declared t h a t l ^ Among the means best calculated to lessen the e v i l of truancy t h i s Association recommend the construction of comfortable-, commodious and well-furnished School Rooms thereby rendering the attendance of the pupils as pleasant as possible i n the external surroundings. In Toronto, Porter r e g u l a r l y advocated the early dismissal of the younger pupils during the summer months, when they were i n school only two hours i n the morning and two i n the afternoon i n hot weather. He f e l t t h i s would 12porter, Annual Report, 1868, p. 64. 13lbid., p. 74; Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XX, 279. l^Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XVIII, 38. 133 be good practice year round so that the hours would be "not unnaturally and perhaps injuriously extended, as i t i s at present."15 He also advocated more space per pupi l , more teachers, more songs and manual exercises, and suggested that because of the heat the summer holiday should.commence on the f i r s t Monday of July instead of the f i r s t Monday i n August, for attendance f e l l off in July in any case. Concern for overworking children's brains was expressed at the Teachers' Convention in 1869. J . S. King s a i d : 1 6 The brain i s a wonderfully complex organ, extremely delicate, very l iab le to disease, and easily injured. This i s true in regard to the fu l ly developed brain; much more delicate, and l iable to injury and disease, i s the brain of a growing chi ld . The brain, i n addition to the function of thought, supplies nervous energy to the various organs engaged in the process of digestion, assimilation, and nutr i t ion . With injury of the brain, not only do the physical functions suffer, but likewise the nervous system i t s e l f . Thousands of young minds are stunted, and permanently dwarfed, by too early application to study. Task the mind during the earl ier years, and you w i l l not expose the chi ld to a greater risk of a disordered brain, not only i t may lay the foundation for a morbid exc i tabi l i ty of brain, that may one day end in insanity, but you debil itate i t s bodily powers, and by so doing, to a l l intents and purposes, the mind w i l l , eventually be a loser in i t s powers and capacity. Teachers were warned against overloading the brains of pupils with too much memory work. The brain was likened 15porter, Annual Report, 1868, p. 15. l 6 J o u r n a l of Education, XXII (September, 1869), 132. to a pack-horse. If a pack-horse i s overloaded suddenly i t may break down. Therefore, the chi ld's memory must assume only small loads at one time, neatly arranged, lest i t too break down.x7 Such advice, gratuitously and ponderously proferred to teachers and replete with garbled concepts of the workings of the brain and body, was evidence of concern for the physical and psychological welfare of the ch i ld . Physical exercises were enjoined to keep pupils from getting restless and to provide r e l i e f from unremitting study. Frequent changes of subject matter and type of work were advocated, and recesses and diversions l ike marching around to music were suggested. The importance of good venti lat ion, proper temperature and l ighting in classrooms was stressed, lest irreparable harm be done to chi ldren. Lack of proper l ight ing , for example, was said to result in a dwarfing of the perceptive faculty, with injury also extending to the abstractive and reasoning facult ies.-3 While singing and declamation, were adduced as good physical exercises, grave warnings against overdoing were always in order, to avoid pupil injury. The author of a book of dramatic readings advised the pupil to"^ ^Frederick C. Emberson, The Art of Teaching (Montreal Dawson Brothers, 1877), p. 34. ^Alexander Forrester, The Teacher's Text-book (Halifax: A. & W. MacKinlay,~T567), pp. 4^ 3T~°"9. 19john Andrew, The Dramatic Reader (Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1869), pp. v i i i - i x . 135 Read the whole i n a loud whisper. The . . . exercise i s a very valuable one. The reader, to be heard, i s obliged to pause frequently i n order to r e c r u i t h is lungs with extra a i r which i s necessary, and the larynx, the primary organ of speech, being ina c t i v e , he i s compelled to exert the other organs to t h e i r f u l l e s t extent. It i s proper to caution the learner against overdoing t h i s exercise, as i t i s fa t i g u i n g and might be injurious to persons of weak lungs. Encouraging as the many expressions of concern f o r the welfare of children i n the s i x t i e s may be, they must be regarded as r e f l e c t i n g theory rather than practice. Physicians, professors, and teachers were advocating better treatment of children, but the lack of proper f a c i l i t i e s i n schools and the generally harsh treatment the majority of children s t i l l received indicate that most admonitions were disregarded. Trustees did not scare e a s i l y ; nor were a l l teachers impressed by gratuitous advice offered by outsiders. Society s t i l l accepted harsh treatment, but was not happy about i t . The application of humanitarian concerns i n the area of c h i l d care and schools was part of a larger awakening of a s o c i a l conscience. Metropolitanism brought with i t many s o c i a l problems. Many ad hoc groups of c i t i z e n s banded together to meet needs f o r prison reform, schools f o r the b l i n d and the deaf, help f o r youth and other s o c i a l purposes. "Wot only the scope but the humanity of public education has expanded," and t h i s expansion began to f i n d expression around i860, wrote P h i l l i p s . 2 0 2 G C h a r l e s E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto: W. J . Gage and Company Limited, 1957), pp. 370-74. 136 How children learn. "Boys are miniature men."21 The chi ld was believed to be a l i t t l e adult, differing only in size and development. He was regarded more as an object of instruction than as an entity in his own r ight . He was a recipient of instruction rather than a participant i n the learning process. The way a chi ld and his brain were regarded was almost sc ient i f ic in i t s detachment. Every-thing was carefully departmentalized and labelled by the categories of faculty psychology, which held sway in the s ixt ies . The mind was more analogous to a machine than to a muscle. Too much use w i l l not strengthen i t but rather wear i t out. The machine must be kept functioning through use, change of work, venti lat ion, and other devices mentioned ear l i er . Yet this did not preclude romantic notions of the chi ld's mind. Dr. Daniel Wilson exemplifies this approach and endorsed the tabula rasa (blank tablet) theory of learning in an address to teachers: 2 2 With the young and impressionable mind spread out before us, as a pure tablet on which we may write what we w i l l ; to us especially must the Divine maxim come home with peculiar force, that "for every idle word we must give account. . . ." The young mind may be compared to a calm, pellucid stream which reflects alike the sunshine and the 2lEmberson, op_. c i t . , p. 57. 2 2 Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XIX, 53. 137 shadow, and derives a l l i t s colour from the objects that surround i t . How much then does i t become the Teacher to guard that pure mirror from being clouded by the storms of passion, or defaced with the s o i l of impurity. Even this lends i t s e l f to the concept of a machine: i t must be kept clean and free from d i r t , and only given work to do which w i l l not harm i t but cause i t to function well , and i t must be well cared-for. The emphasis in learning was regularly placed on the teacher. He was to insert , apply, and write the correct information onto the receptive minds of the children, which was to be dut i ful ly stored away in their "memory banks." These beginnings of a sc ient i f i c approach to learning did not consider the nature of the chi ld as an object of study, but educators instead assumed certain things about a chi ld's mind, and concentrated on the selection of proper material and i t s best arrangement so that the chi ld could absorb i t . It was l ike present-day programming of computers. Faculty psychology posited that the mind was sub-divided into numerous individual powers, or facult ies , to wit: presentative, the faculty of sense-perception; representa-t ive , the faculty for memory, conception, and imagination; ref lect ive , the faculty for abstraction or generalization and reasoning; in tu i t ive , the faculty for developing original suggestion; and conscience, the moral faculty, and s t i l l others. 23 Thus, i f teachers could "program" the information 2 3 Forres ter , op_. c i t . , p. 94. 138 corresponding to the proper facult ies , the chi ld would be equipped with the necessary information to function as a proper adult in due time. The various classes or powers of inte l lect and their faculties were analyzed, expanded, and expounded in great de ta i l . The logic was meticulously arranged, but the foundation of the whole was a body of assumptions later largely abandoned. The mental equipment with which a person is born was believed to be jeopardized through a retardation of develop-ment by lack of a proper environment, for instance We believe i t w i l l be found, as a general rule , that a l l who spend much of their time in pits or cel lars are dwarfish in their inte l lectual powers, and unusually dul l and stupid in their apprehensive capacity. And the reason of this i s obvious. The food intended to supply, and exercise, and strengthen the perceptive faculty, i s a l l but entirely cut off; and as this is one of the grand inlets of knowledge, not only does the power i t s e l f remain in a great measure inactive, but i t operates injuriously upon a l l the other faculties—the abstractive, the reasoning, &c. Again, i f one part of the machine i s out of order, i t w i l l adversely affect a l l other parts and functions. Educators, in the s p i r i t of faculty psychology, became almost compulsive i n dividing material to be learned into small units. The elements of a subject of study were analyzed relentless ly , beyond the l imits of rat ional i ty and out of a l l 24ibid. , p . 6 9 . 139 proportion to r e a l i t y , often in violation of both common sense and u t i l i t y . The rationale was that humans are rational creatures, and therefore understanding would be enhanced i f material were broken down into small bits of information in sequence for children to learn. A chi ld could build his store of information piece by piece, each in proper sequence and order. I f the content were correctly presented by an able teacher, i t was not necessary to be overly concerned about the ch i ld . He could be induced or forced to s i t quietly and have the material applied to him and learning would result . This primitive attempt at programmed instruction was prophetic of tremendous developments in computerized education a century la ter . However, present day programmed instruction is based on research in the psychology of learning; i t begins with the nature of the learner and moves from that to preparation of material most suitable to him. In the 1860's educators started with the material and were pre-occupied with arranging i t logically—but overlooked the fact that children are not so much logical as psychological beings. Thus in developing their lessons in subjects l ike reading, spell ing, grammar, and writing, textbook authors made learning unduly tedious and arduous. The result was that learning was inhibited rather than enhanced because of the circuitous routes 140 pupils were forced to follow as, theoretically, they slowly but surely bu i l t a so l id structure of learning. Educators had an abhorrence of taking short-cuts, convinced that this meant shoddy learning was taking place. The dangers of not arranging material nor feeding i t properly to the chi ld were described graphically by an author of a textbook for teachers in this analogy:25 Our memory i s l ike a pack horse which should accompany us through l i f e carrying what we want in such a shape that we can get i t at a moment's notice. But this pack-horse when suddenly overweighted has a peculiar habit of sl ipping off i t s whole load. I f by an unnatural force of attention we prevent i t s doing this and i t once breaks down under i t s burden, then we may have no chance of getting another such pack-horse a l l our l i ve s . It is true we must strengthen our memory by making i t constantly carry that i t can bear with ease. But we must put on small loads at a time, neatly arranged, and at f i r s t keep continually looking to see i f they are being retained in good condition. But i f the brain were part icularly able to absorb and store new material—if a chi ld were precocious—this too was a danger sign. A strong brain would sap strength from the rest of the body and so a precocious child was believed to be disease-prone and short- l ived. Nature demanded a balance: strong mind, weak body, and vice-versa. Parents of bright children were therefore exhorted not to push them to inte l lectual attainments, for this could ruin them. The 25Emberson, op_. c i t . , p. 34. 141 "brain machine" would then draw too much f u e l and energy from the rest, of the body and destroy i t . This i s exactly the opposite of present day thought on bright children, which stresses f u l l e r use of potential and enriched c u r r i c u l a so that the g i f t e d c h i l d w i l l work to his f u l l capacity. A journal a r t i c l e pointed out that Andrew F u l l e r , S i r Walter Scott, and Daniel Webster were a l l d u l l scholars as children, and that parents ought not worry i f t h e i r children appeared to be d u l l . This was more promising than i f the c h i l d had a superior i n t e l l e c t , which was often accompanied by physical delicacy and premature death.26 Cyrus Thomas wrote sadly of his own daughter, Dora, whose precocious words and actions caused him to fear f o r her health. She died i n early childhood of "brain disease," and her exceptional mental a b i l i t y was accepted as the cause of death. 27 Although much was written about education, the question of how children learn was not seriously asked i n the s i x t i e s . The question was rather which kind of text-books, which methods of i n s t r u c t i o n , which techniques and devices worked best. There was l i t t l e analysis of what happened i n the c h i l d , but much concern about how to put the 2 o J o u r n a l of Education, XV (September, 1862), 139. 27cyrus Thomas, The Frontier Schoolmaster (Montreal: John L o v e l l & Sons, 1880), pp. 398-99. 142 material to him. The process of teaching had started farthest from the learner, f o r t r a d i t i o n a l l y the greatest problem was what the c h i l d should learn, since content was all-important. After mid-nineteenth century, the question began to change to how the content should be presented, and educators were preoccupied with methods of a l l kinds. The next step, c h i l d study, f i r s t began to become a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n Canadian education around 1884 when F. W. Parker addressed the Ontario Teachers' A s s o c i a t i o n . 2 ^ Motivation f o r learning. The problem of motivation which has received so much attention by educators i n recent years was comparatively unimportant i n the l860's. The c h i l d was not central to the learning s i t u a t i o n . Teachers did not s t r i v e to understand the i n d i v i d u a l i n order to determine how each one might best be interested i n a subject. Teachers did not seek what was good, appropriate, or i n t e r e s t i n g t o a c h i l d — t h e s e decisions had already been made—but simply t r i e d to teach what was written by the experts i n pupils* textbooks. The emphasis of experts was not on i n d i v i d u a l differences among children but rather on discovering and 2 % i n u t e s of the Ontario Teachers' Association, I 8 8 4 , c i t e d i n F. Henry Johnson, "Changing Conceptions of D i s c i p l i n e and Pupil-Teacher Relations i n Canadian Schools" (Doctor of Pedagogy thesis, University of Toronto, 1952), p. 192. 143 formulating principles of learning which would apply-universally. In keeping with a r i s ing tide of sc ient i f i c studies i n the physical and applied sciences, i t was hoped that universally applicable laws of learning could be found, just as laws of physics applied i n a l l of nature. Textbooks for teaching presented various theoretical concepts and applications to studious teachers. Certain theories and their corresponding practice were widely accepted in the s ixt ies , and these w i l l be presented here, together with other newer and more "progressive" ideas which were not yet widely practised. It was necessary that a chi ld received what was good for him; i t was not necessary that he l ike i t . This fundamental fact of education militated strongly against effective theories of motivation. Early textbooks had been uniformly unattractive, with small type, bound in du l l covers, and with few if. any pictures and i l lu s t ra t ions . The typical classroom was uninviting and uncomfortable. Whatever zeal for learning children brought to school disappeared very soon. In the classroom, teachers were faced with the timeless problem of getting children to learn something. Certain conditions were necessary to get children to learn. To begin with, there had to be a certain amount of order and quiet in the classroom, so discipl ine was fundamental. Without i t , a teacher was doomed to frustration 144 and the class to chaos. D i s c i p l i n e i n the l860»s was s t i l l imposed by force i n the great majority of Ontario common schools. Physical punishment was regarded as the surest way to i n s t i l l obedience, and also to f a c i l i t a t e learning. I f pupils came l a t e to school, broke r u l e s , whispered, were insolent, engaged i n f i g h t s , drew unauthor-ized pictures on slates or books, they were l i a b l e f o r a whipping both as punishment and as a deterrent to r e p e t i t i o n of the behavior i n the future. But the rod was applied with equal vigor when lessons were not learned to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the master. The axiom "no l a r n i n ' without l i c k i n , n was a rule of thumb. Knowledge could be whipped into hands or backbones. Green lamented: "I did not l i k e Mr. Munro; he would whip me f o r not knowing my lessons. I could not learn to s p e l l c o r r e c t l y . " He added the simple but i n s i g h t f u l observation, "I got most of my whippings f o r poor s p e l l i n g , but they never cured me."29 Another writer reminisced:30 And when Jim Towns, a poor weak-minded boy, could not s p e l l "laugh," he had to stand on one leg on the desk and be strapped on his bare ankle to improve his i n t e l l e c t u a l powers. Those were the Dark Ages. That strap was ever i n s i g h t . 29Qavin Hamilton Green, The Old Log School and Huron  Old Boys i n Pioneer Days (Goderich, Ontario: Signal-Star Press7l93"5), pp. 38^ 797 30i Saac James Birchard, Flashback (Toronto -: ¥. J . Gage Limited, 1967), p. 94. 145 Corporal punishment was supported p r i n c i p a l l y on the ground of i t s t r a d i t i o n a l place i n school and home. Other reasons were the crudity of society, the tedium, drabness and discomfort of the schools which induced restlessness, and the poor q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , both mental and personal, of many t e a c h e r s . 3 x I t has often been claimed that corporal punishment was o r i g i n a l l y based on the theological doctrine of the sinfulness of the c h i l d and the necessity to correct him. However, while occasional a l l u s i o n s i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the s i x t i e s were found to the Scripture-based proverb "spare the rod and s p o i l the c h i l d " and that children need t r a i n i n g , nowhere did the writer f i n d any j u s t i f i c a t i o n of corporal punishment on the grounds of the doctrine of o r i g i n a l s i n . Poor teachers, with few resources to control pupils by more enlightened means, had the example of highly respected teachers, including Bishop John Strachan and William Tassie, who used corporal, .punishment. Tassie was a s t r i c t d i s c i p l i n a r i a n , and what he did as a matter of course would.be condemned today.. He acted without g i v i n g reasons, and claimed to have a kind of i n t u i t i o n about boys. He once thrashed a boy who wore a constant smile, on the general p r i n c i p l e that a smile.-was the. mask of mischievous intent. 31johnson, ojo. c i t . , pp. 333, 39. 146 His punishment was always the strap, applied with d i f f e r e n t degrees of severity.32 With the "best" grammar school master i n Upper Canada using such t a c t i c s , i t was natural f o r common school teachers to follow s u i t . Severity was s t i l l regarded as an important v i r t u e i n a teacher. Many parents were uneasy i f a teacher was backward i n applying the rod, and infe r r e d that the children could not be learning much.33 The instruments of. punishment were various. The tawse (also tawze, taws) was a Scottish name f o r a leather strap cut into strings at one end, resembling a cat-o'-nine t a i l s . The rod or gad was a switch cut from bi r c h or more often from a blue beech tree (very common i n Ontario), about four feet long. To punish boys f o r f i g h t i n g , a teacher might command them to "cut jackets." Both boys were required to lash one another with blue beech gads (which they often cut themselves), and i f one or the other merc i f u l l y lightened his blows the teacher would apply his own whip to ensure that both boys applied t h e i r rods with gusto.34 32w. S. McVittie, manuscript hi s t o r y of Gait Collegiate I n s t i t u t e , Gait, Ontario. 3 3 c i i f t o n Johnson, Old Time Schools and School Books (New l o r k : Peter Smith, 1935), pp. 121-22. 34Henry Johnson, op_. c i t . , pp. 31-32. 147 The rawhide was a species of whip, a slender cane neatly wound with leather, from the half-inch butt to the slender, cord-like extremity. One writer said that only a small minority were whipped, the more merciful plain strap being invoked more often.35 A round ruler , or ferule, was usually used on the offender's hands, though also applied indiscriminately at the teacher's whim. A refinement of cruelty was one teacher's practice of gathering in his f i s t the four fingers of an unhappy victim and applying the ferule or a pointer vigorously to the protruding finger tips.36 Differences in attitude toward corporal punishment were evident between city and country. In rural areas physical punishments were more common, and children were l i k e l y to get a second dose at home from their parents, who were closer in time and in attitude to their pioneer legacy. But i t was different among the minority of Ontarians who l ived in c i t i e s . City dwellers were much more sensitive about having their children caned, so while corporal punishment was practised in the c i ty , i t was with more restraint and care. The diary of Superintendent Porter of 35w. J . Alexander, "School-days in Ontario Sixty-Tears Ago." The School, XVI ( A p r i l , 1928), 755. 36charles ¥ . Gordon, Postscript to Adventure: The Autobiography of Ralph Connor (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 193s 1), P. 17. 145 Toronto has many entries recording complaints of parents against "undue severity" or unfair punishment of their children. City parents seemed to feel that harsh treatment was associated with country l i f e , and not as appropriate in the c i ty . Another reason for the different attitudes was the nature of the community. In the country everyone knew the teacher; even a stranger would soon become known and accepted in the small community, and the children were under the care of someone parents knew. But i n c i t ies this was not the case, and parents did not l ike the idea of a stranger whipping their children for real or imagined misdemeanors. The uneasiness and resentment of some city people about corporal punishment was shared by many teachers. Many essays and discussions at both provincial and loca l teachers' association meetings in the s ixties indicate dissatisfaction and opposition to the prevail ing practices of d i sc ip l ine . The unimaginative and exclusive use of the strap was denounced, though apparently no one was prepared to say that the use of physical punishment should be abandoned. The majority of teachers s t i l l held i t to be a necessary part of good school management, but many wished to minimize i t s use.37 37Edwin C. Gui l l e t , In the Cause of Education. Centennial History of the Ontario Educational Association, 149 It was said that the teacher himself should be able to command respect without recourse to the constant threat of violent means of contro l . The conception of the teacher's personality being the fountain head of d i s c i p l i n e was an old one. Horace Mann wrote i n l&i+6;3& Order must be maintained but i t must be maintained from reverence and regard f o r the teacher and not through fear. . . . The superiority of the heart; the superiority of the head; the supe r i o r i t y of the arm— t h i s i s the order of means to secure i t . The School Act embodied the same sentiment i n defining the duties of teachers: To evince a regard f o r the improvement and general conduct of t h e i r pupils, to treat them with kindness, combined with firmness; and to aim at governing them by t h e i r a f f e c t i o n s and reason, rather than by harshness and severity. Ryerson believed that the rod should be used sparingly. He advocated love of children as a much more ef f e c t i v e approach. His Journal of Education did not urge the a b o l i t i o n of corporal punishment, but urged that teachers obtain good order without i t . Ryerson opposed the proscription of corporal punishment but urged sparing and judicious use of i t : ^ 9 1861-1960 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, I960), pp. 25^*2T. 3 % o t h quotations c i t e d i n Henry Johnson, pjo. c i t . , pp. 114-15* 39Egerton Ryerson, Annual Report of the Normal, Model, Grammar, and Common Schools, i n Upper Canada, 1864 (Quebec: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1865), p. 25. 150 Those who object to corporal punishment by the teacher should on the same ground object to i t by a parent, an objection contrary to Scripture and common sense. The best teacher, l i k e the best parent, w i l l seldom resort to the rod; but there are occasions when i t cannot be wisely avoided. The analogy of teachers to parents was incorporated i n the general instructions to the teachers of Toronto:40 The teachers are required to practise such d i s c i p l i n e i n the schools as would be exercised by a kind and judicious parent; and s h a l l avoid corporal punishment i n a l l cases where good order can be preserved by milder measures. The teacher w i l l be held responsible for the due exercise of his or her discretionary power. Dr. Nelles* p r e s i d e n t i a l address to the Ontario Teachers 1 Convention included the exhortation that41 the Teacher should appeal as much as possible to the higher motives. Fear, as an instrument of d i s c i p l i n e , i s not to be disregarded. I would not have a Teacher say to his School, "I never f l o g . " Philosophers t e l l us of what they c a l l "latent consciousness." There should be i n every school a la t e n t consciousness of the Rod, and t h i s w i l l need occasionally to be developed and as i t were brought to the surface by a vigorous application of the Rod to some dozing offender who may be taken as a kind of "representative man." But the best teacher i s one who secures good order and progress without much flogging. Let the formula be the maximum of progress with the minimum of whipping. This view represents the pre v a i l i n g theory on the subject. One should seldom need to resort to strapping, but when necessary, one should not hesitate to do so. Less " r e a l i s t i c " and flowery i d e a l i s t i c pleas to replace corporal 40pOrter, Annual Report, 1869, p. 94 4lHodgins, op_. c i t . , XXI, 293. 151 punishment with morally superior techniques drew this sarcastic barb from a contributor to the Journal of  Education:42 A school i s pictured by some as a troop of l i t t l e angels, eager to learn, more eager to imbibe goodness, a l l hanging on the l ips of their s t i l l more angelic preceptors. If these celest ials ever do need rebuke, shame is at once sufficient; and shame i s produced by a gentle but piercing glance. The problem facing theorists of disc ipl ine in the s ixties was that teachers with high inte l lectual and moral qualities were necessary to implement the advanced ideas of motivation and classroom control, but the schools were not attracting quality people (for reasons to be more fu l ly discussed in Part III ) . Theory of discipl ine was i n advance of practice. During the s ixt ies , discipl ine was based on punishment, and in practice punishment was regarded as an effective motivator both for good behavior and for learning. But there was another important factor operating in the 1860's to modify the tradit ional harshness of school disc ipl ine: a significant growth in the number of women teachers. They were more sympathetic to pupils, more incl ined to less violent means of securing and maintaining classroom control, and more sympathetic to the sensi t iv i t ies 42Journal of Education, XXII (May, 1869), 68 152 of the children in their care than men were. The end of the decade found increasing application of more modern practice in discipl ine in Ontario schools. The feeling that corporal punishment ought to be used in moderation or as a last resort grew more common. Opposition continued to mount, and during the last two decades of the century i t s practice declined further as "moral suasion" superseded "corporal persuasion" as a sounder ideological and pract ical basis of classroom management.43 When humanitarian educators encouraged teachers to lay aside the rod and seek more positive and precautionary incentives to learning and good behavior, the f i r s t alternative to punishment which appealed to these individuals were the powerful incentives of r iva lry and rewards.44 Teachers learned early that pupils l ike to compete, and can be induced to learn by contests, so competition came to be an important motivator in the classroom. In the l860 ' s competition was an integral part of Ontario education. It was o f f i c i a l l y and persistently promoted by the Education 43Henry Johnson, op. c i t . , pp. 333, 42. Canadians are s t i l l reluctant to abandon corporal punishment entirely. In Vancouver a chi ld psychologist said strapping should be eliminated in schools. The superintendent of schools and several principals were quick to respond that strapping i s s t i l l necessary as a "last resort." Vancouver Sun, May 1, 1967. 44Henry Johnson, op_. c i t . , p. 88. 153 Department, firmly established as a cardinal principle of school management, and practised in a l l the schools. Charles Gordon recalled that the whole s p i r i t of his school in the s ixt ies was permeated by the fighting motif. Every recitat ion was a contest. Winners marched joyously to the top, while fai lures remained ignominiously at the foot. Medals of various sorts were often provided. A pupil who held the head of the class for a day could wear i t to his home, and keep i t the next day u n t i l he lost his place. A pupil who kept the head position for a week would be e l ig ible to keep the medal permanently. Classes were frequently dismissed to their seats by a series of questions in mental arithmetic. The f i r s t to shout the correct answer marched proudly to his seat.45 Competition was regarded as a necessary and natural part of l i f e . The world was a place of struggle—and-, school should prepare children for the race of life—so competition was entirely appropriate to a classroom. The "Committee on Giving Prizes in Schools" reporting to the Ontario Teachers' Association Convention in 1869 brought in a report favoring the prize system which included these words The "Prize System" was a fundamental principle of everyday l i f e , and i f i t was correct in the case of men, 45Gordon, op., c i t . , p. 17. 46Hodgins, <_. c i t . , XXI, 301. 154 i t must be correct in the case of children. A l l Universities had their Scholarships and their Honours, and these undoubtedly s t irred to active labour. A teacher added this to the discussion: 47 The Prize system i f judiciously carried out, was in consonance with the laws of nature, and was f i t t ed to assist their boys in the race of l i f e . It was as powerful a stimulus as could be administered, either to children, or children of larger growth. As children were regarded as minature adults, structured competition i n schools was thought to be not only proper and permissible, but healthy and desirable. This concept f i t t ed well i n the context of 19th century Victorian la issez- fa ire economic and social theory. Competition in childhood would prepare the "minature adults" for later struggles i n the world. Competition would get the most out of a ch i ld , and would also aid disc ipl ine , as children concentrating on their tasks would not misbehave. There was l i t t l e stress on individual differences then as compared with the present, nor were the effects of fai lure on children appreciated then as they are today. Henry Johnson has detailed the many facets of competition in the schools of that era, including spelling bees, the challenge problem (a pupil would challenge another, and sometimes a whole school would challenge another), monthly examinations and place-taking, pupils standing in a 47Ibid 155 row and going to the foot of the l ine when they missed a question or a word, and the arrangement of pupils on the basis of conduct and record of work in order of merit.43 Ryerson di l igent ly and strongly supported the use of competition as a means of motivating pupils to do their best. In 1853 he created a "Library and Prize Book Branch" in the Education Department. Prize books were supplied to trustees for distribution at one half of cost price. At f i r s t they were awarded at the teacher's discretion, but complaints of par t ia l i t y led to the introduction of merit cards in I865. These small lithographed cards with pictures on them represented credits of one, ten, f i f t y , and one hundred merits and were given to pupils daily for perfect recitations, good conduct, punctuality, and diligence. Children would turn in cards of lower denominations for higher ones when they had enough. Pupils with the highest number of merits at the end of term were given prize books. The plan appealed to children's procl iv i ty for collecting cards, and i s probably the earl iest example of trading stamps in Canada.49 Cards awarded for perfect recitat ion had the Bible passage "Be thou perfect" printed on them. The cards for punctuality had the Bible text "Not slothful in business." 4%enry Johnson, op_. c i t . t pp. 90-91. 49ibid., pp. 91-93. 156 Ryerson maintained that the p r i n c i p l e on which the prize system was established was the same as that "on which the Divine Government i t s e l f i s based—rewarding everyone  according to his works*"50 The c r i t e r i a , Ryerson wrote, gave each pupi l a "fo u r f o l d motive to exertion and emulation i n everything that constitutes a good pupil and a good school."51 He further pointed out that even slow learners could compete on equal terms on three of the four standards, and that the competition was on one's own merits, i r r e s p e c t i v e of another p u p i l . This recognition of i n d i v i d u a l differences and the concept of competing against one's s e l f anticipated more recent emphases of educators. To object to giving p r i z e s , he wrote i n the Annual Report f o r 1863, " i s to object to the p r i n c i p l e s of Holy Scripture, and the rule of Providence, and the universal paractice of c i v i l i z e d mankind i n a l l matters of common l i f e . " 5 2 Few i n the 1860's would venture to argue against such imposing arguments. In explaining the merit card system i n his report of 1865 Ryerson stressed three points: (1) The system d i d not depend on single end-of-term examinations, but on the pupil's d a i l y conduct and diligence; (2) the standard of merit was 50Ryerson, Annual Report, 1868, p. 7. 51lbid., p. 8. 52Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XVIII, 117. 157 founded on the Holy Scriptures, as the mottoes were taken from the Bible and the illustrations based on i t ; and (3) the system had a most salutary effect on school discipline, and on both teachers and pupils. 53 A demerit system, the reverse of the merit system, in which demerit marks for minor breaches of discipline were charged against pupils, was advocated in 1 8 5 7 , but the positive merit card system supplanted this entirely in 1 8 6 5 . The demerit system was revived after 1880 and was used until the 1 9 3 0 's and as late as the 1940's.54 The popularity of the merit card system continued unt i l the late seventies. The daily record-keeping was time-consuming, but appealed to the efficiency-complex of some teachers. By tallying and averaging one could find exactly where each pupil stood in relation to his peers. It was almost like a scientific system of marking, and the concrete figures arrived at were especially helpful in those schools that began issuing report cards to parents in the sixties. Some teachers were concerned about undue emphasis on riva l r y in the schools, and questioned the value of so much competition. At the Provincial Teachers' Convention i n 1869 5 3 R y e r s o n , Annual Report, I865, cited in Henry Johnson, op. c i t . , p. 9 3 . 54Henry Johnson, op_. c i t . , p. 9 8 . 158 which re-affirmed i t s f a i t h i n the prize system, there was some dissent. Objectors said that the prize system compelled a l l children to pa r t i c i p a t e i n the competition, created an unnatural stimulus among children, and created an appetite f o r rewards which required continual renewal. But the objectors were s t i l l a small minority and the convention passed a r e s o l u t i o n supporting the giving of pri z e s according to merit. 55 Punishment and competition were the r u l i n g concepts of motivation i n the l860 ,s, but i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to assume that other means of inducing pupils to learn were unknown. There were those who recognized the importance of i n t e r e s t i n g a c h i l d i n what he was to lea r n . This concept i s common-place a hundred years l a t e r , but the 1860's were not the 1 9 6 0 f s — l i f e was stern, f r i v o l i t y was frowned upon, and even reading a book s o l e l y because i t was i n t e r e s t i n g was suspect. There have been three stages i n educational thought i n regard to i n t e r e s t : (1) the old idea that children must lear n to do things whether they want to or not, and the more disagreeable the task the more benefit the c h i l d receives from i t ; (2) the r e a l i z a t i o n that i t was important to invoke the child' s i n t e r e s t as an aid to learning subject matter based on adult needs but not immediately i n t e r e s t i n g 55Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XXI, 301. 159 to the c h i l d . This type of in t e r e s t was thought to depend on the personal i n s p i r a t i o n of a g i f t e d teacher and was therefore teacher-centered, not pupil-centered; and (3) the new doctrine of a pupil-centered i n t e r e s t , the contribution of progressive education.56 According to t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , educational practice i n the s i x t i e s was i n stage one, but as no such d i v i s i o n s are discrete, there was a not i n s i g n i f i c a n t amount of writing and also some practice which was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of stage two, and hints of developments of stage three. The emphasis of Pestalozzi on mutual a f f e c t i o n between pupi l and teacher, Rousseau's insistence that the teacher study and know the c h i l d , and Mme. Necker de Saussure's advocacy of freedom a l l stressed the nature of education as organic growth and the motivational importance of in t e r e s t on the part of the learner. Froebel's recognition of the educative value of play and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and the r i s i n g acceptance of object teaching i n Ontario added emphasis to the doctrine of appealing to children's interests.57 Evidence of these influences on teachers can be found i n the l860's. At the Teachers' Convention i n 1867 a teacher read a paper on the importance of int e r e s t i n the ^^Henry Johnson, 0£. c i t . , p. 220, 57lbid., pp. 190-91. 160 attainment of knowledge.58 Voices promoting praise rather than blame as a motivator could also be heard: the teachers i n convention i n 1869 were t o l d "How much better to praise a c h i l d for his merits than to scold him f o r h i s faultsI"59 Although textbooks were not designed primarily to appeal to the i n t e r e s t s of the p u p i l , the element of i n t e r e s t was not disregarded altogether. In the Third Reader i n the I r i s h National Series (authorized f o r use u n t i l 1867) the introduction has t h i s reference to pupil interest:60 It w i l l be observed, that the f i r s t few Sections of the Third Book consist of a series of Lessons on animal subjects; but should Teachers consider the arrangement not s u f f i c i e n t l y varied to keep up the i n t e r e s t of the Pupils, they can cause Lessons to be read i n such order as they may deem best f i t t e d f o r that purpose. A reader published i n 1867 offered these comments on the practice of having beginning pupils memorize l e t t e r s and syllables:61 Such a method transforms the lesson into a wearisome task, and i s apt to engender a d i s l i k e i n the young mind against reading or learning to read, which i t i s 58Guillet, op. c i t . , p. 47. 59Hodgins, op_. c i t . , XXI, 294. 6°National Series of School Books, Third Book of Reading Lessons (Toronto: R. McPhail, 1865), p. i i i . ^ B r i t i sh-American Series of School Books, F i r s t Book  of Reading Lessons (Toronto: James"~Campbell and Son, 1867), p. T~ 161 d i f f i c u l t i n a f t e r years to eradicate. Everyone knows from experience how much easier i t i s to master anything that i s studied with pleasure, than to r e t a i n what i s merely learnt as a task; and when that pleasure i s heightened by obvious progress, which may be noted, as i t were, day by day or lesson by lesson, both the labour of the teacher and the c h i l d i s made l i g h t e r , and each day's lesson becomes a subject of i n t e r e s t to both. The successor of the I r i s h National Series, the Canadian Series, authorized i n 1867, also refe r r e d to interest:62 A c h i l d cannot read with expression that which he does not r e a d i l y understand, or does not r e a d i l y engage his attention; while, on the other hand—provided his eye i s f a m i l i a r with the word-signs—he can scarcely f a i l to read naturally, and, consequently, with propriety, a rhyme or a story that e n l i s t s his sympathy and awakens his i n t e r e s t . The teacher's preface i n another book i n the series also alluded to i n t e r e s t : 63 At f i r s t easy s t o r i e s and anecdotes are given, each teaching a valuable lesson, but presented i n such an a t t r a c t i v e form that the pupil cannot f a i l to be interested. Then anecdotes of Natural History follow, opening up to the youthful mind a new f i e l d of i n t e r e s t and delight, and a l l tending to induce the reader to pursue the subject, and to gain a more extended knowledge of that most d e l i g h t f u l study—the animal kingdom. . . . The Third Part of the book i s devoted to incidents of t r a v e l , of adventure, and of history, almost the whole of which relate to our own country, and which, i t i s hoped, w i l l awaken an i n t e r e s t that w i l l not be content to be r e s t r i c t e d to the narrow l i m i t s 6 2Canadian Series of Reading Books, Second Book of Reading Lessons (Toronto: James Campbell and Son, 186*97, p. i i i . 63 Ibid., Third Book of Reading Lessons, p. i i i . 162 within which this book i s necessarily confined, but w i l l extend i t s e l f to the broad fields of knowledge that are here merely pointed out. Enlightened as this sounds, i t must be remembered that the adults who prepared the readers believed that good solid information was interesting per se to pupils, and even tales of adventure were laced with moral precepts and factual information. Furthermore, teachers in the sixties s t i l l depended on the textbook to create pupil interest, or on competitive devices like spelldowns and place-taking. Host would agree that interest could help a child to learn, but was not essential. As long as the child mastered the material, the motivation was unimportant. In fact, i f learning became so interesting as to be easy, there was the suspicion that this was bad for moral fibre, for hard work was of the essence of l i f e . Even the eminent Dr. Tassie of Gait made no effort to infuse the element of interest into his teaching, according to his former students. Thomas denied that school could be made so interesting that children would always be attracted to i t . Putman, in referring to the schools of the 1880's, said he could not believe that school l i f e was very interesting for the children. The only device to vary the daily monotony of reading, writing, spelling, arithmetic, geography, grammar, history, and bookkeeping was a Friday 163 afternoon s p e l l i n g match.64 A great deterrent to pupil i n t e r e s t was educators' insistence on complete mastery of a lesson before a pupil could move on to new material. Pupils moved slowly through t h e i r textbooks. Conditioning f o r success was v i r t u a l l y unknown, as, f o r the sake of thoroughness, pu p i l s ' progress was retarded rather than encouraged. Interest i n the c h i l d was developing slowly. Value judgements were imposed on the c h i l d by adults who a r b i t r a r i l y decided what children should study and the textbooks and procedures to be followed. Adults believed i t was possible f o r a strong teacher to maintain order without the strap, but held that i t should always be kept i n reserve. Most teachers had neither the character nor the experience to maintain d i s c i p l i n e by force of personality, and the force and fear psychology of the rod held sway. Contests appeared a l o g i c a l and normal way to create i n t e r e s t i n pupils, reinforced by B i b l i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l arguments and an elaborate system of merits and awards. Yet the c h i l d as an i n d i v i d u a l of worth and importance i n his own right was strangely ignored. He was a r e c i p i e n t of i n s t r u c t i o n more than a w i l l i n g p a rticipant i n i t , and the i n s t r u c t i o n was to- make him a worthy adult. It mattered 64cited i n Henry Johnson, op_. c i t . , pp. 203-04. 1 6 4 l i t t l e whether this could be done pleasantly, but i t must  be done—so motivation was imposed rather than induced, i t was from without, not from within. But the energetic, dedicated, and alert teacher, by getting Normal School training, reading the Journal of  Education and teachers' textbooks, and participating i n teachers' meetings, could by the sixties find enough material on teaching theory and practice to break out of the established pattern. The general acceptance of newer methods used by Normal School graduates indicates that forward-looking teachers were successfully challenging the status quo. CHAPTER VII THE NATURE OF EDUCATION A r i s t o t l e wrote:! There i s no agreement as to what the young should learn, whether with a view to the production of goodness, or the best l i f e , nor i s i t s e t t l e d whether we ought to keep the i n t e l l e c t or the character c h i e f l y i n view. But A r i s t o t l e ' s dilemma was no problem to Ontarians i n the 1860*3. They were certain that the production of goodness and the development, of character were of f i r s t importance. They believed further, that the pursuit of good would r e s u l t i n the good l i f e , f o r not only was virtue i t s own reward, but i n a moral universe goodness was tangibly recompensed. The pursuit of knowledge aided the development of character and was morally r i g h t . So by developing character i n the pursuit of goodness, Ontarians believed they would a t t a i n the good l i f e and develop the i n t e l l e c t i n the process. I t may be questioned whether a l l Ontarians practised t h i s idealism, but i t was taught t h e i r children and was the rationale of t h e i r educational system. Therefore, underlying a l l other stated aims of education i n the s i x t i e s that recognized the progress of science, technology, and the expanding knowledge of.the world was the fundamental b e l i e f "-Aristotle, P o l i t i c s . VIII, 2 166 that b u i l d i n g s o l i d C h r i s t i a n character came f i r s t . Teachers' .journals. Educational journals r e f l e c t concepts of the nature of education i n the s i x t i e s . Ryerson recognized that teachers and o f f i c i a l s needed p r a c t i c a l helps and also ideas to broaden t h e i r perspectives. In January, 1843 he founded the Journal of Education f o r  Upper Canada which was published monthly by the Education Department u n t i l 1877. I t was f o r teachers, superintendents, school trustees, l o c a l o f f i c i a l s , and anyone connected with or interested in. schools. At f i r s t i t was free but a f t e r 1857 a charge of $1.00 per year was made to those who were not o f f i c i a l s . At December, 1869, 5,000 copies were being d i s t r i b u t e d each month.2 Ryerson was. the editor u n t i l h i s retirement i n 1876. He was assisted by his f a i t h f u l deputy, John George Hodgins. Ryerson was ever the pedagogue. In.the Journal he returned again and. again to his f a v o r i t e themes: free and compulsory education, the necessity of C h r i s t i a n moral t r a i n i n g , the need f o r an enlightened public, and well-trained teachers, and the contribution education could make to the progress of the province and the country. The Journal printed 2 J o u r n a l of Education f o r Ontario, XXII (December, 1869), 1751 Egerton Ryerson, Annual Report of -the Normal. Model, Grammar, and Common Schools, i n Ontario, 186^ (Toronto: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1870), p. 142. 167 school laws and explained regulations and p o l i c i e s to a s s i s t i n the implementation of departmental.educational.theory. Ryerson. believed teachers and trustees should be a l e r t to world a f f a i r s , e s p e c i a l l y i n education, and printed a potpourri of a r t i c l e s from everywhere, most of them.reprinted from educational magazines from the United States and Great B r i t a i n . Church news, temperance s t o r i e s , and moral advice were regular features. The tone, of the Journal was strongly m o r a l i s t i c , consonant with the s t r i c t V i c t o r i a n taste which often had an underlying s t r a i n of sweet sorrow. I t was more a general and i n s p i r a t i o n a l education magazine than a professional teachers 1 journal. The Journal was the f i r s t of i t s kind i n Canada, but others, s i m i l a r i n content and s t y l e , were printed elsewhere, f o r the problem of ignorant and untrained teachers was common to much of North America. These journals also provided some s p e c i f i c teaching helps as well as general f a c t u a l information on many subjects. I t was only when teaching became a. bona, f i d e profession with greatly raised standards, of entry that teachers 1 journals could also become professional. The only other teachers 1 journal published i n Ontario i n the s i x t i e s was the Educational Advocate, established i n I860 and soon changed to the Educationalist, published from 1860-62 by H. Spencer i n Brighton, Ontario. I t was to give i6a teachers a vehicle for greater self-expression than was possible in the department-controlled Journal. But i t did not di f fer markedly from the other, containing mostly reprints from other sources.3 Lower Canada had two separate teachers 1 journals, one i n French for Roman Catholic teachers, the other, in English for Protestants. The English. Journal, of. Education for Lower  Canada,, inaugurated in 1857, was similar to Ryerson's Journal. After the demise of the Educationalist. . the Journal again had a monopoly in Ontario unt i l the Ontario Teacher appeared from 1873-75. The Canada.School Journal (1877-37) and the Educational Monthly of Canada (1879-1905) came on the scene after the Journal was discontinued in 1877. One of the early Canadian.textbooks for teachers was The Teacher*s Text-book by the Rev. Alexander Forrester, pr inc ipal .of the Normal School in Nova Scotia, which was highly recommended by Ryerson.A Many textbooks for teachers were published in the last quarter of the century as Normal 3some copies of the Educationalist are available i n the Ontario Legislative Library in the Legislative Building, Toronto. Some typical art ic les are: "Teachers Should Study; Agricultural Facts; Frightening Children; Interesting Egyptian Discoveries; Thoughts for Young Men; Why American Women are Delicate; Insect L i f e ; The Blessings of Poverty; Patience; and The Value of Accuracy." ^Journal of Education. XXI (August,. 1868), 117. 169 Schools enrolled better-prepared students and developed more thorough courses i n the theory and practice of education. 5 Textbooks f o r teachers meticulously analyzed, the learning process, usually under the main headings of "Science of Education" (theory) and "Art of Teaching" ( p r a c t i c e ) . School textbooks. The analysis of textbooks used i n the past gives a truer h i s t o r y of what was. taught i n schools than does a study of past educational theories alone. Early teachers were so meagerly trained that they depended heavily on the textbooks f o r what and how. to teach. The textbooks used i n schools l a r g e l y constituted the course, of study, and r e f l e c t the nature of education of t h e i r day.6 For t h i s reason, and also because, children had.few i f any other printed resources, school-books of the. nineteenth century w