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Conceptual, theoretical and ethical problems in the vertical mosaic Heap II, James Louis 1971

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Conceptual, Theoretical and E t h i c a l Problems i n The V e r t i c a l Mosaic  by James Louis Heap I I B.A., University of C a l i f o r n i a , Santa Barbara, 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1971  In  presenting  an  advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y  the  Library  I further for  this  shall  agree  thesis  make  in partial  i tfreely  that permission  h i s representatives.  of  this  written  thesis  of B r i t i s h  available  gain  shall  permission.  Department  of Anthropology and Sociology  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a  Date September 28, 1971  Columbia  I agree  that  copying o f this  thesis  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r  I t i s understood  f o r financial  Columbia,  f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y .  f o r extensive  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  by  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r  that  copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t  my  Abstract The Vertical Mosaic  is re-examined and an 'internal' critique  of i t s multiple conceptual, theoretical and ethical problems i s provided.  Porter's value position in a 1961 essay is outlined and set up  as a 'bench-mark' for evaluating the consistency of his 1965 position.  value  Value inconsistency is discovered in the form of a 'strategy  of respectability,' consisting of five 'tactics.'  This strategy i s then  drawn upon throughout the essay to explicate some of Porter's conceptual and theoretical errors. These errors involve his treatment of class, power and democracy.  It is argued that Porter's important distinction between "real  middle class" and "middle majority" violates his original position on class, and is inadequate for his stated purpose.  Furthermore, the theore-  t i c a l foundations underlying the structure of class are unexplicated. His failure to distinguish between power and authority raises logical and u t i l i t a r i a n problems.  Thus the theoretical foundations underlying  the structure of power are inadequate.  In both the case of class and  power he 'transcends' his original definition in the process of doing his analysis. The normative context of his study i s found to be ambiguous, but appears to be the theory of democratic elitism.  This constitutes  a major value inconsistency because this theory rejects democracy as an end and treats i t simply as a method.  It is in opposition to thorough-  going democracy, whose normative ends Porter supports.  Its method,  playing by the 'rules of the game', requires compromise and 'creates'  brokerage p o l i t i c s , which Porter d i s l i k e s .  I t fears and does not allow  the broadening of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , which Porter c a l l s f o r .  Final-  l y , i t furnishes a context f o r Porter's findings which rob them of their import. I t i s suggested that Porter should have treated democracy as a topic rather than as a resource.  This would have allowed him to r e -  cognize the e r r o r i n h i s r e j e c t i o n of l i b e r a l democracy, and would have allowed him to r e t a i n thoroughgoing democracy as a c r i t i c a l context with which to evaluate h i s findings.  Furthermore, these findings  would have been m u l t i p l i e d i f he had simply used e l i t i s t democracy heuristically.  Such findings and analyses, however, would have required  that Porter not operate with a 'strategy of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . ' The essay concludes with two points, both rooted i n the everyday world, and both suggested as programmatic, problems i n P o l i t i c a l Sociology.  'external,' answers to  Acknowledgement  iv  Introduction  1  Chapter One:  Porter's Value Position in 1961  6  Chapter Two:  Porter's Value Position i n 1965  13  Chapter Three:  The 'Synthetic* Structure of Class  Chapter Four:  The Legitimate Structure of Power  Chapter Five:  The Ambiguous Context of E l i t i s t Democracy  30 42  52  Chapter Six: The C r i t i c a l Context of Democracy  64  Chapter Seven: Summary and Conclusion  74  Literature Cited  79  The author wishes to thank Howard Boughey, Graham Johnson, Ronald Silvers and Dorothy Smith for their comments, criticisms and guidance.  Introduction The recent events i n Quebec have revived interest i n problems of class and power, even among social scientists.  The Canadian touch-  stone for a l l such analysis i s without question, The Vertical Mosaic by John Porter (1965).  As one reviewer stated, "this i s the socio-  logical study of present-day Canada, and i t w i l l doubtless remain a basic reference work on Canadian social structure for some time to come" (Horowitz, I., 1966:862). That Horowitz has been correct on both counts i s the raison d'etre of this essay.  If we are to build upon  Porter's impressive beginning, i t Is imperative that we examine and explicate Its weaknesses. While a small group of reviewers (Marshall, 1965; Longstaff, 1967; Resnick, 1968) have pointed up specific problems in The Vertical Mosaic, none of the book's reviewers have recognized i t s multiple conceptual, theoretical and ethical problems.  It i s upon  these problems that this essay focuses; Our approach consists of an 'internal' critique.  That is to  say, the attempt has been made to generate the critique within Porter's value system and i n terms of the particular canons of science which he_ would recognize as applicable to his work. This leads us to posit a certain relationship between values and science based upon our own interpretation and modification of Weber's fact-value distinction .(1949), We wish to clarify our approach at the outset i n order to 1.) treat i t as the taken for granted resource that i t usually i s taken to be in social science and 2.) 'bracket' the question of an 'external' critique based  upon a 'paradigm' of social science other than Porter's.  The latter  point, and possibility, i s extremely interesting to us, but i t appears to be more strategically sound to take the approach available and recognizable to most of our colleagues.  The soundness of this strategy  is suggested to us by the possibility that an internal critique w i l l lead to, i f not c a l l for, 'external' answers. At the Here and Now this writing, however, this is only a possibility.  of  Furthermore, i t is  a possibility which takes us outside of the limits of our internal critique, and therefore w i l l not be treated as a topic within this essay. Science and Values The relationship between science and values was examined most notably by Max Weber in his work on methodology in sociology (1949). He held that a scholar's choice of a specific problem always has relevance to value, i.e., the problem is always and essentially a part of the body of ethical and p o l i t i c a l concerns characteristic of the historical epoch i n which the investigator lives.  The crux of the matter,  however, i s that after a problem is chosen the researcher i s subject to logical and empirical rules i n analyzing the problem that are separate from his evaluative predispositions.  In theory, any research can be  c r i t i c a l l y evaluated without reference to the values of the researcher. While we shall shortly modify Weber's fact-value distinction in the direction of tightening the relationship between values and science, we must concur that certain logical and empirical rules apply normatively within the finite province of meaning of scientific theoriz-)  ing.  As we shall see in chapters three, four, and five, when we apply  the postulate of logical consistency to Porter's use of his concepts of class, power and democracy, we find gross inconsistencies and a dependency upon everyday and discipline — plishment of coherence.  common meanings for the accom-  In the case of each of his key concepts, when  we go beyond his 'facts' to examine the theoretical foundations and frameworks upon which his analyses rest and depend, we find theoretical poverty.  Thus, from within the realm of science  The Vertical Mosaic  w i l l be shown to have been a surprisingly unsound enterprise. These findings in themselves would warrant a critique; but there i s a problem which, i n some sense, i s above these conceptual and theoretical problems.  This follows from the fact that scientific pro-  blems have value relevance.  When the problems are class and power the  relevance Is especially clear.  The writings of Porter indicate that  he was highly aware of the importance and relevance of values to science. Thus i t is exceedingly disappointing that the presentation and perspective of The Vertical Mosaic constitute an ethical problem of "value consistency." The concept of "value consistency" is a modification and extension of Weber's fact-value distinction. vs.  In light of the equilibrium  conflict theory controversy over the past twenty years (Demerath  and Peterson, 1967), i t is quite clear that values and facts do not reside in separate rooms. When one enters upon facts, values are not l e f t behind.  The choice of perspectives, concepts and theory for the  analyses of 'facts' has certain ideological features and consequences. It must be realized, as Tom Bottomore has pointed out, that "every socio-  logical concept and theory has an ideological force by reason of i t s influence upon the thoughts and actions of men in their everyday l i f e " (1964:20).  Values not only lead us to problems, they are important in  our choice of analytical approaches to those problems. ethical.  Such choices are  We do not operate from purely theoretical perspectives; we  operate from ethico-theoretical perspectives. Without taking further our analysis of the embeddedness of facts within the realm of values, we can see that we are irremediably citizens as well as scientists.  As such, we not only must operate  under the postulate of logical consistency within the f i n i t e province of meaning of scientific theorizing; but in operating within that province, and living the dialectic between that province and the paramount reality of the everyday world, we are also governed by a postulate of "value consistency."  This holds because of the categorically impera-  tive nature of values and value systems.  In member's parlance, to vio-  late this norm i s to be hypocritical to " s e l l out."  While this norm  is not a major concern to everyday members operating under common sense rationalities, for the scientist-member value consistency i s of much more concern simply because consistency i t s e l f is such a dominant value in his  science-centered l i f e . When we examine Porter's work in The Vertical Mosaic in terms  of the embeddedness of science in values, we find that not only is his use of concepts inconsistent, but his choices of concepts, theory and perspectives are inconsistent with his values.  He is not only guilty  of logical inconsistency, he is guilty of value inconsistency.  The  two  are not unrelated, although i t is in the nature of such relationships  When only an impersonal manuscript is available, one must depend upon a highly anonymous system of typifications (Natanson, 1970: 12) i n order to get at how a piece of scholarship might have been done. Our reconstruction of how Porter's ethical duplicity affected his conceptual and theoretical efforts i s only one of many possible interpretative reconstructions.  For example, the 'strategy of respectability'  discussed i n Chapter Two is our construct to explain his muted radicalism.  I t is employed because of i t s usefulness in making sense of the  character of the book.  However, that he 'changed his mind' and was no  longer a socialist when he wrote The Vertical Mosaic, is another plausible interpretation. For us, this interpretation is not strongly warranted because of the uneven polemical tone of the book, but i t remains as an alternative interpretation which further information may support. In that our reconstruction suggests a relationship between values and facts, the following essay is ordered so as to make this relationship available. Thus we shall f i r s t examine the ethical problems, then, turn to the conceptual and theoretical problems, and thirdly speculate as to what the consequences of value consistency would have been for Porter's conceptual and theoretical efforts.  Our findings and  possibilities w i l l be summarized in the f i n a l chapter and the possibil i t y of 'external' answers w i l l again be raised.  Chapter One Porter's Value Position in 1961 A major unrecognized problem i n Porter's book is ethical dupl i c i t y , or value inconsistency. In order to recognize the value i n consistency of The Vertical Mosaic (hereafter referred to as The VM) i t helps to establish a bench-mark.  (Porter's value position w i l l be  examined at length, for while there is value inconsistency within The VM, i t is only when we go outside of the book and examine the other works of this author that we can discover whether The_VM i s consistent with other evidence of his value position.)  Fortunately, we have Por-  ter's contribution to the volume Social Purpose for Canada (Oliver, 1961: 27-56), entitled "Power and Freedom in Canadian Democracy," where his biases and ethical position are quite clear/'" In this chapter we shall document his value position. Socialism and Democracy "Power and Freedom i n Canadian Democracy" appears to be written by a morally concerned 'left-wing social democrat,' which i s appropriate 2 for the book i n which the essay appears.  The author is a socialist con-  cerned with the failures and shortcomings of the history of socialist parties and socialist theory.  His answer, however, is not proletarian  revolution and dictatorship.  He opts to play by the rules of the game  in order to get control of the p o l i t i c a l system.  "Control of the p o l i -  t i c a l system," however, must be democratic and must lead to a thoroughgoing democratic society, which is the Good Society, par excellence.  Porter's  c o n t r i b u t i o n , which appears i n the  "Moral I s s u e s , " i s fits  the  title  thus as a s o c i a l i s t  opening s e c t i o n  devoted  entitled  to democracy.  As b e -  of the e d i t e d volume i n which t h i s e s s a y appears  (Oliver,  1961), P o r t e r seeks to c l a r i f y the ' s o c i a l purpose f o r C a n a d a . ' F o r our purposes mark f o r comparison, f e a t u r e s of  this  c l e a r i n the  1961  e s s a y as a b e n c h -  we s h a l l s e l e c t and h i g h l i g h t c e r t a i n  essay.  The r e l e v a n c y  relevant  o f these f e a t u r e s w i l l  become  following chapters.  I n 1961 socialist.  of e s t a b l i s h i n g h i s  P o r t e r ' s concepts,  C l a s s e s were r e f e r r e d  vocabulary  and p e r s p e c t i v e  to as r e a l s o c i a l  groups.existing  society.  He f o c u s e d on the w o r k i n g c l a s s and h i s t o r i c a l  relations  to the means of p r o d u c t i o n .  him to w r i t e of the " w h i t e c o l l a r  were  changes i n  H i s d i s c u s s i o n o f the l a t t e r  'salariat'"  (.1961:40) as he  the "modern s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e based on i n d u s t r y "  in the lead  examined  (1961:41).  The f e a t u r e o f the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e which b o t h e r e d him the most was t h a t c r e a t i v e b e h a v i o u r , which would b e ' t h e i d e n t i f y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s tic  of the  a class  citizenry  of  thorough-going  Canadian democracy,  is  presently  privilege.  Such b e h a v i o u r c o n t i n u e s to be a c l a s s p r i v i l e g e because those who engage i n i t are e d u c a t e d , o r have i n h e r i t e d a way o f l i f e w h i c h i s e s s e n t i a l to i t s r e a l i z a t i o n , or they occupy commanding p o s i t i o n s i n our i n s t i t u t i o n a l systems - economic, r e l i g i o u s , e d u c a t i o n a l , and so f o r t h . S i n c e our i n s t i t u t i o n a l e l i t e s are p r e d o m i n a n t l y r e c r u i t e d from the h i g h e r segments o f our c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , our s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s tend to be d e f i n e d i n c l a s s terms. 0.961:34) T h i s "monopolization of a s o c i e t y ' s  creative potential"  newest and c l e a r e s t r e f l e c t i o n o f the f a c t lost  its  exploitative  character"  (1961:33).  (1961:34) i s  t h a t " C a p i t a l i s m has  not  the  Porter thus located the enemy in the economic system and l e f t no question that the corporate e l i t e are in a dominant position in Canadian society because of the structural dynamics of corporate capitalism.  Their dominance affects a l l spheres of society.  In a sentence,  reminding one of C. Wright Mills' (1956) outrage at the "higher immoral i t y " of elites, Porter emphatically stated that "The exploitive, predatory and restrictive character of capitalist institutions rests on a morality defined by those at the apex of our institutional hierarchies." Thus we have upper "class control of total social morality" (1961:38). One of Porter's solutions to these problems i s the mainstay of the NDP position:  "What we need in positions of power in a democra-  t i c a l l y planned society is a changed quality of leadership" (1961:50). This leadership must be imbued with a dedication to public service rather than private gain. bureaucracies.  Such leadership is not only needed in "government"  As a socialist, Porter recognized that government bureau-  cracies are not the only ones which should be planned and controlled democratically. ment:  "Politics" is not limited to the institutions of govern-  "despots" are found outside of the c i v i l service.  "Corporate  'despotism' can be much more far-reaching, as, for example, when i t holds the future of a community in i t s hands by deciding to move i t s operations from one city to another" 0.961:41).  Porter's definition  and discussion of power 01961:27-29) argued that hierarchy is an essent i a l feature of any society, especially modern industrial society. The alternative is that a l l elites, in a l l spheres which impinge on our lives, must be elected democratically.  A new quality of leadership, democratically elected i n a l l spheres, was not Porter's only, or even his most important, solution to the problem of the Good Life.  The Good Life is the one also en-  visioned by classical, liberal democratic theorists  such as J.S. M i l l ,  a l i f e marked by creativity and spontaneity as well as rationality and humanitarianism.  The latter two characteristics of democratic man  were treated by M i l l and among others, Green, at the level of an onto-  3 logy concerning the nature of man.  Porter however treated these two  characteristics as a goal to be attained within the Good Society: " I t is possible to create a society in which the prevailing personality i s marked by humanitarianism and rationality, and while such a goal may be far-distant, i t is the goal we must keep in mind" (1961:51), The fine mesh between Porter's socialism and the normative ends of classical democracy was such that the latter are called for under the former's name, and socialism was seen as dependent upon democracy for i t s implementation. Socialist policy...must be directed towards releasing the spontaneous and creative forces within human society. Such a change can only be brought about through democratic planning and co-ordination (1961:38). Democratic planning, within socialism, however, is not limited to the " p o l i t i c a l " sphere as i n capitalist liberal democracies. simply involve going.  electing a l l major elites.  Nor does i t  Democracy must be thorough-  Democratic planning requires participation by a l l those affec-  ted by the decisions to be made. The elite-mass structure w i l l exist because hierarchy w i l l s t i l l exist, but that hierarchy w i l l be negotiable and thoroughly democratic.  Porter found i t intolerable that "social goals are now established by a much smaller number than in the days of entrepreneurial capitalism.... the vast majority in our mass democracies do not p a r t i c i pate in any kind of creative behaviour" (1961:34).  He was cognizant,  however, of the obstacle which the "widespread apathy in our western i n dustrial societies" (1961:54) sets up against the development of thorough-going democracy.  Thus the development of techniques which w i l l  overcome apathy are a necessity for socialists, because "In a democratically planned society there must be a desire for participation in the establishment of social goals" (1961:54).  Unfortunately, socialists  have not found such techniques. Worse yet, "Socialists have never given enough attention to how social participation in the definition and achievement of goals can be brought about" (1961:39). Porter saw the solution to the problem of participation as necessarily being i n the direction of affecting i t s cause: ing sense of powerlessness and isolation.  the pervad-  His answer was decentraliza-  tion. A massive homogeneous national culture can only intensify that sense of isolation and powerlessness of which we have spoken. Democratic social planning must preserve and foster group d i f ferences, because i t i s through identification with small rather than massive social aggregates that the individual can avoid the feeling of isolation. 0-961:35) In line with this position, he stated that "the French desire for cultural separation can be justified both psychologically and socially" (1961:35). In the last few pages he returned to the problem of p a r t i c i pation, this time i n terms of the democratic control of industry, and  concludes that "since large productive units do not lend themselves well to worker participation, planning must result in decentralization" (1961: 54) then, approvingly, he reminded us that "Decentralization furthermore helps to strengthen regional, cultural and sometimes ethnic d i f f e r ences" (1961:54). Thus, to the question of the social purpose for Canada... The answer surely lies in the desirability of social participation in defining and achieving goals, in the release of the potential for a creative l i f e shared with others, governed not through competitiveness but through co-operation" (1961:35). The realization of these ends requires a new quality of leadership, thorough-going democratic planning and decentralization, a l l of which are to accomplished within and through the p o l i t i c a l system.^  1.  This work is chosen on the assumption that the most explicit statements of value position, especially when they express a controversial viewpoint, can be most safely taken as real/true/honest. Furthermore, his 1961 value position surfaces elsewhere in his work (1968) and in The VM i t s e l f .  Other commentators have also re-  marked on his strong moral concerns (Horowitz, I., 1966; Horowitz, G., 1965; Wolf, C.P., 1970).  Finally, i f his 1961 position i s not  honest, then, without comparing that position to The VM, we can pronounce him intellectually dishonest and value inconsistent. 2.  Social Purpose for Canada was to be for the NDP what Social Planning for Canada i n 1935 was for the CCF: a statement of diagnoses and remedies for Canadian society which would be acted upon, at least in s p i r i t , by the new p o l i t i c a l parties.  The former book, however,  is much less directly an NDP product than the latter was a CCF product. 3.  See Oliver (1961:v-vii).  On the two ontologies of man which pervade Western culture see CB. Macpherson Q.967).  4. Unfortunately, this vision i s never linked to the realities of corporate capitalism i n such a way that we can understand how we are to move from the latter to the former.  The problem of how we are  to be successful i n destroying a class system by working within the very p o l i t i c a l system which has allowed that class system to be maintained, is never addressed. As we shall see, this problem haunts the conclusions to be drawn from The Vertical Mosaic - conclusions which Porter never drew.  Chapter Two Porter's Value Position in. 1965 When we turn to examine Porter's value position in The  VM,  we find a strange but not uncommon phenomenon. Gad Horowitz explains i t in terms of Porter's frustration at the decay of socialist theory since the Second World War and the realization that the means to the socialist ends" - nationalization and central planning - have been tried and found wanting" (1965:14). Porter the socialist therefore retreats a few steps to more solid ground and assumes the role of Porter the sociologist. Pointing out that our socialist and labour elites have 'muted' their radicalism in accepting the framework of corporate capitalism, he mutes his own radicalism. (1965:14) Horowitz displays an ignorance of Porter's 1961 essay.  Porter noted the  decay of theory and the shortcomings of the means, but he saw ways out of these problems. flavor of The VM:  Horowitz has nevertheless h i t upon the peculiar 'muted' radicalism. In this chapter we shall try to  bring to the fore the background strategy of respectability which mutes Porter's radicalism. The Strategy of Respectability In the "Foreword" of The VM  John Meisel tells us that Porter's  study is of extraordinary importance not only because It deals with and provides information on class and status; "but also because i t departs from a longstanding tradition in Canadian academic circles concerning the degree to which a scholarly work can be simultaneously respectable  and polemical" (1965:x).  Porter's muted radicalism can be understood  as an attempt to be both l e f t and right, "simultaneously respectable and polemical." Porter footnotes Mills' The Power Elite in The VM and writes of meeting him in Toronto where they both read papers at a colloquim (1970:161). He was undoubtedly familiar with the controversy that Mills' book generated and very much aware that his book would receive a similar reception.  The book was compared to M i l l s ' , but favorably.  Irving Horo-  witz, in a glib, ill-informed review, tells the reader that Porter "discusses the Canadian p o l i t i c a l e l i t e in Millsian terms, without f a l l i n g prey to the assumptions of coordinated policy-making found in The Power E l i t e (1966:862)." Martin Robin, however, read the book a b i t differently, and held that "Being a Canadian, Professor Porter is not given to the f l o r i d phraseology of the moral crusader, nor does he write with the massive indignation of his American equivalent, C. Wright M i l l s " (1966:154).  That Horowitz finds a "Millsian" discussion and discovers  Porter's "socialist consciousness" (1966:863), while Robin finds Porter to be an All-Canadian boy whose prose is "somewhat restrained" (1966: 154), can be understood as a consequence of Porter's attempt to be both respectable and polemical. Porter's background strategy of respectability is manifest in four minor and one major tactic. safe concepts,  The four minor tactics are rhetbfic,  unanswered questions, and undrawn conclusions.  These  tactics give The VM a muted polemical tone while assuring i t s respectability.  The major tactic is the assumption of a respectable theoretical  perspective which leads the reader, and apparently the author, to over-  look the radical implications of the book's findings. Tactic I The minor tactic which accounts for the disparity between I. Horowitz and Robin's readings of The VM i s rhetoric. 1  is that of a social democrat.  Porter's rhetoric  This position and the rhetoric appro-  priate to i t , surfaces i n Porter's Preface and in three out of the seventeen chapters: Chapter One: "Class and Power;" Chapter Six: "Social Class and Educational Opportunity;" and Chapter Twelve: "The Canadian P o l i t i c a l System."  In the Preface he is quite explicit:  I attach great importance to equality of opportunity on both ethical and practical grounds...I believe strongly, too, in the creative role of politics, and i n the importance of p o l i tical institutions as the means through which the major goals of society can be achieved. C1965:xii) While this i s part of the social democrat's position,"'" i t is also a position acceptable to liberals (in the common American sense of the term).  Thus what appears of his 1961 position i s that part which i s  the most respectable Cdemocratic control of industry, for example, i s never mentioned).  While his discussions in the sixth and twelfth chap-  ters are more polemical than might be acceptable to liberals, the fact that polemics occur en masse i n only two chapters after the introduction, and that the rest of the book i s 'dry sociology;' provides a situation where Horowitz can be taken with the few polemical chapters and thus discover "socialist consciousness," while Robin can attend to the book in general and comment that the prose is "somewhat restrained."  Tactic II The second tactic, safe concepts, w i l l be dealt with at length in the chapters dealing with class, power and democracy, but the argument that Porter's concepts are "safe" can be sketched here.  First  of a l l , Porter's rationale for choosing his concepts was safe and respectable.  In his "Research Biography" he stated that "my task was  analytical and descriptive, and i t was therefore prudent to use those general structural categories, such as stratification and kinship, most widely employed i n sociology and anthropology" (1970:157).  The appro-  priateness of his concepts, i n terms of both their adequacy for what he wanted to examine, and their normative consistency with his own value position, apparently was not at issue for him.  Presumably, had Marxist  categories been "most widely employed i n sociology and anthropology," he would have used them. Porter defines classes as self-conscious social groups. Even though Marx held class consciousness to be a necessary condition for the existence of class, this formulation is s t i l l "safe."  With this  formulation of class there exists the highest probability that the conclusion w i l l be drawn that the democratic society being studied does not have 'classes, which is good news to a l l 'protectors' of that 1  society.  Porter, however, has no data on class consciousness, so he  takes the other extreme, safe, position, and defines class so narrowly that i t looses a l l i t s politically-charged meaning.  Thus when the  work 'class' i s used "we are talking about a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups which do not have any l i f e of their own or any coherence" (1965:11).  His definition of class is a considerable retreat from, and denial of, his 1961 position where he treated classes as real groups in the social structure and wrote of class privilege, class control and social and cultural values defined in class terms. His concept of power i s the same one he used in 1961, but when i t i s examined, as i t w i l l be in Chapter Four, i t becomes clear that his concept is inadequate for his theoretical needs and is inconsistent with his values.  For Porter, "Power is the right that some people have  to direct the affairs of others" (1961:27).  This rather curious defini-  tion identifies as 'power* what others would c a l l legitimate authority. In this formulation a l l 'power' i s legitimate.  This formulation appears  as contradictory to Porter's value position, for i t rules out legitimacy as a problem i n i t 6 e l f .  Thus the question of values underlying and  embodied by corporate capitalism cannot be addressed.  The process  of delegitimation, which, is central to institutional change, and even to elite circulation, cannot even be dealt with.  Furthermore, the  fact that legitimacy is_ recognized as a problem by politicians and i s sometimes central to e l i t e disputes, means that certain analyses Porter attempts within this concept of power w i l l be inadequate. The safety of Porter's concept of democracy is a b i t more diff i c u l t to address because Porter has concepts^ of democracy. He never explicitly states and operates with one concept and theory of democracy. Chapter Five w i l l deal more extensively with the confusion on this point, but for now i t can be said that he implicitly operates with, and within, the theory of democratic elitism as formulated and used by Schumpeter (1950), Lipset (.1960), and Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee  (1954), among others.  This theory of democracy explicitly drops the  normative ends central to classical democratic theory:  realization of  f u l l human potential via the Good Society created by a l l citizens via democratic methods.  This theory is completely at odds with the thorough-  going democracy called for by Porter in 1961.  As with 'class' and  'power,' 'democracy' in The VM i s 'respectable.' Tactic III The third tactic consists of unanswered questions.  Contro-  versial questions are raised i n a number of places in the book., but they are never explicitly answered, although data and discussions are provided which seemingly serve to answer the questions. revolve around the nature of the power structure.  The questions  In his discussion of  Marxian theory in Chapter One he argues that "what we have instead of a class of capitalists i s a smaller and probably more cohesive group an e l i t e within .the private sector of the economy" (1965:23).  On the  next page he declares that: If i t i s true that the corporate e l i t e is a relatively smaller and more coherent group than the nineteenth-century bourgoisie,does i t s power extend beyond the economy? The answer can come only after empirical investigation. (.1965:24)3 The empirical investigation is provided, but the meaning/consequence of the implicit answer, for the configuration of power, is never addressed. Within Chapter Seven, Porter discusses Raymond Afon's extremetype, continuum classification system.  At one end we have the "soviet"  model consisting of total organization and power in the hands of an integrated, monolithic power structure.  In the "western" model, however,  we have a plurality of competing elites who are only situationally dominant,  tend toward an equilibrium of power, and are thus non-unified. Porter draws the section on "Degree of Co-ordination Among E l i t e s " to a close by stating that: There are two questions which empirical investigation can help to answer. One i s the extent to which any one society has moved towards either end of the continuum. The second i s the relative power of the various e l i t e groups in any one society at any particular period. (1965:215)4 How The VM answers these questions, and what the answers are, is confusing and uncertain. After discussing "Economic E l i t e and Social Structure" he concludes Chapter Nine with the following paragraph: In the general scheme of e l i t e groups which forms the framework for this study i t was pointed out that elites compete for-„power with each other. Which of them was dominant, or whether they merged into a power e l i t e , was a question for empirical investigation. We might be in a position to answer these questions after looking in the following chapters, at some of the other elites. 0-965:308) Up until the f i n a l chapter, empirical investigation seems to suggest strongly that the corporate e l i t e are the most powerful.  In  Chapter Fifteen extensive data i s presented to support the position that the large daily newspapers are "instruments of an established upper class" 0965:463),-* as are media i n general.  In terms of organized p h i l -  anthropy: ...in no Canadian city would these large campaigns be successful without the support of the leading businessmen of the community. Not only do they supply funds, but they also recruit personnel, particularly their younger executives, to help in organization. (1965:302) Of course, the corporate e l i t e are also quite well represented on boards of institutions of higher learning. In general, "Success of cultural enterprise is linked to corporate decision-making.  Thus i n the creation  of a cultural social product, there is an extension of power far beyond the economic system" (1965:301). More significantly for relations between elites, we find that the corporate e l i t e have, and are involved in, powerful voluntary associations such as the Canadian Chamber of Commerce and the Canadian Manufacturers' Association. Regarding voluntary associations, Porter states that "leading positions within them constitute for the corporate e l i t e an extension of power" (1965:299).  The corporate elite's  influence*' i s also evident and extended in the ideology of  'power' or capitalist  free enterprise which sanctifies the corporate e l i t e , while serving to v i l i f y any other e l i t e which attempts to usurp corporate perogatives or trespass on corporate domain. Porter states that: The fact that the corporate elite hold important positions beyond the corporate world means that they are in a position to make their ideology pervade the entire society until i t becomes identified with the common good. (1965:305) The thesis of corporate dominance i s given further indirect support by Porter's presentation of the p o l i t i c a l elite's impotence. He rails against the conservative tone of brokerage politics, bemoans the lack, of a Left-Right axis and condemns the opportunism of the two major parties (1965:366-416).  The fact which i s most damaging to the  credibility of any counter-thesis of p o l i t i c a l e l i t e dominance is that upper class citizens do not feel i t necessary or advantageous to enter politics:  the privileges enjoyed by the upper class are not threatened  by the middle class holders of p o l i t i c a l power OL965:344-5). The answers to the questions raised on pages 24, 215 and 308 seem clear.  The build-up to the f i n a l chapter on e l i t e relations points  quite d i s t i n c t l y to the corporate e l i t e as predominant.  The  respectable  theory of pluralism, which has i t that power i s equally shared and  dif-  fused throughout society, appears, subsequent to empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n , to be a d e s c r i p t i v e l y inaccurate ideology.  Yet i n the all-impor-  tant f i n a l chapter we f i n d that i n almost every example of e l i t e conf l i c t and c o a l i t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e e i t h e r wins or emerges unscathed. Only once do they lose but then i t i s to the p u b l i c (1965:544).  In  three important cases (CNR,  corpor-  ate e l i t e .  How  BCE,  and A.V.  Roe)  they defeated  the  i t i s that the compromising, impotent p o l i t i c a l  elite  are so 'powerful' i s never dealt with. In the end the question of which e l i t e Is dominant i s not l e f t hanging, i t i s l e f t confused.  only  The structure of power appears as  "free form," which allows one reviewer (Horowitz, I., 1966:863) to see the structure of power among e l i t e s as " h o r i z o n t a l , " and another to r e port that "the economic e l i t e i s the predominant group within the r u l ing  c l a s s " (Robin, 1966:154).  Again, one can focus on one part, such  as the f i n a l chapter and discover respectable findings, or focus other parts and discover r a d i c a l findings.^  on  Given the length of the  text, 558 pages, and the general organization of a l l scholarly work, i t i s the f i n a l chapter which we would expect to the carry the most weight i n the decision as to whether a book i s r a d i c a l or In the end,  the important question,  i n Canada?' i s l e f t unanswered. ing  'respectable.'  'What i s the structure of power  Confusion reigns, with the r e s u l t be-  that respectable pluralism seems to p r e v a i l .  T a c t i c IV The fourth t a c t i c , undrawn conclusions, i s related to the t h i r d , but of a d i f f e r e n t order.  The t a c t i c involves not drawing out  the r a d i c a l implications of p a r t i c u l a r findings. l y i n g , thus r e s p e c t a b i l i t y i s a l i e .  Loose ends are l e f t  These 'loose ends' w i l l be  up i n the following chapters, but at this point we p r i s i n g l y overlooked example.  tied  can provide one sur-  Porter attaches great importance to equa-  l i t y of opportunity, thus he i s greatly upset that education i s class determined  and that Canada has r e l i e d upon educated  immigrants to do  the white c o l l a r technical jobs that Canadians should be educated  to  do. The obvious, but unsettling, conclusion to be drawn i s that i n e q u a l i t y of educational opportunity i n Canada i s maintained by m u l t i n a t i o n a l corporations and an upper class who  f i n d i t more expedient  and inexpensive to import educated labour rather than shoulder any of the tax burden which educating Canadians would require.  The consequence  of not drawing this conclusion i s to present a s i t u a t i o n which appears to be the f a u l t of no one, and whose solution appears to be the respons i b i l i t y of everyone. tes  "Equality of blame and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " perpetua-  the myth of equality of power and obscures  the r e a l i t i e s of class  i n t e r e s t s and Canada's s a t e l l i t e status v i z . the  U.S.  Tactic V  The major t a c t i c employed i s the u t i l i z a t i o n of two,  comple-  mentary, respectable e t h i c o - t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives i n the doing of  The VM:  e l i t i s m and functionalism.  as r e a l s o c i a l groups i n h i s 1961  Given Porter's treatment of classes  essay, and given his s o c i a l i s t demo-  crat p o s i t i o n , one would expect h i s analysis of Canada's power structure to be a class analysis.  I t i s , i n a very inconsistent and unsupported  manner (see Chapter Three), but the main perspective he operates g  from  i s that of e l i t e a n a l y s i s . In terms of value consistency, i t i s most s u r p r i s i n g that Porter did h i s analysis from an e l i t i s t perspective. and revealing reconstruction of how The VM was  In an i n t e r e s t i n g  done, Porter (1970)  wrote of being i n t r i g u e d with Aron's (1950) attempt to synthesize some of the ideas of Pareto and Marx:  "I decided, by adding some Mosca and  Weber to elaborate Aron's Pareto-Marx synthesis i n t o a scheme f o r the study of power i n Canada" (1970:159).  Mosca and Pareto, as James Meisel  has pointed out, are counter-revolutionary t h e o r i s t s , "both are f i g h t i n g on two f r o n t s :  against democracy and (Marxist) s o c i a l i s m - which, to  them, are one and the same thing" (1965:3).  Their values, their e t h i c o q  t h e o r e t i c a l perspective, contradict Porter's s o c i a l democratic values. The contradictions are not averted by synthesizing Marx and Pareto, f o r Aron's p o s i t i o n holds that minority r u l e , whether by a governing or a r u l i n g class i s i n e v i t a b l e , utilized.  elite  no matter what form of government i s  Within this view, the extension of democracy, i . e . ,  increased s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the masses, i s seen as a naive unattainable goal.  and  Theorists of this I l k have made extensive use of  the studies which show the masses to be highly a u t h o r i t a r i a n and l a c k ing democratic values.  Bottomore has shown that e l i t e theory i s compa-  t i b l e with only an adumbrated theory of democracy (1964:112-217).  As  we shall see in Chapter Five, the theory of democratic elitism, which is part of the baggage of Porter's e l i t e analysis, is irreconcilable with the central requirements of Porter's thorough-going democracy. In doing The VM Porter stated that he had adopted "a simple functionalist view that each of the subsystems contributed to the whole, that they were dynamically interrelated and that there should be a degree of intergration between them" (1970:158).  This view complements  the e l i t i s t perspective because both operate In terms of separate but related/intergrated subsystems, e.g.,  the polity, the economy, religion.  Porter does not carry through with the functionalist approach to the point of adopting a functionalist view of c l a s s e s . ^ His treatment of classes as simply " a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups" 0-965:11) has the effect of defining away class and thus making his attempt to use Aron's Marx-Pareto synthesis turn out to be lopsided in favor of Paretian elite analysis.  Functionalism provides a way to link and explain social d i f -  ferentiation and p o l i t i c a l hierarchy, but Porter "decided to be eclectic" 0-970:158) and chose to be a "simple" functionalist.  Porter's is a  l i b e r a l rather than conservative respectability. The liberal respectability which 'simple' functionalism provides, however, conflicts at two points with Porter's 1961 value position.  The "functionalist" framework which Porter adopts has him defin-  ing as " p o l i t i c a l " elites those holding certain high positions in the government.  This i s , of course, a standard, classical liberal way of  cutting up the world.  However, from a thorough-going democratic point  of view, the classical l i b e r a l separation of state and society i s anathema.  In "Power and Freedom in Canadian Democracy" Porter speaks of "corporate 'despotism'" and reveals how corporate "organizations impinge on our lives in myriads of ways" (1961:41).  He pointed out that elites  have a monopoly on creative behaviour (1961:34) and that i t Is only through the extension of social participation that this monopoly can be broken and the ends of democracy reached.  Such a position necessarily  treats "any persistent pattern of human relationships that involves, to a significant extent, power, rule, or authority" (Dahl, 1963:6) as p o l i t i c a l relationships.  This concept of p o l i t i c a l i s at the very  core of thorough-going democratic theory.  To operate with the narrow,  "structural" definition of p o l i t i c a l , as having solely to do with government, is to obscure and avoid the crucial question of the accountability of a l l major elites to the masses in a thorough-going democracy. The second point of conflict is the unit of reference of functionalism.  Porter's "simple functionalist view that each of the sub-  systems contributed to the whole" reveals a fundamental contradiction. What is functional or dysfunctional from the functionalist perspective is determined with reference "to the whole," to society, whereas the unit of reference for classical, and especially thorough-going democracy, is the individual. The "shift in emphasis from the needs and potentialities of the individual citizen to the requirements of the system" (Duncan and Lukes, 1967:175), which characterizes the e l i t i s t theory of democracy, means that not only is functionalism congenial to elitism but i t is completely amenable --to elitism's companion, e l i t i s t democracy.  Thus i n c h o o s i n g to o p e r a t e theoretical perspective,  from an e l i t i s t and f u n c t i o n a l i s t  P o r t e r has a s s u r e d h i m s e l f o f l i b e r a l  t a b i l i t y f o r The VM, b u t i n so doing he has going d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e s . lysis  compromised h i s t h o r o u g h -  Had he d e v e l o p e d a s o l i d l y b a s e d c l a s s  and took n o t i c e o f c o n f l i c t t h e o r y ,  postulate  respec-  ana-  e s p e c i a l l y Dahrendorf's  t h a t " E v e r y s o c i e t y r e s t s on c o n s t r a i n t of some o f i t s mem-  b e r s by o t h e r s "  01964:103), he would have been v a l u e - c o n s i s t e n t and  have made some i m p o r t a n t d i s c o v e r i e s , as w i l l be shown. Of c o u r s e ,  the a d o p t i o n of a v a l u e - c o n s i s t e n t  t i c a l perspective i s ,  i n i t s e l f , no quarantee  would have been r e v e a l e d .  ethico-theore-  t h a t these  discoveries  As we have attempted to d e m o n s t r a t e ,  Porter  seemed to be o p e r a t i n g w i t h a " s t r a t e g y o f r e s p e c t a b i l i t y " i n d o i n g  "  The VM. As we now t u r n to the c o n c e p t u a l and t h e o r e t i c a l problems i n The VM I t w i l l become c l e a r pectability:  t h a t P o r t e r has p a i d a p r i c e f o r h i s  i n the d o i n g o f h i s a n a l y s i s he found i t n e c e s s a r y  transcend h i s safe  concepts  and ends up w i t h i n a t h e o r e t i c a l  resto  context  where h i s f i n d i n g s are n o t o n l y u n s u r p r i s i n g , b u t e x p e c t e d and a p p l a u d e d .  Footnotes  1.  T h i s would be a r i g h t wing s o c i a l democrat's view. s o c i a l democrat would argue f o r an e q u a l i z i n g of  A left  wing  ( n o t an e q u a l i t y )  c o n d i t i o n , r a t h e r than simply e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y .  In h i s  1961 e s s a y , P o r t e r seemed n e a r e r t o t h e l e f t wing view as he ment i o n e d the " s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e o f economic e q u a l i t y "  (1961:30).  However, h i s mention o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e was i n an h i s t o r i c a l sion of socialism,  thus h i s p o s i t i o n i n 1961 as a l e f t ,  discus-  right, or  m i d d l e "wing" s o c i a l democrat, i n terms o f t h i s i s s u e , was n o t clear. of 2.  H i s condemnation o f c a p i t a l i s m c e r t a i n l y s u g g e s t s a l e f t  center p o s i t i o n ,  though.  The i n t r o d u c t o r y f i r s t  c h a p t e r , because I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o t h e  t a c t i c o f unanswered q u e s t i o n s , w i l l be d e a l t w i t h l a t e r on. 3.  L o g i c a l l y , P o r t e r cannot a s k t h e q u e s t i o n "...does i t s power e x t e n d beyond t h e economy?" b e c a u s e , f o r him, "Power means the r e c o g n i z e d right  t o make e f f e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s on b e h a l f o f a group o f p e o p l e "  0-965:201).  As w i l l b e c l e a r i n Chapter F o u r , " r e c o g n i z e d  are  legal, institutional rights.  ate  elite's  Thus, by d e f i n i t i o n ,  rights"  the c o r p o r -  'power' i s l i m i t e d t o i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e a l m , the e c o -  nomy. 4.  G i v e n P o r t e r ' s d e f i n i t i o n o f power (see Chapter F o u r , b e l o w ) , the answer t o the second q u e s t i o n can o n l y be I n terms o f t h e c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f r i g h t s c o d i f i e d i n law, which i s n e i t h e r the answer n o r q u e s t i o n t h a t the r e a d e r , o r most s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s , a r e i n t e r e s t e d in.  5.  The relation between class and power (elites) is highly problematic in The VM because of conceptual inconsistencies and theoretical weaknesses.  (See Chapter Three, below.)  Thus, the discussion of  e l i t e relations and relative power are never firmly grounded in a class analysis. Porter's atheoretical stance (1970:157) leads him away from discussing how  control of major newspapers by an "establish-  ed upper class" is to be understood as evidence for the dominance of the corporate e l i t e .  While his classes have "their origin in  economic processes and economic differences" (1965:28), the corporate e l i t e is seen as just another elite and not as .the e l i t e central to, and responsible for, the class system.  Porter, there-  fore asks 'which e l i t e is dominant?' rather than 'how  does the  upper class rule?' 6.  Porter feels that i t would be more appropriate to consider honorific roles held by corporate elite to lead to increased influence rather than power (1965:299).  Unfortunately, "influence" i s never defined,  although i t seems rather central to any complete discussion of e l i t e relations. 7.  However, in the case of the two reviewers cited, perception isn't selective.  I. Horowitz found Millsian rhetoric but respectiable  conclusions, whereas Robin found restrained prose presenting radical conclusions. 8.  Thus, Gad Horowitz' statement that Porter the socialist "retreats a few steps to more solid ground and assumes the role of Porter the sociologist" (1965:14), displays an ignorance of the possible perspectives available from that "more solid ground."  9.  Porter's desire f o r thorough-going democracy puts him closer to the Marxist s o c i a l i s t s than to s o c i a l democrats, and therefore makes h i s adoption of the e l i t e perspective a l l the more confounding.  10.  He correctly views " f u n c t i o n a l i n e q u a l i t y " as a conservative ideology  (1965:15).  Chapter Three The 'Synthetic' Structure of Class In The Vertical Mosaic Porter places the constitutive accent on class consciousness as the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of 'real' classes.  He defines classes as social groups  within which "the members have a sense of identity with one another, share common values and traditions, and have an awareness of unity and common purpose" 0-965:10). Rather than taking the position that classes do exist in Canada, as he clearly did in his 1961 essay, Porter states that no nation-wide data i s available on the all-important subjective dimension of class:  class consciousness.  deal with, 'class' objectively.  Instead, he proposes to  Thus when the word 'class' i s used "we  are talking about a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups which do not have any l i f e of their own or any coherence" (1965:11). In organizing his class system he utilizes a simple gradation approach (cf. Ossowski: 1963:42). With this approach three or more classes are vertically ordered, not i n terms of relations of dependence, but simply in terms of some objectively measurable characteristic. Porter uses income gradations to order his classes.  Occasionally, how-  ever, he makes use of Blishen's (1958) synthetic gradation scheme of occupational classes.  In that occupations are attributes (cf. Gross:  1949) they cannot be ordered along a simple continuum, and therefore the order of occupations was established by synthesizing continuums of the occupation related variables, of income and education. Blishen took the average income and average number of years of schooling for  each occupation, and computed standard scores for each variable.  The  synthesis took place when "these two standard scores were... combined and each occupation ranked according to this combined score" 1958: 522).  (Blishen,  For both the simple and synthetic gradation .schemes, the  setting of class boundaries i s arbitrary. One of the f i r s t problems we encounter has to do with a basic requirement of any stratification analysis (Gross, 1949: 41)). A l though Porter speaks of the "structure of class" (1965: 29), "the class system" (1965: 28), and sometimes employs Blishen's seven occupational classes;).he never settles on how many classes are in his system.  He mentions "middle and upper classes" (1965: 291), the "classes  below" these (1965: 283), the "lower class" (1965: 195), the "working class" (1965: 344) ( functional group!), and the "bottom class" (1965: 154), but never explicitly states whether there are 3, 4, or 5 classes. Of course, to have done so would have led to the stickly problem of drawing class boundaries. He only confronts this problem once, when he draws the line at $8,000 income per year (1965: 132) as the boundary between the middle class and the "classes below."  It is at this point  when a second, and much more important problem arises. When he draws this boundary i t becomes clear that his "class system" i s not one of simple gradation but rather i s a peculiar case of 'synthetic  1  gradation.  Rather than organizing his class system  s t a t i s t i c a l l y i n terms of modal points around which incomes are found to cluster, e.g., defining the middle class i n terms of a "middle majori t y " , he goes 'outside' his supposed 'simple gradation' scheme and employs an external, unexplicated, subjective criteria to internally organize  his  class system.  Unlike Blishen (1958), Porter never states his  relevance criteria for the selection of class variables, nor how  he  has synthesized these variables. He does not define middle class s t a t i s t i c a l l y in terms of a "middle majority".  Instead, he defines  the "real middle class" (1965: 126) in terms of the variables of l i f e style and values:  "the middle class style of l i f e does not rest on the  ownership of gadgetry, but rather on the consumption of a different set of values." leisure.  These values are health services, cultural enrichment and  Thus, " i t is the ability to consume these things...which  identifies the real middle class." In that It took an $8,000 per year income, or over, to live this l i f e during the late f i f t i e s , he drew the boundary between the middle and lower classes at this income level. Porter's objective, s t a t i s t i c a l class system i s thus subjectively organized i n terms of what he takes classes to 'really' be. What classes 'really' are constitutes the major shift and inconsistency in Porter's discussion and analysis of class.  By de-  fining the "real middle class" i n terms of a certain type of l i f e style and value consumption pattern, he has switched the constitutive accent from class consciousness to social isolation as the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of "real" classes. Originally, social isolation had been a necessary, but not sufficient condition.  Within Porter's definition of classes as social  groups, the component that members "share common values and traditions" (1965: 10) refers to what Ossowski (.1963: 135-6) has called one of the four possible, fundamental characteristics of stratification systems: social isolation.^"  While shared values and traditions can be seen as  necessary for the development of "a sense of identity...and...awareness of unity and common purpose," the mere existence of shared values and traditions does not guarantee the existence of class consciousness. Therefore, social isolation is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the existence of real social groups, i.e., classes. By examining the concept of social isolation i t w i l l become clear that in making the distinction between "real middle class" and "middle majority" Porter takes the contrary position that social isolation i s a necessary and_sjifJfJL£ien_t condition for the existence of real classes. Social isolation is a generic concept having to do, in general, with social distance between members of different classes and,  con-  versely, with contact between members of the same class.  It i s most  often treated as a consequence of economic factors, e.g.,  division of  labor, income differences, relation to the means of production, etc. This behavioural criterion of class divisions takes many forms. most explicit form is emphasized by a number of theorists 1958i 59; Sweezy, 1959: who  124; Kahl, 1957:  The  CBaltzell,  12; Schumpeter, 1953:77)  define class in terms of kinship and friendship networks.  In this  case a class i s "the largest group of people whose members have i n t i mate access to one another" (Davis, et. a l . , 1941: 229)  59).  Dahl's (1961:  definition of equal "social standing" emphasizes the "intimate  access" aspect of social isolation, but goes further to suggest the aspect of shared l i f e style, i.e., members display a "willingness to dine together... to accept membership in the same clubs..."  The  life  style aspect of the social isolation characteristic Is directly re-  fleeted in two of the indices used in assessing class standing in the Yankee City studies (Warner, 1963: dential area.  25-34): type of residence and r e s i -  Finally, Veblen's (1934) emphasis upon "conspicuous con-  sumption" reflects the aspect of l i f e style as well as the related dimensions of consumption patterns and values. Porter's assertion that the "real middle class" has a recognizable l i f e style and can be identified by i t s consumption of a certain set of values is thus a negation and contradiction of his original def i n i t i o n of class.  He has shifted the constitutive accent from class  consciousness to social isolation as the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of "real"classes. Problems of 'Synthesis', Adequacy and Consistency The 'latent', but most important function of distinguishing between the "real middle class" and the s t a t i s t i c a l "middle majority" was  that i t allows Porter to more closely and concretely link class  and power than could be done using " a r t i f i c a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups." Whenever he shows the relationship between class and power, he f a l l s back on this distinction and locates the elites within "real" classes. This is especially the case with the p o l i t i c a l , intellectual and bureaucratic e l i t e s , for they are mostly from the "real" middle class (1965: 395, 502,  445). His analysis of the class background of the economic e l i t e  Is especially revealing. he found at least  In examining the backgrounds of 611 directors  19 7 persons who could with a variety of criteria be shown to have had a middle class social origin. The criteria used here included the father's occupation Cfor example, doctor, lawyer, clergyman, army officer, managerial) and where the father's occupation could not be established those with university education were included. (1965: 292) First o f a l l , he has decided to treat the l i f e style and value consumption-related variable of education as a sufficient condition for membership in a certain class.  Second, and more important, when we exam-  ine his examples of middle class occupations we discover that not only has he 'synthesized* his own class system, but he has taken Blishen's seven occupational classes and 'synthesized' them.  These occupations  f a l l within Blishen's top two occupational classes. They are only "middle class" i n terms- o f Porter's shifted definition of the "real middle class".  They are not middle clas s i n the sense o f a s t a t i s t i c a l  middle majority, for they compose the top eleven percent of the labor force C1965: 163). How Porter has synthesized the variables o f l i f e style, value consumption, and the attribute o f occupation i s completely unexplicated. Furthermore, his 'synthesis' i s incomplete: i f doctors and lawyers are middle class occupations, and at the same time are listed i n Blishen's top occupational class, what constitutes an upper class occupation? Finally, his declaration that classes constructed i n terms o f occupations "are no more than s t a t i s t i c a l strata" (1965: 161) seems inconsistent with his use o f Blishen's occupational scale In linking class and power. The result of the distinction between the "real middle class" and the s t a t i s t i c a l "middle majority" i s that the structure of class and the links between class and power are entirely 'synthetic'  The manifest purpose of making this distinction was to bring into question our "widespread social image of middle classness" (1965: 125).  Having made this distinction, he then argues that 90 percent  of the population are in the 'lower classes' because only 10 percent, or so, had incomes C$8,000+) which would allow them a middle class l i f e style (1965: 132).  What he has done, however, i s to violate what  Schutz (1964: 19) has called the postulates of adequacy and consistency.  In defining what the middle class "really" i s , he does not con-  sult any actors i n the everyday world to see what they take the middle class to "really" be.  Given his stated purpose, such a consultation  or sampling, i s necessary to determine i f his "typical construction would be reasonable and understandable for the actor himself as well as for his fellow-man" (Schutz, 1964: 19).  This violation of the pos-  tulate of adequacy leads to the situation where, i f members define middle classness differently, e.g., in terms of the ownership of gadgetry rather than the consumption of certain  values, Porter's ana-  l y s i s , discussion and conclusion are irrelevant to his purpose.  If  gadgetry ownership i s the prime criteria i n members' minds for middle classness, which seems highly likely, then Porter's (1965: 131) finding that "such gadgetry gets distributed in some proportion in a l l income classes," e.g.,  "more than 80 percent had electric washers,  telephones and television sets; and 75 percent had automobiles and vacuum cleaners" (1965: 130), can be taken as evidence to support the Canadian social image of middle classness. Besides violating the postulate of consistency (Schutz, 1964: 19) by shifting the meaning of class i n making this distinction, he  violates i t by shifting his use of the term class. (1965: 11) he had said that no data was  In Chapter One  available on the subjective  side of class and therefore he would use the term class in the sense of " a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups."  However, his actual use of the  term in attempting to link class and power necessarily implies  that  i t is a "real" entity, "real" defined in terms of his shifted meaning of class.  This shift in use is apparent in the statement: "The majority  of Canadian p o l i t i c a l leaders have been drawn from the middle class" (1965: 395), riot from the middle majority. His use of class at a number of points reflects these shifts. He writes of "sociological and psychological elements" of "social class position" C1965: 183) which "help preserve the various social milieus of class" Q965: 193).  A non-awareness of the different milieux of  classes makes for a "class determined education system" (1965: 172) which affects mobility.  Important to mobility i s the university  where members of the lower class (classes?) learn the "appropriate modes of behavior" (1965: 283) to enable them to succeed in the "middle class occupational world" (1965: 284).  When discussing elites,  he discovers, that in effect, the large daily newspapers are "instruments of an established upper class" (1965: 463) (which suggests the existence of class consciousness and class interests, at least among the upper class). And in the process of examining the "class background" (1965: 483) of elites he discovers the existence and  interde-  pendence of "class institutions" and "class continuity" (1965: 285). A l l of these ways of talking about class and class-related phenomena can only be understood i f we do not attempt to operate in  terms of classes as a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups lacking coherence and unity. If one i s operating with the notion of classes as socially isolated groups, then these ways of talking make sense.  But since  Porter says he won't deal with real social groups, because data are unavailable on class consciousness, the only way his analysis of class is understandable i s 1.) i f we accept the distinction between middle class and middle majority, and the accompanying, unexplicated shift of the constitutive accent from class consciousness to social isolation as the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of real classes, and 2.) i f , for the purpose of doing his analysis", we allow him to 'transcend' his original position and treat classes as 'real' rather than as a r t i f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l groups.  Even i f we were to grant  him these considerable liberties, his analysis would s t i l l be 'inadequate' for his expressed purpose of dethroning the reigning middle class image of Canada.  Since he does not know how members define  'middle class,' he has no way of knowing whether his analysis disproves their social image.  In fact, i t may do the reverse i f members define  middle class i n terms of the ownership of gadgetry. In spite of his conceptual confusion and inconsistency, however, his  analysis i s "understandable" ori a common-sense level, because we are  familiar with everyday and social scientific usages of the term 'class' and, on this level, neither Porter nor the readers are bound by the canons of science CSchutz, 1964: 76-77). However, The Vertical Mosaic »  is a social scientific work bound by the canons of science. Therefore i t is incumbent upon i t s author, i f he is to adequately describe the  structure of class and to link class and power, to 1.) explicitly state the relevance criteria used to select the class variables of l i f e style and value consumption, 2.) enumerate the classes within his system, 3. ) describe the l i f e style and value consumption pattern of each class, 4. ) present, in some form, the data upon which these descriptions were based, along with a methodological note, 5.) state how  variables  were synthesized to determine class membership of elites and 6.) plain how  class boundaries were arrived at.  ex-  The consequence of not  meeting any of these requirements, or some such set (cf. Gross:1949), is that his analysis of class and his linkage of class and power are s c i e n t i f i c a l l y without foundation. *  *  *  Had Porter recognized and resolved these problems he would have been in a position to not only provide an adequate and accurate description of the structure of class and of the link between class and power, but might have been led to recognize an Important, latent, finding in his work. Besides being able to tightly link ethnicity and class, and recognizing that "social control by the charter group" (1965:  71-2)  would be more aptly labeled "class control," had Porter laid a foundation for his reconstituted concept of classes-as-socially-isolatedgroups he might have discovered the class nature of the two social mechanisms which he says (1965: 526-8) serve to co-ordinate elites into a power structure: kinship and friendship.  He found numerous kinship  links within and between elites, as well as friendships "resulting  from living together or having common experience of the same kind of social l i f e . " (1965: 527) In fact, his concept of e l i t e presupposes a shared class background.  This can be deduced from his statement that "Validity of  the concept 'elite' rests on the probability that the individuals assigned to the group are socially homogeneous" (1965: 303).  "Social  homogeneity" is not a function of the relationship between frequency of interaction and positive feelings within the e l i t e group.  While It  Is true that members of an e l i t e undoubtedly become more socially homogeneous, and probably group-consclous,  validity of the concept 'elite'  rests on the probability that the individuals 'assigned to the group are (already) socially homogeneous.'  This formulation raises the ques-  tion of how new members of the middle class can be socially homogeneous with members of upper class in the economic e l i t e .  It seems clear,  however, that Porter already had the framework for establishing a solid rather than surreptitious link between class and power. Unless he did not recognize this 'latent' finding in his work, this 'pulledpunch' has to be treated as an example of the tactic of undrawn conclusions within his overall 'strategy of respectability.'  Footnotes Class consciousness is the characteristic Porter emphasizes i n his definition of classes as social groups. His original formulation of an objective, s t a t i s t i c a l 'class' system composed of a r t i f i c i a l groups emphasizes the characteristic of vertial order, while excluding the other three characteristics.  Porter also  implicitly draws upon the fourth characteristic, distinctness of interests,  when he tells us that large daily newspapers are  "instruments of an established  upper class" (1965: 463). Unless  that class has distinct interests, i t s instruments of propaganda have no raisort d'etre.  Chapter Four The Legitimate Structure of Power The problems of logical consistency i n Porter's analysis of class are mirrored i n his analysis of power. As with class, we find Porter shifting his meaning and use of the concept of power. As with class, we find that he 'transcends' his original definition, but i n this case his analysis cannot be logically done without such a shift. And, as with class, this shift can only be 'understood' by drawing upon 'what everyone knows,' by treating common-sense and disciplinecommon knowledge of what power "really" i s as a resource. According to Porter (.1965: 201): "Power means the recognized right to make effective decisions on behalf of a group of people." The notion of effective decision making i s probably drawn from Lasswell and Kaplan CL950: 74-102), since Porter footnotes them a number of times i n his discussion of power.  They define power relationally as  a policy decision, involving severe sanctions, which i s obeyed, i.e., the decision i s effective.  The idea of "recognized right" appears to  be his own formulation and to have two distinct dimensions: and external.  internal  The internal dimension i s the more obvious one: an A  makes decisions as a recognized and legitimate representative of a group of people, B. For his analysis, this means that elites are representatives of their institutions.  The external dimension appears  as the more Important one: a l l A's recognize each other's weight, scope and domain of power (cf. Lasswell and Kaplan, 1950: 77) as l e g i timate.  As Porter (1965: 214) puts i t :  In this respect the 'rights' about which we have spoken and which appear to limit the exercise of power (sic) are really the rights of institutional elites to organize and carry out their activities. If one elite threatens these rights i t w i l l be challenged by other elites whose positions are threatened. As to how  these rights are safeguarded and maintained, he tells us that  they "come from the tradition of independence built up by e l i t e groups within a system of juridical norms"  (1965: 214)  (emphasis added).  In that Porter identifies power as legitimate, his concept differs radically from most theorists, who  follow Weber (1968: 53)  in distinguishing between power and authority.  Porter (1965: 266-7)  responds that the distinction is spurious because "any form of power can be rationalized as good" and legitimacy i s relative. that any type of regime, no matter how timate to the ruled.  He argues  tyrannical, may appear as l e g i -  Going from this point, he tells us that power  must be obeyed to exist and that i t is within the province of power to obtain obedience.  Then comes a pivotal point:  "If power and  obedience are thus correlative, and i f obedience requires the sense of legitimacy, can there be such a thing as Illegitimate power?" (1965: 266)  (emphasis added).  He answers in the negative and adds that,  furthermore, by shifting perspectives and looking at a l l sides i n disputes, a l l power can be seen as legitimate or illegitimate: i t depends upon whose side you want to take.  He concludes that, "At most  such a distinction applies only in periods of social transition... when the prevailing values are being called into question." (1965: 226).  In Porter's view, Canada was not into such a period in the early  sixties.^"  Logical and Utilitarian Problems This argument and formulation can be criticized on logical and u t i l i t a r i a n grounds.  In terms of his argument, i t is i l l o g i c a l  to suppose that "obedience requires the sense of legitimacy" and yet hold that " i t is within the sphere of power to apply sanctions and thereby defeat resistance and retain obedience." (1965: 226)  If there  is resistance, and i t is necessary to secure obedience through the application of negative sanctions, then quite obviously obedience, in this case, i s not forthcoming out of a sense of the legitimacy of the command or commander.  Therefore, obedience does riot necessarily require  the sense of legitimacy. Furthermore, i f i t is within the province of 'power' to apply sanctions, i t i s also within the province of 'power' to secure obedience by threatening to apply sanctions.  In both cases 'power' and obedience  are correlative, but not necessarily linked by the "sense of legitimacy." Where obedience does require the "sense of legitimacy" i s in authority 2 relations (Bachrach and Baratz, 1963: 638).  Since Porter does not dis-  tinguish between power and authority and defines a l l power as l e g i t i mate (as authority), he i s unable to analyze those situations where decisions are effective but not legitimate. As w i l l be apparent, this i s a fatal conceptual flaw. Given this flaw in his conceptualization of power, we are faced with important questions as to the usefulness of his concept for analyzing the structure of power in Canada.  If he takes his definition  seriously, a l l that he can actually describe is the formal structure  of rights as reflected in the configuration of j u r i d i c a l norms which determine the weight, scope and domain of elites' power (cf. Lasswell and Kaplan, 1950: 77).  Furthermore, i f these jurisdictional rights are  "recognized," then there i s no reason for elites to be i n conflict. Where there i s inter-elite conflict, then obviously jurisdictional rights are not "recognized," they are in dispute.  If such i s the case, then  the nature of inter-elite relations i s not one of "power" as defined by Porter. This logical problem begins to emerge at the end of the f i r s t chapter (1965: 27r-8) when Porter tells us that inter-elite conflict can be seen "at those points where new possibilities appear for exploitation of social resources."  Later on he calls these the "hinge points of  change where new options are to be taken up." (1965: 44)  However, the  whole notion of hinge points and new options as the focus of e l i t e conf l i c t , implies that "recognized rights" don't exist or aren't clear. Otherwise, there would be no conflict. The fact that there i s conflict between elites and that one side does 'take up new options,' cannot be accounted for or analyzed with a concept of power that a p r i o r i identifies a l l power as legitimate, as "recognized."  Rights must be established, and i t i s 'real power' which  allows one side to take up an option and, through time, to establish that option as rightfully theirs. been discarded:  a distinction between power, e.g., effective decision-  making, and authority, e.g., decisions.  Thus, what i s required i s what has  the recognized right to make effective  To be sure, even this distinction i s crude, for i t does not  distinguish power from force, or formal from substantive authority (cf. Bachrach and Baratz, 1963), but i t i s basic and necessary for any analysis of the structure of power. Power Transcended When we turn to examine Porter's discussion and analysis of the structure of power we Immediately discover that, just as with class, he 'transcends' his constricted definition in the process of doing his analysis.  As with class, he i s 'understandable' because the wor3 "power"  is so often used in everyday talk, the media, and i n professional writings.  It i s a resource which he draws upon and uses i n familiar, but  inconsistent ways.  If we wish to pin down the discipline-common o r i -  gins of the concepts he utilizes, i t seems that we could point to at least Weber and Lasswell and Kaplan. Weber's (1968: 53) concept of power as Dahrendorf points out (1959: 166), i s personal: power i s an attribute of a person rather than of a role or position. This notion of power i s especially evident when Porter (1965: 551) tells us that CD. Howe, the minister of defense production i n 1955, "was probably the most powerful man in that administration."  In terms of the formal organization of the cabinet, i.e.,  the structure of "recognized rights," we could have never arrived at this conclusion.  However, what is being dealt with in this statement  is an actor rather than his role.  What i s being drawn upon i n this state-  ment i s "the possibility that one actor within a social relationship w i l l be in a position to carry out his own w i l l despite resistance, regardless  of the basis on which this probability rests." (Weber, 1968: 53). It is within the analysis of inter-elite conflict that we would expect Porter to put his concept of power to the greatest and clearest use.  Instead, we discover that important examples of inter-elite con-  f l i c t cannot be understood using his definitions of power.  They can  only be taken as legitimate examples of power relations i f we understand power, as do Lasswell and Kaplan (1950: 74), to be effective decisionmaking, without such decision-making being necessarily a "recognized right." When he presents the case of the nationalization of the Canadian Northern and Grant Trunk railways by the Conservatives early i n this century (1965: 543), he mentions that "the cabinet minister responsible for the railway nationalization plan, was denounced as a s o c i a l i s t . " It is surprising that Porter did not recognize that this dispute and the accusation of 'socialism' revolved around the question of the legitimate scope of government, i.e.,the "recognized right to make effective decisions" was apparently i n question.  The inadequacy of his concept of  power is further reflected in the fact that "this period was an important one i n shaping present day Canada."  (1965: 544) This statement  attests to the fact that the configuration of recognized rights i s shaped by what other analysts would c a l l "power".  If "power means the  recognized right...," then, for the sake of consistency and rigour, Porter should have generated another term besides 'power' which would have met his analytical needs. The British Columbia Electric dispute, which Porter called a "striking example of the conflict between p o l i t i c a l and economic e l i t e s "  (1965: 548), also serves as a striking example of the inadequacy of his concept of power. He writes of the "long legal battle" which followed the expropriation of B.C.E. by Premier Bennett in 1961 and of the 1963 B.C. Supreme Court decision of Chief Justice Sherwood Lett to the effect that "the expropriation proceedings of 1961 were i l l e g a l and unconstitutional." (Porter, 1965:  549).  Between 1961 and the 1963 court decision, the B.C. government had run B.C.E. under the name of "The British Columbia Hydro and Power Authority," and had reaped a profit of twenty million dollars.  B.C.  Power Corporation, the legal "father" of B.C.E., f e l t that i t should receive compensation for profit loss during the interim, plus an additional cheque to cover the difference between what the Government paid for expropriation and the actual value of B.C.E. This last point was much more of a concern to B.C. Power Corporation than the fact of expropriation i t s e l f . On September 27, 1963 the two sides reached an out of court agreement at the prodding of Chief Justice Lett, who had decided the real worth of B.C.E. and, consequently, how much the Provincial Government had yet to pay. of earnings.  The payment did not include compensation for loss  After settlement, Attorney General Bonner stated that the  Lett decision, which pronounced the expropriation i l l e g a l and unconstitutional, had been set aside and could not be formally entered as a judgment. The Chairman of B.C. Power Corporation said the judgment would s t i l l stand as a legal authority, as a precedent. P.C.  The counsel for B.C.  took the position that as a result of the judgment B.C. Hydro and  Power Authority had no legal existence or authority (Ardies, 1963:  1-2).  The striking conclusion to be drawn, which Porter ignored, is that an effective decision was made by a B.C. p o l i t i c a l e l i t e in 1961 which went beyond the recognized institutional scope of that elite's power.  Two years later, Bennett's 'decision' was declared to have bro-  ken the all-important system of j u r i d i c i a l norms which safeguards the autonomy of institutions.  Two months later, when the dispute was  re-  solved, the Provincial Government treated the solution as victory (Sherman,  1966:  277).  Their decision was s t i l l effective, even though i t was  s t i l l " i l l e g a l and unconstitutional."  This uncomfortable fact was simply  downplayed and bypassed with rhetoric of a possible post facto constitutional amendment (Ardies, 1963:  2).  Thus i t should be abundantly clear that Porter's original concept of power is inappropriate, inadequate and misleading as an anal y t i c a l tool for describing relations between elites.  His concept ignores  the possible variation in bases of obedience, thereby allowing him to identify a l l power as legitimate, as consisting of the "recognized right to make effective decisions."  Logically, a l l that can be done with  this formulation is to delimit the formal structure of power as reflected in a system of juridical norms.  The actual structure of power revealed  at the "hinge points of change," and during "border disputes," cannot be analyzed. When Porter does attempt to expose the actual structure of power, he necessarily transcends his definition of power and draws upon other discipline-common conceptualizations.  The apparent coherence and  rigour of his analysis, however, depends upon his and the readers' know-  ledge of what power 'really' i s , rather than upon the consistent and logical use of his definition of i t . Thus while there i s no foundation supporting Porter's structure of class, there i s a foundation under his structure of power.  The problem i s that i t i s both too  narrow and faulty to offer any support.  1. Given his avowed evolutionary perspective i n writing The Vertical Mosaic (Porter, 1970: 181), and his statement that a "macroorientation requires a time dimension rather than the static or 'moment in time' orientation of equilibrium theory" (Porter, 1970: 152-3), i t i s surprising that he formulates a 'static' concept of power chosen to analyze one 'moment In time.' 2. Bachrach and Baratz take Lasswell and Kaplan's formulation of author i t y as "formal power" (1950: 133) to be inadequate because i t identifies a l l law as legitimte, without accounting for 'how members see i t . '  The "sense of legitimacy" 'resides' within the  commanded's consciousness rather than i n the law.  Chapter Five The Ambiguous Context of E l i t i s t Democracy The "meaning" and significance of the class and power structures in Canada can only be determined within a normative context. Such a context i s provided by democratic theory. are a number of democratic theories.  Unfortunately, there  We have mentioned thorough-  going democratic theory and the theory of democratic elitism.  There  are others.^" Which theory of democracy Porter i s operating i n terms of i s ambiguous: findings.  thus, so are the meaning and significance of his  The theory he appears to operate with i s the one which robs  his findings of import.  Had he treated democracy as a topic he would  have been led to some important conclusions and could have provided The VM with a c r i t i c a l context. Early in Chapter One of The VM Porter mentions the importance of defining and clarifying terms "to avoid misunderstanding and confusion" (1965: 6).  Unfortunately, he does not define and clarify  what he means by "democracy." He trades on common sense notions of democracy when he discusses social images of equality and diffused power in the f i r s t chapter.  When discussing the Canadian p o l i t i c a l  2 system in Chapter Twelve he makes Robert Lynd's  distinction between  "liberal democracy," which combines democracy i n the " p o l i t i c a l " sphere with capitalism in the economic sphere, and "thorough-going democracy" which expresses and implements democratic values in a l l spheres.  While  he does mention in the final chapter that "Canada...has a long way to  go to become in any sense a thorough-going democracy" (1965: 557), for a variety of reasons, i t appears that The VM i s presented within an elite democratic context. The appearance of democratic elitism as the context has to be extrapolated from his statements and the ethico-theoretical perspectives he employed.  If he were value-consistent with his 1961 posi-  tion we would expect him to explicitly employ a thorough-going democratic framework.  In spite of his mention of this framework, the logic  and thrust of his argument against liberal democracy do the work of rejecting a thorough-going democratic framework and suggesting a democratic e l i t i s t one.  This is because both the l i b e r a l and thorough-  going theories are essentially normative while the e l i t i s t brand of democracy i s a descriptive, "empirical" theory.  It i s the latter type  which Porter seeks. In the last chapter, Porter sketches the 19th century liberal theory of democracy.  This theory assumed that man was rational and i f  given equality of opportunity and the right to participate in decisionmaking he would build a society wherein he could realize his human potential and find happiness.  Porter rejects this theory.  To use the liberal theory as a basis for empirical research into the processes of power would be absurd in view of the frequency with which that theory has been empirically refuted. (1965: 556) On the last page of the text of The VM he reiterates that: The nineteenth-century notion of a liberal citizen-participating democracy i s obviously not a satisfactory model by which to examine the processes of decision-making i n either the economic or p o l i t i c a l context. (1965: 558) Of course, here he is referring to the important voting studies  of the f i f t i e s , especially Vo ting by Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee (1954), which definitely undermined the l i b e r a l assumption that man is rational, competent and interested when i t comes to participating in p o l i t i c s .  Even those, such as Graeme Duncan and Steven Lukes,  who opposed the conclusions which the studies drew, had to agree that "the voters f a i l to satisfy most of the traditional requirements of democracy" (1967: 166). What Porter apparently did not recognize i n his acceptance of the popular rejections of liberal democratic theory i s that i f these 'empirical refutations' are valid for l i b e r a l democratic theory, they provide an even stronger refutation of thorough-going democracy. This is true because the only relevant differences between these types of democratic theory is in the domain and amount of citizen-participation.  Whereas l i b e r a l democracy calls for, at least, representative  democracy  within the " p o l i t i c a l " sphere, i . e . , government, thorough-  going democratic theory requires participatory democracy in a l l the major spheres of society, e.g.,  government, economy, education. Fur-  thermore, both theories of democracy share the same assumptions regarding rational "democratic man"  (the brother of rational economic man),  as well as the same normative ends, "to provide the conditions for the f u l l and free development of the essential human capacities of a l l the members of the society" (Macpherson, 1965: 37).^  Thus the  arguments and data put forward in the voting studies, which empirically destroy the underpinning assumptions of l i b e r a l democratic theory, undermine thorough-going democratic theory in the same manner.  Both  theories are non-empirical, descriptively inadequate and inaccurate. It i s quite clear from Porter's statements, quoted above, that he requires that democratic theory provide a "satisfactory model" to guide empirical research.  The one theory which can do that,  and within which his study appears to be done, i s the one suggested by the voting researchers. The conclusion that Berelson, et. a l . , reached is not that we should rededicate ourselves to the realization of democracy via education and realignment of the present system with democratic theory.  Rather, they concluded that democratic theory was  out of alignment with social realities and therefore needed to be reformulated.  In that the democratic system in the U.S. had survived  and grown, they concluded that "where the classic theory i s defective is in i t s concentration on the individual citizen"  (1954: 312).  This led them to examine the "requirements for the survival of the total democratic system" (1954: 322) and adopt an e l i t i s t theory of democracy. This new theory followed the lines set down by Joseph Schumpeter i n Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy.  It had as central a  couple of new twists on classical liberal democratic theory. Democracy i s now conceived of as simply "a p o l i t i c a l method, that i s to say, a certain type of institutional arrangement for arriving at p o l i t i c a l . ..decisions and hence incapable of being an end in i t s e l f , irrespective of what decisions i t w i l l produce under given historical conditions" (1950: 242).  Thus, the ethical end of democracy, "to  provide the conditions for the f u l l and free development of the essent i a l human capacities of a l l the members of the society" (Macpherson,  1965: 37), i s done away with.  The second twist i n this new theory  is that the democratic method, i.e., "democracy," i s defined as "that institutional arrangement for arriving at p o l i t i c a l decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people's vote" (1950: 269). Central to the democratic method are the "rules of the game" which operate to maintain the required institutional arrangement.^ From Seymour Martin Lipset's P o l i t i c a l Man we can abstract two major rules of the game.  The f i r s t i s the compromise rule:  No group i s to  desire any one thing too much, so much that i t cannot abide defeat by the majority.  The second i s the cross-pressures rule:  Interests must  not line up in the same way for the same people (1960: 1-24).  If proce-  dures, institutions and values exist which assure compromise and crosspressures, the system w i l l experience enough conflict to be progressive but w i l l be cohesive enough to have consensus.  Not surprisingly, given  the Cold War experience of these theorists, the major concern of democratic e l i t i s t s has been the stability of their "democratic" system. The result of this "empirically adequate" theory i s that a situation i s labelled as democratic where elites, playing by the rules of the game, compete with each other, within the " p o l i t i c a l " sphere, during elections.  Thus democratic elitism is s t i l l " l i b e r a l : " state  and society are separated, but government "by the people" i s replaced by "government approved by the people" (Schumpeter, 1950: 246). That Porter is working within this theory has already been suggested i n light of his e l i t i s t and functionalist ethico-theoretical  perspectives.  The latter perspective divides society into sectors,  with a p o l i t i c a l sub-system, and defines the Good i n terms of the whole, the total social system. The former perspective i s a direct resource for democratic e l i t e theorists, with i t s emphasis on the circulation of elites (Pareto). In fact, the only theory of democracy which i s compatible with (not to mention dependent upon) the existence of strong elites i s Schumpeter-Lipset's. When he presents the theory of elites he i s , whether he realizes i t or not, supporting and presenting a central feature of emp i r i c a l e l i t i s t democratic theory. Elites both compete and co-operate with one another: they compete to share i n the making of decisions of major importance for the society, and they co-operate because together they keep the society working as a going concern....It i s elites who have the capacity to introduce change, but changes bring about shifts i n the relations between elites. Because they a l l have power as their institutional right they can check each other's power, and, therefore, co-operation and accommodation, as well as conflict, characterize their relations. (1965: 27) This quote can be treated as a restatement of the consensus-conflict motif within the literature of democratic elitism.  It i s also central  to the equilibrium model within functionalist theory. quote i t i s also important to note that innovation,  Within this change, or "crea-  tive behaviour" as Porter put i t in 1961, i s expected to occur at the top.  On the next page, while rejecting the notion of change com-  ing from below, i n the form of class conflict, he suggests that these classes "may, however, be the source of important dynamic elements to be mobilized by institutional leaders" (1965: 28).  Thus he displays  some of the attitudes which are essential characteristics of the demo-  cratic e l i t i s t position. When Porter discusses the Canadian P o l i t i c a l System he draws upon democratic e l i t i s t theory. In a differentiated pluralistic society there w i l l not be general agreement on the means to be employed to reach these ~ general values (of progress and improvement). There w i l l , however, be some agreement on the ground rules. There are constitutional ground rules, but at the same time there i s a body of p o l i t i c a l conventions which p o l i t i c a l parties observe, one of the most important being that the p o l i t i c a l party i n power permits i t s rivals to exist. The two-party system is a functionally appropriate way of mediating the 'conservative' and 'progressive' social forces. (1965: 367) In "pluralistic" society the "ground rule" which Porter mentions i s a derivation of Lipset's compromise rule.  Porter's functionalist  approach meshes nicely with democratic elitism, as we find conflict and consensus producing equilibrium via a two-party system of "conservative" and "progressive" elites. Unfortunately, Canada does not have "conservative" and "progressive" social forces institutionalized in her two-party system. "The dialogue is between unity and discord rather than progressive and conservative forces" (1965: 369), with the "maintenance of national unity" as the major goal.  Any "polarization to right and left i n  Canadian politics i s regarded as disruptive. Consequently the main focus of Canadian politics has been to the right and the maintenance of the status quo" (1965: 369).  Canada has "brokerage" rather than  "creative" p o l i t i c s : too much consensus and not enough conflict.  This  is an important point, for Porter has shifted from treating democratic elitism as a "satisfactory model" to guide empirical research, to a  treatment of democratic elitism wherein the latter i s treated as providing a normative criteria for evaluating the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system.  Thus, what Gad Horowitz (1965: 14) took to be the  major point of Porter's work, i s made within, and is entirely dependent upon a democratic e l i t i s t framework. A Value Contradiction As with Porter's assumption of the ethico-theoretical perspectives of elite analysis and functionalism, his utilization of, and dependence upon, the theory of democratic elitism i s a contraddiction of his 1961 value position.  In his 1961 essay he was a fer-  vent supporter of socialist, thorough-going democracy, which conflicts with democratic elitism on at least six points: 1.  Where Robert Lynd's favored theory sees democracy as both a method and an ethical end, democratic elitism sees i t only as a method.  2.  Where thorough-going democracy defines the citizens' i n terest as both i n the end result and i n the production of that end result through participation; 'democratic elitism defines their interests one-dimensionally in terms of end results, e.g.,  'more butter and guns.'  In fact, the latter  theory sees a certain level of apathy and non-participation as functional for the system.  Non-voters and occasional  voters provide f l e x i b i l i t y and stability for the system (Berelson, et. a l , , 1954: 316).  3.  Where thorough-going  theory aims at assuring equality of  condition and power, e l i t i s t democracy i s concerned only with equal opportunity to gain the prerequisites of power, i.e.,  e l i t e status.  4. While the former theory defines as " p o l i t i c a l " any decisionmaking which significantly affects societal values, the latter theory operates within a l i b e r a l tradition and limits i t s definition of p o l i t i c a l to governmental decision-making and that which relates to i t . 5.  While the former theory relies upon broadening social participation to counter the authoritarian propensity of both the elites and the masses, the latter theory relies upon the elites to safeguard the democratic system against the authoritarian masses.  6.  Thus democratic e l i t i s t s view the elite-mass structure of modern society as being in the best interests of democracy, while thorough-going  democrats wish to breakdown and de-  centralize this structure as much as possible.** Put simply, Porter's use of democratic elitism as a resource constitutes the major value inconsistency of The VM.  His confused  and confusing use of "democracy" suggests that this major inconsistency may be explained as a consequence of Porter only being familiar enough with the literature on democracy to draw upon the general features of the discipline-popular, respectable, theory of democratic elitism. This would help account for two of his errors:  1.  He approvingly mentioned thorough-going democracy without apparently realizing that he must reject that theory on the same grounds that he accepts the refutation of liberal democracy: both are 'empirically unsound.'  2.  At the same time, however, he drew upon democratic elitism as the "satisfactory model" to guide his empirical research; but then turned around and treated that theory normatively when he discovered 'too much' consensus and 'not enough' conflict, i n Canadian p o l i t i c s . There i s a third "error" which follows upon the previous two.  When Porter turns around and uses democratic elitism as more than an empirical theory, i.e., as a normative theory, he allows and instructs us to treat a l l of The VM i n terms of the normative criteria provided by democratic elitism.  Thus, while i t i s unquestionably the case that  "Canada...has a long way to go to become i n any sense a thorough-going democracy" (1965: 557), the latter theory i s empirically unsound and therefore i s not to be used.  The road to becoming a full-blown e l i t i s t  democracy i s to be taken instead, and, not surprisingly, i t i s a shorter road.  A l l that is needed is a b i t more money spent on e l i t e  education, and a circulation of elites, perhaps bringing the NDP into office.  This l i b e r a l , e l i t i s t answer i s soothing, as i t was to the  ColdWar warriors of the early sixties i n the U.S. But the respectability of The VM i s only gained at the sake of down-playing, i f not doing away with, the ethical ends democracy should pursue. Even i f we were to lower the requirements of scholarship and  allow his unfamiliarity with the literature on democracy, we would s t i l l expect him to recognize the major conflicts between the general features of liberal democratic elitism and socialist  thorough-going  democracy. However, even in 1961, his stock of knowledge as a sociali s t may have provided him with the central tenets of thoroughgoing democracy, without him being familiar with the literature on democracy, per se.  This i s not to say that the label of "value inconsistent"  is inappropriately applied in Porter's case.  Rather, Porter should  be labelled value inconsistent, as well as "theoretically innocent," to use CP. Wolf's charitable description of Porter (1970: xix) . Were we to be less charitable, we might say that the lack of any foundation for his analysis of class; the narrow, faulty foundation for his analysis of power; and his loose employment of a democratic e l i t i s t content suggest theoretical ignor-ance.  Footnotes 1.  See CB. Macpherson (1965).  2.  Porter's "Power and Freedom in Canadian Democracy" appears, at key points, to be a Canadian version of Lynd's 1957 essay, "Power as a Problem and Resource in American Society."  3. What Porter means by "citizen-participating democracy" (1965: 558) i s apparently Jeffersonian, participatory democracy. However, nineteenth-century liberal democratic theory variously called for participatory or representative (J.S. Mill) democracy.  The latter  has become the twentieth-century form of l i b e r a l democracy. 4. Macpherson here refers to the shared goal of l i b e r a l democracy, "Communist" democracy and the classic, pre-liberal democracy of Rousseau now popular i n the "underdeveloped" countries.  It i s the  latter form of democracy, of Macpherson's three, which may be called "thorough-going." 5.  The rejection of democracy-as-an-end has created a curious normative vacuum for e l i t e theorists, which has been f i l l e d by the "rules of the game." As we've witnessed i n the U.S. during the past decade, the rules of the game are elevated above democratic ideals by e l i t e s .  This has been especially so when i t i s the masses who,  in complete and foolish ignorance of the new theory of democracy, c a l l for the realization of those outdated ideals. 6.  These six points owe much to Peter Bachrach's comparison of democratic elitism and what he calls "modern self-developmental demo-  cracy"  (1967).  The  major d i f f e r e n c e between the l a t t e r  thorough-going democracy i s on p o i n t g o i n g democracy c a l l s for  three  i n the  text.  theory  Where thorough-  f o r e q u a l i t y o f c o n d i t i o n , Bachrach o n l y  e q u a l i t y of opportunity.  On  c l o s e r to Bachrach than to Lynd,  t h i s p o i n t P o r t e r may  and  calls  a c t u a l l y be  Chapter Six The C r i t i c a l Context of Democracy Had Porter treated democracy seriously, and familiarised himself with the literature, he would have discovered that the liberal and the thorough-going theories of democracy cannot be empirically refuted.  In the process he would have come to realize the difference  between "normative" and "descriptive" theories.  This would have a l -  lowed him to use a descriptive theory heuristically to uncover the relationships between class, democracy, power and ideology, while retaining his normative theory as a yardstick, to measure the State of Canada. A l l this, however, would have required Porter to operate with a strategy of integrity rather than respectability. What the authors of the voting studies ignored, and what Porter apparently wasn't aware of, i s that while i t i s possible to "empirically refute" the liberal theory of democracy as descriptively inadequate, no amount of empirical data can refute i t , or thoroughgoing democracy, on grounds of normative "inadequacy," i.e., facts cannot refute values.  On this issue, Duncan and Lukes have pointed  out that the pre-liberal and liberal theories of Rousseau and J.S. M i l l "are a critique of reality i n terms of a vision of human nature and possibilities, and for this reascn cannot simply be refuted on the grounds that people do not satisfy the required standards and that s o i distant 'democracies' nonetheless survive" (1967: 171). That leading social scientists would turn their backs on l i b e r a l democratic theory when the facts showed the U.S. to be less 64  the ideal democracy than i t was portrayed to be, has to be understood in terms of the historical conditions since World War II. The Cold War had the U.S. locked in mortal combat with the "Red Menance." To be c r i t i c a l of the American p o l i t i c a l system was to play into the hands of the International Communist Conspiracy.  Besides, i t was quite  clear to almost everyone i n the U.S. that they were better off under what-was-rcalled-democracy than they would have been under Communism. Thus a questionable  continuum-yardstick was set up by Raymond Aron  in 1950 (and referred to approvingly i n The VM). "Soviet" and "western" societies were formulated as ideal types residing at opposite ends of the continuum.  In this way citizens and social scientists i n  the western societies could compare their society to Russian society, instead of comparing their society to the ideal of liberal democracy. The result was self-satisfied celebration rather than s e l f - c r i t i c a l honesty.  "Empirically adequate,descriptive,  e l i t i s t democratic  theory developed as an historical product of this period.  It descri-  bed that which existed, labelled i t "democracy," and that was 'emp i r i c a l l y adequate' for essentially practical purposes. Had Porter recognized the false refutation of liberal democratic theory and the empirical adequacy of democratic elitism he could have safely retained thorough-going democracy as a yardstick and used democratic elitism heuristically.  The use of the latter  would have required uncharacteristic diligence on Porter's part so as to not f a l l into the liberal apologist trap of treating democratic elitism normatively.  Assuming that that could have been accommplished,  let us now turn to the discoveries and undrawn conclusions hidden wtihin the respectable pages of The VM. The f i r s t discovery has to do with brokerage p o l i t i c s . If Porter had treated democracy as a topic he would have been able to improve  his explanation of brokerage politics by examining the rela-  tionship of the two "rules of the game" stated in the previous chapter.  Brokerage politics can be best explained i n terms of the working  of the government i t s e l f .  If both p o l i t i c a l parties "are closely  linked with corporate enterprise" (1965: 368), then there are inadequate cross-pressure, which i s a violation of rule two. As a consequence of rule one working where number two i s violated, you have l i t t l e conf l i c t , with agreement or compromise as the general state of affairs. One f i n a l result of the working out of rule one when rule two i s violated i s a situation i n which people care less and less about the issues that are involved,  i.e., apathy.  Apathy and brokerage p o l i -  tics are to be expected as a result of the working out of the rules of the game in Canadian society.  Furthermore, when both parties are  rooted in corporate enterprise, and when corporate capitalism requires national unity for the sake of efficiency, brokerage politics on the right are to be expected. Which i s to say, the operation of the p o l i t i c a l system cannot be fully understood in a western society unless i t is examined within the larger, economic context, of corporate capitalism. Had Porter treated democratic elitism heuristically within a corporate capitalist context he would have discovered that "democracy,"  as i t presently operates In Canada, serves upper class interests.  This  requires pulling together some of Porter's findings and drawing some provisional conclusions which suggest lines for future research. Mobility into the upper class is quite low (1965: 293) and looks to get worse because of the "increasing bureaucratization of the economic system through the development of the national corporation" (1965: 283).  This is the case as a result of the small labour pool  of middle and upper class college graduates provided by the classdetermined education system in Canada. Porter pointed out that this "leads to an increasingly closed system of stratification" (1965: 283). However, there is a considerable amount of mobility into the middle class (1965: 51), which would seem to ensure the growth of the corporate labour pool.  In the past, however, the most upwardly mobile  middle class members have emigrated to the U.S. and elsewhere, while their positions have been taken by immigrants from other countries. The upshot of this situation i s that the top of the class structure remains r i g i d and experiences high class continuity between generations, while the classes below are in a state of flux and therefore experience much less class continuity. This situation needs to be set in a context of corporate capitalist society, where property rights and the legal fiction of the corporation-as-citizen account for the wealth which defines the upper as the upper class.  Given this situation and i t s historical context,  in whose favor do the rules of the game operate? is the upper class.  The obvious answer  Because of their high class continuity, and  rootedness in the corporate system, they experience fewer cross pressures than any other class.  Their class interests are more clearly  visible to themselves as a result of their continuity, which suggests, as Porter constantly does, that they compose not only a socially isolated group, but they are group, i.e., class, conscious.  A l l of  Porter's findings point to almost a classical case of the existence of what Marx called a class-for-itself (1964: 187), which has the tactical advantage of any organized minority (Mosca) over any classin-itself. The fact that the upper class faces fewer cross-pressures i s apparent at the point where the violation of the rule of compromise would occur.  The one point, paradoxically, where the upper class w i l l  violate the f i r s t rule i s on any occasion where the rules of the game themselves are called into question.  At that point the legitimacy of  2  the authority of the governing class  is in question and i t is naive  to expect them, or their representative e l i t e , to compromise their 3 power. A serious treatment of how the rules of the game are reflected in the institutional arrangement of democracy, integrated with a serious class analysis, along the lines set out above, would have had another pay off. If democracy-as-it-operates-now serves governing class 4 interests,  and i f the descriptive content of Canada's three "social  images" of middle classness and equality of opportunity and power are false (as the latter two certainly are), then l i b e r a l democracy is an ideology in Marx' sense (Lichtheim, 1967). This holds whether by " l i b eral democracy" is meant classical liberal democracy or e l i t i s t l i b e r a l  democracy, for Canada does not even meet the minimum requirements of democracy embodied in the latter theory.  It does not have equality of  opportunity and i t does not have the amount of mobility required for the individual "circulation of elites.""'  It i s the existence of  liberal democracy as an ideology which legitimates and obscures the class-power structure.  It keeps the "mosaic" vertical.  The ideological function of liberal democratic theory reveals the problematic nature of legitimacy.  In order to handle this  problem, Porter would have had to distinguish between power and authority.  In that he gave two chapters on a discussion of the ideological  e l i t e , and declared that the popularity of Canada's "social.image" was due to the workings and WeltanschanUung of media people, i t i s surprising that he didn't recognize the separate but related nature of power/ authority and legitimacy. If he had paid attention to his problem and given a more thoughtful examination of the l i b e r a l democratic "social images" with which he begins his book, he might have realized the triadic nature of any social philosophy (Mills, 1963: 188).  He draws upon liberal demo-  cratic theory, and would have discovered i t s ideological nature had he used democratic e l i t i s t theory consciously and heuristically. other dimension should have been obvious to him:  An-  liberal democratic  social philosophy provides a set of ideals. Members' belief that 'Canada i s middle class,' 'We have equal opportunity' and 'We a l l share power' (1965: 3, 4, 6,) are not only descriptive statements, they have a normative content.  If Canadians believe these statements  are true, they are proud of i t .  To any Canadian liberal democrat,  'Canada should be middle class,' 'We should have equal opportunity,' and 'we should share power.' Thus when Porter demonstrates the descriptive, or 'theoretical,' inadequacy of these social images, he also exposes the gap between the ideal and the actual.  As has been discovered in studies of social  change, the one universal motor cause of change i s "lack of close correspondence between the 'ideal' and the 'actual'" 18).  (Moore, 1963:  If Porter is correct in asserting that lack of educational f a c i -  l i t i e s i s the 'cause' of "mobility deprivation" (1965: 49), and i f we were correct i n Chapter Two i n concluding that i t is i n the governing class' interest to depend upon immigrant technicians rather than shoulder an extra tax burden to expand Canadian educational f a c i l i t i e s , then we may draw another provisional conclusion.  By not recognizing  the normative dimension of Canada's "social images," Porter misses the opportunity of pointing to potential class conflict and the delegitimation of elites. To conclude this speculative excursion; had Porter used democratic elitism heuristically, he would have recognized that democratic elitism is an ideology for e l i t e consumption.  It is an obstacle to  the fulfillment of the ends which he believes a society should pursue. The answer surely lies i n the desirability of social participation i n defining and achieving goals, in the release of the potential for a creative l i f e shared with others, governed not through competitiveness but through co-operation. (Porter, 1961:  35)  Thorough-going democratic planning and decentralization w i l l never be i n s t i t u t e d to achieve these ends as long as the b e l i e f p e r s i s t s , and i s propagated by w e l l known s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , that what we have i s democracy, and that a l l that i s needed i s expanded e l i t e education and c i r c u l a t i o n .  The c o r r a l l o r y i s that any major change would auto-  matically include loss of democracy.  *  *  *  Had Porter only used democratic e l i t i s m to guide h i s empirical research, while maintaining and c l a r i f y i n g h i s own value p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s thorough-going democracy, he would have provided The V e r t i c a l Mosaic with the one context within which h i s findings have the most s i g n i f i c a n c e and impact.  What s i g n i f i c a n c e and impact the book does  have i s muted because the context of h i s findings appears to be democratic elitism.  As a r e s u l t , the book depends f o r impact upon what-  everyone-knows about 'how things are supposed to be' i n a democracy. However, since The VM i s a s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c work, and "democracy" i s anything but a simple, common-sense concept, democracy should have been treated as a topic rather than as a resource. In the end, h i s strategy of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y cannot spare him from an unfavorable comparison with C. Wright M i l l s .  Robert Lynd's  c r i t i c i s m of M i l l s and The Power E l i t e i s even more s t r i k i n g l y approp r i a t e f o r John Porter and The V e r t i c a l Mosaic. M i l l s ' f a i l u r e to deal with the meanings f o r democracy of the impressive power trends he analyzes i s the colossal loose end of The Power E l i t e . (1968: 107)  Footnotes 1.  The "empirical" nature of democratic elitism was i t s major selling point among "apolitical," "value-free" social scientists who sought the respectability given the "hard" (read "real") scientists.  2.  Porter's findings, when extricated from his inconsistencies and set upon firm foundations, point to the existence of what G. William Domhoff has called a "governing class."  "A 'governing  class' is a social upper class which owns a disproportionate amount of a country's wealth, receives a disproportionate amount of a country's yearly income, and contributes a disproportionate number of i t s members to the controlling institutions and key decisionmaking groups of the country" (1967: 5). 3.  The recent FLQ crisis is an example of a case where the rules of the game were challenged on the basis of the legitimacy of the (English) governing class' domination of Quebec.  The government  of upper class member P.E. Trudeau refused to compromise until after Laporte was dead and the Englishman Cross was l e f t .  That "com-  promise" was considered a victory by and for the government. 4.  If this were not the case, we would certainly expect members of the governing class to be actively participating as members of the 'political"  elite.  As was pointed out in our discussion of "un-  answered questions," members of the governing class see no threat from the middle class dominated p o l i t i c a l system, and therefore do not actively participate.  5.  As Bottomore has pointed out (1964: 48), Pareto uses this concept at different times 1.) to refer to a process in which individuals circulate between the elite and the non-elite, or 2.) to refer to a process whereby one e l i t e i s replaced by another.  My use of  the concept refers to i t s former denotation. 6. Both of which are important from the evolutionary perspective which he espouses (1970: 181).  As was mentioned in Chapter Two,  Porter would have done wisely to have drawn upon conflict theory: "Every society rests on constraint of some of i t s members by others" (Dahrendorf, 1964: 103).  Chapter Seven Summary and Conclusion Irving Louis Horowitz' declaration that The Vertical Mosaic "is the sociological study of present-day Canada" (1966: 862) i s as sad as i t i s true. This essay has attempted to counter the i n i t i a l euphoric reception of The VM by looking past i t s impressive array of data.  In so doing, we have discovered conceptual confusion, theore-  t i c a l poverty and ethical duplicity. In light of Porter's 1961 value position the 'strategy of respectability' he appears to have employed in doing The VM constitutes ethical duplicity.  In attempting to be "simultaneously polemi-  cal and respectable" Porter muted his radicalism. sional use of polemical rhetoric.  He did make occa-  However, the fact that 1.) he  formulated his concepts i n so narrow a fashion, 2.) he did not exp l i c i t l y answer the questions he raised, and 3.) he held off from drawing any controversial, even i f warranted, conclusions, assured his work of a warm reception i n liberal circles.  Aside from his presenta-  tion, the major value inconsistencies were his adoption of an elitist-functionalist ethico-theoretical perspective, and the implicit use of democratic elitism as the theoretical context for his study. Porter's 'strategy of respectability' thus stands as an almost complete compromise of the socialist, thorough-going democratic value position he held in 1961. When we turn to the multiple conceptual and theoretical pro74  blems in The VM, we find that, to a degree, they are a consequence of his 'strategy of respectability.'  If Porter had not attempted to be  so narrow and respectable in his definition of class, his distinction between "real middle class" and "middle majority" would not have been needed.  If he had not tried to be respectable, he could have treat-  ed class as a topic and provided a theoretical foundation for his analysis of the structure of class in Canada.  Had he not been blinded  by respectability, he might have recognized that a theoretically strong link between class and power was already available to him, in the form of his data on elite kinship and friendship networks. If Porter had treated democracy as a topic, he would have been able to retain thorough-going democracy as a context, while using, rather than being used by, e l i t i s t democracy.  Thus he would not have  committed the logical inconsistencies of drawing unknowingly dictory theories of democracy.  on contra-  As the previous chapter suggested, the  consistent, heuristic, use of one particular theory of democracy could have supplied Porter with a whole host of potentially f r u i t f u l hypotheses. The 'strategy of respectability,' however, cannot account for the conceptual and theoretical problems surrounding Porter's use of power. He did treat power as a topic, but given that his analysis of the British Columbia Electric dispute 'transcends' his definition of power, i t is clear that his treatment was inadequate.  Had he been  more attuned to the relationship between values and science he might have recognized that, a l l along, his definition of power had been  inappropriate for his analytical needs. Towards a Politics of Experience In conclusion, our analysis suggests two points.  Both of  these points are rooted in the everyday world and both can be treated programatically as 'external' answers to Porter's problems.  Their  intriguing feature, when taken together i s that they appear programatically paradoxical.  From our perspective, the resolution of this paradox  constitutes the major problem and hope for P o l i t i c a l Sociology. The f i r s t point is that Porter would have produced a much finer and incisive piece of scholarship i f he had rigourously worked from the ethico-theoretical perspective he held in his 1961 essay. The benefits of a neo-Marxist approach have been suggested i n the approach our criticismshave taken here.  Programmatically speaking, Canadian  Sociology, especially Porter's brand, has to get beyond vulgar, ideological caricatures of Marxism and come to grips with the fact that Marxist analyses 'make more sense of the world' then do any other approaches currently enjoying popularity among P o l i t i c a l Sociologists in Canada. The second point is equally programmatic.  Porter's theore-  t i c a l innocence and his dependency upon the everyday and disciplinecommon meanings of his concepts are not problems unique to him.  The  problem of conceptual confusion is a general one haunting a i l social scientists.  This has to do with the fact that acts of scientific  theorizing are essentially solitary, but the communication of scientif i c findings requires a return to the intersubjective reality of the  everyday world.  This "paradox of communication" (Schutz, 1962:  257)  i s especially problematic for social scientists because we operate with second degree constructs (Schutz, 1962: 6) expressed in terms derived from everyday usage (Berger, 1963: 25).  This problem i s  further compounded by the existence of multiple and incompatible definitions of the same 'objects' within social science. Because we are members as well as scientists this paradox sometimes i s not recognized as problematic, and therefore isn't provisionally resolved with the rigour and consistency demanded by science. As we have seen, in Porter's case, this paradox i s both problematic and unrecognized.  However, in his case, as in the case of  a l l conventional, 'positivist' social scientists the problem i s even further compounded,. These sociologists find themselves dependent upon common-sense constructs, while at the same time attempting to rise above, and disassociate themselves from, common-sense. The criticisms i n this essay have been offered entirely within Porter's 'paradigm.'  The nature of his problems with communication,  however, suggest that value consistency and positivist rigour aren't the final answers. What is needed in P o l i t i c a l Sociology i s the shift to a 'paradigm' which recognizes the social scientist's rootedness in the everyday world, and rigourously treats the experience of that world as the beginning and ending points for a l l investigation.  Such a  'paradigm' i n social science would rest upon a phenomenological  founda-  tion, such as the one proposed by Alfred Schutz (1967). Thus we are faced with the paradoxical situation of calling  for both Marxism and Phenomenology as guiding lights for P o l i t i c a l Sociologists.  We are calling for an improbable synthesis:  the re-  conciliation of materialist and, so-called, 'idealist' world views. Obviously we cannot resolve this paradox here. be resolved.  Possibly i t cannot  However, there are gratifying signs i n the literature  (Schroyer, 1970; Litchman, 1970; Klare, 1971; Zaner, 1971), that Marxists and Phenomenologists are beginning to recognize that they each have something to offer the other. 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